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UNIVERSITY OF

Laying the Blame on Labour H. L. Stewart

Thomas Hobbes: Jurisprudence at the Crossroads George L. Mosse

The Character and Poetry of Keats, by Archibald Lampman

With a Prefatory Note by E. K. Brown

Alfred North Whitehead A. H. Johnson

Disproportion: A Study in the Work of John Wilmot,

Earl of Rochester Fredelle Bruser

Letters in Canada: 1945 Edited by A. S. P. Woodhouse

Part II

French-Canadian Letters W. E. Collin

New-Canadian Letters Watson Kirkconnell

— Reviews —

Pindar W. D. Woodhead

Bigot Ernest Sirluck

Two Cambridge Worthies Gilbert Norwood

Augustiners Quest of Wisdom J. M. Kelly

Modern German Literature W. L. GrafF

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468 KING STREET WEST

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CONTENTS

Vol. XV JuLY, 1946 No. 4

Laying the Blame on Labour H. L. Stewart 333

Thomas Hobbes; Jurisprudence at the Crossroads

George L. Müsse 346

The Character and Poetry of Keats, by Archibald Lampman

With a Prefatory Note by E. K. Brown 356

Alfred North Whitehead A. H. Johnson 373

Disproportion: A Study in the Work of John Wilmot,

Earl of Rochester Fredelle Bruser 384

Letters in Canada: 1945 Edited by A. S. P. Woodhouse

Part II

French-Canadian Letters W. E. Collin 397

New-Canadian Letters Watson Kirkconnell 426

— Reviews —

Pindar W. D. Woodhead 430

Bigot Ernest Sirluck 433

Two Cambridge Worthies Gilbert Norwood 442

Augustine's Quest of Wisdom J. M. Kelly 445

Modern German Literature W. L. Graff 446

CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE

E. K. Brown, of the University of Chicago, in 1943 edited (with Duncan Campbeil Scott)
At the Long Sault and Other New Poems by Archibald Lampman.

Fredelle Bruser, a graduate of Manitoba and Toronto, is continuing her studies at
Radcliffe. She holds a Senior Travelling Scholarship of the Canadian Federation
of University Women.

W. E. CoLLiN is Professor of Romance Languages at the University of Western Ontario.
W. L. Graff is Professor of German at McGill.

A. H. Johnson, of the University of Western Ontario, has written extensively in the learned
Journals on the philosophy of A. N. Whitehead.

J. M. Kelly is Assistant Professor of Philosophy in St. Michael's College.

Watson Kirkconnell, Professor of English at McMaster University, is our leading
authority on New Canadians and their culture.

George L. Mosse is a member of the Department of History in the University of Iowa.

Gilbert Norwood, sometime Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, is Professor of
Classics in University College and Director of Classical Studies.

Ernest Sirluck, M.B.E., who was with the Canadian Army throughout the campaign in
North-west Europe, has recently joined the English Department in University
College.

H. L. Stewart is Professor of Philosophy in Dalhousie University.
W. D. WooDHEAD is Professor of Classics at McGill.

LAYING THE BLAME ON LABOUR

H. L. Stewart

There is a capacity qf exertion and self-denial in the masses of mankind
which is never known but on the rare occasions on which it is appealed to in
the name oj some great idea or elevated sentiment. — J. S. Mill.

]yyTARSHAL Petain said, in the broadcast (of unknown authorship)
which he addressed to his countrymen on the night of France's
capitulation, that it was a moral break-down that had led her to her doom.
Probably it was. But for some at least of those most convinced that the
break-down was moral, Marshai Petain*s account of the decay was the very
inverse of the truth. To him, moral declension meant revolt against disci-
pline; it meant insurgence by those bent on free thought, free speech, free
conduct. For recovery, he prescribed a new mood, whose first expression
should be an oath of allegiance to himself in that new office — unknown to
the French Republic — which he assumed, by his own appointment,
"Chief of State." A glance at some leading organs of British Conservative
opinion will show a like effort there to charge the national difficulties, if
not the whole world chaos, against insurgent Labour. What the French
Right sets forth in arraignment of Leon Blum, its British counterpart
advances against the memory of Ramsay MacDonald.

What force is there in either reproach as an account of the downfall of
France and the difficulties of Great Britain — not to mention the desperate
travail of all Europe?

L6on Blum and Ramsay MacDonald, according to this theory, were
demagogues who played upon the proletarian impulse of insubordination,
and bribed the people with a promise of immediate "better times" into
sacrifice of national safety. Thus the Entente became fatally disarmed,
and other powers, not foolish enough to indulge such dissolute "democracy,*'
took advantage of the right moment to strike. Hitler and Mussolini had
the Chance to decide at what stage the weakening of the victims had reached
its extreme point, beyond which there would be a frantic effort at recovery.
Alike in Paris and in London — so runs the theory — the voice of discerning
patriotism was silenced by the spokesmen of working-class greed. Once
again the demand, as in classical Roman times, was for panem et circenses,
Once again, as Plato reflected, democracy had its problem in government
like that of a confectioner prosecuted by a doctor before a jury of children.

Unfortunately for this account, it was not the Socialist leaders, either
British or French, who determined the military preparations at the time
when they were becoming so inadequate as to tempt aggression. In France,
at least, there was no such "short-sighted economy** by which the national

333

THOMAS HOBBES: JURISPRUDENCE AT THE CROSSROADS

George L. Mosse

T> EFORE the dawn of the seventeenth Century, English political thought
and the Common Law of the land were closely integrated, with the
result that political theory and legal practice were interdependent. No
doubt this fact was due largely to the challenge of the Roman law.^ English-
men had been forced to produce a "Staatsrechtssystem" in contradistinction
to the Roman legal system that prevailed abroad. **Our Law . . . is called
of US the Common Law — ;as ye would say Jus Civile," wrote Sir Thomas
Smith in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, with an eye on the neighbouring
people of France. It was the Common Law which protected the people's
rights and thus ensured the freedom of Englishmen, while the French people
appeared to be at the mercy of an absolute monarch supported by the
Roman law.^ Thus any description of the Commonwealth of England in
Elizabeth's time had necessarily to include a description of the Common
Law as its distinguishing feature.

Towards the beginning of the seventeenth Century, a change began to
take place in the realm of English political thought, for the Common Law
and political theory began to part Company. The former increasingly
became the domain of legal specialists, and the latter was adopted by
"speculators" and political theorists. Theory and legal practice eventually
became separated, and in England remained so through the eighteenth
Century.^

Thomas Hobbes Stands at the crussroads of this development. His
criticism of the Common Law is significant of the growing divorce between
legal practice and political thought. The two works which deal most
specifically with this problem are the Behemoth and the Dialogue of the
Common Law. They are from our point of view companion pieces, for in
the Behemoth Hobbes demonstrates the break-down of the Common Law
in practice, whilst in the Dialogue he shows the impossibility of fitting the
Common Law into a coherent theory of politics. Thus, he goes so far as
to reject the Common Law both in political theory and as a practical
device for cementing the English Commonwealth.'* The significance is

^Julius Hatschek, Englisches Staatsrecht (Tuebingen, 1905), I, 14.

^Sir Thomas Smith, De Republica Anglorum (Cambridge, 1906), 70, 71.

3"Seit beginn des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts ist die Trennung des Rechtes von jeder
rechtlichen Betrachtung des Staates entgueltig volzogen" (Hatschek, Englisches Staats-
recht ^ I, 14).

*Comparatively little attention has been paid to these two works, especially to the
Dialogue. Leo Strauss, in The Political Philosophy oj Hobbes (Oxford, 1936), is for the most
partconcernedwiththe purely philosophical and abstract aspectsof Hobbes'political thought.
M. Oakshott, in his iiTt\c\Q\n Scrutiny^ IV, 1935, 263-77,is also primarilyconcerned with the
basis of Hobbes' philosophy as such. K. Lamprecht, in "Hobbes and Hobbism" {American
Political Science Review, XXXIV, 1940, 31-53), gives a valuable discussion of Hobbes'
relation to the laws of reason on a more abstract level. Chi Yung Hoe, in The Origin oJ

346

THOMAS HOBBES: JURISPRUDENCE AT THE CROSSROADS 347

clear: for Hobbes political philosophy and jurisprudence had parted
Company, the one to be based on abstract speculation, the other on legal
fact. Hobbes, in the Leviathan (1651), by his rigid distinction between
lawyers and writers on politics, shows that he had been aware of this
fundamental difference even before he wrote the Dialogue and the Behemoth}

The essence of Hobbes' legal thought was, in the words of another
writer, "to make reason the measure of all just Laws."^ It is important to
note that he was here in tune with most of the legal writing of his day.
One pamphleteer wanted "to reduce the Law to a few theses which being
emanations and grand maxims of reason, govern and resolve the rest and
serve as clue through the labyrinth."' The concept of reason in this as in
other contemporary legal writings is incapable of one clear definition. Yet
the difference between the concept as held by Hobbes and as implicit in
the Position of the Common Lawyers is demonstrative of the schism which
had grown between political theory and legal practice. Therefore it is
necessary to have at least a general understanding of these two opposing
concepts.

What, then, did Hobbes mean by reason? Reason to him was a uni-
versal concept intelligible to all peoples. Here again Hobbes was in tune
with many of his contemporaries. Enactment of law by one nation, so it
was said, did not by itself make a law rational, since other people in other
nations partake of the same nature, and to them too this law must appear
in conformity with reason. Law, as one writer expressed it, was but "a
certain dictate of reason by which human actions are directed."* Thus to
Hobbes, English customs and precedents did not of their own nature amount
to the authority of law, for if such customs were unreasonable they should
be abolished.^

Parliamentary Sovereignty (Shanghai, 1935), is concerned with an analysis of Jean Bodin's
influence in England, and includes a chapter on Hobbes' idea of sovereignty. Julius Lips,
in Die Stellung des Thomas Hobbes zu den politischen Parteien der Englischen Revolution
(Leipzig, 1927), gives an account of Hobbes' actual position in the Civil War, but does not
give an account of his thought concerning the English Constitution. Most older works
follow the pattern of Sir Leslie Stephen, in Hobbes (New York, 1904), who when discussing
Hobbes' political philosophy touches only very briefly on the Dialogue and the Behemoth.
Both works were the fruits of Hobbes' old age: the Behemoth was written in 1668 and the
Dialogue probably around 1664. The editions of them used here are those by Sir William
Molesworth in the English Works oj Thomas Hobbes (London, 1840), VI.

^Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. by Molesworth (London, 1839), III, 30, reprinted
in the English Works of Thomas Hobbes.

ßjohn Warr, Corruption and Deficiency oJ the Laws of England Soberly Discovered
(London, 1649), 241.

^Edmund Wingate, Maxims of Reason, or the Reason of the Common Law of England
(London, 1685\, Preface to the Reader. The same author wanted to clothe the law with
such an exact logical method "as may be parralled with that of Wallebius for Theology,
Ramus for Geometry, Keckerman and others for logic" {A Summary for the Law of England
(London, 1654), 3). The connection between the rise of the new sciences and this quest
for brevity and reason in the law has yet to be clarified.

^Edward Leigh, Philological Commentary (London, 1652), Epistle Dedicatory.

^Dialogue, 62-3. "For what is there to make reason law by any custom how long
soever, when the Law of reason is eternal?" (p. 63).

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348

THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO QUARTERLY

The difficulty now arose of formulating a tangible concept of reason,
one which might actually serve as a guide to legislators. An interesting
attempt along these lines had already been made by a Civil Lawyer, Sir
Robert Wiseman, during the time of the Civil War. Taking as his point of
departure the universality of human reason, he advocated the excellence of
the Civil Law of Rome above all other laws, because it was in use by the
majority of nations. Thus widespread and predominant use was to Wise-
man the criterion of practical legal reason. ^° For Thomas Hobbes it was
not the Civil Law but the Sovereign who supplied the co-ordinating factor
for all individual reasons under his control.^^ There is not, he said, amongst
men any reason in the law but that of the sovereign power, which in effect
supplies the place of eternal reason. ^^

When applied to the working of the Common Law, the consequences of
this Statement were momentous. Custom and precedent have little mean-
ing as against the power of the Sovereign. Nor can there be any differenti-
ation between Statutes and Common Law, for no mere irregularity of pro-
ceeding in any court can change any law from the law of the nation.^^ The
Sovereign is the undisputed fountain of law: both Statute and Common
Law are the command of the sovereign power. He is judge as well, for "he
that makes the Law ought to declare what the Law is."^^ The subject
ceases to have tangible, concrete rights, and may move freely only if the
Sovereign permits him to do so.

Furthermore, Hobbes' concept of reason was more than the mere
abstract theorizing of a philosopher. It was to a large extent a recognition
of actually existing conditions. Looking back over the stormy times of
civil war, Hobbes stated that he who had the ordering and pressing of
soldiers had without doubt the whole sovereignty. Who durst deny money
to Oliver Cromwell "upon any pretence of Magna Charta?" Moreover, is
not the quest for security the first dictate of reason ? The Rump Parliament
might have governed well, having gotten the main prerequisite of sovereign-
ty into its hands, had it had the wit to do so. Was it not Cromwell's duty
to take it upon himself to protect the nation? "Had he not therefore the
right?"^^ All power is thus de facto-, might makes right, and before the
power of the sword all "inherent rights" or "hereditary claims" must vanish.

i°Sir Robert Wiseman, The Law of Laws (London, 1656). He was a judge of the Admi-
ralty Court, which was, of course, in the tradition of the Roman law. See William Senior,
Doctors Commons and the Otd Court of Admiralty (London, 1922), 82, 102, 108.

^^Dia/oguey 22.

i^See Lamprecht, "Hobbes and Hobbism."

i^Hobbes, Dialogue^ 5.

i*Hobbes, Behemoth^ 290. Thus the very legislative power was taken from the King
when Parliament ignored his condemnation of the militia ordinance; see also Dialogue, 22.
Opposed to this see Coke's assertion: "The King cannot be judge in his own case" {Commons
Debates, 1621y ed. by Notestein, Reif, Simpson (New Haven, 1935), H, 195).

i^Hobbes, Dialogue ^ 18, and Behemoth, 359, 389. It is only natural that Hobbes should
analyse the historical developments of his day principally in order to draw lessons from
them for the future. Cf. Richard Schlatter, "Thomas Hobbes and Thucydides" {Journal
of the History of Ideas^ VI, 350-63, especially 356).

THOMAS HOBBES: JURISPRUDENCE AT THE CROSSROADS 349

The Common Law was obviously insufficient as a practical device for
cementing the English Commonwealth. Hobbes saw correctly that in the
English Revolution it was, in the last resort, superior armed force that
counted.

The Common Law, with its involved principles and guarantees of indi-
vidual rights, was thus rejected both on grounds of reason and of fact. The
very origins of the Civil War were traced by Hobbes to those people who
were so ignorant as to believe that they "had no rule of equity but prece-
dents and customs."^® Yet those very people would have been the last to
deny the validity of the concept of reason to which in their opinion, too, all
laws must conform. It is, then, to the difference in the concept of reason
as held by Hobbes and the Common Lawyers that a great deal of the
Separation between political thought and legal practice can be traced.

Representing the Common Lawyers, Chief Justice Coke had quoted with
approbation Littleton*s saying: "Lex plus laudatur quando ratione pro-
batur."^' What is this reason? It, too, is a universal concept, but not in
the sense that it can be understood by all, or in the sense, of course, that
it is unified and declared by a Sovereign. The book of right reason is only
opened to those skilled in the law. All law has to conform to reason, and
reason as far as the law is concerned is ''legal reason," known only to the
students of the Inns of Court. For Hobbes, on the other hand, it was not
legal reason but human reason, available to all, which determined the
validity of the law.'^ Coke's use of the concept of reason was a by-product
of the struggles of the Common Lawyers against the King. It excluded
the King, as one not trained in the laws of England, from meddling with
the Common Law. Thus Coke held that none of the King's proclamations
could be legally valid if against law and reason^^ and only those learned in
the law could teil what (legal) reason consisted of. For example, speaking
of the idea of reasonable time in law, Coke held that this lay with the
judges to determine. Moreover, he goes on to say that "the like may be
said of things uncertain, which ought to be reasonable, for nothing that is
contrary to reason, is consonant to Law."^^ Here indeed the very idea of
reason has come to be in the custody of the lawyers, hidden from the
comprehension of the layman. It might beadded,however, that laymen of
one class were taken by some to be fit to judge of the law, though they
were for the most part no lawyers: Members of Parliament could determine

"Hobbes, Behemoth, 169.

i^Sir Edward Coke, The First Part of the Institutes of the Lawes of England (London,
1794), II, Epilogue. Coke concludes the Institutes on this quotation. I am unable to
agree with Professor W. S. Holdsworth when he states that "the First Institute deait with
branches of the law very remote from any of the constitutional controversies of the day"
{A History of English Law^ V (London, 1924), 471). It may not seem so on the face of it,
but the germs of Coke's beliefs are in the quoted words of Littleton.

^^Dialoguey 5.

19T. B. Howell, State Trials, II (Case of Proclamations), (London, 1816), 726.

"Coke, First Institutes, Lib. 1, Cap. 8, Sect. 69.

350

THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO QUARTERLY

the law "for Law is declared in Parliament."^^ But though Members
of Parliament might determine and judge the law, the King alone could
not, being devoid of (legal) reason. One might well agree with James I's
querulous assertion, "But for reason, that is so large a thing, that a man
knoweth not where to pitch."^^ To this complaint the Common Lawyers
might have answered that he was not supposed to know.

Thus the Common Law became fairly easy to defend against the King.
This meant, however, that the Common Law also became increasingly the
province of legal specialists who were initiated into the mysteries of legal
reason and who were able to criticize "certain speculators that take upon
them to correct all governments in the world and to govern them by certain
notions and fancies of their own."^^ Here indeed we can see how the
Common Lawyers derided political theory, just as Hobbes rejected the
Common Law. It should be remembered that it was the lawyers who were
Standing on the ground of legal fact, to which their training and their
reason were fitted. Thomas Hobbes might discard the Common Law in
view of his concept of reason and because of the political facts of the Revo-
lution, but from the constitutional point of view it was Coke who was as
yet the realist.

A direct answer to Hobbes' theories was given by the greatest of the
Common Lawyers of the time, Sir Mathew Haie. His attack was directed
primarily towards Hobbes' rejection of the Common Law on the grounds of
political fact as derived from the events of the Civil War. Haie questioned
principally the position that the Sovereign was an arbitrary lawgiver. To
him the inconvenience of an arbitrary government was intolerable, and,
therefore, a certain law, though accompanied by some mischief, was
preferable. In it he saw the greatest security and the true ligament of the
English Commonwealth. *Tt is not possible for any human being to be
wholly perfect," and Haie did not attempt to make the impossible come
true: he allowed of a limited number of imperfections in the law.^^ Typical-
ly enough, however, Haie rejected all inquiries into basic concepts of justice
and rights, all abstract speculations; these were matters for individual
judgment only, and were beside the point so far as the Common Law was
concerned.'^ Meeting Hobbes on his own ground, Haie substituted for
abstract theory the test of experience, "laws by which a kingdom has been
governed happily for five hundred years."^^ He thus ignored the Revo-
lution, when no one dared to deny money to Oliver Cromwell upon pretence
of Magna Charta. This revolution was to Haie, one cannot help but ima-
gine, merely an incident. He referred to it as the "first breach which
happens in this golden knot" — this golden knot being the English consti-

2iThomas Hedley, quoted in Parliamentary Debates in 1610^ ed. by S. R. Gardiner
(Camden Society, 1862), 72.

22Reported in Commons Debates^ 1621^ II, 343.

^^Sir Mathew Haie, Reflections by the Lord Chief Justice Haie on Mr. Hobbes Dialogue
oj the LaWy reprinted in Holdsworth, A History of English Law^ V, 509.

^^Ibid., 504. 2»/^rV., 503. ''Hbid., 504.

THOMAS HOBBES: JURISPRUDENCE AT THE CROSSROADS 351

tution held together by the Common Law.^' Hale's stress on the virtue of
experience was no doubt partly conditioned by the fact that, even apart
from Hobbes, the air in the seventeenth Century was fiUed with abstract
schemes and theories about government. They were the stock-in-trade of
many a pamphleteer, and were frequently proposed more in anger than
with serious intent.^ Haie still harked back in many ways to the harmony
of Tudor times. True, he admitted that some reforms of the laws might
be advisable. But the reforms which he envisaged did not imply a change
ih the principles of the law: they provided merely for amendment.^*
Moreover, such amendments should be proposed only by prudent men after
patient debate. The law had to be learned and studied before it could be
known by the light of reason.^» Here again we have the Common Lawyers'
concept of a legal problem which could not be known by such an abstract
"speculator" as Hobbes, who had not been trained at the Inns of Court.

To Haie it was madness to think that the "Modell of Laws of Govern-
ment is to be framed according to such circumstances as but rarely ocurr."^^
Grasping the fact that Hobbes* theory bears the stamp of revolution, Haie
accused him of basing his rejection of the Common Law on the necessity
for emergency powers in stormy times. Here again, the Revolution to
Haie was merely an incident in an otherwise happy historical development.
To Hobbes, salus populi was suprema lex^ and salus populi was the concern
of those who had power enough to defend the people.^^^ xhis argument
must have had a familiär ring in Hale's ears. In the Ship Money Case,
Lord Justice Finch had put forward a similar argument, when Hampden
had refused to pay the tax upon pretence of Magna Charta. "No act of
Parliament can bar the King of his regality or of his power to defend the
people" — a contention which moved a member of the House of Commons
to cry out that here salus populi had become not only suprema but sola

"". . . for certainly the great hapiness of any government rests principally in this,
namely the mutuall confidence that the Governors have in the people . . . and that the
Governed have in their Governors . . . and to secure this mutuall confidence was this ancient
and sollemn Institution of oath of fidelity of the people to the Prince and of protection
and upholding their first Liberties and Laws by the Prince to the people. And the first
breach which happens in this golden knot. . . " (Haie, Reflections, 511). It is of some
significance that whilst Hobbes in his scientific work, as is well known, tried among other
things to Square the circle, Haie, also an amateur scientist, was chiefly interested in "the
evolution whereof human nature must consist" (Charles Singer, A Short History of
Science (Oxford, 1941), 373).

28It is only natural that in times of revolution there should be many Utopias in circu-
lation. "Opinions monstrous and prodigious started up every day and were broached with
impunity in public and private, and multitudes were led astray" (Marsden, Later Puritans,
quoted by Rufus M. Jones in Mysticism and Democracy in the English Commonwealth
(Cambridge, Mass., 1932), 21).

29Sir Mathew Haie, Considerations touching the Amendment or Alteration of Laws^
reprinted in Hargraves Law Tracts (Dubhn, 1787), I, 256, 258.

^^Ibid., 253, 261, 274. See also Haie, Reflections, 506.

^^Reflections, 512.

32Hobbes, Behemoth, 389.

352

THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO QUARTERLY

lex}^ The Sovereign's emergency powers had engulfed all the ordinary
limitations of the Common Law. Yet even Finch had conceded that
ordinarily the King could not make laws without Parliament. Here Hobbes,
too, was in agreement. Normally the customs of the Constitution
might be observed; they should be abolished only when they became a
handicap to the Sovereign in the Performance of his duties. It is to the
Sovereign's interest, furthermore, to make such laws as the people can
endure.^^ Hobbes resurrected the old Royalist argument, also used by
Finch: if in an emergency "Parliament sit not, it must be called, that
requires six weeks time"; meanwhile the enemies of the State might have
Struck. ^^ Thus the Sovereign would be prevented from performing his
duties of protection, the fundamental point in his claim to sovereignty.

Hobbes, then, has a kind of precedent for part of his argument in the
thought of the Royalist lawyers, though of course for Hobbes the Sovereign
was he who had the power of the sword, be it the King or Parliament or
Cromwell.

Haie, Standing on the traditional ground of the Common Lawyers,
believed like Coke and Fortescue before him that there were certain funda-
mental rights without the province of sovereignty. Matters that the
Sovereign might not touch were included,forexample,in thegreat charters
of liberty or in the coronation oath.^^ These were positive rights, jus in
the real sense of the word, the unalterable rights of the subject. To Hobbes
such jus were merely negative in character, the liberty left to the indi-
vidual to do anything which the law does not forbid or to leave undone
anything which the law does not command.^' The only fundamental law
was not the great charters but the law of nature, which in its turn binds
everyone to obey the rule of the Sovereign; and the only law binding the
Sovereign was salus populi^ his duty to defend the people. ^^ Haie thus
upheld the ancient laws and traditions, while Hobbes rejected them on the
basis of his interpretation of universal reason and practica! expediency.

Haie countered Hobbes on the political plane^ but he rejected inquiry
into fundamental concepts of right, justice, and reason as being beside the
point: "Now if any the most refined brain under heaven would go about to
inquire by speculation, or by reading of Plato and Aristotle to find out how

"Howell, State Trials, III, 1235. "Hobbes, Dialogue, 23, 157. as/^/W., 19.

^'Hale, Reflectionsy 508. Thomas Hobbes ridicuies the idea inherent in the coronation
oath, that the King should protect and corroborate the laws before they are made — whether
they are good or bad {Behemoth, 293). To Haie the King's obligations eaitered into with
the oath are a potestas directiva^ a binding force. Hobbes professes to base himself here
on Bracton, concluding that the "only bridle on the King of England ought to be the fear
of God" {Dialogue, 32). Hobbes' misreading of Bracton is due to the fact that he did not
understand Bräcton's distinction between the sphere of government and administration,
where the King is supreme, and that of law-making, which cannot be done without Parlia-
ment. See C. H. Mcllwain, Constitutionalismy Ancient and Modern (Ithaca, 1940), 74,
77, 78. Here Haie was again in the medieval constitutional tradition: the making of law
was nothing "rashly presumed by the will of the King alone" {ReflectionSy 504).

^Wiahgue, 30. 88Hobbes, Behemoth, 249.

THOMAS HOBBES: JURISPRUDENCE AT THE CROSSROADS 353

lands descend in England or how Estates are here transferred . . . he would
lose his labour, and spend his notions in vain, tili he acquaint himself with
the laws of England, and the reason is because they are institutions intro-
duced by the will and consent of others implicitly by custom and usage, or
explicitly by act of Parliament."'* Here the fact that law had become the
prerogative of legal specialists Stands out. The sciences of law and politics
had parted Company. To Hobbes' charge that a man is condemned to
death for the theft of a few Shillings' worth of wood, the Common Lawyer
in the Dialogue can only answer that "it has been so practiced time out of
mind";'*" and Hale's rejection of inquiry into the fundamental bases of
justice and right leads one to suspect that he, too, would have given a
similar reply.

The relative weakness of the defence of the Common Lawyers is demon-
strated by the seething movements for law reform during the times of the
Commonwealth and Protectorate.'*^ In a measure this agitation for reform
was inspired by concepts of reason similar to that put forth by Thomas
Hobbes. As we saw, Sir Robert Wiseman advocated the introduction of
the Civil Law, on grounds of universal reason as understood by all men,
and thus in his turn rejected the Common Law. Another school of thought
regarded the Common Law as a protection of the mighty against the poor.
To them the rule of the English law was as faulty as its rise, for William
the Conqueror had wrested the law from the people, and "when oppression
comes under the notion of law it is most ensnaring."^^ y^^ even the radicals
of this school believed in the law as a check on arbitrary power, be it a
purged Common Law or a new law based on the abstract concept of right
alone. To the Diggers, for example, law was to be a "rule and judge for
all mans actions," a force to make men equal and to prohibit one man from
transgressing against the other.'*' There is here no arbitrary power, no
Sovereign outside the law. The basic importance of the criticism of Hobbes
is its very thoroughness, the completeness with which it swept aside the
Common Law binding Sovereign and subject alike, substituting omni-
competent authority for law as the one rule and judge in all man's actions.

It was against such a doctrine as Hobbes* that the great Chief Justice
had to take up his pen. He was, of course, not the only defender of the

39Hale, Reflections, 505. *^Dia/oguey 94.

"Concerning the movement for law reform see Goldwin Smith, "The Reform of the
Laws of England" (University qf Toronto ^uarterly, July, 1941, 469-82), and the short
Appendix B to G. P. Gooch, English Democrätic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century^ ed. by
Harold Laski (Cambridge, 1927). Sir Mathew Haie was a member of various committees
on law reform during the Commonwealth period, but of course his reforms, which left all
fundamental principles undisturbed, would have given no satisfaction to critics like Hobbes.
Haie found it difficult to co-operate with the committees where the various grievances
against the Common Law found expression, and divers special Solutions were advocated.
Cf. Smith, op. cit.y 476.

*2Warr, Corruption and Deficiency of the Laws oj England, 245.

♦^Gerrard Winstanley, Law oJ Freedom in a Platfornty ed. by Max Radin, in Occasional
Papers, Sutro Branch, California State Library, "English Reprint Series," No. 3 (1939), 36.

354

THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO QUARTERLY

tradition of Coke and Fortescue. There were others, like Albertus Warren
who with refreshing frankness appealed to the army to uphold the Common
Law in the name of self-interest. If, for example, the land law were to be
changed, persons holding estates of delinquent Royalists might find their
property rights questioned. Thus "the law is a strong ligament in their
fortunes."^* Truly, in times of revolution all existing institutions are on
trial. It seemed as if the battle for the preservation of the Common Law
did not end with the Long Parliament and its victory. Criticism of the
kind which Hobbes put forward was apparently dangerous enough to arouse
an English Chief Justice to action. Their controversy amply demonstrates
the divorce between legal practice and political theory.

Was Hobbes then a mere "speculator," as Haie charged? He, more
truly than Sir Mathew Haie, had grasped the changes wrought by the
Civil War. The days of Hale's harmonious State had passed away. The
outcome of the Revolution was the growth to maturity of the doctrine of
parliamentary sovereignty. With the industrial and social expansion of
England, a strong central authority eventually became inevitable, and the
Revolution had decided that this authority should be vested not in the King
but in Parliament.

Professor Dicey, writing in the late nineteenth Century, pointed out that
the only external check on the sovereign Parliament was resistance by force,
not by law.'*^ Parliament in truth had become the supreme legislator,
administrator, and judge. The internal check, to be sure, was tradition
and custom as well as the pressure of public opinion. But where were the
concrete constitutional sanctions against the new Sovereign? It was and
is true that there are customs and traditions against which Parliament, like
the medieväl King, "neither wishes nor dares to go."^^ Hobbes' Sovereign,
too, was to conform to customs and traditions whenever possible and
practicable, but the punishment of Hobbes* Sovereign, like that of the
supreme Parliament, lay only in Heaven in the last resort.'*'^ It is, there-
fore, a grave mistake to brush aside Hobbes' theory of the Commonwealth
with the simple Statement that here might makes right, and that Hobbes'
critique was merely a fleeting theory Sprung from the teeming brain of a
frightened philosopher.

** Albertus Warren, Eight Reasons Categorical (London, 1653), 4.

**A. V. Dicey, Introduction to the Study oj the Law oj the Constitution (5th ed.; London,
1897), 73, 76. "Legally, we have no fundamental rights in Great Britain," Professor H. J.
Laski writes. "We trust for their protection to the ordinary constitutional machinery of
the State. And, in quiet times, we need not doubt that such protection is ample for all
necessary purposes. The problem lies in the fact that in periods of rapid social change,
the substance of what appears fundamental to one sort of opinion does not appear to be
fundamental to another." Parliamentary Government in England (New York, 1938), 41.
This uncertainty as to the unchanging, fundamental rights of the people is the very thing
which a Common Lawyer like Haie wanted to avoid by clinging to a "certain" law that lay
without the reach ofevery man's moral speculations or a Sovereign's arbitrariness (i?^y?^<:-
tions, 503-4).

^^Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon, Rolls Series, I, 297, quoted in Mcllwain, Consti-
tutionalisWy Ancient and Modern^ 61 y note 30.

*^Hobbes, Dialogue^ 23.

THOMAS HOBBES: JURISPRUDENCE AT THE CROSSROADS 355

Professor W. S. Holdsworth believes that it was the views of Coke
and the Common Lawyers which gained the victory with the triumph of
Parliament.''^ That is certainly true in part: the Restoration swept away
the hopes of the movement towards law reform.''* Law became the
"mystery" of legal specialists, no longer to be fitted into a coherent theory
of politics. However, the omnicompetent Parliament slowly emerging
from the struggles of the seventeenth Century seems not too far removed
from the model and concept of Thomas Hobbes. By the end of the Century,
Parliament, through control over the armed forces, had 'indeed gotten
Hobbes' main prerequisite for the right to sovereignty in its hands: the
power to defend the people. Like Hobbes' theory, the full-blown doctrine
of parliamentary sovereignty was an artificial creation not lodged securely
in the ancient customs and precedents of the Common Law. But then, it
has been said of the period of the English Revolution, "no creation of that
period of stress could be anything but artificial, "*° and this, though here
applying to the sovereignty of ParÜament, might as well be said to apply
to what Hobbes called law.

"^ History oJ English Law, V, 491.

^''See Smith, "The Reform of the Laws of England" (University 0/ Toronto ^uarterly,
July, 1941, 480).

*"€. H. Mcllwain, High Court 0/ Parliament and its Supremacy (New Haven, 1934), 375.

■••^ «'••*> lK\i !■»' **♦

\v. ^-

THOMAS HOBBES: JURISPRUDENCE AT THE CROSSROADS

George L. Mosse

Reprinted from the University of Toronto §uarteriy
Fol. XV, No. 4, July, 1946

Wmmmü^:

THOMAS HOBBES: JURISPRUDENCE AT THE CROSSROADS

George L. Mosse

"D EFORE the dawn of the seventeenth Century, English political thought
and the Common Law of the land were closely integrated, with the
result that political theory and legal practice were interdependent. No
doubt this fact was due largely to the challenge of the Roman law.^ English-
men had been forced to produce a "Staatsrechtssystem'* in contradistinction
to the Roman legal system that prevailed abroad. *'Our Law . . . is called
of US the Common Law — ^^as ye would say Jus Civile," wrote Sir Thomas
Smith in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, with an eye on the neighbouring
people of France. It was the Common Law which protected the people's
rights and thus ensured the freedom of Englishmen, while the French people
appeared to be at the mercy of an absolute monarch supported by the
Roman law.^ Thus any description of the Commonwealth of England in
Elizabeth's time had necessarily to include a description of the Common
Law as its distinguishing feature.

Thomas Hobbes Stands at the crossroads of this development. His
criticism of the Common Law is significant of the growing divorce between
legal practice and political thought. The two works which deal most
specifically with this problem are the Behemoth and the Dialogue of the
Common Law. They are from our point of view companion pieces, for in
the Behemoth Hobbes demonstrates the break-down of the Common Law
in practice, whilst in the Dialogue he shows the impossibility of fitting the
Common Law into a coherent theory of politics. Thus, he goes so far as
to reject the Common Law both in political theory and as a practical
device for cementing the English Commonwealth.* The significance is

^Julius Hätschele, Englisches Staatsrecht (Tuebingen, 1905), I, 14.

^Sir Thomas Smith, De Republica Anglorum (Cambridge, 1906), 70, 71.

3"Seit beginn des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts ist die Trennung des Rechtes von jeder
rechtlichen Betrachtung des Staates entgueltig volzogen" (Hatschek, Englisches Staats-
recht y I, 14).

*Comparatively little attention has been paid to these two works, especially to the
Dialogue. Leo Strauss, in The Political Philosophy of Hobbes (Oxford, 1936), is for the most
partconcernedwiththepurelyphilosophicaland abstract aspectsofHobbes'political thought.
M. Oakshott, in his article in ^<:r«/;nj', IV, 1935, 263-77,isalsoprimarilyconcerned with the
basis of Hobbes' philosophy as such. K. Lamprecht, in "Hobbes and Hobbism" {American
Political Science Review, XXXIV, 1940, 31-53), gives a valuable discussion of Hobbes'
relation to the laws of reason on a more abstract level. Chi Yung Hoe, in The Origin of

346

THOMAS HOBBES: JURISPRUDENCE AT THE CROSSROADS 347

clear: for Hobbes political philosophy and jurisprudence had parted
Company, the one to be based on abstract speculation, the other on legal
fact, Hobbes, m the Leviathan (1651), by his rigid distinction between
lawyers and writers on politics, shows that he had been aware of this
fundamental difference even before he wrote the Dialogue and the Behemoth,'
The essence of Hobbes* legal thought was, in the words of another
writer to make reason the measure of all just Laws.''^ It is important to
note that he was here in tune with most of the legal writing of his day.
One pamphleteer wanted "to reduce the Law to a few theses which being
emanations and grand maxims of reason, govern and resolve the rest and
serve as clue through the labynnth."^ The concept of reason in this as in
other contemporary legal writings is incapable of one clear definition. Yet
the difference between the concept as held by Hobbes and as implicit in
the Position of the Common Lawyers is demonstrative of the schism which
had grown between political theory and legal practice. Therefore it is
necessary to have at least a general understanding of these two opposing
concepts.

What, then, did Hobbes mean by reason.? Reason to him was a uni-
versal concept intelligible to all peoples. Here again Hobbes was in tune
with many of his contemporaries. Enactment of law by one nation, so it
was said, did not by itself make a law rational, since other people in other
nations partake of the same nature, and to them too this law must appear
in conformity with reason. Law, as one writer expressed it, was but "a
certain dictate of reason by which human actions are directed."» Thus to
Hobbes, English customs and precedents did not of their own nature amount
to the authority of law, for if such customs were unreasonable they should
be abolished.^

Parliamentary Sovereignty (Shanghai, 1935), is concerned with an analysis of Jean Bodin's
influence in England, and includes a chapter on Hobbes' idea of sovereignty. Julius Lips
in Dte Stellung des Thomas Hobbes zu den politischen Parteien der Englischen Revolution
(Leipzig, 1927), gives an account of Hobbes' actual position in the Civil War but does not
give an account of his thought concerning the English Constitution. Most older works
^llow the pattern of Sir Leslie Stephen, in Hobbes (New York, 1904), who when discussing
Hobbes political philosophy touches only very briefly on the Dialogue and the Behemoth
Both works were the fruits of Hobbes' old age: the Behemoth was written in 1668 and the
Dialogue probably around 1664. The editions of them used here are those by Sir William
Molesworth in the English Works of Thomas Hobbes (London, 1840J, VI.

«Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, ed. by Molesworth (London, 1839), IIL 30, reprinted
in the English Works of Thomas Hobbes.

«John Warr, Corruption and Deficiency of the Laws of England Soberly Discopered
(London, 1649), 241.

^Edmund Wingate, Maxims of Reason, or the Reason of the Common Law of England
(Londo/i, 1685), Preface to the Reader. The same author wanted to clothe the law with
such an exact logical method "as may be parralled with that of Wallebius for Theology
Ramus for Geometry, Keckerman and others for logic" {A Summaryfor the Law of England
(London, 1654), 3). The connection between the rise of the new sciences and this quest
for brevity and reason in the law has yet to be clarified.

«Edward Leigh, Philological Commentary (London, 1652), Epistle Dedicatory.

"^Dialogue, 62-3. "For what is there to make reason law by any custom how long
soever, when the Law of reason is eternal?" (p. 63).

348

THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO QUARTERLY

The difficulty now arose of formulating a tangible concept of reason,
one which might actually serve as a guide to legislators. An interesting
attempt along these lines had already been made by a Civil Lawyer, Sir
Robert Wiseman, during the time of the Civil War. Taking as his point of
departure the universality of human reason, he advocated the excellence of
the Civil Law of Rome above all other laws, because it was in use by the
majority of nations. Thus widespread and predominant use was to Wise-
man the criterion of practical legal reason. ^'^ For Thomas Hobbes it was
not the Civil Law but the Sovereign who supplied the co-ordinating factor
for all individual reasons under his control.^^ There is not, he said, amongst
men any reason in the law but that of the sovereign power, which in effect
supplies the place of eternal reason.^^

When applied to the working of the Common Law, the consequences of
this Statement were momentous. Custom and precedent have little mean-
ing as against the power of the Sovereign. Nor can there be any differenti-
ation between Statutes and Common Law, for no mere irregularity of pro-
ceeding in any court can change any law from the law of the nation.^^ The
Sovereign is the undisputed fountain of law: both Statute and Common
Law are the command of the sovereign power. He is judge as well, for "he
that makes the Law ought to declare what the Lav/ is."^'* The subject
ceases to have tangible, concrete rights, and may move freely only if the
Sovereign permits him to do so.

Furthermore, Hobbes* concept of reason was more than the mere
abstract theorizing of a philosopher. It was to a large extent a recognition
of actually existing conditions. Looking back over the stormy times of
civil war, Hobbes stated that he who had the ordering and pressing of
soldiers had without doubt the whole sovereignty. Who durst deny money
to Oliver Crom well "upon any pretence of Magna Charta?" Moreover, is
not the quest for security the first dictate of reason ? The Rump Parliament
might have governed well, having gotten the main prerequisite of sovereign-
ty into its hands, had it had the wit to do so. Was it not Cromwell's duty
to take it upon himself to protect the nation? **Had he not therefore the
right?"^^ All power is thus de facto: might makes right, and before the
power of the sword all "inherent rights" or "hereditary claims" must vanish.

^"Sir Robert Wiseman, The Law of Laws (London, 1656). He was a judge of the Admi-
ralty Court, which was, of course, in the tradition of the Roman law. See William Senior,
Doctors Commons and the Old Court of Admiralty (London, 1922), 82, 102, 108.

^^Dialoguey 22.

"See Lamprecht, "Hobbes and Hobbism."

^^Hobbes, Dialogue^ 5.

i*Hobbes, Behemothy 290. Thus the very legislative power was taken from the King
when Parliament ignored his condemnation of the militia ordinance; see also Dia/ogue, 22.
Opposed to this see Coke's assertion: "The King cannot be judge in his own case" {Commons
DebateSy I62I, ed. by Notestein, Reif, Simpson (New Haven, 1935), H, 195).

"Hobbes, Dialogue^ 18, and Behemothy 359, 389. It is only natural that Hobbes should
analyse the historical developments of his day principally in order to draw lessons from
them for the future. Cf. Richard Schlatter, "Thomas Hobbes and Thucydides" {Journal
of the History of Ideas^ VI, 350-63, especially 356).

THOMAS HOBBES: JURISPRUDENCE AT THE CROSSROADS 349

The Common Law, with its involved principles and guarantees of indi-
vidual rights, was thus rejected both on grounds of reason and of fact. The
very origins of the Civil War were traced by Hobbes to those people who
were so ignorant as to believe that they "had no rule of equity but prece-
dents and customs.''^^ Yet those very people would have been the last to
deny the validity of the concept of reason to which in their opinion, too, all
laws must conform. It is, then, to the difFerence in the concept of reason
as held by Hobbes and the Common Lawyers that a great deal of the
Separation between political thought and legal practice can be traced.

Representing the Common Lawyers, Chief Justice Coke had quoted with
approbation Littleton's saying: "Lex plus laudatur quando ratione pro-
batur."^' What is this reason.? It, too, is a universal concept, but not in
the sense that it can be understood by all, or in the sense, of course, that
it is unified and declared by a Sovereign. The book of right reason is only
opened to those skilled in the law. All law has to conform to reason, and
reason as far as the law is concerned is "legal reason," known only to the
students of the Inns of Court. For Hobbes, on the cther hand, it was not
legal reason but human reason, available to all, which determined the
validity of the law.^^ Coke's use of the concept of reason was a by-product
of the struggles of the Common Lawyers against the King. It excluded
the King, as one not trained in the laws of England, from meddling with
the Common Law. Thus Coke held that none of the King's proclamations
could be legally valid if against law and reason^^ and only those learned in
the law could teil what (legal) reason consisted of. For example, speaking
of the idea of reasonable time in law, Coke held that this lay with the
judges to determine. Moreover, he goes on to say that "the like may be
said of things uncertain, which ought to be reasonable, for nothing that is
contrary to reason, is consonant to Law.^^o Here indeed the very idea of
reason has come to be in the custody of the lawyers, hidden from the
comprehension of the layman. It might beadded,however, that laymen of
one class were taken by some to be fit to judge of the law, though they
were for the most part no lawyers; Members of Parliament could determine

»«Hobbes, Behemoth, 169.

i^Sir Edward Coke, The First Part of the Institutes of the Lawes of England (London,
1794), II, Epilogue. Coke concludes the Institutes on this Quotation. I am unable to
agree with Professor W, S. Holdsworth when he states that "the First Institute deait with
branches of the law very remote from any of the constitutional controversies of the day"
{A History of English Law, V (London, 1924), 471). It may not seem so on the face of it,
but the germs of Coke's beliefs are in the quoted words of Littleton.

^^DialoguCy 5.

»»T. B. Howell, State Trials, II (Case of Proclamations), (London, 1816), 726.

20Coke, First Institutes, Lib. 1, Cap. 8, Sect. 69.

'^;ArwJ-v'^^t;^-;'<jt7/-iii<;;^,'';.«'^^

W'ßin

350

THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO QUARTERLY

the law for Law is declared in Parliament."" But though Members
ot Farliament m.ght determine and judge the law, the King alone could
not, being devoid o{ (legal) reason. One might well agree with James I's
querulous assertion, "But for reason, that is so large a thing, that a man
knoweth not where to pitch."" To this complaint the Common Lawyers
might have answered that he was not supposed to know.

Thus the Common Law became fairly easy to defend against the King
Ihis meant, however, that the Common Law also became increasingly the
provmce o( legal specialists who were initiated into the mysteries o( legal
reason and who were able to criticize "certain speculators that take upon
them to correct all governments in the world and to govern them by certain
notions and fancies of their own."^' Here indeed we can see how the
Common Lawyers derided political theory, just as Hobbes rejected the
Common Law. It should be remembered that it was the lawyers who were
standmg on the ground of legal fact, to which their training and their
reason were fitted. Thomas Hobbes might discard the Common Law in
View of his concept of reason and because of the political facts of the Revo-
lution, but from the Constitution^ point of view it was Coke who was as
yet the realist.

A direct answer to Hobbes' theories was given by the greatest of the
Common Lawyers of the time, Sir Mathew Haie. His attack was directed
pnmari y towards Hobbes' rejection of the Common Law on the grounds of
political fact as derived from the events of the Civil War. Haie questioned
principally the position that the Sovereign was an arbitrary lawgiver To
him the inconvenience of an arbitrary government was intolerable, and
therefore, a certain law, though accompanied by some mischief, was
preterable. In it he saw the greatest security and the true ligament of the
Eng ish Commonwealth. "It is not possible for any human being to be
wholly perfect,'^ and Haie did not attempt to make the impossible come
true: he allowed of a limited number of imperfections in the law.« Typical-
ly enough, however, Haie rejected all inquiries into basic concepts of justice
and rights, all abstract speculations; these were matters for individual
judgment only and were beside the point so far as the Common Law was
concerned - Meeting Hobbes on his own ground, Haie substituted for
abstract theory the test of experience, "laws by which a kingdom has been
governed happily for five hundred years."»« He thus ignored the Revo-
lution, when no one dared to deny money to Oliver Cromwell upon pretence
of iVlagna Charta. This revolution was to Haie, one cannot help but ima-
gine, merely an incident. He referred to it as the "first breach which
happens in this golden knot"-this golden knot being the English consti-

(Ca:ie''„°So^ie";''.762r72:'' '" ""'"""'"'-' '''""" '" ''^''' '«• ''X S. R. Gardiner

"Reported in Commons Debates, 1621 ^ II, 343.

-Sir Mathew Yl.\.^ Reflections by ih/ Lora Chief Justice Haie on Mr. Hobbes Dialogue
ofthe Law, repnnted in Holdsworth, ^ History of English Law V 509

"/^/W., 504. ^Hbid., 503. i^ii,ij\ 504. * - '

THOMAS HOBBES: JURISPRUDENCE AT THE CROSSROADS 351

tution held together by the Common Law.^^ Hale*s stress on the virtue of
experience was no doubt partly conditioned by the fact that, even apart
from Hobbes, the air in the seventeenth Century was filled with abstract
schemes and theories about government. They were the stock-in-trade of
many a pamphleteer, and were frequently proposed more in anger than
with serious intent.^ Haie still harked back in many ways to the harmony
of Tudor times. True, he admitted that some reforms of the laws might
be advisable. But the reforms which he envisaged did not imply a change
in the principles of the law: they provided merely for amendment.^»
'Moreover, such amendments should be proposed only by prudent men after
patient debate. The law had to be learned and studied before it could be
known by the light of reason.^» Here again we have the Common Lawyers*
concept of a legal problem which could not be known by such an abstract
"speculator" as Hobbes, who had not been trained at the Inns of Court.

To Haie it was madness to think that the ''Modell of Laws of Govern-
ment is to be framed according to such circumstances as but rarely ocurr.''^*
Grasping the fact that Hobbes* theory bears the stamp of revolution, Haie
accused him of basing his rejection of the Common Law on the necessity
for emergency powers in stormy times. Here again, the Revolution to
Haie was merely an incident in an otherwise happy historical development.
To Hobbes, salus populi was suprema lex, and salus populi was the concern
of those who had power enough to defend the people.^^ This argument
must have had a familiär ring in Hale's ears. In the Ship Money Case,
Lord Justice Finch had put forward a similar argument, when Hampden
had refused to pay the tax upon pretence of Magna Charta. "No act of
Parliament can bar the King of his regality or of his power to defend the
people** — a contention which moved a member of the House of Commons
to cry out that here salus populi had become not only suprema but sola

"It is only natural that in times of revolution there should be many Utopias in circu-
lation. "Opinions monstrous and prodigious started up every day and were broached with
impunity in public and private, and multitudes were led astray" (Marsden, Later Puritans,
quoted by Rufus M. Jones in Mysticism and Democracy in the English Commonwealth
(Cambridge, Mass., 1932), 21).

»•Sir Mathew Haie, Considerations touching the Amendment or Alteration of Laws,
reprinted in Hargraves Law Tracts (Dublin, 1787), I, 256, 258.

»°/^/W., 253, 261, 274. See also Haie, Reflections, 506.

^^Reflections, 512.

«Hobbes, Behemoth, 389.

'';;■- !>'••■.

'^i'^^'^'^W'^wmf^^^^i^rm^tm'^P^'^^'::

352

THE UxNIVERSlTY OF TORONTO QUARTERLY

THOMAS HOBBES: JURISPRUDENCE AT THE CROSSROADS

353

lex}^ The Sovereign's emergency powers had engulfed all the ordinary
limitations of the Common Law. Yet even Finch had conceded that
ordmarily the King could not make laws without Parliament. Here Hobbes,
too, was in agreement. Normally the customs of the Constitution
might be observed; they should be abolished only when they became a
handicap to the Sovereign in the Performance of his duties. It is to the
Sovereign's interest, furthermore, to make such laws as the people can
endure.34 Hobbes resurrected the old Royalist argument, also used by
Finch: if in an emergency "Parliament sit not, it must be called, that
requires six weeks time"; meanwhile the enemies of the State might have
struck.36 Thus the Sovereign would be prevented from performing his
duties of protection, the fundamental point in his claim to sovereignty.

Haie, Standing on the traditional ground of the Common Lawyers,
believed like Coke and Fortescue before him that there were certain funda-
mental rights without the province of sovereignty. Matters that the
Sovereign might not touch were included,forexample,in thegreat charters
of liberty or in the coronation oath.^« These were positive rights, jus in
the real sense of the word, the unalterable rights of the subject. To Hobbes
such jus were merely negative in character, the liberty left to the indi-
vidual to do anything which the law does not forbid or to leave undone
anything which the law does not command." The only fundamental law
was not the great charters but the law of nature, which in its turn binds
everyone to obey the rule of the Sovereign; and the only law binding the
Sovereign was salus populi, his duty to defend the people.^» Haie thus
upheld the ancient laws and traditions, while Hobbes rejected them on the
basis of his interpretation of universal reason and practical expediency.

"Howell, Sfate Trials, HI, 1235. "Hobbes, Dialogue, 23, 157. ^Ib^id., 19.

««Haie, Reflections, 508. Thomas Hobbes ridicules the idea inherent in the coronation
oath, that the King sliould protect and corroborate the laws before they are made— whether
they are good or bad {Behemoth, 293). To Haie the King's obligations e«tered into with
the oath are a potestas directioa, a binding force. Hobbes professes to base himself here
on Bracton, concluding that the "only bridle on the King of England ought to be the fear
of God" {Dialogue, 32). Hobbes' misreading of Bracton is due to the fact that he did not
understand Bracton's distinction between the sphere of government and administration,
where the King is supreme, and that of law-making, which cannot be done without Parlia-
ment. See C. H. Mcllwain, Constitutionalism, Ancient and Modern (Ithaca, 1940) 74
77, 78. Here Haie was again in the medieval constitutional tradition: the making of law
was nothing "rashly presumed by the will of the King alone" {Reflections, 504).

^'Dialogue, 30. «sHobbes, Behemoth, 249.

lands descend in England or how Estates are here transferred . . . he would
lose his labour, and spend his notions in vain, tili he acquaint himself with
the laws of England, and the reason is because they are institutions intro-
duced by the will and consent of others implicitly by custom and usage or
exphcitly by act of Parliament."-^« Here the fact that law had become the
prerogative of legal specialists Stands out. The sciences of law and politics
had parted Company. To Hobbes' charge that a man is condemned to
death for the theft of a few Shillings' worth of wood, the Common Lawyer
\n xk^^pialogue can only answer that "it has been so practiced time out of
mmd";4o and Hale's rejection of inquiry into the fundamental bases of
justice and right leads one to suspect that he, too, would have given a
similar reply.

The relative weakness of the defence of the Common Lawyers is demon-
strated by the seething movements for law reform during the times of the
Commonwealth and Protectorate.^^ In a measure this agitation for reform
was inspired by concepts of reason similar to that put forth by Thomas
Hobbes. As we saw, Sir Robert Wiseman advocated the introduction of
the Civil Law, on grounds of universal reason as understood by all men,
and thus in his turn rejected the Common Law. Another school of thought
regarded the Common Law as a protection of the mighty against the poor.
To them the rule of the English law was as faulty as its rise, for William*
the Conqueror had wrested the law from the people, and "when oppression
comes under the notion of law it is most ensnaring."« Yet even the radicals
of this school believed in the law as a check on arbitrary power, be it a
purged Common Law or a new law based on the abstract concept of right
alone. To the Diggers, for example, law was to be a "rule and judge for
all mans actions," a force to make men equal and to prohibit one man from
transgressing against the other.« There is here no arbitrary power, no
Sovereign outside the law. The basic importance of the criticism of Hobbes
is Its very thoroughness, the completeness with which it swept aside the
Common Law binding Sovereign and subject alike, substituting omni-
competent authority for law as the one rule and judge in all man's actions.
It was against such a doctrine as Hobbes' that the great Chief Justice
had to take up his pen. He was, of course, not the only defender of the

'»Haie, Reflections, 505. ^^Dialogue, 94.

"Concerning the movement for law reform see Goldwin Smith, "The Reform of the
Laws of England" iUniversity of Toronto ^uarterly, July, 1941, 469-82), and the short
Appendix B to G. P. Gooch, English Democrätic Ideas in the Seventeenth Century ed by
Harold Laski (Cambridge, 1927). Sir Mathew Haie was a member of various committees
on law reform during the Commonwealth period, but of course his reforms, which left all
fundamental principles undisturbed, would have given no satisfaction to critics like Hobbes.
Haie found it difficult to co-operate with the committees where the various grievances
against the Common Law found expression, and divers special Solutions were advocated.
Cf. Smith, op. cit.y 476.

«Warr, Corruption and Deficiency of the Laws of England, 245.
«Gerrard Winstanley, Law of Freedom in a Platform, ed. by Max Radin, in Occasional
Papers, Sutro Branch, California State Library, "English Reprint Series," No. 3 (1939), 36.

mr?x,.

^.■LkJ^

,»i;f;!vK6^''-J"':;i?j*s ■'■:•,:■:

354

THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO QUARTERLY

tradition of Coke and Fortescue. There were others, like Albertus Warren
who with refreshing frankness appealed to the army to uphold the Common
Law in the name of self-interest. If, for example, the land law were to be
changed, persons holding estates of delinquent Royalists might find their
property nghts questioned. Thus "the law is a strong ligament in their
fortunes.'"«^ Truly, in times of revolution all existing institutions are on
trial. It seemed as if the battle for the preservation of the Common Law
did not end with the Long Parliament and its victory. Criticism of the
kind which Hobbes put forward was apparently dangerous enough to arouse
an English Chief Justice to action. Their controversy amply demonstrates
the divorce between legal practice and political theory.

Was Hobbes then a mere "speculator," as Haie charged? He, more
truly than Sir Mathew Haie, had grasped the changes wrought by the
Civil War. The days of Hale's harmonious State had passed away. The
outcome of the Revolution was the growth to maturity of the doctrine of
parhamentary sovereignty. With the industrial and social expansion of
England, a strong central authority eventually became inevitable, and the
Revolution had decided that this authority shonld be vested not in the King
but in Parliament.

Professor Dicey, writing in the late nineteenth Century, pointed out that
the only external check on the sovereign Parliament was resistance by force,
not by law.46 Parliament in truth had become the supreme legislator,'
administrator, and judge. The internal check, to be sure, was tradition
and custom as well as the pressure of public opinion. But where were the
concrete constitutional sanctions against the new Sovereign? It was and
IS true that there are customs and traditions against which Parliament, like
the medieval King, "neither wishes nor dares to go."^« Hobbes' Sovereign,
too, was to conform to customs and traditions whenever possible and
practicable, but the punishment of Hobbes' Sovereign, like that of the
supreme Parliament, lay only in Heaven in the last resort."^ It is, there-
fore, a grave mistake to brush aside Hobbes' theory of the Commonwealth
with the simple Statement that here might makes right, and that Hobbes'
cntique was merely a fleeting theory sprung from the teeming brain of a
frightened philosopher.

"Albertus Warren, Eight Reasons Categorical (London, 1653), 4.

tfi07^'^7 ^* ^'"r' ^"''■^^"^^'"^" ^^ ^^' ^^"^^y ^^f^h' '^««' offhe Constitution (5th ed.; London,
1897), 73, 76. "Legally, we have no fundamental rights in Great Britain," Professor H. j!
Laski writes. "We trust for their protection to the ordinary constitutional machinery of
the State. And, in quiet times, we need not doubt that such protection is ample for all
necessary purposes. The problem lies in the fact that in periods of rapid social change
the substance of what appears fundamental to one sort of opinion does not appear to be
fundamental to anpther." Parliamentary Government in England (New York 1938) 41
Thisuncertaintyasto the unchanging, fundamental rights of the people is the very thing
which a Common Lawyer like Haie wanted to avoid by clinging to a "certain" law that lay

without thereachofeverymanfsmoral speculations or a Sovereign's arbitrariness (/?./7^f-
ttons, 503-4). -^

''Chronicon Monasterii de Abingdon, Rolls Series, I, 297, quoted in Mcllwain. Consti-
tuttonahsm, Ancient and Modern, 67, note 30.
*^Hobbes, Dialogue, 23.

THOMAS HOBBES: JURISPRUDENCE AT THE CROSSROADS

355

.Jll r ; "°''^^^°«'^ •'-'i-^es that it was the views of Coke

Parhament. » That .s certa.nly true in part: the Restoration swept away

'■mvstefv" o/l I '""?'"' '7^'^' ^^^ ^^^°™" Law became the

of DO tic, H^ ''''"1.''"' "° '""^" '° ^' '^"^'1 '"'° ^ ^°herent theory
of pohtics. However, the omn.competent Parliament slowly emergin«

from the struggles of the seventeenth Century seems not too fL rTZed

Pa°rTiamenT tt " h"""'' '?''''^"'"" "°'''^^=- «^ '^^ ^^^ "^'^e centurv'
Parhament, through control over the armed forces, had indeed gotten

Hobbes mam prerequ.s.te for the right to sovereignty in its hands the

power to defend the people. Like Hobbes' theory, 'the'full-blowndoctrm

of parhamentary sovereignty was an artificial creation not lodged securely

.n the ancent customs and precedents of the Common Law. But then i^

has been sa,d of the period of the English Revolution, "no creation of that

penod of stress could be anything but artificial,"'» and this, though here

rl?HobbeVS1aT "' '-'"''"''' '"'''' - -" "^ -'' - ^PP'^

*^A Hi Story of English Law, V, 491.

"C. H. Mcllwain. High Com, of Parliam.r,, and iu Supremacy (New Haven, 1934), 375.

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CHRONIK

DER

LUDWIG-MAXIMILIANS-

UNIVERSITÄT

MÜNCHEN

1982/83

CHRONIK

DER

LUDWIG-MAXIMILIANS-

UNIVERSITÄT

MÜNCHEN

1982/83

Herausgeber: Das Präsidialkollegium der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität

Redaktionelle Koordination: Pressereferat der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, München Geschwi-
ster-Scholl-Platz 1, 8000 München 22, Telefon: (0 89) 21 80-34 23, Telex: 52 98 60

Grafiken und Statistiken: Planungsstab

Druck: Seitz Druck GmbH München

Vorbemerkung

Nach rund fünfzehnjähriger Pause legt die Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität wieder
eine Chronik vor. In dieser Zeit hatte die Universität eine Reihe schwieriger Aufgaben
zu bewältigen. Erinnert sei an die unruhigen späten sechziger Jahre, an Reformwün-
sche, Reformversuche, an die Integration der Pädagogischen Hochschule 1972, an das
Inkrafttreten des Bayerischen Hochschulgesetzes und die damit verbundene Neuglie-
derung der Universität 1 974, an die Einführung der neuen Personalstruktur ab 1 978 und
an die schmerzlichen Stellenstreichungen, deren Ende wir sehnlichst erhoffen.

Die Universität ist in diesen Jahren viel größer geworden, das Klinikum Großhadern,
die Physikbauten in Garching und eine Reihe weiterer neuer Institutsgebäude an meh-
reren Standorten sind hinzugekommen. Die Studentenzahl ist enorm gewachsen. All
das im zeitlichen Ablauf darzustellen wird irgendwann einmal die Aufgabe von Histo-
rikern sein.

Bis 1830 reichen die gedruckten Rektoratsreden zurück. 1913 wurde daraus das Uni-
versitätsjahrbuch, dessen Erscheinen 1935 eingestellt wurde. Zur Achthundertjahrfeier
der Stadt München erschien dann 1958 wieder das Universitätsjahrbuch, das -vom Uni-
versitätsarchiv redaktionell betreut - unter dem Titel „Universitätsjahreschronik" bis
zum Berichtsjahr 1967/68 fortgeführt wurde. Für die Wiederaufnahme der Universitäts-
chronik haben wir als Stichtag den 1. Mai 1982 gewählt. Der vorliegende Band schließt
mit Oktober 1983 ab.

Die Unversitätschronik soll mit dazu beitragen, die Bindungen innerhalb unserer
sehr groß gewordenen Universität zu festigen.

IaIkL

Wulf Steinmann

Das Präsidialkollegium

Vizepräsident Prof . Nepomuk Zöllner, Vizepräsident Prof. Hans-Dietrich Stachel, Präsident
Prof. Wulf Steinmann, Kanzler Franz Friedberger, Vizepräsident Prof. Otto Speck, (v. 1. n. r.)

(Foto: Firsching)

j^n-nmONAL SBOOND EXPOSURE

Das Präsidialkollcgium

Vi/cprasidcnt Proi. Ncpomuk Zollner, Vizepräsident Prot. Hans-Dietrich Stachel, Präsident
Prot. Wult Steinmann, Kan/ler Iran/. Friedberger, Vizepräsident Prot. Otto Speck, (v. 1. n. r.)

fFoto; F'irschiriK)

Inhaltsverzeichnis

Vorbemerkung

Seite
3

BERICHTE

Bericht des Präsidialkollegiums 1982/83

AUS DEM LEBEN DER UNIVERSITÄT

Gedenkfeier für die Weiße Rose am 22. Februar 1983

— Kranzniederlegung

— Anneliese Knoop-Graf

Zum Gedenken an die Weiße Rose

— Prof. Hermann Krings

Das Zeichen der Weißen Rose

Gedanken zum deutsch-jüdischen Dialog

Vortrag von Prof. George L. Mosse zur Eröffnung der Gastprofessur für
jüdische Geschichte

KURZBIOGRAPHIEN

I der von auswärts berufenen Professoren (1 . 5. 1982 - 30. 9. 1983)

30
32
39

Gedanken zum deutsch-jüdischen Dialog

war das Thema der Antrittsvorlesung des Gastprofessors George L. Mosse am 1. Februar
1983. Prof. Mosse, amerikanischer Staatshürgery 1918 in Berlin geboren, seit 1955 Pro-
fessor in Wisconsin und seit 1969 in Jerusalem, war im Wintersemester 1982/83 der erste
Inhaber der neu eingerichteten Gastprofessur für Jüdische Geschichte an der Ludwig-
Maximilians-Universität München.

Gab es einen deutsch-jüdischen Dialog? Gershom Scholem behauptete in einem
berühmten Aufsatz, daß dieser Dialog niemals stattgefunden habe, daß Juden, wenn sie
mit Deutschen sprachen, in Wirklichkeit mit sich selbst redeten. Andere jedoch meinen
das Zweite Reich habe den Judeh breiten Raum gegeben, in dem sie deutsch werden
konnten Es mag vielleicht überflüssig erscheinen, dieser Debatte eine weitere Stimme
hinzuzufügen. Doch ist die Beziehung zwischen Deutschen und Juden ein Problem das
uns nicht nur m der jüdischen Geschichte begegnet. Das Bild des Juden in Deutschland
der zu ein und der selben Zeit sowohl 'insider' als auch 'outsider' war, (wie es Peter Gay
einmal ausgedrückt hat), bestimmt noch immer weitgehend den Begriff der Weimarer
Kultur. Noch wichtiger: trotz aller anders lautenden Voraussagen endete die gemein-
same Geschichte von Deutschen und Juden nicht mit der Machtergreifung Hitlers, son-
dern führte, von den sechziger Jahren an, zu einer neuen Beschäftigung mit dem
deutsch-judischen Dialog, dessen spezifischer Einfluß noch bestimmt werden muß
Doch steht seine Bedeutung für viele junge Amerikaner und Europäer, die in den sech-
ziger Jahren unseres Jahrhunderts nach intellektuellen Ahnen suchten, außer Zweifel
Meine Gedanken zum deutsch-jüdischen Dialog beschäftigen sich mit dessen Gesamt-
entwicklung, semem geistigen Erbe und mit seiner Bedeutung; sie beschäftigen sich
mcht mit der Masse der deutschen Juden, die in all ihrer Vielfalt einen Mittelweg zwi-
schen Assimilation und Bewahrung des jüdischen Erbes suchten, sondern mit denen,
die auf eine klar ausgedrückte Weise in diesen Dialog eintraten, der von Webster als
Gesprach, als Austausch von Ideen und Meinungen definiert wurde, - und die solcher-
maßen festlegten was zukünftige Generationen daraus machen würden. Scholem hat
argumentiert, daß die deutschen Juden nicht als Juden, sondern als Deutsche in das
deutsche Leben eingetreten seien. Das ist wahr: aber sie traten ein als eine besondere Art
deutscher Bildungsbürger. Dies führte zu einem Dialog der immer noch relevanten
Alternativen.

Sicherlich wurde dieser Dialog mit unterschiedlicher Intensität geführt. Die relative
soziak Isolation der deutschen Juden wird oft als Beweis dafür genommen, daß ein sol-
cher Dialog nicht existiert habe. Der deutsch-jüdische Dialog war jedoch kein sozialer,
wurden ''" ''"^'' aufgebaut auf jener Kultur, in die die Juden hineinemanzipiert

Dies war eine hohe Kultur, auf deren Bildungsideal wir zurückkommen werden.
Doch war die volkstümliche Kultur vom deutsch-jüdischen Dialog nicht ausgeschlos-
sen, denn, wie wir sehen werden, wurden jüdische Autoren Bestseller. Auch im Aufzei-
gen dieses Aspekts können wir, wie in unserem ganzen Beitrag, vieles nur andeuten und
nicht erschöpfend behandeln. Wir werden versuchen, offenzulegen, was uns als dauer-
hafteste Strange dieses Dialogs erscheinen.

Es ist eine Tatsache, daß es auf der Ebene der volkstümlichen Kultur einen Dialoe
gab, lange schon bevor er auf der Grundlage der Ideale der Bildung und der Aufklärung
stattfand: vor der Ära Humboldts, im späten 17. und im 18. Jahrhundert, gab es eine
deutsch-judische Brüderschaft in der Unterwelt, einen Dialog der deutschen Außensei-
ter. Hier waren Juden schon seit dem Mittelalter ein Teil von Banden aus Räubern und
Dieben, wie wohl Spiegelberg in Schillers „Räubern". Die klassische Darstellung dieser
Art von deutsch-jüdischer Beziehung findet sich in einem berühmten Buch über Deut-
sches Gaunertum" (1858) des Lübecker PoHzeidirektors, Friedrich Ave-Lallemand
Nicht nur führt er ausgerechnet das Wort 'Gauner' auf seine jiddische Quelle zurück
sondern überhaupt ist das Buch voll von hebräischen Schriftzeichen, da Lallemand ver-
sucht, die sprachHchen Quellen der Unterwelt (das sogenannte Rotwelsch) nachzuwei-
sen. Hier gab es einen eigentümHchen Dialog zwischen gesellschaftlichen „Außensei-
tern", der über berufliche Interessen hinausging, da Juden zu einem wesentHchen Teil
der chnstHchen Banden wurden, wenn auch rein jüdische Banden weiterhin bestanden.
In den gemischten Banden jedoch gingen oft Christen zusammen mit Juden an jüdi-
schen Festtagen zur Synagoge. Ich kenne kaum ein anderes Beispiel, wo jene, die außer-
halb der Gesellschaft standen, eine derartige Gemeinschaft bildeten. Im 19. und 20.
Jahrhundert dagegen spielte oft genug ein Außenseiter den anderen aus, wenn es darum
ging, in der bürgerHchen Gesellschaft Fuß zu fassen.

Wenn wir jedoch auf die überwiegende Mehrheit der deutschen Juden blicken, müs-
sen wir auf ein einzigartiges Merkmal der jüdischen Emanzipation hinweisen, das den
deutsch- jüdischen Dialog entscheidend beeinflußte: die schmale soziale Basis der deut-
schen Juden, welcher, mit Ausnahme der Unterwelt, sowohl die höchsten als auch die
niedereren Ränge der sozialen Leiter fehlten. Das deutsche Judentum hatte, anders als
das in Frankreich, kein Elsaß-Lothringen mit seiner Masse ärmerer Juden. Doch ist die-
ses Bild der deutschen Juden als feste, eigentlich prädestinierte Mitglieder der Mittel-
klasse unvollständig. Es konzentriert sich nämlich auf die Städte und nicht auf das Land,
auf Preußen und nicht auf den Süden. Die Landjuden, die überwiegend in Baden, Würt-
temberg und Bayern lebten, sind ebenso wie die jüdischen „Gauner" die Stiefkinder der
Historiographie. Dennoch mag hier, wie in der Unterwelt, der deutsch-jüdische Dialog
am intensivsten gewesen sein, wenn auch am wenigsten intellektuell.

Wir müssen bei den in den Städten lebenden Juden bleiben. Hier begegnen wir nicht
nur einer schmalen sozialen Basis, die eine relativ leichte Integration in den Lebensstil
der deutschen Mittelklasse bedeutete, sondern ebenso stoßen wir auf den Griff nach der
deutschen Kultur als dem wahren Merkmal der Emanzipation, zu einer Zeit, als die
deutsche Mittelklasse sich selber durch ihren Kulturbegriff legitimieren wollte.

Die Emanzipation der Juden fiel mit dem Bildungsideal zusammen, für das Wilhelm
von Humboldt so beredt eintrat. Das Wort Bildung bedeutete die harmonische Ent-
wicklung und Veredelung der menschlichen PersönHchkeit. Es bedeutete sowohl ästhe-
tische Kultivierung durch das Studium der Klassiker, als auch auf Vernunft basierende
moralische Urteilskraft, eine persönHche Erneuerung, die zu einer wirklich harmoni-
schen und abgerundeten Persönlichkeit führen würde. Goethes Wilhelm Meister ver-
stand das Bildungsideal als Ausdruck eines neuen Selbstbewußtseins, als er den Wunsch
ausdrückte, „. . . mich selbst, ganz wie ich bin, auszubilden".

Durch Bildung wird der Mensch zum Bürger, der das öffentHche Leben mitbestimmt.
Solch eine Kultivierung der Persönlichkeit wurde durch Erziehung ermöglicht: Lernen
war nicht ein Selbstzweck, sondern ein Mittel, eine abgerundete und vernünftige Per-

sonhchkeit zu erwerben. Hier, in diesem kulturellen Ideal der aufsteigenden Klasse
reichten sich Aufklärung und Bildung die Hände. Aber dieser Bund war nicht von
Dauer. Sein Verfall bewirkte, daß die Juden ihrer Gesprächspartner beraubt wurden, da
sie genau an dieser Mischung von Bildung und Aufklärung festhielten, welche gerade in
der Zeit der Judenemanzipation auseinanderbrach.

Vom Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts an neigten die herrschenden akademischen Kreise
in Deutschland dazu, die idealistische Komponente der Bildung zu betonen. Bildung
als die Seele und die Instinkte durchdringend, wurde einem Bildungsbegriff im Sinne
eines Produktes des rationalen Verstandes vorgezogen. Wann nun dieses emotionale
und in sich geschlossene Bildungskonzept wichtiger wurde als Humboldts Ideal bleibt
noch zu bestimmen; was die deutschen Juden betrifft, so neigten sie dazu, sich eng an
Humboldts Ideal anzulehnen und weiterhin in der Vervollkommnung der Vernunft den
Weg zu wahrer Bildung zu sehen, Das offene Bildungsideal, in das sie hineinemanzipiert
wurden, war schließHch der beste Weg zur Assimilation. Bezeichnenderweise ergriff
zum Beispiel Berthold Auerbach, der typischste Vertreter des Judentums in dieser Zeit
in seinem Buch über Spinoza (1836) die Gelegenheit, gegen den Fanatismus zu predigen
und eme kartesianische Einstellung zum Leben zu empfehlen. Von Lessings „Nathan«
der Magna Charta des deutschen Judentums, glaubte man, daß er eine ähnliche Lektion
erteile: Toleranz basiert auf dem Glauben an die Vernunft und an den individuellen
Wert eines Menschen. MenschHche Vollkommenheit, so glaubte man, würde durch jene
Weisheit, jenes Wissen und durch jene Kultiviertheit erreicht, die Nathan und Spinoza
angebhch besaßen. ^

Es gab noch einen weiteren, wenn auch noch nicht genau erforschten Bestandteil des
Bildungsideals, der für die Juden besondere Bedeutung hatte: das Ideal des gebildeten
Burgers wurde begleitet vom Ideal der Freundschaft. Freundschaft als Verlängerung
seiner selbst aufgefaßt, nicht durch Angewiesensein auf den anderen, sondern als Aner-
kennung einer gleichberechtigten PersönHchkeit.

Wir dürfen nicht vergessen, welch bedeutsame Rolle jüdisch-christliche Freund-
schatten im Zeitalter der Emanzipation spielten: indem nämlich durch die Anknüpfung
enger, personhcher Beziehungen die jüdische Anerkennung symbolisiert wurde. Moses
Mendelssohn und seine Freundschaft mit Lessing und anderen Christen beflügelte die
zeitgenossische Vorstellung im Sinne eines Symbols für einen zukunftsträchtigen Dia-
log. Moses Mende ssohn, oft als der erste gebildete deutsche Jude mythologisiert,
wurde oft dargestellt als im Dialog mit seinen Freunden: Philosophie und Literatur im
Geiste der Aufklarungsphilosophen diskutierend. Es sei die persönliche Freundschaft,
chrieb Auerbach, die den Menschen vom Tier unterscheide. In der Tat war es der Ver-
lust solcher Freundschaften mit Christen, der Auerbach mehr als jeder andere Faktor
dazu trieb, den Antisemitismus der 80er Jahre des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts zu bekla-
gen. Die Judenemanzipation und das Bildungsideal hatten für viele Juden und Christen
Gestalt ^^fnommen durch den Kult der Feundschaft, die über alle Unterschiede hin-

"^Wn' 11 ^^^^^^^^^^^«^^ ß^^^^^ld Auerbach im Jahre 1859 über seinen Freundeskreis:
„Wo alles in lautem Denken sich vereinigt."

Ohne das klassische Bildungsideal und seine Rezeption durch die deutschen Juden
muß das Problem des deutsch-jüdischen Dialogs in der Luft hängen. Denn so lange die-
ses Konzept bestand, hatten die Juden Partner in diesem Dialog; als es aber schwächer
wurde und verfiel, wurden die deutschen Juden in zunehmendem Maße isoliert. Eine
enge soziale Basis und eine zeitgebundene, einseitige kulturelle Perspektive verstärkten
50

sich gegenseitig. Durch ihre soziale Basis und dadurch, was sie als Kultur akzeptierten,
waren die Juden im Zeitraum ihrer Emanzipation verwurzelt: eine edle aber nur kurze
Zeit in der preußischen und deutschen Geschichte, in der Geschichte der deutschen
Juden dagegen eine Zeit, die niemals endete. Der deutsch-jüdische Dialog fand mit jenen
Deutschen statt, die dieses besondere Bildungsideal teilten: den Glauben an Erziehung
und Erneuerung durch die Klassiker: so wie sie Liberalismus, Freundschaft und Bürger-
recht gleichsetzten.

Daß die deutschen Juden an diesem Ideal festhielten, zeigt, daß die Trennung zwi-
schen Bildung und Aufklärung an ihnen weithingehend vorübergegangen war: dies gilt,
selbst wenn einige Juden sich der Suche nach einer auf Emotionen und nicht auf Ver-
nunft basierenden Gemeinschaft anschlössen. Es gilt trotz der Tatache, daß die meisten
Juden ihre Kinder nicht mehr auf das humanistische Gymnasium, sondern auf die prag-
matischer orientierte Realschule schickten, sobald als diese gegründet worden war.

Als jedoch Eva Reichmann 1967 daran ging, die vielen Diskussionen über die soge-
nannte „jüdische Frage" im Jahr 1933, an denen auch sie teilgenommen hatte, zu analy-
sieren, fand sie keinen Dialog, sondern Konfrontation: „Judengegner gegen Juden":
Juden und Christen schrieben im gleichen Buch über die jüdische Frage, aber jeder legte
nur seinen Standpunkt dar — es gab keinen Dialog, kein Gespräch, und keine Meinung
wurde je geändert. Diese riesigen Bände w^rftn die Grabmäler des deutsch-jüdischen
Dialogs, wenn auch einige ihrer Herausgeber viel Wohlwollen gegenüber den Juden
zeigten. Die freier fließenden Diskussionen im Rundfunk in der Weimarer Republik
waren selten und änderten wenig. Dies waren kaum noch Dialoge wie der zwischen Les-
sing und Mendelssohn oder wie der zwischen Auerbach und Viktor Scheffel. Das Ideal
der Freundschaft war ein intellektuelles und literarisches Ideal, das sich dem Angriff
nationaler Ideale beugen mußte.

Gleichwohl existierte ein echtes Gespräch, wenn auch räumlich wie zeitHch in einge-
schränkter Form. Die Juden wollten moderne Männer und Frauen werden, die nach
einer sogenannten „Mission des Judentums" suchten, eine Mission, die identisch war
mit dem Bildungsideal und der deutschen Bürgertugend, mit der Religion der Vernunft,
wie sie Männer wie Hermann Cohen definieren sollten, oder mit jener der Propheten,
deren Ideale für alle Zeiten, für alle Völker und alle Glaubensbekenntnisse gültig waren.
Ob solche Juden verkappte Protestanten wurden, oder ob sie das Judentum nur als Basis
für eine neokantische Moral benutzten, ist in diesem historischen Kontext irrelevant.
Diese Männer und Frauen verstanden sich selber als Juden und traten von dieser Basis
aus in den Dialog ein; und wir dürfen ihre Position nicht aus der Perspektive eines viel
späteren Zionismus oder eines noch späteren Wiederauflebens jüdischer Orthodoxie
beurteilen. Beides, Zionismus wie Orthodoxie, spielte unter den deutschen Juden bis
nach der Machtergreifung der Nazis keine entscheidende Rolle.

Dieser Dialog funktionierte zu einem bestimmten Zeitpunkt der Geschichte, auch
wenn er die Masse der Deutschen ausklammerte. Gerade die soziale und politische
Struktur des Lebens der deutschen Juden half dabei, diese von dem neuen NationaHs-
mus und der Massenpolitik zu isolieren. Und dennoch, Juden spielten eine Rolle in der
deutschen Populärkultur: nicht in dem Sinne, daß sie solche Kultur unter die Leute
brachten (hierin spielten sie, mit Ausnahme des späteren Hauses Ullstein, eine unterge-
ordnete Rolle), sondern z. B. auch als Bestsellerautoren. Die Wechselbeziehung zwi-
schen deutschen Juden und Populärkultur ist bis jetzt noch nicht untersucht worden,
vielleicht wegen der fortgesetzten Selbstidentifizierung des deutschen Judentums mit

der sogenannten höheren Kultur. Doch ist eine solche Untersuchung, sei sie auch noch
so kurz, entscheidend für ein Verständnis des deutsch-jüdischen, seit 1918 fortschrei-
tend mit Massenkultur und Massenpohtik konfrontierten Dialogs. Die Ideale von
Freundschaft und vom Mensch wider die Masse konnten in Ernst Tollers Dramen ver-
herrlicht werden, aber sie fanden wenig Anklang auf dem Kulturmarkt.

Einige deutsche Juden wurden Bestsellerautoren. Im großen und ganzen schrieben sie
auf dem gleichen ideologischen Niveau wie die Marhtts oder Courths-Mahlers- Libe-
rale die von einer Welt der Gerechtigkeit, des Glücks und der Schönheit träumten, wo
einfache Menschen mit Wohlwollen und einem „goldenen Herzen" Erfolg haben wür-
den, und wo das Böse, der Dogmatismus und die Intoleranz ein für alle Mal verschwän-
den In der Tat existierte eine Reihe von jüdischen Marlitts, die Romane für die spezi-
fisch jüdische Famihenpresse schrieben: Namen wie z. B. Emma Vely sind heute verges-
sen, aber obwohl ihre Figuren fromme Juden waren, unterschieden sie sich kaum von
denen der Marlitt. Bezeichnenderweise passen die Bauern aus Berthold Auerbachs
„Schwarzwalder Dorfgeschichten" in dieses Bild, und Friedrich Theodor Vischer der
an Auerbachs Grab sprach, hatte recht, als er ihn den Schöpfer eines ideahsierten Welt-
bildes nannte. Vielleicht ist das der Grund, warum wir uns kaum noch an seine immense
1 opularitat und sem Ansehen erinnern, ebenso wie wir geneigt sind, auf die Garten-
laube und ihre Autoren mit nachsichtiger Belustigung herabzusehen. Doch Wieb vieles
von dieser Welt in der Utopie der Populärkultur haften, sogar noch zu einer Zeit, als die
modernen Massenbewegungen die Ideale der Toleranz und des guten Willens zu zerstö-
ren schienen Während diese liberale und menschenfreundhche, mit Sentimentahtät
durchsetzte Utopie die deutsche populäre Literatur beherrschte, versuchten jüdische
Bestsellerautoren wie z. B Stefan Zweig, Emil Ludwig und Lion Feuchtwanger, wäh-
rend der Weimarer Republik der Masse ihrer Leser den Kern des Bildungsideals nahe-
zubringen. Bezeichnenderweise hatten populäre jüdische Autoren die Neigung, per-
sönliche Beziehungen, Freundschaften und Feindschaften hervorzuheben. Auch die
populären Biographien von Emil Ludwig oder Stefan Zweig zeigen den Prozeß der Per-
sonalisierung auf.

So heißt es bei Stefan Zweig in den „Sternstunden der Menschheit" (1928), seinem
vielleicht populärsten Buch, es gebe keine Regel und kein Gesetz, sondern nur das
menschhche Schicksal. Immer ist das Individuum im Vordergrund.

Solche Personalisierung wurde zur Dramatik stilisiert, in welcher, um noch einmal
die „Sternstunden" zu zitieren, „Sekunden über das Schicksal von Jahrhunderten ent-
scheiden Doch wenn das MenscWiche und seine Leidenschaften, wenn die Wendun-
gen des Schicksals herausgehoben werden, so sind sie begleitet von der Suche nach
Zurückhaltung, einer grundlegenden Ablehnung des Irrationalen, einer Ambivalenz

^'f "k •u'''1'''.y'^!'''''^?- ^^^'^' ^^^'^^^^ ^^^^" ^^i^^^^s ^r^gisch, und er selbst
schreibt über die Verherer der Geschichte: Erasmus starb als Gescheiterter, Castellio
wurde von Calvin verbrannt - am Ende der Liste stand dann Zweigs eigener Tod:
Selbstmord im brasilianischen Exil. Das Chaos der Leidenschaften war der Feind der
Aufklarer wie Erasmus oder Castellio. Die Urteile, die Zweig fällte, stehen sehr stark,
wenn auch in verwässerter Form, in der Bildungstradition. Im gleichen Maße war die
Vernunft immer präsent, unter den Nazis erhielt sie sogar noch verstärkte Betonung.
Das^Bemuhen, den Verrat der Vernunft an die Leidenschaften der Massen zu verhin-
dern , über das Zweig in der „Welt von Gestern", seinem letzten im brasilianischen Exil

verfaßten Buch, schrieb, hatte ihn bereits im Ersten Weltkrieg zum Pazifisten gemacht
und mit Widerwillen dagegen erfüllt, im Zweiten Weltkrieg auch nur mit seiner Feder
zu kämpfen.

Das Bildungsideal, verbunden mit der Methode des Bestsellerautors ist hier von
besonderem Interesse, weil es so weitgehend auf eine Erweiterung der zwischen-
menschlichen Beziehungen gegründet ist. Das Ideal der Freundschaft, so wichtig im
Prozeß der Emanzipation, bleibt für deutsche Juden als Teil des Bildungsideals und als
die Uberbrückung menschlicher Unterschiede von großer Bedeutung. „Es gibt keine
solche Sache wie Gerechtigkeit oder Tapferkeit, sofern es irgendeine Nation betrifft",
schrieb Zweig im Jahre 1921 an Romain Rolland, „Ich kenne nur Menschen".

Es kann kein Zufall sein, daß es gerade Juden wie Stefan Zweig oder Emil Ludwig
waren, die in ihren populären Biographien die Ideale der Bildung in die Literatur für die
Massen einbrachten. Keiner dieser Männer hielt sich für einen spezifisch „jüdischen
Autor", aber genausowenig hatte dies im 19. Jahrhundert Auerbach getan. Wir haben es
hier mit einer Einstellung zu tun, einer Tradition, die direkt von dem besonderen Pro-
zeß der Judenassimilation in Deutschland herkommt, dem Versuch nämhch, ein neues
Gewand für sich zu finden und das alte abzustreifen.

Als Historiker, die jetzt etwas von der Gesamtheit der deutsch-jüdischen Geschichte
überblicken können, müssen wir erkennen, daß diese Männer noch immer in einer spe-
zifisch deutschen Tradition standen, die einst einen besonderen Dialog ermögUcht
hatte. Sie waren nun die Hüter dieser Tradition geworden und fanden es immer schwie-
riger, chrisdiche Partner in ein Gespräch einzubinden, in dem beide sich durch Ver-
nunft, Weisheit und Wissen bilden würden. Vor diesem Hintergrund hat die Tatache,
daß Zweig, Ludwig und andere als Bestsellerautoren in eine Art von Dialog mit den
deutschen Massen eintraten, eine zusätzliche Bedeutung. Sie taten dies trotz ihres Libe-
ralismus und ihres Unvermögens, die deutsche Vergangenheit oder die christliche ReU-
gion ihrer christlichen Leser zu teilen. Hier wurde ihnen Hilfe von der liberalen Tradi-
tion der deutschen Populärliteratur zuteil: von den Marlitts, Ganghofers und Karl
Mays, die eine Welt zeigten, die nahezu identisch mit der von Auerbachs Bauern oder
mit vielen von Ludwigs und Zweigs Helden war. Es mißlang ihnen, die Ideale ihrer Art
von Bildung weiterzugeben: man las ihre Romane und Biographien als mitreißende
Geschichten und ignorierte die Botschaft.

Wenn es solchen Juden gelang, in die deutsche Populärkultur einzudringen, so führ-
ten andere, aus der zur damaligen Zeit am stärksten ins Auge fallenden und wichtigsten
Gruppe der jüdischen Bourgeosie, deutlich vor, wie die unverdünnte Erbschaft des
Rationalismus und der Bildung zu einer Entfremdung von der deutschen Realität und
am Ende allen sinnvollen Gesprächs führen konnte. Solche deutschen Juden wollten
nach 1918 der wachsenden Irrationalität in der deutschen poHtischen Landschaft gegen-
steuern, indem sie versuchten, sie stärker auf das Beispiel Frankreichs hin zu orientie-
ren. Hier waren die oft geschmähten jüdischen Bestsellerautoren näher an einem Ver-
ständnis der deutschen Realität, als jene, die aktiv versuchten, die Ausrichtung dieser
Realität zu beeinflussen, und zwar hauptsächHch durch die sogenannte demokratische
Presse. So wollte zum Beispiel Theodor Wolff, der Chefredakteur des „Berliner Tage-
blatts", die neue Deutsche Demokratische Partei nach dem Vorbild der französischen
radikalen Sozialisten formen. Deutsche Juden waren geneigt, sich auf französische Vor-
bilder zu berufen, in der Absicht nämlich, die Vernunftmäßigkeit zu stärken und die
deutsche Bildung zu erneuern.

Das Frankreich, das Dreyfus zum Sieg verholfen hatte, könnte doch, so glaubte man
auch kultivierte Deutsche beflügeln, einen ähnlichen Sieg anzustreben. Man hielt das für
möglich, ungeachtet der Tatsache, daß noch vor dem Krieg ein Pro-Dreyfus-Stück in
Berlin verboten worden war, allein aufgrund der Fiktion, daß es die öffentliche Ruhe
hatte gefährden können. Modris Ecksteins Studie über die wichtigsten deutschen demo-
kratischen Zeitungen, die im Besitz von Juden waren und auch weitgehend von ihnen
herausgegeben wurden, kam zu dem Schluß, daß Frankreich für diese Zeitungen das
Modell moderner Politik darstellte. Des weiteren wird ein Blick auf jene Persönlichkei-
ten, die unmittelbar nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg den französisch-deutschen Kulturaus-
tausch forderten, zu einer Zeit also, als dies in hohem Maße suspekt war, in der vorder-
sten Reihe deutsche Juden finden. Um ein Beispiel zu nennen, so lud der Besitzer des
„ßerhner Tageblatts", kaum daß das Schießen beendet war, Yvette Gilbert ein in Bedin
zu singen Und Max Horckheimer schrieb, obgleich von einem anderen poHtischen
Standpunkt ausgehend: „Die Menschheit ist besonders in Frankreich zu Hause".

Diese Orientierung an Frankreich dokumentiert den Mangel an politischem Realis-
mus unter jenen die hofften, daß die deutsche Kriegsniederlage so schnell überwunden
sein wurde, daß die Lehren dieses Krieges zur Wiederherstellung von Vernunft und Bil-
dung fuhren würde. Der deutsch-jüdische Dialog hatte in diesen letzten Jahren vor Hit-
lers Machtergreifung die Tendenz, ein französisch-jüdisch-deutscher Dialog zu wer-
den ein Dialog, der sich nicht zum Frankreich der Rechten hingezogen fühlte, sondern
zu dem Frankreich das sich das Erbe der Aufl^lärung und der Revolution bewahrt zu
haben schien und das über die Anti-Dreyfus-ards triumphiert hatte. Sicherlich gab es
auch Deutsche die diese Ideale und ihre Voraussetzung teilten. Heinrich Mann raet hier
heraus, aber obwohl er nach einer Diktatur der Vernunft rief, glaubte Mann, daß nicht
Vernunft btnö^^ ^"^ ^''''^ Frankreich nach dem Krieg eine Erlösung durch die

Das Irrationale unter das Rationale zu zwingen, es in einen Rahmen rationalen Den-
kens einzufügen, schien dringend, angesichts von Rassismus und des Versuches der
deutschen Rechten, die jüdische Emanzipation zurückzunehmen. Es scheint mir daß
man kaum anderswo in Europa diese Bestrebungen so klar verfolgen kann, nich^ nur
mittels des Versuchs, Bi düng an die Massen heranzutragen, oder das Beispiel Frank-
reichs zu benutzen, um das Irrationale in die Grenzen des Rationahsmus einzubinden,
sondern auch in vielen Aspekten deutsch-jüdischer Gelehrsamkeit. Die Untersuchun-
gen des Mythos durch die von Aby Warburg nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg gegründete
Bibliothek in Hamburg und die philosophischen Anliegen von Ernst Cafsfrer mögen
zur Illustrierung dieses Punktes dienen. Das Irrationale wurde untersucht, in der
Absicht es zu bannen. Die mächtigen Mythen und die hermeneutische Tradition, die
den Autstieg der modernen Kultur begleitet hatten, wurden in ein Modell rationalen
Gedankenguts integriert. Die Bevorzugung des Klassischen, die Abneigung gegenüber
fc r F • T "^'^r ^^t ^"""'"^"^^^^^ Gegensätze bewußt war (wie der Kunst-

?Xf r f "^^^ r^&^' ''^^'I ^''^^''"^ ^^^ Warburger Bibliothek, es einmal heraus-
stellte), bedeutete den Vorrang der rationalen Form

Ernst Cassirer versuchte, den Mythos durch die rationale Kulturkritik zu bändigen.
Diese Kritik ist vielleicht eines der fruchtbarsten Vermächtnisse des deutschen Juden-
tums gewesen. Bezeichnenderweise setzte sie noch einmal den Primat der Kultur im
Kampf der rationalen gegen die irrationalen Kräfte in der modernen Welt voraus. Cas-
sirers Kulturkritik basierte auf der Idee der fortschreitenden Auflclärung der Mensch-
54

heit, bis der Mensch die rationale Basis seiner Existenz erkennen würde. Das Gedanken-
gut dieses deutschen Liberalen stand jenem von Sozialisten wie des jungen Georg
Lukäcs oder Vertretern der Frankfurter Schule nahe.

Der deutsch-jüdische Dialog hat stattgefunden: während der ganzen Zeit fanden
Juden deutsche Panner, die fortfuhren, Bildung und Aufklärung zu verknüpfen, auch
wenn diese Verbindung in der Mitte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts gesprengt worden
war. Nur wenige würden diese Tatsache abstreiten ; aber es gibt solche, die berechtigter-
weise nach der spezifisch jüdischen Komponente dieses Dialogs fragen. Was war
jüdisch daran? Jüdische Tradition und ReHgion spielten fast keine Rolle im deutsch-
jüdischen Dialog. So gab es beispielsweise kaum christHche Erwiderungen auf Leo
Baecks oder Hermann Cohens Verteidigung des Judentums. Weder die liberale noch die
orthodoxe Christenheit trat in einen wirklichen Dialog mit der jüdischen Theologie ein.
Auch waren weder jüdische Geschichte noch jüdische Sitten ein Teil der Bildung, weder
für NichtJuden, noch für viele gebildete Juden. Doch diejenigen, die abgestritten haben,
daß ein Dialog stattgefunden hat, weil fast nichts traditionell Jüdisches daran war, ver-
gessen den scharfen Bruch mit der Vergangenheit, der den Prozeß der deutsch-jüdi-
schen Emanzipation begleitete. Die Juden versuchten, ein neues Selbstverständnis zu
finden, und hier zeigte Humboldts Bildungskonzept den Weg zur Kultur und Gleich-
berechtigung.

Natürlich gab es Kontinuitäten, aber als die Juden nach der europäischen Kultur grif-
fen, führten die neuen Kleider dazu, daß die alten verdeckt wurden. Es scheint mir irrig
zu sein, und das nicht nur in Deutschland, über die Juden im Zeitalter der Emanzipation
einzig unter dem Aspekt der Bewahrung des reHgiösen und ethnischen Selbstverständ-
nisses zu diskutieren. Emanzipation bedeutete ein neues Selbstverständnis der Juden als
Bildungsbürger: das ist wohl bekannt, aber es wird oft übersehen, daß gerade diese Kul-
tur ein hochgeschätzter jüdischer Besitz wurde, als viele Nicht-Juden sie aufgegeben
hatten. Diese Kultur sollte viel zum jüdischen Selbstverständnis beitragen, sowohl für
jüdische Sozialisten wie Kurt Eisner und Ernst Toller, für Bestsellerautoren wie Stefan
Zweig oder für jüdische Gelehrte wie Aby Warburg oder Ernst Cassirer.

Die Judenemanzipation führte zu einer neuen jüdischen Identität, die aus besonderen
deutschen Ziegeln sowie Mörtel gebaut war und von Juden übernommen wurde, die
überwiegend aus der höheren Mittelklasse stammten und gebildet waren. Dieses Bil-
dungsideal war schheßhch besonders dazu geeignet, die Juden in die nicht-jüdische
Welt zu integrieren. Hier trafen sich Juden und Christen in einem Ideal, das über Nation
und Religion erhaben war und die Geschichte transzendierte: eine neu emanzipierte
Minorität, die außerhalb der deutschen Geschichte gestanden hatte und noch außerhalb
der christlichen Religion stand, konnte sich mit diesem Ideal voll identifizieren.

Vom heutigen Standpunkt aus ist es nur zu einfach, die Juden durch Religion oder
NationaHtät zu definieren, ihren sozialen Ausschluß und ihre ethnische Bindung zu
untersuchen. Aber wir dürfen die Geschichte nicht rückwärts lesen. Der deutsch-jüdi-
sche Dialog von Bedeutung fand statt und war dadurch bedingt, daß die Humanität über
das Nationalgefühl oder religiöse Dogmatik gestellt wurde. Er hat sich als Dialog gegen
die Geschichte erwiesen, und es wird nicht damit getan sein, seine Bedeutung aufgrund
dieser Tatsache abzustreiten: tatsächlich hat er sein Interesse bis zum heutigen Tag
hauptsächlich deshalb behauptet, weil er dem Deutschen und dem Juden ein alternatives
Selbstbewußtsein anbot, alternativ zu Nation und Religion. Diejenigen, die daran teil-
nahmen, drängte es in die Rolle der Kritiker der modernen Kultur und Politik, frei von

den Fesseln einer widrigen Vergangenheit. Auch wenn dieses Konzept von Bildung im
Zeitalter der Massenkultur und Massenpolitik archaisch wurde, so bot es offenbar wei
terhm eine Alternative zu dem, was es bedeutete, Deutscher oder Jude zu sein Die
Ideale der meist jüdischen, sogenannten Linksintellektuellen der Weimarer Republik
begeisterten vor allem eine viel spätere Generation, die in den 60er Jahren versuchte
eine neue Identität, ein neues Ideal der Gemeinsamkeit, eine Alternative zum Bestehen-
den zu rinden.

Ich habe die Diskussion dieses linksintellektuellen Erbes des Dialogs an das Ende
memer Ausfuhrungen gestellt, da er nach meiner Meinung am längsten nachgewirkt hat
Aber auch hier kann ich wieder nur andeuten und muß komplexe Zusammenhänee
gebündelt auffuhren. Mir geht es darum, dieser Tradition eine historische Dim^nSu
verleihen die meist vergessen wird. Die Alternative zur marxistischen Orthodoxie und
zur Revolution des Proletariats, angeboten durch die Weimarer Linksintellektuellen
war eng mit der deutsch-jüdischen Tradition verknüpft, worauf ich hingewiesen habe'
Hier, ob in den Kre^en der Weltbühne" oder in der sogenannten Frankfurter Schule
waren Deutsche und deutsche Juden am Werk, aber wiederum frappiert der übenvt-'

fach Soll " '^"'Ja'^"1'u''''T ^"'°e- 'l- Konvergenz zwis'^.hen diesem STang
nach Sozialismus und dem Bildungsbürgertum. ^

Solche Linksintellektuelle glaubten, daß der Sozialismus das Ideal der Menschlichkeit
konkretisiere^Es gab unter ihnen solche, die Marx mit dem jungen Hegel uSdes^^^^^^

mI^H^" 5 ^'^.^r t'"^ ^"'^^'^' T^ "^^^^^^"^ ^'^^-^^ ^- - bedauerten daß
Marx Hegel und nicht Kant mit dessen kategorischem Imperativ gelesen hatte Sie

waren sich jedoch eimg darin, den Sozialismus nicht als fertiges Produkt anzu ehen

dunX ff "^ '"" ^"'""^ i'' Vermenschlichung: der^euhumanist^che bI'
dungsbegriff mit seiner Betonung der Toleranz, der Vernunft und der Ästhetik präete
weithingehend ihr Weltbild. Sie wollten Soziahsmus ohne Terror, ohnf^e Dik afu
des Proletariats. Sie schrieben den Klassenkampf auf ihre Fahne, aber hobe^ihn de ch
sTins ziet t$ t'\I^-^---> der auf die Veränderung des menschhchen Bel^^^^^
seins zielte, sowie durch ihren weithin von Hegel beeinflußten Begriff von der Gesamt-
heit des Lebens auf den wir noch zurückkommen werden. Hief war keine DfktaTur
moghch, und politische Taktik war verpönt, denn der Zweck durfte nicht de M^S
hgen. Naturhch gab es Abweichungen von diesem Gedankengut, aber es bisch eTbt de
Grundhaltung von deutsch-jüdischen Revolutionären wie Ern t Toller W Ei n
oder Gustav Landauer, um diejenigen Männer zu nennen, die in der ers en n ch bol
schewistischen Phase der Münchner Revolution führend waren. Dies war e^eRev^^^^^^^
non, gefuhrt von Linksmtellektuellen: einmalig in der Geschichte, und Uon FeTk-

chen'Tite?/lT^'T^"" ''"^^' "^"" '' ^^^"- Thomas Wendt in der SeK -
chen Titels heber die Fuhrung emer erfolgreichen Revolution niederlegen läßt Äß
er die Gegenrevolution mit Gewalt unterdrückte.

Die Beziehung zur Kultur blieb auch hier beherrschend, selbst wenn kulturelle Phä-
nomene nicht von ihrem sozialen Kontext losgelöst werdet dürfen. D^KlSarnp^

una künstlerisches Schaffen. Es gab jedoch unter vielen dieser Sozialisten eine aus^e
sprochene Neigung zugunsten der schönen Künste: Kurt Eisners, St T^rsun^^

datur gute Beispiele ab. Die Bedeutung der schönen Künste für den Begriff der Bildung
56

wird anerkannt auch wenn hier die Selbstkultivierung der Menschheit nicht allein von
ihrer eigenen Willenskraft und Vernunft, sondern auch von der sozialen Realität abhän-
gig ist. Trotz dieses Versuches, eine Balance zwischen Individuahtät und sozialer Reali-
tät zu finden ist es aber der Mensch, das Individuum, das handeln muß, wie uns etwa
der junge Lukacs darlegt, vorausgesetzt, der Mensch versteht die Totalität seiner Exi-
stenz und ist nicht verloren in dieser Welt. Der Mensch muß von Herrschaft befreit wer-
den: das war die Botschaft der Frankfurter Schule, die das Institut für Sozialforschung
an der neugegrundeten Universität in Frankfurt errichtet hatte, und deren führende
Geister von 1930 an Max Horckheimer und Adorno waren. Nicht allein soziale Verhält-
nisse, sondern vor allem auch die Tyrannei der den menschhchen Willen unterdrücken-
den Gedankensysteme wurden als die Wurzeln allen Übels ausgemacht.

Dieses Erbe hat, mehr als jedes andere, das Ende des deutschen Judentums überlebt
Sicherlich hat der Versuch der frühen deutschen Zionisten, dem NationaHsjnus ein
menschliches Gesicht zu verleihen, in Israel überlebt und war dort von starker Wir-
kung, hat aber anderswo leider nur wenig Einfluß gefunden. Diese Seite des Gedanken-
guts von Martin Buber, Robert Weltsch oder Gershom Scholem ist nicht genug beachtet
worden, obwohl es gleichermaßen Bedeutung für das Erbe des Soziahsmus und der
Gelehrsamkeit hätte.

War dieses Erbe dann ein Schattengefecht, ein Dialog der Illusionen? Die Vorstellung
vom Menschen und seinen sozialen wie poHtischen Bindungen, die diesem Erbe eignete,
hatte kaum Beziehung zum Zeitalter der Massen. Die Ideale, die im alten Bildungsbe-
griff Ausdruck gefunden hatten, führten zu einem Ideahsmus, der manchmal ins Zyni-
sche umschlug, dann nämhch, wenn die WirkHchkeit nicht den Erwartungen entsprach.
Einige der Männer, die in der „Weltbühne" schrieben, und andere, wie zum Beispiel
Kurt Tucholsky, fuhren sich im Negativen fest, selbst dann noch, als die Weimarer
Repubhk um ihr Überleben kämpfte. Diese Männer konnten sich mit der Relativität
aller menschlichen Bemühungen nicht abfinden, auch nicht damit, daß es ohne Taktik
und Kompromiß keine wahre demokratische Pohtik geben kann, und: daß Gewalt dann
am Platz ist, wenn es gilt, einer Bewegung wie dem Nationalsozialismus die Stirn zu bie-
ten. Aber gerade das Kritische stärkte am Ende das Offene, das MenschHche in Kultur
und Pohtik, indem es die Geschichte als einen kritisch zu beleuchtenden, immerwäh-
renden Prozeß auffaßte. Der Optimismus, der in diesem Dialog steckte, scheint uns
heute utopisch zu sein, aber trotzdem ist doch etwas an Ernst Blochs Theorie, daß ohne
Utopia kein Fortschritt möghch ist. Und dieses Utopia war eine menschliche Alterna-
tive zur Moderne, daher sein Weiterleben.

Die deutschen Juden neigten zu der Illusion, das deutsche Bürgertum sei noch im
Zeitalter der Emanzipation verwurzelt. Schon im Schatten des Nationalsozialismus,
wurde noch viel diskutiert über das, was im Volke Goethes, Lessings und Beethovens
eigentlich unmöglich sei - kurz bevor das Unmöglichste machbar wurde. Und doch
überwiegt auch hier das Positive, denn das deutsche Judentum bewahrte ein kulturelles
Erbe, welches nicht nur einigen der jungen Generation der 60er Jahre eine Alternative
bot, sondern auch den Liberalismus der BundesrepubUk befruchtete: einen Liberalis-
mus, der alle etablierten Parteien durchdrang. Es ist unmöglich, heute festzustellen, wie
tief dieses Erbe in die Gesellschaft eingedrungen ist, denn die Bundesrepublik hat noch
keine solche Zerreißprobe durchgemacht wie die Weimarer Republik.

'-'^'-ii<I*:

Hitler war in der Lage, die Juden in Deutschland zu vernichten, aber nicht dieses
Erbe. Als der jüdische Kulturbund im Jahre 1933 seine erste Vorstellung gab, wählte er
natürlich Lessings „Nathan, der Weise". Aber das Ende wurde geändert, trotz einiger
innerjüdischer Kontroversen. Wo sonst Nathan, der Sultan und der Templer am Ende
die Bühne gemeinsam verlassen, bheb Nathan nun alleine zurück. Das war ein mutiger
Protest gegen den Nationalsoziahsmus. Nur hat es sich erwiesen, Ironie der Geschichte,
daß Nathan nicht so allein war, daß hinter ihm im Schatten eine zukünftige Generation
stand, die von jener intellektuellen Entwicklung begeistert und angeregt werden sollte,
von eben der Entwicklung, die die deutsche Rechte als jüdisch und zersetzend gehaßt
hatte. Auch dies war eine Niederlage für Hitler und die Deutsch-Nationalen, zugefügt
durch jene, die weder Waffen noch Macht hatten, die die Wächter einer deutschen Tra-
dition waren, einer von den meisten Deutschen selbst aufgegebenen oder durch einen
chauvinistischen NationaHsmus und platten Neoromantizismus verwässerten Tradi-
tion, die sie für eine andere Zeit retteten. Nathan war nicht allein auf dieser Bühne im
Jahre 1933: er führte einer immer stärker enthumanisierten Welt eine klassische deut-
sche Tradition der Bildung und der Vermenschlichung vor Augen.

KURZBIOGRAPHIEN

der von auswärts an die Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität
berufenen Professoren (1. Mai 1982 bis 30. September 1983)

Juristische Fakultät
Prof. Dr. Klaus Schreiber

C 3-Professor für Bürgerliches Recht (unter Mitberücksichtigung
des Arbeitsrechts), 1. 4. 1983*

1948 in Kesbern/NRW geboren, Studium der Rechtswissenschaft in
Bonn und Bochum, 1975 Promotion, Staatsexamen, 1976 Assistent
Lehrstuhl für Bürgerliches Recht, Zivilprozeßrecht und

Arbeitsrecht in Bochum, 1981 Habilitation.
Arbeitsgebiete: Betriebsverfassungsrecht und seine Nahtstellen
zum Verfahren der Arbeitsgerichte, Bürgerliches Recht, Zivilpro-
zeßrecht, Arbeitsrecht.

Volkswirtschaftliche Fakultät

Prof. Dr. Friedrich Haffner

C 4-Professor für Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Osteuropas, 1.3. 1983
Nachfolger von Prof. Günter Hedtkamp

Geboren 1932 in München, Studium der Volkswirtschaft an der
LMU, Diplom, danach in der Volkswirtschaftlichen Abteilung der
Bayer. Staatsbank, 1960 Weiterstudium am Osteuropa-Institut der
FU Berlin, Promotion, Habilitation 1976, 1977 C 3-Professor für
Volkswirtschaftslehre, insbesondere Vergleich der Wirtschaftssy-
steme in Münster.

Arbeitsgebiete: SoziaHstische Planwirtschaften Osteuropas, ihre
theoretische Struktur, Preissystem, monetäre Steuerung, Planungs-
und Lenkungsmethoden, Systemvergleich, PR-Forschung.

Medizinische Fakultät

Prof Dr. Dr. Walter Neupert
C 4-Professor für Physiologische Chemie, 1. 4. 1983
Nachfolger von Prof. Theodor Bücher

1939 in München geboren, dort Studium der Biologie und Chemie,
Diplom, Promotion 1968 in Biochemie, 1963 - 1969 Studium der
Medizin, Staatsexamen und Promotion 1970, 1972 Habilitation,
1977 Leiter der Abteilung „Subzelluläre Biochemie" an der Univer-
sität Göttingen, 1979 Berufung auf den dortigen Lehrstuhl für Phy-
siologische Chemie.

Arbeitsgebiete: Zellstoffwechsel, gen technische Untersuchung von
Organellen, insbes. Mitochondrien, Biosynthese ihrer Proteine.

* Datum der Ernennung

Last time: Na^^ir^deol^pgy

töis 4jä^ology< rapism^ made reality through a new kind of

politics after 1918 { ^ar) / ^^^uA,ßf*^ ''j^^llf^'^^

llj ciöixse^H^ncifi-_af--Hax_-direiitly : c^jneradery as political ideal.
" Male State". Male bonding as a Substitute for usual politics.
With Organisation, heirarchy ( war).

2y Transition from war_bgL4)eac:e , Pari, govt . in crisis.
a New politics. To intrigrate the masses into political process.
Give them a feeling of participation,^>^^<^>^^^'
Thus in Weimar years: Pari, politics and that of the streets.
But much more then tat: attempt to organise and shape the masses

How? ^i^ ^'}l^^^ ^A^'^/^lt^''^

Demonstrations as Propaganda ( Nazi vs . Jllommunist ) . ,Jur

A political Id^tur^y:

a. concretisation of " the people" . . ji^'^Cf/^

Modelled on Christian liturgy. Rythmv r -^J^^

One speacks fort all: Führer, Hymn: songs, Confession of faith,

set dialogue. All this shaped the masses, gave them coherence,

But more : . *

FRom Socialist: the "Aufmarsche" , massed flags. The entry.

BUt into what?
Impo

Yet onlj
^^ j Central: longing for totality, commun

•rtance of setting. Nuremberg (Speer). Stadium, Dome od Light. . /
onlv occasional. " New Politics? had to go farther. ^ rt ^

ity ( cameradery). (f

I -

Daily life involved:

a. beauty through work. , " sacred rooms" in factories

b. City Planning, idea of a monument changed

c. unambiguety of Symbols. Simplicity of style. But power =

monumentality . Decicivness. -

But also " simple soldier" ( post card).

City -Square as monument ,

5/ result: Status of architect. Primacy of Visual ( Gauleiters
stomachs). Hitlers t^ste , (^/^^ f^ ^^^^^J

fsj, Socialists: c:ontrast. Didactic, educational , Speeches.

"" (Z^ How successful:

a. over -use

b. 19139

Conclusions :

New politics, fascism, as experiment. After Pari, govt . what?

New Politics as outlet for dissatisf action. a] ternative^democracy .

1k I

Gedanken r^nm d'^utsch-oüdischen Dialog

/ George L, Mosse

Gab es einen deutsch-oü^ischen Dialog? Gershom Scholem
behauptete in einem berühmten Aufsatz, daß dieser Dialog
niemals stattgefunden habe, daß Juden, wenn sie mit Deutschen
sprachen, in Wirklichkeit mit sich selbst redeten. Andere
jedoch meinen, das Zweite I^eich habe den Juden breiten Raum
gegeben, in dem sie deutsch werden konnten. Es mag vielleicht
überflijssig erscheinen, dieser Debatte eine weitere Stimme
hinsusufügen* Doch ist die Beziehung zwischen Deutschen und
Juden ein Problem, das uns nicht nur in der jüdischen Ge-

chichte begegnet* Das Bild des Juden in Deutschland, der
zu ein und der selben Zeit sowohl 'insider' als auch ' Out-
sider' war ( wie es Peter Gay einmal ausgedrückt hat), be-
stimmt noch immer weitgehend den Begriff der Weimarer Kultur«
Noch wichtiger: trotz aller scnders lautenden Voraussagen
endete die gemeinsame Geschichte von Deutschen und Juden
nicht mit der Machtergreifung Hitlers, sondern führte, von
den sechziger Jahren an, zu einer neuen Beschäftigung mit
dem deutsch-jüdischen Dialog, dessen spezifischer Einfluß
noch bestimmt werdon muß. Doch steht seine Bedeutung für
viele «junge Amerikaner und Europäer, die in den sechziger
Jahren unseres Jahrhunderts räch intellektuellen Ahnen
suchten, außer Zweifel. Meine Gedanken zum deutsch-Jüdischen
Dialog beschäftigen sich mit dessen Gesamtentwicklung, seinem
geistigen Erbe und mit seiner Bedeutung: sie beschäftigen

1 •

- 2 -

sich nicht m±t der Masse der deutschen Juden, die in all
ihrer Vielfalt einen Mittelweg zv/ischen Assimilation und
Bewahrung des jüdischen Erbes suchten, sondern mit denen,
die auf eine klar ausgedrückte Weise in diesen Dialog ein-
traten, der von Webster als Gespräch, als Austausch von
Ideen und Meinungen definiert wurde, - und die solcher-
maßen festlegten, was zukünftige Generationen daraus machen
würden« Scholem hat argumentiert, daß die deutschen Juden
nicht als Juden, sondern als Deutsche in das deutsche Leben
eingetreten seien» Das ist wahr: aber sie traten ein als
eine besondere Art deutscher Bildungsbürger. Dies führte
zu einem Dialog der immer noch relevanten Alternativen.

Sicherlich wurde dieser Dialog' mit .unterschiedlicher
Intensität geführt. Die realive soziale Isolation der
deutschen Juden wird oft als Beweis dafür genommen, daß
ein solcher Dialog nicht existiert habe. Der deutsch- (jüdische
Dialog war jedoch kein sozialer, sondern ein kultureller,
aufgebaut auf jener Kultur, in die die Juden hineinemanzi-
piert wurden.

Dies war eine hohe Kultur, auf deren Bildungsideal wir
zurückkommen werden. Doch war die volkstümliche Kultur vom
deutsch-jüdischen Dialog nicht ausgeschlossen, denn, wie
wir sehen sehen werden, wurden jüdische Autoren Bestseller«
Auch im Aufzeigen dieses Aspekts können wir, wie in unserem
ganzen Beitrag, vieles nur andeuten und nicht erschöpfend
behandeln. Wir werden versuchen, offenzulegen, was uns als
dauerhafteste Stränge dieses Dialogs erscheint.

Es ist eine Tatsache, daß es auf der Ebene der volks-

- 3 -

tümlichen Kultur einen Dialog gab, lange schon bevor er
auf der Grundlage der Ideale der Eildung und der Aufklärung
stattfand: vor der Ära Humboldts, im späten 17* und im. 18«
Jahrhundert, gab es eine deutsch- jüdische Brüderschaft in der
Unterwelt,, einen Dialog der deutschen Außenseiter» Hier
waren Juden schon seit dem Mittelalter ein Teil von Banden
aus Räubern und Dieben, wie wohl Spiegelberg in Schillers
"Päubern", Die klassische Darstellung dieser Art von deutsch-
jüdischer Beziehung findet sich in einem berühmten Buch
über "Deutsches Gaunertum" (1858) des Lübecker Polizei-
direktors, Friedrich Ave-Lallemand, Nicht nur führt er aus-
gerechnet das Wort 'Gauner' auf seine jiddische Quelle zu-
rück, sondern überhaupt ist das Buch voll von hebräischen
ochriftzeichen, da Lallemand versucht, die sprachlichen
yuellen der Unterv/elt (das sogenannte Rothwelsch) nachzu-
weisen. Hier gab es einen eigentümlichen Dialog zwischen
GosGllGchaftlichen '^Außenseitern", der über berufliche
Interessen hinausging, da Juden zu einem wesentlichen Teil
der christlichen Banden wurden, wenn auch rein jüdische
Banden weiterhin bestanden* In den gemischten Banden jedoch
gingen oft Christ^in zusammen mit Juden an jüdischen Fest-
tagen zur Synagoge« Ich kenne kaum ein anderes Beispiel,
wo jenf% die außerhalb der Gesellschaft v^tanden, eine der-
artige Gemeinschaft bildeten. Im 19» und 20. Jahrhundert
dagegen opielte oft genug ein Außenseiter ä^ezi anderen aus,
wenn es darum ging, in der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft Fuß zu
fassen. '

Wenn wir jedoch auf die überwiegende Mehrheit der deutschen

- 4 -

Juden blicken, münscn wir^auf ein einzigartiges Merkmal
der oüdi sehen Emanzipation hinweisen, das den deutsch-
jüdischen Dialog entscheidend beeinflußte : die schmals
soziale Basis der deutschen Juden, welcheri mit Ausnahme
der Unterw3lt, sowohl die höchsten wie auch die niedereren
Ränge der sozialen Leiter fehlten. Das deutsche Judentum
hatte, a.nders als das in Frankreich, kein Elsaß-Lothringen
mit seiner Masse ärmerer Juden. Doch ist dieses Bild der
deutschen Juden als feste, eigentlich prädestinierte Mit-
glieder der Mittelklasse unvollständig. Es konzentriert
sich nämlich auf die Städte und nicht auf das Land, auf
Preußen und nicht auf den Süden. Die Land Juden, die über-
wiegend in Baden, Württemberg und Bayern lebten, sind ebenso
wie die d^dischen "Gauner'' die Stiefkinder der Historio-
graphie. Dennoch mag hier, wie in der Unterwelt, der deutsch-
jüdische Dialog am intensivsten gewesen sein, wenn auch am
wenigsten intellektuell.

Wir müssen bei den in den Städten lebenden Juden bleiben.
Hier begegnen wir nicht nur einer schmalen sozialen Basis,
die eine relativ leichte Integration in den Lebensstil der
deutschen Mittelklasse bedeutete, sondern ebenso stoßen
v/ir auf den Griff nach der deutschen Kultur als dem wahren
Merkmal der Emanzipation^ su einer Zeit, als die deutsche
Mittelklasse sich selber durch ihren Kulturbegriff legiti-
mieren wollte.

Die Enanzipation der Juden fiel mit dem Bildungsideal zu-
sammen, für das Wilhelm von Humboldt so beredt eintrat. Das
Wort Bildung bedeutete die harmonische Entwicklung und ^er-

- 5 -

edelung der menschlichen Persönlichkeit. Es bedeutete sowohl
ästhetische Kultivierung durch das Studium der Klassiker,
als auch auf Vernunft basierende moralische Urteilskraft,
eine persönliche Erneuerung, die zu einer wirklich harmo-
nischen und abgerundeten Persönlichkeit führen würde. Goethes
Wilhelm Meister verstand das Bildungsideal als Ausdruck
eines neuen Selbstbewußtseins, als er den Wunsch ausdrückte,
'^•.•mich selbst, ganz wie ich bin, auszubilden",

Durch Bildung wird der Mensch zum Bürger, der das öffent-
liehe Leben mitbestimmt. Solch eine Kultivierung der Per-
sönlichkeit wurde durch Erziehung ermöglicht: Lernen war
nicht ein Selbstzweck, sondern ein Mittel, eine abgerundete
und vernünftige Persönlichkeit zu erwerben. Hier, in diesem
kulturellen Ideal der aufsteigenden Klasse reichten sich
Aufklärung und Bildung die Hände. Aber dieser Bund war nicht
von Dauer, Sein Verfall bewirkte, daß die Juden ihrer Ge-
sprächspartner beraubt wurden, da sie genau an dieser
Mischung von Bildung und Aufklärung festhielten, welche
gerade in der Zeit der Judenemanzipation auseinanderbrach.

Vom Beginn des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts an neigten die
herrschenden akademischen Kreise in Deutschland dazu, die
idealistische Komponente der Bildung zu betonen* Bildung,
als dis Seele und die Instinkte durchdringend^ wurde einem
Bildungsbegriff im Sinne eines Prodiiktes des rationalen Ver-
standes vorgezogen. Wann nun dieses emotionale und in sich
geschlossene Bildungskonzept wichtiger wurde als Humboldts
Ideal, bleibt noch zu bestimmen; was die deutschen Juden
betrifft, so neigten sie dazu, sich eng an Humboldts Ideal

• 6 -

anzulohnon und weitarhin ±n dei^ VeryoJLlkommnung der Ver-
nunft den Weg 3u wahrer Bildung su sehen. Das offene
Bildungsidea?*.^ in das sie hineinemanzipiert wurden, war
schließlich der beste Weg zur Assimilation« Bezeichnender-
weiso ergriff zum Beispiel Berthold Auerbach, der typischste
Vertreter des Judentums in dieser Zeit, in seinem Buch/
über Spinoza (1836) die Gelegenheit, gegen den Fanatismus
zu predigen und eine kartesianische Einstellung zum Leben
zu empfehlen« Von Les^ings "Nathan", der Magna Charta des
deutschen Judentums, glaubte man, daß er eine ähnliche
Lektion erteile: Toleranz basiert auf dem Glauben an die
Vernunft und an den individuellen Wert eines Menschen.
Menschliche Vollkommenheit, so glaubte man, würde durch
C'ene Weisheit, jenes Wissen. und durch jene Kultiviertheit
erreicht, die Nathan und Spinoza angeblich besaßen.

E3 gab noch einen weiteren, wenn auch noch nicht genau
erforschten Bestandteil des Bildungsideals, der für die
Juden besondere Bedeutung hatte: das Ideal des gebildeten
Bürgers wurde begleitet vom Ideal der Freundschaft. Freund-
schaft als Verlängerung seiner selbst aufgefaßt, nicht durch
-Angev/iesensein auf den anderen, sondern als Anerkennung
einer gleichberechtigten Persönlichkeit.

Wir dürfen nicht vergessen, v;elch bedeutsame Rolle -
jüdisch-christliche Freundschaften im Zeitalter der Emanzipa-
tion spielten: indem nämlich durch die Anknüpfung enger,
persönlicher Beziehungen die jüdische Anerkennung symboli-
siert wurde. Moses Mendelssohn und seine Freundschaft mit
Lessing und anderen Christen beflügelte die zeitgenössische

- 7 -

Vorstellung im Sinne eines Symbols für einen zukunfts-
trächtigen Dialog» Moses Mendelssohn» oft als der erste
gebildete deutsche Jude mythologisiert^ wurde oft darge-
stellt als im Dialog mit seinen Freunden: Philosophie und
Literatur im Geiste der Aufklärungsphilosophon diskutierend.
Es sei die persönliche Freundschaft ^ schrieb Auerbachi die
den Menschen vom Tier unterscheide. In der Tat war es der
Verlust solcher Freundschaften mit Christen, der Auerbach
mehr als »jeder andere Faktor dazu trieb, den Antisemitismus
der 80er Jahre des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts zu beklagen«
Die Judenemansipation und das Bildunsgideal hatten für viele
Juden und Christen Gestalt angenommen durch den Kult der
Freundschaft, die über alle Unterschiede hinwegsah. Wie
3chrieb doch Berthold Auerbach im Jahr 1859 über seinen
Freundeskreis: "Wo alles in lautem Denken sich vereinigt*'*

Ohne das klassische Bildungsideal und seine Rezeption
durch die deutschen Juden muß das Problem des deutsch-jüdischen
Dialogs in der Luft hängen. Denn so lange dieses Konzept
bestand, hatten die Juden Partner in diesem Dialog; als es
aber schwächer wurde und verfiel, wurden die deutschen Juden
in zunehmendem Maße isoliert. Eine enge soziale Basis und
eine zeitgebundene, einseitige kulturelle Perspektive ver-
stärkten sich .gegenseitig. Durch ihre soziale Basis und
dadurch, was sie als Kultur akzeptierten, waren die Juden
im Zeitraum irirer Emanzipation verwurzelt: eine edle aber
nur kur?;e Zeit in der preußischen und deutschen Geschichte,
in der Geschichte der deutschen Juden dagegen eine Zeit,
die niemals endete. Der deutscb-jüdische Dialog fand mit

- 8 •

jenen Deutschen r^tatt, die: dieses besondere Bildungsideal
teilten r den Glauben an Erziehung und Erneuerung durch die
Klassiker .^ so wie sie Liberalismus» Freundschaft und Bürger-
recht gleichsetzten.

Daß die deutschen Juden an diesem Ideal festhielten,
zeigt, daß die Trennung zwischen Bildung und Aufklärung an
ihnen weithingehend vorübergegangen war: dies gilt, selbst
wenn einige Judon sich der Suche nach einer auf Emotionen
und nicht auf Vernunft basierenden Gemeinschaft anschlössen.
Es gilt tro^z der Tafeache, daß die meisten Juden ihre Kinder
nicht mehr auf das humanistische Gymnasium, sondern auf
die pragmatischer orientierte Healschule schickten, sobald
als diese gegründet worden war.

Als ö^^doch Eva Reichmann 1967 daran ging, die vielen
Diskussionen über die sogenannte "jüdische Frage" im Jahr
1933, an denen auch sie teilgenommen hatte, zu analysieren,
fand sie keinen Dialog, sondern Konfrontation: "Judengegner
gegen Juden": Juden und Christen schrieben im gleichen Buch
über die jüdische Frage, aber jeder legte nur seinen Stand-
punkt dar — es gab keinen Dialog, kein Gespräch, und keine
Meinung wurde je geändert. Diese riesi gen Bände waren die
Grabmäler des deutsch- jüdischen Dialogs, wenn auch einige
ihrer Herausgeber viel Wohlwollen gegenüber den Juden zeigten*
Die freier fließenden Diskussionen im Rundfunk in der Weimarer
Republik waren selten und änderten wenig. Dies waren kaum
noch Dialoge wie der zwischen Lessing und Mendelssohn oder
wie der zwischen Auerbach und Viktor Scheffel. Das Ideal der
Freundschaft war ein intellektuelles und literarisches Ideal,

■K.I

- 9 -

das sich dem Angriff natiotialex IdeaXe. beugen mußte.

Gleichwohl existierte ein echtes Gespräch^ wenn auch
räumlich wie zeitlich in eingeschränkter Form. Die Juden
wollten moderne Männer und Frauen werden ^ die nach einer
sogenannten "Mission des Judentums" suchten, eine Mission^
die identisch war mit dem Bildungsideal und der deutschen
Bürgertugend ^ mit der Religion der Vernunft, wie sie Männer
wie Hermann Cohen definieren sollten^ oder mit ;Jener der
Propheten, deren Ideale für alle Zeiten, für alle Völker
und alle Glaubensbekenntnisse gültig waren. Ob solche
Juden verkappte Protestanten wurden, oder ob sie das Juden-
tum nur als Basis für eine neokantische Moral benutzten, ist
in diesem historischen Kontext irrelevant. Diese Männer und
Frauen verstanden sich selber als Juden und traten von dieser
Basis aus in den Dialog ein; und wir dürfen ihre Position
nicht aus der Perspektive eines viel späteren Zionismus oder
eines noch späteren Wiederauflebens jüdischer Orthodoxie
beurteilen. Beides-, Zionismus wie Orthodoxie, spielte unter
den deutschen Juden bis nach der Machtergreifung der Nazis
keine entscheidende Rolle.

Dieser Dialog funktionierte zu einem bestimmten Zeit-
punkt der Geschichte, auch wenn er die Masse der Deutschen
ausklammerte. Gerade die soziale und politische Struktur
des Lebens der deutschen Juden half dabei, diese von dem
neuen Nationalismus und der Massenpolitik zu isolieren.
Und dennoch, Juden spielten eine Holle in der deutschen

Populär kultur: nicht in dem Sinne, daß sie solche Kultur
unter die Leute brachten (hierin spielten sie, mit Ausnahme

- 10 -

des späteren Hauses Ullstein» eine untergeordnete Rolle) ^
sondern z.B* auch als BestseUerautoren. Die Wechselbeziehung
zwischen deutschen Juden und Populärkultur ist bis jetzt
noch nicht untersucht worden, vielleicht wegen der fortge-
setzton Selbstidentifizierung des deutschen Judentums mit
der sogenannten höheren Kultur« Doch ist eine solche Unter-
suchung, sei sie auch noch so kurz, entscheidend für ein
Verständnis des deutsch-jüdischen» seit 1918 fortschreitend
mit Hassenkultur und Massenpolitik konfrontierten Dialogs.
Die Ideale von Freundschaft und vom Mensch wider die Masse
konnten in Ernst Tollers Dramen verherrlicht werden» aber
sie fanden wenig Anklang auf dem Kulturmarkt»

Einige deutsche Juden wurden Bestsellerautoren. Im Großen
und Ganzen schrieben sie auf dem gleichen ideologischen
Niveau wie die Marlitts oder Courths-Mahlers : Liberale, die
von einer Welt der Gerechtigkeit» des Glücks und der Schön-
heit träumten» wo 3infache Menschen mit Wohlwollen und
einem "goldenen Herzen" Erfolg haben würden» und wo das
Böse» der Dogmatismus und die Intoleranz ein für alle Mal
verschwänden. In der Tat existierte eine Reihe von jüdischen
Marlitts^» die Romane für die spezifisch jüdische Familien-
presse schrieben: Namen wieVEmma Vely sind heute vergessen,
aber obwohl ihre Figuren fromme Juden waren» unterschieden
sie sich kaum von denen der Marlitt» Bezeichnenderweise
passen die Bauern aus Berthold Auerbachs "Schwarzwälder Dorf-
geschichten in dieses Bild» und Friedrich Theodor Vischer»
der an Airerbachs Grab sprach, hatte recht, als er ihn den
Schöpfer eines idealisierten Weltbildes nannte. Vielleicht

- 11 -

i3t das der Grund^ warum wir uns kaum noch an seine immense
Popularität und sein Ansehen erinnern, ebenso wie wir ge-
neigt sind', auf die Gartenlaube und ihre Autoren mit nach-
sichtiger Belustigung herabzusehen. Doch blieb vieles von
dieser Welt in der Utopie der Populärkultur haften, sogar
noch zu einer Zeit, als die modernen Massenbewegungen die
Ideale der Toleranz und des guten Willens zu zerstören
schienen. Während diese liberale und menschenfreundliche,
mit Sentimentalität durchsetzte Utopie die deutsche populäre
Literatur beherrschte, versuchten jüdische Bestsellerautoren
wie z.B. Stefan Zweig, Emil Ludwig und Lion Feuchtwanger,
während der Weimarer Republik der Masse ihrer Leser den Kern
des Bildungsideals nahezubringen. Bezeichnender^^veise hatten
populäre Jüdische Autoren die Neigung, persönliche Beziehungen^
Freundschaften und Feindschaften hervorzuheben« Auch die
populären Biographien von Emil Ludwig oder Stefan Zweig zeigen
den ProzeB der Personalisierung auf.

So heißt es bei Stefan Zweig in den "Sternstunden der Mensch«
heit"Cl928), seinem vielleicht populärsten Buch, es gebe keine
Regel und kein Gesetz, sondern nur das menschliche Schicksal.
Immer ist das Individuum im Vordergrund.

Solche Personalisierung wurde zur Dramatik stilisiert, in
welcher, um roch einmal die "Sternstunden" zu zitieren,
"Sekunden über das Schicksal von Jahrhunderten entscheiden".
Doch v/enn das T^onschliche und seine Leidenschaften, wenn die
Wendungen des Schicksals herausgehoben werden, so sind sie
begleitet 'von der Suche nach Zurückhaltung, einer grundlegenden
Ablehnung des Irrationalen, einer Ambivalenz gegenüber seinen

- 12 -

Wirkungen. Zweigs Porträts enden meistens tragisch, und
er selbst schreibt über die V.erlierer der Geschichte:
Erasmus starb als Gescheiterter^ Castellio wurde von Calvin
verbrannt - am Ende der Liste stand dann Zweigs eigener
Tod: Selbstmord im brasilianischen Exil. Das Chaos der
Leidenschaften war der Feind der Aufklärer wie Erasmus
oder Castellio. Die Urteile, die Zweig fällte, stehen sehr
stark ^ wenn auch in verwässerter Form, in der Bildüngs»
tradition. Im gleichen Maße war die Vernunft immer präsent,
unter den Nazis erhielt sie sogar noch verstärkte Betonung.
"Das Bemühen, den Verrat der Vernunft an die Leidenschaften
der Massen su verhindern", über das Zweig in der "Welt von
Gestern", seinem letzten im brasilianischen Exil verfaßten
Buch, schrieb, hatte ihn bereits im Ersten Weltkrieg zum
Pazifisten gemacht und mit Widerwillen dagegen erfüllt, im
Zweiten V/eltkrieg auch nur mit seiner Feder zu kämpfen.

Das Bildungsidoal, verbunden mit der Methode des Best-
sellerautors ist hier von besonderem Interesse, weil es
so weitgehend auf eine Erweiterung der zwischenmenschlichen
Beziehungen gegründet ist. Das Ideal der Freundschaft, so
wichtig im Prozeß der Emanzipation, bleibt für deutsche
Juden als Teil des Bildungsideala und als die Uberbrückung
menschlicher Unterschiede von großer Bedeutung. "Es gibt
keine solche Sache wie Gerechtigkeit oder Tapferkeit, sofarn
33 irgend eine Nation betrifft", schrieb Zweig im Jahre V921
an Homaln I^olland, "Ich kenne nur Menschen."

Es kann kein Zufall sein, daß es gerade Juden wie Stefan
Zft^eig oder Emil Ludwig waren, die in ihren populären Bio-

- 13 -

graphien die Ideale der Bildung in die Literatur für die
Mskssen einbrachten. Keiner dieser Männer hielt sich für einen
spezifisch 'jüdischen Autor* ^ aber genausowenig hatte dies
im 19. «Jahrhundert Auerbach getan. Wir haben es hier mit einer
Einstellung zu tun, einer Tradition, die direkt von dem be-
sonderen Prozeß der Judenassimilation in Deutschland her-
kommt, dem Versuch nämlich, ein neues Gewand für sich zu
finden und das alto abzustreifen. Als Historiker, die oetzt
etwas von der Gesamtheit der deutsch-jüdischen Geschichte
überblicken können, müssen wir erkennen, daß diese Männer
noch immer in einer spezifisch deutschen Tradition standen,
die einst einen besonderen Dialog ermöglicht hatte. Sie waren
nun die Hüter dieser Tradition geworden. und fanden es immer

chwieriger^ christliche Partner in ein Gespräch einzubinden,

in dem beide sich durch Vernunft, Weisheit und Wissen bilden
würden. Vor diesem Hintergrund hat die Tatsache, daß Zweig,
Ludwig und andere als Bestsellerautoren in eine Art von Dialog
mit den deutschen Massen eintraten, eine zusätzliche Bedeutung,
Sie taten dies trotz ihres Liberalismus und ihres Unvermögens,
die deutsche Vergangenheit oder die christliche Religion ihrer
christlichen Leser zu teilen. Hier wurde ihnen Hilfe von der
liberalen Tradition der deutschen Populärliteratur zuteil:
von den Marlitts, Ganghof ers und Karl Mays, die eine Welt
zeigten, die nahezu identisch mit der von Auerbachs Bauern
oder mit vielen von Ludwigs und Zweigs Helden war. Es mißlang
ihnen, die Ideale ihrer Art von Bildung weiterzugeben: man
las ihre Romano und Biographien als mitreißende Geschichten
und ignorierte die Botschaft.

- 14 -

Wenn es solchen Juden gelang,, in die deutsche Populär-
kultur einzudringen, so führten andere, aus der zur damaligen
Zeit am stärksten ins Auge fallenden und wichtigsten Gruppe
der jüdischen Bourgeosie, deutlich vor, wie die unverdünnte
Erb^schaf t des Rationalismus und der Bildung zu einer Ent-
fremdung von der deutschen Realität und am Ende allen sinn-
vollen Gesprächs führen konnte« Solche deutschen Juden wollten
nach 191 8 der wachsenden Irrationalität in der deutschen 1
politischen Landschaft gegensteuern, indem sie versuchten, sie
stärker auf das Beispiel Frankreichs hin zu orientieren» Hier
waren die oft geschmähten jüdischen Bestsellerautoren näher
an einem Verständnis der deutschen Realität, als jene, die
aktiv versuchten, die Ausrichtung dieser Realität zu beein-
flussen, und zwar hauptsächlich durch die sogenannte demokra-
tische Presse. So wollte zum Beispiel Theodor Wolf f,. der Chef-
redakteur des "Berliner Tageblatts", die neue Deutsche Demo-
kratische Partei nach dem Vorbild der französischen radikalen
Sozialisten formen. Deutsche Juden waren geneigt, sich auf
französische Vorbilder zu berufen, in der Absicht nämlich,
die Vernunftmäßigkeit zu stärken und die deutsche Bildung zu
erneuern.

Das Frankreich, das Dreyfus zum Sieg verhelfen hatte, könnte
doch, so glaubte man, auch kultivierte Deutsche beflügeln»
einen ähnlichen Sieg anzustreben. Man hielt das für möglich,

ungeachtet dar Tatsache, daß noch vor dem Krieg ein I^o-Drey-
fuß-otück in Berlin verboten worden war, allein aufgrund der
Fiktion, daß es die öffentliche Ruhe hätte gefährden können.
Modris Ecksteins Studie über die wichtigsten deutschen demo-

. ;

- 15 -

kritischen Zeitungen^ die im Besitz von Juden waren und auch
wG'it, gehend von ihnen herausgegeben wurden^ kam zu dem Schluß »
dnß Prankreich für diese Zeitungen das Modell moderner Politik
Wrstollte. Des weiteren wird ein Blick auf Jene Persönlich-

:oiten, die unmittelbar nach dem Ernten Weltkrieg den französisch-
iout sehen Kulturaustausch förderten» zu einer Zeit also^ als
dies in hohem I^aße suspekt war, in der vordersten Reihe deutsche
'uden firulen« Um ein Beispiel zu nennon» so lud der Besitzer _
his "Berliner Tageblatts", kaum daß das Schießen beendet war,
Tvette Gilbert ein, in Berlin zu. singen« Und Max Horckheimer
jchrieb, obgleich von einem anderen politischen Standpunkt
i^usgehend: "Die Menschheit ist besonders in Frankreich zu Hause •"
Diese Orientierung an Frankreich dokumentiert den Mangel an
politischem Realismus unter o^^en, die hofften, daß die deutsche
rTriegsniederlage so schnell überwunden sein würde, daß die
Ijhren dieses Krieges zur Wiederherstellung von Vernunft und
Bildung führen würde. Der deutsch-jüdische Dialog hatte in
diesen letzten Jahren vor Hitlers Machtergreifung die Tendenz,
3in französisch-jüdisch-deutscher Dialog zu werden, ein Dialog,
der sich nicht zum Frankreich der Rechten hingezogen fühlte,
sondern zu dem Frankreich, das sich das Erbe der Aufklärung
und der Revolution bewahrt zu haben schien und das über die
Anti-Dreyfus^ards triumphiert hatte. Sicherlich gab os auch

eutsche, die diese Ideale und ihre Voraussetzung teilten.

Heinrich Mann ragt hier heraus, aber obwohl er nach einer
Diktatur der Vernunft rief, glaubte Mann, daß nicht nur Deutsch-
land, sondern auch Frankreich nach dem Krieg eine Erlösung
durch die Vernunft benötigte.

- 16 -

Das Irrationale unter das Rationale zu zwingen » es in

f "- ' .'V

einon Rahmen rationalan Denkens einzufügen^ schien dringend,
.angesichts von Rassismus und des Versuches der deutschen
Rechten t die jüdische Emanzipation zurückzunehemen* Es scheint
mir^ daß man kaum anderswo in Europa diese Bestrebungen so
klar verfolgen kann» nicht nur mittels des Versuchs, Bildung
an die Massen heranzutragen, oder das Beispiel Frankreichs
zu benutzen, um das Irrationale in die Grenzen des Rationalis-
mus einzubinden, sondern auch in vielen Aspekten deutsch-
jüdischer Gelehrsamkeit. Die Untersuchungen des Mythos durch
die von Aby Warburg nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg gegründete
Bibliothek in Hamburg und die philosophischen Anliegen von
Ernst Gassi rer mögen zur Illustrierung dieses Punktes dienen»
Das Irrationale wurde untersucht, in der Absicht, es zu bannen«
Die mächtigen Mythen und die hermeneutische Tradition, die
den Aufstieg der modernen Kultur begleitet hatten, wurden in
ein Modell rationalen Gedankenguts integriert. Die Bevorzu-
gung des Klassischen, die Abneigung gegenüber dem Barocken,
weil dieses sich unvereinbarer Gegensätze bewußt war, (wie
der KunsthistorikerErwin PanofskyYes einmal herausstellte),
bedeutete den Vorrang der rationalen Form.

Ernst Gassi rer versuchte, den Mythos durch die rationale
ulturicritik zu bändigen» Diese Kritik ist vielleicht eines

der fruchtbarsten Vermächtnisse des deutschen Judentums gewesen.
Bezeichnenderweise setzte sie noch einmal den Primat der Kultur
im Kampf der rationalen gegen die irrationalen Kräfte in der
modernen Worlt voraus. Gassi rers Kulturkritik basierte auf
der Idee der fortschreitenden Aufklärung der Menschheit, bis

- 17 -

der Mensch die rationale Basis seiner Existenz erkennen
würde. Das Gedankengut dieses d'^utschen Liberalen stand jenem
von Sozialisten, wie des jungen Georg Lukacs oder Vertretern
der Frankfurter Schule nahe.

Der deutsch- Jüdische Dialog hat stattgefunden: während
der ganzen Zeit fanden Juden deutsche Partner^ die fortfuhren,
Bildung und Aufklärung zu verknüpfen^ auch wenn diese Ver-
bindung in der Mitte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts gesprengt
worden war» Nur wenige würden diese Tatsache abstreiten; aber
es gibt solche, die berechtigterweise nach der spezifisch .
jüdischen Komponente dieses Dialogs fragen. Was war jüdisch
daran? Jüdische Tradition und Religion spielten fast keine
Rolle im deutsch-jüdischen Dialog« So gab es beispielsweise
kaum christliche Erwiderungen auf Leo Baecks oder Hermann
Cohens Verteidigung des Judentums« Weder die liberale noch
die orthodoxe Christenheit trat in einen wirklichen Dialog
mit der jüdischen Theologie ein. Auch waren weder jüdische
Geschichte noch jüdische Sitten ein Teil der Bildung, weder
für NichtJuden, noch für viele gebildete Juden. Doch die-
jenigen, die abgestritten haben, daß ein Dialog stattgefunden
hat, weil fast nichts traditionell Jüdisches daran war,
vergessen den scharfen Bruch mit der Vergangenheit, der den
Prozeß der deutsch- Jüdischen Emanzipation begleitete. D^s
Juden versuchten, ein neues Selbstverständnis zu finden,
und hier zeigte Humboldts Bildungskonzept den Weg zur Kultur
und Oleichborechtigung,

Natürlich gab es Kontinuitäten, aber als die Juden nach
der europäischen Kultur griffen, führten die neuen Kleider

- 18 •

dazu, daß die alten verdeckt wurden«. Es scheint mir irrig zu
sein^ und das nicht nur in Deutschland, über die Juden im
Zeitalter d^r Emanzipation einzig unter dem Aspekt der Be-
wahrung des religiösen und ethnischen Selbstverständnisses
zu diskutieren. Emanzipation bedeutete ein neues Selbstver-
ständnis der Juden als Bildungsbürecer : das ist wohl bekannt,
aber es wird oft übersehen, daß gerade diese Kultur ein hoch-
geschätzter jüdischer Besitz wurde, als viele Nicht -Juden sie
aufgegeben hatten« Diese Kultur sollte viel zum jüdischen
Selbstverständnis beitragen, sowohl für jüdische Sozialisten
wie Kurt Eisner und Ernst Toller, für Bestsellerautoren wie
S-^fan Zweig oder für jüdische Gelehrte wie Aby Warburg oder
Ernst Cassi^rer« Die Judenemanzipation führte zu einer neuen
jüdischen Identität, die aus besonderen deutschen Ziegeln
sowie Mörtel gebaut war und von Juden übernommen wurde, die
überwiegend aus der höheren Mittelklasse stammten und gebildet
waren. Dieses Bildungsideal war schließlich besonders dazu
geeignet, die Juden in die nicht-jüdische V/elt zu integrieren»
Hier trafen sich Juden und Christen in einem Ideal, das über
Nation und Religion erhaben war und die Geschichte trans-
zendierto: eine neu emanzipierte Minorität, die außerhalb der
deutschen Geschichte gestanden hatte und noch außerhalb der
christlichen Peligicn stand ^ konnte 3ich niit diesem Ideal
voll identifizieren*

Vom het^tigen Standpunkt aus ist es nur zu einfach, die
Juden durch Religion oder Nationalität ::u definieren, ihren
sozialen Ausschluß und ihre ethnische Bindung zu untersuchen.
Aber wir dürfen die Geschichte nicht rückwärts lesen. Der

- 19 -

deutsch-jüdir^che Dialog von , Bedeutung fand statt und war
dadurch bedingt , daß die Humanität über das Nationalge fühl
oder religiöse Dogmatik gestellt wurde. Er hat sich als Dialog
gegen die Geschichte erwiesen^ und es wird nicht damit getan
sein, seine Bedeutung aufgrund dieser Tatsache abzustreiten:
tatsächlich hat er sein Interesse bis zum heutigen Tag haupt-
sächlich deshalb behauptet, weil er dem Deutschen und dem
Juden ein alternatives Gelbstbewußtsein anbot, alternativ zu
Nation und Religion. Diejenigen^, die daran teilnahmen, drängte
es in die Rolle der Kritiker der modernen Kultur und Politik,
frei von den Fesseln einer widrigen Vergangenheit. Auch wenn
diese Konzept von Bildung im Zeitalter der Massenkultur und
Massenpolitik archaisch wurde, so bot es offenbar weiterhin
eine Alternative zu dem, was es bedeutete^ Deutscher oder Jude
zu sein. Die Ideale der meist jüdischen, sogenannten Links-
intellektuellen der Weimarer Republik begeisterten vor aller*
eine viel spätere Generation, die in den 60er Jahren versuchte,
eine neue Identität, ein neues Ideal der Gemeinsamkeit, eine
Alternative zum Bestehenden zu findenTJ^ch habe die Diskussion
dieses links-intellektuellen Erbes des Dialogs an das Ende
meiner Ausführungen gestellt, da er nach meiner Meinung am
längsten nachgewirkt hat. Aber auch hier kann ich wieder nur
andeuten und muß komplexe Zusammenhänge gebündelt aufführen.
Mir geht es darum , dieser Tradition eine historische Dimension
au vorleihen, die meist vergessen wird. Die Alternative zur
marxistischen Orthodoxie und zur Revolution des Proletariats,
angeboten d\irch die Weimarer Linksintellektuellen, war eng
mit der deutsch- jüdischen Tradition verknüpft, worauf ich hin-

- 20 -

gewiesen habe. Hier» ob in den K;£«ei3en der "Weltbühne" oder
in- der sogenannten Prinkfurter Schule, waren Deutsche und
deutsche Juden am Werk, aber wiederum frappiert der über-
wiegend große Anteil der Juden an diesem Dialog: die Konver-
genz zwischen diesem Drang nach Sozialismus und dem Bildungs-
bürgertum.

Solche I-inksintell aktuelle glaubten, daß der Sozialismus
des Ideal der Menschlichkeit konkretisiere. Es gab unter
ihnen solche, die Marx mit dem jungen Hegel und dessen offener
Dialektik in Beziehung brachten, und wiederum andere, die es
bedauerten, daß Marx Hegel und nicht Kant mit dessen katego-
rischen Imperativ gelesen hatte. Sie waren sich jedoch einig
darin, den Sozialismus nicht als fertiges Produkt anzusehen,
sondern als Toil eines Prozesses der Vermenschlichung: der
neuhumanistische Bildungsbegriff mit seiner Betonung der
Toleranz, der Vernunft und der Ästhetik prägte weithingehend
ihr Weltbild. Sie wollten Sozialismus ohne Terror,o/i.At eine-
Diktatur des Proletariats. Sie schrieben den Klassenkampf auf
ihre Fahne, aber hoben ihn gleich wieder auf durch ihren Idealis-
mus, der auf die Veränderung des menschlichen Bewußtseins
zielte, sowie durch ihren weithin von Hegel beeinflußten Be-
griff von der Gesamtheit des Lebens, auf den wir noch zurück-
korrimen werden. Hier war keine Diktatur möglich, und politische
Taktik war verpönt, denn der Zweck durfte nicht die Mittel
heiligen. Natürlich gab es Abweichungen von diesem Gedanken-
gut, aber es bsschraibt die Grundhaltung von deutsch-J'idischen
Revolutionären wie Ernst Toller, Kurt Eisner oder Gustav Landauer,
um diejenigen Männer zu nennen, die in der ersten, nichtbolsche-

- 21 -

wistischen Phase der Münchner Revolution führend waren.
Dies war eine Revolution, geführt von Linksintellektuellen:
einmalig in der Geschichte, und Lion Feuchtwanger traf etwas
von ihrem Geist, wenn er seinen Thomas Wendt in der Novelle
gleichen Titels lieber die Führung einer erfolgreichen Revo-
lution niederlegen läßt^ als daß er die Gegenrevolution mit
Gewalt unterdrückte.

Die Beziehung zur Kultur blieb auch hier beherrschend,
selbst wenn kulturelle Phänomene nicht von ihrem sozialen
Kontext losgelöst werden dürfen. Der Klassenkampf wurde
heruntergespielt. Was zählte, war die Gesamtheit des Lebens:
Politik, Wirtschaft und künstlerisches Schaffen. Es gab jedoch
unter vielen dieser Sozialisten eine ausgesprochene Neigung
zugunsten der schönen Künste: Kurt Eisners, Ernst Tollers
und Georg Lukäcs* Voreingenommenheit für Literatur und jene
Adornos für Musik geben dafür gute Beispiele ab. Die Bedeutung
der schönen Künste für den Begriff der Bildung wird anerkannt,
auch wenn hier die Selbstkultivierung der Menschheit nicht
allein von ihrer eigenen Willenskraft und Vernunft, sondern
auch von der sozialen Realität abhängig ist. Trotz dieses
Versuches* eine Balance zwischen Individualität und sozialer
Realität zu finden, ist es aber der Mensch, das Individuum,
dis handeln muß, wie uns etv;a der junge lukäcs darlegt, vor-
ausgesetzt, der Mensch versteht die Totalität seiner Existenz
und ist nicht verloren in dieser Welt. Der Mensch muß von
Herrschaft befreit werden: das war die Botschaft der Frankfurter
Schule, die' das Institut für Sozialforschung an der neuge-
gründeten Universität in Frankfurt errichtet hatte, und deren

- 22 -

führende Geister von 1930 aa Max Horckheimer und Adorno
waron. Nicht allein soziale Verhältnisse, sondern vor allem
auch die Tjrr^annei der den menschlichen Willen unterdrückenden
Gedanken3ygteme wurden als die Wurzeln allen Übels ausgemacht •

Dieses Erbe hat, mehr als o'edes andere^ das Ende des
deutschen Judentums überlebt* Sicherlich hat der Versuch der
f^üher^('zTonlsten, dem Nationalismus ein menschliches Gesicht
zu varleihon, in Israal überlebt und war dort von starker
Wirkung, hat aber anderswo leider nur wenig Einfluß gefunden.
Diese Seite des Gedankenguts von Martin Buber, Robert Weltsch
oder Gershom Scholem ist nicht genug beachtet worden, obwohl
es gleichermaßen Bedeutung für das Erbe des Sozialismus und
der Gelehrsamkeit hätte*

War dieses Erbe dann ein Schattengefecht, ein Dialog der
Illusionen? Die Vorstellung vom Kenschen und seinen sozialen
wie politischen Eindungen, die diesem Erbe eignete, hatte
kaum Beziehung -um Zeitlater der Massen. Die Ideale, die im
alten Bildungsbegriff Ausdruck gefunden hätten, führten zu
einem Idealismus, der manchmal ins Zynische umschlug, dann
nämlich, wenn die Wirklichkeit nicht den Er^^artungen entsprach.
Einige der Männer, die in der 'Weltbühne' schrieben, und andere,
wie zum Beispiel Kurt Tucholsky, fuhren sich im Negativen
fest, selbGt dann noch, als die Weimarer Republik um ihr ■.^er-
leben kämpfte. Diese Männer konnten sich mit der Relativität
aller :nen3chllchen Bemühungen nicht abfinden, auch nicht damit,
da3 es ohne» Taktik und Kompromiß keine wahre demokratische
Politik gebeti kann, und: daß Gewalt dann am Platz ist, wenn
es gilt, einer Bewegung wie dem Nationalsozialismus die Stirn

- 23 -

zu bieten. Aber gerade das Kritische stärkte am Ende das
Offene, das l^enschliche in Kultnr und Politik, indem es die
Geschichte als einen kritisch zu beleuchtenden, immerwährenden
Prozeß auffaßte. Der Optimismus, der in diesem Dialog steckte,
scheint uns heute utopisch zu sein, aber trotzdem ist doch
etwas an Ernst Blochs Theorie, daß ohne Utopia kein Fortr
schritt möglich ist. Und dieses Utopia war eine menschliche
Alternative zur Moderne, daher sein Weiterleben,

Die deutschen Juden neigten zu der Illusion, das deutsche
Bürgertum sei noch im Zeitalter der Emanzipation verwurzelt.
Schon im Schatten des Nationalsozialismus, wurde noch viel
diskutiert über das, was im Volke Goethes, Lessings und Bef^t-
hovens eigentlich unmöglich sei - kurz bevor das Unmöglichste
machbar wurde. Und doch überwiegt auch hier das Positive,
denn das deutsche Judentum bewahrte ein kulturelles Erbe,
welches nicht nurVSerjungen Generation der 60er Jahre eine
Alternative bot, sondern auch den Liberalismus der Bundesre-
publik befruchtete: einen Liberalismus, der alle etablierten
Parteien durchdrang. Es ist unmöglich, heute festzustellen,
wie tief dieses Erbe in die Gesellschaft eingedrungen ist,

denn die Bundesrepublik hat noch keine solche Zerreißprobe

»
durchgemacht wie die Weimarer Republik.

Hitler //ar in der Lage, dia Juden in Deutschland zu ver-
nichten, aber nicht dieses Erbe. Als der jüdische Kulturbund
im Jahre 1933 seine erste Vorstellung gab, wählte er natür-
lich Lessings "^lathan, der V/eise". Aber das Ende wurde ge-
ändert, trotz einiger innerjüdischer Kontroversen, Wo sonst
Nathan, der Sultan und der Templer am Ende die Bühne gemein-

■"*ii

- 2^ -

sara verlassen, blieb Nathan nun all^eine ziirück. Das war ein
mutiger Protest gegen den Nati6nalsozialismus. Nur hat es*
sich erwiesen^ Ironie der Geschichte^ daß Nathan nicht so
allein war^ daß hinter ihm im Schatten eine zukünftige Ge-
neration stand, die von jener intellektuellen Entwicklung
bepreistort und anp:ere^t werden sollte, von eich, der Ent-
Wicklung, die die deutsche Rechte als jüdisch und zersetzend
gehaßt bitte. Auch dies war eine Niederlage für Hitler und
die Beutsch-Nationalen, zugefügt durch jene, die weder Waffen
noch Facht hatten^ die die V/ächter einer deutschen Tradition
waren, einer von den meisten Deutschen selbst aufgegebenen
oder durch einen chauvinistischen Nationalismus und platten
Neoromantizismus verwässerten Tradition, die sie für eine
andere Zeit retteten« Nathan war nicht allein auf dieser
Bühne im Jahre 1933' f^r führte einer immer stärker enthumani-
oierten V/olt eine klassische deutsche Tradition der Bildung
und der Vermenschiichung vor Augen.

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Herrn Professor
Dr. Georg L. Mosse
Department of History
University of Wisconsin
Madison, Wisc. 53705
USA

12. August 1988
Red. IIa - wi

Sehr geehrter Herr Professor Mosse,

vielen Dank für Ihre Sendung vom 15.7.1988.

Leider befand sich in dem Umschlag nur das Manuskript, jedoch
keine korrigierte Fahne. Sehen Sie doch bitte nach, ob sie
nicht von Ihnen vergessen wurde.

Für eine Nachricht bzw. Nachsendung danken wir.

Mit besten Grüßen

(Hannelore Winkert)

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Fadibereidi

Gesdiichts- und Kunstwissensdiaften

der Universität München

Der Dekan

Herrn

Prof. Dr. George L. M o s s e

36 Glenway

8000 Mündien 22, den 9.7. 1984
Gesdiwister-Sdioll-Platz 1
Telefon 2180/29 97

M a d i s o n
USA

Wisconsin 53 7o5

Sehr geehrter Herr Professor Mosse,

das Pressereferat der Universität hat uns mitgeteilt, daß
Ihnen ein Exemplar von "Chronik der Ludwig-Maximilians-
Universität München 1982/83" zugeschickt worden ist.

Im Namen des Dekans, Herrn Professor Hatto Schmitt, möchte
ich die Freude der Fakultät darüber zum Ausdruck bringen,
daß Ihre am 1. Februar 1983 gehaltene Antrittsvorlesung
nunmehr veröffentlicht worden ist. Selbstverständlich
können Sie weitere Exemplare beim Pressereferat anfordern.

Mit den besten Wünschen für einen erholsamen Sommer und
mit freundlichen Grüßen

( Ingrid Schüssler)

1984

Das Presse

referat der Universität Muribhen

Konn

ten Sie mir

bitte nACH DER OBIGEN Adresse

8 bis 9

Exemplare der Chroni

k 1982/83 schicken die meinen Vortrag

enthält

Auch vjur

de ich es gerne sehen wenn die Unterstehenden

eine Kopie erhielten

Mit bestem dank

b b

Geörfte

ihr

"L. M'

y^^^

OS s e

Herrn Stefan Sattler
H a n s e r Verlag

^olberl^ Str. 22

München 8 0

Frau Ulfa von de Steinen

Leopoldstr. 45
München 4 0

Herrn A. Sundelson

Tengstr. 23 D
M un c h e n 4 0

Faau Rahel Salamander
Buchhandlung für Literatur
Pur s tens tr ,
M u n c h e n 4 0

19. Jul

1984

Liebe Frau Sc IVu ssler

Bitte danken Sie doch

dem Herrn Dekan f

in ]n einem Namen

Verof f entl ich
bekommen, und

ur SGine so erfolgreichen BeiÜuhungen um d

onik noch nicht

ung des Vortrags. Ich habe die Chr
wenn sie auf dem Meereswege gescliicht worden ist

so wird das noch dauern. Dadurch habe ich auch di

nicht. So mochte ich Sie bitt

e Adre s s

des Pressereferats

A d r e s s e n cl i e ich b e i f

en die

mir auch noch

uge dem Referat ^eu senden mit der bitte

wenn möglich noch 8 bis

Exemplare zu schicken

Vielen herzl ichc

n dank dafür.
Mit den besten G

Cx r u s s e n

Ihr

George L

' 1 o s s e

mmmm

Ellen Dietrich

Schellingstraße 72
8000 München 4o

Sehr geehrter Herr Professor Mosse,

15.2.1984

erinnern Sie sich noch an mich, an Ihr Seminar im Wintersemester
1982/83, an Ihre Sprechstunde und unsere Diskussion über Katho-
lizismus und Antisemitismus?

Ich brauchte Ihre Hilfe, bzw. einen guten Rat. Im Augenblick
schreibe ich meine Magisterarbeit über die "Stimmen der Zeit"
im Dritten Reich. Es ist eine von Jesuiten herausgegebene Zeit-
schrift, die seit 1865 bis heute existiert, allerdings von 1941-45
verboten war. Ich versuche herauszufinden, wie die Jesuiten das
Dritte Reich beurteilt haben und auf welche Art sie "zwischen
den Zeilen" Widerstand leisteten.

Erste Quelle für meine Arbeit sind natürlich die einzelnen Hefte
selbst von 1933-41, dann die blauen Bände der Kommission für Zeit-
geschichte und verschiedene einschlägige Untersuchungen.
Welches Werk müßte ich Ihrer Ansicht nach unbedingt Uinzuzienen,
vor allem welches Buch vermittelt mir ein getreues Bild der da-
maligen Zeit. Vielleicht können Sie mir irgendein Buch empfehlen.
Für Ihre ?4ühe danke ich Ihnen sehr herzlich. -

Es ist sehr interessant, sich mit dieser Zeit zu beschäftigen,
das wird Ihnen ähnlich ergehen mit Ihren Studien. Wenn das l^S-Regime
nur nicht auf einer so menschenverachtenden Basis aufgebaut wäre!
Manchmal kann ich es einfach nicht fassen, was da an Greueltaten
verübt worden ist. Eigentlich müßte man abstumpfen gegenüber all»
den Berichten über die I^S-Abscheulichkeiten, aber mich nimmt es
von Mal zu Mal mehr mit, manchmal muß ich vor dem Einschlafen "etwas
Schönes" lesen, damit ich nicht davon träume. -

Auch diesmal haben wir an der Universität wieder ein"MosBe-Semester".
Werner E. Mosse liest über die "Deutsch- jüdische Wirtschaftselite
im 19. und 2o. Jahrhundert". Auch er hat eine treue Zuhörergemeinde,
die allerdings etwas kleiner als die Ihre ist, denn nicht jeder hat
halt die Gabe, so spannend und mitreißend zu erzählen wie Sie.
Werner E.Mosses wichtigste These ist wohl die, daß zwischen christ-
lichem, nicht jüdischem und jüdischem Wirtschaftsverhalten ein Unter-
schied zu machen ist, aus dem sich vielleicht erklären läßt, warum
so viele Juden an der Spitze in Industrie und Wirtschaft standen.
Aber es ist eine These, die sich wissenschaftlich nur schwer be-

weisen läßt,-

Das Zweite Deutsche Fernsehen stand gestern und vorgestern ganz
im Zeichen von "büß Oppenheimer". Am Montagabend beschäftigte
sich die Sendung "Aspekte" mit der Entstehungsgeschichte des ^^]
NSrFilmes "Jud Süß", die Rolle Veit Harlans und sein Charakter,
der Prozeß und seine Freisprechung; er starb n964 auf Capri ! ! !
Und gestern wurde das nach Akten nachgezeichnete Leben von Joseph
Süß üppenheimer gesendet bis zu seinem bitteren Ende. Erst jetzt
wurde klar, wie geschickt Veit Harlan die Fakten verdreht hatte!
Furchtbari Es ist ihm so gut geglückt, daß der Journalist Ralph
Giordano, der damals mit seinem Freund in Berlin "Jud Süß" ange-
schaut hatte, sich an diesen Satz seines Freundes erinnerte:
"Es muß doch was dran sein!" (Und der Freund war kein Antisemit!).
Ich lege Ihnen beide Zeitungsausschnitte zu den TV-Sendungen in den
Brief. -

Die Vergangenheit holt uns immer wieder sein, gerade erst im Januar,
als Bundeskanzler Kohl in Israel war. Er hatte keine leichte
Mission. Wie schwer ist es doch, die Freundschaft zwischen Deutsch-
land und Israel zu festigen !-

Ich hoffe sehr, daß es Ihnen gut geht und daß Sie viele Ideen
und eine glückliche Hand bei Ihren Studien haben. Mit einem
Satz von Marion Gräfin Dönhoff, der Herausgetoerin der "Zeit"
möchte ich Sie grüßen; "Der Mensch ohne Gott ist eine Bestie", und
ich glaube ganz bestimmt, daß sie damit recht hat.

Herzlichst

Fadibereidi

Geschidits- und Kunstwissenschaften

der Universität München

Der Dekan

Herrn

Professor Dr. George L. M o s s e
Journal of Contemporary Histp5ory
4, Devonshire Street

8000 Mündien 22, den 16 . 3 . 1984
Gesdiwlster-Sdioll-Platz 1
Telefon 2180/29 97

London ,
England

W I

Sehr verehrter Herr Kollege Mosse,

soeben erfahre ich vom Präsidenten der LMU München, Herrn
Professor Steinmann, daß Ihr Eröffnungsvortrag, den Sie
während Ihrer Gastprofessur in München im vergangenen
Jahr gehalten haben, im offiziellen Jahresbericht der
Universität veröffentlicht werden wird.

Es freut mich, Ihnen diese Nachricht - wenn auch mit einiger
Verzögerung - geben zu können, und ich verbleibe mit den
besten Wünschen und

freundlichen Empfehlungen

Ihr sehr ergebener

(Prof. Dr. Hatto H. Schmitt)

Kopie an Herrn Professor Nipperdey

29 Plerch 1924

Prof. Dr. Hatte H. Schmitt,

Fachbereich Geechichts- und Kunstu^issenschaften,

Universität WÜnchen,

"000 nünchen 22,

Geschuister-Scholl-Platz 1,

West Gormany.

Dear Professor Schmitt,

Please excuse my writlng to you in Engllsh. I was dellghted to
hear that the Inaugural lecture will be published. I also very much
hope that I will get one or two copiea of the Jahresbericht sent to my
address:- Department of Hiatoryi üniversity of U/lsconsin, Madison, Uisconain
5370C, U.S.A.

With best greotinga.

Sincerely yours.

George flösse

-i-hr

Institut für Neuere Geschichte
der Universität München

8000 München 40, den 16, 1.1 984

Ainmillerstraße8/1.

Telefon 2 18 01, App.

Durchwahl 21 80 3349

Sehr geehrter, lieber Herr Professor Messe,

ich habe inzwischen betr. der Veröffentlichung Ihrer Vorlesung
von der Dekanats-Sekretärin erfahren, daß sich der Präsident
nun um andere Finanzierungsquellen bemüht. Das ist der momentane

Stand. Sollte ich noch weitere Neuigkeiten diesbezüglich erfahren,
würde ich Ihnen dies gleich mitteilen.

Mit freundlichen Grüßen

c/ivUL

llpuu.eAK 7^cJ{j

Institut für Neuere Geschichte

der Universität München

Lehrstuhl Prof. Nipperdey

8000 München 40, den 31. 8 -1983

Ainmillerstrafee 8/1.
Telefon 21801, App.
Durchwahl 2180 33^9

Professor

George M o s s e

36, Glenway

Madison, Wisc. 53705
U. S. A.

Sehr geehrter Herr Professor,

vielen Dank für Ihren Brief vom 7. August und die Über-
sendung Ihres Manuskripts, das ich an das Dekanat weiter-
geleitet habe. Ich kann Ihnen erst heute antworten, da
auch das Dekanat wegen Urlaubs nicht besetzt war und
ich erst letzte Woche über Ihre Angelegenheit mit dem
Dekan sprechen konnte. Er wird bei Gelegenheit auf Sie

zukommen.

Hoffentlich hatten Sie eine schöne Zeit in Jerusalem
(Professor Nipperdey ist letzte Woche für 6 Wochen nach
Lateinamerika gefahren).

Mit herzlichen Grüßen

^iiu. U^-^^^ v^^^ •

^i^.JA^J

?• August 1983

Liebe Frau Lesch,

ich schicke Ihnen hier den Vortrag zur

Veröffentlichung durch die Universität und mit der bitte
sie dem Dekan weiter zu leiten« Vielleicht mochte Professor
Nipperdey das Manuskript auch sehen« Jedenfals hoffe ich dass
es die richtige Lange hat. /

Es war schon im Juli wieder in München gewesen
zu sein, dann hattei ich auch noch ein paar Tage Ferien
am Gallillee See warend ich in Jerusalem war.

Ich hoffe Sie hatten noch jedenfals einen ruhigen
Sommer« Mit den besten Grussen an Professor Nipperdey,

Ihr,

!^^

eorge L, Mosse

Fals ich die Fahnen bekomme, so bin ich den ganzen Herbst und
Winter in Madison zu erreichen. Ich hoffe auch genug Exemplare
zu bekommen, um sie an Freunde zu versenden. Oder kann ich
einfach eine Liste der Freunde ih Deutschland shciken?

Institut für Neuere Geschichte

Ainmillerstr« 8/11

8 München 40 ^

Ludwig-Maximilians Universität

München

- Z«ntr«i« Lohnstall« —

Nr.iv-ie-Bu.: V - Kanzler

G«schäftszeich«n im Antworttchr«ib«n bitte angeben

r n

Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Geschwister Scholl-Pl. 1, 8000 München 22

Herrn

Prof. Dr. George Mosse

Inst. f. Neuere Geschichte

München, den

29.11 .82

Durchwahl 21 80

3681

Zimmer:

Wunschgemäß geben wir Ihnen nachstehend die für die Zeit vom
1.10.1982 - 31.12.1982 gezahlten Entgelte bekannt:

Brutto Arb . G. -Ant . Rentenvers . Gesamtbeitr. Rentenvers .
Oktober 82

November 82
Dezember 82

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Ich habe das G-efuhl das ich irgendwie in einer historischen

Stunde vor Ihnen stehe.; am Ende eines über Jahrhundert langen

-■ ■ - "■" "^

Kampfes die moderne Judische G-eschichte in eine Deutsche
Universität zii integrieren. Die Akemische Emanzii^iation der
Deutschen Juden wurde I9I8 vollzogen, aber die akademische
Emanzipation der Modernen Deutsch«^ Judischen *^eshchte wird
erst jetzt in Deutschland vollzogen. Zuvor waaT* sie auch
gamicht im ^esprach: es ging um die Judische Religion, über
Biblische and nach Biblische Judischer G-eschichte, aber das
es eine moderne Deutsch'*' Judische G-eschichte giebt das
wa3?-eekwea? konnten sich Deutsche Juden selber nur schwer einge=

stehen denn das hatte bedeutet das es doch eine sonder - Stellung
gab» Das 7reie Judische iehrhaus 1920 in Frankfurt gegründet
als so zu sagen die Judische Universität derVSeit hat die

- >«tf'.**0»m'tmwm

moderne Judische G-is^te nur i»-eiHem-K>3ö?B- am Rande behandelt:

es gab ins gesammt 15 Kurse über Zionismus, Antisemitismus,

Emazipation voaä Palestina gegenüber 80 über das klassische und

historische, das hiess Talmudische Judentuiöo Die Theme der

egenwart traten +t^^+^ ^'"'Q'^tin ^•tT>>^-^ hinter denen de^ klassischen

Judentums zuzruck, wie es schon lange vorher in der sogenannten
~— -— ^ ^ .^ — ^ly^^^i

Wissenschaft des Judentums im I 9. Jahrhundert der FallWar.

Ipfeute liegt die Deutsch*- Judische G-eshcichte vor
uns als ea:»e- etwas abgeschlossenes aber, wie ich noch zeigen

wiiiT-H*ek4e-döe-fee^34d:et~^nicht ^beendet es, All eute endlich kann
sich die Akademische Emanzipation der Deutsch*- Judischenjtjeshcihte
vollziehen weön diese me^izipation keiiar cvolbcr -uigunllirch kein
thema, kein Problem mehr darstellt. Die Deutschen Kollegen
sind selber fester, mehr historisch ge^en dies einmal emotionelle
^phenomen geworden, und was noch von Deutsche Juden übrig ist
^.st auch fester geworden mit dem Ruckhalt Israel,

IIt^c mochte meine Kollegen danken nicht nur mir ciireise

diese Gelegenheit gegeben zu haben hier zu wirken, sondern

- — " — ^ ^^s^cHi t*/rc

besonders die emanzipation der Deutsch»- judischen ^eeiKsihte
vollzogen zl/ haben und dadurch eig^itlich^ eine Deutsch-
Judischen Dialog Möglich zu machen. Denn ohne die Geshicht=
liehe untermaurung muss er in der Luft liegen ^und^uch, das
muss mann sagen Deutschen und Juden einen "Peil Ihrer
Geschichte zurückgegeben zu haben^ Äe^ö^-^my yeluy-Geslficnte
H-ytr- -der-^-^^^e¥te€h ohe-'ltnker; va"g ü^ut sehen Judoc^omd
Deutachon geraubt -&fo^?d^n libiL, wlid Jytzt wioTt^r-zurSGkg^febenl
Fur_^das aufrechten dank an alle die hier an der Aufrichtung
dieses l-ehrstuhls beteiligt waren.

•^ \ii^^ N^^ will ich kurz versuchen d^ch einen, wisös mir
scheint, wichtigen tel der Deut seh »-Jüdischen ^eshichte
heraus zu kristallisieren; einen Teil der als vielleicht das

fcwii>in>ii*i*« \n\^i iwii I

wichtigste und auch langst wahrende Erbe angesehen werden

kannj Bscs gin geistiges Erbe^hinterlassen hfft das noch immer

Nachwirkt wiel es wirkliche alternativen zum modernen Staat

und Gesellschaft brachte die aus der spezifischen Deutsch-

Judischen Situation erstanden. Den^dieses Erbe kam von

einem Deutsch- Judischen Dialog der stattgefunden hat; nicht so

sehr auf sozialer oder politische S^en sondern auf der Kulturellen,

gestellt auf jenes idealder Bildung, Aufklärung und. Human i=

tat die das^DeutöCue i^urge2?xum erfüllten in^ aas die DeubScnen

Juden herein emanzipier o wurden. i'Jine vielieich auime scnicnt
eines spezii lachen Deuuscnen iDildungsuurgertums, aoer die Juaen
öeloer waren eine zozxai seur enge schient: ohne unuere oder
Obere Klassen. Eine einmalige Hinurioax, onne aaa reservoir
der messen ärmerer Juaen di^^ie rranzos^-scne emanziijation aer
Juuen im Albace vuriand. Es war aucn eine Minorität die

abruijt mit aer Verganganheit brach, mil Ihrer eigenen ^eshichte,
die nach der -ß Sonne der Auiklarurig grif reA" ,_j^ch Europe, das

m^*t

'>heiic/ir e

BmJlipation ermöglichte «nti die AssimilationlAmd_die sie
vers^:;^;;Sv|(rVrh?Uen st!^st als die meisten Deut_schen Bildungs=
burger mehr o_der weniger M^ a4*«5fei#*-te%^en. Ich muss
Sie daran einnern das die giazipation der Juden , und hier
denke ich an Preussenj^gerade noch^mit dem Bildmigsideal
zusamme^%f^^Jilhelm von jIumholv.t «o beredt^ eintrat; die

harmonische Entwickljmg und veredlungjes ^'^enschen, dermensch=
liehen Persönlichkeit^

sehe kultivienmg

^iSlHIWH*^*««

durch eine aesthetischen \md Klassi-
an der alle, auch Juden,

teihaben konnten. A^larung, Toleranz und Bildung reichten
sich die Hände, so jedenfals schien des den Juden selber, und
sie griffen zu. Eine Studie der Rappinlschen -reaigten der
7.eit^|T-ElS?^Srdie traditionellen Komponenten aer Judiscnen

rexip-ion wexb nmter denen der Aufklärung zurucK traxen; was__iur
ein ^ei^^wo ^axiun u..d .■reiheit noch gepaart ^-en.^^ wo^in
I8I5 Juaen una Ghriöi^-Lan sxoxxz uiiu ij-uj-ixuo-u e,

Vuxkerschxauht beii^eipzig feii/eoeu, Christen Singen_in aie

Synagogen -und Juaen In ctxe Klrcne.

D^TTerfalx aieser Ideen, xhre deforjirmxeruiig, braucht hxer

keine erotein:u.g, wir wis«en_ax.e aavon.cTscnwer wie aer be^rifx des

..eutscaen BixaungsDux-g.r zu fassen xst, -lerj^ soziaxja so eng
zu=.ammene,edrangxen Deutsch*- Juuischen buraertuin ist. ^r etwas leiete^e
leichter zu fassen: nicht durch die HasseVvon der wir^enxg wissen,

sondern durch die .die sich artikuliert haben; intellektuelleujd
f^£;^JWJSdZ 'nrn h^ie^ä^^r:^iM^^*ha- dort xst dxe
^4 still gesti/aden; Vom Anfaiig bis zum Ende war ^essing's
"a'ti^der W^e die ^-agie Charta des Deutschen Judentums und
in das Stuck wu^de das alte und offene Bildungsideal hinein-
'^l^^^Ü^'^ selbst ^.Is^äS^Ztso^e Juden ihre Kinder nicht

^t!»**f-a

in das Humanistische Gymnasium sondern auf die Realschule

*^'

schickten. Aber cüe' waft eine Lebenshai t-ung. einestellTong a^ der

reaaitatTv^^ hoffnungen auf ent gültige emanzipation entsprach.
Aber auch eine die Konsequenzen hatte» Ein gewisser unrealismus

™"^ ■■ ■ - ■III .. — -

#*>i*i^ -J-::. »*i-v»--r*##

als wenn Berthold Auerbach am ende des 19. Jahunderts, wie

4.abriel_^RieSBer in der mitte, dachten das subscriptionen für
■^®^?ii£l Denmaler (könnt en!^e übrigen Deutsche an eine nicht
antisemitische Vergangenheit erinnei^ Oder die furhrende Rolle

j:)eutscher Juden in den Goethe G-esellschaften.

••'-«««MiN«

Das die Deutschen Juden an diesem Ideal fest hielten zirtV^ie
Trennung zwischen^jldAmg und Aufklarung in ihnen wi«itin voruber=
geger^gen war. Die "^lission des Judentums" wie es die Judische
religiöse Rerorm verstan/. oder Hermann Cohen oder viele andere

^^ '^^-^J-^^ ^o^^ zurückkomme war eine der Bildung, tolerante,
und Vernunft - der Aufklarung., der Persönlichkeit. Lß^)^
Waren d^emi diese Deutsche JuderiVln Ihrem Traum'v-^erwuzelt? Wie stand
es mit Ihrer aufnähme der Realität? Das neue Zetalter der Massen=
Politik, der vordringlichen aufgäbe die Massen in den Staaat und _.
die Politik zu intrigrieren war für si^chwer verstandlich, ([jjjy
Marjori Lambertm hat gezeigt wie in der grossen antisemitischen
Welle des Wilhelminischen Zeitlaters die fuhrer der Deutsche -
Judsichen;J-emeinden in einem LiberalisTnusVverharrten imdVdie

angebotenen dienste der Sozialisten aussdchlugen, selbst als die
toboralcn mit dem Antisemitismus liebäugelten. Nicht nur weil die
Sozialisten ihren bestizt bedrohten sondern weil si^Wrinassen^

bewegiingeri- ]id:ch^fe*-4jeji:ite^ und da hatten sie ja als Juden nicht
ganz sonder nur zum teil imrecht.l Aber sie waren nicht tatenlos;
viele von Ihnen versuchten das Bildungsideal an die Massen zii
tragen imd auch in den SozialisnEs^EIniin, und hiiFT^iSiT^ zu
dem Erbe was ich vorzeigen mochte, dem Erbe das sich hielt, fh^
Nicht agiles'; wer erinnert sich noch daran das gerade die<:
das Anliegen der best seller autoren in der Weimarer Republik war
wie St^arfen Zweig und Emil Ludwig? Da* hier die po-ngnni^:^^ pj-i^-r^nr^g ^^^

Lmn^

Wir hab«i^/noch Keine G-eshcichte der "beziehung der Deutschn Juden
zu den Deutschen Massen, zur popularkulturo

•

'l' I I -^ - ■ . -. ^..■. - .>..^.. . . ,^. ■■ . . -. .^ ., , . ■>.... ■ .

4a.

Es muss noch einmlal unterstrichen werden das hier die Deutsche

Die Anw TKÄVtrii>^ Uk^P Ä<^^#^

Juden sich gt» ein neues Kleid angelegt hatten fur^l^g aMe^as^ sie

lu Mfien zErr

so abrupt abgestreift hatten. Dadurch scheiterten sie if*H-]c3?ugon»
aber retteten Werte hinüber in eine andere Zeit die heute noch
ansc?ieinend junge generationen begeisteim können.

•.fmaiti'ar,\-"S!eamssii

5. 'y.

biographie dazu benutzt wurde oinmal das ^'Menschliche, die
üeidenschaft, die 'Wendung des Schicksals heraus^ zu stellen,
und ein axidorco -niial damit auch Zurückhaltung, toleranz und
Vernunft zu fordern. An diesem zweischneidigen sind sie
gescheitert. Zu den Kassen zu gehen' und das alte Ideal der

Bildung zu proclamieren das war schwer und vielleicht unmöglich.
Daher die verzweiflungvonStefan Zweig; sein Eramus der
scheiterte, Castellio der von dem fanatiker Calvin verbrannt
wurde. Das anliegen so^jiS^ Zweig es formulierte, & e4.s
bemuhen, den verrat der Veimunft an die leidenschaft der
massen zu verhindern" J dazu waren die Schatten der Deutsche'^
Recht eyschon zu lang imd zu tief.

Noch ein wichtiger teil der Deutsch- Judischen ^

.^» L«-1T ' •

"^"irntillcnz zeigte nicht mehr realismus wie diese liteFb^en, abe^M^

ete-^olitischsi» mehr brisant egHggdL f gulit^njit er Eü4mar vor, wie

diese Erbschaft des 3?ationalimus und Bildung zu e in er^nt fremdung
der deustschen realitat fuhren konnte. Solche Deut

MwmaewKaain

dringend, und kaum irgednwoanders kan- man das so klar verfolgen
als bei den Deutsche Juden die sieh klau waieir-was der mythos

:Ä(

und die sybolik in der I-Iassenpolitik bedeutetet Ein nnaes Bild
der Gelehrsamkeit entstand dadr^ch, eine intergrale Kulturgeschichte
schon durch "^amprecht vorbereitet aber erst durch Aby Warburg und
rJmst Kassierer wirklich begründet. Die Warburg Bibliothek^rst
in ftia*burg in the I92ogem und dann in London beteam das Labor
dieser mythen- forschung. jie sollte, nachWarburg " ein Instrument
der Aufklarung sein, eine ,fef f e/ gegeH- in dem Kampf gegen'^ dunklen

. W BL Ciie

t die immer gefährdeten leistimgen der-An—

machte

Vernunft gefährden konnten". Hier handelte es sich um die

•' gT^^^'^. entschlusselung der Mythen in den Bildern der Renai^^^:^^, aber
n,^(> M» als Paradigma zu ihrer entschlusslung heute. So sollte durfh die

j^h

1^^^""'^. 'emunft die Unvernunft gebannt werden', «wi in Wien hatte Siegmund

Preud fast dasselbe vorhaben eingelj/etet„ Die hoffnunivgiebt uns
Ernst Kassierer klar wieder; Myth*^i9-lhe-8e3?pe«%-wh*eh-a**aeke-h«man
ä?ea-~4ie Schlange *Le die Menschliche "ernunft angreift, aber sie
kann besiegt werden durch die #HHe*ieH systematisierende Funktion
der Vernunft. ( Tö f f • - T''«*0

Ibiese Entwicklung hat die disciplinen gesprengt 'ÄÄ^ den
Deutsch- Judischen "eschichtlem und Kunst« Historikern in der
Emigration fruchtbar gewirkt, obgleich nichfVnach dem Krieg in
Deutschland selber. Die Mythenforschung *ie zugliech eine forschung
nach der natur der Massenbewegungen, urv/naturlich des -^'aschismus,

, \ i-®^. ^'^ neutschlSdVkeine grossen Spuren hinterlassen, aber dafür
"irTTranßeich in der interdisciplinaren und so sehr fruchtbaren
Forschung nach Symbolen, Mythen und der modernen politilTdiSv-d^von
lebte

Auch für Warburg war " der Raum der Besonneneit" aus dem er arbeitete
und für den er abreitete eine judische identitat entgegen alles

religiösen, , w±a für riassjerer und .einer weiteren F^eihc oolehog

> r. r >•■. ' ■'\''

wir müssen uns vor Augen halten das^diese^ Kultur eine Lbenshaltung
war, eine totalitat, die von der aussenwelt immer mehr in einen
belagerungstzustand versetzt wurde. Aber dieses Erbe der
Mythenforschung als Stärkung der ratio/f war h*er nur wenigen
vorbehalten, aber von Wien aus stiess ©^ .^°?^. P^^^^^^®?^^'^^^®
als judische Sekte und Identität wie Freud s*» in seinen

o riesung vor der Wiener Judischen Loge Bat Kochba formuliert^.

V¥«-l»lchtiger'^war vielleich ein anderes Erbe,

noch schwerer zu fassen, inden Griff zj/ be<#:kommen*. das der
sogenannten Links - Intellektuellen die in der Weimarer Republik
in solche?i4hehrheit Juden waren. Istvan Deak hat eä?*©^^ dies für

2/3 der mitarbeiter der Weltbuhne errechnet, für die Frankfurter

Schhule trifft das auch zu und für so viele derer die hier in
München versucht en>e in eVrevblution durchzufuhren. Sie alle,
und viele deutsche mit Ihnen^glaubten das der Sozialismus

^ II I iiiiimi "

die Idee der Menscheit,k¥e- besser des Menschen, konkretisiere:

_ , _ 1 1 II iiii~

der Sieg des Sozialismus wurde auch den triumph der llpschheit
bedeuten oh^' das CTdeal der Bildung zu_zerstoren, so^
zu erweitem. Das ist ist Sozialistischer Gemeinplatz.

I M'lMi all— <Mtf— T^lii

em es

*'TTyft-«ifr^-irir

ml I TiniiMfi Ti r >i|imj

Aber diese links - intellektuellen stellten eine ethik in
den Vordergrund der die Taktik verwarf . Sie_ waren^die Trager
eines Kantianischen Sozialismus, aber^auch fai der idee der
totalitat der widergeburt»^^^egels in Marx; der «,ensch selber

mtmv*^»»'*^

muss handeln, hören wir voi* jungen ^eorg Lukacz, vorausgesetzt
eTl^steht ^ totalitat seiner exist^enz, und ist nicht
verloren in dieser Welt. Wie ich es sehe i»t ditrse idee" ein
':^i»4i^»güedr dieser Links- Intellektuallen, das ethische^^_^^
Mandat, imd dadurch die relative Hilflosigkeit w_ie manv^die
revolution machen solli * der sprung in die ganzlich andere
Welt" um ^ierbert fla^^se zu zitieren, oder das neue mit
dem alten v^r^c^elzeiV^HeKurt Eisner es wolltet

<>Die Such nach trascedenz war stark hier, eine

10.

assimilation die vollzogen werden konnte/von Intellektuellen und
Juden,/ beide weitl^ing^hend sich einzuordnen versuchten in die

sozialistischen Bewegung durch ^hre funktion als trager der

alten Bildung/ -^as hat Ernst Bloch klar gesehen als er schrieb

das er als Sozialist das ideal der ^""^enschhe<^t hochhalten wollte

in das^as Burget"uin in seiner klassischen -t^eriode geglaubt hat«

mfufmmmmmM^

Und eine neue Analyse der ^'rankfurter 3chule und i^'larkuse im

"nir-i"*" *"'

besonderen hebt heirvor das diese Hanner sich nicht dea?-ei%^a%4:e
an der Situation der Arbeiterklasse Orient eirten sondern anmalt eren

ideen die für sie noch immer wahr waren.

Es ist sicher kein Zufall das gerade so viele dieser
judischen Sr^ailaioton a^ der Grenze zwischen politik und Kunst
oder Litertur standen, das hier das aesthetische eine so grosse

t-iA-". »■"-'^■■.•«»'JMWil

Rolle spielte; man denke an i:]isner, and Toller, an Landauer und
viele andere. Diese ^'^anner welche dieV??e Seilschaft Ihrer Vater

'iMf^-fSAnkA

vom G-runde auf Reformieren wollten, hatten in Wirklichkeit mit
diesen n^i-^ht- pTnni ni i^gt pn viel gemein; nicht nur dfeie Bildung,

•, i»-»

$^^

sondern auch das interreei^ an allem neuen in Kunst und literatur.

Wir wissen das für die Frankfurter Schule in^den frühen 30gern
und für diese Links - intellektuellen socialismus'liyaFS -in vieler
h3^:^gajs^jr--krit>^'*^mi Tier Kultur, "uead Unterdrückung war nicht nur
oder da^a^ oogar hauptsachtlich eine funktion des Kapitalismus,
sonder^-d^s» von G^ndanken- Systemenl^ ( fl#c^ J* ^ ^^ J

I G-erade dieses Erbe hatte einen grossen Einflusss, besonders
vielleicht in Amerika wo man in den frühen 60gern, bevor die
a -eaiV in der Studentenbewegung die J{?,acht übernahm, s^ich 'und die
Studenten immer fragte; warum findet Ihr nich^ Amerikanische

Vorfahren, warum diese links - Intellektuellen der Weimarer
Republikc? Die Antwort ist zu vielschichtig um hier richtig behandelt
zu werden; eines ist sicher hier w«hb eine alternative zu einer
unmenschlichen Welti die idee der totalitat fugte das Leben

zusammen das der Liberalismus in politik uncf Lben geteilt zu haben
wöfe4?eft, die KulturV^offnete die AugenTury^imensionen die i

K«^^?

Amerika zu l«?nz gekommen waren, und hier konnten sich burgeliche
einordenen^^kfte '"Kurse über Europaische Kulturgeschichte waren
überfüllt, über Wirtschaft oder Wirtschaf tsgesshcichte waren
^ es nicht^ Das Crrundungsmanif est der V/eltAuhne (I9I8) forderte
wirtschaftliche Veränderung der G-e Seilschaft, aber was klar in
döRi primat des rechtes und der individuellen Freiheit^ imd

c^ <f/^r7^^T' dasselbe kann man" von Eisner, Toller und -Landauer hier in Kimchen

itfLLt sagen die versuchten eine alternative^vonigor der — eocllachaf%

solbor aber für die/ Individualität d-e^

-en zu schaffen.

Wieder war es für viele hier eine^ Judische Identität

die mit diesen sozialimus zusammenviel.^^andauer had es klar aus=

gedruckt und Walter Benjamin ^&ei^r4:^*eb in I9i2 an einen i^rttend

WW.1W

mmmmiifmmm

das Judische intellektuelle die hauptsachtliche dynamik für die
wäre Kultur stellten, imd das dis^ nicht r^r bei literatur und

«►.-»yw.mda»

Kunst haltmacht sonder auch sozialimus mit einschliesst. Die

v«**

;^^iit.j/-:'»»A

^ Literaten Juden" sind die eigentliche Revolutionare* Man

kann abschliessen dagen das hier das Aussenseitert-um entscheidend

war gerade durch das kritischelV^'^^ klasgioche Ilultur alg Bindung

an—d±e-

eltf dio vor^furoGlte Wull,V^
h dä.ie Suche nach dem neuen ve»-^em-fflei» — am»-ea:H-?eil

eeift-keÄHte an dem man teil haben konnte obglj/ech man die eigentliche
geschichte eter Umwelt nicht teilte, | Das ist vielleicht die

Antwort auf ^akob *^asseirmanns Frage I92I warum äer politische
Radikalismus gerade mit Juden so identifiert^ sei. Heute wirkt
all dies nach, nicht mehr bei"^ Juden ais—eeiehe sondern auf einer
viel breiteren FrontT^^^^e^Äai^i st nicht mehr, wie es mein Fretmd

^eorge Lichtheira zu sagen pflegte, ein inner- judischer Dialog.

Ich kann hier nicht enden ohne als 5^ilmax ^

- •

meine|> "Bemerkungen noch ein Erbe zu erwähnen, und hier kommen

;j^

I*a.

/ und die Welt in der man einmal verwuzelt war, oder besser

I ^ ■ ■ — -*^ ^ . .^ — —

die LebenhatTing immer mehr nicht der Besitz der meisten Deutschen
sondern in der obhut einer kleinen und oft diffamirten Gruppe war.

ftr-'- n 'mrtiiii. .

12.

von denen die den " ationalismus strikt ablehnten zu solchen
Deutsche Juden die sich dem Judischen Nationalismus zu wandten.
Sie taten das teilweiae mit demselben elan, der ;:;uch^nach der
wahren ^%tion, die wir auch in der Deutschen Jugendbewegung
finden, \md hier auch wurde ein nationaler mythos übernommen,

«MMMMMMMMMaMMM

von dem^^^n 1-iartin Buber und anderen geprägt. Das Volkische

■■■*»"■>

Id_eengut hatte ganz naturlicher Weise einen Einfluss auf die
Juden die Ihre "ation finden wollten aber auch , wie es einer von
ihnen beschrieb, nach Europa griffen und nicht zurück in die

«MMHüMMH

eigene beschichte., die wie alle üussenseiter selbst wenn sie
sich als solche verstanden doch ^rnie stereotyp entfliehen wollen.

Aber das ist nur ein Teil des Deutsche Zionismus und nicht einer

" — ' »

der ihn am Ende bestimmte. Robert V/eltsch, bald der langjährige

Ghefradekteur der Judischen Rundschau, der überhaupt wichtigsten
Zionistischen Zeitschrift in den I92ogem in I9I) rief j2i auf
" kl.eine__£ic_hue's" zu werden. V4s hatte er im Sinn? ITicnt den Ichte
^^"^ ^sq^1=en Reden, sondern den ricnce, der wie Arndt nocn Ration

nn^aKara»»^»*

und ^-reiheit dea inaiviauums ßtls eine Siimeix b«grili, der nucn
weionmgen^ ein "ensun aer Auf^xarung war. uer fru^**!iorismuB k^
inspiert vun ui^sem archdlacnen AaoxOualismUö una nj.c.it vuxi dem
'^^^„^^^^^«e sein^_.)ominanz über d4e Deutschen auszubauen. Bi^r
^.J:l!-'-^^°^ waren sich eins mit Gustav tandauer i'»=d«m das
^'^Jif'^. ®i^® legitime rnid iäbendige Gemeinschaft sein kann, aber
nur wenn sie die individuelle Freiheit, toleranz und ^ildung mit

einschliesst, und nur wenn wir sie als eine .^tufe die zur IJJenscheit
fuhrt betracjate-fiir-TTas -and in ^alestina ist nicht Selbstzweck

v*i.'*;*f^

sondern nur die basis für eine . solche Gemeinschaft. Die
mter^essen der ^^enschheit" über eigen'^interess^ odei!-(}a« der

^"■»»incMBMMaan

spoaifiochen gerne in Schäften das war auch Eisner und Toller aber
jM /y^gA h'e'nm UHMii Ule'KH^ürye __-»-.<, ^'- '^'^ i.2i;;^®^' ^"^^^

aucRr^heodor Wolffl Di^drang nach der transcedenz ist vielleatht

I
\

ÜCSLiSS

M^a^

I2a.
Robert Weltsch hat es einmal «1.8 ein imlossliches -t'aradox im

*«MMNiaMMMyiM«D

])eutsche Zionismus bezeichnet das Neitzsche und Hölderlin beenere

ZJf'^J^.

Jnrtcnfiju iii ii i ji n prnriu7.-fnron wurden, wie eine Rückkehr zum la^n
Ritual jl^n das wir n^cno mehr glauben". \

13.
jedem Augsenseiter eigen der ein inslder feeke werden will und
sich mit einer G^emeinschaft identifizieren will die nicht mit

der Fracht der Vergangenheit beladen ist.

Hier führe es zu einer humanisierung des ^Nationalismus, die
stark in den jetzt herausgegebenen
Zionismus im Pordergrund steht. Aber wieder auch hier ist
die i:ultur im Vordergrund, eine Kultur die nicht exclusiv ist

e»»deä?H-affl-aftäe sich im dialektischen Vgrhaltniss mit anderen
Kulturen entwickelt, wie es Weltsch einmal ausdruckt el^^btins er

..<*

]f>'

nationalismus muss kein* theatralischer sein und Gewalt liegt ihm
yp--— -Xern;i/iiese'»^Ide^n T.mrrlffn oirjhor mit einem^-Blick auf die Entwicklung

f^ VS"'^ Deutsche^ationalimus geea^: des war nioht mehr Fichte oder
/^^^ w'»' •*■ " " "- »i'A t/^rf^iJST/>hnc_^v4fi i/i a,i',T*^*»»tr- — -

W/J^'-'' '^'' .' ^ol^erlin oder Arndt ^::r-aTT5s-'f^^in^F^ie m den Schriften des

L i ^^^^"^ Deutschen i-ionismus^ihre^Rolle^SpIiltarirWie weg vom

klassischen Bildungsideal so hatte sich Deutschland auch e4:*iTln weg
^^'^ jurassischen ^deal_der Nation entwickelt, waren die Dcutache hier
auch still standen und eäcam ende uberollt wurden.

Dieses r]rbe wird leider weithin übersehen. Deutsche Juden
waren hier nicht allein, besonders der Russisch Judische Sozialismus
schloss sich Ihnen in vielm, aber nicht in allem an. Der Einfluss auf

0^ a

Israel muss noch ge-froooht werdem aber soviel scheint mir sicher:

das die Zurückhaltung einer immer belagerten ^^ation für und über so
viele Jahre vielleicht etwas mit diesem .influss zu tuen hat; in
■^°E!i^°^®'^ ^'ationen wäre je-^.enfals ein Chauvinismus schon nach den
er sjb^en_ Kriegen ausgebrochen. Hier nicht. Aber wichtiger ist das
Erbe für uns alle das mehr Beachtung finden sollte; die humanisierung
des -^'ationalismus ist noch immer eine Vorrangige '-^'at.

}

Es ist ja bekannt das gerade unter den """azis ^^anner wie
Weltsch un Buber nicht winselten sonder auf ihrer di^tat als Juden
bestanden: JS Tragt Ihn mit Stoltz den Gelben StemV .i»iÄmrrerhin
ihron oignon ■nationaliornua vertraten. ^

14.

Ich hoffe ich habe hier in allem was ich versuchte
eine Ader aufgezeigt -die sich J)eutsche Juden weithingehend
zu eigen macht e-O^ Das dio^ ein Deutsch- Judischer Dialog war
steht ausser zweifei, aber mit einem besseren Deutschland das
es ja gab und das noch i^i vielen Deutschen trotz allem weiter-
lebte aber das immer, auch heute, sich in Konflikt mit dem anderen
Deutschland, dem anderen Deutschen l^rbe befinded, 3o ist es^ .>^*.
vielleicht eine gesetzlichkeit der ^^ationen, denn dieser Kampf'muss
überall ausgetragen werden auch jetzt^in Israel.

das neisst Deutjsciixand, aiiun einer spezixiscJien ueutscnen Kuxtur
die ±hnen aie emaiiZipaoion oJid aie Asimi±atiun ermöglichte
■und ai« s±e cigenxiich Köiiim wieaer los wurden - selosb als die
meiöten Deutschen Jiildungöburger den ait«ren üegrij.± der
Bildung lan^so aeformiert hauten v^ruch einen neuen -LMaoionaxiöFiucS,
ncO- romanuiziismus aiid acjnit eine» immer m^n^- eingescnrakuen
DjLicices ctui die Weiu.

Mttmmmtimt^m^käijMiäuimä

•If

Gedanken zum doutsch-oüdischen Dialog

George L. Hosse

Gab es einen deutsch-jüdischen Dialog? Gershom Scholem
uf*nauprere m einem Derunmten Aursarz^ daß dxeser Dialog
niemals stattgefunden habe, daß Juden ^ wenn sie mit Deutschen
nprachen, in Wirklichkeit mit sich selbst redeten. Andere
occiGch laeinen, das Zweite Peich habe den Juden breiten Raum
Gegeben, in dem sie deutsch werden konnten» Es mag vielleicht
überflüssig erscheinen, dieser Debatte eine weitere Stimme
hinzuzufügen« Doch ist die Beziehung zwischen Deutschen und
Juden ein Problem, das uns nicht nur in der jüdischen Ge-
schichte begegnet« Das Bild des Juden in Deutschland, der
zu ein und der selben Zeit sowohl 'insider' als auch 'out-
sider' war ( wie es Peter Gay einmal ausgedrückt hat), be-
stimmt noch immer weitgehend den Begriff der Weimarer Kultur«
Noch wichtiger: trotz aller anders lautenden Voraussagen
endete die gemeinsame Geschichte von Deutschen und Juden
nicnt mit: der Machtergreifung Hitlers, sondern führte, von
den sechziger Jahren an, zu einer neuen Beschäftigung mit
dem deutsch-oüdischen Dialog, dessen spezifischer Einfluß
r.och bei3tin:mt werden muß« Doch steht seine Bedeutung für
viele junge Amerikaner und Europäer, die in den sechziger
Jahren unseres Jah-rhundorts räch intellektuellen Ahnen
suchten, außer Zweifel« Meine Gedanken zum deutsch-jüdischen
Dialog be'Gchäftigen sich mit dessen Gesamt entwicklung, seinem
geistigen Erbe und mit seiner Bedeutung: sie beschäftigen

««

- 2 •

sich nicht mit der Masse der deutschen Juden, die in all
ihrer Vielfalt einen Mittelweg zv/ischen Assimilation und
Bewahrung des Jüdischen Erbes suchten, sondern mit denen,
die auf eine klar ausgedrückte Weise in diesen Dialog ein-
traten, der von Webster als Gespräch, als Austausch von
Ideen und Meinungen definiert wurde, - und die solcher-
maßen festlegten, was zukünftige Generationen daraus machen
würden« Scholem hat argumentiert, daß die deutschen Juden
nicht als Juden, sondern als Deutsche in das deutsche Leben
eingetreten seien» Das ist wahr: aber sie traten ein als
eine besondere Art deutscher Bildungsbürger • Dies führte
zu einem Dialog der immer noch relevanten Alternativen»

Sicherlich wurde dieser Dialog" mit ^unterschiedlicher
Intensität geführt. Die realive soziale Isolation der
deutschen Juden wird oft als Beweis dafür genommen, daß
ein solcher Dialog nicht existiert habe* Der deutsch-Jüdische
rialog war jedoch kein sozialer, sondern ein kultureller,
aufgebaut auf Jener Kultur, in die die Juden hineinemanzi-
piert wurden.

Dies war eine hohe Kultur, auf deren Bildungsideal wir
zurückkommen werden. Doch war die volkstümliche Kultur vom
deutsch-Jüdischen Dialog nicht ausgeschlossen, denn, wie
wir sehen riehen werden, wurden Jüdische Autoren Bestseller«
Auch im Aufzeigen dieses Aspekts können wir, wie in unserem
ganzen Beitrag, vieles nur andeuten und nicht erschöpfend
behandeln. Wir werden versuchen, offenzulegen, was uns als
dauerhafteste Stränge dieses Dialogs erscheint.

Es ist eine Tatsache, daß es auf der Ebene der volks-

- 3 -

tünlichen Kultur '?inen Dialog gab, lange schon bevor er
auf der Grundlage der Ideale der Bildung und der Aufklärung
stattfand: vor der Ära Humboldts, im späten 17* und im 18«
Jahrhundert, gab es eine deutsch-O'^clische Brüderschaft in der
Unterwelt^, einen Dialog der deutschen Außenseiter« Hier
waren Juden schon seit dem Mittelalter ein Teil von Banden
aus Räubern und Dieben ^ wie wohl Spiegelberg in Schillers
"Räubern"« Die klassische Darstellung dieser Art von deutsch-
jüdischer Beziehung findet sich in einem berühmten Buch
über "Deutsches Gaunertum" (1858) des Lübecker Polizei-
direktors, Friedrich Ave-Lallemand, Nicht nur führt er aus-
gerechnet das Wort 'Gauner' auf seine jiddische Quelle zu-
rück j sondern überhaupt ist das Buch voll von hebräischen
Schrift zeichen, da Lallemand versucht^ die sprachlichen
Quellen der Unterv/elt (das sogenannte Rothwelsch) nachzu-
weisen« Hier gab es einen eigentümlichen Dialog zwischen
gesellschaftlichen "'AuSenseitcrn" , der über berufliche
Interessen hinausging^ da Juden su einem wesentlichen Teil
der christlichen Banden wurden, wenn auch rein jüdische
Banden weiterhin bestanden« In den gemischten Banden jedoch
gingen oft Christen zusammen mit Juden an jüdischen Fest-
tagen zur Synagoge« Ich kenne kaum ein anderes Beispiel,
wo ,}C'ne, die -lUx^erhalb der Geseilschaft standen, einender'-
artige Geraeinschaft bildeten« Im 19» und 20. Jahrhundert
dagegen apielte oft genug ein Außenseiter t.QV^ anderen aus,
wenn es darum ging, in der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft Fuß zu
fassen« '

Wenn wir jedoch auf die überwiegende Mehrheit der deutschen

- 4 -

Juden blicken, müssen wir auf ein einzigartiges Merkmal
der Jüdischen Emanzipation hinweisen^ das den deutsch-
jüdischen Dialog entscheidend beeinflußta: die schmal3
soziale Basis der deutschen Juden, welcher* mit Ausnahme
der Unterwelt t sowohl dia höchsten wie auch die niedereren
Ränpre der sozialen Leiter fehlten. Das deutsche Judentum
hatte, anders als das in Frankreich, kein Elsaß-Lothringen
mit seiner Masse ärmerer Juden. Doch ist dieses Bild der
deutschen Juden als feste ^ eigentlich prädestinierte Mit-
r^lieder der Mittelklasse unvollständig. Es konzentriert .
sich nämlich auf die Städte und nicht auf das Land, auf
Preußen und nicht auf den Süden. Die Land Juden, die über-
wiegend in Baden, Württemberg und Bayern lebten, sind ebenso
wie die jüdischen "Gauner" die Stiefkinder der Historie-
r!;raphie. Dennoch mag hier, wie in der Unterwelt, der deutsch-
Jüdische Dialog am intensivsten gewesen sein, wenn auch am
wenigsten intellektuell.

Wir müssen bei den in den Städten lebenden Juden bleiben.
Hier begegnen wir nicht nur einer schmalen sozialen Basis,
die eine relativ leichte Integration in den Lebensstil der
deutschen Mittelklasse bedeutete, sondern ebenso stoßen
wir auf den Griff nach der deutschen Kultur als dem wahren
'lerkmal der Emanzipation, zu einer Zeit, als die deutsche
Mittelklasse sich selber durch ihren Kulturbegriff legiti-
mieren wollte.

Die Emanzipation der Juden fiel mit dem Bildungsideal zu-
sammen, für das Wilhelm von Humboldt so beredt eintrat. Das
Wort Bildung bedeutete die harmonische Entwicklung und ^er-

- 5 -

Adelung der menschlichen Persönlichkeit • Es bedeutete sowohl
ästhetische Kultivierung durch das Studium der Klassiker,
als auch auf Vernunft basierende moralische Urteilskraft,
eine persönliche Erneuerung, die zu einer wirklich harmo-
nischen und abgerundeten Persönlnchkelt führen würde. Goethes
Wilhelm Meister verstand das Bildungsideal als Ausdruck
eines neuen Selbstbewußtseins, als er den Wunsch ausdrückte,
"♦..mich selbst, ganz wie ich bin, auszubilden" •

Durch Bildung wird der Mensch zum Bürger, der das öffent-
liehe Leben mitbestimmt« Solch eine Kultivierung der Per-
sönlichkeit wurde durch Erziehung ermöglicht: Lernen war
nicht ein Selbstzweck, sondern ein Mittel, eine abgerundete
und vernünftige Persönlichkeit zu erwerben» Hier, in diesem
kulturellen Ideal der aufsteigenden Klasse reichten sich
Aufklärung und Bildung die Hände. Aber dieser Bund war nicht
von Dauer. Sein Verfall bewirkte, daß die Juden ihrer Ge-
sprächspartner beraubt wurden, da sie genau an dieser
Mischung von Bildung und Aufklärung festhielten, welche
gerade in der Zeit der Judeneraanaipation auseinanderbrach»

Vom Beginn des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts an neigten die
herrschenden akademischen Kreise in Deutschland dazu, die
idealistische Komponente der Bildung zu betonen* Bildung,
•Tis di?^ n^ele und die Instinkte durchdringend^ w^-irde einem
Bildungsbegriff im Sinne eines Produktes des rationalen Ver-
standes vorgezogen. Wann nun dieses emotionale und in sich
geschlossene Biliungskonzept wichtiger wurde als Humboldts
Ideal, bleibt noch zu bestimmen; was die deutschen Juden
betrifft, so neigten sie dazu, sich eng an Humboldts Ideal

- 6 -

anzulohnon und weitr?rhin in der Vervollkommnung der Ver-
nunft den Weg 2U wahrer Bildung su sehen, Bas offene
Bildungsideal ^ in das sie hineinemanzipiert wurden, war
schließlich der beste Weg zur Assimilation« Bezeichnender-
weise ergriff zum Beispiel Berthold Auerbach, der typischste
^<?rtret'?r des «^MdeT^tuns "iv. 'dieser Zf*it| in seineüi Buch
über Spinoza (1836) die Gelegenheit, gegen den Fanatismus
zu predigen und eine kartesianische Einstellung zum Leben
zu empfehlen. Von Lespings "Nathan*^ der Magna Charta des
deutschen Judentums-, glaubte man, daß er eine ähnliche
Lektion v-^rteile: Toleranz basiert auf dem Glauben an die
Vernunft und an den individuellen Wert eines Menschen.
Menschliche Vollkommenheit, so glaubte man, würde durch
Jone Weisheit, jenes Wissen. und durch jene Kultiviertheit
erreicht, die Nathan und Spinoza angeblich besaßen«

Es gab noch einen weiteren, wenn auch noch nicht genau
erforschten Bestandteil des Bildungsideals, der für die
Juden besondere Bedeutung hatte: das Ideal des gebildeten
Bürgers wurde begleitet vom Ideal der Freundschaft. Freund-
schaft als Verlängerung seiner selbst aufgefaßt, nicht durch
Anf^ewiesensein auf den anderen, sondern als Anerkennung
einer gleichberechtigten Persönlichkeit.

Wir dürfen nicht vergessen, welch bedeutsame Rolle -
jüdisch-christliche Freundschaften im Zeitalter der Emanzipa-
tion spielten*, indem nämlich durch die Anknüpfung enger,
persönlicher Beziehungen die Jüdische Anerkennung symboli-
siert wurde* Moses Mendelssohn und seine Freundschaft mit
Lessing und anderen Christen beflügelte die zeitgenössische

- 7 -

Vorstellung im Sinne eines Symbols für einen zukunfts-
trächtigen Dialog» Moses Mendelssohn» oft als der erste
gebildete deutsche Jude mythologisiert ^ wurde oft darge-
otellt als im Dialog mit seinen Freunden: Philosophie und
Literatur im Geiste der Aufklärungsphilosophen diskutierend.
^3 sei die persönliche Freundschaft ^ schrieb Auerbach^ die
den Menschen vom Tier unterscheide* In der Tat war es der
Verlust solcher Freundschaften mit Christen, der Auerbach
mehr als «jeder andere Faktor dazu triebe den Antisemitismus
der 80er Jahre des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts zu beklagen»
Die Judenemanzipation und das Bildunsgideal hatten für viele
Juden und Christen Gestalt angenommen durch den Kult der
Freundschaft, die über alle Unterschiede hinwegsah. Wie
ichrieb doch Berthold Auerbach im Jahr 1859 über seinen
Freundeskreis: "Wo alles in lautem Denken sich vereinigt."

Ohne das klassische Bildungsideal und seine Rezeption
durch die deutschen Juden muß das Problem des deutsch-jüdischen
Dialogs in der Luft hängen. Denn so lange dieses Konzept
bestand t hatten die Juden Partner in diesem Dialog; als es
aber schwächer wurde und verfiel^ wurden die deutschen Juden
in zunehmendem Maße isoliert. Eine enge soziale Basis und
eine zeitgebundene, einseitige kulturelle Perspektive ver-
stärkten sich gegenseitig. Durch ihre soziale Basis und
dadurch, was sie als Kultur akzeptierten» waren die Juden
im Zeitraum ihrer Emanzipation verwurzelt: eine edle aber
nur kurie Zeit in der preußischen und deutschen Geschichte»
in der Geschichte der deutschen Juden dagegen eine Zeit»
die niemals endete. Der deutsch-jüdische Dialog fand mit

* 8 -

jenen Deutschen statt, die dieses besondere Bildungsideal
teilten r den Glauben an Erziehung und Erneuerung durch die
?:iassiker.f so wie sio LiberalismuSf Freundschaft und Bürger-
recht gleichsetzten.

Daß die deutschen Juden an diesem Ideal festhielten,
zeigt, daß die Trennung zwischen Bildung und Aufklärung an
ihnen weithingehend vorübergegangen war: dies gilt, selbst
Menn einige Juden sich der Suche nach einer auf Emotionen
und nichr auf Vernunft basierenden Gemeinschaft anschlössen,
2s gilt tro^fcz der Ta^ache, daß die meisten Juden ihre Kinder
nicht mehr auf das humanistische Gymnasium, sondern auf
die pragmatischer orientierte Healschule schickten, sobald
als diese gegründet worden war.

Als jedoch Eva Reichmann 1967 daran ging, die vielen
Diskussionen über die sogenannte "jüdische Frage" im Jahr
1935, an denen auch sie teilgenommen hatte, zu analysieren,
fand sie keinen Dialog, sondern Konfrontation: "Judengegner
gegen Juden": Juden und Christen schrieben im gleichen Buch
über die jüdische Frage, aber jeder legte nur seinen Stand-
punkt dar — es gab keinen Dialog, kein Gespräch, und keine
einung wurde je geändert. Diese riesi gen Bände waren die

M---

Grabmäler des deutsch- jüdischen Dialogs, wenn auch einige
Ihrer Herausgeber viel Wohlwollen gegenüber den Juden zeigten.
Die freier fließenden Diskussionen im Rundfunk in der V/eiaarer
Republik waren selten und änderten wenig. Dies waren kaum
noch Dialoge wie der zwischen Lessing und Mendelssohn oder
wie der zwischen Auerbach und Viktor Scheffel. Das Ideal der
Freundschaft war ein intellektuelles und literarisches Ideal,

- 9 -

las sich dem Angriff nationaler Ideale beugen mußte.

Gleichwohl existierte ein echtes Gespräch, wenn auch
räumlich wie zeitlich in eingeschränkter Form. Die Juden
wollten moderne Männer und Frauen werden^ die nach einer
sogenannten "Mission des Judentums" suchten, eine Mission^

4J . £ Ji^^4--i M^V *.P0*-m*^

Bürgertugend, mit der Religion der Vernunft, wie sie Männer
wie Hermann Cohen definieren sollten, oder mit (Jener der
Propheten, deren Ideale für alle Zeiten, für alle Völker
und alle Glaubensbekenntnisse gültig waren. Ob solche
Juden verkappte Protestanten wurden, oder ob sie das Juden-
tum nur als Basis für eine neokantische Moral benutzten, ist
in diesem historischen Kontext irrelevant. Diese Männer und
Frauen verstanden sich selber als Juden und traten von dieser
Basis aus in den Dialog ein; und wir dürfen ihre Position
nicht aus der Perspektive eines viel späteren Zionismus oder
eines noch späteren Wiederauflebens jüdischer Orthodoxie
beurteilen« Beides^, Zionismus wie Orthodoxie, spielte unter
den deutschen Juden bis nach der Machtergreifung der Nazis
keine entscheidende Rolle.

- 10 -

des späteren Hauses Ullstein, eine untergeordnete Rolle),
sondern z.B. auch als Bestsellerautoren. Die Wechselbeziehung
r.wischen deutschen Juden und Populärkultur ist bis ^etzt
noch nicht untersucht worden, vielleicht wegen der fortge-
setzton Selbstidentifizierung des deutschen Judentums mit
der sogenannten höheren Kultur. Doch ist eine solche Unter-
suchung, sei sie auch noch so kurz, entscheidend für ein
Vorständnia des deutsch-jüdischen, seit 1918 fortschreitend
mit mssenKultur und Massenpolitik konfrontierten Dialogs.
Die Ideale von Freundschaft und vom Mensch wider die Masse
'sonnten in Ernst Tollers Dramen verherrlicht werden, aber
sie fanden wenig Anklang auf dem Kulturmarkt ♦

Einige deutsche Juden wurden Bestsellerautoren. Im Großen
^ind Ganzen schrieben sie auf dem gleichen ideologischen
Niveau wie die Harlitts oder Courths-Mahlers : Liberale, die
von einer Welt der Gerechtigkeit, des Glücks und der Schön-
heit träumten, wo einfache Menschen mit Wohlwollen und
einem "goldenen Herzen" Erfolg haben würden, und wo das
Böse, der Dogmatismus und die Intoleranz ein für alle Mal
verschwänden. In der Tat existierte eine Reihe von jüdischen
Marlittg, die Romane für die spezifisch jüdische Familien-
presse schrieben: Namen wiöi^^mma Vely sind heute vergessen^
aber obwohl ihre Figuren fromme Juden waren, unterschieden
sie sich kaum von denen der Marlitt. Bezeichnenderweise

pasGsn die Bauern aus Berthold Auerbachs "Schwarzwälder Dorf-

//
geschichten in dieses Bild, und Friedrich Theodor Vischer,

der an Au'erbachs Grab sprach, hatte recht, als er ihn den

Schöpfer eines idealisierten Weltbildes nannte. Vielleicht

- 11 -

ist das der Grund^ warum wir uns kaum noch an seine immense
r^opularität und sein Ansehen erinnern, ebenso wie wir ge-
neigt sind, auf die Gartenlaube und ihre Autoren mit nach-
sichtiger Belustigung herabzusehen» Doch blieb vieles von
iieser Welt in der Utopie der Populärkultur haften, sogar
noch zu einer Seit, als die modernen Massenbewegungen die
Ideale der Toleranz und des guten Willens zu zerstören
.schienen* Während diese liberale und menschenfreundliche,
mit Sentimentalität durchsetzte Utopie die deutsche populäre
Literatur beherrschte, versuchten jüdische Bestsellerautoren
wie z.Be Stefan Zweig, Emil Ludwig und Lion Feuchtwanger,
während der Weimarer Republik der Masse ihrer Leser den Kern
des Bildungsideals nahezubringen. Bezeichnenderweise hatten
populäre jüdische Autoren die Neigung, persönliche Beziehungen^
Freundschaften und Feindschaften hervorzuheben. Auch die
populären Biogr^iphien von Emil Ludwig oder Stefan Zweig zeigen
den Prozeß der Personalisierung auf.

So heißt es bei Stefan Zweig in den "Sternstunden der Mensch-
heit "(1928), seinem vielleicht populärsten Buch, es gebe keine
Hegel und kein Gesetz, sondern nur das menschliche Schicksal.
Immer ist das Individuum im Vordergrund.

Solche Personalisierung wurde zur Dramatik stilisiert, in
welcher^ um noch einmal die "Stemstunden'' zu zitieren,
"Sekunden über das Schicksal von Jahrhunderten entscheiden",
Toch wenn das Menschliche und seine Leidenschaften, wenn die
Wendun^^en des ochicksala herausgehoben werden, so sind sie
begleitet 'von der Suche nach Zurückhaltung, einer grundlegenden
Ablehnung des Irrationalen, einer Ambivalenz gegenüber seinen

- 12 -

Wirkungen» Zweigs Porträts enden meistens tragisch, und
ir sc3lbst schreibt über die Verlierer der Geschichte:
Erasmus starb als Gescheiterter^ Castellio wurde von Calvin
verbrannt - am Ende der Liste stand dann Zweigs eigener
Tod: Selbstmord im brasilianischen Exil» Das Chaos der
Leidenschaften war der Feind der Aufklärer wie Erasmus
oder Castellio, Die Urteile» die Zweig fällte, stehen sehr
3'^ark^ wenn auch in vorwässerter Form, in der Bildüngs-
tradition» Im gleichen Haße war die Vernunft immer präsent,
unter den Nazis erhielt sie sogar noch verstärkte Betonung.
"Das Bemühen, den Verrat der Vernunft an die Leidenschaften
der Massen au verhindern", über das Zweig in der "Welt von
Gestern", seinem letzten im brasilianischen Exil verfaßten
3uchv schrieb, hatte ihn bereits im Ersten Weltkrieg zum
Pazifisten gemacht und mit Widerwillen dagegen erfüllt, im
Zweiten Weltkrieg auch nur mit seiner Feder zu kämpfen.

Da3 Bildungsidcal, verbunden mit der Methode des Best-
sellerautors ist hier von besonderem Interesse, weil es
so weitgehend auf eine Erweiterung der zwischenmenschlichen
Beziehungen gegründet ist. Das Ideal der Freundschaft, so
wichtig im Prozeß der Emanzipation, bleibt für deutsche
Juden als Teil des Bildungsideala und als die Überbrückung
menschlicher Unterschiede von großer Bedeutung. "Es gibt
keine solche Sache wie Gerechtigkeit oder Tapferkeit, sofern
-^s irgend eine Ilation betrifft", schrieb Zweig im Jahre 1921
an Kouain Holland, "Ich kenne nur Menschen."

Es kann kein Zufall sein, daß es gerade Juden wie Stefan
a^feig oder Emil Ludwig waren, die in ihren populären Bio-

- 15 -

.^raphien die Ideale der Bildung in die Literatur für die
:!as3en einbrachten. Keiner dieser Männer hielt sich für einen
spezifisch 'jüdischen Autor\ aber genausowenig hatte dies
in: 19. Jahrhundert Auerbach getan. Wir haben es hier mit einer
:^in3tellung zu tun, einer Tradition, die direkt von dem be-
oonderen Prozeß der Judenassimilation in Deutschland her-
konimt, dem Versuch nämlich^ ein neues Gewand für sich zu
finden und das alte abzuatreifen« Als Historiker, die jstst
etwas von der Gesamtneit der deutsch-jüdischen Geschichte
überblicken können, müssen wir erkennen, daß diese Männer
nozh immer in einer spezifisch deutschen Tradition standen,
die einst einen besonderen Dialog ermöglicht hatte. Sie waren
nun die Hüter dieser Tradition geworden. und fanden es immer
schwieriger, christliche Partner in ein Gespräch einzubinden,
-n dem beide sich durch Vernunft, Weisheit und Wissen bilden
würden. Vor diesem Hintergrund hat die Tatsache, daß Zweig,
Ludwig und andere als Bestsellerautoren in eine Art von Dialog
mit den deutschen Massen eintraten, eine zusätzliche Bedeutung,
3ie taten dies trotz ihres Liberalismus und ihres Unvermögens,
die deutsche Vergangenheit oder die christliche Religion ihrer
christlichen Leser zu teilen. Hier wurde ihnen Hilfe von der
liberalen Tradition der deutschen Populärliteratur zuteil:
von den Marlitts, Ganghof ers und Karl Mays, die eine Welt
zeigten, die nahezu identisch mit der von Auerbachs Bauern
od^^r mit vielen von Ludwigs und Zweigs Heidon war. Es mißlang
ihnen, die Ideale ihrer Art von Bildung weiterzugeben: man
las ihre Romane und Biographien als mitreißende Geschichten
und ignorierte die Botschaft.

- 1^ -

Wenn es solchen Juden gelang, in die deutsche Populär-
kultur einzudringen, so führten andere, aus der zur damaligen
Zeit am istärksten ins Auge fallenden und wichtigsten Gruppe
der jüdischen Bourgeosie, deutlich vor, wie die unverdünnte
-irb^schaft des Rationalismus und der Bildung zu einer Ent-
fremdung von der deutschen Realität und am Ende allen sinn-
vollen Gesprächs führen konnte« Solche deutschen Juden wollten
^-ach 1913 der wachsenden Irrationalität in der deutschen i
politischen Landschaft gegensteuern, indem sie versuchten, sie
stärker auf das Beispiel Frankreichs hin zu orientieren« Hier
waren die oft geschmähten jüdischen Bestsellerautoren näher
an einem Verständnis der deutschen Realität, als jene, die
aktiv versuchten, die Ausrichtung dieser Realität zu beein-
flussen, und zwar hauptsächlich durch die sogenannte demokra-
tische Presse» So wollte zum Beispiel Theodor Wolf f,. der Chef-
redakteur des "Berliner Tageblatts", die neue Deutsche Demo-
kr-'.tische Partei nach dem Vorbild der französischen radikalen
Sozialisten formen« Deutsche Juden waren geneigt, sich auf
französische Vorbilder zu berufen, in der Absicht nämlich,
die Vernunftmäßigkeit zu stärken und die deutsche Bildung zu
erneuern«

Das Frankreich, das'Dreyfus zum Sieg verhelfen hatte, könnte
doch, so glaubte man, auch kultivierte Deutsche beflügeln,
einen ähnlichen Sieg anzustreben« Man hielt das für möglich,

angeachtet der Tatsache, daß noch vor dem PZrieg ein Pro-Drey-
fuß-Gtück in Berlin verboten worden war, allein aufgrund der
Fiktion, daß es die öffentliche Ruhe hätte gefährden können«
Modris Ecksteins Studie über die v/ichtigsten deutschen demo-

- 15 -

kratischen Zeitungen, die im Besit?:_ von Juden waren und auch
weitgehond von ihnv^n herausgeg-^ben wurden ^ kam zu dem Schluß,
daß Frankreich für diese Zeitungen das Modell moderner Politik
d-irstollte. Des weiteren wird ein Blick auf jene Persönlich-
keiten, die unmittelbar nach dem Eisten Weltkrieg den französisch«
dout Gehen Kulturaustausch förderton, zu einer Zeit also, als
dies in hohem I'^aße suspekt war, in der vordersten Reihe deutsche
Juden flrilen» Um ein Beispiel zu nennen, so lud der Besitzer .
des "Berliner" Tageblatta", kaum daß das Schießen beendet war,
Yvette Gilbert ein, in Berlin zu. singen. Und Max Horckheimer
schrieb, obgleich von einem anderen politischen Standpunkt
ausgehend: "Die Menschheit ist besonders in Frankreich zu Hause."
Diese Orientierung an Frankreich dokumentiert den Mangel an
politischem Realisinus unter jenen, die hofften, daß die deutsche
Kriegsniederlage so schnell überwunden sein würde, daß die
lehren dieses Krieges zur Wiederherstellung von Vernunft und
Bildung führen würde. Der deutsch- jüdische Dialog hatte in
diesen letzten Jahren vor Hitlers Machtergreifung die Tendenz,
ein französisch- jüdisch-deutscher Dialog zu werden, ein Dialog,
der sich nicht zum Frankreich der Rechten hingezogen fühlte,
sondern zu dem Frankreich, das sich das Erbe der Aufklärung
und der Revolution bewahrt zu haben schien und das über die
Anti-Dreyfus-ards triumphiert hatt':^. Sicherlich gab es auch
Deutsche, die diese Ideale und ihre Voraussetzung teilten.
Heinrich Mann ragt hier heraus, aber obwohl er nach einer
Diktatur der Vernunft rief, glaubte Mann, daß nicht nur Deutsch-
land, sondern auch Frankreich nach dem Krieg' eine Erlösung
durch die Vernunft benötigte.

- 16 -

Das Irrationale unter das Rationale zu zwingen^ es in
}inon Rahmen rationalen Denkens einzufügen, schien dringend,
'jn^esichts von Rassismus und des Versuches der deutschen
-^echten, die jüdische Emanzipation zurückzunehemen* Es scheint
mir, daß man kaum anderswo in Europa diese Bestrebungen so
klar Verfolgen kann, nicht nur mittels des Versuchs, Bildung
an die Massen heranzutragen, oder das Beispiel Prankreichs
zu benutzen, um das Irrationale in die Grenzen des Rationalis-
mus einzubinden, sondern auch in vielen Aspekten deutsch-
//üdischor Gelehrsamkeit. Die Untersuchungen des Mythos durch
die von Aby Warburg nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg gegründete
Bibliothek in Hamburg und die philosophischen Anliegen von
Ernst Gassi rer mögen zur Illustrierung dieses Punktes dienen.
Das Irrationale wurde untersucht, in der Absicht, es zu bannen.

io mächtigen Mythen und die hermeneutische Tradition, die

den Aufstieg der modernen Kultur begleitet hatten, wurden in
jin Modell rationalen Gedankenguts integriert. Die Bevorzu-
gung des Klassischen, die Abneigung gegenüber dem Barocken,
weil dieses sich unvereinbarer Gegensätze bewußt war, (wi,e
der Kunsthistoriker Erwin Panofskyres einmal herausstellte),
bedeutete den Vorrang der rationalen Form.

Ernst Gassi rer versuchte, den Mythos durch die rationale
Kulturkritik zu bändigen. Diese Kritik ist vielleicht eines
der fruchtbarsten Vermächtnisse des deutschen Judentums gewesen.
Bezeichnenderweise setzte sie noch einmal den Primat der Kultur
im Kampf der rationalen gegen die irrationalen Kräfte in der
modernen Werlt voraus. Gassi rers Kulturkritik basierte auf
der Idee der fortschreitenden Aufklärung der Menschheit, bis

- 17 -

der Mensch die rationale Basis seiner Existenz erkennen
würde. Das Gedankengut dieses deutschen Liberalen stand jenem
von Sozialisten, wie des ^jungen Georg Lukäcs oder Vertretern
der Frankfurter Schule nahe.

Der deutsch-jüdische Dialog hat stattgefunden: während
der pranzen Zeit fanden Juden deutsche Partner, die fortfuhren.
Bildung und Aufklärung zu verknüpfen^ auch wenn diese Ver-
bindung in der Mitte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts gesprengt
worden war«, Nur wenige würden diese Tatsache abstreiten; aber
Ol gibt solche, die berechtigterweise nach der spezifisch
Jüdischen Komponente dieses Dialogs fragen. Was war jüdisch
diran? Jüdische Tradition und Religion spielten fast keine
??olle im deutsch-jüdischen Dialog. So gab es beispielsweise
krium christliche Erwiderungen auf Leo Eaecks oder Hermann

ohens Verteidigung des Judentums. Weder die liberale noch

die orthodoxe Christenheit trat in einen wirklichen Dialog
mit der jüdischen Theologie ein. Auch waren weder jüdische
Geschichte noch jüdische Sitten ein Teil der Bildung, weder
für NichtJuden, noch für viele gebildete Juden. Doch die-
jenigen, die abgestritten haben, daß ein Dialog stattgefunden
hat, weil fast nichts traditionell Jüdisches daran war,
vergessen den scharfen Bruch mit der Vergangenheit, der den
Trczeß der deutsch-jüdischen Emanzipation begleitete. Die
Juden versuchten, ein neues Selbstverständnis zu finden,
und hier zeigte Humboldts Bildungskonzept den Weg zur Kultur
und Gleichberechtigung.

Natürlich gab es Kontinuitäten, aber als die Juden nach
der europäischen Kultur griffen, führten die neuen Kleider

- 18 -

!azu, daß die alten verdeckt wurden« Es scheint mir irrig zu

oein^ und das nicht nur in Deutschland, über die Juden im
Zeitalter der Emanzipation einzig unter dem Aspekt der Be-
wahrung des religiösen und ethnischen Selbstverständnisses
zu diskutieren» Emanzipation bedeutete ein neues Selbstver-
ständnis der Juden als Bildunp^sbürger: das ist wohl bekannt*
aber es wird oft übersehen, daß gerade diese Kultur ein hoch-

r .

eschätzter jüdischer Besitz wurde ^ als viele Nicht-Juden sie

aufgegeben hatten« Diese Kultur sollte viel zum jüdischen
Gelbstverständnis beitragen, sowohl für jüdische Sozialisten
wio Kurt Eisner und Ernst Toller, für Bestsellerautoren wie
G^fan Zweig oder für jüdische Gelehrte wie Aby Warburg oder
^^nst Cassi rer. Die Judenemanzipation führte zu einer neuen
jüdischen Identität, die aus besonderen deutschen Ziegeln
nowie Mörtel gebaut war und von Juden übernommen wurde ^ die
überwiegend aus der höheren Mittelklasse stammten und gebildet
waren. Dieses Bildungsideal war schließlich besonders dazu
geeignet^ die Juden in die nicht-jüdische V/elt zu integrieren«
Hier trafen sich Juden und Christen in einem Ideal, das über
^^ation und Religion erhaben war und die Geschichte trans-
zondierto: eine neu emanzipierte Minorität, die außerhalb der
deutschen Geschichte gestanden hatte und noch außerhalb der
:hriotlichen Pellgicn ^tand^ konnte sich sit diesem Ideal
''Oll identifizieren«

Vom heutigen Standpunkt aus ist es nur zu einfach, die
''^uden durch Religion oder Nationalität zu definieren^ ihren
sozialen Ausschluß und ihre ethnische Bindung zu untersuchen.
Aber wir dürfen die Geschichte nicht rückwärts lesen« Der

- 19 -

deutsch-jüdische Dialog von Bedeutung fand statt und war
iadurch bedingt ^ daß die Humanität über das Nationalge fühl
oder religiöne Dogmatik gestellt wurde« Er hat sich als Dialog
.^egen die Geschichte erwiesen^ und es wird nicht damit getan
sein, seine Bedeutung aufgrund dieser Tatsache abzustreiten:
ratsachlich hat e^ sein Interesse bis zum heutigen Tag haupt-

4_>

Schlich deshalb behauptet, weil er dem Deutschen und dem

•Tuden ein alternatives Gelbstbewußt^ein anbot, alternativ zu
-.'ation und Religion« Diejenigen^ die daran teilnahmen, drängte
•?s in die Rolle der Kritiker der modernen Kultur und Politik,
frei von den Fesseln einer widrigen Vergangenheit« Auch wenn
diese Konzept von Bildung im Zeitalter der Massenkultur und

!asnenpolitik archaisch wurde, so bot es offenbar weiterhin
eine Alternative zu dem, was es bedeutete^ Deutscher oder Jude
zu sein. Die Ideale der meist jüdischen, sogenannten Links-
intrjllektuellen der Weimarer Republik begeisterten vor allen
eine viel spätere Generation, die in den 60er Jahren versuchte,
eine neue Identität, ein neues Ideal der Gemeinsamkeit, eine
Alternative zum Bestehenden zu finden./ylch habe die Diskussion
dieses links-intellektuellen Erbes des Dialogs an das Ende
meiner Ausführungen gestellt, da er nach meiner Meinung am
längsten nachgewirkt hat» Aber auch hier kann ich wieder nur
inciouten und muß komplexe Zusammenhänge gebündelt aufführen.
Mir geht es darum , dieser Tradition eine historische Dimension
zu verleihen, die meist vergessen wird« Die Alternative zur
niarxistischen Orthodoxie und zur Revolution des Proletariats,
angeboten dtirch die Weimarer Linksintellektuellen, war eng
mit der deutsch- jüdischen Tradition verknüpft, worauf ich hin-

- 20 -

rewiesen habe. Hier^ ob in den Kreisen der "Weltbühne" oder
in der sogenannten Frankfurter Schule, waren Deutsche und
deutsche Juden am Werk^ aber wiederum frappiert der über-
wiegend große Anteil der Juden an diesem Dialog: die Konver-
genz zwischen diesem Drang nach Sozialismus und dem Bildungs-
bürRertum«

Q^-»

solche Linksintellektuelle glaubten, daß der Sozialismus
los Ideal der Menschlichkeit konkretisiere» Es gab unter
ihnen solche^ die Marx mit dem jungen Hegel und dessen offener
Di^ilektik in Beziehung brachten, und wiederum andere, die es
bedauerten, daß Marx Hegel und nicht Kant mit dessen katego-
rischen Imperativ gelesen hatte« Sie waren sich jedoch einig
iarin, den Sozialismus nicht als fertiges Produkt anzusehen,
sondern als Toil eines Prozesses der Vermenschlichung r der
neuhumanistische Bildungsbegriff mit seiner Betonung der •
Toleranz, der Vernunft und der Ästhetik prägte weithingehend
ihr V/eltbild. Sie wollten Sozialismus ohne Terror^ oh 'vc eine*
Diktatur des Proletariats. Sie schrieben den Klassenkampf auf
ihre Fahne, aber hoben ihn gleich wieder auf durch ihren Idealis-
mus, der auf die Veränderung des menschlichen Bewußtseins
zielte, sowie durch ihren weithin von Hegel beeinflußten Be-
triff von der Gesamtheit des Lebens, auf den wir noch zxirück-
koT.nien werden. Hier war keine Diktatur möglich, und politische
Taktik war verpönt, denn der Zweck durfte nicht die Mittel
heiligen. Natürlich gab es Abweichungen von diesem Gedanken-
gut, aber es beschreibt die Grundhaltung von deutsch- ^'ü^^ischen
r^evolutionären wie Ernst Toller, Kurt Eisner oder Gustav Landauer,
um diejenigen Männer zu nennen, die in der ersten, nichtbolsche-

- 21 -

wis tischen Phase der Münchner Revolution führend waren.
lins war eine Revolution, geführt von Linksintellektuellen:
einmalig in der Geschichte ^ und Lion Peuchtwanger traf etwas
von ihrem Geist, wenn er seinen Thomas Wendt in der Novelle
r-1 eichen Titels lieber die Führung einer erfolgreichen Revo-
lution niederlegen läßt, als daß er die Gegenrevolution mit

Gewalt unterdrückte.

Die Beziehung zur Kultur blieb auch hier beherrschend,
selbst wenn kulturelle Phänomene nicht von ihrem sozialen
Kontext losgelöst werden dürfen. Der Klassenkampf wurde
heruntergespielt. Was zählte, war die Gesamtheit des Lebens:
Politik, Wirtschaft und künstlerisches Schaffen. Es gab jedoch
unter vielen dieser Sozialisten eine ausgesprochene Neigung
zugunsten der schönen Künste: Kurt Eisners, Ernst Tollers
und Georg Lukäcs' Voreingenommenheit für Literatur und ^ene
Adornos für Kusik geben dafür gute Beispiele ab. Die Bedeutung
der schönen Künste für den Begriff der Bildung wird anerkannt,
auch wenn hier die Selbstkultivierung der Menschheit nicht
allein von ihrer eigenen Willenskraft und Vernunft, sondern
auch von der sozialen Realität abhängig ist. Trotz dieses
Versuches, eine Balance zivischen Individualität und sozialer
Realität zu finden, ist es aber der Mensch, das Individuum,
las handeln muß, wie uns etwa der c^nge lukacs darlegt, vor-
ausgesetzt, der Mensch versteht die Totalität seiner Existenz
und ist nicht verloren in dieser Welt, Der Mensch muß von
Herrschaft befreit werden: das war die Botschaft der Frankfurter
Schule, die das Institut für Sozialforschung an der neuge-
gründeten Universität in Frankfurt errichtet hatte, und deren

- 22 -

führende Geister von 1950 an Max Horckheimer und Adorno
waren. Nicht allein soziale Verhältnisse, sondern vor allem
^uch die Tyrannei der den menschlichen Willen unterdrückenden
'"redanken.iysteme wurden als die Wurzeln allen tJT:)els ausgemacht»

Dieses Erbe hat, mehr als jedes andere, das Ende des
"lout sehen Judentums überlebt» Sicherlich hat der Versuch der
frühenVzionisten, dem Nationalismus ein menschliches Gesicht
:!u Yorleihon, in Israel überlebt und war dort von starker
Wirkung, hat aber anderswo leider nur wenig Einfluß gefunden«
Diese Seite des Gedankenguts von Martin Buber, Robert Weltsch
oder Gershom Scholem ist nicht genug beachtet worden, obwohl
e3 gleichermaßen Bedeutung für das Erbe des Sozialismus und
dar Gelehrsamkeit hätte»

War dieses Erbe dann ein Schattengefecht, ein Dialog der
Illusionen? Die Vorstellung vom Kenschen und seinen sozialen
wie politischen Bindungen, die diesem Erbe eignete, hatte
':a'iri Beziehung zum Ileitlater der Massen. Die Ideale, die im
alten Bildungsbegriff Ausdruck gefunden hatten, führten zu
einem Idealismus, der manchmal ins Zynische umschlug, dann
nämlich, wenn die Wirklichkeit nicht den Erwartungen entsprach,
Einige der Männer, die in der Weltbühno schrieben, und andere,
wie zum Beispiel Kurt Tucholsky, fuhren sich im Negativen
fest, selbcit dann noch, als die Weimarer Republik um ihr Ver-
leben kämpfte. Diese Männer konnten sich mit der Relativität

liier xenschlichen Bemühungen nicht abfinden, auch nicht damit,
daß es ohne Taktik und Kompromiß keine wahre demolcratische
Politik gebeti kann, und: daß Gewalt dann am Platz ist, wenn
es gilt, einer Bewegung wie dem Nationalsozialismus die Stirn

_ 23 -

zu bieten. Aber gerade das Kritische stärkte am Ende das
Offene, das Menschliche in Kultur und Politik, indem es die
Geschichte als einen kritisch zu beleuchtenden, immerwährenden
Trozeß auffaßte. Der Optimismus, der in diesem Dialog steckte,
scheint uns heute utopisch zu sein, aber trotzdem ist doch
etwas an Ernst Blochs Theorie, daß ohne Utopia kein Fort-
schritt möglich ist» Und dieses Utopia war eine menschliche
Alternative zur Moderne, daher sein Weiterleben.

Die deutschen Juden neigten zu der Illusion, das deutsche
Bürgjertum sei noch im Zeitalter der Emanzipation verwurzelt«
3chon im Schatten des Nationalsozialismus, wurde noch viel
diskutiert über das, was im Volke Goethes, Lessings und Beji^t-
hovens eigentlich unmöglich sei - kurz bevor das Unmöglichste
machbar wurde. Und doch überwiegt auch hier das Positive,
^oxiT^ das deutsche Judentum bewahrte ein kulturelles Erbe,
welches nicht nur^er jungen Generation der 60er Jahre eine
Alternative bot, sondern auch den Liberalismus der Bundesre-
publik befruchtete: einen Liberalismus, der alle etablierten
Parteien durchdrang. Es ist unmöglich, heute festzustellen,
wie tief dieses Erbe in die Gesellschaft eingedrungen ist,
denn die Bundesrepublik hat noch keine solche Zerreißprobe
durchgemacht wie die Weimarer Republik,

Hitler war in der lags, di3 Juden in Deutschland su ver-
nichten, aber nicht dieses Erbe. Als der jüdische Kulturbund
im Jahre 1953 seine erste Vorstellung gab, wählte er natür-
lich Lossings "Nathan, der V/eise". Aber das Ende wurde ge-
ändert, trotz einiger innerjüdischer Kontroversen, Wo sonst
Nathan, der Sultan und der Templer am Ende die Bühne gemein-

- 2^ .

oara verlassen^ blieb Nathan nun alleine zurück. Das war ein
•nutigor Protest gegen den Nationalsozialismus. Nur hat es-
3ich erwiesen, Ironie der Geschichte ^ daß Nathan nicht so
allein war, daß hinter ihm im Schatten eine zukünftige Ge-
neration stand, die von jener intellektuellen Entwicklung
becreistt-^rt und angeregt werden sollte, von eich, der Ent-
wicklung, die die deutsche Rechte als jüdisch und zersetzend
.rehaßt hatte. Auch dies war eine Niederlage für Hitler und
die Deutsch-Nationalen, zugefügt durch jene, die weder Waffen
noch Macht hatten, die die V/ächter einer deutschen Tradition
waron, einer von den meisten Deutschen selbst aufgegebenen
oder durch einen chauvinistischen Nationalismus und platten
Tieoromantizismus verwässerten Tradition, die sie für eine
andere Zeit retteten* Nathan war nicht allein auf dieser
Bühne im Jahre 1933* er führte einer immer stärker enthumani-
oierten V/elt eine klassische deutsche Tradition der Bildung
und der Vermenschlichung vor Augen.

Gedanken zum deutsch-jüdischen Dialog

George L, Mosse

Gab es einen deutsch-oüdischen Dialog? Gershom Scholem
behauptete in einem berühmten Aufsatz^ daß dieser Dialog
niemals stattgefunden habe, daß Juden, wenn sie mit Deutschen
sprachen, in Wirklichkeit mit sich selbst redeten« Andere
jedoch meinen, das Zweite Reich habe den Juden breiten Raum
gegeben, in dem sie deutsch werden konnten. Es mag vielleicht
überflüssig erscheinen, dieser Debatte eine weitere Stimme
hinzuzufügen, 'Doch ist die Beziehung zwischen Deutschen und
Juden ein Problem, das uns nicht nur in der Jüdischen Ge-
schichte begegnet* Das Bild des Juden in Deutschland, der
zu ein und der selben Zeit sowohl 'insider' als .auch ' Out-
sider' war ( wie es Peter Gay einmal ausgedrückt hat), be-
stimmt noch immer weitgehend den Begriff der Weimarer Kultur.
Noch wichtiger: trotz aller arvders lautenden Voraussagen
endete die gemeinsame Geschichte von Deutschen und Juden
nicht mit der Machtergreifung Hitlers, sondern führte, von
den sechziger Jahren an, zu einer neuen Beschäftigung mit
dem deutsch-öüdischen Dialog, dessen spezifischer Einfluß
noch bestimmt werden muß. Doch steht seine Bedeutung für
viele junge Amerikaner und Europäer, die in den sechziger
Jahren unseres Jahrhunderts nach intellektuellen Ahnen
suchten, außer Zweifel. Meine Gedanken zum deutsch-jüdischen
Dialog beschäftigen sich mit dessen Gesamtentwicklung, seinem
geistigen Erbe und mit seiner Bedeutung: sie beschäftigen

- 2 -

sich nicht mit der Masse der deutschen Juden, die in all
ihrer Vielfalt einen Mittelweg zv/ischen Assimilation und
Bewahrung des jüdischen Erbes suchten, sondern mit denen,
die auf eine klar ausgedrückte Weise in diesen Dialog ein-
traten, der von Webster als Gespräch, als Austausch von
Ideen und Meinungen definiert wurde, - und die solcher-
maßen festlegten, was zukünftige Generationen daraus machen
würden. Scholem hat argumentiert, daß die deutschen Juden
nicht als Juden, sondern als Deutsche in das deutsche Leben
eingetreten seien* Das ist wahr: aber sie traten ein als
eine besondere Art deutscher Bildungsbürger» Dies führte
zu einem Dialog der immer noch relevanten Alternativen»

Sicherlich wurde dieser Dialog' mit unterschiedlicher
Intensität geführt» Die realive soziale Isolation der
deutschen Juden wird oft als Beweis dafür genommen, daß
ein solcher Dialog nicht existiert habe» Der deutsch-jüdische
Dialog war jedoch kein sozialer, sondern ein kultureller,
aufgebaut auf jener Kultur, in die die Juden hineinemanzi-
piert wurden.

Dies war eine hohe Kultur, auf deren Bildungsideal wir
zurückkommen werden» Doch war die volkstümliche Kultur vom
deutsch- jüdischen Dialog nicht ausgeschlossen, denn, wie
wir sehen sehen werden, wurden jüdische Autoren Bestseller«
Auch im Aufzeigen dieses Aspekts können wir, wie in unserem
ganzen Beitrag, vieles nur andeuten und nicht erschöpfend
behandeln. Wir werden versuchen, offenzulegen, was uns als
dauerhafteste Stränge dieses Dialogs erscheint»

Es ist eine Tatsache, daß es auf der Ebene der volks-

- 3 -

tümlichen Kultur einen Dialog gab, lange schon bevor er

auf der Grundlage der Ideale der Bildung und der Aufklärung
stattfand: vor der Ära Humboldts^ im späten 17. und im 18.
Jahrhundert, gab es eine deutsch-jüdische Brüderschaft in der
Unterwelt^, einen Dialog der deutschen Außenseiter. Hier
waren Juden schon seit dem Mittelalter ein Teil von Banden
aus Räubern und Dieben, wie wohl Spiegelberg in Schillers
"Räubern". Die klassische Darstellung dieser Art von deutsch-
jüdischer Beziehung findet sich in einem berühmten Buch
über "Deutsches Gaunertum" (1858) des Lübecker Polizei-
direktors, Friedrich Ave-Lallemand. Nicht nur führt er aus-
gerechnet das Wort 'Gauner' auf seine jiddische Quelle zu-
rück, sondern überhaupt ist das Buch voll von hebräischen
Schriftzeichen, da Lallemand versucht, die sprachlichen
Quellen der Unterwelt (das sogenannte Rothwelsch) nachzu-
weisen. Hier gab es einen eigentümlichen Dialog zwischen
gesellschaftlichen "Außenseitern", der über berufliche
Interessen hinausging, da Juden zu einem wesentlichen Teil
der christlichen Banden wurden, wenn auch rein jüdische
Banden weiterhin bestanden. In den gemischten Banden jedoch
gingen oft Christen zusammen mit Juden an jüdischen Fest-
tagen zur Synagoge. Ich kenne kaum ein anderes Beispiel,
wo jene, die außerhalb der Gesellschaft standen, eine der-
artige Gemeinschaft bildeten. Im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert
dagegen spielte oft genug ein Außenseiter den anderen aus,
wenn es darum ging, in der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft Fuß zu

fassen.

V/enn wir jedoch auf die überwiegende Mehrheit der deutschen

- 4 -

Juden blicken, müssen wir auf ein einzigartiges Merkmal
der jüdischen Emanzipation hinweisen, das den deutsch-
jüdischen Dialog entscheidend beeinflußte: die schmale
soziale Basis der deutschen Juden, welcher, mit Ausnahme
der Unterwelt, sowohl die höchsten wie auch die niedereren
Ränge der sozialen Leiter fehlten. Das deutsche Judentum
hatte, anders als das in Frankreich, kein Elsaß-Lothringen
mit seiner Masse ärmerer Juden. Doch ist dieses Bild der
deutschen Juden als feste, eigentlich prädestinierte Mit-
glieder der Mittelklasse unvollständig. Es konzentriert
sich nämlich auf die Städte und nicht auf das Land, auf
Preußen und nicht auf den Süden. Die Land Juden, die über-
wiegend in Baden, Württemberg und Bayern lebten, sind ebenso
wie die jüdischen "Gauner" die Stiefkinder der Historio-
graphie. Dennoch mag hier, wie in der Unterwelt, der deutsch-
jüdische Dialog am intensivsten gewesen sein, wenn auch am
wenigsten intellektuell.

Wir müssen bei den in den Städten lebenden Juden bleiben.
Hier bagoGCicn wir nicht nur einer schmalen sozialen Basis,
die eine relativ leichte Integration in den Lebensstil der
deutschen Mittelklasse bedeutete, sondern ebenso stoßen
wir auf den Griff nach der deutschen Kultur als dem wahren
Merkmal der Emanzipation, zu einer Zeit, als die deutsche
Mittelklasse sich selber durch ihren Kulturbegriff legiti-
mieren wollte.

Die Emanzipation der Juden fiel mit dem Bildungsideal zu-
sammen, für das Wilhelm von Humboldt so beredt eintrat. Das
Wort Bildung bedeutete die harmonische Entwicklung und ^er-

- 5 -

Durch Bildung wird der Mensch zum Bürger, der das öffent-
liche Leben mitbestimmt» Solch eine Kultivierung der Per-
sönlichkeit wurde durch Erziehung ermöglicht: Lernen war
nicht ein Selbstzweck, sondern ein Mittel, eine abgerundete
und vernünftige Persönlichkeit zu erwerben* Hier, in diesem
kulturellen Ideal der aufsteigenden Klasse reichten sich
Aufklärung und Bildung die Hände, Aber dieser Bund war nicht
von Dauer. Sein Verfall bewirkte, daß die Juden ihrer Ge-
sprächspartner beraubt wurden, da sie genau an dieser
Mischung von Bildung und Aufklärung festhielten, welche
gerade in der Zeit der Judeneraanzipation auseinanderbrach»

Vom Beginn des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts an neigten die
herrschenden akademischen Kreise in Deutschland dazu, die
idealistische Komponente der Bildung zu betonen. Bildung,
al3 die Seele und die Instinkte durchdringend^ wurde einem
Bildungsbegriff im Sinne eines Produktes des rationalen Ver-
standes vorgezogen. Wann nun dieses emotionale und in sich
geschlossene Bildungskonzept wichtiger wurde als Humboldts
Ideal, bleibt noch zu bestimmen; was die deutschen Juden
betrifft, so neigten sie dazu, sich eng an Humboldts Ideal

- 6 .

anzulehnen und weiterhin in der Y^:ryQllkommnung der Ver-
nunft den Weg su wahrer Bildung zu sehen. Das offene
Bildungsideal ^ in das sie hineinemanzipiert wurden, war
schließlich der beste Weg zur Assimilation« Bezeichnender-
weise ergriff zum Beispiel Berthold Auerbach, der typischste
Vertreter des Judentums in dieser Zeit, in seinem Buch,
über Spinoza (1836) die Gelegenheit, gegen den Fanatismus
zu predigen und eine karte sianis che Einstellung zum Leben
zu empfehlen^ Von Lessings "Nathan", der Magna Charta des
deutschen Judentums ^ glaubte man, daß er eine ähnliche
Lektion erteile: Toleranz basiert auf dem Glauben an die
Vernunft und an den individuellen Wert eines Menschen.
Menschliche Vollkommenheit, so glaubte man, würde durch
3ene Weisheit, jenes Wissen. und durch jene Kultiviertheit
erreicht, die Nathan und Spinoza angeblich besaßen«

Es gab noch einen weiteren, wenn auch noch nicht genau
erforschten Bestandteil des Bildungsideals, der für die
Juden besondere Bedeutung hatte: das Ideal des gebildeten
Bürgers wurde begleitet vom Ideal der Freundschaft. Freund-
schaft als Verlängerung seiner selbst aufgefaßt, nicht durch
Angewiesensein auf den anderen, sondern- als Anerkennung
einer gleichberechtigten Persönlichkeit.

Wir dürfen nicht vergessen, welch bedeutsame Rolle
jüdisch-christliche Freundschaften im Zeitalter der Emanzipa-
tion spielten: indem nämlich durch die Anknüpfung enger,
persönlicher Beziehungen die jüdische Anerkennung symboli-
siert wurde. Moses Mendelssohn und seine Freundschaft mit
Lessing und anderen Christen beflügelte die zeitgenössische

- 7 -

Vorstellung im Sinne eines Symbols für einen zukunfts-
trächtigen Dialog. Moses Mendelssohn^ oft als der erste
gebildete deutsche Jude mythologisiert » wurde oft darge-
stellt als im Dialog mit seinen Freunden: Philosophie und
Literatur im Geiste der Aufklärungsphilosophen diskutierend«
iis sei die personlicüe freundscnart^ scnrieb Auerbach,, die
den Menschen vom Tier unterscheide* In der Tat war es der
Verlust solcher Freundschaften mit Christen, der Auerbach
sehr als jeder andere Faktor dasu triebe den Antisemit ismu:;?
der 80er Jahre des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts zu beklagen.
Die Judenernanzipation und das Bildunsgideal hatten für viele
Juden und Christen Gestalt angenommen durch den Kult der
Freundschaft, die über alle Unterschiede hinwegsah. Wie
schrieb doch Berthold Auerbach im Jahr 1859 über seinen
Freundeskreis: "Wo alles in lautem Denken sich vereinigt.^'

Ohne das klassische Bildungsideal und seine Rezeption
durch die deutschen Juden muß das Problem dies deutsch-jüdischen
Dialogs in der Luft hängen. Denn so lange dieses Konzept
bestand, hatten die Juden Partner in diesem Dialog; als es
aoer scnwacher wurde und verfiel, wurden die deutschen Juden
in zunehmendem Maße isoliert. Eine enge soziale Basis und
eine zeitgebundene, einseitige kulturelle Perspektive ver-
stärkten sich gegenseitig. Durch ihre soziale Basis und'
dadurch, was sie als Kultur akzeptierten, waren die Juden
im Zeitraum ihrer Emanzipation verwurzelt: eine edle aber
nur kurze Zeit in der preußischen und deutschen Geschichte,
in der Ge-schichte der deutschen Juden dagegen eine Zeit,

die niemals endete. Der deutsch- jüdische Dialog fand mit

- 8 -

denen Deutschen statt, die. dieses besondere Bildungsideal
teilten r den Glauben an Erziehung und Erneuerung durch die
Klassiker f so wie sie Liberalismus, Freundschaft und Bürger-
recht gleichsetzten.

Daß die deutschen Juden an diesem Ideal festhielten,
zeigt, daß die Trennung zwischen Bildung und Aufklärung an
ihnen weithingehend vorübergegangen war: dies gilt, selbst
wenn einige Judon sich der Suche nach einer auf Emotionen
und nicht auf Vernunft basierenden Gemeinschaft anschlössen.
Es gilt trcrtz der TaJ3ache, daß die meisten Juden ihre Kinder
nicht mehr auf das humanistische Gymnasium, sondern auf
die pragmatischer orientierte Realschule schickten, sobald
als diese gegründet worden war.

Als jedoch Eva Reichmann 1967 daran ging, die vielen
Diskussionen über die sogenannte "oüdische Frage" im Jahr
1933s 3^^ denen auch sie teilgenommen hatte, zu analysieren,
fand sie keinen Dialog, sondern Konfrontation: "Judengegner
gegen Juden": Juden und Christen schrieben im gleichen Buch
über die jüdische Frage, aber jeder legte nur seinen Stand-
punkt dar — es gab keinen Dialog, kein Gespräch, und keine
Meinung wurde je geändert. Diese riesi gen Bände waren die
Grabmäler des deutsch- jüdischen Dialogs, wenn auch einige
ihrer Herausgeber viel Wohlwollen gegenüber den Juden zeigten.
Die freier fließenden Diskussionen im Rundfunk in der Weimarer
Republik warjn selten und änderten wenig. Dies waren kaum
noch Dialoge wie der zwischen Lessing und Mendelssohn oder
wie der zwischen Auerbach und Viktor Scheffel. Das Ideal der
Freundschaft war ein intellektuelles und literarisches Ideal,

- 9 -

das sich dem Angriff nationaler Ideale beugen mußte»

Gleichwohl existierte ein echtes Gespräch^ wenn auch
räumlich wie zeitlich in eingeschränkter Form« Die Juden
wollten moderne Männer und Frauen werden^ die nach einer
soß:enannten "Mission des Judentums" suchten, eine Mission^

Bürgertugend^ mit der Religion der Vernunft, wie sie Männer
wie Hermann Cohen definieren sollten^ oder mit jener der
Propheten^ deren Ideale für alle Zeiten, für alle Völker
und alle Glaubensbekenntnisse gültig waren. Ob solche
Juden verkappte Protestanten wurden, oder ob sie das Juden-
tum nur als Basis für eine neokantische Moral benutzten, ist
in diesem historischen Kontext irrelevant. Diese Männer und
Frauen verstanden sich selber als Juden und traten von dieser
Basis aus in den Dialog ein; und wir dürfen ihre Position
nicht aus der Perspektive eines viel späteren Zionismus oder
eines noch späteren Wiederauflebens jüdischer Orthodoxie
beurteilen« Beidesr, Zionismus wie Orthodoxie, spielte unter
den deutschen Juden bis nach der Machtergreifung der Nazis
keine entscheidende Rolle •

Dieser Dialog funktionierte zu einem bestimmten Zeit-
punkt der Geschichte, auch wenn er die Masse der Deutschen
ausklammerte« Gerade die soziale und politische Struktur
des Lebens der deutschen Juden half dabei, diese von dem
neuen Nationalismus und der Massenpolitik zu isolieren«
Und dennoch, Juden spielten eine Rolle in der deutschen
Populär kultur: nicht in dem Sinne, daß sie solche Kultur
unter die Leute brachten (hierin spielten sie, mit Ausnahme

- 10 -

des späteren Hauses Ullstein» eine untergeordnete Rolle),
.sondern z.B. auch als Bestsellerautoren. Die Wechselbeziehung
zwischen deutschen Juden und Populärkultur ist bis jetzt
noch nicht untersucht worden, vielleicht wegen der fortge-
setzten Selbstidentifizierung des deutschen Judentums mit
der sogenannten höheren Kultur. Doch ist eine solche Unter-
suchung, sei sie auch noch so kurz, entscheidend für ein
Verständnis des deutsch- Jüdischen, seit 1918 fortschreitend
mit I^assenkultur und Massenpolitik konfrontierten Dialogs.
Die Ideale von Freundschaft und vom Mensch wider die Masse
konnten in Ernst Tollers Dramen verherrlicht werden, aber
sie fanden wenig Anklang auf dem Kulturmarkt.

Einige deutsche Juden wurden Bestsellerautoren. Im Großen
und Ganzen schrieben sie auf dem gleichen ideologischen
Niveau wie die Marlitts oder Courths-Mahlers : Liberale, die
von einer Welt der Gerechtigkeit, des Glücks und der Schön-
heit träumten, wo einfache Menschen mit Wohlwollen und
einem "goldenen Herzen" Erfolg haben würden, und wo das
Böse, der Dogmatismus und die Intoleranz ein für alle Mal
verschwänden. In der Tat existierte eine Reihe von jüdischen
Marlitta, die Romane für die spezifisch jüdische Familien-
presse schrieben: Namen wie^Emma Vely sind heute vergessen,
aber obwohl ihre Figuren fromme Juden waren, unterschieden
sie sich kaum von denen der Marlitt, Bezeichnenderweise
passen die Bauern aus Berthold Auerbachs "Schwarzwälder Dorf-
geschichten in dieses Bild, und Friedrich Theodor Vischer,
der an Aurerbachs Grab sprach, hatte recht, als er ihn den
Schöpfer eines idealisierten Weltbildes nannte. Vielleicht

i^^)^.'-

- 11 -

if5t das der Grund^ warum wir uns kaum noch an seine immense
Popularität und sein Ansehen erinnern, ebenso wie wir ge-
neigt sind, auf die Gartenlaube und ihre Autoren mit nach-
sichtiger Belustigung herabzusehen. Doch blieb vieles von
dieser Welt in der Utopie der Populärkultur haften, sogar
noch zu einer Zeit, als die modernen Massenbewegungen die
Ideale der Toleranz und des guten Willens zu zerstören
schienen. Während diese liberale und menschenfreundliche,
mit Sentimentalität durchsetzte Utopie die deutsche populäre
Literatur beherrschte, versuchten jüdische Bestsellerautoren
wie z.Be Stefan Zweig, Emil Ludwig und Lion Feuchtwanger,
während der Weimarer Republik der Masse ihrer Leser den Kern
des Bildungsideals nahezubringen. Bezeichnenderweise hatten
populäre jüdische Autoren die Neigung, persönliche Beziehungen^
'^'reundschaften und Feindschaften hervorzuheben. Auch die
populären Biographien von Emil Ludv/ig oder Stefan Zweig zeigen
den Prozeß der Personalisierung auf.

So heißt es bei Stefan Zweig in den "Sternstunden der Mensch«
heit"(l928), seinem vielleicht populärsten Buch, es gebe keine
Regel und kein Gesetz, sondern nur das menschliche Schicksal.
Immer ist das Individuum im Vordergrund.

Solche Personalisierung wurde zur Dramatik stilisiert, in
welcher, um noch einmal die "Sternstundon" zu zitieren,
"Sekunden über das Schicksal von Jahrhunderten entscheiden".
Toch wenn das Menschliche und seine Leidenschaften, wenn die
v/endungen des Schicksals herausgehoben werden, so sind sie
begleitet 'von der Suche nach Zurückhaltung, einer grundlegenden
Ablehnung des Irrationalen, einer Ambivalenz gegenüber seinen

V.'.-

- 12 -

Wirkungen* Zweigs Porträts; enden meistens tragisch, und
er selbst schreibt über die Verlierer der Geschichte:
Erasmus starb als Gescheiterter, Castellio wurde von Calvin
verbrannt - am Ende der Liste stand dann Zweigs eigener
Tod: Selbstmord im brasilianischen Exil« Das Chaos der
Leidenschaften war der Feind der Aufklärer wie Erasmus
oder Castellio. Die Urteile» die Zweig fällte, stehen sehr
stark, wenn auch in verwässerter Form, in der 3ildüngs-
tradition. Im gleichen Maße war die Vernunft immer präsent,
unter den Nazis erhielt sie sogar noch verstärkte Betonung.
"Das Bemühen, den Verrat der Vernunft an die Leidenschaften
der Massen zu verhindern", über das Zweig in der "Welt von
Gestern", seinem letzten im brasilianischen Exil verfaßten
Buch, schrieb, hatte ihn bereits im Ersten Weltkrieg zum
Pazifisten gemacht und mit Widerwillen dagegen erfüllt, im
Zweiten Weltkrieg auch nur mit seiner Feder zu kämpfen.

Das Bildungsidoal, verbunden mit der Methode des Best-
sellerautors ist hier von besonderem Interesse, weil es
so weitgehend auf eine Erweiterung der zwischenmenschlichen
Beziehungen gegründet ist. Das Ideal der Freundschaft, so
wichtig im Prozeß der Emanzipation, bleibt für deutsche
Juden als Teil des Bildungsideals und als die Uberbrückung
menschlicher Unterschiede von großer Bedeutung. "Es gibt
keine solche Sache wie Gerechtigkeit oder Tapferkeit, sofern
es irgend eine Nation betrifft", schrieb Zweig im Jahre 1921
an Romain I^olland, "Ich kenne nur Menschen."

Es kann kein Zufall sein, daß es gerade Juden wie Stefan
Zveig oder Emil Ludwig waren, die in ihren populären Bio-

\mm

- 13 -

^raphien die Ideale der Bildung in die Literatur für die
Massen einbrachten« Keiner dieser Männer hielt sich für einen
3pe2ifisch 'jüdischen Autor*» aber genausowenig hatte dies
in: 19« »Jahrhundert Auerbach getan* Wir haben es hier mit einer
Einstellung zu tun» einer Tradition, die direkt von dem be-
sonderen Prozeß der Judenassimilation in Deutschland her-
kommt, dem Versuch nämlich, ein neues Gewand für sich zu
finden und das alte abzustreifen* Als Historiker, die jetzt
etwas von der Gesamtheit der deutsch-jüdischen Geschichte
überblicken können, müssen wir erkennen, daß diese Männer
noch immer in einer spezifisch deutschen Tradition standen,
die einst einen besonderen Dialog ermöglicht hatte. Sie waren
nun die Hüter dieser Tradition geworden. und fanden es immer

achwieriger, christliche Partner in ein Gespräch einzubinden,
in dem beide sich durch Vernunft, Weisheit und Wissen bilden
würden. Vor diesem Hintergrund hat die Tatsache, daß Zweig,
Ludwig und andere als Bestsellsrautoren in eine Art von Dialog
mit den deutschen Massen eintraten, eine zusätzliche Bedeutung,
Sie taten dies trotz ihres Liberalismus und ihres Unvermögens,
die deutsche Vergangenheit oder die christliche Religion ihrer
christlichen Leser zu teilen. Hier wurde ihnen Hilfe von der
liberalen Tradition der deutschen Populärliteratur zuteil:
von den Marlitts, Ganghof ers und Karl Mays, die eine Welt
zeigten* die nahezu identisch mit der von Auerbachs Bauern
oder mit vielen von Ludwigs und Zweigs Helden war. Es mißlang
ihnen, die Ideale ihrer Art von Bildung weiterzugeben: man
las ihre Romane und Biographien als mitreißende Geschichten
und ignorierte die Botschaft«

f. Vi*!?

- l/f -

Wenn es solchen Juden gelang,, in die deutsche Populär-
kultur einzudringen, so führten andere, aus der zur damaligen
Zeit am stärksten ins Auge fallenden und wichtigsten Gruppe
der jüdischen Bourgeosie, deutlich vor, wie die unverdünnte
Erb^schaft des Rationalismus und der Bildung zu einer Ent-
fremdung von der deutschen Realität und am Ende allen sinn-
vollen Gesprächs führen konnte« Solche deutschen Juden wollten
nach 19^3 der wachsenden Irrationalität in der deutschen i
politischen Landschaft gegensteuern, indem sie versuchten, sie
stärker auf das Beispiel Prankreichs hin zu orientieren» Hier
waren die oft geschmähten jüdischen Bestsellerautoren näher
an einem Verständnis der deutschen Realität, als jene, die
aktiv versuchten, die Ausrichtung dieser Realität zu beein-
flussen, und zwar hauptsächlich durch die sogenannte demokra-
tische Presse« So wollte zum Beispiel Theodor Wolf f^. der Chef-
redakteur des "Berliner Tageblatts", die neue Deutsche Demo-
kratische Partei nach dem Vorbild der französischen radikalen
Sozialisten formen« Deutsche Juden waren geneigt, sich auf
französische Vorbilder zu berufen, in der Absicht nämlich,
die Vernunftmäßigkeit zu stärken und die deutsche Bildung zu
erneuern»

Das Frankreich, das Dreyfus zum Sieg verhelfen hatte, könnte
doch, so glaubte man, auch kultivierte Deutsche beflügeln,
einen ähnlichen Sieg anzustreben« Man hielt das für möglich,

ungeachtet der Tatsache, daß noch vor dem Krieg ein ^o-Drey-
fuß-3tück in Berlin verboten worden war, allein aufgrund der
Fiktion, daß es die öffentliche Ruhe hätte gefährden können«
Modris Ecksteins Studie über die wichtigsten deutschen demo-

•1

-••■•»%

- 15 -

krati sehen Zeitungen, die im Besitz von Juden waren und auch
weitgehend von ihnen herausgegeben wurden, kam zu dem Schluß,
daß Frankreich für diese Zeitungen das Modell moderner Politik
iirstellte. Des weiteren wird ein Blick auf jene Persönlich-
keiten, die unmittelbar nach dem Eisten Weltkrieg den französisch-
deutschen Kulturaustausch förderten, zu einer Zeit also, als
dies in hohem VaQe suspekt war, in der vordersten Reihe deutsche
Juden finden» Um ein Beispiel zu nennen, so lud der Besitzer .
des "Berliner Tageblatts", kaum daß das Schießen beendet war,
Yvette Gilbert ein, in Berlin zusingon. Und Max Horckheimer
schrieb, obgleich von einem anderen politischen Standpunkt
ausgehend: "Die Menschheit ist besonders in Frankreich zu Hause»"
Diese Orientierung an Frankreich dokumentiert den Mangel an
politischem Realismus unter jenen, die hofften, daß die deutsche
Kriegsniederlage so schnell überwunden sein würde, daß die
Lehren dieses Krieges zur Wiederherstellung von Vernunft und
Bildung führen würde • Der deutsch- jüdische Dialog hatte in
diesen letzten Jahren vor Hitlers Machtergreifung die Tendenz,
ein französisch-jüdisch-deutscher Dialog zu werden, ein Dialog,
der sich nicht zum Frankreich der Rechten hingezogen fühlte,
sondern zu dem Frankreich, das sich das Erbe der Aufklärung
und der Revolution bewahrt zu haben schien und das über die
Anti-Dreyfus-ards triumphiert hatte • Sicherlich gab es auch
Deutsche, die diese Ideale und ihj?e Voraussetzung teilten*
Heinrich Mann ragt hier heraus, aber obwohl er nach einer
Diktatur der Vernunft rief, glaubte Mann, daß nicht nur Deutsch-
land, sondern auch Prankreich nach dem Krieg eine Erlösung
durch die Vernunft benötigte»

- 16 -

Das Irrationale unter das. Rationale zu zwingen » es in
einen Rahmen rationalen Denkens einzufügen^ schien dringend,
angesichts "^on Rassismus und des Versuches der deutschen
Rechten, die jüdische Emanzipation zurückzunehemen» Es scheint
mir, daß man kaum anderswo in Europa diese Bestrebungen so
klar verfolgen kann, nicht nur mittels des Versuchs, Bildung
an die Massen heranzutragen, oder das ^Beispiel Prankreichs
zu benutzen, um das Irrationale in die Grenzen des Rationalis-
mus einzubinden, sondern auch in vielen Aspekten deutsch-
jüdischer Gelehrsamkeit. Die Untersuchungen des Mythos durch
die von Aby V/arburg nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg gegründete
Bibliothek in Hamburg und die philosophischen Anliegen von
Ernst Gassi rer mögen zur Illustrierung dieses Punktes dienen.
Das Irrationale wurde untersucht, in der Absicht, es zu bannen.
Die mächtigen Mythen und die hermeneutische Tradition, die
den Aufstieg der modernen Kultur begleitet hatten, wurden in
ein Modell rationalen Gedankenguts integriert. Die Bevorzu-
gung des Klassischen, die Abneigung gegenüber dem Barocken,
weil dieses sich unvereinbarer Gegensätze bewußt war, (wie
der KunsthistorikeFTSwin Panofslcy^^es einmal herausstellte),
bedeutete den Vorrang der rationalen Form.

Ernst Cassi rer versuchte, den Mythos durch die rationale
Kulturkritik zu bändigen. Diese Kritik ist vielleicht eines
der fruchtbarsten Vermächtnisse des deutschen Judentums gewesen.
Bezeichnenderweise setzte sie noch einmal den Primat der Kultur
im Kampf der rationalen gegen die irrationalen Kräfte in der
modernen We'lt voraus. Cassi rers Kulturkritik basierte auf
der Idee der fortschreitenden Aufklärupg der Menschheit, bis

- 17 -

der Mensch die rationale B?^sis seiner Existenz erkennen
würde. Das Gedankengut dieses deutschen Liberalen stand (jenem

von Sozialisten, wie des jungen Georg Lukäcs oder Vertretern
der Frankfurter Schule nahe.

Der deutsch-GÜdische Dialog hat stattgefunden: während
der e:anzen Zeit fanden Juden deutsche Partner, die fortfuhren.
Bildung und Aufklärung zu verknüpfen, auch wenn diese Ver-
bindung in der Mitte des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts gesprengt
worden war* Nur wenige würden diese Tatsache abstreiten; aber
03 gibt solche, die berechtigterweise nach der spezifisch
jüdischen Komponente dieses Dialogs fragen. Was war jüdisch
daran? Jüdische Tradition und Religion spielten fast keine
I^olle im deutsch-jüdischen Dialog. So gab es beispielsweise
kaum christliche Erwiderungen auf Leo Baecks oder Hermann
Cohens Verteidigung des Judentums« Weder die liberale noch
die orthodoxe Christenheit trat in einen wirklichen Dialog
mit der jüdischen Theologie ein. Auch waren weder jüdische
Geschichte noch jüdische Sitten ein Teil der Bildung, weder
für NichtJuden, noch für viele gebildete Juden. Doch die-
jenigen, die abgestritten haben, daß ein Dialog stattgefunden
hat, weil fast nichts traditionell Jüdisches daran war,
vergessen den scharfen Bruch mit der Vergangenheit, der den
Prozeß der deutsch- jüdischen Emanzipation begleitete. Die
Juden versuchten, ein neues Selbstverständnis zu finden,
und hier zeigte Humboldts Bildungskonzept den Weg zur Kultur
nnd Oleichberechtigung.

Natürlich gab es Kontinuitäten, aber als die Juden nach
der europäischen Kultur griffen, führten die neuen Kleider

• rf

- 18 -

dazu, daß die alten verdeckt wurden. Es scheint mir irrig zu
seiriv und das nicht nur in Deutschland, über die Juden im
Zeitalter d4r Emanzipation einsig unter dem Aspekt der Be-
wahrung des religiösen und ethnischen Selbstverständnisses
zu diskutieren. Emanzipation bedeutete ein neues Selbstver-
ständnis der Juden als Bildungsbürger: das ist wohl bekannt,
aber es wird oft übersehen, daß gerade diese Kultur ein hoch-
geschätzter jüdischer Besitz wurde, als viele Nicht-Juden sie
aufgegeben hatten. Diese Kultur sollte viel zum Jüdischen
Selbstverständnis beitragen, sowohl für jüdische Sozialisten
wie Kurt Eigner und Ernst Toller, für Bestsellerautoren wie
S^^affan Zweig oder für jüdische Gelehrte wie Aby Warburg oder
Ernst Cassi^rer, Die Judenemanzipation führte zu einer neuen
jüdischen Identität, die aus besonderen deutschen Ziegeln
sowie Mörtel gebaut war und von Juden übernommen wurde, die
überwiegend aus der höheren Mittelklasse stammten und gebildet
waren. Dieses Bildungsideal war schließlich besonders dazu
geeignet, die Juden in die nicht-jüdische Welt zu integrieren.
Hier trafen sich Juden und Christen in einem Ideal, das über
Nation und Religion erhaben war und die Geschichte trans-
zendierto: eine neu emanzipierte Minorität, die außerhalb der
deutschen Geschichte gestanden hatte und noch außerhalb der
cbrictlichen Peligicn stand, konnte sich siit diesem Ideal
voll identifizieren.

Vom heutigen Standpunkt aus ist es nur zu einfach, die
Juden durch Religion oder Nationalität zu definieren, ihren
sozialen Ausschluß und ihre ethnische Bindung zu untersuchen.
Aber wir dürfen die Geschichte nicht rückwärts lesen. Der

. 19 -

deutsch- jüdische Dialog von Bedeutung fand statt und war
dadurch bedirgt, daß die Humanität über das Nationalgefühl
oder religiöse Dogmatik gestellt wurde« Er hat sich als Dialog
•legen die Geschichte erwiesen, und es wird nicht damit getan
sein, seine Bedeutung aufgrund dieser Tatsache abzustreiten:
rarsachlich hat er sein Interesse bis zum heutigen Tag haupt-
sächlich deshalb behauptet, weil er dem Deutschen und dem
•Taden ein alternatives oelbstbewußtaein anbot, alternativ zu
Nation und Religion« Diejenigen, die daran teilnahmen, drängte
es in die Rolle der Kritiker der modernen Kultur und Politik,
frei von den Fesseln einer widrigen Vergangenheit. Auch wenn
diese Konzept von Bildung im Zeitalter der Massenkultur und
r^ascenpolitik archaisch wurde, so bot es offenbar weiterhin
eine Alternative zu dem, was es bedeutete, Deutscher oder Jude
zu sein. Die Ideale der meist jüdischen, sogenannten Links-
intellektuellen der Weimarer Republik begeisterten vor allem
eine viel spätere Generation, die in den 60er Jahren versuchte,
eine neue Identität, ein neues Ideal der Gemeinsamkeit, eine
Alternative zum Bestehenden zu finden^Ich h^be die Diskussion
dieses links-intellektuellen Erbes des Dialogs an das Ende
meiner Ausführungen gestellt, da er nach meiner Meinung am
längsten nachgewirkt hat. Aber auch hier kann ich wieder nur
indeuten und n\xB komplexe Zusammenhänge gebündelt aufführen.
Mir geht es darum , dieser Tradition eine historische Dimension
2U verleihen, die meist vergessen wird. Die Alternative zur
marxistischen Orthodoxie und zur Revolution des Proletariats,
angeboten d\irch die V/eimarer Linksintellektuellen, war eng
mit der deutsch- jüdischen Tradition verknüpft, worauf ich hin-

- 20 -

gewiesen habe. Hier^ ob in den K;(^eiJ3en der "Weltbühne" oder
in der sogenannten Frankfurter "Schule, waren Deutsche und
deutsche Juden am Werk» aber wiederum frappiert der über-
wiegend große Anteil der Juden an diesem Dialog: die Konver-
genz zwischen diesem Drang nach Sozialismus und dem Bildungs-
bürgertum*

Solche Linksintellektuelle glaubten, daß der Sozialismus
des Ideal der Menschlichkeit konkretisiere* Es gab unter
ihnen solche ^ die Marx mit dem jungen Hegel und dessen ^offener
Dialektik in Beziehung brachten, und wiederum andere, die es
bedauerten, daß Marx Hegel und nicht Kant mit dessen katego-
rischen Imperativ gelesen hatte* Sie waren siöh jedoch einig
darin, den Sozialismus nicht als fertiges Produkt anzusehen,
sondern als Toil eines Prozesses der Vermenschlichung: der
neuhumanistische Bildungsbegriff mit seiner Betonun'g der
Toleranz, der Vernunft und der Ästhetik prägte weithingehend
ihr Weitbild* Sie wollten Sozialismus ohne Terror. o/^nc eine'
Diktatur des Proletariats* Sie schrieben den Klassenkampf auf
ihre Fahne, aber hoben ihn gleich wieder auf durch ihren Idealis-
mus, der auf die Veränderung des menschlichen Bewußtseins
zielte, sowie durch ihren weithin von Hegel beeinflußten Be-
griff von der Gesamtheit des Lebens, auf den wir noch zurück-
kommen werden. Hier war keine Diktatur möglich, und politische
Taktik war verpönt, denn der Zweck durfte nicht die Mittel
heiligen* Natürlich gab es Abweichungen von diesem Gedanken-
gut, aber ^s beschreibt die Grundhaltung von deutsch- jüdischen ^
Revolutionären wie Ernst Toller, Kurt Eisner oder Gustav Landauer,
um diejenigen Männer zu nennen, die in der ersten, nichtbolsche-

- 21 -

wistischen Phase der Münchner Revolution führend waren«
Dies war eine Revolution, geführt von Linksintellektuellen:
einmalig in der Geschichte, und Lion Peuchtwanger traf etwas
von ihrem Geist, wenn er seinen Thomas Wendt in der Novelle
gleichen Titels iieher die Führung einer erfolgreichen Revo-
lution niederlep5:en läßt* als daß er die Gegenrevolution mit
Gewalt unterdrückte«

Die Beziehung zur Kultur blieb auch hier beherrschend,
selbst wenn kulturelle Phänomene nicht von ihrem sozialen
*'ontext losgelöst werden dürfen« Der Klassenkampf wurde
heruntergespielt« Was zählte, war die Gesamtheit des Lebens:
Politik, Wirtschaft und künstlerisches Schaffen« Es gab jedoch
unter vielen dieser Sozialisten eine ausgesprochetie Neigung
zugunsten der schönen Künste i Kurt Eisners, Ernst Tollers
und Georg Lukäcs' Voreingenommenheit für Literatur und ^ene

Adornos für Musik geben dafür gute Beispiele ab« Die Bedeutung

der schönen Künste für den Begriff der Bildung wird anerkannt,
auch wenn hier die Selbstkultivierung der Menschheit nicht
allein von ihrer eigenen V/illenskraft und Vernunft, sondern
auch von der sozialen Realität abhängig ist. Trotz dieses
Versuches, eine Balance zwischen Individualität und sozialer
Pealität zu finden, ist es aber der Mensch, das Individuum,
.-'.13 handeln muß, wie uns etwa der junge Lukäcs darlegt, vor-
ausgesetzt, der Mensch versteht die Totalität seiner Existenz
und ist nicht verloren in dieser Welt, Der Mensch muß von
Herrschaft befreit werden: das war die Botschaft der Frankfurter
Schule, die das Institut für Sozialforschung an der neuge-
gründeten Universität in Frankfurt errichtet hatte, und deren

- 22 -
führende Geister von 1930 an Max Horckheimer und Adorno

■ —in»' •>.

waren. Nicht allein soziale Verhältnisse, sondern vor allem
auch die T^r^annei der den menschlichen Willen unterdrückenden
Gedanken3ysteme wurden als die Wurzeln allen Ohels ausgemacht.

Dieses Srbe hat, mehr als jedes andere, das Ende des
deutschen Judentums überlebt. Sicherlich hat der Versuch der
f ruhet?' Zionisten, dem Nationalismus ein menschliches Gesicht
zu varleihon, in Israel überlebt und war dort von starker
Wirkung, bat aber anderswo leider nur wenig Einfluß gefunden.
Diese Seite des Gedankenguts von Martin Buber, Robert Weltsch
oder Gershom Scholem ist nicht genug beachtet worden, obwohl
es gleichermaßen Bedeutung für das Erbe des Sozialismus und
dar Gelehrsamkeit hätte.

War dieses Erbe dann ein Schattengefecht, ein Dialog der
Illusionen? Die Vorstellung vom Menschen und seinen sozialen
wie politischen Bindungen, die diesem Erbe eignete, hatte
kaum Beziehung -um Zeitlater der Massen. Die Ideale, die im
alten Bildungsbegriff Ausdruck gefunden hatten, führten zu
einem Idealismus, der manchmal ins Zynische umschlug, dann
nämlich, wenn die Wirklichkeit nicht den Erwartungen entsprach.
Einige der Männer, die in der Weltbühne'' schrieben, und ändere,
wie zum Beispiel Kurt Tucholsky, fuhren sich im Negativen
fest, seibat dann noch, als die Weimarer Pepublik um ihr über-
leben kämpfte. Diese Männer konnten sich mit der Relativität
aller ^lenschlichen Bemühungen nicht abfinden, auch nicht damit,
daß es ohne Taktik und Kompromiß keine wahre demokratische
Politik gebeti kann, und: daß Gewalt dann am Platz ist, wenn
es gilt, einer Bewegung wie dem Nationalsozialismus die Stirn

•«<

. 23 -

zu bieten. Aber gerade das Kritische stärkte am Ende das
Offene t das Menschliche in Kultur und Politik^ indem es die
Ceschichte als einen kritisch zu beleuchtenden, immerwährenden
Trozeß auffaßte. Der Optimismus , der in diesem Dialog steckte ^
icheint uns heute utopisch zu sein^ aber trotzdem ist doch
etwas an Ernst Blochs Theorie, daß ohne Utopia kein Fort-
achritt möglich ist. Und dieses Utopia war eine menschliche
Alternative zur Moderne, daher sein Weiterleben.

Bio deutschen Juden neigten zu der Illusion, das deutsche
Bürgertum sei noch im Zeitalter der Emanzipation verwurzelt.
ochon im Schatten des Nationalsozialismus, wurde noch viel
diskutiert über das, was im Volke Goethes, Lessings und Beet-
hovens eigentlich unmöglich sei - kurz bevor das Unmöglichste
machbar wurde. Und doch überwiegt auch hier das Positive,
iona das deutsche Judentum bewahrte ein kulturelles Erbe,
welches nicht nurMer (jungen Generation der 60er Jahre eine
Alternative bot, sondern auch den Liberalismus der Bundesre-
publik befruchtete: einen Liberalismus, der alle etablierten
Parteien durchdrang. Es ist unmöglich, heute festzustellen,
wie tief dieses Erbe in die Gesellschaft eingedrungen ist,
denn die Bundesrepublik hat noch keine solche Zerreißprobe
durchgemacht wie die Weimarer Republik.

Hitler jar in der Lage, die Juden in Deutschland zu ver-
nichten, aber nicht dieses Erbe. Als der jüdische Kulturbund
im Jahre 1933 seine erste Vorstellung gab, wählte er natür-

ich Lessings "'Tathan, der '..'eise'*. Aber das Ende wurde ge-
ändert, trotz einiger inner jüdischer Kontroversen. Wo sonst
Nathan, der Sultan und der Templer am Ende die Bühne gemein- *

1 ■;

- 24 -

sam verlassen, blieb Nathan -nun all^ine zurück. Das war ein
mutiger Protest gegen den Nationalsozialismus. Nur hat es*
sich erwiesen^ Ironie der Geschichte^ daß Nathan nicht so
allein wari daß hinter ihm im Schatten eine zukünftige Ge-
neration stand, die von jener intellektuellen Entwicklung
begeistert und angeregt werden sollte, von eteh. der Ent-
wicklung, die die deutsche Rechte als jüdisch und zersetzend
gehaßt hatte. Auch dies war eine Niederlage für Hitler und
die Deutsch-Nationalen, zugefügt durch jene, die weder Waffen
noch Macht hatten, die die Wächter einer deutschen Tr:idition
waren, einer von den meisten Deutschen selbst aufgegebenen
oder durch einen chauvinistischen Nationalismus und platten
Neoromantizismus verwässerten Tradition, die sie für eine
andere Zreit retteten. Nathan war nicht allein auf dieser
Bühne im Jahre 1933' er führte einer immer stärker ent humani-
sierten V/elt eine klassische deutsche Tradition der Bildung
und der Vermenschlichung vor Augen.

P*/*

jLi»^

THOUGHTS ON THE GERMAN-JEWISH DIALOGUE

George L, Mosse

Was there a German-Jev^ish dialogue? Gershom Scholem
in a famous article claimed that it had never taken place,
that v;hen Jews were speaking to Germans they were in reality
speaking to themselves X For Peter Gay, however, the Second
Reicti gave Jews a large space in v;hich to become German*^
aiiti^«ttirtisin was liko a largo panc of ohattered glasb wiLliin

vyhich Jcv^a eoulü play Llnj Gf

It may well seem

super fluous to add one more voice to this debate. Yet the
relation betv/een German and Jew is not only a prob lern v?hich
confronts us within Jev;ish history. The image of the Jev?

in Germany as both at one and the same time «s an insider

and an Outsider (as Peter Gay once put it) still largely

determines our viev? of Weimar culture. The Marxist revival

mithin that culture, much of it the v;ork of German Jevy?s,

served in part as the Inspiration for the new left of the

1960's. Moreover, analysis of the German-Jewish dialogue has

renev;ed interest in the rationalist heritage of the Enlighten-

ment. The history of the interrelationship between Jews

and Germans did not end v;ith Hitler 's seizure of pov;er, but

led to a new concern with the German- Jewish dialogue whose

influence Qn innrli' i p T» ■ ■ ' ■ ■■ ■ ""j» i|>iiy still needs to be deter- \

mined. Yet its impact on many young Americans and Europeans

who were searching for intellectual ancestors in the 1960 's

^tmm

is without doubt. My thoughts on the German-^Jewish dialogue
are concerned with the long view, its heritage and meaning:
they are not concerned v?ith the masses of German Jewry who
in all their variety sought a middle v?ay betv;een assimilation
and the retention of their Jev?ish heritage. I am concerned
V7ith those, mostly intellectuals, who in an articulate way
entered into this dialogue and thus determined what future
generations would make of it.

The history of modern Jev7s was determined by the
circumstances of their emancipation, by the persistence of

antisemitism and the efforts to overcome it.FCrhe German-
Jewish dialogue shows the influence of the peculiar cir-
cumstances of Jewish emancipation in Germany. This process
roughly coincided with the de-emancipation of Jews in the
Russian Empire* As a consequence, German Jews always lived
in close proximity to the unemancipated masses of Jewry in
Eastern Europe. No doubt this fact kept alive the Jewish
stereotype and provided a constant Irritation to many
Germans as well as emancipated Jews. Tjie ghetto became
part of the German literary Imagination, but it could also
be inspected in Prague or Silesia and East Prussia where
it spiiled over into German lands. There is little doubt
that a clash of cultures contributed to an always latent
antisemitism: that the emancipated Jew continued to face
the stereotype: stränge in dress, language and appearance —
indeed, apart from the Gypsies, the only compact and distinct
minority living in Europe.

Tcf^

<dU<4'*y».

^»^■i-mi^, .; i^^Mi^^'Am

To be sure, eventually ghettos cxisted in all
major European eitles, but in Germany geographica], pruM,„»ty
meant a heightened preoccupation with the east-Europ,..«,,«
Jewish questiori-" as myth and reality. There were an^ i
who praised the eastern Jews because unlike the German j-wn
they kept separate, and provided proof that the Jews woro
a people apart. But from the point of Jewish emancipa-
tion, such praise was just another attack upon the growing
interrelationship between Germans and Jews.

Yet the effect of the geography on antisemitism must
not be exaggerated. After all, until the First World War it
was France and not Germany which seemed destined to be the
classic country of antisemitism: it was in Paris, far away
from the raasses of east-European Jewry that national socialist
antisemitism had its origins, and that Dreyfus affair took
place_^ Even morel important fnr tha futui-u ul fit^-German-
Jew«i._^LLaliigu^_tlaxi the proximity~^f-Ehi~ih^o,- v>ef?-t^o
other unique feature^-^E the process of German-Jewish
assimilation: its narrow social base and its cultural success,
Jacob Toury in his Social, History of German .T^^rv emphasized
< ölf • ^^^^^ German Jewry lacked both the top and the lower rungs
-^- of the social laddeß^ They were ovei-whelmingly members of
>t the settled middle classes. [^ecrg Her/mann 's Jettchen Gebert
(1906) painted a true picture of a Jewish bourgeoisie dis-
^.^l|l 1 tinguished only by their names from their Prussian neighbors.
/( Y ""like French Jewry, German Jewry possessed no Alsace

A«

}tiu

Lorraine v?ith its masses of poorer Jews . The east-Europonn
immigrants seemed to broaden the basis of German Jewry, but
thie was of no great weight as they were eüdwer isolatcd ♦
or aooimilatod.

Yet, this Image of the German Jews as solid membcrs
of the middle classes is incomplete. It concentrates upon
tho City and not the countryside, Prussia and not the south.
The country Jews, living preponderantly in ^aden, Württemberg
and Bavaria are the stepchildren of historiography. Yet here
the German-Jewish dialogue may have been at its most intens e,
if least intellectual. Surely it is significant that the
Jewish-German dialogue is thought to have taken place almost
entirely on the level of intellectual discourse and achieve-
ment, This is a tribute to the success of Jewish assimila-
tion into the high culture of early nineteenth-century
Germany. We knov? next to nothing about the Integration of
Jev7s into vi 1 läge culture. How significant was it that when
Berthold Auerbach in his Dorfgeschichten (1843) Icoked back
at the countryside in which he had been reared, he imagined
it as a place of quiet goodness and the steady pace of life.
We learn little about the German-Jewish dialogue from his
village tales, m nmiTiinn t-hat rnnlri mrnn rifhrr thnt it

We must remain with the Jews of the citiesl Here
we not only face a narrow social base which meant a
relatively easy Integration with the German middle-class

style of life, but also the attempt to appropriate German

culture. This seems natural enough, but in Germany it

proved to be of special significance because of the culture

which Jews sought to appropriate, They v;ere emancipated

at a time in German history when what we might call high

culture seemed an essential part of the definition of

citizenship, when man V7as apt to be judged by how cultured

he seemed to be^ not only in manners and appearance but

also in knowledge and mind . This was above all a cultural

assimilation: it was in this way that Germans and Jews

themselves perceived their dialogue, and therefore the

nature of that culture becomes of prime importance for the ^^^^

fate ot the Jews m German^U-^ \ _. ruMAJuTl^K Fp/l^4^%^ ^^^ ^

Jewish emancipation coincided with the ideal of ^^V
Bildung which Jj^ilhelm von Humboldt championed so eloquently.
The Word ^^Bildung" came to mean the harmonious development
and refinement of the human persona IJiy^^Asitrr.eant aesthetic
cultivation through the study of the classics as well as
moral discernment based upon reason, a personal regeneration
which would lead to a truly harmonious and well-rounded
Personality. Through Bildung man becomes a Citizen who
fully participates in public life. Such cultivation of the
inner seif was accomplished through education: learning was
not a purpose in itself but a means to acquire the proper
well-rounded and rational personal ityX-/

As time went on the German academic establishment
tended to stress the Idealist component of Bildung; the

I iUfmi^mitu^mHkaim^KmmmtmMamät

moral and aesthetic example contained in classic sources
was Said to penetrate man 's soul in order to give him wisd

and virtue. Bildung as penetrating the soul and the instincts
W»fi<^theVideal, of- the German Mnndarins. Jev7s, however, tended
to stay closer to Humboldt 's ideal and saw the perfection
of reason as the road to true Bildung. Typically enough
Berthold Auerbach in his book on Spinoza (1836) takes the
opportunity to preach against fanaticism and to praise a
Cartesian approach to life which would lead to human knowledge
and wisdom. Lessing' s Nathan the Wise which became the
Magna Carta of German Judaipm was thought to teach a similar
lesson: ptoleration was based upon reason and invidivual
worthj Human perfectability would be attained through the
kind of wisdom^ knowledge and cultivation which Nathan or
Spinoza were said to possess. Nl^ r r*

l The ideal of Bildung, which is attained through
proper education, so one Jewish educator wrote in 1931,
leads to the ideal personality. Jews, therefcre, had a duty
to participate in German culturer Through Bildung personal
self-fulf illment was an integral part of citizenship.
K Christianity, as we are told, Stands in the way of Jewish *
self-fulf illment; divisive and regressive, it was a voice
from the past dividing Jews and j^-entile^v^ This was a view
which Auerbach had shared in mid-nineteenth Century when it
seemed justified, but by 1931 it was surely a narrow view
of the hostile forces which confronted the Jews. But in its

concern with traditional religion as hostilo ^^r. .
its belief in the German-Jewish dialogue thronoi.
Bildung, it vs^as only too typical for German-.Jev;ry.

A process of education led tcwards Bildunrr .. •
accompanied the process of assimilation, a personal r
eration which transcended ancestry and nationalitv,. iTMor..-
over, freedom was a vital part of Bildung, as Wilhelm von
Huinboldt put it: the Student must have freedom to devote
himself to learning and the State must not interfere with
the universityT] When this process had produced the "moral
man and good Citizen" he will then devote himself to public
Service and transforra the Prussian State into a liberal state>2^
This ideal of Bildung was alive and well during much of the
nineteenth Century and it greatly facilitated Jewish tJ^^'if
p*H.on. Jews never lost the cultural ideal which had stood
at the beginning of their modern history, into which, so
to speak, they had been emancipated. They had no lower
classes to challenge it or upper classes to despise it.

Without this ideal of Bildung and its acceptance by
German Jews, the problem of the German-Jewish dialogue must
hang in a void. For as long as this concept survived, the
Jews had partners to this dialogue, but when it weakened
and feil, the German Jews were increasingly isolated, A
narrow social base and a restricted cultural outlook reenforced
each other. Their social base and what they accepted as
culture^rooted Jews in the period of their emancipation: a
noble but short-lived age in German history, but an age that

K_-''^''^"»'.-'y^MWB»

Man

v/as never to end in the history of the German Jev?s. The
German-Jewish dialogue took place with those Germans who
shared the ideal of Bildung, the faith in education and
regeneration through the humanities, v;ho equated liberal ism
and citizenship.

I Sidney M. ßolkosky has shown that the German-Jewish
search for a hero led back to the German classics, to
Schiller^ Lessing and Goethe. Jev?s, as Boko\vsky rightly
teils US, shared these German cultural archtypes, and if
Jews could not be part of German historical memories, having

only recently jolned that nation, they could certainly share

(ß
this cultural subconscious. For these heroes, to their

mind, \^7ere devoted to the highest ideals of mankind, true
men of Bildung. For example, the insistence that Heinrich
Heine revered Goethe was thought necessary to document the
common culture of gentile and Jew. This despite much evidence
that in reality Heine despised and ridiculed the master.
■^ The primacy of culture became an article of faith.
Thus a committee founded to help Russian Jews stated in
1869 that "only the possession of general cultural Standards
can guarantee economic prosperity. ^The fact that the Jewish
establishment before and after the First World War clung
to political liberalism was a part of this cultural per-
spective. Marjory Lambert^ has shown us how Jews before the
war clung to the liberal parties even when it meant swallowing
some antisemitism, and how the Jewish establishment feit
uneasy when social ists defended Jewish rights. Modris Ecksteins

^ .^^itudes into the Democratic Party after
has traced such attxtuaes

^ ^^^ ^--hosG üolitical forces
the »ar, its „nderestimation of all »ose pol

„Mch se,»ea inc.paMe cf rational alsoou.se and personal
refine«nt. What he oalls the i„=o„prehenslon of the opera-

4- or^^ r^arcel of seeing Germany
tional side of politics was part and parcel

■ through the prism of nineteenth-century BildunH-^

National Socialism was underestimated by mostl:^
Oer.ans, and in so.e ways the .e.is. esta.Ush.ent under-
stood and tried to .eet its challenges early through propa-

• ' =,oi-Witv But hy and large the feelxng
ganda and subversive activity- Bur y

that so»eone as „no.ltured as Hitler .nd his .ove„ent could
not oo„e to power in »Odern .er„,„y »as „idespread. L «en
Hitler did co„e to po.er, the author of Settohen oehert la»e„tea
that <=,r„a„s had been had oustodi.ns of h»..nity v,hile others.
„o. in Charge of .ewish education. asserted that Hu-oiafs
ideal Personality »as fro. no« on a Jewish ana no longer a

German idealV^U
^ The German-Jewish dialogue was increasingly sparse

in thc last years of the Weimar Repuhlic ^as the whole

r-'.r.-hi- to left attempted to put some
political spectrum from right to leir

distanoe between itself a„a the .ews. Mass culture a„a »ass
politics „ere li,»iaating the oiaer ideal of individu.l
citi.e„ship. He^e»«>*te^-/'---- 1 1 U-pa.^«»'-^ ^

the-^^lTTT,"'''«^ Still. Jev.s themselveslargely
alienatea from the reality of the political prooess, tend<-.

' ''VJt^ «•■»». -^ .

to confuse politics and culture criticism. To many it
seemed that Germany was losing its humanity because it had
betrayed the culture of the classical age. Leo Baeck,
for example, deplored the fact that Prussia was no longer
the intellectual state which had encouraged science and
liberal arts. Las we shall see, leading Democrats like
Theodor Wolff attempted to restore reason to Germany by

referring to the enlightened F:

This lament about the decline of reason and Bildung
linked the Jewish establishment to some of the younger
socialist Jews . Those who formed the Frankfurt School, for
example, longed for a harmony which had been achieved for
a moment by men like Goethe, and blamed the decline of

-4. ®

iture>^

reason on mass cu.

To be sure, here the economic and

social contradictions of capitalism were basic to their
analysis, but in the end, culture criticism and concern
with the individual personality came to dominate critical

theory.

The difference between the Jewish establishment

and the young socialist Jews seemed vast at the time. Indeed,
whileVjewish establishment clung to its liberalism and liberal
culture, the young Jews seemed to attack this Bildungsbur-
tum. They v;anted to join the v;orking classes, to support
^hose) socialists^which made the establishment uneasy even
if it supported Jewish rightsT^ Similarly, the young Zionist
loudly proclaimed the end of the liberal agdv^ German-Jews U^£QC
badly split since the fin de siecle; liberal Jews, socialist

Jews and Zionist Jews faced each other. ^e challenge from
v^ithin seemed to correspond to the challenge from outside.
Yet, looking back, the historian discerns shared goals and
aspirations which make the divisions less apparent than the
Overall thrust of German-Jewry.

These Jews had a special place in the history of
socialism. Many of them attempted to liberate the Marxist
heritage from dogmatism and materialism. They played a
leading role in the creation of a socialist humanism v?hose
Slogan was "back to Kant." As Thomas E. Willey has shown/
this neo-Kantian socialism included the ideal of Bildung;
the humanistic tradition and aesthetic cultivation must be
spread to all classesT"^'^ They were concerned with Standards
of behaviour and government which must conform to Kant 's
ethic. This Standard was primary even if most Kantian
socialists advocated the class struggle as a means to this
end while some others advocated the welfare State. Kant 's
individual, so Willey teils us, is the educated man of the
German classical periodhr Is _it merely coincidence that so
many young Jews were devoted to a socialism which shared its
ideal of Bildung with the Jewish establishment? This holds
true even though for them socialist humanism was part of
the struggle for emancipation of the working class: the
Standard which should determine the means and the end. Such
an attitude easily slid over intö an elitism, as when after
1918 some left-wing intellectuals founded a Council of the
wise, or claimed that knowledge of theory should lead to

mmm'%;m^uamme-tfvm

the leadership of tha workers movement. At best, this con-
cern v?ith the human conscience based upon a humanist impera-
tive led to praxis: a dialectical interplay of theory and
reality, at worst, it led to the Isolation of left-wing
intellectuals from politics.

Emphasis upon the interplay of theory and reality
ts was based upon a revival of the Hegelian dialectic

v;ithin Marxism, and here again, Jews play a disproportionate

role. L George Lukacz, for example, came to Marxism from
involvement with the concept of Bildung, searching for an
ideal beyond that to which it seemed to lead. His emphasis
upon true and false consciousness, upon the consciousness
of the individual as ^.ssential to the understanding of
reality, the primacy of Cognition in social change, all
these reflect, hov^ever diffuse, the ideal personality of

classical German thougher /It seems to me as if these
socialists took the foundations of Bildung and redirected
them to aid the present class struggle and future society,

ialisnNnas remai

As such, this socia!

ined an alternative to

Marxist dogmatism. As one young leader of the American new
left in the 1960 's has written: "If I am an American radical,
vhy have I been dra\>7n to so little in the way of American
historical modeis? Why have I been attracted instead to
European modeis of Marxism, by-~whiclLjie-J^ans main4y-^bh:ose
CQra'iitg~from--G^rmäny. And is this leaning tov^ards * Europe
also a leaning towards something Jows, although my Jewish

background is so secular that I can hardly say v;hat it means

to be a Jew?" '

The fact that at one crucial point in history so
many youngvSerman socialists took part and indeed directed
this Marxist revival is surely significant. Not only did
it mean that the dialogue^/lßriBgü^^ecades of silence, per-
haps with more gentiles involved than ever before, but that
Jewish socialists, like the Jewish establishment, had become
deeply rooted in that concept of the German culture into
v/hich they had been emancipated.

The concept of Bildung v?as never lost as a safe
haven for German Jev7S. Not only the establishment or the
Jevish socialists, but also l5i»e German Zionists accepted
its presupposition§V^ Robert Weitsch, Martin Buber and
later those v7ho advocated a bi-national state in Palestine
wanted to give nationalism a human face. |^ Hans Kohn, once
so important in the Z ionist movement, left it in 1933 because
he foresav; that Jew might have to fight Arab, and that the
humane nationalism for which he and so many others stood
might not survivel Looking at German Zionism one is Struck
of how archaic its nationalism seemed in a Europe increasingly
filled v?ith chauvinism and aggressive intent^ LZionism for
many young Jews was their self-discovery of themselves as Jev;s,
one Step towards a union with all of mankind^ Militarism
and chauvinism were abhorrent to them, just as j.^s=«>m« to the
young socialists, and they also believed that the regeneration

wmt

of the individual would lead to a more humane society, When
Zionists like Franz Oppenhi/emer and Robert Welsch stressed
that German culture must be a part of Jev^ish nationhood,
they meant a Bildung which would r^rain chauvinism. For
such men both Zionism and German Bildung v?ere needed to
restore their dignity as men in a world which degraded the
Jew. Their outlook is not so far removed from that of the
Jewish socialists. Perhaps this fact explains why Gustav
Landauer was always torn between his socialism and Jewish
peoplehood.

A more detailed comparison between these diverse
groups of German Jewry is needed: not to analyze once more,
the hostility they showed to one another, not to belabor once
more the dilemma of being a German and a Jew, V7hich in any
case exists largely in retrospect, but to illuminate their
shared cultural priorities. All of these groups were
increasingly isolated from the reality of politics, because
they saw political reality through the prism of an antiquated
concept of Bildung.

The German -Jewish dialogue existed^ but fixed in a
particular time, Standing still while around it swirled
modern mass politics and mass culture. L Ti«t ccncep^E^implied
a level of learning, education and consciousness as setting

the Standard for public and private liife^^i?Mrh Ti?aij buuii>J*to
Inoh r\rwn np^n tha n^a^°^° '" ^ r-m.iwww^ Many Jews did want to
integrate themselves with the German people, and as Jacob

Toury has shown a good many became respected and populär

politicians. But the cultural impact of German-Jews Stands
in no relation to their importance in German public life.
That, once more, is a reflection cf their cultural prior i-

ties.

From the height of their culture^ many German Jews

misjudged the German people. Thus the so~called German Demo-
cratic Press, the Berliner Tageblatt, the Frankfurter Zeitung
and the Ullstein papers were taken by surprise at the electoral
success of the Nazis, for they sincerely believed that Germans
v?ould never be misled by mass hysteria. Their position was
almost identical with that cf the left-wing intellectuals
around the Weltbühne who believed to the last that a rational
working class would defeat National Socialism. V^ether lld«€e
bourgeois liberals or self-styled socialists, such men,
preponderantly Jews, were apt to project their love of
Bildung upon all of Germany: the Germans as custodians of
humanity.

As culture critics Jews v?ere apt to look down upon
mass culture and mass consumption, even though they partook
in this culture and even produced some of it. The role of
Jews in German populär culture has never been examined, and
/ yet it seems crucial to the German-Jewish dialogue. Were
Jews because of their narrow social base cut off from a
dialogue with the broad masses of Germans? They could not
share in that Christian populär piety and local lore which
formed much of populär taste. That was a handicap under
which Jews suffered in all of Europe, a result of their forced
Isolation, the long concentration upon their own religiosity.

Auerbach championed German unity in the sp/rit of 1948, but once
:his unity had been obtained he derided those who thought that the peasant
were the only genuine Germans.

^>f

( At the time when Humboldt'« idea of Bildung seemed

to prevail, Jews had joined in the celebration o€ German

nationalityi welcomed by their fellow Citizen as symbole

of a nation which valued freedom and liberty. Ernst Moritz

Arndt had seen Jews as true partners in the struggle for

national liberation« and so they were, serving with enthusiasm

28
in the wars of national liberation against France. But

this intermingling of Germans and Jews came under attack

even while the liberal revolution of 1848 was in the making«

The rise of German populism accompanied this attack: Johann

Jacob Fries castigated Jews as the adversaries of German

29
democracy. Populär culture with its residue of medieval

prejudice never bent so easily to the German-Jewish dialogue,

\ populism all over Europe saw the Jew as a principal adversary.

Jews had never been emancipated into populär culture.

indeed the culture into which they had been cunancipated

looked down upon populär pieties as archaic and supersti-

♦^^ tious. Yet iBerthold Auerbach ihad^ a~aeepriaiowl^dge öF^^

peasant lore, but significantly his peasants failed to

respond to the volkish ideal. They have local not national

pride, and while some are intolerant of others, all share

a certain largeness of heart. Auerbach saw Spinoza *s

pantheism and not German nationalism unfold among his

peasant villagess closely knit ancient communities ruled

30
by the elemeuLary power of naturej Treitschke, much later.

ac^used Auerbach of creating peasants who were only Jewjs

he pref-ace to/ the DArfge schichten/ saw Av^rbacjt contJ?ast t;/he >Ei^glish and
French as na^onal /types, Vith th^GermaKs wbo^" divLrfed t)afi:o)atghKhistory,
^in«r-%heiF-i<ee^sf ihd sWred char^cteri^tic jemly ^n/thin^he^^^jocalities.
Y6t for aia that he wanted a free andT united Gerifiany in the spiritVof 1848^

31
in disguise. By the last decades of the Century the

peasant >^l had been annexed to volkish thought which

no Jew could share, not even the creator of the German

peasant novel. Auerbach 's peasants were eventually eclipsed

by those of Hermann Lön's Der Wehrwolf (191D), men who

exemplified the volkish spirit in their hatred of the

foreigner, their brutality and national fervour./^e

fact that Auerbach, famous in his time, was so quickly

forgotten, that his utopia was perverted from pantheism to

ff
nationalism, is surely significant for the German- Jew ish

dialogue.

In the final resort it was populär culture, resting

upon ancient traditions, which carae to define German

national ity. The Jews per force had to side with a losing

cause. They could join wholeheartedly with Wilhelmian

nationalisra, with its pomp and circ\amstance, but they could

not so readily submerge themselves in the nationalism of

the future which centered upon man 's soul and Gerraanic

tradition. Here the so-called debate on the Jewish question

in the German Youth Movement was significant as well as

the fact that by 1931 some Jews feit compelled to ask

whether as a Jew one was still welcome to vote for the

327
German National Party. 1

^ The personal relationship of most Gerroan-Jews to
populär culture was distant even if they helped to create
and transmit it, for they looked at it through the prism of

.-#ar

Bildung, German Jews, on the whole« were not both creators
and participants in German populär culture, ona-half of thia
relationship was missing. The political liturgy of modern
masa movementa was equally foreign to their outlook, they
saw in the mass meetinga and torch light parades bread and
circuses and lacked insight into their symbolic meaning in
a mass democracy, Here they were not alone, many Germans
wereegually cut off from mass politics and populär culture,
but the Jews as a group remained outside those forces which
were about to triumph after the First World War. While
they were increasingly isolated within German politics, Jews
themselves proved unable to analyze events and the many new
booksAjair^theiperaöcTSHc Party and its press ~show astonish-
ment at their" iifivariably mistaken analysis of politics.
Jews consiatently underestimated the menace of right-wing
politics because they had not been integrated into mass
culture and mass politics.

Yet, here again, there were German- Jews who became
populär best sellers, who seemed to have an instinct for

the demands of populär taste. jSoroe wrote on the same

level as

the Marlitts or Courths-Mahlers: as liberals dreaming of
a v;orld of justice, happiness and beauty where those of
good v^ill, with a "golden heart" would succeed and evil
fall once and for all. Typically enough the peasants of
Berthold Auerbach fit this picture, and Friedrich Vischer,
speaking at his grave, was correct to call him the creator
of an idealized world pacture^ Perhaps that is the reason
why v?e scarcely remember his immense populär ity and prestige,
just as v)e are apt to look upon the Gartenlaube and its
writers with tolerant amusement. Much of this ideal world
remained the utopia of populär culture, even as the modern
mass movements seemed to destroy its emphasis upon tolerance
and good will. Not just Auerback in the mid-nineteenth
Century, but much later Stefan Zweig and Emil Ludwig wrote
vastly populär books which exalted tolerance and good will
but also reason over against the lust for power and domina-
tion. Jews helped to fabricate an ideal world which was
bound to triumph, but which in real ity proved only to be a
fairy tale.

Typically enough, Jewish populär writers had a
tendency to emphasize personal relationships, and populär
biography seemed to enjoy great popularity, especially between
the wars, /Earlier Auerbach had already praised friencfehip in
his novel Poets and Merchants (1839) • It was through friendship
with men like Moses Mendelssohn, he wrote, that men are
distinguished from animal's. jThe populär biographies of

r i>

<C>t

t \

Emil Ludwig or Stefan Zv^eig - also/demonstrated this process

of personalization, just as the editor in chief of the Berliner

Tageblatt, Theodor Wolff, asserted that it was men who made

— 3i

history in the teeth of fcfae blind masses. Theodor Wolff
was passionately engaged on the side of Dreyfus in France,
but it was not Dreyfus the Jew who interested him but instead
the lonely voice of protest against the irrational mass.

Such a process of personalizing relationships can also
be traced ainong the Jewish socialists. Their very emphasis
upon human consciousness, upon the categorical imperative,
gave pride of place to individual regeneration. To be sure,
such individualism v;as carried into socialism through the
heritage of German idealism, but it proved most fruitful, for
example, to the young Lukacz who wanted to break open the fossilized
structures of orthodox Marxism. Young Jews identified themselves
with socialist humanism to a greater extent than any dis-
cernable German generational grouping. This emphasis upon
individual. consciousness was an integral part of Humboldt 's
concept of Bildung which had placed its hope in personal

regeneration.

pThe ideal of Bildung declined hand in hand with the
decrease of liberal attitudes and the rise of the new mass
politics. But it also contained its own seeds of destruction.
With in the rigid German educational structures, the spirit
of the classicsNbeeaRie->4;he~domina^ce~o€ irregulär verbs, tne
freedom to study and learn v;as transformed into the

"am

■■ -l.^

dictatorship of Professo3<. Jewish German writers, Jewish
social ists and many German intellectuals tried to keep this
ideal alive outside the school, free from entanglement with
stifling institutions . Here a meaningful dialogue took
place, but it alienated the participants from educaticnal
structures just as they had been isolated from modern
politics.

Bildung had depended upon the educational process,
but -fiw this process was alienated from Bildung. The good
Citizen V7as supposed to exemplify the result of Bildung, but
now he \vas replaced by mass man, part of a national Community,
a camaraderie in which there v;as no place for the Jev7. The
growing Isolation of the German-Jev;ish dialogue v?hich had
begun so promisingly needs no further Illustration. We have
emphasized that Jews as a qr_pup were more likely to under-
estimate the irrationality which accompanied modern politics,
education and culture than any single group of Germans. The
German bourgeoisie, the Bildungsburgertum, integrated itself

ithout much difficulty into postwar politics and populär

culture, the Jewish bourgeoisie could not Imitate this pro-

■ " - ■ •

cess, not only because it was excluded from much of it, but
also because it had locked itself into position.

. Yet the menace was feit, Jews could hardly ignore
what went on all around them. But it is significant that an
important part of the German-Jewish establishment sought to
counter the threat of postvjar politics by attempting to

.^Attmm^-'^ w.imftwmiwf^mKrrm «»r:.;»<»w»i >f '. -■ ■hiijui hü.iwikm «mm m mv ^ ^—^r-mw^ m "• iW nm* > " '«"" ■"'Wl»-^!* Kl"« ■ ■ -ü .

reshape the German political scene on th« French model.

Theodor Wolff, for example, wanted to transform the German

Democratic Party into the French Radical Socialist Party. \

German-^Jews were apt to call upon French modeis in order

to strengthen rational ity and regenerate German Bildung.

The France which had helped Dreyfus to victory raight yet

inspire men of culture to win a similar victory in Germany.

j Modris Ecksteins» study of the major German Democratic

newspapers owned and largely written by Jews came to the

conclusion that they were written and directed by journalr-

istö- of the spirit of the French philosophea, Moreover,

Jews were prominent among those who after the war sponsered

Franco-German cultural exchanges, at a time when this was

highly suspekt and unpopulär. For example, it was the

proprietor of the Berliner Tageblatt who Short"» y after the

shooting had stopoed, invited Yvette Gi'»bert to sing in
40

Germany.

This preoccupation with France once more documents
the lack of politiral reaTism among those who hooed that
defeat would be o^^ercome so swiffy, that the "»e^^son-^ "»earnt
from the war inevitably "»ed to the restoration of reason
and Bildung which might prevent its recurrence. The German-
Jewish dialogue in those last years before Hitler 's seizure
of power tendedto become a French-Jewish -German dialogue.

drav?ing not upon the France of the Right but upon that
France which seemed to preserve the heritage of the revolu-

tion.

To bend the irrational into the rational, to tarne it

into a framework of rational thought seemed pressing in the
face of racism and antisemitism, It seems to me that hardly
anywhere eise in Europe can ^e follow this effort so clearly,
not only in the atternpt to use France in order to capture
the irrat;Lonal v/ithin the bounds of rational ism, in the
atternpt to fuse rational ity and consciousness on the part of
many left-wing intellectuals, and even in the effort of the
Frankfurt school to confront Enlightenment rational ism as
a System of domination before turning to psychoanalysis in
Order to recapture rational ity on another level of human
Cognition. The atternpt to find a rational base to the per-
ceptions of life canV&e traced through many endeavors of
German-Jev?ish scholarship. The investigations of myth by
the library founded by Aby Warburg after the v;arr and the
philosophical concerns of Ernst Cassierer can serve to
illustrate this point. The irrational was examined in order
to exorcise it. The power ful myths and the hermaneutic
tradition which had accompanied the rise of modern culture
were .t<5^ integrate^into a pattern of rational thought. The
preference for the classics, liW'evident, for exampie, in
Erwin Panofsky's work, the dislike of the Baroque because it
was aware of irreconcilable contrasts (as Pancfskijf put it)

-«'«Märifli

meant the primacy of rational form.

David R, Lipton has shown how Ernst Cassierer
claimed that myth, an irrational activity, could be included
v;ithin the rational critique of culture? This particular
hiator.iQrjT^Rp'hy. nf culture has pwilnaprs been one of the most
fruit ful legacies of German-Jev?ry. Typically enough, it
once more assumed the primacy of culture in the battle of
rational against irrational forces in the modern world.
Capjfierer's critique of culture, for example, was based
upon the idea of humanities progressive enliqhtenment until

"ei

man realized the rational basis of his existence. The
thought of the German liberal \yas close to that of social ists
like Georg Lukacz or the Frankfurt School.

To be sure, as the Nazis attained greater political
success a volkish-Jewish dialogue did take place. \35ö»4«
Naumann and his German National Jews^ Hans Schoepps and his
Vortrupp, various Jewish Bunde and even the Jewish war
veterans Organization attempted to enter into volkish thought
There they did find partners willing to talk, from the
members of the German National Party to the Röhm wing of
the National Socialists. The Jewish question had become
an Obsession with the German Right and it was willing to
talk with Jews about it — not on the basis of equality but
how a clear distinction between German and Jew could come
about, how Jews might be induced to keep a low profile in
Order to let Germans control their ov7n political and cultural

life. This was no longer a dialogue about a Joint future

in a liberal or socialist society, nor V7as it a competition
for Bildung which would regenerate every individual v?hether
German or Jew. It was a dialogue of German domination; this
in spite of the fact that many important German- Jewish
liberals joined Hans Naumann *s Organization, that those who
fought for reason and Bildung also wanted to document their
patriotism.

The German- Jew ish dialogue did take place, Its
heritage grew out of its handicaps: the narrow social base
and the ideal of Bildung which had no need to compromise
with a Jewish lower or upper class. The primae^ of this
culture, this culture as a radical alternative on the part
of Jewish socialists, retained a fascination beyond defeat.
Concern with myth and symbol, bending irrational ity to fit
rational comprehension vitally influenced modern scholarship,
Hut this heritage was accomplished within a German-Jewish
dialogue/however thin ait the end of the Weimar Republic. It
needs stressing once more that German Jews were not alone in
their efforts, that they were joined by like-minded Germans.
But it is equally important to notice that Jews as a group
were vastly overrepresented in such intellectual enterprises,
German Zionists were not alone in attempting to give nationalism
a human face, Labor Zionists had the same Impulse and goal.
But, once more, on the whole, German Zionists were over-
represented in this effort^ viTm* i ^ ac- ^ g-^onp Tinhnr Tiinninj--:
toftdod. tu aüvuL'dLü a bLi'ouLjei and more oxclucivc nationalism.

If/.

fl i^'^L^

J.:^

9HLt

1 0 lA<

€J^

I am concerned^with/those, v?ho in an articulate way entered

into this dialoguer and thus determined what future generations

V70uld make of it,

Clearly such a dialogue was conducted on many levels

of intensity. The relative social Isolation of German Jews

has often been used as proof that no such dialogue existed.

However, the German-Jewish dialogue was not social but cultural^

based upon that German culture into which Jews were emancipated

at the beginning of the nineteenth Century. This was high cul-
1^ ^. Wt U/iU Ärri'AN-

ture/^whose idea

was^-^aood— upon the EnliyhLenmünt .

The-^ti-^a-jreguQ based upnn this rnll-nral — ir^o^i oxclnd^d th^,
m,^asses q-p ri^-*>m-ar>n - — Uiuuyh it ine lud ed mos t— German Jews ^who

wanted -tp-JJg"" men and women of culLuiy and .ediira.ti^Q . Ye t
populär culture was not excluded from the German- Jewish dialogue,
for as we shall see, Jewish authors became German best sellers.
Though in demonstrating this point, as in our whole discussion,
we can only be suggestive rather than exhaustive, trying to
lay bare what seems to us the most auggeotive Strands of this
dialogue.

As a matter of fact, a dialogue took place on the level
of populär culture long before it came to be based on Ideals ^«v,,,.;*^
of^ildunGr^nd the Enlightenment: before the^age of Huja^oidtr ,
there was fehe German- Jewish fraternity of the underworld. Here
Jews ever since the middle ages had been a part of gangs of
robbers and thieves, the likes of Spiegelberg in Schiller 's

Räuber. But the classic account of this German- Jewish

■y — ■

IIa.

While ims liberal and humane. utoplaTdomlnated German

populär literature( laced with sentimentalityV) ^©^^s^ best =

sellers like Stefan Zwei^, ümil Ludwig and others like Lion
rboutirangor attmepted to car^ the subtance oii/ideal^ or
Bildung to the masses of their readers.

s •

u^^l^f^^^*"^

-^.

until. .aftpr fTie-Nag-i:— 3«izmti Ul! puwer.

— "fftnY rlTnltijiiT^I in wiiil iil nnn pnin^,^^ >.iB4-nT-y^ g^z,

■^hough it lefL ouL Llie maaaeü üf GprmRUS, The very social
and political structure of German-Jews served to isolate them
from the new national ism and mass politics. And yet, Jews
played a part in Germany populär culture, not just as market ing
such culture to the masses (in which, v?ith the exception of
the house of Ullstein^ they played a minor part) , but also as
best sellers. The relationship betv?een German-Jews and populär
culture has not yet been examined , perhaps because of the con-
tinuing self-identification of German-Jevry with higher cul-
ture. Yet such an examination, however summary, is crucial to
an understanding of a German-Jewish dialogue Mncreaoingly dEgced
by mass culture and mass politics. Here literary ^^rid— p^^ilQSop^i^

^a1 Hjc^npnT-ci^

i::C iL Jealfe v^ith the future of Gormany/ held

li±iJ,e__pl£Lce . The Ideals of friendship and of man against the
masses could be exalted in Ernst Tollier*s dramas but they had
little ef lect in the ever-more powerful marketplace. C^b^' \^ )

Some German-Jev;s became populär best sellers«; ' tlwry
sesmed te- httve dU'iiisLlnuL lor Mio domando of populär Laste.
By and large they wrote on the same ideological level as
the Marlitts or Courths-Mahlers : liberals dreaming of a v?orld
of justice, happiness and beauty v^here those of reason and

I, 1— f«>w^j»»»i«nr«>Bn

goodwill, with a "golden heart" would succeed^^nd evil, dogmatism
and intolerance fail once and for all. Indeed, ther^vfexisted

a whole series of Jewish Marlitts v;ho wrote novels for the

M''?:

y>y..ufhf^^

anfc'i -S emi t i s

i^eldLloyis^iijJs , Moses Mendelssohn and his friendship vith
Lessitig ^d other Christians f ired the contemporary Imagination
\S srviribolic of a Qi^ogue yf th^-a^-ftitvire . T^oni— later^ there
' are^Äueirfeaeh-'-s^3=j?vt4.mato friendships witEX Scheffel 1 and Otto

/^ pideed, it is the loss of such Christian friendships
which more than any oth€r factor drove Auerbach to lament the

/ r"

e 1880' Sm [rhough much earlier, v;hen the Prus

wanted to include a portrait of
his close friend Me^delTssohh aWpng the other figures used as
Ornaments for a monument to (zov^^^oicBitB Frederick the Great,
he was prevented from doing soJ Jewioh eiudLncipaLion and the
ideal of Bildung was made concreteVtor many Jews and Christians
through the cult and need for personal and intellectual friend-
ships which ignored all inherited differences^
/ ' Without tlB» ideal of Bildung and its acceptance by
German Jews, the problem of the German-Jewish dialogue must
hang in a void. For as long as this concept survived, the
Jews had partners to this dialogue, but when it weakened and
feil, the German Jews were increasingly isolated.'*" A narrow
social base and a restricted cultural outlook reenforced
each other. Their social base and what they accepted as
culture rooted Jews in the period of their emancipation: a
noble but short-lived age inVGerman history, but an age that
was never to end in the history of the German Jews. The
German-Jewish dialogue took place with those Germans who
shared Öte ideal of Bildung/ 4he laiüi in eaugatiOTr-emdL..

As BeöthoitT^uerbacR i^rote^xtg 1853*^' wg a^es Jm J.aut-ea- denken

human knov;ledge and wisdom. Lessing' s Nathan the Wise which

became the Magna Carta of German Judailsm v^as thought to
teach a sirailar lesson: toleration was ba^ed upon belief
in reason and individual worth. Hufhan perfecifei'bility would

be attained through the kind fef v?isdom, ^Icnov^ledge and cultiva-
tion which Nathan or Spinoza were said to possess« _

_^»-^__ Th^^*=^ PX-ici^^^ r^r^c. r^^lne^r- i ng^p^c^ j f^nt of thp ideal of Bildung
of special i^ftf^M ' -^ '"'*-' '<* 'T>*-> ,-i^^ , though it has not yet been

-f^^S^

in cults of friendship, such as Goethe'/ö "Darmstaedter Heiligen"

^. concepts of citizenship and individual worthj- It was praised
\^ \ft^ by Humboldt* attd-^became alm^&^^a passTorPbe^een mid-eighteenth
f$3lf ^^M ^^^ mid-nineteenth Century. This longing/for intimacy climaxed

or J.M.W Gleim's "Temple of Friendshi^." For example, when
^ /H»>^'T^- / Gleim diedXaccording to his wish^, his tomb was surrounded
p^, ^|4»*^ / v?ith marble slabs bearing the nömes and dates of death of his

many friends (-i&Ö^) • Not least important was the connection
between friendships and la^triotism in Gleim's famous Pruss

soldiers' songs: [ in 0he of these songs, for example, (Das
Liec^orJsorgen) he ysings the praises of the best and most
courageous soldi^r together with that of the best friend. Some-
thing of theyöame ideal runs th.rough Uhland's "Ich hatte einen
.meraden^^the most famous of Gerjpfian soldiers' songs. J
^ #We must not forget the vital role which Jewish -Christian
friendships played in the age of emancipation: as symbolizing

Jewish acceptance through the forging of intimate personal

<ft^l

specifically Jewish family press: names like Emma Vely are now
forgotten, but though her characters are pious Jews, she can
hardly be distinguished from Marlitt. Typically enough, the
peasants of Berthold Auerbach fit this picture, and Friedrich
Vischer, speaking at bis grave, v;as correct toc^ll him the
Creator of an idealized v7orld picture. Perhaps that is the
reason V7hy we scarcely remember his immense popularity and
Prestige, just as vie are apt to look upon thg- Gartenlaube and
its v?riters v?ith tolerant amusement. Yet much of this v?orld
remained the utopia of populär culture, even as the modern
mass movements seemed to destroy its emphasis upon tolerance
and goodv;ili^ Not just Auerbach in the mid-nineteenth
Century, but much later Stefan Zv;eig and Emil Ludv?ig wrote
vastly populär books v/hich exalted tolerance and goodwill but
also reason over against the lust for pov;er and domination.
Jevs helped to fabricate a liberaX uniiTerse v;hich-^as supj^sed )

iumph over-^vil, but \^ich proved-ifo^be ohlj' V fairy__t§le.

Typically enough, Jev;ish populär writers had a
tendency to emphasize personal relationships, friendships and
enmities-,»^^ populär biography seemed to enjoy success, especially
between the v^äx:^. Earlier Auerbach had already präised friend-

ship in his novel Pr>ets and Merchants (1889). It was through

friendship wirth men liku

Mcndolccohn, he wrote, that men

are distinguished from animals/^The populär biographies of
Emil Ludwig or Stefan Zweig also demonstrated the process of

personalization

».., .fMii*

jf^rtP^ pmr'h='?''^ Tipr.r^ -h-in^mriml

regeneration through the humanities, v^ho equated liberalism^

friendship and citizenship.

These ideals tended tp determine the self-image of the
Jews and their faith in the continuity of the German-Jewish
dialogue. As Sidney Bolkosky ha^ shov/n, during the Weimar
period German Jews looked back to the Enlightenment as having

Signaled a mutual attraction between German and Jewish intellects
But even after the First World War it could be asserted that
"in no part of the diaspora was this (mutual attraction) feit
with such depth as in Germany" (94). Ind^d, the Jewish belief
in friendshi^as basic to the German-Jewish dialogue was once
again supposed to be a part of reason and Bi Idun^s^Tha t the
German- Jews clung to this ideal shows that the divorce between ...
Bildung and the Enlightenment hadVpassed them by: even though
some Jews joined in the search for a Community based on emotions
and not on reason^ and most Jews'^ent their children not to
the Humanis tic Gymnasium but the more pragmatically oriented
RealschuUe when it was founded,

Yet "Weimar— Germany -^was a ^hnla wap— in tho pronon^ nf
rbde^im'ng this dialoguerv^When Eva Reichmann^ame to analyze
th^discussions of the so-called "Jewish Question" in the year
7 she defined them as a confrontation: "Judengegner gegen
Juden": Jews and Christians wrote in the same ^olmwey about
the Jewish question, but each stated his position — there was

no dialogue, no conversation, and no minds were ever changed.
Those huge volumes otrtorobed the German- Jewish dialogue, however

».«.,-_■-

much goodwill some of their editors shoved tov^ards the Jevjs
The more free-flowing discussions on the radio were far >2md
fev; between, and changed very little« This was hard;ky a
dialogue like that between Lessing and Mendelssohn or Auerbach

and Scheffell. But then the

dialogueybetween such

Christians and Jev?s v/as necessarily confinäd to the small circle
of those v7ho accepted the high culture /within which it took

place. The ideal of friendship wa^/an intellectual and literary

ideal v;hich v/as bound to bend ujaräer the onslaught of populär ^ .^; ^ .
culture., Pi.it RS v^g srh?n «-^X» ^^"^'^ ^^ thig idf>a1 of fri pndshir)^ —
and BjJ4ung was LiaiibmiLL^fl inLo ma&s culture by German-Jewish

^Af^

the Gertnän-^ewish~'^ialögue through the

id^aX of Bildung. w^a true conversation ?however restricted in

Space and time. Jews wanted to become modern men and women
who looked for a so-called "mission of Judaism" identical with
the ideal of Bildung and German citizenship, the religion of
reason as men like Hermann Cohen were to define it, or that of
the prophets whose Ideals were valid for all times, all peoples
and all faiths. V^ether such Jews became Protestants in dis-

^ ■■-■

guise, or used Judaism merely as a basis of neo-Kantian morality
is irrelevant in this historical context. These men and women
thought of themselves as Jews and entered into the dialogue

from that basis, and we must not judge their position through
the eyes of a much-later Zionism or a still-later revival of
Jewish orthodoxy. Among German Jews these played no vital role

" the seeds of life within all men ce»%öi»- are

pregnant with every possib.^lity. If he c^oes not cultibate

thera he is no better then a vegetable" ( Picco)

cultivation through the study of the classics as well as
moral discernment based upon reason; a personal regeneration
which would lead to a truly harmonious and well-rounded
Personality. Through Bildung man becomes a Citizen who
fully participates in public life. Such cultivation of the
inner seif was accomplished through education: learning was
not a purpose in itself but a means to acquire the proper
well-rounded and rational personality«^ Here the Enlightenment

Z771

and Bijjunq reached hands^' But this alliance was not to last,
Its downfall tended to deprive the Jews of partners in their
conversation for they clung to precisely that mixture of
^DUi^^^^r Bildung and Enlightenment which had never been secure im

Germany ag r whnle^ and was breaking apart in the very age
^ of Jewish emancipation,.T^T --l-^^T^r rrn^^ H^r ^^ PfrlU^i^^jr^^^

From tha beginning of the nineteenth Century onward
„tlie German acadeiMc establis

rr.

C VLf*!

oemponont of Bildu

f^^ .^j^ inst ine ts was though\mj

yf^ ^ itA^^V^^® activity of the^at^^onal mind. Jost when exactly this

t tended to stress tjfte— ideal ist
BildCinq as~^enotrating"^e soul and the
Import ant than Bildung as part of

emotional concep

Humboldt *s id

Jews , they

contin

Bil

nq becaitte-fflere important than

and to praise a Cartesian approach

be determined; as for the German

e to Humboldt *s ideal and

j-on of reason the road to true * ^ju^

Id Auerbach in his book on

)

to preach against fanaticism
life which would lead to

Not all German Jews shared the dialogue v;e have
discussed, and Jews were not alone in attempting to keep
the tradition of Bildung alive, Yet one can discern enough
of a common effort to characterize the cverall thrust of
German- Jewish thought. Gershom Scholem w««r*d argue^ «wnd
with some justice, that German Jev?s did not conduct this
dialogue as Jews but as Germans. Yet as_a_particular kind
of German, particular enough to found their own German- Jewish
tradition. That this came to differ from the German tradition
should not confuse a heritage v/hich has remained relevant
and universal, That this dialogue was not rooted in a
specific Jewish tradition, though it attempted at times to
adjust Jev;ish religiosity to German Bildung, does not make
any less a Jewish phenomena. For in the last resort the
rationality, humanism and belief in perfectability through
education remained so streng among German Jews because these
had been a vital part of their process of assimilation,
because the culture into which they had been emancipated

Loxercini: cuxT^ure a.

;h dialoque has laste^V

because it became a conversation against the times, because
it seemed to cast Jews in the role of the critics of modern
culture and politics. This is a Jewish heritage which is
constantly in danger of being lost, and which (if lost, would
lead many, both young and old, to reconsider the meaning of
being a Jew y

NOTES

Gershoiti Scholem, "Jev;s and Germans," On Jev;s and Judaism
in Crisis (Nev; York, 1976), 71-92.

Peter Gay, Freud, Jevys and other Germans ; Masters and
Victims in Modern Culture (Nev; York, 1978) .

Peter Gay, Weimar Culture; The Outsider as Insider
(New York, 1968) .

i.e., George L. Mosse, Germans and Jews (New York, 1971),
45ff.

Jacob Toury, Soziale un politische geschichte der Juden
in Deutschland (Dusseldorf, 1977), 112.

It is v7orth noting that a Jev7 was part of the original
draft of the Dorfgeschichten; he dressed like a peasant,j
and demanded that all Jews dress like that. Anton
Bettelheim, Berthold Auerbach (Stuttgart und Berlin,
1907), 428_._/' Werner J. Cahnmann believes that the Jews
were strangers among the peasants, but at home in the
rural countryside. His article is a good beginning
for a study of the problem, "Village and Small-Town
Jews in Germany. A Typological Study, " Year Book XIX,
Leo Baeck Institute (1974), 117, 107-130.

8.
9.

10.
11.

12.

For the concept of Bildung see, above all, Fritz K.
Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins (Cambridge,
Massachusetts, ), 86ff.

Ibid. , 268.

M. Elias, "Das Jüdische Bildungsideal," Unser Weg, n.f.
Heft 5 (November, 1931), 19, 24.

Ibid

o r

23.

Wilhelm von Humboldt 's Gesammelte Schriften (Berlin,
1903) , Vol. I, 52ff.

Sidney M. Bolkosky, The Distorted Image (New York,
1975), 93, 119. This emancipation into Bildung was not
quite so rapid as is usually assumed, and there were
stiff pockets of resistance. Steven M. Lowenstein,

"The Pace of Modernization of German Jewry in the
Nineteenth Century," Year Book XXI, Leo Baeck Institute

(1976), 41-56.

■mmk

Notes (Continued)

13. Quoted in George L. Mosse, op. cit.^ 45.

14. Marjory Lartiberti, Jewish Äctivism in Imperial Germany

(New Haven, 1978) esp. Chapter 5.

15. Modris Eksteins, The Limits of Reason, the German
Democratic Press and the Collapse of Weimar Democracy

(London, 1975), 240, 103.

16. Wilhelm Grau, Wilhelm von Humboldt und das problem
des Juden (Hemburg, 1935), 67-68. Grau was a leading
antisemite and his analysis must be used with caution.
Georg Hermann

Leo Baeck, Wege im Judentum, Aufsatze und Reden (Berlin,
1933), citing Isaac Makus Jost, 389.

Martin Jay, The Dialectical Imagination (Boston, 1973),
179, passim.

i.e., Walter Laqueur, "Zionism and its Liberal Critics,"
Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 6 (1971), 161-
132.

20. Thomas E. Willey, Back to Kant (Detroit, 1978), 21ff.

21. Ibid., 15.

22. George L. Mosse, op. cit., 189.

23. Andrew Arato and Paul Breines, The Young Lukacz and
the Origins of Western Marxism (New York, 1979) , lllff .

24. Paul Breines, "Marxism, Mosse and Madison, " New German
Critigue ( f orthcoming) .

25. i.e., Robert Weltsch, "Deutscher Zionismus in der
Rückschau," Zwei Welten (Tel Aviv, 1962), 30.

26. Jakob Toury, Die politischen Orientierungender Juden in
Deutschland (Tubingen, 1966) , passim.

27. Modris Ecksteins, op«> cit., 203-205; George L. Mosse,
op. cit., 203ff.

28. George L. Mosse, The Nationalization of the Masses (New
York, 1975), 77-78.

29. Marvib Lowenthal, The Jews of Germany (Philadelphia, 1944),
231-232.

Berthold Auerbach, Waldfried« (New Y?)rk 183ä)»
irbaoh, ErTahlnngpn^ ( Marbnhr A , M , 1 Oe^tr^^; aqq

Notes (Continued)

/gerthold Aue;

30. < i.e.. Berthold Auerbach, Spinoza, Ein Denkerleben
] (Mannheim, 1954).

31. George L. Mosse, The Crisis of Geritian Ideology (New
York, 1964), 201.

32. George L. Mosse, Crisis of German Ideology, Chapter 9,
243-244.

33. George L. Mosse, "Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen.
Marlitt, May, Ganghof er, " Popularität und Trivialität,
hrsg. Grimm und Hermand (Frankfurt-Main, 1974) , 101-121.

34. Anton Bettelheim, Berthold Auerbach (Stuttgart und
Berlin, 1907), 358.

35. Berthold Auerbach, Dichter und Kaufmann, Vol. 1, Berthold
Auerbachs gesammelte Schriften, Vol. 12 (Stuttgart,
1864), 208.

36. Wolfram Kohler, Der Chef -Redakteur Theodor Wolff

(Dusseldorf, 1978), 227.

37. This process is described by Fritz K. Ringer, The Decline
of the German Mandarisn (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1969).

38. Modris Ecksteins, op. cit. , 37.

39. Ibid., 307.

40. Personal reminiscence of the author.

41. Erwin Panofski, Studies in Iconology; Humanistic
Themes in the Art of the Renaissance (New York, 1962),
229-230. First published in 1939.

42. David R. Lipton, Ernst Cassirer (Toronto, 1978), 92.
H. Liebeschutz sees the work of Ernst Kantorowicz as a
member of the George Circle in a similar light. He
tried to fuse the limitations with the strengths of

the Humanitarian enl ightenment . Very few Jews, he adds,
resisted making this enlightenment the center of their
philosophy. "Ernst Kantorowicz and the George Circle, "
Year Book IX, Leo Baeck Institute (1964), 346.

43. Ibid., 111,

44. George L. Mosse, Germans and Jews, 104ff.

45. Klaus J. Herrmann, "Welanschauliche Aspekte der Jüdischen
Reformgemeinde zu Berlin," EMUNA, Nr. 2, 9. Jahrg.

(March-April, 1975), 83-93.

i.e., Gershom Scholem, op. cit., 62.

A^ ^^^^li

Oi&oRc,£ L. /XoSce cclu^ecVc

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^\ ^CCAXij^

lo/

U TOjO/^R-bS A GEM6AAL THEOftV 0^ FASCISM , /^'^'^^

mmaiammmamimmmmmmam

iMät.MlflKiMMB

TOWARDS A GENERAL THEORY OF PASC I SM

George L. Mosse

In our Century two revolutionary movements have made
their mark upon Europe: that originally springing from
Marxism, and the fascist revolution. The various forms of
Marxism have occupied historians and political scientists
for many decades, and it is only now that the study of
fascism is catching up with the other revolutionary tradi-
tion. Even so, because of the war and the fascist record in
power, fascism has remained synonymous with oppression and
domination; a movement said to have no ideas of its own,
merely a reaction against other more progressive movements
such as liberalism, or socialism. Scholarship about fascism
has been singularly vulnerable to subjective viewpoints and
therefore more often than not has been used to fight con-
temporary polemical battles.

Recent scholarship has been suspicious of general
theories of fascism in a justified reaction against the
fascist stereotype. As many local and regional studies teil
US, on one level fascism may have been a kaleidoscope of
contradictory attitudesHnevertheless these attitudes were
based upon common assumptions. To be sure, any general theory
of fascism must be tentative, a hypothesis which fits most
of the facts. We will attempt to bring together some of the
principal building blocks for a general theory of fascism —

Is^^^MiWplIi^WliW

there seem to be enough of them to construct at least a
provisional dwelling. Germany and Italy will dominate our
discussion, as the experience of European fascism was
largely dominated by Italian fascism and German National
Socialism. We will use the word fascism without qualifica-
tion when we mean both of these movements. From time to
time we shall also refer to various other fascisms in Europe^
but only specifically and as subsidiary examples to prove a
point.

We can best develop a general theory of fascism through
a critique of past attempts to accomplish this task. Some
historians have seen an integral connection between bolshe-
vism and fascism. Both were totalitarian regimes, and as

such dictatorships based upon the exclusive claim to leader-

1
ship by one political party. Although such an equation of

bolshevism and fascism as totalitarian movements was often

politically motivated, it was not, as its opponents claimed,
merely a child of the cold war. Both these movements were
based on the ideal, however distorted, of populär sovereignty
This meant rejection of parliamentary government and repre-
sentative institutions on behalf of a mass democracy in which
the people oupposqdly, directly governed themselves. The
leader symbolized the people, he expressed the v^tHJluntooV
goncraJn " but such a democracy never meant that leaders and
followers faced each other without intermediaries. Instead
of representative assemblies, a new secular religion mediated

■■.s?v;i:'^'<'*^'iv't^'>;;

W^S^^S^^^^^^ä^M^^^^^^MM^^^

* M^r* j ^ .f^^

between people and leaders providing, at the same time^
Instruments of social control over the masses. This religion
expressed itself on the public level through official
ceremonies and festivals, and on a private level through
control over all aspects of life by the dictates of the
unique political party. This political System v;as common in
various degrees to fascist and bolshevist movements.

The danger inherent in subsuming both bolshevism and
fascism under the concept of totalitarianism is that it
might serve to disguise real differences, not only between
bolshevism and fascism but also among the dif ferent forms of
fascism. Beyond that, the contention that totalitarian
theories really compare fascism not vith Lenin' s bolshevism
but with Stalinism seem fully justified. Indeed, totali-
tarianism as a static concept often veils the development of
both fascism and bolshevism. In Soviet Russia, for example,
the kind of public ceremonies and festivals which mark the
fascist political style \^ere tried early in the regime but
then dropped, and not resumed until after the Second World
War. At that point private and public rites came to fulfill
the same functions as they had earlier for fascism. In 1966
Pravda wrote that rallies, ceremonial processions, Speeches

and concerts gave emotional strength to the political commit-

2
ment of the people. Fascism did not remain static either,

although that is what even some of those critical of

totalitarian theory seem to believe. There is, for example.

a difference between fascism as a political movement and
fascism as a government in power.

Theories of total itarianism have placed undue emphasis
upon the supposedly K^^Vr /. J ^^/^ ^ leadership cult. Here
again the leadership cult was introduced into the Soviet
Union by Stalin and not Lenin. Even within fascism the cult
of the leader varied: in Italy in spite of all similarities^
it differed from Hitler *s in Germany. Piero Melograni^ in
this book, teils us how the cult of '»ll Duce" and fascism
were not identical, and that it was "Mussolinianism" which
won the peoples ' allegiance. In Germany one cannot discern
a difference between Hitlerism and National Socialism^ both
were one and the same.

More serious is the contention, common to most theories

of totalitarianism, that the leader manipulated the masses

through Propaganda and terror^ that free volition is incom-

3
patible with total itarian practice. The term Propaganda,

always used in this context, leads to a misunderstanding of

the fascist cults and their essentially organic and religious

nature. In times of crisis they provided to many millions

of people a more meaningful involvement than representative,

parliamentary government. They could do this because they

were not themselves a new phenomena but were instead based

upon an older and still lively tradition which had always

opposed European parliaments on behalf of populär democracy.

Even the widespread notion that fascism ruled through

:■■ ■ '■#wW'V:K:'v^-vv^,':^^|?1^

terrqr must be modified. Fascism was built upon a fragile

consensus. Tangible successes, the ability to compromise

and to go slow, conibined with the responsive cord Struck by

fascist culture, did integrate Italians and Germans into

this consensus. No doubt, this consensus was more solid

in Germany than Italy, for here Hitler shared a volkish faith

with bis fellow Germans, and here his tangible successes in

domestic and foreign policy were much more spectacular than

Mussolini ' s accomplishments .

Terror increased as the regimes continued in power, for

disillusionment with fascism in power could easily lead to

unrest. By the time those who had at first supported the

consensus woke up to the fascist reality it was too late to

resist, and only martyrdom was possible in Opposition. The

consensus during the first years of fascism allowed it to

develop an effective secret polier which stood outside of and

4
above regulär Channels and procedures, as well as the special

Courts needed to reenforce its actions, This was easier in

the Soviet Union as the revolution had destroyed the old

legal framework, while in Germany and Italy traditional legal

safeguards did exist side by side with arbitrary action.

(Even in Germany judges freed concentration camp inmates as

late as 1936.) Terror must not be treated as a static con-

cept, but as something which developed in intensity. Not

only must historical development be taken into account, but

also the existence of a consensus. Although this consensus

ii—i—iiiiir ■•■"■'■■ '''■'^' "■■■"■^ - „— I.. -,. ■.-..^- ,

■S:i'-:.).%-5-'.i?J.:'

wmmW^wm

->-;*(»i;'SWfci ,

difföred in scope in the three so-called totalitär ian nations,

it did exist at one time or another in every one of them.

For all these caveats^ both bolshevists and fascists

reached back into the antiparliamentary and antipluralistic

traditions of the 19th Century in order to face the collapse

of social^ economic and political structures in their nations

during and after the First World War. Totalitär ianism v;as

nev; only as a government^ it had a long tradition to look

back upon, otherwise it v/ould have received little support.

This tradition started its modern history with the French

Revolution and continued to inform both the nationalism and

the quest for social justice of the 19th Century. Even if

Jacob Talmon's concept of "totalitarian democracy" rests, as

5
some have claimed, upon a misreading of the Enlightenment,

men like Robespierre and Saint-Just shared in such misconcep-

tions. Rousseau's "general v^ill," his exaltation of "the

people," v?as bent by the Jacobins into a dictatorship in

which the people v;orshipped themselves through public fes-

tivals and symbols (such as the goddess of reason) , vhere

6
religious enthusiasm was transferred to civic rites.

The distinction between private and public life was

eradicated, just as totalitarian regimes were later to

attempt to abolish such differences. Public allegiance^ through

active. participation in the national cults, was the road to

survival, and, as for example, the Jacobins used dress as

an outward sign of true inner allegiance (the revolutionary

^^'?fjiim

^ *'t\

^Wi.

^;^1W^^

^?jifÄr#.

cap, and trousers instead of breeches) , so fascists and
bolshevists integrated various uniforms into their Systems.
Nationalist movements during the 19th Century carried on
these traditions, even if at times they attempted to com-
promise with liberal values. The workers • movement, though
most of it was in fact wedded to parliamentary democracy,
stressed outward symbols of unity (as in the serried ranks
and Sunday dress of May Day parades) , massed flags, and the
clenched fist salute. Italy was less prone to the develop-
ment of this heritage, but it also influenced part of the
fight for national unity and, as in Germany, those who were
disillusioned with the newly arrived national state. At the
turn of the Century the radical left and the radical right were
apt to demand control of the whole man and not just a politi-
cal piece of him.

Bolshevism and fascism attempted to mobilize the masses,
to Substitute modern mass politics for pluralistic and
parliamentary government. Indeed parliamentary government
found it difficult to cope with the crises of the post-war
World and abdicated without a struggle, not only in Germany
and Italy, but also in Portugal and, as far as it had existed
immediately after the war, in the nations of Eastern Europe
as well. The fascists helped along the demise of parlicimentary
government, but its wholesale mortality points to deep
inherent structural and ideological problems, As a matter of
fact, few representative governments have withstood the

pressures of modern economic, political and social crises,

especially v;hen these coincided with defeat in vy;ar and

7
unsatisfied national aspirations, The collapse of the

Fourth French Republic in the Algerian war should be added

to the list of parliamentary suicides. Wherever totalitarian

governments came to pov;er they merely toppled regimes ripe

for the plucking; this holds for Russia as well as Germany

and Italy. But unlike bolshevism, fascism never had to fight

a proper civil war on its road to power: Mussolini marched

on Rome in the comfort of a railroad car, and Hitler simply

presented himself to the German President. Certainly

representative government and liberal politics allowed

individual freedom its life's breath, but totalitarianism

cannot be condemned without taking the collapse of parliaments

and the social structures into account. We must not look

at a historical movement mainly from the viewpoint of our

political predilections, lest we falsify historical

necessity.

If some historians have used the model of totalitarianism

in Order to analyze fascism, others, and they are in the

8
majority, have used the model of the "good revolution." The

French, American, and especially the Russian Revolutions led

to the progress of mankind, while fascism was an attempt to

stop the clock, to maintain old privilege against the demands

of the new classes as represented by the Proletariat. In

reality, fascism was itself a revolution, seizing power by

m-m:^-^'-^:-

using twentieth-century methods of conununication and control.
It replaced an old with a new elite. although National
Socialism brought about a more fundamental change than italian
fascism, (where new and traditional elites coexisted to a
greater extent) . Economic policy was subordinated to the
political goals of fascism, but in Germany, at least. this
d^d not preclude nationalization (^ti7s<^-called "Hermann
G^^ring Steel Works") though, by and large, fascism worked
band in band with the larger industrial enterprises. Yet
one-sided emphasis upon economic factors or upon the Prole-
tariat benights our view of the revolutionary side of fascism.
Fascism condemned the French Revolution and yet, at least in
its beginnings, was a descendant of the Jacobin political
sytle. Above all, the fascist revolution saw itself as a
"Third Force" rejecting both supposedly "materialistic
Marxism" and "finance capitalism" in the name of an idealism
which was meant to transcend the unpalatable capitalist and
materialist present. This was the revolutionary tradition
within which fascism worked. Such an aim was not unique to
fascism in the post-war world; many left-wing intellectuals
rejected both Marxist orthodoxy and capitalism, but unlike
the fascists, they sought to transcend both through an emphasis
upon the triumphant goodness of man once capitalism was
abolished.

Fascism retreated instead into the nationalist mystique.
But here, once more, it followed a precedent. French

using twentieth-century methods of communication and control.
It replaced an old with a new elite. although National
Socialism brought about a more fundamental change than italian
fascism, (where new and traditional elites coexisted to a
greater exten t) . Economic policy was subordinated to the
political goals of fascism. but in Germany. at least. this
did not preclude nationalization (^ti7s<^-called "Hermann
G^ing Steel Works") though, by and large, fascism worked '
band in band with the larger industrial enterprises. Yet
one-sided emphasis upon economic factors or upon the Prole-
tariat benights our view of the revolutionary side of fascism.
Fascism condemned the French Revolution and yet, at least in
its beginnings, was a descendant of the Jacob in political
sytle. Above all, the fascist revolution saw itself as a
"Third Force" rejecting both supposedly "materialistic
Marxism" and "finance capitalism" in the name of an idealism
which was meant to transcend the unpalatable capitalist and
materialist present. This was the revolutionary tradition
within which fascism worked. Such an aim was not unique to
fascism in the post-war world; many left-wing intellectuals
rejected both Marxist orthodoxy and capitalism, but unlike
the fascists, they sought to transcend both through an emphasis
upon the triumphant goodness of man once capitalism was
abolished.

Fascism retreated instead into the nationalst mystique.
But here, once more, it followed a precedent. French

socialists at mid-century, and men like Edouard Drumont
towards the end of the Century, had combined Opposition
against finance capitalism and advocacy of greater social
equality with impassioned nationalism. These men were
National Socialists long before the small German workers •
party took this name. Such National Social ism was in the
air as a "Third Force" in the last decades of the 19th
Century. These were decades when Marxism had to be reckoned '
with and capitalist development seemed accompanied by a
soulless positivism: a world where only material values
counted. There were National Socialist movements in France
(in which not only former leaders of the Paris Conunune, with
their Jacobin traditions, joined, but also some anarchists
and bourgeois "bien peasants"). as well as in Bohemia, and
even in Germany, where the Hessian Peasants ' Movement led by
Otto Boeckel advocated this kind of National Social ism.

in Italy advocacy of the "Third Force" resulted from
the First World War: the Interventionist struggle and the
subsequent war experience seemed to transcend vested interests
and political parties. This was indeed the result of that
experience for a good many veterans in Germany as well (but
not in France which had won the war and successfully weathered
post-war upheaval) . Yet in Italy. unlike Germany, the "war
experience" was meant to have revolutionary implications.
Mussolini was joined in this hope by the revolutionary
syndicalists who wanted to abolish the existing social and

economic order so that the nation could be regenerated

through the searing experience of the war. Such syndicalists

appealed both to revolution and to Italy's historic^ national

mission. It is typical that when the fascist party was

founded in Ferrara it was a youth group called the "Third

loa

Italy" which took the initiative. In Germany and Italy,

nations which plunged into a deep crisis as a result of the

war, and for many political groups within other nations as

well, the "Third Force" became an alternative revolution to

Marxism, an escape into the community of the nation when the

World seemed to be dominated by the mysterious power of

money on the one hand and by a Marxist conspiracy on the

11
other hand.

Yet this "Third Force" became ever less revolutionary
and more nationalist as fascists or Nazis strove for power.
Mussolini broke with the revolutionary syndicalists early on
but stayed with the Futurists, whose revolutionary ardour
was directed towards a colorful dynamic which took the fast
Sports car as its model rather than the nationalization of
production. Hitler got rid of social revolutions who like
Otto Strasse^ wanted to change property relationships,
however slightly. Yet we must not stare fixedly at property
relationships or at the naked play of power and interest:
such issues alone do not motivate men. It was the strength
of fascism everywhere that it helped transcend such concerns,
gave people a meaningful sense of political participation

mmmmm

■■'*^^[.v.v^':?'i'>-:->v-ÄyY'''-'' ■■*■»■■'-'' 'S

'■•r,.-'-:- '_■'• ■> vr

(though, of course^ in reality they did not participate at
all) and sheltered them mithin the national Community against
the menace of rapid change and the all too swift passage of

time.

National Socialism V7as able to contain the revolutionary
impetus better than Italian fascism because in Germany the
very term "Third Force" V7as fraught v;ith mystical and
millinarian meaning. The mythos of the "Third Force" became
a part of the mythos of the "Third Reich," carrying on a
Germanic tradition which had little equivalent in Catholic
Italy. The prophecy of Joachim of Flora about the future
"Third Age" v?hich will become a kingdom of the spirit,
(the Biblical millenium) , became an ingredient of German
Protestantism, and so did the three mystical kingdoms of
Paracelsus: that of God, the planets, and the Earth, The
German mystics, such as Jacob Böhme, believed that man, by
overcoming his baser seif and seeking harmony within nature,
can rise from Barth to the kingdom of God. Here the emphasis
was on "becoming" rather than "being, " on the "genuine" as
exemplified first by nature and, later, by the "Volk" itself

Moeller van den Brück, v?hose book The Third Reich (1923),
was originally called The Third Way^ brought this tradition
up to date in a defeated nation: the Germanic mission will
transcend all the contradictions inherent in modern life,
including Germany 's defeat in war. Germans must struggle
continually towards utopia which he equated with the German

Reich of the future. To be sure, Moeller \^as pragmatic in
his demand for political action, bis advocacy of tbe cor-
porate State, and bis desire to institute a planned economy

13
(tbus bis praise of Lenin *s Nev7 Economic Policy) . Yet

Moeller also retained tbe traditional elements wbicb were so
mucb a part of tbis kind of revolution. He called for tbe
maintenance of autbority, preferably tbat of a monarcb, as
well as of tbe family structure.

However, for Moeller tbe pragmatic V7as alv;ays subsumed
under tbe messianic, for tbe arrival of tbe "Tbird Reicb"
would automatically solve all outstanding problems, Sucb a
belief was part of tbe "Tbird Force" in Germany: tbe purified
national Community of tbe future would end all present diffi-

culties and anxieties, social inequalities and economic

crises. Man would tben "overcome" tbe dialectic of eartbly
life. Small wonder tbat tbe Nazis entbusiastically annexed
tbe fairy tale and folk legend to tbeir cause, as tbese
provided insigbt into tbe true and eternal nature of tbe Volk.
However, tbis vision of tbe future was rooted in tbe past,
it was tbe traditional, and not tbe modern^ fairy tale wbicb
tbe Nazis praised. Empbasis upon bistorical precedent was
always an integral part of tbe Nazi ideology, and of Italian
fascism as well, (as wben in tbe fourtb year of power tbe
ancient monuments of Rome were restored) . However, for
Mussolini bistory never became an Obsession, but ratber a
platform from wbicb to jump into an ill-defined future.

iL-:« 1,;...: ,'. ' ,f,h f><'~' *.v3

14
Hitler and Goebbels' Obsession with history reached a
climax in face of defeat. Then, in 1945, they clung to
memories of Frederick the Great who had been saved from
certain defeat by the opportune death of the Czarina Elizabeth,
and to the victory of Rome over Carthage/"^ utopia and
traditionalism v^ere linked. a point to which v.e will return
when discussing the new fascist man.

Ernst Bloch called this urge to "overcoxne" - the mystical
and millenarian dynamic ~ the "hidden revolution" essential
to the realization of the true socialist revolution/^ Men
must hope before they can act. National Socialism claimed to
represent this "inner dynamic," though it was always careful
to State that the "Third Reich" stood at the threshhold of
fulfillment only, and that a period of struggle and suffering
must precede eventual salvation. We must be aware of this
revolutionary tradition which did, in the end, transfer
religious enthusiasm to secular government. Few would deny
that in Order to know communism or bolshevism we have to know
their revolutionary tradition, but fascism has recently been
discussed as if it had no such tradition. The revolutionary
appeal of fascism is easy to underestimate in our own time.
one whose object is to de-mystify and in which a new positivism
has captured the historical imagination.

The fascist revolution built upon deep currents of
populär piety, and, especially in Germany, a millenarianism
which was apt to come to the fore in times of crisis. The

■■>--i.:^:>-i:*v:"

W(:'^::

■■•^;.'»V'«tfw^'-

myths and syinbols of nationalism were super imposed upon

those of Christianity, not only in the rhythms of public

rites and ceremonies (even the Duce's famed dialogues with

the masses from his balcony are related to Christian

"responses") but also in the appeal to apocalyptic and

millenarian thought. Such appeals can be found in the very

vocabulary of Nazi leaders. Nazi language rested upon

Christianity; it was^ after all, a Inaguage of faith. In

1935, at Munich's Feldherrnhalle, where his putsch of 1923

resulted in a bloody fiasco, Hitler called those who feil

there "my apostles" and proclaimed that "v;ith the Third Reich

you have risen from the dead." Many other examples spring

to mind, as v^hen the leader of the Labor Front, Robert Ley,

asserted that "we have found the road to eternity." The

v^hole vocabulary of blood and soll was replete v;ith Christian

liturgical and religious meaning, the "blood" itself, the

16
"mar tyr dorn, " the "incarnation."

Moreover, historians have recently found that in the

past millenarianism was not really a protest by the poor

against the rieh, but a belief shared by most classes of the

17
Population. It was not inherently psychotic or revolutionary

but in fact a normal part of populär piety running through

19th-century and into 20th-century Europe. Nor was any nation

free from such piety. Surely this background must have had

an effect on the cross-class appeal of National Socialism,

and perhaps, despite a different emphasis, upon Italian

^■^t.l!M'.i\

fascism as v?ell. The "new man" whom all fascism craved was

certainly easily integrated into such populär piety becäme

political thought,

The ^Third Force" in Italy did not directly build upon

a mystical tradition, though it existed in Italy as well as

Germany. Rather than referring to Savonarola^ for example^

Giovanni Gentile saw in the fascist State a Hegelian syn-

thesis which resolved all contradictions. Though Gentile,

German idealism was more important in Italian fascism than

in National Socialism, though some Nazi philosophers used

Hegel in order to prove that Hitler had ended the dialectic

of history. After the Concordat of 1929, fascism, in order

to rival the Church, increasingly became the religion of

the State. The will to believe was emphasized, and the

Italian anti-rational tradition was searched for precedent.

Yet when all is said and done, such efforts in Italy were

sporadic and some leading fascists retained their scepticism

/
about "romanita" or civic religions.

The "Third Force" is vital for understanding fascism,

but we do not mean to exaggerate its importance. Certainly

it stressed fascism as an "attitude towards life" rather than

as rational political thought and coherent social analysis.

For fascism it waär "the experience" which counted and not

appeals to the intellect. The playwrite, Hanns Johst, wrote

the following dialogue between the young Leo Schlageter,

about to fight against the French occupation of the Ruhr

Valley, and his socialist father:

Son

Father :
Son:

Father:
Son:

The young people don't pay much
attention to these old Slogans any-
more..the class struggle is dying
out.

So.. and Tvhat do you live on then?

The Volk Community. ,

And that's a slogan..?

19
No, its an experience!

It v/as an organic view of the world, which v;as supposed

to take in the v?hole man and thus end his alienation. A

fundamental redefinition is involved in such a view of man

and his place in the world. "Politics," v^rote the Italian

fascist Guiseppe Bottai, "is an attitude towards life itself , "

and this phrase is repeated word for word in National

Socialist literature. Horia Sima, one of Codreanu's successors

in the leadership of the Rumanian Iron Guard, summed it up:

"We must cease to separate the spiritual from the political

man. All history is a commentary upon the life of the

21
spirit." When fascists spoke of culture they meant a

proper attitude towards life: encompassing the ability to

accept a faith, the work ethic and discipline, but also

receptivity to art and the appreciation of the native land-

22
scape. The true Community was synibolized by factors opposed

to materialism, by art and literature, the Symbols of the

past and the stereotype of the present. The National Socialist

emphasis upon myth, symbol, literature and art did not stand

:fe'^:,S^::«(?ä'

EiSSS3?^3n^^^?^

'vr'^'^cS;''

that it covered a short span of time, but also in its
meitibership. The revolt of the fin de siecle had been a
revolt of the young against society, parents, and school.
They longed for a new sense of Community^ not for a "chaos
of the soul." These youths v;ere of bourgeois background,
and their dominant concern for several generations had been
with national unity and not v?ith social and economic change —
something for which they feit little need. Thus they were
quite prepared to have their urge to revolt directed into
national Channels, on behalf of a Community v?hich seemed to
them one of the "soul" and not an artificial creation. Such
were the young vho streamed not only into the earlier German
youth movement, but also into the fasci and the SA, and
made up the cadres of other fascist movements as v^ell.
Returned from the v;ar, they wanted to prolong the camaraderie
they had experienced in the trenches. Fascism offered it to
them. It is well to note in this connection that fascists
were a new grouping, not yet bureaucratized, and the supposed
open-endedness made them more dynamic than the other and
rival political parties. The fascist leaders too were young:
Mussolini was 39 when he became Prime Minister, Hitler 44 on
attaining the Chancellorship.

Youth symbolized vigour and action: ideology was joined
to fact. Fascist heroes and martyrs died at an early age in
Order to enter the pantheon, and symbolic representations of
youth expressed the ideal type in artistic form. This was

' •■ -:■. ■ ■ • :■■■■■• ■ ■■' .«;■%>!■<.",,,;,'','" . -;' -•:

-■am:} ■->,.■"'»**'**.:. ■«^^■-"■c^M-s^'i;.,:; - ;W'^N:

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the classical ideal of beauty which had come to be the

stereotype. There must have been others who, like Albert

Speer 's mother, voted for the Nazis because they v?ere young

cind clean-cut. The hero of the^^fiovel Generations (1930)^

by Adolf o Baiocchi, finds his way from communism to fascism.

His final conversion comes v^hen he sees his former c^mrades^

now unattractive, dirty and disheveled, taken away by police

after an unsuccessful attempt at revolution: "these are the

men of the future"? Monuments to the soldiers v;ho feil in

the First World War often represented young Siegfrieds or

Greek youths. Indeed, this stereotype was reenforced by the

war when the cult of youth joined the cult of the nation.

The war became a symbol of youth: its activism, its

optimism, and its heroic sacrifice. For Germans the battle

of Langenmarck (November, 1914) , where menibers of the German

Youth Movement were mowed down by the thousands came to stand

for the sacrifice of heroic youth. The flower of German youth

went singing to their death. A writer, Rudolf Binding,

asserted that through this sacrifice only German youth had

the right to symbol ize national renewal among the youth of

23
the World.

Benito Mussolini also declared himself to be the spokesman

of a youth which had shown its mettle in war. If Hitler

promised to erase the "shame of Versailles," Mussolini wanted

to complete Italy's "mutilated" victory in the Great War.

Both took up the Slogan of the young and old nations which

gained currency after the war as a reassertion of the

defeated against the victorious nations.

Fascism built upon the war experience. The war, in

different ways, shaped the outlook of Mussolini and Hitler

towards the world: the former moving from a Nietzschean

rather than Marxist socialism to Ideals of nationalism and

struggle; the latter deepening his ever-present racist world

View. Above all, for millions of their contemporaries the

war was the most profound experience of their lives. While

some became pacifists, most attempted to confront the mass

death they had witnessed by elevating it into myth. Both in

Germany and Italy the myth of war experience: the glory of

the struggle, the legacy of the martyrs, the feeling of

camaraderie in the trenches, defeated any resolve never to

have war again. France, the victorious and satisfied nation,

saw the rise of powerful war veterans • movements which pro-

24
claimed an end to all war, but in Germany and Italy

veterans» movements based themselves on the myth of the war

experience and proclaimed the Coming resurrection of the

fatherland.

The left in Germany and Italy, and in all other nations,
had a difficult time in Coming to grips with this war
experience which their own members shared. Social Democrats
and Communis ts at times paraded and wore the old uniforms,
(but without decorations) and founded self-defense organiza-
tions or paramilitary organizations, like the Reichsbanner

in^

.- ; -., ^ ,.., ■ . ,- ,^-^!f'''l^\

in Germany, (which was supposed to defend the Repiablic) .

But in the last resort the left was halfhearted about all

this, and its didactic and cosmopolitan heritage^ as well

as its pacifist traditions, proved strong and lasting. The

Communists who were ready to discard this past found it

impossible to redirect loyalty away from the fatherland

25
and towards a Red Army. To this day few historians have

investigated the left 's confrontation with the war experience,

perhaps in itself a commentary of the continued underestimation

of this myth as a political force. Here was a political void

readily occupied by the fascists.

The war experience aided fascism in another, more indir-
ect, manner. The front-line soldiers had become immune to
the horrors of war, the mass death, the wounded and mutilated
comrades. They had faced such unparalleled experience with
either stoicism or with a sense of sacrifice — war had
given meaning to their dull and routine lives. Indeed, the
war experience, despite all of its horrors, catered to the '
longing for the exceptional, the escape from the treadmill
of everyday life and its responsibilities, The political
liturgy of fascism with its countless festivals catered to
the same dream of excitement, of taking part in meaningful
action. How typical was the phrase, often repeated during
the war, that death in battle had made life worthwhile.

Whatever the actual attitudes of the front-line soldiers
during the war, after the war their war experience became a

1 , .*i,..

'.L . :ii .. ':y:!iiT9(fx:&;-^-mßmä^mmi^}^:i^ä

myth, concretized through countless var cemeteries and
memor ials . Not all of theac glorilied strugg-l^r ^in
victoriovis FrRnce t>K>y pi^rlgorl an ^nd -hcv-^<ja^r & . Bu "t^^^ir^

Germany and Italy

0issatisfied v/ith the results of their

participation in the great conflict^v^arfare v;as held up as

an example to be followed until national pride v^as satisfied.

The cult of the fallen soldier was central to the myth of

the war experience, and the dead were used to spur on the

living to ever greater efforts of revenge. Mussolini put

it succinctly: "A people which deifies its fallen, can never

be beaten." It was said that Hitler deposited his conquests

26
on the altar of the war dead. The horrors of war became

part of a struggle for national and personal fulfillment
which had not yet ended.

The acceptance of war was aided by new techniques of
communication, as these tended to trivial ize mass death by
making it familiär as part of an organized and directed
experience shared by thousands. For example, the battief ields
of France and Flanders became mass tourist attractions
organized by Thomas Cooke and Sons. The massed and impersonal
graves of military cemeteries were faced by an equally
impersonal mass of tourists, who could buy souvenir Shells,
helmets and decorations. Still more important, the First
World War was also the first war in the era of populär
photography. Those same tourists could photograph the
trenches, but what had once been experienced in these trenches

was now nicely tidied up and surrounded by flowers and trees.

Most people, however, were familiär with the face of
war through the countless picture books which appeared after
1918. The pictures of corpses and wounded were presented
as a part of a glorious struggle, a desirable sacrifice
which would reap its deserved reward. One such book, which
may stand as an example for many. called the war both horrible
and a purveyor of aesthetic values. Arms were depicted as
Symbols of the highest human accomplishment, the overcoming
of seif in the service of collective Ideals and values.
Horror pictures were transcended, suffused with ideals of
sacredness and sacrifice; the dead and mangled bodies of
soldiers were by association equals of the corpse of Christ
in the Service not of individual but of national salvation.
The war experience through processes öf trivialization
and transcendence played into both the dynamic of fascism and
also into the movement 's brutality. Death and suffering lost
their sting for the martyrs who continued to live as a
Spiritual part of the nation while exhorting it to regenerate
itself and to destroy its enemies.

Joseph Goebbels' definition of the nature of a revolu-
tionary, made in 1945, when Germany faced defeat, is typical
of a process of brutalization begun by the First World War.
Nazis, in common with all fascists, had always condemned
halfway measures as typically bourgeois and anti-revolutionary
Goebbels now defined as revolutionary those who avoided

SÜÄ^SSifi

Ä^ljiy„i'i^'.

halfway measures in executing^ ^olicy, as well as shooting

shirKers and deserters. Those who refused to carry out such

28
actions v;ere said to be old and worn-out bourgeois.

During the desperate years of the Republic of Salb,

Mussolini also resorted to brutal measures, even executing

29
pupils who refused to attend school. Fascism had all along

built upon the inheritances of the First World War which

included a process of brutalization. There is little doubt

that the myth of the war experience made fascist brutality

more acceptable and fascism itself more attractive. Here

was none of the ambivalence, shared by socialists and liberals,

towards what millions must have regarded as the high point

of their otherwise uneventful lives.

The crucial role which the war experience played in

National Socialism is well enough known. The war was "a

lovely dream" and a "miracle of achievement" as, for example,

a Nazi children's book put it. All death in war was a hero's

30
death and thus the true fulfillment of life. There was

31
no doubt here about the "greatness and necessity of war."

Mussolini, if anything, stressed this myth to still greater

advantage because of the absence of a truly coherent volkish

ideology in Italy. The fascist struggle was a continuation

of the war experience. But here as in Germany the glorification

of struggle was also linked to wartime camaraderie and set

as an example to end class divisions within the nation. "Not

class war but class solidarity" reigned in face of death.

wrote an Italian socialist inthe last months of the war.

•The war^ he continued, was not a conflict among potentates

or capitalists but a necessity in defense of the people.

32
Historical materialism was dead.

The elan of the battief ield was transformed into

activism at home. The fasci and the German storm troopers

regarded their post-war world as an enemy which as patriotic

shock troops they must destroy. Indeed, the leaders of these

formations were in large part former front-line officers:

Roehm, the head of the SA; Codreanu, founder of the Iron

Guard; De Bono in Italy and Szalasi in Hungary — to give

only a few examples. But this activism was tamed by the

"magic" of the leadership of which Gustav Le Bon had written
T5»^/^i&> f^<r Bn^ if Tue i'f'Ce:Hrv^*ij^
so much carlien Among the returned veterans it was tamed

all the more easily, for they sought comradeship and leadership

with some desperation. Not only because of the war experience,

but also because of their sense of Isolation within a nation

which had not lived up to their expectations.

The revolutionary tradition of the "Third Force" contained

traditional ingredients essential to this taming process:

stress upon the national past and the mystical Community of

the nation^ emphasis upon that middle-class respectability

which proved essential for political success. The "cult

element" to which we have referred earlier gave direction

to this taming process, it focused attention upon the eternal

verities which must never be forgotten. flie sebting v^aa a

vjbfcal partt — tho baloony of the-Parlrazao-Venezia , the
w-in^CT-i» Qf pi-HjaT-'g ng>XAj pTiann^i 1 ^-ry- Activisiti there must be,
enthusiasm was essential, but it had to focus upon the
leader who would direct it into the proper "eternal"

Channels.

/<>^/V

Ifhe liturgical element must be mentioned here, for the
"eternal verities" were purveyed and reinforced through the
endless repetition of Slogans, choruses, and symbols, and
the participation in mass ceremony. These are the techniques
which went into the taming of the revolution and which made
fascism, as V7e have repeatedly mentioned, a new religion
with rites long familiär in traditional religious observance.
Fascist mass meetings seemed something new, but in reality
contained predominantly traditional elements in technique
as weil as in the ideology.

To be sure, this taming did not always work. The youthful
enthusiasm which presided at the beginning of the movement
was apt to be disappointed with its course. Italy, where
fascism lasted longest, provides the best example, for the
danger point came with the second fascist generation. There
the young men of the "class of 35" wanted to return to the
beginnings of the movement, to its activism and its war on
alienation — in short, to construct the fascist utopia. By
1936 such youths had formed a resistance movement within
Italiah fascism which stressed that "open-endedness" the
revolution had seemed to promise: to go to "the limits of

fascism where all possibilities are open." They were not

pleased with the fascism in power. We can discern similar

signs as Nazism developed, but here the SS managed to capture

the activist spirit. Had it not been for the war, Hitler

might well have had difficulty with the SS, which thought of

itself as an activist and spartan elite, But then fascism

never had a chance to grow old, except in Italy: given the

ingredients which went into the revolution, old age might

have presented the movement with a severe crisis.

But in the last resort the taming was always combined

with activism, traditionalism inevitably went hand in hand

with a nostalgic revolution. Both Hitler and Mussolini dis-

liked drawing up party programmes, for this smacked of

"dogmatism." Fascism stressed "movement" -- Hitler called

his party a "Bewegung, " and Mussolini for a time favored

Marinetti's futurism as an artistic and literary form which

stressed both movement and struggle. All European fascisms

gave the Impression that the movement was open-ended, a

continuous Nietzschean ecstasy. But in reality definite

limits were provided to this activism by the emphasis upon

nationalismTVracisitC and the longing for a restoration of

traditional morality. The only variety of fascism of which

this is not wholly true we find among fascist intellectuals

in France. There a man like Drieu La Rochelle exalted the

"provisional," the idea that all existing reality can be

34
destroyed in one moment. Elsewhere that reality was

"eternal," and the activism was directed into destroying

the existing order so that the eternal verity of Volk or

nation could triiimph, and v;ith it the restoration of

traditional morality.

The traditionalism of the fascist movement coincided

with the most basic of bourgeois prejudices. When Hans

Naiimann spoke at the Nazi book-burning in 1933 he praised

action; the more books burned the better. But he ended his

speech by exalting the traditional bonds of family and Volk.

Such a traditionalism v?as in the mind of Giuseppe Bottai

when he called for a "spiritual renev?al," or v;hen the leading

Rexist (the fascist movement in Belgivim) , Jean Denis, held

that without a moral revolution there can be no revolution

35
at all. Some fascisms defined the moral revolution v/ithin

the context of a traditional Chris tianity: this is true

of the Belgian Rexist movement, for example, as well as of

the Rumanian Iron Guard. The Nazis substituted racism for

religion, but, once more, the morality was that shared with

the rest of the bourgeois ie.

Almost all analyses of fascism have been preoccupied

with the crucial support it received from the bourgeois ie.

However, the Marxist model of the bourgeoisie based upon the

function of each class in the process of production seems

too narrow to account for the general support of fascism. A

common ethos united businessmen, government officials and
the intellectual professions which made up the bourgeoisie.

I..- I.'l

They were concerned about their Status, access to education,

and opportunity for advancement. At the same time they sav?
their world as resting upon the pillars of respectability,
hard work, self-discipline, and good manners exemplified
through a stereotyped ideal of beauty v;e have already men-
tioned. The so-called middle-class morality, which had
come to dominate Europe since the end of the 18 th Century,
gave them security in a competitive world. Moreover, towards
the end of the 19th Century the very structure of this world
was challenged by the youthful revolt against accepted
manners and morals by Bohemians, radicals and the cultural
a vant-garde .

Nationalism annexed this bourgeois world (as did racism
in Central Europe) promising to protect it and to restore its
purity against all challengers. This explains the puritanism
of National Socialism, its emphasis upon chastity, the family,
good manners and the banishment of women from pviblic life.
However, there is no evidence that the workers did not also
share such bourgeois longings: the workers ' culture did not
oppose the virtues of the bourgeois consensus. There v?as
no repeating the brief relcixation of manners and morals
that occurred in the years follov;ing the October Revolution
in Russia.

Thomas Childers has brought much evidence to bear upon
the amorphous nature of the Nazi electorate. The Nazis, in
the end, capitalized on the resentment held by all classes.

■-i,v!f*t^; •'s!!p|i(fvÄ5j^sÄ:*Ä- j,;^j;

including the working class, 'Wctire Italian fascistt, Renzo

de Feiice has told us^ was in large part an expression of

the emerging middle classes, the bourgeois who were already

an important social force, and now were attempting to acquire

38
political power. This is exactly the opposite of the

Bonapart iste analysis, so populär among the left^ which

adapts to fascism Kai-t Marxens discussion of the dictatorship

of Napoleon III. The middle class gave up political power,

> fV so the argument runs, in order to keep their social and

/^ V economic power. LJost DUffler provides an illuminating
, 4 * \T' history of Bonapartism in fascist historiographyl]
• f" i^ , As a matter of fact, in Italy, and also in other

4 European fascist movements, many important leaders came from

^ the left: for the most part they were syndicalists inspired

by the war and the activism the movement promised. Jacques

Doriot, the only really significant leader of French fascism

traveled from the militant left to fascism, a road, as

Gilbert Allardyce shows, not so different from that traveled

by Mussolini earlier. Doriot wanted a greater dynamic within

French communism, and was impatient with party bureaucracy

and discipline. As a fascist, he advocated "a revolution in

39
France with French materials." Nationalism became the

refuge for such frustrated revolutionaries. National Socialism

did not, by and large, attract former leaders of the left.

German Social Democrats and Communists were too disciplined

to desert so easily. Moreover, they formed an almost

self-contained subculture v^hose comfort was not readily

rejected. Revolutionary traditions, lively in Italy and

France, had become fossilized dogma in Germany and had

themselves sailed close to nationalist currents.

Fascism attracted a motley crowd of followers from

different backgrounds and of all classes. Nevertheless,

the bourgeoisie provided the backbone of the movement and

most of its leaders. Rather than attempting once again to

show that fascism could not attract the vorking class, at

best a partial truth, the very diversity of such support

needs nev analysis. Most large-scale business and industrial

enterprise, as v?e novi "knovj, did not support the Nazis before

their seizure of pov;er, and indeed looked upon them as

40
Potential radicals. The Hitler government of 1933, v;hich

they did support, was a coalition in which conservatives

predorainated. When six months later the conservatives left

the cabinet, industrialists compromised with Hitler, as the

Industrial GonfederaLion in Italy came to support Mussolini.

But even so, the primacy of fascist politics over economics

remains a fact: the myth pushed economic interests into a

subservient position. Until the very end Adolf Hitler

believed that a political confession of faith was the pre-

requisite for all action. Man 's world view was primary in

determining his fate, a lesson which Hitler drew from his

41
experience in the First World War. It was the fascist

myth which had cross-class appeal, and which, together with

50
among FrenchVintellectuals^ a team spirit grounded in a

common v7orld view^ exalted by the young writers grouped

around the nev^spaper Je Suis Partout. It v?as the cameraderie

of trench life which many had actually experienced and v?hich

for others had become a myth which seemed to provide the

model for the ideal society. To be sure, they had been

conscripted, but this awkv^ard fact \^as ignored as veterans

thought back upon the cameraderie they enjoyed under fire,

when each man had to subjugate his v;ill to that of the others

in his Unit in order to survive.

Fascism could annex this idea of Community all the more

easily as nationalism had always advocated it: individualism

is only possible when man voluntarily joins v;ith others on

the basis of ^a common^ attitude and purpose. Fascism dropped

the voluntary aspect, of course, but only as a temporary

measure: fascist education was directed to help they^ung

to understand that "Credere, ObBedire e Combattere" on

behalf of the national Community v?as the true fulfillment of

63
individualism. The prospectus of the elite Nazi school at

Feldafingn sums up this redefinition of individualism:

"He who can do what he wants is not free, but he is free who

does V7hat he should. He >;ho feels himself without chains,

64
is not free, but enslaved to his passions."

Individualism meant self-fulfillment, v?hile at the same

time finding shelter in the collectivity: having the best

of both worlds. It is therefore mistaken to characterize

fascism simply as anti-individualistic, for this ignores

the longing for a true Community in which the like-minded

joined together, each through his own pover of v;ill. The

French fascist intellectuals^ merely a cotery out of pov^er,

could praise the "provisional, " the idea that all existing

65
reality could be destroyed at any moment. Yet for all

this Nietzschean exaltation, another leading French fascist

intellectual^ Robert Brasillach, not only found refuge in

an "inner fatherland" but also sav7 in his beloved Paris a

collection of small villages in v;hich he could be at home.

Between the v;ars the young men in the Latin Quarter wanted

to be original, and spontaneous, and at the same time longed

66
for an end to intellectual anarchy. Fascism gave them the

means to do all of that sheltered by the national Community.

These French fascists expressed an elan typical of

fascism as a movement, out of power, though even here the

dynamic had to be tamed. Fascism in power was often a

disappointment to those young fascists who were the activists

of the movement. Although it kept much of the earlier

rhetoric, fascism in power became the establishment. Indeed,

Stanley Payne's Suggestion that at that point the differences

between fascism and the reaction become less marked seems

67
close to the facts, if not to the professed ideology. The

reactionaries, men like Francisco Franco, based themselves

on the traditional hierarchies, on the Status quo and, as

often as not, took as their ideology the Christianity of the

W^m^^^^^Ww^^

n '

Catholic Church. The fascist .revolutionary base, the dynamic

nationalist attitudes, and the prominent rhythms which we

have mentioned v;ere lacking. However^ before we can rede f ine

the relationship between fascism and the reaction we need

more detailed comparison between, for example, the various

stages of Mussolini 's government and the evolution of

Franco's rule in Spain. Here, once again, the specific

national histories of those countries are of great importance.

National differences did matter, of course, and we have

constantly pointed them out, culminating in the difference

between the "new fascist man" of Italy and of Germany. Yet

all fascism went back to the anti-parliamentary tradition of

the 19th Century in order to redefine populär participation

in politics. Both such participation J^^^a^ indi vi dual liberty^

were supposedly part of a collect ive experience. It must not

be forgotten that, in the last resort, all fascisms were

nationalisms, sharing the cult of national Symbols and myths,

as well as preoccupation with supposed national origins.

Himmler sent an expedition to Tibet in order to discover

Aryan origins, while other young Germans searched for the

original Aryans, closer to home, in Scandinavia. The Italian

Fascist Foreign Ministry sponsored archeological expeditions

68
in order to help resurrect the Roman Empire, while Mussolini

restored Rome's ancient ruins. Rome was Italian Fascism 's

eternal symbol, as Mussolini once put it, and the Museum of

Classical Antiquity, named after the Duce, was situated in

iii»P'^

the Campodoglio, in the heart of ancient Rome. Nationalism
meant emphasis upon origins and continuity, however much
the Italian fascist man vas supposed to be a man of the
f uture .

Racism and antisemitism were not a necessary component
of fascism, and certainly not of those sections of the
movement which looked to Italy for a model. There, until
19^, racism did not exist. in Belgium and the Netherlands
the fascist Situation v^as, in this respect, similar to that
of Italy. Leon Degrelle, the leader of the Rexists, explicitly
repudiated racism — hardly surprising in a multi-national
nation. Khat, he asked, is the "true race" — the Belgian,
the Flamand, or the Walloon? From the Flemish side, the
newspaper De Daad inveighed against race hatred and called
on "upright Jews" to repudiate the Marxists in their midst.

Even Dutch National Socialism under Anton Adrian Mussert

did not at first write racism on its banner, and kept silent

about the Jews, a silence that the German Nazis were later to

find incomprehensible. The French fascist group around the

newspaper Je Suis Partout did go in for antisemitism, but

even here the Germans were accused of exaggerating the racial

issue, for one could have good relations with a foreian

70
people like the Jews. This State of affairs did not last

By 193^' Mussolini had turned racist, and not merely because

of German influence. Through racism he tried to reinvigorate

bis ageing fascism, to give a new cause to a youth becoming

mm^

-'S"--.- ^''-V^j/i'/ry^T»'.;!-?:.

disillusioned v^ith his revolution.

It was only in Central and Eastern Europe that racism
was from the beginning an integral part of fascist ideoloqy.
HerVwere to be Töund the masses of Esotorn Jewry, still
under quasi-ghetto conditions. They were a largely distinct
part of the population and vulnerable to attack. Jews prayed
differently, dressed differently and spoke a different
language (Yiddish) . Even if they were assimilated, enough
non-assimilated Jews remained to demonstrate the clash of
cultures which underlay much of the antisemitism in that
region. Moreover, in countries like Rumania or Hungary, the
Jews had become the middle class, forming a vulnerable entity
within the nation as that class which seemed to exploit the
rest of the population through its commercial activities. No
wonder the Iron Guard, in appealing to the nationalism of
the peasants, became violently antisemitic and even racist
despite their Christian orientation — for they had begun as
the legion of the "Archangel Michael •"

From the 1880 's onward^ the masses of East European Jewry
began to emigrate into the neighboring countries, predominantly
Germany and Austria. The account in Mein Kampf of how Hitler
reacted to the sight of such strangers in prewar Vienna, may
well have been typical. However that may be, the facts of
the Situation in that part of Europe gave fascism an enemy
who could be singled out as symbolizing the forces which must
be overcome. Hitler built upon the "Jewish question." This

• r >

led to a further dif ferentiation of National Socialism
from WesterrMascism. For Hitler, unlike Mussolini, the
enemy v;as not a vague liberalism or Marxism; it v?as physically
eitibodied by the Jews. Building on the Central-European
tradition of a racist-orientated nationalism, he could give
to the enemy of his world view a concrete and human shape.
Thus, the mass terror exercised first against the Jews, and
eventually mass extermination, could be built into Hitler 's
National Socialism as it v;as not built into other Western^^"'"''^
f ascisms .

We have discussed Italian Fascism and National Socialism
as movements based upon the primacy of culture^ sye-feems
developod from an -"attitudo towar-dc lifo," Mussolini and
Hitler attempted to epitomize their movements, in their persons
to provide living Symbols and an integrative force. Discus-
sing the movements without the leaders is rather like
describing the body without the soul. Neither Hitler nor
Mussolini could have succeeded v?ithout an instinct for the
tastes, v?ishes and longings of their people, without being
süperb politicians and v^ithout v;eaving their ideologies
into concrete and astounding political success. Both Mussolini
and Hitler ended states of near civil war, managed to provide
economic stability, and success in foreign policy — they
put their nations on the map, as it v^ere. Hitler 's success
was the more spectacular: between 1933 and 1936 he led
Germany from the depth of a depression to füll employment.

Y^^^^^ß^^^^^^^m^^^^^f0^^^m§^^$^

iT-fe^

Contrary to some opinion, he did so not primär ily through
rearmament, but through more traditional economic investments
and piiblic works. Hitler v?as instriimental in the building of
a powerful army, and his successes in foreign policy need
no comment. It is true as Sebastian Haffner writes, in the

i-c%eek v?hi

that by

1938 the Nazi regime had persuaded even those v;ho had been
its adversaries by the sheer weight of its political and
economic success. But here again, such consensus, in the
last resort, rested upon shared myths and aspirations which
through this success seemed nearer realization.

Mussolini could claim equal success at first. People
looked at his accomplishments and had reason to be satisfied:
even if in Italy, the Duce had not done av;ay v?ith six million
unemployed, or torn up the Treaty of Versailles, he had
brought order and a certain dynamic to a government v^hich
had been inert and corrupt. To be sure, by 1938, under the
pressure of the unpopulär German alliance and then through
an unpopulär war, Mussolini maintained such consensus only
with difficulty.

Haffner, typical of many historians, falls to recognize
Hitler 's success as a mass politician based upon the new
political style we have mentioned so often. He therefore
finds it easy to distinguish between Hitler and the German
people*, enraptured by the Führer 's tangible success. The
nev? political style was successful because, as we ha^i^e

mentioned HBO^ often-^ the tastes and longings of the people

and the regime coincided. Both Hitler and Mussolini were

disciples of Gustav Le Bon who had emphasized that successful

leadership must genuinely share the myths of the people.

We know that real wages feil in Germany, and that the
vorkers and peasants did not materially benefit from the
Italian fascist regime. But in their own minds, gain in
Status seems to have greatly outweighed real gains. Those
who have tried to prove otherv;ise seem to believe that
material interests alone determine the actions of man.
Hitler and Mussolini knev; that it was how men v;ould perceive
their position v;hich mattered: myth is alv;ays more important
in persuading men than the sober analysis of reality.

Moreover, men, and not just material forces, do make
history: not only the leader himself, but also the tastes^
V7ishes and perceptions of the follov;ers. Whenever he took
an action v;hich might upset many Germans, Hitler tried
successfully to appear to be the pushed rather than the pusher
The local riots v;hich preceded all new steps in his Jev?ish
policy are a good example. His tactic of making an aggressive
move in foreign or Jewish policy and then proclaiming it as
his very last, confused friend and foe alike. While until
the mid 1930 *s Mussolini *s policies v/ere more modest, he
also combined gestures with patience: going slow in order
to accomplish his ends. Yet Mussolini came to power much
earlier than Hitler, and his accomplishment was in avoiding

• 'S' ■' ■'^it''

^*^:>>^^!H-S6^^V1■;>;,^

. ":.-'it-i' ('- ■-' ■■■■■■ " •

l-^'V.;-;\\t':;7'.';it'-'" -■'"■■■!-" - -'1>'i.'V/;^i£-^■'•"'lvJJ-^'>'>fJ^vV^';''V^^.^^^'Ki■'?;-T '-'?':"'>;-■ " ■ ■/■::,-' ^' ';::-,. .■' ,'-*'•'',- it'« ^ '.■ .

towards life," based upon a national mystique which could
Vary from nation to nation. It was also a revolution based
upon thc attefept to find a "Third Way" between Marxism and
capitalism, but one which tried to escape tho ncGoccity of
concrete economic and social programs through a retreat into
ideology: the "revolution of the spirit" of which Mussolini
talked; or Hitler 's "German revolution." However, this
revolution encouraged activism, the fight against the existing
Order of things. Both in Geinnany and Italy fascism's chance
at power came during conditions of near civil war. But this
activism had to be tamed, fascism had to become respectable.
Activism was in conflict with the bourgeois desire for law
and Order ^ with those middle-class virtues which fascism
promised to protect against the dissolving spirit of
modernity. It also clashed with the desires of a head of

State who represented the old order and who could not be

jre /^/ylH^ ^ ^'^ ^^ ^^fl ^ ihr ^ ^-'
ignored. While Hitler was freed^^=§^'President von Hindenburgif O^Ar¥

in 1934, Mussolini always had to report to King Victor

Emmanuel. The result was that activism had to exist side by

side with the effort to tame it. This was one of the chief

Problems faced by Hitler and Mussolini before their rise to

power and in the early years of their rule.

Fascism could create a consensus because it annexed and

focused those hopes and longings which informed diverse

political and intellectual movements of the previous Century.

We saw that, like a scavenger, fascism scooped up bits of

romanticism, liberalism^ the new technology and even
socialism. TTiis list could undoubtedly be extended to a wide
variety of other movements v;hich came from the 19th to
the 20th Century. But it threw over all of these the mantle
of a Community conceived as sharing a national past, present
and future — a Community which v/as not enforced but "natural"
or "genuine," analogous to nature. Ifhe tree became the
favorite syrribol, but the native landscape^'Xvas also singled
out as exemplifying on one level the national Community
Tvhich the fascist party typified as a human collectivity.

The Support of fascism -^as not built merely upon appeal
to vested interests. Social and economic factors proved
crucial in the collapse after the First World War, and in
the Great Depression, the social and economic successes of
fascism gave body to fascist theories. But, and this seems
equally crucial, political choices are determined by people's
actual perception of their Situation, their hopes and long-
ings, the utopia tov;ards which they strive. The fascist
"attitude towards life" was suffused by cultural factors
through which, as we have attempted to show, the movement
presented itself . We shall never know precisely why people
in the past made the choices they did, but it seems most
likely that fascism appealed to their perceptions and utopias.
We know that it v;as the only mass movement between the v^ars
which could claim to have a largely cross-class following.

In the end, the fascist dream turned out to be a

nightmare. It is not likely that Europe will repeat the
fascist or the National-Socialist experience. The bits
and pieces of the past which fascism used for its own pur-
poses are still about, ready to be formed into a new synthesis
But it viill surely be done differently, v?ith a different
purpose and different goals. Most ominously, nationalism,
the basic force v;hich made fascism possible in the first
place, is not only still with us, but growing in strength,
still the principal integrative force among peoples and
nations, Those Ideals of mass politics upon which fascism
built its political style are very much alive, ready to
absorb the appropriate myths. The danger of some kind of
authoritarianism is alv;ays present, even though it might be
different than that which we have known in the past, or that
which is still v;ith us over much of the world today.

Speculations about the future depend upon an accurate
analysis of the past. This book is meant to present diverse
aspects of the fascist experience, each one leading us closer
to that historical reality without which we cannot understand
the past or the present.

Notes

The best recent discussion of fascism and totalitarian
doctrine is Karl Dietrich Bracher, Zeitqes)(chichtliche

Kontroversen, ^Um Fa
(Munich 1976) .^

ismus, Totalitarismus, Demokratie

Aryeh L. Unger, The Totalitarian Party, Party and People

in Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia (Cainbridge 193^) ^ j <^'/ JiC^

3. Ibid, 264.

4. CF. George L. Mosse, (ed.), Police Forces in History

(London and Beverly Hills 1975).

5. J.L. Talmon, The Rise of Totalitarian Democracy (Boston
1952) ; and the criticism in Peter Gay, The Party of
Human ity (New York 1964), 179-181.

6. Mona Ozouf , La f^te revolutionnaire 1789-1799 (Paris
1976), 22. ~

7. For a more thorough discussion of the point see George
L. Mosse, The Nationalization of the Masses (New York
1975) and the unjustly forgotten, Harold J. Laski,
Reflections on the Revolution of our Time (New York 1943),
not for his analysis of fascism but for the weakness

of parliamentary government.

8. The term "good revolution" is'^^Dietrich Bracher 's,
op. cit. 68.

9. Renzo de Feiice, Fascism (New Brunswick New Jersey,
1976), 24.

10. Zeev Sternhell, La Droite Revolutionaire 1885-1914

(Paris 1978) ; George L. Mosse, Towards the Final
Solution, a History of European Racism (London and
New York 1978), Chapter 10.

10a. Renzo de Feiice, Mussolini il^rivoluzionarlo (Turin
1965), 591; Claudio Schwarzenberg, il sindacalismo
fascista (Milan 1972).

11. George L. Mosse, Germans and Jews, The Right, the Left,
and the Search for a "Third Force" in Pre-Nazi Germany

(New York 1970), Chapter 1.

Notes (Continued)

^®?5?® i- Mosse, "Tod^ Zeit und Geschichte. Die
-völkxsche Utopie der Überwindung," Deutsches Utopisches

Denken im 20. Jahrhundert (ed.) Reinhold Grimm, Jost

Hermand (Stuttgart 1974) .

1960)'^''8r^*'^'^'*'^^'^°^^' ^^"^^ ^g"te von Rechts (Stuttgart

^^' fo^?^^ Goebbels, Tagebücher 194S (Hamburg 1976), 55,

^^* au!Lh"?Sl)!^!!!! '^""^^'^ ^^^ Theologe der Revolution

16. Victor Klemperer, LTI; Notizbuch eines Phiimr^rron
(Berlin 1947), 116-118. " ^

17.-v-ResE^^äETiFollv, Millenarians and the French RevoTiH-inn
m France and England (RaH-imnra iQ-?';^ q '

18. Paolo Nello, review of Daniele Marchesini, "La scuola
dei gerarchi," Storia contemporaenea (September 1977),
586 •

^^* f^^^f^ in George L. Mosse, (ed.) Nazi Culture (New York
lybo; , 116. ~" ~"

2^- 1923??^^ Bottai, II Fascismo e l'ltalia Nuova (Rome

21.
22.

23.

24.

25.

Horia Sima, Destinee du Nationalisme (Paris n.d.), 19.

These qualities are taken from Voor Volk en Vaderland,

De Strnd Der Nationaalsocialistlsche Bewg^cmn«^ id

Decemper i931^Mei 1941 (ed.) Van C. Van GeelkerkeA
(n.p. 1941), 315.

The remarks on the First World War are taken from George
L. Mosse, "National Cemeteries and National Revival-
The Cult of the Fallen Soldiers in Germany, " Journal of
Contemporary History (January 1979) . —

Antoine Prost, Les Anciens Combattants et la Societe
Francaise 3 vols^ (Paris 1978) . ' ' '

i.e. George L. Mosse, "The German Left and the 'War
Experience • , " Rivoluzione e Reazione in Europa (1917-
1924), (ed.) Giorgio Spini, istituto Socialista di Studi
Storici (Florence 1979).

Notes (€ontinued)

26.

27.

28.
29.

30.

31.

32.

33.

34.
35.

36.

Mussolini quoted in Umberto Silva, Kunst und Ideologie
des Fasheismus (Frankfurt a. Main 1975), 108. For
Hitler, Die Fahne Hoch: (1932), 14.

Alfred Steinitzer und Wilhelm Michel, Der Krieg in
Bildern (Munich 1922), 97; Der Weltkrieg ini Bild
(Berlin -Oldenburg 1926), Geleitv^ort.

Joseph Goebbels, op. cit, 28.

Teresa Maria Mazzatosta, "Educazione e scuola nella
Repubblica Sociale Italiana, " Storia contemporanea
(February 1978), 67.

Peter Hasubeck, Das Deutsche Lesebuch in der Zeit des
Nationalsozialismus (Hannover 1972). 77. 79,

Ernst Jünger, Vorwort, Das Anlitz des Weltkrieges
(ed.) Ernst Jünger (Berlin 1930).

Oldo Marinelli, quoted in Emilio Gentile, Le Origini
Dell' Ideologia Fascista (Rome 1974), 92.

Ruggero Zangrandi, il lungo viaggio (Milan 1948) , for
a recent discussion of this revolt of youth see Michael
Ledeen, Universal Fascism (New York 1972) .

Drieu La Rochelle, Socialisme Fasciste (Paris 1943), 72.

For Hans Naumann 's speech, see Hildegard Brenner, Die
Kunstpolitik des Nationalsozialismus (Hamburg 1963), 188;
Guiseppe Bottai, op. cit. 18ff; Jean Denis, Principes
Rexistes (Brüssels 1936), 17.

Hugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States (Boulder Colorado
1977), 420, 421.

37. Charles S. Maier, "Some Recent Studies of Fascism,"
Journal of Modern History (September 1976), 509.

38. Renzo de Feiice, Fascism (New Brunswick New Jersey 1976),
46.

39. see below p.

40.

Henry A. Turner Jr., "Big Business and the Rise of Hitler,"
Nazism and the Third Reich (ed.) Henry A. Turner Jr.
(New York 1972) , 93.

41. George L. Mosse, Nazi Culture, 2.

^^^?7^|v|;?^j5p;^^

PPPPPKP

Notes (Continued)

44.

45.
46.
47.

48.
49.

50.
51.

52.

53.

54.

55.

56.

George L. Mosse, "Was die Deutschen. wirklich lasen. .
Marlitt, May, Ganghofer, " Popularität und Trivialität
(ed.) Reinhold Grimm, Jost Hermand (Frankfurt a. Main
1974), 101-120.

a list of populär novels under fascism will be found
in Carlo Bordoni, Cultura e Propaganda nell'Italia
fascista (Messina-Firenze 1974) , 85, but without any
analysis of their individual content.

Storia d'Italia (ed.) Ruggiero Romano and Corrado
Vivanti (Turin 1973), 1526; George L. Mosse, Nationaliza-
tion of the Masses, 194.

Francesco Sapori, L'Arte e il Duce (Milan 1932), 141.

Ibid, 123ff.

Adrian Lyttleton, The Seizure of Power, Fascism in
Italy 1919-1929 (London 1973), 389.

Storia d'Italia, 1525.

George L. Mosse, The Nationalization of the Masses,
Chapter 7; Unfortunately no detailed analysis of Italian
fascist liturgy exists.

Adrian Lyttleton, op. cit. 19.

Schkem Gremigni, Duce d'Italia (Milan 1927) , 116; This
is a book for youth.

i.e. Ausstellung der Faschistischen Revolution, erste
Zehnjahrfeier des Marsches auf Rom (1933). Typically
enough, the official poster for the exhibition featured
soldiers from the First World War.

Donino Roncara, Saggi sull ' Educazione Fascista
(Bologna 1938), 61.

Ernst Jünger, Der Kampf als inneres Erlebnis (Berlin
1933), 32ff.

i.e. Hitler at Reichsparteitag 1935, Adolf Hitler an
seine Jugend (Munich 1940) , n.p.

i.e. George L. Mosse, Towards the Final Solution, a
History of European Racism (London and New York 1978).

57. Renzo de Feiice, Fascism, 56.

'-.■^.i'*I'^Srf^^^;^j;',

'^^;''.:'_4;:f:i':iß-0,!}:^::;^

"/V--.--

Notes (Continued)

58. Donino Roncara, op, cit. 55, 58.

59. Esposizione Universale Di Roma, MCMXLII. XX E.F.
(1942), 83, 88.

60. Guiseppe Bottia v;rote that fascism v;as an intellectual
revolution concerned with the problem of its origins.
Paqine di Critica Fascista (1915-1926) Florence n.d.),
322.

61. Führerblatter der Hitler- Jucrend Nr. I (1935), 10.

62. Lehrplan für Sechsmonatige Schuluncr (SS, Hauptmat IV
n.d. n.p.) , 25, 79.

63. Typically enough, the newsletter of a Nazi elite school
repeated this phrase in Italian commenting that these
ideals were shared by German and Italian youth.
Reichsschule der NSDAP Feldafing (1940-41), 73.

64. Ibid (1939-40), 17.

65. Drieu La Rochelle, Socialisme Fasciste (Paris 1943),
72.

66. Charles Beuchat, "Le Quartier Latin aux temps du jeune
Brasillach," Hommages a Robert Brasil lach (Lausanne
1965), 78. '

67. Stanley G. Payne, "Fascism in Western Europe," Fascism;
A Reader 's Guide (ed.) Walter Laqueur (London 1976), 303

68. Francesco Sapori, op. cit. 15ff; George L. Mosse,
Towards the Final Solution.

69. Rex, 23. September 1938; DeJDaad, 2. September 1933.

70. Je Suis Partout, 18. April 1938.

71. Sebastian Haffner, Anmerkungen zu Hitler (Munich 1978).

72. George L. Mosse, Nationalization of the Masses, 12, 202.

73. Renzo de Feiice, Fascism, 65.

74. Sebastian Haffner, op. cit. 154ff .

75. Percy Ernst Schramm, Hitler als militärischer Führer
(Frankfurt a. Main 1965), 154.

«pMHüf^ÜlfP

the economic depression which Hitler had to overcome,
Talking about the fascist consensus in Italy Renzo de Feiice
put it graphically: "The country v;as thinking more about

the evils that fascism had avoided than V7hether it brought

73 ^ ^^(^

true benefits." There v^as^difference betveenv consensus in

Italy and in Germany, even if the two dictators * approach
to politics and their successful emphasis upon the myths
which determine human perceptions were similar.

The desired end was different also. Mussolini 's long-
range objectives v;ere traditional, to create an empire built
upon the example of ancient Rome. Hitler 's long-range goals
v;ere not traditional. A wide gulf divided Adolf Hitler the
provincial v^hose exposure to the far-out racist sects of
Vienna provided his intellectual av?akening, and Mussolini,
vho emerged from the conflicts v?ithin international socialism,
Mussolini confessed himself to be influenced by some of the
masters of European thought, such as Gustav Le Bon, Georges
Sorel, William James and Wilfredo Pareto, v;hile Hitler, also
a pupil of Le Bon, v^as mainly taken v^ith the thoughts of
obscure sectarians like Lanz von Liebenfels, Alfred Schuler
or Dietrich Eckart, v?ho but for Hitler 's success would have
remained deservedly unknown. From one perspective one can
call Mussolini a man of the world and Adolf Hitler a true
believer, a member of an obscure racist-theosophical sect.
But then this man who believed in secret sciences, Aryan
mythologies and battles between the powers of light and

darkness, through bis political genius turned such ideas

into the policies of a pov^erful nation. Hitler 's goal was both

a traditional empire — "Lebensraum" — and also the exter-

mination of the Jews. His devotion to genocide summarized

the difference between Germany and its volkish tradition

and Italy with its humanitarian nationalism of the risorgi-

mento .

Because of his ideological commitment Hitler showed a

tenacity which was absent in Mussolini. This is exemplified

on one level by Mussolini^ the bon vivant and womanizer, as

compared to Hitler, the lonely, spartan figure. tho prophet

who kept Eva Baum hidden. But on a more important level, this

meant that Hitler, when he knew the war was lost, would never-

theless continue the conflict so that he could kill as many

Jews as possible before the inevitable end. Sebastian

Haffner 's analysis makes sense here. Hundreds of thousands

of Germans died so that Hitler could, at the last moment,

74
kill hundreds of thousands of Jews.

Mussolini was a cynic about the potentialities of his

own people, and even came to despise them towards the end of

his rule. But while Hitler feit himself let down in the end

by the German people, for the most part he thought in

apocalyptical terms. Every action had to contribute to a

"final end," indeed Hitler himself believed in finite time —

it was during the short span of his own life, he was fond

of remarking, that the Aryan must triumph over Jew and find

Ä<S*/i;v,7-^;,.;r-

l^fciÄ

Ali

his "Lebensraum." The German mystical tradition asserted

itself, as v;e sav v;hen discussing the "Third Way, " not mediated

by Jacob Bo^hme but by an obscure and bizarre racism.

Haffner's speculation as to v?hy Hitler kept on fighting

fits better into our picture of the Führer than the usual

Interpretation, adopted by all other Hitler biographers as

the sole explanation, that the Führer in the end became a

captive of his ovn myth of invincibility. It is quite

possible that Hitler lost contact v?ith reality sometime

just before the end of the v?ar. Hov;ever, the Hitler v;ho

emerges from the recently published Goebbles ' Diaries of 1945

»^ seeiristo have lost control though he apparently earlier than

> 75

anyone realized that the war v;as lost. To be sure, Hitler

and Mussolini became isolated during the course of the v?ar
and their v?ishes may have become the father of their thoughts.
But the consistency of Hitler 's v?hole life makes the tenacity
of his end believable as v;ell — Mussolini changed but Hitler
from the end of the First World War remained locked in his
unchanging world view.

Any comparison of Hitler and Mussolini becomes difficult
because of the absence of vorks on Hitler which in t3ao intcr-
iQoking historical detail andVcinalysis correspond to Renzo
de Feiice 's monumental biography of Benito Mussolini (4 volumes
between 1966 and 1974, with one more to appear) . Yet the
materials for such a life of Hitler exist, and are certainly
as extensive as the resources v;hich made De Feiice *s biography

possible. Yet, v;ith the exception of the short and
impressionistic book by Haffner, every consecutive Hitler
biography has merely added minor facts, but no nev; interpre-
tations of note. To be sure, psychohistorians have begun
to analyze the record of Hitler 's life in order to find nev?
insights. Yet it is difficult to accept their contention
that the death by Cancer of Hitler 's mother determined the
structure of his entire life^ or that the hallucinations of
Hitler, the blinded soldier, led to his hatred of the Jevs,
Scholarship has not really advanced beyond Alan Bullock's
pioneering work on Hitler, A Study in Tyranny (1952). Gentian
historians, even of the younger generation, have avoided
confrontation with the figure of the Führer and concentrated
instead upon the impersonal causes of National Socialism.
Hitler biographies have been written by Outsiders of the
historical profession. Mussolini had no Auschv?itz, and
unlike Germany, Italy had an important anti-fascist movement.
The Duce had more human dimensions than the Führer. Yet to
write about National Socialism while omitting to confront
Adolf Hitler who v^as at the heart of it, means shirking a
true confrontation V7ith the past. This even though Hitler
must not stand in Isolation, but be integrated into the
context of his time, an epoch which at first he understood
better than most of his enemies.

The building blocks for a general theory of fascism nov?
seem to lie before us. Fascism was everywhere an "attitude

WW'.ay'-

The new fascist man seems yo me to reflect the traditionalism

C^ "^Ä

f^^6-t.

€

of fascism and its Utopia« ^e also reflecte the differences
Pc between Grermany and Italy whichare of degree and"^should not
be maximised, there is no need to go back to Emil Liadwig«

On the basis of fascist cultureyKwhich is the way fascism
saw itself a general theory of fascism seems possible» Here
are the least variables, while they seems much greater in

*- --'--" i—a«rf

conomics and social policy - somiMng fascists themselves
reiteratedo In the last resort fascism was a *• revolution of
the spirit", of " attitudes towards life" - a fact which all
such dicsussions as ours here miist take into accoimt»

alone, they are common to all of fascism. Culture meant
experiencing the true Community, the fellowship of believers,
v/hile economics and technology v;ere sijbordinated to this
experience, indeed they could go their own way provided they
supported the fascist myths.

~V * Fascism was a cultural movement, for this was the way it
saw itself. For this reason any comparative study of fas-
cism must be based upon cultural similarities and differences.
Social and economic programs varied widely not only between
different fascisms but within each fascist movement • Some
historians and political scientists have had difficulty f &tV^
understanding this fact, for theSN'^' a tt i tu3es towards life"
we no Substitute for coherent Systems of political thought.
They believe that fascism was devoid of intellectual substance,
a mere reflection of movements which depend upon well-constructed
ideologies. This has led many of them to underestimate
fascism, to see it as a temporary response to crises which
will vanish when normality has returned, (though Italian
fascism 's 20 years in power seem more than just a temporary
period) . in reality fascism was based on its own revolu-
tionary tradition^ as we sav^, and able to create a consensus

. which was broken only by a lost war . ^ Tho— üafctitudc towards

14 fp" of fr^<sr'igm rnrinfinnri pnl i -t-i r^al i->tr>ngl^f- ac? ^ ^yn^mj^

,set-^it±dnr ^a si?i:g^enria t±Dna l~myths:; — Th is dyiicmiiu was-^u-i 1 1
upoii--the cult—of-youth and tho war experience .

Fascism was a movement of youth, not only in the sense

y This revolütionary äyHaaie-was tradition was given its dynamic

( through the emi)hasis on youth and the war experience.

fü&^^^, i^''^

)

i wi

'^ <\^

Within its basic presuppositions of revolution, nationalism
and the war experience, fascism contained two rhythms: the
amooha»! iVm Rbsorption of ideas from the mainstream of
populär thought and culture, and the urge towards and the y Z»»*-,^

ioth .^Amm^
these rhythms were set within fascist nationalist myth,
which produced the proper attitude towards life. Fascism
attempted to cater to everything that people held dear^ to
give new meaning to their daily routine and to offer salva-
tion without risk. The fact that Adolf Hitler shared in
populär tastes and longings, that in this sense he was a man
of the people^ is of vital importance as one ingredient of
his success. Mussolini entertained intellectual pretensions
which Hitler never claimed, and he did not share populär
taste, perhaps, because unlike Germany, populär culture was ^^Ä F
diversified in a nation with^'stronger regional ties.

■Hie frequent contention that fascist culture diverged
^/ from the mainstream of European culture cannot be upheld.
y jThe opposite was the case: fascism absorbed most of what

4^
\

/-.>

fhad proved to have the greatest appeal and usefulness in the
past. Fascism, in fact, positioned itself much more in this
mainstream than socialism which tried to educate and elevate

the tastes of the worker. Fascism made no such attempt, it

accepted the common man 's preferences and went on from there
Moreover, it was no disadvantage for fascism not to have
original ideas, as so many historians have charged, on the

"■.'//.■'oy.'»'^' ■','*,, '

'■'W^*il',SltM|i^^:'^

Av^

contrary, originality does not lead to success in an age
of democratic mass politics^^ The synthesis which fascism
attempted between activism and order, revolution and the
absorption of past traditions, seemed singularly success ful,
To be sure, Marxism, conservatism and liberalism made
original contributions to European thought. But then they
underwent a long period of gestation, and by the time they
became politically important movements, the had founded
their ovyn traditions. Fascism had no time to create its
own tradition, like Hitler it was in a hurry^ confronted
with an old order which seemed about to fall. Those who did
not strike at once were doomed to be overtaken by other
radicals of the left or right. fBUi^^ i^e^T

Yet we do not mean to ignore social and economic factors
For fascism would never have worked without the tangible
successes achieved by fascist regimes. But the preeminence
of the cultural factors we have discussed is certainly the
other half of the dialectic^ and without these cultural
factors the v?ays in which the men and women of those times
were motivated cannot be properly understood.

What, then, of the fascist utopia? It was certainly a
part of fascist self-representation. The fairy tale would
come alive once the enemies had been defeated. The happy
ending was assured, but first men must "overcome" ~ the
mystical ingredient of National Spcialism was strong here;
and in Italy the ideal of continuing the wartime sacrifice

I want to see for a few minutes how fascism alDSorbed previous
cult"ural traditions, how it was, in a sense, romantic, liberal and
socialist at the same time in its own synthesis# This is basic to the

second rythm of fascism and also accounts for much a fascisms appeal.

^^i^is^^l^fei^^^S

the tangible successes of the fascist regimes, made
possible the consensus upon v?hich they v?ere at first based.

Fascist movements seem to have been most successful
in mobilizing the lov;er classes in underdeveloped countries
v?here the middle class v^as small and isolated. Spain pro-
vides one example in the West, and it is true of the Iron
Guard as v?ell as of the Hungarian fascist movement in
Eastern Europe. To be sure, in those countries the bour-
geoisie was not as streng as elsewhere, but another factor
is of greater importance in explaining the fascist appeal to
the laboring and peasant classes. Here, for the first time,
v?as a movement which tried to bring these segments of society
into political participation for Marxist movements v?ere
prohibited. The stress upon the end to alienation, the
belief in the organic Community, brought dividends — for
the exclusion of v^orkers and peasants from society had been
so total that purely economic considerations could take
second place.

The fascist myth was based upon the national mystique,
its own revolutionary and dynamic traditions which we have
discussed, and the continuation of the war experience in
peacetime. fit also encompassed bits and pieces of previous
ideologies and political attitudes, many of them hostile to
fascist traditions. The fascist myth was a scavenger which
attempted to annex all that had appealed to people in the
19th-and 20th-century past: romanticism, liberalism and

-- r \.< \- 'Jl- "'"f i' i'.i I "" ,• '■'"--'■■■" .'."^Iv ."''■'"' ■ '■'' ■■■''•'Vi ■'' '"^ ^ <.:-**^'' ,'■ >.^,''-'- '•?'.

My remarks concem a general theory of fascism - f or if I talk
about fascism and culture I am laying the building blocks for such
theory from inside rather then outside fascism, as it saw itself
rather then as it is seen by applying new methods and viewpoints
from a later date tomits study. This also is valid, of course, and
I do not mean to begin a methodological dis^cusion, fcp-ffie--ttie dullest
But I mean to put f orward» very briefly a point of view and a
hypothesis for arriving at a comparison^i"/^^^ ^ ^ -^^^^^7

■-,."?;;■

i>i>l'''^>'j'

, ,■■,.,-!'■■', '.*■?■■>■,' ,.■.-;-■■ f .'-j-r 'TT' „■' t' ■■..1 .-'-,.•*■■? ■">.'-'V ■■i.'CSj;

socialism as v;ell as Darv?inism and modern technology. Too
little attention has been paid to this kind of scavenging; it
has been subsumed under the so-called eclecticism of fascism.
But in reality all these bits and pieces of the past were
integrated into a coherent attitude towards life through
the basic fascist nationalist myth.

The romantic tradition infused the national mystique,
but it v?as also present in that literature and art the
fascists^ and especially the Nazis ^ supported. It had
supplied the framework for a populär culture v;hich had not
changed much during the preceding Century. Adventure, danger
and romantic love are the themes that run through such populär
culture, but always combined with the virtues which we have
mentioned: hard v^ork, sexual purity and the kind of
respectability which vas at the core of bourgeois morality. ^^4^^
Here the novels of Karl May in Germany, with a circulation t^^
of half a million by 1913 and 18 million by 1938, are typical.
•They were set in faraway places: the American Plains or the
Orient; and combined a romantic setting, with the defense of
good against evil, bodily purity, law and order, against
those who would destroy them. Interestingly enough, many
Nazis wanted to ban May 's stories because he exalted the
American Indian race and pleaded for tolerance and under-
standing between peoples. Hitler, however, had his novels
distributed to the armed forces during the Second World War.
Hitler once said that Karl May opened his eyes to the world.

'rira^r'77:7^7rJ:^Ti7^7r!T77F.^3rirjfPlifp^ . ■■■■■ '■■.■■■ '

34a.

this tenor of populär literature was basic to fascist
literaxy and artistic creativity. Here the romnatic was emphasised:

f^p-^^

■■PPPViiPVIVIIP^OlinPiPPHPVHHPHMPHIH^BVPiliPBiPH

jj^^^iijr^^^Fw'^rw^^^^

as indeed he had the eyes of so many millions of German
youth. The virtues v/hich American Indian heroes defended
against evil European trappers v?ere precisely those which
the Nazis also promised to defend. They called themselves
tolerant and accused their victims of intolerance. Moreover,
the tolerance and compassion which fills May 's novels would

come about only after Hitler had won his battles, and the

42
supposedly intolerant Jewish world conspiracy eliminated.

Unfortunately we have not seen any detailed analysis of

43
those novels so populär in the Italy of the 1920 's. But

^ i both National Socialism and Italism fascism used the phrase

"romantic realism" to describe X realisticVportrayal (trf

44
ehaxiactas^ within a romantic setting. In Italy such

realism was expressed through the strictness of classical

form. Thus Francesco Sapori could summarize this ideal:

"live romantically, as well as according to the classical

45
ideal. Long live Italy!" Sapori was a member of the

"Novocento" (twentieth Century) group of writers and artists

who wanted to create a native Italian style which was both

natural and neo-classical. "Magic realism" was their formula^

created by the writer Massimo Bontempelli. "Novocento" was

but one of several competing cultural groups in fascist

Italy, though it was directed by Mussolini 's friend, Margherita

Sarfatti. Such romantic realism had already informed populär

litera'ture in the past, and provided a mystical and sentimental

dimension even while proclaiming a clarity of purpose everyone

could understand. Painters like Casorati in fascist Italy

or Adolf Ziegler in Germany, (Hitler 's favorite) , provided

examples of such realism in the visual arts.

To be sure, here once again magic realism exemplified

only one trend in Italy v;hi]e in Germany it v?as officially

approved and furthered. But even in Germany non-approved

literature could easily be obtained, at least until the war.

There are parallels as v?ell betv^een Italian and German

architecture under fascism^ though in Italy even a party

building could reflect avant-guarde style. (In Germany,

in non-representational buildings, and even in military

barracks, the otherwise condemned Bauhaus style continued.)

The Mussolini forum v^as praised for that "simplicity of

style," the hard lines, which the Nazi Nureraberg Stadium

also displayed. The plea that architectural material must

be genuine and subordinated to that "divine harmony" v?hich

46
reflected the Italian spirit was duplicated in Germany.

Romanticism was integrated into fascism, all the easier

as it had always provided the major Inspiration for

Nationalist thought. The "magic realism" which we have

discussed stood side by side with the romanticized viev? of

the past: whether it were the ancient Germans who had

defeated the Roman Legions, or those Roman ruins which were

now bathed nightly in a romantic light: the kind of

illuminations which Italian fascism liked so much. The

differences between the Italian fascist and the National

IHii#^'

Socialist political style existed: the liturgy v?as not as
fully developed in Italy as in Germany; the regime \^;as
less concerned v;ith the total control of culture. The
illusion that the Italian fascist dictatorship was an
innovative force in the arts could persist into the 1930 's^
but in Germany no such illusion was possible in the first
place. But these are matters of degrees not absolutes.
Some of the differences may relate to the fact that Mussolini
was a Journalist, never really comfortable with the Visual
expressions of fascism, while Hitler thought of himself as
an architect and was not truly interested in the written

Word.

Liberal ideas were interwoven with romanticism. Middle-
class mannerj and morals would lead to success, the Cinderellas
of populär literature were modeis of respectability. But as
there was no real Horatio Alger tradition in Europe, it was
the "pure heart" which counted and made Cinderella's progress
from kitchen to living room possible. Moreover, fascists
everywhere accepted the Opposition to degeneration which a
liberal like Max Nordau had popularized during the last decade

of the 19th Century.

Nordau saw the moderns in art and literature as sick

people. Their lack of clarity, inability to maintain
bourgeois moral Standards and absence of self-discipline
sprang from the degeneration of their physical organism.
We know how the Nazis illustrated their Opposition to

^J^i^KS^r;'M^'i^JWiWi^|-^i;:; '

modeirnity through the exhibition of "degenerate art," and
how Hitler and Mussolini prided themselves on the clarity
of their rhetorical Statements. Fascism deprived the
concept of degeneration of the foundations upon which it
had originally been built: clinical Observation linked to
a universe ruled by scientific laws. But this was typical
of such annexations: the populär and traditional super-
structure vy^as absorbed but novi set upon racial or national
foundations . Darwinism^ — as wo havc mcntioncd parlier ,

aurffg^r^^d the <3ame fate; the-envirQnmenta44^m was—dropped

and racial nr nationRl rnrn-g ^r^r^v -H-g pi^r^e.

I The concept of degeneration had provided the foil to
the liberal 's concept of clarity, decency and natural lav?s.
Fascism also took over Ideals of tolerance and freedom:
changing both to fit its modele Tolerance, as v;e have men-
tioned earlier, was claimed by fascists against their
supposedly intolerant enemies, while freedom was placed
within the Community. To be tolerant meant being intolerant
towards those who opposed this virtue, individual liberty
was possible only in the collectivity. Here once more,
concepts which had become part and parcel of bourgeois
thought were not rejected (as so many historians have claimed)

but instead annexed — fascism would bring about Ideals

with which people were comfortable, if on its own terms

. , . H/i-T fLB Vor

Socialism was also emasculated. The^-epp€>s^rt-ion— to

:^(^u)

capitalism was directed in fascist rhetoric against finance

llli^Pl^iSSfRlP^

38a,

Individmlism also stressed, remember, but redefined -

through the Community. Not true that fascism was anti -Individualist

( Sternhell) no more then a ti democratic - dif f erent def initions

from pari democracy and classical liberalism - but core remains:

populär participation on the one hand, and indiv. fulfollment

in a Community of äff inity on the other.

^-^ 7> 3«;

■^«iVlftJV'Sf'/;!!'/^«

■'^^^Vj'i^JK^'^'V;

':i^'-'^A: t ,

capitalism only. The Opposition to the bourgeoisie seemed

at first glance shared betv;een them^ as Nazis as well as

socialist thundered against the all but finished bourgeois

era. However, fascism cut av;ay the class basis of socialist

Opposition to the bourgeoisie and siabstituted the war between

generations. Bourgeois no longer meant a class of exploiters,

but men and women v?ho were old and vorn out, who lacked a

vibrant dynamic. The young as over against the old was a theme

which as we saw earlier fascism annexed from the fin de siecle

and transferred from people to nations. Young nations and

their dynamic fascist youth confronted the old nations and

their ancient parliamentarians. This was the fascist "class

struggle," and here they used socialist vocabulary. Italian

fascists went further in this dynamic than the National

Socialists. Indeed, in Italy the lower middle class (never

clearly defined) was constantly berated as incapable of

grasping the myths of nationalism and war, and of lacking

48
all gifts of social intercourse. Perhaps it is ironic

that some Italian fascists saw their adversary in the image

of precisely that lower middle class which, according to

some modern historians, constituted the social basis of

fascism. This anti-bourgeois rhetoric was undoubtedly part

of the resentment that fascist leaders, usually from modest

backgrounds, feit against so-called "society."

Fascists not only borrowed socialist rhetoric, they also

made use of the liturgical examples provided by working class

''i\^-f.-:.-^^*k''.'^ ';^';\w's:r:v>.r''i,;'' '■.\t^iX^j-::.y*,i- \ -^ ^^^i^^y'j^'y^- ;'-f i- ■'

B0i0§iMMiSK

meetings: the massed flags, and the red color, for example.

Moreover, some of the socialist's workers' cultural and

Sports organizations were adapted to fascist ends. Fascism

based its liturgy for the most part on national ist precedent

from the previous Century, but in its eclecticism, useful

49
socialist examples were also annexed.

^ Fascism not only absorbed important parts of well-

^- established ideologies like romanticism, liberalism or

socialism, but v?as not afraid to annex modern technology

if it could be embedded v/ithin fascist myths. Indeed, the

dictators were singularly modern men in their appreciation

of technological advance.

Both Hitler and Mussolini had a passion for speed, the

airplane as v;ell as powerful cars. Hitler v?as the first

German politician to use the airplane in order to make many
different campaign appearances throughout Germany on the
very same day. Use of the latest technology was immediately
linked to Nazi ideology: Hitler dropping literally from
the sky, Hitler through his personal courage helping to
pilot his plane through an awesome storm (this story with
its obvious analogy vas required reading in schools during
the Third Reich). But Mussolini shared this passion, and
in both regimes those who, as Hermann Goering or Italo
Balbo, led the air force had a special Status and were /r^(j ^
subject to an aura of adventure and daring. • (^ ^'^'^^^J^Wt*^^ (
pAnson Rabinbach's essay, in this volume, shows how

',''fi!*5.-.*l

* ■

technology was used to improve modes of production in

Germany^ !how the program known as the "beauty of labor" . ^ci$
turned fear of technology into the glorification of ppt'^' ^W
technology through "Vg^k^rtgh 'aotrfahcrtic^r^he newest techX A^""^*

nology was annexed to an ideology which looked to the past
in Order to determine the future. Just as the Bauhaus
style continued throughout the Nazi period, the much-
condemned "Neuefeachlichkeit" (new realism) of the Weimar
Republic was annexed to volkish thought.

We know as yet very little of how Italian fasci

proceeded in its annexations, which were not confined to

einpire building but started as we have seen, at home with

the absorption and use of important traditional modes of

thought as well as the newest technology. As a matter of

fact the Italian Nationalist Association (founded in 1910)

which was to be Mussolini *s partner in fascist rule combined

emphasis upon industrial . growth and modern technology with

50
the nationalist mystique. Nationalism, and even volkish

thought^ were not necessarily opposed to modernization,

provided it was put into the Service of and justified

through the ideology of the regime. That is why, for example,

the Nazis furthered modern technology as well as industrial

planning, but opposed modern physics as a "Jewish science" ~

pragmatism was accepted but any science which rested on an

abstract theoretical base had to be examined for racial

purity.

r^ /^«^

42a
i'ascism «8 appeal rested to a large extent on ite familiär

appel^ absorption of traditional ideologgies, bits and pie^ces
of them, into its sjmthesis» What is usually called eclecticism
was its strength.» The more so as, in Germany at least, this
scavenging was not a conscious process: Hitler shared these
longings ^o a society, just and tolerant (among aryans),
clean and decent» But"" beofe"" this could come about, bef ore you
coiild have salavarftion you had to have the passion - deeply
Christian rythms are present in fascism ( liturgy, on example,
dialogies etc») Again familiär, like the ideal of Community
deepend by the war experience, the cult of the fallen soldier«
( Show picture)»
Redepuglia, 1938

All this play into the new faBcist man#

*e46 to p« flW

,'(',■*■':''';■. j.*:?,-:-!'-*-

m^m.

v?as stressed. The happy end would bring about the "new
Rome" or the Third German Empire infused with middle-class
virtues: a coinbination of the ancient past andYigth-century
bourgeois ideal. The new fascist man would usher in this
utopia, and he already existed^ exemplified by the Führer
and the Duce, though, again, eventually all Germans or
Italians v^ould approach their example.

I The nev7 fascist man provided the stereotype for all
fascist movements. He was, as the phrase denotes, masculine:
fascism represented itself as a society of males. Such a
Society sprang from the struggle for national unity which
had created fellowships such as "Young Italy, " or the German
fraternities and gymnastic societies. Also the cult of mas-
culinity of the fin de siecle which Nietzsche himself
exemplifie^ so well contributed its influence. More immediately,
such a male society continued into the peace the wartime
cameraderie of the trenches: that myth of the war experience
so important in all of fascism. Such a masculine ideal did
not remain abstract, but was concretized through Ideals of
male strength and beauty.

Such an ideal is vague when, as in a children's book^

the Duce is described as being as beautiful as the sun, as

51
good as the light and as streng as the hurricane. It is

less vague in sculptures of the Duce as a Renaissance prince

or, more often, as the Roman Emperor Augustus. Moreover,

the innumerable pictures of the Duce harvesting, running.

boxing — often bare-chested, portrayed the Image of a

strong and durable masculinity. Yet such stereotypes were

not all pervasive,- they were absent even at such events as

the exhibition honoring the lOth anniversary of the march

on Rome (1933). The inner characteristics of this new man

were more clearly defined: athletic, persevering, filled

vith self-denial and the.spirit of sacrifice. At the same

time, the nev? fascist man must be energetic, courageous and,

53
of fev7 words. The ideal fascist was the very oppositeof

muddleheaded, talkative, intellectualizing, and dcgoncratc
liberals and socialists, those of the old order, v;ho were
exhausted, tired old men. v Fascism dreamt of a long-standing
masculine ideal, (jDne which has not yet ceased to exist in
our own time^

Germany shared such Ideals of the male society and the
new fascist man, but in a much more consistent manner. This
gave the Nazi utopia a different direction from that of Italy.
Volkish thought had always advocated the ideal of the "Bund"
of males, and the Youth Movement deepened the link between
the fellowship of males and the national mystique, while the
war completed the task. Mussolini talked about the war and
the continuing struggle, but right-wing Germans believed that
a new race of men had grown out of the war: energy come

alive, (as Ernst Jünger put it) ; lythe, muscular bodies,

54
angular faces, and eyes hardened by the horrors of war.^

Here the inner nature of the new race was immediately

connected v;ith its outward features. Whenever Adolf Hitler

talked about the "new German" he wasted little time on the

inner-self of the Aryan but instead defined him immediately

through an ideal of beauty — "Rank und Schlank" (slim and

55
tall) was his phrase. There was never any doubt about how

the ideal German looked, and it is impossible to imagine a

Nazi exposition without the presence of the stereotype.

Racism made the difference. It gave to volkish thought

a dimension which Italian fascism lacked. To be sure, as

we shall see later, an effort was made to introduce this

dimension into Italy with the Racial Laws of 1938, but these

were largely stillborn as far as the stereotype was concerned.

The Aryan myth had from its beginning in the 18th Century

linked the inward to the outward man, and combined scientific

pretensions with an aesthetic theory which saw in Greek

56
sculpture the ideal of male beauty. Indeed, while the nude

male was commonplace in German volkish art, the female was

usually veiled: the modest and chaste bearer of the children

of the race had to be hidden from public view. (Adolf Hitler

thought that he must hide Eva Braun from public scrutiny,

while Mussolini took no such pains about his wife or his many

mistresses) •

I Was the fascist man tied to the past or was he the

Creator of new values? Renzo de Feiice has seen here one of

the Chief differences between Italism Fascism and German

National Social ism. For the Germans the man of the future had

'§^^^,?^lfö{f|#S'p!M^^;v,A^

always existed, even in the past, for the race v;as eternal,
like the trunk of a tree. The ideal man of Italian fascism
had not existerl in the. past -^and-was-siipposed -to-4>e -theman
of thQ futuge> If we look at the famous definitiön of
fascism given by Mussolini and Giovanni Gentile in the
Encyclopedia Italiana (1932), "fascist man" is, on the one
hand, placed within the Italian patriotic tradition, and, on
the other hand, he is supposed to live a superior life without
the limitations of space and time. Such a fascist man must
sacrifice his personal interests and realize that it is his
spirituality which gives him human values. But this
spirituality must be informed by history, meaning Italian
traditions and national memories. Such an apparent paradox
of Standing v;ithin and yet soaring above tradition accompanied
most discussions of the new fascist man in Italy. Man must
proceed to ever higher forms of consciousness, culture must
not crystalize, and yet the great Italian authors of the past

must be studied, ("These are germs v?hich can fructify our

. . 58

spirit and give us spontaneity" ) . The Universal Roman

Exposition of 1942 illustrated such principles concretely.

Indeed, the new Romebuilt for this exposition (Rome Eure)

transmitted, so it was said, this heritage to the present

day. The past is very much present in the buildings of this

new Rome, as in the effort to Imitate all past Italian

architectural styles: Roman, Renaissance, and Baroque. But

the exposition was also supposed to be a signpost for the

future. These intentions v;ere symbolized by the completion

of the archeological site of Ostia Antiqua (ancient Ostia,

original ly started in 1909) , creating access to it by means

of an Autostrada, and as the catalogue teils us, thus making

59
the nev; Rome encompass the old. Except that by 1942 what

was supposed to be iHiique had been tamed into a historical

eclecticism.

In fact, the nev? fascist man in Italy ignored history

no more than his Nazi counterpart. The cult of the Roman

past was pervasive, it determined the fascist stereotype when-

ever we do find it. But this past became, at least until the

final years of the regime, a jumping-off point for the ideal

fascist man of the future: tradition informed his consciousness

but he himself had to rise beyond it without losing sight of

his base. Such a flexible attitude towards the ideal reflected

the greater openness of Italian fascism in general to the new

in art and literature. This utopia was willing to leave

the door to the future halfway open, while in Germany, it

was closed altogether. This difference reflects the groping

of Italian fascism for an ideology, its greater emphasis

upon struggle and energy, its syndicalist and futurist elements.

The new German incorporated the eternal values of the

race, summarized in a frequently used admonition: "you yourself

represent a thousand future years and a thousand years of the
61

past."

It seems unnecessary to give more examples of this

well-known Nazi attitude. The SS, the most dynamic of all

' 0^

party organizations^^ in spite of appearanees- to-^he- con-

t2?a-^y^ fit» into this picture. To be sure, an official SS

publication teils us that the SS man should never be a

conformist, and every SS generation should improve upon its

predecessors. Yet the maxim that, "history is human fate, "

meant emphasis upon racial ancestry afHö that the accomplish-

ments of the nast dommated the present and gave direction

62
to the future.

Was this ideal man then stripped of his individuality?
Was individualism not a part of the fascist utopia? For
liberal democracy and for social democracy the final goal of
all social Organization was the good of the individual. Did
fascism really change this goal? To do so it v;ould have to
eradicate one of the deepest utopian traditions^ liquida^ng
tho ancieni^-and-~€hr-l-&%iaB~i4eal of individual oalvQt^ix)n . But
fascism annexed and bent to its purpose, rather than changed
populär piety and othoa? concepts deeply rooted in the national
consciousness. This, as we have seen, was one of the main
rhythms of fascism. Individualism did not stand aside from
this pattern: it was at the same time retained and
redefined. In contrast to unlimited economic and social
competition, setting man against man, the ideal of a Community
of affinity had alroady taken root in the previous Century.
The German Youth Movement had thought of itself as such a
Community based upon a^ oommon origirt but joined on a voluntary
basis. The ideal of the "Equippe" played a similar role

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PROGRAM

FASCISM IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE

Friday, September 15, 1978

9:00 —
9:15 ~

10:45 —

12:00 — •
1:00 — .

2:00 —

3:00 —

4:00 ~

Opening Remarks

Professor Juan J. Linz, "'Fascism* in Latin

America. '*
Professor Stanley Payne, 'Tost-Fascist Survivals:

Spain and Portugal. "
Lunch
Professor A. James Gregor, "Nazionalfascismo and

the Revolutionary Nationalism of Sun Yat-sen. "
Mr. Chang Pao-en and Maria Hsia Chang, "'Fascism*

and Modern China."
Dr. Milos Martic, "Dimitrije Ljotic and the

Yugoslav National Movement (Zbor), 1935-1945. "
Informal Reception for Symposiasts and Invlted

Guests at the Women's Faculty Club, University

of California, Berkeley.

Saturday, September 16, 1978

9:00 -
10:45 -

12:00 -
1:30 -

- Professor George Mosse, "Fascist Culture
Professor Ernst Nolte, "Some Concluding Reflections

on the Concept 'Fascisra.*"

- Lunch

- Professor Domenico Settembrini. "Fasclsm as.an

Impcrfect Variant of Totalitarian Socialist
Counterrevolution. *'
3:00 — Professor Carlos Kohn, '^Ihe Role of Propaganda in

the Consolidation of the Italian Fascist
Regime (1922-1926)."

Sunday, September 17, 1978

9:00 — Professor Gino Germani , "Comparative Authoritarianism

and the Fascist Variant."

- Professor Anthony J. Joes, "Mussolini and Modernization. •'

- Lunch

- Professor A. James Gregor, "Mussolini and the First
National Socialism. "

- Open Discussion and Conclusions.

- Dinner for Symposiasts and Invited Guests, "Ilis
Londship's," Berkeley Marina.

10:30 -

12:00 -

1:30 -

2:30 -
7:00 -

Host Institution: The Institute of International Studies

University of California, Berkeley

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GEORGE L. MOSSE

TWQ STATES QF MINO

Too little attention has been paid to the fact that
only 23% of American Jews voted for Bush, and the votes
cast for Nixon and Reagan were not so very much higher.
More attention has been devoted to the unanimous protest by
American Jewry against the attempted definition of who is a
Jew. Nothing has been said about what these two actions
have in common, and what this may mean for Israel or the
diaspora. There has always been a feeling that the
creation of the State of Israel, even if it could not end
the diaspora, would help end diaspora attitudes. But
history is not so easily cut short, and even devotion to
the State of Israel has not destroyed traditions which met
the needs of a minority living in the midst of other

peoples.

I do not mean to paint an idealistic picture of
American Jewry in all its diversity and seif interest, but
liberal ideas continue to run streng, especially a devotion
to pluralism and civil liberties. The fear of a militant
nationalism is present as well, after all such a
nationalism has always threatened Jews and more often than
not meant catastrophy. But the needs of a nation State are
clearly different from those of a diaspora, it has to find
national cohesion and to use what is called reason of State
to maintain itself . American Jews support Israelis
national seif consciousness and yet want to combine it with

their deeply ingrained liberalism. Once such a combination
seemed easily possible: it is too often forgotten that
many early Zionists wanted to give nationalism a human
face, co-existent with openness to the world, centered on
individual development rather than territorial expansion.
Not even Israelis wars could liquidate this tradition,
though today it increasingly confronts a normative
nationalism, territorial and withdrawn upon itself .

The Protest against the proposed definition of who is
a Jew forecloses many accepted Jewish seif definitions. I
have always asked the hundreds of middle class Jewish
students whom I have taught over the years in America about
their Jewishness. As expected, the answers varied, but in
each some humanitarian Impulse was present and commitment
to Israel was based for the most part upon the earlier kind
of Zionist nationalism. ÄRomantic, to be sure, but no less
real for that.O* National cohesion is essential for every
nation State, but in the American diaspora things look
different. There, in any case, nationalism is under
suspicion by the Civil Rights and Viet Nam generation in
which young educated Jews are well represented. These
points seem to me important, too easily brushed aside
though they are part of an ongoing history. I doubt that
many of us would deny that such men and women are Jews or
committed to Israel, and forge ahead satisfied with a
remnant committed to orthodoxy or right-wing ideology.

Historians are good at raising problems, and this
historian^ at any rate, is less good at providing answers.
Can we return to that Zionist tradition which would
humanize nationalism, to be above all, a "human people," as
some of them put it? This would certainly bridge the gap,
but does it constitute a recipe for survival? However, a
militant nationalism may endanger Israel not only through
aggression by foreign powers or native populations, but in
addition seriously imperil the relationship with the
diaspora, in the long run a matter of survival for both
State and people.

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George L. Mosse

Two World Wors ond the
Myth of the War Experience

Much has been written about that continuity between the two world
wars which seems immediate and direct: the second world war broke
out as a result of the failure to restore an equilibrium after the
violence, cost and passion of the first world war. The continuity
between the first world war and the inter-war years has Struck not
only modern historians, but was on the minds of both the victims and
the instigators of violence. Thus in 1934, the newly exiled German
theatre critic Alfred Kerr wrote that what he was witnessing was not
war once more, but a mental confusion and universal chaos which
were an extension of the first world war.' At the same time, one of his
nazi persecutors wrote that the war against the German people was
continuing, that the first world war was only its bloody beginning.^

I do not intend to make a general comparison between these wars
in keeping with such perceptions of the continuity between them;
instead, I want to centre my analysis upon a comparison between the
wars through a consideration of some of their consequences. While I
will confine my analysis to examples drawn mainly from England and
Germany with some attention to France, my conclusions could then
be applied, modified or rejected by those familiär with the history of
various individual nations which took part in both wars. Moreover, I
will not be concerned with the perceptions ofthose soldiers who were
at the rear and never experienced fighting at first hand, but only with
front-line soldiers. The front-line soldier in the first world war created
the Myth of the War Experience, and, as a 'new race of men',
symbolized the war's promise. When the borders between the front
line and the home front became blurred, as in the second world war, it
affected the way in which the conflict was seen in retrospect. This
essay is intended to put forward certain hypotheses about the impact
of the wars upon people's perceptions, which might help to explain
some of their political consequences.

The first world war was an unprecedented experience in men's
lives, one which had to be confronted and dealt with — on a personal.

Journal of Contemporary History (SAGE, London, Beverly Hills, Newbury Park and
New Delhi), Vol. 21 (1986), 491-513

492

Journal of ContemporaryHistory '

political and cultural level. These levels of experience were closely
related through the manner in which men and women confronted the
war by building it into their lives — domesticating the war experience,
as it were, making it an integral part of their environment, their
cultural aspirations and political dreams.

The first world war was a watershed, not only in people's lives, but
also in politics and culture, even where a facade of normalcy was
restored after the war. To be sure, the original enthusiasm of 1914 had
given way to boredom, numbness, cynicism and even unrest during
the course of the war. But after the war had ended, and even to a
certain extent during the war itself, the reality of the war was
submerged into the Myth of the War Experience. This myth
summarized some of the main themes which had moved men during
one or another stage of the war: the spirit of 1914, the war as a test of
manliness, the ideal of camaraderie and the cult of the fallen soldier
-- a whole series of attitudes which helped men confront and accept
this unprecedented experience, and informed many of the literary,
artistic and political perceptions after the first world war. Whatever
the recasting of Europe after the war, the Myth of the War Experience
became a powerful engine of personal and public life, more in the
dissatisfied than in the satisfied nations, though even here it was
destined to play its part. The absence of an effective Myth of the War
Experience constitutes one of the most important differences between
the first and the second world wars. It meant that after 1945 the
difficult transition from war to peace did not lead to a quest for a new
politics or experimental literary and artistic forms, but was embedded
in traditional politics and traditional values — some like Christian
Democracy and liberalism., even though willing to try some reforms,
essentially attempting to recapture a bourgeois age as it had existed
even before the first world war. The myth of this golden age seemed to
obliterate the Myth of the War Experience, which, for all its nostalgia
for a national past uncontaminated by modernity, had sought new
departures in personal lifestyles and politics.

The Myth of the War Experience was created by the volunteers
who had streamed to the colours in 1914, educated young men from
the middle classes, officers for the most part. Many of them saw the
war as bringing both personal and national regeneration: they had a
sense of being a people apart even before they met in the trenches.
Their war has been described by Paul Fussell and Robert Wohl, and
we shall not repeat their discussion of what was known as the spirit of
1914,' except as it bears upon the Myth of the War Experience. Here

Mosse: The Myth of the War Experience

493

there was a sense of freedom from the burdens of daily life, and
Friedrich Schiller's song, 'Only the soldier is free', was repeated in
various nations and tongues. T had no idea what war meant,' wrote
Robert Read in England, *to me it meant freedom.*^ The war as an
escape from the restraint of bourgeois life, giving purpose to
purposeless lives, was described as a festival — that is as an event
exhilarating through its exceptionality, Standing outside and above
daily routine. These voices may not have reflected the temper of the
troops at the time, though the French military, for one, was surprised
by the low desertion rate at mobilization.^ Nevertheless, they spoke to
crucial needs in the post-war world.

The spirit of 1 9 1 4 found its most obvious and concrete continuation
after 1918 among those groups of men who wanted to repeat this
heady experience in the midst of the confusion and compromises of
post-war politics. Subsequent wars continued to evoke a similar
response from many volunteers: it has been said that young men went
to Spain in the 1930s to fight for the republic as their eiders had gone
to Flanders two decades earlier. The English philosopher and pacifist
C.E.M. Joadwasremindedin 1937 ofscenes from 1914 when, during
one of his pacifist lectures, a young volunteer who had been wounded
in Spain walked into the hall to be greeted by tumultuous applause
from the audience.^ The spirit of 1914 also played its part among
those who joined Germany's foreign armies in the second world war.
Whatever opportunism prompted enlistment, whatever not so gentle
pressure forced men from different countries into brigades controlled
by the SS, the ideals they articulated without much prompting could
have come from the generation of 1914. The history of such
volunteers has not yet been written, and yet they filled the ranks of
International Brigades of the left and the right, pointing to a
continuity between the wars which addressed a need feit by many
young men.^

The evocation of the spirit of 1914 as leading to action was
extensively used by the political right in Germany and Italy: no doubt
it played a part in providing inspiration for the nazi SA and the
Italian fascist squadristas. Before 1933, Images of Führer and Reich
had already become central to German ideals of national regenera-
tion, transmitted by the spirit of 1914.* Young English writers of the
mid-nineteen-twenties. Christopher Isherwood teils us, regretted
missing the war as a test of their manhood.^ The spirit of 1914, so
different from the numbness and threat of execution which actually
kept many soldiers fighting, '° served as one post-war bridge between

494

Journal of Contemporary History '

the Horror and the glory of war. And yet the outbreak of the second
World war could not re-ignite the spirit of 1914. For all the
indoctrination of Nazi Youth with the spirit which had inspired the
volunteers of the first world war, and the cult of sacrificial death
which was part of the education of the Hitler Youth,'' Adolf Hitler
himself was careful to emphasize that this was a defensive war and
one meant to restore what had been taken unjustly from Germany,
rather than a means of personal and national regeneration. The mood
in 1939 was sober in the fascist nations as well as in England and
France.

The failure to recreate the spirit of 1914 in 1939 seems to illustrate
the difference between ceremonial appeals and practical action in
fascism, but more importantly, the resurrection of the spirit of 1914
as a call to ad venture and manliness was balanced by memories of the
last war. After all, in 1914 most people had no memory of war, while
in 1939 those who had lived through the Great War were still in their
prime. The Myth of the War Experience could disguise but never
eliminate accurate memories of the past, as manifested in the
reluctance of most men and women to wage war again. Bill
Gammage's study of the letters and diaries of some thousand
Australian front-line soldiers of the first world war, almost the sole
analysis of its kind, provides an insight into this ambivalence which
explained the need for the Myth of the War Experience. He concluded
that veterans tried to forget the tragic years of the war as quickly as
possible, and yet, as they resumed civilian life, they remembered the
security, purposefulness and companionship of the war.'^ Many
veterans considered the war years in retrospect as the happiest years
of their lives. The Myth of the War Experience attempted to reconcile
these contradictory attitudes, making it easier to confront the
memory of life in the trenches. This was no mere nostalgia, but
through recalling Ideals supposedly experienced by millions during
the war, the horror was to be transcended and the meaning which the
war had given to individual lives retained. Here the companionship of
war-time camaraderie, shared at one time or another by almost
everyone in the trenches, proved more important than the spirit of
1914 which for most soldiers remained rhetoric rather than experience.
War-time camaraderie, together with the cult of the fallen soldier,
stood at the centre of the Myth of the War Experience, making it
possible to attach positive meaning to life in the trenches.

We do not actually know what camaraderie in the trenches meant
to the simple soldier in the front lines. The only personal survey taken

Mosse: The Myth ofthe War Experience

495

of a tiny sample of French soldiers towards the end ofthe war showed
that a common religious or regional background was as important a
bond among soldiers as that forged by common danger. Moreover,
personal friendships predominated rather than those among groups
of soldiers. The results of this survey were reinforced by a con-
temporary German observer for whom the spirit of camaraderie in
the trenches lost its hold during the first years of the war — and yet,
when he comes to describe moments of danger, the sense of
Community and camaraderie rises to new and unforeseen heights.'^
The ideal of camaraderie may well have fallen victim to the boredom
and routine of daily life in the trenches, only to be experienced once
more in battle.

Nevertheless, the loyalties ofthe men were focused upon the squad
which has been called a small welfare State and, it should be added,
one in which a rough-and-ready equality between officers and men
prevailed: 'Equality established itself naturally'.'* Whatever the
reality of trench warfare, after the war it was perceived in large
measure through the experience of fratcrnity in battle, a comradeship
which separated the little world ofthe trenches from the base and the
home front — the harbinger of a new and closely knit society.
Looking back upon his British Union of Fascists, Sir Oswald Mosley
wrote: 'This was the most complcte companionship I have ever
known, except in the old regulär army in time of war. . . . We were
banded together by the common danger of our struggle and the
savage animosity ofthe old world towards us."^ Not merely fascists
but, for example, the liberal Englishman Herbert Read, as we shall
see, shared the ideal of comradeship as a weapon directed against the
old Order. Henri Barbusse's anti-militarist novel Under Fire (1916)
was written in praise ofthe camaraderie ofthe squad, while even as a
member ofthe Communist Party, he founded a veterans' Organization
to which only front-line soldiers were admitted. The quest for this
ideal Community transcended national differences and the English as
well as the Germans and French wrote about the world of the
trenches as a closely knit Community of men shared by the living and
the dead: the fallen comrades remained a part ofthe squad.'**

496

Journal of Contemporary tiistory '

by an elite devoted to the nation. Once this elite had taken over, the
people themselves would be inspired by such a Community — equals
in Status if not in Function — parallel to the relationship between
officers and men in the trenches. The ideal of camaraderie as central
to the Myth of the War Experience has been ignored as providing a
new political alternative available after the war — like the left-wing
soldiers' and workers' Councils — only more successful as fascism
and much of the nationalist right saw themselves as the heirs of the
fraternity of the trenches.'^ In spite of Barbusse's own front-line
veterans' Organization,'^ this ideal could not be integrated into the
ideology of the left with its emphasis upon rationalism, pacifism and
equality between the sexes. How important this particular failure of
the left proved to be in encouraging the rise of fascism remains to be
investigated, but given the power of veterans in defeated or disgruntled
nations, the failure to assimilate this particular form of camaraderie
was bound to have negative political consequences. As Herbert Read
wrote, representing many front-line soldiers, \ . . during the war I feit
that this comradeship which had developed among us would lead to
some new social order when peace came'.'^ It was the political and
nationalist right which promised to fulfil this dream.

Just as 1939 could not re-ignite the spirit of 1914, of even greater
importance was the failure of the second world war to transform the
ideals of war-time camaraderie into a powerful engine of post-war
politics. To be sure, in Germany the ideal of war-time camaraderie
was used after the second world war to explain why soldiers fought on
to the bitter end though their cause was betrayed by Adolf Hitler;
they feit that they could not desert their comrades.^^ Yet this contrast
between the morality of the soldiers and Hitler's betrayal, argued
mainly by former veterans, could not re-awaken the ideal of war-time
camaraderie. Instead, the individual soldier, not the squad, dominates
most post-second world war literature. As a reaction against
National Socialism, individualism rather than ideas of Community
revived after the war, though accounts of the exploits of individual
squads and regiments remained populär and sold well, and there were
regimental reunions, even though veterans no longer flocked to
veterans' organizations with the enthusiasm they had shown after the
first World war. To be sure, economic pressure was largely absent, as
veterans no longer had to fight for their pensions and benefits.
However, except on the far right, war-time nostalgia was not
politicized or for the most part mobilized for the purpose of present
politics. After the second world war, German literature was rarely

Mosse:' The Myth of the War Experience

497

either nationalist or pacifist, as it had been after 1918. Typically
enough, Erich Maria Remarque, whose ^4// Quiet on the Western Front
(1929) attempted to show the horror and frustration of the first world
war, now trivialized war, turning it into a good adventure story. The
first world war had lifted even mediocre literary talent beyond its
limitations: the second world war no longer did so. The poetry of
Siegfried Sassoon comes to mind; those who admired his bitter and
satirical poems written during the first world war are for the most
part ignorant of the fact that he wrote mediocre patriotic poetry
during the second.^'

However, this comparison of the two wars' impact upon cultural
creativity ignores the film, which, especially in France, demonstrated
a level of excellence inspired by the second world war which can be
compared to the best in poetry and prose during the first. ^^ But
Germany no longer participated in this level of creativity and
commitment; its post-war films such as The Devil's General (1954)
emphasized individual adventure, avoiding the serious issues which
the war had raised, just as in literature Hans Hellmut Kirst's best-
selling post-war trilogy of the 1950s criticized the constraints of army
life which, despite some anti-nazi remarks, are independent of time
and place, once again avoiding a confrontation with the specific
issues resulting from war and defeat.^^ This contrast between the
respective war literatures in Germany can be extended to the manner
in which specific battles were treated after the respective world wars.
Thus the battle of Verdun was said to have transformed the struggle
of men and machines into a new kind of Community which liberated
man from his own seif and transcended the individual, while the
battle of Stalingrad — its nearest equivalent — was either portrayed
realistically in all its horror, without drawing any political conclu-
sions, or trivialized into a story of individual courage and adventure.^'*
The literature which followed the second world war, and not only in
Germany, by and large refused to construct a Myth of the War
Experience in order to confront or to draw lessons from the events in
which the authors had participated.

The different nature of the war itself, not trench warfare, but a war
of movement — the blurring of the once-clear distinction between the
battle line and the home front — was an important factor in the
absence of the Myth of the War Experience after the second world
war.^^ Front-line soldiers now found it difficult to regard themselves
as a class apart, to follow the example of Barbusse's veterans'
Organization, the Arditi in Italy or the German storm-troopers —

498

Journal of Contemporary history

well-defined bodies of men claiming to act as elites on behalf of the
nation. They had provided the cadres of D'Annunzio's Legions, the
fascist squadristas and the shock troops of the German poHtical right,
inspired by the spirit of 1 9 1 4 and the Ideals of war-time camaraderie.
Such groups did not re-emerge after 1945 — there was no longer a
Myth of the War Experience upon which they could build. Nor was
there a new wave of books describing war as an inner experience
which had been so populär in Germany after the first world war.^^
Certainly, an Ernst Jünger would have been out of place in any but
trench warfare, but the general lack of an internalization of war
suggests a radical difference in the means through which the war
experience was confronted. Now a certain numbness, a will to forget,
took the place of the Myth of the War Experience and the
ambivalence about the war, which Bill Gammage had found among
his first world war veterans, was no longer relevant.

Yet, together with these dominant trends in post-war Germany, a
new myth arose in the shadow of the cold war. While the war just past
could provide the setting, the thrust of this myth was not directed
towards transcending the horror of war, but instead sought gently
and at times indirectly to exorcise the crimes of the nazi past. In order
to discover this myth, we must look not to the literature read by
intellectuals or the more cultivated bourgeois, but rather to that
populär literature which, however spuriously, made some pretence at
seriousness, as against romances, adventure or detective stories. The
so-called Landserhefte (Journals of the 'ordinary foot-soldier') provide
a good example of such myth-making. They told simple but uplifting
war stories, detailed accounts of individual battles or the exploits of
former war heroes such as Hans-Ulrich Rudel or Otto Skorzeny.
Hatred of bolshevism informs these tales, together with dislike of the
slaves and contempt for that unreliable ally, the Italians (here
commonly referred to as 'those Macaroni'). These are brutal stories
in which the enemy's bones are crushed, his head blown off or he is
impaled on a bayonet. To be sure, the ideological thrust is often
hidden beneath the adventure story, but the restorative tendencies of
these monthly and weekly Journals is clear enough.

Here also, in addition to war heroes, the individual foot-soldier
and his deeds stood in the foreground, and until the end of the 1960s
the historical background given was sketchy at best. After that time
the setting was somewhat fleshed out, and a little more historical
research seems to have gone into these booklets. A decade later,
Statements opposed to war slipped in: the brutality in battle, which

Mosse: The Myth ofthe War Experience

499

fills the Landserhefte will, it is hoped, encourage the reader to dislike
all war. Such Statements are set off, in a special rubric, from the text
which continues much as before, including the usual stereotype ofthe
enemy. Concessions were made to the new mood after the 1960s, but
in general the audience towards which the booklets were directed
does not seem to have undergone much change throughout the years.
It has been estimated that until 1977 the various weekly and monthly
Landserhefte had sold millions of copies.^^

From the 1950s on, Heinz G. Konsalik became the foremost
practitioner of this genre of populär war Hterature. His novel, The
Doctor of Stalingrad (1958), perhaps the most widely read of his
books for example, describes the heroism of German doctors in a
post-war Russian prison camp. The 'Asiatic' Russians, who are said
not to be human at all, are confronted by the German prisoners and
their love of the fatherland. The book teems with stereotypes: the
villain, a Tartar, possesses a leathery skin, slit eyes and an evil mouth,
in contrast to the Germans who are usually blond and lithe. The
Jewish stereotype is quietly rehabilitated in the one Jew featured in
the book: not threatening but puny and frightened, with greasy hair
and thick lips.^*

The German past is liquidated through a reversal of roles:
conditions in the Russian camp are identical with those in the
German concentration camps, but this time the Germans are the
innocent victims. Moreover, the past is rehabilitated through the
mistreated SS physicians who are admired for their modesty, strength
and incorruptibility (though they frankly admit that they performed
medical experiments on humans).^^ Konsalik in the 1950s reflects a
more general trend in his admiration for the strength, solidarity and
purity ofthe SS opposed to the prurience of modernity. Thus, at the
beginning ofthe decade, Ernst von Salomon in his Questionnaire {Der
Fragebogen, 1951), writes about the SS Walking through an American
detention camp at the end ofthe war (here the roles are reversed once
more), 'with nothing on but white trousers . . . slender, tall and blond,
respected by air.^° However, this stereotype ofthe SS was spread not
so much by Germans as by past members of the international
brigades of the SS: for example, in France, Saint-Loup (Marc
Augier), through his many books, devoted a lifetime to that task.
None of these writers called for the resurrection of the SS State, but
instead attempted to transform an evil into a respected past,
laundering history rather than calling for its repetition. This myth,
then, had a different function from the Myth ofthe War Experience:

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Journal of Contemporary History

not aggressive or pointing to the future, but rather attempting to
transform an unpalatable into an acceptable past.

The nation played a role in this kind of myth as well, symbolized by
the strength and decency of the German character. Here there was
continuity, though, once more, the political implications of national-
ism were latent rather than active after 1945. The older European
Symbols of national immutability had survived the second world war,
as both World wars strengthened the link between nature and the
nation. The nation had always represented itself through pre-
industrial Symbols in order to transcend the ra vages of time. Love of
the native landscape was an important expression of national
identity. Soldiers at the front in the first world war used nature as a
Symbol of hope, pointing away from the reality of war towards ideals
of personal and national regeneration, to a peaceful and stable world
which now seemed lost, but would be recaptured once the war was
won. Nature, symbolizing the pre-industrial national past, was easily
accessible behind the trenches, remembered as Arcadia, as Paul
Fussell has shown, by those who could claim literary knowledge.^^
On another level of pre-industrial symbolism, Virginia Woolf in 1925
remembered that some of the less sophisticated *. . . went to France to
save an England which consisted almost entirely of Shakespeare's
plays\^2 Walter Flex's The Wanderer Between Two Worlds (1915), a
book much quoted until after the second world war, was a paean to
nature, the nation and human beauty. The sun, wood and water fused
with the joy of youth, purified by national sacrifice, in Walter Flex*s
book and in the poetry of Rupert Brooke, both symbols of their
war-time generations.

Bernard Bergonzi has described the British soldier-poet during the
first World war as in all probability a junior officer from a middle-
class home whose sensibilities were nurtured by English rural life."
The Creators of the Myth of the War Experience in Germany came
from a similar background, their sensibilities nurtured by a German
Arcadia as they passed through the German Youth Movement and
sought to bring its values to their confrontation with war.

The cult of the fallen soldier during and after the first world war
stood at the core of the Myth of the War Experience, incorporating
some of the principal ideals we have discussed. War-time camaraderie
was symbolized through identical gravestones for officers and men,
though at first officers were buried separately (and still are in Soviet
Russia).^'* The spirit of 1914 was reflected in the inscriptions as well as
the construction of many war monuments: chaste and pure youths as

Mosse: The Myth ofthe War Experience

501

examples of national regeneration. It is only in France that one can
find anti-war war monuments calling for 'never war again', unveiled
by anti-militarists like Henri Barbusse. ^^ The image of the nation
close to nature played its part in the cult of the fallen soldier,
illustrated by the English War Graves Commission's opinion that
there was much to be said for the introduction ofthe English yew into
war cemeteries from its association with country churchyards.^^ The
graves ofthe fallen of every nation were sited in a wood or likened to a
beautiful garden. The pre-industrial image of the nation was
reaffirmed, as, for example, in the controversy over whether or not
war monuments could be mass-produced (after all, every village,
town or city had to have its own memorial). Such mass production
was rejected and the war monuments erected in Germany after the
war of 1870-71 were now condemned as bulk goods which would
never stand the test of time.^^ Similar controversies erupted over the
mass production of headstones in war cemeteries, and as most ofthat
work had to be hand-made and not mass-produced, Rudyard Kipling
apologized in 1 9 1 9 on behalf of the War Graves Commission that not
enough stone-cutting labour was available to expedite the Substitution
of more permanent headstones for wooden crosses.^*

Did such memorials to the fallen retain their effectiveness as
national shrines until the second world war? Evidence is almost
impossible to obtain, though it seems that by the late 1920s the
curious may have outnumbered the pilgrims among those making the
journey to the cemeteries and memorials of France and Flanders. The
most concrete piece of evidence to date comes from the Saint
Barnabas League in England which sponsored free trips to the battle-
fields, and which discontinued its work in 1927, asserting that now
tourists outnumbered the pilgrims. ^^ Fascists and National Socialists,
as well as other right-wing regimes, kept the cult ofthe fallen alive by
building it into their political liturgy. Veterans' movements also
continued to direct pilgrimages to the battlefields for reasons of
nostalgia, or to come to terms with the war experience, but also in
Order to draw attention to the plight ofthe widows, orphans and the
permanently disabled whose pensions were constantly cut during the
Great Depression. "^ However, only a year after the Saint Barnabas
League discontinued its pilgrimages, war literature began to flood
Europe, refurbishing at its point of decline the Myth of the War
Experience and with it the cult of the fallen soldier.

The reason why it took a decade after the end ofthe first world war
until the mass of fiction, diaries and autobiographies made their

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Journal of Contemporary History

appearance, is shrouded in mystery. This was a European-wide
phenomenon, glorifying camaraderie, sacrifice, and the spirit of
1914: the ideal of the nation as veterans perceived it, with a very few
pacifist novels thrown in. Was it that the tenth anniversary of the end
of the war meant a look backwards, or, more likely, that cumulative
disappointment with the peace, now confirmed by the Great
Depression, led to a revival of the Myth of the War Experience, and in
a few cases, such as that of Erich Maria Remarque, to a reconsidera-
tion of the war as ultimately responsible for the present crisis? Surely
there was a kind of boredom with the war once it was over, and one
German theologian remarked in 1919, with some surprise, that
bookshops no longer displayed war literature. He guessed that this
might have been different if German soldiers had been victorious, but
such books were absent not only from German bookshops, but also
from those of her former enemies, until the flood of war books
descended upon the reading public ten years later/'

Thus the Myth of the War Experience was extended to the second
World war not only by fascist regimes, but also in the democracies,
despite some lack of reverence for places of national worship.
Between the wars, war cemeteries and war memorials retained a
certain degree of effectiveness, a Situation to be changed by the
second world war.

The attitude towards war memorials was different after 1945:
instead of generating patriotic passion, they were met with a certain
indifference, and if a memorial was proposed, it no longer focused
upon the heroic example set by the fallen. Yet a certain fear of the
effectiveness of such monuments in encouraging aggressive national-
ism remained: for example, Germany, which had been allowed to
build new war memorials shortly after its defeat in 1918, now had to
wait until 1952 before receiving the allies' permission to construct war
monuments."*^ Such monuments, the Germans themselves suggested,
should no longer contain a dramatic inscription honouring national
martyrs, but a simple dedication to 'our dead*."*^ Moreover, they
should be reminders of the devastating consequences of war rather
than its glory. No traditional war monuments honouring soldiers
seem to have been built, and, as late as Memorial Day 1984, the
Journal of SS veterans complained that no memorial of bronze and
stone existed to commemorate the soldiers of the second world war.'**
Many cities and towns throughout Europe, caught between the
Option of erecting traditional war monuments and those thought
suitable for the times, simply added the names of the dead of the

Mosse: The Myth ofthe War Experience

503

second world war to those ofthe first, or left some ruin Standing as an
admonition never to wage war again. Whereas after the first world
war memorials had been designated as Ehrenmale, that is, Symbols of
national honour, now those which commemorated the second world
war were called Mahnmale, Symbols warning against a repetition of
the horrors of war. No second unknown warrior was brought home
with great ceremony in order to keep the older hero Company, and
there was therefore no need to erect new monuments to the unknown
soldier. The larnent in 1977 of veterans ofthe Waffen-SS rings true:
the Heroes' Woods for the fallen designed after the first world war
now served as nothing more than a convenient haven for those
wanting to escape the city's air pollution. Yet when from time to time
it was proposed to commemorate the dead, there was still concern,
especially in the smaller localities, that a war memorial should be
built along traditional lines and not reflect modern and abstract
design.'*^ However little enthusiasm such memorials aroused after
1945, the traditional, pre-industrial view ofthe nation was not easily
shed.

The debate in England towards the end of the second world war
concerning how the fallen should be commemorated best illustrates
the differences and similarities in this cult between the two world
wars. The debate centred upon the question of whether such
commemoration should follow traditional lines or whether it should
have a utilitarian purpose. Were war memorials to continue to have a
purely liturgical function as national shrines of worship or were they
to take the shape of libraries, parks or gardens, memorials which
*. . . would be useful or give pleasure to those who outlive the
warT^ This was not a new controversy between the liturgical as
against the useful. It had been fought out, for example, in Germany
during the mid-twenties with the victory going to the traditionalists:
thus the proposal to build a library as a war memorial had been
rejected.'*^ Those who had served on the English War Graves
Commission before the second world war attempted to resist the
pressure for change. Sir Edwin Lutyens, that prolific designer of war
monuments after the first world war, argued that *. . . architecture
with its love and passion begins where function ends*.*^ Moreover, as
he Said onanotheroccasion, in a hundred years 1914 and 1939 will be
regarded as part of one war. At first it seemed that Lutyens might
have won his battle, for the architects hired by the War Graves
Commission were traditionalists who would let precedent decide
their designs.*^

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Journal of Contemporary History

Yet even among these ancient gentlemen of the War Graves
Commission we find a change of tone reflecting that opinion we have
noted already: memorials should commemorate the individual rather
than the collectivity, and should contain a warning against all war.^°
Moreover, there was growing sympathy for the utilitarian Solution in
commemorating the fallen, backed up by a survey taken in 1944
which indicated that the majority preferred such memorials as parks
or gardens which people could enjoy long after the war.^' Lord
Chalfont, the President of the War Memorial Advisory Council,
summed up the dilemma which resulted from such populär preference:
*We must be careful . . . to see that the war memorial is not entirely
indistinguishable from that which is not a memorial'." He master-
minded the compromise which was reached when the National Land
Fund was established in 1946 as the principal English war memorial.
The Land Fund was to acquire great country houses and areas of
natural beauty." This memorial democratized, as it were, the
commemoration of the fallen through making the English rural
heritage accessible to all; no longer was the war memorial an abstract
Symbol confined to one specific location as the focus of commemora-
tive ceremonies. The Cenotaph, erected after the first world war,
continued to perform this function. Nevertheless, the traditional link
between the nation and nature was kept intact, while the great
country houses were tangible Symbols of an honoured past.

War cemeteries did not experience such compromise; they remained
as they had been designed during and after the last war. Perhaps here
the options were limited: as Edmund Blunden wrote in 1967, people
came to them as to an English garden.^'' Cemeteries were designed
according to a tradition of order and beauty which applied both to
civilian and war cemeteries, a means of confronting death not easily
changed or modified. The specific Symbols of war cemeteries — death
and resurrection, camaraderie and equality of sacrifice — seemed
timeless, and unlike most traditional war memorials did not
necessarily glorify war or the nation. Edmund Blunden argued that
such cemeteries with their reminders of youth, dead in their prime,
were themselves a sermon against war.^^ Needless to say, this was not
how they had been officially regarded before the second world war.
Fach English war cemetery was considered a beautiful garden, and
the new national war memorial merely extended this principle to
England's native beauty, which had inspired such cemeteries in the
first place. Germany kept the old design of war cemeteries with their
rows of crosses, while the inscription invictis vidi victori — the

Mosse: The Myth ofthe War Experience

505

unvanquished who will be victorious — often used after the first
World war, was now repudiated as irrelevant. Nevertheless, traditional
formulas used in obituaries for the fallen were difficult to change, and
at first, after 1945, obituaries of Germans previously missing and now
reported dead contained the phrase, 'Major so-and-so died a hero's
death'. But almost immediately, perhaps under gentle pressure from
the occupying powers, soldiers simply 'died'.^^

The English compromise on the nature of war memorials and the
German idea that such memorials should remember the evil rather
than the glory of war, signalled a changed attitude towards death in
war — no longer was such a death undertaken as a joyous sacrifice,
regarded as central to a Myth ofthe War Experience. The contention
that soldiers feil and did not die, but lived on to continue their work of
national purification, was no longer regarded as important except
among certain right-wing groups. The idea of self-sacrifice motivated
by a feeling of solidarity moved to the foreground: loyalty to the
individual fellow-soldier rather than to any over-riding purpose."
This Interpretation of death in war was strongest in Germany, as we
have Seen, where it filled the void left by Adolf Hitler's betrayal. But
even in Britain, where the war had been perceived as a people's war
against fascism, love for the grandiose and the pathetic, which had
been part of the worship of the fallen after the first world war, was
largely absent.

The fear of death played a role in that change, the vision of
Armageddon conjured up not only by the cruelty of a war which
knew little distinction between civilians and soldiers, but above all, by
the first use of the atom bomb. In the first decade after the second
world war there was an Obsession with the menace of universal death,
at least in the west, until a certain numbness replaced earlier concern.
But such fear of death helped to change the attitude towards death in
war and stripped it of much of its remaining glory.

Yet after both world wars, no pacifist movement of any importance
arose in the west. While the pre-war German Peace Movement with
its acceptance of the demands of nation and State was one of the
weakest in Europe, the French movement as part of the Cluster of
radical organizations at the turn of the Century was somewhat
stronger, helping perhaps to lay the foundations for the anti-war war
memorials after the first world war.^^ Yet even so, pacifism lacked
political strength. Pacifism was strongest in Britain. There, the Peace
Pledge Union with its declaration, T renounce war and never again,
directly or indirectly, will I support and sanction another', attracted

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Journal of Contemporary History

some 150,000 signatures. The Peace Pledge Union was part of a
network of pacifist societies which drew upon the Christian pacifist
tradition, and it seemed in the England of the 1930s that pacifism
might become a force to reckon with. However, its members proved
fickle in their allegiance.^^ War could be seen as the lesser of two evils,
as the populär slogan, ' Against War and Fascism' demonstrated, and
indeed, many who had just taken the Peace Pledge enlisted on the
loyalist side in the Spanish Civil War. The objections to war by many
pacifists — and by the pacifist wing of the English Labour Party —
were often directed against the policies of the National Government
rather than against all killing in war. Yet in 1937, C.E.M. Joad
discovered that many undergraduates at the universities of Oxford,
Manchester and London held a consistent pacifist position. He
himself, as an unrelenting Opponent of war influenced by eastern
philosophy, recognized the difficulty facing such pacifism: *Would
you have allowed the Spanish generals to establish fascism over your
own passive body?'^° English pacifism was not alone in harbouring
such contradictory aims. Henri Barbusse as a communist may have
inaugurated anti-war war memorials in France, but the slogan,
*Guerre ä la Guerre' used, for example, by the Communist Youth
Movement applied only to the so-called militarism of the Third
Republic and not to class warfare.^'

The pacifist movements which grew up in the 1960s and 1970s in
Europe contained the same contradictory attitudes towards the
abolition of war: they were against war, but supported the bloody
struggles of Third World nationalist movements. The distinction
between just and unjust wars is hardly pacifist, and yet such
distinction dominated the movement, uneasily after the first world
war but accepted as only right and proper after the second. The only
Europeans who seemed to accept the warning, *Never Again War*
without reservation were some isolated intellectuals or members of
traditionally pacifist religious movements. Why Europe could not
sustain a consistent and effective pacifist movement after both wars is
one of the many problems raised by a comparison between the first
and second world wars which need further investigation.

Did the Myth of the War Experience, by helping to domesticate
war, to make its acceptance a necessary and given fact of life, lead to a
certain brutalization of public and private life as a consequence of
both wars? Historians of the first world war have noted, *. . . the
extent to which fighting men of all nations adjusted themselves to,
and then accepted over so long a duration the mutilations, the

Mosse: The Myth ofthe War Experience

507

indignities, the repeated displays of incompetence by the leaders, and
the piain bestiality of life in the trenches'." They had little choice: the
threat of summary judgment hung over the heads of those who
attempted to shirk their duties. But the numbness which set in, the
routine of killing and being killed, may have had a brutalizing effect.
The relatively small number of desertions in either war by French,
German or English soldiers needs further examination. Yet it was the
Myth of the War Experience which transfigured the war once peace
arrived. The absence of such an effective transfiguration after the
second world is one of the principal discontinuities between the two
World wars.

It is thus the first rather than the second world war which provides
US with some proof that a process of brutalization took place. The
treatment of political enemies as people to be utterly destroyed in
peace as in war — the language of war applied to peace-time politics
— comes to mind. War-time Propaganda, as all censorship was lifted
as far as descriptions ofthe enemy were concerned, must have had its
effect upon the peace-time Stereotyping of the political or racial
enemy, deepening and popularizing what had been a largely right-
wing tradition for over a Century. However, between the wars, such
Stereotyping was also used, though less often, by some ofthe left: the
communists, but also others; for example, those who criticized the
Republic from a less dogmatic perspective. Thus the stereotyped
faces of generals with the caption, 'Animals Look at You*," used by
Kurt Tucholski and John Heartfield, were similar to those reproduced
in the nazi pamphlet, 'Jews Look at You*. The victory ofthe stereo-
type was certainly an important step in the process of brutalization.

The effective use of postcards and picture books led to an
unprecedented dehumanization of the war-time enemy, as warring
nations not only accused each other of rape, sadism and even
cannibalism, but also furnished the appropriate illustrations to prove
their point.^'* The first world war was the first European war in which
photography was widely used, and this, together with the immense
popularity of picture postcards, helped to popularize such Images
during an ever more visual age. General von Seekt, the German Chief
ofStaff after the war, believed that Propaganda based upon war-time
atrocities had lost its effectiveness, because most people had been
brutalized by the long war and were apathetic towards this kind of
adversary relationship." The old-fashioned General failed to see that
the end of the first world war began a new age of mass politics: the
politicization ofthe majority of Europeans, who had up to that time

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Journal of Contemporary History

by and large stood aside from the political process. Here the tradition
of war-time Propaganda proved useful in mobilizing the peace-time
masses. The continued dehumanization of the enemy was a staple of
nationalist, fascist and communist Propaganda, which meant that
leadership skilled in the use of mass poiitics regarded such appeals as
useful and effective.

The Myth of the War Experience played an important, if indirect,
role in such a process of brutalization, making those who accepted its
force more receptive to a renewed war against internal and external
enemies. This meant a greater openness to the adaptation of war-time
Propaganda to peace-time uses, even if some former front-line
soldiers had feit no real hatred for those who had fought in the
opposite trenches. The frustrations of the peace feit in various
nations, the economic and political crises, facilitated this process of
radicalization in the perception of the putative enemy. Did the
massacres during and after the war, which were not a part of the Myth
of the War Experience, play a role in encouraging peace-time violence
against domestic and foreign adversaries? There has been no
examination of the effect which the Armenian massacres during the
first World war may have had upon attitudes in the post-war world:^^
whether or not they were accepted as a natural by-product of war.
Moreover, from 1937 onwards, the radio drummed the large-scale
killings of Chinese by the Japanese into people's minds, producing a
kind of numbness in the face of the enormous number of dead.
Violent death on behalf of a national cause continued to assault
people's sensibilities after the war, if for the most past as rhetoric
rather than gruesome fact. Yet, as pointed out earlier, the spirit of
1914 was not revived in 1939; if a process of brutalization took place,
it may well have been kept in check to a certain extent by the memory
of the last war — perhaps more among the people themselves than
among those leaders and elites who were willing to wage war once
again.

There have been those who have seen this process of brutalization
continued during the second world war. J. Glenn Gray, contemplating
that struggle in 1945, wrote, '. . . So do one's values become corrupt
and conscience coarsened by the ordeal'.^' Indeed, the violent and
unscrupulous language in use against political enemies in the German
Federal Republic since the second world war might serve to confirm
this Observation. Yet, I would argue that the absence of a powerful
Myth of the War Experience served to mitigate this coarsening of
conscience. The war itself, the discovery of the Jewish Holocaust and

Mosse: The Myth ofthe War Experience

509

the brutal practices of National Socialism — unprecedented as far as
action by a European government was concerned — made many
Europeans think again about mass death and the domestication of
war, reflected in the changed cult of the fallen soldier. Myths of
national glory could no longer serve as a successful disguise for the
reality of war. It seems relevant in this context that after the war all
European war ministries were officially renamed ministries of
defence (taking advantage ofthe consolidation ofthe army, navy and
air force under one ministry). Though there were clear differences in
the impact of the first and second world wars upon people's
perceptions of war, and perhaps even in their effect upon the process
of brutalization, it will need much closer scrutiny of recent times to
determine with some certainty the degree of these differences.

I have taken the Myth of the War Experience as a test for the
differences and similarities between the wars. There are, of course, a
multitude of comparisons which could be made, but this myth seems
to me crucial to the manner in which many people, and especially
veterans, attempted to come to terms with the glory and horror of
war. The Myth of the War Experience was not the only way in which
this experience could be confronted: I have mentioned the numbing
effect of war, a kind of indifference to what was taking place, which
was perhaps equally important in assessing the reaction to the wars
— as those who, however inconsistently, declared that war upon all
war must not be forgotten. Yet the Myth of the War Experience
proved a dynamic force after the first world war and its absence later
proved important in considering the change and continuity between
the wars.

There are many more questions unanswered than those this article
has tried to solve, and that is only fitting for a level of comparison
which has only recently begun to occupy historians — any general
comparison must remain hypothetical while the perceptions of war in
individual nations are being examined. Yet, the direction and method
of such a comparison as this article has attempted might be helpful in
explaining not only the changing attitudes towards both wars, but
especially their political consequences. Analysing the domestication
of war and the possible brutalization of life can encourage a debate
which may give us a better understanding ofthe apathy, violence and
mass deaths which have characterized much of the lifetime of my
generation.

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Journal of Contemporary History

Notes

This articie is an expanded Version of a paper given for the Commission for the History
of the Second World War at the 1 984 meeting of the American Historical Association.

1. Alfred KerT,Die Diktatur des Hausknechts und Melodien (FrsLnkfuTta. Main 1983),
67ff.

2. Hanns Oberlindober, Ein Vaterland, das allen gehört] (München 1939), 10.

3. Robert Wohl, The Generation of 1914 (Cambridge, Mass. 1979); Paul Fussell, The
Great War and Modern Memory (New York and London 1975).

4. George L. Mosse, 'Zum Deutschen Soldatenlied', in Klaus Vondung (ed.),
Kriegserlebnis, (Göttingen 1980), 331-34; Douglas Reed, Insanity Fair (London 1938),
22.

5. The French military had forecast a desertion rate of thirteen per cent at
mobilization. It was under one-and-a-half per cent; quoted in Modris Ekstein, 'The
Great War: Epilogue to a Century', (unpublished lecture, 26 January 1979), 6. This
fact must be set in the context of Jean-Jacques Becker's conclusion in his monumental
1914: Comment les Frangais sont entres dans la guerre (Paris 1977), that French public
opinion did not want war.

6. Michael Howard, War and the Liberal Conscience (New Brunswick, New Jersey
1978), 102; C.E.M. Joad, 'What is Happening to the Peace Movement?' The New
Statesman and Nation, vol. 13(15 May 1937), 803.

7. For a typical and readily accessible example, Christian De La Maziere, The
Captive Dreamer (New York 1974); see also George L. Mosse, 'Rushing to the Colors:
On the History of Volunteers in War' in Mosche Zimmermann (ed.), Society, Religion
and Nationalism in Europe and North America (Jerusalem 1986), passim.

8. Klaus Peter Philippi, Volk des Zornes (München 1979), 99.

9. Brian Finney, Christopher Isherwood (London 1979), 53; Andrew Rutherford, The
Literatur e of War (London 1978), 114-15.

10. Le. Michel Auvray, Objecteurs, insoumis, deserteurs (Paris 1983), 156ff.

1 1 . For example, the SS division of the Hitler Youth; Bernd Wagner, 'Die Garde des
"Führers" und die "Feuerwehr der Ostfront", zur neueren Literatur über die Waffen
SS', Militärgeschichtliche Mitteilungen, No. 1 ( 1 978), 215; Ralf Ronald Ringler, Illusion
einer Hitler-Jugend in Österreich (St. Polten- Wien 1977), 87.

12. Bill Gammage, The Broken Years (Harmondsworth, Middlesex 1975), 270.

13. J.H. Rosny Aine, Confidences sur l'amitie des tranchees (Paris 1919), 166, 188;
Ludwig Scholz, Seelenleben des Soldaten an der Front (Tübingen 1920), 48, 134.

14. Tony Ashworth, Trench Warfare 1914-1918. The Live and Let Live System
(London 1980), 155; Jacques Pericard, Face ä Face (Paris 1917), 75.

15. Quoted in Stephen R. Ward, 'Great Britain: Land Fit for Heroes Lost', The War
Generation. Veterans ofthe First World War, Stephen R. Ward (ed.) (Port Washington,
New York 1975), 33.

16. Paul Fussell, op. cit., chap. 2; ofthe innumerable descriptions ofthe German
Mittle World of the trenches', see Karl Bröger, Bunker 17, Geschichte einer Kamerad-
schaft (Jena 1929).

17. Le. 'Through comradeship the front line has become the cradle ofthe volkish
Community', Wilhelm Rty , Die Bewältigung des Weltkrieges in nationalen Kriegsroman,

Mosse: The Myth ofthe War Experience

511

inaugural dissertation, Johann Wolfgang Goethe Universität, Frankfurt a. Main, 1934
(Neu Isenburg 1937), 65.

18. Anette Vidal, Henri Barbusse Soldat de la Paix (Paris 1926), 26ff.

19. Herbert Read, The Contrary Experience (London 1963), 217.

20. Walter Nutz, 'Der Krieg als Abenteuer und Idylle. Landserhefte und trivale
Kriegsromane', Gegenwartsliteratur und Drittes Reich, ed. Hans Wagener (Stuttgart
1977), 275-76.

21. Le. Bernard Bergonzi,//eroej'7'w;%A/ (London 1965), 108; Herbert Cysarz, Zur
Geistesgeschichte der Weltkriege (Bern and Frankfurt 1973), 193.

22. Gordon Wright, The Ordeal of Total War, 1939-1945 (New York 1968), 257.

23. Hans Hellmut Kirst, Null-Acht-Fünfzehn (München 1954); on the reaction to the
second world war in German literature, see Jost Hermand, 'Darstellung des Zweiten
Weltkrieges', Neues Handbuch der Literaturwissenschaft, Literatur nach 1945, vol. I,
(ed.) Jost Hermand (Wiesbaden 1979), 28ff.

24. Josef Magnus Wehner, Sieben vor Verdun (München 1930), passim; German
Werth, Verdun (Bergisch-Gladbach 1979), 345-73; Herbert Cysarz, op. cit., 198, 208.

25. Le. Julian Bach Jr., America's Germany. An Account of the Occupation (New
York 1946), 17.

26. Ernst Jünger, Der Kampf als inneres Erlebnis (Berlin 1922).

27. Walter Nutz, op. cit., 71 and passim. See, for example, as a Landserheft, S.
Weigersdorfer, Die Schlacht am Tartarengraben (Rastatt 1985).

28. Heinz G. YionsaMk, Der Artzt von Stalingrad (München 1972), 17, 18,54,85,91;
i.e. Jost Hermand, 'Vom heissen zum kalten Krieg: Heinz G. Konsahks, 'Der Artzt
von Stalingrad', Sammlung, vol. 2 (Frankfurt 1979), 39-49.

29. Ibid., 167.

30. Ernst von Salomon, Der Fragebogen (Hamburg 1951), 721; Saul Friedländer
finds this image ofthe SS continuing into the seventies in France, Reflets du Nazisme
(Paris 1982), 27ff.

31. Paul Fussell, op. cit., chap. VII; George L. Mosse, 'War and the Appropriation
of Nature', Germany in the Age of Total War, ed. Volker R. Berghahn and Martin
Kitchen (London 1981), 102-22.

32. Virginia Woolf, Mrs. Dalloway (London 1950, first published 1925), 96.

33. Bernard Bergonzi, op. cit., 109.

34. Deutsche Bauzeitung, vol. 49 (1915), 500, 532; Fabian Ware, The Immortal
Heritage (Cambridge 1937), 30; George L. Mosse, 'National Cemeteries and National
Revival: The Cult of the Fallen Soldiers in Germany', Journal of Contemporary
History, 14, 1 (January 1979), 1-20.

35. Antoine Prost, Les Anciens Combattants et la Sociite Frangaise, Vol. 3
'Mentalites et Ideologies' (Paris 1977), 50; Meinhold Lurtz, Kriegerdenkmäler in
Deutschland, vol. 4, 'Weimarer Republik' (Heidelberg 1985), 13/14 for the contrast
between Germany and some memorials found in France. This indispensable work
describes and classifies German war memorials from the Wars of Liberation to the
Federal Republic in 6 volumes. The last two volumes are to appear in 1986.

36. Sir Frederic Kenyon, War Graves. How the Cemeteries Abroad shouldbe Designed
(London 1918), 13.

37. Deutsche Bauzeitung, vol. 49 (1915), 448.

38. George L. Mosse, 'National Cemeteries and National Revival', op. cit., 10-11;
Rudyard Kipling, The Graves ofthe Fallen (London 1919), 16.

39. 'The Final Task of St. Barnabas', Menin Gate Pilgrimage (1927), n.p.

512

Journal of Contemporary History

40. Robert Weldon Whalen, Bitter Wounds. German Victims of the Great War.
1914-1939 i\ih2iC2i 1984), 170, 181ff.

41. Martin Rade, preface, Ludwig Scholz, Seelenleben des Soldaten an der Front
(Tübingen 1920), iii; Michael Gollbach, Die Wiederkehr des Weltkrieges in der
Literatur {Kronbtxg/TS. 1978), 1-5.

42. Adolf Rieth, Denkmal ohne Pathos. Totenmahle des Zweiten Weltkriegs in Süd-
Württemberg-Hohenzollern mit einer geschichtlichen Einleitung (Tübingen 1967), 16.

43. Ibid., 18.

44. Hubert Meyer, 'Zum Volkstrauertag', Der Freiwillige, vol. 30, Heft 11
(November 1984), 3.

45. Der Freiwillige, Heft 8, vol. 23 (August 1977), 15; for a contemporary controversy
about the abstract design of a monument and its emphasis upon admonition at the
expense of traditional form, see the dispute in the Bavarian village of Pöcking,
'Kriegerdenkmal oder Mahnmal?', Süddeutsche Zeitung (22 December 1982).

46. Philip Longworth, The ünending Vigil. A History of the Commonwealth War
Graves Commission. 1917-1967 (London 1967), 183.

47. George L. Mosse, The Nationalization of the Masses (New York 1975), 71;
typically enough, the war memorial of admonition rather than victory which Ernst
Barlach had executed for the cathedral of Marburg was removed as too modernistic,
shortly after it had been installed in the early thirties and was only returned after the
second world war. Ernst Barlachs Magdeburger Mal wieder im Dom etc., ed. Barlach
Kuratorium (Güstrow 1953).

48. Longworth, op. cit., 129; another famous architect of memorials, Sir Herbert
Baker, as might be expected, supported the traditionalist position; Arnold Whittick,
War Memorials (London 1946), 11.

49. Longworth, op. cit., 163, 180.

50. Best Seen by following 'The Conference on War Memorials, April 27, 1944',
Journal of the Royal Society ofthe Arts, vol. XCII (9 June 1944), 322ff.

51. Philip Longworth, op. cit., 183.

52. Conference on War Memorials, op. cit., 323.

53. David Cannadine, 'War and Death, Grief and Mourning in Modern Britain',
Mirrors ofMortality. Studies in the Social History of Death, ed. Joachim Whaley (New
York 1981), 233-34.

54. Quoted in Philip Longworth, op. cit., xxiv.

55. Ibid., xxiv.

56. I.e. Conference on War Memorials, op. cit., 324; Klaus von Luzan, Den
Gefallenen. Ein Buch des Gedenkens und des Trostes, foreword Theodor Heuss, ed.
Volksbundfür Kriegsgräberfürsorge (München and Salzburg 1952), 1 1; Julian Bach Jr.,
op. cit., 215.

57. J. Glenn Gray, The Warriors. Reflection on Men in Battle (New York 1959), 55.

58. I.e. Michael Howard, op. cit., 100; for the best discussion ofthe pre-war German
Peace Movement compared to French pacifism, see Roger Chickering, Imperial
Germany and a World without War: The Peace Movement and German Society. 1892-
19 14 {Princeton, New Jersey 1975), passim; Ludwig Quidde, the long-time head ofthe
German Peace Movement, defended its stand in the first world war, asserting that it
was the task ofthe Movement to prevent war, but once war had broken out, Opposition
through a refusal to serve or a general strike would have been a criminal act, During the
war the Movement confined itself to agitation for a peace without any new territorial
annexations. After the war, a more radical wing of the German Peace Movement

Mosse: The Myth ofthe War Experience

513

emerged, and though it came to dominate the Movement, its members were Outsiders
in the Weimar Republic as they had been in the Empire before the war. This Stands in
contrast to England where members of the Peace Movement were always insiders:
Ludwig Quidde, Der Deutsche Pazifismus währenddes Weltkrieges 1914-1918, ed. Karl
Holl with Helmut Donat (Boppard am Rhein 1979), 47, 16.

59. Keith Robbins, The Abolition ofWar. The 'Peace Movement' in Britain. 1914-1919
(Cardiff 1976), 196-97.

60. C.E.M. Joad, op. cit., 803.

61. Michel Auvray, op. cit., 165, n. 4; for a more positive viewof pacifism in France,
see Guy Pedrocini, Les Mutineries de 7977 (Paris 1967), passim.

62. Alistair Home, The Path ofGlory (Harmondsworth, Middlesex 1964), 75.

63. I.e. Kurt Tucholski, Deutschland. Deutschland über alles (Berlin 1929).

64. R.K. Neumann, 'Die Erotik in der Kriegsliteratur', Zeitschrift für Sexualwissen-
schafl, vol. I (1914-15), 390-91.

65. Klaus Wippermann, Politische Propaganda und Staatsbürgerliche Bildung (Bonn
1976), 185.

66. At least 1,200,000 Armenians were killed by Turkey. Yves Ternons, The
Armenians. History ofa Genocide (New York 1981), 260.

67. Glenn Gray, op. cit., 9. i'

George L. Mosse

is Bascom Professor of History, University

of Wisconsin, Madison and Koebner

Professor of History at the Hebrew

University in Jerusalem. He is the co-editor

of the Journal of Contemporary History and

his latest books are Nationalism and

Sexuality; Respectability and Abnormal

Sexuality in Modern Europe (New York

1985) and German Jews Beyond Judaism

(Bloomington, Indiana 1985).

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TWO WORLD WARS AND THE MYTH OF THE WAR EXPERIENCE

by
George L. Mosse

Much has been written about that continuity betv;een
the two World wars which seems immediate and direct: the
Second World War broke out as a result of the failure to
restore an eguilibrium after the violence, cost and passion
of the First World War. The continuity between the First
World War and the interwar years has Struck not only modern
historians, but was on the minds of both the victims and the
instigators of violence. Thus in 1934 the newly exiled German
theater critic Alfred Kerr wrote that what he was witnessing
was not war once more, but instead a mental confusion and

universal chaos which were an extension of the First World

War. At the same time, one of his Nazi persecutors wrote

that the war against the German people was continuing, that the

2
First World War was only its bloody beginning.

I do not intend to make a general comparison between

these wars in keeping with such perceptions of the continuity

between them; instead I want to center my analysis upon a

comparison between the wars through a consideration of their

consequences. While I will confine my analysis to examples

drawn mainly from England and Germany with some attention to

France, my conclusions could then be applied, modified or

rejected by those familiär with the history of various individual

'Bi^m^

nations which took part in both wars. Moreover, I vill not
be concerned with the perceptions of those soldiers who were
at the rear and never experienced fighting at firsthand,
but only with front-line soldiers. The front-line soldier
in the First World War created the Myth of the War Experience,
and as a "nev? race of men, " symbölized the war's promise.
When the borders between the front line and the home front
became blurred, as in the Second World War, as we shall see,
it will affect the way in which the conflict was seen in
retrospect, This essay is intended to put forward certain
hypotheses about the impact of the wars upon men's perceptions
which might help to explain some of their political conse-

quences

The First World War was an unprecedented experience in

men*s lives, one which had to be confronted and dealt with —
both on a personal, political and cultural level. These levels
of experience were closely related through the manner in which
men and women confronted the war by building it into their
lives, domesticating the war experience, as it were, making it
an integral part of their environment, their cultural aspira-
tions and political dreams.

The First World War was a watershed not only in people's
lives, but also in politics and culture, even where a facade
of normalcy was restored after the war. To be sure, the
original enthusiasm of 1914 had given way to boredom, numbness.

cynicism and even unrest during the course of the war. But

after the war had ended, and even to a certain extent during
the war itself, the reality of the war was submerged into the
Myth of the War Experience. This myth summarized some of the
main themes which had moved men during one or another stage
of the war: The spirit of 1914, the war as a test of manliness,
the ideal of camaraderie and the cult of the fallen soldier —
a whole series of attitudes which helped men confront and
accept this unprecedented experience, and informed much of
the literary, artistic and political perceptions after the
First World War. Whatever the recasting of Furope after the
war, the Myth of the War Experience became a power ful engine
of personal and public life, more in the dissatisfied than in
the satisfied nations, though even here it was destined to
play its part. The absence of an effective Myth of the War
Experience constitutes one of the most important differences
between the First and the Second World Wars. It meant that
after 1945 the difficult transition from war to peace did
not lead to a quest for a new politics or experimental literary
or artistic creativity, but was embedded in traditional

politics and traditional values — some like Christian Democracy
and Liberalism even though willing to try some reforms,
essentially attempting to recapture a bourgeois age as it
had existed before the First World War. The myth of this
golden age seemed to obliterate the Myth of the War Experience,
which for all its nostalgia for a national past uncontaminated
by modernity had sought new departures in personal life-styles
and politics.

The Myth of the War Experience was created by the

volunteers who had streamed to the colors in 1914, educated

young men from the middle classes, officers for the most part.

Many of them saw the war as bringing both personal and

national regeneration, they had a sense of being a people

apart even before they met in the trenches. Their war has

been described by Paul Fussell and Robert Wohl, and I do not

mean to repeat their discussion of what was known as the

3
spirit of 1914, except as it bears upon the Myth of the War

Experience. Here there was a sense of freedom from the burdens

of daily life, and Friedrich Schiller 's song that "Only the

Soldier is free" was repeated in various nations and tongues :

"I had no idea what war meant" wrote Robert Read in England,

4
"to me it meant freedom." The war as a way out of the

restraint of bourgeois life, as giving purpose to purposeless

lives, was described as a festival — that is as an event

exhilerating through its exceptionality , standing outside

and above daily routine. These voices may not have reflected

the temper of the troops at the time--though the French

military, for one, were surprised by the low desertion rate

5
at mobilization — nevertheless, they spoke to crucial needs

in the postwar world.

The spirit of 1914 found its most obvious and concrete

continuation after 1918 among those groups of men who wanted

to repeat this heady experience in the midst of the confusion

and compromises of postwar politics. Subsequent wars continued

to evoke a similar response from many volunteers: it.- has

been said that young men went to Spain in the 1930 's as

their eiders had gone to Flanders two decades earlier. The

philosopher and pacifist C.E.M. Joad was reminded in 1937

of scenes from 1914 when during one of his pacifist lectures

a young volunteer who had been wounded in Spain walked into

the hall accompanied by the tumultuous applause of the
6

audience. The spirit of 1914 also played its part among

those who joined Germany's foreign armies in the Second World

War. Whatever opportunism prompted enlistment, whatever not

so gentle pressure forced men from different countries into

brigades controlled by the SS, the Ideals they articulated

without much prompting could have come from the generation

of 1914. The history of such volunteers has not yet been

written, and yet they filled the ranks of International Brigades

of the left and the right, pointing to a continuity between

7
the wars which addressed a feit need of many young men.

The evocation of the spirit of 1914 as leading to

action was extensively used by the political right in Germany

and Italy: no doubt it played a part in providing Inspiration

for the Nazi S.A. and the Italian fascist sguadristas. Already

before 1933 Images of Fuhrer and Reich had become central to

German Ideals of national regeneration, transmitted by the

8
spirit of 1914. Young English writers of the middle twenties.

Christopher Isherwood teils us, regretted missing the war as a

9
test of their manhood. The spirit of 1914, so different from

the nurabness and threat of execution which kept many soldiers

10
fighting, served as one postwar bridge between the horror

and glory of v;ar. And yet the outbreak of the Second World

War could not re-ignite the spirit of 1914. For all the

indoctrination of Nazi Youth with the spirit v;hich had inspired

the volunteers of the First World War as vell as the cult of

sacrificial death v;hich was part of the education of the Hitler

11
Youth, Adolf Hitler himself was careful to emphasize that

this was a defensive war and one meant to restore what had

been taken unjustly from Germany, rather than a means of

personal and national regeneration. The mood in 1939 was

sober in the fascist nations as well as in England and France.

The failure to recreate the spirit of 1914 in 1939

seems to illustrate the difference between ceremonial appeals

and practical action in fascism, but more important, the

resurrection of the spirit of 1914 as a call to adventure and

manliness was balanced by memories of the last war* After

all, in 1914 most people had no memory of war, while in 1939

those who had lived through the Great War were still in their

best years. The Myth of the War Experience could disguise

but never eliminate accurate memories of the past — witness

the reluctance by most men and women to wage war once again.

Bill Gammage's study of the letters and diaries of s

ome

thousand Australian front-line soldiers of the First World
War, almost the sole analysis of its kind, can provide an
insight into this ambivalence which explained the need for the

Myth of the War Experience. He concluded that veterans tried

to forget the tragic years of the war as quickly as possible,

and yet as they resumed civilian life they remembered the

12
security, purposefulness and companionship of the war. Many

veterans considered, in retrospect, the war years as the

happiest years of their lives. The Myth of the War Experience

attempted to reconcile these contradictory attitudes, making

it easier to confront the memory of life in the trenches . This

was no mere nostalgia, but through recalling ideals supposedly

experienced by millions during the war, the horror was to be

transcended and the meaning which the war had given to individual

lives retained. Here the companionship of wartime camaraderie,

shared at one time or another by almost everyone in the trenches,

proved more important than the spirit of 1914 which for most

soldiers remained rhetoric rather than experience. Wartime

camaraderie together with the cult of the fallen soldier stood

at the Center of the Myth of the War Experience, making it

possible to attach positive meaning to life in the trenches.

We do not actually know what camaraderie in the trenches

meant to the simple soldier in the front lines. The only personal

survey taken of a tiny sample of French soldiers towards the

end of the war — the only such survey I have discovered — led

to the conclusion that a common religious or regional back-

ground was as important a bond among soldiers as that forged

by common danger. Moreover, personal friendships predominated

rather than those among groups of soldiers. The results of

this survey were reenforced by a contemporary German observer

for v;hom the spirit of camaraderie in the trenches lost its

hold during the first years of the war — and yet, when he

comes to describe moments of danger, the sense of Community

and camaraderie is said to rise to new and unforeseen heights«

The ideal of camaraderie may well have fallen victim to the

boredom and routing of daily life in the trenches, while these

same soldiers experienced it once more in battle.

Nevertheless, the loyalties of the men were focused

upon the squad which has been called a small welfare State and,

it should be added, one in which a rough and ready equality

between officers and men prevailed: "eauality established

14
itself naturally. " VJhatever the reality of trench warfare,

after the war it was perceived in large measure through the

experience of fraternity in battle, a comradeship which separated

the little world of the trenches from the base and the home

front — the harbinger of a new and closely knit society. Looking

back upon his British Union of Fascists Sir Oswald Mosley

wrote: "This was the most complete companionship I have ever

known, except in the old regulär army in time of war...We were

banded together by the common danger of our struggle and the

15
savage animosity of the old world towards us . " Not merely

fascists but, for example, the liberal Fnglishman Herbert Read

shared the ideal of comaraderie as a weapon directed against

the old Order. Henri Barbusse 's anti-militarist novel

Under Fire (1916) was written in praise of the camaraderie

and stocism of the sauad, while even as a member of the

Communist Party he founded a Veteran 's Organization to which
only front-line soldiers were admitted. Here we find no
great national differences, and the English as well as the
Germans and French wrote about the world of the trenches as
a closely knit Community of men shared by the living and the
dead: the fallen comrades remained a part of the squad.

This ideal of camaraderie, whether actually experienced
in the trenches, or transfigured in retrospect as part of the
Myth of the War Experience, became an alternative to parlia-
mentary politics, projected from the war upon peacetime Europe.
The ideal of camaraderie as perceived in those nations whose
transition from war to peace had been especially difficult,
was thought identical with the fraternity of the Volk led by
an elite devoted to the nation. Once this elite had taken
over, the people themselves would be inspired by such a
Community — equals in Status if not in function — parallel to
the relationship between officers and men in the trenches.
The ideal of camaraderie as central to the Myth of the War
Experience has been ignored providing a new political alter-
native available after the war~like the left-wing soldiers
and workers ' Councils — only more successful as fascism and

much of the nationalist right saw themselves as the heirs of

17
the fraternity of the trenches. In spite of Barbusse 's

18
own front-line veteran's Organization, this ideal could not

be integrated into the ideology of the left with its emphasis

upon rationalism, pacifism and equality between the sexes.

How important this particular failure of the left proved to

^«»Äi,^ jiifc'^s .!ti:"i'^'i'ii T' ' ^.l^i\^ll• ^ Ä

be in encouraging the rise of fascism remains to be investi-

gated, but given the power of veterans in defeated or dis-

gruntled nations, the failure to assimilate this particular

form of camaraderie was bound to have negative political

conseguences. As Herbert Read wrote representing many front-

line soldiers, " during the war I feit that this comradeship

which had developed among us would lead to some new social

19
Order when peace came." It was the political and nationalist

right which promised to fulfill this dream.

Just as 1939 could not re-ignite the spirit of 1914,

of even greater importance was the failure of the Second World

War to transform the Ideals of wartime camaraderie into a

powerful engine of postwar politics. To be sure, in Germany

the ideal of wartime camaraderie was used after the Second

World War to explain why soldiers fought on to the bitter end

though their cause was betrayed by Adolf Hitler; they had the

20
decency not to desert their comrades. Yet this contrast

between the morality of the soldiers and Hitler 's betrayal,

argued mainly by former veterans, could not awaken the ideal

of wartime camaraderie to new life. Instead, not the squad ,

but the individual solder, dominates most post-Second World

War literature. As a reaction against National Socialism,

individualism rather than ideas of Community revived after

the war, though accounts of the exploits of individual sguads

and regiments remained populär and sold well, and there were

regimental reunions even though veterans no longer flocked to

veterans organizations with the enthusiasm they had shown

^^^^^^^^^^-- . ÄN:'-r.;-,i.v:J,-.'.-J j:«./if,,,:.f .■.«■AI

.{y^:'"m:\:' {

after the First World War. However, except on the far right,

this nostalgia was not politicized or based upon the relevance

for the present of the shared war experience. Post-World War

II German literature was rarely either nationalistic or

pöcifist, as it had been after 1918. Typically enough,

Erich Maria Remarque, whose All Quiet on the Western Front

(1929) attempted to show the horror and frustration of the

First World War^ now trivialized war, turning it into a good

adventure story. The First World War had lifted even mediocre

literary talent beyond its limitations : the Second World

War no longer did so. The poetry of Siegfried Sassoon comes

to mind; those who admired his bitter and satirical poems

written during the First World War are for the most part

Ignorant of the fact that he wrote mediocre patriotic poetry

21
during the Second World War.

However, this comparison of the two wars ' impact upon

cultural creativity ignores the film, which especially in

France, demonstrated a level of excellence inspired by the

Second World War which can be compared to the best in poetry

22
and prose during the First World War. But Germany no longer

participated in this level of creativity and commitment; its

postwar films such as The Devil's General (1954) emphasized

individual adventure, avoiding the serious issues which the

war had raised, just as in literature Hans Hellmut Kirst's

best selling postwar trilogy of the 1950 's criticized the

constraints of army life which, despite some anti-Nazi remarks.

■"^' ■•>:''■:'■ ^;^:t'''*^lf'.-^'-

are independent of time and place, once again avoiding a

confrontation with the specific issues resulting from v;ar

23
and peace. This contrast between the respective war

literatures in Germany can be extended to the manner in which

specific battles were treated after the respective world wars

Thus the battle of Verdun was said to have transformed the

struggle of men and machines into a new kind of Community

which liberated man from his own seif and transcended the

individual, while the battle of Stalingrad — its neai-est

eguivalent — was either portrayed realistically in all its

horror, without drawing any political conclusions^ or

trivialized into a story of individual courage and adventure.

The literature which followed the Second World War, and not

only in Germany, by and large refused to construct a Myth of

the War Experience in order to confront or to draw lessons

from the events in which the authors had participated.

The different nature of the war itself : not trench

warf are, but a war of movement — the blurring of the once clear

distinction between the battle line and the home front — was

an important factor in the destruction of the Myth of the War

Experience after the Second World War. Front-line soldiers

now found it difficult to regard themselves as a class apart;

to follow the example of Barbusse 's Veteran 's Organization,

the Arditit in Italy or the German Storm Troopers — well-defined

bodies of men claiming to act as elites on behalf of the

nation. They had provided the cadres of D'Annuncio's Legions,

the fascist squadristas and tle shock troops of the German
political right, inspired by the spirit of 1914 and the
Ideals of wartime camaraderie. Such groups did not reemerge
after 1945 — there was no longer a Myth of the War Fxperience
upon which they could build. Nor was there a new wave of

books describing war as an inner experience which had been

so populär m Germany after the First World War. To be

sure, an Ernst Jünger would have been out of place in any
but trench warfare, but the general lack of an internalization
of war suggests a radical difference in the means through
which the war experience was confronted. Now a certain numb-
ness, a will to forget, took the place of the Myth of the
War Experience — and the arabivalence about the war which
Bill Gammage had found among his First World War veterans
was no longer relevant.

Yet, together with these dominant trends in postwar
Germany, a new Myth arose in the shadow of the cold war.
While the war just past could provide the setting, the thrust
of this Myth was not directed towards transcending the horror
of war, but instead sought gently and at times indirectly
to exorcise the crimes of the Nazi past. in order to discover
this Myth we must not look at the literature read by intellectuals
or the more cultivated bourgeois, but rather to that literature

which, however spuriously, made some pretense at seriousness

as over against romances, adventure or detective stories.
The so-called Landserhefte provides a good example of such

'?^'-f-^'f>.^.fSw '.'■/-■

mythmaking chiefly during the 1950 's: their title means

Journals of the foot soldier and they published simple but

uplifting war stories, Memoirs by such former war heroes

as Hans-Ulrich Rudel and Otto Skorzeny or pieced by

Erich Kern who specialized through his various books in

laudering the Nazi past. Hatred of bolshevism informs these

tales, together with dislike of the slaves and contempt for

that unreliable ally the Italians (here commonly referred to

as "those Macaroni"). These are brutal stories in which the

enemy's bones are crushed^ his head blown off or he is impaled

on a bayonette. To be sure, the ideological thrust is often

hidden beneath the adventure story, but the restorative

tendencies of these monthly and weekly Journals is clear
27

enough .

Heinz G* Kosalik became from the fifties onwards the
foremost practitioner of this genre of populär literature.
His novel, The Doctor of Stalinqrad (1958), for example, des-
cribes the heroism of German doctors in a postwar Russian
prison camp. The "Asiatic" Russians, who are said not to be
human at all, are confronted by the German prisoners and their
love of the fatherland. The book teems with stereotypes: the
villian, a Tartar, possesses leathery skin, slit eyes and
an evil mouth in contrast to the Germans who are usually blond
and lithe. The Jewish stereotype is quietly rehabilitated

in the one Jew of the book: not threatening but puny and

28
frightened, with greasy hair and thick lips.

-^m

;?;■•, ;/-;,^r.,' ■■'.t.t-

The German past is liquidated through a reversal

of roles: conditions in the Russian camp are identical with

those in the German concentration camps , but this time the

Germans are the innocent victims. Moreover, the past is

rehabilitated through the mistreated SS physicians vho are

admired for their modesty, strength and incorruptability

(though they frankly admit that they performed medical

29
experiments on humans) . Konsalik in the 1950's reflects a

more general trend in his admiration for the strength,

solidarity and purity of the SS opposed to the purience of

modernity. Thus, at the beginning of the decade Ernst von Salomon

in his Questionnaire (Der Fragebogen, 1951) , v;rites about the

SS v;alking through an American detention camp at the end of

the war (here the roles are reversed once more) , "with

nothing on but white trousers . . .slender , tall and blond,

30
respected by all." This stereotype of the SS was spread

not so much by Germans as by past members of the international

brigades of the SS. For example, in France, Saint-Loup

(Marc Augier) , through his many books devoted a lifetime to

that task. None of these writers called for the resurrection

of the SS State, but instead attempted to transform an evil

into a respected past, laundering history rather than calling

for its repetition. This Myth, then, had a different function

than the Myth of the War F^perience, not aggressive or pointing

to the future, but rather attempting to transform an unpalatable

into an acceptable past.

H V!iß'^lii-ii:-'''-^-f'{;--^' ,''t;;?ÄA-?f;;i-4.'.^tv;'

The nation played a role as well: symbolized by the

strength and decency of the German character. Here there v;as

continuity, though, once more^ the political implications of

nationalism were latent rather than active after 1945. The

older European Symbols of national immutability had survived

the Second World War, as both world v/ars strengthened the

link between nature and the nation. The nation had always

represented itself through preindustrial Symbols in order to

transcend the ravages of time. Love of the native landscape

was an important expression of national identity. Soldiers

at the front in the First World War used nature as a symbol

of hope, pointing away from the reality of war towards Ideals

of personal and national regeneration — to a peaceful and

s table World which seemed lost, but would be recaptured once

the war was won. Nature, symbolizing the preindustrial

national past, was easily accessible behind the trenches, remem-

bered as arcadia by those who could claim literary knowledge,

31
as Paul Fussell has shown, while, Virginia Woolf remembered

that some of the less sophisticated " . . .went to France to

save an England which consisted almost entirely of Shakespeare ' s
32

plays." Walter Flexe's The Wanderer Between Two Worlds
(1915), a book much quoted until after the Second World War,
was a peon to nature, the nation and human beauty. The sun,
wood and water fused with the joy of youth purified by
national sacrif ice--in Walter Flexe's book and in the poetry

Vi'

i" *^i

itf'iinan''"*^.

of Rupert Brooke — both Symbols for their wartime generations.

Bernard Bergonzi has described the British soldier

poet during the First World War as in all probability a junior

officer from a middle-class home whose sensibilities were

33
nurtured by English rural life. The Creators of the Myth

of the War Experience in Germany came from a similar background,

their sensibilities nurtured by a German arcadia as they

passed through the German Youth Movement and sought to bring

its values to their conf rontat ion with war.

The cult of the fallen soldier during and after the

First World War stood at the core of the Myth of the War

Experience, incorporating some of the principal Ideals v;e

have discussed. Wartime camaraderie was symbolized through

identical gravestones for officers and men, though at first

officers had been buried separately (and still are in Soviet

34
Russia) . The spirit of 1914 was ref lected in the inscriptions

as well as the construction of many War Monuments: chaste

and pure youths as examples of national regeneration. As far

as I know, it is only in France that one can find anti-war

war monuments calling for "never war again" unveiled by anti-

35
militarists like Henri Barbusse. The image of the nation

close to nature played its part in the cult of the fallen

soldier illustrated by the English War Graves Commission's

opinion that there was much to be said for the introduction

of the English yew into war cemeteries from its association

36
with country churchyards. The graves of the fallen of every

nation were sited in a wood or likened to a beautiful garden.

The preindustrial Image of the nation was reaffirmed, as,

for example, in the controversy whether or not War Monuments

could be mass produced (after all, every village, town or city

had to have its own memorial) . Such mass production was rejected;

thus, the War Monuments erected in Germany after the War of

1870-71 were now condemned as bulk goods which would never

37
stand the test of time. Similar controversies erupted over

the mass production of headstones in war cemeteries, and as

most of that work had to be hand crafted and not mass produced,

Rudyard Kipling apologized in 1919 on behalf of the War Graves

Commissfon that not enough stonecutting labor was available to

expedite the Substitution of more permanent headstones for

38
wood crosses.

Did such memorials to the fallen retain their effective-

ness as national shrines until the Second World War? Evidence

is almost impossible to obtain, though it seems that by the

late 1920 's the curious may have outnumbered the pilgrims

among those making the journey to the cemeteries and memorials

of the battief ields. The most concrete piece of evidence, to

date, comes from the Saint Barnabas League in England which

sponsored free trips to the battief ields, and which discontinued

its work in 1927 asserting that now tourists outnumbered the

39
pilgrims. Fascists and National Socialists, as well as

other right-wing regimes, kept the cult of the fallen alive

by building it into their political liturgy. Veteran 's Movements

■^ [ vr-ii^':>.J - jtfi "'t-^yi

rnrnrnm

wmu

■aam m

1 ^'.m

as well continued to direct pilgrimages to the battief ields
perhaps for reasons of nostalgia, or to come to terms with
the war experience, but also in order to draw attention to the
plight of the widows, orphans and the permanently disabled
whose pensions were constantly cut during the Great Depression.

However, only a year after the Saint Barnabas League discontinued
its pilgrimages, war literature began to flood Europe refur-
bishing at its point of decline the Myth of the War Experience
and with it the cult of the fallen soldier. Why it took a
decade after the end of the war until the mass of fiction,
diaries and autobiographies made their appearance, is shrouded
in mystery. This was an European-wide phenomena glorifying
camaraderie, sacrifice, and the spirit of 1914: the ideal of
the nation as veterans perceived it^ with a very few pacifist
novels thrown in. Was it that the tenth anniversary of the
end of the war meant a look backwards, or more likely, that
cumulative disappointment with the peace, now confirmed by
the Great Depression, led to a revival of the Myth of the War
Experience, and in a few cases, such as that of Erich Maria
Remarque, to a reconsideration of the war as ultimately
responsible for the present crisis with its challenge to
parliamentary democracy? Surely there was also a kind of
fed upness with the war once it was over, and one German
theologian remarked in 1919, with some surprise, that bookstores
no longer displayed war literature. He guessed that this might
have been different if German soldiers had been victorious.

'ÄiiBiPlilSII::

■ry;::A:.^v.-.i''?y;i^:'-

20
but such books were absent not only from German bookstores,

but from those of her former enemies as well, until the flood

of war books descended upon the reading public towards 1928.

Thus the Myth of the War Experience v;as extended to
the Second World War not only by fascist regimes, but also in
the democracies, despite some lack of reverence for places of
national worship. War cemeteries and War Memorials retained
their ef fectiveness to a certain degree between the wars, and
it was the Second World War which would bring about change.

The attitude towards War Memorials was different after
1945: instead of generating patriotic passion they were met

ith a certain indif ference, and if a memorial was proposed.

it was no longer focused upon the heroic example set by the

fallen. Yet a certain fear of the ef fectiveness of such

monuments as encouraging aggressive nationalism remained:

for example, Germany, which had been allowed to build new

War Memorials shortly after its defeat in 1918, now had to

wait until 1952 in order to receive the allies' permission

42
to construct War Monuments. Such Monuments, the Germans

themselves suggested, should no longer contain a dramatic

inscription honoring national martyrs, but simply a dedication

43
to "our dead." Moreover, they should be reminders of the

devastating consequences rather than the glory of war. No

traditional War Monuments honoring soldiers seem to have been

built, and as late as Memorial Day 1984 the Journal of SS

veterans complained that no memorial of bronze and stone exists

i-y^^.^cf^^^f

for the soldiers of the Second World War.

Many cities and

towns throughout Europe caught between the Option of erecting

traditional War Monuments and those thought suitable for the

times, simply added the names of the dead of the Second to

those of the First World War, or left some ruin Standing as

an admonition never to wage war again. No second unknown

warrior was brought home with great ceremony in order to keep

the older hero Company, and there was therefore no need to

erect new monuments to the unknown soldier. The lament in 1977

of veterans of the Waffen-SS sounds true: the Heroes Woods

for the fallen designed after the First World War now served

as nothing more than a convenient goal for those wanting to

escape the city's air pollution. Yet when it was proposed to

commemorate the dead, there was still concern, especially in

the smaller localities, that a War Memorial should be built

along traditional Unes — it should not ref lect modern and

45
abstract design. However, little enthusiasm such Memorials

aroused after 1945, the traditional, preindustrial view of the

nation was not easily shed.

The debate in England towards the end of the Second

World War of how the fallen should be commemorated, can best

serve to show the differences and similarities in this cult

between the two world wars. The debate centered upon the

question whether such commemoration should proceed in the

traditional manner or whether it should have a utilitarian

purpose. Were War Memorials to continue to have a purely

liturgical function as national shrines of worship or were

they to take the shape of libraries, parks or gardens as

memorials v;hich "...-would be useful or give pleasure to

46
those who outlive the war"? This was not a new contro-

versy between the liturgical as over against the useful;. It

had been fought out, for example, in Germany during the mid-

twenties with the victory going to the traditionalists: thus

the proposal to build a library as a War Memorial had been

47
rejected. Those who had served on the War Graves Commission

before the Second World War attempted to resist the pressure

for change. Sir Edwin Lutyens, that prolific designer of

War Monuments after the First World War, argued that "...archi-

48
tecture with its love and passion begins where function ends."

Moreover, as he said on another occasion, in a hundred years
1914 and 1939 will be regarded as one and the same year. At
first it seemed that Lutyens might have won his battle, for

the architects hired by the War Graves Commission were tradi-

tionalists who would let precedent decide their designs.

Yet even among these ancient gentlemen of the War

Graves Commission we find a change of tone reflecting that

opinion we have noted already: Memorials should commemorate

the individual rather than the collectivity, and should

50
contain a warning against all war. Moreover, there was

growing sympathy for the utilitarian Solution in commemorating

the fallen, backed up by a survey taken in 1944 which indicated

that most people preferred memorials like parks or gardens

which people could enjoy long after the war. Lord Chalfont,

the President of the War Memorial Advisory Council, summed

up the dilemma which resulted from such populär preference:

"We must be careful...to see that the War Memorial is not

entirely indistinguishable from that which is not a memorial."

He masterminded the compromise which was reached when the

National Land Fund was established in 1946 as the principal

English War Memorial. The land fund was to acauire great

53
country houses and areas of natural beauty. This memorial

democratized, as it were, the commemoration of the fallen

through making the English rural heritage accessible to all —

no longer was the War Memorial an abstract symbol confined to

one specific location as the focus of commemorative ceremonies;

not a Memorial to the recent war, but the Cenotaph erected

after the First World War continued to perform this function.

Nevertheless, the traditional link between the nation and

nature was kept intact, while the country houses were

tangible symbols of an honored past.

War cemeteries did not follow the example of such

compromise; they remained as they had been designed during

and after the last war; perhaps here the options were limited —

as Edmund Blunden wrote in 1967, people came to them as to

54
an English garden. Cemeteries were designed according to

a tradition of order and beauty which applied both to civilian

and war cemeteries, a means of confronting death not easily

changed or modified. The specific symbols of war cemeteries:

death and resurrection, camaraderie and equality of sacrifice.

seemed timeless, and unlike most traditional War Memorials

did not necessarily glorify war or the nation. Edmund Blunden

argued that such cemeteries with all their reminders of

youth dead in their prime v;ere themselves a sermon against

55
war. Needless to say, this was not how they had been

officially regarded before the Second World War. Each

English war cemetery was considered a beautiful garden, and

the new national War Memorial merely extended this principle

to England ' s native beauty — which had inspired such cemeteries

in the first place. Germany kept the old design of war

cemeteries with its rows of crosses, while the inscription

invictis victi victori — the unvanquished who will be victorious —

often used before the Second World War, was now repudiated as

irrelevant. Nevertheless , traditional formulas in obituaries

for the fallen are difficult to change, and at first, after 1945,

Germans previously missing and now known to have been killed

at the front would contain the epitaph "Major So and So died

a hero'.ä death." But almost immediately, perhaps under

gentle pressure from the censor of the occupying powers,

56
soldiers simply "die."

The English compromise on the nature of War Memorials
and the German idea that such memoria Is should remember the
evil rather than the glory of war, signal a changed attitude
towards death in war — no longer was such a death regarded as
central to a Myth of the War Experience undertaken as joyous
sacrifice. The fact that soldiers feil and did not die, but
lived on to continue their work of national purif ication.

mfW-ß

'::V-Lr-, STLi^*-riX.'..>i>, i;

'y^^*■^^'y.^^■■^'' ^ '^;r^» ■ \ -'e^- ■ . ■'';

^^^^^R3I

rav^Äfi

^--^1 ^

itl^llg^l

v;as no longer regarded as important except among certain
right-v;ing groups . The idea of self-sacrif ice motivated by
a feeling of solidarity moved to the f oreground : loyalty to the
individual fellow-soldier rather than to any overriding purpose.
This Interpretation of death in war was strongest in Germany,
as we have seen, where it filled the void left by Adolf Hitler 's
betrayal, but even in Britain where the war had been perceived
as a peoples ' war against fascism, the love for the grandiose
and the pathetic which had been part of the worship of the
fallen after the First World War was largely absent.

The fear of death played a role in that change, the
Vision of Armageddon conjured up not only by the cruelty of

a war which knew little distinction between civilians and
soldiers, but above all, by the first use of the atom bomb.
There was an Obsession with the menace of universal death,
at least in the West, in the first decade after the Second
World War — until a certain numbness took the place of earlier
concern. But such fear of death helped to change the attitude
towards death in war and stripped it of much of its remaining

glory.

Yet after both world wars no pacifist movement of any

importance arose in the West. While the prewar German Peace
Movement with its acceptance of the demands of nation and
State was one of the weakest in Europe, the French movement
as part of the Cluster of radical organizations at the turn
of the Century was somewhat stronger, helping perhaps to lay

^■mm^m^'MW'^'WM^^t^'-^

■"j^K^ffi?" '

'■'■^n:i^'!;

':,^'<i

the foundation for the anti-war War Memorials after the

58
First World War. Yet even so, pacifism lacked political

strength. Pacifism was strongest in Britain* There the

Peace Pledge Union v;ith its declaration, "I renounce war and

never again, directly or indirectly, will I support and

sanction another, " attracted some 150,000 signatures. The

Peace Pledge Union was part of a network of pacifist societies

which drew upon the Christian fiacifist tradition, and it

seemed in the England of the 1930 's that pacifism might become

a force to reckon with. However, its members proved fickle

59
in their allegiance. War could be seen as the lesser of

two evils as the populär slogan "against war and fascism"

demonstrates, and indeed, many who had just taken the Peace

Pledge enlisted on the loyalist side in the Spanish Civil

War. The objections to war by many pacifists and by the

pacifist wing of theEnglish labor party were often directed

against the policies of the National Government rather than

against all killing in war. Yet in 1937 C.E.M. Joad

discovered that undergraduates at the universities of

Oxford, Manchester and London held a consistent pacifist

Position« He himself as an unrelenting pacifist influenced

by eastern philosophy recognized the difficulty of this

Position: "Would you have allowed the Spanish generals to

60
establish fascism over your own passive body"? English

pacifism was not alone in harboring such contradictory aims.

Henry Barbusse may have inaugurated anti-war war memorials

in France, but the slogan "guerre a la guerre" used by the

f6 ^ z^^WfT^^^^^^i ^

'* •'■V:^»'' - ^

■■^ft:^:

Communist Youth applied only to the so-called militarism of

61
the Third Republic and not to class warfare.

The pacifist movements which grew up in the 1960 's
and 1970 's in Europe contained the same contradictory
attitudes towards the abolition of war: they were against
war, but supported the bloody struggles of Third World nationalist
movements. The distinction between just and unjust wars is
hardly pacifist, and yet such distinction dominated the move-
ment, uneasily after the First World War, accepted as only
right and proper after the Second World War. The sole
Europeans which seemed to accept the warning "never war again"
without reservation were some isolated intellectuals or
members of traditionally pacifist religious movements. Why
Europe could not sustain a consistent and effective pacifist
movement after both wars is one of the many problems raised
by a comparison between the First and Second World Wars which
need further investigationo

Did the Myth of the War Experience through helping
to domesticate war — its acceptance as a necessary and given
fact of life — lead to a certain brutalization of public and
private life as a conseguence of both wars? Historians of
the First World War have noted , "...the extent to which
fighting men of all nations adjusted themselves to, and then
accepted over so long a duration the mutilations, the indigni-

ties, the repeated displays of incompetence by the leaders,

62
and the piain bestiality of life in the trenches . " They

had little choice, as I have indicated already? the threat of

W'^im.^^^^''-:

summary judgment hung over the heads of those who attempted

to shirk their duties, but the numbness which set in, the

routine of killing and being killed, may have had its effect

of brutalization. The relatively small number of desertions

in either war by French, German or English soldiers needs

further examination. Yet it was the Myth of the War Experience

which transfigured the war once peace had arrived. The absence

of such an effective transf iguration after the Second World

War, which I have attempted to demons träte, seems to me one

of the principal discontinuities between both World Wars.

It was thus the First rather than the Second World

War which provides us with some proof that a decisive process

of brutalization had taken place. The treatment of political

enemies as someone to be destroyed in peace as in war, the

language of war applied to peacetime politics, comes to mind .

Wartime Propaganda, as all censorship was lifted as far as

descriptions ofthe enemy were concerned , must have had its

effect upon the peacetime stereotyping of the political or

racial enemy — deepening and popularizing what had been a

largely right-wing tradition for over a Century. However,

between the wars such stereotyping was also used, though less

often, by some of the left: the Communists, but also by others

who criticized the Republic from a less dogmatic perspective.

Thus the stereotyped faces of generals with the caption

63
"animals look at you," used by Kurt Tucholski and

John Heartfiell, were similar to those in the populär Nazi

pamphlet "Jews Look at You." The victory of the stereotype

was certainly an important step in a process of brutalization.

The affective use of postcards and picture books

led to an unprecedented dehuman ization of the wartime enemy,

as warring nations not only accused each other of rape,

sadism and even cannibalism, but also furnished the appropriate

64
illustrations to prove their point. The First World War

was the first European war in which photography was widely

used, and this, together with the immense popularity of

picture postcards, helped in popularizing such Images during

an ever more Visual age. General von Seekt, the German Chief

of Staff after the war, believed that Propaganda based upon

wartime atrocities had lost its ef fectiveness because most

people had been brutal ized by the long war and were numbed

65
towards this kind of adversary relationship. The old-

fashioned General failed to see that the end of the First

World War began a new age of mass politics: the politization

of the majority of Europeans who had up to that time by and

large stood aside from the political process. Here the tradi-

tion of wartime Propaganda proved useful in mobilizing the

peacetime masses. The continued dehumanization of the enemy

was a staple of Nationalist, Fascist and Communist Propaganda,

which meant that leadership skilled in the use of mass politics

regarded such appeals as useful and effective.

The Myth of the War Experience played an important

if indifect role in such a process of brutalization, making

those who accepted its force more receptive to a renewed war

30
against internal and external enemies. This meant a greater
openness to the adaptation of wartime Propaganda to peacetime
uses, even if some former front-line soldiers had feit no
real hatred for those who had fought in the opposite trenches.
The frustrations of the peace in various nations, the economic
and political crises, facilitated this process of radicaliza-
tion in the perception of the putative enemy. Did the massacres
during and after the war, which were not a part of the Myth
of the War Experience, play a role in encouraging peacetime
violence against domestic and foreign adversaries? There has
been, as far as I know, no examination of the effect which the

Armenian massacres during the First World War may have had

66
upon the attitudes in the postwar world : whether or not

they were accepted as a natural by-product of war* More-

over, from 1937 onwards the radio drummed the large scale

killings of Chinese by the Japanese into peoples ' minds,

producing a kind of numbness towards the enormous nurriber dead.

Violent death on behalf of a national cause continued to

assault people's sensibilities after the war, if for the most

past as rhetoric rather than gruesome fact. Yet, as I pointed

out earlier, the spirit of 1914 did not revive in 1939 — if

a process of brutalization took place, it may well have been

kept in some check by the memory of the last war: perhaps

more among the people themselves than among certain leaders

and elites who were willing to wage war once again.

There have been those who have seen this process of

■'('■!•'■ 'r>''<t?;ry/''v','>;^j ■',«": , ... .-

'\^ ' '■,'-/'v<l ?'ä«'f,if/A>':rJ*yf';''TV^*-^"-H'''''J*'''^'''-'"''

brutalization continued during the Second World War.

J. Glenn Gray contemplating that struggle in 1945 wrote,

"...so do one ' s values become corrupt and conscience

67
coarsened by the ordeal." Indeed, the violent and unscrupu-

lous language in use against political enemies in the German

Federal Republic since the Second World War might serve to

confirm this Observation. Yet, I would argue that the absence

of a powerful Myth of the War Experience served to mitigate

this coarsening of conscience. The war itself, the revela-

tion about the Jewish Holocaust and the brutal practices of

National Socialism — unprecedented as far as the actions by a

European government was concerned — made many Furopeans think

I
again about mass death and the domestication of war, reflected,

as I have tried to show, in the changed cult of the fallen

soldier. Myths of national glory could no longer serve as

a successful disguise for the reality of war. It seems

suggestive in this context that after the war all European

war ministries were officially renamed ministries of defense.

Though there were clear differences in the impact of the First

and Second World Wars upon men ' s perceptions of war, and

perhaps even in their effect upon the process of brutalization,

it will need much closer scrutiny of recent times in order

to determine with some certainty the degree of these

differences.

I have ta3<:en the Myth of the War Experience as a

test for the differences and similarities between the wars.

There are, of course, a multitude of comparisons which could

be made, but this Myth seems to me crucial to the manner in
which many people, and expecially veterans, attempted to come
to terms with the glory and horror of war. The Myth of the
War Experience was not the only way in which this experience
could be confronted: I have had occasion to mention the
numbing effect of war, a kind of indifference to what was
taking place, which was perhaps equally important in assessing
the reaction to the wars — and those who, however inconsistently,
declared war upon all war must not be forgotten. Yet the Myth
of the War Experience proved a dynamic force after the First
World War and its absence later proved important in consider-
ing the change and continuity between the wars.

I have left many more questions unanswered than I have
tried to solve, and that is only fitting for a level of
comparison which has only recently begun to occupy historians —
any general comparison must remain hypothetical while the
perceptions of war in individual nations are being examined.
Yet, it seems to me, that the direction and method of such
a comparison as I have attempted might be helpful in explaining
not only the changing attitudes towards both wars, but
especially their political consequences — raising the issue
of the domestication of war and the possible brutalization
of life, can encourage a debate which may give us a better
understanding of the apathy, violence and mass deaths which
have characterized much of the lifetime of my generation.

FOOTNOTEvS

1. Alfred Kerr, Die Diktatur des Hausknechts und Melodien

(Frankfurt A. Main, 1983), 67ff,

2. Hanns Oberlindober, Ein Vaterland, das allen gehört I

(München, 1939), 10.

3. Robert Wohl, The Generation of 1914 (Cambridge, Mass.,

(1979) : Paul Fussell, The Great War and Modern Memory
(New York and London, 1975) .

4. George L. Mosse, "Zum Deutschen Soldatenlied," Kriegser-
lebnis, ed. Klaus Vondung (Göttingen, 1980), 331-34;
Douglas Reed, Insanity Fair (London, 1938), 22.

5. The French military had forecast a desertion rate of
thirteen percent at mobilization« It was under one and
one-half percent; quoted in Modris Eksteins ' , "The Great
War: Epilogue to a Century," (Unpublished Lecture,

26. January, 1979) , 6. This fact must be set in the
context of Jean-Jacques Becker ' s conclusion in his
monumental 1914; Comment les Francais sont entres dans la
querrje (Paris, 1977) that French public opinion did not
want war.

6. Michael Howard, War and the Liberal Conscience (New Bruns
wick, New Jersey, 1978), 102; C.E.M. Joad, "What is
Happening to the Peace Movement"? The New Statesman and
Nation, Vol. 13 (May 15, 1937), 803.

7. For a typical and readily accessible example, Christian
De La Maziere, The Captive Dreamer (New York, 1974);
i.e. George L. Mosse, "Rushing to the Colors: On the
History of Volunteers in War, "

8. Klaus Peter Philippi, Volk des Zornes (München, 1979), 99

9. Brian Finney, Christopher Isheirwood (London, 1979), 53;
Andrew Rutherford, The Literature of War (London, 1978),
114-15.

10. i.e. Michel Auvray, Objecteurs, insoumis, deserteurs
(Paris, 1983), 156ff.

11. for example the SS Division of the Hitler Youth, Bernd
Wagner, "Die Garde des 'Führers' und die 'Feuerwehr der
Ostfront,' zur neueren Literatur über die Waffen SS,"
Mi litärqeschicht liehe "Mitteilungen, Nr. 1 (1978), 215;
Ralf Ronald Ringler, Illusion einer Hitler-Jugend in
Osterreich (St. Polten Wien, 1977), 87.

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12. Bill Gammage, The Broken Years (Harmondsv;orth, Middlesex,
1975), 270.

13. J.H. Rosny Aine, Confidences sur l'amitie des tranchees

(Paris, 1919), 166, 188; Ludv;ig Scholz, Seelenleben des
Soldaten an der Front (Tübingen, 1920), 48, 134.

14. Tony Ashworth, Trench Warfare 1914-1918. The Live and
Let Live System (London, 1980) , 155; Jacaues Perica r d ,
Face ^ Face (Paris, 1917), 75.

15. quoted in Stephen R. Ward, "Great Br itain: Land Fit for
Heroes Lost, " The War Generation. Veterans of the First
World War, ed. Stephen R. Ward (Port Washington, New York,
1975), 33.

16. Paul Fussell, op. cit., Chapter 2; of the innumerable
descriptions of the German "little world of the trenches,"
see Karl Bröger, Bunker 17, Geschichte einer Kameradschaft
(Jena, 1929).

17. i.e. "Through comradeship the front line has become the
cradle of the volkish Community. " Wilhelm Rey, Die
Bewältigung des Weltkrieges in nationalen Kriegsroman,
Inaugural Dissertation, Johann Wolf gang Goethe Universität,
Frankfurt a. Main, 1934 (Neu Isenburg, 1937), 65.

18. Anette Vidal, Henri Barbusse Soldat de la Paix (Paris,
1926), 26ff.

19. Herbert Read, The Contrary Experience (London, 1963), 217.

20. Walter Nutz, "Der Krieg als Abenteuer und Idylle. Landser-
Hefte und trivale Kriegsromane, " Gegenwartsliteratur und
Drittes Reich, ed. Hans Wagener (Stuttgart, 1977), 275-76.

21. i.e. Bernard Bergonzi, Heroes' Twiliqht (London, 1965),
108; Herbert Cysarz, Zur Geistesgeschichte der Weltkriege
(Bern and Frankfurt, 1973), 193.

22. Gordon Wright, The Ordeal of Total War, 1939-1945 (New York,
1968), 257.

23. Hans Hellmut Kirst, Null-Acht-FUnfzehn (München, 1954);
on the reaction to the Second World War in German liter-
ature, see Jost Hermand , "Darstellung des Zweiten
Weltkrieges," Neues Handbuch der Literaturwissenschaft,
Literatur nach 1945, Vol. I, ed. Johst Hermand (Wiesbaden^
19^ ) , 28ff .

24. Josef Magnus Wehner, Sieben vor Verdun (München, 1930),
passim; German Werth, Verdun Bergisch-Gladbach, 1979) ,
345-73; Herbert Cysarz, op. cit., 198, 208.

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25. Julian Bach Jr. , America ' s Germany. An Account of the
Occupation (New York, 1946), 17.

26. Ernst Jünger, Der Kampf als inneres Erlebnis (Berlin,
1922) .

27. "Landserhefte fördern den Siegder Unmenschlichkeit,"
Sonderreihe Gestern und Heute, Nr. 14 (1965?), 11.

28. Heinz G. Konsalik, Der Artzt von Stalinqrad (München,
1972), 17, 18, 54, 85, 91; i.e. Jost Hermand, "Vom
heissen zum Kalten Krieg. Heinz G. Konsaliks; "Der Artzt
von Stalingrad," Sammlung, Vol. 2 (Frankfurt, 1979),
39-49.

29. Ibid., 167.

30. Ernst von Salomon, Der Fragebogen (Hamburg, 1951) , 721;
Saul Fried länder finds this image of the SS continuing
into the seventies in France, Reflets du Nazisme (Paris,
1982), 27ff.

31. Paul Fussell, op. cit., Chapter VII; George L. Mosse,
"War and the Appropriation of Nature, " Germany in the Age
of Total War, ed. Volker R. Berghahn and Martin Kitchen

(London, 1981), 102-22.

32. Virginia Woolf, Mrs, Daloway (London, 1950, first published
1925), 96.

33. Bernard Bergonzi, op. cit., 109.

34. Deutsche Bauzeitunq, Vol. 49 (1915), 500, 532; Fabian
Ware, The Immortal Heritage (Cambridge, 1937), 30;

George L. Mosse, "National Cemeteries and National Revival:
The Cult of the Fallen Soldiers in Germany," Journal of
Contemporary History, Vol. 14 (1979), 1-20.

35. Antoine Prost, Les Anciens Combattants et la Societe
Francaise, Vol. Mentalites et ideologies (Paris, 1977) ,
50.

36. Sir Frederic Kenyon, War Graves. How the Cemeteries Abroad
should be Designed (London, 1918), 13.

37. Deutsche Bauzeitunq, Vol. 49 (1915), 448.

38. George L. Mosse, "National Cemeteries and National Revival,"
op. cit., 10-11; Rudyard Kipling, The Graves of the Fallen

(London, 1919), 16.

39. "The Final Task of St. Barnabas," Menin Gate Pilqrimaqe
(1927), n.p.

i^--!:M^^L

43
44

46.

48.

49.
50.

51.
52.

Robert Weldon Whalen, Bitter Wounds. German Victims of the
Great War. 1914-1939 (Ithaca, 1984), 170, 181ff.

Martin Rade, preface, Ludwig Scholz, Seelenleben des
Soldaten an der Front (Tübingen, 1920), iii; Michael
Gollbach, Die Wiederkehr des Weltkrieges in der Literatur
(Kronberg/TS. 1978), 1-5.

Adolf Rieth, Denkmal ohne Pathos, Totenmahle des Zweiten
Weltkriegs in Süd-WUrttemberg-Hohenzollern mit einer
geschichtlichen Einleitung (Tübingen, 1967), 16.

Ibid., 18.

Hubert Meyer, "Zum Volkstrauertag," Der Freiwillige,
Vol. 30, Heft 11 (November, 1984), 3.

Der Freiwillige, Heft 8, Vol. 23 (August, 19*^7), 15; For
a contemporary controversy about the abstract design of
a monument and its emphasis upon admonition at the expense
of traditional form, see the dispute in the Bavarian village
of Pöcking, "Kriegerdenkmal oder Mahnmal?", Süddeutsche
Zeitung (22. December, 1982).

Philip Longworth, The Unending Vigil. A History of the
Commonwealth War Graves Commission, 1917-1967 (London,
1967), 183.

47. George L. Mosse, The Nationalization of the Masses

(New York, 1975) , 71
of admonition rather
had executed for the
shortly after it was
too modernistic, and
the Second World War
wieder im Dom etc..

typically enough the War Memorial
than victory which Ernst Barlach
Cathedral of Marburg had been removed
in place in the early thirties, as
was only returned permanently after
Ernst Barlachs Magdeburger Mal
Ed. Barlach Kuratorium (Güstrow, 1953?).

Ibid. , 129; another famous architect of memorials,
Sir Herbert Baker, as might be expected, supported the
traditionalist position, Arnold Whittick, War Memorials
(London, 1946), 11.

Ibid., 163, 180.

Best Seen by following "The Conference on War Memorials,
April 27, 1944," Journal of the Royal Society of the Arts,
Vol. XCII (June 9, 1944), 322ff.

Philip Longworth, op. cit., 183.

Conference on War Memorials, op. cit., 323.

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53. David Cannadine, "War and Death, Grief and Mourning in
Modern Britain, " Mirrors of Mortality. Studies in the
Social History of Death, ed. Joachim Whaley (New York,
1981), 233-34.

54. quoted in Philip Longworth, op. cit., xxiv,

55. Ibid. , xxiv.

56. i.e. Conference on War Memorials, op. cit., 324; Klaud
von Luzan, Den Gefallenen. Ein Buch des Gedenkens un des
Trostes, Foreword Theodor Heuss, ed. Volksbund fUr

Kr ieqsqr aber fUr sorge (München and Salzburg, 1952) , 11;
Julian Bach Jr. , op. cit., 215.

57. J. Glenn Gray, The Warriors, Reflection on Men in Battle
(New York, 1959) , 55.

58. i.e. Michael Howard, op. cit., 100; for the best discussion
of the prewar German Peace Movement compared to French
pacifism, see Roger Chickering, Imperial Germany and a
World without War; The Peace Movement and German Society ,
1892-1914 (Princeton, New Jersey, 1975), passim; Ludwig
Quidde the longtime head of the German Peace Movement
defended its stand in the First World War, asserting that
it was the task of the Movement to prevent war, but once
war had broken out, Opposition through a refusal to serve
or a general strike would have been a criminal act. The
Movement during the war confined itself to agitation for

a peace without any new territorial annexations. After
the war a more radical wing of the German Peace Movement
emerged, and though it came to dominate the Movement,
its members were Outsiders in the Weimar Republic as they
had been in the Empire before the war. This outsiderdom
Stands in contrast to England where members of the Peace
Movement were always insiders; Ludwig Quidde, Der Deutsche
Pazifismus wahrend des Weltkrieges 1914-1918, ed. Karl Holl
with Helmut Donat (Boppard am Rhein, 1979), 47/ 16.

59. Keith Robbins, The Abolition of War. The 'Peace Movement'
in Britain, 1914-1919 (Cardiff, 1976), 196-97.

60. C.E.M. Joad, op. cit., 803.

61. Michel Auvray, op. cit., 165, n. 4; for a more positive
view of pacifism in France, see Guy Pedrocini, Les
Muteneries de 1917 (Paris, 1967), passim;

62. Alistair Hörne, The Path of Glory (Harmondsworth, Middle-
sex, 1964), 75.

63. i.e. Kurt Tucholski, Deutschland, Deutschland Über
alles (Berlin, 1929) .

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64. R.K. Neumann, "Die Erotik in der Kriegsliteratur^ "
Zeitschrift fUr Sexualwissenschaft, Vol. I (1914-15),
390-91.

65. Klaus Wippermann, Politische Propaganda und Staatsbürger-
liche Bildung (Bonn, 1976), 185.

66. At least 1,200,000 Armenians were killed by Turkey.
Yves Ternons, The Armenians. History of a Genocide (New
York, 1981), 260.

Glenn Gray, op. cito, 9.

TWO WORLD WARS AND THE MYTH OF THE WAR EXPERIENCE

by
George L. Mosse

Much has been written about that continuity between

the two World wars which seems immediate and direct: the

Second World War broke out as a result of the failure to

restore an eguilibrium after the violence, cost and passion

of the First World War. The continuity between the First

World War and the interwar years has Struck not only modern

historians, but v;as on the minds of both the victims and the

instigators of violence. Thus in 1934 the newly exiled German

theater critic Alfred Kerr wrote that v;hat he was witnessing

was not war once more, but instead a mental confusion and

universal chaos which were an extension of the First World

1
War. At the same time, one of his Nazi persecutors wrote

that the war against the German people was continuing, that the

2
First World War was only its bloody beginning.

I do not intend to make a general comparison between

these wars in keeping with such perceptions of the continuity

between them; instead I want to center my analysis upon a

comparison between the wars through a consideration of their

consequences . While I will confine my analysis to examples

drawn mainly from England and Germany with some attention to

France, my conclusions could then be applied, modified or

rejected by those familiär with the history of various individual

'"'yX.> ]/-^:-',i'''':

nations which took part in both wars. Moreover, I will not
be concerned with the perceptions of those soldiers who were
at the rear and never experienced fighting at firsthand,
but only with front-line soldiers. The front-line soldier
in the First World War created the Myth of the War Experience,
and as a "new race of men, " symbölized the war's promise.
When the borders between the front line and the home front
became blurred, as in the Second World War, as we shall see,
it will affect the way in which the conflict was seen in
retrospect. This essay is intended to put forward certain
hypotheses about the impact of the wars upon men's perceptions
which might help to explain some of their political conse-

quences .

The First World War was an unprecedented experience in
men's lives, one which had to be confronted and dealt with —
both on a personal, political and cultural level. These levels
of experience were closely related through the manner in which
men and women confronted the war by building it into their
lives, domesticating the war experience, as it were, making it
an integral part of their environment, their cultural aspira-
tions and political dreams.

after the war had ended, and even to a certain extent during
the war itself, the reality of the war was submerged into the
Myth of the War Experience. This myth summarized some of the
main themes which had moved men during one or another stage
of the war: The spirit of 1914, the war as a test of manliness,
the ideal of camaraderie and the cult of the fallen soldier —
a whole series of attitudes which helped men confront and .
accept this unprecedented experience , and informed much of
the literary, artistic and political perceptions after the
First World War. Whatever the recasting of Furope after the
war, the Myth of the War Experience became a power ful engine
of personal and public life, more in the dissatisfied than in
the satisfied nations, though even here it was destined to
play its part. The absence of an effective Myth of the War
Experience constitutes one of the most important differences
between the First and the Second World Wars. It meant that
after 1945 the difficult transition from war to peace did
not lead to a guest for a new politics or experimental literary
or artistic creativity, but was embedded in traditional
politics and traditional values — some like Christian Democracy
and Liberalism even though willing to try some reforms,
essentially attempting to recapture a bourgeois age as it
had existed before the First World War. The myth of this
golden age seemed to obliterate the Myth of the War Experience,
which for all its nostalgia for a national past uncontaminated
by modernity had sought new departures in personal life-styles
and politics.

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The Myth of the War Experience was created by the

volunteers v;ho had streamed to the colors in 1914, educated

young men from the middle classes, officers for the most part.

Many of them saw the war as bringing both personal and

national regeneration, they had a sense of being a people

apart even before they met in the trenches. Their war has

been described by Paul Fussell and Robert Wohl, and I do not

mean to repeat their discussion of what was known as the

3
spirit of 1914, except as it bears upon the Myth of the War

Experience. Here there was a sense of freedom from the burdens

of daily life, and Friedrich Schiller 's song that "Only the

Soldier is free" was repeated in various nations and tongues :

"I had no idea what war meant" wrote Robert Read in England,

4
"to me it meant freedom." The war as a way out of the

restraint of bourgeois life, as giving purpose to purposeless

lives, was described as a festival — that is as an event

exhilerating through its exceptionality, standing outside

and above daily routine. These voices may not have reflected

the temper of the troops at the time--though the French

military, for one, were surprised by the low desertion rate

5
at mobilization — nevertheless, they spoke to crucial needs

in the postwar world.

The spirit of 1914 found its most obvious and concrete

continuation after 1918 among those groups of men who wanted

to repeat this heady experience in the midst of the confusion

and compromises of postwar politics. Subsequent wars continued

Wilülüi

to evoke a similar response from many volunteers: it.„ has

been said that young men went to Spain in the 1930 's as

their eiders had gone to Flanders two decades earlier. The

philosopher and pacifist C.E.M. Joad was reminded in 1937

of scenes from 1914 when during one of his pacifist lectures

a young volunteer who had been wounded in Spain walked into

the hall accompanied by the tumultuous applause of the
6

audience. The spirit of 1914 also played its part among

those who joined Germany's foreign armies in the Second World

War. Whatever opportunism prompted enlistment, whatever not

so gentle pressure forced men from different countries into

brigades controlled by the SS, the Ideals they articulated

without much prompting could have come from the generation

of 1914. The history of such volunteers has not yet been

written, and yet they filled the ranks of International Brigades

of the left and the right, pointing to a continuity between

7
the wars which addressed a feit need of many young men.

The evocation of the spirit of 1914 as leading to

action was extensively used by the political right in Germany

and Italy: no doubt it played a part in providing Inspiration

for the Nazi S.A. and the Italian fascist squadristas. Already

before 1933 Images of Fuhrer and Reich had become central to

German Ideals of national regeneration, transmitted by the

8
spirit of 1914. Young English writers of the middle twenties.

Christopher Isherwood teils us, regretted missing the war as a

9
test of their manhood. The spirit of 1914, so different from

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the numbness and threat of execution which kept many soldiers

10
fighting, served as one postv;ar bridge between the horror

and glory of war. And yet the outbreak of the Second World

War could not re-ignite the spirit of 1914. For all the

indoctrination of Nazi Youth with the spirit which had inspired

the volunteers of the First World War as well as the cult of

sacrificial death which was part of the education of the Hitler

11
Youth, Adolf Hitler himself was careful to emphasize that

this was a defensive war and one meant to restore what had

been taken unjustly from Germany, rather than a means of

personal and national regeneration. The mood in 1939 was

sober in the fascist nations as well as in England and France.

The failure to recreate the spirit of 1914 in 1939

seems to illustrate the difference between ceremonial appeals

and practical action in fascism, but more important, the

resurrection of the spirit of 1914 as a call to adventure and

manliness was balanced by memories of the last war. After

all, in 1914 most people had no memory of war, while in 1939

those who had lived through the Great War were still in their

best years. The Myth of the War Experience could disguise

but never eliminate accurate memories of the past — witness

the reluctance by most men and women to wage war once again.

Bill Gammage's study of the letters and diaries of some

thousand Australian front-line soldiers of the First World

War, almost the sole analysis of its kind, can provide an

insight into this ambivalence which explained the need for the

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Myth of the War Experience. He concluded that veterans tried

to forget the tragic years of the war as quickly as possible,

and yet as they resumed civilian life they remembered the

12
security, purposefulness and companionship of the war. Many

veterans considered, in retrospect, the war years as the

happiest years of their lives. The Myth of the War Experience

attempted to reconcile these contradictory attitudes, making

it easier to confront the memory of life in the trenches. This

was no mere nostalgia, but through recalling Ideals supposedly

experienced by millions during the war, the horror was to be

transcended and the meaning which the war had given to individual

lives retained. Here the companionship of wartime camaraderie,

shared at one time or another by almost everyone in the trenches,

proved more important than the spirit of 1914 which for most

soldiers remained rhetoric rather than experience. Wartime

camaraderie together with the cult of the fallen soldier stood

at the Center of the Myth of the War Experience, making it

possible to attach positive meaning to life in the trenches.

We do not actually know what camaraderie in the trenches

meant to the simple soldier in the front lines. The only personal

survey taken of a tiny sample of French soldiers towards the

end of the war — the only such survey I have discovered--led

to the conclusion that a common religious or regional back-

ground was as important a bond among soldiers as that forged

by common danger. Moreover, personal friendships predominated

rather than those among groups of soldiers. The results of

this survey were reenforced by a contemporary German observer

for vs7hom the spirit of camaraderie in the trenches lost its

hold during the first years of the v;ar — and yet, when he

comes to describe moments of danger, the sense of Community

and camaraderie is said to rise to new and unforeseen heights.

The ideal of camaraderie may well have fallen victim to the

boredom and routing of daily life in the trenches, while these

same soldiers experienced it once more in battle.

Nevertheless, the loyalties of the men were focused

upon the sguad which has been called a small welfare State and,

it should be added, one in which a rough and ready equality

between officers and men prevailed: "eauality established

14
itself naturally. " Whatever the reality of trench warfare,

after the war it was perceived in large measure through the

experience of fraternity in battle, a comradeship which separated

the little world of the trenches from the base and the home

front — the harbinger of a new and closely knit society. Looking

back upon his British Union of Fascists Sir Oswald Mosley

wrote: "This was the most complete companionship I have ever

known, except in the old regulär army in time of war...We were

banded together by the common danger of our struggle and the

15
savage animosity of the old world towards us." Not merely

fascists but, for example, the liberal Englishman Herbert Read

shared the ideal of comaraderie as a weapon directed against

the old Order. Henri Barbusse 's anti-militarist novel

Under Fire (1916) was written in praise of the camaraderie

and stocism of the sauad, while even as a member of the

a closely knit Community of men shared by the living and the

16
dead: the fallen comrades remalned a part of the squad.

This ideal of camaraderie, whether actually experienced
in the trenches, or transfigured in retrospect as part of the
Myth of the War Experience, became an alternative to parlia-
mentary politics, projected from the war upon peacetime Europe.
The ideal of camaraderie as perceived in those nations whose
transition from war to peace had been especially difficult,
was thought identical with the fraternity of the Volk led by
an elite devoted to the nation. Once this elite had taken
over, the people themselves would be inspired by such a
community—equals in Status if not in function—parallel to
the relationship between officers and men in the trenches.
The ideal of camaraderie as central to the Myth of the War
Experience has been ignored providing a new political alter-
native available after the war— like the left-wing soldiers
and workers' Councils — only more successful as fascism and

much of the nationalist right saw themselves as the heirs of

17
the fraternity of the trenches. in spite of Barbusse 's

18
own front-lme veteran's Organization, this ideal could not

be integrated into the ideology of the left with its emphasis

upon rationalism, pacifism and equality between the sexes.

How important this particular failure of the left proved to

be in encouraging the rise of fascism remains to be investi-

gated, but given the power of veterans in defeated or dis-

gruntled nations, the failure to assimilate this particular

form of camaraderie was bound to have negative political

conseguences. As Herbert Read wrote representing many front-

line soldiers, " during the war I feit that this comradeship

which had developed among us would lead to some new social

19
Order when peace came." It was the political and nationalist

right which promised to fulfill this dream.

Just as 1939 could not re-ignite the spirit of 1914,

of even greater importance was the failure of the Second World

War to transform the Ideals of wartime camaraderie into a

powerful engine of postwar politics. To be sure, in Germany

the ideal of wartime camaraderie was used after the Second

World War to explain why soldiers fought on to the bitter end

though their cause was betrayed by Adolf Hitler; they had the

20
decency not to desert their comrades. Yet this contrast

between the morality of the soldiers and Hitler 's betrayal,

argued mainly by former veterans, could not awaken the ideal

of wartime camaraderie to new life. Instead, not the squad ,

but the individual solder, dominates most post-Second World

War literature. As a reaction against National Socialism,

individualism rather than ideas of Community revived after

the war, though accounts of the exploits of individual sguads

and . regiments remained populär and sold well, and there were

regimental reunions even though veterans no longer flocked to

veterans organizations with the enthusiasm they had shown

'mm

after the First World War. However, except on the far right,

this nostalgia was not politicized or based upon the relevance

for the present of the shared war experience. Post-World War

II German literature was rarely either nationalistic or

pScifist, as it had been after 1918. Typically enough,

Erich Maria Remarque, whose All Quiet on the Western Front

(1929) attempted to show the horror and frustration of the

First World War, now trivialized war, turning it into a good

adventure story. The First World War had lifted even mediocre

literary talent beyond its limitations : the Second World

War no longer did so. The poetry of Siegfried Sassoon comes

to mind; those who admired his bitter and satirical poems

written during the First World War are for the most part

ignorant of the fact that he wrote mediocre patriotic poetry

21
during the Second World War.

However, this comparison of the two wars ' impact upon

cultural creativity ignores the film, which especially in

France, demonstrated a level of excellence inspired by the

Second World War which can be compared to the best in poetry

22
and prose during the First World War. But Germany no longer

participated in this level of creativity and commitment; its

postwar films such as The Devil's General (1954) emphasized

individual adventure, avoiding the serious issues which the

war had raised, just as in literature Hans Hellmut Kirst's

best selling postwar trilogy of the 1950 's criticized the

constraints of army life which, despite some anti-Nazi remarks.

■ ■

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are independent of time and place, once again avoiding a

conf rontation with the specific issues resulting from war

23
and peace. This contrast between the respective war

literatures in Germany can be extended to the manner in which

specific battles were treated after the respective world wars

Thus the battle of Verdun was said to have transformed the

struggle of men and machines into a new kind of Community

which liberated man from his own seif and transcended the

individual, while the battle of Stalingrad — its nearest

equivalent — was either portrayed realistically in all its

horror, without drawing any political conclusions^ or
trivialized into a story of individual courage and ad venture.

The literature which followed the Second World War, and not
only in Germany, by and large refused to construct a Myth of
the War Experience in order to confront or to draw lessons
from the events in which the authors had participated.

The different nature of the war itself : not trench
warf are, but a war of movement — the blurring of the once clear
distinction between the battle line and the home front — was
an important factor in the destruction of the Myth of the War
Experience after the Second World War. Front-line soldiers
now found it difficult to regard themselves as a class apart;
to follow the example of Barbusse 's Veteran 's Organization,
the Arditit in Italy or the German Storm Troopers — well-defined
bodies of men claiming to act as elites on behalf of the
nation. They had provided the cadres of D'Annuncio's Legions,

^'■m
■ 'f^

Jt5»;iÄiji;-?,viJ, .;iv:i> I,-

13
the fascist squadristas and the shock troops of the German
political right, inspired by the spirit of 1914 and the
Ideals of wartime camaraderie. Such groups did not reemerge
after 1945 — there was no longer a Myth of the War Experience
upon which they could build. Nor was there a new wave of

books describing war as an inner experience which had been

26
so populär in Germany after the First World War. To be

sure, an Ernst Jünger would have been out of place in any
but trench warfare, but the general lack of an internalization
of war suggests a radical difference in the means through
which the war experience was confronted. Now a certain numb-
ness, a will to forget, took the place of the Myth of the
War Experience — and the ambivalence about the war which
Bill Gammage had found among his First World War veterans
was no longer relevant.

Yet, together with these dominant trends in postwar
Germany, a new Myth arose in the shadow of the cold war.
While the war just past could provide the setting, the thrust
of this Myth was not directed towards transcending the horror
of war, but instead sought gently and at times indirectly
to exorcise the crimes of the Nazi past. In order to discover
this Myth we must not look at the literature read by intellectuals
or the more cultivated bourgeois, but rather to that literature
which, however spuriously, made some pretense at seriousness —
as over against romances, adventure or detective stories.
The so-called Landserhefte provides a good example of such

mythmaking chiefly during the 1950 's: their title means

Journals of the foot soldier and they published simple but

uplifting war stories, Memoirs by such former war heroes

as Hans-Ulrich Rudel and Otto Skorzeny or pieced by

Erich Kern who specialized through his various books in

laudering the Nazi past. Hatred of bolshevism informs these

tales, together with dislike of the slaves and contempt for

that unreliable ally the Italians (here commonly referred to

as "those Macaroni"). These are brutal stories in which the

enemy's bones are crushed, his head blown off or he is impaled

on a bayonette. To be sure, the ideological thrust is often

hidden beneath the adventure story, but the restorative

tendencies of these monthly and weekly Journals is clear
27

enough.

Heinz G. Kosalik became from the fifties onwards the
foremost practitioner of this genre of populär literature.
His novel, The Doctor of Stalingrad (1958), for example, des-
cribes the heroism of German doctors in a postwar Russian
prison camp. The "Asiatic" Russians, who are said not to be
human at all, are confronted by the German prisoners and their
love of the fatherland. The book teems with stereotypes: the
villian, a Tartar, possesses leathery skin, slit eyes and
an evil mouth in contrast to the Germans who are usually blond
and lithe. The Jewish stereotype is quietly rehabilitated

in the one Jew of the book: not threatening but puny and

28
frightened, with greasy hair and thick lips.

The German past is liquidated through a reversal

of roles : conditions in the Russian camp are identical with

those in the German concentration camps, but this time the

Germans are the innocent victims. Moreover, the past is

rehabilitated through the mistreated SS physicians who are

admired for their modesty, strength and incorruptability

(though they frankly admit that they performed medical

29
experiments on humans) . Konsalik in the 1950's reflects a

more general trend in his admiration for the strength,

solidarity and purity of the SS opposed to the purience of

modernity. Thus, at the beginning of the decade Ernst von Salomon

in his Questionnaire (Der Fragebogen, 1951) , vrites about the

SS Walking through an American detention camp at the end of

the war (here the roles are reversed once more) , "with

nothing on but white trousers . . *slender , tall and blond,

30
respected by all." This stereotype of the SS was spread

not so much by Germans as by past members of the international

brigades of the SS. For example, in France, Saint-Loup

(Marc Augier) , through his many books devoted a lifetime to

that task. None of these writers called for the resurrection

of the SS State, but instead attempted to transform an evil

into a respected past, laundering history rather than calling

for its repetition. This Myth, then, had a different function

than the Myth of the War F^perience, not aggressive or pointing

to the future, but rather attempting to transform an unpalatable

into an acceptable past.

^f ^^/^^-;''-5:?;' ,■ !riH^<?.-2'^'^.

The nation played a role as v;ell: symbolized by the

strength and decency of the German character. Here there was

continuity, though, once more, the political implications of

nationalism were latent rather than active after 1945. The

older European symbols of national immutability had survived

the Second World War, as both world wars strengthened the

link between nature and the nation. The nation had always

represented itself through preindustrial symbols in order to

transcend the ravages of time. Love of the native landscape

was an important expression of national identity. Soldiers

at the front in the First World War used nature as a symbol

of hope, pointing away from the reality of war towards ideals

of personal and national regeneration — tb a peaceful and

s table World which seemed lost, but would be recaptured once

the war was won. Nature, symbolizing the preindustrial

national past, was easily accessible behind the trenches, remem-

bered as arcadia by those who could Claim literary knowledge,

31
as Paul Fussell has shown, while, Virginia Woolf remembered

that some of the less sophisticated "...went to France to

save an England which consisted almost entirely of Shakespeare ' s
32

17
of Rupert Brooke — both Symbols for their wartime generations.

Bernard Bergonzi has described the British soldier
poet during the First World War as in all probability a junior

officer from a middle-class home whose sensibilities were

33
nurtured by English rural life. The Creators of the Myth

of the War Experience in Germany came from a similar background,
their sensibilities nurtured by a German arcadia as they
passed through the German Youth Movement and sought to bring
its values to their confrontation with war.

The cult of the fallen soldier during and after the
First World War stood at the core of the Myth of the War
Experience, incorporating some of the principal Ideals we
have discussed. Wartime camaraderie was symbolized through
identical gravestones for officers and men, though at first

officers had been buried separately (and still are in Soviet
34

Russia). The spirit of 1914 was reflected in the inscriptions

as well as the construction of many War Monuments: chaste

and pure youths as examples of national regeneration. As far

as I know, it is only in France that one can find anti-war

war monuments calling for "never war again" unveiled by anti-

35
militarists like Henri Barbusse. The image of the nation

close to nature played its part in the cult of the fallen

soldier illustrated by the English War Graves Commission's

opinion that there was much to be said for the introduction

of the English yew into war cemeteries from its association

36
with country churchyards. The graves of the fallen of every

nation were sited in a vjooö or likened to a beautiful garden.

The preindustrial Image of the nation was reaffirmed, as,

for example, in the controversy whether or not War Monuments

could be mass produced (after all, every village, town or city

had to have its own memorial) . Such mass production was rejected;

thus, the War Monuments erected in Germany after the War of

1870-71 were now condemned as bulk goods which would never

37
stand the test of time. Similar controversies erupted over

the mass production of headstones in war cemeteries, and as

most of that work had to be hand crafted and not mass produced,

Rudyard Kipling apologized in 1919 on behalf of the War Graves

Commissjon that not enough stonecutting labor was available to

expedite the Substitution of more permanent headstones for

38
wood Grosses.

Did such memorials to the fallen retain their effective-

ness as national shrines until the Second World War? Evidence

is almost impossible to obtain, though it seems that by the

late 1920 's the curious may have outnumbered the pilgrims

among those making the journey to the cemeteries and memorials

of the battief ields. The most concrete piece of evidence, to

date, comes from the Saint Barnabas League in England which

sponsored free trips to the battief ields, and which discontinued

its work in 1927 asserting that now tourists outnumbered the

39
pilgrims. Fascists and National Socialists, as well as

other right-wing regimes, kept the cult of the fallen alive

by building it into their political liturgy. Veteran 's Movements

-'^^■''ä?i^r*'-?^lfcö*'rv%?;;v^^^^^

as well continued to direct pilgrimages to the battlefields
perhaps for reasons of nostalgia, or to come to terms with
the war experience, but also in order to draw attention to the
plight of the vjLöovjs, orphans and the permanently disabled
whose pensions were constantly cut during the Great Depression.

i^sW^^^

t:Wfr^ ^ ^?'^p' ' ' ' ' *\ - V

20
but such books were absent not only from German bookstores,

but from those of her former enemies as well, until the flood

of war books descended upon the reading public towards 1928.

Thus the Myth of the War Experience was extended to
the Second World War not only by fascist regimes, but also in
the democracies, despite some lack of reverence for places of
national worship. War cemeteries and War Memorials retained
their ef f ectiveness to a certain degree between the wars, and
it was the Second World War which would bring about change.

The attitude towards War Memorials was different after

1945: instead of generating patriotic passion they were met

with a certain indif ference, and if a memorial was proposed,

it was no longer focused upon the heroic example set by the

fallen. Yet a certain fear of the ef fectiveness of such

monuments as encouraging aggressive nationalism remained:

for example, Germany, which had been allowed to build new

War Memorials shortly after its defeat in 1918, now had to

wait until 1952 in order to receive the allies' permission

42
to construct War Monuments. Such Monuments, the Germans

themselves suggested, should no longer contain a dramatic

inscription honoring national martyrs, but simply a dedication

43
to "our dead." Moreover, they should be reminders of the

devastating consequences rather than the glory of war. No

traditional War Monuments honoring soldiers seem to have been

built, and as late as Memorial Day 1984 the Journal of SS

veterans complained that no memorial of bronze and stone exists

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for the soldiers of the Second World War.

Many eitles and

towns throughout Europe caught between the Option of erecting

traditional War Monuments and those thought suitable for the

times, simply added the names of the dead of the Second to

those of the First World War, or left some ruin standing as

an admonition never to wage war again. No second unknown

warrior was brought home with great ceremony in order to keep

the older hero Company, and there was therefore no need to

erect new monuments to the unknown soldier. The lament in 1977

of veterans of the Waffen-SS sounds true: the Heroes Woods

for the fallen designed after the First World War now served

as nothing more than a convenient goal for those wanting to

escape the city's air pollution. Yet when it was proposed to

commemorate the dead, there was still concern, especially in

the smaller localities, that a War Memorial should be built

along traditional Unes — it should not ref lect modern and

45
abstract design. However, little enthusiasm such Memorials

aroused after 1945, the traditional, preindustrial view of the

nation was not easily shed.

The debate in England towards the end of the Second

World War of how the fallen should be commemorated, can best

serve to show the differences and similarities in this cult

between the two world wars. The debate centered upon the

guestion whether such commemoration should proceed in the

traditional manner or whether it should have a utilitarian

purpose. Were War Memorials to continue to have a purely

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liturgical function as national shrines of worship or were

they to take the shape of libraries, parks or gardens as

memorials which "...would be useful or give pleasure to

46
those who outlive the war"? This was not a new contro-

versy between the liturgical as over against the useful:. It

had been fought out, for example, in Germany during the mid-

twenties with the victory going to the traditionalists : thus

the proposal to build a library as a War Memorial had been

47
rejected. Those who had served on the War Graves Commission

before the Second World War attempted to resist the pressure

for change. Sir Edwin Lutyens, that prolific designer of

War Monuments after the First World War, argued that "...archi-

48
tecture with its love and passion begins where function ends."

Moreover, as he said on another occasion, in a hundred years
1914 and 1939 will be regarded as one and the same year. At
first it seemed that Lutyens might have won his battle, for

the architects hired by the War Graves Commission were tradi-

tionalists who would let precedent decide their designs.

Yet even among these ancient gentlemen of the War

Graves Commission we find a change of tone reflecting that

opinion we have noted already: Memorials should commemorate

the individual rather than the collectivity, and should

50
contain a warning against all war. Moreover, there was

growing sympathy for the utilitarian Solution in commemorating

the fallen, backed up by a survey taken in 1944 which indicated

that most people preferred memorials like parks or gardens

^si«^«i»iipiiSiil§ßilii

r---iv

which people could enjoy long after the war. Lord Chalfont,

the President of the War Memorial Advisory Council, summed

up the dilemma which resulted from such populär preference:

"We must be careful...to see that the War Memorial is not

entirely indistinguishable from that which is not a memorial."

He masterminded the compromise which was reached when the

National Land Fund was established in 1946 as the principal

English War Memorial. The land fund was to acauire great

53
country houses and areas of natural beauty. This memorial

democratized, as it were, the commemoration of the fallen

through making the English rural heritage accessible to all —

no longer was the War Memorial an abstract symbol confined to

one specific location as the focus of commemorative ceremonies;

not a Memorial to the recent war, but the Cenotaph erected

after the First World War continued to perform this function.

Nevertheless, the traditional link between the nation and

nature was kept intact, while the country houses were

tangible symbols of an honored past.

War cemeteries did not follow the example of such

compromise; they remained as they had been designed during

and after the last war; perhaps here the options were limited —

as Edmund Blunden wrote in 1967, people came to them as to

54
an English garden. Cemeteries were designed according to

a tradition of order and beauty which applied both to civilian

and war cemeteries, a means of confronting death not easily

changed or modified. The specific symbols of war cemeteries:

death and resurrection, camaraderie and equality of sacrifice.

■''■'<: J&!f--^''' rV'-'!f::''r^",,'}:'':''-ir^:t{j>^ii-^ty'i^S'^'-

';ft'V:..:.:\-t, •K.-i<A<

seemed timeless, and unlike most traditional War Memorials

did not necessarily glorify war or the nation. Edmund Blunden

argued that such cemeteries with all their reminders of

youth dead in their prime were themselves a sermon against

55
war. Needless to say, this was not how they had been

officially regarded before the Second World War. Each

English war cemetery was considered a beautiful garden, and

the new national War Memorial merely extended this principle

to England ' s native beauty — which had inspired such cemeteries

in the first place. Germany kept the old design of war

cemeteries with its rows of crosses, while the inscription

invictis victi victori — the unvanguished who will be victorious —

often used before the Second World War, was now repudiated as

irrelevant. Nevertheless , traditional formulas in obituaries

for the fallen are difficult to change, and at first, after 1945,

Germans previously missing and now known to have been killed

at the front would contain the epitaph "Major So and So died

a hero'.ö , death. " But almost immediately, perhaps under

gentle pressure from the censor of the occupying powers,

56
soldiers simply "die."

^I^^PI':!-^

was no longer regarded as important except among certain

right-wing groups . The idea of self-sacrif ice motivated by
a feeling of solidarity moved to the f oreground : loyalty to the
individual fellow-soldier rather than to any overriding purpose
This Interpretation of death in war was strongest in Germany,
as we have seen, where it filled the void left by Adolf Hitler 's
betrayal, but even in Br itain where the war had been perceived
as a peoples ' war against fascism, the love for the grandiose
and the pathetic which had been part of the worship of the
fallen after the First World War was largely absent.

The fear of death played a role in that change, the
Vision of Armageddon conjured up not only by the cruelty of
a war which knew little distinction between civilians and
soldiers, but above all, by the first use of the atom bomb.
There was an Obsession with the menace of universal death,
at least in the West, in the first decade after the Second
World War — until a certain numbness took the place of earlier
concern. But such fear of death helped to change the attitude

towards death in war and stripped it of much of its remaini
glory.

Yet after both world wars no pacifist movement of any
importance arose in the West. While the prewar German Peace
Movement with its acceptance of the demands of nation and
State was one of the weakest in Europe, the French movement
as part of the Cluster of radical organizations at the turn
of the Century was somewhat strenger, helping perhaps to lay

the foundation for the anti-war War Memorials after the

58
First World War. Yet even so, pacifism lacked political

strength. Pacifism was strongest in Britain. There the

Peace Pledge Union with its declaration, "I renounce war and

never again, directly or indirectly, will I support and

sanction another, " attracted some 150,000 signatures. The

Peace Pledge Union was part of a network of pacifist societies

which drew upon the Christian pacifist tradition, and it

seemed in the England of the 1930 's that pacifism might become

a force to reckon with. However, its members proved fickle

59
in their allegiance. War could be seen as the lesser of

two evils as the populär slogan "against war and fascism"

demonstrates, and indeed, many who had just taken the Peace

Pledge enlisted on the loyalist side in the Spanish Civil

War. The objections to war by many pacifists and by the

pacifist wing of theEnglish labor party were often directed

against the policies of the National Government rather than

against all killing in war. Yet in 1937 C.E.M. Joad

discovered that undergraduates at the universities of

Oxford, Manchester and London held a consistent pacifist

Position^ He himself as an unrelenting pacifist influenced

by eastern philosophy recognized the difficulty of this

Position: "Would you have allowed the Spanish generals to

60
establish fascism over your own passive body"? English

pacifism was not alone in harboring such contradictory aims
Henry Barbusse may have inaugurated anti-war war memorials
in France, but the slogan "guerre a la guerre" used by the

Communist Youth applied only to the so-called militarism of

61
the Third Republic and not to class warfare.

The pacifist movements which grew up in the 1960 's
and 1970 's in Europe contained the same contradictory
attitudes tov;ards the abolition of war: they were against
war, but supported the bloody struggles of Third World nationalist
movements. The distinction between just and unjust wars is
hardly pacifist, and yet such distinction dominated the move-
ment, uneasily after the First World War, accepted as only
right and proper after the Second World War. The sole
Europeans which seemed to accept the warning "never war again"
without reservation were some isolated intellectuals or
members of traditionally pacifist religious movements. Why
Europe could not sustain a consistent and effective pacifist
movement after both wars is one of the many problems raised
by a comparison between the First and Second World Wars which
need further investigationo

Did the Myth of the War Experience through helping
to domesticate war--its acceptance as a necessary and given
fact of life — lead to a certain brutalization of public and
private life as a consequence of both wars? Historians of
the First World War have noted , "...the extent to which
fighting men of all nations adjusted themselves to, and then
accepted over so long a duration the mutilations, the indigni-

ties, the repeated displays of incompetence by the leaders,

62
and the piain bestiality of life in the trenches . " They

had little choice, as I have indicated already; the threat of

summary judgment hung over the heads of those who attempted

to shirk their duties, but the numbness which set in, the

routine of killing and being killed, may have had its effect

of brutalization. The relatively small number of desertions

in either war by French, German or English soldiers needs

further examination. Yet it was the Myth of the War Experience

which transfigured the war once peace had arrived. The absence

of such an effective transf iguration after the Second World

War, which I have attempted to deinons träte, seems to me one

of the principal discontinuities between both World Wars.

It was thus the First rather than the Second World

War which provides us with some proof that a decisive process

of brutalization had taken place. The treatment of political

enemies as someone to be destroyed in peace as in war, the

language of war applied to peacetime politics, comes to mind .

Wartime Propaganda, as all censorship was lifted as far as

descriptions ofthe enemy were concerned , must have had its

effect upon the peacetime Stereotyping of the political or

racial enemy — deepening and popularizing what had been a

largely right-wing tradition for over a Century. However,

between the wars such Stereotyping was also used, though less

often, by some of the left: the Communists, but also by others

who criticized the Republic from a less dogmatic perspective.

Thus the stereotyped faces of generals with the caption

63
"animals look at you," used by Kurt Tucholski and

John Heartfiell, were similar to those in the populär Nazi

pamphlet "Jews Look at You." The victory of the stereotype

tJm^B'

29
v;as certainly an important step in a process of brutalization.

The affective use of postcards and picture books
led to an unprecedented dehumanization of the wartime enemy,
as warring nations not only accused each other of rape,

sadism and even cannibalism, but also furnished the appropriate

64
illustrations to prove their point. The First World War

was the first European war in which photography was widely

used, and this, together with the immense popularity of

picture postcards, helped in popularizing such images during

an ever more visual age. General von Seekt, the German Chief

of Staff after the war, believed that Propaganda based upon

wartime atrocities had lost its ef fectiveness because most

people had been brutalized by the long war and were numbed

65
towards this kind of adversary relationship. The old-

fashioned General failed to see that the end of the First
World War began a new age of mass politics: the politization
of the majority of Europeans who had up to that time by and
large stood aside from the political process. Here the tradi-
tion of wartime Propaganda proved useful in mobilizing the
peacetime masses. The continued dehumanization of the enemy
was a staple of Nationalist, Fascist and Communist Propaganda,
which meant that leadership skilled in the use of mass politics
regarded such appeals as useful and effective.

The Myth of the War Experience played an important
if indifect role in such a process of brutalization, making
those who accepted its force more receptive to a renewed war

^mm

30
against internal and external enemies. This meant a greater
openness to the adaptation of wartime Propaganda to peacetime
uses, even if some former front-line soldiers had feit no
real hatred for those who had fought in the opposite trenches.
The frustrations of the peace in various nations, the economic
and political crises, faciiitated this process of radicaliza-
tion in the perception of the putative enemy. Did the massacres
during and after the war, vhich were not a part of the Myth
of the War Experience, play a role in encouraging peacetime
violence against domestic and foreign adversaries? There has
been, as far as I know, no examination of the effect which the

Armenian massacres during the First World War may have had

66
upon the attitudes in the v>ostv;ar world : whether or not

they were accepted as a natural by-product of v?ar. More-

over, from 1937 onwards the radio drummed the large scale

killings of Chinese by the Japanese into peoples ' minds,

producing a kind of numbness towards the enormous number dead.

Violent death on behalf of a national cause continued to

assault people's sensibilities after the war, if for the most

past as rhetoric rather than gruesome fact. Yet, as I pointed

out earlier, the spirit of 1914 did not revive in 1939 — if

a process of brutalization took place, it may well have been

kept in some check by the memory of the last war: perhaps

more among the people themselves than among certain leaders

and elites who were willing to wage war once again.

There have been those who have seen this process of

■^sa^^^r''r f ^w * X* ?* c¥-4 ''^

M^^''

brutalization continued during the Second World War.

J. Glenn Gray contemplating that struggle in 1945 wrote,

"...so do one's values become corrupt and conscience

67
coarsened by the ordeal." Indeed, the violent and unscrupu-

lous language in use against political enemies in the German
Federal Republic since the Second World War might serve to
confirm this Observation. Yet, I would argue that the absence
of a powerful Myth of the War Experience served to mitigate
this coarsening of conscience. The war itself, the revela-
tion about the Jewish Holocaust and the brutal practices of
National Socialism — unprecedented as far as the actions by a
European government was concerned — made many Europeans think
again about mass death and the domestication of war, reflected,
as I have tried to show, in the changed cult of the fallen
soldier. Myths of national glory could no longer serve as
a successful disguise for the reality of war. It seems
suggestive in this context that after the war all European
war ministries were officially renamed ministries of defense.
Though there were clear differences in the impact of the First
and Second World Wars upon men ' s perceptions of war, and
perhaps even in their effect upon the process of brutalization,
it will need much closer scrutiny of recent times in order
to determine with some certainty the degree of these
differences.

I have taken the Myth of the War Experience as a
test for the differences and similarities between the wars.
There are, of course, a multitude of comparisons which could

'>V: ''-.•^

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■^^■'^^f;,w;:<y^^-:^y■^.,:;

numbing effect of war, a kind of indifference to what w

taking place, which was perhaps egually important in assessing
the reaction to the wars — and those who, however inconsistently,
declared war upon all war must not be forgotten. Yet the Myth
of the War Experience proved a dynamic force after the First
World War and its absence later proved important in consider-
ing the change and continuity between the wars*

I have left many more questions unanswered than I have
tried to solve, and that is only fitting for a level of

comparison which has only recently begun to occupy historians

any general comparison must remain hypothetical while the
perceptions of war in individual nations are being examined.
Yet, it seems to me, that the direction and method of such
a comparison as I have attempted might be helpful in explaining
not only the changing attitudes towards both wars, but
especially their political consequences — raising the issue
of the domestication of war and the possible brutalization
of life, can encourage a debate which may give us a better
understanding of the apathy, violence and mass deaths which
have characterized much of the lifetime of my generation.

.'•: ''~'^- }'.k'^ ^.^

FOOTNOTES

8
9

Alfred Kerr, Die Diktatur des Hausknechts und Melodien
(Frankfurt A. Main, 1983), 67ff,

Hanns Oberlindober, Ein Vaterland, das allen gehört!
(München, 1939), 10.

Robert Wohl, The Generation of 1914 (Cambridge, Mass.,
(1979) : Paul Fussell, The Great War and Modern Memory
(New York and London, 1975) .

George L. Mosse, "Zum Deutschen Soldatenlied," Kriegser-
lebnis, ed. Klaus Vondung (Göttingen, 1980), 331-34;
Douglas Reed, Insanity Fair (London, 1938), 22.

The French military had forecast a desertion rate of
thirteen percent at mobilization« It was under one and
one-half percent; guoted in Modris Eksteins ' , "The Great
War: Epilogue to a Century," (Unpublished Lecture,
26. January, 1979), 6. This fact must be set in the
context of Jean-Jacques Becker ' s conclusion in his
monumental 1914; Comment les Francais sont entres dans la
guerrfe (Paris, 1977) that French public opinion did not
want war.

Michael Howard, War and the Liberal Conscience (New Bruns-
wick, New Jersey, 1978), 102; C.E.M. Joad , "What is
Happening to the Peace Movement"? The New Statesman and
Nation, Vol. 13 (May 15, 1937), 803.

For a typical and readily accessible example, Christian

De La Maziere, The Captive Dreamer (New York, 1974);

i.e. George L. Mosse, "Rushing to the Colors: On the
History of Volunteers in War, "

Klaus Peter Philippi, Volk des Zornes (MUnchen, 1979), 99.

Brian Finney, Christopher Isherwood (London, 1979), 53;
Andrew Rutherford, The Literature of War (London, 1978),
114-15. ~~~

i.e. Michel Auvray, Objecteurs, insoumis, deserteurs
(Paris, 1983), 156ff.

for example the SS Division of the Hitler Youth, Bernd
Wagner, "Die Garde des 'Führers' und die 'Feuerwehr der
Ostfront,' zur neueren Literatur über die Waffen SS,"
Mili targeschichtliche "Mitteilungen, Nr. 1 (1978), 215;
Ralf Ronald Ringler, Illusion einer Hitler-Jugend in
Osterreich (St. Polten Wien, 1977), 87.

':>l^M'^^&;-^'^^0^'M''^^^^ ■ is

12.

13.

14.

15.

18.

19.
20.

21.

22.

23.

^^}-l G^T^^ge, The Broken Years (Harmondsworth, Middlesex,
197 5 ) , 270 .

J.H. Rosny Aine, Confidences sur l'amitie des tranche^s

(Paris, 1919), 166, 188; Ludvig Scholz, Seelenleben des

Soldaten an der Front (Tübingen, 1920), 48, 134.

Tony Ashworth, Trench Warfare 1914-1918. The Live and
Let Live System (London, 1980), 155; Jacques Pericard,
Face g Face (Paris, 1917), 75.

quoted in Stephen R. Ward, "Great Br itain: Land Fit for
Heroes Lost," The War Generation. Veterans of the First
World war, ed. Stephen R. Ward (Port Washington, New York,
1975 ) , 33 .

Paul Füssen, op> cit., Chapter 2; of the innumerable

descriptions of the German "little world of the trenches "

See Karl Bröger, Bunker 17, Geschichte einer Kameradschaft
(Jena, 1929). — -^- ^ __ — j^

i.e. "Through comradeship the front line has become the
cradle of the volkish Community." Wilhelm Rey, Die
Bewältigung des Weltkrieges in nationalen Kriegs^^an ,
Inaugural Dissertation, Johann Wolfgang Goethe Univ^sität
Frankfurt a. Main, 1934 (Neu Isenburg, 1937), 65.

Anette Vidal, Henri Barbusse Soldat de la Paix (Paris
1926), 26ff. ' — ^^^^^ ^ir-aris,

Herbert Read, The Contrary Experience (London, 1963), 217.

Walter Nutz, "Der Krieg als Abenteuer und Idylle. Landser-
Hefte und trivale Kriegsromane, " Gegenwartsliteratur und
Drittes Reich, ed. Hans Wagener (Stuttgart, 1977), 275-76.

i.e. Bernard Bergonzi, Heroes' Twilight (London, 1965)
108; Herbert Cysarz, Zur Geistesgeschichte der Weltkrie
(Bern and Frankfurt, 1973) , 193. ~~

ege

Gordon Wright, The Ordeal of Total War. 1939-1945 (New York
1968), 257. ^ ^^ ^orK,

Hans Hellmut Kirst, Nu 11 -Acht -Fünfzehn (München, 1954).
on the reaction to the Second World War in German liter-
ature, see Jost Hermand , "Darstellung des Zweiten
Weltkrieges," Neues Handbuch der Literaturwissenschaft.

^Q^^f^^oL^^''^ ^^'^^' ^"^^^ I' ed. Johst Hermand (Wiesbaden,
ly ; , 28ff .

Josef Magnus Wehner, Sieben vor Verdun (München, 1930)
JEassim; German Werth, Verdun Bergisch-Gladbach, 1979) '
345-73; Herbert Cysarz, op. cit. , 198, 208.

■.-'^^ii^^^^^iJ^F^^W^^^

25. Julian Bach Jr. , America 's Germany. An Account of the
Occupation (New York, 1946), 17.

26. Ernst Jünger, Der Kampf als inneres Erlebnis (Berlin,
1922) .

"Landserhefte fördern den Siegder Unmenschlichkeit, "
Sonderreihe Gestern und Heute, Nr. 14 (1965?), 11.

Heinz G. Konsalik, Der Artzt von Stalingrad (München,
1972), 17, 18, 54, 85, 91; i.e. Jost Hermand , . "Vom
heissen zum Kalten Krieg. Heinz G. Konsalika "Der Artzt
von Stalingrad, " Sammlung, Vol. 2 (Frankfurt, 1979),
39-49.

29. Ibid., 167.

30. Ernst von Salomon, Der Fragebogen (Hamburg, 1951) , 721;
Saul Friedländer finds this image of the SS continuing
into the seventies in France, Reflets du Nazisme (Paris,
1982), 27ff.

31. Paul Fussell, op. cit. , Chapter VII; George L. Mosse,
"War and the Appropriation of Nature, " Germany in the Age
of Total War, ed. Volker R. Berghahn and Martin Kitchen
(London, 1981), 102-22.

32. Virginia Woolf, Mrs. Daloway (London, 1950, first published
1925), 96.

33. Bernard Bergonzi, op. cit., 109.

34. Deutsche Bauzeitung, Vol. 49 (1915), 500, 532; Fabian
Ware, The Immortal Heritage (Cambridge, 1937), 30;

George L. Mosse, "National Cemeteries and National Revival:
The Cult of the Fallen Soldiers in Germany," Journal of
Contemporary History, Vol. 14 (1979), 1-20.

35. Antoine Prost, Les Anciens Combattants et la Societe
Francaise, Vol. Mentalites et ideologies (Paris, 1977) ,
50.

36. Sir Frederic Kenyon, War Graves. How the Cemeteries Abroad
should be Designed (London, 1918), 13.

37. Deutsche Bauzeitung, Vol. 49 (1915), 448.

38. George L. Mosse, "National Cemeteries and National Revival,
op. cit., 10-11; Rudyard Kipling, The Graves of the Fallen

(London, 1919), 16.

39. "The Final Task of St. Barnabas," Menin Gate Pilgrimage
(1927), n.p. — ^

:,,:■■■,.•■ ^^•fx^iX.^iSÜW^f^XWli^f'^W

40. Robert Weldon Whalen, Bitter Wounds. German Victims of the
Great War, 1914-1939 (Ithaca, 1984), 170, 181ff.

41. Martin Rade, preface, Ludvig Scholz, Seelenleben des
Soldaten an der Front (Tübingen, 1920), iii; Michael
Gollbach, Die Wiederkehr des Weltkrieges in der Literatur
(Kronberg/TS. 1978), 1-5.

42. Adolf Rieth, Denkmal ohne Pathos, Totenmahle des Zvyeiten
Weltkriegs in Süd-WUrttemberq-Hohenzollern mit einer
geschichtlichen Einleitung (Tübingen, 1967), 16.

43. Ibid., 18.

44. Hubert Meyer, "Zum Volkstrauertag," Der Freiwillige,
Vol. 30, Heft 11 (November, 1984), 3.

45. Der Freiwillige, Heft 8, Vol. 23 (August, 19':^7) , 15; For
a contemporary controversy about the abstract design of

a monument and its emphasis upon admonition at the expense
of traditional form, see the dispute in the Bavarian village
of Pöcking, "Kriegerdenkmal oder Mahnmal?", Süddeutsche
Zeitung (22. December, 1982).

46. Philip Longworth, The Unending Vigil. A History of the
Commonwealth War Graves Commission, 1917-1967 (London,
1967), 183.

47. George L. Mosse, The Nationalization of the Masses

(New York, 197 5) , 71
of admonition rather
had executed for the
shortly after it was
too modernistic, and
the Second World War
wieder im Dom etc . ,

7 typically enough the War Memorial
than victory which Ernst Barlach
Cathedral of Marburg had been removed
in place in the early thirties, as
was only returned permanent ly after
Ernst Barlachs Magdeburger Mal

Ed. Barlach Kuratorium (Güstrow, 1953?)

48. Ibid. , 129; another famous architect of memorials,

Sir Herbert Baker, as might be expected, supported the
traditionalist position, Arnold Whittick, War Memorials
(London, 1946), 11.

49. Ibid., 163, 180.

50. Best Seen by following "The Conference on War Memorials,
April 27, 1944," Journal of the Royal Society of the Arts,
Vol. XCII (June 9, 1944), 322ff.

51. Philip Longworth, op. cit., 183.

52. Conference on War Memorials, op. cit., 323.

53. David Cannadine, "War and Death, Grief and Mourning in
Modern Britain, " Mirrors of Mortality, Studies in the
Social History of Death, ed. Joachim Whaley (New York,
1981), 233-34.

54. quoted in Philip Longworth, op. cit., xxiv,

55. Ibid. , xxiv.

56. i.e. Conference on War Memorials, op. cit., 324; Klaud
von Luzan, Den Gefallenen. Ein Buch des Gedenkens un des
Trostes, Foreword Theodor Heuss, ed. Volksbund fUr

Kr ieqsqräberfUr sorge (München and Salzburg, 1952) , 11;
Julian Bach Jr. , op. cit., 215.

57. J. Glenn Gray, The Warriors, Reflection on Men in Battle
(New York, 1959) , 55.

59. Keith Robbins, The Abolition of War. The 'Peace Movement'
in Britain, 1914-1919 (Cardiff, 1976), 196-97.

60. C.E.M. Joad, op. cit., 803. -

61. Michel Auvray, op. cit., 165, n. 4; for a more positive
view of pacifism in France, see Guy Pedrocini, Les
Muteneries de 1917 (Paris, 1967) , passim;

62. Alistair Hörne, The Path of Glory (Harmondsworth, Middle-
sex, 1964), 75.

63. i.e. Kurt Tucholski, Deutschland, Deutschland über
alles (Berlin, 1929) .

64. R.K. Neumann, "Die Erotik in der Kriegsliteratur,"
Zeitschrift für Sexualwissenschaft, Vol. I (1914-15),
390-91.

65. Klaus Wippermann, Politische Propaganda und Staatsbürger-
liche Bildung (Bonn, 1976), 185.

66. At least 1,200,000 Armenians were killed by Turkey.
Yves Ternons, The Armenians. History of a Genocide (New
York, 1981), 260.

67. Glenn Gray, op. citc / 9.

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I I

Sonderdruck aus:

Kriegsbegeisterung und
mentale Kriegsvorbereitung

Interdisziplinäre Studien

Herausgegeben von

Marcel van der Linden und Gottfried Mergner

unter Mitarbeit von Herman de Lange

Duncker & Humblot • Berlin 1991

Dieser Beitrag ist in Band 61 der Schriftenreihe „Beiträge zur Politischen Wissen-
Schaft" im Jahre 1991 erschienen. Der Band enthält folgende Beiträge:

Einleitung

Marcel van der Linden und Gottfried Mergner

Kriegsbegeisterung und mentale Kriegsvorbereitung 9

Kontexte

George L. Mosse

Über Kriegserinnerungen und Kriegsbegeisterung 27

Elmar Stolpe

Wilde Freude, fürchteriiche Schönheit. Die romantische Ästhetisierung des

Krieges

Der Erste Weltkrieg

Jürgen Rojahn

Arbeiterbewegung und Kriegsbegeisterung: Die deutsche Sozialdemokratie
1870 - 1914

Wolf gang Kruse

Die Kriegsbegeisterung im Deutschen Reich zu Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges.
Entstehungszusammenhänge, Grenzen und ideologische Strukturen 73

Jay M. Winter

Kriegsbilder: Die Bildende Kunst und der Mythos der Kriegsbegeisterung . . 89

Henk te Velde

Neutrahsmus und kriegerische Tugenden. Liberale Gedanken zu Armee und
Krieg in den Niederianden, 1870 - 1914

Richard Bessel

Kriegserfahrungen und Kriegserinnerungen: Nachwirkungen des Ersten Welt-
krieges auf das poUtische und soziale Leben der Weimarer Republik 125

über Kriegserinnerungen und Kriegsbegeisterung

Von George L. Mosse

Zwischen Kriegsbegeisterung und Kriegserinnerungen gibt es einen engen
Zusammenhang; an dieser Stelle werde ich mich aber nicht mit der Erinne-
rung im allgemeinen, sondern - wie Vidal Naquet es formuliert hat - mit „les
assasins de la memoire" befassen. Ich werde mich auch nicht mit den privaten
Erinnerungen beschäftigen, denn die sind schwer, wenn nicht unmöghch sinn-
voll zu rekonstruieren. Vielmehr werde ich mich mit dem öffentlichen
Gedächtnis auseinandersetzen, daß heißt mit den Kriegserinnerungen, die in
schriftlichen Veröffentlichungen oder Sinnbildern, die für jeden zugänglich
und für die Öffentlichkeit bestimmt waren, ihren Ausdruck gefunden haben.
Das „Private" der Erinnerungen, die „wirklichen" Ereignisse, blieben jedoch
auch unterschwellig in diesem öffentlichen Gedenken bewahrt, um dann im
September 1939 wieder in den Vordergrund zu treten.

Nicht alle öffentlichen Kriegserinnerungen versuchten, das Kriegserlebnis
zu transzendieren oder zu maskieren, obwohl sie aller Wahrscheinlichkeit
nach das spiegelten, was (auch) eine Untersuchung von Briefen und Tage-
büchern australischer Soldaten am Ende des 2. Weltkrieges zeigte: eine
Mischung aus Vergangenheit und Gegenwart, in dem Versuch, die Schrecken
des Krieges zu vergessen und sich an die Geborgenheit in den gemeinsamen
Zielen und in der Kameradschaft der Kriegserlebnisse zu erinnern. Man
wollte den Krieg als den Höhepunkt in seinem Leben sehen. Ich glaube, daß
auf Grund dieses Bedürfnisses die verschiedenen Anstrengungen, aus einer
unakzeptabelen eine annehmbare Vergangenheit zu machen, Erfolg haben
konnten.

Ich interessiere mich jedoch mehr für den Mythos in der Erinnerung an den
Ersten Weltkrieg als für seine Realität, denn dieser Mythos scheint mir sowohl
kulturell als politisch bis zum zweiten Weltkrieg wichtig gewesen zu sein. Es
war nicht einfach so, daß die Menschen allein als Individuen dazu geneigt
waren zu vergessen. Ihnen wurde dabei durch die öffentliche Verstärkung
dessen, woran sie sich sowieso erinnern wollten geholfen: ihre guten Kriegs-
erinnerungen, z.B. an die Kameradschaft und die Mannhaftigkeit im Kriege,
die durch den „Kult der gefallenen Soldaten", der das Kriegserlebnis legiti-
mierte und ihm so eine höhere Bedeutung gab, gleichzeitig die Realität des
Krieges transzendierte. Das war die eine Seite der Verklärung der Erfahrun-
gen vom Schrecken zum Mythos. Aber es gab noch einen anderen Aspekt,

George L. Mosse

den ich andeuten möchte: den Prozeß der TriviaHsierung, der zur Mystifizie-
rung der Kriegserlebnisse erheblich beigetragen hat. Aber zunächst möchte
ich die relative Überlegenheit des Mythos gegenüber der Realität aufzeigen.
Sie war eine Bedingung für die Kriegsbegeisterung nach dem Ersten Welt-
krieg. Die Mystifizierung des Kriegserlebnisses gab es schon vorher, doch die
Zeit nach dem ersten Weltkrieg ist hier unser Thema.

Die Art und Weise wie das Gedenken des Krieges seinen öffentlichen Aus-
druck fand, war dazu geeignet, die politisch rechten Gruppierungen zu bevor-
teilen, das heißt den Kult der Nation zu fördern. Aber nicht in allen Ländern
war dies der Fall. Es war davon abhängig, ob man Sieger oder Besiegter war
und von der Art und Weise, wie der Übergang vom Krieg in den Frieden sich
vollzogen hatte. Die Nationen, die besiegt worden waren, oder sich besiegt
glaubten, und bei denen dieser Übergang von Krieg zu Frieden mit großen
sozialen, ökonomischen und politischen Unruhen einherging, zeigten ein
größeres Bedürfnis sich dem Andenken des Krieges als Höhepunkt von
Kameradschaft und Mannhaftigkeit, im nationalem Interesse hinzugeben. Die
Veteranenorganisationen spiegelten dieses Bedürfnis, wenn auch auf eine
konfuse Art und Weise: In Deutschland gehörten sie zum rechten Spektrum.
In Italien, das sich als besiegt betrachtete, entfernten die wichtigsten Vete-
ranenorganisationen die Faschisten zunächst aus ihren Reihen, weil sie ihnen
zu radikal waren, während im siegreichen Frankreich Antoine Prost zufolge
das Kriegserlebnis nie zum Mythos wurde, sondern im Bereich der privaten
Erinnerungen büeb.

Der Kriegsmythos beeinflußte, unabhängig von Sieg oder Niederlage, die
ganze europäische Rechte zu dieser Zeit. Der Kult des gefallen Soldaten, die
Ideale der Männlichkeit, einer männlich-kräftigen Nation und der Männerka-
meradschaft wurde bei den meisten Rechten gepflegt. Und der Gedanke, man
könne im Krieg seine Männlichkeit unter Beweis stellen, gehörte nicht nur zur
Nostalgie der Nachkriegsjugend, obwohl auch das von Bedeutung war. Im
Extremfall, wie in Deutschland, wurde durch das Kameradschaftsideal das
Kriegsgedenken in eine säkularisierte Religion und in ein neues politisches
Prinzip umgewandelt. Die extreme Rechte präsentierte sich selbst als eine
Männergemeinschaft, mit einem gleichen Status für alle, aber mit hierarchi-
scher Struktur: mit Führerschaft und Demokratie.

Nicht nur die Rechte, sondern alle europäischen politischen Strömungen
übernahmen nach dem Krieg Aspekte eines positiven Gedenkens an den
Krieg, keine konnte sich dem Mythos ganz entziehen. Freilich, es gab Ausnah-
men. Es existierten umstrittene Antikriegsdenkmäler, wie z.B. das von Bar-
lach in Deutschland, oder das Werk eines radikalen Lehrers in dem franzö-
sischen Dörfchen Levallois-Peret: Eine Figur in diesem Kunstwerk stellt einen
Soldaten dar, der über dem Knie ein Schwert zerbricht und eine andere einen
Aufrührer aus dem Jahre 1917. Aber sogar Henri Barbusses Association

Über Kriegserinnerungen und Kriegsbegeisterung

R^publicaine des Anciens Combattants konnte sich nicht vollständig der Anzie-
hungskraft des Kriegsmythos entziehen. Er nannte seine Gruppe eine „Partei
der Ordnung" und baute sie auf der Grundlage der Gemeinschaft der Front-
kämpfer auf, auf einen Elitarismus, der das Kriegserlebnis läutern soUte.
Sogar die Linke konnte sich dem Sog des Mythos nicht entziehen, aber sie ver-
suchte, ihn in eine andere Richtung zu lenken, den Mythos des Krieges für
ihre eigene Zwecke zu verwenden. Das Deutsche Reichsbanner z. B., eine von
der SPD gegründete Organisation mit dem Ziel die Weimarer Republik zu
verteidigen, übertrug die Analogien zum Militär auf jeden Aspekt ihrer Orga-
nisation. Das war kaum verwunderlich, war doch das Reichsbanner eine para-
militärische Organisation. Aber dennoch bedeutete dies eine Herausforde-
rung an die sozialistische Tradition. Der SPD-Führer Paul Lobe brachte die
Sache auf den Punkt: Die Sozialisten seien gegen das Tragen von Uniformen,
wie übrigens gegen jeden Militarismus, aber wenn man die Jugend mit solchen
Mitteln für die Republik gewinnen könne, so beuge man sich dennoch der
politischen Notwendigkeit. Es gab im Reichsbanner Kontroversen über das
Tragen militärischer Auszeichnungen, über Soldatenlieder und über das mili-
tärische Marschieren, das schließlich verboten wurde.

Man konnte nicht umhin sich mit dem Mythos des Krieges auseinanderzu-
setzen: letztlich waren auch Sozialisten Frontsoldaten gewesen. Die Lösung,
die gewählt wurde um aus dem Dilemma herauszufinden, verweist auf eine
andere, durch die Kriegserinnerungen aufgeworfene Frage: Könnte man viel-
leicht die reizvollen Elemente des Krieges beibehalten, während man den
Krieg selbst verurteilt? Anders gesagt: Könnte all das, was es bedeutet einst
Frontsoldat gewesen zu sein, könnten die angenehmen Erinnerungen die ich
schon erwähnt habe, auf andere Kriege als auf den ersten Weltkrieg oder auf
andere Armeen, die der Linken besser paßten, übertragen werden?

Das Reichsbanner wollte sich auf den Deutschen „Befreiungskrieg" berufen
und interpretierte das Schwarz-Rot-Gold der Reichsfahne in diesem Sinne:
Rot bedeutete das Blut, das die Vorfahren im Kampf für Demokratie und
nationale Befreiung vergossen hatten, Gold symbolisierte die Hoffnung für
die Zukunft, während Schwarz für den Ersten Weltkrieg stand, der Deutsch-
lands Not verursacht habe.

Größeres Aufsehen erregte die Art und Weise, wie die Stoßtruppe der
KPD, der Rotfrontkämpferbund, die Erinnerung an die Kriegserlebnisse
pflegte. Hier gab es eine unmittelbare Kontinuität im Vokabular, wie z.B. in
der Übernahme von Bezeichnungen wie „Etappenschwein" für diejenigen, die
im Hinterland ihren Kriegsdienst abgeleistet hatten. Hier, wie auch in Barbus-
se's französischer Organisation, wurde keinem die Mitgliedschaft gestattet,
der nur hinter der Frontlinie gedient hatte. Es wurden Uniformen getragen
und der Fahnenkult wurde gepflegt. Dies war eine Armee, jedoch keine
Reichsarmee, sondern eine Armee, die das Proletariat verteidigte. Die guten

George L. Mosse

Kriegserinnerungen wurden gepflegt, aber der Krieg wurde im Prinzip verur-
teilt, und die Treue der Männer stattdessen auf die Rote Armee gelenkt. Der
Rotfrontkämpferbund versuchte das reale Kriegserlebnis in Aufmärsche,
Kapellen, Uniformen und Vokabular zu kanalisieren und für den Bürgerkrieg
in Deutschland nutzbar zu machen. Ich vermag nicht zu sagen, wie erfolgreich
solche Umdeutungsmanöver für die SPD und die Kommunisten gewesen
waren. Aber die Sache auf die ich verweisen will ist, daß gerade die Art, wie
man sich die Kriegserlebnisse zu Nutzen machte, die Stärke eines der Realität
überlegenen Kriegsmythos signahsierte. Gewiß verschleierten auch diese For-
men die Wirklichkeit des Krieges und es wurden nur jene Teile der Kriegser-
lebnisse, die dazu gedient hatten das Gedächtnis zu verklären, beibehalten.
Die offene Ablehnung des Ersten Weltkriegs selbst kann dies erleichtert oder
erschwert haben. Diese Frage steht zur Diskussion. Es kann für die Veteranen
nicht leicht gewesen sein den Krieg, in dem sie sich ja bewährt hatten, zu ver-
dammen und ihre guten Erinnerungen auf eine fremde Armee oder auf einen
Konflikt in ferner Vergangenheit zu übertragen.

Die Linke und das Kriegserlebnis: Dieses Thema wartet noch auf einen
Historiker, der nicht nur die pazifistischen Strömungen analysiert, sondern
sich diesem Verhältnis aus der Perspektive der Mehrheit der Mitgheder
nähert. Es gibt keinen Beweis dafür, daß linke Veteranen anders fühlten als
die australischen Soldaten nach dem 2. Wehkrieg. Aus den wenigen Andeu-
tungen die ich gemacht habe sollte deutlich werden, daß die Linke, wie wider-
willig auch immer, dieser Tatsache Rechnung trug. Aber ich habe dies alles
hier nur erwähnt um die Stärke des Mythos des Kriegserlebnisses und die
Tiefe des Bedürfnisses zu zeigen, die Wirklichkeit des Krieges gleichzeitig zu
vergegenwärtigen und zu transzendieren.

Ich hätte ein anderes, vielleicht schlagenderes Beispiel für diese Transzen-
dierung des Krieges über die Erinnerung geben können: Das Versagen poü-
tisch-lebensfähiger, pazifistischer Bewegungen nach 1918, die Tatsache, daß
„nie wieder Krieg" nie wirklich Anklang gefunden hatte, nicht einmal in Eng-
land. Es ist über den Pazifismus viel geforscht worden. Aber das elende Versa-
gen des Pazifismus, dessen Einfluß logisch betrachtet durch die Erinnerung an
das Blutbad des Krieges hätte wachsen sollen, ist bis jetzt nur unter dem
Aspekt seines organisatorischen Versagens analysiert worden. Es existierte
eine äußerst populäre pazifistische Literatur: Romane und Kriegstagebücher,
die versuchten eine realistische Erinnerung an den Schrecken des Krieges dar-
zustellen. Aber sogar hier fanden die Werke, die den Krieg klar verurteilten
nur ein beschränktes Publikum, wie z. B. Edlef Köppens 1930 veröffentlichter
(und 1976 neuaufgelegter) Roman Heeresbericht. Werke die ein Massenpubli-
kum anzogen, schienen dagegen Elemente zu enthalten, die den Schrecken
zugunsten annehmbarer Erinnerungen an den Krieg milderten. Erich Maria
Remarques Im Westen nichts Neues (1929) bildet dafür ein gutes Beispiel. Der

Über Kriegserinnerungen und Kriegsbegeisterung

Krieg wird in lebendigen Farben geschildert, aber die jungen Soldaten selbst
betrachten ihn als Abenteuer. Karl Hugo Sclutius bezeichnete ihn, ebenso wie
Ludwig Renns Krieg (1928) in der Weltbühne 1929 als „pazifistische Kriegs-
propaganda". Der Krieg, so behauptete er, würde als Abenteuer oder als ein
sportliches Ereignis dargestellt werden. Wie übertrieben auch immer eine sol-
che Kritik sein mag, beide Bücher enthielten ein beträchtliches Maß an „guten
Erinnerungen" an die Kameradschaft und die Pflichterfüllung, (besonders bei
Renn) und lesen sich wie eine Art Abenteurergeschichte für Schulknaben.
R. C. Sheriffs Journey's End (1928) war gewiß frei von jeder Verherrlichung
des Krieges, aber sogar hier findet man die Schilderung von Kameradschaft,
Mut und eine auf die Probe gestellte Männlichkeit.

Die realistischeren Kriegsauf zeichungen, trotz ihrer widersprüchlichen
Beziehungen zum Mythos des Kriegserlebnisses, dürften einiges ihrer Popula-
rität dem privaten Charakter ihrer Erinnerungen an den Krieg verdanken. Sie
hielten an einer wichtigen realistischen Komponente fest. Dieser Unterschied
wird ebenso zwischen den privaten Aufnahmen, die die Soldaten an der Front
machten und dem verzerrten Bild des Krieges auf Ansichtskarten oder in der
Berichterstattung jener Zeit deutlich. Aber die populäre pazifistische Litera-
tur konnte sich dem Mythos nicht vollständig entziehen.

Wie erfolgreich also war der Mythos der Kriegserinnerung wenn es darum
ging, den Krieg zum Bestandteil des Alltags der Menschen zu machen? Und
im Zusammenhang mit dieser Frage: Legte der relative Erfolg einer solchen
mystifizierten Erinnerung eine solide Grundlage für die „Kriegsbegeiste-
rung"? War sie vielleicht eine der Bedingungen für eine solche Begeisterung?
Ich bin davon überzeugt, daß das der Fall war. Denn es wurden so die Wider-
sprüchlichen Gefühlsebenen der Veteranen über den Krieg mit einander ver-
mischt. Der Impuls war immer wieder der gleiche: die Kriegserlebnisse sollten
geläutert werden indem sie durch den Kult des gefallenen Soldaten ins Sakrale
erhoben wurden. Es wurde betont, daß der Krieg der Prüfstein für die eigene
Männlichkeit sei und daß er die Überwindung der Isolation des Subjekts
bedeute. Aber in dieser Botschaft lag eine Dialektik von Hoffnung und Ver-
zweiflung, Schrecken und Ruhm. Letztendhch konnte man den Schrecken
nicht völlig verbannen. Der Tod war und ist die letzte Wahrheit des Krieges.
Deshalb wurde auf den christlichen Topos von Tod und Auferstehung zurück-
gegriffen. Dies zeigt sich z. B. im Konzept der Mihtärfriedhöfe und aufzahllo-
sen Postkarten, auf denen Christus den Soldaten oder sein Grab berührt, oder
in Kriegserzählungen, z.B. in denen wo die Toten am Heiligenabend wieder
zum Leben erweckt werden. Die sakrale, liturgische Funktion von Mihtär-
friedhöfen und einigen Kriegsdenkmälern, die gleichzeitig christliche und
nationale Heiligtümer waren, wurde durch Gesetze betont, die die Massen-
produktion von Grabsteinen oder Denkmälern untersagten. Die Wirklichkeit
des Krieges wurde durch diese christliche Symbolik transzendiert: nur wenig

,|t*(^,».,fr'.''i»r«Y1(;|ffl

George L. Mosse

blieb vom Schrecken übrig. Hier unterschieden sich solche offiziellen Gedenk-
feiern von den Romanen und veröffentlichten Tagebüchern der Teilnehmer,
die meistens zwar auch von den Erinnerungen an den Schrecken des Krieges
ablenken wollten, die aber fast immer einige realistische Elemente bei der
Beschreibung der Kriegserlebnisse beibehielten.

Vielleicht genau so wichtig wie die öffentlichen Gedenkstätten für die Kon-
trolle des Kriegsgedächtnisses war ein Vorgang, der bis jetzt von Historikern
oder Sozialwissenschaftlern noch nicht untersucht worden ist: Der Prozeß der
Trivialisierung. Damit ist die Methode gemeint, sich an den Krieg durch Ver-
harmlosung zu gewöhnen, damit er alltäglich und gewöhnlich, statt schrecken-
erregend und fürchterlich erscheint. Tand wie Granaten, die als Papierwaa-
gen benutzt wurden, eine Mundharmonika in Form eines U-Bootes, ein
Schützengraben reproduziert auf einer Zigarettenschachtel oder Seifen in der
Form eines Gewehrs, dienten solchen Zwecken. Die Einzelnen triviaüsierten
damit das Kriegserlebnis und versuchten es so zu beherrschen. Aber es gab
auch die öffentliche Trivialisierung des Krieges, z.B. durch das Theater, den
Film und einen organisierten Schlachtfeldtourismus. Der Konflikt zwischen
dem Heiligen und dem Profanen spielte hier - wie auch anderswo - eine Rolle.
Die Ausstellung in Deutschland im Jahre 1916 „Krieg, Volk und Kunst" spie-
gelte diesen Sachverhalt wieder. Die Ausstellungsräume mit dem Thema
„Schlechter Geschmack in Kriegszeiten" zeigten eine schreckliche Reihe Tri-
vialitäten, während im letzten Raum gezeigt wurde, wie man der Gefallenen
in geschmackvoller Weise gedenken könne. Allerdings kann der Konflikt zwi-
schen dem HeiHgen und dem Profanen, der so viele während des Krieges und
nach dem Kriege beschäftigte, auch in diesem Sinne verstanden werden, daß
es sich hier um zwei Alternativen handelte: die Kriegserinnerung zu bewälti-
gen und von dem alles überragenden Schrecken des Krieges abzulenken.

Ich will mich hier auf ein Beispiel für den Vorgang der Trivialisierung und
dessen Bedeutung in unserem Zusammenhang beschränken: auf den Schlacht-
feldtourismus. Hier begegnete das Triviale dem Heihgen und der Prozeß der
Trivialisierung trieb die Maskierung des Krieges, die Läuterung der Erinne-
rungen weit voran. Was war mit dem realen Schauplatz des Krieges gesche-
hen? Ich will mich auf englische Beispiele beschränken. Kurz nach dem Krieg
wurden Reisen zu den Schlachtfeldern Flanderns organisiert, damit Witwen,
Waisen und Verwandte die Gräber der gefallenen Angehörigen besuchen
konnten. Aber sie wurden bald auch auf die Veteranen ausgedehnt, die die
ehemaligen Kampfstätten wiederbesuchen wollten. Den Wohlfahrtsvereinen
oder staatlichen Organisationen, die solche Pilgerfahrten finanzierten, schlös-
sen sich bald Thomas Cook und Söhne an, denen es 1922 gelang die Ausflüge
für den privaten Markt zu erobern. Es kann wenig Zweifel daran bestehen,
daß es sich dabei ursprünglich um Pilgerfahrten gehandelt hat. Sie wurden
auch als solche präsentiert; z.B. wurde an einem Graben der den Krieg über-

Über Kriegserinnerungen und Kriegsbegeisterung

dauert hatte, ein Schild mit der Aufschrift angebracht: „Diese Mauern sind
heilig in der Erinnerung derjenigen, die hier während der Besatzung im Krieg
ihre Inschriften hinterlassen haben. Bitte fügen Sie nichts hinzu". Trotzdem
zeigt ein Foto einer Pilgerfahrt Pilger „mit einem Schatz an Reliquien", wobei
es sich überwiegend um abgelegte Gewehre handelt. Indem sie „Reliquien"
genannt wurden veränderte sich nichts am trivialen Charakter dieser wertlo-
sen Gegenstände, die dazu dienten, das Bedürfnis der Veteranen zu befriedi-
gen.

Trotzdem wurde fortwährend der Versuch unternommen, die Pilger von
den Touristen zu trennen. Für die Zeitgenossen waren diese Unterschiede so
deutlich, wie sie es seit den Anfängen des modernen Tourismus gewesen
waren, obwohl sie in der Praxis nicht immer klar zu erkennen waren. (Touris-
mus war in Frankreich im Jahre 1876 als Reisen aus Neugier, aus Freude am
Reisen definiert worden.) Die Touristen riefen, wie es der deutsche Roman-
autor Ernst Glaser genannt hatte, eine „blühende Schlachtfeldindustrie" ins
Leben, deren Geschäfte von der Wiederherstellung und dem künstUchen
Erhalt der Schützengräben und der Unterstände, für die ein Eintrittsgeld ver-
langt wurde, bis zum Verkauf von Stahlhelmen, Granaten und sonstigem auf
dem Schlachtfeld aufgetriebenen Schund reichten. Thomas Cook und Söhne
offerierten in ihrem Handbuch für Reisende für Belgien und die Ardennen
(1924) erlesene Hotelunterkünfte an einem Platz, wo Hunderttausende den
Tod gefunden hatten, PuUmanwagensitze im Zug, und private PKW, ein-
schließlich eines als Fahrer zur Verfügung stehenden altgedienten Offizieres.
In Ypres allein gab es schon 150 Ausschänke, die den Touristen Bier verkauf-
ten, von denen - um einen Zeitgenossen zu zitieren - „nur die wenigsten wuß-
ten über welchen schreckenerregenden Boden sie gegangen waren, und klei-
ner noch war die Zahl derjenigen die eine Ahnung davon hatten, wo sie
waren, wo sie so innig zufrieden ihre Schinkenbrötchen und Tomaten mampf-
ten". Aber den Pilgern wurde unterstellt, daß sie es wußten und verstanden,
und das ist einer der Hauptunterschiede zwischen den Pilgerfahrten und dem
Massentourismus, obwohl der Unterschied nie ganz eindeutig war, wie die
Fotos von den Pilgern mit ihren Souveniren illustrieren.

Die St. Barnabas Society stellte 1927 ihre Pilgerfahrten ein. Zum Teil des-
halb, weil inzwischen die meisten englischen Kriegsgräber von diesem oder
jenem Angehörigen der Gefallenen schon besucht worden waren, aber auch
wegen der zunehmenden Konkurrenz der Geschäftemacher, die wenig Gespür
zeigten für die Schönheit oder Feiedichkeit der Angelegenheit. Eine gewisse
Reiseagentur (wahrscheinlich Thomas Cook), so vernehmen wir, brachte es
fertig den Pilgern von St. Barnabas während eines Besuchs des Menin-Tors in
Ypres einen Platz zum Rasten und zum Essen wegzuschnappen, indem sie
dafür den doppelten Preis bot. Die Neugierigen scheinen in den späten 20.
Jahren die Pilger zahlenmäßig übertroffen zu haben.

3 Kriegsbegeisterung

George L. Mosse

Das Schlachtfeld wurde zur Touristenattraktion. Hier wurde die Kriegserin-
nerung buchstäblich geordnet, maskiert und verwandelt, was durch die Stim-
mung auf den Militärfriedhöfen, die Ruhe verbreiteten, Auferstehung und
Kameradschaft symbolisch darstellten, noch unterstützt wurde. Aber auch die
Landschaft der Schlachtfelder selbst hatte sich verwandelt, die friedliche
Natur hatte von einem Teil des Bodens wieder Besitz genommen, die Äcker
wurden wieder bestellt und die Dörfer waren wiederaufgebaut worden. Die
Schützengräben wurden gesäubert und mit Treppen und Seilen zum Festhal-
ten für die Touristen versehen, so wie man sie heute noch besichtigen kann.
Die Narben des Krieges wurden verdeckt und R. H. Mottram war nur einer
der vielen Veteranen, die sich darüber beklagten, daß alle Ähnlichkeit mit der
Kriegslandschaft so wie sie sie gekannt hatten, unwiderruflich verloren gegan-
gen war. „Unser Krieg, der Krieg, der der ganz besondere Besitz derjenigen
unter uns schien, die ins mittlere Aher hineinwachsen, wird mit der Zeit in
etwas fabelhaftes, falsch Verstandenes und durch die Distanz romantisch Ver-
klärtes verwandelt". Was einzelne Veteranen als persönlichen Verlust emp-
fanden, nahm für die meisten Besucher gerade dem Krieg den Stachel. Die
Natur hatte einen wichtigen Anteil an der Veränderung der Erinnerung an
den Krieg, nicht nur in Bezug auf die Schlachtfelder, sondern auch auf den
Militärfriedhöfen oder auf Ansichtskarten. Die Natur auf den Ansichtskarten
stellte symbolisch den Frieden, die Serenität und die Transzendenz des Krie-
ges dar. Aber die Ansichtskarten zeigten auch zerstörte Natur, Baumstümpfe
in einer Landschaft, die die Realität des Krieges symbolisieren sollte. Aber
solche Szenen der Zerstörung schlössen nicht die Soldaten selbst mit ein, die
z.B. auf einer Ansichtskarte friedlich auf einer selbstgebastelten Bank
herumsitzen, inmitten der zerstörten Landschaft. Sogar die Bilder abgestorbe-
ner Wälder auf einigen Karten atmen eine ruhige, fast unbewegliche Atmo-
sphäre. Die Szene ist traurig aber nicht schreckenerregend und sie mag durch
ihre Kontrastwirkung zu den üblichen Bildern einer von Hoffnung und Schön-
heit erfüllten Natur eine nicht-triviale Bedeutung gehabt haben. Die Dialektik
von Hoffnung und Verzweiflung, die ich schon erwähnt habe, war auch hier
vorhanden. Aber die FriedHchkeit und Gelassenheit tilgten, oder besser, mil-
derten die Verzweiflung.

Dies also waren einige der Mittel, mit deren Hilfe die wahren Erinnerungen
an den Krieg ausgelöscht wurden. Über ihren Erfolg in den Jahren zwischen
den Kriegen kann kein Zweifel bestehen, obwohl es von Nation zu Nation
Unterschiede gab. Antikriegsliteratur drang nie besonders tief ein oder wurde
mit einigen Ausnahmen zum Teil zur populären Literatur. Während die offi-
ziellen Gedenkveranstaltungen die Gelegenheit boten die Nation zu feiern
und dabei die eigenen Erinnerungen an den Krieg in einen staatlichen Kult zu
integrieren.

Über Kriegserinnerungen und Kriegsbegeisterung

Und doch schienen 1939, als der Krieg noch einmal über Europa herein-
brach, die wahren Erinnerungen an den Krieg wieder zu erwachen. Es gab
keine Kriegsbegeisterung, weder in den Demokratien, noch in den faschisti-
schen Staaten, die sich vom Mythos des Kriegserlebnisses genährt hatten. Als
Hitler seine Kriegserklärung abgab, mußte er sie den zunächst schweigenden
Massen einhämmern, und die Erklärung selbst hatte einen defensiven Charak-
ter: Deutsche seien von den Polen angegriffen worden. Gewiß, es gab etwas
Begeisterung bei den jungen Nazis, aber die Verzweiflung und Angst waren
fast allgemein. Ich kann hier nicht weiter ausführlich analysieren, warum die
wahren Erinnerungen wieder hochkamen. Futuristische Visionen des näch-
sten Krieges spielten dabei eine Rolle, wie auch Angriffsübungen. Ich möchte
nur als Diskussionspunkt erwähnen, daß der Mythos der die Wirklichkeit in
den Jahren zwischen den Kriegen lange Zeit überragt hatte, am Ende ver-
sagte. Nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg veränderte sich die Einstellung zum Ster-
ben im Krieg, Ruinen ließ man zur Warnung stehen und in West- und Zentral-
europa bemühte man sich kaum noch die Erinnerung an den letzten Krieg zu
verwischen oder umzuwandeln. Aber die Komponenten, aus denen der
Mythos der Kriegserinnerung zusammengesetzt war, verschwanden nicht über
Nacht. Die Ideale der Kriegskameradschaft und echter Männlichkeit wurden
in Deutschland Jahrzehnte nach dem letzten Krieg immer noch vorgefunden
und nicht nur in der Literatur rechter Randgruppen. In Ernst von Salomons
umstrittenem, autobiographischen Roman Der Fragebogen (1951) wurden
diese Ideale symbolisiert durch die Männerkameradschaft der SS in einem
amerikanischen Konzentrationslager. Oder sie werden als Überlegenheit zu
den Russen dargestellt, wie z. B. in Heinz G. Konsaliks Bestseller Der Arzt von
Stalingrad (1956, 2 Millionen verkaufte Exemplare in 1972). Aber Ideale, die
benutzt worden waren um den Krieg zu maskieren, hatten nicht länger diese
Wirkung, obwohl immer noch mit ihrer Hilfe versucht wurde, eine unange-
nehme in eine angenehme Vergangenheit zu verwandeln. Vielleicht war der
Erfolg des Mythos des Kriegserlebnisses zwischen den Weltkriegen - „Die
Auslöschung des Kriegsgedächtnisses" - so groß weil er von oben bis unten
unterstützt wurde: Der Mythos kam den Bedürfnissen vieler Veteranen entge-
gen, und wurde außerdem von den nationalen Regierungen gefördert. Dazu
wurde der Krieg entweder zu etwas Sakralem oder zu etwas Trivialem umge-
wandelt. Mehrere Fragen über den Zusammenhang zwischen dem Mythos des
Kriegserlebnisses und der Kriegsbegeisterung müssen gestellt werden. Wäh-
rend ich diese Fragen schließlich aufliste gehe ich davon aus, daß der Mythos
eine der wichtigsten Voraussetzungen für eine Begeisterung für den Krieg ist,
wenigstens war er dies nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg.

1. Warum blieben diejenigen, die sich der Realität des Krieges, so wie er
wirklich war, stellten und sie zum Ausdruck brachten, in der Zeit nach dem
1. Weltkrieg so relativ erfolglos? Diese Frage ist selbstverständlich von gro-

36 George L. Mosse

ßer Bedeutung. Hierbei scheint die Umwandlung der Erinnerung in einen
Mythos entscheidend zu sein.

2. Abgesehen von dem Zwang der historischen Tatsachen - in wieweit war in
diesem Prozeß die UnwirkHchkeit des Krieges selbst für den Erfolg des
Mythos wichtig? Wie wichtig war also die Tatsache, daß der Krieg vielen
Teilnehmern schon in dem Moment in dem er stattfand, als eine Art
Mythos erschien und nicht erst nachher?

3. Findet zu einem bestimmten Zeitpunkt in der Geschichte deshalb ein Krieg
Unterstützung, weil er für eine Reihe von persönlichen und nationalen Pro-
blemen, die mit dem Krieg überhaupt nichts zu tun haben, wie z.B. die
Sehnsucht nach Gemeinschaft und Individualität (Kriegserinnerungen sind
voller Selbstbestätigung), oder wie das Bedürfnis, die eigene Männlichkeit
auf die Probe zu stellen, verlockende Lösungen anbietet? Es scheint, daß
der Krieg einen Ausweg aus, oder besser eine Alternative zu den Ein-
schränkungen des Lebens in der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft geboten hat.

4. SchHeßlich war der NationaHsmus die wirkungsvollste Triebkraft hinter der
Verwandlung des Kriegserinnerungen. Schwankte die Stärke oder Schwä-
che der Auslöschung der Erinnerungen im Zusammenhang mit der Stärke
des Nationalismus? In wieweit konnte die Kriegserinnerung auf eine
andere Armee als die, welche den Krieg geführt hatte, übertragen werden,
wie es die Kommunisten versuchten? Sich mit der Kriegsbegeisterung aus-
einanderzusetzen, heißt zu untersuchen wie die Menschen den Krieg in
ihren Alltag integrierten, es hinnahmen mit dem Massensterben konfron-
tiert zu werden. Was ich gesagt habe, will ich als einen Beitrag zum Ver-
ständnis dieses Prozesses nicht nur der Ausgrenzung sondern der „Verall-
täglichung" des modernen Krieges verstanden wissen.

Der Zweite Weltkrieg

Sabine Behrenbeck

Heldenkult und Opfermythos. Mechanismen der Kriegsbegeisterung 1918 -
1945 143

Ilse Modelmog

Kriegsbegeisterung! Kriegsbegeisterung? Zur soziologischen Dimension des
Kriegserlebnisses 161

Gottfried Mergner

Gläubiger Fatalismus. Zur Mentalitätsgeschichte des „totalen Krieges" am
Beispiel der Kriegstagebücher meiner Mutter, 1940 - 1946 179

Nach den Weltlcriegen

Tessel Pollmann

Kolonialgewalt als „Polizeiaktion": Der niederländische Krieg gegen die indo-
nesischen Nationalisten, 1945 - 1949 195

Dawud Gholamasad

HeiHger Krieg und Martyrium bei den iranischen Schiiten im Golfkrieg, 1980 -
1988 219

Wissenschaft, Theologie, Erziehung und Politik

Otto Seeber

Kriegstheologie und Kriegspredigten in der Evangelischen Kirche Deutsch-
lands im Ersten und Zweiten Weltkrieg 233

Siegfried Grubitzsch

Wo bleiben die Wissenschaftler mit ihren Kriegserinnerungen? 259

Joany Knol

Das „Committee on the Present Danger" und die Kriegserinnerungen, 1976 -
1985 267

Wilfried von Bredow

Unernste Rechtfertigung, apokalyptischer Protest: Nuklear-Kriegs-Szenarien 279

Autorenverzeichnis

295

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N- ISSN : 1146-139X

EDITORIAL

Dans ce numero 3, le bulletin du Centre de Recherche poursuit son explora-
tion de l'historiographie recente de la Grande Guerre et elargit son propos a la
recherche depuis 1914.

Nous sommes particulierement heureux de publier une premiere contribution
sovietique. Un des premiers objectifs du Centre de Recherche, favoriser les con-
tacts et echanges entre savants de tous pays, se voit ainsi realise.

Le Musee de THistorial prend forme. Dans des bätiments dont la construction
sera bientot achevee, la presentation des collections fera l'objet d'une museogra-
phie originale, propre a exprimer toute la connplexite d'une epoque charniere, et
toute la richesse de la reflexion historique qu'elle suscite aujourd'hui.

Dans ce cadre, la mise en place des outils de travail necessaires aux cher-
cheurs (bibliotheque, banques de donnees) se poursuit. Merci de nous envoyer un
specimen de vos ouvrages et de vos articles pour en faciliter la recension dans
ce bulletin.

Soidats amöricains partant pour l'Europe. (Le Miroir, 4 aoCit 1918)

THE UNITED STATES :

THE DOMINANCE

OF CULTURAL HISTORY

Corps or the
appear in the
other nations.
on the First

Traditional military and organi-
zational histories - like the his-
tory of the tank
draft - continue to
United States as in
Yet here research
World War seems to me to have
taken a distinct direction. For one
thing, preoccupation with the
Second has almost eclipsed inte-
rest in the First World War, and
this has at times led to interes-
ting perspectives. Thus an impor-
tant work like Rod Paschal's The
Defeat of Imperial Germany 1917-
1918 (1989), seeks to rehabilitate
the Generals of the Great War as
creative military planners, by ana-
lysing how the Generals of the
Second World War built upon their
accomplishments. But the most
noteworthy direction of recent
American research lies in its
emphasis upon cultural history :
asking how soldiers coped with the
war, and the myths and Symbols
they used to facilitate that end.

Le G6n6ral Pershing. (Carte postale, coli. Historial) .

The work which pointed the war
to this approach was Paul Fussell,
The War and Modern Memory

(1975), which sought to explore
how English writers and poets
fighting at the front mythologized
the war, while Eric Leed, No
Man's Land (1979), in a broader
perspective, discussed the personal
structure of the war experience
and the transformation which sol-
diers underwent at the front.

Some other aspects of this
dominantly cultural rather than
social, political or military
approach must be mentioned as
well. There is the preoccupation
with a role of youth, illustrated
by Robert Wohl, The Generation
of 1914 (1979), using the struggle
between the generations as its
framework, exploring the attitude
of youth towards the war in seve-
ral European nations. Concentra-
tion upon death and destruction in
war, its political and cultural con-
sequences, also informs recent
books, stimulated in part by the
memory of the massacres of the
Second World War and the
pioneering work in the history of
death by French historians. George
L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers, Shapping
the Memory of the World War
(1990) which focuses upon the
confrontation with mass death in
the First World War provides one
such example. Robert Weldon
Whalen in a pioneer study. Bitter
Wounds. German Vietims of the
Great War, 1914-1918 (Ithaca and
London 1984), while devoting one
chapter to widows and orphans,
focuses upon the post-war fate of
those mutilated by the war.

Recent books about the war are
apt to take a supra-national
approach, focusing on problems
and propositions rather than indi-
vidual nations. They also tend to
integrate the war into a longer
time span of European history.
The most recent such book, Modris
Eckstein's Rites of Spring (1989),
sees the artistic avant-garde as it

developed ever since the "Fin de
Siecle", as an apt reflection of
the movements and paradoxes
inherent in the war itself. This
book, like the others mentioned,
demonstrates the uses to which
many American historians put the
war in order to get a deeper
insight into European culture as a
whole. The tradition of cultural
history in which these books
stand - not the history of ideas
but centered upon people's
perceptions - conceives reality as
the framework of history and the
mediation of this reality as the
content.

It is puzzling that the new
social history, and what is called
social science history, has had so
relatively little impact upon the
recent U.S. historiography of the
First World War. More traditional
accounts of the war use some of
its methodology but like Edward
M. Coffman's not yet superseded

account of The War to End All
Wars, the American Experience of
World War I (1968) concentrate in
the main upon organizational and
strictly military history. However,
it is through the broad cultural
emphasis and the more frequent
multi-national approach that

research in the United States has
made its mark. Why the cultural
approach should be so influential
is, once more, not readily explai-
ned. (Cultural history itself does
not dominate historiography in the
United States, though in any case,
some influential historians of the
war, like Paul Fussell, are not
historians but literary critics).
Research in the United States has
made its own distinctive contribu-
tion to the historiography of the
First World War through its pro-
bing of human perceptions based
largely upon literary sources, dia-
ries and "lieux de memoire".

George L. MOSSE

Une gönöration marquöe par la guerre (carte postale, coli. Historial)

■^^sm^^m^^-wc^'

LISTE DES MEMBRES CORRESPONDANTS

S O M M A I R E

. Viktor BORTNEVSKII, Universite de Leningrad, U.R. S.S.

. Vladimir CHERNAIEV, Institut d'Histoire de TU. R. S.S. Leningrad

. Waclav DLUGOBOSKI, Academie 0. Lange, Wroclav, Pologne

. A.J.M. HYATT, The University of Western Ontario, Canada

. Martin KITCHEN, S. Fräser University, British Columbia, Canada

.Bill NASSON, Universite de Capetown, Afrique du Sud

Wilson ä la conförence de paix : aprös la guerre, le temps de l'arbitrage.

(Le Miroir, 2 mars 1919) .

Editorial

Compte-rendu des travaux du Comite Directeur .

L'historiographie de la premiere guerre
.mondiale en France (Jean-Jacques BECKER)

Main tendencies in the study of the history of
the Great War in Russia and the USSR (Victor G.
Bortnevkii)

The United States : the dominance of cultural
history (George L. MÜSSE)

L'historiographie italienne de la premiere
guerre mondiale (Piero MELOGRANI)

Musee de l'Historial

Actualites de la Grande Guerre

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PARIS

M GRANDE GUERRE : PA YS, HISTOIRE, MEMOIRE
Bulletin du Centre de Recherche de rHistorial de la Grande Guerre

Päronne, Somme

Directeur de la publication : Annette BECKER

Adresse : 61, rue Saint-Fuscien - 80000 AMIENS - FRANCE

Tai. : 22.9Z 59.11 - poste 159

Crädit photographique pour ce rr : J.-M. BOLLE

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D7Nn t7vy n>Q>DDn niDnn Nin ivyiN^ t»ünn o o3*noün
,>"jp I i>nn\?o t?D riN vyDo^i mpDt? innin dn Nt7>Qvy tdi

VI n*i>nt> ^D nNi Nb Nin .ini>vy>N tin in>3vy t?DD nnob
nnat? riNn ,>)D!ivn ni£)>\:j pit? t^t^Dt^i -nn>iit? nnm t^vy >")t7>o
-)iii>t7 T^>D : nnriDD Nb ot^iv« Biidung-n t7vy n>7it>>n n>vnn\y

bvy >noDt?n mnot? t^npon i8-n nNQn tjvy nni:in no

nNDn niinon nbvi noii iv^n ,nwo>p-ii>3iNni -i£)t>n->nn

1vy>n t7Mn>Nn .nmnn iooin Dn>D>n mniDn >t>n> in ,i9-n

.nvybmi nDt?n n>D>t?iQi)3t?ipm n>3)3'inn invovym vyovyon

m^nnn >d »nriD (Mannheim) D»n3)o ^-ip jitJPifipn
1in >bvi t7v :ni>ip>v niiiinp >Ti\y t?v n^vw^ n>n*nQn
ivn nn-i ni>Dn .onbDvyn Nin n>n>n oDinvy >« t7Vi
D>-iiQ — o>DDnnni ,ni3min n>t7V riN D>t70\y)on nnavan
-if)pn->nnn dtqvq .n>D-iv dn i:kii»i not? nb vn — D>i{-iDi

Ordinarien-n miDvy na ,n\:»t7in>3')Nn bvy >DD-i:in tJTiQt?
>-iiiD ,7^^ .nn")TDii no'n>N onan o>vyni> iDp , Universität
n>n nvy >vy£)')nni >ND2ivn pwn t^v n^ biiQ o»n ,it7t?WD

TlVy ,T1N\ DV .Vl1)3>t7 t?lt?ÜD TIN l'IOt?') V^^Tt> \D12n t7V

n-iiDn .nt7N nu>ün d^ Biidung-n t^vy mpan ii>nn D>nvt7
n>)3-TpN nDt?)3n t^v vyl^n nit>Dno t7Di ,i*TnD ')nTi>Di otjvy
i>n> nt7N oniDonoi o>*TiD\y nv>3)3 nn>n Nt? ot^w ,it7vyo
D^ivyv on ; Biidung-n t7vy D»3ivyN")n D>t7N>i>Ni onnn
nn>üDt? v:ii3n n\ ovDt? ,Dinn t?Dn D>^-ii>t7 ni>nt? vn
Dt?iN ,n-i>np oivyD 703 n^i^vy pn» .ont^vy npmpNn

D • 3 n T / 9

I I

>v - n>!io>ODON -IHN Dvyjo^nn ,o>*Tin>n -nn»n - VDmn

.ninnvyo nmn invn
t70tPD nniTöm nDn>N o-im -lavy^ >nipon imn ,nvyvot?
riN p\y .v»p D-inn\y!7vy ,onin>n u ipm -ip>vn .mipnt?
biD> ,nji>i v)!?noin po ,noD>Q inn>-T:»nvy >od ,Biidung-n

bv pnjinvy din t^D .it'vy niot?vyn t?N>*T>Nl7 oNnnn iö!iv jin

— >7in> Nin DN V11 >3)3n> nih on v^ — Biidung-n iwn
.D»DiNt7 nit7U>t7 -ivyp Nt7t7 ,>)ioin dih nrnt? <iiNvy^ t7iD>
Biidung-n N\y) ,i^vy nvo>t7'i£)"iooipn t>N>'T>N mint? o'?^H
;n>3on:»n n>oo>t7N>7>Nn n>Dtp')t^>£in onin riN nt?>nTiDt?o
VN mnN DDvy <]H2 ,>nvn> no>Qt7'i ,>3o*i:i p>v-) m n>n
TDvan nif5>Nvy t?vi Ti3>nn t?v v^ovyn Nin .t7>npü mm it?
.nonm dn m>nin n>D)3n>n nn-innvy oipn t7Dn >DiD>3n
ipov TTnnN ni>Dn>N niü-iNn D»3i3>nn nnovon ot^iN
Di 1QD ,n>onptot?nNn !71d t^N n>Qiiv m*T>nn on d:>
ppDH Ni Nt7 ,t?t7D Tim ,nNT Dv .n>mnn no>t7N m>iiu
05 mnnN nnnnn Nt^o >io>n >i>t? Biidung-n t^vy >v:)D>D)3inn

- initJt>Dn DiNH mi{>v ,>ip - >t7N\:?ion -fi3>nn t?N>-T>NvyD
m>ü>n mi\y n\y>:it7 npniiD nn^n niino n>tJMN .ii>vn tov
,ni\y>>n pn o>b7nnn in bv .'ji3>n mviiDNn n>mnn no>t7N
n>i{pN*iv:)3>Nt7 n>t7:i3Nn n\y>:in >\yn>Q ii7 t7vy iDion iiNi
nD-Di>o m\y n>Dnt7 ii>pn ,n>3o-i5n nrt^^pn pnt? n3>n
o>D>it?ö D>vy3N >-T>-t?v TN -n:nnvy nm DPt7Nn>iin3>N ^vy

.Bildung t?vy "plNDH" pviD

(>o*io oijvn n>n\y) "nn>::in -i£)pn-n>n" pn nnvynt? v^^VQ
nviDvy nnt7io ,D>Dön:»n n>üt?>D)Dinn n>P3Q>5n lu^ >b:iiNn
7i3>nb TTTH DN t^it^p^i DiiiNa n>min no>t7N i^vy^nt?
,*Tnt7n v*T> n»3pnn ip^non Nt? nnt?iDn >3vy .>No>oin>3iN
ni{vt7i o37ioDni 7>ot7nn t?\y d»din dn nnot? i\yp>n n^jn
Biidung-n t7Nn>Nt? 7ipn ,nNt ov .nnit^bDi Dn')>vy>N tin
mnriDnn t7V mi navy Nb Dt?ivo n>o>-inn mipon ,DipiDn
10D ,nt7\y moan .mt?i:in nl^tJivyni poitjnb nniTio n>Qüv
TN .vyNiD n-n>in ,-itii> iniNDn Biidung-n t^Nn^N *?v n
.n>m-i>a nnonnvy t7N>T>Nn in mivy nn>n noiiv n n-n:^n
N>nvy >DD ,>t?MNn 7ipnn t7vy n>Dipn nionn 7)h inn3 nnn
io^n-n>a (Hughes) \v pNDiD t7\y >ONt7pn nDün mNino
11N*in OID .1861-D ,(Tom Brown at Oxford) pNia 01U bv
t7D >fDt7D ^3t7nip ;m3 y\r2 t^vm nn tv ;iiom mn>" n>n
nvyvn >t7>3N Dt7V ;nn-in n\yivi ovo naiN ;D7Nn >n
nnni nnoQ 7i3>nt7 vy> ind o:\ ."Dpvyi vi3^ »invm
nin>vyn p>3VX3 n> :D>3ivy o^vynnn ,r\H\ dvi .mvy-iiDQi
m>7b — nnii>nvy ,ni:>mnnn 7-1*1^? "ip>V3i ,D>\yvo^ n-)n>
D>vn-) nvyibvy" — o^mvynn -)Oün->nn >t>n3DQ d>i-i bvy
riDnvQt? ni3nNn >i\:>u >7>b n^n Nt? ninpiDn ."o»nn id
ni:imnnn ,D>vyvon np>vi n^n »nniN^nt? ,niTiDio miDN
vyn:iD i7V pin pn\yQ nmib ,o-in t?vy i>jTit?ivf)2 j >(-in 7-1721

yv 7/77'r7 ,'onDn Nj:^n nnmj^ o'Dio^^ion oirnn d'tidj Dnin> onin
,ni'ioiN'7n ivj m<n''7 Bildung'n Dy"nn n>jmn . wn nnon \i^nNn

n>'7nH'7 1IV22

niTN oTNn Nn> iniDn\y nmon nn>an t?vy pbmn y*ib

D»vypn t?D nnot? ipmvy ,D>vyii Dn3> nion rbn vn
.Biidung-n t7N>7>N t^v HDOo^vy n>t7na>^ Dt7iv nöpyynn
vt7>nnb it7nn D>p7D ,nNT dv .nupnn tmih Nt? tiv ,d-iuv
,>\y*)3Nn vnot^ iivypNy noa •ip>V3 ,Dn!7vy ni>o>o£nNa
1vv")n p>mnt7i 7>vynnt7 tx>t\ i\y£5N->N n>7v!7nvy nPD'ooiN
n>£jt7\y ,nt7Dvynn ^\y n>t?>pn nmn it nn>n Nt?n .Biidung-n
DJ nmv) nn>ot7 t»>mn^ Biidung-n t7vy ^v^anan 7>t^nnn t7v
DNipb vyt7mi 7t7n n nmn t>vy nopin 7N ,>Tnnnn pmoi
b\y <1D1D T)ü> ^w n>n nan ,Dt7iN .19-n nNnn moo
VVQ — nT 7>bn3i b\y n>Qion müon .inNi 7bn Biidung-n
,7Dt7 >N .>iN-iD Nbvy mi>iDi nt?f3-Tivo 7>)3Ti nn>n — niD^vy
.mnN D>D-iv DD-iyon nn n>nnn riN Nt70t7 n>n t>p
iniopnnn v^^ Biidung-n pa pnn ivyp n>n »iD^Nivy >dd
>VüOND vy)o>vy Biidung-n .'>Di3>nn iDvnn bvy inip^nnm
V3t? nt lovn DV D>3DDD DQüv iNivy nt?N va n^nant?
Tnvo" mint? ,d3qn .D>DiDDn nnnvom n>o-ipioünNn
'n:iin nt^^nriDt?» obiN ,"ip>vn n>t73t7D divdwd vy> ">3i3>n
nn>n t?v üPUDn ,iüiiv t^v^o D»n miN t^viD ntn iDvon
,niv>Di{ ,minv noin ,ivyi> : au>n nivn>n »npnnw nmo
npvy>Nb nvDi>n Tin>DD iodtid n^N .m)i)> iiüni niD>no
nt? ivyo>\y ni>ONt7pn Jin>!i>nvy ,nQt7vyi n3ii:^n ,n>DiD-in
Vn nin>n ni>vy>Nn nin>o t^vy n>Dipnn niuan .noiD
>n-iin Nin\y — ipio pnt? ,nniv:) nn^o ,Sittiichkeit-n
,n>Di{v ninnonn t?vy nitJiriD piN ni>*T:ini — ininon
Sittiichkeit-n D»pnn m p^ 7vyQn .n>t7ND n^niD noDD^vy
.nvyvntJi nDbnt? — ni>o>t?iDinripbi nimnot? t?upnn
D>uiQ>3n >bv3t? pi nDni>i 7>Qn nt?n:iin niDbnipnvy Nt7N
n\ypi3ni "i*T:non D»nn ii3>u .ni>n>DO-ii3n ninion nn^Qni
.niJiDi 7vy)Dnn 7>t7nnD Biidung-n t'V "in:> >3i3>nn Tovon t7vy
Biidung-n n^n t7iD> Dnn\y nit7in:in dn nvnpvy N>n ni)>:inn
,-io)iD liiim D»nünt7 n^n Biidung-n 7>t7n3n t^v .ipDnt?
«IN IN ,pinQn ,n>nNn oiNn ;n>n> ivyN i>ii>D n>n>
.Biidung-n Dinn!? ^inn nni3 ,nNt nnivt? ,o>\y3n .yf:b\Dvyn
Bildung-n t?v n>n ,Dt7in)3in y\^ -i>nnn\y >od ^^jd!? t'vo pvy
n>7Vt7in Dn!7m v^*tv w n>n nn ,>iin>iin "iivy>)Di ipann!?

.ona> t7vy

DiinNii Di]i;in DmiTN

Tovön ni>-iüiQ t7vy 7iinn tinvD Biidung-n \)iß'>\) ,-iidnd
Nin .o»n miN bvy ,111110 nn>)3i >(-im 711 t7vy ,>3ipnn
iDtvy nt^N ,gebiideten-n : D>ipQ Tovo 117 t7\y loipn v^oN
n>pDo>:>n n:iu oov 13Q3 .t^VTnvnt? invym »Biidung-t?
li:iD ,viifp)o >vyDN Dnn i>n ; n\:)>t7'in^DiNni n>ot?>Dninn
"fivjm" Biidung-n .mnn >-Tnivi D>oniop ,n>t>DQ>:in d^iiq
tJK3ü vyQvy>vy >-td ,nnN nn>ion n^iinp >*T>-t7V >^qini
n>m3n nD>t?ND nniN i»dn>i n>\yD>\y >-td <ini nniivt^v!?
.n>nvyiinn n>D-ipioü>-iNn dn oi>n Nim <^tfV\rb t^Dinvy
!?it7Dt7 iD>bv n>vyDoi >vii)3N Biidung-n t7\y ini>n niniv jin
n>:iit7iN>T>N!7 7on Nin n 7*171 .imo jin iD>vy\y o>Q-iiin y>i

D • 3 n T / 10

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TV ijn>t7>3 ,-in>:in dn D>ii^n idn .o>tJn:>n Biidungsroman
ino piDv vyiN> v^ — n>Diiv ninnonnl? v^^onq -jii ,"iniQ
ivi — Nt»> 7*T>N0 mt^n:» nnpnt? n>"n!7)n nniowt? Hvn
Tiiv-nDi >\y£)3 iiPN^ v>>o Nin nvy »miot? 710p ,nt7vy iniN

.oiND t7vy ini>vy>Nt7 -invn Nt^oni >\y3inn
inppi? nD>t7in iNt^n t^vy n>D3o>t?>o-uvaDn ni>D>t7"ioinoipn

NiJiD mn >D>0Nn \yoinn dn ,p >d t?v in ; -tino >ion> Nin
nnn niDn pi Nt? o>nivy fi>nn Nin \>^w t^v it7>Ni »tnon
o>3ivyn D>QiNt7n t7\y i>!7\yn :in>Dn t^vyn oy Nt^N o>mn:in
np>nnn oipo bDo w ,-in>:in t7vy nvni>ü>n .nn D»nn
t7\y iriDvo TIN nnn ^iioonD ^wx .ntf^y wiv hpn ,tf^
H^^iob oiHD ^v n>Dt7 ,-inv n>yii in t^vy invyn nn-rnn *t>*t>
1N ,1^1^'»^ ^vy nt7Nt7 prnvT jin D>Nn>vy id >i>-t?v din71
"?DDQiNn" .in£)ipn >3n *in> o>^>n onnvy ni^npvn pn7>
,V3:it7 "?Nnnt? !7vy -i3>t>n ivt? nnNt? id^^v onh" p^vyn mn
.D>vy-T)vy nnN vyiD>nt7'j ni>DiNt?t7 11 ^nv vn ,nni n^
ninnonn tJ\y t7N>'T>Nn dn iDvyt? n>n nvyp ,nN"iDn >dd
o>3vy3 pi Nbi — n>t7Nn>iv7D>Ni ni73>ia ^nt^n n>oifv
t7vy inn>Qii n>vyNin o> oh >d »nionban pnvy iiond nnn
t?vy init7n riN niDvy!? i>m ,-im t>\y iQipn .Biidung-n ii>vi
.">3i>üpNn 1N >bnn>t7 :m>7Qn t7vy mnvyon n>DiNn ii>v*in
imDi ,Ji>o>!?iDn nD:iDt7 iDi^v D>NJint7 n>n Biidung-n t?v
.*T)ovyt7 i>*T>n n!7vvy >t7Ni*T>ii>T3>Nn vyainn n-T>on mmo n>rj
nmo n>nvy >o>3£)n nrion 1100 n>n >')p>vn >vyipn 7N
>3i\yN-iQ ,vpt7i3)3in 110 t7vy n>*Tt? .Biidung-n t7N>T>N iint?
mpot?" :nnDvy >dd ,-inn n>n m>')£)>Tvn -nu ,p^v*in >:iin
.">NQüvn npinn riN h*? ,>üo:\nr) vdndh jin pn d>ip»)3
it?>Ni ,n')Niiini pni in y>'>mr2 ,fi>oin ,>on:inn v^^^^^n
no\y qN Nini ,vmN>:ivyn nmnt? vy\yin id>n >n>DNn ipmn
pnmb n>n rbvw -jd nnriDnn n>o>t7JNn in!7iD>vy td bv

n»3pn vn pPNn riN NiiiQt? iD>t7V t^om v^^v ,dvd
pD» .T)'>t2^v mnriDnn *Tn>v v^^ v*t> bvy nvnp m:iü)3
nt7N\yn riNtJvn >-r>-t^v ,1^^ v»Pb t7iD> Biidung-n t7Nn>Nvy
jTJDDPt? ni>t?Nn>ii>*TPN VI nvypn nnw t^v nii>\ynn nn*i
Tuvjnt? oi>n t^DiD Nt7\y pn» -jn .nvvy>N mii>v^ v:>i3n t7Dn
nt7vvy >0D ,niDnt?n lu^n t7V Biidung-n nmot? <iDn riN
o>)Dipion o^mnn ihn pvy ,1^>3^^ nivyvt? ut^nam >7>n
: Nüön *nv 1PN Biidung-n !7Nn>N vyi)3>Qt? iDi>n D>niv^nn
vyio>\yn nivi^oNn D>vy3i o>in:i ip\y>vy niDt^vyi minNn
7N ,i^n mioNn pot? mvyi iivy t70in nnvn o> .oniuni
noipn nt?n3 ,nr) m>)3>oDiNn voit^nt? rnnN i3t?vy non
inn£5n .nbnnnn in ppNn dn vyont7i mvyt? i3>t7V .nt^Dvynn
t7V vy>*Tn DN o>vyt7 Nin — oi>n oi — -»ni>n oivyon

1iiDnn d:i ^d!? .niDinn t7vy y^v t^Dt? nnijnnn pi ,t7nnDn
HNon t7\y D>\yit?\yn niDvyn tJ^mvy >o ,(Arnoid) 7t7i)"iN PNOtn
,n>i?wN3 D»-iu>!in iDün-">n3 riDivon noiioi nmipn
vy-i)oi nt?>onn-n>n ddp -iorn-n>n t^vy D>3v:)pn >w^ iQNvyD
-)OiQ DDon nivünN3 pi Nt> mnt?) nmpiDn .o^pnvyon
Di\y» iiiv^iQNn ,D>pnvyDn vyi:iQ t7V d:i dn o ,nnnTNi

.>vyvo
TW^nn .no!3vy nniN>nD ipono ipn n\ nvypnn Biidung-n

>3\y liin ot7iN »^mvnvyo piNn "T>nt7nn t?vy nv^Nn>ii>73>Nn
.i>i>at?n t>v nn>N 7t7>nvy niian t7\y >oi!7iuaNn iniD lon
,"nu>iin -iopn-n>n'a nmo niiim nn>n nbvDt^o nnn
n>n Dn>t7V d) .n^Qiiv nvavyo bv n>£ipn D>om\:>pn pvy
Nt7 >D <iN ,-iDon-r)>n t?vy ypT)n mpont? m>*inNa riNvyt?
noivt? ,n>D)o-i:in n>t?3D>n .nvyvo^ nDt^n inm vyma -T>Dn
,nQt7D Nt? nmnNni m^bniun ,p'inn pnvyon >Dnv ,nN\
npnpvy n-in>n nn>vynn dn -i:iq!7 mvi3 nvavyQn miNn

.n>t7Ni*Tnm3>N n>nüv ninnonnt?
nniDD mnn!?") hdin^? niiomn nnpt?^ D\y ,n>t7WNt7 ti:i>d3
.ni>oiNbn bvy m>)o>t7 rnDQ-rn Biidung-n n>{>>Tin ,n>bN)3
.nvDvyn mviiONn ninion nn>Qn it7n3in n>t?MN3 d> ,ddon
TiiDDpinn ovQt? ,iQiiV nn>)3 piNn n>n inna ovy oj
TIN .onnn mo>vyn >nvy pn o^binrin in ,üiDt7nni
,>3on:kn Biidung-n y:i*? n>t7:üNn ">oiNn mn>0" pn o>^innn
t7Nn>N nuNvy pwn \y>nDnt7 p>3 ,Dn>nvivnvy)3 dni
on»n !7V D>n-i DmD>t? .Pt^v oni^p ^Nim vn Biidung-n
.n>DD-m im n>bMNn in utid^ nDün->nnn o>i>Dt7Ti t^vy
7D>p-n pnDi (Hesse) non pin v:»d D>nDiP 'joi ipDV
0 p>*n-|Q'i (Kipling) i3>bD^p *T")N>Ti ,n>3)0-i>n (Wedekind)
.nnivyn n^nnn Dn>pn no»p otJiN .n>t>>3N3 (Farrar) inio
on> nDiit? !?np t^vy riDpD D^t?:^!?^^ D»3n-):kn o>ni£)>pn
Tioivt? ,n>t7:\DNn .iDon-nna nvypi^n nvQvyom oman
y^^^\ mn^iin -iDun-nn .-iTirn onn^ nt^ND D>NvyiD ,TiNt
>a>t7 i7t7D nv*Tn t?v nbvri Nt^vy n*T>Da ,>v?3on *T)N3 t^t^D Tim

.n>3D-i:in n>D3D>:in

niDODi ni»VNn»ini»K

n>Dioib>£)n pivo Biidung-n t7vy nipan ivnn t)'>t) ,iiond
-in>n i>n nn^ nt7>nnDt7D n>n -noNi ,n>im3k n>oD>t7N>T>Nn
-M'i))^ niipni .n>Da-i:in ni">oiN!7i nnnN t?vy nvvn!? hdvq
jTit^vybnvyn riN Biidung-n ^p'^o D>D»pn o^wxib moNrinm
ni>DiN!7 1^ nn>n ,nt?>nni .nrntoai non^N o")D3 nvaiN^^n
if)ipi ,ot7iN ;n)DV IHN mpn nitjvt? n>n t?'jD> Biidung-n\y
DDivnt? Biidung-n !7\y iTOvvyb n nvQiNt? HNnn m t?Ny
povy nnuint? m>non mavvy ninnonn — nnN mioN
*Tn^ .npt'Nn^iviPNi m^t^mt? ,ni>v:j>t?iQi)3Pip nmn mm
iD>\yQnvy ,bvyo!7 ,-inin voiq onm ,D>vy3N vn ,nNt ov
DDnnn ovyt? Biidung-n t?vy inv mpinn ivvin vynnvynt?
nt7ND vn .npnü n3>N\y ni>QiN^ pnt? npTiü nvaiNt? v^
>3-t7V *TiD>nn -V^vin t7V *^*p^yr\ orw^ Nt? v^^v Dn>ni!7^
.ji>iivyN-in imvQvyD tjv omv "lovy Biidung-n ni^npv

D ' 3 r> T / 12

1849 ,i"iNnn mo"ifn ynn ,iio'n nror »on y^ miofjni?

lim >'7o :n>'7:i]ND no:nn

-.jiDon nH'ipi

A. Assmann, Arbeit am nationalen gedächtnis. Eine Icurze
Geschichte der deutschen Bildungsidee, Frankfurt 1993.

G. Bollenbock, Bildung und Kultur. Glanz und Elend eines
deutschen Deutungsmusters, Frankfurt, Leipzig 1994.

K.H. Jarausch, Students, Society and Politics in Imperial
Germany. The Rise of Academic llliberalism, Princeton 1982.

G.L Mosse, German Jews beyond Judaism, Bloomington 1985.

J. Reinharz, W. Schatzberg (eds.), The Jewish Response to
German Culture. From the Enlightenment to the Second World

War, Hannover 1985.

F.K. Ringer, The Decline ofthe German Mandarins. The German
Academic Community 1890-1933, Cambridge 1969.

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D ' 3 O T / 13

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•DU nioyi

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>)obvyn> t?>Dvyn ,Dit7\y Dvyi> .inio wn iDt?n D>)vy 15-1

Dinnn o^ot^iv vc»iin tf iNii>vy mim ini^n ,vt7in i>t7>

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>D \yn\y niN!?« ,inin>m \:)Dpu t?i nNnpn ii> t?vy i:iip t7V

.uiDiN tjvy n>i>n nvynivy

o>bNiopboD>Nn niiinpn n>oi)3 niQi n>n Dit7vy ovyi:»

ptJiD ^n!7nn iiiiin .D>t7vyii>t7 n^^ni^in npyyy o^iin^n

min Dv iiit? ,^inin ni piinn^i niiiipi iin nvnt?

ii>Dn ,n\n np>nvyn ni*i>n t?v iiDvyt^i nto onait^on

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1DV ipQt7Dnn D>Q>t7\y ,D>i>)3t7n ^vy nnn Dit7\y i>nvn

.iniiiv nN npm

o>30t bvy n\ ivt?ji nin o>p>ni onpim D>i>Dt?n nvyit?vy

t7vy npninni niiiiDn inioit? o>inN o>iip oiv^ivyt?

D»\:)t7iD>n ni>vynn >ni>i nN nn^a bi>N nvy« .oPvy D\yi>

D ' 3 DT / 3

n ' 1 1 ü o ' n y 1 1 \ß 21 / D > 3 n T

1997/8 ')lin / 61 iDon ji'is

: I 3 I n

In memorlam : (1997- 1909) pVia n'yei' / i:jiii{'7T-Tiy n'DD 4

Bildungn |i'in Vü ni'Voia'iiKn /noio'zMii'a •

DiVuii nnnVn |ma D'eii / Di'7i'7a ni'DN 14

n'yi^pn manV niniyn niaDan *iv) ipiKO :ni3i'^'7 DT'a'WD |a / 1 1 ü • o n d w 1 w 26

'DnyinmDO" 'D-Vy :'3i'^n n'eji nannn an / i'p^^ nniN

: 7 n I ' n y i\\i

Di'zw Dyji;i mVin"; naw hnd

'7;i'Dw DiVw"; DiVw Dwi;iD mio :niiyn

?nyein niix IN aicn'iDin :'i n'iDin / "7 0 in 52

Di'ziy Diyna Vei moiTeinn ni'n'eini ni'ooiM :D»«3iJin D'riT /Vi'Nnwn 64

maNn nnn'mnK eJiD'na / 'i7i{'7iu nü'^< 78

|rD:i-ii nin "ZI n^^<'7 di'zvü dwi^d min iniiyn 87

DlVei Olli / 1 1 ^ ' i? I O 88
: D'IDD mifT'a

lin'ipi nnVei "7^ oyii n'^ON 97

ViiVii HD' Vy |'p^'i7"ip'Ti |nn^< 100

iii7T"i Vy in i7ni^' i04

IDO 'mV IIIO'V HDO Vy I'ID '^\ü 106

|i>DNi» omn "zy kiiii-ii •znVj^i / ninn 108

: D'OlO mip'2

"nown «aDV nnnn" "zy uni '7?<di 116

"nun Dei" '7y aii3"'7i7 lyiN 118

Di^E) oe/ij 777>/n^ nje/ hno yw '^t • I9i2-i9i 1, "7mH\ä pinn dho i/'^ ,won^

D • ] n T / 2

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.n>mw t7V^ on»n miN riM n>nDnt7 m^To!?
mn\yn »monoo D>p!7n vynD ivbio^vy inNb ,mno iv ot^w
np ,n>oiNb niNOiiVt? nont^on 1^ nn^n nvD .n^ liiQ
on>Dn\ynD tin np>pvnvy ,"n>3o-i:i bvy mnvyn niant^o"
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piv? DIN ; nvyrn nivyi3N D-i:kt7on "vyin otn" -iiii>t? vypnvy

.intn-p"i ivy>
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vyon\ynb vyp>n ot^UDin .Nin 'i)it7vyDt7 o>oniin dn —
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ibv£) bN>*T>Nn b\y o>JivyNin vddido onnN d>i ,n>t7non
nv nniNi pi3>D >nt?\yn vnvy niDno-nioiNt? niDQNJ Tino
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d:i n!?n ,n>t?Nt7pn n>nnn noipnn in n^Dvynn nsiprin
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,m>*Ton <iN nmviiOMni ,noiNn\y nnvyDM nn>n nt^nnrin
.vni5>ü3t7i n^ >b-)i>b >Tiinin t7N>*T>N tJv; VDDiot? iDom
n>\yN-in ,n>oiNt7n nv*niin t7vy nninnorinn m Dipm nt^vyn
ni^iD> m>o>t7')DiDt7ipni npowt^nvy n>n dni) ,19-n dnoh
PDiDVVin tjvyot? ,n liit? 1^ io»pnn ini ,t?>np)3i o»pnn!7

D ' 3 O T / 7

n o in '^ ';i"i/';i

Biidung-n |i"yi "züj ni'VoiDi'iiNn

nimiK'71 niiion niTn"; ,nQin'7 ^i^'"'' niDn"nn nDinn tvnh^VD no'Dnn .n'iman wmn^ nnnit Vei
ni7'vy ,nm m»nn .nVm hjdd nn»n nimo i^innH*; nneiONii ,|Dn n2«i» Vx'iJJOiD n'yyn nji»n D"n
^dVini .n^nni nD»i7n mi;in "zw m;iDnn isn nxDn "/ly D"nimnni D"mnnn niipyin nx Bildung-n
im nuyiu ni'niN*7 Vy w^nn yi^ Bildung^ niinon ni«'7oin»jiK'7 nn«DDn yi yim »nVin nin^yn

iniynein im ni'vyi n? ;nyin Viy nyoejnn rd nx Va;in i9ti n^el^n i^nnn ini«i im»

VVQ *Tii>n .">DNvy müD >a^v dn pnt?" nninn rt^v nt7V?invy
>ionn nnN din t?vy nipnnn ,>)Diiyn ni3>o Nt7N n>n Nt? n^

.i)D!iV n:\t7 it? vy>vy ot^vyian

n'nnni nVDejnn Vei i^in

DN o ,i3t?3 ntJDvynn nfjipn t^vy liiin n>n Nt? Biidung-n
t?vy io>pin .18-n hndh itrioi n>PNt?pn n>nnn t7\y d:i
— nn^nm munn ,m>bNn>iv*TPNn o^ün nnv n^ iipn

DiN^ ivyo^vy TivpNbpn nn^ii>n Dt?'!^ — (Humboldt)

m>üN!7pn nn^ü^n >d nn^n nt^iipan n-inon ,nQ nnn>
nvQvyn nmivni n>Di)3-in m>vy>N bvy nni5i>vt7 niQ-iin
ntpwnn hn^q n\?>t7vy mvi^DNi niv^Di^n ,ni3>n)0') n>)oi{v
, Bildung-n -jQ >mnn pbnb i>n n^N D^t^Nn^N .nvvyi^Nn
iiiQ>N nv niiiNn n^v onovy o^^i^nn nnnvon d> d^in
Vnb Bildung-n pi nmwn iu>n mipD >ni\ .nt^N D>t7N>i>N
.^vyonn n inNvy nDio N\yi3 ^oüvrian >3i3>nn lavan
t?>pin nav \:>not? Dm:kPDn nonvvy mn>vynm rbn mDvv"i
vyn!7i vc\t)y\v'? it7>nin pN oni ipn tiv t?Di ,Biidung-n
iü!iv TIN nD\?o ,ivu3 -f!) ,DiN .n>vy>Nn nn>nn t^v -inn
D'>nn i>t7N on>n ivyN n^^J^^ ^''•^ Biidung-n .intJiD> nu>DD
iniiiin .T>t7nnn p^n iök ,-MßyMß ^^mo nD>nin Di>N '^'^■d-d
niD-ivü t?:)^? 1>1DQ nvnt? Biidung-n t?v n>n ,n>Di\yN-in
nNii .loiiv DiNn p ivn^ N^vy ,nt7V)3!7n mriDinvy miDNn
Ti>DivyN-in inniiin Bildung-n t7vy n>t7Pin^DiNn nivQ\yDn >d
n^iuptJ IN naiNt? nt^u^nt? n>n -ivy£iN-">Ni nDiiü t?D nnm
D^t7iD> v^^m^y nnnn dipiod D>nn> ,t7vyDt7 ,1^ .nQ>iP)D
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rnnriDTint? p-i nn>n ma^vyn .oipa n>n n^ n>DQiNt7 niNDp
.im>i nnv n^DiDini n-nw m>vy>N t^vy n\yu>:i riNnpt? n>Diiv
mmt? Bildung-n ^\y n\ iwi n>n i>nv po inNt? nun o>D\y
^ö^ n>nn-in ni3i>ii i\yp>3\y ,D>nn D>3l>iit7 nNivyn lipo

,nnv?ü1ND (Adler) I^IN Dpa 1)33 0>DP>t7N>i{10t71 ,n>0>t71D

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ON ,Dt7iN .D>*TiD>t? nvDDintJi nNiin^ ,niNo^p-in>DiNt7
nQ>vy-)n dddp> Nb\y niN>ni nntno t7\y nNt^o nmin wpn^
riN .Nnn nvyN mvyiQ ><in Nnn ,m >vyipn t7pTi>D ^Ntn^
-ivyND ."-yiD^n'o t?t7D iiTn D>)3nnn Bildung 3i>30i:in rbißry
TIN DDTipn nNon (Pauisen) p^iNQ i>-)in£) <^iDit?>on nriD
DDON Nin ,Das deutsche Bildungswesen n>UNt7pn 1Til>i{>
IN ,n>30-i>n -»Dpn-^nn t7\y D>Divyn D>:iit?n rj-i>pt7n nno
Tivyonn TiQDnt?» n3>N Biidung-n mvovyo >d \)'»yim i>Pin
nm5i>v riN nt?t7iD N>n ; nv\:)o:in niD>QN t7\y '\r\yDt>pi in vt>
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nn*TD ,7^^ .nn-i^nm non^N onon o^vynv iQp , Universität
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o>D'))3>Dn >t7vntJ p-i Dpnvi i>Qn nt7i:iin r^^:b2^vn>iJ n^jn
nvypi^m *n:>i)3n D»nn ii3>o .nvn>DQni3n nuiv^n Dn>nni
.mjiDi -yvynriD i^t^nn:? Biidung-n t?v *n:k >npin lovan tJvy
Biidung-n n>n biD> onnvy nPn:kn jin nvnpvy N>n m3>:inn
,-i)3:iiQ -lifinn o^^nont? n>n Biidung-n i>t7nn t?v .ipont?
<1N w ,i>inDn ,n>iNn dinh ;n>n> ivyN vi3>d n>n>
.Biidung-n Dinnb ^inn nni) ,nM\ noivt? ,D>vyDn .pt^uDan
Biidung-n t?v n>n ,ut?iiQin 113 T>mn\y ^d ,t7Dt> t?VQ p\y
nnvtjnn onbm i»iv w r\>n nn ,mi>ün -iivy">)3i -rpnnnt?

.onn:^ t^vy

'.i^^^f^^

z.*-^^^

iQVon ninpiQ t^vy iiinn iiqvd Biidung-n vyo>vy ,-iiqnd
Nin .D»n miN t^vy ,nini\:) nn>Qi >("in ti-t t^vy ,>3i3>nn
iDtvy nt7N ,gebiideten-n : D>ipn iQVQ -m t^vy iDiun v>DN
n>PDD>>n n>u ddv 13od .bviova!? invym ,Biidung-t»
1i:^D ,vi^pa ^vy^N om vn , n\:»Pin>3iMni n>ut7>Doinn
"f^om" Biidung-n .n^in niivi D>uni\:)t? ,n>oi)3>n omo
t»)30 \yDvy>vy >*td ,nnN tid^idq niiinp >*T>-t?v >(qini
n^mnn no>t?ND nniN vnN>i i>vyD>\y >*td ^ni nniDvtjyt?
.n>nvyiinn n>\?-ipiv?DnNn jin ovn Nim «i^t^nnt? t^Dinvy
!?pDt7 i)>t7V "i>\yD)3i >vi»3N Biidung-n t^vy invn miiv jin
n>:iit7iN>i>Nb lan Nin i^ titi .mio jin i3>vyvy D>o-ii>n pn

D ' D n T /IG

1849 ,T'wnn mo"^n -]mn jio'n ni'OT 'on i\) miüivif?

: J1DOI3 nniipi

A. Assmann, Arbeit am nationalen gedächtnis. Eine kurze
Geschichte der deutschen Bildungsidee, Frankfurt 1993.

G. Bollenbock, Bildung und Kultur. Glanz und Elend eines
deutschen Deutungsmusters, Frankfurt, Leipzig 1994.

K.H. Jarausch. Students, Society and Politics in Imperial
Germany. The Rise of Academic llliberalism, Princeton 1982.

G.L. Mosse, German Jews beyond Judaism, Bloomington 1985.

J. Reinharz, W. Schatzberg (eds.), The Jewish Response to
German Culture. From the Enlightenment to the Second World

War, Hannover 1985.

FK. Ringer, The Decline ofthe German Mandarins. The German
Academic Community 1890-1933, Cambridge 1969.

•jmivy Nt7N .Biidung-n nnt^in t?vy nnioü>nn m^vy!7nvynn
,Biiciung-n t7N>*T>N ^vy iDinnn n"iDnn t\h onaNQ idn n
t7vy Ti>t?t>-i3>DiNn imvövyo .t^vi^n wdü'? nt7iD>n riM pi Nt?i
nvDwb t7vy nn»ni ,>np — nvo>t7iDiooip pi m>N iwnn
ininnonn t^vy nvonan d:i tön — n>o3D>Dni n>3£)pin

.DIN !7D ; DiHT) t^vy n>\y£iinm n>Qiivn
ivyN ND^i ,Biidung-n ipvin Tiivu^n ni>vnn i>n> iv^n vn>

n>mnn n\:?>t>N t?\y nn»nt' Ti>DD*i:in nin-inn t?\y n3>on
n>30-i:in nin-inn nporiD Nb n>3-TnQn nsnpnn .nvym
n>D'ipn n>-nN>nn obiM ,bNn>iv*T3>N3 mpanon nniriD
t7\y ni>pon .^onn oipa nvt?Nn>'n>TD>Nn Npin dpoid n

31N 1N nnv n>Dvmn n)>io t7\y nniDiJvnn jin ,-idi> n>Dopin

>'nD >ty niN^mn nno ni;ionD nHUJ'iku nNum J^v oo/j/3 irjNon

.2'2N-'7n nO'012'JIN2iU TTJOi:! FiniOOTli lOOn DPOD io>n

D ' 3 O T / 13

.n>t?Nn>iv-T3>N n>>D!iv nmnonnt? mpa -i>ninb
mivyNin obivn nontJD >Dot7 -liip p^ ariD^vy pn Npm

-n >DnnN)D ihn >t7iN n>n (Rolland) )h)j)i pn dno

TV in-T^tJü ,-in>:»n riN D>'nt>« IDN .D>t7n)n Blldungsroman
mo piov vyiN> iu - n^oüv ninnonnt? PiiONQ -j-n ,ini)3
*TVi - Nt?>> 77>Nn TitfMy mipnt? n>iit?3n nmoiNt? no>3i
mv*Tioi >vyDD iiPNt^ v>:iO mn in\y ,iDiot7 7100 ,at?vy iniN

>ionD ni\yi 2W T)y^MCi HT loün n"i>m>ii>m ,vnbn i3n

.DiNH t?\y im>vy>Nb -invn Nt^nm >\yoinn
ioopt? nD>t?'in iNt7n t7vy n>\:>Do>t7>Q-ov)3Dn nvo>t7iDinüipn
,n>3on> 7>t?> ,<iiot?nD in'\ .nmnlpnn vn\y o>Dvya ionn t?\y
Ni<io mn >n>0Nn \yoinn jin ,p ^d t^v in ; iind >DDn:i Nin
nnn non pn Nt? D^nnvy v"))3 Nin v'i'^vy bv i!?>ni ,PiDn
o>Divyn D>)3iNt7n t?vy v'p^n :iiPQn bvyn d:i Nt?N o^nu^n
npmon Dipn t^Dn in ,iw>yn *?>o ni>m>ü>n .nn D»nn
t7\y "iriDvo TIN nnn niv^t?nD }H'\ .nit^u:^ tivip m>N »it^vy
H^^lo>? oiNn t?v n>ot? ,-ini> i>v:i in t?vy invyn inian i>*t>
1N ,int7n t7vy nt^Nt? ptiivt dn o>Nn>vy td n>-tJV ttinii
"TDDOiNn" .inoipn >n -in> D>t?:>n onnvy ni^npvn p'in'T>
,vni!7 "?Nnnt» t?\y n3>pn tvt^ nnNt? iD>t?v oNn" ,n>\yo mn
.o>vy"Tivy inN vyifD>nt7i nvQiNt^t? m *j-iv v^ »"tJ"!^ nt
ninnonn ^\y t7N>i>Nn riN iDvyt? n>n nvyp ,nNiDn >£)d
D>Dvyn p-) Nt7i — n>t?Nn>i')>*T3>Ni nbn:iiQ >nbn n^Qiiv
t?vy inn>Qii D^vyNin 0:1 dn >d ,m)3n!7on pivy püNn nnn
t7vy ini!?^! DN mDvyt? vn ,"n*T t^vy i£iion .Biidung-n iwi
.>3i>!ipNn 1N >t7*n>!7 imnon t?vy mnvyDn n>DiNn ipvnn
miDi ,n>o>t7')Dn niayicö Mß^^f D>NTint7 n>n Biidung-n *py)
.Tiovyb v*T>i nt^yvy >t?Nn>i')>TPNn vyoinn jn>Dn n^nio n>n
mmo n>n\y >D>3Dn nnoi iiqo n>n >np>vn >\y')pn tn
>Di\yNiQ ^v^tJUDin 11D t^vy n>it7 .Biidung-n t^Nn^N iint?
mpDt?" :an:3\y >od ,nnn n>n nvionvn *np ,ii>vin >:iin
.">NOiivn npinn tin Nt? ,>Do:inn poNon jin pi Dno»Q
it?>Ni ,niNiiiTn pii TN v^^'JV« ,n^t?in ,>\:)Q:inn poNnn
novy ^N Nini ,pmN':i\yn nnmb vyvyin ipn >n>nNn npinn
Vnanb n>i nt7V>\y id nnrionn n>\:»t73Nn int7n>vy id ^v

.T\mm ni\yin mn>DNn

Jl>>3pn V^ WUT) riN N"»iiDt7 13>bV t7V31Q V^^V ,OVD

pD» .n>)3!iv Tunnonn *Tn>v v^^ ^*t> bvy nvnp y)^^>v)Ci
nt7N\yn nNt7vn n>-!7V ,1^^ v»t?b t^o^ Biidung-n t7N>-T>Nvy
niDQP^ nvt7Nn>n>*TD>N y>2 nvypn nniN ^v nn>>ynn nm
mont? Di>n t?Di3 Nt?vy pn» in .ni">vy>N nii{>vt> v:>i3n t?Dn
nt^vvy >DD ,nnnt?n ^nvyn t^y Biidung-n nnio^ n^n ^^
o>Dipion D>N3Dn *TnN pvy ,i3ün niNyvt» ot^iiDin n>n
: NüOin T)V 13^N Biidung-n t7Nn>N vyi)3>DtJ -im>n omvynn
\yio>vyn mviiQNn o>\y3i onn:i ip\y>vy nint^vya miQNn
*jN ,^\n miDNi poo ni\yi mvy t^oin -nvn 0:1 .on^nm
noipn nt?m ,nn iivD>oDiNn v^^'»^rit? mnN iDt?vy non
-innon .nl^nnnn 10 pPNn dn vyon^i nivyt? iD>bv .nt?D\ynn
!?v vynn riN o^vyt? Nin — orn d> — invn uivyon

piDrin Di -jDt? .niDinn t7vy :kiu !7D^ nnwnnn pi »t^nnon
nNon tJvy D>vyit7vyn niD\yn t^t^invy >n ,(Arnoid) it^iDiN üNoin
,n>t7WN3 D>nn>iin nDpn->ra rjDnvon naiioi riDiipn
\y"):»3i nt7>onn-nu o^n -lOün-nn !7\y o^nopn >Dvyvy -iDNvyD
ivMd riDon mv:iQNn p-i Nt? niot?^ ninpion .D>pn\y)3n
Di\y» niViiQNi ,D>pnvy)Dn vn:iQ t^v d> dn >d ,nnn\Ni

.>vyvo
7i3>nn .not7vy nmN>nD ipona ipn nt ivypnn Biidung-n
rt^iym ,*TnN li^n .^unnon on>nn nut^nn fin t'mno
>3vy liio D^1N ,>nivnvy)D piNn i^ot^nn t7\y m>t7Nn>iin3>Nn
.in^üt^n t?v n)D>N itj^nvy niiDn t?vy >oit>it7iNn imD pn
,"nu>ün *ioon"rm"n mno ^^^^^\^ nn>n n!?v)3t7D nno
n>n Dn>t7V d> .n>Qiiv nvavyo i?v n>öpn D>oniopn p\y
Nt> >D «IN ,iDt?n-n>a t^vy vp^^ri nipont^ nmnNn nN^t?
nnivb ,n>3ü-i:in n>p))3>u .nvyvDt? nDt^n "nm \yoiQ T^on
,Miob^ NtJ np-inNni niDt^mpn ,iiinn pnvyon >d-iv ,nN^
nunvvy n*in>n nn>\ynn nN lyioi? nivi^ nvQvyon n-nNn

.n>bNn>iin3>N n^DiiV ninnonnt?
nnioD mnnt^i naiNt? niDOwn nnpt?^ ovy ,r)'>*?XiH*^ *ti)>31
.nv^Nt^n t?\y npo^!? n>3onn Bildung-n nii»nn ,n>t7NO
.nvDvyn mviiONi nm\:?n nn^nn t>^\i^n n>t7:^3Nn d:^ ,d30N
niDDpmn \:)vnt7 »in^iv nn^o iniNn n>n innD Dvy oy
nN .Dnnn niv:?>vyn >n\y v^ D>^innn in ,Di3t7nm
,>30i>n Biidung-n pnt? n>t7:>DNi ">QiNn n')n>£)" pn D>t7innn
t7N>7>N nuNvy piNi vy>n)Dnt7 in>D ,Dn>npivQvyo nNi
Dn»n t7V D>i"i Dmo>t? .rt^v Dni^n >N*nn vn Biidung-n
.n^DQ-in im n>^>iNn in nnD3 -iDon-^nm D>i>«t7n t7vy
iD>pii pnoi (Hesse) nt?n pin 11>D d>-idip tdi ipt7V

n p>"n*l£n (Kipling) iPt7D>p TlNm ,n>3)D-|3in (Wedekind)

.naivyn n^nm Dn>pn nQ»p Dt7iN .n^t^^i^Nn (Farrar) *in"io
Dn> nDi^b t7iü tjvy nDüo D'>*py'?yr2 D»Do-i:kn Dnio>pn
naivt? ,n>!7:iDNi .*iDt?n-n>in n\ypiDn nvn\y)3ni Dnixan
:kü")n nn>iin noun-nn .nnn Dnn3 nt^ND D^NvyiD ,nNX
>n>t? t?bD nvm t?v nt^vn Nt7vy m>m ,>o3Dn niNi t>t7D i-nn

.n>3Q-i:in n>p3)3>:kn

nonoi ni'VNnMni'N

moiüib^Di pivn Biidung-n t^vy mpon iwin n>n ,-iidnd
in>n v^ 3^^^ nt?>nnDt7)3 n^n -iiom ,n>DO-i> n>oD>t7Nn>Nn
-nivvy nnpnn .n>DDm nvDiNbi nnnN t^vy nvvnt? mvD
nit>\yt7nvyn nN Biidung-n np^vy o->io'»pr) D^wnt? inoNnnm
nvQiNt? 1\ nn>n ,n!7>nnn .nm^mi non^N oim nvniNt^n
iDipn ,Db")N ;nDv IHN nDpi nitjvt^ n>n t7n> Biidung-n\y
nDiVQtJ Biidung-n t^vy nnvvy!? 1^ nvQiNt» nN>in -ini t?vy
poyy r\nv2rö n-i>nt7i mnyvy mnnonn — nnN nnoN
•Tn> .npt?Nn>'nn3>Ni niDt^mt? ,ni>o>t?i£)iDüip -nm mnn
n>\yonvy ,t7vy)3t7 ,inn punn Dnn ,D>\y3N vn ,nN\ dv
mnin Dvy!? Biidung-n tjvy -ini> Dipion ivv"in vyonvynt?
nt7ND vn .npnii m>Nvy nvniNt? pnt? npTiii nvoiNt? pn
>ü-i7V Tipnn .p^V"in t?v t7t7i>n DnoD Nt? v>*tv on>n>t7\y
.n>nvyN-)n iniyovyD t^v diuv nnvy Biidung-n ni3npv

D ' 3 n T / 12

A^ zCitl

C\^RC^£ l, AJoZ^^ c.oLMB<^\QrJ

A^CM\S4

i~wy7rw^rK^~^

ii^m^

Much attention has been devoted to -athollc casulstry^ but Protestant
casulstry seems to have escaped the hlstorian notice. John wevllle
Figsis's blunt atatement that MaohlavelliaHism extende tlself into
the rellglous Community may seem exxagerated, bu* yet an inoreaslngly
empirlcal standpolnt dld find its way into the political thought of
sonie i'rotestant groups. The secularisation of political life in an
age of bitter competition for soverelgnty among and tWithin Nation
Nation States, lent Impetus to the development. of realistic political
attitudes inside a traditional rellglous framework. I have polnted
out in another assay that some members of Puritan Protestantism used
concepts llke "reason of State" and "polioy", objecting to "atheistlcal
politltians" rather then to "polltitians" in general. The art of
dlsseTr.bllng and the political lie were not rejected, but had to be

used in the Service of God, to aid in the fulflllment of His purpose

for man and the world.

Yet it would be incorrect to ascribe these ideas only to ^besuch
groups as the Puritans, instead they must be examined on a broader
Protestant basls. For we find Anglicans llke Thomas Füller and 0„en
Feltham volcing views very much llke Puritans of the caliber of John
Winthrop or William Arnes - and with much the same theologlcal presup-
posltlons in mind. At most we can designate the general theologlcal
attitudes from whlch thls casulstry sprang as Calvinist and in this
connection it may be well to recill «rfe ^alvinlsm als« influenced
both Anglicanlsm and Puritanism.

SoiaQ)/^oolopriOQlv3oiarco8 x^/Purlta^ CnamlstrY

Sono thdrfJy yoars ago Bonodotto Cx^oce called f or an aimlysl«
crf the polnts of contact bcttieon the thought of üachlavolll and
that cf tho Rofonaatlon« Thuo an Inpartnnt lin^: botwocn the
Itallan nonalfloanca and the Refornatlcn might bo torcod^ /Such
a prcibloia calla f or a dlecuaslon of Frotof:tant casv.lotryp a
8T3bJect tmieh hae rocolved acant attontlfft from EletortnnBm
John Hovlllo Figgls*3 blunt otartociont thPt naciilavolli«s extendod
Itoolf Into tho rollclrus cooBsmity ?na7 ße<:^ exar^-^^omted, yet
an Incroaaingly emplrical ntandpolnt clld find It^s vray Into
tho politlcal tatiouslit of BCfoo Protoatant groupe# Tho oociilarl-
caticn of politlcal Inotltutlewe In an e.f^ et bittor conpotitlon
for oovoroli^tyt ^jolrb <ii »Mn iid bA^wmm ^*atlon ^tateG^^ l^it
lajpotuo to tha devoloptiont of roallstlc politlcal attitudes wi4ihi]

a tra Itional rollgioue tnammotlzm -*omo ne^nbcro of Piirlt- n
Protoc!tantl23n, for oxanplo, uaoü conco: to Hka /'x^asoo of etcito'*
tmd ^pol5xy"^ öbjectlng to "athelatlcal polltiolana" rothor
than to "polltlclana" In ßoneral#^ Thm art of dl6aorl)llng and
tho politlcal 11© wero not rojoctod^ but they had to be ueod
In tho 3 orvlco of God, to old In tho fulflllnont of His purpose
for man nnd tho vorlag

^^at ^ero tlie sourcoa of Purltan politlcal thought upon
nhlch such patlonallzatlona of polltlcQl aotioi^a could be baaodt
It acena aii over alnpllflcatlf n to aocribo thia caoulntar/ sold^
to tho Inoplratlon of nachlavolll or to the pTenrnsre of oxtemol
ovoiita« Purltan thoology rmet bo conGldorod ae a prlno oource
of that roallan In politlcal thlnklng irfilch cane to nomlmte the

Arguing from these same propositions Calvin reached the
conclusion that evll was a mere negatlon of good, both
furtherlng G-od s will. William of Ockam had r%ached a
siffiilar conclusion: the Divine will includes the moral

law and distinctions between good and bad are made only

by G-od* Morality is arbitrary and nothing is good and

a
bad in itself • These were foundations upon which the

Bnrl tan casuists could build« Had not St. Augustine

himself held that all lies were not equally sinful,

that their degree of sinfulness depended upon the mind

of the liar and on the nature of the subject upon which

casuists

a lie is told? With such a view Willian Ameo and| indeed,

"SgrEement.

o^jaln" .aould ^bÄ««^>a«ed

OT8 81 IK

mmmflt

our anaiyBis.

a. Paul ''anet ( from note 4)

b» Augustine, De Mendacio,quoted in Edward Westermarck,
Ghristianity and Morals.fNew York, 1939)307

;.' l-'Tfi '<Li('i*d,i^///''<%'^;*k/i?iy^':J<^

thoTi(iht of cortaln layraen ond Mirlnea* Thoolocy was tha drlvlng
forco of th030 men^ and such d^ductlons In polltlcal thou^ht
rtlloh thoy laodo frr« tholr vlew of a Dlvlno tfelvepse^ trox^t to thom^
bnt thc oonsequoncoo of the innln buolneoß «f llfe«

Th2»üo baslc thooloclcnl concepte nar^t roeolvo (tjt attention
as tho foiirda-lonc upon whlch tlils casulatry oould bo b^illt^
Dollof In tho Qba^luto sovexH^l Tity of Ooä^ in origlrml sin and
In tho EiutGblllty of htinan actione aro not ' " * "

f I" I

contrlbtitlors to Christian thoolony* They stand at the vory
eontpe of Chrlotlon devoloj^iient throu^ tho nnos, ctronr^honod
by th© onphaeeo of Jean Calvin» K Argulng fveri the miliu yi'uycsi*-

F» will mmlyee
gtftl uuil iMU ü Liui'g au^.üliiai ef good^
OG'ö ittwu'uLaBiü ulll%* Wioso beMc theolocical
^4oRÖ€^pts, mr tho oamilrt uso that could b© made of the»^ arti
bf a unnirtlidMP prcblom in JgtodeHanity thim lhg»ltaniam#

IJovorthelesQ^ tite i^vuMt^n m^itoro of Old and New üigland pro\dd^

'^--^' AM
a p^c^l laboratory for %ij«b exaiainatlon of tlile Jevelrpriont#

The concopt of otfeinal ain and xaan'a consoquont inclination

to ovil laade certainp«M4fan OTitere roconcilo thomaolvoe to the

nood for political otiratocons» Kingdcne^ oo ono author tolle

uc^ uro hold in trust for Cod who io an 'lucnoöt'' God» Diils aen

aro inclined to ovil «nd If thoy nhould prove unroaoona^ le thaa

the Princo ^•lauot bo«/ for a tlme nnd 1 ttlo by little bring tlieia

m 5

to hiß purposo by sopo craft or holy pretenoe"# It is tho
holinooo of tho rrotonco ^shlch distincuiöhos tho good ml er
fron an '^atholotical politician" and pormite hin to use croTt

tovmris tho end of bulldlng a godly coclety# Th« ovorridlng
sovorelßnty of Ood, tihllo glvlng a goal to Puyttnn strlvlng^
tenced to jaako Iiuraan Intrs and morallty flexlblo eocnandmonts^
oubjoct tc nulllflcatlon by a cloar call fpom the Lord^ llirou^
thls God-KJontrodnoQQ of fiyuttitan Thoology BCsae man oaino to th©
ccfiol oloi; that the oncl— oaklng tho worl : a thoatpo of God's
ßlory—justiflod any '^oly protonco" to achlovo such a roal« Tha
thlrd th0Olor4.cal concopt et importance fop om^ arfamont Cfmcoms
Vbm iTTutoblllty of httnan -ctiono« Ikm, Inperfont by M» vex^r
nttiiro^ BiUGt ccnotantly '•öoek*^ God and (^ov; from truth to truth#
Hilo^ lii tam^ mount a idlllngnoaß to altor one's opinlona^ to
go back CO ona^o fdvon wox^d if thls noant going foi*^7ajKl in
sound judgoßnent* H©ro, again^ a thoolo^cal bollof could be
ueod to fxjpthor casulol3?y»

'Ü^QOß thon^ v/ore "Si\e prlnclpal thoologloal aaxins wlth
Äilch tlilß Oöoay .;11^ to ooncomedp brit beforo analyslng tho
xaennor In i:*iloh they coilci bo oxplolted by camolsto, there aro
sctno rolat^d probloras v;hlch wRxst b© claririod# Th© dofinitlon
of tho toTO "Purltnn** la prdbleiMtlcal at boct« From our point
of vloY/ thoy or© laysion "ißd Dirlnos ii^o dlssontod frcn tho

Cliurdi of Higland^ Dut oyon vith tlils doflnltlo^: tJio cllvldlng
lln© botwoen AnglljMrtS^ and Purltait^ lo däfficult to- draw# Mon
lll'o Thoraas Puller cfr Owcm Fei tha» tot© populär In Purltan

Ehgland döspito tholr Angllcan afflllatton önd, Indoodl, sharod

baalc
tholr/Kbhooloclcal vIöxjq nltti th© Ptxrltnns« ^© dlv©rstty ot

oplnlcnD wltliln üio Piarltnn carip proGont© anothor prcbloxn«

Hhlle tho i;x»lt0rs olifod In thi s connoctlon xmro casulsts^ thore
were nony otoore w^ o WiJoctGd any '^o^ protenc©** In favour of
"v/alklng plÄlnly**«^ iWeover, th^^ovonant thoology played an

iriportant part In Puxdttsmlsn ontl It hao boen ccar\t0ndod that thl«

/ 7

.nguiiÄüng morlc of Ptiritan Fx^otostantlma»

Hoi^ovor^ tfco polltlcal

cationö of t'ila thoologlcül noxlm

waa not workcd out Taitll thckadlddlo cf th© aevonteontli coatiiryf
and tho Covonant tT aolc^^ hasXttiereforo be^m cciitted Urem any
conoücios^tlon Wi thls onoay« it ratot be en^haalzed that wo are
höre loolntlfig oaly ono ntrand ok thoupfit frc^ a conplox ^ooalc
«r thooloclcal and polltlcal oplalön«# , ,

llio oovcrslgnty of Ood otonüs at the contro of the fijriian
cr^do» The world. In Calvin »a worcls^ isaa a •'theatre for the cXory
of "0-" anc! R*ort Hondcrrson told a vlctorlous üouso of Coraaona
that i:3Qn vbb only a ''tonant at tylll** of the Lord» The Um of
God tock procedont ovor hw^on lanaj Pitrltan preachers ropoatod

tho litory of Hilneas at ovory occaalon In ar€mt to drlvo home
ttiia ±Biportant polnt*^ It hac b on ©jqplalnod oft^n enoiif^ that
thlü prlraacy of allegi mce txvo backhone to tho PiultMii* reale-
tftnco to toiaporal authorlt » Out thoro la anothor factor Involved^
ef ipoolal intoroqt to rrir ai^un.ont# Döring tho army dcftratoe,

a T^, Parker statod that It was nor lly wcn^ thnt a rian should

10 ,
kill hl 8 BOn, yot God com andod A-^aham to do so« A

ccKLiand ovorrode human morality and tlda la epellod out wlth atlll

croator clarlty by ancthor partlclpant In these same debatoa on

Ihe rvtxiro of -«clönd^s c^vomnontt '^Whntooevor^.^I Aould ba

bcund tOjp If of torv/arda God ahoxild rovoal himailf # I rihould

Sit «^\ iirrr^''

'*<':"i'iy-:^Sfüs;"'''i''i'iWt^

Because Ood's will was only rarely glven by means of a direct

personal comirand, general rules for actlon had to be deduced

from the Pi.;.ritan*s view of Qod. The Importance -ö^ to the

hi Story of Purltanlsm of applyins general rules rather then

waitlns for speeifie-eefflisaHdß direct, Immediate, Inspiration

was grasped by J.B. J^^ars^den over a Century ago: " A great

evll followed; rellglous men becaine more careless about the

sheddlng of human blood. The splrit that would have..sighed for

peace, was now stiiEulated to an unnatural obduracy; the cause

was aod's and the method was of Dlvlne appolntment" . It Is
when deallng with the general way that Qod's cause could be
implemented with His approoval that a whole field for casuist
speculatlon was opened up#

a, J.B. Marsden, The Historvof the Earlv Puritans.

London, IÖ53, 551

S.V. --■■

^^Mw^W^ß.

^'^'-^'<■:'^••<i^ml:^'\tr':tlM

broak It epo^dllly"* Thlo bellof In a dlroct cocnand frco
Ood led to that "enthuslasn" and anarchy rtiich had haimted thd
Hofoinorc tnm Vtio boclnnlnc» But lt»s polltlcal Impllcatlon«
aro cloar: InrB hl(Jior oauso hunan puloe of condtict coald bo
•totfidonod» Houovor^ Gocl flld not olways rovoal hlmoolf dlroctly
aa He dld to Abrabosi» Vltitaatoly Ilio waya woi^o lnscz*utablo«Qnd
»Q tim,^ a ^^nift riQia^ fop eamxiati trptyctrlatlm Vli upuiieü

Ot5d*3 mAm r/oro In Hla villi alono and thlQ, In tum^ reflectad

CJD tlxo xx.?obloci of ovll» It was otmorally ar-rood tbat ovll ms

well aa ^ocA Wie in tho dotomlnatlon of Ood f or Hla ßlory^m
jljiasniich ae both good and evll waro contalnod in Hia wiU^ God
could tTor.Gtomn ovil into trood, frtm uiiloh It f ollowod that BOm
cnllod bau actione inlght themoolvos bo docrood in furthoranco
of 8C^^ Dlvlne aln# "r'criptiiroo^" vTroto Jclm ralteaarch^'^do ot

«MV

furbia ttMi iftliitc to loovil in ordor ttoa% good lauy ccnio of lt5
For Ictor St#rry th# ^ruol cruclf Ixloo of Christ ima Lioant by
0o6 for tiltlnate g<x^^# ^or vas not a limtion na ie posaiblo by
tl^iet Qctlon?^* To be c\tr©, c^qtt^ vms a Platcailst aa woll aa
m Furltan^ but hia siuriation of C^*o poi/or Iias n^fnofel vrlidlty
for h'8 follou Salnts« liis pocror ia a imlty viiich conprehands
üithin Itaolf a variety of foma onJ appeara in thota ao It

plana 8# IS^ua Ood*a poc7or 1b zaanifostod 1^ ovil as vtoU aa

15
In cood, and ono nay Ir^ad toOTirda tho othor«

In tili 8 nonnor xio aro brou^ht to a ccaneidoratlon of tho

hlorarchy of valuoa iliich itog out of tha will of God aa tho

priwo novor of all human strlving» Thia ia coimoctod, in tumi»

wlth tho Problem of aln in Purtton thoology» Ken ia a perpotual

elnnor and perfoct rocönox»atlon is boyond hie x»eooh# HuWf<8i $
apart fron thls bQelc txnith thoro oxloted a cortaln cradtiatlcjn
of olnful GCto t7!iich couldl bo erploltod by oasulotQ« nßthönlel
?/ard er.proDSod tlils wlth ßroatoet clßrlty# Tolorotlon of
thoologloal untrutUd i^lll t\ant>le God froa nie chalr and open tho
dooro to all sorts at pooslblo lios# But h© vms careful to

dlstlnßusih betwoon öiichr a sin ond, what h© callocl a poractlcal

Uop üinf^al^ to b© ouro, but tronclont*

5hlo dlatinctlori botv/oön o!nful acts was «rihl''^c©d by tho

t^itleiioy In Piirltan thou^^t to discount out\;'axH3 attito?^ for

perfoction is on y of C^oä and no ainful hxitiÄin (not ovon tho

oloct) oöri appxK3ach it# Lot nc ono jud£^ hlmaolf ox» otliox*© by

a stop or tc70^ or by o f o\7 acMona, tjroto !>• Prosten, evmi thoso

that liave chcaon Ood*o xiaj imy oo* ot5mos '^y lod out of it#

®t,»thou^ outwarcl occaalons uro forcoablo to gor d^ yot they

ar© tx^msitory«" Uao only mi^sur© for Judglng actlor e aro tholr

continuouö ccurso and tonor, procoodlnc frcci In^mrcl prlnclplesg^

frcn tlio frnno of tho hoart# Thae Pot©r SJorry hold that

»
all human actionö nuct bo viowod^'^sub epoclo aotomitat«s'*

and only if xm so© God^a uorlr as a \v!iol6 can wo solvo th© prdbloa

of ovil» It Is thia ''sonoralisatim" of oln vAilch could opon

tho 'oor to "practlcal 1 ^Ing" o** to th© toloratlon of oomo m'e*

ohlof In ordor tliat God'a ttIII for non b© not ondanßorod# At

Winthrop put ItJ *Vfo oay roöt oatloflod in t'ds lon^ approvod

ncadBit it la bottor for o Cocriont/oolth that rdochlof b© toloratod,

than an Inoonvonlonoo onJurocI, mich moro^ foundntlons of govom»

mont ovor«irov/n#* Tho flrat Rovomor of Haoaachuaatta was

•rltlng about tho novemnont of hl« Ccrmonwoalth Älch was
Inoplrod by Dlvln« oxomploe«

It was wmicaa öoo&Bln t»ho cave clear OTqproaslon »hat thla
"ßonerallsatl'Tj" of aln tnlf^t load tot •tjhntsoovor directly

and ovldmitly tonde to tho offoctlng of thot which lo Fpod, tiust

20
neoda be ßood and thorefore frcra Ood". To Älch ve can add a

telllng cltatl<n frcm Sir Honry Von«! "tho cocdnoso of ny caueo

la not noroly to be Jud^od by tho ovonta, but by tho rlßhtoouonoso

of Its prlnclplo".^^ It 1b dbvlcuo how closo wo are horo to the

BuppoBOdly üachlQVolllon naxlia that the cnd Juotlflod the noana.

nobetto I«vy Ima sunnioö It up vell In wrlfng about tho oarly

Blnlntora of How fhglanöt "Kost of tho nlnlotora bollovoö that

tho ^roy to tho good lifo Is fai«i, not e rigid atondard of

bohavlotir."^^

In thlo connoctlon It lo troll to 000 how "neoeaalty"
flta Into thls argunont, ':'io ovorrldl g noc-salty was always to
fulflll God'a plan for tho IfelvorflO and, aa wo saw, horo tho
prtnclploB v*ilch öotormlno thla ond wer« moro Irportont thon
a rlrH stan'ord of Indlvldtial bohavlonr, Hot csily was
"holy protonco" tbua Juatlflod, but nocoaaltloe Indueod throui^
olrcTjaBtancoo boycrid Indlvldtuil con'x^l lalf^t becano ß vnlld
oxcuse for unrlrhtoouB actloi^a, A Puritan Uko Jörn Vrtilto, ono
cf tho prlnclplo advocatoa of tho O'-ttloraont In Kor; "Tnslßn-»
WD 8 nuch concomod wlth thla. "How rnKdi to bo yloldod to
nocoaalty It hath plooaod O06 to mr.lfoat, by dlaponalng wlth Hii
own worohlp an! eorvlco. In caao OP nocoso^ty", Chrlatlan
wladom itiuat fuldo ua In tho dotorcttoatlon of auch nocoaaltloa

It vas William Arnes who admitted the Justice of the accusations

levelled by -^aplsts and Sesuits against Protestant academies :

a^
that they negleoted practical theology. Thus thls Divine, who

more then any other man influenced the leaders of the ^^ew

England settlement, stressed " neccessity" as the means of

adjustrcent to/practical morality# If work was not allowed on

sundays because of the primacy of one s duty to worship God,

yet such works were exused whioh are evidently " necoesitaä

praesens vel imn^lnens"« Such " neccesities" included avaolding

extraardinary damages, care of the slck and Service done for

the sake of the Community, *' Quo modo in militia multa opera

b
servilia neccessaria evadunt** • In this latter excuse we

have a link with the ruler centredness of this casuistry, to

which we shall return. If the the Comnunity had a Divine aim

then it's weif are ha« precedence over all other considerations

and

C9\/Lt),

be furthered both by stratagem and dispensations from

the comnonly aocepted rules.if neccesity should demand it»
In this way we have that adaptation of the idea crf ideia of

reason of State in the religious Community to which Governor
Winthrop could give such ät clear expression: " the care of
the public musitoversway all private respects..."

Yet, at times this concept of " neccessity" seems almost
divorced from the direct furtherance of Divine aims. Thomas

Fuläer

a, Ignaz von Doellinger und Fr. Heinrich Reusch, »Jeschichte der
Moralstreitip;keiten in der roemisch -katholischen Kirche. etc>
Noerdlingen, 1889, 25

b. Ibid. 27n.I

c« Mosse, Op, Git. 76

and thls consleta In applylnß tho genüral rulGs of God to our
OTO casot^ The Inpllcatl« la clonrt tho quoatlon to ask la
tÄiothor tho fulflllmont of Cod*s corrrnandnonts Tmrront '^oly
px^tonco'* in any partlcular cano* ''/llllan Amoa pormlttcö uon
throu^^ allonce to hldo tho truth^ or ovon to uso wor^o vjJilch
nii^t mialoQd tho hoaror# Dut ploty nust coranand tlioso atratagema
and thoy nuGt be cleslrned to avold a Bln# Onoo galn, auch
dlscoT±>llng can only bo dcno in tho furthoranco of God^a alm^ If
ia a hl($ior cauao necoasity forcoo vlb to ta^ro anch stops» ^ ^,X^^
Thociaa Pullcr, thnt modorato Angllcan who sharod so nuch of tho
baalc Ptirlton theological vlowpolnts, aas rtod that to dlasaabla
agalnst a crafty irtval tmo no aln, but a juot unlsh'ant an our

OX\

advoroary who boc^an such practlcos^*"^ Por tho Rov« Sanniel Tlowoll
••if pros )rvatlc:Äi juotlflocl atratacons f or tho caJ^o of noceoaltyt
dld not Abralxan aook to lofoat als ononlaa?^ Towarda tho oad
of tho ccmtiopy a ::^uao8tiono f er atudonts at Harvard Ifelvor Ity
"tÄiother atrntagona In bt aro llliclt'*? waa anaworod In tho

nogntivo#

IJieao Proto^tfmt wr? toro y^vßf not tho
tho pjsöblon of Äocooslty« ytfvioll'o oont

r 7/ /y X,

J^hn E^noBp i*teKp€orir to rosolvo .Cjrrtain contr
Scrlnfeuro^ such aa Abrahon^a pasait>^ off

•lot^« Ho cocirnontja upon tho paoaa(*o tliat,
itv/oon tno dotiÄOTS, It In bottoj^to chooae
for voidina^tho groator»*^ ,^oro la an
betv/oon JPürltan Prot'^ o taii t
once^'^^ltit a rve to \

wltti ono ao(jaont of

cHholle jt9L

nd ua tlv\t wj/äto hero doa

argor problon^"^

%üimukäämem

mmmäiä^

Treatment of the Indlans in New England afforde at least

one strlklng example of the use of "pollcy" and " stratagem" ,

Mllee Standlsh, ordered to put down the Indlan consplracy,

at firet showed great frlendllnesß to the Indlans. Through

the af feetat Ion of good will he lured them Into a Vflgwam«

On a glven Signal, the door of the Wigwam was closed and

a
the massacre began. The expedition returned with the impaled

head of an Indian warrior and put this upon their fort'*for

a terror unto others^*. For Bradford this was a legltlmate

revenge fcr their vAllanie, for the Colonists had never

*
done the Indians any härm. In Short, their" . .wickedness came

b
upon their own pate.." The opinion of John Robinson, who

had remained in Leyden, was, hcwever, somewhat different:

** how happy a thing had it been If you had convereted some,

c
before you had killed any". In dealing with permitted

uses of "policy" the whole rationale. .. (back to p. 9)

a. J.B. Marsden, op. cit. 307

b. Letter of William Bradford to Isaac Allerton (1623)
American Historical Review, VIII ( ) 289/299

c. J.B. Marsden, op. cit. 307

^"MM

^i{!<i'^fl:

H vt.-ii

^^■

|-."-('<r'

-'^i&^fil

IWMBSi <i»^.-

There cvo aany octicroto ^ymifßi&B iC the Purltans^ uiM of
•pollcy'* to fxorthcr tholr *juöt ocoaoiona*'« Govomor BMmSford
thourtht nothlnf» of confoiaidlnn &ti enenty of hls mile over the
PlTHotith plantatlcn by cocrotl7 Intorcoptlng hlo lettore and

f omrnrdlng thon tc thelr dootinatlon after havlng taken coplos In

SO ^
ordor to confront the t^ritor at a later dato# *^Jihn Cottcn haa

hl^ pralea for a rian nho was "a piain laan, as Jtatcöb tma^n but

nßxQ :rot I rovod "aubtlo" onooi^ to Inelnuato hltnaelf wlth the

Judlcial QuthorltioG In London 1r ordor to holp tho Kew ftigland

T!i5nlot0r«^j "Bio v^holo z^tionßlo for tho porsectitlon of herotlco

~~ 52

could ba ilocuesod horo, but onoa,^ has boen brour^t for^ard

to llluctr te that ouch transltor;^ Inf rlnconents of siOHdL

bohavlour^ xmder tho i)Vovüore cf nocossitlesp axK3 for- ivablo

whon tho natmre pf a ein imist bo Julßod "siüj apocles aotoa^nltatls"«

s
Such actione^ we*^ n oersltated by tho lmx>orfectioii of

an oarth and It Is tiius not rroxTprtBing that raany Ptxpltons

hlchly im^eioua of tholr follo«? crortta^os^ Thls In tuni aor^

to Tind ipllno tho fact that er f t has to bo countoröd w'tb

«trat ßeia# •*I iTlll not trust by brothor If he be <mico exalted

and put In ttui «ay of tcoptntion**»^ Thoso worda of nichard

troro ocho^ by Proncoo Qiiarl ß and that boforo he had

tbroon off hie Purltanlsn# ®Thoro Is no poi^eot friond

##*thoy bo doad^ that doubt can not be trlod# It Is no wlnoiaan^s

port to T^lrifci a frlon^ wlthout the gloosoa and goodnoss of hie

end**«^ Govomca» nilliara Dradford of tho PlTmcuth C^laiy^ rocolving

oold ohriLft froBi one of tho baokora of t^o Plantotion, rocallod

the oro hundrod and forty^f north Psaln, o ding hlo onn Interpolation!

'■■'■-"■■' ■■'-"■■ '-: '■ 1 -■■ ■■ ■ ' ■ ■ . Z-'^'i - 's.-- .'.ii -'■ .-.,V ' -i ■ . - ■ ■ ' ''-U- ■■■■'.f T- ' Jk' ■'■-' vi'." &■:■■ ■. ■- .: :'; .■. ■ ■ .*'■'■■, -■ /■.>'i;' ..'i j i-.t- T^jff.i'-" \i'Kf .-

?:p^'**:'!'?>i«v'-

''Put nrt yo r trunt In Prlnooa (watlt lose In norchnnts) nor
In tho son of man for thoro lo no holp In thom''# 'Thaoas Pullor
assuaöd that nen t/ould conooal tholp t;oakno8808^ othor^iso they
would be rldlculous ond ^^malco brave lauelc to thelr ©nonlos**» Qam

can only read tho chaitorG of non^n nattjreo If they lloclooe

55
themsol^roe In wlno, gosI n or accldontal speechos» Thlo dlm

vlow of htaaon nafrure cprln^^'nc from ttio ^ootrine i^ D<?lsinal sin

Mtont th«t denocmstoy In ^tjvemnont v/as not tho way to load non

tocmrde the fulflllnont of God*o plcui«

Sta*ong loadoruhlp wao nooded and ovon If the rulo* s tmre

electod^ once they had attalned hi^^ offico thoy muot bo froe to

follow tholr -Uvlne Mission. Govomor Winthrop hold that tlie

llborty of the pooplo is to do that tjlalch Is Goo* jnntn mnA

honoat aiid t Is Liberty le nolntalned by imy of subjoctlon to

axithorlty^

Jc*n Cottcn tma at sono palns to polnt out that

^T>8nocracy I do not concoivo that ovor Ooä. did ordaln as a fit
tfovomnont for oithor Cliurch or CcJtmaoMwoQ 1 th** » *Ihour^ Vfm people

of Iletr n^land chose/tlielr ruloro^ onco they wore choson thoy

37
had t!ie ca^plete powor of c^vomnont» Iho Tiaglstrrtoo ha ! tholr

mlsslcm to fiilf ill and God hlnsolf Intorvenod dlx^ectly In tholr

bohalf acalngt thelr mioialoa* As Wlntlirop teils It^ BIrs» llutchlson

bore 50 »onstors and tho eqiially horotlcol Mrs# :^er brongjtit f orth

a wcBusin dill!^ a fldh and a benot# To tho novomor tlils ins not

xaorely abuoo hta*led at dlssoatare^ but a clo r slgi cf^ Ood that

hls actione had Plvlne approir !•

In thls way a streng thoory of loaderehlp by Maßlatratos

vas Imposed upon a ;orld In tyi^lch nen wore prone to corwptlon«

^^^^^H

M^^^^^^^^^l

'^"t^S^I

■ '*&-?S:s<:^B fl

i»l

■ . . '.J

^\iAf''smsimssmmmi^-:' ■

ly^

'?^

It WQo therof oro tho rulor v/ho had to oopo i^lth täi© obotocloa to
öio coc^ly Docloty nnd ueo "x^acon of stoto" Tor such & piirposo»
"Pca? tipon hoxT groat cllöadvnntogos chould a c^od Prlnco tr©at T/ltti
a bad nol{^boiir If ho t/oro not only fanlllar ^tti tho patha of

wickodnoQs^ but Imow cthor v/ays to slixin tti«:!^ and hev to countor-

59
nlno thelr tronohorouB practlcoo?" Thus Purltan easulstry was

MBap controd, and It wero tho Ilanlstratos «ho^ llko llachla voll! • «

Prlnco^ ha ' tho goIö rospmalblllty of doclding tho nococalty for

protonco and Jlselrralatlcmt Jaot ao for Calvin^ tJio Haglsti^atos

In fulfllllnc tholr Divlno nlselon uoro not aiibjoct tot hat

40
coBPon law whldli covorned the bohavloiir of täiolp felloinr non#

Moroovor, such Idoas of leadorohlp co\aitorod th© dan^or of "enthuslacBa'

liAoront In auch 'Iroct rovolatlons frara Ood as thoso nontlonod In

tho arny dobatoo cltod above» The Purltan concopt of the tiutablllty

of human actlais nuot bo addod to the oovorolcpty of God and tho

coROopto of ein to provldlng ono noro otepplng otono for caculst8#

Ifen ?!iuöt seok tho ccmtlnulng rovolatlon of Ood« ^'^iQ aro in

conetant error, rty oamost deslx^ Is that ay last writlngs nay
(onl7).*»bo ta'-on as ny pron nt judgeaBorit^® wrote John Snytho«
tAwfA Vtm Wclnh Purltan oxproas^d tho aaao thoucJit In thls nannort
^It lö bottor to bo wavqrlng In sai© thll^a all tho daye of hl«
lifo, and still aook^ thou h callod xinatablo in his Judgouont^

than alt iow too aoon, or bo acatod and aottlod In a falsu er

42
Inporfoct opfnlon*" Tliofiaa Pullor atmtod the consoquoncos of

thls boliof wlth clarlty» ^^amo thlntr It bonoath a wlso nan to

alter hlo oplnlont a oaxln both faloo ond dancorou8#* Ho then

quotos w'th approval a pasaane froia 5t# Aucuatlno's Hetraotiont

••it 22iittor not tho\i(Ji wm fo back on our word, eo w© {?> fonropd
in truth ÄHd ßound Judßontmf^^^ Ctoc© agaln^ It lo only to God
ttmt promteos taust novor bo brok«a# In thls vay scKie Purltans
w©ro e^ci^llontly o ulpped to cop« igith fluid polltlcal oltußtlone«
k^6 ttiay woro nen of Qct^on# Honry CrosöO otated blisitly that

^without proof Ico all Is notlilnc*» Anjnrmy^ •♦••taho li^onld not

44
courageously fltit^ tlmt la boforolujnd Qcourod of vlctory?**

^Tto^tho^quost for bulldlnn^the oooiyöoclety soae^vv;oro not afrald

to Involro Infllol ©a»irlploo« ^hus ono author put forth tl^^
TtirMsh Tteplro as a modol for hls folloir >^gl1ßhcion#^/^%y wäre th©
Turtrs victor>fa:a agMsat Chrlotlanst Becauco ot tno
ÄlBclplli^o« thoir dosiro and FOoolutlon to a^xiC o th© bcjnds oC

y X ^' '^

thol/^^lro md of tho^ xH>llolai« ^'^hß'^xft^lch mo alway« ^c«
CO panled ^dth auch notable pollcy j^ä prudoneo^ tlmt tfäQ slngu-
laritlos of tholr virtuos and ra^ f^ovomoont haa v^<io thoir ermu
ftluaya foamil and fartunrW^: Thua^ pollcy anä pruvlonoo wao ^
on© ^tisan «hy Ciiristlari^s^iould follo^ TurlrlA e^traiplon, tocothop

wlth roGolutlon in tho nano of a hl£^or cauQo#

(feon Foltham^s 3oöolvoa. staa up ac&ilrably th© klnd of caaulatry
«^-doh fHi havG att©npt©ä to analyso« Folthaa waa not a Purltan
but üXi Anßlican and Royelißt# Kov©rthol©s0t WLo ^o<^ wont throu^
tv/olvo odltioio botnoon 1C20 . nd 1700 1» nnd waa ropr5.!itod at th©
hoicht of Pm^ltan po^or in T^nglandt Polttian was a nodorato
Anprlicon and conf ©aeod hi» lov© f c^ Puritona w o oubt^ ttod to
ordor, ond unbent in modopate relaxat'on whll© poeaoosing a hoalth«»
ful onnoclonco* Hhat h© could not xmdepstand about tho Pupitans

wea thoip unbondlng attitud© about coromoniols and thoip u

Into'oronco of undotominablo t not8»46 Yet hla thoologlcal
pro mxp osl ton s woro tholrs and ho can ftjrthor eorvo to illustrata
hm dlfflcult It l8 clearly to dlvl':^o Anrjllcan frort Purltnn#
Wlth hln^ too, rollci«^ is tho best rraldo of pollcy and Cod lo
aovorolc^» It la Ood w!io loads ug to a dopandöncy upcm hlmf to
hin we 0V70 cur dufcy and ho lopas^s otir proflts* T^nio^ "that
Iß 7oll that ende xmll^ and hottor la a bad boglnnlng that
eoiKJludoo iTell, thcm a px^oonoroas cmsot that onds In ccnplaint»»«
If »y mn ß^t In tho not? Joruealom^ I havc> lived tr0ll#»#"
Ihe end ia Ifce Ü^ingi onco noro ^m soo thls spollod out cloarly

and juöfc ae clearly doos Paltlian at to t!iat ^«»{KAlcy runa

49
«noothoot tshon it tums oa a noldon hinge *• l«o# noved by Cldd#

Fat Qll tho World is not wlt oiid ßtrntagata, If It woro oo^ hcw

«©öbtful t;o Id bo any victoi^r, for no ono ^^an has a monopoly ovar

aamftinoöo# i*CMP Is too rrach libOi^ty In fraud and docolt to b©

recocfiondad^ Tor through tlils tho Stato bocaios an ''irrellnlous

rlddlo'*# Dut^ and tliis lo the crax of tho mattort **! bollove,

if nan had not fallen, ho ehould nov r havo used It (i»e« pollcy)f

and as ho 's non, 1 «Unk no ^aan can llvo nithout *t«" Sinful

«n tüokos polltlcal ötratocon nocossary, Imt It nutst novor bo used

to " ilohonour roll(|on*' w to hxxrt cmo^Q noljlibour^ for It rtuot

bo G^dod jy aod^ Tho roault la tho bellof tliat '^thoro lo an

51
hctieot pollcy*'#

ihn ••honoot" mach a protence roally la can bo soon cloarly by
tho latltudo dt Polthan^Q advlcot Aa non nre cönorolly In«
cllnoc toiyarda ovil|| Prlnoes öliould halt and fit non^o toripora
towar la hla ^adaf and ho cltoa nachlavolli In support of hla

argUB^nt« ^ocroc^ In tho cQrrylnß r?ut of p^^Jecte £• all

52
iaportont« for nolicy and frlondrfilp avo not ocr^^patlblo»

In dlplcBi' tlo nogotlations dlsslnulat^on Is oeeontleil« %p%

agaln tho orajÄiÄalö Is on tho •'gwisrallßation'' of s'nt It le

falth iilch oounts^ ^äüIo out^mx^ actlona aro to bo ccnalöax^ö

••Bb opoclo aotomltatls**« Thooirfh an offonse le comltted It ia

dodbtfxil If It ccjn bo ;r nldlied qo long ao ttxo hoart <foofl not

cons nt to lt# ^'It Is not tho noooo itatod, but tlio t/llllng 111

that stftine*»

It iß lii lln© wlth thls t 'ond of

Of a T;

Trir

con wrlto thöt t!^#

it t!iat the MMbor

clo of tho

go^ly c^iall floiirisia'' md that t!io oo'una nowitlii^it of
Prince is bullt up?on the f^nr of his B^^or# Ihls ssno authc«? oan^
a fo:: follo'ö f ^rtiior, gög i*t wlth ö<ju©1 clarit-^ tSiat "Prlncoa hava
aonotiiao3 occaelon to uac , fcr tho furtlioi^lnr! of gocd an6 com»
»iacablo pux^>o««s#«a«iy pellt Ik stwttQea«as#«(tho) GO^^^WBDnt cf
tiM Princo nust c'lsco: blo and aöcrotly poador üasoiy taattora of
grcat wei^f #

Thour^ thia casuletr:/ sootna to havo davol^^d from ItAi <nm
thooloclcal rocto^ ot It enae to hovo nany polnts of ccntact
wlth Machla volll • a politlcnl thou^iit» The concopt of sin vlildh
V9 have cliacunaik! rooultod in an attitude woll^Kj^prosoed In thö
riscourooat "It ia oound laazlm that^ whon an action is roprohon^
alble^ tho roault taay oxcuso it ohd vhon tho rosult le gocd^
altmya o>^cuqos lt#**^ Por T!achiavolll aa for tho Purltona T*tos0
thon i^t no havo analyaed tho and in viow whlch Jurttlfled tho norns

■>/'^i^:;.S^^^^>^WX^-J'\ -t ■A*'*^'^ *"* tA^ r. ^ i'^ty.-:

t^r\?;tf^ £

? ; '».

rnust bo both cood and x>oallB8l>lo In QctlGn* A pgtsaaga Tvtm
the Princo cnn aorvo to lllustrst« tlvs foollng of nooeselty as
o3tcuolnR wronit octlone in g ccöPPupt ^orld# *?€«? a Mtti vi\o wlehos

In öll roopoct« to Qct up to hlö profeaelcsn of vhat lo cpoä Is

-58
likoly to bo rulnod anr^c 00 taany thln/;:o thot uro not r*ood#*

Hile tmc tlio DltuQtlon «^ilch t^lo Puritim caoulatry nag öoslonoä

to nooti»

R«rl Bartti aico tTroto tSiat «bot iNl Hof or oro wanted vstm

paro doctrlno and pia?o tma^s« 1^1 th Iteolf miB noro In^joptant

than ItG rolatlcnÄilp to thoeo frtsnoTTor^s ^\ich. mm hlae*lf

59
Imc er ' tod, s ch ao Cultiiro er th« St«to# Am onalysls of tl»

sroirth dP both f rctoctant

- -(«r.

ta^iollc caeulstry wo\: ^1 ^uostlon thl«

ötat<n:iont» Thourih u'i-ooln^'hc'c Tn :od eqiiatlon of i^thor «nd

Kar- lovolll Is imcul' sirtplistlc^ :;ct In tho Inata^cos «liloh
v;g Imvo anal7Gcd"*'puro faStl "^ nä liavo itflthln It tho oorEia of
tho aoelallat:!.or. or'i^clceanCG iCcac of policy and rcason of
otatop In Öils nay lio tho real ooBtr. t botpoon ^Gfornotlc» and
ftonalManco polltlcal thcuctit ac expz^Mtd by J*lccolo *!achlavolll
Qiiß oaaay c^m bo 110 noro tl^an a vory prellnlnar7 oiconlnotlcn of
thlB prdblo©! tlie väioIo dovolopricmt of Ppotootont oaouletpy

99mx±nQ to bo trrced« It 0061^ cloar^^ horreiror^ Uiat '•sola fldo**
ppwod to bo o doctrlno not cnly ocnnoctod wlth piartty of falth
b t oloo froucht xilth coneoquonc 0 for tlie ocierconco of iMdaro
polltloal morallty#

- K

^mmmi^^l^^^-^.^^jy;,. «

' u/^.^\/f^^c\r,^. ^

1«

4«

9«
13.

11«

13*
14.

wovn

Dcnodotto Crocop nymi^^p^ dor Volttl'km 'Hr. B&nu Fei st ^^

John ITovllle Flßßlo, gtullos of Political T!i.o ight frcen aoroon

to Grotiufl^ Caabrldge^

^'O

Goorgo L« McwM ^^NS'ltanliB and HiKison of r>toto In Old 9m€

Ucm T^gland^t ^^31110» ^r\6 %3ry Qi^rterly^ Jaxioary, 1052^ pe8# G7-00

I^imcola <V0nd0l, Calvin > Ooiarceo et Solution äe ea Ponooe

üollrriouoo, Farl^ö^ 1950, p* i55

fVilliam of uoktoa ßhould bo eitod h«*e# Por Ma^ also,

üam r oral Iw i^s Included in tite lUvlne «iU and tlio

dlstitiotlon p0tt/oon {•ood and "bad is only made by Ood#

■Drall ty Gs/ri\h Is arbltrnry and baa notlilnc öiat Is

flood and brfd ln\itöoir# Th^s 1« etrlklnnly arallol to

tha Idoüff discuopod liare# r>oe Paul Janot^ Illstdiro

de la Pluioaophio r:!<»*alo ot PolitiquOp 11^ fmrtLs^ 1B50, p# 25

Harloy MS« 7019 nrltish rfuso\aa# 97,135#Llotod imder the reign
cf Aaaes I In B* M« Cataloguo

TTu^ Potorsij

rpjr^rr and S^fl ,D^ty, t«idon, 1645, p. 10

Jm I» Tx»lntort»3 "Qrtslnö of Purltanlaa^, Church Hlg^tor^« 1051,

pc:8#*37«5e

Alexander Ilcnd rson, A Sormai ProGchad^^Dsoerabor 27. 1643 >
Londcai, 1644, P» 4

I^noasi WwfcMhi 2ßlG~13

A« ?• B« Woodhouso, Piyitanlnn and TAborty» Clilca^o, 1951, p# 163

Ibjd p* 34

Per Calvln^B trortno-t of t}ile probloR, so© In^titx?.tQ^^ I{
XVIII# Calvin, hov/cvor, «flcoo tha polnt vary strmi-ly that
t!ioUif*t Co<2 fulf !lls I iQ -locroes also by no ns of tho impXcKXB^
yot tha imploas are th roby not excused f r n thelr raprcbatanasa*
Our oamisltr assimod tho -loty of a poracn as a olno qua non of
all IpGltlBjßta adjustznonta to reallty#

JÜtxn naltinardi« Oponinn of ng-tor Prsmno^a Nctr Book otc«
n# p» 1645, pm 2^

Potor Sfsarry, t^ so our so of the Proodom cf tho Wlll^ London, f /^^

Ibid» p» 105

od* by U C# ?*oth^ IJbw Torfe ^ 1937^ p* 0

17^
Iß«

19t
2S»

24«
25 t

Ap -• rlr^-Tono!it nf r> l^rootong orlno ot^.# LonAm, 1640, p« 243

Vlvlan de r»ola P'nto, Poter otorry^ Platonlgt and Pürltan^

CaBtoricIcon 1054, pff«^ 10G-107#

Pinto quito Tirxitly -ra\^B attentioo to tho »lallarlty tvith
npinocn^s "':iod worköfc all thlnrs frco otorntty. In otomlty
Gxiä fop otomity"# i • 107 Tlila •'g^noralf satlcsn of oln''
may bo p&rt of tsho baroque vsrc^ to taal Versals "all bolng
aeenieth to bw)ßth and cotch after taiity'*, R« Gx»ovillo,
Tho Hature of jY^uthj London, 1640, quotod In Paul Ocissnor,
-Ig loig^tec^scii^chti^ohQt^ art^ doo -^^^n^l^chq^

Litorattirbarolrg« • Mönchen > 1954 * 21» AlsosÄpgsV 21*1®
a ßood clisc eslcri of chls UDlvor»c?allsEU

in Hobert C^ vinttirqp.

Jctm STlnttirt p, A neply to tlKi Ansi/Qr otc# in Hebert C^ vin
Lifo and lottovsToS: ^olm :intlirop> CDooton^ 1069), II, 438

v/illlan doodvin, Thocriacliia^ 1044 quotodin O«c»tur'0 Haehn,
AiitonixiiOiilflBt in -WaioH nistoryM I^Äidon^ 19G1, p* 04

nortrude Iludhn, od# cit« 94

Babotto r!ay Lovy, I
Tin.^land Hjatory, T

I Half Cont^jyy "f ^ow

John Miito, Tho Plmitorg
In Forcos Tracte> 11- a
ölstm-^od by tho f- et th
dcubtful and aEi>ir7Uüus 1
dotonalno partlculars«
that %ri. ttiroo ax*o not
noed "Clirintlon wisdaia''

Ploa otc# London, 1980* reprlnted

ton, ir*3B, p# 2ö» whito \Mi«
at many rulos of acrl: turos are

öpplicaticn baoauae thoy ccnnot
Ha was not tbo only Puritan to edsik
solf atif f Iciont by tlioasclvos but
in thoir applicat:lon# Thls is cloöoly

reiatoi to thö sovurar.co of Blül© asid conocioi*co wi:lch Itartln
Sehmitt doocribos in '^Blbllglanus tmd nattiorliche T^ioolorrl© in
por r^avTl ssonsl hro uoo englischen inritanlsB&is, Archiv f uor
r;of or ationsptosoliichto* Heft 1-2, 1051, l^^-ÖßO, Heft 1,
1^52, 7Q-06. rar CalvlA^s cuross on consclonco oeo Inatitutog»
IV, X, IllPr^ IIls "iotlnction betwoon th© outward ,1udgo-
nonts of man and tho coiirt of consclonco sooxns cloooly related
to tho atrosQ on inward prlnclploo disc -aood abovo^

®# Gase, Gorchichte nor Chriotlichon IthJ^« II, Borlin, 1006, p.

^^.ociao Puller, The Il8l-^/ State and the Profano S^ate* London,
1041, p« 250

151

20# Qwotod in 3abotto Hay Lovy, od» clt> p# 79

27# 8«Riel Hliot Ifcapriaon, ^nrvard Collo/^e in th» r>6vontoe^affi
Contiary^ Caabridge p, 25r

p^^F^^>^^^|!^5^V^^^^

29.

50.

81«

5S,
SS*

34*
35«

36»
S7,

sn.

^V«

40t

Ttaxirlco Nedoncolloo, Troio ^Qpg^j'^ ^^^ Probloc^
l^u XVIIo nioclo, StraoobiiTß^ lüöl, p# 2C

Annlo--Cpt!io;tq^g

Vor a brlof conparlson contorlnc nn Glova'inl Ootoro see t^orgo l2
üoose, op# cit> 78, Thero Is a most strüclng r arallol botueon
Pixrlton caoxiißtry and that of the Cathollc Tliccuie Pltshor jovt,
rirnt Part of a xrootlso concoTOln/? ffttlloy and Holi^ioai« n« p#
161Ö« Pollcy and roason of state nuot; be ievelled at truc
x^l^gion» In a world t^ioro wo must fear the nallce of nan^a
nature the prudonce of the Serpont nuot bo Jolnof:' to tho
Blmpllclty o£ tho '^ovo^ Preface, 22» Tho ooncopt of the lo-
putntlon of orglnlal sin was, oftor all, St. Aucustlno^e as woll
aa Calvin» 0 and thorcforo, of uoe to Cathollcs as v/oll as to
Protontants* TJhat aou up bottor tho attltude of a man llke
Winthrop to h's povomnontal rosponolblllitlos thon Zuccola's
Btatonont that if tho Stnte is ^ood the prosorving It is also
Coodt Dolla Hanion dl Stnto (1G21) uuotbd Donodotto Croco,
rtorla Dolla sta Darocca in JEtalia^ Bari, 1046, pgo» 96^97

Hathaniol Morton, Hotr Unlands nenorial od# %mxrd J. Hall«
TTow York, 1937, p, 55 ~~"

Baaoel Whiting, Life of John Cotton^

Alexander Younfya'^ronioleo of tho l'irg^t Plantors of the

Colone of ^^^osiachuaotts ^ >a:;> Boston^ 1845> d# 454

Honaissance

Discuosed in Goorge L« Mosso, op» cit. 72ff ♦

Rlcharc? Boxtor quoted in ü« F* Schimor, Ant;
und Puritanlamus^ FAionchon, 1924, p;i20n*l

'^uotod Ibid. 20

Thomas Pullor, op» cit.pga. 247-248

Willlan Draiforc/Of Pi-TOouth Flüntation 1620-1647^ ed. nanuol

Kliot IJorlson, Uo^a York, 1952, , , 101

Robert C# VJlnthroi , op cit» p* 341

John Cott^ to Lord Bay and Seal (1636), Tlicraas Thatchinson,

?'*^irl^^?^i of tho Colon:/ nnd Provinco of nassachmaetts Ba^.
I, 415, CaidL>ridoe, 1936

John

Tho A
;o 8

, -^^Irr^ Qnd Huin of
uod iifcsolf was ploaoed

yne Atheistieal Politiclan« n. d« 1G42 r>. 2. Thls is a Purltan
tract llkonlrig Stdff ordlans or Cantabrian to Machiavolli«

Calvin, Institutes etc. tr. John Allan, Pttiladelphia , n.d,
p# 781-7G2

->Jri^,,wl

l'ij-O-.0. 1-'"' ■ ■:■ '■^■l'-^'> ".^ '^^><Ufii lA

41.

49«
45.
44.

45.
46,

47.
48«

40.
50.
51.

52.

58.
54.
55.

5C.

67.
50.

59.
CO,

Quotoö In Oeoffroy F, TTuttall, Tho Iloly gplrlt In rto'itffl
Fttith oiid ";a?orlonco, Ojcfopd, 1947, •'. 107

Tliomae I'ullor, op. clt. p. 245

ITonry nroaeo. Virtuos CrcnonTreolth otcä . London, 1G03, n. p.
J. ormarvo, A Guide to "ot^lineoa (lG2g) quotod ri^rti^'i© Ilu^in,
op» clt. 50

The Polloy of tho ^irklah "'iriplro. London, 1597, to tho roadar
Ot/on Polthom, Rosolvos. Dlvino Horal an<^ Politlcal^ l»aoAmx^

Ibid> pß»» 133-134
Ibid. p# 231
H'IJ. ^. 139 .

Ibld« Pgo. 99, 130, 97
Ibl?. p. 07
Ibld, p. 143
Ib,i;.l.. 183
Ibid. 146

P, n. A Table Book f or Prlncoqj. British mootxn, HS. Um D, VIII, pna
15, 41,

Iho niscouTOos of Nlccolo r!achtavGlll« tr« trith lntrod#

Loslio J« örror^ liow IIa von, 1950^ llO (^'igcc

ciirsQG I, 0, 3)

Ibld

Iblda p# 81 (Prlnce> Chapter 15)

Karl Fiarth, neformatJon als '^itocholr'^iinr^a T^uechon^ 1033^ 20 ff*

^'cmest Trooloch, Tlio goclal 'go^chinrr of tho Christian Churchofl. tr,
011 vo yon, IjcmdcKi, 1931 p# ö32» llov/ovor, m ch roiialns to bo
dono on Luthoran cauolstry anä Its dovolo nont» Uithoranlora also
incluOofl Icioas of "Dlvlne nocoaslty'* as \voll as tho concept that
faith can only will tho goo^# ^or an attccipt to discucc tho
polltloal othlc of Uith r ooo Ernelit Holf , Pftlltiacho thlk
tmd othisoho r/oltanBchauimr;> Dorlln^ 1925 •

f^4<'rAy-^'~-*^Y

^^ ;^ <f^'^ ;t- .^'^^»-

•O/-^

'^^ ^'''^nie Nature of Engllsh Piirltanlsm as Seen

Through the "Dlvlne Gases of Consclence"

'(f^'^

■-<^ a^' <f ^^^^^^^^'f^ -M^j^,:.,^i52^--^-

What llttle certalnty remained to us about the nature of
Engllsh Piiritanlsm the latest generation of historlans has managed
to dispell. Though we can still find in our texts the sinple equa-
tion of Puritanism with Calvinism, recent research has made this no

longer tenable« We now know too much about the influenae of the

. — -•— ^ pt

Rhineland Reformers and the Covenant Theology. Not evan such^sup-
posedly staunch Puritan as William Perkins has escaped r^valuatlon«
A pious contemporary like Lady Hoby could be sure that the divine,
like her seif , belonged to the Puritan facti on, but lately even Perkins
has emerged as an apologist for the Anglican Settlement* Probably
Marshall Knappen did the most that can be accomplished by way of pre-

cise definition when he wrote that Puritanism de signat es the outlook
of those English Protestants who actively favoured a Reformation be-
yond that which the crovm was willing to countenance, and who yet
stopped Short of Anabaptism^'j Nevertheless^ two additional points can
be added to this definition wlthout fear of too much controversy.
The Puritans were interested in settlng up a powerf ul^preaching order
in England and they f ormed a movement which had a definitely practical

orientation«

It is this latter faoet of Puritanism v/hich is of interest
here. Fcr Puritanism provided both an Ide^l for decisions and a
theory of "means!' to implement these decisions. There is in the
movement an urge tawÄHÄ.ÄOilon which links Puritanism to the wider
pattem of the Baroque. How this urge found concreto political

P''^v-'::^^^ppi^npÄ*l^

^^''iy^

vm$B

realizatian has been told most recently by J« E« Neale in bis
work on Elizabeth I and her parliaments. But what interests us
here are the theoretical justif ications which could be used in

^^^i\ kMMMMHM^H^

arrlving at decisions about which political actions to take anoYnot
to take« Such an examination of the Piiritan viewpoint of "means"

^.. ,^. itt^j.

can, I think, bring out certain emphases and problems which may aid

toworda 'an understanding -^ the nature of English Puritanism, How
greatly concerned the Puritans themselves were with the "means"

necessary to realize their goal can be illustrated from John Downame:
j "Por the means and the end do inseparably go together in all ordinary
courses of proceeding and they who neglect the one, in vain profess
their love and desire or their hope, that by their idle wishes the
other may be obtained*\*^J But let it be said ät the outset that what
I have to say about "means" in Puritanism cannot apply to all Puritans,
but that I believe it to be significant for a very important segment
of the movement, at least before the outbreak of the Revolution.

We must Start on cur examination of this prob lern where all
discussions of Puritanism must needs have their beginning; namely
recalling the concept of the direct sovereignty of God. Religion

for the Puritan was, as Schiinner put it well, a dialogue between

Luman ana ixoa»

the individual human and God. That God, who in the words of the
Westminster Assembly wasl ."immutable, immense, eternal. .Almighty. .
most Holy, most Free, most Absolute..."'^ Out of this very view of
God there sprang an issuewhich was to be of great Importance to

v.v''

the Problem of "means." Let John Downame state it for us: 4^ "As it
is the nature and property of the supreme goodness, to make all
things like unto itself , and even out of evil to produce that which

Is good..", 30 God can bring llght out of darkness, good out of
evil and make the worst Instrixments fit tools f or the perfection

of bis works« Such a contention raised the perennial and vexing

question of the relationship of God to evil actions. Por a man llke
Peter Sterry who was both a Piatonist and a Puritan this was an easy
Problem to tackle. G-od's pQwer, he teils us bluntly, is manifested
in evil as well as in good. Even the cruel crucifixion of Christ
was meant by God f or the ultimate good, f or was not salv§tion made
possible by that action?^ However, for a more typical divine like
William Arnes this problem proved difficult to resolve, Cardinal
Bellarmine, with his usual perception, charged that because of their
View of God, the Puritans would make Hirn the author of all evil,
Arnes' reply is an astonishing sidestepping for one otherwise never
at a loss for well reasoned argument. All he does is to answer ac-

JU i' Pf tSL r HAT fsl^LLA fi h I ^/ £ '^ CHARö C A r^fNS^ H/H f^e-
CUsation w^-hV^ Q/^Qp^g^^-y^r^^fc. jiiff ul.l »i|j Iia V/llXInwi nf Ot*1f»nw ■ rsn fha ai fii^

i^£' ^y^i6 Clmi'iiU: »^ T/illiam P§!r3;?jja.s," (^^ t'ne otner hand, held that sin

had no formal existence, otherwise God, the creator of all, would

indeed be the author of sin. In sin there was merely an absence of

goodness,L"a want of that which ought to be*"j It will be well to

remember Perklns* stand on this qufi^tipn when we come to say somethini

about the distinction between outward actions and the cjontinuous

*^^*~ _. _ ... ..... 8

t^Qf -of human lif e proceeding f rom the frame of tih'

The significance of this dilemma is in the light it throws
upon the "means" which can be used tov/ards victory» Por it is^od
who presents theoccaslons for the direction of o\ir actions« V/hen
in 1572 Elizabeth reru^ed^tp exec^^^ Mary, Queen of Scots, IJßbert
Newdigate ^hided her as follows: [ "He feared she depended too much
upon God's providence, refusing the means now miraculously offered

unto her

.„9j

We can add to that, Downame's statement that these means

must not be an "Idle wish," but reallzable In action. However, what

»«^„.. - -*■

^mtm^mm i— iiiwi

-•'-•-■.«,'**.<»*»

if the occasion and the means presented were not in tune wlth accepted
nötlons of good and evll, wlth the tenets of human morality?

It might be sald that all must be tested by the measuring rod
of Scrinture as the Word of God. But that in itself did not solve
the dilemraa, f or, as many a divine had to admit, Scripture could be
Dbscure« A course had to be chart-Ä»ed which might give guidance as
to the means permissable to the faithful in the achievement of their
ends« It was here that the "Divine Gases of Gonscience" came into
play, a literature v/idely read and one at which many a divine tried
his hand« There are usually two important parts to these manuals:
one deallng wlth Gonscience as such, and the other wlth scriptural

justifications. If we f ollow Perkins as to the nature of Gonscience
we will see it as a control mechanism placed in the middle between
God and man, It Is to God only that it responds, and for man it

provides a warning signal agalnst wrong actions. Gonscience, to
cite Arnes' briefer deflnition, id "man's judgment of himself accord-
ing to God»s judgment of him*"-^^j

However, thls defintion of Gonscience still begged the question
of "means," for what would God allow, and when would man's Gonscience
give the alarm? It is to thls that the gecond and scriptural part
of these treatiseils addressed» Here the problem of good and evil
lji_4jijg_xs.la.ti£pship to God had to be faced, It is dealt wlth in
three ways. Pirstly, through the distinctlon between "Inward" and
"outward occasions;" ^econdly, through the idea of the mutabllity
of human actlons; and thirdly, through actual Scriptural precedent,

""••'""•'•■imiiMai Ti— ^'*

though all is documented by scripture.

-<-«M«..4U^lF>tf««.«4

In the long run the flrst of these approaches may well be the
most Important« As Dr« Preston put lt:l^ "Outward occasions are
forceable to good, yet but transltory. The only measure f or judglng
the actlons of fallen men is by thelr continuous course and tenor,
proceeding from the frame of the heart« J Because of the idea of
imperf ect Generation all actlons muat be viewed ÜLsub specie aetemi-
tatis.'M Though JEliEliÄBL?, In coimnon with other Protestants, denied
a hierarchy of sin, it was Implied in this view of human endeavour»
To Quote John Dovmame once morer^God can, by letting hls servants
fall into lesser sins, pulUthem out of greater ones. ~Jor we may
think of Nathaniel Ward's clear distinction between a thedoglcal and
practical lie. V/hen Bellarmine accused PuritansA that a?@«ui'diiig
^^^-"^h^&mry if God commands sins they become good works out of respect
for the Lord, Arnes replied that any action of whlch God Is the author

»xsrms?««-'

must neads be just» Again, the slgnificance for the problem of
"means" seems clear, and we can emphasize it by a quotation from Sir

Henry Vane:^"The goodness of my cause is not merely to be judged by

14l
the events, but by the righteousness of its principles»" J The key

to sood life is faith, not a rigid Standard of behaviour. This view

allows for a srreat deal of flexibility in meeting the practical

dangers in the never-ceasing war against Anti-Christ • It emphasized

the fact that tactlcs of political action, as '^outward means," could

be tailored to the occasion. Flexibility and practicality were to

be the hallmark of this Puritan attitude towards the permissible means

for iihe attaininfint of victory»

In another way this is brought out in the concept of the func-

tion of the Magistrate» He must have wide power s of discre;

Wf^i^^^^&.

Both Arnes and Perklns held thia view strongly, whil© It got John
Winthrop into trouble when he proceeded to advocate tho sairjie.thing In

•»»WW-'Ws'MIS?'*-''*^'^*''-'^''

New England. The ChrJBtlan Magistrate must not be b oimd Dy"'""CerraTHv
law, f or he must temper justice with mercy# He must do that because
man may easily fall through no fJftlt of hia Qwn> Moreover, when it

comes to the just war and the just defense of the Christian state,

^^ ^ "■ II II 1 1

the Magj. s t r a t es ' me an s must not be gue^stioned^ He is, so to speak,
acting directly imder God, taking advantage of occasions and implement-
ing them through all^,^,ÄöJits^J2f means given by God even if sometimes
oontgstry to human o^?i<ve^p#is of morality.

Here the concept of the mutability of Human actions was of
help, Por man is not standlng still and God's revelation is con-

stantly unfolding, as Arnes pointed out with great force. ^4 "We are
in constant error," wrote J^ohn Smythe, "My earnest desire is that my
last writings may only be taken as my present judgment«" J Llwyd,
the Welsh I?xa:.ltan voiced the same sentiment: L "It is better to be
wavering in some things all the days of his lie, and still seek
though called unstable in judgment, than sit down too soon." J Here
again was an argument which made towards f le^^^bility»

Lastly, we have the actual precedents of Scripture« I cannot
deal with these now, for I did so yesterday moming. But what must

-»a»»J*«-»«iU...

be pointed out is that both Perkins and Arnes made the most of what
RQland Bainton, has called the]j'Iramorality of the Patriarchs*"^ Here
we approach eyer more closely a God who is working to produce good out
of what humans call evll« Por Joshua was j'ustified in his ambush at
Ai, Abraham in telling an untruth about his wife, and Paul in feign-

*MsM«t'*>''.'*<-'«Sjiv .,

ing to be a Nazarite. They were doing what Elizabeth failed to do

in 1572; L taking the means miraculously offered imto them by God, even

g;j\o;V;V»!9.%iX'-'""'l

If they were not In tiine with human moralityj/

Prom this Dractical and flexible approach towards the problera
of •^trieans," some Purltans indeed drew a singular freedom of actlon»
Such as that Bluffcoat In the Army debates who made clear that( "What«
soever I should be bound to, if afterwards God revealed himself , I
should break it speedily,"^J The more responsible element among the
Puritans realized that in their approach to this problem they had

raised the issue of order — if means were so flexible why could not
anyone use policy to attain an end which he thought was godly«?

Here we return to the stress upon the Christian Magistrate»
The strong ideas of leadership in Puritanism set up a wall against
the drawing of such consequences. It is not surprising, therefore,

. ><-' ."^t iiiiii II -*■*■ III iiiirn I iiiniii-

that a man like Perkins, intimately as he was concerned with such

_^ I I "11 III III»»! I

Problems, should shirk the questlon of resistance to a Magistrate
ungodly rather than Christian« It is only when the Magistrate does
not aid the individual in his defense of life and goods, and if the
individual sees noother means of escape, that seif defense is permit-
ted« But revenge on public men is the Lord's»^^ This is a doctrine

IMM|*N^i.W«Mtimi*«

of resistance more reminiscent of Thomas Hobbes than of Christopher

IMMHI

Goodman* It is the exaltation of the Magistrate and his power s rather

than the doctrine of resistance to authority which seems typical f or
Puritanism until well into Stuart times« Was not Elizabeth their onl^
hope against enemies both foreign and domestic? In this way, also.

authority could be interspersed in the dialogue between God and the
individual human, lest the conversation get out of hand. The rationale

l^,^,g^,.Ü**Äa*»*'**r*'J^ ■^\.^

M(LiM«i«4Wf%^4^»4Ki^p^^.^, .

„(V * »Im '

*?***^^-'^^"^*-^

I i'i>üf»r ■! iinHp

for this was provided by the doctrine of the "calling." Everyone
must fight the Lord's battles in his "calling," and the direction of

rtMWiaMMatMiIHn

■•■MaMaiM»"-

':^ä'^mM^'?:iM^i:^MM£iiy^I^:3^^

1 -r- ¥;^;>';-;:V' ;jKrj-'//j»;M .V'i>P'''i/^' ^■*V?-;■■''^^'''''^- ■■ ; ■;v^.'vl''7.>'.':.

the pol 1 1 i ca 1 f i gh t WAs the "calllng^ of the Christian Magistrate «^In

this way the flexlblllty of the means at the dlsposal of the Purltan
, warfare was onlj applied to those wlth the proper calllng/J

We have now sketched somethlng of the theoretlcal justif Ications

,,ii«mir II »<iiiiiiiiii>i,<>Mi»<»—ll

which coujd be^j^sed In arrlvlng at decislons by Puritans, as viewed
through the manuals on "Cases of Gonsclence," which became almost
indispensable in chartering courses of actlon, If a general suiranary Is
appropriate it might be as f ollowsiT Pi-^^"t2Lnism seen through_the_problem
of "means" as resolved In- the manuals of casulstry is a creed both
practlcal, (that is, deaigned for action which gets resultsj and fj^9;^jble,
(that is, human moral Standards could be adjusted to meet concrete occasions,
provlded these were hallowed by God») Agaln, God conld not only make

occasions to be taken advantage of , but also at tlmes use means commonly
taken as evil.

I would here disagree wlth Charles^JI^ George that Purltanlsm
became a battle hymn only by the tlme of Calamy and Baxter, To be sure
Arnes was conservative on matters like Interest, contracts and profit

,,^ u .'jLf-^,,(_4,a^ t^

— '"^*' ■^-.>^«..,*^vw.r*'-'

. "»»A^*****» *«iW i ^iffT ■.

taklng, but then hls ^asuistry was gearg>.d. f or political rather than

21
economic warfare* A more detailed examlnatlon of the casulstry of both

Perkins and Arnes (such as I was able to give yesterday i^prning) shows
an ethic geared at all tlmes to victory in the "just war" of the Saints»
I wlsh I could end by saylng that the pattern I have sketched

was dlstinctly "Purltan»" But I cannot do so» Por cne thing, Cathollc

camulstry, uslng a not dissimilar approach, came to virtually the same

concluslons; for another, sorae expllcit enemles of the Pxiritans, like

22
Thomas Puller also fit into this pattern. It must also be clear that

many of these problems go to the root of Christianity, and I could have

"■— I iiMiiiiiii»[iii.iiiLi «m» ■*'■ Uli »»iiiii"' ■'"■"" "">»■. ;^^.._^

quoted St^Ajägustine at practically eyery turn of my argumenta But these
various similarities are of themselves slgnificant. In the last resort

^,»^1— Willi II II II' ■' «II I III hm

miM—

l««MMMC»Mt>'

Purltanlsm may be a part of a much wider picture, that of a general trend

i»i0mKM0m0^

^>;:>^^ -^^l^^I

towards SS-^ustment of rellglous thought to the realitles of political
strlfe in the age of the Nation State. The practical bent of this
Puritan thoiight, the fact that It necessltated the kind of casiilstry
I Have descrlbed, all makes It a part of what was happening in Europe
at the time. Cardinal Beiiarinine cr^icised Arnes, hut in the last
resort his casuistry was not so far removed from that of the PranMcer
theologlan,

Karl Barth once wrote that what the Reformers wanted were
pure^doctrin and pure truths. gaith^ltaelf was more important than
it^s relationship to those frameworks whlch man himself has created.
such as Culture and the State. If this was ever true, it was surely
be c o^ngJL e^s_true by the end of the sixteenth Century when most creeds
were fighting a batt_le for .survival. It may p^o'ove fruitful to analyze
Puritanism from this broader European point of view, as part of the
^^'^-^-^'''^^ °l,Etlh^9m..^l^^^t taking place on all sides of the
lCo™ation terier. Through broadening our outlook in this manner
we may be UiOe to shed new light on the nature of English Puritanism
itself. Here the Problem^ofjmeans " may be a useful startiJ^ point.

precisely because this was an issue of importance for most religious
thinkers __^;^r;eughout Eurj?^ Let us i
our Puritans were men of Wide rea ding, aware of the problems which
agitated the rest of Christendom. William A^es at the very start of his
manual on casuistry pointtW that Catholic-.;were doing the same thin«?

'-«www»»* - . , -, , O >

though he £isagree£with the way in which they went about their task.
If our diviges, then, thought. pfthemselves and indeed were part of the
-^^i^2--2£3£iS5fÄdom, we ourselves should attempt to evaluate the

movement ,a^ part of the^larger^scene. '«lat I have said today may be one

'^ ^"Ifeö Problem«

SISSP^Pü^Hm

■''.■■■7J-^'

? '^'^t^ßk^^^fimi^r^^ ^Jl^-> Ä^'Ö J

Notes

!• R. A. Slsson, "William Perkins Apologist for the Elizabethan

Church of England," Modern Lanpraa<ye Review. XLVII (October, 1952),
495-502. Based on Perkins testimony before the Star Chamberlin
1591, involving Cartwright* See John Strype, The Life and Acts
of John ^JVhit/3:ift D.D. III, (Oxford, 1822), 275-278.

2. M. M. Kiiappen, Tudor Puritanism, (Chicago, 1939), viii.

3. John Downame, A Ouide to Godliness etc. (London, 1622), 459/460.
Downame was one of the liceneers of the Press in 1643, and one
of the London ministers to ordain and examine public preachers
in 1644*

4« W. P. Schirmer, Antike, Renaissance und Piiritanismus. (Muenchen,
1924), 14.

5. John Downame, ASgreatise on Security etc. (London, 1622), I.

6. Peter Sterry, A Discourse of the Freedom of the Will, (London, 1675),
105, 156.

7. William Arnes, Bellarminus Ennervatus, (London, 1629), 21/22.

8. William Perkins, "The ^iVhole Treatise of the Gases of Gonscience,"
Works, II, (London, 1631), 3.

9. Quoted in J. E. Neale, Elizabeth I and Her Parliaments, (London,
1953), 266.

10. William Perkins, op.cit. j II; William Arnes, Gonscience With
Pov/er etc. , (n.p. 1639) , I.

11. An Abridp:ement of Dr. Preston^s Works. (London, 1648), 243.
12« John Downame, A Treatise on Security, (London, 1622), 2.

13. William Arnes, Bellarminus Enervatus, (London, 1629), 25.

14. Quoted in Gertrude Huehn, Antinomianism in En^lish History,
(London, 1951), 94.

15. See Perry Miller, "The Marrow of Puritan Divinity," Publications
of the Golonial Society of Massachusetts, XXXII, (Boston, 1937),
268/269.

16* Quoted in Godfrey P. Nuttall, The Holy Spirit in Puritan Faith
and Experience, (Oxford, 1947), 107.

17. Ibid.

18. Roland H. Bainton, "The Immorality of the Patriarchs etc.?
Harvard Theolo,':?:ical Review, XXIII (1930), 39-49.

■■'■'r' ■' '''■■V£''ii^Mi' '■■'■■■■:■■■ " ■■"■■ ■ ■ '■■■'■' ■■■■ ■■■'■■■■;■,-■ : '■■'-■■■;■•■■,; ■:•• „ ■■

I9# A»P#S. Woodhouse, Puritanlsm and Liberty (Chicago, I95I) , 34

20* William ^erkins, "A Oodlj and ^eamed Exposition of Christa
Sermon on the Mount", Works, III, 84,87

21. Charles H* ^eorge,/* A Social Intepretation of %glish Piaritanism",
Journal of Modem %storyj XXV, 4 ( December, 1953), 338,
342 were he contrasts the "status quo puritanism" of Sibbes
and ^ouge-with the "revelutionary puritanism" of Baxter and
Calamy* T^ is raises the issue wether a purely social Inter-
pretation ^is feasible. It is possible that political warfare
ideas came first and then social warfare was transposed on top
of these»

22 • i.e» "^homas Puller, The Holy State and the Profane State ^
( London, I84I), 250

23* Karl Barth, Reformation als Entscheidung!; > ( MHanchen,I933) , 20Pf,

24. William Ames, Conscience with the Power etc» (n.p» 1639), to the

Reader»

'2lJä:^'''-'-:--r-.^:^.'^^^^^^

Present day aermany is a bewildering crosss current of belief s.
Some have seen a relifr^ous renaissance as one of the hall rrarks
of an ernerging cultural pattern, to others a revival of Nationalisni
is indicated, and indeed the " Steelheliret" and other like ^^ewspapers
can be boup:h at every newsstand in the W^est. But there seercs to
be another attltude which h.as ^ained wide spread support. No one
who has had any contact with the ^erman population will dispute
that resignation to one 's fate, defeatism and lack of hope for
a better world are wide spread reactions to efforts at construo-
tive rehabilitation. Such negativism has not rernained a merely
passive attitude, but has been stereotyped into a philosophy of
life, This is not a new phenomena in ^erman life, it seems nierely
a repetition of what happened after the defeat of I9I8. Then this
philosophy found it's prophet in Ernest Juenger, today it has
found a prophet also, Ernst von Salon:on*s book the -"rage bogen has
sold soire 50,000 copies at the steep price of I9DM. The displays
in the bookstores, the untold conversations about this book, have
made it one of the iT:ost iir.portant if. also one of the Kost oirinous
docunients on the Zeitgeist of G-ernany today.

As a historical phenoirenon the word '* Kihilisni" best characterises
this negative vlew of life. It is essentially the radical denial of
the eighteenth Century ideal of man as a rational aniir.al. Instead
man becocies an iirpotent being, driven by blind irrpulse s and aban-
doned to the play of rr.echanical forces over which he has no controli.
Knowledge is ircpossible for humans and therefore they can never know
the historical forces which shape their life and detenrine their fate.
Ernst Juönger has surr.n:ed it up: '* We shall never understand why we are
born into this life. All our goals are only pretexts, it matters only
that we exist". Man s life no longer has any nsßd of justif ication

through values, instead rr.an is a part of the rcaohine : of collective

Society. There are two consequences of this doctrin. Firstly, it

provides no n;uidance in the field of irrational appeals. Its very

disinterestedness, indeed denial, of all ideolop-ies, leaves man

a pryy to their appeal. Secondly, such Nihilism is the negation

of all individualism: for Ernst Juenger this is syiifoolised by

4ke D-.odern battles and Arniies - battles of iiiateriell and of uien.

Thus this philosophy ( if one can cai.! it such) advocates the

abandonerrent of one*s individualisn: to the incomprehensible

strivings of history.

Juengers Hihilisrc procved attractive in the years which followed the

^ former

first V/orld '.var. Especially for those rootless eanäö-ef soldiers

who, banded together in the Free Corps, roarr;Äd,5 the ^altic re^ions,

Nihilism seeued to provide a Solution, Ernst von ^alomon was among

those youths who fou^.ht in the Free Corps and, who, like many of his

Coirrades, came under Juen-ters influenoe. It was in this phase of

his career that ^alon-:on stepped, briefly, into the annals of history,

For he was one of those four youths who, in 1922, carried through

the assasination of Walter Rathenau, Indus trialist, foreign x^xinister

and Jew. What are *^aloii:ons reflections on this nurder thirty years

later? The ans wer to that question will bring us into the nainstream

of the new ^eriran r^ihilism, for the Fra.^ebogen is Salomons autobio-

graphy •

It is not the iiurder itself which distresses him, but that it should

have been misu derstood, For everyone then, and since, believed that

beginning
this murder was the eeeHiHg-gshase of the agressive phase of German

Anti -Semitisffi. Gn the contrary " I went into that adventure without

a clear F^.oal. The deed was for nie rr.ore in:portant then the result. The

intoxication of seif sacrifice, to reaoh for the moon..'* To Salomon

the assasination was an attenipt to give meaning to a life devoid

Some '^leoloprical Smorcos of Puritan Casulstry

Some thdl^ yoars ago Bonodetto Croce called f or an analysla
of the polnts of contnct botv/eon the thoioght of Machlavelll and
that of the Rofomatlon« Thus an important llnl: betwoon the
Italian Renaissance and the Reformation mlght be forged. Such
a problöm calls for a dlscusslon of Protestant casulstry, a
subject which has recolved scant attention from Hlstorlans«
John Novllle Plggls*s blimt sta^fcoment that llachlavelllsm extended
Itself Into the rellglous commiinity may seom exagp:orated, yet
an Increasingl:;- emplrlcal standpolnt dld find lt*s v;ay Into
the politlcal thought of some Protestant groups. The socularl-
zatlon of politlcal Institutions In an age of bitter competltlon
for sovcrelgnty, both wlthln •nd betv/een ^^atlon States, lent
Impetus to the development of reallstlc politlcal attitudes wlthln
a traUtlonal rellglous framev/orlct Some members of Puritan
Protestantlsm, for example, usod concents llke "roason of state"
and *^pollcy**, objectlng to "athelstlcal polltlclans" rather
than to "polltlclans" In goneral.*^ Tlie art of dlssembllng and
the politlcal lle v/ere not rejected, but they had to be used
In the sorvlce of God, to ald In the fulflllment of Hls purpose
for man and the worldt

\Vhat v/ere the sources of Puritan politlcal thought upon
whlch such ratlonallzatlons of politlcal actions could be based?
It soems an cvor slmpllflcatlon to ascrlbo this casulstry sol^
to the Inspiration of Machlavelll or to the pressure of external
eventst Puritan theology must be consldered as a prlme soiarce
of that reallsm In politlcal thlnklng v/hlch came to domlnate the

\a^

thoii£5ht of certain lähmen and Divlnes« Thoology was the drivlng
force of those men, and such cleductlons In polltlcal thought
whioh they made fvtm tholr vlew of a Dlvlne Unlverse, were, to them,
but the consequences of the maln buslness of llfe«

Three baslc theologlcal concepts muot recelve our attention
as the foiindatlons upon v/hlch thls casuistry could be bullt»
Dellof In tho absclute soverel-nty of God, In original sin and
in the mutabllity of human actione are not original Purltan
contrlbutlons to Christian theolof^» They stand at the vory
contre of Christian development through the ages, strengthened
by tho omphases of Jean Calvin» Argulng from the same propogl-
tlons, Calvin, as well as those ?/rlters whcm we v/111 analyse
reached the concluslon that ovll v/as a more negatlon of good,
both furthorlng God's 1 scrutablo ?;111.^ These baslc theologlcal
concepts, and the casulst use that could be made of them, are
part of a much ?/lder problom In Chrlstlanlty than Purltanlsm»
Nevortheless, the Purltan v/riters of Cid and New England provlde
a good laboratory for the examlnatlon of thls development«

The concept of oijglnal sin and man's consequent Incllnatlon
to ovll made certain Purltan wrlters reconclle thomsolves to the
need for polltlcal stratogems« Kingdoms, so one author teils
US, are held In trust for God who Is nn "honost" God» Dut men
are Incllnod to evll and If they should prove unreasonable thon
r < the Prlnce "must bow for a tlme nnd l'ttle by llttle bring them
to hls purpose by sojlfe craft or holy pretenco**» It Is the
hollness of the protonce which dlstlngulshos the good ruler
from an "atholstlcal polltlclan" and permits hlm to use craft

■ ■-■■■':■ ■\'\V->i^i^-*S.^--'^'<----^J'-^^i^r'^'-h^t^^^^ ■ ■■■■■■ ■- ■'■■ ■ ■ ^v^'-,>J

toTTaris the end of bullding a godly soclety* The overrldlng

sovorelgnty of God, whllo glvlng a goal to Purltan strlvlng^

tended to maka human lav/a and morallty flexible commandmonts^

subject to nulllflcatlon by a clear call from the Lord# Through

thls God-centredness of Furltan Theology some men caine to the

concl ^slon that the end—maklng the worl 1 a theatre of God^s

glory— Justlfled any "holy pretence'' to achleve auch a goal# The

thlrd theologlcal concept of Importance for our argumont concems

the mutablllty of hiiraan actions» Man^ imperfect by hl» very

nature, must ccaistantly "soek" God and grow from truth to truth.

Thls^ In tum, meant a v/llllngness to alter one*s oplnlons, to

go back on one^s given word If thls meant going forward in

ßound judgementt Höre, agaln, a theologlcal bellof could be

used to further casulstry»

These, thon, were the prlnclpal theologlcal maxlms wlth

whlch thls essay v/ill be concemed, but before analyslng the

mannor In -wlilch they could bo explolted by casuists, there are

some related probloms v/hlch must be clarlfled. The definitlon

of the term "Purltan" is problomatlcal at best» Prom our point

of vlov; they are la^nnon and Divlnes who dlssonted from the

Church of England • But even wlth thls definitlon Mäa dlvldlng

llne between Angllcan and Purltan Is alfflcult to draw# Men

lllce Thomas Fiillor or Ov/on Peltham v/ero populär in Purltan

England desplte tholr Angllcan äff illation and, Indeed, siiared

baslc
tholr/tbheologlcal vlev/s wlth the Purltane« The dlversity of

oplnlons withln the Purltnn camp prosents another problem«

11, uL II 1 IL I 1(1 mmi

:rrT

r^y.. ÄV^fli

j)/«-

n f

■:^:?fe:?5Ä,teiv '

^> ''X^ '

Vflille tho vTTlters clted In this connoctlon

casuists, there

were many othors nho rejected any *^oly pretence^ In favoxir of
"Walking plalnly"^ Moreover, the Covonant theology played an
Important part In Purltanlsm and It has been oontonded that thls
bellef is the really dlstlngulshlng mark of Piirltan Protestantlsm*
üowevori the polltical Impllcatlons of thls theologlcal xaaxlm
was not v/orkod out untll the mlddle of the seventeenth centupy,
and the Covenant theology has theref ore been conltted from any
conslderatlon In thls essay, It must be emphaslzed that we are
here Isolating only ono Strand of thoupjit from a complex mosalc
of theologlcal and polltical oplnlons«

^0 sovorelgnty of God Stands at the centre of the Puritan
credo, The world. In Calvin 's v/ords^ was a "theatre for the glory
of God" and Robert Hendorson told a victorlous Ilouse of Commons
that man was only a "tenant at will" of the Lord» The I^w of
God took precedent ovor hinan lawa; Ptirltan preachers repoated
the story of PJilneas at every occaslon In order to drlve home
thls Important polnt« It has b en explained oftnn enouf^ that
thls prlmacy of alleglance n:ave backbcaie to the PurltaBa* resls-
tance to temporal authorlt^^« But there Is another factor Involved,
of special Interest to nur argiinent« Dixrlng the army deVatos,
a Typm Parker stated that It was momlly wrong that a man should
kill hls son, yet God com^ianded A%ah€im to do so« A

ccmmand overrode human morallty and thls Is spelled out wlth still
greater clarlty by another partlclpant In these same debates on
the future of Kngland's govenamontt "Whatsoevor.# •! should be
bound to, If afterwards God should rovoal himsÄlf , I should

n 11

break It speedllly"» Thls belief In a direct coramand frcan
Ood led to that "enthuslasm" and anarchy whlch had haunted the
Reformers frnm the beglnnlng» But it^a politlcal Implicatlons
are cloar: in a hlglier cause hunan rulos of conduct could be
abandoned» Hcn^/evor, God flld not always reveal himself directly
as He did to Abraham» Ultlmatoly Ilis ways were Inscmitable and
It is here that a vrhole field for casuist speculation was opened

up»

Ood's ends vero in Ilis will alone and thls, in tiim, roflected

on the problom of ovil» It v/as genorally af!;reed that evil ms

12
well as good v/as in the determinatlon of God for His glory*

Inasmuch as both good and evil were contained in Hio v/111, God

oould transform evil into good, fnom which it followed that so«

called bad actions mlght themselves be decreed in furtherance

of some Divine aim# "Scriptoires," wrote John Saltmarsh,"do not

forbid the Saint s to do evil in ordor thnt good may come of itj

For Poter Sterry the cmiel cruciflxion of Christ was meant by

God for ultimate good, for was not snlvation made possiblo by

that action?-^^ To be eure, Sherry was a Piatonist as well as

a Puritan, but his sumniation of God*s power has general validity

for h's fellow Saints« This pov/or is a unity vdilch comprehends

withln itself a variety of forme and appears in them as It

plens s» Thus God*s power is manlfested in evil as well as

15
In good, and one may load tov/ards the other*

In tMs manner v/e are brought to a consideratlon of the

hiorarchy of values which grow out of the v/ill of God as the

prime mover of all human striving» This is connected, in tum,

with the Problem of sin in Piiritan thoology# Man la a perpetual

alnnor and perfect rogeneration Is boyond hla reaöh# Hov/over^
apart frcan thls baaic truth there existed a certaln graduatlon
of slnful acta whlch coxild bo explolted by oasuists* Nathanlel
W^rd exprasaed tMs wlth greatest clarlty« Toleratlon of
theologloöl untruths will tuirible God from hls chair and opon the
doors to all sorta of posalble lies* But he v/as careful to

dlstlngualb betwoon suchra aln and, v/Iiat he called a practlcal

16
IIa, slnful, to be sure, but translent«

TtilB dlatlnctlon betweto alnful acta was enha ced by the

tendency in Purltan thought to discoi.Tnt outv/ard mattei^ for

perfoctloh la on y of God and no glnful hiiman (not evon the

eloct) can approach It« Let no one Judge hlmaelf or others by

a atep or two, or by a fov/ actione, wrote Dr» Prestcn, even thos

that have choson God'a way may aonetlmea by led out of Itt

^•••though outward occasiona are forceable to good, yet they

are tranaltory«" Wie only measure for Judglng actlons are thelr

continuoua courso and tenor, proceeding from Inv/ard princlplea,

17 -

from the frame of the heart« Thus Peter SJierry held that

all human actiona must be vlev/edl ^aub apecle aotemltat#a"

and only if we see God's v/ork as a whole can we solve the problem

18
of ovll» It ia thls •'generali zat Ion" of sin vjhlch could open

the loor to "practlcal lylng" or to the toleratlon of some mla-

Chief In Order that God's will for men b© not ©ndangered» Aa

Winthrop put Itt "We may r6ft satlsfled In thla long approved

maximt It la better for a Commonwealth that mlachlef be tolerated,

than an Inconvonlence endured, much more, foundatlons of govem-

19
ment overthrov/n." The flrst govevtxmenß Maaaachusetta was

m^lting about the novemment of hls Coramonwoalth whlch '7as
Insplrod by Dlvlne oxompleo«

It was William Goodwln v/ho gave clear exprosslon what thla
'•generalizatlon" of sin ml^t lead toi "whatsoever directly

and ovldontly tonds to the effectlng of that ^ich Is good, must

« 20
needs bc gcod and thoroforo from God"t To whioh v;e can add a

telllng cltatl n from Sir Ilonry Vane: '^tlie goodneso of my cause

Is not morely to be Judged by the evonts^ but by the rlgbteousness

et itß principlo"« It is obvlouo how cIosg we are here to the

supposedly Machlavelllmi maxlm that the end Juatifled the means«

Babette Lfvy has summed It up well In wrlt *ng about tho early

mlnloters of ITcw England« "Most of the minlsters believed that

tho key to the good lifo is faith, not a rigid Standard of

behaviouTt"^^

In this connoction it is well to see how "neceHslty"

fits into this argujnent« Üho overridi' g necessity was always to

fulfill CiOd's plan for the ühiverso and, as v/o saw, höre the

princlples which determlne this end were moro ir-portart than

A rigid Standard of Indivldual bohaviour« Not only was

•Tioly pretence" thus Justlfied, but necessities induced through

circi:!iiistancGs boyond individual control might becomo a valid

excusa for unrighteous actiona» A Puritan like Jdtm White* c»ie

of the principle advocates of the sottloment in New "^gland.

was much concemed with this# "How imich to be yielded to
necossity it hath pleased God to manifest, by dispensing with jiii
own worshlp and service, in caso of necessity*« Christian
wisdom must guide us in the det^milnation of such necessities

^^»^^■'trri^imtm t»Mi,T

and thls conslsts In applylng the general ruies of God to our
oim caset^*^ Tlrie Impllcation is clears the quostlon to ask Is
whether the fulflllment of God*s commandments Warrant "holy
pretenca" in any partlcular caso# William Arnes permltted men
throufjti sllonce to hldo tho truth, or* oven to uoe words v^hlch

might irilslead the hearor« But ploty Eiust corarnand theso stratagems

and tliey must be designed to avold a sin« Onco gain, such

disseiribllng can only be dono in tho Tm^therance of Ood's alm^ if
in a hi^^her cause neceas-ity force» us to take such steps#
Thomas Fullor, that itiodorato Anglican v/ho sharod so much of the
baslc Pui»itan theological vlovjpolnta^ asaorted that to dissomble
against a ci'afty rival was bo sin, but a Just vunish^toit on our
adversary who bo^-tin such practlcos« Por the Rev# Samuel Noirell
solfpresorvatlon justiflod stratagems for tho sake of necessltyi

dld not Abraham sook to 'ofoat hls onomleB?

o26

Tov/ards the end

of the contury a C^ostlone for studonts at Harvard Uhivorrdty
"v/hothor stratagems in \mr aro illicit'*? was answored in the

negative»

These Protestant writors we^^e not the only ones occupied with
the problcm of nocescity« Mowell*s contemporary, tho Dcsninican
Monk John Barnes, attonptod to resolvo certain contradictions
In Scripturo, such as Abraham^s passing off Ms v;if e as hia
sister« He conments upon the passage tliat, when one stände

betweon two dangers, it Is better to choose tho lesser danger

28
for nvoldlng the groater« There is an eseential slmilarity

betv/oen Puritan Protestant and C^tholic casulstry which should,

once again, s rve to romind us tlir.t wvo are hero dealing only

29
with one sogment of a larger problem«

There are many concreto examplee of the Purltans* use of
"pollcy" to furthor thelr "Just occaslono^» Govemor Bwidford
thoufJKt nothing of confoundlng an eviämy of hls rule over the
Plymouth plartation by socretly Intorceptlng hls lottors and

f orwnrdlng them to thelr deatlnatlon after havlng taken coplos In

30
Order to ccnfront the \7rlt0r at a later date# ^Jjhn Cotton has

hl|^ prfilso for a inan who was "a piain nan, qs Jaco^ v/as"^ but

who :ot irovod "subtlo" enough to insinioato hlrnaelf v/lth the

Judicial authoritios in London in order to holp the Nev/ England

irJnister«^ The v;holo rationale for the porsecutlon of heretlca

could he ''.incussed horo, but onou^ has been brou^ht fci^yard

to llluotr te that such transltory Infrlngenents of moral

bchnviour, undor the prorsiire of necossitios, aro for'^ivable

v;hon tho nafrjire of a ßln must be Judgod "sub specie^ aetemltatis"«

Svich €tction5 xjere n corsitated by the Imperfection of men
on carth and It iß thus not surprlslng that nany Furltans v;ere
highly susplclous of thoir follov/ cronttires« This in tum sorved
to und^^rllne the fact that cr.^ft has to be countordd T/Tth
atrat'^gem* "I will not trust Jby brothor if he be onco exalted
and put in the way of temptation"t '^ These words of Richard
Baxtor were ochoed by Francos Quarl s and that boforo he had
tlirovjn off hls Puritanlsn» "Th.6re is no perfoct frlond Cbut)
t««they be dead^ that doubt can not be trlod# It is no wiseman^s
part to woi|^ a frienl without the glossea and goodness of hls
end"«^^ Govemor William Bradford of the PlymouMi Crlony, receivlng
cold fil-irlft from one of tho backors of the Plantation, recalled
the one hundred and forty-fourth Psalmn aMing hls own intorpolationt

ri. 1

'^Put not yo^r tmst in Prinoes (rauch less In merchants) nor
In tho 8on of man for thore Is no help In them*'» Thomas Fullor
assiined that mon would concoal tholr v/oaknossce, otherwlse they
would be rldlculouQ and '*make bravo mu«lc to tholr enomios"« One

oan only read tho cha^rs of men's natixree If they dlsclose

35
themselv^s In wlne^, jassl n er accldontal apeeches* Thls dlm

vlow of hijman nature springing from täie doctrine of original sin

tteant that democracy In ^vemnont was not the way to lead men

tov/ards tho fulflllmont of God*» plan*

Strong loadorship was noeded and ovon if the rulers wore

oloctod, onoe they had attainod high offico thoy must be free to

follow tholr Dlvlne Mission« Govemor Winthrop hold that the

llborty of th© poople ie to rlo that which is cool, junt, and

honest aiid t'ls Liberty is maintained by way of siobjoction to

authority»^^ John Cottcai was at soino palns to polnt out that

"Democracy I do not concoivo that over Ood dld ordain* as a fit

Äovorninent for oithor Qiurch or Cormonwoalth"» Tliour^i the people

of New r^gland choso tholr rulers, once they wore choson they

had tho coinploto power of covemriont» Hie Magistrates had tholr

raleslon to fulfill and God himself Intorvenod directly in thelr

bohalf against thelr enoiales* As Winthrop tolls It, Mr8# Ilutchlson

bore 30 monsters and the eqtially heretloal Mrs* Dler brought forth

A woasian chlld, a fish and a boost* To the ftovomor thls wns not

moroly abuso hurlod at dlssonters, but a oloar sign of, God that

hie actions had Dlvlne aj^proval^

In thls way a strong thoory of loadorship by Magistrates
was Imposed upon a 'vorld in whlch men were prone to corruptl<»i«

''f^:''''.'r-'i';:'\iff^^^''^y?^^^

It was thereforo the ruler v/ho Ixati to oope wlth tho obataclos to
the ßodly socloty and uso "reason pt etate" fop such a purpose,
"Por upon how great dlsadvantages shoulä a Good Prlnce treat wlth
Oj a bad nelßhbour If ha were not only f anlllar wlth th© paths of

wickodneBs, but knew other ways to ahiin th«n, and how to counter-

39
mlno thelr treacherous prnctlcoa?" Thus Prarltan casuistry wa«

xiOxt contred, and It were the IteRlstratos who, llke Machiavolll » a

Prlnce. hai tho aole reeponslbllity of decldlng tho noceaslty for

pretence and dlssiiaiilatlon. Just ao for Calvlni» tho Magistrates

in fulfllllng thoir Dlvlne mlsslon woro not s^jbjoct tot hat
common law which .crovornod the boliviviour of tlaeir feilem men«
Moreovor, such idoas of leadorshlp comtorod the danger of '^enthuslasm"
inhorent In such Urest rovolatlons fron God as thoso mentloned In
the army dohates cltod above» The Pur5.tan concept of the mutablllty
of human actlons xnust ho added to the sovoreignty of God and the
concopts of oin in provlding one nore stepping atcmo for caoulsts»

Hen imast seek the continulng revelatlon of God, •'We are In
constant error, my eamest desire Is that my last writlngs may
(only) ••♦he taken as ny pros nt Judgement," wrote John Smythe»
Llwyd the Welsh P\iritan expressed the saiao thou^it In this mannen
••It lo better t:o be wavorlng In some things all the days of hlö
llfe, and still seek, thou.^ called unstable In hls judgement^
than Sit down too eocfa, or be 83ated and settled in a false or
liaporfect oplnlon#" Themas Puller stated the ccnoequences of
this belief wlth clarity» ^Some thlnk it boneath a wlae nan to
alter hls oplnioni a inaxim both false and dangorous." Ho then
quotos wlth approval a passage from St, Augustiners Retraotlcnl

i^-^^'^V" ■■'.■■■' ■

MH*s>*K^y:fiÄ_, -si^m^pr^^^mm^mS^i^^

;o.,*:'"^i

"It mattor not thou^ w© go back on our word, so w© go fonrard
In truth and aoixnd Judcenent^t^^ Once agaln, It ia only to Ood

that promlsos must novor be brokont In thls way

Piirltona

were ejco^llently e ,ulppod to cope wlth fluid pplitlcal sltuatlons«
Ay^d they wero men of action» Honry Crcsse stated bluntly that

*v;lthout preclPlce all Is nothlng^'f Anywey, '•t*»fjho (^ould not

44
courageously flght, that is beforehand assured of vlctory?"

In the quost Tor bulldinr^ the godly socloty scjie wero not afrald

to involro Inf Idol examnleo* ^us ono author put forth tho

T-urklsh Qaplre es a model for his follow lilngH shmon# ''i.'hy wäre the

Turks vlctörlo^^Q aimlnst Christians? Because of tholr mart5.al

diecipline, tholr iosiro and resolutlon to a"vnnce tho bcnds of

their ^^..iplro and of tholr rollsloni **T!iic i^ilch was always ac-

CO panled 'ith ouch notablo policy and pxnidonco^ that the oingu-

larltlos of tholr virtuos and good government has made tholr arms

always fearful and fortunate» Thue, policy and prulence was

one roascn why Christians ahould follow Tvirkish er^amples, together
wlth resolutlon In the nai»e of a hl^er causo^

Oven Peltham*» Resolv^s sum up admix^bly the klnd of caaulstry
whloh wo havo attempted to analyse» Foltham was not a Piu'ltan
but an Angllccn and Royalist« Nevertholessn hie bock went throu(^
tv;elve edltlons betwoon 1620 and 1709, and v/as roprlnted at the
helght of Purltan power In T^ngland« Fcltham was a modorate
Angllcan and conf essed hls lovo for Purlton» i^,o cubr^ tted to
Order, and unbent In modorate relaxat;on whlle possosslng a health-
ful ooneclonce« V/hat he could not understand about the Purltans

was tholr unbondlng attltudo about ceremcailals and tholr u

Intoloranco of undotormlnable tenots.^ö Yet his theologlcal
presuppositons wero theirs and ha can further serve to llluotrato
how ''Ifflcult It is clearly to divido Angllcan frort Purltan#
Wlth hlm^ too, rellcion Is the bost f^ldo of pollcy and God Is

sovorolgit It Is God who leade us to a dopendency upon hlmj to

47
hlm v/e owe our duty and he Inparta our proflts« Thus^ "that

im well that ends well, and better la « bad beglnnlng that

concludos well, than a prosperous onset that ends In complQint#.»

If my sun sf^t In the new Jorusalein, I have llved weil»*»"

Tlie enä Is the thlng| <mce more we see thls spolled out clearly

and Just as clearly doos Feltham state that •*• »pollcy runs

smoothest when it t\:ims on a golden hinge" l«e» moved by God#

"^^ Slnful

For all the world ia not wlt and ßtratagem, If it wäre so, how
doubtful wo Id be any victory, for no one man has a monopoly ovet*
craftiness« Nor Is too mich llberty In fraud and decelt to be
recoKimonded^ for through thls the Stßte becones an ''Irrellglous
rlddle"# But^ and this Is the crux of the matten "I belle ve^
if man had not fallen, he should nev r have used It (l#e» pollcy) j
and as he 's now, I thlnk no man can livo without lt#
man makos polltlcal strategem necessary, but It must nevor be used
to "dlshonour rell(|bn*' or to hurt one 's nolijbbour, for it inust

be gulded by God* The result Is the belief tlmt "there Is an

honest pollcy"#

i^ow "honest" such a pretence really la can be seen clearly by
the latltude of Foltham's advlco« As men are generally In-
cllned tov/ards ovilj Prlncas should halt and fit mon's tempers
tov/arda hls endai and he cltes Machlavolll In aupport of hla

^' -"

arcjumontt Seorocy in tho cariTTlng out of projecte Is all

inqportantji for pollcy and frlondshlp are not canpatlblet

55
In dlplcEi tlc nogotlations disslrnulaf^on Is 08sontlal# %oe

a(5ain the omphasls Is on tho "^oneralizatlon" of sin: It I0

faith v;hlch ccnjnts, \:*illo outvmrd actlons aro to bc consldered

'*öüb spoclo aetemltatle^t Thou£^ an cffonse lo cocimitted it Is

doubtful If it can be punlsiied qs long as the hoart doos not

cons nt to it« "It is not tho nocesritated^ but the willing 111

that stains*'»'^

It is in Uno with this tx^ond of arginnont that tho author

of a Tablo Boqv for Princen can write that the "tabe nocle of tho

godly siaall floiirlsh" and that tho sound novommont of tbo

Princo is built upon tho fear of hls rnakor» This samo author can,

a fow folio'e further, assort with equal clarlty, that '•Ps'incos have

80not.imos occasion to uso, for tho furthorlnr^ of ^ood nnd com«»

inendable purposest^many politilr stratagems^« (tho) govcmmont cf

the Prince nust disooriblo and socrotly ponder laany nnttors of

55
groat woisJit'*«

Thougji this casuistry soems to have devolf^ed from itfe own
theolorjlcal roots^ vet it cano to hove many points of contact
with ?%chiavelli*a political thought# The conccpt of sin wliich
wm hftve discussed resultod In an nttitude well«»exprosced 1 ths
DiscQ-ursest "It is sound maxlm that^ whon an action is reprehen«»
sible^ tho roault laay oxcuse it and virhen the rooult is good,
altTp^rs excusos it^"^^ Por ?*Iachiavolll as for the Purltans vjfaose
thounht v/e have analysod the ond in viow whlch Juctlfled the means

r >

'?1 ^

67
must be both good ana reallzable In actlon« A pasnac« fron»

the Prlnoo can acrve to lllustrete the feellng of neeesslty as

excuolng wrong act'cms in a corrupt worldt '*For a man t!«io wlshes

In oll rospocte to act up to his profosaion of what Is good la

llkoly to be rulnod among so many thincß that are not ^oo^%

Thls WBLO tho Situation whlch this Piaritan caeulstry was deslgned

to moot#

Karl Barth onco vn^oto that v/hat the Hoformers wanted was
puro doctrina and pure trnths* Ffilth itsolf was moro important

than Ito relatloTiship to thoso froneworks v^hlch ?ian hlmeölf

59
has crentod, s TCh as Culturo or the Btate* An analysis of the

groT/th of both Protestant and Cfithollc casulstry v/ou d questlon thls

statoinentf Though Troclscho^s fanod oquatlon of "tither and

Machlavolll Is xmdul^ sinpllstic, yet In tho Instances ^-ich

we havo analysed "pure falth" dld havo wlthln It tho germo of.
the assimilatlon of Renaissance ideas of pollcy and roason of
State. Txi this may lie tho real oontaot betwean Refornobicai and
Renaissance political thought as expressed by Hlccolo ^techiavelll*
This essay c^m be no more tiian a vory prellninery oxanlna t !. on of
thls problomi the v/hole developnont of Protestant casulst3?y
\ romalns to be tracod# It secans cloar, howover^ that "sola fldo"
provod to be a doctrlno not only connected v/lth purity of faith
but also frour^ht wlth coisoquonc s for the onergonco of modern

political morallty«

NOTES

1« Donedotto Croce^ Grund lapcen der Politik, Tr« Ilans Feist,
Iviuenchent 1924, p« 54

2# John Novllle Pigßis, otudles of Political Thonrht from Person
to Crrotiue, CombrldgeV 1931, pt 85

3* George L# Mosse •^Puritanism nnd Reason of Ft^^te In Old ond

How ^gland", tVilliam mä '%ry llimrterly^ January, 1952, pgs# 67-00

4« Francol« Wendel, Calvin > Sm:irceg et Evolution de sa Ponoe^
Roli/^iouse. Paris, 1950, p» 135

Wiliiam of Ockham should bo cited here# Por him, also,

the moral law is included in the tdvlne will and the

disfcinctiai betwoon {^ood and bad is only made by God«

Morality as such is arbitrary and has nothing that la

£^ooa and ba4 in itsclf» This is strikingly parallel to

tha Ideas discussod höre» See Paul Janot, Histolrg

a_o la Phitosophie riorale et Pclltique, II, Paris, 1858, p» 25

üarloy Ms, 7019 ^ritifih !*useuint 97,133 tLlsted uiider the reign
of Janies I in B, M, Catalofnie

Hugh Peters I Goda Doinr: and Ilans Duty, London, 1645, p# 10

J« L Trintorud ''Origins of Ptiritanism*', Church History, 1951,
pgs/37-58

Alexander Hondcrson, A Sermon Preached»#Deceinber 27, 1643^
London, 1644, p# 4

P^ineass Niirnbers 25;6'*13

At P« S# Woodhouso, Puritanism and Liberty > Chicago, 1951, p# 163

Ibid p# 34

Por Calvin*» treatmont of this probleim, see Inatitutes ^ I{
XVIII# Calvin, hov/evor, makes the point vory strongly that
thoupji God fulf^lls His decrees also b^/ means of the impious,
yet the impious are th roby not excusod fron thelr reprobateness*
Dur casusits aasumed the piety of a porson as a sine qua non of
all legitinate adjustmonts to reality#

13 • J&in Saltmarah, Openin^ of Ma^^ter Prynne's Now Book oto#
n» p* 1645, p# 27

14* Peter S|:erry, Pjscotü^se of the Freedom of the Will^ London, t^^^

15# Ibid» p» 108

6,
7.

8»

9.
10»

XI«
12 t

(

'm.

19»
20*

22«
25»

16 t Nathanlel Ward^ The SIibdIo Cöbblor of A^wam In Anerica,
ed. by L» C. Wroth^ Now ?ork^ 1937, p. 6

17# An Abridp;ement of Dr# Prostons Vorkg etc* I^ndoii, 1648, p« 243

18. Vivlan de Sola P'nto, Poter Sterry^ Piatonist and Purltan^
Cambridge ij 1054 ,i pgst lOG-107.

Pinto quite rlr>htly draws attention to tho similarity with
vSpinoza*8 "Gou workOTi all thince from otortilty, in otemity
and f or otemity". P# 107 Thia "genoraüzation of sin''
aay be part of thc baroque nr^to to universäls ''all being
aeemeth to breath and catch after unity", R. Greville^
Tho Nature of ^i^^th. London, 1640, quoted in Paul Meissner,
Die Gei Stege Schicht liehen Gr\indlagon des Enf?:li sehen
Litoratiirbaroke. Tfuenchen« 1934 j 21. Also seo pgs. 21*28
for a good discussion of this irniversalism«

Jctoi Winthrop, A Reply to the Anawor etc. in Robert C. Vdnthrop,

Lifo and Lottors of^ohn 'li:thro;:> (Doston. 1869), II, 438

Williniii GoodiiTin, Thoog£c;ia, 1644 qtioted in Oerturöe Huohn,
Antoninianism in l]^AP:lish HistorY. London, 1951, p. 94

Gortnide Huohn, op. cit. 94

Babotto May Lovy, Pro chinn in the First Half Century of New
IJb.j^land Hjstory. Hartford, 1945, p. 45

John iVIiite, Ttie Plant er s Ploa otc. LondOTi, 1930, reprinted
in Forces Tracts, II, V/ashirigton, 1B38, p. 25. White was
dißturbed bj the fact that inany rulos of scriptiiros are
dotabtful and ambi/ruous in application because they cannot
dotermlne particulars. Ho wao not thc onl:: Puritan to admit
that Jlcrlptures are not seif aufficiont by thomsolves but
nced "Chrintian wisdom" in thoir applicationt This is closely
related to the oeverance of Bible and conscienc© wliich Martin
Schmitt describes in "Biblizionus tmd natuerliche Theologie in
\^v Gew^ 8 sen sichre des englischen Puritanismus, Archiv fuer
lief ornaAionspre schichte . Heft 1-2, 19öl, 198-220, lieft 1,
1962, 70-86 • For Calvin 's stresc on conscience see Institutes.
IV, X, II1FF# Hie distinction betwoen the outv/ard judge-
ments of men and the court of conscionce seems olosel;^ related
to the strosG on inward principlos diacnsseö abovo#

24. Wt Gass, Geochichte der Clirigtlichen 't^thik. II, Berlin, 1886, p# 151

85* Tlicoiac Füller, ITie Hc^ly State and the Profane Staate. London,
1841, p^ 250

26, Quoted in Babette May Levy, op. cit> p* 79

27. Samuel Eliot Morrison^ Harvard Collerte in the "^ovonteenth
Centugj, Cambridge p. 259

'■'^f'^ll ■*;-^''":7'."'''''^' -'■>-^''V: ' -,■

1 ■--■.-.': .',-,'.■«' .--r^ J!

28,

29,

50.

31,

32,
35,

35,

B6,

57,

30,

39,

40,

Maurice Nedoncellos, Trola Aspecta flu Probleme AnjTio.<;athollque
au XVIIe Siecle. Strassturg, 1951, p. 26

Por a brlof comparlson conterlng on Giovanni Botero eee George lJ
Mosse, opt clt> 78 • There Is a most strlklng narallel botween
Piirltan casuTstry and that of the Cathollc Thomas Pltzherbert^
First Part of a Treatlae conoemln/y g8llcy and Roll -Ion, n# p#
1616 • Pollcy and reason of state must be levelled at true
rellglon» In a world where v/e must fear the mallce of man^a
natiire the prudence of the Serpen t must be Jolnod to the
slmpllclty of the Dovo« Preface, 22* The concept of the Im-
putation of orginlal sin was, after all. St* Augustiners as well
as Calvin» 8 and therofore, of use to Cathollcs as well as to
Protestantst V/hat sums up bettor the attltude of a man llke
Winthrop to his governmental rosponslblllltles then Zuccola'a
Statement that if the S^nte Is good the preservlng It Is also
ßood. Della Ra/^ilon dl Stnto (1621) Quoted Bonedetto Croce,
Storla Della Eta Darocca In Italla> Bari, 1946, pga» 96-97

Nathanlel Morton, New Ehftlands Memorial od« ^oward J Hall*
New York, 1937, p»T5 * ^

arauol Whitlng, Life of Jolin Cot ton. In
Alexander Younf^i^l^ronloaifes^ of thn First Planterg of the
Colony of ^ssachusetts Ba:/, Boston, 1845^ p, 424

Dlscussed In George L. Messe, op> cit, 72ff #

Richard Baxter quoted In W. P, Schlrnor, Antike. Renaissance
und Puritanlsmus. I^enohon, 1924, pi20n»l

34» Ouoted Ibid, 20

Thomas Puller, opt cit»pg8, 247-248

William Bradford, Of Pimouth Plantation 1620-1647, ed, Samuel

Kllot Morison, New York, l9öä, p» löl

Robert C. Winthrop, op cit> p. 341

John Cottor to Lord Say and Seal (1636), Thomas Hutchinson,
The Hlstory of the Colony and Provlnce of Massachusetts J3av.
I, 415, Cambridge, 1936

John Winthrop, A Short Story of the Hjse, Reim and Ruin of
The Antinomians, Londor;. 1644, proface^ Gnci ii'^ftif^ vma pl^o
"to Step in wlth his casting volce"#

eased

The AthelstlCBl Polltlcian, n. dt 1642 p. 2. Thls Is a Prirltan
tract likenlng Stfiffordlans or Cantabrlan to Machlavolllt

Calvin, Institutes etc* tr# John Allan, PÖlladelplila. n«d#
p. 781-782

mmmM ,^

W^'c!^cS^'-'-A

41, Quoted In Geoffrey F. ^t-tall . ^ The Ilolv^Spirlt in Purltan

42*
43.

44.

45.
46.

54.
55,

56.

67.

58.
59,
60,

Faith and -IxperlencOa Oxford, 1947, p. 10*

Ibid

Thomas Puller, ov. citt p» 245

nonry Crosse, Vlrtues Commonwealth eto«> London, 1603, Ht p#
J. nowname, A Guide to Godllnena U622) '

quoted Gertrude Iluehn,
op« cit» 5Ö

Thxe Policv of tho Turkish Emplro. London, 1597, to the reader

0?/en Feltham, Resolves^ Divino Moral and Politlcal^ London,
1840* p. 9

47 • Ibid> pgs» 133-134

48 • Ibld, p» 231

49# UlMf !*• ^^^

50, Ibid* Pgs» 99, 139, 97

51. Ibli. P* 97
52t rbid> p» 145
53 • Ibidt 183

Ibid, 146

P. s. A Table Book for Prlncos^ British Museum, MS. M, B. VIII, pgs.
16, 4173^'

The Diaooureos of Niccolo Tfachiavclli^ tr. with int r od«
Lesile J. alker, Wov; üaven, 1950, 119 (Discourses I, 9, 3)

Ibid

Ibld, p# 81 (Prince, Chapter 15)

Karl Barth, Reformation als lihitschoidunp:. Muechen, 1933, 20 ff ♦

Emest Troolsch, The Social Toachin/T of tho Christian Churcho.ff, tr.
Olive -rron, London, 1931 p. bsi. Howovor, m ich reriains to bo
done on'Lutlieran causistry and its develovmont. iAitheranism also
Includes Idoas of "Divine necossity" as v/ell as the concept that
faith can only rrill the good. For an attempt to dlscuss the
politioal ethic of Luth-r see Emelit Rolf, Pßlitische Ethik
und othischo Woltanachauunf!:. Berlin, 1923«

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oi purpose; it was action for the sake of dolng alone. He was the
revolutionary wlthout a programni: as Ernst Juenger ted written,
" We lEUSt learn to irarch without banners".

It was only natural the Salomon should go to Juenger for approval
of bis deed. But Juenger withheld such approoval for a characte-
ristic reason. The rrurder kaä-an-i^e seeced to have an ideological
basis, and Anti Semitism seemed beside the point in the Nihilistic
World picture. Salonion himself never becaiie an anti semite or a

-national Socialist, there he renained faithful to the negativism
of his philosophy. This is once more brought out in the man whoni
Juenger presents to his fellow ^erman of I95I as the only^a» n.an
between the world wars who embodies tru nobility - the Free Corps
""i.eader Erhardt, whose " Brigade Erhardt'* was made up of former
soldiers. A forrrer i^^aval Officer and a brave man of integrity,
Erhardt was also a man without a clear programm of nay sort. He
was one of those men of whorc Salom^on wrote in an earlier book: *'out
of desperation these men grapped at power, not with a programm but
because being used to danger and adventure, they looked at the
ffovernment and it seeiEed to them unjust. Therefore, they went ahead
for the sake of attaining power alone, without a programm, driven

by exasperation.

This is ar). exllent description of those adventurers who endangered
the V/eimaör» Republic at its birth. They worshipped " foroe" and the
greatest u^e within them was the urge towards " doing" . But the ^
advent of ^^ational Sosialism produced a crisis in Salomons thought,
Erhard was forced to band his ** ^^rigade'* over to the SS. though
honest to the last he refused to shake hsmds with the iMational
Socialist leaders whom he could not respect. A feeble gesture
the result of movement without a programm, whioh gave no guidance

.■^i>-v.f-. ■■-y-r'''

in the realn: of irrational ideolo.ories« But the result of this

debacle was not a renewed religious consoiousness for -^alomon,

attempted to

as Juenger was now advoacting. Instead Salomon teegaH-%e-äepieFe

deKonstrate the Buperficiality of ideolo^ies

tfe© -atewft©-ö|J-pöw©p-4\5i©-%©-i*s-i6le©ie^4eai-Höe. The Fragebogen

is meant as a warning to the wises all ideolop;ies are the saine,

they all operate on the principles recognised by Nihilism: rcass

action instead of individualism, terror against the survival of

the individual •

To proove bis point Salomon» devoted the seond part of bis book

to the Ärcericans. Democracy is as much of a sham as *^ational

Socialism. The "^resident of the United States may swear bis

oath of Office on the Bible , but the first thing he actually

does is to review a parade of the Army and ^^avy. Take the Question-

naire which the American military authorities distributed to the

people, and which s^ves the title to *^alomin s book. Is this not

the ir.ost subtlet forii of terror? .n man in a card file is as good

an inquiry
as dead. In the oj^uestionaire there is even a-qHe8%±©n about the

colour of ones hair. This to ^alomon best illustrates its true aim;

it is like the adve tiserr.ents: '' ir.urderer wanted" •

■^m^m.

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What gives a unity to all these v>re4rj worl^eci ont aM straight -
forward papers is their relationship to the first world war and to

fascism. From that aspect it is possible to make several remarks,

hey stand theso paporo are diffic^ult tio eritique

irofessor Zuber* s paper seems to me to be souM and the 5« volume
of De i^elice' sVKussolini ( II Duce) certainly bears this out. And
yet, it sQomo to mo^ there is one aspect that should be taken into
consideration and that I find missing, Mussolini *s dream of the
fascist eeia%- coalition certainly depended upon changes in Austria
itself , in fact upon Austria becoming a fscist country on the Italian
model. CJertainly ^ all these'ef f orts were alsoVdirected against Germany
( De- Felice-v buL llul n^oiOiji^ui' Subei aeem«; tcj hulQ LhaL Lia»-d^^eam

wa^ nnn w^y — Luwai'Qb! an alliuim

) -Dollfu-s in Mussolini 's

famouB Memorandum ^ii^^*i^ oecome rascist, no-&^National Socialist.

Yet was this ever possible? It could be argued that if Austria
was ever going to be a freist State, it would have to be a National-
Socialist one, for -Äe conditions were closer to those of Germanjp
then to those of Italy^whioh had mado tho Italian vailuL^ uf'-fas-cism
possible . This is not Just a matter of^racism^ut also of ^a*%i ^

a different spirit of Risorg^mento in the two countries. It se

ems

to me, at least, that this problem should be faced in discussiong
the fascistrco^ation which Mussolini »errtred, I cannot help but
wonder 4f there was not an Austrian logic in passing from the
iieimwehr to the Nazis. For Austria with its tradition of nationa=
lism the Italian type of fascism may never have been more then a
half way house. Mussolini may well have Ivoon hoygf'liirother example
of liegel's cunning of history.

The Barlack problei^i seems to me also -[ju m^ related to
a specific historical >rob±em, While I have no disagreement
with Professor Rollins's analysis and his conclusions about
Barlach' s optimism and why the %zis rejected him, still m
seemes to me to seperate Barlach too much from the problematic
of his time. Barlach did share with the Right vocabularies like
Urwesenhaft" and the peasant motives, so strong es^i^ially in
his earlier art. But further many of his Folk figuers could be
Seen in a national context, especially as they stood outside any
class contesxt, as Professor Rollins rightly remarks. Indeed
Barlach found def enders during the Nazi period, and most of
his pictures were not withdrawn until the late I950ties.

But Barlach transended the folk motives within which so
many other artists got mired. Yet in this transcendence he lost
contact with the national meaning of his Symbols. Nothing illustrates
this better then the war memorial in Magdeburg. This should be
put side by side with Bruno Taut's ^'^agedburg war memorial ( built
at/ithe same time) which was a library and a reading room. Both
broke with the tradition of Shrines of Honour, of war-like and
patriotic themes. BH=fe-2:aH:fe The reason why these memorials were
most bitterly attacked ( as Professor Rollin' s states but without
any explanation) is that here the sacred national liturer was
oponly at-bQokocL through drastic change. Barlach and TauTfes
designs must be putVagainst the 700 Ehrenhaine which were built
during the Weimar Republic^ arndThe introduction to the official
book describing tHese memorial sfthe'^ad of the war are not
really dead, they Visit us in our dreams.{j*J
Thea^ crux of Barlach' s Isolation may well have been not only
the transcendence of his originally voldi^sh themes, but his

2a.

Or =tehe- as the Nazi writer Will Vesper put it:W" 3^ Youth is
educated by the example of their fathers. I^eath has lost its sting
because the flag passes to the next in line". Gontinutty aloe
explains away death, for the Republic and the %zis - generally

after the first world war, BarlSSnc broke this continuty in his
design, and the effect can well be compared to a belly dance in
the midst ofV^hurch service«

/)^ fU^

Cf^ (iJ^'(^^\

representations of death« There is too little research yet on the
effect of the first world war on concepts of death, but it seems
to me, as far as I have gone, that 4ea%k- within the nationalist
contellt, certainly, death was explained av/ay: by writings and
Symbols - wh«t the^emorials meant. But Barlack lovingly created
forms of death which were almoct a new dance of death without the

conforting realigious backgroimd. The paper right^-y talks about
the i'^azis idealising art, but they only adopted a long tradition
which had put for^ard a healthy and happy world were martyrs
achieved glory and never die« It seems to me that the historical
importance of Barlach must be seen against this backgoundof
volkish symbols^jind their transcendence roal^^ into their negation.

rlac^

no satirist and not connected wwh a major party^ group or movement.
He was not I think denied recognition because he was difficult to
un/erstand ( as the paper holds), many who were much more difficult
have lasted. But because of his particular transcendence from a
volkish base, into direct Opposition to national Symbols and myth.
The ^ice was high^if, but the historical problematic he presents
all the most interesting. In the last resort, for populär culture
at least ( and it is this which the f^zis annexed) Hitler* s hero^
arermore relevant then Barlach' s beggars. The word "modern" to
have meaning here must be more closely defined, for that sort of
art is only for intellectuals and never for populär movement».
The liturgical requirements for modern m.ass politics is bound to
by^pass the moderns. The Barlach problem was, then, more Itonnected
to nationalist symbolic and modern political rites ( i.e. I^emorials)
then to simply the modern in art.

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The interest Jules Romains hold for us today is related to what
I j^ave Said about Barlach, but goes byond it. Professor Schrader
explains most competently the interaction of literature and history
in Jules Romains. One is tempted to conclude that the reason why
Romains is almost completely forgotten today is that he was too
historical and that art requires more then photography, even if
is ( as Professor Schrader points out) sometimes distjfoted. But
here again I do not think this alone- touches the crux of the
Problem. Jules Romains like Barlach, but in a different way, placed

7« 6

himself outside the major trsrfeds of his time even in France.

To be sure J;fee pacifism and even tjp^ liberalism were wide spread,

and yet in the long run they seem faded. Even to the France of

the time Celine's decomposition seem^ much more relevant or ^^'*^

Andre Gide's witfedrawal. Moreover Romains lacked the talent

for a deep'^-erception of the horror of war which Barlach certainly

re-created. Romains battle of Verdun is alltogether anecdotal.

The recreation of a social milieu, if it is to have impact,
must connected to myth. Balsac could have taught him this: his
lower classes, always degenerate, ugly and brutal. That made the
impact: and if Barlach could not relate to the dominant symbols
in sociÄBty, Romains failed to appreciate the impact of myth.
Contrast his work on the war ( to take this as the most outstanding
example) with the vitalism of a DSAnnuncio, %^ articulation of th-^
myth of the black flame. Or with Junger' s new race which emerged
from the war. Once again'"')^ei^death is explained away - but so,
I at least feeel,^t i^ ot/ I^nmnrn^Yby makilTg it trivial rather
then heroic or iede^ filled with horror ( as at is in ^eiine).

The new myth of death is not taken into account: wither negativly

,L^^5

or positivly. That is whatV^rasillach/meant when he called

^ bSlm aVmoraliser ( Dioudonnat;.

But this morality put him in Opposition to Symbol and myth, not
unlike Barlach but without depth and yet with more practicali^JJ^ -
as in his advocacy ,of German-French entente ( for which even^
Sui^_Partout «JbÜ^d him) and his liberalism at home. This
iTI^T^er into the problematic, for.^a^^I must disagree with
Professor Schrader 'Äl' Romains did not flirt with fasi^m. For
Romains did Äf one important myth which was strengthened by
the war, even when he denied otherf: that o&f community., of
" collective euphoria". And so he wrote in Probllmes Europ^eng
in 1935 ( 185-186) that while France must not give up democracy,
she should draw bold and wlif^rf^BJTBolHsevism and fascxsm. A^^^
Synthesis should come about which >s based on hierarchy and i"
otber then money. Liberty should also be maintained. However
confuse, Romaim looked for something to hold onto - dust as
did Romain Rolland, so similar to him in attitude. Rolland went
]tft and Romains went rigbt, but without giving up the fight
against fascism. Still, this confusion does emphasise hierarchy,
eld to finance capitalism, learning from fascism and bMshevism-

The argum^ that Romains idea of community includes the role of
reason which ^'rof essor Schrader point. out as clearly distinguished
from fascism, needs a great deal of modification. For Charles M
Maurras, for example. reason was cucial and rol-anticism evil, and
this in the name of hierarchy and *he- laws other then money.
indeed what we may call the French Right exalted reason, and
so did an important part of Italian fascism. To pose the clear
oppoosition of Romains community of euphoria artä fascism tends

to overlook the T>***i problem mvolved not only.^ Romains but
äA Bavlach and in Austria as well: after I9I8, ce/rtianly
the pressure was overwhelming to reach beyond liberalism and
pacifiosm to a clarity of form ( which Romains never attained, but
which stressed reason and classics) transposed to a politics of
Order and decision. It could be demonstrated that this was
true fori^Äight and formiert. This meant a concern with factors
deepened by the war experienceViäeal of Community, cameraderie,
and the problem of death. These included a preoccupation with
the nature of the state and nationalism. I would add, at the same
time, a kind of restlesness and activism: for building or for
despair, The myths and sy^ols which came out of this had to be
confronted. Thod^who ignored them like Barlach went into
isolation, .and those who trivÄa^ised them like Romains but
shared a part of them feit compelled to make contact.
The nature of such myth and symbol and the political liturey
of mass movements was deciviveVnotonly for intellectuals but ^
for nations and their foreign policy. If we examine how diferent
Aust'^ia was here then Italy we can throw new light upon Mussolini 's
dream of a fascist alliance system which for him meant that these
nations should become like his Italy^Hungary riQ^ds also to be
examined in this :?es*^t/. Mussolini, of coursefseS^Walised
what was involved and declared %tre fascism was not for export
even while episodically trying to do Just that.
What I have said is not meant to denigrate the real attraction
of fascism ( always opposed in reality and theo3?7 to Hitler)
which must be taken into account for Romains and perhaps even
earlier for Barlach: let us remember that a good and almost

^,' ■;;?■• -^^iÄ'

mmpWWIJWP l'MH

archetypal liberal like Stefan Zweig attended the Volta CongressV^
to celebrate the tenth anniyersary of the Italian regimeo But
this does not, I think, invalidate my point aboutvAustria.

The -Qx^llont and- interesting papers then do not seem to
me to gc far enough in their analyses and, at times, remain too
close to the subjective factor of the personality with which they
deal or to the primacy of foreign policy. It seems to me at least
that all their analyses are a part of the world the first world
v;ar did not create but deepen and of those myths necd symbols which
to most of their fellow men objectified that world. After all, if
we o\vcselves can take a symbol for what I have tried to sayt even
"^arlach -biüAj a war memorial.

A^ 2.^lt>

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S18iPP^PÄlB^^l-S

ümm,

Rivista trimestrale di scienze e storia

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Rivista trimestrale discienze e storia

DIRETTORE SCIENTIFICO
Valerie Castronovo

COMITATO SCIENTIFICO

Marc Auge {antropologia, Ecole des hatttes etudes en sciences sociales, Parigi),
Maurice Aymard {storia, Ecole des hautes etudes en sciences sociales. Fangt),
James Beck {storia dell'arte, Columbia University),
Daniele Bovet {farmacologia, Universitä di Roma),
Peter Burke {storia, Emmanuel College, Cambridge),
Valerie Castronovo {storia, Universitä di Torino),
Noam Chomsky {linguistica, Massachusetts Institute of Technology),
Antoine Danchin {biologia, Centre National de la recerche scientifique, Fangt),
Marcel Detienne {antichtstica, Ecole pratique des hautes etudes, Farigi),
Umberto Eco {semiologia, Universitä di Bologna),
Irenäus Eibl-Eibesfeldt {etologia, Max-Flanck Institut für Verhaltensphysiologie, Seewiesen),
Paul K. Feyerabend (filosofia della scienza, Berkeley University),
Lucio Gambi {geografia, Universitä di Bologna),
Fernando M. Gil {storia della filosofia, Universidade Nova de Lisboa),
Giulio Giorello {filosofia della scienza, Universitä di Milano),
Maurice Godelier {antropologia, Ecole des hautes etudes en sciences sociales, Farigi),
H. Ernst Gombrich {storia dell'arte, Warburg Institute, Londra),
Jack Goody {antropologia, Cambridge University),
Fran^oise Heritier {antropologia, College de France, Farigi),
Albert O. Hirschman {economia, Institute for Advanced Study, Frinceton),
Gerald Holton {storia della scienza, Harvard University),
Albert Jacquard {genetica, Universitä di Ginevra),
Jürgen Kocka {storia dell'economia, Universitä di Bielefeld),
Jean-Dominique Lajoux {antropologia visuale, Centre National de la recherche scientifique. Fangt),

Vittorio Lanternari {etnologia, Universitä di Roma),
Jacques Le Goff {storta, Ecole des hautes etudes en sciences sociales, Farigi),
Richard C. Lewontin {biologia, Harvard University),
Niklas Luhmann {sociologia, Universitä di Bielefeld),
Claudio Magris {letteratura tedesca, Universitä di Trieste),
George L. Mosse {storia, University of Wisconsin, Madison),
William H. Newton-Smith (filosofia della scienza, Balltol College, Oxford),
Alberto Oliverio (psicobiologia, Universitä di Roma),
Alexander Piatigorsky {School of Oriental and African Studies, London University),
Carlo Poni {storia economica, Universitä di Bologna),
TuUio Regge (fisica, Universitä di Torino),
Jacques Revel {storia, Ecole des hautes etudes en sciences sociales, Farigi),
Ignacy Sachs {economia, Centre international de recherches sur l'environnement et le developpement. Fangt),
George W. Stocking jr. {storia deW antropologia, University of Chicago),
Vittorio Strada {letteratura russa, Universitä di Venezia),
Paolo Sylos Labini {economia politica, Universitä di Roma),
Keith Thomas {etnostoria, St. John's College, Oxford),
Valerio Valeri {antropologia, University of Chicago),
Nathan Wachtel {etnostoria, Ecole des hautes etudes en sciences sociales, Farigi).

COMITATO EDITORIALE
Giuseppe Berta, Gian Feiice demente, Mauro Dorato, Nicola Gasbarro, Paolo Morawski,
Simona Morini, Alberto Oliverio, Luciana Rossi, Pepa Sparti, Viva Tedesco, Massimo Terni

RICERCHE ICONOGRAFICHE
Pepa Sparti

IMPAGINAZIONE
Giorgio Galibariggi

PROGETTO GRAFICO ORIGINARIO E COPERTINA

John Alcorn

DIRETTORE RESPONSABILE
Andreina Vanni

SEZIONE DI TESSUTO NERVOSO AL MICROSCOPIO OTTICO

sigma-tau

dalla Biologia
la Ricerca Farmacologica

che rispetta
requilibrio della Vita

La sigma-tau ä impegnata nella ricerca degli endofarmaci, sostanze natural! prodotte dairorganismo
atte a normalizzare quei meccanismi biologici alterati che spesso sono alla base della malattia

SOMMARIO

Maurice Aymard Ö
I COSTI DELLA GUERRA

Anche le hattaglie appartengono alla lunga durata:

dal Trecento in poi la crescita delle armate e il loro

finanziamento determinano profonde

trasformazioni nella politica degli Stati

(con una pagina di F. Braudel).

George L. Mosse ^O

URRÄ ALLA BANDIERA

Attraverso milioni di soldati

in trincea la prima guerra mondiale

trasformo Vesperienza bellica

in forza politica.

Patrick Bateson DU

LA CORSA AGLI ARMAMENTI

Come scongiurare Vuso

distorto della biologia da parte degli

strateghi della guerra fredda

(con una pagina di M. Mori).

Antonello Ruzzu 3o
LA FINE DEL VIAGGIO

Luogo di tradizioni ataviche,

la Sardegna deWOttocento e

percorsa da osservatori curiosi e attenti,

ma spesso imbevuti di pregiudizi.

Paolo Ramaccioni / O
NATURA E IDEOLOGIA

Fino a che punto Vambiente e un

hene intangibile da conservare

o una risorsa preziosa da trasformare.

lö Marcello Cini

LA SCIENZA COME GIOCO

Le regole della scienza non sono
piü assolute di quelle espresse
da altre forme di conoscenza
della realtä.

3Ö James Beck

IL SEGNO AMERICANO

La pittura contemporanea
negli Stati Uniti si e affrancata
dal comp le SSO di inferioritd
nei riguardi di quella europea.

ÖÖ Donatella Chiappini e Donata Scalfari

IL VIZIO IN GALERA

Come le leggi deWitalia ottocentesca per la

prevenzione delle malattie veneree

condannavano al ghetto le prostitute

(con una pagina di C. Lombroso e G. Ferrero).

82 Robert R. Holt
LA PSICHE RIVISITATA

In che senso la psicoanalisi
e una teoriaf Le sue
trasformazioni e i suoi destini.

RIPROPOSTE 93

Ignacy Sachs e Witold Kula
La tipologia dei modelli economici.

DIALOGHI POSSIBILI 1 15

C.P.N. Stochos
Ippocrate versus L.E.Morehouse.

OPERE E GIORNI 141

Intervista a F. Parenti a cura di Pepa Sparti
Rupi e graffiti nel Nordeste brasiliano.

TEMI E PROBLEMI 155

Eugenia Scarzanella
L'Argentina e il dottor Lombroso.

GLI AUTORI 170

109 METAMORFOSI

Remo Bodei

Conoscere per ricordare.

129 VARIAZIONI

Viva Tedesco

I referendum e il "partito deH'opinione pubblica",

151 NUOVI SAPERI

Anna Lisa Carlotti
Che cos'e la psicostoria.

163 RASSEGNE

Gloria Lacava

La "Public History".

Le Schede dei collaboratori di questo numero.

Le origini del nuovo nazionalismo

URRÄ ALLA BANDIERA

Attraverso milioni di soldati in trincea
la prima guerra mondiale trasformd l'esperienza

bellica in forza politica

George L. Mosse

er molti il ricordo della Prima guerra mondiale e
legato alle testimonianze in versi e in prosa con cui i
volontari espressero le proprie emozioni e crearono il
mito deH'esperienza di guerra. I volontari Hanno svolto
questo ruolo in tutte le guerre moderne, nelle armate
della Rivoluzione francese e in quelle di Napoleone,
durante la guerra civile spagnola degli anni Trenta e nei
contingenti di volontari che si aggregarono alle divisio-
ni hitleriane impegnate sui vari fronti. Fino alla Secon-
da guerra mondiale molti in Europa Hanno creduto cHe
questo mito potesse guidare e orientare Tazione politi-
ca. La storia di questi volontari dev*essere ancora scrit-
ta, soltanto la "generazione del 1914** e stata oggetto di
studio e di un*attenzione particolare, senza cHe perö
venisse collocata in quel contesto di continuitä storica
cHe puö dare una fisionomia compiuta alle emozioni e
alle percezioni della guerra nelPEuropa moderna.
In realtä, il mito delPesperienza di guerra Ha dato i

suoi frutti decisivi dopo la Prima guerra mondiale, nel-
l'epoca in cui non soltanto alimento lo spirito naziona-
lista, ma aiuto la destra poHtica a rompere il cercHio del
proprio perenne elitarismo per entrare nella logica e
nella dimensione dei movimenti di massa e della loro
politica. Questa stessa destra politica in Germania, in
Francia e in Italia aveva assunto atteggiamenti populisti
ben prima del conflitto mondiale, ma soltanto dopo il
1918, ad esempio in Germania, in seguito a un*umilian-
te disfatta, il mito dell*esperienza di guerra contribui a
risollevare gli animi favorendo la nascita di movimenti
nazionalisti di massa, Si deve pero distinguere fra la
realtä della Prima guerra mondiale e quella di questo
mito. Non sapremo mai con certezza quäle percezione
della guerra potessero avere i soldati mentre la stavano
combattendo. SignificHerebbe riuscire a vedere nel
cuore e nella mente di milioni di uomini. E tuttavia
probabile cHe per la grande maggioranza dei soldati la

'-'^'m^m.

'■\.fiy .

f •' f--.3^

Karl Arnold, "Heil Prussiaf", da "Simplicissimus", maggio 1932

^jp^ a^f!^f\'k'K4f'-^'\'^ w'' :

guerra non comportasse risvolti lirici o poetici, ma sol-
tanto la stoica accettazione della realtä. Questo fu vero
soprattutto per i contadini che costituivano la gran
parte dell'esercito italiano. Era principalmente la fede
religiosa che contribuiva a far accettare loro la guerra.
Altri, come ad esempio i soldati francesi ricordati da
Henri Barbusse, si trovarono intrappolati nella spietata
logica degli eventi, che non offriva loro altra alternativa
se non quella di combattere. E vero che vi furono mo-
menti in cui si imposero i sentimenti umani, come nel
caso della fraternizzazione tra soldati inglesi, francesi e
tedeschi nel 1914, ma furono episodi destinati a non
ripetersi. A una simile eventualitä si opponevano la
legge e la disciplina militare. E ben noto l'ammutina-
mento delle truppe francesi prima della battaglia di
Verdun. Piccole rivolte vi furono un po' in tutti gli
eserciti e chi aveva responsabilitä di comando temeva
sempre che i soldati potessero spezzare i vincoli del
dovere, della lealtä e della rassegnazione stoica.

Ma relativamente poche furono le ribellioni: la gran-
de macchina della guerra, al pari di quel mostruoso
moloch costituito dallo Stato moderno, rappresentava
una sorta di gabbia da cui era difficile sottrarsi. Diven-
tava poi automatica e inevitabile una certa razionaliz-
zazione della guerra da parte dei soldati al fronte che si
esprimeva in forme di orgoglio nazionale o di lealtä
verso i propri commilitoni.

La realtä della guerra comportava molteplici livelli di
coinvolgimento, diversamente percepiti da molti mi-
lioni di soldati provenienti da ambienti e luoghi dispa-
rati. E estremamente arduo riuscire a sapere quanti sol-
dati furono coinvolti da questo mito, dato che la mag-
gior parte di essi furono protagonisti muti e passivi e
non manifestarono nei confronti della guerra un atteg-
giamento attivo. Per il periodo successivo alla Prima
guerra mondiale, quando il mito dell'esperienza bellica
era diventato una forza politica e i veterani furono li-
beri di scegHersi le loro organizzazioni e dipendenze
politiche, e piü facile valutare il grado di accettazione o
di rifiuto. Sarebbe indubbiamente sbagliato enfatizzare
troppo gli atteggiamenti di ostilitä alla guerra sviluppa-
tisi nel corso della Prima guerra mondiale, proiezioni
in realtä nei confronti del passato da parte di chi, guar-
dando il mondo con occhi pessimisti e disincantati,
pensava soprattutto a prevenire la possibilitä di una se-
conda guerra mondiale.

Semmai e vero il contrario: coloro che tendevano a
glorificare la guerra avevano un peso maggiore di colo-
ro che invece avevano un atteggiamento critico. II mito
si sostituiva faoilmente alla realtä. Il piü delle volte i
soldati che avevano vissuto la guerra sentivano Pesi-
genza di giustificare quest'esperienza vedendola come

il punto piü alto della propria esistenza. In questo era-
no aiutati dalla realtä di un nazionalismo che da tempo
aveva permeato di se tutti gli aspetti della vita sociale e
poHtica. E abbastanza significativo il fatto che il mito
dell'esperienza di guerra sia riuscito a confondere le
idee e a mettere in difficoltä la sinistra europea. Molti
dei suoi membri infatti erano anche veterani ed essa,
nonostante la propria opposizione di principio alla
guerra, era scesa a compromessi con il suo mito. Colo-
ro che crearono il mito dell'esperienza bellica non fu-
rono probabilmente dei coscritti, ma quasi sicuramente
dei volontari, üniti dalla speranza che la guerra avrebbe
portato a una rinascita nazionale e individuale, al trion-
fo della generazione dei giovani su quella degli anziani.

V-xuesti volontari erano
alfabetizzati e istruiti; appartenevano ai ceti alti e medi,
e spesso provenivano da famighe di professionisti.
Molti avevano concluso o perlomeno iniziato gh studi
universitari e comunque disponevano di un diploma di
scuola secondaria. Nell'Europa del tempo era ancora
un lusso proseguire gli studi oltre la scuola primaria,
solo una minima percentuale della popolazione poteva
permetterselo. Per la maggior parte questi volontari
della Prima guerra mondiale divennero sottotenenti e
al comando delle loro unitä svolsero un ruolo centrale
nella creazione del mito dell'esperienza bellica. I vo-
lontari costituivano un gruppo ristretto e particolare
ed erano intellettuali nel senso piü ampio del termine,
consapevoli perlomeno delle proprie tradizioni nazio-
nali e del proprio ruolo sociale. Avevano la testa piena
di immagini che si prestavano a essere applicate alla
guerra. Gli scrittori e i poeti inglesi ad esempio alimen-
tarono le loro esperienze durante la Prima guerra mon-
diale con una tradizione letteraria che avevano appreso
nelle aule scolastiche e universitarie a Oxford o a Cam-
bridge. Il mito dell'esperienza di guerra si arricchi di
stereotipi letterari non soltanto in Inghilterra ma anche
nel resto d'Europa. I volontari tedeschi erano imbevuti
di motivi assimilati dalla tradizione letteraria classico-
romantica, dai movimenti giovanili o dal mondo dei
clubs universitari.

Ma la storia di questi volontari non inizia con la "ge-
nerazione del 1914". Per rintracciarne le origini mo-
derne si deve risalire fino alle guerre scatenate dalla Ri-
voluzione francese e combattute da volontari e da cit-
tadini-soldati, e non piü da quei mercenari che fin dal
Rinascimento avevano costituito la massa dei combat-
tenti di quasi tutte le guerre. Gli eserciti della fine del-
l'Ancien regime, sia quelli schierati dalla parte della ri-

Manifesto inglese per Varruolamento nel corpo delle ausiliarie

voluzione e di Napoleone, sia quelli della parte avver-
sa, esprimevano il loro entusiasmo con canzoni, poesie
e manifestazioni di venerazione nei confronti della
bandiera nazionale. I volontari delle armate della Rivo-
luzione francese erano una massa eterogenea molto
meno compatta di quella degli studenti che negli anni
successivi si arruolö spontaneamente per combattere le
prime guerre tedesche di liberazione. Tuttavia, per
molti dei volontari francesi la guerra assunse le forme
di una festa nazionale orchestrata e sostenuta dall'im-
mensa attivitä propagandistica del governo rivoluzio-
nario: l'armata del 1792-1794 doveva essere una "scuo-
la di giacobinismo".

Questi volontari erano particolarmente consapevoli
del proprio ruolo e sapevano di portare nel mondo un
impulso nuovo: un verso della Marsigliese contrappo-
ne "i nostri fieri guerrieri" ai tradizionali eserciti mer-
cenari dei despoti, e un altro verso del glorioso inno
recita che se uno di questi giovani europei fosse cadupo
in battaglia, la terra stessa lo avrebbe fatto rinascere

perche potesse ancora combattere contro il nemico.
Idee analoghe di morte e resurrezione si incontrano
anche nelle liriche composte in Germania in occasione
delle guerre di liberazione; in epoca recente non com-
paiono piü, ma si deve tener presente che allora i citta-
dini-soldati, e in particolare i volontari, svolgevano un
ruolo essenziale per i destini della nazione a cui appar-
tenevano. La nascita del nazionaHsmo moderno e degli
eserciti nazionali segnö anche l'inizio della storia dei
volontari.

/e moderne memorie del-
la guerra sono legate ai volontari delle guerre di unitä
nazionale e di liberazione, al loro entusiasmo e al loro
impegno. Questo e vero non soltanto per la Francia e
la Germania, ma anche per il Risorgimento italiano. I
volontari rispetto al numero complessivo di coloro che
combatterono in queste guerre erano soltanto una pic-
cola minoranza: coscritti, contadini, uomini giä adulti
e non giovanissimi costituivano la massa di questi eser-
citi. Particolarmente significativa e la delusione di un
volontario, Varnhagen von Ense, al primo contatto
con la realtä militare durante le guerre tedesche di libe-
razione. Trovava poco spazio per l'eroismo individua-
le. Gli studenti da cui era composto il suo "corpo fran-
co" si rivelavano fisicamente piü deboli dei coscritti
degli altri reggimenti. Varnhagen era membro del bat-
,taglione Lutzow, il cui nome fu fatto rivivere dopo la
Prima guerra mondiale da una di quelle formazioni di
ufficiali e di soldati che continuö a lottare anche dopo
la pace per difendere i confini orientali della Germania.
La disponibilitä al sacrificio era un elemento essen-
ziale dello spifito dei volontari; la morte per una causa
nobile era considerata un atto che poteva dare senso
alla vita. L'ideologia del sacrificio subi minimi muta-
menti nel corso dei due secoli successivi e continuö a
dare i suoi frutti secondo il ritmo cristiano della morte
e della resurrezione. Non si deve dimenticare che i vo-
lontari venivano benedetti in chiesa. Talvolta a ricevere
la benedizione era la bandiera del reggimento, come
nel caso dei volontari della Rivoluzione francese (a di-
spetto della loro presunta ostilitä nei confronti del cri-
stianesimo). La consuetudine di benedire i reggimenti
in chiesa fu mantenuta in Germania fino all'inizio della
Prima guerra mondiale, e fu poi abbandonata in segui-
to all'introduzione della leva obbligatoria. L'idea di sa-
cralitä aleggiava intorno alla figura del volontario. Si
parlava delle guerre di liberazione come di una "Pa-
squa tedesca", e Walter Elex ha paragonato la morte
dei soldati nella Prima guerra mondiale alla crocifissio-

ne di Cristo: la battaglia diventava l'Ultima Cena. II
fatto che nei cimiteri militari di tutte le nazioni fosse
presente la simbologia di morte e di resurrezione e di
per se una testimonianza eloquente del fatto che l'idea
di sacralitä fosse condivisa da tutte le nazioni in guerra.
La retorica del sacrificio, comune alla generazione del
1914, esprimeva la speranza in una rigenerazione per-
sonale e nazionale che avrebbe dato un senso all'esi-
stenza individuale. Questa fu una speranza diffusa fra
tutti i volontari, dai tempi della Rivoluzione francese e
di Napoleone fino alla Seconda guerra mondiale.

Da queste guerre doveva emergere un "uomo libe-
ro", un uomo destinato a lasciarsi alle spalle la solida e
tranquilla vita borghese. Sul finire del diciottesimo se-
colo uno dei piü celebri versi di Schiller simboleggia
bene questo sentimento: il soldato si libera del fardello
della vita quotidiana e non awerte piü ne timore ne
ansia. E secondo Theodor Körner, che scriveva duran-
te le guerre di liberazione, il soldato ha lasciato la mo-
glie e i figli e marcia verso la libertä e la morte: la patria
e la sua unica vera sposa. Jakob Johann Fries, filosofo
ed esponente di primo piano delle associazioni studen-
tesche, scriveva, subito dopo la fine delle guerre di li-
berazione, che pochi anni di guerra erano meglio di un
secolo di esistenza pacifica, di impotenza e di oppres-
sione. Nel corso della Prima guerra mondiale una can-
zone italiana definiva con precisione la situazione del
volontario che era in grado di superare quella paura
della battaglia che invece il soldato normale doveva af-
frontare ricorrendo a un espediente tipicamente bor-
ghese: quello di ricordare la propria casa e la propria
famiglia come un'isola tranquilla in un mondo malato.
L'analisi delle canzoni dei soldati tedeschi in quella
stessa guerra ci fornisce un'indicazione analoga: i vo-
lontari cantavano la gioia e la speranza, i coscritti pre-
ferivano testi nostalgici sulla casa e sul focolare.

I giovani volontari aspiravano ad eventi straordinari
che trascendessero la vita quotidiana e le sue responsa-
bihtä. In tale prospettiva la vita diventava una festa in-
terminabile in cui la realizzazione individuale e una
morte piena di significato potevano dare un senso a
posteriori anche una vita grigia e monotona. I volonta-
ri erano soliti tatuarsi una croce sul braccio sinistro
come segno del loro desiderio di morire per la patria e
come pegno di una promessa che li avrebbe accompa-
gnati fino alla tomba. Tutto questo puö apparire ro-
mantico e puerile, tanto nel caso dei volontari delle
guerre di liberazione quanto in quello della generazio-
ne del 1914. Dopo un secolo fondamentalmente carat-
terizzato dalla pace, nel 1914 la realtä della guerra era
un ricordo vago, e le canzoni e i poemi delle battaglie
di liberazione venivano letti come se effettivamente de-

scrivessero le condizioni di una guerra moderna. Molti
anni dopo Douglas Reed, parlando anche a nome della
propria generazione, scriveva "di non avere avuto alcu-
na idea di cosa significasse la guerra". Per lui voleva
dire libertä.

L'atteggiamento dei volontari era al tempo stesso
patriottico e individualista. Henri Massis scriveva du-
rante la Prima guerra mondiale che bisogna conqui-
starsi una propria identitä personale prima di poter
sconfiggere il nemico. E spiegava che lo spettacolo
eroico dei giovani che volevano sacrificarsi per la Fran-
cia nasceva da una rigenerazione personale. La guerra
avrebbe portato sia la salvezza individuale che quella
nazionale. Queste idee di rinnovamento erano legate
alla ricerca della purezza in un'epoca impura, della sa-
lute fisica come antidoto alla decadenza. Nel corso del-
le guerre di liberazione, come pure durante la Prima
guerra mondiale, il volontario viene raffigurato come
essere morale e casto. E se da una parte si presumeva
che potesse essere in grado di superare la societä bor-
ghese in quanto esponente di una nuova e ritrovata li-

LOS INTEnNACIONALES

UNIOOS^t^ESRANOLIS UICHANOS CONTRA'^ MUyifllL

Manifesto per il reclutamento delle "Brigate internazionali**
durante la guerra civile spagnola

Manifesto per il reclutamento di volontari. Imperial War Mu-
seumy Londra

bertä, dalPaltra simboleggiava anche la moralitä del
ceto medio, e quindi era portatore di un ideale di pu-
rezza sessuale che in tempi di pace veniva di fatto nega-
to. II volontario, dalla giovinezza sfolgorante, era "leg-
gero e puro"; talvolta diventava parte della natura stes-
sa, dei boschi e dei campi incontaminati.

Era diffusa la speranza che i volontari fossero i pro-
totipi di un "uomo nuovo", di un uomo che avrebbe
superato e trasformato la societä esistente. Questa spe-
ranza, implicita durante le guerre di liberazione, diven-
ne esplicita in Germania e non soltanto in Germania
durante la Prima guerra mondiale. Theodor Körner e i
suoi amici poeti vedevano questo uomo nuovo come
un individuo virile, avventuroso e pronto al sacrificio
per la nazione. Tuttavia, Pauspicio che attraverso di lui
la societä potesse trasformarsi in una autentica comu-
nitä era sempre implicitamente presente. Dopo la Pri-
ma guerra mondiale molti uomini e donne vedevano
questo "uomo nuovo" come una figura capace di tra-
sformare la societä senza il ricorso a una rivoluzione
marxista; non era contaminato dalle complessitä della
vita moderna: era poiro e forte. Ed ancora una volta

Paspetto esteriore si rivelö importante nella definizione
e descrizione di questa razza di uomini. Secondo Ernst
Jünger erano magri e muscolosi, e avevano volti scolpi-
ti nella pietra. Il loro linguaggio era crepitante come la
raffica di un mitra. I barbari concepiti da Oswald
Spengler durante la guerra, che dovevano salvare l'oc-
cidente dal collasso totale, avevano caratteristiche ana-
loghe. Dopo la Seconda guerra mondiale Ernst von Sa-
lomon descriveva le SS, questi "uomini nuovi" che
camminavano in un campo di concentramento ameri-
cano, "snelli, alti e biondi, vestiti soltanto di pantaloni
bianchi e rispettati da tutti".

La bellezza era il cemento della personalitä armonio-
sa del volontario, "senza che vi fosse alcuna frattura
delPunitä spirituale e fisica", come diceva Ernst von
Salomon delle SS rinchiuse nel campo americano. Que-
st'immagine delPuomo nuovo, che contribuiva al pro-
cesso di estetizzazione della politica, non soltanto si
richiamava alla bellezza classica, ma simboleggiava an-
che la purezza morale rispetto a un mondo di decaden-
za. Purezza significava non solo castitä ma anche sem-

/ ^

JOIN YOUR COUlilRrS ARMY!

GOD SAVE THE KING

Repnxlucfd by permiMion of LONDON OPINION

Manifesto per il reclutamento di volontari. Imperial War Mu-
seum, Londra

tf-f'fAV"-"'^

plicitä di spirito. La figura dell'^uomo nuovo" si con-
cretizzö nei manifesti bellici e soprattutto nei
monumenti celebrativi eretti in molte nazioni.

La giovinezza, tanto quella dei singoli che quella di
un'intera generazione, era chiamata alla gloria, e la rea-
lizzazione individuale andava ricercata nei rapporto
con i propri pari. L'idea di cameratismo ha fatto parte
della mitologia di tutti gli eserciti di cittadini. La ritro-
viamo nelle guerre della Rivoluzione francese e di Na-
poleone. Ma furono le condizioni della guerra di trin-
cea, durante la Prima guerra mondiale, ad esaltare que-
sto ideale con un'intensitä fino ad allora sconosciuta,
anche se nella pratica gli iniziali legami d'affetto non
sempre potevano mantenersi intatti. Le amicizie e le
esperienze comuni nell'ambito di una squadra diventa-
vano nella mente dei volontari il terreno di coltura di
una nuova nazione, contrapposto al fronte interno
rappresentato dallo Stato Maggiore.

Anche quando alcuni volontari cominciavano a capi-
re che le ragioni per solidarizzare erano insufficienti
rispetto alla drammaticitä della battaglia, continuavano
tuttavia a trarne consolazione e speranza. La guerra di-
mostrava che gli uomini potevano sacrificarsi gli uni
per gli altri; essa assumeva il valore di un imperativo
morale che spingeva all'altruismo e al cameratismo,
Questa fede nella necessitä dei sacrificio di se si legava
strettamente alla ricerca di relazioni personali piü si-
gnificative: "La guerra ristabiliva contatti genuini tra
gli uomini. Tutta l'artificialitä e le durezze scompariva-
no. La guerra dimostrava Pautentico valore di ogni
uomo...". Affermazioni dei genere sono frequenti in
tutta la letteratura sulla guerra moderna e mettono in
luce un altro livello di coinvolgimento diffuso tra i vo-
lontari: non volevano solo Hberarsi dai pesi della vita
quotidiana e cercare avventure e nuove mete, ma anche
superare la povertä dei rapporti umani. Aspiravano a
quel genere di rapporti di amicizia intima fra uomini
che era esistito nei passato, ma che nei corso dei dician-
novesimo secolo aveva suscitato sempre maggiori so-
spetti. Erano visti come una minaccia alla vita della fa-
miglia, come una sfida alla rispettabilitä borghese. Il
cameratismo dei tempo di guerra per molti ex-combat-
tenti aveva dato vita a un "mondo privato", libero da
ogni preoccupazione sociale, dalla necessitä di com-
portarsi correttamente, o di rispettare le gerarchie della
societä borghese.

La frequente ammirazione per il "sano" soldato
semplice al riparo dalle convenzioni e dai freni borghe-
si, e l'ovvio piacere di comandare alla truppa mescolan-
dosi ad essa (spesso erano contadini e operai) testimo
niano di un'aspirazione a liberarsi dalla societä borghe
se che andava ben al di lä dei confini della libertä

individuale: era la libertä di comunicare con chi, in
tempi normali, era escluso da una simile fraternizza-
zione e familiaritä.

Questa simpatia per i cosiddetti ceti inferiori che era
completamente assente durante le guerre napoleoni-
che, nella societä borghese della Prima guerra mondiale
aveva giä messo radici profonde; in una gabbia dorata
da cui sembrava impossibile evadere la ricerca di un
ideale di purezza si realizzava tra i commiUtoni di altre
classi sociali. E certamente Pincontro con questi soldati
semplici rappresentava per molti volontari il modo di
avvicinarsi a un popolo per il quäle erano pronti a sa-
crificare la vita. Inoltre agli occhi dei volontari questi
contadini e operai sembravano proiettare una parte
della loro forza e virilitä su coloro che li guidavano in
battaglia, che, figli dei ceto medio e spesso studenti
universitari, non erano molto aiutati dalla loro cultura
e dai loro modi raffinati ed avevano in effetti il timore
della propria debolezza fisica. Questa attrazione aveva
indubbiamente una componente erotica, che viene col-
ta bene da T.E. Lawrence nella sua descrizione della
rivolta araba, quando "in ogni cosa Puomo viveva can-
didamente con l'uomo", e quei corpi puHti diventava-

hilft öcin &cit> £>ir ränii^Tcn '

no un "coefficiente sensuale della passione per la liber-
tä". / sette pilastri della saggezza, il libro pubblicato da
Lawrence nei 1926, riprendeva una tradizione a cui si
erano ispirati molti intellettuali inglesi per proiettare le
proprie fantasie sessuali sulla lontana Arabia. Non si
puo escludere che fantasie di questo genere non abbia-
no avuto una loro parte nelPentusiasmo dei volontari
che vedevano negli operai divenuti soldati il simbolo
della potenza nazionale, come anche nelPentusiasmo di
quei tedeschi e di quei francesi che vedevano il loro
tipo ideale nei maschi prestanti, prototipi delle SS.

Propaganda tedesca a favore della guerra, 1914-1918

'a storia dei volontari
non solo richiama un passato che risale fino alla tradi-
zione delle guerre napoleoniche e delle guerre di libe-
razione nazionale, ma riguarda anche, in un tempo a
noi vicino, i volontari delle brigate internazionali che
combatterono per il governo repubblicano nella guerra
civile spagnola (scarse notizie si hanno dei contingente
assai meno numeroso dei volontari che combatterono
per Franco) ed eventualmente gli stranieri arruolati dai
tedeschi nelle file delle SS. Si e detto che i giovani anda-
vano in Spagna per unirsi alle brigate internazionaH,
cosi come due decenni prima la generazione preceden-
te si era recata nelle Fiandre. Eppure vi erano delle dif-
ferenze, ad esempio nella composizione sociale: 1*85%
dei volontari delle brigate internazionali apparteneva
alla classe operaia, anche se il mito costruito su questa
guerra era ancora in gran parte opera di scrittori e poeti
provenienti dal ceto medio.

Ma vi erano anche altre differenze. John Corn-
ford, ad esempio, mentre si univa alla brigata inglese si
riallacciava alle idee della generazione dei 1914 scriven-
do "di essere venuto perche per la prima volta si era
sentito indipendente". Ma le ragioni che lo avevano
spinto ad arruolarsi erano fondamentalmente di natura
ideologica e politica. La lotta contro il fascismo spa-
gnolo mobilitö le coscienze dei volontari sul piano
umanitario. Il fervore nazionalista dei primi volontari
cedette il passo a ideologie cosmopolite quali il sociali-
smo, il comunismo e Panarchismo.

Lo spirito di cameratismo che come primi volontari
essi trovarono in Spagna era internazionale: tedeschi,
francesi, inglesi e membri di altre nazioni lottarono
fianco a fianco per la libertä e la giustizia contro il fa-
scismo, e complessivamente furono circa 40.000 gU uo-
mini che si raccolsero nelle brigate. Questi volontari
ipnotizzarono l'Europa liberale con i loro canti e i loro
poemi, allo stesso modo in cui volontari di altri tempi
avevano manifestato il loro entusiasmo per una causa

It k-«iulr Ml

,^*iri^i M^rfel i^ «r Im «Mtrijuw m tan
uMMft il jü— i IIIhi4tm(mm i» am

Propaganda antitedesca, 1914-1918

particolare. Anche i contingenti stranieri delle SS nazi-
ste erano a carattere multinazionale e il loro entusia-
smo era alimentato dalPideale della creazione di una
nuova Europa. Ma si trattava di un'Europa di Stati na-
zionali soggetta alla leadership della Germania nazista,
e ancora una volta il nazionalismo era destinato a tor-
nare alla ribalta quando molti volontari si arruolarono
per garantire la sopravvivenza delle loro rispettive na-
zioni nelPEuropa di Hitler.

Rispetto all'ideale di rigenerazione personale e na-
zionale che animo i volontari, dalle guerre della Rivo-
luzione francese e di Napoleone fino alla Prima guerra
mondiale, quelli dei dopoguerra erano molto piü poli-
ticizzati. Il loro scopo non era piü semplicemente quel-
lo di ringiovanire se stessi e la loro nazione, ma quello
di contribuire alPinstaurazione di una particolare
struttura politica, che poteva essere una Spagna sociali-
sta o una nuova Europa fascista. John Cornford puö
essere definito, secondo un suggerimento di Rupert
Brooke, il poeta della generazione dei 1919; il suo
coinvolgimento nelle vicende spagnole nasceva pero da
un alto grado di consapevolezza politica e non era una
semplice affermazione delle radici e delPidentitä nazio-
nale. Il suo entusiasmo era maturato piuttosto durante
una lunga militanza politica nelle fila della sinistra. Ne

i primi volontari, ne coloro che fecero parte degli eser-
citi stranieri di Hitler avevano molta esperienza politi-
ca, mentre molti di coloro che andarono in Spagna era-
no stati attivisti politici.

Non si devono tuttavia perdere di vista gli elementi
ricorrenti nella storia dei volontari: il desiderio di un'e-
sistenza che fosse finalizzata a uno scopo e ricca di si-
gnificative relazioni personali; Paspirazione a combat-
tere per una causa morale e la volontä di partecipare in
prima persona agli avvenimenti, la convinzione inoltre
che questo tipo di impegno avrebbe creato un "uomo
nuovo" molto diverso da quelli che dominavano il
quadro della societä contemporanea. Questi elementi
caratterizzavano di solito un ideale tipo nazionale, ma i
combattenti delle brigate spagnole incarnavano anche
un ideale di mascolinitä. Un osservatore simpatizzante
scriveva che i volontari che aveva incontrato su un tre-
no diretto in Spagna avevano in comune "una certa vi-
vacitä dello sguardo, una forza nella fisionomia, e la
semplicitä nel vestire. Erano tutti operai e studenti".
Un entusiasmo militaresco trapelava dal modo in cui
descrivevano le loro esperienze di guerra, un entusia-
smo per la vita di quei soldati che fioriva anche tra
coloro che dichiaravano di essere contrari alla guerra e
ad ogni sorta di miUtarismo.

Il processo di mitizzazione avveniva anche quando i
volontari non erano affatto tali, ma erano stati costretti
ad arruolarsi. Del mezzo milione di stranieri che si uni-
rono agli eserciti di Hitler guidati dalle SS una conside-
revole percentuale si era arruolata perche costretta o
persuasa dalla promessa di benefici materiali; altri non
erano degli idealisti quanto piuttosto degli avventurie-
ri, cosi come in passato lo erano stati moltissimi volon-
tari. Eppure tra loro vi erano alcuni che condividevano
le motivazioni dei primi volontari, e nello stesso tempo
credevano che il loro arrüolamento avrebbe contribui-
to, nel nuovo ordine europeo, a creare uno spazio alle
loro nazioni sconfitte. Un personaggio quäle Christian
de la Maziere, il giovane fascista nel film francese //
dolore e la pietä, non deve essere stato Tunico membro
della brigata francese Charlemagne che um il proprio
destino alle sorti di una Germania che si stava avviando
alla disfatta, forse anche perche quella doveva apparire
come l'unica via d'uscita rimasta a un coUaborazioni-
sta. Quali che fossero le loro motivazioni, questi vo-
lontari come i loro predecessori parlavano il linguaggio
dei mito. Il generale delle SS Steiner, quando parecchio
"tempo dopo la Seconda guerra mondiale scrisse le sue
memorie, tentö di giustificare la sua divisione, la "Wi-
king", di cui facevano parte scandinavi e olandesi, ri-
cordando i volontari delle guerre tedesche di liberazio-
ne e quelli che Garibaldi e Byron avevano raccolto per

t',Mi

FOR U.S.ÄRNY

NEAREST RECRUITING STATION

Manifesto americano per il reclutamento di volontari, Museo
di arte modema, New York

lottare per l'indipendenza dell'Italia e della Grecia. Si
era appropriato della storia dei volontari, una storia
che in precedenza era stata utilizzata per ispirare, non
per giustificare l'operato di coloro che sarebbero venu-
ti dopo. In un'ottica retrospettiva, gli uomini che ave-
vano combattuto negli eserciti di Hitler furono spesso
definiti i "volontari dell'Europa" e divennero sotto
l'ombrello protettivo della guerra fredda i difensori
dell'occidente contro la Russia asiatica.

I sogni e le speranze di molti giovanissimi diveniva-
no realtä grazie alle SS: la vera libertä e un autentico
cameratismo potevano essere vissuti solo nell'ambito
di questa razza superiore di uomini.

Marc Augier, con lo pseudonimo di Saint Loup, an-
tico membro della brigata francese Charlemagne, fu
forse il piü diligente mitizzatore di questi "eretici",
come lui stesso li defini: uomini nuovi nella tradizione
dei volontari dei passato. Le SS, egli scrisse, erano
giunte alla periferia piü estrema dei pensiero di Nie-
tzsche, e avrebbero creato un mondo nuovo, terrifi-
cante, ma grandioso. Le SS, concludeva Saint Loup, si
erano attirate l'odio di tutti perche rappresentavano un
reale pericolo per l'ordine costituito.

I pochi scrittori che dopo la Seconda guerra mondia-

le guardarono a queste formazioni scorgendovi la pre-
senza di uomini nuovi, cosi come molti avevano fatto
per i volontari della Prima guerra mondiale, perpetua-
rono quel tentativo di estetizzazione della politica che
aveva svolto un ruolo cosi importante tra i volontari e i
loro ammiratori nel corso della storia, raggiungendo il
suo apice con la Prima guerra mondiale e i suoi pro-
dromi. Si e giä parlato dello stereotipo dei volontario
in quanto uomo nuovo soffuso di bellezza. AUo stesso
modo il ritratto di Rupert Brooke, che accompagnava
Tedizione delle sue poesie dei 1915, era caratterizzato
da un*eroica bellezza considerata da alcuni indecente.
Ernst von Salomon e Saint Loup scrivevano con molta
franchezza delle figure ben proporzionate delle SS. La
fantasia maschile si coniugava con gli ideali classici del-
la forza, della purezza e della libertä.

Il trinomio guerra, giovinezza e bellezza era ancora
vivo dopo la Seconda guerra mondiale tra i volontari di
un tempo, cosi come era stato dominante nelle espe-
rienze di Walter Elex o di Rupert Brooke nel corso
della Prima guerra mondiale.

Il mito dei volontari si era diffuso soprattutto attra-
verso la poesia e la prosa per iniziativa di insegnanti,
studenti e professori universitari. Ad esempio, nel cor-
so delle guerre tedesche di liberazione, la maggior par-
te dei volontari erano studenti, mentre tre milioni di
uomini si arruolarono come volontari in Inghilterra
durante la Prima guerra mondiale prima che venisse
istituita la coscrizione obbligatoria, rendendo disponi-
bili piü uomini dotati di talento letterario di quanti
non avrebbero pensato di diventare soldati prima dei
1914. Fu la destra politica a rivendicare come proprio il
mito, e la storia dei volontari, fatta eccezione per la
guerra civile spagnola, fu strettamente collegata alla
forza della destra politica e alla sua influenza suUo Sta-
to. In realtä, ogni nazionalismo ha utilizzato il linguag-
gio dei mito tutte le volte che si e imbattuto in coloro
che offrivano volontariamente il sacrificio della propria
vita. Soltanto dopo la Seconda guerra mondiale il mito
che i volontari avevano creato su se stessi cominciö a
declinare, fatta eccezione per alcuni gruppi della de-
stra, e la storia dei volontari si awiö verso una fine
temporanea. Nessuno dei conflitti successivi alla Se-
conda guerra mondiale, con Teccezione della guerra
d'indipendenza di Israele, ha visto dei volontari racco-
gliersi dietro i colori di una bandiera, nonostante l'ab-
bondanza di retorica spesa sulla giusta causa di queste
nuove guerre. Quei pochi individui che si arruolavano
volontariamente erano di solito degli awenturieri che
combattevano dalla parte delle potenze coloniali. Per-
che sia avvenuto questo mutamento non puö essere
spiegato facilmente in questa sede. Si possono soltanto

sottolineare le differenti dimensioni della Seconda
guerra mondiale in cui furono uccisi piü civili che sol-
dati e che lascio le nazioni sconfitte completamente ro-
vinate e materialmente distrutte.

La storia dei volontari ha inizio quando gli eserciti
mercenari furono sostituiti da armate di cittadini nelle
guerre provocate dalla Rivoluzione francese e da Na-
poleone, e si e conservata viva e vitale per circa un se-
colo e mezzo. Nel corso di quest*epoca ha rispecchiato
gli atteggiamenti di un*elite di giovani nei confronti
della societä in cui vivevano. I nuovi volontari erano
istruiti, in grado di formulare le ragioni dei loro arrüo-
lamento, di spiegare la loro concezione della guerra, di
far dimenticare ai soldati di un tempo la realtä della
guerra, trovando nel mito dei volontario sia un confor-
to che il richiamo all'azione politica. Questo mito si
concretizzö nelPideale di una comunitä di camerati che
s'identificava con il Volk (nazione-popolo), attraverso
l'aspirazione a un uomo nuovo e ad una rivoluzione
che investisse i comportamenti piü che la vita sociale o
economica. Tuttavia molti di coloro che accolsero il
mito, dopo le varie guerre si arroccarono su posizioni
conservatrici e nazionaliste, aborrendo ogni forma di
rivoluzione e richiamandosi all*epoca prebellica. La
storia dei volontari sembrö perdere di vista i suoi
obiettivi e la sua ragion d'essere quando fu assimilata
dalla mistica nazionale. Peraltro, negli anni fra le due
guerre, fu coltivata da un gruppo di persone piuttosto
ristretto ma molto attivo, finche parve smarrirsi nei
meandri dell'Europa dopo la Seconda guerra mondiale.

George L. Messe

Traduzione di Massimo Temi

RIFERIMENTI BffiLIOGRAnCI

F.R. BENSON, Writers. The Literary Impact ofthe Spanish Civil War^
New York University, Boston and London 1966.
R. COBB, Les armees revolutionnaires, Mouton, Paris 1961.
F. CORDOVA, Arditi e legionari dannunziani, Marsilio Editori, Pado-
va 1969.

P. FUSSELL, La gründe guerra e la memoria modema, Il Mulino, Bo-
logna 1984.

E. JÜNGER, In Stahlgewittem, Berlin 1920.
W.H. KOCH, Der deutsche Bürgerkrieg, Berlin 1978.
C. de la MAZIERE, Le reveur casque, R. Laffont, Paris 1972.
G.L. MOSSE, The Two World Wars and the Myth ofthe War Experien-
ce, in "Journal of Contemporary History", luglio 1986.
A. RUTHERFORD, The Literature ofWar, Macmillan, London 1978.

E. von SALOMON, lo resto prussiano, Longanesi, Mi^no 1954.

P. STANSKY, W. ABKAHAMS Journey to the Frontier. Two Roads to
The Spanish Civil War, Little, Brown, Boston and London 1966.

F. STEINER, Die Freiwilligen der Waffen SS, Schütz, Preussisch-Ol-
dendorf 1973.

K. VONDUNG (a cura di), Kriegserlebnis, Vandenhoeck und Rupre-
cht, Göttingen 1980.

/i^ LS'fZ^

CvCoRCJE^. Aa«><IJK coCCBoTior^

/<Rcl4iv ^

WAGMcf?, T\AE -RINÖ ht^ Hl^TOf^W Z"?^^

|Sv3&r::jW0;.;isj

Skript

historisch tijdschrift

adres:

spuistraat 134

1012vbamsterdam

020-5254592

giro 2624858

Amsterdam, Mai 27, 1988

Dear Professor Mosse,

Skript is an historical quarterly with a two-fold purpose : to allow
students and not-yet historians and social scientists to publish;
and secondly, to promote an inter-diciplinary approach to history.
Each issue consists of a number of articles, an interview with a
well- (or lesser-) known historian or social scientist and bookre-
views. Each quarter we bring 1100 copies of Skript into circulation.
Our editorial staff is made up entirely of students from fields ran-
ging from pedagogy to anthropology . Of course , we have as well a
healthy number of fledgling historians. /

We are celebrating Skript 's tenth anniversary next winter with a
Conference and a jubilee edition of Skript. As the theme for thi<s
edition we have chosen 'History outside of academia ' . It is our pur-
pose to confront historians and social scientists with representations
of the past by artists, novelists, politicians and tourist agencies (!),
among others .

We are interested in the form and content, as well as the 'use and
abuse ' of history outside of academic disciplines in general. We have
created a new section especially for this jubilee edition in which prac-
ticers of history in and outside of academia will be able to review each
others work. In order to allow a larger number of contibutions we have
allotted tWo pages (6,000 characters , 2,5 sheets A4 format) per review.

As you know from our previous conversation, Skript would like to in-
vite you for an article on Wagner. Wagner 's use of historical themes, as
for instance in the 'Ring der Nibelungen'. Since you are not only a his-
torian of 19th Century Germany, the rise of nationalism and cultural his-
tory, but also a Wagner connoisseur, we would be very pleased to receive
especially your view on Wagner within the context of the theme 'history
outside of academia'.

j 5i/^^'"^

WWf^^^^^^^^W^^^^^-

-2-

If you should wish to contribute to this section, we would appre-
ciate a response by july 1, 1988. The jubilee edition will appear
in December 1988; the deadline for contributions is October 1, 1988

In the hope of a positive response, I remain.

sincerely yours ,

Saskia Jansens
on behalf of the

editorial staff.

^ <

History as myth, History as definite purpose. Uae of history as

myth for present concerna,

Revolution as past in nationalist conteat. History as regeneration

Bedauert " witzelnden Ton*^ , hoert nicht gern vom " Menschentum"

reden ( Diary l\\2) For him concreto.

Human centrality: Mendelssohn clear, like cristall but cahnot

portray men, (Diary I76)

Nur religion und Kunst können ein Volk erziehen (Dairy 67I ) , not

history, history is myth«

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l\ Ka

Reichsschmied Bismarcic (Hoizstich), Reichszertrömmerer Hitler (mit Winifred Wagner 1937): Walhall oder Etzels Halle?

ben wollen, wie er 1851 meinte? Statt
dessen schuf er die heiteren ^Mei-
stersinger** und den tragischen „Tri-
stan". Noch 1864 interpretierte er seine
„Ring** -Dichtung so:

Hier ist alles durch und durch tragisch,
und der Wille, der eine Welt nach sei-
nem Wunsche bilden wollte, kann end-
lich zu nichts Befriedigenderem gelan-
gen, als durch einen würdigen Unter-
gang sich selbst zu brechen.

Dahlhaus verwirft die doch immerhin
erwägenswerte, auch ihm „abstrakt ein-
leuchtende** TTiese, das Siegfried-Dra-
ma sei eine bloße Funktion der Wotan-
Tragödie. Er bringt das umwerfende
Argument, die Siegfried-Handlung um-
fasse immerhin zwei Teile des Viertei-
lers.

So etwas kommt aber vor. Der Prolog
ist schon oft zum Hauptwerk geraten.
Das schöpferische Tun macht sich selb-
ständig, emanzipiert sich, die Kontrolle
entgleitet dem „Schöpfer**.

Allein zu Brünnhildes Schlußworten
am vierten Abend existieren nicht weni-
ger als fünf Varianten - unübersehbares
Zeichen der Unsicherheit. Ständig stößt
sich die dramaturgisch-theatralische an
der philosophischen Absicht, die nicht
abgeklärt wird.

Wohl ist Wagner der größte Theatra-
liker seit Shakespeare, nicht aber der
größte Philosoph.

Der „Ring** wie Bayreuth paßten so
recht in die Zeit. Damals, vor Bis-
marcks halbgöttlicher Erscheinung, rief
der Lübecker Stadtschreiber Emanuel
Geibel nach einem „Nibelungen-En-
kel***.

Daß Ludwig IL Wagners Werk bis zu
seinem Hagen-Ende 1886 im Stamber-
ger See protegiert hat, lag ja nicht zuletzt
daran, daß er seit 1871 Konkurrenz aus
der neuen Kaiserstadt Berlin befürchte-
te; und - freie Marktwirtschaft - be-
fürchten mußte.

Bismarck hatte, wie Wieland-Sieg-
fried, „das Reich geschmiedet**. Richard
Wagner, 1849 noch mit dem Anarchi-
sten Bakunin in Dresden zwischen den
Barrikaden hin und her eilend (227 ge-
zählte Tote), schrieb 1871 eine Hymne
auf Kaiser Wilhelm, auf Bismarck, auf
das „Deutsche Heer**. Bismarck dankte
ihm unter dem 21. Februar 1871, wurde
aber gleichwohl kein Wagnerianer („So
sehr ich mich geehrt fühle . . .**). Emp-
fangen hat er ihn.

Wagner komponiert seinen Heeres-
Marsch, am 5. Mai 1871 dirigiert er ihn
im Beisein des Kaisers. Mit allen „ärger-
lichen Demokraten** will er nichts mehr
zu schaffen haben. Er singt sein hohes
Lied „dem Siege-Fried** und kommt, wie
immer, auf sidi selbst zu sprechen:

Dein eig'nes Lied

in Krieg und Fried'

wirst Du. mein herrlich Volk, dir finden.

* Hitler, in Bayreuth als Duzfreund Wolf wohlgelit-
ten, war wohl eher den Wagnerschen Nibelungen als
den Nibelungen des Kaiserreichs zugetan. Reichs-
kanzler FQrst von BQlows Wort von der „Nibelun-
gentreue** gegenüber Osterreich entstammte nicht
Bayreuth, sondern der anonymen Nibelungen-Saga.
Ob Hitler sich seinen Untergang wie in König Etzels
Halle oder wie in Wotans Walhall vorbestellt hat,
weiß man nicht. Fest steht nur, daß sem Messias-
Glaube mit dem „Rienzi** in Linz anfing und nach
gewonnenem Krieg mit dem „Parsifar in Bayreuth
enden sollte. „Auf Wiedersehn im ,Keldi', um sech-
se, nadim Krieg", würde der brave Soldat Schwejk
dazu sagen.

mög' drob auch mancher Dichterruhm
verschwinden!

Der Revolutionär, der noch 1850 von
dem „Niederbrande von Paris**
schwärmt - vielleicht hat er ja nur die ftt-
riser Oper, und auch die nur sinnbild-
i lieh, wie der Wagner-Dirigent Pierre
\ Boulez, gemeint -, dirigiert, was schon
geschehen ist:

Drum soll ein Deutscher auch nur Kaiser

sein

im welschen Lande solltet Ihr ihn

weih'n . . .

Wir kennen solche Lobsprüche von
anderen Geistern. Bemerkenswert daran
nur, daß er diesen Trutz- und Kitsch-
marsch dem Bismarck „allein** bestimmt
hat. Wo die Kasse war, wußte er mit
der Sicherheit eines Wünschelruten-
gängers.

Diese Bonanza allerdings gab nur
ideologisch etwas her. Ideologisch: Das
heißt viel. Nur wird die Regie dem Barri-
kadenkämpfer Wagner nicht allzuviel
abveriangen können.

Demnach ließe sich das Werk sinn-
lich-bildlich gar nicht darstellen? Kein
Riesenopus theatralischer Musik wird so
oft aufgeführt wie der „Ring**. Den
Grund dafür nennt uns (1873) der junge
Nietzsche:

Von Wagner, dem Musiker, wäre im all-
gemeinen zu sagen, daß er allem in der
Natur, was bis jetzt nicht reden v^olWe, ei-
ne Sprache gegeben hat: er glaubt nicht
daran, daß es etwas Stummes get>en
müsse. Er taucht auch in Morgenröte,
Wald. Nebel. Kluft, Bergeshöhe, Nacht-
schauer. Mondesglanz hinein und merkt

DER SPIEGEL. Nr. 32/1988

139

' «».WS™. "

::i,VH'^'(^i'>*

lABiMailii

IM August

Echt wohn Geschichten, die
das Leben schrieb - von Art
Buchwald, Georg lentz, Peter
Ustinov u. a. Der große Sommer-
Lese-Spa6.

■ Was wir wirklich lieben:
Die unbekannten Bestseller
aus dem SupemrKiHct. 22 Konsum-
artikel, die 1987 alle Rekorde
brachen.

Herr Kamera: Was wäre
Hollywood ohne den
Munchener Industriellen Bob
^rri' Arnold? Die Erfolgsstory
eines Fast-Monopolisten.

■ Teure Kindheit: Die Spiel-
sachen der frühen deutschen
Jahre: gestern noch unten im
Keller, heute hoch im Kurs.

■ Das ABP der Lebensart:
Adel? Busen? Porno?

Bestimmte Begriffe bedürfen

dringend neuer Interpretationen.

Gregor von Rezzori hat sich

Gedanken gemacht.

Auf Rekordjagd: Sie sind
das größte Phänomen der

Leichtathletik: Namenlose Läufer,

die Asse zu Rekorden schleppen.

Als Hasen und für viel, viel Geld...

■ Arche Noah 1988: Der
Mensch zerstört die freie
Natur. Aber in den Betonwusten
unserer Städte entstehen - unfrei-
willig - Oasen animalischen
Oberlebens. Sie sind wieder da:
Wolf und Wildschwein, Reiher
und Reh, Fischotter und Fuchs.

Jetzt bei jedem guten
Zeitschriftenhandlerl

ihnen ein heimliches Begehren ab: sie
wollen auch tönen.

Nun mag Nietzsches Musikge-
schmack umstritten sein, sein Sprachge-
nie ist es nicht. Auch wenn im „Ring**
zuviel erzählt, nach Wagners eigener
Forderung mithin zu vieles nicht ,,ge-
genwärtig** wird; auch wenn Wagner die
Funktionen (= Motive) Walhalls, des
Rings, des Fluchs, der Furcht wie der
Furchtlosigkeit nicht konsequent durch-
halten kann: Szenen wie die Begegnung
zwischen Sieglinde und Siegmund, wie
die Todesverkündigung der Walküre,
wie die Selbsterkenntnis des jungen
Siegfried sind einzigartig.

Wotan ist nicht nur die wichtigste, sie
ist auch Wagners Lieblingsfigur: „Sieh
Dir ihn recht an!** schreibt er 1854 an
den früheren Mitrevolutionär Röckel,
„er gleicht uns aufs Haar; er ist die
Summe der Intelligenz der Gegenwart**,
ob positiv, ob negativ, ob wertneutral.

Wo sind Figuren wie die tragische
Brünnhilde, wie der Naturgeist Loge
und Mime, der Schmied, auf dem musi-
kalischen Welttheater; wo der grimmige
Hagen, Sohn der Unterwelt: sie alle in
psychologischer Verfeinerung aufberei-
tet. Der oft bespöttelte Text ermöglicht
erst den „tönenden Zauber** (Thomas
Mann).

Wagner konnte den Text nicht schrei-
ben, ohne die Komposition schon im
Hinterkopf zu haben. Die Kärrner-Ar-
beit der Instrumentierung war dann frei-
lich ein ander Ding. Hier gab es Sackgas-
sen, und der Zwieback mußte her, damit
er zum Ausgangspunkt zurückfmden
konnte. So empfängt Hagen die beiden
künstlichen Brautpaare Günther/
Brünnhilde und Siegfried/Gutrune:

Hoiho! Hoiho! Hoho!
Ihr Gibichs-Mannen,
machet euch auf!
Wehe! Wehe!
Waffen! Waffen!
Waffen durchs Land!
Gute Waffen!
Starke Waffen,
scharf zum Streit.
Noth ist da!
Noth! Wehe! Wehe!
Hoiho! Hoiho! Hoho!

Hagen scheint, aber scheint auch nur,
Wotan abgelöst zu haben. Wotan will
der Welt Gesetze geben und seinen leib-
lichen Trieben frönen (— Frondienste
leisten). Das geht nicht gut.

Dem Zwergen Alberich entreißt er ei-
nen Ring, eher zufällig, den er dann,
eher zuflUlig, wieder an die Riesen ab-
gibt. Es ist, eher zufällig, der Ring, der
Weltherrschaft verheißt. Alberich will
den Ring, was Wunder, zurück!

Das weiß Wotan nicht von alleine,
nein, die urweise Erda-Wala, Mutter sei-
ner Lieblingstochter Brünnhilde, hat
ihm den eigentlich doch naheliegenden
Gedanken eingegeben. Ein eingekreister
Einkreiser wird er also, uns Deutschen
von 1914 wohlvertraut. Denn von den ir-
gendwo doch düpierten Riesen hat er

Philosoph Schopenhauer (Photo, 1859)

Erlösung von der oder zu der Liebe?

nichts Gutes zu erwarten, allenfalls be-
waffnete Neutralität.

Überraschend schnell gibt er auf. Das
alles kann man mit ihm nicht machen.
Ein Mensch muß her, und sei es auch
nur ein Halbmensch; wenn es sein muß,
auch ein Untermensch, der Sohn eines
Zwerges, eines Nachtalben, Hagen eben
(den Namen kennt er noch nicht, die
Funktion aber schon).

Wenn sein ureigener Sohn Siegmund
dieser furchtlose Held nicht sein kann.

Philosoph Nietzsche (Qemälde, 1881)

.Wald und Nebel wollen auch tönen"

140

von wegen Weibergezänk, dann eben
dessen ^hn Siegfri^. Hier knirscht die
Dramaturgie fürchterlich, es sei denn,
man ließe sich von den Melodien über-
tölpeln.

Was sollte denn ein so geborener Ab-
klatsch von Siegmund bewirken? Er be-
wirkt wissentlich nichts und unwissent-
lich nichts. Sichtbar kann er allenfalls
machen, daß weder Wotans gar nicht so
sorgsam ausgetüfteltes Vertragssystem
noch sein eigener unbekümmerter, etwas
dämlicher Anarchismus gefragt sind. Po-
litisch bietet uns der „Ring des Nibelun-
gen** keine Perspektive. .

Es ist bei Harry Kupfer, diesem Mei-
ster der Einzel- wie der Massenregie,
nicht alles durchdacht, wie bei Wagner

auf der „Titanic**, sondern Freude. Die
Buher verteilten sich auf die ehemaligen
Chereau-Feinde wie auf die jetzigen
Chereau-Freunde.

Der Abend geriet, weil die wundervol-
le Partitur zu ihrer Wahrhaftigkeit gestei-
gert wurde.

Kupfer und sein Bühnenbildner Hans
Schavemoch haben zur Wahrhaftigkeit
beigetragen. Es gibt ja in der „Edda**
und ihren Anhängseln keinen Zusam-
menhang zwischen Sigurds (Siegfrieds)
Tod und Walhalls Untergang, und auch
nirgendwo sonst. Kupfer stellt ihn biid-
lich deshalb auch nicht her.

Statt dessen gibt es eine (bei Wagner
nicht vorgesehene) Dreier-Szene, wo ein
kniender Wotan die zerschlagenen

Kindheit, der eignen und jener der
Menschheit.

Wotans Speer am Ende Hagens Sp>eer,
diesmal nicht von Siegfried, sondern
von Brünnhilde zertrümmert; Alberichs
Ring am Ende Brünnhildes Ring, die
ihn dem Rhein zurückgibt: ein fast un-
sichtbarer roter Faden. Man hat das
„Nibelungenlied** oftmals das National-
gedicht der Deutschen genannt. Als ich
Wieland Wagner zum letzten Mal sah,
kurz vor seinem Tod 1966, sagte er mir,
es gebe zwei deutsche Nationaldichtun-
gen: den „Faust** und den „Ring**. Mir
war, als verspürte ich einen Peitschen-
hieb.

Dann dachte ich nach. Wer spielt das
Goethesche Nationalgedicht? Wer liest

Kupfers «Götterdfimmerung* (Brünnhilde mit Hagens Speer, Hagen, erschlagener Günther): „Erlösende Weltenthat"

auch nicht. Gerade dessen Textbücher
stecken voller Ungereimtheiten und Bi-
zarrerien. Die Partitur beglaubigt sie,
macht sie wahrhaftig. Da ist es denn
entscheidend, daß Dirigent und Regis-
seur sich den Schaden teilen, und dem-
gemäß auch den Erfolg.

Barenboim hat dem Kupfer bis an die
Grenze des vom Gesang her Möglichen
nachgegeben - es wird ja zuviel gerannt,
gelegen, geklettert, gerutscht, gekniet.
Aber siehe da, der eigentlich unspielba-
re Schlußabend „Götterdämmerung**
wurde von Wagnerianern, Anti-Wagne-
rianem, gewesenen Wagnerianern, Pas-
siv-Wagnerianern, Halb-Wagnerianem
und Schleich-Wagnerianem zwar genau-
so mit „buh** bedacht wie der „Sieg-
fried**, aber ungleich trotziger be-
klatscht. Keine Eisbergstimmung wie

Speerstücke gleich einem Blumenge-
binde in des gemeuchelten Enkels
Grab wirft, als wäre es Staub zu Staub;
ihm gegenüber die todesbereite, von
ihm verstoßene Tochter Brünnhilde,
beide Aug' in Aug\ Opfer sie alle drei
eines unsäglichen Weltzusammenhangs.

Man möchte meinen, dieser Kitsch
wäre sogar einem dem Kitsch nicht ab-
holden Richard Wagner zuviel gewe-
sen. Aber im Publikum rannen sogar
Anti-Wagnerianern die Tränen herun-
ter, viel Taschentuch mußte her. Der
DDR-Schriftsteller Rolf Schneider hat
es im Programmheft des „Siegfried**
der Festspiele richtig vorausgesehen:

Am Ende, mit dem letzten Orchester-
ton, wird dann ein von Tränen der Rüh-
rung benäBter Jubel losbrechen, da
man sich wieder eins fühlt mit der

die „Edda**, wer das „Nibelungenlied**?
Dem Musiker Wagner war es möglich,
ein deutsch-nordisch-griechisches Na-
tionalgedicht der Deutschen zu kompo-
nieren, weil er sein Esperanto be-
herrschte, die Sprache der Musik. Und
weil er seinen Text nicht von anderen
sdireiben ließ, sondern ihn selbst aus
dem Sagenstoff verschiedenster Her-
kunft, „Edda** und „Nibelungenlied**,
Griechengötter und Grimmsdae Mär-
dien, herausfilterte.

Jenen „Ring**, dem Joachim Kaiser
in der „Süddeutschen Zeitung** entge-
genhofft; jenen, der ganz „stimmt**,
den wird es wohl niemals geben. Über
Harn' Kupfers Leistung aber wird man
in mnf Jahren sagen: „Auch dies
wird ein glücklicher ,Ring* gewesen
sein.** ♦

DER SPIEGEL. Nr. 32/1968

141

FILM

Kotz as Kotz can

Der Amerikaner John Waters, von sei-
nen Fans bisher als Schöpfer der
»abscheulichsten, dümmsten und
elcelhaftesten" HIme der Welt verehrt,
überrascht nun mit einer Jugendfreien
Famliienkomödie.

Als Großmeister der Geschmaclcsver-
letzung ist er zu Ruhm gekommen,
als „Schund-Papst** (William Bur-
roughs), dem kein Einfall zu abwegig,
keine Schweinerei zu obszön war, um
sein Publikum aus der Reserve zu lok-
ken. John Waters, der Trash-Titan aus
Baltimore, war in einer Zeit der media-
len Reizüberflutung angetreten, jene Zu-
schauer zu schocken, „die sich als total
ausgereizt empfanden**.

Waters' Zelluloid-Attacken verschlu-
gen selbst abgebrühten Cinephilen den
Atem. Dem „Peace and Love**-Ge-
schwafel der Woodstock-Generation
setzte er mit „Multiple Maniacs** (1970)
einen Film entgegen, „der um der Lach-
erfolge willen Mord und Totschlag ver-
herrlichen sollte**. Waters-Star D^vine
zerstückelt darin ihren Film-Ehemann,
ißt ihn auf, und wird danach von einem
viereinhalb Meter großen Hummer an-
gegriffen und vergewaltigt. Zu guter
Letzt gibt es noch eine der Kotz-Szenen,
fttr die Waters als „Prince of Puke**
(„Prinz der Kotze**) berüchtigt
werden sollte: Ein Mann erbricht
sich und ißt anschließend das Er-
brochene wieder auf.

„Pink Flamingos** (1972), von
Waters als „Übung in schlechtem
Geschmack** beschrieben, setzte
dem noch eins drauf und machte
den Regisseur weltweit bekannt
als Urheber eines „der abscheu-
lichsten, dümmsten und ekelhafte-
sten Filme, die jemals gemacht
wurden** (so das Branchenblatt
„Variety**). Die för nur 12 000
Dollar gedrehte Gewalt-Komödie
war eine tückische Variation über
das uramerikanische Thema Kon-
kurrenzkampf, in der Divine einen
Haufen Hundescheiße aß, um flir
sich und ihre Film-Familie den
Anspruch zu untermauern, „die
schmutzigsten Leute der Welt** zu
sein.

Die Presse verglich „Pink Fla-
mingos** mit der „Explosion einer
Jauchegrube** („Detroit Free
Press**), aber auch mit Bunuels
„Der andalusische Hund** („New
York**-Magazin). Die Zuschauer
der Filmkunst-Kinos drängten an
die Kassen. Acht Jahre lang lief
Waters* Low-Budget-Provokation
ununterbrochen in Los Angeles
und New York. Der schlechte Ge-

schmack des „Bad Boy from Balti-
more** wurde populär.

Gebildet hat sich dieser Geschmack
in einer Umgebung, von der man eher
Anpassung an Bestehendes denn Re-
bellion erwartet. Waters, Jahrgang 1946,
aufgewachsen in einem Elternhaus der
„Upper middle dass** und erzogen an
einer katholischen Schule, entdeckte
schon im zarten Alter von fönf Jahren
seine Faszination fQr Bösewichter, Ge-
walt und alle Arten von Naturkatastro-
phen. Er zertrümmerte seine Spielzeug-
autos, um Verkehrsunfölle zu konstruie-
ren, bewunderte die böse Stiefmutter in
Walt Disneys „Cinderella** und quälte
die Kinder der Nachbarschaft mit ei-
nem grausamen Puppentheater.

Seiner eigentlichen Bestimmung fQhr-
te ihn die Nonne der katholischen
Sonntagsschule zu, die dem aufmerk-
sam zuhörenden Jungen regelmäßig die
Liste „geächteter Filme** vorlas, die Wa-
ters fortan als seine Bibel begriff. Filme
wie „Und immer lockt das Weib** von
Roger Vadim und „Baby IDoU** von Elia
Kazan, aber auch ominöse Werke wie
„Die nackte Nacht**, „Falsche Scham**
und „Liebe ist mein Beruf* wurden
dem dafQr bereitwillig die Schule
schwänzenden Schund-Enthusiasten
Waters zum Pflichtprogramm. Der Kin-
derwunsdi, später einmal Verbrecher
sein zu wollen, erfuhr angesichts der
neuen Eindrücke eine moderate Ab-
wandlung, Waters hatte sein Lebensziel
gefunden: „Ich wollte die geschmacklo-

* Colleen Fitzpatrick und Debbie Harry.

Waters-Fllm «Hairspray**

Guerilla-Taktik gegen Kunstfrisuren

RImemacher Waters

Bad Boy aus Baltimore

sesten Filme der Kinogeschichte ma-
chen.**

Als Regisseur veriangt er von seinen
„Stars** Akne oder Übergewicht, einen
bizarren Charakter oder fehlende Zäh-
ne, denn - so argumentiert der „Wesir
der Vulgarität** („The New York Times**)
durchaus einleuchtend - „für mich be-
deutet Schönheit ein Aussehen, das man
nie vergessen kann**.

Wahrhaft unvergeßlich prägten sich
denn auch die Stars der Waters-eigenen
„Dreamland**-Factoiy ihrem verblüff-
ten, gleichermaßen angewiderten wie
auch angezogenen Publikum ein: Die im
Baby-Laufstall hausende, sich mit Eiern
bekleckernde Edith Massey aus „Pink
Flamingos**; die 1,53 Meter große, 400
Pfund schwere Lehrerin Jean Hill, die in
dem lesbischen Revolutions-Melodrama
„Desperate Living** (1977) einen Mann
tötet, indem sie sich auf sein Gesicht
setzt; die in ständig neuen Verkleidun-
gen in fast allen Waters-Filmen auftau-
chende Mink Stole - sie alle eroberten
sich, neben dem Anfang dieses Jahres
verstorbenen Frauendarsteller Divine,
eine treue Gefolgschaft, die dafQr sorg-
te, daß jeder Waters-Film ansehnliche
Gewinne abwarf.

Eingefleischte Waters-Fans konnten
sich daran ergötzen, daß ihr Superstar
Divine sich in einer Doppelrolle als
Frau und Mann in „Female Trouble**
(1974) quasi selbst auf der dreckigen
Matratze einer Mülldeponie vergewal-
tigt. Sie konnten darüber schmunzeln,
daß Divine im selben Film ihren krimi-
nellen Abstieg zur Todeskandidatin auf
dem elektrischen Stuhl wie eine Oscar-
Auszeichnung ihrer verbrecherischen
Laufbahn begreift. Selbst über „Poly-
ester** ( 1 98 1 ), mit einem 300 OOO-DoUar-
Budget teurer als alle vorangegangenen

142

'<M>i''

'Cr^?"'^^Vv/"^'

Szene

KULTUR

Whoopi Goldberg

Gewalt-Rekorde
auf der Leinwand

Whoopi Goldberg, die Lei-
densheldin aus der „Farbe
Lila", wollte es dem Beverly-
Hills-Cop Eddie Murphy

gleichtun: In ihrem neuen
Film „Fatal Beauty" ballert
sie, jetzt auch in deutschen
Kinos, als Drogenfahnderin
mit Schandschnauze so stür-
misch durch L. A., daß die
Leichen purzeln. Diese Ge-
walt-Tour hat ihr den Titel
der „most violent actress of
the year** eingebracht, den
die „International Coalition
Against Violent Entertain-
ment** verleiht. Die amerika-
nischen Gutachter dieser Or-
ganisation haben in „Fatal
Beauty** 134 Gewaltakte pro
Kinostunde gezählt - das
bleibt nur knapp hinter dem
Jahresrekord, den Arnold
Schwarzenegger als „Run-
ning Man** mit 146 Brutal-
nummem pro Stunde hält.

AktJonskünstler Demnig mit Bleiplatten

Bleiteppiche
für Berlin

Mal tröpfelte er mit einem
rollenden Kunstwerk eine
Blutbahn von Kassel nach
London, mal zog er mit einer
anderen Maschine einen
Kreidekreis um Wuppertal.
Der Kölner Künstler Gunter
Demnig, 40, hat sich bislang
vor allem als unermüdlicher
Spuren-Leger einen Namen
gemacht. Am Samstag dieser
Woche will er in Berlin 24
Stunden lang Spuren sichern.
13 „Grenzpunkte", über die
man die Stadt erreichen
kann, werden deshalb von 0
Uhr bis Mittemacht mit ein
Meter breiten Bleiteppichen
belegt. Das weiche Metall
soll Trittspuren und Reifen-

OER SPIEGEL. Nr. 32/1988

abdrücke aller nach West-
Berlin einreisenden Men-
schen und ihrer Fahrzeuge
konservieren - für eine Aus-
stellung, die zwei Tage später
im Neuen Berliner Kunstver-
ein am Kurfürstendamm er-
öffnet wird.

Duett um Gott
und Mao

„Gott ist ein zärtlicher Per-
verser**, behauptet der Schot-
te Nicholas Currie alias
„Momus** auf seiner gerade
erschienenen dritten Lang-
spielplatte. Sich selber sagt er
eine Vergangenheit als
„maoistischer Intellektuel-
ler** nach - zu einer Musik,
die man am besten im Schein
eines falschen Kaminfeuers

genösse. Currie, 28, singt, als
wäre es ein Duett zwischen
Leonard Cohen und Dono-
van, und spielt fast alle In-
strumente mit raffinierter
Elektronik synthetisch ein.
Heraus kommt ein filigran
gearbeitetes Kleinkunstwerk
unter Chanson- und Disco-
Einfluß, mit barockenden
Versatzstücken und Kurt-
Weill-Adaptionen.

Käsebiers
Comebaclc

Der unbekannte Neuköllner
Volkssänger Käsebier gerät
eher durch Zufall in die Spal-
ten einer Beriiner Zeitung,
die Geschichte liest sich an-
rührend, auch andere Blätter
porträtieren ihn - und alsbald
wird Käsebier zum Beriiner
Superstar. Die Journalistin
Gabriele Tergit erzählt in ih-
rem Presse- und Berlinroman
„Käsebier erobert den Kur-
fürstendamm** die wundersa-
me Geschichte vom Aufstieg
und Fall des fiktiven kleinen
Mannes Käsebier. Das Buch
erschien 1931 bei Rowohlt
und wurde sogleich ein au-
ßergewöhnlicher Erfolg. Nun
erlebt es eine verdiente Neu-
auflage (arani-Veriag, Beriin;
296 Seiten; 19,80 Mark). Die
Kritik feierte seinerzeit das
Werk der Berliner Journali-
stin Tergit als großen Zeitro-
man, der Korruption und
Niedergang des vorfaschisti-
schen Bürgertums authen-
tisch widerspiegelte. Die Au-
torin ( 1 894 bis 1 982), Tochter
eines jüdischen Großindu-

Gabriele Tergit

striellen, hatte sich auf die
Seite der humanistischen
Linken geschlagen und
schrieb für Cari von Ossietz-
iQTs „Weltbühne**; 1933 floh
sie mit knapper Not vor den
Nazis ins Ausland.

Tanzfilm «Salsa"

Werbespot ohne
Story: „Salsa**

Von der „Dance Party** zur
„Dance Academy**, ob bei
Mambo oder Twist: Nach
dem Überraschungserfolg
von „Dirty Dancing**, in vie-
len bundesdeutschen Städten
seit über 40 Wochen ununter-
brochen in den Kinos,
schwappt eine Welle von
Tanzfllmen auf die Lein-
wand. Im jüngsten Beispiel
geht es um lateinamerikani-
schen Tanzpop: „Salsa**, ein
Gemeinschaftswerk des „Eis
am Stiel** -Regisseurs Boaz
Davidson und des „Dirty

Dancing**-Choreographen
Kenny Ortega. Vor klinisch
sauberer kalifornischer Kulis-
se inszeniert der Regisseur ei-
nen Werbespot ohne Story -
und ohne Produkt. „Salsa**
erzählt rein gar nichts von den
Slum-Wurzeln der Latino-
Musik. Der 19jährige Haupt-
darsteller Robby Rosa könnte
zwar jederzeit jeden Michael-
Jackson-Ähnlichkeitswettbe-
werb für sich entscheiden, im
Film aber bleibt er ein ge-
schniegelter Mittelstandsbu-
bi mit Macho-Allüre. Da
kann auch die Erotikformel
aus dem Fitneßstudio - nas-
ser Schweiß und nackte Mus-
keln gleich Sex - nicht aufge-
hen: Den Tanzszenen, hoch-
gestylt und ausgewalzt, ist al-
les Leben ausgetrieben.

133

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W^'^'fki&^-r <■

Walkürenfelsen (mit Wotan) In Bayreuth 1988: Entlassung aus dem Intimberelch ^f^'^^^/ ^^' ^^ ^ ^^ /4^<f)

Ein kniender Wotan am Grabe des Enicels

Rudolf AugsteJn über Harry Kupfers Inszenierung von Wagners „Ring des Nibelungen" In Bayreuth

Ein Werk wie der Ring ist, was Ursprung,
Wachstum und Vollendung anlangt, das
einzige seiner Art in der Welt und viel-
leicht das mächtigste Kunstgebilde der
letzten Jahrtausende.

Der 48jahrige Gerhart Hauptmann, 1911

Gott, was der richtige Zwieback nicht Al-
les kann! - Zwieback! Zwieback! du bist
die richtige Arznei für verstockte Compo-
nisten, - aber der rechte muß er sein! -
Jetzt habe ich schönen Vorrath davon;
wenn Sie merken, daß er ausgeht, sor-
gen Sie nur ja von Neuem: ich merke,
das ist ein wichtiges Mittel! . . . Herr Gott!
Zwieback!!

Richard Wagner I8S9 aus Venedig an seine
^Wunderfrau" Mathilde Wesendonck, als
er der musikalisdien Inspiration ermangel-
te.

Einen Paukenschlag hatte man erwar-
tet. Harry Kupfer, Staatsbürger der
DDR, Chef der Komischen Oper in Ost-
Berlin, wieder in Bayreuth, zum ersten
Mal in seinem Leben mit dem „Ring**,
man muß wohl sagen, konfrontiert.

Der Paukenschlag kam - aber mit Ver-
zögerung. „Rheingold", der erste der
vier Abende, er brachte außer einer
phantastischen Lichtregie und den heute
üblichen Regiediktaten nichts Neues.

Auffällig aber schon die auf das Büh-
nengeschehen konzentrierte Stabfüh-
rung des Daniel Barenboim, der dem
Regisseur nicht die Luft vom Munde

wegatmete und der den Sänger(inne)n
ihr Wort ließ. Wagner wollte das so. Dar-
um bekam Barenboim die Plakette „zu
langsam" angeheftet.

Trotzdem, man konnte nur, je nach
Temperament, bange oder mißmutig auf
die „Walküre" warten, den beliebtesten,
wenn nicht ohnehin den wichtigsten
Abend des megalomanen Werkes. Vor-
bei mit den unemsten Spielereien Wo-
tans und seiner Göttertruppe im „Rhein-
gold". Ein neuer Wotan erscheint, an
den bekränzten Punkerboß kaum noch
erinnernd. Zwar können mittlerweile ei-
nige tausend Jahre vergangen sein, aber
das macht den Bruch nicht besser.

Kupfers „Walküre"-Stück, in dem Wo-
tan Mensch wird, lebt von der Personen-
regie, vorausgesetzt, Personen sind da.
Sie waren. Das Bayreuther Haus, vom
Vorabend eher lau gestimmt, raste. „Sel-
ten ist die Beziehung zwischen Wotan
und Fricka (eine richtige Ehe, Wotan
kein Pantoffelheld) oder die Sexualität
zwischen Siegmund und Sieglinde oder
die körperliche Nähe zwischen Wotan
und Brünnhilde so eindringlich vorge-
führt worden", findet John Rockwell
von der „New York Times".

Kupfer hat dem Wagner Dinge abge-
lauscht, die der sich vielleicht nicht ein-
mal hatte vorstellen können. Wie Wotan
(der Engländer John Tomlinson) den

Lieblingssohn Siegmund (Pfeter Hof-
mann) meucheln lassen mußte; wie er
die Lieblingstochter Brünnhilde (die
Amerikanerin Deborah Polaski) aus sei-
nem Intimbereich entließ, sie aber
gleichwohl in seinem väterlichen End-
zeitbann zu belassen wußte: Das war,
ungeachtet der bekannten dramatui^gi-
schen Ungereimtheiten, ganz großes
Musiktheater, nirgendwo sonst zu errei-
chen und schwerlich je noch zu übertref-
fen. Wagner, der leicht weinte, wären
die Tränenströme nur so aus den Augen
geschossen: Kupfers Werk.

Aber bei allem Wohlwollen, die „Wal-
küre" schließt ans „Rheingold" nicht an.
Die Götter beziehen ihre Burg nicht
in einem Taumel, gemischt aus „It*s
Madison Time" und Totentanz (wie
sie sich auch nicht, Hand in Hand,
gegen einen imaginären Polarsturm
stemmen, siehe unseren „Jahrhundert"-
Chereau 1976).

Man kann es ja ablehnen, den „Ring**
zu inszenieren. Aber es führt kein Weg
vorbei: die Götter des „Rheingold" wäh-
nen sich, und die Musik unterstreicht
das, „stark im Bestehen". Nur der Na-
turgeist Loge hält ihre Stellung für wak-
kelig. Deshalb muß er sich am Schluß
aber immer noch nicht als Gründ-
gens-Mephisto die Nase schneuzen.
Schließlich sind wir in Bayreuth und
nicht auf der Pariser Weltausstellung

134

von 1867, gegeben wird nicht Jacques
Offenbach.

Wie man die undankbare Rolle der
Göttergattin Fricka (die Engländerin
Linda Finnie) durch Regie ^hochzie-
hen**, wie man die Figur erst erschaffen
kann, beweist uns Kupfer in der ^Walkü-
re**. Dazu paßt nicht, daß eben diese
Fricka im „Rheingold" mehr Interesse
am Juweliergeschmeide aus Nibelheim
zeigt als an der Rettung ihrer Schwester
Freia.

Warum ist bei Kupfer der Ring, den
Alberich von seinem Bruder Mime sich
hat schmieden lassen, kein „Reif* (ur-
sprünglicher Titel: „Reif des Nibelun-
gen*"), sondern ein Schlagring? Eine
ganz witelose Übertreibung. Er wird der
von Siegfried erweckten Brünnhilde als
Ehepfand dienen, nicht als Faustpfand.
Er ist ein magischer Ring, kein Schlag-
ring. Er verheißt Weltherrschaft, aber
nidit Zuhälterprügelei.

Das Problem jeder „Ring**-Inszenie-
rung ist, daß Musik und Text unantast-
bar sind. Striche Gotteslästerung.

Anders als bei den „Meistersingern**
und dem „Tristan** und sogar dem „Par-
sifal** hat sich die „Sinnfrage** des
„Rings** noch nie erschlossen.

Kupfer und der Chereau von 1976, sie
liefern sich in der Gunst des Bayreuther
Publikums einen Wettkampf. Man hätte
Lust, einmal nachzulesen, was die heuti-
gen Chereau-Bekenner 1976 über ihren
Helden zu Papier gebracht haben. Ge-
recht daran ist, daß Patrice Chereau dem
Hany Kupfer den Weg gebahnt hat, als
er den ersten, nun nicht nur „entrümpel-

.Ring'-Team Kupfer, Barenboim: Geteilte Freud', geteiltes Leid

ten**, sondern wirklich „modernen**
„Ring** nach Bayreuth pflanzte und den
Alt-Wagnerianern die Barte abschnitt

Ich ziehe Kupfer trotz seines zwang-
haften Bewegungskults dem Chereau
vor. Jene Politisierung, die Chereau vor-
nahm, ging mir gegen den Strich. Zwar
muß man auch den „Ring** im weitesten
Sinn politisch sehen. Dann aber paßt er
eben nicht in das Prokrustesbett der
hundert Jahre zwischen 1780 und 1880.

Kupfer inszeniert den „Ring** eher an-
archisch und aus dem Bauch. Aber gera-
deso ist der Vierteiler ja auch über Wag-
ner hereingebrochen, 1 848 der erste Pro-
saentwurf, 1874 der letzte Ton.

Die leitmotivische Musik: Auch sie
steckt voller Brüche. Aber sie vermittelt
dem Besucher „den vagen, schwer greif-
baren Eindruck**, so Carl Dahlhaus, daß
von der Welt Anfang bis zum Welten-
ende „alles mit allem auf eine kaum
noch durchschaubare Weiäe zusammen-
hängt**. Der musikalische Kosmos trägt
die Kosmogonie.

In „Rheingold** und „Walküre**, beides
mythische Stoffe, ist Wotan der tragische
Held, und zum Schluß der „Götterdäm-
merung** ist er es noch immer, obwohl er
im „Siegfried** nur als Aussteiger und am
letzten Abend der Tetralogie nur noch in-
direkt in einer Art Kyffhäuser-und-End-

Mimes Felaenhöhle im .Siegfried* (mit Siegfried Jerusalem, r., und Graham Ciark): Der Held, der von nichts weiß

DER SPIEGEL. Nr. 32/1968

136

\ sc

Zeitstimmung vorkommt. Hitlers Bunker
blieb uns erspart.

Hat Wagner am Sdiluß noch gewußt,
was er uns zu Anfang sagen wollte? Das
scheint nicht so. Das Märchen vom
Jung-Siegfried schiebt sich störend zwi-
schen die Mythen. „Einfach eine
schlecht geschriebene Rolle**, meinte Pa-
trice Chereau.

Aber die Rolle ist nicht schlecht ge-
schrieben, sie ist deplaziert worden.
Sie^ried, der Naturbursche, wird vorge-
stellt als einer, der auszog, das Fürchten
zu lernen, kein mythischer, ein Märchen-
stoff. Er schmiedet sich sein Schwert, er-
schlägt den Drachen und seinen Ziehva-
ter Mime, er lernt die Sprache der Vögel
und läuft dem fortflattemden Waldvogel
hinterher. An dieser Stelle hat der Mei-
ster zwölf Jahre pausiert, hat 1857 mit-
ten im dritten Part des vierteiligen Dra-
mas die Komposition nicht fortgesetzt.
Da muß ein Grund vorliegen, und das
muß Folgen haben.

Kupfer-Vorgänger Chöreau

Imaginärer Poiarsturm

Mühsam genug, die sichtbare Hand-
lung stockt, schlittert er 1869 nach dem
Waldvöglein wieder in den Mythos. Wo-
tan beschwört die Urmutter Wala, auch
Erda geheißen, Mutter seiner auf den
Felsen verbannten Lieblingstochter
Brünnhilde. Er erzählt ihr von seiner be-
vorstehenden Abdankung und von dem
furchtlosen Wälsung, mit dessen Hilfe
Brünnhilde „eriösende Weltenthat** wir-
ken wird.

Wie sollen die beiden das zustande
bringen? Siegfried weckt die Mensch ge-
wordene Frau (eigentlich seine Tante),
die gegen Wotans Gesetz und Befehl

136

Ch6reau-Hagen 1976 (In »Götterdämmerung*): .Wehe! Wehe! Waffen! Waffen!'

verstoßen hat, nicht aber gegen dessen
inneren, ihr bekannten Willen. Es men-
schelt in Wotan, und menschlich verhält
sich nicht nur seine Lieblingstochter,
sondern ebenso sein Lieblingssohn Sieg-
mund, der den Göttern Trotz bietet.

Vergeblich hatte die Walküre versucht,
Siegmund zu schützen. Sie muß auf den
Felsen, und erst sein Sohn Siegfried er-
weckt sie: Sie stürzen ineinander mit den
im Duett gesungenen Worten „Leuch-
tende Liebe, lachender Tod**. Brünnhil-
de entbietet Walhall und seinen ewigen
Göttern den Abschiedsgruß. Eigentlich
könnte hier Schluß sein. Götterdämme-
rung.

Aber so war's ja nicht gemeint. Sieg-
fried, der furchtiose Tor, er wird noch ge-
braucht. Unwissend muß er das Rhein-
gold den unschuldigen Töchtern des Na-
turzustands zurückgeben. Der letzte der
vier Abende zwingt musikalisch noch
einmal alles zusammen. Die Trauer um
Siegfried suggeriert mehr als die Trauer
um den gemeuchelten Helden. Altes
fällt, aber neue Welt scheint nicht auf.

Hagen, auch er wie Wotan stets mit
Speer, beherrscht die „Götterdämme-
rung**. Er ist der Sohn jenes Nibelungen
Alberich, der zu Beginn den Ring aus
dem Rheingold hat schmieden lassen,
nicht gerade ein Zwerg. Eher gleicht „der
unfrohe Mann** dem Recken des spät-
mittelalteriichen Nibelungenlieds.

Er ist der Mensch gewordene Nachtal-
be. Für den Vater - oder wohl eher für
sich - will er den Ring zurückgewinnen.
Siegfried, Brünnhilde, der Gibichungen-
könig Günther und dessen Schwester
Gutrune werden als Marionetten einer
Hagenschen Intrige aufgereiht, zerstören
mithin die beabsichtigte „eriösende
Weltenthat**. Hagen, eine Mischung aus
Hausmeister und Hausmeier am Gibi-

chungenhof, ist durch seine Mutter
Griemhild Stiefbruder von Günther und
Gutrune.

Vorbei ist's mit „Leuchtende Liebe,
lachender Tod**. Brünnhilde, eine Haus-
frau mit Feuerschutz; der ihr von Sieg-
fried anheimgegebene Ring eine Art
Eheversprechen; die Tarnkappe ein Re-
quisit, dessen Wirkkraft Hagen dem
Sie^ried erst erklären muß.

War der symbolische Liebestrank in
„Tristan und Isolde** eine dramaturgisch
unterstreichende Geste, es könnte audi
Wasser im Becher gewesen sein, wie
man gesagt hat: So muß Siegfried ange-
sichts der blassen Gutrune eigens den
von Hagen gebrauten Vergessenstrunk
schlürfen („Die dramaturgische Achil-
lesferse der Dichtung**, meint das sonst
jeder Kritik abholde Textbuch von Re-
clam). Um die Handlung voranzutrei-
ben, muß Siegfried seine Erinnerung
aber zurückgewinnen. Erneut tritt Ha-
gen mit seinem Becher in action, der
Krimi schwappt über die Ufer.

Wir erieben eine mordlüsteme Brünn-
hilde; einen Siegfried, der auch ohne
Zaubertränke allzeit bereit ist, um seines
jähen Blutsbruders Günther willen eine
künftige Königin der Gibichungen, sei-
ne künftige Schwägerin, arglistig zu täu-
schen. Zur „Minne** mit einer der Rhein-
töchter ist er ebenso geschickt wie zur
Hochzeit mit Hagens Stiefschwester
Gutrune.

Nein, die Stränge kommen nicht zu-
sammen. Alberich hat die Liebe ver-
flucht, weil keine der drei Rheintöchter
ihm zu Willen war. Den Ring hat er
ebenfalls verflucht, weil er ihm genom-
men wurde. So muß, zwecks Geburt
Hagens, die Gibichungenmutter Griem-
hild vom Golde übermächtigt werden.
In Wagners Tagebuch-Aufzeichnungen,

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„Das Braune Buch*", findet sich im Jahre
1857 der Vermerk: „Immer vertrauter mit
Schopenhauer." War er mit ihm vertraut?
In Telegrammen an Cosima nennt er sich
noch 1866 zwecks Tftuschung der
Post „Will**, und sie ftthrt den köst-
lichen Decknamen „Vorstel**, entsprun-
gen Sdiopenhauers „Die Welt als Wille
und Vorstellung**.

Mit Schopenhauer verbindet sich die
„Sinnkrise** des „Rings**. Hatte Sieg-
mund bereits in der „Walküre** bewiesen,
daß nur der furchtlose freieste Mann lie-
ben könne, so drückt sich die Liebe zwi-
schen Siegfried und Brünnhilde in einer
„recht gründlich verheerenden** Weise
aus, wie Wagner 1856 hellsichtig erkann-
te. „Recht gründlich verheerend**, ersetzt
sie sogar, wie Springer die DDR, als eine
„sogenannte** in Anführungsstriche. Wie
soll die Regie „eriösende Weltenthat** da
glaubhaft madien?

Der Regisseur früherer Zeiten konnte
sich von der Uraufführung 1876 bis zur
letzten Bayreuther „Götterdämmerung**
1942 an Wagners Rezept entlanghan-
geln, „all seine Kunst auf die ^ßte Be-
stimmtheit des unmittelbar, naiv wirken-
den Eindrucks zu verwenden**. Aber wie,
wenn Wagners Intentionen einander wi-
dersprechen, wenn der Meister sich dau-
ernd neu interpretieren muß? Der Regis-
seur findet mehrere Botschaften vor,
audi die letzte autorisierte, aber keinen
darstellbaren Schluß.

Die „wissende** oder wissend geworde-
ne Brünnhilde reitet zum toten Siegfried
in die Flammen, sie verbrennt sich als
buddhistische Liebeswitwe selbst. Das
begreift der stets auf Eriösung durch die
Liebe fixierte Wagner („Holländer**,
„Tristan**, „Parsifal**) 1854 unter dem
Einfluß Schopenhauers als bewußte,
eben deshalb eriösende „Verneinung des
Willens zum Leben**; wieso Brünnhilde
dadurch auch gleich die Götterburg in
Brand setzt, ist ein Kunststück der Büh-
nenmaschinerie.

„Nur die Liebe eriöst** („Braunes
Buch**, 28. Januar 1866). Aber die Liebe,
die der Nibelung Alberich verflucht - er
als einziger die Handlung treibender Ak-
teur bleibt am Leben - , kann schweriich
dieselbe sein, die Siegmund für seine
Zwillingsschwester Sieglinde empfmdet.
Zwar hat Chereau 1976 die drei Rhein-
töchter ohne einleuchtenden Grund als
Prostituierte agieren lassen; aber beliebig
wäre eine Uebe ja, die irgendeine von ih>
nen dem Nibelung gewährt hätte.

Alberichs Fluch auf die Liebe kann als
Resignation gedeutet werden. Sein Fluch
auf den Ring aber nicht. Er wird ja bis
zum - für ihn voriäufigen - Ende nicht
aufhören, nach ihm zu gieren. Und
Brünnhildes Liebe zu Sie^ried drückt
sich ja, wie wir auch bei Kupfer noch se-
hen, „als recht gründlich verheerend**
aus. Sie wird durch Zauberkunststück-
chen verhindert und verbindet ohnehin
ein zu ungleiches Paar: Brünnhilde, ein
welthistorischer Charakter, Siegfried, ei-
ne Charaktermaske.

Auf welchen Schluß also das giganti-
sche Werk ausrichten, da doch Wagner
selbst keinen wußte? Wer alle Texthin-
weise erschöpft hat, tut gut daran, sich
den beiden Wagnerschen Leid- und
Leitmotiven „Liebe** und „Eriösung**
zuzuwenden. War Wagner noch 1856
gut Schopenhauersch gesinnt, so stellte
er am 1. Dezember 1858 in einem Brief
an die langjährige Geliebte Mathilde
Wesendonck den Schopenhauer von
dessen Füßen auf den Kopf. Die Lö-
sung für sein Problem ist gefunden. Er
schreibt:

Komponist Wagner 1869: .Herr Gott! Zwieback!"

Es handelt sich nämlich darum, den von
keinem Philosophen, namentlich auch
von Seh. nicht, erkannten Heilsweg zur
vollkommenen Beruhigung des Willens
durch die Liebe, und zwar nicht einer ab-
strakten Menschenliebe, sondern der
wirklich, aus dem Grunde der Ge-
schlechtsliebe, d. h. der Neigung zwi-
schen Mann und Weib keimenden Uebe,
nachzuweisen.

So wird denn der gute alte Schopen-
hauer in sein Gegenteil verkehrt, und
das nennt Wagner dann „Erweiterung**
und partielle „Berichtigung** der Scho-
penhauerschen Philosophie. Den „Tri-
stan**, zu dem ihn Mathilde inspirierte,
hat er gerade hinter sich, der wird ihm
bis zum Ende der „Götterdämmerung**
das Konzept trüben.

Soll sich der Regisseur an der eriösen-
den Liebe orientieren oder an der Erlö-
sung von der Liebe? Beide Versionen

hat der Meister gedichtet, aber beide ver-
worfen. Komponiert wird eine Lösung,
die ans Banale grenzt, die aber im „Tri-
stan** triumphiert hat.

Man weiß es, Wagners sinnlich Lie-
bende haben entweder wenig Zeit oder
wenig Gelegenheit. Bei Brünnhilde und
Siegfried sind es höchstens dreimal vier-
undzwanzig Stunden. Und doch weiß
die geschändete Brünnhilde der Kon-
kurrentin Gutrune eins hinzureiben.

Wohl, Nothung, das werte und neidli-
che Schwert, es lag die eine Nacht zwi-
schen ihr und jenem ihr jetzt fremden

Mann, von dem sie in
ihrer Witt behauptet,
er habe ihr Lust und
Liebe abgezwungen
(was, lieber Jochen
Kaiser, nicht stimmt,
er hat ihr den Ver-
lobungsring entrissen,
sie derart symbolisch
vergewaltigt). Zur
Nacht lag das Schwert
zwischen ihnen. Aber
vorher? Oho, da müß-
te Siegfried eigentlich
erbleichen:

Du listiger Held!
sieh' wie du lüg'st.
wie auf dein Schwert
du schlecht dich be-
rufst!

Wohl kenn' ich seine
Schärfe.

doch kenn' auch die
Scheide,
darin so wonnig
ruht' an der Wand
Nothung. der treue
Freund.

als die Traute sein
Herr sich gefreit.

Siegfried rea^ert so,
wie man es von ihm er-
wartet: „Weiber-Ge-
keif!** Und: „Doch
Frauengroll friedet
sich bald.** Daß er
Brünnhilde schlecht
getäuscht habe, das är-
gert ihn.

Die Veriegenheit der Siegfried-Figur
ist in der Anlage des Gesamtwerks be-
gründet. Furchtlos bis zur Bewußt- und
Besinnungslosigkeit muß Siegfried sein.
Es gab aber einen furchtlosen Helden,
der die Furcht kannte, und das war sein
Vater Siegmund, nicht dem Märchen
entsprungen, sondern dem Mythos Wo-
tan zugehörig. Er ist Wotans Gegen-
spieler, er bricht Wotans Gesetz, das
Hundings Ehe schützt und Blutschande
zwischen Geschwistern verbietet. Er
wird der eifersüchtigen Gattin Fricka
geopfert.

Frei ist er und furchtlos. In Wotans
göttlichen Männerpuff Walhall will er
nicht einziehen, weil er seine Zwillings-
schwester Sieglinde liebt.

Für sie ist in Walhall kein Platz. Dies-
mal dauert der Coup de foudre nur we-

DER SPIEGEL. Nr. 32/1968

137

, VlIfTT^ ^' ttKi

jxaiiss&.

Wotan 1876 (Franz Betz)

„Ehr* ich die Frauen . . .

nige Stunden. Er reicht aber, den Sieg-
fried zu zeugen, dieses monströse Ab-
bild seines Vaters Siegmund.

Seinen Gegenspieler schafft Wotan
sich am Ende des zweiten Teils der
„Walküre** vom Halse. In seiner Wut ge-
gen sich selbst tötet er den Hunding
gleich mit Beide gehen ab, wohl ins
Reich der Schatten*.

Dem Gesamtwerk mangelt es hinfort
an Tragik, da Wotan sich schon im zwei-
ten Aufzug der „Walküre** so entschie-
den für sein eigenes Ende ausspricht. Er
wird mit dem Ring seines Widersachers
Alberich nur klumpfüßig verbandelt.

Gegen sein eigenes Gesetz verstoßen
hat er nicht deshalb, weil er „Alberichs
Ring berührte**, wie er behauptet, son-
dern, weil er die Riesen der IG Bau für
die Alpenfestung Walhall nicht löhnen
konnte oder nicht löhnen wollte.

Er hatte sich nicht als „ehrbarer Kauf-
mann** erwiesen, sondern schlicht über-
zogen. Den Ring hat er zwar geraubt,
muß ihn aber an die Riesen weitergeben.

Man verlangt von einem musikali-
schen Drama dieses megalomanen Zu-
schnitts keine durchweg schlüssige Lo-

* Der üble Hunding ist die einzige namentlich ge-
nannte Figur, die mit keinem Gott, keinem Riesen
und keinem Zwergen verwandt ist. Immerhin hat er
eine Tochter Wotans zur Frau. Wie Wotans Frau
Fricka es in dem Geisterheer von Wotans toten Hel-
den aushält, läßt sich nur erahnen.

gik. Wotan kann den Siegmund
mit Rücksicht auf die mit Grund
eifersüchtige Gattin nicht schüt-
zen, er ist in der schlechteren Posi-
tion, das ist alles.

Zwar weiß Siegmund selbst
nicht, daß Wotan sein Vater ist.
Aber Fricka weiß es ja. Walküren
und Rheintöchter denunziert sie
gleichermaßen als „schlimme
Mädchen**, die Nomen gar auch
noch?

Sein Zukunftswissen hat Wotan
der Urmutter Erda-Wala per Bei-
schlaf abgetrotzt („Aber Politik
ohne die Frauen**, hat Talleyrand
sich verwundert, „wie das? Die
Frauen sind doch die Politik**).

So wirkt Wotan als Schutzherr
von Ehe und Familie nicht eben
glaubwürdig. „Ehr* ich die Frauen
doch mehr als dich freut!** sagt er
der Gattin Fricka.

Er fühlt sich ertappt und gibt
nach. Aber doch liebt er Fricka, je-
denfalls bei Kupfer. Er sagt ihr
nur nicht seine Geheimnisse, die
erfahrt seine üeblingstochter
Brünnhilde.

Nun ja, den Alberich hat er sich
zum Feind gemacht. Er liegt auf
der Lauer. Wie, wenn der den
Ring zurückbek&ne?

Wotan kann das, trotz seiner
recht ungleichen Verträge, nicht
hindern. Aber einer, der ganz
tumb Wotans Willen erfüllte? Die-
ser abgehende Gott kann die Trickserei
mit seinen Versuchsanordnungen nicht
lassen. Da Siegmund aufgrund dem Wo-
tan wohlbekannter Schwächen ausgefal-
len ist, muß die Generation
der Enkel ran.

Der Mensch in Wotan will
nicht untergehen („Zurück
denn, rasendes Kind**), der
Gott aber will. Wieder eine sei-
ner berühmten Versuchsan-
ordnungen: Er lotst Siegfried
samt Ring und Tarnkappe ge-
radezu auf den Walküren-Fel-
sen.

Hier will Kupfer einen dra-
maturgischen Fehler Wagners
gutmachen, aber er macht ihn
nur schlimmer. Der Waldvogel
ist, entgegen der Meinung des
verehrungswürdigen Joachim
Kaiser, ein ergebener Mitar-
beiter Wotans, er ist eine
Funktion Wotans. Freilich nur
eine. Die Raben, die der Wald-
vogel fürchtet, vertreten eine
andere, die des Gesetzes.

So war es ein erwähnenswer-
ter Unfall Kupfers, daß er den
Waldvogel wie einen Jagdfal-
ken auf Walvaters noch nicht
zerbrochenem Speer Platz
nehmen läßt, und das dreimal,
damit er aufflattert und dem

Drachentöter Siegfried dreimal die
rechte Weisung gibt. So direkt darf der
Gott, in dem Menschliches ja immer
noch emotional grummelt, nicht auftre-
ten. Der Gott will das Ende, der
Mensch in ihm will Gott bleiben.

Dann föllt die Handlung, in der
„Götterdämmerung**, auseinander. Ir-
gendwer - verdächtig immer noch Wo-
tan - inszeniert einen Stellvertreter-
Krieg zwischen Wotans Enkel Siegfried
und Alberichs Sohn Hagen. Er wird
mit ungleichen Waffen ausgefochten.

Ergebnis: Keiner bekommt den Ring.
Hagen nicht, der ihn wollte, und Sieg-
fried nicht, der ihn, wie man in Bayern
sagen würde, nur „in Dummheiten** ge-
wollt hat.

Der Ring kehrt samt Hagen in die
trauliche und treue Tiefe des Rheins zu
den Rheintöchtem zurück. Niemand
weiß, was diese „schlimmen Mädchen**
mit dem Nichtschwimmer noch alles
treiben werden.

Ergebnis aber auch: Durch Brünnhil-
des freien Entschluß zimi Tode findet
„Erhebung über den individuellen Wil-
lenstrieb** statt. „Der Gattungswille
(kommt) sich zum vollen Bewußtsein**,
das bedeutet „vollkommene Beruhi-
gung**. Ipsissima verba, an Mathilde
Wesendonck 1858, eine gottvolle Lö-
sung.

Die Musik, komponiert 1874, zer-
nichtet diese Absicht zur Makulatur:
Sie ist „selig**, „enthusiastisch**, „freu-
dig**, gründet auf dem „Wissen von der
einzig schönen Notwendigkeit der lie-
be**, wenn auch, wie gezeigt, nach recht
gründlich verheerender Erfahrung.

Hatte Wagner mit „Der junge Sieg-
fried** nicht ein „heiteres** Stück schrei-

Wotan 1988 (John Tomlinson)

. . . doch mehr als dich freut!"

138

DCpflRTMerr of historv

521 1 Humonitics Building
455 North Pork Street
Modison. UUisconsin 53706

UNIVCRSnV OF UUISCONSIN -MRDiSON

College of Letters and Science

Phone: (608) 263-1800

September 8, 1988

Ms. Saskia Jansens
Skript

Spuistraat 134
1012 vb Amsterdam
020 5254592
Giro G240D0
THE NETHERLANDS

Dear Ms. Jansens,

I enclose my contribution to your anniversary number.
I hope it is roughly the right length, because I can not
really estimate it given the different length of European
and American paper . As you requested, I vrote on Wagner.

Let me know if the piece suits you. I look forvard to
receiving some copies of Skript whenever it should be
published.

With best greetings.

Sincerely,

George L. Mosse
Weinstein-Bascom Professor
of History

GLMilc
Enc.

WAO^ER. THE RTNfi ANT) HJ-^T^RY

The 19th Century was a historically minded age, vhen those vho put
forward political or artistic theories appealed to history as an
example and proof . Thus concepts of revolution were based on some kind
o£ historical analysis and here Wagner and Marx did not differ from one
another. Wagner »s Ring (1848-1852) was directed against the existing
social and economic order, so different from his Hymn to the Emperor,
Bismarck and the Gerraan Army written in 1871. Marx 's classless society
was a product o£ history and so was Wagner *s ideal of national
regeneration, but here the similarity ends, for while Marx, for whom
history was a process, can be called a historian, Wagner had no ties to
history as reality or as a discipline. History for Wagner was myth:
eternal, static, and without any development. Like any myth, Wagner 's
drama»s have a timeless, religious quality which in this case came
alive through the historical setting. History is the scenery here and
not the driving force.

»'^
Wagner 's characters such as the Germapg^ God • s in the Ring live in

pre-history or like his läDDhauser in periods closer to ours but

consciously re-shaped in order to give the impression of a great

distance in time. Through the Eing cycle Wagner wanted to picture the

human essence threatened by power and seif interest. The Ring

symbolizes the power of gold which unleashes^fehe^"Struggle for power.

But the ring is cursed as well, br inging death to its owner.

Siegfried, the hero, attempts to snatch the ring from the powers of

evil but is himself destroyed by it. Siegfried^ tho horo^ Stands for

the purity of man, a purity vhich the gold has corrupted. The analogy

to present politics was meant to be obvious.

The Bing may read at tiroes like a humanist drama, it was conceived

in the afterglow of the revolution of 1848 in which Wagner had mounted

the barricades. Yet Wagner believed that it was the Germans \rho alone

exemplified true human qualities: the power to love and the purity of

the spirit. Alberich who forged the ring and then cursed it, though

not characterized as a Jew, bears all the hallmarks of his stereotype.

Wagner nationalism was filled with ideas of /domination: men over

women, Germans over others. He wanted to bring about a national

revival, and the use of history as myth is common to all nationalism.

But Wagner *s use of history went further, it was typical of a radical

nationalism which cared nothing for social or political reality but

looked to a leader like Siegfried to create a just social order by

recapturing the national or racial past. This was the revolution from

the right which was directed against f inance capitalism (the curse of

gold) and the ruling elites (the lust for power), calling for the

equality of Status but not function among all members of the Volk. The

Sc ^HcOty
link between Wagner and National Socialism does not really consistM.n

the historical setting (privately Hitler made fun of ancient Germans)

but in a shared revolution of the right for which Wagner provided an

emotional and to a certain extenfVliturgical framework.

Wagner believed that it was art and religion which alone could

educate and regenerate a people. The revolution of the right, and

National Socialism as part of that revolution, shared this belief. A

"new man" must be created (women did not count here), who like

Siegfried vould exemplify purity^ strength, beauty and unquestioning
loyalty to the Volk. He would be inspired by a liturgy of nationalism
centered upon the celebration oJVfestivals, just as Wagner had
cons idered bis Opera *s national festivals and had called the Opera
House in Bayreuth a "festival hall". Wagner believed that bis operas
were like dreams through vhich people passed and vhose teaching they
would then transform into reality, The^miremburg rallies were such
festivals, except that vhile history was still present (in the ancient
City and memories of war), it was subordinated to the theatrical
setting necessary to shape and control a mass movement.

But there was another, apparently contradictory side to Wagner,
exemplified by the curse of the ring: of a pessimism and fascination
with death which sees to annul any hope for revolution or national
regeneration. At times, as in Parcival^ Christian resurrection —
again in a Germanic historical setting — solves the contradiction
between hope and despair.

History as myth in the Service of cause cannot be usefully
criticized according to scholarly Standards. At times it is close to a
fairy tale, as when Siegfried'^fejfges his sword, kills a dragon and
learns the language spoken by birds. Yet the function of history in
political myth is important beyond providiTig^V^setting. It supplies
the right kind of distance which serves to make all human action part
of a supposedly unchanging^ human drowa. HistoryTas the historian knows
it is stood upon its head.

George L. Mosse

Wagner, the Rin^ and History

The 19. Century was a historically minded age, when those who put forward
political or artistic theories appealed to history as an example and Broof. Thus
concepit of revolution were based on some kind of historical analysis and here Wagner
and Marx did not differ from one another. Wagner's Ring ( 1848-1852), wao ritten in the
a^^eggtowcgf-Ttm Luyta^rttom;rriQ.'iO iu whlch lie had partioipatoc^> was directed against
the exisitng social and economic order, so different from his Hymn to the Emperor,
Bismarck and the German Army written in 1871. Marxe's classless society was a product
of history and so was Wagner »s ideal of national regeneration, but here the similarity
ends, for while Marx, for whom history was a process^can be called a historian, Wagner
had no ties to history as reality or as a discipline. History for Wagner was myth:
eternal, static, and withoutYdevelopment. Like any myth, Wagner's drama's have a

In THh c^^

timeless, religious quality whichVcame alive through trhe historical setting. History
is the scenery here and not the driving force,

Wagner 's characters such as the Germany God's in the Ring live in
pre- history or likeKiannhausei/in periods closer to ours^ but re--ah«pcd-and-
consciously re -shaped oj-tr-angf i^Quored to give the Impression of a great distance in
time. Through the Ring 'V?t*<^5^ Wagner wanted to ^picture the hiuman essence threa^ed
^ power and^self interest. The Ring symbolises the power of gold which unleashes

it for 4JOv#er,

cuLse uf Ueath.^srggfned, Zh^ hero.

^^^^■^^^-^^-^"^^'^^^^-^^^^^^ <^g^"' the püWüLi> i>^ evil, h« siairdj fuL Lhy tpüfit3r-gf the human

Wagner believed

r<9

1 te*« f~ U^or\4

The Ring may read at times like a humanist drair
that it were the Germanf wh'3vg^mpli^fied^true human qualities: the power to love and
the purity of the spirit. Alberich whofBrged tHelciiliy-tHSUih not characterised as
Jew, bears all thefmarks of his stereotype. Wagner nationalism was Uw«s

ideas

of domination: men over women, Germans over others. He wanted to bring about a national
revival, and the use of history as myth is common to all nationalism. But Wagner 's *
use of history went further, it was typical of a radical nationalism which n cared
nothing-^oR----

la.

the struggle for power. But the ring is cursed as well, bringing death to has
owner. Siegfried, the hero, attempts to snatch the ring from the powers of evil
but is himself detroyd by it. Siegfried, Stands the hero, Stands for the purity
of man, a purity which the gold has corrupted. The analogy tp present politics
was meant to be obvious.

Ib,

hnman-

4iab4^t4rty txg^t^ng-evi^ ( underlined hy thp-4im6r4:ts ) , -'«fid

was conceived in the afterglow of the revolution of 1848 in which
Wagner had mounted the barricades.

nothing for social or poUtical reality but looked to a leader like Sießfried

ild create a just social order by recapturing the national or •
racial past. This was the revolution f% the right which was directed against
tmance cafpitalism ( the curse of gold) AND THE RULING ELITEsTmxiNG FOR THE
EQUALITY of Status but not function among all raembers of the Volk. The link
between Wagner and National Socialism "Iw nol^^st i^Ll^i^ the hi/lstorica]
setting, ( privat*y Hitler made fun of ancient Germans) but in a shared

revolution of the right for which Wagner provided an emotional

nnrniiraga itg viotory

i proviaea an emotional >ottiiig«ätcr

..^

TfyVii^^Mi^

ywa^n<«-b«iieveu that ms öpega^s wl« ll^^■-a-argam~thrmrgh-whtel^ people
rhiefa=iiawtfmhB»e uhoau luaLhlagj. Uiay uüal^-H^han tranafoi.-m iuio teality.
But there was another, apparently contradictory side to Wagner, exömplified by
the curse of the rin^.wWctr-..«^«..^^*:^^:^^^^

^A«^^^""*t/V«''^ '^^^^^ """" '^^"'^' ^"^ annuUany ho^'f or revoul^l;;^ At times, as in Parcival
-^^"^ '^'»"«^"n ««"rrectio|,-/again Htthin-i^^Sif^al-^i^'^^^^^ ^

^^^'

contradiction between hope and despair.

History as myth in the Service of cause cannot be usefully criticised
according to scholarly Standards. At times it is close to a fairy tale, as when
Siegfried forges his sword, kills a dragon and learns the language spoken by
b^ids. Yet the function of history in political myth is important beyond
providing a setting. It supplies the right kind of distance which serves to make
all human action part of a supposedly unchanging human drama. History as the
historian knows it is stood upon its head.

George L. Mosse

-^ Wagner believed that it was art and religion which alone could educate
and regenerate a people. Na The revolution of the right, and National Socialism
as part of that revolution, shared this belief. A " new man" must be creATED,
C women did not count here) ifho-wott»gM:he ideal eemian who wuutd like
Siegtfried would exemplify purity, st/rength, beaut^y and unquestioning lofctlty
to the Volk. He would be inspired by art and nmoio throuRh a liturgy of

nationalism wte#eh centered upon/festivals: U^/SCIls Wagner had considered his

HA.P CyULöf> ^ V^^ij^^L' ^

'Opera 's national festivaJJ ancMihe ßpera KV)use in Bayreuth ie Cu thlb^"^day
o«**ed •• festiwal hall", Wagner believed that his opera's were like a
dreaim through which people passed and whose teaching they would then trr/asform
into reality. The Hurembea rallies were such festivals, exept that here' «ny
historical spttinn wacplayd ;^ v^ry )timi6 mle in th« mis:-'^t\ scene.

tiTe--hTT»toriGal oGtting-w^fr-^hUiQajL^isplacfid hy,jLhfi-^theat^i€a4--ffti^--ett--&^e^
X while history was still present ( in the ancient City and memories of war)

it was subordinated to the theatrical setting/ neccessary^lfeshape and controll

a mass movement.

September 8, 1988

Ms. Saskia Jansens

Skript

Spuistraat 134

1012 vb Amsterdam

020-5254592

Giro 624858

THE NETHERLANDS

Dear Ms. Jansens,

I enclose my contribution to your anniversary number .
I hope it is roughly the right length, because I can not
really estimate it given the different length of European
and American paper . As you requested, I vrote on Wagner.

Let me knov if the piece suits you. I look forward to
receiving some copies of Skript vhenever it should be
published.

With best greetings.

Sincerely,

George L. Mosse
Weinstein-Bascom Professor
of History

GLMrlc
£nc.

A(^

histonsch tijdschrift

jubileumnummer winter 1988
jaargang 10 nummer 4 / 12,50

eenbron
van verbeelding

I l—ll . «»I-;«!»«!!!™« I »I.l »11— I ■■■III— .lli I I I 1 I I IM I III IUI I I I. II

geschiedenis buiten de wetenschap

egin

hirico

omein

oethe

bels-Hoving

regstem

uizinga

arcia Märquez

f;i|N%v''':'.t;';S?^.^^^^^^^^^

.'■ V ,i,>r>:!; 'i''T1«*^ ' '''^^'.^ '^'^i-t: '^- ^'" -■'^"■'.'•'

isji''-5-'i:>'- 'ji-^iwik:!--:,!; (iVf: v:^

•■•.i,;,j,^;j:;V'".';.!7,

ri^ß, ' -*>"/* J.*^,- »• tM^^^f'^f/.g^^W^!.-^'^^.

'"•ITS^ ■'^'■■'. '■■ '■'- ■ ""^WWw^^^-i

TIEN JAAR SKRIPT

Een bron van
verbeelding

Geschiedenis buiten de wetenschap

Skript

historisch tydschrift

jaargang 10 nummer

Winter 1988

abonnementen

f. 19.50

vier nummers

adres:

Spuistraat 134

1012 VB Amsterdam

020-5254592

giro 2624858

inhoud

197 Redactioneel

199 Kari Heldecker, Tien jaar Skript. Een decennium
leesbare geschiedenis.

202 Michel GIJselhart en Ma arten Doude van

Troostwijk, De historische eierdans. De "vie romancöe"
ter discussie.

213 Aankondiging Symposium "De literaire traditie in de
Nederiandse geschiedschrijving".

214 Willem Alberts en Theo Daseiaar, De geschiedenis
van Macondo. Tijdslagen in Honderd Jaar Eenzaamheid.

224 MIchlel Hartzulker, Jacques Presser en de
geschiedenis. Recensie.

232 Martljn van LIeshout en Mllena Veenis, Levend
materiaal. Interview met Philo Bregstein.

241 Diana Stigter, De Chirico's imaginaire museum.

253 Jeroen Prins, Waarheid en Geschiedenis. De historische
verbeelding van Johann Wolfgang Goethe.

264 Lucette ter Borg en Anja Petrakopoulos,

Historische documentaires op de BBC. Interview met Will
Wyatt.

272 Pirn Slot, Speelfilm en geschiedenis. Congresverslag

^m?rw0'^^^^''^:'^'^

279

282

285

287

288

Het verleden verbeeld. Besprekingen door:

Thera Wijsenbeek-Olthuls, Toerist in Amsterdam.

Bunna Ebels-Hoving, Vijftlen jaar Kruistocht in
Spijkerbroek.

H.M. Bellen, Oven/vegingen bij een goede film. Andrezj
Wajda's Danton.

George L. Mosse, Wagner, The Ring and history.

Lorenz MIkoletzky, Zu den drei Österreichischen
"SissiMilmen.

290 J.W. Bezemer, Het lot van een mens.

292 Dietrich Orlow, Anselm Kiefer and the Nexus of Art,
History and Mythology.

295 Herman Seiler, Hogan's heroes als historische bron.

297 H.J.A. Hofland, Indie.

300 Charles Schoenmaeckers, Van Ben Goerlon tot

Begin. Hoe de geschiedenis van Israel herschreven wordt.

309 Saskia Jansens en Martljn van LIeshout, De

noodzaak van democratie. Interview met Marcus Bakker.

320 Signalementen. Een rubriek van körte besprekingen van
door de redactie gesignaleerde en bij de redactie
binnengekomen boeken.

327 Pleter Steinz, Een voorbeeldig verleden voor iedereen.
De conservatieve revolutie van Octavianus Augustus.

338 Harrlet Wubben, De klassieken in beeld.

348 Dirk van Weelden, Genesis. Verhaal.

351 Personalia/colofon

y?';"^

,;v ^- .■■..■.,,,],',..-/.■,--. j.-i^..,i.j^. ' ;. .n'r!-,.-_^;-ny;^:2^-y,?Vr:^j''?^ .^^:r*'f^^^^/■■;^'■''i!v'':.■■'^-

p^.^"^t?t"^ . ; :v V ,'•> :.-',;,';(-

De film eindigt met een scene waarin het broertje van de verzorgster van
Robespierre keurig uitgedost aan de machtige dictator zijn kunstje
vertoont. De tikken op de banden hebben resultaat gehad. Af en toe nog
gesouffleerd door zijn smachtende zus, zegt hij de waarden van de Franse
Revolutie op voor de man die net in flagrante strijd met diezelfde
beginselen heeft gehandeld.

De aankleding van dit algemeen menselijk drama is buitengewoon
geslaagd. De scenes voor het gerecht, in de conventie, in de gevangenis en
op het schavot zijn wat sfeer betreft mijns inziens zeer goed getroffen.
Kosten noch moeite zijn gespaard om de uiterlijke kant van Frankrijk in de
revolutiejaren zo goed mogelijk te schilderen.

Wordt de film daarmee nu een historisch Statement dat met een boek van
een historicus over dezelfde periode te vergelijken is? Mijn kennis van
Dantons laatste dagen is gebaseerd op het boek van een van de grote
Engelse kenners van de Revolutie van dit moment, Norman Hampson.
Diens biografie Danton uit 1^78 is zojuist weer herdmkt. Oppervlakkige
kennisname leert al dat er bijzonder weinig precies bekend is over de
gebeurtenissen, de complotten, de opvattingen van de hoofdrolspelers.
Telkens meldt Hampson trouwhartig dat volgens die en die meestal niet
geheel vlekkeloze bron zieh iets op een bepaalde manier heeft afgespeeld,
maar nooit is iets helemaal zeker. Lezing van dat boek zal duidelijk maken
dat er op basis daarvan nooit een film gemaakt zal worden. Het 'enerzijds
anderzijds', het 'misschien wel' en het'waarschijnlijk dat' zijn in ruime mate
over de pagina's verspreid. Beter echter dan in de film is het typisch
achttiende eeuwse denken en voelen door Hampson getroffen. In de film is
het republikeinse gedachtengoed even aan de orde wanneer in een groep
Parijse hongerlappen die bij een bakker staan te wachten, een diepzinnige
arme meldt dat macht altijd comimpeerL

Toen de film uitkwam werd er door de critici direkt gespeculeerd of deze
film niet in werkelijkheid door Wajda bedoeld was als een weergave van de
dilemma's van zijn eigen Poolse vaderland. Voor zover mij bekend heeft de
regisseur deze suggestie altijd van de band gewezen. Volgens mij is deze
ontkenning geen poging om zijn verblijf in zijn vaderland dragelijk te
maken maar hebben we gewoon te maken met een film over een thema dat
zo oud is als er staten bestaan. Op Wajda's en Hampsons vak is van
toepassing wat al heel lang geleden door Aristoteles gezegd is over de
verhouding van poözie tot geschiedschrijving. Waar hij over poözie spreekt
kan wat mij betreft film worden gelezen en waar Alcibiades Staat leze men
Danton: "Het eigenlijke verschil bestaat hierin, dat de een dingen verhaalt
die zijn gebeurd, de ander het soort dingen dat kan gebeuren. Vandaar dat
poözie filosofischer en belangrijker is dan geschiedschrijving. Want poözie
tendeert in haar uitspraken naar het universele, maar geschiedschrijving
doet haar uitspraken op het niveau van het singuliere. Een universele
uitspraak geeft aan, wat voor een soort dingen een bepaalde persoon onder
bepaalde omstandigheden waarschijnlijk zegt of doet; en dat probeert poözie
aan te geven, ook al maaakt ze gebruik van namen. Een singuliere
uitspraak geeft aan wat Alcibiades deed of wat zij ondervond." (Vertaling
M. Jager).

Historici kunnen heel teverden zijn met het niveau dat hen door de grote
Stagiriet wordt gewezen. De oplossingen van het wereldraadsel zijn aan
anderen voorbehouden.

286

GEORGE LMOSSE

Wagner, the Ring and history

The nineteenth Century was a historically minded age. when those who
put forward political or artistic theories appealed to history for example
and proof. Concepts of revolution were thus based on some kind of
historical analysis and here Wagner and Marx did not differ fi-om one
another. Wagner's Ring (1848-1852) was directed against the existing
social and economic order, so different from his Hymn to the Emperor,
Bismarck and the German Army written in 1871. Masrx's classless
Society was a product of history and so was Wagner's ideal of national
regeneration, but here the similarity ends. While Marx, for whom history
was a process, can be called an historian, Wagner had no ties to history as
reality or as a discipline. History for Wagner was myth: etemal, static,
and without any development. Like any myth, Wagner's dramas have a
timeless, religious quality which in this case came alive through the
historical setting. History is the scenery here and not the driving force.

Wagner's characters, such as the Germanic Gods in the Ring , live in
pre-history or, as in his Tannhäuser , in periods closer to ours but
consciously reshaped in order to give the impression of a great distance in
time. Through the Ring cycle Wagner wanted to picture the human
essence threatened by power and self-interest. The Ring symbolizes the
power of gold which unleashes a general struggle for power. But the ring
is cursed as well, bringing death to its owner. Siegfried, the hero,
attempts to snatch the ring from the powers of evil but is himself
destroyed by it. Siegfreid Stands for the purity of man, a purity which the
gold has comipted. The analogy to contemporary politics was meant to be

obvious.

The Ring may read at times like a humanist drama, it was conceived m
the afterglow of the revolution of 1848 in which Wagner had mounted the
barricades. Yet Wagner believed that it was the Germans who alone
exempüfied üiie human qualities: the power to love and the purity of the
spirit. Alberich who forged the ring and then cursed it, though not
characterized as a Jew, bears all the hallmarks of his stereotype. Wagner
nationalism was fiUed with ideas of domination: men over women,
Germans over others. He wanted to bring about a national revival, and the
use of history as myth is common to all nationalism. But Wagner's use
of history went further, it was typical of a radical nationalism which cared
nothing for social or political reality but looked to a leader like Siegfried
to create a just social order by recapturing üie national or racial past. This
was the revolution from the right which was directed against finance
capitalism (the curse of gold) and the niling elites (the lust for power)
calling for üie equality of Status but not function among all members ot
Üie Volk The link between Wagner and National Socialism does not
consist so much in the historical setting (privately Hiüer made fun of
ancient Germans) but in a shared revolution of the right for which Wagner
provided an emotional, and to a certain extent, liturgical framework.

Wagner believed that it was art and religion which alone could educate
and regenerate a people. The revolution of the right, and National
Socialism as part of that revolution, shared tiiis belief. A 'new man must

287

be created (women did not count here), who like Siegfreid would
exemplify purity, strength, beauty and unquestioning loyalty to the Volk.
He would be inspired by a liturgy of nationalism centered upon the
celebration of beautiful festivals, just as Wagner had considered his
Opera's national festivals and had called the Opera House in Bayreuth a
'festival hall'. Wagner believed that his operas were like dreams through
which people passed and whose teaching they would then transform into
reality. The Nazi Nuremberg rallies were such festivals, except that while
history was still present (in the ancient city and memories of war), it was
subordinated to the theatrical setting necessary to shape and control a mass
movement

But there was another, apparently contradictory side to Wagner,
exemplified by the curse of the ring: of a pessimism and fascination with
death which seems to annul any hope for revolution or national
regeneration. At times, as in Parcival , Christian resurrection - again in a
Germanic historical setting - solves the contradiction between hope and
despair.

History as myth in the Service of cause cannot be usefully criticized
according to scholarly Standards. At times it is close to a fairy tale, as
when Siegfried hammers his sword, kills a dragon and leams the language
spoken by birds. Yet the function of history in political myth is
important beyond providing the immediate setting. It supplies the right
kind of distance which serves to make all human action part of a
supposedly unchanging humanity. History as an ongoing process as the
historian knows it is stood upon its head.

LORENZ MIKOLETZKY

Zu den drei österreichischen '*Sissi"'Filmen

Am 12. November 1918 wurde die Republik Deutschösterreich
proklamiert und nicht ganz ein Jahr später begann schon (mit dem
'Mayerlirtg'-Thema) die filmische Aufarbeitung der Geschichte der eben zu
Ende gegangenen Habsburgermonarchie, ein Unterfangen, das bis heute
andauert. Meist dient ein historisches Ereignis als Hintergrund, die
Ausgestaltung erfolgt dann mehr oder minder künstlerisch, wobei die
Wahrheit von der Dichtung überdeckt wird. Als in den fünfziger Jahren der
Heimatfilm und operettenhafte Bewältigungsversuche der letzten
Jahrzehnte Österreich -Ungarns auf der Leinwand erschienen, um das
Gemüt der Zuschauer zu Tränen zu rühren (- ob sie aus Rührung über den
Kitsch oder aus Ärger über verdrehten Tatsachen weinten, müßte einmal
geklätt werden -), kam der Regisseur Ernst Marischka (1893-1963) auf die
Idee, das Leben der bayerischen Prinzessin und Kaiserin von Österreich,
Elisabeth, in Farbe auf die Leinwand zu bannen. Gewählt wurde ihr
Kurzname 'Sissi' (richtig hieß sie 'Sisi') als Filmtitel und zwei junge,
aufsteigende Stars standen für die Hauptrollen zur Verfügung: Romy

288

Schneider (1938-1982), die soeben mit Mädchenjahre einer Königin und
Die Deutschmeister ihre Erfolgstarts gehabt hätte und Karl-Heinz Böhm
(♦1928) für den Franz- Joseph. Marischka produzierte 1955 mit dem ersten
Film der Trilogie, "was er für erbauliche Kultur für den sogenannten
kleinen Mann hielt, und er mußte natürlich auch produzieren , was der
deutsche Verleih, ohne den der österreichische Film nicht auskommen
konnte, diktierte". Ein bild der "guten alten Zeit", das Strahlen einder
glücklichen Prinzessin, ein krisenfestes Staatswesen, alles das wurde dem
Zuschauer am 21. Dezember 1955 vorgekaukelt. Die Nostalgie- Welle
rollte und sollte im Ausland für das eben souverän gewordene Österreich
auch Fremdenverkehrswerbung machen. Der Film, "weit über den

Romy Schneider en Karl-Heinz Böhm, opname uit 'Sissi, de fange kelzerin.

historischen Hintergrund hinausgehend, die verschiedenen
Ausstattungselemente und Show-Effekte der Operette mit erfundenen
Alltagsprobleme verniedlichter Kaiserhausfiguren kombinierend", wurde
(auch bei seinen Wiederholungen bis heute, vor kurzem etwa in den
Volksrepublik China) stets ein großer Publikumserfolg. Während Jean
Cocteau die Schneider zur "besten Naiven" in ganz Europa ernannte,
fragte sich so mancher Besucher: "Wann werden wir uns endlich einen
derartigen Kitsch verbieten?", vor allem, nachdem aus dem einen Film
eine Serie wurde: Sissi, die junge Kaiserin (1956) und im Jahr darauf
Sissi - Schicksalsjahre einer Kaiserin. Marischkas weitere
Fortsetzungspläne wurden (zum Glück) nicht verwirklicht, Luchino

289

A^ z^S'iii,

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(^f\f^ AND Tl^e APPA^OPRIATIOkI OF NATußE |q<gl

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Germany in the Age
of Total War

Edited by

VOLKER R. BERGHAHN AND MARTIN KITCHEN

CROOM HELM LONDON
BARNES & NOBLE BOOKS
TOTOWA. NEW JERSEY

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1

1«

pr WAR AND THE APPROPRIATION OF NATURE
George L. Mosse

Why one more analysis of the First World War - the most discuiwed war
in history? War breeds myths about war. Out of the Great Warevolved
a myth of the war experience which not only exerted a powerful
influence on the post-war world. but through its pre-emption of nature
as part of the myth hinted at the cataclysm to come. The significance
of nature for both soldiers in the field and for the post-war myth is
documented in memoirs, letters, films and books about war heroes - so
abundantly documented, in fact, that any discussion of the myth must
be suggestive rather than comprehensive.

WhUe total war gave rise to social transformations, to the centralisa-
tion of power, and to new concessions to the working classes, in the
post-war World bourgeois Europe succeeded in recoveiing its' equüi-
brium and achieving a new stability.' Yet the way in which men per.
ceived the world they lived in did not recover from the war experience-
for survivmg veterans, it was not the reality of the recent war that
mattered. but the myth of the war experience as it evolved among
wartune volunteers that was important. It was the myth of the war that
they came to accept in the post-war world. Bill Gammage. writing about
Auitralian soldiers, suggests a basic reason for widespread acceptance of
the myth: while veterans tried to forget the tragedy of the war years as
quicldy as possible, they sought to remember the security, purpose and
companiowhip of the war.' There i, good reason why veterans are apt
to teil and reteil their own war experiences, for the war. however
horror-ruied. was at the same time the high point of their lives and gave
meamng to an otherwise routine existence. Many a populär wartime
of".UUy Ufe*"^ " "''*"'^°""'* ^"^""^ '"'""' '"* »»«dens and the tedium
Myths and symbols make it possible for men and women to confront

wlh"ln'"K ''" °^ '"■'• "^'^ »'* ">* """^^''"i fiJ'"» «hrough

which all phenomena are perceived. TTiey function both by aggrandising

events and by reducing them to the commonplace. by providing justifl

cation and a means of coping. Thus the unprecedented expen' „ce of

ü^e war was hfted mto the sacred and wa, joined to the Christian ideal

of death and resurrection. Regiments were blessed in church before

marching off to war. while faUen soldie«. sometimes even those who

102

''A'i«w»«-*--<Mi.w ^wMÜitlkmi '^Wii*it^-

War and the Appropriation of Nature

103

wcrc not Christian, were buried under crosscs, the vcry symbols of
mcaningful life and heroic death. Walter Flex, one of the most populär
Gcrman writers during the war, likened the conflict to the last supper:
nhc sacrificial death of our peopie is only a repetition willed by God of
the deepest miracle of life, the death of Christ».^ Seen from this pers-
pective the First World War was part of the Christian drama symbolised
by military cemeteries with their crosscs of sacrifice and their chapels
of resurrection.

But the war was also trivialised, cut down to size to make it a
manageable, integrated part of peoples' lives. Objects of daiJy life
especiaUy those associated with leisure-time activity. were appropriated'
as it were, by the war: drinking mugs appeared as Hindenburg mugs*
inkstands as miniature soldiers, while board games, toys, circuses and
the theatre reflected military and patriotic themes. The First Worid War
seized on film and photography as new media for elevating war to the
sacred and reducing it to the trivial, and made film perhaps the most
important transmitter of the war experience in an age that was becom-
ing increasmgly oriented to the Visual at the expense of the literary In
film as in other media the myth of the war, and the role of nature in
the myth, were significant.

The war was accompanied by a heightened awareness of nature and

this can teil us much about the impact of the myth of the war experi-

encc: how it widened human perccptioni to cncompass and confront

the horrors of war. Nature as an integral part of the myth hclpcd men

to transcend the threatcning reality of war, to point men's perceptions

away from the impersonaUty of the war of modern technology and

massed armies, and towards the pre-industrial ideals of individualism

chivalry and the conquest of space and time. The snowy heights of the*

Alps and the blue skies over Flanders ficlds made it possible for an elite

of men to possess or appropriate wliat scems to be immutable in a

changing worid - a piece of eternity. Moreover, nature could poim

homeward, to a life of innocence and peace. Nothing is more exemplary

of this particular Arcadia - this transcendent function of nature - than

the scenes in Walter Flex's Wanderer ßetween Two Worldt (1917)

where Flex and his friend Wurche lie in virgin fields behind the trenches-

or the scenes of sunnlrenched soldiers bathing in a pond behind the

front that Paul Fussell found were among the most frequcntly used

104 War and ihe Appropriation ofNature

imagei in English war literature. They are Images that can be found
oftcn in üie worJc of German pocU and writert during and aftcr thc
war.*

Soldien lived dose to nature whether in western trenchcs where
they rarely saw the enemy or out on thc great eastern piain*. This
famiiiarity with nature was well expressed by a soldier in the trench
Journal Die Feldgraue (1916): *the wood which surrounds the battle
linei tharet iU fate with that of the soldiers waiting to go over the top,
and when clouds cover the sun the pines, like the soldiers beneath
them, shed tean of unending pain. The wood will be murdered just as
the soldier is certain to be Icilled in leading the attack.** Nature and man
symbolise each other*s sadness in the face of certain dcath. But such
closc Identification of man and nature. more often than not. tumcd
thoughu of destruction into the hopc of resurrection, and Symbols of
death and destruction camc to be paired with symbols of hope. A
German memorial card for fallen soldiers shows, for example, a huge
crow sitting next to a destroycd tree while in thc background a cross
Stands haloed by the glowing sun.

This reaching for and Identification with nature just as nature was
being destroycd ~ this idcalisation of nature at the precisc moment
when man was murdering the wood - has a long history behind it, for
t high esteem for nature accompanied its destrucüon throughoul' the
industrialiaation of Europe. The German Youth Movement of the tum
of th« Century, scarcliing for genuine personal or patriotic values out-
iida of tnd opposed to bourgeois and industrial society, had attempted
to integrate man and nature in iU concept of the genuine. Some of thc
moit lyrical passages about nature written during the war. such as those
In Flex's stories. fused wartime cxperience with that of the youth
movement. Nature as the genuine, as Arcadia behind thc front, and u
symbollc of a homc front remembered u a coUeciion of vaUcys. moun-
tains and tmaU towns, suffused wartime Images in writing and picture
poitcardf Mnt to or from the front. A scene in one of Germany»s most
populär wartime plays. Der Hias by Heinrich Gilardonc (1917). shows a
choru* singing the national anthem against a background of 'pcaccful
Ciddi and woods bathed in the light of dawn; a vülage is in thc dUtance
on the left of the stage there is a factory, while in the centre a hill
•upporto a German oak; the machine is set in the garden.'The homeUnd
was never eaviuged as Berlin or Frankfurt, the cities from which many
wriiers and artisU camc; their work reflccted. rather, the revolt against
induttriaüim, the learch forOhe eternal forces of nature that had charac-
Uriaed th« youth movement to which lo many of them had belonged

War and the Appropriation ofNature

105

Nature symbolised the genuine, sadness and resurrection - but
always. at the same time. a piece of cternity that could be personally
appropriated and that legitimised wartime sacrifice. That sachfice was
symbolised by thc Hcroes Woods, the one new type of miUtary cemetery
to come out of the First World War. i have written about them else-
whcrc,^ but here the link between nature, Christian symbolism and
national sacrifice tlut they exemplified must be emphasised: the dead
resting under their crosses within a living wood servcd to symbolise the
cycle of death and resurrection (oftcn a huge cross of sacrifice was
placcd in such a wood, completing thc Christian symboüsm). •Living
nature' was to take thc place of dead gravcs. Thc symbolism of the trce
and thc wood was specifically German, associatcd, typically cnough,
with innoccnt nature. By crcating llerocs Woods, so we arc told. thc
nalivc village iruly honourcd its fallen.* Such a cemetery ktood not only
for innocence and eternal life but also for historical conlinuily: thc
national past as an eternal and immulablc force was part of nature. and
somctimes sites associated with tlie ancient Gernum past were sought
out. There was tradition behind the concept of woodland gravcsiies,
for the oak had long been tlie sacred German trce, and during the wars
of liberation it had been proposed that German hcroes be buried under
German oaks; the viclory of 1871 had been celebrated by planling so-
callcd *Emperor's oaks*.

Tlie immediate Inspiration for the Hcroes Woods was Hans GrAsKl**
Waiiijrieähof (wood cemetery. 1907), in Munich, from whose curvlng
paths only a wood of lall trecs is visible. within which the tombs arc
hidden. Nature was used to disguise death - not wild and untamed
nature. but nature uitegrated into the orderly appearance of thc
cemetery. Grassei believed that *bcauty is ordcr'.and that thc romantic
sense which cemeterics often inspire must not be allowed to intcrfeie
with that ordedy harmony which was to dominate death as it was
supposed to dominate life. The dead were to fmd rest in the same kind
of surroundings that brouglit calm to the restless human spiril. Thus
the forest, a national symbol. camc to be used to disguise the reaUty of
death. The hero of Der Hias wants to be buried in a forest of oaks once
victory has been won, and liis girlfriend is füll of understanding: M also
know the splendid German wood.' Sho does not associate liiis wood
with death but with Ulie German spring'* and in so doing draws on
that populär German literary tradition in wliich the wood is a symbol
of resurrection. of spring which follows winter. Spring and resurrection,
tlie forest of oaks, nature as symbolising the natlon: such perceptions
formed a tradition which made it possible for wartime nature to b«

■

1 06 War and the Appropriation ofNature

vicwcd at a transcendent reality easily translated into the myth of the
war experience.

The Heroes Woods appropriated nature as a living symbol of etemity
for those who had made the final sacrifice, but also as a veil that
disguised dcath beneath the beautifiU but orderly wood. It is significant,
as wül become apparent, that in France fiduard Herriot did not caU for
Heroes Woods, but for *Jardins Funebres', and that in England as weil
pastoral metaphors exemplified the death and resurrection of the fallen.
The scarlet poppy had literally bloomed even in the midst of the
devastated plains of Flanders, an almost miraculous sign of hope among
the wounds of war. The English with their pastoral tradition had an eye
for the beauty of this Hower, reminiscent both of the red floweri of
paitoral elegies and the scarlet of a homoerotic tradition which could
icrve to lymbolise wartimc camaraderie.*® The poppy becaine England's
lymbol of wartime sacrifice.

That the Germans could not exalt their young heroes through
such a Symbol of camaraderie and innocence we shall soon discover. In
Gcrmany greater emphasis was placed on historical tradition and
, rootedness. exempüfied not only by the symbolism of the Germanic
wood rather than a fiower, but also by a controversy over the produc-
• tion of uniform crosses for graves of the fallen: should they be mass-
produced, or should they be the work of traditional craftsmen? That a
factory had already slarted to masi-produce such crosses was rcgarded
as blasphemy by those architects most closely involved in the design of
military cemeteries." In Britain the uniform hcadstoncs were often
mass-produccd. the inscriptions then hewn by hand. Such Opposition to
mass-producUon was Opposition to modernity, which was seen as
mcompatible with the sacred. Though this view had a long history
behind it on both the Continent and in England, the prc-industrial
nostalgia associated with the myth of the war experience was much
stronger in Gcrmany than in England.

Everywhere nature. as opposed to modernity, became associated
with the cult of the faUen soldier. The reactionary. back ward -looking
character of modern nationalism was strengthened through this myth
and the experiences of wartime soldiers with nature were seen at least
m retrospcct. as genuine. Again, the association of the genuike with
Opposition to modernity was particularly strong in Gcrmany. From
Hermann Löns to Joseph Magnus Wehner. writers never tired of pro-
claiming the virtue of the genuine brought to the surface by the war As
Hemiami Uns wrote in 1910. «What is culture. what meaning does
civüisation have? A thin veneer undcrneath which nature courses

War and the Appropriation ofNature

i(n

waiting untU a crack appears and it can burst into the open.*" These
words were written not in anger but in praise. The war turned the crack
into an open floodgate in the eyes of many a German writer. Such
praise for the genuine was often coupled with an exaltation of wartime
camaraderie - the affinity between men who understand the meaning
of sacrifice because they have been reborn, and. as it were. released
from the shallowness and hypocrisy of modern bourgeois life.

Mass-manufactured headstones notwithstanding, the faUen'in England
were associated with the pastoral. The flowers on English graves were
mtended to recreate an English garden pointing to home and hearth
with English yew introduced here and there because of its association
with country churchyards; so Sir Frederic Kenyon. the principal
mernbcr of the War Graves Commission, teils us. Oncc again. the cult of
the fallen points to the rural scene. Rupert Brooke's poem The Soldier*
perhaps his most famous. symbolises England through *her fiowcrs to'
love/her ways to roam». by her rivers and her sun. Yet a note of realism
IS introduced into Sir Frederic's report to the War Graves Commission
which IS absent in German discussions about military cemeteries The
idea of a Heroes Woods, of making a cemetery unrecognisable is flatly
rejected. A cemetery is not agarden.^^lndeed. British military cemeteries
do not disguise death. but transcend it through the Gross of Sacrifice
wlilch dominates tho graves of the fallen.

There was an attempt in Gcrmany after the war to clevate the lily
astcr to a fiower of renicmbrance because of its liturgical colour associ-
atcd with death. But this association was with dcath in gcneral and not
with that of the wartime fallen in particular. And though many indivi-
dual organisations. like the Red Gross, had their symbolic flowers ihe
official day of mourning {Volkstrauertag) would never have its poppy '^
The Journal of the German War Graves Commission {Kriegsgräberfür-
sorge) went so far as to contrast the 'tragic-heroic' of Germanic ceinc
teries with the sea of flowers used by the English and asserted that in
British, American and French cemeteries we witncss a mere dress
parade of the dead rather than a cclebration of heroic sacrifice »* Such
a celebration must take place in close association with the Surround ing
landscape: nature must always participate in reminding the living tluit
those who have died for the fatheriand still live.

The cult of the fallen appropriated nature as a symbol of the genuine
and of resurrection, with the basic Function of nature remaining much
the same m German Heroes Woods, English flowered gravcyards and
French Jardms Funebres even where just a soldier's name was
carved into a living trec. The faUcn do not die and nature disguises the

' ■'•;.

• vi
t'

4f^

1 08 War and the Appropriation ofNature

rcality of dcath, as in the Hcrocs Woods, or, more symbolically, in the
poppy bloonüng among the trenches. Yct this theme of resurrection,
however strong in victorious England and France, became the donünat-
ing theme in Germany, which had lost the war. While the English dead
slept beneath their crosses of resurrection, in countless German
memorial volumes the fallen retumed to earth to urge the living to
revenge defeat or to plead for the restoration of individual dignity in
the modern age of mass industrialisation.** Always the tragic-heroic is
directed against modemity as the enemy of man and of the nation.

Nature as a mask hiding death and destruction, transfiguhng the
horror of war, was able to flourish once the fighting had ceased. Its use
in tidy and orderly military cemeteries or in Heroes Woods was one
thing; but on the fields where battle had raged nature achieved trans-
formations on a vaster scale. Some 32 years after the battie of Waterloo
Balzac could still find traces of trenches, hüls and walls which had
played a part in the fighting.*^ But R.H. Mottram, revisiting the Western
Front twenty years after the First World War, could only exclaim, *all
semblance gone, irretrievably gone*. The war that seemed a possession

r *of those of US who are growing middle-aged* was becoming romanti-
cised through the distance of time.^^ And not only romanticised, but

* trivialised as well: souvenir Stands, carefully preserved trenches that
could be visited for a fee, and com fortab le hoteis in the Salient where
hundreds of thousands had died were available to the curious and the
touhst. Romanticisation was aided by a tidying-up process in which
nature played a key role, for after some debate peasants of the region
were allowed to farm again and to reconstitute the landscape that had
been devastated by the war. (The disguise was neither permanent nor
complete; human bodies continued to be found, and where nature had
covered old trenches in the brief years of peace, the Second World War
opened new wounds and brought new death.)

Henry Williamson, revisiting the famous Salient in the late 1920s,
captured the contrast between past and present:

Flatness of green fields, Clusters of red-tiled, red-brick farms and
houset and a dim village-line on the far horizon - that was the
Salient today. But then [i.e. during the battle] the few miles were at
thapeleu ai the ingredients of a Christmas pudding being ttirred.

Similarly Ypres, once a ruined city, was now *clean and new and
hybrid -English*.** To thesc poit-war Impressioni of a tidied war zone
must be added the orderly, well planted and uniform miliury cemeteriei

War and the Appropriation ofNature

109

which dotted the region. This was what later pilgrims to the battlefields
saw, and many deplored. A writer for the Sidney Morning Herald in
Australia noted with disapproval that with few exceptions France had
hidden her scars beneath blowing grain and nodding poppies.^ It was
this Impression of the battlefields that inquisitive tourists must have
reccived, and the pilgrims deplored. By 1927, according to the Saint
Barnabas Society which organised many British and Empire tours of the
battlefields, the curious outnumbered the pilgrims.^*

German reactions were similar, yet different. German military
cemeteries at the front were often dark and dreary, neglected by the
Victors until a private German Organisation began to look after them.
Many young people, so one account of an Eastern Front battle tour in
1926 teils US, were disappointed because they had expectcd to scc shcll
hüles, trenches and devastated forests, whereas time and nature had
changed all that. Now the Imagination had to be activated in order to
be able to *shudder a hundredfold* when confronting former battle-
fields. Initially, on visiting the battlefields, *we dialogue with the dead*;
but in the end rejoicing overcomes lamentation: *heroism and loyalty
- can we be blessed with greater gifts?* The pilgrimage to the battle-
field is turned to patriotic ends by the defeated nation as sadness gives
place to joy, and the battlefields of the Imagination vanish at the sight
of fields in harvest. Yet, finally, here the pastoral directs us back to the
fpirit of war, and the dead spring to life."

English writers considering the now masked fields of battle deplored
the change as a deeply personal loss (shortly after 1927 the Saint
Barnabas Society discontinued its cheap pilgrimages), while Germans
were urged to overcome the change through patriotic fantasy, and the
personal experience was absorbed by the national Community. Walter
Flex expressed this perspective by detaching the Heroes Woods from its
function as a resting place for the fallen: all Germany becomes one
Heroes Wood.^^ For all that, nature served to mask the horror of war,
and Hans Grässefs phrase *beauty is order*^ received renewed validity.
The combination of order and beauty, so obvious in the reconstructed
Flanders plains and on the Eastern Front, served to draw the sting from
the reality of the war experience, to tarne it into acceptable dimensions.
Tills new landscape was a vital part of the myth of the war experience;
it meant that rcmcmbrance could bc combincd with overcoming.

If nature served tu incdiutc between tho reality of the war and its
acceptance, this occurred not in Isolation, but band in band with
Christianity and the process of trivialisation. Nature was also used to
ippropriate a piece of eternity, to mask the scari of war in Heroes

1 1 0 War and the Appropriation ofNature

Woods and on the Flanders piain, and to crcatc a meaningful link
bctwecn fighting and dying on tiie one hand and tlie cosmic rliythms of
naturc on the otiier. Such mediations fuellcd the myth of the war
experience, the remcmbrance of the glory and the camaraderie, and the
sense of purposc that Infused an ordinary life suddenly fiUed with
greater meaning. Always, this appropriation of nature was directed
away from modemity and towards a definition of the genuine which
was to become an integral part of the myth of the war experience.

Who, then, benefited by this myth? Undoubtedly many veterans who
now found it easier to deal with and to recapture their past, but above
all the nation: if a piece of eternity was appropriated by the Identifica-
tion of nature with war, the nation was spiritualised; if the war was
masked by the myth, it was the nation and its war experience, present
and future, which would benefit from the masking process. But in the

•' myth of the war experience the mediation of nature also led towards
domination by man. While man was part of the immutable rhythm of

• the universe which gavc meaning to his sacrifice, he was also destined
to dominate nature, reasserting his individuality even withln mass war
and mass society.

The Symbols of man*s domination and individuality suffuse the
myth of the war. Mountains figured in the war as *sacred mountains*
(the Kyffhäuser, for example) symbolising the nation but also exem-
plifying will power, simplicity and innocence; they implied the
revitalisation of the moral fibre of the volk. Mountains had not always
served this function. Once they had been strong symbols of individual
liberty, particulariy in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and
they had also come to stand for national liberation — it was this aspect
of mountain magic which became predominant during the war. By the
time the war had ended mountain climbing was at times identified with
a certain inner experience and moral comportment that refiected the
strength of the nation.

German Alpine clubs advocated such Ideas as a justification for
mountain cUmbing. If Ernst Jünger wrote a book called War as Inner
Experience (1922), by 1936 the German Alpine Oub, repeating a
pre-war slogan, wrote of *mountaineering as inner experience*.^' Even
as late as 1950 mountain climbing was said to be a matter of morality
and comportment {Gesinnung und Haltung), Mountaineering, ever sincc

War and the Appropriation ofNature

111

the nineteenth Century, had promoted an idealiscd man devoted at one
and the samc time to the nation and to a decent and virtuous life. Louis
Trenker, who through his books and films in Germany after the war
became the symbol of the mountaineer, wrote in his memoirs that
mean and shabby people as a rule do not climb mountains.

The mystique of the mountains came to the fore on the Alpine
Front, in Austria and Italy. But after the war, and in defeat, the moun-
tain glory spread to Germany as well. Long before the war, Italy,
naturally enough, had treated its Alpine troops as a military elite, and
the mountains as *fonte purissima di spiritualitä*. Typically enough,
shortly after the war the Club Alpino Italiano issued an *Alpine-patriotic
dcclaration* which linked mountaineering and national greatness'.^
Much the same linkage took place in Austria. Looking back at the war,
the leader of the Austrian Alpine Oub recalled how the memory of
snow-white Alpine summits had given him hope in his dugout; for him
the snowy mountains symbolised an elitism which lifted the individual
above the masses and their materialism. Those who conquer the moun-
tain must be the guardian of its innocence, preserve the temple from
becoming a department störe where everything is for sale.^' The 'high
altars made out of silver*, the snowy heights, symbolise both genuine
rcligious experience and the nation: they are a piece of eternity which
makes time stand still, and those who conquer the mountain receive in
return the gift of timelessness.

Herbert Cysarz, destined to become a celebratcd right-wing literary
critic and historian, wrote on behalf of the German Alpine Association
that man was in search of myth, and that mountains, like the Volk,
seek meaning in the conquest of eternal spaces where hypocrisy, weak-
ness and ugliness have no place. When Cysarz contemplated the war
graves in the mountains he visualised the fallen circulating through the
air, magnificent and free, resurrected from what he called the garbage
of urban streets. Here anti-modemism, once again, has free reign: the
longing for immediate access to the sacred, to the wide and open spaces
of the cosmos, runs deep and strong. Mountains, Cysarz teils us, leave
earthly culture far behind. Time Stands stlU.^' We return to the genuine,
to the appropriation of a piece of eternity through nature, and also to
individual and national purification through conquest and domination.
The idealised man moves to the fore: patriotic, hard, simple and

beautiful.

That post-war Germans would associate this type of man with the
film Star Louis Trenker is no accident. The immediate post-war years in
Germany saw a veritable wave of so-callcd mountain films, a counterpoint

112 War and the Appropriation ofNature

War and the Appropriation ofNature

113

to defeat and to social, political and economic disorientation. Such
films presented a healthy and happy world without the wounds of war;
they praiscd the beauty of untouched nature*. Reviewing/w Storni and
Ice (1921), onc of the most famous of the mountain films, a Berlin
newspaper told its readers that mountains and glaciere, *the victorious
splendour of untouched nature*, make present-day rcality, with all of
life*i burdens, puny and unimportant * These films were often callcd
*chastc*, conjuring up an innocence lacking on earth. The myth of the
mountain as Arcadia did not point to fiowering fields behind the front,
but to an innocence that impüed hardness, domination and conquest
among individuals and nations.

Dr Adolf Fank, the first to make such mountain films, *discovered'
Gcrmany'f Louis Trenker and Leni Riefenstahl. While Trenker soon
began to make films on his own, Riefenstahl acquired great influence
over Fank*s films, in which human beauty and strength were paired.
Riefenstahl was to follow this example in her Nazi documentaries, such
as Tower of the Will*, and even in her recent bock about the African
Ebos. *Beauty, strength and fate* were identical, she wrote in 1933,
surveying her contribution to mountain films. Indeed, she continued,
the Vildiy romantic* green Valleys, the magic of the still and cold
mountain lakes, the utter loneliness and the eternal struggle to conquer
the peaks are the building blocks of a vital, fiery and beautiful life.^^
Romanticism and victory, struggle and domination: these ideas were
easily transferred from the films of Fank, which had no overt political
orientation, to Riefenstahl's nationalist commitment during the Nazi
period. Etemity, the quiet of the mountains as symbolic of domination
over time, was always present in her work; the appropriation of eternity
was opposed to the restless life on earth. *What excites us at home*,
Leni Riefenstahl wrote, *is beyond comprehension on the mountain.
Here other values reign; there is no telephone, radio, post, railway or
motorcar. And most revealingly: Time, and with it our genuine life, is
returned to us.*" Louis Trenker, who shared her Ideals, put it in an
identical way: *humans come and go, but mountains remain.*^^ Indeed,
when Trenker described the war in the Alps, the quiet of the mountains
and the people who live in their Valleys contrast with the noise of the
fighting. Such silence was said to be symbohc of man at peace with
himself, so different from the nervousness of man in the city.** The
mountain folk, the heroes of Trenker's books and films, are men of
few words, loyal, honest and strong: those who live in the *fortress of
the Alps* approximate the German ideal type. The peasant stock of
Lieutenant Wurche in Flex's Wanderer Between Two Worlds produced

the same ideal; both stood outside the restlessness and the temptations
of industrial civilisation and thus exempHfied the eternal roots of the
nation.

For Trenker, the mountain people fought a mountain war against
the invader: *man against man*. This war was not one of material, but
of individual combat not devoid of chivalry; both the soldiers of the
Tyrol who fought in the Austrian Army and the Italian Alpini are made
to Show respect for each other. In this respect the mountain war is
linked to the war in the air, for there too, as we shall see, the concept
of chivalry was used to exempHfy an ideal of traditional,pre-industrial
warfare that made the war and its technology easier to accept. Unlike
the wartime aviators, however, those who fought the war in the moun-
tains did not always become a political elite; there was no thouglu
that the brave Tyroleans would rule men and nations. There were too
many of them, after all, and their quiet persistence was different from
the darlng of pilots, though both represented a healthy world and both
appropriated something of the eternal which served as a shield against
modemity.

Trenker*s own political position was ambivalent. His devotion to the
Tyrolean struggle for national liberation against Italian and French
oppression (as he saw it) led first to the film The Rebel (1931) and then
to The Fire Devil (1940), in which the parallels between the populär
revolt against Napoleon and the dictatorship of the Third Reich were
implied. This film cost Trenker the support of Adolf Hitler, who had
once been one of his most ardent admirers. The Führer was content
to see the Tyroleans revolt against the Italians in The Rebel, but feared
any glorification of populär revolt."**

Trenker then attempted to get back into the Führer*s favour. His
novel Hauptmann Ladurner (1940), which glorified a group of war
veterans who sought to destroy a supposedly corrupt Weimar Republic,
was published by the National Socialist Publishing house. Trenker's
contradictory attitudes toward National Socialism mirror the symbolism
of mountaineering, in which both human freedom and national roots
are exemplified. But in the end the pre-industrial imagery of mountain
glory, the kind of people who lived in mountain Valleys and climbed
their heights, restricted the ideal of freedom. The First World War
strengthened this mountain mystique, using it to transcend the reality
of modern warfare. Clearly, the myth of the mountain stood for
stability in the midst of change, for individual worth opposed to the
materialism of the masses, and for those virtues which had always
been praised by nationalism: hardness, struggle, honesty and loyalty.

1 1 4 War and the Appropriation ofNature

The *sacrcd mountain* symbolised the nation, and after the war no
particular mountain needed to be identified; the entire snow-capped
Alps would serve.

After the war, Louis Trenker wrote before the Nazi period, youth
found in the mountains what it could no longer find in peacetime,
pacifiit and philiitine Germany; battle In the midit of conitant danger,
struggle in close proximity to death, heroic decds and hard-fought
victories.^ The Conquest of the Mountain as a Substitute for war -
that was the final consequence of the mountain magic which held so
many Germans enthralled in a hostile and restless post-war world.

In the mountains as on the plains nature covered the wounds of war.
Trenker, in perhaps his most famous novel and film called Mountains in
Flames (1931), teils us how the wounds carved into the mountains by
war were healing. But unlike those who thought themselves deprived by
the tidying up of the battlefields of Flanders and the Eastern plains,
veterans of the mountain war found this process irrelevant. The moun-
tains remained a powerful symbol for the meaningfulness of the war
between nations, for a war that men could grasp and understand.
Symbols, after all, must be concrete and touchable before men can
realise the thought those symbols express. Mountains, rather than the
masses of men and tanks on the battlefields. fulfilled this symbolic
function.

III

To the conquest of mountains as part of the myth of the war experience
must be added the conquest of the skies. The aeroplane was in its
infancy during the war, though one poU taken as early as 1909 revealed
that French youth admired püots above all other professional men.^''
From the very beginning of aviation the pilot was perceived differently
from others, such as engine drivers, who also controlled a product of
modern technology. After all, the adventure of fiying, the conquest of
speed and space, the loneliness of the püot, had all the makings of
myth, and the conquest of the sky, where the Gods lived and from
which they descended to earth, had always held a vital place in human
mythology. More than any other modern technology, the development
of aviation was accompanied by a distinguishing elitism, later tobecome
pohtical; it was an eüte personified by the *heroes of the sky' of the
Firit World War and by Saint-Exupiry and Charles Undberg between
thü wart. Yet the aeroplane in a special way also exempllfied the fear of

War and the Appropriation ofNature

115

modern technology, the loss of myth which so many writers and artists
lamented towards the end of the nineteenth Century. The mystique that
grew up around aviation, with modern pilots looked upon as an eilte
guarding the people and the nation against the inroads of a soulless and
impersonal modernity, restored myth to modern technology.

Max Nordau in 1892 had largcly biamed railwuy travol for a
degcneratlon of nerves which madc men restless and gave ihcm u
distorted vision of the universe. The constant need to adapt to new
circunistances, the new speed of time, threatened to dcstroy cicar
thought and clean living, the bourgeois order under which, so Nordau
believed, political and scientific progress had been achieved."** The
aeroplane was obviously a greater danger than the railway, for it enablcd
man to conquer hidden Spaces and to challenge the gods. Yet aviation
did not demythologise tlie world; on the contrary, ii extended the
myths about nature, nation and the so-called natural elites who were
their guardians. The heroes of the air, we are told, are like the mythical
heroes of the Edda.^' There was no risk that the new machine would
shed its pilot and rush into uncharted space, for myth-making man was
still in control.

The aeroplane first became a symbol of national salvation in France
rather than in Germany. After all, had not Gambetta left Paris during
the Prussian siege in a balloon? And was it not natural to transfer the
idea that 1a Republique monte au ciel* from the balloon to the aero-
plane? In French children's literature before the war the aeroplane
symbolised national security and revanche against Germany."*^ Thougli
Germany was also fascinated by fiying, and aviation, like mountainccr-
ing, became a national mystique, preoccupation with the fleet inade the
aeroplane a secondary concern. Most Germans looked upon fiying as
adventure or sport.

Nevertheless, the pilot soon came to symbolise a new elite almost
everywhere. When H.G. Wells heard in 1909 that Bl^riot had crossed
the Channel, he declared that this fact spelled the end of natural
democracy. From now on those who had demonstrated their know-
ledge, nerve and courage must lead.*' Long before the First World War
the pilot came to be surrounded by an aura of mystery; to control an
aeroplane was considered not so much a technical feat as a moral
accomplishment.

It was often said, not only in Germany, that the struggle of the plane
against the hazards of nature was not dependent upon technical
superiority but upon the moral qualities of the man in the cockpit, the
•new man* lymbolic of all that was best in the nation. Foot loldicri.

116 War and the Appropriation ofNature

Stephen Graham wrote three years after the war*s end, did not see in
the aeroplane a mere mechanical contrivance but a new human victory
over matter.*' Those who won this victory were the *knights of the
sky\ for the moral qualities of the wartime pilot were associated with
the populär image of medieval chivalry. The fact that the pilot was
alone in the sky, high above the battle raging below, facUitated the
linkage betwecn aviation and the hand-to-hand combat of chivalry.**

Such knights of the sky were not only loyal, honest and hard like
mountaineers, but to a greater degree than the mountain-warriors they
respected the enemy. Oswald Boelcke, one of the most famous wartime
flying aces, was not alone in dropping wreaths behind enemy lines by
parachute in order to salute a brave Opponent killed in combat. English
and French aviators honoured their German opponents in similar
fashion. Moreover, when an enemy pilot was shot down and captured
he would often enjoy the hospitality of the local air squadron before
becoming a prisoner.** Many years later, the National Socialist flying
Corps asserted proudly that Boelcke would never attack those who were
defenseless.**

Through such chivalric imagery modern war was assimilated, inte-
gratcd into the longing for a happier and healthier world where the
sword and individual combat would take the place of the machine-gun
and the tank. Among pilots in the battle of the skies individualism and
chivalry survived both in myth and in reality. This individualism implicit
in flying forced aviators to assume an introspective relationship to
themselves, as Eric Leed has rightly remarked.** Yet the sky signified
morc than a seat of Observation high above the battle: it symbolised
also conquering the sky - a piece of eternity, which in turn pointed
back to the pre-industrial age, to innocence and Arcadia. Tlirougli the
war in the air a more courteous age of warfare was invoked in order to
mask the might and the horror of modern war.*^

If pilots symbolised the figlit against modernity , they also excmplified
the same spirit of comradeship and enthusiasm of youth that pervaded
the myth of the volunteers who rushed to the colours in 1914. Pilots, it
was asserted in Germany during the war, though hard -bitten, were still
boys at heart. They formed a unique wartime camaraderie.** All pilots
everywhere had the rank of officer, all volunteered and none was
conscripted; moreover, the volunteers chosen for the air corps usually
had distinguished themselves first in the ground war. Typically enough,
in France and Italy a good number of pilots came from the elite Alpine
Corps. Here then was an elite among the armed forces founded on fact:
imbued with the spirit of volunteers, proven in combat and virtually

War and the Appropriation ofNature

117

equal in rank, pilots indeed formed a youthful, brave and enthusiastic
comradeship.

These qualities were at once joined by myth to those virtues besieged
in the modern world. If evil men did not usually climb mountains, the
virtuous - those who were courageous, honest, loyal and chaste, ready
to sacriflce their lives for a higher cause — ruled tlie skies. Outward
appearance was a sign of inward virtue. Boelcke's biographer emphasises
that his eyes were blue like steel, testifying to his honesty and deter-

mination. These, then, were the clean-cut young men whose chivalry
included contempt for the masses, for all that was degenerate and weak;
they symbolised a Germanic order of chivalry.

In addition to the Images of chivalry, the image of hunting was fre-
quently used to describe the war in the air. The memoirs of Germany*s
most famous air ace, Manfred von Richthofen, constantly likened the
front to a liunting ground* and himself to a hunter. Indeed, Richthofen
had been a passionate hunter in pcacetinie and was apt to take time off
from the hunt in the sky to hunt pheasants on earth. The hunting image
linked the battle in the sky to the most aristocratic of sports: what had
amused an older elite in times of peace was carried on by a new elite in
time of war. Richthofen was careful, however, to distinguish his *joy in
war* from other sports; though chivalry prevailed, this was nevertheless
a hunt whose purpose was to kill a human enemy .^®

The English, rather than the Germans, carried the metaphor of sport
into the air war. The ideal of fair play was much more ingrained in
England tlian in Germany, especially among the public-school boys
from whose ranks almost all pilots came. Likening the air war to a hunt
pointed to the horse and rider rather than to the pilot and plane.
Technology was once more transcended, and througli this transcendencc
the war was easier to confront and to bear.

The air war was a test of chivalry and courage in which flying aces of
all nations displayed the daring of the huntcr to set an example lor the
*ant-like masses*. The literature of aviation during and after the war was
filled with Claims that the *captains of the skies* threw off all ncrvous-
ness and the rush of time. Ilerc we are back with the symboiism of the
mountaineer, whose appropriation of eternity included silcnce,stability,
camaraderie and self-sacrifice. Antoine de Saint- Exupery, who trans-
mitted the mystique of flying from the First through the Second World
Wars, contended that the pilot must be judged at the *echellecosmique*,
that just as the peasant rcads the signs of nature, so the aviator receives
within himself the three *clcmental divinitics*, - mountains, sca and
thunder. The pilot appropriatcs a piece of eternity.

'*i

1 1 8 War and the Appropriation ofNature

Saint-Exup6ry's Wind, Sand and Stars (1939) summarised the myths
of flying: death without fear, the enthusiasm of youth, Performance of
duty and camaraderie. Though he professed himself a democrat, in
reality Saint-Exup^ry emphasised the metaphysical dimension of pre-
industrial virtues, attacked the acquisition of material goods, and
implicitly exalted an eÜtism which was no different from that of the
wartime pilots.** The immense popuiarity of this book was a result of
the hunger for both myth and national leadership. The life and thought
of Charles Lindberg provide almost a textbook example of how the
mystique of aviation could be turned to political ends. His list of 65
moral qualities" was a summary of bourgeois virtue as well as of the
spirit of adventure and chivalry, and the moral qualities he exemplified
as an aviator became identified with the virtues of the American nation
which the clite sought to protect against the immigrant horde knocking
at the gate. The mystique of flying was turned against parHamentary
governments on behalf of an elite which, in the American case, rcpre-
sented the Anglo-Saxon against all other races. MussoUni summarised
the myth of the aviator when he asserted that flying was the property
of a Spiritual aristocracy.*"* Evil men do not climb mountains; nor, it
could be added, do they conquer the skies.

All of these perceptions of nature - of verdant fields and a tidy
landscape, of rugged mountains, of blue skies - helped to make war
more acceptable, disguised it by masking death and destruction. Nature
provided silence and rest and eternal values in the midst of the restless
movement of war and thus transcended victory or defeat. But nature
also symbolised action: adventure, conquest, domination and eventual
victory - and in so doing further disguised the reality of war by advanc-
ing meaningful and purposeful goals, far from the maddening crowd of
the urbanised, industrialised world. In Germany this symboÜsm helped
make the loss of the war irrelevant; the vital continuity of mountains
and skies remained, and with it man*s longing to express his virtue and
manliness through conquest and domination.

Mountain myth and mountain glory had roots deep in the past, and
by the time of the First World War mountain climbing had become a
populär Sport while the pilot, as we have noted, had become the object
of admiration in the decade before the war. Nature could fulfil its
symboUc function in the war because such a tradition existed in all
nations. The war, however, gave these myths new relevance and a new
political dimension; for the war tied nature more closely to nationalism
than cvcr bcforc. and to a political cütism which was easily annexcd
by the European political right.

War and the Appropriation ofNature

119

That flying eventually played a major role in the identity of Fascism

was no accident. Here the daring that appealed to youth, the hardness,

courage and virtue attributed to the aviator, could be flttingly com-

bined with the commonplace bourgeois virtues Fascism praised. The

activism of the aviator was no threat to the respectabiUties the Nazis

and the Italian Fascists worked so hard to maintain. Small wonder,

then, that flying held so large a place in both Fascist myth and Fascist

actuality. Although Mussolini learned to fly, and Hitler had good and

practical reasons for using aeroplanes in poUtical campaigning

(Chancellor Brüning, he thought, controlled the radio), Fascism never-

theless turned necessity into myth. Thus the story entitled 'A Stormy

Flight' appeared in almost all primers of the Third Reich. During a

campaign flight in bad wcathcr liitlcr's plane pcrformcd a Vliirling

dancc*. The Führer alonc is »crcnc, in controi, convinccd of hiiliisiurical

mission and of protection from all danger by Providcnce; he is the

favüurite of a Providence that dominatcs all threatcning elements.*^

The Status of Hermann Goering in the movement was al least partly

based on his membcrship in the famed Richthofen squadron during the

war. In Italy the eminence of Italo Balbo in the Fascist movement

predated his exploits in the air, but the group flights he led across the

Atlantic and the Mediterranean, intended to demonstrate the superiority

of the Fascist elite, certainly helped to make him a hero. Fascinated by

modern technology, Fascism none the less sought to transcend it, to

use it to mask reality much as nature was used to mask modern war.

However diverse the uses of nature we have discussed, the myths of
nature pointed to the past, not to the future. Men by and large
assüciate eternity and immutability with Images of bygone days, with
an innocence long lost. During the Second Worid War Marc Augier, a
French volunteer in the SS forced to flee to the Austrian Alps, summcd
up this continuing nostalgia: *I stood outside sin, the sin of the urbanite.
I had returned to the source.'" Such backward -looking myths were
relatively harmless in the victorious nations, but they served to rein-
force Fascism in Italy and to Icgitimise volkish ideas in Germany.

When nostalgia was combined with the quest for domination,
innocence represented no harmless Arcadia. The very evening of that
day on which Flex and Wurche had delighted in the sun-drenched pool
and the virgin fields behind the front, Wurche examines his sword:
*This is beautiful, my friend, is it not?»" For example, Christmas, even
in wartime. was supposed both to suggest peace, and to point out the
justification for war. For all their praise of virtue and silence, Trenker
and Riefenstahl linked such inwardness and respectabilities to the quest

1 20 War and the Appropriation ofNature

for dominaüon; endowed with the same virtues, the aviator conquered
the sky and bccamc a hunter of men: the appropriation of etemity was
accompUshcd through the death of the enemy. Surely this use of
eternity and virtuc points ahead to the radical right between the wars.
which bclievcd that eternity could only be appropriated and virtue
preserved by destroying the poUtical enemy or exterminating the

inferior race. ^ ,^,, ,

These perceptions of nature»s relationship to war fulfdled an impor-
tant function: they buüt a bridge from its horror to its acceptance,
from the fright actually feit by most soldiers to the enthusiasm attri-
buted to the volunteers. But we shall never know precisely for whom
this myth functioned in wartime, for resignation and fataüstic accept-
ance seem to have been common to the vast majority of soldiers, and
the myths of nature became part of the war experience after and not
during the war. (TypicaUy enough, almost aU sources used in this paper
date from between the two world wars.) After the war, these percep-
tions of nature could also serve to reconcile the urge to forget the
horror with the greater longing to remember the glory.Tlie cult of the
aviator. the mountain füms and novels, aU these and more fed a myth
destined to be manipulated towards political ends.

The perceptions of nature we have discussed were part of that myth,
but many other Ideals such as the cult of the fallen soldier, the glorifica-
tion of virility and manüness and the longing for camaraderie also fed
into this myth. Moreover, we have by no means exhausted the contribu-
tions of nature to the myth. Animals played a part. A wartime Easter
postCard from Germany shows a bunny looking out from a wood upon
verdant fields and a long Üne of soldiers at arms in a trench; the Easter
bunny, the landscape without wounds, the tidy and pretty soldiers - all
link war and peace, all link the hope brought by Easter and spring with

soldiers at war.

War and peace were joined through nature. Victorious nations were
able to emphasise the peaceful Arcadia rather than the necessity of war.
But such an Easter greeting from Germany was not a portent for peace;
it pointed to a Utopia to be realised once the myth of the war experience
had fulfüled its promise. Here the First pointed to the Second World
War.

War and the Appropriation ofNature

121

Notes

1. CS. Maier, Recasting Bourgeois Europe (Princeton, 1975), p. 42.

2. B. Gammagc, The Broken Yearr, Australian Soldiers in the Great War
(Harmondsworth, 1975), p. 270.

3. W. Flex, Vom grossen Abendmahl: Verse und Gedanken aus dem Feld
(Munich, n.d.), p. 43.

4. P. Fussell, The Great War and Modern Memory (Oxford, 1975), p. 303.

5. H.O. Rehlke, *Der gemordete Waid' in Die Feldgraue Illustrierte,
Kriegszeitschrift der 50. J.D. (June 1916), p. 12.

6. H. Gilardone, Der //w* (Berlin-München, 1917), p. 85.

7. Cicorge L. Mosse, *Nationai Cemeteries and National Revival: the Cult of
the Fallen Soldiers in Geimfkny\ Journal of Contemporary History^ no. 1
(January 1979), pp. 12-15. All references to war cemeteries, unleis explicitly
footnoted, are based on this source.

8. Stephan Ankenbrand (td.), Heldenhaine, Heldenbäume (Munich, 1918).
p. 54.

9. Gillardone, Der Hias, p. 33.

10. Fussell, The Great War, pp. 243 ff.

11. Mosse, 'National Ometeries', p. 12.

12. Quoted in G.L. Mosse, Crisis of German Ideology (London, 1966), p. 26.

1 3. Sir F. Kenyon, War Graves: How the Cemeteries Abroad will be Designed
(Undon, 1918), pp. 7, 13.

14. Kriegsgräberfürsorge, no. 3 (March 1930), p. 42.

15. Kriegsgräberfürsorge, no. 10 (October 1932), pp. 146-7.

16. Mosse, 'National Cemeteries*. p. 5.

17. H. Balzac, Les Miserables (Paris, 1967), Book 2, Qiapter XVI.

18. R.H. Mottrdm,Journey to the Western Front. Twenty Years After
(London, 1936), pp. 1, 44.

19. H. Williamson, The Wet Randers Piain (London, 1929), pp. 33, 59.

20. Morning Herald, Sidney, 25 Nov. 1927, n.p., Clipping Collection,
Australian War Memorial, Canberra.

l\.Menin Gate Pilgrimage (St Barnabas, 1927), p. 3.

22. Kriegsgraberfürsorge, no. 3 (March 1926). p. 42.

23. W. Klose, 'Soldatentod'. Wirkendes Wort (1957-8), p. 35.

24. Mosse, 'National Cemeteries'. p. 13.

25. Der Bergsteiger, Deutscher Alpen verein (October 1938 September 1939),
p. 583.

26. L. Trenker,>l//« Gut Gegangen (Hamburg, 1959), p. 77.

27. S. ?tz(X2i,Alpinismo Ronwntico (Bologna, 1972), pp. 8, 94.

28. O.E. Meyer, Tat und Traum: Ein Buch Alpinen Erlebens (Munich, n.d.),
pp. 206-7.

29. H. Cysatz, Berge über uns (Munich, 1935), pp. 53, 19,passim.

30. Der Deutsche Film, no. 41, 14 Oct. 1921 , p. 4; Film und Presse, nos. 33-4
(1921), p. 311.

31. L. Riefenstahl, /Tamp/iVi Schnee und Eis (Leipzig, 1933), p. 25.

32. Ibid., p. 113.

33. L. Trenker, Berge in Flammen (Berlin, 1931), p. 267.

34. L. Trenker, Kampf in den Bergen. Das unvergängliche Denkmal an der
Alpenfront (Berlin, \93\),passim.

35. L. Trenker,//« Kampf um Gipfel und Gletscher (Berlin, 1942), p. 55
(Trenker-Feldpost-Ausgabe of Helden der Berge).

36. Trenker, Berge in Flammen, p. 267.

1 22 War and the Appropriation ofNature

37. M. Chrütadler, Kriegserziehung im Jugendbuch (Frankfurt, 1978), p. 193.

38. M. Nordau, /)«^enerflfion (New York, 1968), pp. 39, 41.

39. P. Supf, Das Buch der Deutschen Fluggeschichte (Stuttgart, 1958), vol. 2.

p. 339.

40. ChrUtadler, Kriegserziehung, p. 191.

41. H.G. Wells. The War in the Air and other War Forcbodings*, Works (New
York, 1926), vol. XX, p. 23.

42. S. Graham, The Challenge ofthe Dead (London, 1921), p. 121.

43. E. SchÄff er, /»our Le Mirite: Rieger im Feuer (Berlin, 1931), p. 19.

44. For a description of such customs, B.A. Moltcr, Knights ofthe Air (New
York and London, 1918); for Germany, E. Schiffer, 'Die letzten Ritter: Ein
Vorwort*, in Schäffer, Pour Le Mirit.

45. Fliegeram Feind (Gütersloh, 1934), pp. 40-1.

46. E.J.Lecd,A^oAitf/i'jLjm/ (Cambridge, 1979), p. 137.

47. M.E. Kahnert, Jagdstaffel 356 (London, n.d.), p. 39.

48. Ibid.. p. 13.

49. J. Werner, Boelcke (Leipzig, 1932), p. 10.

50. M. von Richthofcn, Der rote Kampfflieger (Berlin, 1917), passim.

51. A. de Saint-Exupery, Terre des Hommes', Oeuvres (Paris, 1959), pp.
169-70; for more about the mystique of flying between the wars, see G.L. Mosse,
Faschismus und Avant-Caide' in R. Grimm and J. Hermand (eds.), Faschismus
und Avant-Garde (Königstein-Taunus, 1980).

52. L. Mosloy, Undhergh (New York, 1977). p. 93.

53. Quoted In R. llaUandcr, Italo liatbo (Munlch. 1942). p. 1 37.
54.^Reprintcd in G.L. Mosse, A'öz/ Culture (London, 1966), pp. 191-3.
55.'Quoted in R. Bentmann and M. Müller, Die Villa als Herrschafts-
Architektur (Frankfurt, 1971), p. 136.

56. W. Flcx, Der Wanderer Zwischen beiden Welten (Munich, n.d.), p. 47.

RAPALLO - STRATEGY IN PREVENTIVE
DIPLOMACY: NEW SOURCES AND
NEWINTERPRETATIONS

Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann

The world's first economic summit took place in Genoa between 10
April and 19 May 1922. Its aim was twofold: to re-integrate Soviet
Russia as a fuUy recognised partner into the world economy and to
revitalise Europe economically. Tlie two countries in greatest need of
reconstruction were Soviet Russia and Germany, with the Russian
government wanting to rebuild its industry and expand it with the hclp
of Western capital and technology. Although Germany was Russia's
traditional trading partner, she was not in a position to resume trade
links with the Soviet State on a large scale. So the stage appeared to be
sct for an agrecment between the Allics and the Russians, given the
right conditions. However, the Russian leaders were suspicious of any
multilateral arrangement in case this should lead to political dependency
upon the Western powers. The German government joined the Genoa
Conference with different expectations. The entire problem of repara-
tion payments to the Allies had been banned from the agenda of the
Conference by the insistence of the French government, so the Germans
hoped to introduce the subject into the discussion by indirect means.
Then, seven days after the opening of the Conference, the Germans
and the Russians conciuded a spcctacular separate agrcemcnt at Rapallo
which greatly shocked the rcst of the world. Ever sincc, Rapallo has
been in the eyes of the West the threatening reminder of the possibility
of further separate agreements between Germany and Russia. For the
Russians Rapallo has become a model for bilateral agreements based
on the principle of *peaceful coe\jtence\ For those Germans who
approved of the agreement it represented a move towards revision of
the Versailles Peace Treaty and the re-establishment of Germany as a
Great Power.

Although the contents ofthe agreement itself were fairly innocuous,
the German-Russian action has from the outsct been shrouded in myth.
Only gradually over the last sixty years has the story come out. So far
historians and politicians alike have given German intentions in signing
the agreement the benefit of the doubt; they have accepted the incident
as a German defensive measure and have found it quite legitimate that

123

A^ ^^(Zlr

C^^^K^^C.^ U . AAo<SC^ 03^tl5^^icV

^^cNiv^e

WAS -DIE "DEUTSCWEM LÜTfiHUL(M LA%EN l'f^'^

^J >- ^Äjht*i.j«':jt&^j- =.^^ä^-^.-^^=.^«tfla?<^*ai^

.*A««MHIRMK'lMaMnM«IM»MKfc<<!k^CI^;i'

GEORGE L. MOSSE

WAS DIE DEUTSCHEN WIRKLICH LASEN

Marlitt, May, Ganghof er

Die deutsche Trivialliteratur gewährt uns eine Reihe interessanter Ein-
blicke in die Verhaltensmuster und Wunschvorstellungen dieses Volkes.
Obwohl sidi ihre Beziehung zur sozialen und politisdien Realität nidit
im Sinne einer unmittelbaren Widerspiegelung deuten läßt, erlaubt dodi
ihre Analyse einige bemerkenswerte Rückschlüsse auf den verhängnis-
vollen Verlauf der deutschen Geschichte der jüngsten Vergangenheit. In
Ton und Inhalt gehen die Werke dieser Literatur weitgehend auf die
letzten Jahrzehnte des 19. Jahrhunderts zurüde.

Jost Hermand hat die Vielfalt der literarisdien Stile um die Jahrhun-
dertwende beschrieben, die mit naturalistischen und impressionistischen
Tendenzen beginnen und in der Suche nach dem heiligen Gral kulminie-
ren.* Ein solcher Stilpluralismus existierte zweifellos. Die Triviallitera-
tur des gleichen Zeitraums, ja schon ein großer Teil der anspruchsvolle-
ren Literatur der Jahrhundertmitte weist jedoch wesentlich engere Hori-
zonte auf. Die quantitätsmäßig dominierenden Teile der deutschen
Literatur des 19. Jahrhunderts, soweit sie von den nationalen Einigungs-
bewegungen affiziert wurden, sind Ausdruck eines Verlangens nach
spezifisch deutscher ,Wesenheit' und wenden sich daher sdiarf gegen
alle Formen der internationalen ,Modernität'. Während Engleuid und
Frankreich weiterhin Literatur produzierten, die in fast allen westlichen
Ländern Anklang fand, wurde die deutsche Literatur ab 1850 immer
provinzieller, da sich hier der kulturelle Radius mehr und mehr auf Fra-
gen der nationalen Bewußtseinsbildimg verengte.

Und gerade auf dieses Identitätsverlangen hatte die Trivialliteratur
einen entscheidenden Einfluß. Ihr Stil und Inhalt ist fast immer der
gleiche. Doch diese ungewöhnliche Konstanz - die man ästhetisch be-
dauern mag - ist gerade das historisch Bedeutsame an ihr, da sich in
dieser Gleichförmigkeit die mehr oder minder gleichbleibenden Wunsch-
vorstellungen eines Großteils der deutschen Bevölkerung widerspiegeln.
Diese Literatur wurde fast von allen Klassen gelesen, nicht nur von
jenem legendären Dienstmädchen in ihrem Dachstübchen oder jenem

1 Jost Hermand, Der Schein des schönen Lebens. Studien zur Jahrhundert-
wende (Frankfurt, 1972), S. 14/15.

102

George L. Mosse

ebenso legendären kleinen Mann von der Straße. Schon die Tatsache,
daß die Auflagen in die Millionen gingen, sollte uns warnen, bei der
Beurteilung ihrer Rezeption nur einen bestimmten Sektor der Leser-
schaft ins Auge zu fassen. Stil und Inhalt dieser Werke müssen einen
spontanen Widerhall in den Herzen weiter Bevölkerungsschichten ge-
funden haben und so zu wahren Massenphänomenen geworden sein.

Ihr Echo war in jeder Hinsicht überwältigend, da die Männer und
Frauen, die diese Trivialromane schrieben, einen sicheren Instinkt für
ihr Publikum hatten. Das trifft vor allem auf E. Marlitt (Eugenie John,
1825-1882), Ludwig Ganghofer (1855-1920) und Karl May (1842 bis
1912) zu, die den Markt an trivialer Literatur für lange Zeit beherrsch-
ten. Ihre Bücher sind ohne ihre Leser überhaupt nicht zu verstehen. Der
gleichbleibende Tenor dieser Werke sagt uns wesentlich mehr über die
unmittelbaren Wünsche und Hoffnungen der Durchschnittsbevölkerung
dieser Ära als die Sozialrevolutionäre oder völkische Literatur, die einen
wesentlich kleineren Marktanteil hatte, obwohl sie ihren Lesern eine
,bessere' Zukunft versprach.

Die Schauplätze ihrer Romane sind recht verschieden : die Marlitt be-
vorzugt die Kleinstadt, Ganghofer das Hochgebirge, May die Prärien
Nordamerikas oder die Wüsten des Orients. Während die Marlitt ihren
Horizont bewußt einengt, betonen ihre beiden männlichen Kollegen
ständig den Gegensatz zwischen dem „Unendlichen'' und jenem „Ge-
fängnis", das „der zivilisierte Mensch eine Wohnung nennt ''.^ Karl
May hegte eine besondere Abneigung gegen alles Einengende, da er in
seiner Jugend einige Zeit im Gefängnis verbracht hatte. Ganghofers
Haltung ist fast die gleiche. Auch seine Welt liegt außerhalb des Zivili-
sierten: im Bereich des Ursprünglichen, Gesunden und Kraftvollen, wie
es sich bei den Älplern findet.^ Nur die Marlitt ist enger. Sie preist stets
die traditionsgeheiligte bürgerliche Ordnung, wo alles „am altgewohn-
ten Orte" steht und man sich „sofort heimisch fühlt.'"» Ihre Kleinstadt-
häuser haben in der Tat etwas „Heimeliges", wie man es in den Prärien
oder Hochalpen nie erwarten würde.

Doch gerade in solchen scheinbaren Gegensätzen lag die Hauptanzie-
hungskraft dieser Romane. Denn die Millionen von Marlitt-, Ganghofer-
und May-Lesern des Zweiten Kaiserreiches hatten sowohl ein Verlangen
nach weiten, offenen Räumen als auch den ebenso starken Wunsch nach
Verwurzelung, nach Heimat, nach Herdnähe. Abenteuer und Idyll, Un-
endlichkeit und wohlgegründete Ordnung: diese tiefen und gegensätz-

2 Karl May, Winnetou (Bamberg, 1951), II, 446.

3 Vgl. Ludwig Ganghofer, Der Dorfapostel (Stuttgart, o. J.), S. 114.

4 E. Marlitt, Im Hause des Kommerzienrates (Leipzig, 1877), S. 41.

Was die Deutsdien wirklich lasen

103

liehen Wunschvorstellungen erscheinen daher in der Trivialliteratur
stets in geschickt harmonisierter Form. Die Marlitt, May und Ganghofer
sind hier Teil einer Tradition, die das Kosmische und Romantische
immer stärker domestiziert, und zwar nicht in Riditung auf das Völki-
sche, sondern innerhalb des bewährten bürgerlichen Ordnungsdenkens.

Dies ist ein wichtiger Gesichtspunkt. Schon um die Mitte des 19. Jahr-
hunderts hatte ein Mann wie Wilhelm Heinrich Riehl den romantischen
Impuls ins Völkische umgelenkt. Später, im 20. Jahrhundert, hieß es,
daß „mit dem Sieg des Nationalsozialismus die geistige Dynamik des
Menschen, die uns zuerst erschreckt hatte, in einem Gefühl allgemeiner
Ruhe aufgehoben werde".^ Die Trivialliteratur um 1900 hat an dieser
Entwicklung kaum teilgenommen. Hier wurde zwar auch Ruhe und Ro-
mantik gepredigt, jedoch weder das eine noch das andere mit völkischer
Schicksalsträchtigkeit angereichert.

Wie erobern sich Karl Mays Helden die Prärie? Beileibe nicht mit
Feuer und Schwert. Obwohl in den amerikanischen Steppen nirgends
jene gesicherten sozialen und politischen Zustände herrschen, wie sie
May aus den deutschen Verhältnissen kannte, wirkt sein Old Shatter-
hand in allen drei Winnetou-Romanen (1893 ff.) wie eine ideale Verkör-
perung von ,Gesetz und Ordnung'. Ständig heißt es: „In der wilden
Savanne verstecken sich die Bösen der Bleichgesichter, die vor den Ge-
setzen der Guten fliehen mußten."« Wenn Old Shatterhand einen dieser
,Bösen' überwältigt hat, tötet er ihn nicht, sondern bringt ihn sofort vor
den Richter. Statt Haß und Rache predigt er geradezu unentwegt das
Prinzip der Gesetzestreue. Auf die Sünde muß die Strafe folgen; das ist
für ihn notwendig mit dem „Begriff göttlicher und menschhcher Gerech-
tigkeit" verbunden.^ Grausamkeit und Blutvergießen erscheinen ihm
dagegen als etwas Verabscheuungswürdiges. Weil er seine Feinde nur
kraftvoll niederschlägt, ohne sie zu töten, nennt man ihn beinahe liebe-
voll ,01d Shatterhand'.

Karl May nimmt nicht die Nazi-Brutalität vorweg. Im Gegenteil. Sein
ganzes CEuvre predigt Mitleid, Gesetz und Ordnung. Selbst in der
Prärie herrschen bei ihm keine anarchistischen Verhältnisse. Sogar hier
darf ein Räuber nur von seinen Opfern abgeurteilt werden.^ Dennoch
befürwortet auch May jenes grausame Gesetz, das da sagt, daß sich die
Schwachen stets den Starken fügen müssen, wie es Gott bereits in sei-

5 W. Harless in Marquartsteiner Blätter, 2. Sondernummer (Oktober, 1933),
o. S.

6 Winnetou, lU, 392.

7 Ebd., II, 477.

8 Karl May, Der Schatz im Silbersee (Bamberg, 1952), S. 112.

104

George L. Mosse

nem Sdiöpfungsakt vorausgesehen habe. Das beste Beispiel für dieses
Gesetz ist das traurige Schicksal der nordamerikanischen Indianer, die
May zwar von Herzen hebt, deren Untergang ihm jedoch als etwas
Schicksalhaftes und Notwendiges erscheint. Wie in der Ideologie des
Zweiten Reiches sind hier bürgerliches Ordnungsdenken und sozialer
Darwinismus kaum zu trennen - nur daß bei May stets das Gute
triumphiert, und dies obendrein in einer Folge von Abenteuern, die für
den Leser höchst spannungsvoll ist. Überall herrscht bei ihm der ,Kampf
ums Dasein', der jedoch in ein Moralkonzept eingebettet wird, mit dem
sich seine Leser voll identifizieren konnten. Der soziale Darwinismus
steht in seinen Romanen dem Sieg der Guten in der Welt in keiner
Weise entgegen (was wiederum auf Gott zurückgeführt wird), sondern
hefert geradezu die beste Erklärung für den Untergang der Schwachen
und die Bestrafung der Bösen. Daß May dieses ,Gesetz' in aller Farbig-
keit und Zwangsläufigkeit vordemonstrierte, muß für seine Leser eine
Bestätigung ihrer eigenen Ideologie gewesen sein.

Ganghofer eroberte sich sein etwas rauheres Terrain auf ähnliche
Weise, wenn aucfi nicht mit dem ständigen Nachdruck auf Gesetz, Ord-
nung und Gerechtigkeit. Er sciirieb niciit über die nordamerikanischen
Savannen, sondern über die deutschen Lande und betonte nach alter
Tradition stets die Einheit des deutschen Menschen mit der deutschen
Natur. Nur indem man in dieser ,Natur' wie in einem mystischen Buche
zu lesen versteht, erreicht man bei ihm Klarheit und Ruhe, befreit man
sich aus der Narrheit der Spekulation und wird selber Teil der kräfti-
gen, gesunden Natur.® Ja, dieser Prozeß wird geradezu als eine Reini-
gung von allen bösen Instinkten verstanden. Daß damit ,Kämpfe' ver-
bunden sind (die das Interesse des Lesers wachhalten), entartet auch
hier nicht ins Brutale, da sich in diesen Bewährungsproben stets das
Gute und Schöne durchsetzt und damit die Anständigkeit über das Un-
anständige triumphiert. Die notwendige ,Härte' im Kampf ums Dasein
ist weder für May noch für Ganghofer etwas schlechthin Böses, sondern
der Ausdruck einer Durchhaltekraft, die etwas ,Heroisches' hat. Ein
solcher Heroismus ist daher für sie nicht identisch mit Grausamkeit. Ihre
Helden stehen nicht außerhalb der Gesetze, sondern sind stets die
besten Repräsentanten der herrschenden Justiz- und Moralbegriffe. Ihre
Kämpfe finden entweder unter Gleiciirangigen statt, wo das Prinzip der
Ritterhchkeit dominiert, oder dienen der Aufrechterhaltung der Ord-
nung, indem die Starken den Guten, aber Unterdrückten ihren Schutz
angedeihen lassen.

9 Schloß Hubertus. In: Ganghof ers Gesammelte Schriften (Stuttgart, o. J.),
I, 86. Von jetzt ab zitiert als Schriften.

Was die Deutsdien wirklich lasen

105

Inmitten einer Landschaft voller Gefahren und Geheimnisse verkör-
pert hier der Held die Ideale der Menschheit. Indem er diese Ideale in
die Tat umsetzt, erreicht er eine Verbindung von Kampf und Ordnung,
die seinem Heroismus jede Schärfe nimmt und ihn damit zwangsläufig
verbürgerlicht. Auch Marhtts Heroinen, die sich in einem ganz anderen
Miheu bewegen, sind an diese traditionelle Moral gebunden. Nach Mei-
nung dieser Autorin sollte man Frauen nicht den Gefahren und Versu-
chungen des Geschäftslebens aussetzen, sondern sie von vornherein in
den sicheren Hafen des „Familienglücks" lenken.^^ Die Kämpfe ihrer
Romanheldinnen sind daher meist, wenn auch nicht immer, innerliciier
Natur. Was ihre Figuren auszeichnet, sind vor allem Zärtlichkeit und
Gefühl. Im Gegensatz zu den ,Helden' bei Karl May würden sie am
Marterpfahl sicher Ströme von Tränen vergießen. Doch jede seelisciie
Erregung vollzieht sich bei ihr stets im Rahmen einer Ordnung, in der
ein sorgfältig arrangiertes „Gleichgewicht'' herrscht, das heißt wo neben
der spießbürgerlichen Enge zugleich Fairneß und Toleranz geübt wird.
Im Rahmen eines solchen „Gleichgewichts" entstehen dann jene „schö-
nen Seelen", von denen die Marlitt so gern redet. Schiller hatte den
Begriff „schöne Seele" mit folgenden Worten umschrieben: „Ruhe aus
Gleichgewicht, nicfit aus dem Stillstand der Kräfte - Einheit von Ver-
nunft und Natur. "^^ Bei Marlitts „schönen Seelen" beruht dieses Gleich-
gewicht weniger auf der Balance von Vernunft und Natur als auf der
Balance von Natur und Gefühl; dennoch bleibt auch bei ihr die Verbin-
dung von Ruhe und Aktivität durchaus erhalten.

Neben dem Status quo gibt es darum in all diesen Romanen auch
einen Hauch von Utopie, an dem jeder teilnehmen konnte. Und zwar
manifestiert sich dieser utopische Glanz nicht nur in der Verherrlichung
des Tugendhaften, sondern auch im Ideal der Schönheit. Vor allem bei
Ganghofer ist das mit Händen zu greifen. Man denke an die Heldin sei-
nes Romans Das Gotteslehen (1899), die bereits als Kind an einem
wunderschönen Maientag erblindet ist und für die es daher ewig Früh-
ling bleibt. Kein Wunder, daß Ganghofer das Vorwort zu einem seiner
Romane mit dem Satz beschließt: „1906, zu München, als an einem
Wintertag die Sonne schien."*^ Die traditionelle Sonnensymbolik ist
überhaupt stark in diesen Werken. Hier wie in Fragen der Sciiönheit
gibt man sich meist bewußt konventionell und hält sich an die üblichen
Topoi. Die Schönheit - die im Auge des Besciiauers ruht, wie Friedrich

10 Im Hause des Kommer zienrat es, S. 369.

11 Vgl. E. Marlitt, Das Geheimnis der alten Mamsell (Leipzig, o. J.), S. 98
und Oskar Walzel, Klassizismus und Romantik als europäische Erschei-
nung (Berlin, 1929), S. 290.

12 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften I, XV.

106

George L. Masse

Theodor Vischer einst gesagt hatte - offenbart sich für diese Autoren in
einer Welt, die von Chaos und Unordnung gezeichnet ist, weitgehend
im Bereich des Seelischen. Da aber Schönheit stets eine gesunde und
glückliche Welt voraussetzt, kann sie in der ,entfremdeten' Reahtät des
19. Jahrhunderts nie in Reinkultur erscheinen. Für Vischer findet darum
die Projizierung der Schönheit ins Äußerliche nur noch im Bereich des
Mythologischen oder Symbolischen statt, das heißt im Reich der Kunst,
das außerhalb der häßhchen Industriegesellschaft liegt." Seine ästheti-
schen Schriften sind deshalb zugleich ausgezeichnete Dokumente für die
Funktion der Schönheit im Trivialroman wie bei den nationalen Feier-
lichkeiten dieser Ära.

Schönheit ist hier immer etwas Außergewöhnliches, das aus dem Be-
reich des Ideals in die Wirklichkeit hereinbricht. Es sind daher in den
Romanen der Jahrhundertwende gerade die Feste, die als die Höhe-
punkte des Lebens geschildert werden, da hier das Banale und Alltäg-
liche in den Hintergrund tritt und sich ein symbolischer Kontakt zwi-
schen dieser Welt und der Welt des Außerordentlichen ergibt, das heißt
wo die Entfremdung durch ein ästhetisch erfahrenes Glück im Bereich
der perfekten Illusion aufgehoben wird.^* Die liebevolle Ausschmückung
eines Raums für ein Fest wird somit oft zum Ausdruck tiefster Wünsche.
Besonders in den Trivialromanen dieser Ära geht deshalb der Alltag oft
in ein ewiges Fest, eine Orgie des Schönen über. Und zwar ist diese
Schönheit meist romantischer Natur: eine Schönheit der Sonnenunter-
gänge und des funkelnden Morgentaus. Aber wie bei Vischer enthält
diese Schönheit stets etwas Ordnungsstiftendes. Wie schon im Bereich
des Heroischen und Abenteuerlichen wird das Romantische wiederum
gezähmt und das Chaos durch Gesetzmäßiges ersetzt.

Marlitts Schönheit beruht auf der „altgewohnten Ordnung'', die jedem
Din^ seinen festen Platz zuweist. Das zeigt sich vor allem bei ihren
Wohnzimmerbeschreibungen, wo eine absolute Identität von Schönheit
und Gemütlichkeit herrscht. Ganghofers Berge sind zwar ab und zu von
dunklen Sdiatten überlagert, aber diese finsteren Mächte haben keine
Gewalt über kindlidi-reine Seelen. ^^ Im Einklang mit der herrschenden
Ästhetik ist es auch hier der Betrachter, der Ordnung in das Chaos
bringt. Und audi bei Karl May unterliegt die Natur ganz dem ordnen-
den Willen des Menschen. Seine ausführlichen Beschreibungen der Prärie

13 Vgl. Friedridi Theodor Vischer, Ästhetik oder Wissenschaft des Schönen
(1846-1857).

14 Vgl. Ursula Kirchhoff, Die Darstellung des Testes im Roman um 1900
(Münster, 1965), S. 13.

15 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften I, 8.

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

107

gehen nur dann ins Wilde imd Ekstatische über, wenn die jeweiligen
Schurken gerade ihren wohlverdienten Tod erleiden. Ansonsten sind
die Savannen zwar mysteriös, jedoch - für den, der zu sehen versteht -
ein wohltätiger Anblick der Ordnung und Schönheit. So erinnert sich
Old Shatterhand in ihrer Mitte einmal spontan an ein paar schöne
Uhlandverse, ein andermal, als er zu verdursten droht, an das wohlge-
ordnete Familienleben in seinem deutschen Vaterhaus, wofür ihn Gott
prompt vom Tode errettet. Bilder aus der deutschen Jugendzeit werden
überhaupt gern verwendet. So sagt Hobble-Frank einmal, als er feind-
lichen Indianern gegenübersteht: „Ich bin so ruhig wie ein Meilenstein
am Straßenrand.''^* Die wohlgeordnete Welt des wilhelminisciien
Deutschland dient auch hier dazu, dem wilden Leben auf den nordame-
rikanischen Prärien den Zaum anzulegen und ihm damit eine neue
Schönheit zu geben.

Das Gesunde und Schöne ist in all diesen Romanen ein Symbol des
Ewigen. Schon Hegel hatte geschrieben, daß das Prinzip der Schönheit
nie auf dem Element des Zufälligen beruhen dürfe. Da das Wort
,Schönheit' stets eine gesunde Welt impliziert, kann man nur in einer
schönen Welt wirklich glücklich sein. Selbst der Tod verliert in diesen
Bereichen seinen Stachel. So wird zwar Ganghofers blindes Mädchen
von ihrem Liebhaber in eine Schlucht geworfen, der sich jedoch nach
der Tat sofort das Leben nimmt. Aber dies ist eine Ausnahme: eine
bitter-süße ,Götterdämmerung' und kein heroisches Opfer ä la Her-
mann Burtes Wiltfeber. Andere verfahren hier noch wesentlich schön-
heitsseliger. Die ideologische Bedeutsamkeit solcher Sciiönheitskonzepte,
die durch diese Romane in das Popularbewußtsein der Deutschen gefil-
tert wurden, kann kaum überbetont werden. Der Ausdruck „Wie
schön!" wurde schließlich selbst im Bereich der Massenpolitik und ihrer
Rituale zum obersten Prinzip und sorgte auch hier für eine wohlgeglie-
derte und augenerfreuende Ordnung.

Überhaupt gehen diese Entwicklungstrends Hand in Hand mit jener
säkularisierten Religion, die sich mit dem deutschen Nationalismus im
Zuge des 19. Jahrhunderts herausbildete. Die nationalen Mythen und
Symbole waren von Anfang an sowohl mit dem Konzept der Schönheit
als auch mit gewissen Formen der Christlichkeit verbunden. Nicht nur
Ernst Moritz Arndt hatte erklärt, daß nationale Feiern mit einem stillen
Gebet beginnen sollten; auch andere lehnten sich bei ihren patriotischen
Festen an die liturgischen Formen des Protestantismus an.*^ Obendrein

16 Der Schatz im Silbersee, S. 372.

17 Ernst Moritz Arndt, Entwurf einer Teutschen Gesellschaft (Frankfurt,
1814), S. 36.

108

George L. Mosse

spielt in diese Zusammenhänge auch noch das pietistische Konzept des
„inneren Vaterlandes'' hinein, das einen bedeutsamen Platz in der Ent-
wicklung des deutschen Nationalbewußtseins und seiner Selbstdarstel-
lung einnimmt. All dies hatte einen unmittelbaren Einfluß auf die Tri-
vialliteratur des wilhelminischen Deutschland. Hier wie dort sind die
Symbole des Gesunden und Schönen stets mit einer pietistischen Gläu-
bigkeit verbunden, die in vieler Hinsicht die Grundsubstanz für jene
trivialisierten Heldentypen lieferte, deren Reden - wie bei Old Shatter-
hand - ständig ins Predigthafte übergehen.

So ist Marlitts Ideal der Schönheit und Güte immer mit einem ,rei-
chen Seelenleben' verbunden. Ihre pietistisch gestimmte Seele verwirft
jeden trockenen Buchstabenfetischismus und sieht Gott in seiner ganzen
Schöpfung am Werke. Dies ist die ,Freiheit', um die sie bangt und die
sie gegen Orthodoxe und KathoHken zu verteidigen sucht. Vor Gottes
Angesicht sind dagegen für sie alle Menschen gleich, weshalb sie Über-
heblichkeit und mangelndes Mitleid schärfstens verdammt. So wie die
häßliche Realität die ursprüngliche Schönheit immer wieder verdeckt, so
wird auch die ursprüngliche Güte des Menschen nach ihrer Ansicht
immer wieder durch die kirchlichen Institutionen korrumpiert. Trotz
aller Erniedrigungen sagt darum eine ihrer Aschenputtel-Figuren: „Ich
liebe die Menschen und habe eine sehr hohe Meinung von ihnen. "^^
Marlitts Ideal der Freiheit und des Mitleids wirkt deshalb genauso
,verinnerlicht' wie alle pietistischen Konzepte. Lediglich gegen Armut
und Sklaverei gebraucht sie manchmal recht donnernde Worte - denn
die menschliche Würde, die auf einem guten Herzen beruht, nimmt bei
ihr immer den ersten Platz ein. Auch May und Ganghofer denken in
diesem Punkt kaum anders. Old Shatterhand spricht ständig von der
Einheit Gottes mit seiner Schöpfung, feiert selbst in der Prärie den
Sonntag mit frommen Meditationen und komponiert sogar ein pietisti-
sches Ave Maria. Winnetou stirbt als Christ, ja wird schon lange vor
seinem Tode unbewußt Pietist. Aus seiner christlich veredelten Seele
können daher nur edle Handlungen hervorgehen. Sowohl Winnetou
als auch Old Shatterhand liefern beide gute Kommentare zu den Lehren
Philipp Jakob Speners, des Begründers des deutschen Pietismus, der
1680 einmal sagte: „Es soll ein Kennzeichen der wahren Wiedergeburt
sein, daß ein solcher Mensch das Gute tue, gleichsam von innen und
also von Herzen, obwohl er fühlt, daß sein Fleisch selbst keine Lust
dazu habe."^®

18 Das Geheimnis der alten Mamsell, S. 88.

19 Das Zeitalter des Pietismus, hrsg. von Martin Schmidt und Wilhelm
Jannasch (Bremen, 1965), S. 59.

VJas die Deutschen wirklidi lasen

109

Wie diese Menschen gekleidet sind, spielt daher nur eine untergeord-
nete Rolle. Es ist nicht ihre äußere Ersciieinung, die zählt, sondern der
Edelmut ihrer Taten. May zieht aus dem rohen und vernachlässigten
Aussehen seiner „Westmänner", über die man in kultivierten Kreisen
sicher verächtlich geläciielt hätte, die bedeutsame Lehre: „Kleider ma-
chen keine Leute!" Bei ihm sind es nur die edlen Herzen, die zu edlen
Taten führen (was ausdrücklich als Wille Gottes hingestellt wird). Die
einzige Ausnahme in diesem Glaubensbekenntnis ist der Satz: Die äu-
ßere Erscheinung eines Menschen mag noch so unwichtig sein, sein
Gesicht ist dagegen das Spiegelbild seiner Seele. So erkennt etwa Old
Shatterhand eine edle Gesinnung sofort am Gesichtsausdruck der ihm
begegnenden Menschen. Manchmal werden auch biologische Tatsachen
für diesen Wechselbezug ins Feld geführt. Das Rassistische bleibt jedocfi
noch ausgeschlossen, konnte aber später leicht auf dieses vorgeprägte
Muster übertragen werden.

Die pietistische Ablehnung kirchlicher Institutionen führt in diesen
Romanen oft zu einer erstaunlichen Toleranz, wie sie Karl May den
Indianern, die Marlitt und Ganghofer den Juden gegenüber üben. In
Marlitts Heideprinzeßchen (1872) ist die Hauptfigur eine getaufte Jüdin,
die durch die Intoleranz der Christen zum Wahnsinn getrieben wird.
Ein Dienstmädchen haßt hier die Juden vor allem darum, weil sie Jesus
Christus ans Kreuz geschlagen haben. Dagegen schreibt die Marlitt:
„Wie kann ich meinen Zorn auslassen an Leuten, die als unschuldige
Kinder auf die Welt kamen und von ihren Eltern in der alten Lehre
auferzogen wurden?" Nach ihrer Meinung sollten alle Menschen ihre
„schwarzen Herzen" überwinden und eine neue Unschuld finden, die
auf folgender Gesinnung beruht: „Ich hatte keine Wünsche, kein Ver-
langen, mein Herz war nur voll Zärtlichkeit. "^^ Dies ist eine wahre
christliche Haltung, wie sie auch May gegenüber Negern und Indianern
einnimmt. Ganghofers Joseph ist ein Arzt, der das erwähnte blinde
Mädchen im Gotteslehen zu heilen versucht. Obwohl man ihn als Juden
erniedrigt und gedemütigt hat und ihn böse Mönche sogar der Zauberei
anklagen,^^ braucht er nur seinen Gebetsriemen anzulegen, um die
ganze Welt wieder in ihrer ursprünglichen Schönheit zu sehen. Dies nur
als Beispiel, um zu zeigen, daß es in diesen Romanen keinen ausdrück-
lichen Antisemitismus gibt. Im Gegenteil. In den meisten dieser Werke
wird im Rahmen pietistischer Frömmigkeit ausdrücklich auf Toleranz
gepocht.

20 E. Marlitt, Das Heideprinzeßchen (Leipzig, 1872), 1, 109, 61.

21 Ludwig Ganghofer, Das Gotteslehen. Roman aus dem 13. Jahrhundert. In;
Schriften, IX, 281 ff.

110

George L. Mosse

Dodi selbstverständlich hat diese Toleranz ihre Grenzen - vor allem
dann, wenn es um Klassengegensätze oder nationale Unterschiede geht.
So liest sich etwa Karl Mays Beschreibung Winnetous fast wie ein
Pamphlet gegen die Unterdrückung der Indianer. Als jedoch Old Shat-
terhand aufgefordert wird, eine junge Indianerin zu heiraten, heißt es,
„daß ein gebildeter Europäer nicht seine ganze Zukunft dadurch preis-
geben kann, daß er ein rotes Mädchen heiratet". ^^ Und zwar gibt er
dafür keinerlei Gründe an, so grundsätzlich erscheint ihm dieser Unter-
schied. Auch gesellschaftliche Umwälzungen, vor allem wenn sie auf
atheistischen Lehren beruhen, werden selbstverständlich nicht toleriert.
Klekhi-Petra, der die Apachen zur Tugend erziehen will, wird von Karl
May eindeutig als ehemaliger Revolutionär abgewertet und muß dafür
büßen. Nach seiner ersten Niederlage hatte Klekhi-Petra bei einer
armen Familie Unterschlupf gefunden. Unter seinem Einfluß war jedoch
auch hier der Familienvater zur offenen Rebellion übergegangen und
ins Gefängnis geworfen worden. „Sie waren arm, aber zufrieden gewe-
sen'', heißt es ausdrücklich, bis ihnen der böse Revolutionär die Glück-
seligkeit geraubt habe.^^ Die Lehren, die Klekhi-Petra, der ,weiße Va-
ter', daraus zieht, sind deutlich genug: Genügsamkeit und die Einsicht,
daß die gesunde, glückliche Welt, die sich in der Schönheit offenbart,
auf einer vorgegebenen Ordnung beruht - und daß diese Ordnung auf
Gott, den Schöpfer des Universums, zurückgeht. Ganghofer treibt es
manchmal noch schlimmer. Wenn einer seiner Jäger über die Ungerech-
tigkeit seines Herrn murrt, wird ihm bedeutet, daß er die Welt nicht im
richtigen Lichte sehe, da auf Erden alles nach einem absolut gerechten
Plan eingeteilt sei.^"* Auch bei der Marlitt spielen die Klassenunter-
schiede eine kaum zu übersehende Rolle. Wenn eins ihrer armen Mäd-
chen einmal in eine ,gute Familie' einheiratet, stellt sich später meist
heraus, daß sie eigentlich auch aus einer ,guten Familie' stammt. Nur
im Hinblick auf die Moral kennt die Marlitt keine Klassengegensätze,
ja die Vertreter der Oberschicht werden von ihr in diesem Punkte oft
weniger verehrenswert als die Mitglieder der arbeitenden Schichten
dargestellt.

Wo jedoch die Tugend absolut im Mittelpunkt steht, treten manchmal
selbst die Klassenunterschiede in den Hintergrund. Nicht sie, sondern
die persönlichen Beziehungen sind dann das Wichtigste. Selbstverständ-
lich lassen sich die sozialen Schranken nicht allein durch Tugend über-
winden, doch man kann sich nüt ihrer Hilfe wenigstens innerlich über

22 Winnetou, in, 523.

23 Ebd., 1,122 f.

24 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften, I, 62.

VJas die Deutschen wirklich lasen

111

diese Barrieren erheben und einem Mitglied der anderen Klasse Liebe
spenden und von ihm Liebe empfangen. Eine solche Herzensseligkeit,
wie uns Ganghofer erzählt, ist eine feste Brücke, die uns über manche
Fährnisse des Lebens hinweggeleitet.^* Auch Marlitts Helden und Hel-
dinnen haben oft ein Bedürfnis nach einer Liebe dieser Art. Bei einem
solchen Nachdruck auf der seelischen Verschmelzung erwartet man
zwangsläufig auch einige sexuelle Implikationen. Doch davon ist in
diesen Romanen wenig zu spüren. Die wahre Liebe ist hier eine Gottes-
gabe, die alle Menschen - Männlein wie Weiblein - mit ihrem bese-
ligenden Band umschlingt. Wie sehr dieses Liebeskonzept zum rein
Idealistischen, rein Gemüthaften tendiert, zeigt sich bei der Schilderung
der beliebten Familienszenen, die als höchste Form menschlicher Glück-
seligkeit dargestellt werden.

In einem von Ganghofers Romanen opfert ein Graf Tasso sein ganzes
Vermögen, um sein Familienglück zu erhalten, damit der „Engel des
großen Glücks" wieder bei ihm Einkehr halte.^^ Eine von Marlitts Figu-
ren ist vor allem darum ein Schurke, weil er seine Tochter durch seine
religiöse Heuchelei um ihr „reinstes Familienglück" betrügt.^^ Auch
Old Shatterhand denkt gern an sein glückliches Elternhaus zurück. Alle
diese Familien haben natürlich ein höchst traditionelles Ordnungsge-
füge: der Mann regiert, die Frau waltet in der Stille und die Kinder
müssen ihre Eltern ständig um Verzeihung bitten.^® Doch trotz dieser
Autoritätsstruktur beruhen die rein menschlichen Beziehungen in letzter
Instanz fast immer auf der persönlichen Würde des einzelnen.

Der gleiche Glaube an Menschenwürde liegt der Arbeitsethik zugrun-
de, die in all diesen Romanen gepriesen wird. Marlitts Heldinnen ar-
beiten fast ununterbrochen, ohne dabei das Gefühl von Sklavinnen zu
haben. Zufriedenheit bei der Arbeit gilt als Ausdruck einer gefestigten
Persönlichkeit, als Zeichen dafür, daß man bereit ist, sich zu einem
verantwortungsbewußten Handeln zu bekennen.*® Ja, manchmal wird
die Arbeit völlig aus der Klassenstruktur herausgelöst und als eine
Haltung hingestellt, die jeder Weihre Christ aus freiem Willen leistet.
Die tugendhaften Apachen und die Bleichgesichter stimmen völlig darin
überein, daß nur das, was man sich im Schweiße seines Angesichts erar-
beitet hat, wirklich Wert besitzt.*® In seiner Bewunderung der Arbeit
preist May sogar eine Stadt wie San Francisco, wo niemand Zeit
verschwendet und alles glatt ineinandergreift. Obendrein leben hier

25 Ebd., 1,263. 26 Ebd., II, 288.

27 Das Heideprinzeßchen, S. 257.

28 Das Geheimnis der alten Mamsell, S. 201.

29 Winnetou, 1,51. 30 Ebd., I, 420.

112

George L. Mosse

Mensdien versdiiedenster Herkunft völlig friedlich nebeneinander: der
Brite, der Chinese und sogar der ,,sdiinutzige polnische Jude".''i

Selbstverständlich schließen Arbeit und Schönheit den „Dämon Lei-
denschaft" aus,®2 der als etwas Trübes und Minderwertiges empfunden
wird. Und zwar beruht diese Verleugnung des Leidensdiaftlichen nicht
auf einer gesteigerten Rationalität, sondern ist Teil der traditionellen
Ästhetik des 19. Jahrhunderts, die über Friedridi Theodor Vischer auf
die ,klassisdien' Schönheitskonzepte Winckelmanns zurückgeht. Wink-
kelmann hatte die Schönheit mit der „Einheit der Fläche des Meeres"
verglichen, „welche in einiger Weite eben und stille wie ein Spiegel er-
scheinet, ob es gleich allezeit in Bewegung ist, und Wogen wälzet". ^'^
Leidenschaften waren also nicht ausgeschlossen, wurden jedoch in ,klas-
sische' Formen gebändigt. Immer wieder versucht man im 19. Jahrhun-
dert, das Klassische und das Romantische zu einer Synthese zu ver-
schmelzen, indem man romantische Leidenschaften in klassischer Form
präsentiert. Vor allem in den nationalen Symbolen erreichte man diese
Verbindung, lange bevor die Romane der May, Marlitt und Ganghofer
geschrieben wurden. Noch das Mausoleum, das man Karl May nach sei-
nem Tode errichtete, ist ein gutes Beispiel dieser klassisch-romantischen
Synthese. Er erhielt tatsächlich eine kleine Walhalla, wenn auch in
Radebeul in Sachsen und nicht an den Ufern der Donau. Was Kant für
die Vernunft erreicht hatte, leistete Winckelmann für das Romantische:
er gab ihm eine gewisse Begrenzung, die in Winckelmanns Worten den
Zustand der innerlichen Erregung in „edle Einfalt und stille Größe"
transponiert.^* Diese Charakterisierung könnte auch auf alle Helden und
Heldinnen der Trivialliteratur angewandt werden.

,Wirklichkeit' ist in diesen Romanen immer das gesunde Leben, das
sich in Schönheit, Liebe und Arbeit manifestiert. Leidenschaft muß da-
her stets eine bestimmte Form erhalten, Unruhe muß der Verwurzelung
weichen. Diese Verwurzelung beruht meist in einer Glaubenshaltung,
die aus pietistischen Quellen gespeist wird. Die Klassenstruktur bleibt
zwar intakt, wird jedoch zu gleicher Zeit durch den Vorrang abge-
schwächt, den man der menschlichen Würde und dem Persönlichen jen-
seits der bloß gesellschaftUchen Bindungen verleiht. Diese Einstellung
läßt sich nicht einfach mit dem Schlagwort ,patriarchalisch' umschrei-
ben, da es schließlich in diesen Romanen auch den stolzen Individualis-
mus eines Winnetou und Old Shatterhand gibt. Die Trivialliteratur

31 Ebd., III, 266, 269.

32 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften, I, 251.

33 Johann Joadiim Winckelmann, Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums. In:
Kunsttheoretische Schriften (Straßburg, 1966), V, 153.

34 Ebd., S. 24.

V^as die Deutschen wirklich lasen

113

dieser Ära ist überhaupt Ausdruck eines unveränderten Liberalismus,
und zwar nicht nur in ihrer Arbeitsethik, sondern auch in ihrem Eintre-
ten für Toleranz und Menschenwürde. Eine Welt, in der Schönheit und
Harmonie herrschen soll, kann weder auf Rassenhaß noch auf religiöser
Heuchelei oder Klassengebundenheit beruhen.

Wie steht es dagegen mit dem Konzept des Nationalen? Pietät vor
dem Vergangenen gilt als Teil einer universalen Harmonie. Diese Ver-
gangenheit braucht nicht unbedingt im Nationalen verankert zu sein.
Nicht so sehr das Stammliche oder Volkhafte als die traditionellen Bin-
dungen aller Menschen untereinander geben hier den Ausschlag. Wenn
man das Wort ,Pietät' gebraucht (und man gebraucht es häufig), wird
es meist gegen die bösen Einflüsse der ,Moderne' ausgespielt. Und doch
spielt auch das ,Deutsche' in diese Vorstellung hinein. Ganghofers
Landschaften und Marlitts Tugenden werden oft mit den Metaphern
des „edlen deutschen Familienlebens" ausgeschmückt.^^ Doch das beste
Bild des edlen Deutschen finden wir wohl bei Karl May. Wenn man
seine Werke durchmustert und die verschiedenen Hinweise auf den
deutschen Charakter zusammenträgt, ergibt sich ein höchst interessantes
Gemälde.

Old Shatterhand ist selbstverständlich ein Deutscher von echtem
Schrot und Korn. Und auch Mays andere Helden wie Sam Hawkes,
Klekhi-Petra und so weiter sind meist ,gute Deutsche'. Sogar in der
Wildnis der Prärie erkennen sich diese Männer sofort auf intuitive
Weise als Deutsche. Sie alle sehnen sich nach der Zeit, wo dieses in-
stinktive Erkennen zu einer wahrhaft nationalen Einheit führen wird.
Aber Deutsche sind bei May auch durch äußerliche Züge leicht zu er-
kennen, vor allem an ihrem „gutmütigen Lächeln", das auf „echt deut-
sche Abstammung" hinweist. Es sind „sonderbare Käuze", die furcht-
erregend wie die Bären aussehen und doch selbst mit ihren ärgsten
Feinden Mitleid haben.^^ Sie sind ,ritterlich' und kämpfen nur, wenn sie
angegriffen werden. Blut vergießen sie bloß, wenn man ihnen an den
Kragen will. Obendrein sind alle Deutschen bescheiden. Sie fordern
lediglich das, was ihnen von Rechts wegen zusteht. Sklaverei hassen sie
ebenso wie Massenmord oder den Ku Klux Klan. Zudem sind sie hart
wie Stahl. Die einzigen Tränen, die Deutsche vergießen, sind Freuden-
tränen.^^ Überhaupt halten sie ihre Gefühle immer im Zaum. Sie singen
gern, aber lediglich fromme Choräle. Wenn sie an ihr fernes Vaterland
denken, träumen sie von Männergesangvereinen oder einem Ruheplätz-

35 Im Hause des Kommerzienrates, 5. 161 ff.

36 Winnetou, 1, 120; II, 80; III, 36.

37 Ebd., I, 270, 244, 426; II, 88.

114

George L. Masse

chen für ihre alten Tage - in einer Kleinstadt oder irgendwo auf dem
Lande.'»« Auch Sinn für Kultur ist selbstverständlich Teil des deutschen
Charakters. So plant etwa Old Shatterhand, Bücher zu schreiben, ob-
wohl seine Feinde das als ^unmännlich' empfinden.^® Kein Wunder, daß
May sogar die Gelehrsamkeit preist. Wollte er nicht selbst in seiner Ju-
gend Lehrer werden und hat er sich nicht 1902 von einer imaginären
Chicagoer Universität einen Doktortitel gekauft? Natürlich versteht er
unter einem Gelehrten keinen Bücherwurm. Mays Konzept wahrer bür-
gerlicher ,Bildung' beruht ganz auf Idealen wie ,Selbstentwicklung'
und ,innerliches Wachstum'.'*« Kultiviert, aber hart; feurig, aber gerecht;
gefühlvoll, aber diszipliniert: so steht bei ihm der Deutsche der Welt
gegenüber. Er ist liebenswert und zugleidi bereit, Liebe zu geben; er hat
vieler Herren Länder gesehen, aber schätzt das Glück des stillen Win-
kels. Eine tiefe Aditung für Familie, harte Arbeit, Kultur imd Frömmig-
keit begleitet ihn, wohin er auch immer geht.

Aber dieser Deutsche ist kein Chauvinist, obwohl Old Shatterhand
das Grab eines Apachen mit deutschem Eidienlaub schmückt.*^ Denn alle
diese Tugenden haben ihren Ursprung in Gott und werden als Charak-
teristika aller Menschen, die guten Willens sind, hingestellt. Ja, die In-
dianer besitzen sie manchmal in einem höheren Maße als die Deutschen.
Wie es für May gute und schlechte Indianer gibt, so gibt es für ihn auch
gute und schlechte Bleichgesichter. Der Lebensstil der deutsch-pietisti-
schen Trapper, die Old Shatterhand in den Prärien trifft, unterscheidet
sich daher niciit grundsätzlich von dem der Indianer in ihren Siedlungen.
Beide bekennen sich zum Ideal der Freiheit. So weigern sich zum Bei-
spiel die Indianer, aus bloßer Dankbarkeit Geld anzunehmen, um sich
nicht zu „Knechten" zu erniedrigen.'*^ Auf beiden Seiten regiert die Tu-
gend, obwohl die Indianer ihre alten Sitten und Gebräuche beizubehal-
ten versuchen, denen ,gute' Weiße wie Old Shatterhand und Klekhi-
Petra lieber eine andere Form geben würden. Imperialisten sind solche
Helden nur iin Sinne einer alles beherrschenden Gewaltlosigkeit. Sie
wollen die Tugendhaftigkeit, die Gott den Menschen zum Geschenk ge-
macht hat, einzig und allein durcii ihr gutes Beispiel verbreiten.

Keine Gewalt zu üben, gehört überhaupt zum ,Mythos' dieser Hel-
den. So gelingt es Old Shatterhand in mancher bedrohlichen Situation,
sich allein durch die „Maciit seiner Persönlichkeit" und seinen „legen-
dären Ruhm" auch ohne Anwendung von Gewalt durchzusetzen. Dazu
gehören allerdings einige magische Attribute, selbst wenn diese nur in

38 Ebd., III, 388; Der Schatz im Silbersee, S. 119.

39 Winnetou, III, 273. 40 Der Schatz im Silbersee, S. 71.
41 Winnetou, I, 384. 42 Der Schatz im Silbersee, S. 59.

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

115

der Einbildung seiner Widersacher bestehen. Old Shatterhands berühm-
ter Henry-Stutzen liefert dafür ein gutes Beispiel. Manche seiner Geg-
ner werden bereits durch seinen bloßen Anblick gelähmt, obwohl die
Überlegenheit dieser Waffe lediglich auf der Erfindung eines cleveren
Waffenschmieds beruht. Karl May ist sich der Faszination solcher ,my-
thischen' Elemente wohl bewußt. Seine Schriften sind daher gute Bei-
spiele für jenen „Hunger nach dem Mythos", der im Rahmen der wil-
helminischen Gesellschaft so oft anzutreffen ist.'*^ Die Essenz eines sol-
chen Mythos muß selbstverständlich das Gute und Tugendhafte sein,
worin sich ein glücklicheres Leben manifestiert. Vor allem Old Shatter-
hand und Winnetou haben diesen charismatischen Anstrich. So sagt
Winnetou einmal mit der Pose eines geradezu religiösen Heilsbringers :
„Meine Hand richtet sich gegen die bösen Menschen, und mein Arm
schützt jeden, der ein gutes Gewissen hat."** Auch hier liegt der Nach-
druck wiederum auf einem Tugendkonzept, das geradewegs aus der
Welt des lutherischen Pietismus zu stammen scheint.

Manchmal muß jedoch selbst der edelste Held zur Gewalt greifen.
Aber wie sehr May solche Akte verabscheut, zeigt sich vor allem da, wo
er das Blutvergießen durch einen raffinierten Trick vermeidet. So heißt
es einmal im Schatz im Silbersee im Hinblick auf einen solchen ,Dreh':
„Es war eine kleine Künstelei, die aber kein Betrug war, da es die Ret-
tung Ihres Lebens galt, ohne daß die Roten davon einen Schaden ha-
ben."'*^ Um der Würde des Menschen willen wird daher selbst der Be-
griff der Tugend manchmal etwas weiter gefaßt, als man erwarten
würde. Es sind dieses pietistische Erbe und zugleich die liberale Tole-
ranzidee, die Karl Mays Helden davor bewahren, in die dumpfen Nie-
derungen des Chauvinismus abzusinken. Nicht nach völkischen, sondern
nach allgemein-menschlichen Grundsätzen wird hier der Mensch bewer-
tet, nach Grundsätzen, die der gute Deutsche den anderen Menschen
vorzuleben versucht.

Ganghofers Einstellung zum deutschen Wesen ist nicht viel anders.
Auch er betont stets die Humanität, obwohl er wie May stets für die
deutsche Einigung eintritt. Er legt freihch etwas mehr Nachdruck auf
das Volkhafte, da sich seine Romane schheßlich alle auf deutschem Bo-
den abspielen. Indes die einzig spezifisch ,deutsche' Tugend, die er je
erwähnt, ist die Sauberkeit,*« womit jedoch ein allgemeines Ordnungs-
prinzip gemeint ist. Nicht nur Ganghofer, auch die Marlitt stimmt in

43 Ebd., S. 391. Vgl. auch Theodore Ziolkowski, Der Hunger nach dem
Mythos. In: Die sogenannten Zwanziger Jahre, hrsg. von Reinhold
Grimm und Jost Hermand (Bad Homburg, 1970), S. 169-201.

44 Der Schatz im Silbersee, S. 239.

45 Ebd., S. 385. 46 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften, l,21A.

116

George L. Mosse

diesem Punkte völlig mit May überein. Bei ihr gibt es zwar die deut-
schen Wälder und die altdeutschen Tugenden, aber dahinter steht
immer wieder das Prinzip der Toleranz und der Anerkennung der
Würde aller Mensdien. Manche Historiker haben sich bei der Betrach-
tung dieser Ära allzusehr auf jene Literatur beschränkt, in denen sich
das deutsche Nationalbewußtsein mit einer Begeisterung für das Krie-
gerische verbindet.'»^ Aber solche Werke, obwohl einige von ihnen sicher
sehr verbreitet waren, können sich in keiner Weise mit der Popularität
einer Marlitt, eines May oder Ganghofer messen, deren Romane zwar
schon ein nationales Selbstbewußtsein, aber noch keine chauvinistische
Überheblichkeit aufweisen.

Und doch haben diese Literatur und die Leserschaft, die in ihnen an-
visiert wird, etwas eminent ,Deutsches', das sich am besten mit dem
Begriff ,provinziell' umschreiben läßt. Keiner dieser Autoren ist weit in
der Welt herumgekommen. Sowohl in ihren ästhetischen als auch
moralischen Ansichten, die auf bewährten Gemeinplätzen beruhen,
äußert sich eine typische Kleinstadtgesinnung, die ihren engen Gesidits-
kreis mit Ausflügen ins phantastisch Imaginierte zu kompensieren
sucht. In ihrer Abneigung gegen alles ,Moderne' sind die Marlitt, May
und Ganghofer typische Vertreter jenes Provinzialismus, der aus den
Traditionen des Klassisch-Romantischen und einem nationalen Identi-
tätsverlangen erwachsen war und der sich im Laufe des 19. Jahrhunderts
zu einem der dominierenden Grundzüge deutschen Wesens entwickelt
hatte. Das Nationalbewußtsein ist hier immer noch eng an die Welt der
ästhetischen Idealität und der überlieferten Glaubensinhalte gebunden.
Da dieses Ideal selbst nach 1871 eine Utopie blieb, nahm es allmählich
immer verschwommenere und damit ,universalere' Züge an. Das ,Deut-
sche' ist deshalb nur ein Faktor im Ideenhaushalt dieser Romane, und
zwar nicht einmal unbedingt der dominierende.

Diese Trivialautoren waren keine unmittelbaren Wegbereiter Adolf
Hitlers. Wenn der letztere einmal bemerkte, daß ihm Karl May die
Augen für die weite Welt geöffnet habe,-»» so muß man das ganz wört-
lich verstehen. Denn Hitlers manichäisches Weltbild steht in einem ab-
soluten Gegensatz zu den Tugendvorstellungen, wie sie in diesen Ro-
manen gepredigt werden. Und doch war es für den Nationalsozialismus
leicht, diese Art von Literatur zu seinen Zwecken heranzuziehen; ja, die
Popularität des Nazischrifttums beruht zum Teil auf der skrupellosen
Ausbeutung dieser Tradition. Wie bezeichnend, daß Hitler nidit nur

47 Vgl. Fritz Fischer, Krieg der Illusionen (Düsseldorf, 1969), S. 65/66.

48 Adolf Hitler, Hitler's Secret Conversations, übers, von N. Cameron und
R. H. Stevens (New York, 1953), S. 257.

Was die Deutschen wirklidi lasen

117

Mays blühende Phantasie, sondern vor allem auch jene vollendete
,Würde' bewunderte, mit der dessen Helden das Leben zu meistern ver-
stehen. Mays Tugenden waren genau die gleichen, die auch Hitler gegen
seine Feinde verteidigen wollte. In diesem Punkte sind beide, May und
Hitler, typisdie Produkte der bürgerUchen Moralität und Kultur des wil-
helminischen Deutschland. Hitler sah keinen Widerspruch darin, seinem
Neffen Winnetou als Vorbild absoluter Lebensmeisterschaft zu empfeh-
len*» und zugleich ein absolut rassistisches Weltbild zu vertreten. Für
ihn repräsentierte diese Figur spezifisch ,deutsche' Tugenden. Hatte
nicht schon ein früherer May-Bewunderer Winnetous Schwester als
eine Indianer-Maid mit einem deutschen Herzen bezeichnet?^« Diese
Figuren waren alle längst zu Traumgestalten geworden, die man nidit
mehr in ihrer wirklichen Umgebung sah.

Was auch immer Hitlers private Ansichten gewesen sein mögen, die
offizielle Naziideologie beruhte zum Teil darauf, die Träume einer Mar-
litt, eines May und Ganghofer in die ReaUtät umzusetzen. Denn audi
die Nazikunst und -hteratur ist voller Lob für das Schöne, Gute und
Gesunde - wenn auch mit einem diktatorischen Anspruch verbunden,
den die erwähnten Autoren sicher als unvereinbar mit der menschli-
chen Würde zurückgewiesen hätten. Doch gerade durch diesen Umset-
zungsakt kam im Jahr 1933 die eigentliche Schwäche dieser Triviallite-
ratur ans Lidit.

Ihre Welt war eine Traumwelt gewesen, die nichts mit der Wirklich-
keit zu tun hatte. In scharfer Opposition zur ,Moderne' schloß sie von
vornherein jede Auseinandersetzung mit konkreten Fragen aus. Für
diese Autoren gibt es kein soziales Elend, keine ökonomische Depres-
sion, keine Großstadtmisere. Selbst die Regierungsform ersdieint ihnen
unwichtig. Wichtig an ihr ist nur, daß sie das Volk vereint, anstatt es zu
zersplittern. Die Marlitt verdammt daher ausdrückUch den Haß, der
durch den Kampf der Parteien untereinander entfesselt wird.^^ Dage-
gen preist sie Bismarck, und zwar nicht wegen seiner politischen Kon-
zepte (für die sie sich kaum interessiert haben dürfte), sondern wegen
seiner Kulturkampf-Gesinnung. Daß er sich gegen die katholisciie Kir-
che wandte, weil er ein geeintes Deutschland haben wollte, war für sie
bereits eine gute Tat. Leute dieser Art wollen immer Einheit, Dauer,
stabile Verhältnisse. Denn nur die Unveränderbarkeit ist für sie ein
Garant gesunder Zustände.

49 Hans Severus Ziegler, Adolf Hitler aus dem Erleben dargestellt (Göttingen,

50 Ludwig Gurlitt, Gerechtigkeit für Karl May! (Radebeul, 1919), S. 140.

51 Im Hause des Kommerzienrates, S. 249.

118

George L. Mosse

Lediglich die Marlitt greift mandimal auch soziale Fragen auf. In
ihren Werken gibt es sowohl Arbeiter als auch Streiks. Streiks werden
jedoch von vornherein verdammt, selbst wenn sie gerechte Ursachen
haben, da sie meist zu Gewaltakten führen, die aus Tugendgründen
nicht zugelassen werden können.^^ Für alle diese Autoren steht nicht
die Gruppe, sondern das Individuum im Mittelpunkt, das wie Mays
und Ganghofers Helden durch seine bloße Existenz ein gutes Beispiel
gibt. Es sind die natürlichen Optimisten, die nach ihrer Ansicht Gottes
Plan in der Welt durchführen. Solche Helden sind stets durch einen
gesunden Aktivismus ausgezeichnet. „Der Wille eines einzigen, der
stark ist, hat auf Erden des Guten mehr getan'', schreibt Ganghofer
einmal, „als die schwache Liebe, die ihr [der Priester] predigt/'^^ Aber
Stärke darf auch hier nicht mit BrutaHtät oder Ungerechtigkeit verwech-
selt werden. Diese ,Helden' sind von Nietzsche ebensoweit entfernt
wie von Hitler. Sie kommen aus der pietistischen Tradition des 18.
Jahrhunderts und sind keine Vorläufer der Diktatur des 20. Jahrhun-
derts.

Und dies ist das Entscheidende. Der Traum vom besseren Leben blieb
derselbe, während die Geschichte weiterging. Und so wurde der Druck
und mit ihm die Frustrierung immer größer. Die Nazis, die sich der
Popularität dieser Literatur wohl bewußt waren, behielten ihre Themen
einfach bei und versuchten sie lediglich mit ,völkischer Substanz' auf-
zuladen. Einer der populärsten Romane dieser Art war Der Femhof
(1934) von Josefa Berens-Totenohl, der von der Partei offiziell empfoh-
len wurde.^* Der Femhof schließt sich unmittelbar an die Tradition
des Bauernromans an. Lediglich zwei Dinge sind anders: der eine der
Schurken ist ein rassisch Minderwertiger, ein Zigeuner, und das Ganze
hat ein ,tragisches' Ende. Die Nazikritiker glaubten nämhch, daß das
Tragische der deutschen Seele besonders nahestehe. Die Verbindung
zwischen dem Tragischen und dem Heroischen sollte nach ihrer Mei-
nung jene Seelentiefe ausdrücken, die allen deutschempfindenden Deut-
schen von Natur aus zu eigen sei.^^ Obendrein versuchte man damit
einen dynamischen Charakter in die Literatur hineinzubringen, der
nach politischer Veränderung drängt, um so jene Saturiertheit und
Happy-End-Gesinnung zu überwinden, mit der diese Trivialromane
meist schließen.

52 Ebd., S. 50.

53 Das Gotteslehen. In: Schriften, IX, 207.

54 Dietrich Strothmann, Nationalsozialistische Literaturpolitik (Bonn, 1963),
S. 398.

55 Ebd., S. 345, 338. Vgl. auch Uwe-Karsten Ketelsen, Von heroischem Sein
und völkischem Tod (Bonn, 1970).

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

119

Doch diese Vermischung von traditionellen Themen und völkischer
Substanz, mochte sie noch so oberflächlich sein, blieb an sich relativ
selten, da sie die Gefahr einer Gleichstellung der Deutschen mit ande-
ren ,Rassen' heraufbeschwor. Karl May war daher bei mandien Partei-
organisationen gar nicht so angesehen, und seine Neuauflagen wurden
bewußt niedrig gehalten.^^ Doch ein Autor wie May war einfach nicht
zu unterdrücken! Obwohl manche Parteileute seinen Einfluß systema-
tisch zu verringern suchten, setzten sich andere ganz offen für ihn ein.
So sehen wir zum Beispiel in einem Propagandafilm für die National-
politischen Erziehungsanstalten von 1939 einen Jungen, der Karl May
Uest, während die anderen mit Schiffsmodellen, Festungen und Tanks
spielen.^^ Hitler selbst hat seine Bewunderung für Old Shatterhand
und Winnetou nie verleugnet. Trotz der Papierknappheit während des
Krieges ließ er 1943 noch einmal 300 000 Exemplare des Winnetou
drucken, um sie an die Truppen verteilen zu lassen.^^ Der Traum vom
besseren Leben war auch ihm wichtiger als die Tatsache, daß nicht nur
die Deutschen, sondern auch die Indianer diese Utopie repräsentierten.

Die Romane der May, Marlitt und Ganghofer haben sich deshalb
stets viel besser verkauft als die ihrer ,völkischen' Rivalen.^* Selbst
während des Dritten Reiches konnte die völkische Literatur mit der
Auflagenhöhe dieser Art von Trivialliteratur nidit Schritt halten. Wie
schon in den Jahrzehnten zuvor blieb das Völkische weiterhin am Rande
der wirklich populären Literatur.

Die Deutschen waren nun einmal versessen aufs Gefühlvolle und
Liberale in der Literatur. Und das war sicher keine Schande. Aber es
war gefährhch, daß ihnen diese Schriften kein Verhältnis zu ihrer eige-
nen Gegenwart vermittelten, da sie in ihrer Beziehung zur Wirklichkeit
viel zu idealistisch und unreal waren. Ganghofers Irimbert, den böse
Mönche seit Jahren eingekerkert haben, ruft einmal aus: „Ich lebe!
Denn in meinem Herzen ist Traum und Freude i"»» Der Arbeiter, der
Kleinbürger, der Geschäftsmann: wer konnte sich schon angesichts der
großstädtischen Industriezivilisation, die immer bedrohlichere Züge an-
zunehmen begann, mit einem Charakter wie Irimbert identifizieren?
Folglich lasen solche Menschen alle diese Romane weiterhin als Utopien,
während sie ihre politische und gesellschaftliche Erfüllung woanders
suchten.

56 Strothmann, S. 239, 341.

57 H. Scholtz, Unsere Jungen. Ein Film der nationalpolitischen Erziehungsan-
stalten (Göttingen, 1969), S. 290.

58 Ziegler, S. 77.

59 Strothmann, S. 398.

60 Das Gotteslehen. In : Schriften, IX, 202.

120

George L. Mosse

Die deutsdie Wirklidikeit und die deutsdie Trivialliteratur kamen
wohl nur in der wilhelminisdien Ära einigermaßen zur Deckung. Sidier
waren die ästhetischen und moralischen Prinzipien, die in diesen Roma-
nen gepriesen werden, damals weit verbreitet. In diesen Jahrzehnten
hatten viele das Gefühl, daß das Zweite Reich eine Gesellschaftsord-
nung propagierte, die sich mit der Ideologie einer Marlitt, eines May
oder Ganghofer durchaus in Einklang bringen lasse. Aber nach dem
Ersten Weltkrieg war dies nicht mehr der Fall - und diese Literatur
wurde zu einer Märchenliteratur, wenn auch zu einer, die weiterhin auf
Erfüllung drängte. Während des Dritten Reiches wurde die Reahsierung
dieser Wünsche tatsächlich angestrebt, freilich in einer Richtung, die
mit den Idealen dieser Romane kaum noch etwas gemeinsam hat. Sie
wurden zu einer Utopie, die auf andere Weise erreicht werden mußte.
Old Shatterhand sollte endlich triumphieren; aber das konnte er nur,
nachdem ihm Hitler den Weg bereitet hatte.

(Aus dem Amerikanischen von Jost Hermand)

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REINHOLD GRIMM

JOST HER/VV\ND

(HERAUSGEBER)

UND

0^^ .

FOURTH WISCONSIN WORKSHOP

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P^^^ I

GRIMM/HERMAND (Hrsg.):
POPULARITÄT UND TRIVIALITÄT

WISSENSCHAFTLICHE PAPERBACKS
LITERATURWISSENSCHAFT

POPULARITÄT UND
TRIVIALITÄT

Fourth Wisconsin Workshop

herausgegeben von

Willi Erzgräber • Reinhold Grimm • Walter Hinck

Erich Köhler • Klaus von See

herausgegeben von

REINHOLD GRIMM

und

JOST HERMAND

ATHENÄUM VERLAG

^^WWt;''^'^'''?'^". '?5S|

Herstellung: Allgäuer Zeitungsverlag GmbH, Kempten

Printed in Germany

ISBN 3-7610-4629-4

Bestell-Nr. 460029-2

INHALT

Vorwort ^

Max L. Baeumer

Gesellsdiaftliche Aspekte der ,Volks'-Literatur

im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert ^

Klaus L. Berghahn

VolkstümUchkeit ohne Volk? Kritische Überlegungen zu einem

Kulturkonzept Schillers ^^

Horst Denkler

Volkstümlichkeit, Popularität und Trivialität in den

Revolutionslustspielen der Berliner Achtundvierziger .... 77

George L. Mosse

Was die Deutschen wirklidi lasen. Marlitt, May, Ganghofer ... 101

R. K. Angress

Sklavenmoral und Infantilismus in Frauen- und Familienromanen 121

Jack D. Zipes

Kindertheater. Die Radikalisierung einer Popularform in Ost- und

Westdeutschland ^^^

Peter Uwe Hohendahl

Promoter, Konsumenten und Kritiker. Zur Rezeption des Best-
sellers ^^^

Namensregister

iJMllWI'aBlIgWeJKMMIIIKaBPWBMW aufi wt^ .

i imjiwuyiB^ii'irTt'riritTTBMVffJMMfcTnfitTiniff^grtTTwviigvir'ifrT

100

Horst Denkler

Volkstümlichen und verdient den „Abscheu", den Immermann 1836 vor
ihm bezeugte :®2 das Triviale ist - so darf in vorsichtiger Anlehnung
an Brochs Untersuchungen über den Kitsch betont werden - das poli-
tisch, ethisch und also auch ästhetisch Böse.®^ Notgedrungen kann
diese Schlußfolgerung zunächst aber nur für die Revolutionslustspiele
der Berliner Achtundvierziger gelten. Ob sie zu verallgemeinern ist,
bleibe dahingestellt.*

82 Karl Immermann, Memorabilien, Bd. 2, (Hamburg, 1843), S. 192, Tage-
buchnotiz aus dem Jahre 1836.

83 Hermann Broch, Das Böse im Wertsystem der Kunst. In: Dichten und
Erkennen. Essays. Hrsg. v. Hannah Arendt (Zürich, 1955), Bd. 1, S. 315 u.
348.

•Nachbemerkung : Dieser Aufsatz kann nur vorläufige Ergebnisse zusam-
mentragen und muß sich damit bescheiden, mehr auf die Problematik der
Fragestellung hinzuweisen als ihre Lösung anzubahnen. Denn ,VoIkstümlich-
keit', ,PopuIarität', ,Trivialität' sind lediglich als Hilfsbegriffe ungleicher Her-
kunft und differenten Bedeutungsspielraums zu gebrauchen und bleiben durch
andere aus der Rezeptionstheorie zu ersetzen, die der gesamten Frequenz alles
Geschriebenen und Gedruckten gerecht zu werden hätten. Diese fehlen bislang
und dürften in der Zukunft allein mit den Methoden der historisch-materiali-
stischen Literaturwissenschaft zu erschließen sein.

GEORGE L. MOSSE

WAS DIE DEUTSCHEN WIRKLICH LASEN

Marlitt, May, Ganghof er

Die deutsche Trivialliteratur gewährt uns eine Reihe interessanter Ein-
blicke in die Verhaltensmuster und Wunsch Vorstellungen dieses Volkes.
Obwohl sidi ihre Beziehung zur sozialen und politischen Realität nicht
im Sinne einer unmittelbaren Widerspiegelung deuten läßt, erlaubt doch
ihre Analyse einige bemerkenswerte Rückschlüsse auf den verhängnis-
vollen Verlauf der deutschen Geschichte der jüngsten Vergangenheit. In
Ton und Inhalt gehen die Werke dieser Literatur weitgehend auf die
letzten Jahrzehnte des 19. Jahrhunderts zurück.

Jost Hermand hat die Vielfalt der literarischen Stile um die Jahrhun-
dertwende beschrieben, die mit naturalistischen und impressionistischen
Tendenzen beginnen und in der Suche nach dem heiligen Gral kulminie-
ren.* Ein solcher Stilpluralismus existierte zweifellos. Die Triviallitera-
tur des gleichen Zeitraums, ja schon ein großer Teil der anspruchsvolle-
ren Literatur der Jahrhundertmitte weist jedoch wesenthch engere Hori-
zonte auf. Die quantitätsmäßig dominierenden Teile der deutschen
Literatur des 19. Jahrhunderts, soweit sie von den nationalen Einigungs-
bewegungen affiziert wurden, sind Ausdruck eines Verlangens nach
spezifisch deutscher ,Wesenheit' und wenden sich daher scharf gegen
alle Formen der internationalen ,Modernität'. Während England und
Frankreich weiterhin Literatur produzierten, die in fast allen westlichen
Ländern Anklang fand, wurde die deutsche Literatur ab 1850 immer
provinzieller, da sich hier der kulturelle Radius mehr und mehr auf Fra-
gen der nationalen Bewußtseinsbildung verengte.

1 Jost Hermand, Der Schein des sdiönen Lehens. Studien zur Jahrhundert-
wende (Frankfurt, 1972), S. 14/15.

102

George L. Masse

ebenso legendären kleinen Mann von der Straße. Sdion die Tatsadie,
daß die Auflagen in die Millionen gingen, sollte uns warnen, bei der
Beurteilung ihrer Rezeption nur einen bestimmten Sektor der Leser-
schaft ins Auge zu fassen. Stil und Inhalt dieser Werke müssen einen
spontanen Widerhall in den Herzen weiter Bevölkerungsschichten ge-
funden haben und so zu wahren Massenphänomenen geworden sein.

Die Schauplätze ihrer Romane sind recht verschieden: die Marlitt be-
vorzugt die Kleinstadt, Ganghofer das Hochgebirge, May die Prärien
Nordamerikas oder die Wüsten des Orients. Während die Marlitt ihren
Horizont bewußt einengt, betonen ihre beiden männlichen Kollegen
ständig den Gegensatz zwischen dem „Unendlichen" und jenem „Ge-
fängnis", das „der zivilisierte Mensch eine Wohnung nennt".^ Karl
May hegte eine besondere Abneigung gegen alles Einengende, da er in
seiner Jugend einige Zeit im Gefängnis verbracht hatte. Ganghofers
Haltung ist fast die gleiche. Auch seine Welt liegt außerhalb des Zivili-
sierten: im Bereich des Ursprünglichen, Gesunden und Kraftvollen, wie
es sich bei den Älplern findet.^ Nur die Marlitt ist enger. Sie preist stets
die traditionsgeheiligte bürgerliche Ordnung, wo alles „am altgewohn-
ten Orte" steht und man sich „sofort heimisch fühlt.'"* Ihre Kleinstadt-
häuser haben in der Tat etwas „Heimeliges", wie man es in den Prärien
oder Hochalpen nie erwarten würde.

2 Karl May, Winnetou (Bamberg, 1951), II, 446.

3 Vgl. Ludwig Ganghofer, Der Dorfapostel (Stuttgart, o. J.), S. 114.

4 E. Marlitt, Im Hause des Kommerzienrates (Leipzig, 1877), S. 41.

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

103

liehen Wunschvorstellungen ersdieinen daher in der Trivialliteratur
stets in geschickt harmonisierter Form. Die Marlitt, May und Ganghofer
sind hier Teil einer Tradition, die das Kosmisdie und Romantische
immer stärker domestiziert, und zwar nicht in Richtung auf das Völki-
sche, sondern innerhalb des bewährten bürgerlichen Ordnungsdenkens.

Dies ist ein wichtiger Gesichtspunkt. Schon um die Mitte des 19. Jahr-
hunderts hatte ein Mann wie Wilhelm Heinrich Riehl den romantischen
Impuls ins Völkische umgelenkt. Später, im 20. Jahrhundert, hieß es,
daß „mit dem Sieg des Nationalsozialismus die geistige Dynamik des
Menschen, die uns zuerst erschreckt hatte, in einem Gefühl allgemeiner
Ruhe aufgehoben werde". ^ Die Trivialliteratur um 1900 hat an dieser
Entwicklung kaum teilgenommen. Hier wurde zwar auch Ruhe und Ro-
mantik gepredigt, jedoch weder das eine noch das andere mit völkischer
Schicksalsträciitigkeit angereichert.

Wie erobern sich Karl Mays Helden die Prärie? Beileibe nicht mit
Feuer und Schwert. Obwohl in den amerikanischen Steppen nirgends
jene gesicherten sozialen und politischen Zustände herrschen, wie sie
May aus den deutschen Verhältnissen kannte, wirkt sein Old Shatter-
hand in allen drei Winnetou-Roiminen (1893 ff.) wie eine ideale Verkör-
perung von ,Gesetz und Ordnung'. Ständig heißt es: „In der wilden
Savanne verstecken sich die Bösen der Bleichgesichter, die vor den Ge-
setzen der Guten fliehen mußten."^ Wenn Old Shatterhand einen dieser
,Bösen' überwältigt hat, tötet er ihn nicht, sondern bringt ihn sofort vor
den Richter. Statt Haß und Rache predigt er geradezu unentwegt das
Prinzip der Gesetzestreue. Auf die Sünde muß die Strafe folgen; das ist
für ihn notwendig mit dem „Begriff göttlicher und menschliciier Gerech-
tigkeit" verbunden.^ Grausamkeit und Blutvergießen erscheinen ihm
dagegen als etwas Verabscheuungswürdiges. Weil er seine Feinde nur
kraftvoll niederschlägt, ohne sie zu töten, nennt man ihn beinahe liebe-
voll ,01d Shatterhand'.

5 W. Harless in Marquaristeiner Blätter, 2. Sondernummer (Oktober, 1933),
o. S.

6 Winnetou, 111,392.

7 Ebd., II, 477.

8 Karl May, Der Schatz im Silbersee (Bamberg, 1952), S. 112.

104

George L. Mosse

nem Sdiöpfungsakt vorausgesehen habe. Das beste Beispiel für dieses
Gesetz ist das traurige Schicksal der nordamerikanisdien Indianer, die
May zwar von Herzen liebt, deren Untergang ihm jedodi als etwas
Sdiicksalhaftes und Notwendiges erscheint. Wie in der Ideologie des
Zweiten Reidies sind hier bürgerliches Ordnungsdenken und sozialer
Darwinismus kaum zu trennen - nur daß bei May stets das Gute
triumphiert, und dies obendrein in einer Folge von Abenteuern, die für
den Leser höchst spannungsvoll ist. Überall herrscht bei ihm der ,Kampf
ums Dasein', der jedoch in ein Moralkonzept eingebettet wird, mit dem
sich seine Leser voll identifizieren konnten. Der soziale Darwinismus
steht in seinen Romanen dem Sieg der Guten in der Welt in keiner
Weise entgegen (was wiederum auf Gott zurückgeführt wird), sondern
liefert geradezu die beste Erklärung für den Untergang der Schwachen
und die Bestrafung der Bösen. Daß May dieses ,Gesetz' in aller Farbig-
keit und Zwangsläufigkeit vordemonstrierte, muß für seine Leser eine
Bestätigung ihrer eigenen Ideologie gewesen sein.

Ganghofer eroberte sich sein etwas rauheres Terrain auf ähnliche
Weise, wenn auch nicht mit dem ständigen Nachdruck auf Gesetz, Ord-
nung und Gerechtigkeit. Er schrieb nicht über die nordamerikanischen
Savannen, sondern über die deutschen Lande und betonte nach alter
Tradition stets die Einheit des deutschen Menschen mit der deutschen
Natur. Nur indem man in dieser ,Natur' wie in einem mystischen Buche
zu lesen versteht, erreicht man bei ihm Klarheit und Ruhe, befreit man
sich aus der Narrheit der Spekulation und wird selber Teil der kräfti-
gen, gesunden Natur.® Ja, dieser Prozeß wird geradezu als eine Reini-
gung von allen bösen Instinkten verstanden. Daß damit ,Kämpfe' ver-
bunden sind (die das Interesse des Lesers wachhalten), entartet auch
hier nicht ins Brutale, da sich in diesen Bewährungsproben stets das
Gute und Schöne durchsetzt und damit die Anständigkeit über das Un-
anständige triumphiert. Die notwendige ,Härte' im Kampf ums Dasein
ist weder für May noch für Ganghofer etwas schlechthin Böses, sondern
der Ausdruck einer Durchhaltekraft, die etwas ,Heroisches' hat. Ein
solcher Heroismus ist daher für sie nicht identisch mit Grausamkeit. Ihre
Helden stehen nicht außerhalb der Gesetze, sondern sind stets die
besten Repräsentanten der herrschenden Justiz- und Moralbegriffe. Ihre
Kämpfe finden entweder unter Gleichrangigen statt, wo das Prinzip der
Ritterlichkeit dominiert, oder dienen der Aufrechterhaltung der Ord-
nung, indem die Starken den Guten, aber Unterdrückten ihren Schutz
angedeihen lassen.

9 Schloß Hubertus. In: Ganghof ers Gesammelte Schriften (Stuttgart, o. J.),
I, 86. Von jetzt ab zitiert als Schriften.

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

105

Inmitten einer Landschaft voller Gefahren und Geheimnisse verkör-
pert hier der Held die Ideale der Menschheit. Indem er diese Ideale in
die Tat umsetzt, erreicht er eine Verbindung von Kampf und Ordnung,
die seinem Heroismus jede Schärfe nimmt und ihn damit zwangsläufig
verbürgerlicht. Auch Marlitts Heroinen, die sich in einem ganz anderen
Milieu bewegen, sind an diese traditionelle Moral gebunden. Nach Mei-
nung dieser Autorin sollte man Frauen nicht den Gefahren und Versu-
chungen des Geschäftslebens aussetzen, sondern sie von vornherein in
den sicheren Hafen des „Familienglücks" lenken.^» Die Kämpfe ihrer
Romanheldinnen sind daher meist, wenn auch nicht immer, innerlicher
Natur. Was ihre Figuren auszeichnet, sind vor allem Zärtlichkeit und
Gefühl. Im Gegensatz zu den ,Helden' bei Karl May würden sie am
Marterpfahl sicher Ströme von Tränen vergießen. Doch jede seelisdie
Erregung vollzieht sich bei ihr stets im Rahmen einer Ordnung, in der
ein sorgfältig arrangiertes „Gleichgewicht'' herrscht, das heißt wo neben
der spießbürgerlichen Enge zugleich Fairneß und Toleranz geübt wird.
Im Rahmen eines solchen „Gleidigewidits" entstehen dann jene „schö-
nen Seelen", von denen die Marlitt so gern redet. Schiller hatte den
Begriff „schöne Seele" mit folgenden Worten umschrieben: „Ruhe aus
Gleichgewicht, nicht aus dem Stillstand der Kräfte - Einheit von Ver-
nunft und Natur."^^ Bei Marlitts „schönen Seelen" beruht dieses Gleich-
gewicht weniger auf der Balance von Vernunft und Natur als auf der
Balance von Natur und Gefühl; dennoch bleibt auch bei ihr die Verbin-
dung von Ruhe und Aktivität durchaus erhalten.

Neben dem Status quo gibt es darum in all diesen Romanen auch
einen Hauch von Utopie, an dem jeder teilnehmen konnte. Und zwar
manifestiert sich dieser utopische Glanz nicht nur in der Verherrlid\ung
des Tugendhaften, sondern auch im Ideal der Sdiönheit. Vor allem bei
Ganghofer ist das mit Händen zu greifen. Man denke an die Heldin sei-
nes Romans Das Gotteslehen (1899), die bereits als Kind an einem
wunderschönen Maientag erblindet ist und für die es daher ewig Früh-
ling bleibt. Kein Wunder, daß Ganghofer das Vorwort zu einem seiner
Romane mit dem Satz beschließt: „1906, zu Mündien, als an einem
Wintertag die Sonne schien."^^ Die traditionelle Sonnensymbolik ist
überhaupt stark in diesen Werken. Hier wie in Fragen der Sdiönheit
gibt man sich meist bewußt konventionell und hält sidi an die üblichen
Topoi. Die Schönheit - die im Auge des Beschauers ruht, wie Friedrich

10 Im Hause des Kommerzienrates, S. 369.

11 Vgl E Marlitt, Das Geheimnis der alten Mamsell (Leipzig, o. J.), 5. 98
und Oskar Walzel, Klassizismus und Romantik als europäische Erschei-
nung (Berlin, 1929), S. 290.

12 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften I, XV.

mß^^^f}i^^^(M

106

George L. Mosse

Theodor Visdier einst gesagt hatte - offenbart sidi für diese Autoren in
einer Welt, die von Chaos und Unordnung gezeichnet ist, weitgehend
im Bereich des Seelischen. Da aber Schönheit stets eine gesunde und
glückliche Welt voraussetzt, kann sie in der ,entfremdeten' Realität des
19. Jahrhunderts nie in Reinkultur erscheinen. Für Vischer findet darum
die Projizierung der Schönheit ins ÄußerUche nur noch im Bereich des
Mythologischen oder Symbohschen statt, das heißt im Reich der Kunst,
das außerhalb der häßlichen Industriegesellschaft liegt. ^^ Seine ästheti-
schen Schriften sind deshalb zugleich ausgezeichnete Dokumente für die
Funktion der Schönheit im Trivialroman wie bei den nationalen Feier-
lichkeiten dieser Ära.

Marlitts Schönheit beruht auf der „altgewohnten Ordnung'', die jedem
Ding seinen festen Platz zuweist. Das zeigt sich vor allem bei ihren
Wohnzimmerbeschreibungen, wo eine absolute Identität von Schönheit
und Gemütlichkeit herrscht. Ganghofers Berge sind zwar ab und zu von
dunklen Schatten überlagert, aber diese finsteren Mächte haben keine
Gewalt über kindlich-reine Seelen. ^^ Im Einklang mit der herrschenden
Ästhetik ist es auch hier der Betrachter, der Ordnung in das Chaos
bringt. Und auch bei Karl May unterliegt die Natur ganz dem ordnen-
den Willen des Menschen. Seine ausführlichen Beschreibungen der Prärie

13 Vgl. Friedrich Theodor Vischer, Ästhetik oder Wissenschaft des Sdiönen
(1846-1857).

14 Vgl. Ursula Kirchhoff, Die Darstelhmg des Festes im Roman um 1900
(Münster, 1965), 5. 13.

15 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften I, 8.

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

107

gehen nur dann ins Wilde und Ekstatische über, wenn die jeweiligen
Sdiurken gerade ihren wohlverdienten Tod erleiden. Ansonsten sind
die Savannen zwar mysteriös, jedoch - für den, der zu sehen versteht -
ein wohltätiger Anblick der Ordnung und Schönheit. So erinnert sicJi
Old Shatterhand in ihrer Mitte einmal spontan an ein paar schöne
Uhlandverse, ein andermal, als er zu verdursten droht, an das wohlge-
ordnete Familienleben in seinem deutschen Vaterhaus, wofür ihn Gott
prompt vom Tode errettet. Bilder aus der deutschen Jugendzeit werden
überhaupt gern verwendet. So sagt Hobble-Frank einmal, als er feind-
lichen Indianern gegenübersteht: „Ich bin so ruhig wie ein Meilenstein
am Straßenrand.''^« Die wohlgeordnete Welt des wilhelminischen
Deutschland dient auch hier dazu, dem wilden Leben auf den nordame-
rikanischen Prärien den Zaum anzulegen und ihm damit eine neue
Schönheit zu geben.

Das Gesunde und Schöne ist in all diesen Romanen ein Symbol des
Ewigen. Schon Hegel hatte gesdirieben, daß das Prinzip der Schönheit
nie auf dem Element des Zufälligen beruhen dürfe. Da das Wort
,Schönheit' stets eine gesunde Welt impliziert, kann man nur in einer
schönen Welt wirkhch glücklich sein. Selbst der Tod verliert in diesen
Bereichen seinen Stachel. So wird zwar Ganghofers blindes Mäddien
von ihrem Liebhaber in eine Schlucht geworfen, der sidi jedoch nach
der Tat sofort das Leben nimmt. Aber dies ist eine Ausnahme: eine
bitter-süße ,Götterdämmerung' und kein heroisdies Opfer ä la Her-
mann Burtes Wiltfeber. Andere verfahren hier noch wesentlich schön-
heitsseliger. Die ideologische Bedeutsamkeit solcher Schönheitskonzepte,
die durch diese Romane in das Popularbewußtsein der Deutschen gefil-
tert wurden, kann kaum überbetont werden. Der Ausdruck „Wie
schön!" wurde sciiließlich selbst im Bereich der Massenpolitik und ihrer
Rituale zum obersten Prinzip und sorgte auch hier für eine wohlgeglie-
derte und augenerfreuende Ordnung.

Überhaupt gehen diese Entwicklungstrends Hand in Hand mit jener
säkularisierten Religion, die sich mit dem deutschen Nationalismus im
Zuge des 19. Jahrhunderts herausbildete. Die nationalen Mythen und
Symbole waren von Anfang an sowohl mit dem Konzept der Schönheit
als auch mit gewissen Formen der Christlichkeit verbunden. Nicht nur
Ernst Moritz Arndt hatte erklärt, daß nationale Feiern mit einem stillen
Gebet beginnen sollten; auch andere lehnten sich bei ihren patriotisciien
Festen an die liturgischen Formen des Protestantismus an.^^ Obendrein

16 Der Schatz im Silbersee, 5. 372.

17 Ernst Moritz Arndt, Entwurf einer Teutschen Gesellschaft (Frankfurt,

1814), S. 36.

108

George L. Mosse

Was die Deutsdien toirklidi lasen

109

spielt in diese Zusammenhänge audi nodi das pietistisdie Konzept des
„inneren Vaterlandes'' hinein, das einen bedeutsamen Platz in der Ent-
wicklung des deutschen Nationalbewußtseins und seiner Selbstdarstel-
lung einnimmt. All dies hatte einen unmittelbaren Einfluß auf die Tri-
vialliteratur des wilhelminischen Deutschland. Hier wie dort sind die
Symbole des Gesunden und Schönen stets mit einer pietistischen Gläu-
bigkeit verbunden, die in vieler Hinsicht die Grundsubstanz für jene
trivialisierten Heldentypen lieferte, deren Reden - wie bei Old Shatter-
hand - ständig ins Predigthafte übergehen.

So ist Marlitts Ideal der Schönheit und Güte immer mit einem ,rei-
chen Seelenleben' verbunden. Ihre pietistisch gestimmte Seele verwirft
jeden trockenen Buchstabenfetischismus und sieht Gott in seiner ganzen
Schöpfung am Werke. Dies ist die ,Freiheit', um die sie bangt und die
sie gegen Orthodoxe und Katholiken zu verteidigen sucht. Vor Gottes
Angesicht sind dagegen für sie alle Menschen gleich, weshalb sie Über-
heblichkeit und mangelndes Mitleid schärfstens verdammt. So wie die
häßliche Realität die ursprüngliche Schönheit immer wieder verdeckt, so
wird auch die ursprüngliche Güte des Menschen nach ihrer Ansicht
immer wieder durch die kirchlichen Institutionen korrumpiert. Trotz
aller Erniedrigungen sagt darum eine ihrer Aschenputtel-Figuren: „Ich
liebe die Menschen und habe eine sehr hohe Meinung von ihnen."^^
Marlitts Ideal der Freiheit und des Mitleids wirkt deshalb genauso
,verinnerHcht' wie alle pietistischen Konzepte. Lediglich gegen Armut
und Sklaverei gebraucht sie manchmal recht donnernde Worte - denn
die menschliche Würde, die auf einem guten Herzen beruht, nimmt bei
ihr immer den ersten Platz ein. Auch May und Ganghofer denken in
diesem Punkt kaum anders. Old Shatterhand spricht ständig von der
Einheit Gottes mit seiner Schöpfung, feiert selbst in der Prärie den
Sonntag mit frommen Meditationen und komponiert sogar ein pietisti-
sches Ave Maria. Winnetou stirbt als Christ, ja wird schon lange vor
seinem Tode unbewußt Pietist. Aus seiner christlich veredelten Seele
können daher nur edle Handlungen hervorgehen. Sowohl Winnetou
als auch Old Shatterhand liefern beide gute Kommentare zu den Lehren
Philipp Jakob Speners, des Begründers des deutschen Pietismus, der
1680 einmal sagte: „Es soll ein Kennzeichen der wahren Wiedergeburt
sein, daß ein solcher Mensch das Gute tue, gleichsam von innen und
also von Herzen, obwohl er fühlt, daß sein Fleisch selbst keine Lust
dazu habe."!»

18 Das Geheimnis der alten Mamsell, S. 88.

19 Das Zeitalter des Pietismus, hrsg. von Martin Schmidt und Wilhelm
Jannasch (Bremen, 1965), S. 59.

Wie diese Menschen gekleidet sind, spielt daher nur eine untergeord-
nete Rolle. Es ist nicht ihre äußere Erscheinung, die zählt, sondern der
Edelmut ihrer Taten. May zieht aus dem rohen und vernachlässigten
Aussehen seiner „Westmänner", über die man in kultivierten Kreisen
siciier verächtlich gelächelt hätte, die bedeutsame Lehre: „Kleider ma-
chen keine Leute!" Bei ihm sind es nur die edlen Herzen, die zu edlen
Taten führen (was ausdrücklich als Wille Gottes hingestellt wird). Die
einzige Ausnahme in diesem Glaubensbekenntnis ist der Satz: Die äu-
ßere Ersciieinung eines Mensdien mag noch so unwichtig sein, sein
Gesicht ist dagegen das Spiegelbild seiner Seele. So erkennt etwa Old
Shatterhand eine edle Gesinnung sofort am Gesichtsausdruck der ihm
begegnenden Menscfien. Manchmal werden auch biologische Tatsachen
für diesen Wechselbezug ins Feld geführt. Das Rassistische bleibt jedoch
noch ausgeschlossen, konnte aber später leicht auf dieses vorgeprägte
Muster übertragen werden.

Die pietistische Ablehnung kirchlicher Institutionen führt in diesen
Romanen oft zu einer erstaunlichen Toleranz, wie sie Karl May den
Indianern, die Marlitt und Ganghofer den Juden gegenüber üben. In
Marlitts Heideprinzeßchen (1872) ist die Hauptfigur eine getaufte Jüdin,
die durch die Intoleranz der Christen zum Wahnsinn getrieben wird.
Ein Dienstmädchen haßt hier die Juden vor allem darum, weil sie Jesus
Christus ans Kreuz geschlagen haben. Dagegen schreibt die Marlitt:
„Wie kann ich meinen Zorn auslassen an Leuten, die als unschuldige
Kinder auf die Welt kamen und von ihren Eltern in der alten Lehre
auferzogen wurden?" Nach ihrer Meinung sollten alle Menschen ihre
„schwarzen Herzen" überwinden und eine neue Unschuld finden, die
auf folgender Gesinnung beruht: „Ich hatte keine Wünsche, kein Ver-
langen, mein Herz war nur voll Zärtlichkeit. "^o Dies ist eine wahre
christliche Haltung, wie sie auch May gegenüber Negern und Indianern
einnimmt. Ganghofers Joseph ist ein Arzt, der das erwähnte blinde
Mädchen im Gotteslehen zu heilen versucht. Obwohl man ihn als Juden
erniedrigt und gedemütigt hat und ihn böse Mönche sogar der Zauberei
anklagen,2i braucht er nur seinen Gebetsriemen anzulegen, um die
ganze Welt wieder in ihrer ursprünglichen Sdiönheit zu sehen. Dies nur
als Beispiel, um zu zeigen, daß es in diesen Romanen keinen ausdrück-
lichen Antisemitismus gibt. Im Gegenteil. In den meisten dieser Werke
wird im Rahmen pietistischer Frömmigkeit ausdrücklich auf Toleranz
gepocht.

20 E. Marlitt, Das Heideprinzeßchen (Leipzig, 1872), 1, 109, 61.

21 Ludwig Ganghofer, Das Gotteslehen. Roman aus dem 13. Jahrhundert. In:
Schriften, IX, 281 f£.

!*i

110

George L. Mosse

Dod\ selbstverständlich hat diese Toleranz ihre Grenzen - vor allem
dann, wenn es um Klassengegensätze oder nationale Untersdiiede geht.
So liest sidi etwa Karl Mays Beschreibung Winnetous fast wie ein
Pamphlet gegen die Unterdrüdcung der Indianer. Als jedoch Old SKat-
terhand aufgefordert wird, eine junge Indianerin zu heiraten, heißt es,
„daß ein gebildeter Europäer nicht seine ganze Zukunft dadurch preis-
geben kann, daß er ein rotes Mädchen heiratet".^^ Und zwar gibt er
dafür keinerlei Gründe an, so grundsätzlich erscheint ihm dieser Unter-
schied. Auch gesellschaftliche Umwälzungen, vor allem wenn sie auf
atheistischen Lehren beruhen, werden selbstverständlich nicht toleriert.
Klekhi-Petra, der die Apachen zur Tugend erziehen will, wird von Karl
May eindeutig als ehemaliger Revolutionär abgewertet und muß dafür
büßen. Nach seiner ersten Niederlage hatte Klekhi-Petra bei einer
armen Familie Unterschlupf gefunden. Unter seinem Einfluß war jedoch
auch hier der Familienvater zur offenen Rebellion übergegangen und
ins Gefängnis geworfen worden. „Sie waren arm, aber zufrieden gewe-
sen", heißt es ausdrücklich, bis ihnen der böse Revolutionär die Glücic-
seligkeit geraubt habe.^^ Die Lehren, die Klekhi-Petra, der ,weiße Va-
ter', daraus zieht, sind deutlich genug: Genügsamkeit und die Einsicht,
daß die gesunde, glückliche Welt, die sich in der Schönheit offenbart,
auf einer vorgegebenen Ordnung beruht - und daß diese Ordnung auf
Gott, den Schöpfer des Universums, zurückgeht. Ganghofer treibt es
manchmal noch schlimmer. Wenn einer seiner Jäger über die Ungerech-
tigkeit seines Herrn murrt, wird ihm bedeutet, daß er die Welt nicht im
richtigen Lichte sehe, da auf Erden alles nach einem absolut gerechten
Plan eingeteilt sei.^* Auch bei der Marlitt spielen die Klassenunter-
schiede eine kaum zu übersehende Rolle. Wenn eins ihrer armen Mäd-
chen einmal in eine ,gute Familie' einheiratet, stellt sich später meist
heraus, daß sie eigentlich auch aus einer ,guten Familie' stammt. Nur
im Hinblick auf die Moral kennt die Marlitt keine Klassengegensätze,
ja die Vertreter der Oberschicht werden von ihr in diesem Punkte oft
weniger verehrenswert als die Mitglieder der arbeitenden Schichten
dargestellt.

22 Winnetou, 111,523.

23 Ebd., 1,122 f.

24 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften, I, 62.

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

111

diese Barrieren erheben und einem Mitglied der anderen Klasse Liebö
spenden und von ihm Liebe empfangen. Eine solche Herzensseligkeit,
wie uns Ganghofer erzählt, ist eine feste Brücke, die uns über manche
Fährnisse des Lebens hinweggeleitet.^* Auch Marlitts Helden und Hel-
dinnen haben oft ein Bedürfnis nach einer Liebe dieser Art. Bei einem
solchen Nachdruck auf der seelischen Verschmelzung erwartet man
zwangsläufig auch einige sexuelle Implikationen. Doch davon ist in
diesen Romanen wenig zu spüren. Die wahre Liebe ist hier eine Gottes-
gabe, die alle Menschen - Männlein wie Weiblein - mit ihrem bese-
ligenden Band umschlingt. Wie sehr dieses Liebeskonzept zum rein
Idealistischen, rein Gemüthaften tendiert, zeigt sich bei der Schilderung
der beliebten Familienszenen, die als höchste Form menschlicher Glück-
seligkeit dargestellt werden.

In einem von Ganghofers Romanen opfert ein Graf Tasso sein ganzes
Vermögen, um sein Familienglück zu erhalten, damit der „Engel des
großen Glücks" wieder bei ihm Einkehr halte.^® Eine von Marlitts Figu-
ren ist vor allem darum ein Schurke, weil er seine Tochter durch seine
religiöse Heuchelei um ihr „reinstes Familienglück" betrügt.^^ Auch
Old Shatterhand denkt gern an sein glückliches Elternhaus zurück. Alle
diese Familien haben natürlich ein höchst traditionelles Ordnungsge-
füge: der Mann regiert, die Frau waltet in der Stille und die Kinder
müssen ihre Eltern ständig um Verzeihung bitten.^^ Doch trotz dieser
Autoritätsstruktur beruhen die rein menschlichen Beziehungen in letzter
Instanz fast immer auf der persönlichen Würde des einzelnen.

Der gleiche Glaube an Menschenwürde liegt der Arbeitsethik zugnm-
de, die in all diesen Romanen gepriesen wird. Marlitts Heldinnen ar-
beiten fast ununterbrochen, ohne dabei das Gefühl von Sklavinnen zu
haben. Zufriedenheit bei der Arbeit gilt als Ausdruck einer gefestigten
Persönlichkeit, als Zeichen dafür, daß man bereit ist, sich zu einem
verantwortungsbewußten Handeln zu bekennen.^« Ja, manchmal wird
die Arbeit völlig aus der Klassenstruktur herausgelöst und als eine
Haltung hingestellt, die jeder wahre Christ aus freiem Willen leistet.
Die tugendhaften Apachen und die Bleichgesichter stimmen völlig darin
überein, daß nur das, was man sich im Schweiße seines Angesichts erar-
beitet hat, wirklich Wert besitzt.*« In seiner Bewunderung der Arbeit
preist May sogar eine Stadt wie San Francisco, wo niemand Zeit
verschwendet imd alles glatt ineinandergreift. Obendrein leben hier

25 Ebd., I, 263. 26 Ebd., II, 288.

27 Das Heideprinzeßchen, S. 257.

28 Das Geheimnis der alten Mamsell, S. 201.

29 Winnetou, 1,51. 30 Ebd., I, 420.

112

George L. Mosse

MensAen versdiiedenster Herkunft völlig friedlidi nebeneinander: der
Brite, der Chinese und sogar der ,,schmutzige polnisdie Jude".»^

Selbstverständlich schließen Arbeit und Schönheit den „Dämon Lei-
densdiaft" aus,** der als etwas Trübes und Minderwertiges empfunden
wird. Und zwar beruht diese Verleugnung des Leidensdiaftlidien nicht
auf einer gesteigerten Rationalität, sondern ist Teil der traditionellen
Ästhetik des 19. Jahrhunderts, die über Friedridi Theodor Visdier auf
die ,klassisdien' Sdiönheitskonzepte Winckelmanns zurückgeht. Wink-
kelmann hatte die Schönheit nüt der „Einheit der Fläche des Meeres"
verglichen, „welche in einiger Weite eben und stille wie ein Spiegel er-
scheinet, ob es gleich allezeit in Bewegung ist, und Wogen wälzet". *'
Leidenschaften waren also nicht ausgeschlossen, wurden jedoch in ,klas-
sische' Formen gebändigt. Immer wieder versucht man im 19. Jahrhun-
dert, das Klassische und das Romantische zu einer Synthese zu ver-
schmelzen, indem man romantische Leidenschaften in klassischer Form
präsentiert. Vor allem in den nationalen Symbolen erreichte man diese
Verbindung, lange bevor die Romane der May, Marlitt und Ganghofer
geschrieben wurden. Noch das Mausoleum, das man Karl May nach sei-
nem Tode errichtete, ist ein gutes Beispiel dieser klassisch-romantischen
Synthese. Er erhielt tatsächlich eine kleine Walhalla, wenn auch in
Radebeul in Sachsen und nicht an den Ufern der Donau. Was Kant für
die Vernunft erreicht hatte, leistete Winckelmann für das Romantische:
er gab ihm eine gewisse Begrenzung, die in Winckelmanns Worten den
Zustand der innerlichen Erregung in „edle Einfalt und stille Größe"
transponiert.*'* Diese Charakterisierung könnte auch auf alle Helden und
Heldinnen der Trivialliteratur angewandt werden.

,Wirklichkeit' ist in diesen Romanen immer das gesunde Leben, das
sich in Schönheit, Liebe und Arbeit manifestiert. Leidenschaft muß da-
her stets eine bestimmte Form erhalten, Unruhe muß der Verwurzelung
weichen. Diese Verwurzelung beruht meist in einer Glaubenshaltung,
die aus pietistischen Quellen gespeist wird. Die Klassenstruktur bleibt
zwar intakt, wird jedoch zu gleicher Zeit durch den Vorrang abge-
schwächt, den man der menschlichen Würde und dem Persönlichen jen-
seits der bloß gesellschaftlichen Bindungen verleiht. Diese Einstellung
läßt sich nicht einfach mit dem Schlagwort ,patriarchalisch' umschrei-
ben, da es schließlich in diesen Romanen auch den stolzen Individualis-
mus eines Winnetou und Old Shatterhand gibt. Die TrivialUteratur

31 Ebd., III, 266, 269.

32 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften, I, 251.

33 Johann Joachim Winckelmann, Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums. In:
Kunsttheoretische Schriften (Straßburg, 1966), V, 153.

34 Ebd., S. 24.

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

113

Wie steht es dagegen mit dem Konzept des Nationalen? Pietät vor
dem Vergangenen gilt als Teil einer universalen Harmonie. Diese Ver-
gangenheit braucht nicht unbedingt im Nationalen verankert zu sein.
Nicht so sehr das Stammliche oder Volkhafte als die traditionellen Bin-
dungen aller Menschen untereinander geben hier den Ausschlag. Wenn
man das Wort ,Pietät' gebraucht (und man gebraucht es häufig), wird
es meist gegen die bösen Einflüsse der ,Moderne' ausgespielt. Und doch
spielt auch das ,Deutsche' in diese Vorstellung hinein. Ganghofers
Landschaften und Marlitts Tugenden werden oft mit den Metaphern
des „edlen deutschen Familienlebens" ausgeschmückt.^'^ Doch das beste
Bild des edlen Deutschen finden wir wohl bei Karl May. Wenn man
seine Werke durchmustert und die verschiedenen Hinweise auf den
deutschen Charakter zusammenträgt, ergibt sich ein höchst interessantes
Gemälde.

Old Shatterhand ist selbstverständlich ein Deutscher von echtem
Schrot und Korn. Und auch Mays andere Helden wie Sam Hawkes,
Klekhi-Petra und so weiter sind meist ,gute Deutsche'. Sogar in der
Wildnis der Prärie erkennen sich diese Männer sofort auf intuitive
Weise als Deutsche. Sie alle sehnen sich nach der Zeit, wo dieses in-
stinktive Erkennen zu einer wahrhaft nationalen Einheit führen wird.
Aber Deutsche sind bei May auch durch äußerliche Züge leicht zu er-
kennen, vor allem an ihrem „gutmütigen Lächeln", das auf „echt deut-
sche Abstammung" hinweist. Es sind „sonderbare Käuze", die furcht-
erregend wie die Bären aussehen und doch selbst mit ihren ärgsten
Feinden Mitleid haben.»» Sie sind ,ritterlich' und kämpfen nur, wenn sie
angegriffen werden. Blut vergießen sie bloß, wenn man ihnen an den
Kragen will. Obendrein sind alle Deutschen bescheiden. Sie fordern
lediglich das, was ihnen von Rechts wegen zusteht. Sklaverei hassen sie
ebenso wie Massenmord oder den Ku Klux Klan. Zudem sind sie hart
wie Stahl. Die einzigen Tränen, die Deutsche vergießen, sind Freuden-
tränen.»^ Überhaupt halten sie ihre Gefühle immer im Zaum. Sie singen
gern, aber lediglich fromme Choräle. Wenn sie an ihr fernes Vaterland
denken, träumen sie von Männergesangvereinen oder einem Ruheplätz-

35 Im Hause des Kommerzienrates, S. 161 ff.

36 Winnetou, 1, 120; II, 80; III, 36.

37 Ebd., I, 270, 244, 426; II, 88.

114

George L. Mosse

dien für ihre alten Tage - in einer Kleinstadt oder irgendwo auf dem
Lande.^® Audi Sinn für Kultur ist selbstverständlidi Teil des deutsdien
Charakters. So plant etwa Old Shatterhand, Büdier zu sdireiben, ob-
wohl seine Feinde das als ,unmännlidi' empfinden.^' Kein Wunder, daß
May sogar die Gelehrsamkeit preist. Wollte er nidit selbst in seiner Ju-
gend Lehrer werden und hat er sich nid\t 1902 von einer imaginären
Chicagoer Universität einen Doktortitel gekauft? Natürlich versteht er
unter einem Gelehrten keinen Büdierwurm. Mays Konzept wahrer bür-
gerlicher ,Bildung' beruht ganz auf Idealen wie ,Selbstentwicklung'
und ,innerlidies Wad\stum'.*° Kultiviert, aber hart; feurig, aber gerecht;
gefühlvoll, aber diszipliniert: so steht bei ihm der Deutsche der Welt
gegenüber. Er ist liebenswert und zugleich bereit, Liebe zu geben; er hat
vieler Herren Länder gesehen, aber sdiätzt das Glück des stillen Win-
kels. Eine tiefe Achtung für Familie, harte Arbeit, Kultur und Frömmig-
keit begleitet ihn, wohin er auch immer geht.

Aber dieser Deutsche ist kein Chauvinist, obwohl Old Shatterhand
das Grab eines Apachen mit deutschem Eichenlaub schmückt.^* Denn alle
diese Tugenden haben ihren Ursprung in Gott und werden als Charak-
teristika aller Mensdien, die guten Willens sind, hingestellt. Ja, die In-
dianer besitzen sie manchmal in einem höheren Maße als die Deutsdien.
Wie es für May gute und schledite Indianer gibt, so gibt es für ihn auch
gute und sdilechte Bleichgesiditer. Der Lebensstil der deutsch-pietisti-
schen Trapper, die Old Shatterhand in den Prärien trifft, unterscheidet
sich daher nidit grundsätzlich von dem der Indianer in ihren Siedlungen.
Beide bekennen sidi zum Ideal der Freiheit. So weigern sich zum Bei-
spiel die Indianer, aus bloßer Dankbarkeit Geld anzunehmen, um sich
nidit zu „Knechten" zu erniedrigen.^^ Auf beiden Seiten regiert die Tu-
gend, obwohl die Indianer ihre alten Sitten und Gebräudie beizubehal-
ten versuchen, denen ,gute' Weiße wie Old Shatterhand und Klekhi-
Petra lieber eine andere Form geben würden. Imperialisten sind solche
Helden nur im Sinne einer alles beherrschenden Gewaltlosigkeit. Sie
wollen die Tugendhaftigkeit, die Gott den Menschen zum Geschenk ge-
macht hat, einzig und allein durdi ihr gutes Beispiel verbreiten.

Keine Gewalt zu üben, gehört überhaupt zum ,Mythos' dieser Hel-
den. So gelingt es Old Shatterhand in mancher bedrohlichen Situation,
sich allein durdi die „Macht seiner Persönlidikeit" und seinen „legen-
dären Ruhm'' audi ohne Anwendung von Gewalt durdizusetzen. Dazu
gehören allerdings einige magisdie Attribute, selbst wenn diese nur in

38 Ebd., III, 388; Der Schatz im Silhersee, S. 119.

39 Winnetou, III, 273. 40 Der Schatz im Silbersee, S. 71.
41 Winnetou, l, 384. 42 Der Schatz im Silbersee, S. 59.

Was die Deutsdien wirklich lasen

115

der Einbildung seiner Widersadier bestehen. Old Shatterhands berühm-
ter Henry-Stutzen liefert dafür ein gutes Beispiel. Mandie seiner Geg-
ner werden bereits durdi seinen bloßen Anblick gelähmt, obwohl die
Überlegenheit dieser Waffe lediglidi auf der Erfindung eines cleveren
Waffenschmieds beruht. Karl May ist sidi der Faszination solcher ,my-
thisdien' Elemente wohl bewußt. Seine Sdiriften sind daher gute Bei-
spiele für jenen „Hunger nadi dem Mythos", der im Rahmen der wil-
helminisdien Gesellsdiaft so oft anzutreffen ist.*' Die Essenz eines sol-
dien Mythos muß selbstverständlidi das Gute und Tugendhafte sein,
worin sich ein glücklidieres Leben manifestiert. Vor allem Old Shatter-
hand und Winnetou haben diesen diarismatischen Anstridi. So sagt
Winnetou einmal mit der Pose eines geradezu religiösen Heilsbringers :
„Meine Hand riditet sidi gegen die bösen Mensdien, und mein Arm
schützt jeden, der ein gutes Gewissen hat."** Audi hier liegt der Nadi-
druck wiederum auf einem Tugendkonzept, das geradewegs aus der
Welt des lutherischen Pietismus zu stammen sdieint.

Manchmal muß jedoch selbst der edelste Held zur Gewalt greifen.
Aber wie sehr May solche Akte verabsdieut, zeigt sidi vor allem da, wo
er das Blutvergießen durch einen raffinierten Trick vermeidet. So heißt
es einmal im Schatz im Silbersee im Hinblick auf einen solchen ,Dreh':
„Es war eine kleine Künstelei, die aber kein Betrug war, da es die Ret-
tung Ihres Lebens galt, ohne daß die Roten davon einen Sdiaden ha-
ben."*^ Um der Würde des Menschen willen wird daher selbst der Be-
griff der Tugend manchmal etwas weiter gefaßt, als man erwarten
würde. Es sind dieses pietistisdie Erbe und zugleidi die liberale Tole-
ranzidee, die Karl Mays Helden davor bewahren, in die dumpfen Nie-
derungen des Chauvinismus abzusinken. Nicht nadi völkisdien, sondern
nach allgemein-menschlichen Grundsätzen wird hier der Mensdi bewer-
tet, nach Grundsätzen, die der gute Deutsdie den anderen Mensdien
vorzuleben versudit.

Ganghofers Einstellung zum deutschen Wesen ist nidit viel anders.
Auch er betont stets die Humanität, obwohl er wie May stets für die
deutsdie Einigung eintritt. Er legt freilich etwas mehr Nadidrudc auf
das Volkhafte, da sidi seine Romane sdiließlidi alle auf deutsdiem Bo-
den abspielen. Indes die einzig spezifisdi ,deutsdie' Tugend, die er je
erwähnt, ist die Sauberkeit,*« womit jedoch ein allgememes Ordnungs-
prinzip gemeint ist. Nidit nur Ganghofer, audi die Marlitt stimmt in

43 Ebd., S. 391. Vgl. auch Theodore Ziolkowski, Der Hunger nadi dem
Mythos. In: Die sogenannten Zwanziger Jahre, hrsg. von Reinhold
Grimm und Jost Hermand (Bad Homburg, 1970), S. 169-201.

44 Der Schatz im Silbersee, S. 239.

45 Ebd., 5.385. 46 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften, 1,214.

116

George L. Mosse

diesem Punkte völlig mit May überein. Bei ihr gibt es zwar die deut-
schen Wälder und die altdeutschen Tugenden, aber dahinter steht
immer wieder das Prinzip der Toleranz und der Anerkennung der
Würde aller Menschen. Manche Historiker haben sich bei der Betrach-
tung dieser Ära allzusehr auf jene Literatur beschränkt, in denen sidi
das deutsche Nationalbewußtsein mit einer Begeisterung für das Krie-
gerische verbindet.^^ Aber solche Werke, obwohl einige von ihnen sicher
sehr verbreitet waren, können sich in keiner Weise mit der Popularität
einer Marlitt, eines May oder Ganghofer messen, deren Romane zwar
schon ein nationales Selbstbewußtsein, aber noch keine chauvinistische
Überheblichkeit aufweisen.

Und doch haben diese Literatur und die Leserschaft, die in ihnen an-
visiert wird, etwas eminent ,Deutsches', das sich am besten mit dem
Begriff ,provinzieir umschreiben läßt. Keiner dieser Autoren ist weit in
der Welt herumgekommen. Sowohl in ihren ästhetischen als auch
moralischen Ansichten, die auf bewährten Gemeinplätzen beruhen,
äußert sich eine typische Kleinstadtgesinnung, die ihren engen Gesichts-
kreis mit Ausflügen ins phantastisch Imaginierte zu kompensieren
sucht. In ihrer Abneigung gegen alles ,Moderne' sind die Marlitt, May
und Ganghofer typische Vertreter jenes Provinzialismus, der aus den
Traditionen des Klassisch-Romantischen und einem nationalen Identi-
tätsverlangen erwachsen war und der sich im Laufe des 19. Jahrhunderts
zu einem der dominierenden Grundzüge deutschen Wesens entwickelt
hatte. Das Nationalbewußtsein ist hier immer noch eng an die Welt der
ästhetischen Idealität und der überlieferten Glaubensinhalte gebunden.
Da dieses Ideal selbst nach 1871 eine Utopie bheb, nahm es allmählich
immer verschwommenere und damit ,universalere' Züge an. Das ,Deut-
sche' ist deshalb nur ein Faktor im Ideenhaushalt dieser Romane, und
zwar nicht einmal unbedingt der dominierende.

Diese Trivialautoren waren keine unmittelbaren Wegbereiter Adolf
Hitlers. Wenn der letztere einmal bemerkte, daß ihm Karl May die
Augen für die weite Welt geöffnet habe,^^ so muß man das ganz wört-
lich verstehen. Denn Hitlers manichäisches Weltbild steht in einem ab-
soluten Gegensatz zu den Tugendvorstellungen, wie sie in diesen Ro-
manen gepredigt werden. Und doch war es für den Nationalsozialismus
leicht, diese Art von Literatur zu seinen Zwecken heranzuziehen; ja, die
Popularität des Nazischrifttums beruht zum Teil auf der skrupellosen
Ausbeutung dieser Tradition. Wie bezeichnend, daß Hitler nicht nur

47 Vgl. Fritz Fischer, Krieg der Illusionen (Düsseldorf, 1969), S. 65/66.

48 Adolf Hitler, Hitler's Secret Conversations, übers, von N. Cameron und
R. H. Stevens (New York, 1953), S. 257.

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

117

Mays blühende Phantasie, sondern vor allem auch jene vollendete
,Würde' bewunderte, mit der dessen Helden das Leben zu meistern ver-
stehen. Mays Tugenden waren genau die gleichen, die auch Hitler gegen
seine Feinde verteidigen wollte. In diesem Punkte sind beide, May und
Hitler, typische Produkte der bürgerlichen Moralität und Kultur des wil-
helminischen Deutschland. Hitler sah keinen Widerspruch darin, seinem
Neffen Winnetou als Vorbild absoluter Lebensmeisterschaft zu empfeh-
len*^ und zugleich ein absolut rassistisches Weltbild zu vertreten. Für
ihn repräsentierte diese Figur spezifisdi ,deutsche' Tugenden. Hatte
nicht schon ein früherer May-Bewunderer Winnetous Schwester als
eine Indianer-Maid mit einem deutschen Herzen bezeichnet?*® Diese
Figuren waren alle längst zu Traumgestalten geworden, die man nicht
mehr in ihrer wirklichen Umgebung sah.

Was auch immer Hitlers private Ansichten gewesen sein mögen, die
offizielle Naziideologie beruhte zum Teil darauf, die Träume einer Mar-
litt, eines May und Ganghofer in die Realität umzusetzen. Denn auch
die Nazikunst und -literatur ist voller Lob für das Schöne, Gute und
Gesunde - wenn auch mit einem diktatorischen Ansprudi verbunden,
den die erwähnten Autoren sicher als unvereinbar mit der menschli-
chen Würde zurückgewiesen hätten. Doch gerade durch diesen Umset-
zungsakt kam im Jahr 1933 die eigentliche Schwäche dieser Triviallite-
ratur ans Licht.

Ihre Welt war eine Traumwelt gewesen, die nichts mit der Wirklich-
keit zu tun hatte. In scharfer Opposition zur ,Moderne' schloß sie von
vornherein jede Auseinandersetzung mit konkreten Fragen aus. Für
diese Autoren gibt es kein soziales Elend, keine ökonomische Depres-
sion, keine Großstadtmisere. Selbst die Regierungsform erscheint ihnen
unwichtig. Wichtig an ihr ist nur, daß sie das Volk vereint, anstatt es zu
zersplittern. Die Marlitt verdammt daher ausdrücklich den Haß, der
durch den Kampf der Parteien untereinander entfesselt wird.*^ Dage-
gen preist sie Bismarck, und zwar nicht wegen seiner politischen Kon-
zepte (für die sie sich kaum interessiert haben dürfte), sondern wegen
seiner Kulturkampf-Gesinnung. Daß er sich gegen die katholische Kir-
che wandte, weil er ein geeintes Deutschland haben wollte, war für sie
bereits eine gute Tat. Leute dieser Art wollen immer Einheit, Dauer,
stabile Verhältnisse. Denn nur die Unveränderbarkeit ist für sie ein
Garant gesunder Zustände.

49 Hans Severus Ziegler, Adolf Hitler aus dem Erleben dargestellt (Göttingen,

1964), S. 76.

50 Ludwig Gurlitt, Gerechtigkeit für Karl May! (Radebeul, 1919), S. 140.

51 Im Hause des Kommerzienrates, S. 249.

118

George L. Mosse

Lediglidi die Marlitt greift manchmal auch soziale Fragen auf. In
ihren Werken gibt es sowohl Arbeiter als auch Streiks. Streiks werden
jedoch von vornherein verdammt, selbst wenn sie gerechte Ursachen
haben, da sie meist zu Gewaltakten führen, die aus Tugendgründen
nicht zugelassen werden können.^^ Für alle diese Autoren steht nicht
die Gruppe, sondern das Individuum im Mittelpunkt, das wie Mays
und Ganghofers Helden durch seine bloße Existenz ein gutes Beispiel
gibt. Es sind die natürhchen Optimisten, die nach ihrer Ansicht Gottes
Plan in der Welt durchführen. Solche Helden sind stets durch einen
gesunden Aktivismus ausgezeichnet. „Der Wille eines einzigen, der
stark ist, hat auf Erden des Guten mehr getan'', schreibt Ganghofer
einmal, „als die schwache Liebe, die ihr [der Priester] predigt. "'^^ Aber
Stärke darf auch hier nicht mit Brutahtät oder Ungerechtigkeit verwech-
selt werden. Diese ,Helden' sind von Nietzsche ebensoweit entfernt
wie von Hitler. Sie kommen aus der pietistischen Tradition des 18.
Jahrhunderts und sind keine Vorläufer der Diktatur des 20. Jahrhun-
derts.

Und dies ist das Entscheidende. Der Traum vom besseren Leben blieb
derselbe, während die Geschichte weiterging. Und so wurde der Drude
und mit ihm die Frustrierung immer größer. Die Nazis, die sich der
Popularität dieser Literatur wohl bewußt waren, behielten ihre Themen
einfach bei und versuchten sie lediglich mit ,völkischer Substanz' auf-
zuladen. Einer der populärsten Romane dieser Art war Der Femhof
(1934) von Josefa Berens-Totenohl, der von der Partei offiziell empfoh-
len wurde.5* Der Femhof schließt sich unmittelbar an die Tradition
des Bauernromans an. Lediglich zwei Dinge sind anders: der eine der
Schurken ist ein rassisch Minderwertiger, ein Zigeuner, und das Ganze
hat ein ,tragisches' Ende. Die Nazikritiker glaubten nämlich, daß das
Tragische der deutschen Seele besonders nahestehe. Die Verbindung
zwischen dem Tragischen und dem Heroischen sollte nach ihrer Mei-
nung jene Seelentiefe ausdrücken, die allen deutschempfindenden Deut-
sdien von Natur aus zu eigen sei.^^ Obendrein versuchte man damit
einen dynamischen Charakter in die Literatur hineinzubringen, der
nach politischer Veränderung drängt, um so jene Saturiertheit und
Happy-End-Gesinnung zu überwinden, mit der diese Trivialromane
meist schließen.

52 Ebd., S. 50.

53 Das Gotteslehen. In: Schriften, IX, 207.

54 Dietrich Strothmann, Nationalsozialistisdie Literaturpolitik (Bonn, 1963),
S. 398.

55 Ebd., S. 345, 338. Vgl. auch Uwe-Karsten Ketelsen, Von heroischem Sein
und völkischem Tod (Bonn, 1970).

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

119

Doch diese Vermischung von traditionellen Themen und völkischer
Substanz, mochte sie noch so oberflächlich sein, blieb an sich relativ
selten, da sie die Gefahr einer Gleichstellung der Deutschen mit ande-
ren ,Rassen' heraufbeschwor. Karl May war daher bei manchen Partei-
organisationen gar nicht so angesehen, und seine Neuauflagen wurden
bewußt niedrig gehalten.** Doch ein Autor wie May war einfach nicht
zu unterdrücken! Obwohl manche Parteileute seinen Einfluß systema-
tisch zu verringern suchten, setzten sich andere ganz offen für ihn ein.
So sehen wir zum Beispiel in einem Propagandafilm für die National-
politischen Erziehungsanstalten von 1939 einen Jungen, der Karl May
liest, während die anderen mit Schiffsmodellen, Festungen und Tanks
spielen.*^ Hitler selbst hat seine Bewunderung für Old Shatterhand
und Winnetou nie verleugnet. Trotz der Papierknappheit während des
Krieges ließ er 1943 noch einmal 300 000 Exemplare des Winnetou
drucken, um sie an die Truppen verteilen zu lassen.*® Der Traum vom
besseren Leben war auch ihm wichtiger als die Tatsache, daß nicht nur
die Deutschen, sondern auch die Indianer diese Utopie repräsentierten.

Die Romane der May, Marlitt und Ganghofer haben sich deshalb
stets viel besser verkauft als die ihrer ,völkischen' Rivalen.*' Selbst
während des Dritten Reiches konnte die völkische Literatur mit der
Auflagenhöhe dieser Art von Trivialliteratur nicht Schritt halten. Wie
schon in den Jahrzehnten zuvor blieb das Völkische weiterhin am Rande
der wirklich populären Literatur.

Die Deutschen waren nun einmal versessen aufs Gefühlvolle und
Liberale in der Literatur. Und das war siciier keine Schande. Aber es
war gefährhch, daß ihnen diese Schriften kein Vernältnis zu ihrer eige-
nen Gegenwart vermittelten, da sie in ihrer Beziehung zur Wirklichkeit
viel zu idealistisch und unreal waren. Ganghofers Irimbert, den böse
Mönche seit Jahren eingekerkert haben, ruft einmal aus: „Ich lebe!
Denn in meinem Herzen ist Traum und Freude !"®<' Der Arbeiter, der
Kleinbürger, der Geschäftsmann: wer konnte sich schon angesichts der
großstädtischen Industriezivilisation, die immer bedrohhchere Züge an-
zunehmen begann, mit einem Charakter wie Irimbert identifizieren?
Folghch lasen solche Menschen alle diese Romane weiterhin als Utopien,
während sie ihre politische und gesellschaftliche Erfüllung woanders
suchten.

56 Strothmann, S. 239, 341.

57 H. Scholtz, Unsere Jungen. Ein Film der nationalpolitischen Erziehungsan-
stalten (Göttingen, 1969), S. 290.

58 Ziegler, S. 77.

59 Strothmann, S. 398.

60 Das Gotteslehen. In: Schriften, IX, 202.

120

George L. Mosse

Die deutsche Wirklidikeit und die deutsche Trivialliteratur kamen
wohl nur in der wilhelminisdien Ära einigermaßen zur Deckung. Sicher
waren die ästhetischen und moralischen Prinzipien, die in diesen Roma-
nen gepriesen werden, damals weit verbreitet. In diesen Jahrzehnten
hatten viele das Gefühl, daß das Zweite Reich eine Gesellschaftsord-
nung propagierte, die sich mit der Ideologie einer Marlitt, eines May
oder Ganghofer durciiaus in Einklang bringen lasse. Aber nach dem
Ersten Weltkrieg war dies nicht mehr der Fall - und diese Literatur
wurde zu einer Märchenliteratur, wenn auch zu einer, die weiterhin auf
Erfüllung drängte. Während des Dritten Reiches wurde die Realisierung
dieser Wünsche tatsächlich angestrebt, freilich in einer Richtung, die
mit den Idealen dieser Romane kaum noch etwas gemeinsam hat. Sie
wurden zu einer Utopie, die auf andere Weise erreicht werden mußte.
Old Shatterhand sollte endlich triumphieren; aber das konnte er nur,
nachdem ihm Hitler den Weg bereitet hatte.

(Aus dem Amerikanischen von Jost Hermand)

R. K. ANGRESS

SKLAVENMORAL UND INFANTILISMUS
IN FRAUEN- UND FAMILIENROMANEN

In der Unterhaltungsliteratur des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts ist eine
hartnäckige Tendenz spürbar, die Rolle der Frau in der Familie und
Gesellschaft zu umreißen und festzulegen. Diese Tendenz soll hier an-
hand einiger Beispiele verfolgt werden. Außer dem Themenkreis, dem
verhältnismäßig niedrigen literarischen Niveau und dem großen Publi-
kumserfolg sind zunächst die Unterschiede dieser Romane augenfälli-
ger als ihre Gemeinsamkeiten - Unterschiede in Art, Absicht und
Background der Autoren bzw. Autorinnen. Nataly von Eschstruth war
eine Hofdame, die ihre Romane gelegentlich keinem Geringeren als dem
Kaiser widmete und gern einen den oberen Klassen angemessenen,
gediegenen Patriotismus in sie einbaute. Hedwig Courths-Mahler be-
gann hingegen als Dienstmädchen, schrieb mehr als zweihundert Ro-
mane, wurde durch ihre Schriftstellerei steinreich und hatte nach eigener
Aussage keinen größeren Ehrgeiz, als „harmlose Märchen'' für „einige
sorglose Stunden'' zu verfassen.^ Bei ihr darf man also wohl von Bü-
chern, die nach der Schablone gearbeitet sind, sprechen, während bei
Agnes Günther, die nur einen Roman schrieb, das gerade Gegenteil
zutrifft. Die Heilige und ihr Narr war auch insofern ihr Lebenswerk, als
sie mit Einsatz aller ihrer Kräfte, noch in schwerer Krankheit und bis
zum Tod daran arbeitete - mit einem Ernst, der von der Qualität des
Hervorgebrachten ganz unabhängig war. Als sie 1911 starb, hinterließ
sie mit den erst posthum veröffentlichten 750 Seiten ihres eigenartigen
Schmökers einen der sensationellsten deutschen Bucherfolge. Er erreichte
eine Millionenauflage; und noch nach 1957 fand es ein Verlag der Mühe
wert, ein Photobuch mit dem Titel Aus Agnes Günthers Wunderland^
herauszugeben.

Trotz der Unterschiede zwischen eleganter Gesellschaftskritik bei der
Eschstruth, verträumter Innerlichkeit bei der Günther und den
kleinbürgerlich-hausbackenen, handlungsfrischen Wunschträumen der
Courths-Mahler haben alle drei Autorinnen einen merkwürdigen Hang

1 Walter Krieg, Unser Weg ging hinauf. Hedwig Courths-Mahler und ihre
Töchter als literarisches Phänomen (Wien, 1954), S. 19.

2 Es handelt sich um den Stuttgarter Verlag Steinkopf. Der Text, dem auch
die angeführten Lebensdaten entnommen sind, stammt von Agnes Gün-
thers Sohn.

V^W-AJliiAAXy

GEORGE L. MOSSE

WAS DIE DEUTSCHEN WIRKLICH LASEN

Marlitt, May, Ganghof er

Die deutsche Trivialliteratur gewährt uns eine Reihe interessanter Ein-
blicke in die Verhaltensmuster und Wunsch Vorstellungen dieses Volkes.
Obwohl sich ihre Beziehung zur sozialen und politischen Realität nicht
im Sinne einer unmittelbaren Widerspiegelung deuten läßt, erlaubt doch
ihre Analyse einige bemerkenswerte Rückschlüsse auf den verhängnis-
vollen Verlauf der deutschen Gesciiichte der jüngsten Vergangenheit. In
Ton und Inhalt gehen die Werke dieser Literatur weitgehend auf die
letzteöCi Jahrzehnte des 19. Jahrhunderts zurück.

Jost Hermand hat die Vielfalt der literarischen Stile um die Jahrhun-
dertwende beschrieben, die mit naturalistischen und impressionistischen
Tendenzen beginnen und in der Suche nach dem heiligen Gral kulminie-
ren.^ Ein solcher Stilpluralismus existierte zweifellos. Die Triviallitera-
tur des gleichen Zeitraums, ja schon ein großer Teil der anspruchsvolle-
ren Literatur der Jahrhundertmitte weist jedoch wesentlich engere Hori-
zonte auf. Die quantitätsmäßig dominierenden Teile der deutschen
Literatur des 19. Jahrhunderts, soweit sie von den nationalen Einigungs-
bewegungen affiziert wurden, sind Ausdruck eines Verlangens nach
spezifisch deutscher ,Wesenheit' und wenden sich dciher scharf gegen
«die Formen der internationalen ,Modernität'. Während England und
Frankreich weiterhin Literatur produzierten, die in fast allen westlichen
Ländern Anklang fand, wurde die deutsche Literatur ab 1850 immer
provinzieller, da sich hier der kulturelle Radius mehr und mehr auf Fra-
gen der nationalen Bewußtseinsbildung verengte.

1 Jost Hermand, Der Schein des schönen Lehens. Studien zur Jahrhundert-
wende (Frankfurt, 1972), 5. 14/15.

':**

102

George L. Mosse

Ihr Echo war in jeder Hinsicht überwältigend, da die Männer und
Frauen, die diese Trivialromane schrieben, einen sicheren Instinkt für
ihr Publikum hatten. Das trifft vor allem auf E. Marhtt (Eugenie John,
1825-1882), Ludwig Ganghofer (1855-1920) und Karl May (1842 bis
1912) zu, die den Markt an trivialer Literatur für lange Zeit beherrsch-
ten. Ihre Bücher sind ohne ihre Leser überhaupt nicht zu verstehen. Der
gleichbleibende Tenor dieser Werke sagt uns wesentlich mehr über die
unmittelbaren Wünsche und Hoffnungen der Durchschnittsbevölkerung
dieser Ära als die Sozialrevolutionäre oder völkische Literatur, die einen
wesentlich kleineren Marktanteil hatte, obwohl sie ihren Lesern eine
,bessere' Zukunft versprach.

Die Schauplätze ihrer Romane sind recht verschieden: die Marlitt be-
vorzugt die Kleinstadt, Ganghofer das Hochgebirge, May die Prärien
Nordamerikas oder die Wüsten des Orients. Während die Marlitt ihren
Horizont bewußt einengt, betonen ihre beiden männlichen Kollegen
ständig den Gegensatz zwischen dem „Unendlichen" und jenem „Ge-
fängnis'', das „der zivilisierte Mensch eine Wohnung nennt''.^ Karl
May hegte eine besondere Abneigung gegen alles Einengende, da er in
seiner Jugend einige Zeit im Gefängnis verbracht hatte. Ganghofers
Haltung ist fast die gleiche. Auch seine Welt liegt außerhalb des Zivili-
sierten: im Bereich des Ursprünglichen, Gesunden und Kraftvollen, wie
es sich bei den Älplern findet.^ Nur die Marlitt ist enger. Sie preist stets
die traditionsgeheiligte bürgerliche Ordnung, wo alles „am altgewohn-
ten Orte" steht und man sich „sofort heimisch fühlt.'"» Ihre Kleinstadt-
häuser haben in der Tat etwas „Heimeliges", wie man es in den Prärien
oder Hochalpen nie erwarten würde.

2 Karl May, Winnetou (Bamberg, 1951), II, 446.

3 Vgl. Ludwig Ganghofer, Der Dorfapostel (Stuttgart, o. J.), S. 114.

4 E. Marlitt, Im Hause des Kommerzienrates (Leipzig, 1877), S. 41.

Was die Deutschen wirklidi lasen

103

liehen Wunschvorstellungen erscheinen daher in der Trivialliteratur
stets in geschickt harmonisierter Form. Die Marlitt, May und Ganghofer
sind hier Teil einer Tradition, die das Kosmische und Romantische
immer stärker domestiziert, und zwar nicht in Richtung auf das Völki-
sche, sondern innerhalb des bewährten bürgerlichen Ordnungsdenkens.

Dies ist ein wichtiger Gesichtspunkt. Schon um die Mitte des 19. Jahr-
hunderts hatte ein Mann wie Wilhelm Heinrich Riehl den romantischen
Impuls ins Völkische umgelenkt. Später, im 20. Jahrhundert, hieß es,
daß „mit dem Sieg des Nationalsozialismus die geistige Dynamik des
Menschen, die uns zuerst erschreckt hatte, in einem Gefühl allgemeiner
Ruhe aufgehoben werde". *» Die Trivialliteratur um 1900 hat an dieser
Entwicklung kaum teilgenommen. Hier wurde zwar auch Ruhe und Ro-
mantik gepredigt, jedoch weder das eine noch das andere mit völkischer
Schicksalsträchtigkeit angereichert.

Wie erobern sich Karl Mays Helden die Prärie? Beileibe nicht mit
Feuer und Schwert. Obwohl in den amerikanischen Steppen nirgends
jene gesicherten sozialen und politischen Zustände herrschen, wie sie
May aus den deutschen Verhältnissen kannte, wirkt sein Old Shatter-
hand in allen drei Winnetou-Romanen (1893 ff.) wie eine ideale Verkör-
perung von ,Gesetz und Ordnung'. Ständig heißt es: „In der wilden
Savanne verstecken sich die Bösen der Bleichgesichter, die vor den Ge-
setzen der Guten fliehen mußten."® Wenn Old Shatterhand einen dieser
,Bösen' überwältigt hat, tötet er ihn nicht, sondern bringt ihn sofort vor
den Richter. Statt Haß und Rache predigt er geradezu unentwegt das
Prinzip der Gesetzestreue. Auf die Sünde muß die Strafe folgen; das ist
für ihn notwendig mit dem „Begriff göttlicher und menschlicher Gerech-
tigkeit" verbunden.^ Grausamkeit und Blutvergießen erscheinen ihm
dagegen als etwas Verabscheuungswürdiges. Weil er seine Feinde nur
kraftvoll niederschlägt, ohne sie zu töten, nennt man ihn beinahe liebe-
voll ,01d Shatterhand'.

5 W. Harless in Marquartsteiner Blätter, 2. Sondernummer (Oktober, 1933),
o. S.

6 Winnetou, 111,392.

7 Ebd., II, 477.

8 Karl May, Der Schatz im Silbersee (Bamberg, 1952), S. 112.

104

George L. Masse

nem Schöpfungsakt vorausgesehen habe. Das beste Beispiel für dieses
Gesetz ist das traurige Schicksal der nordamerikanischen Indianer, die
May zwar von Herzen liebt, deren Untergang ihm jedoch als etwas
Sdiicksalhaftes und Notwendiges erscheint. Wie in der Ideologie des
Zweiten Reidies sind hier bürgerliches Ordnungsdenken und sozialer
Darwinismus kaum zu trennen - nur daß bei May stets das Gute
triumphiert, und dies obendrein in einer Folge von Abenteuern, die für
den Leser höchst spannungsvoll ist. Überall herrscht bei ihm der ,Kampf
ums Dasein', der jedoch in ein Moralkonzept eingebettet wird, mit dem
sich seine Leser voll identifizieren konnten. Der soziale Darwinismus
steht in seinen Romanen dem Sieg der Guten in der Welt in keiner
Weise entgegen (was wiederum auf Gott zurückgeführt wird), sondern
liefert geradezu die beste Erklärung für den Untergang der Schwachen
und die Bestrafung der Bösen. Daß May dieses ,Gesetz' in aller Farbig-
keit und Zwangsläufigkeit vordemonstrierte, muß für seine Leser eine
Bestätigung ihrer eigenen Ideologie gewesen sein.

Ganghofer eroberte sich sein etwas rauheres Terrain auf ähnliche
Weise, wenn auch nicht mit dem ständigen Nachdruck auf Gesetz, Ord-
nung und Gerechtigkeit. Er schrieb nicht über die nordamerikanischen
Savannen, sondern über die deutschen Lande und betonte nach alter
Tradition stets die Einheit des deutschen Menschen mit der deutschen
Natur. Nur indem man in dieser ,Natur' wie in einem mystischen Buche
zu lesen versteht, erreicht man bei ihm Klarheit und Ruhe, befreit man
sich aus der Narrheit der Spekulation und wird selber Teil der kräfti-
gen, gesunden Natur.» Ja, dieser Prozeß wird geradezu als eine Reini-
gung von allen bösen Instinkten verstanden. Daß damit ,Kämpfe' ver-
bunden sind (die das Interesse des Lesers wachhalten), entartet auch
hier nicht ins Brutale, da sich in diesen Bewährungsproben stets das
Gute und Schöne durchsetzt und damit die Anständigkeit über das Un-
anständige triumphiert. Die notwendige ,Härte' im Kampf ums Dasein
ist weder für May noch für Ganghofer etwas schlechthin Böses, sondern
der Ausdruck einer Durchhaltekraft, die etwas ,Heroisches' hat. Ein
solcher Heroismus ist daher für sie nicht identisch mit Grausamkeit. Ihre
Helden stehen nicht außerhalb der Gesetze, sondern sind stets die
besten Repräsentanten der herrschenden Justiz- und Moralbegriffe. Ihre
Kämpfe finden entweder unter Gleichrangigen statt, wo das Prinzip der
Ritterlichkeit dominiert, oder dienen der Aufrechterhaltung der Ord-
nung, indem die Starken den Guten, aber Unterdrüdcten ihren Schutz
angedeihen lassen.

9 Schloß Hubertus. In: Ganghof ers Gesammelte Schriften (Stuttgart, o. J.),
I, 86. Von jetzt ab zitiert als Schriften.

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen ^05

Inmitten einer Landschaft voller Gefahren und Geheimnisse verkör-
pert hier der Held die Ideale der Menschheit. Indem er diese Ideale in
die Tat umsetzt, erreicht er eine Verbindung von Kampf und Ordnung
die seinem Heroismus jede Schärfe nimmt und ihn damit zwangsläufig
verbürgerlicht. Auch Marlitts Heroinen, die sich in einem ganz anderen
Milieu bewegen, sind an diese traditionelle Moral gebunden. Nach Mei-
nung dieser Autorin sollte man Frauen nicht den Gefahren und Versu-
chungen des Geschäftslebens aussetzen, sondern sie von vornherein in
den sicheren Hafen des „Familienglücks" lenken.^« Die Kämpfe ihrer
Romanheldinnen sind daher meist, wenn auch nicht immer, innerlicher
Natur. Was ihre Figuren auszeichnet, sind vor allem Zärtlichkeit und
Gefühl. Im Gegensatz zu den ,Helden' bei Karl May würden sie am
Marterpfahl sicher Ströme von Tränen vergießen. Doch jede seelische
Erregung vollzieht sich bei ihr stets im Rahmen einer Ordnung, in der
ein sorgfältig arrangiertes „Gleichgewicht" herrscht, das heißt wo neben
der spießbürgerlichen Enge zugleich Fairneß und Toleranz geübt wird.
Im Rahmen eines solchen „Gleichgewichts" entstehen dann jene „schö-
nen Seelen", von denen die Marlitt so gern redet. Schiller hatte den
Begriff „schöne Seele" mit folgenden Worten umschrieben: „Ruhe aus
Gleichgewicht, nicht aus dem Stillstand der Kräfte - Einheit von Ver-
nunft und Natur."" Bei Marlitts „schönen Seelen" beruht dieses Gleich-
gewicht weniger auf der Balance von Vernunft und Natur als auf der
Balance von Natur und Gefühl; dennoch bleibt auch bei ihr die Verbin-
dung von Ruhe und Aktivität durchaus erhalten.

Neben dem Status quo gibt es darum in all diesen Romanen auch
einen Hauch von Utopie, an dem jeder teilnehmen konnte. Und zwar
manifestiert sich dieser utopische Glanz nicht nur in der Verherrlichung
des Tugendhaften, sondern auch im Ideal der Schönheit. Vor allem bei
Ganghofer ist das mit Händen zu greifen. Man denke an die Heldin sei-
nes Romans Das Gotteslehen (1899), die bereits als Kind an einem
wunderschönen Maientag erblindet ist und für die es daher ewig Früh-
ling bleibt. Kein Wunder, daß Ganghofer das Vorwort zu einem seiner
Romane mit dem Satz beschließt: „1906, zu München, als an einem
Wintertag die Sonne sdiien."i2 Qi^ traditionelle Sonnensymbolik ist
überhaupt stark in diesen Werken. Hier wie in Fragen der Schönheit
gibt man sich meist bewußt konventionell und hält sich an die üblichen
Topoi. Die Schönheit - die im Auge des Beschauers ruht, wie Friedrich

10 Im Hause des Kommerzienrates, 5. 369.

11 Vgl. E. Marlitt, Das Geheimnis der alten Mamsell (Leipzig, o. J.), S. 98
und Oskar Walzel, Klassizismus und Romantik als europäische Ersdiei-
nung (Berlin, 1929), S. 290.

12 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften I, XV.

106

George L. Mosse

Theodor Vischer einst gesagt hatte - offenbart sich für diese Autoren in
einer Welt, die von Chaos und Unordnung gezeichnet ist, weitgehend
im Bereich des Seelischen. Da aber Schönheit stets eine gesunde und
glückliche Welt voraussetzt, kann sie in der ,entfremdeten' Realität des
19. Jahrhunderts nie in Reinkultur erscheinen. Für Vischer findet darum
die Projizierung der Schönheit ins Äußerliche nur noch im Bereich des
Mythologischen oder Symbolischen statt, das heißt im Reich der Kunst,
das außerhalb der häßlichen Industriegesellschaft liegt. ^^ ^^^^^ ästheti-
schen Schriften sind deshalb zugleich ausgezeichnete Dokumente für die
Funktion der Schönheit im Trivialroman wie bei den nationalen Feier-
lichkeiten dieser Ära.

Schönheit ist hier immer etwas Außergewöhnliches, das aus dem Be-
reich des Ideals in die Wirklichkeit hereinbricht. Es sind daher in den
Romanen der Jahrhundertwende gerade die Feste, die als die Höhe-
punkte des Lebens geschildert werden, da hier das Banale und Alltäg-
liche in den Hintergrund tritt und sich ein symbolischer Kontakt zwi-
schen dieser Welt und der Welt des Außerordentlichen ergibt, das heißt
wo die Entfremdung durch ein ästhetisch erfahrenes Glück im Bereich
der perfekten Illusion aufgehoben wird.^* Die liebevolle Ausschmückung
eines Raums für ein Fest wird somit oft zum Ausdruck tiefster Wünsche.
Besonders in den Trivialromanen dieser Ära geht deshalb der Alltag oft
in ein ewiges Fest, eine Orgie des Schönen über. Und zwar ist diese
Schönheit meist romantischer Natur: eine Schönheit der Sonnenunter-
gänge und des funkelnden Morgentaus. Aber wie bei Vischer enthält
diese Schönheit stets etwas Ordnungsstiftendes. Wie schon im Bereich
des Heroischen und Abenteuerhchen wird das Romantische wiederum
gezähmt und das Chaos durch Gesetzmäßiges ersetzt.

Marlitts Schönheit beruht auf der „altgewohnten Ordnung", die jedem
Ding seinen festen Platz zuweist. Das zeigt sich vor allem bei ihren
Wohnzimmerbeschreibungen, wo eine absolute Identität von Schönheit
und Gemütlichkeit herrscht. Ganghofers Berge sind zwar ab und zu von
dunklen Schatten überlagert, aber diese finsteren Mächte haben keine
Gewalt über kindlich-reine Seelen. *» Im Einklang mit der herrschenden
Ästhetik ist es auch hier der Betrachter, der Ordnung in das Chaos
bringt. Und auch bei Karl May unterliegt die Natur ganz dem ordnen-
den Willen des Menschen. Seine ausführlichen Beschreibungen der Prärie

13 Vgl. Friedrich Theodor Visdier, Ästhetik oder Wissenschaft des Schönen
(1846-1857).

14 Vgl. Ursula Kirchhoff, Die Darstellung des Festes im Roman um 1900
(Münster, 1965), S. 13.

15 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften I, 8.

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

107

gehen nur dann ins Wilde und Ekstatische über, wenn die jeweiligen
Schurken gerade ihren wohlverdienten Tod erleiden. Ansonsten sind
die Savannen zwar mysteriös, jedoch - für den, der zu sehen versteht -
ein wohltätiger Anblick der Ordnung und Schönheit. So erinnert sich
Old Shatterhand in ihrer Mitte einmal spontan an ein paar schöne
Uhlandverse, ein andermal, als er zu verdursten droht, an das wohlge-
ordnete Familienleben in seinem deutschen Vaterhaus, wofür ihn Gott
prompt vom Tode errettet. Bilder aus der deutschen Jugendzeit werden
überhaupt gern verwendet. So sagt Hobble-Frank einmal, als er feind-
lichen Indianern gegenübersteht: „Ich bin so ruhig wie ein Meilenstein
am Straßenrand."!« Die wohlgeordnete Welt des wilhelminisdien
Deutschland dient auch hier dazu, dem wilden Leben auf den nordame-
rikanischen Prärien den Zaum anzulegen und ihm damit eine neue
Schönheit zu geben.

Das Gesunde und Schöne ist in all diesen Romanen ein Symbol des
Ewigen. Schon Hegel hatte gesdtrieben, daß das Prinzip der Schönheit
- nie auf dem Element des ZufäUigen beruhen dürfe. Da das Wort
,Schönheit' stets eine gesunde Welt impliziert, kann man nur in einer
schönen Welt wirklich glücklich sein. Selbst der Tod verliert in diesen
Bereichen seinen Stachel. So wird zwar Ganghofers blindes Mädchen
von ihrem Liebhaber in eine Schlucht geworfen, der sidK jedoch nach
der Tat sofort das Leben nimmt. Aber dies ist eine Ausnahme: eine
bitter-süße ,Götterdämmerung' und kein heroisches Opfer a la Her-
mann Burtes Wiltfeber. Andere verfahren hier nodi wesentlich schön-
heitsseliger. Die ideologische Bedeutsamkeit solcher Schönheitskonzepte,
die durch diese Romane in das Popularbewußtsein der Deutschen gefil-
tert wurden, kann kaum überbetont werden. Der Ausdruck „Wie
schön!" wurde schließlich selbst im Bereich der Massenpolitik und ihrer
Rituale zum obersten Prinzip und sorgte auch hier für eine wohlgeglie-
derte und augenerfreuende Ordnung.

16 Der Schatz im Silhersee, S. 372.

17 Ernst Moritz Arndt, Entwurf einer Teutschen Gesellschaft (Frankfurt
1814), S. 36.

108

George L. Masse

spielt in diese Zusammenhänge audi noch das pietistische Konzept des
„inneren Vaterlandes" hinein, das einen bedeutsamen Platz in der Ent-
wicklung des deutschen Nationalbewußtseins und seiner Selbstdarstel-
lung einnimmt. All dies hatte einen unmittelbaren Einfluß auf die Tri-
vialliteratur des wilhelminischen Deutschland. Hier wie dort sind die
Symbole des Gesunden und Schönen stets mit einer pietistischen Gläu-
bigkeit verbunden, die in vieler Hinsicht die Grundsubstanz für jene
trivialisierten Heldentypen lieferte, deren Reden - wie bei Old Shatter-
hand - ständig ins Predigthafte übergehen.

So ist Marlitts Ideal der Schönheit und Güte immer mit einem ,rei-
chen Seelenleben' verbunden. Ihre pietistisch gestimmte Seele verwirft
jeden trockenen Buchstabenfetischismus und sieht Gott in seiner ganzen
Schöpfung am Werke. Dies ist die ,Freiheit', um die sie bangt und die
sie gegen Orthodoxe und Katholiken zu verteidigen sucht. Vor Gottes
Angesicht sind dagegen für sie alle Menschen gleich, weshalb sie Über-
heblichkeit und mangelndes Mitleid schärfstens verdammt. So wie die
häßliche Realität die ursprüngliche Schönheit immer wieder verdeckt, so
wird audi die ursprüngliche Güte des Menschen nach ihrer Ansicht
immer wieder durch die kirchlichen Institutionen korrumpiert. Trotz
aller Erniedrigungen sagt darum eine ihrer Aschenputtel-Figuren: „Ich
liebe die Menschen und habe eine sehr hohe Meinung von ihnen/'*»
Marlitts Ideal der Freiheit und des Mitleids wirkt deshalb genauso
,verinnerlicht' wie alle pietistischen Konzepte. Lediglich gegen Armut
und Sklaverei gebraucht sie manchmal recht donnernde Worte - denn
die menschliche Würde, die auf einem guten Herzen beruht, nimmt bei
ihr immer den ersten Platz ein. Auch May und Ganghofer denken in
diesem Punkt kaum anders. Old Shatterhand spricht ständig von der
Einheit Gottes mit seiner Schöpfung, feiert selbst in der Prärie den
Sonntag mit frommen Meditationen und komponiert sogar ein pietisti-
sches Ave Maria. Winnetou stirbt als Christ, ja wird schon lange vor
seinem Tode unbewußt Pietist. Aus seiner christlich veredelten Seele
können daher nur edle Handlungen hervorgehen. Sowohl Winnetou
als auch Old Shatterhand liefern beide gute Kommentare zu den Lehren
Philipp Jakob Speners, des Begründers des deutschen Pietismus, der
1680 einmal sagte: „Es soll ein Kennzeichen der wahren Wiedergeburt
sein, daß ein solcher Mensch das Gute tue, gleichsam von innen und
also von Herzen, obwohl er fühlt, daß sein Fleisch selbst keine Lust
dazu habe.'i»

18 Das Geheimnis der alten Mamsell, S. 68.

19 Das Zeitalter des Pietismus, hrsg. von Martin Sdimidt und Wilhelm
Jannasch (Bremen, 1965), S. 59.

VJae die Deutschen wirklich lasen

109

Wie diese Mensdien gekleidet sind, spielt daher nur eine untergeord-
nete Rolle. Es ist nicht ihre äußere Ersciieinung, die zählt, sondern der
Edelmut ihrer Taten. May zieht aus dem rohen und vernachlässigten
Aussehen seiner „Westmänner", über die man in kultivierten Kreisen
sicher verächthcii gelächelt hätte, die bedeutsame Lehre: „Kleider ma-
chen keine Leute!" Bei ihm sind es nur die edlen Herzen, die zu edlen
Taten führen (was ausdrücklich als Wille Gottes hingestellt wird). Die
einzige Ausnahme in diesem Glaubensbekenntnis ist der Satz: Die äu-
ßere Erscheinung eines Menschen mag noch so unwichtig sein, sein
Gesicht ist dagegen das Spiegelbild seiner Seele. So erkennt etwa Old
Shatterhand eine edle Gesinnung sofort am Gesichtsausdruck der ihm
begegnenden Menschen. Manchmal werden auch biologische Tatsachen
für diesen Wechselbezug ins Feld geführt. Das Rassistische bleibt jedoch
noch ausgeschlossen, konnte aber später leicht auf dieses vorgeprägte
Muster übertragen werden.

Die pietistische Ablehnung kirchlicher Institutionen führt in diesen
Romanen oft zu einer erstaunlichen Toleranz, wie sie Karl May den
Indianern, die Marhtt und Ganghofer den Juden gegenüber üben. In
Marlitts Heideprinzeßchen (1872) ist die Hauptfigur eine getaufte Jüdin,
die durch die Intoleranz der Christen zum Wahnsinn getrieben wird.
Ein Dienstmädchen haßt hier die Juden vor allem darum, weil sie Jesus
Christus ans Kreuz geschlagen haben. Dagegen schreibt die Marlitt:
„Wie kann ich meinen Zorn auslassen an Leuten, die als unschuldige
Kinder auf die Welt kamen und von ihren Eltern in der alten Lehre
auferzogen wurden?" Nach ihrer Meinung sollten alle Menschen ihre
„schwarzen Herzen" überwinden und eine neue Unschuld finden, die
auf folgender Gesinnung beruht: „Ich hatte keine Wünsche, kein Ver-
langen, mein Herz war nur voll Zärtlichkeit. "20 Dies ist eine wahre
christliche Haltung, wie sie audi May gegenüber Negern und Indianern
einnimmt. Ganghofers Joseph ist ein Arzt, der das erwähnte blinde
Mädchen im Gotteslehen zu heilen versucht. Obwohl man ihn als Juden
erniedrigt und gedemütigt hat und ihn böse Mönche sogar der Zauberei
anklagen,2i braucht er nur seinen Gebetsriemen anzulegen, um die
ganze Welt wieder in ihrer ursprünglichen Schönheit zu sehen. Dies nur
als Beispiel, um zu zeigen, daß es in diesen Romanen keinen ausdrück-
lichen AntisemiHsmus gibt. Im Gegenteil. In den meisten dieser Werke
wird im Rahmen pietistischer Frömmigkeit ausdrücklich auf Toleranz
gepocht.

20 E. Marlitt, Das Heideprinzeßchen (Leipzig, 1872), 1, 109, 61.

21 Ludwig Ganghofer, Das Gotteslehen. Roman aus dem 13. Jahrhundert. In-
Schriften, IX, 281 ff.

110

George L. Mosse

Dodi selbstverständlidi hat diese Toleranz ihre Grenzen - vor allem
dann, wenn es um Klassengegensätze oder nationale Unterschiede geht.
So liest sich etwa Karl Mays Beschreibung Winnetous fast wie ein
Pamphlet gegen die Unterdrüdcung der Indianer. Als jedoch Old Shat-
terhand aufgefordert wird, eine junge Indianerin zu heiraten, heißt es,
„daß ein gebildeter Europäer nicht seine ganze Zukunft dadurch preis-
geben kann, daß er ein rotes MäddKen heiratef'.^s Und zwar gibt er
dafür keinerlei Gründe an, so grundsätzlich erscheint ihm dieser Unter-
schied. Auch gesellschaftliche Umwälzungen, vor allem wenn sie auf
atheistischen Lehren beruhen, werden selbstverständlicii nicht toleriert.
Klekhi-Petra, der die Apachen zur Tugend erziehen will, wird von Karl
May eindeutig als ehemaliger Revolutionär abgewertet und muß dafür
büßen. Nach seiner ersten Niederlage hatte Klekhi-Petra bei einer
armen Familie Unterschlupf gefunden. Unter seinem Einfluß war jedoch
aucii hier der Famihenvater zur offenen Rebellion übergegangen und
ins Gefängnis geworfen worden. „Sie waren arm, aber zufrieden gewe-
sen", heißt es ausdrücklich, bis ihnen der böse Revolutionär die Glück-
seligkeit geraubt habe.^s Die Lehren, die Klekhi-Petra, der ,weiße Va-
ter', daraus zieht, sind deutlich genug: Genügsamkeit und die Einsicht,
daß die gesunde, glückliche Welt, die sich in der Sciiönheit offenbart,
auf einer vorgegebenen Ordnung beruht - und daß diese Ordnung auf
Gott, den Schöpfer des Universums, zurückgeht. Ganghofer treibt es
manchmal noch schlimmer. Wenn einer seiner Jäger über die Ungerecfi-
tigkeit seines Herrn murrt, wird ihm bedeutet, daß er die Welt niciit im
richtigen Liciite sehe, da auf Erden alles nadi einem absolut gerechten
Plan eingeteilt sei.^^ Auch bei der Mariitt spielen die Klassenunter-
schiede eine kaum zu übersehende Rolle. Wenn eins ihrer armen Mäd-
chen einmal in eine ,gute Familie' einheiratet, stellt sich später meist
heraus, daß sie eigentlicii auch aus einer ,guten Familie' stammt. Nur
im Hinblick auf die Moral kennt die Marhtt keine Klassengegensätze,
ja die Vertreter der Oberschicht werden von ihr in diesem Punkte oft
weniger verehrenswert als die Mitglieder der arbeitenden Schiciiten
dargestellt.

Wo jedoch die Tugend absolut im Mittelpunkt steht, treten manciimal
selbst die Klassenunterschiede in den Hintergrund. Nicht sie, sondern
die persönliciien Beziehungen sind dann das Wichtigste. Selbstverständ-
lich lassen sich die sozialen Schranken niciit allein durcii Tugend über-
winden, doch man kann sich mit ihrer Hilfe wenigstens innerlich über

22 Winnetou, III, 523.

23 Ebd., 1, 122 f.

24 Schloß Hubertus. In: Sdiriften, l, 62.

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

111

diese Barrieren erheben und einem Mitglied der anderen Klasse Liebe
spenden und von ihm Liebe empfangen. Eine solche Herzensseligkeit,
wie uns Ganghofer erzählt, ist eine feste Brücke, die uns über mandie
Fährnisse des Lebens hinweggeleitet.25 Auch Mariitts Helden und Hel-
dinnen haben oft ein Bedürfnis nach einer Liebe dieser Art. Bei einem
solchen Nadidruck auf der seelischen Verschmelzung erwartet man
zwangsläufig auch einige sexuelle Implikationen. Doch davon ist in
diesen Romanen wenig zu spüren. Die wahre Liebe ist hier eine Gottes-
gabe, die alle Menschen - Männlein wie Weiblein - mit ihrem bese-
ligenden Band umschlingt. Wie sehr dieses Liebeskonzept zum rein
Idealistischen, rein Gemüthaften tendiert, zeigt sich bei der Sdiilderung
der beliebten Familienszenen, die als höchste Form mensdilicher Glück-
seligkeit dargestellt werden.

In einem von Ganghofers Romanen opfert ein Graf Tasso sein ganzes
Vermögen, um sein Familienglück zu erhalten, damit der „Engel des
großen Glücks" wieder bei ihm Einkehr halte.^« Eine von Mariitts Figu-
ren ist vor allem darum ein Schurke, weil er seine Tochter durch seine
religiöse Heuchelei um ihr „reinstes Familienglück" betrügt.27 Audi
Old Shatterhand denkt gern an sein glückliches Elternhaus zurück. Alle
diese Familien haben natürlich ein höchst traditionelles Ordnungsge-
füge: der Mann regiert, die Frau waltet in der Stille und die Kinder
müssen ihre Eltern ständig um Verzeihung bitten.^» Doch trotz dieser
Autoritätsstruktur beruhen die rein menschlichen Beziehungen in letzter
Instanz fast immer auf der persönlichen Würde des einzelnen.

Der gleiche Glaube an Menschenwürde liegt der Arbeitsethik zugnm-
de, die in all diesen Romanen gepriesen wird. Mariitts Heldinnen ar-
beiten fast ununterbrochen, ohne dabei das Gefühl von Sklavinnen zu
haben. Zufriedenheit bei der Arbeit gilt als Ausdruck einer gefestigten
Persönlichkeit, als Zeichen dafür, daß man bereit ist, sich zu einem
verantwortungsbewußten Handeln zu bekennen.^» Ja, manchmal wird
die Arbeit völlig aus der Klassenstruktur herausgelöst und als eine
Haltung hingestellt, die jeder wahre Christ aus freiem Willen leistet.
Die tugendhaften Apachen und die Bleichgesichter stimmen völlig darin
überein, daß nur das, was man sich im Schweiße seines Angesichts erar-
beitet hat, wirklich Wert besitzt.*« In seiner Bewunderung der Arbeit
preist May sogar eine Stadt wie San Francisco, wo niemand Zeit
verschwendet und alles glatt ineinandergreift. Obendrein leben hier

25 Ebd., I, 263. 26 Ebd., II, 288.

27 Das Heideprinzeßchen, S. 257.

28 Das Geheimnis der alten Mamsell, S. 201.

29 Winnetou, 1,51. 30 Ebd., I, 420.

112

George L. Mosse

Mensdien versdiiedenster Herkunft völlig friedlich nebeneinander: dei
Brite, der Chinese und sogar der „schmutzige polnisdie Jude".^^

Selbstverständlidi sdiließen Arbeit und Schönheit den „Dämon Lei-
denschaft" aus,'** der als etwas Trübes und Minderwertiges empfunden
wird. Und zwar beruht diese Verleugnung des Leidenschaftlichen nicht
auf einer gesteigerten Rationalität, sondern ist Teil der traditionellen
Ästhetik des 19. Jahrhunderts, die über Friedrich Theodor Vischer auf
die ,klassischen' Schönheitskonzepte Winckelmanns zurückgeht. Wink-
kelmann hatte die Schönheit mit der „Einheit der Fläche des Meeres"
verglichen, „weldie in einiger Weite eben und stille wie ein Spiegel er-
scheinet, ob es gleich allezeit in Bewegung ist, und Wogen wälzet". ^^
Leidenschaften waren also nicht ausgeschlossen, wurden jedoch in ,klas-
sische' Formen gebändigt. Immer wieder versucht man im 19. Jahrhun-
dert, das Klassische und das Romantische zu einer Synthese zu ver-
schmelzen, indem man romantische Leidenschaften in klassischer Form
präsentiert. Vor allem in den nationalen Symbolen erreichte man diese
Verbindung, lange bevor die Romane der May, Marhtt und Ganghofer
geschrieben wurden. Noch das Mausoleum, das man Karl May nach sei-
nem Tode errichtete, ist ein gutes Beispiel dieser klassisch-romantischen
Synthese. Er erhielt tatsächlich eine kleine Walhalla, wenn auch in
Radebeul in Sachsen und nicht an den Ufern der Donau. Was Kant für
die Vernunft erreicht hatte, leistete Wincicelmarm für das Romantische:
er gab ihm eine gewisse Begrenzung, die in Winckelmanns Worten den
Zustand der innerlichen Erregung in „edle Einfalt und stille Größe"
transponiert.'** Diese Charakterisierung könnte auch auf alle Helden und
Heldinnen der Trivialliteratur angewandt werden.

, Wirklichkeit' ist in diesen Romanen immer das gesunde Leben, das
sich in Schönheit, Liebe und Arbeit manifestiert. Leidenschaft muß da-
her stets eine bestimmte Form erhalten, Unruhe muß der Verwurzelung
weichen. Diese Verwurzelung beruht meist in einer Glaubenshaltung,
die aus pietistischen Quellen gespeist wird. Die Klassenstruktur bleibt
zwar intakt, wird jedoch zu gleicher Zeit durch den Vorrang abge-
schwächt, den man der menschlichen Würde und dem Persönlichen jen-
seits der bloß gesellschaftlichen Bindungen verleiht. Diese Einstellung
läßt sich nicht einfach mit dem Schlagwort ,patriarchalisch' umschrei-
ben, da es schließlich in diesen Romanen auch den stolzen Individualis-
mus eines Winnetou und Old Shatterhand gibt. Die Trivialliteratur

31 Ebd., III, 266, 269.

32 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften, I, 251.

33 Johann Joachim Winckelmann, Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums. In:
Kunsttheoretische Sdiriften (Straßburg, 1966), V, 153.

34 Ebd., 5. 24.

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

113

Wie steht es dagegen mit dem Konzept des Nationalen? Pietät vor
dem Vergangenen gilt als Teil einer universalen Harmonie. Diese Ver-
gangenheit braucht nicht unbedingt im Nationalen verankert zu sein.
Nicht so sehr das Stammliche oder Volkhafte als die traditionellen Bin-
dungen aller Menschen untereinander geben hier den Ausschlag. Wenn
man das Wort ,Pietät' gebraucht (und man gebraucht es häufig), wird
es meist gegen die bösen Einflüsse der ,Moderne' ausgespielt. Und doch
spielt auch das ,Deutsche' in diese Vorstellung hinein. Ganghofers
Landschaften und Marlitts Tugenden werden oft mit den Metaphern
des „edlen deutschen Familienlebens" ausgeschmückt-^^ Doch das beste
Bild des edlen Deutschen finden wir wohl bei Karl May. Wenn man
seine Werke durchmustert und die verschiedenen Hinweise auf den
deutschen Charakter zusammenträgt, ergibt sich ein höchst interessantes
Gemälde.

Old Shatterhand ist selbstverständlich ein Deutscher von echtem
Schrot und Korn. Und auch Mays andere Helden wie Sam Hawkes,
Klekhi-Petra und so weiter sind meist ,gute Deutsche'. Sogar in der
Wildnis der Prärie erkennen sich diese Männer sofort auf intuitive
Weise als Deutsche. Sie alle sehnen sich nach der Zeit, wo dieses in-
stinktive Erkennen zu einer wahrhaft nationalen Einheit führen wird.
Aber Deutsche sind bei May auch durch äußerliche Züge leicht zu er-
kennen, vor allem an ihrem „gutmütigen Lächeln", das auf „echt deut-
sche Abstammung" hinweist. Es sind „sonderbare Käuze", die furcht-
erregend wie die Bären aussehen und doch selbst mit ihren ärgsten
Feinden Mitleid haben.'*« Sie sind ,ritterlich' und kämpfen nur, wenn sie
angegriffen werden. Blut vergießen sie bloß, wenn man ihnen an den
Kragen will. Obendrein sind alle Deutschen bescheiden. Sie fordern
lediglich das, was ihnen von Rechts wegen zusteht. Sklaverei hassen sie
ebenso wie Massenmord oder den Ku Klux Klan. Zudem sind sie hart
wie Stahl. Die einzigen Tränen, die Deutsche vergießen, sind Freuden-
tränen.»^ Überhaupt halten sie ihre Gefühle immer im Zaum. Sie singen
gern, aber lediglich fromme Choräle. Wenn sie an ihr fernes Vaterland
denken, träumen sie von Männergesangvereinen oder einem Ruheplätz-

35 Im Hause des Kommer zienrat es, S. 161 £f.

36 Winnetou, 1, 120; II, 80; III, 36.

37 Ebd., I, 270, 244, 426; II, 88.

114

George L. Mosse

dien für ihre alten Tage - in einer Kleinstadt oder irgendwo auf dem
Lande. ^® Auch Sinn für Kultur ist selbstverständlich Teil des deutsdien
Charakters. So plant etwa Old Shatterhand, Bücher zu schreiben, ob-
wohl seine Feinde das als ,unmännlidi' empfinden.^® Kein Wunder, daß
May sogar die Gelehrsamkeit preist. Wollte er nidit selbst in seiner Ju-
gend Lehrer werden und hat er sidi nicht 1902 von einer imaginären
Chicagoer Universität einen Doktortitel gekauft? Natürlich versteht er
unter einem Gelehrten keinen Bücherwurm. Mays Konzept wahrer bür-
gerlicher ,Bildung' beruht ganz auf Idealen wie ,Selbstentwicklung'
und ,innerlidies Wadistum'.^^ Kultiviert, aber hart; feurig, aber gerecht;
gefühlvoll, aber diszipliniert: so steht bei ihm der Deutsdie der Welt
gegenüber. Er ist liebenswert und zugleich bereit, Liebe zu geben; er hat
vieler Herren Länder gesehen, aber schätzt das Glück des stillen Win-
kels. Eine tiefe Aditung für Familie, harte Arbeit, Kultur und Frömmig-
keit begleitet ihn, wohin er auch inuner geht.

Aber dieser Deutsche ist kein Chauvinist, obwohl Old Shatterhand
das Grab eines Apachen mit deutschem Eichenlaub schmückt.'** Denn alle
diese Tugenden haben ihren Ursprung in Gott imd werden als Charak-
teristika aller Menschen, die guten Willens sind, hingestellt. Ja, die In-
dianer besitzen sie manchmal in einem höheren Maße als die Deutsciien.
Wie es für May gute und schlechte Indianer gibt, so gibt es für ihn audi
gute und sdilechte Bleichgesici\ter. Der Lebensstil der deutsch-pietisti-
schen Trapper, die Old Shatterhand in den Prärien trifft, unterscheidet
sidi daher nicht grundsätzlich von dem der Indianer in ihren Siedlungen.
Beide bekennen sich zum Ideal der Freiheit. So weigern sich zum Bei-
spiel die Indianer, aus bloßer Dankbarkeit Geld anzunehmen, um sich
nicht zu „Knechten" zu erniedrigen.'*^ Auf beiden Seiten regiert die Tu-
gend, obwohl die Indianer ihre alten Sitten und Gebräuche beizubehal-
ten versuchen, denen ,gute' Weiße wie Old Shatterhand und Klekhi-
Petra lieber eine andere Form geben würden. Imperialisten sind solche
Helden nur im Sinne einer alles beherrschenden Gewaltlosigkeit. Sie
wollen die Tugendhaftigkeit, die Gott den Menschen zum Geschenk ge-
macht hat, einzig und allein durch ihr gutes Beispiel verbreiten.

Keine Gewalt zu üben, gehört überhaupt zum ,Mythos' dieser Hel-
den. So gelingt es Old Shatterhand in mancher bedrohlichen Situation,
sich allein durch die „Macht seiner Persönlichkeit" und seinen „legen-
dären Ruhm" auch ohne Anwendung von Gewalt durchzusetzen. Dazu
gehören allerdings einige magische Attribute, selbst wenn diese nur in

38 Ebd., III, 388; Der Schatz im Silbersee, S. 119.

39 Winnetou, 111, 273. 40 Der Sdiatz im Silbersee, S. 71.
41 Winnetou, 1, 384. 42 Der Schatz im Silbersee, S. 59.

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

115

der Einbildung seiner Widersacher bestehen. Old Shatterhands berühm-
ter Henry-Stutzen liefert dafür ein gutes Beispiel. Manche seiner Geg-
ner werden bereits durch seinen bloßen Anblick gelähmt, obwohl die
Überlegenheit dieser Waffe lediglidi auf der Erfindung eines cleveren
Waffenschmieds beruht. Karl May ist sich der Faszination solcher ,my-
thischen' Elemente wohl bewußt. Seine Schriften sind daher gute Bei-
spiele für jenen „Hunger nach dem Mythos", der im Rahmen der wil-
helminischen Gesellschaft so oft anzutreffen ist.*^ Die Essenz eines sol-
chen Mythos muß selbstverständlich das Gute imd Tugendhafte sein,
worin sich ein glücklidieres Leben manifestiert. Vor allem Old Shatter-
hand und Winnetou haben diesen charismatischen Anstrich. So sagt
Winnetou einmal mit der Pose eines geradezu religiösen Heilsbringers :
„Meine Hand richtet sich gegen die bösen Menschen, und mein Arm
schützt jeden, der ein gutes Gewissen hat."** Auch hier liegt der Nach-
druck wiederum auf einem Tugendkonzept, das geradewegs aus der
Welt des lutherischen Pietismus zu stammen scheint.

Manchmal muß jedoch selbst der edelste Held zur Gewalt greifen.
Aber wie sehr May solche Akte verabscheut, zeigt sich vor allem da, wo
er das Blutvergießen durch einen raffinierten Trick vermeidet. So heißt
es einmal im Schatz im Silbersee im Hinblick auf einen solchen ,Dreh':
„Es war eine kleine Künstelei, die aber kein Betrug war, da es die Ret-
tung Ihres Lebens galt, ohne daß die Roten davon einen Schaden ha-
ben."*^ Um der Würde des Menschen willen wird daher selbst der Be-
griff der Tugend manchmal etwas weiter gefaßt, als man erwarten
würde. Es sind dieses pietistische Erbe und zugleich die liberale Tole-
ranzidee, die Karl Mays Helden davor bewahren, in die dumpfen Nie-
derungen des Chauvinismus abzusinken. Nicht nach völkischen, sondern
nach allgemein-menschlichen Grundsätzen wird hier der Mensch bewer-
tet, nach Grundsätzen, die der gute Deutsche den anderen Menschen
vorzuleben versucht.

Ganghofers Einstellung zum deutschen Wesen ist nicht viel anders.
Auch er betont stets die Humanität, obwohl er wie May stets für die
deutsche Einigung eintritt. Er legt freiUch etwas mehr Nachdruck auf
das Volkhafte, da sich seine Romane schheßlich alle auf deutschem Bo-
den abspielen. Indes die einzig spezifisch ,deutsche' Tugend, die er je
erwähnt, ist die Sauberkeit,'*^ womit jedoch ein allgemeines Ordnungs-
prinzip gemeint ist. Nicht nur Ganghofer, auch die Marlitt stimmt in

43 Ebd., S. 391. Vgl. auch Theodore Ziolkowski, Der Hunger nach dem
Mythos. In: Die sogenannten Zwanziger Jahre, hrsg. von Reinhold
Grimm und Jost Hermand (Bad Homburg, 1970), S. 169-201.

44 Der Sdiatz im Silbersee, S. 239.

45 Ebd., S. 385. 46 Schloß Hubertus. In: Schriften, 1,21A.

116

George L. Masse

diesem Punkte völlig mit May überein. Bei ihr gibt es zwar die deut-
schen Wälder und die altdeutschen Tugenden, aber dahinter steht
immer wieder das Prinzip der Toleranz und der Anerkennung der
Würde aller Menschen. Manche Historiker haben sich bei der Betrach-
tung dieser Ära allzusehr auf jene Literatur beschränkt, in denen sich
das deutsche Nationalbewußtsein mit einer Begeisterung für das Krie-
gerische verbindet.'*^ Aber solche Werke, obwohl einige von ihnen sicher
sehr verbreitet waren, können sich in keiner Weise mit der Popularität
einer Marlitt, eines May oder Ganghofer messen, deren Romane zwar
schon ein nationales Selbstbewußtsein, aber noch keine chauvinistische
Überheblichkeit aufweisen.

Und doch haben diese Literatur und die Leserschaft, die in ihnen an-
visiert wird, etwas eminent ,Deutsches', das sich am besten mit dem
Begriff ,provinzieir umschreiben läßt. Keiner dieser Autoren ist weit in
der Welt herumgekommen. Sowohl in ihren ästhetischen als auch
moralischen Ansichten, die auf bewährten Gemeinplätzen beruhen,
äußert sich eine typisdie Kleinstadtgesinnung, die ihren engen Gesichts-
kreis mit Ausflügen ins phantastisch Imaginierte zu kompensieren
sucht. In ihrer Abneigung gegen alles ,Moderne' sind die Marlitt, May
und Ganghofer typische Vertreter jenes Provinzialismus, der aus den
Traditionen des Klassisch-Romantischen und einem nationalen Identi-
tätsverlangen erwachsen war und der sich im Laufe des 19. Jahrhunderts
zu einem der dominierenden Grundzüge deutschen Wesens entwickelt
hatte. Das Nationalbewußtsein ist hier immer noch eng an die Welt der
ästhetischen Idealität und der überlieferten Glaubensinhalte gebunden.
Da dieses Ideal selbst nach 1871 eine Utopie blieb, nahm es allmählich
immer verschwommenere und damit ,universalere' Züge an. Das ,Deut-
sche' ist deshalb nur ein Faktor im Ideenhaushalt dieser Romane, und
zwar nicht einmal unbedingt der dominierende.

Diese Trivialautoren waren keine unmittelbaren Wegbereiter Adolf
Hitlers. Wenn der letztere einmal bemerkte, daß ihm Karl May die
Augen für die weite Welt geöffnet habe,"*® so muß man das ganz wört-
lich verstehen. Denn Hitlers manichäisches Weltbild steht in einem ab-
soluten Gegensatz zu den Tugendvorstellungen, wie sie in diesen Ro-
manen gepredigt werden. Und doch war es für den Nationalsozialismus
leicht, diese Art von Literatur zu seinen Zwecken heranzuziehen; ja, die
Popularität des Nazischrifttums beruht zum Teil auf der skrupellosen
Ausbeutung dieser Tradition. Wie bezeichnend, daß Hitler nicht nur

47 Vgl. Fritz Fischer, Krieg der Illusionen (Düsseldorf, 1969), S. 65/66.

48 Adolf Hitler, Hitler's Beeret Conversations, übers, von N. Cameron und
R. H. Stevens (New York, 1953), S. 257.

Was die Deutsdien wirklich lasen

117

Mays blühende Phantasie, sondern vor allem auch jene vollendete
,Würde' bewunderte, mit der dessen Helden das Leben zu meistern ver-
stehen. Mays Tugenden waren genau die gleichen, die auch Hitler gegen
seine Feinde verteidigen wollte. In diesem Punkte sind beide, May und
Hitler, typische Produkte der bürgerlichen Moralität und Kultur des wil-
helminischen Deutschland. Hitler sah keinen Widerspruch darin, seinem
Neffen Winnetou als Vorbild absoluter Lebensmeisterschaft zu empfeh-
len^^ und zugleich ein absolut rassistisches Weltbild zu vertreten. Für
ihn repräsentierte diese Figur spezifisch ,deutsche' Tugenden. Hatte
nicht schon ein früherer May-Bewunderer Winnetous Schwester als
eine Indianer-Maid mit einem deutschen Herzen bezeichnet ?5<> Diese
Figuren waren alle längst zu Traumgestalten geworden, die man nicht
mehr in ihrer wirklichen Umgebung sah.

Was auch immer Hitlers private Ansichten gewesen sein mögen, die
offizielle Naziideologie beruhte zum Teil darauf, die Träume einer Mar-
litt, eines May und Ganghofer in die Reahtät umzusetzen. Denn auch
die Nazikunst und -literatur ist voller Lob für das Schöne, Gute und
Gesunde - wenn auch mit einem diktatorischen Anspruch verbunden,
den die erwähnten Autoren sicher als unvereinbar mit der menschli-
chen Würde zurückgewiesen hätten. Doch gerade durch diesen Umset-
zungsakt kam im Jahr 1933 die eigentliche Schwäche dieser Triviallite-
ratur ans Licht.

Ihre Welt war eine Traumwelt gewesen, die nichts mit der Wirklich-
keit zu tun hatte. In scharfer Opposition zur ,Moderne' schloß sie von
vornherein jede Auseinandersetzung mit konkreten Fragen aus. Für
diese Autoren gibt es kein soziales Elend, keine ökonomische Depres-
sion, keine Großstadtmisere. Selbst die Regierungsform erscheint ihnen
unwichtig. Wichtig an ihr ist nur, daß sie das Volk vereint, anstatt es zu
zersplittern. Die Marlitt verdammt daher ausdrücklich den Haß, der
durch den Kampf der Parteien untereinander entfesselt wird." Dage-
gen preist sie Bismarck, und zwar nicht wegen seiner politischen Kon-
zepte (für die sie sich kaum interessiert haben dürfte), sondern wegen
seiner Kulturkampf-Gesinnung. Daß er sich gegen die katholische Kir-
che wandte, weil er ein geeintes Deutschland haben wollte, war für sie
bereits eine gute Tat. Leute dieser Art wollen immer Einheit, Dauer,
stabile Verhältnisse. Denn nur die Unveränderbarkeit ist für sie ein
Garant gesunder Zustände.

49 Hans Severus Ziegler, Adolf Hitler aus dem Erleben dargestellt (Göttingen,

1964), S. 76.

50 Ludwig Gurlitt, Gerechtigkeit für Karl May! (Radebeul, 1919), S. 140.

51 Im Hause des Kommerzienrates, S. 249.

118

George L. Masse

Lediglich die Marlitt greift mandimal auch soziale Fragen auf In
ihren Werken gibt es sowohl Arbeiter als auA Streiks. Streiks werden
jedoch von vornherein verdammt, selbst wenn sie gerechte Ursachen
haben, da sie meist zu Gewaltakten führen, die aus Tugendgründer,
mcht zugelassen werden können.»^ Für alle diese Autoren steht nicht
d.e Gruppe, sondern das Individuum im Mittelpunkt, das wie Mays
und Ganghofers Helden durch seine bloße Existenz ein gutes Beispiel
gibt. Es sind die natürlichen Optimisten, die nach ihrer Ansicht Gottes
Plan in der Weh durchführen. Sold,e Helden sind stets durch einen
gesunden Aktivismus ausgezeichnet. „Der Wille eines einzigen der
stark .st, hat auf Erden des Guten mehr getan", sAreibt Ganghofer
emmal, „als die schwache Liebe, die ihr [der Priester] predigt "'s Aber
Starke darf auch hier nicht mit Brutalität oder Ungerechtigkeit verwech-
selt werden. Diese ,Helden' sind von Nietzsche ebensoweit entfernt
wie von Hitler. Sie kommen aus der pietistischen Tradition des 18
Jahrhunderts und sind keine Vorläufer der Diktatur des 20. Jahrhun-
derts.

Und dies ist das Entscheidende. Der Traum vom besseren Leben blieb
derselbe, während die Geschichte weiterging. Und so wurde der DrucJc
und mit ihm die Frustrierung immer größer. Die Nazis, die sich der
Populantät dieser Literatur wohl bewußt waren, behielten ihre Themen
einfach bei und versuchten sie lediglich mit ,völkischer Substanz' auf-
zuladen. Emer der populärsten Romane dieser Art war Der Femhof
(1934) von Josefa Berens-Totenohl, der von der Partei offiziell empfoh-
len wurde." Der Femhof schließt sidi unmittelbar an die Tradition
des Bauemromans an. Lediglich zwei Dinge sind anders: der eine der
Schurken ist ein rassisA Minderwertiger, ein Zigeuner, und das Ganze
hat em ,tragisAes' Ende. Die Nazikritiker glaubten nämliA, daß das
Trag^Ae der deutsAen Seele besonders nahestehe. Die Verbindung
zwisAen dem TragisAen und dem HeroisAen sollte naA ihrer Mei-
nung jene Seelentiefe ausdrüAen, die allen deutsAempflndenden Deut-
sAen von Natur aus zu eigen sei.»^ Obendrein versuAte man damit
einen dynamisAen Charakter in die Literatur hineinzubringen, der
naA politischer Veränderung drängt, um so jene Saturiertheit und
Happy-End-Gesinnung zu überwinden, mit der diese Trivialromane
meist schließen.

52 Ebd., S. 50.

53 Das Gotteslehen. In: Schriften, IX, 207

'^ S^ 398* ^*'°*'^°^^"' Nationalsozialistische Literaturpolitik (Bonn, 1963),

55 Ebd., S 345, 338. Vgl. auch Uwe-Karsten Ketelsen, Von heroisdtem Sein
und völkischem Tod (Bonn, 1970). neroisaiem bein

(

Was die Deutschen wirklich lasen

119

Dodi diese Vermischung von traditionellen Themen und völkisdier
Substanz, modite sie noch so oberflädilich sein, blieb an sidi relativ
selten, da sie die Gefahr einer Gleichstellung der Deutschen mit ande-
ren ,Rassen' heraufbeschwor. Karl May war daher bei manchen Partei-
organisationen gar nicht so angesehen, und seine Neuauflagen wurden
bewußt niedrig gehalten.^ß Doch ein Autor wie May war einfach nicht
zu unterdrücicen! Obwohl manche Parteileute seinen Einfluß systema-
tisch zu verringern suchten, setzten sich andere ganz offen für ihn ein.
So sehen wir zum Beispiel in einem Propagandafilm für die National-
politischen Erziehungsanstalten von 1939 einen Jungen, der Karl May
liest, während die anderen mit Schiffsmodellen, Festungen und Tanks
spielen." Hitler selbst hat seine Bewunderung für Old Shatterhand
und Winnetou nie verleugnet. Trotz der Papierknappheit während des
Krieges ließ er 1943 noch einmal 300 000 Exemplare des Winnetou
drucken, um sie an die Truppen verteilen zu lassen.^s Der Traum vom
besseren Leben war auch ihm wichtiger als die Tatsache, daß nicht nur
die Deutschen, sondern auch die Indianer diese Utopie repräsentierten.
Die Romane der May, Marlitt und Ganghofer haben sich deshalb
stets viel besser verkauft als die ihrer ,völkischen' Rivalen.^» Selbst
während des Dritten Reiches konnte die völkische Literatur mit der
Auflagenhöhe dieser Art von Trivialliteratur nicht Schritt halten. Wie
schon in den Jahrzehnten zuvor blieb das Völkische weiterhin am Rande
der wirklich populären Literatur.

Die Deutschen waren nun einmal versessen aufs Gefühlvolle und
Liberale in der Literatur. Und das war sicher keine Schande. Aber es
war gefährlich, daß ihnen diese Schriften kein Verhältnis zu ihrer eige-
nen Gegenwart vermittelten, da sie in ihrer Beziehung zur Wirklichkeit
viel zu idealistisch und unreal waren. Ganghofers Irimbert, den böse
Mönche seit Jahren eingekerkert haben, ruft einmal aus: „Ich lebe!
Denn in meinem Herzen ist Traum und Freude!''«» Der Arbeiter, der
Kleinbürger, der Geschäftsmann: wer konnte sich schon angesichts der
großstädtischen Industriezivilisation, die immer bedrohlichere Züge an-
zunehmen begann, mit einem Charakter wie Irimbert identifizieren?
Folglich lasen solche Menschen alle diese Romane weiterhin als Utopien,
während sie ihre politische und gesellschaftliche Erfüllung woanders
suchten.

56 Strothmann, S. 239, 341.

57 H. Schultz, Unsere Jungen. Ein Film der nationalpolitischen Erziehungsan-
stalten (Göttingen, 1969), S. 290.

58 Ziegler, S. 77.

59 Strothmann, S. 398.

60 Das Gotteslehen. In: Schriften, IX, 202.

120

George L. Mosse

Die deutsche Wirklidikeit und die deutsche Trivialliteratur kamen
wohl nur in der wilhelminischen Ära einigermaßen zur Deckung. Sidier
waren die ästhetischen und moralischen Prinzipien, die in diesen Roma-
nen gepriesen werden, damals weit verbreitet. In diesen Jahrzehnten
hatten viele das Gefühl, daß das Zweite Reich eine Gesellschaftsord-
nung propagierte, die sich mit der Ideologie einer Marhtt, eines May
oder Ganghofer durchaus in Einklang bringen lasse. Aber nach dem
Ersten Weltkrieg war dies nicht mehr der Fall - und diese Literatur
wurde zu einer Märchenliteratur, wenn auch zu einer, die weiterhin auf
Erfüllung drängte. Während des Dritten Reiches wurde die Realisierung
dieser Wünsche tatsächlich angestrebt, freilich in einer Richtung, die
mit den Idealen dieser Romane kaum noch etwas gemeinsam hat. Sie
wurden zu einer Utopie, die auf andere Weise erreicht werden mußte.
Old Shatterhand sollte endlich triumphieren; aber das konnte er nur,
nachdem ihm Hitler den Weg bereitet hatte.

(Aus dem Amerikanischen von Jost Hermand)

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JÜDISCHE KORRESPONDENZ

^ JÜDISCHER KULTURVEREIN BERLIN e. V. XjX

MONATSBLATT

Nr. 7, 8 6. Jahrgang, Tamus/Aw /Elul 5756

Juli /August 1996

Ich habe eigentlich nur bis zu meinem zehnten
Lebensjahr in Berlin und dann, bis zu meiner
Emigration fünf Jahre später, teilweise in Ber-
lin, teüweiseaufdemFamiliengut Schloß Schen-
kendorf bei Königs Wusterhausen und im
Internat gelebt. Und doch sind die meisten
meiner entscheidendenEindrücke dieser Jahre
mit Berlin verknüpft: Es sind dies politische
Eindrücke der Stadt während der Repubükals
erste Erfahrung der großen Welt. Mein Ge-
burtshaus lag im Villenviertel inBerlin W. inder
Maasenstraße, während das HausmeinerGroß-
eltem Mosse, ein Palais am Leipziger Platz,
nach ihrem lod der großen Bibliothek und
Kunstsammlung sowie den offiziellen Emp-
fängenmeiner Ehemals Verleger desßer//«er
Tageblattes und anderer Berliner Zeitungen
diente. Ich hatte meine eigene Welt in der
Maasenstraße, von Gouvernanten betreut, eng-
hsche oder französische Damen, damitman als
Kind die nützlichsten Sprache lernte. Mein
allererster Eindruck, an den ich mich erinnere,
war, daß der immer hellerleuditeteNoHendorf-
platz im Dunkeln lag, weil Präsident Friedrich
Ebert gestorben war, der zweite, wie mich
meine Mutter zu ihrer Suppenküche am Nol-
lendorfplatzmitnahm,esmuß wohl in derzeit
der Inflation gewesen sein. Erschreckend für
ein Kind war das Straßenbild, das in jenen
Jahren weithin durch die Kriegsversehrten ge-
prägt war. Dazu kam noch, daß man mit dem
Namen Mosse sein Anderssein kaum verges-
sen koimte, denn der Name wurde später zum
Siimbildder "Judenpresse". So war man selbst
als Kind eine Zielscheibe, durch Anpöbelei-
en oder - vielleicht noch schlimmer - durch
die gehässigen Angriffe auf die Eltern in der
Presse. Diese Realitäten ließen sich nicht
einfach ignorieren, man fühlte sich als Deut-
scher und doch wurde das potentielle Außen-
seitertum immer wieder ins Bewußtsein ge-
rufen. Trotzdem war meine Familie bewußt
jüdisch: Schon mein Großvater Mosse war
leitend in der jüdischen Reformgemeinde
tätig gewesen und für meinen Vater war diese
Gemeinde eine seiner Hauptinteressen. Er fbr-

nstraße oder: Beginn eines po

von George L. Mosse (Madison/Wisconsin)

derte ihre Jugendbewegung und war führend
am Entstehen einer neuen Lithurgie beteihgt.
Ich selbernahmkaum an alldem teil, wohl weil
ich als ungezogener Junge aus der Religions-
schule verwiesen wurde. So endete meine ei-
gentliche Berliner Zeit, alsich vomMommsen-
Gymnasium relegiert wurde, diesmal wegen
meines Lateins . Danach kam das Internat. Die
politischen Auseinandersetzungen in der Fa-
mihe machten großenEindruckauf mich. Mei-
ne beinahe zehn Jahre ältere Schwester gehörte
zu einer sozialistischen Jugendbewegung, den
Zugscharen, welche Arbeiterkinder im Wed-
ding betreute. Das schien für eine Tochter aus
gutem Hause schon unziemlich, und als meine
Schwester auch noch die SPD wählte, schienen
aUe Schranken gefallen Meine Schwester hatte
die vielleicht wichtigste Famiüentradition ver-
letzt: unbedingte Loyaütät zum Liberalismus.
Man wählte Staatspartei in diesen letzten
Jahren der Republik. So wurde meine Schwe-
ster ignoriert, als sie davon erzählte, daß Arbei-
terjungen schon miteinemNazidolchim Gürtel
zu den Zugscharen kamen. Aber Kultur, nicht
diePoUtik war das eigentliche Anliegen meines
Vaters. Mein Vater kaim als der eigenthche
Entdecker des Architekten Erich Mendels-
sohn gelten: Der Neubau der Fassade des
Mosse-Hauses hegt vor meinen Erinnerungen,
aber nicht der Bau der Wohnungen und des
Kabaretts der Komiker am Kurfürstendamm .
Die Musik war seine große Passion, hier betä-
tigte er sich als Mäzen. Ergabz.B. Bronislaw
Hubermann seine erste Violine und stiftete
über viele Jahre den Berliner Philarmonikem
ihren Smoking. . . Eine sogenaimte öffenthche
Rolle durfte ichbei den "Lachabenden" spielen,
die mein Vater im Namen des Verlages für die
Berliner während der Wirtschaftskrise organi-
sierte. Die Billette waren, soweit ich mich
erinnere, gratis und das Theater immer gefüllt.
Hier konnte ich mich in der Verkleidung eines
Straßenverkäufers des "BT" zeigen. Diese
Abende waren eigentlich mehr an unserer po-
pulären Morgen-Zeitung als an der Berliner
Tageblatt-heseischaü orientiert. Natürlich

hatte ich als 14- oder 1 Sjähriger Junge noch
keinen festen pohtischen Standpunkt. Aber
man koimte während dieser Zeit nicht in Berlin
leben, ohne neugierig zu sein, wie es wohl bei
der sichtbarsten pohtischen Bewegung zuging.
So schhch ich mich um 1 932 von zu Hause weg
und ging in eine Nazi-Massenversammlung.
Hitlers Rede riß mich mit, obwohl ich kein
Wort verstand. Die Angs^^ und Bedrückung
kamen nachher. Die Pohtik dieser Jahre zeigte
mir ihr unruhiges, beänstigendes Gesicht, das
sich natürlich dem Kind und Teenager mehr
einprägte als die netten und etwas behäbigen
Parlamentarier, die oft zu Hause bei Tisch
saßen. Es gab viel Courage und Loyalität,
besonders von den Hausangestellten, die mich
direkt betraf und später dazu führte, daß eini-
ges unserer Habe vor den Augen der Nazis
gerettet wurde. Wir wissenheute, daß inkeiner
anderen Stadt in Deutschland oder im Ausland
soviel Zivilcourage in der Nazizeit aufgebracht
wurde, daß Tausende von Berlinern ihr Leben
riskierten, um Juden zu verstecken. Berlin hat
also den Grundstein für mein später so reges
pohtisches Bewußtsein gelegt. Ich konnte mich
in meiner Kindheit und frühen Jugend nicht
abkapseln von dem Geschehen. Das Berlin
jener Zeit hat mich gelehrt, daß Pohtik ein
unausweichliches Schicksal ist, und daß es
keinen sogenaimten unpoüti sehen Menschen
geben kaim. Das Anderssein, daß ich hier am
eigenen Leibe erfuhr, bedingt den pohtischen
Kampf Hier also wurde der Grund gelegt für
mein wahres pohtisches Erwachen, was für
meine Generation vom Exil und vom antifa-
schistischen Kampf geprägt wurde.
George L. Mosse langjähriger Freund des JKV, ist
einer der bekanntesten Zeithistoriker, Autor zahlrei-
cho- Bücher und Aufsätze. Er lehrt vorrangig in
den USA und Israel, reist zu Gastvorträgen durch
die ganze Welt und wird hoffentlich im Novem-
t)er wieder einmal im JKV sprechen. Mit einer
großzügigen Spende hat er dieser Tage die Lö-
sung unseres Kopier-Problems positiv beein-
flußt, wofür wir ihm sehr dankbar sind).

Das Unglück konnte zu SO Prozent abgewendet werden

Unser Projekt nach § 249 h "Hilfe. Beratung
und Betreuung russischsprachiger ßidischer
Zuwanderer sowie Senioren " wurde zunächst
zum 1. 7. nichtverlängert. Im Brief der Service-
gesellschaft Fobeko war nachzulesen: "Auf-
grund der angespannten Haushaltslage ...
müssen wir Ihnen leider mitteilen, daß eine
weitere Verlängerung... nicht möglich ist.. In
derMaßnahme erworbene Investitionsgegen-
stände sind in der Regel ... innerhalb von 4
Wochen nachMqßnahmeendeandas Verwal-
tungskontor zu überfiihren. "Nachdem wirder
Fobeko, dem Stadtbezirksbürgermeister, der

Senatorin für Soziales und der Ausländerb-
eaußragten des Senats unser Unverständnis
schrieben - mit allen verbindet uns langjährige
gute Zusammenarbeit - hat die Fobeko ihren
Entscheid nochmals geprüft und der Verlänge-
rung der Stelle ßr Seniorenarbeit (Stefan A.
Schröder) zugestimmt, was trotz Wegfall fast
allerSachkostendas Vereinsleben einigerma-
ßensichert. Thea Hein wird uns fehlen, sie hat
aufopferungsvoll u.a. Deutschkurse gegeben
und damit vielen Zuwanderem geholfen. Von
großzügiger Förderung waren wirstets aus-
geschlossen. Jetzt hoffen wir, daß die nächste

Entscheidung am 15.12. nicht zur Streichung
der Stellen der anderen drei Mitarbeiterinnen
fuhrt. Wir werden darüber hinaus ein neues
ABM-Projekt beantragen. Die Lage ist ernst.
Mitglieder und Freunde sind daher dringend
zu mehr Aktivität aufgerufen. Mitgliedsbeiträ-
ge, "JK"-Spenden, 5 DM am Ervw Schabbat,
för Deutsch-, Musik- und Russischunterricht
und neue Ideen sind mehr denn je unerläßlich.
Wir haben erstmals seit Bestehen des Vereins
beschlossen, vom 15. Juli bis 18. August keine
Veranstaltungen, Deutschkurse, Freitagaben-
de usw. anzubieten. Der Sprecherrat

Wo immer Juden in Not sind - W JR hilft

Seit Jahrvn hilft WoHdJewishReliefdemJKV
in dankenswerter Weise u.a. . dieSederabende
nicht nur traditionell, sondern auch kosher le
Pessach zu begehen. Mehrmals ß-agten Mit-
glieder des Vereins nach, wer oder was diese
Organisation eigentlich sei. Wir baten London
um eine Selbstdarstellung, die wir nachfolgend
übersetzt gekürzt wiedergeben.
World Jewish Relief- die Jüdische Welthilfe -
wurde 1933 ursprünglich mit dem Ziel ge-
gründet, denjenigen zu helfen, die aus Nazi-
deutschland flohen. Die Finanzierung erfolg-
te von Anfang an über Spenden, die vom WJR
treuhänderisch verwaltet und verwandt, spä-
ter auch entsprechend der Bedürftigkeit ver-
teilt wurden. Eine der Haupterfolge in dama-
liger Zeit war die sichere Ankunft von 1 0 000
unbegleiteten Kindern in Großbritannien, als
"Kindertransport" bekanntgeworden. Sie ka-
men in das Land als Emigranten und manche
haben ihre Familien nie wieder gesehen.
World Jevsäsh Relief rettete weitere 70 000
Juden vor und während des U. Weltkriegs.
Noch heute bestehen zwischen dem WJR und
vielen der ehemahgen Flüchtlinge Kontakte,
und er kümmert sich besonders um Alleinste-
hende und Gebrechliche. Nach dem U. Welt-
krieg half der WJR zahllosen Gemeinschaften
in der Welt, wo immer ein Jude sie brauchte. In
den 50er Jahren war die Organisation mit der
Suezkrise in Ägypten und dem Ungam-Auf-
stand beschäftigt. Anfang der 60er fanden sich
die Juden Nordafrikas im Auft)ruch. World
Jewish Rehefhalf der Judenheit inFrankreich,
diese Flüchtlinge aufeunehmen und jenen, die
zurückbüeben. Die 70er Jahre waren von ver-
stärktem Engagement in Osteuropa gekenn-
zeichnet. Die Aktivitäten mußten mit großer
Vorsicht und Diskretion ausgefiihrt werden,
da sie den kommunistischen Regimes nicht
genehm waren . Operationen Moses und Salo-

mon fand in den 80er Jahren statt. Die Ausztige
der Juden Äthiopiens hatten große Publizität
und bedeuteten harte Arbeit in Addis Abeba.
Die Sofortaufgabe bestand in Ernährung, Bil-
dung undmedizinischer Hilfe ftlr alle Juden, die
vor ihrer Weiterreise ins Heilige Land aus
kleinen Städten undumhegendenDörfemnach
Addis Abeba kamen. In Israel kümmerte sich
WJR intensiv um die Integration der äthiopi-
schen Juden und bis heute finanziert die Orga-
nisation einige dieser Programme. Der Aus-
bruch des Bürgerkriegs im fiüheren Jugoslawi-
en beanspruchte in den 90er Jahren die meiste
Zeit der WJR. Verantwortlich fiir die Evaku-
ierung von über 2 000 Menschen aus Sarajewo,
hat World Jewish Rehef außerdem filr diejeni-
gen, die zurückgd)heben sind- unabhängig von
Religion und ethnischer Zugehörigkeit - Le-
bensmittel, Medizin und Kleidung zur Verfii-
gung gestellt. In diesem Jahrzehnt ist in ganz
Ost- und Mitteleuropa, wo jüdische Gemein-
schaften frei geworden sind und Heißhunger
auf die Entwicklung ihrer Identität haben , ein
Zuwachs an Aktivitäten zu verzeichnen. Da-
bei hilft World Jewish Rehef- bei der Gestal-
tung der Gemeindezentren, beim Ausbau von
Bildungsangebotenund Wohlfehrtdiensten, bei
der Einbindung in die Diasporagemeinschaft.
1 9% hat World Jewish Relief den Juden in der
früheren UdSSR das Angebot unterbreitet, in
die Wiederbelebung jüdischen Lebens zu inve-
stieren, wobei sie die Bedürfiiisse der Verein-
samten, der Schwachen, der Jungen und derer,
die vernachlässigt worden sind, einbeziehen.
70 Jahre Isolation sind vorbei. World Jewish
Relief ist der Meinung, daß wohlhabende Ge-
meinden der ganzen Welt die Bedürfiiisse ihrer
Mit- Juden erkennen und sich an der Restaura-
tion der jüdischen Lebenswelten beteiUgen
sollten. Wo und wann immer ein Jude in Not
ist - World Jewish Relief handelt.

Markus Wolf im JKV: Fragen an die Geschichte und eigenes Tun

Wie wurde Markus Wolf zu Markus Wolf? In
seinem Vortrag "Väterund Söhne -Biographi-
en zwischen Moskau und Berlin" stellte sich
Wolf aufiichüg, nachsinnend und auch humor-
voll dieser Frage. Bestimmend für seinen Le-
bensweg und den seines Bruders Konrad sei
des Vaters Drama "Professor Mamlock" ge-
wesen. "Es ist ein wichtiger Schlüssel, wenn
man das Schicksal unserer Familie verstehen
will", erläuterte Markus Wolf. Mit seinem
humanistischen undantifaschistischen Aiüie-
gen habe es die "nicht problemfreie Heimkehr
der Söhne und ihreNeubegegnungmitDeutsdi-
land" ebenso begleitet wie zuvor das Leben in
der Wahlheimat Sowjetunion. Biographische
Schnittpunkte, tragische Konflikte in Moskau
und Berlin, Widerspruch zwischen eigenem
Wollen und tatsächhch Geschehenem - Wolf-
sches Drama. Und: "Die Fragen, die ich mir
selber stelle über alles, was diesen Bogen
zwischen Moskau und Berlin betrifft, lassen
sich nicht wegschieben und beziehen sich auf
alle, die Ähnliches erlebt haben und sich auch
dann weiterhin, trotz allem, engagierten in dem
Staat, von dem wir glaubten, daßer eine Alter-
native sei, die unseren Idealen entspricht."
Rückschau Moskau: Zunächst Leben ideal, an
der Moskwa in den 30em. Schöne Zeit. Darm

erste schtichteme Zweifel. Kommunismus und
Stalin-Nachbamverschwindennächtens, Hitler
taucht auf, ein Pakt wird geschlossen. Ein
neues Drama nimmt seinen Lauf Und dennoch
Heimat Sowjetunion - ein Ideal, "weil einziges
Land, das Hitler-Deutschland Paroh bieten
konnte". Heute bekennt Wolf, stelle er sich die
Frage, "ob der Vater in die Irre ging auf seinem
Weg vom humanistisch denkenden und han-
delnden Arzt, vom suchenden Pazifisten nach
dem 1 . Weltkrieg bis zum überzeugten sozia-
listischen Schriftsteller, ob er irrte auf dem
Weg, der ihn in eine neue Zukunft in der DDR
führte?UndderBruder?Glaubteerbisin seine
letzten Lebensjahre,alsihn das Wissen um die
Krankheiten unserer Gesellschaft mehr quälte
als das eigene tödhche Leiden, nicht noch
immer fest an den wahren, vom Humanismus
bestimmten Soziahsmus? Wie konnten Men-
schen, die ihre Augen vor der Deformierung
ihrer Ideale nicht mehr verschließen konnten,
die von vielen imNamen des Soziahsmus unter
Stalin undspäter begangenen Verbrechen wuß-
ten, so lange an diese gesellschafUiche Altema-
tivezum Kapitalismusglauben?" Markus Wolf
hinterfi^gte an diesem interessanten Nachmit-
tag Geschichte und eigenes Tun. Er sucht
weiter nach Antworten. Michael Hube

EinejüdischeSportlerin

Am 5. Mai fand im Sportforum Hohenschön-
hausen eine Veranstaltung zu Ehren einer
jüdischen Sportlerin, Leichtathletin, Deut-
schen und Weltmeisterin der 20er Jahre,
statt. Alle, die sich mit dem Sport dieser Jahre
in Deutschland oder in der Welt beschäftigt
haben, müssen den Namen Lilh Henoch ken-
nen. Sie stellte im Kugelstoßen, Diskuswer-
fen, Weitsprung und in der 4 x 100 m Staffel
Weltrekorde auf und war zu dieser Zeit eine
der berühmtesten Sportlerinnen. Eine große
Sporthalle im Sportforum, die Werferiialle,
wurde nach ihr benarmt und trägt von nun an
den Namen Lilli-Henoch-Halle. An dieser
Namensgebung nahmen neben vielen Sport-
studenten, Sportlem und anderen Interessen-
ten ein Vertreter des Berliner Senats, ein
Vertreter des Bezirksamtes, der Vorsitzende
des Deutschen Sportbundes Herr von Richt-
hofen, der Vorsitzende der Berliner Jüdi-
schen Gemeinde Herr Kanal, der Biograph
von Lilh Henoch und Initiator der Namensge-
bung, Herr Ehlert, der mit einer Kurzbiogra-
phie der Sportierin gedachte, und ein ehema-
liger Sportfreund von ihr teil, der speziell aus
London zu der Ehrung gekommen war. Die
Veranstaltung wurde mit musikalischen Dar-
bietungen von Mark Aizikowitsch umrahmt.
In den Nebenräumen der Halle wurde eine
Ausstellung sportlicher Requisiten sowie
Fotos Lilh Henochs und dem jtidischen Sport
nach 1933, zusammengestellt von Herrn Eh-
lert, gezeigt. Nach 1933 wurde sie aus ihrem
Sportverein ausgeschlossen und trat in den
jüdischen Tum- und Sportverein "Schild"
ein. Sie wurde Tumlehrerin an der jüdischen
Schule in der Rykestraße. Schüler dieser
Schule, die den Holocaust überlebt haben,
körmen sich gut an ihre Tumlehrerin erin-
nem. Lilh Henoch hat den Holocaust nicht
überlebt, sie wurde ein Opfer der verbreche-
rischen Endlösung. Es muß dem Berliner
Senat und auch Herm M. H. Ehlert, der sich
sehr energisch bemüht hat, hoch angerechnet
werden, daß diese Namensgebung zustande
kam. Übrigens: in Berlin gibt es auch eine
Lilh-Henoch-Straße. Fritz Marcuse

GesprächspartnerAtmengesudat

Wer wohnt in Hamburg oder Umgebimg
undgehörtwie ich der Zweiten Generation
derHolocaustüberlebendenan? Ich, weib-
lich, 3 5 Jahre, möchte gern Kontahaufheh-
men. Tel. 040 - 6501359. Ich würde mich
über einen Anruf sehr freuen.

Vom 26. 7. bis 17. 8. 96 findet das 14.
Internationale Jugendbegegptmgszeltla-
ger in Dachau statt. Das Zeltlager bietet
seit 1983 jährlich 15 -3 0jährigen Men-
schen verschiedener Länder und unter-
schiedlicher Herkunft Gelegenheit zum
Kommunikations- und Erfahrungsaus-
tausch. Neben einem umfangreichen In-
formations- und Veranstaltungspro-
gramm werden u.a. Gespräche mit Zeit-
zeugen und GedenkstättenfÜhrungen an-
geboten.

Anmeldung und weitere Informationen:
Kreisjugendring Dachau, Augsburger
^ Str. 46, Tel. 08131/79244, Fax: 72398

**Wir haben Angst, sie hassen uns** - Josef Levy anläßlich

Kurz vor den Israel- Wahlen diskutierte Israels
Vizekonsul in Berlin, Josef(Yossi)Levy inder
JKV-"Faniilie" über Jerusalem, Geftlhle, Ver-
nunft und den Friedensprozeß. Jemsalem, so
Levy, ist für jeden Juden mit Emotionen be-
setzt, eben diese Emotional ität begleite auch
die Verhandlungen mit der arabischen Seite. Er
summierte die Phasen der Friedensverhand-
lungoi vom Washingtoner historischen Hand-
schlag im September 1993 über Oslo, das
Kairo-Abkommen, den Abzug der israehschen
Armee aus Gaza und Teile der Westbank,
sprach über die Palästinenserwahl , aus denen
Arafat als Präsident hervorging, um schließlich
die Widrigkeiten der nächsten Schritte zu erör-
tem,denStatus von Jerusalem. Weder Wasser-
, noch Flüchtiingsfrage, nicht Judäa und Samari
sind so gefiihlsbeladen wie die als ewig unteil-
bar bezeichnete Hauptstadt. Levy heß keinen
Zweifel daran, daß eine physische Teilung der
Stadt nicht auf der Tagesordnung steht, er
körme sich auch keine geteilte Souveränität
vorstellen, dafür defmierte Rechte der Palä-
stinenser, festgeschrieben als Verwaltungs-
autonomie in administrativen Bezirken. Laut
Oslovertrag muß all das in drei Jahren ent-
schieden sein. Jerusalem ist für Levy - darin
weiß er sich mit der jüdischen Majorität einig
- nur als Hauptstadt des jüdischen Volkes
denkbar, denn noch nie war Jemsalem die
Hauptstadt eines anderen Volkes. Jemsalem
ist drei Weltreligionen heihg, das begründet
Kompromisse. "Seit 1967 haben wir ganz
Jerusalem", griff er in die Zeitgeschichte
zurück, es ist die größte Stadt des Landes mit

600000Einwohnem,Tel Avivhat350000. In
Ostjerusalem sind seitherriesigejiküsche Wohn-
gebiete entstanden, die Hälfte aller Ostjerusa-
lemer, 150 000 Menschen, sind Juden. Aus
Sicherheitsgründen meiden heute die mei sten
Juden den arabischen Teil der Stadt und die
Westbank, von Gaza ganz zu schweigen. "In
unserem Selbstverständnis ist das Land ohne
Jerusalem ein Körper ohne Herz". Europäer
finden dennoch die arabische Forderung nach
Jerusalem logisch, auch den Spruch von einer
Hauptstadt für zwei Völker. In der Region
sieht man dies anders. Was wurde bisher er-
reicht? Die Abkommen werden eingehalten, es
gibt 30 000 palästinensische Polizisten, füh-
rende israelische und arabische Politiker tref-
fen sich, das Feindbild vom Juden als Israeh,
Zionisten und Feind bröckelt. Doch eine An-
näherung im Alltag von Palästinensern und
Juden fehlt. "Wir haben Angst vor ihnen und
sie hassen uns". In zwei Generationen, so
Levy, wird man fragen: Wer sind wir? Ein Teil
von Nahost? Sollen wir uns trennen oder
vereinen? Mit wem? Mit unseren Nachbarn
oder unseren Brüdem in der Ukraine? Im
Unterschied zu Israel ist die Diaspora vorwie-
gend ashkenasisch. Selbst wenn Herkunft we-
niger wichtig wird, bleibt abzuwarten, ob man
in Israel zukünftig arabische Töne oder Tschai-
kowski spielen wird. "Wir sind eine Mischung
aus europäischer, nordamerikanischer und ori-
entalischer Kultur. Die Araber aber akzeptie-
ren uns nicht als Teil des Nahen Ostens. " Für
sie ist der Friede nach Levy ein erzwungener
Kompromiß, keine wirkliche Anerkennung

von Jersualem 3000

des jüdischen Staates. Ohne Vertrauen domi-
niert das Sicherheitsbedürfiiis. "Wirtrauennur
uns", so Levy, undfremde Soldaten seien nicht
das Ziel. Israel karm und wird nicht ohne
Frieden gedeihen. Vor 50 Jahren war es noch
britische Kolonie, heute hervorragend in High
Tech und Mihtärproduktion, hat das Land
bereits ein BSP, das so groß ist wie das von
England. In der Diskussion präzisierte Levy
nochmals die Verhandlungspositionen Israels,
in denenFriedeundSicherheit als Paar gesehen
werden und verneinte, daß der Zusammen-
bmch des Ostblocks für die Araber Schlüsse
auf die Endhchkeit von Staaten wie Israel
zugelassen habe. Viehnehr wurde das arabi-
sche Selbstverständnis von der Unfehlbarkeit
von Diktaturen beeinträchtigt. Israel sei eine
Demokratie, im zentralen Gedanken des Zio-
rüsmus "Land des jüdisches Volkes", woraus
sich die Heimkehrpolitik ableitet. Levy bedau-
erte aufrichtig, daß die Integration der Zuwan-
derer oft mit unwürdigen Hemmni ssen verse-
hen ist. Vieles vom Gesagten war Levys per-
sönhche Meinung zu den Ereignissen, ein
weiterer Beweis israehscher Vielfalt.
Das Land ist reifer geworden, der Wahlkampf
zivilisierter, die Zukunft so schwerwiegend,
daßniemand gleichgültig sein karm. Rechtsund
links stehen in Israel für ein Ja oder Nein zu den
Territorien. Zu allem, nicht zuletzt auch zur
Rolle von Hamas und Arafat gibt es hier
unterschiedliche Meinungen. In einem aber
stimmen die israelischen Parteien und Josef
Levy ziemhch überein: Terror und Frieden
passen nicht zusammen. Irene Runge

Friede, Ressourcen und Diplomatie - Die Nahostfrage aus Sicht der USA

Drei Abendveranstaltungen im JKV vor den
Wahlenin Israel beleuchteten diedortigeSitua-
tion. Nach den Teilnehmern einer Studienreise
und Josef Levy (s.o. ) sprach Frau Peggy Mc-
Guiness, E. Sekretär der Außenstelle der USA-
Botschaft in Berhn. In konzentrierter Form
trug sie die Positionen der USA vor, überzeu-
gend in Sprache und Inhalt. Der systematisch
aufgebaute Vortrag half, die us-amerikanische
Position besser ordnen zu körmen. Die Inter-
essen der USA in Nahost werden von den
Beziehungen zu Israel dominiert, bi- und mul-
tinationale Kanäle, die den Friedensverhand-
lungen dienen, werden genutzt. Finanziell und
ökonomisch ist Frieden für alle Seiten vorteil-
haft, also müssen Hindemisse l)eseitigt wer-
den. Frau McGuiness referierte die Verhand-
lungsvorgeschichte, also Washington, Madrid,
Oslo und hob hervor, wie sehr sich die Lage
verändert hat. Mit dem Ende der Sowjetunion
wurde Rußland Teil der Garantiemächte. Das
USA-Interesse an der Region Nahost lasiert
auf der Überzeugung, daß alle Menschen ein
Recht auf Frieden und Demokratie haben,
Konflikte zu vermeiden sind. Auch das Wort
Öl fiel in diesem Zusammenhang, der Zugang
zu den Ressourcen, Terrorismusbekämpfung
und das Ende von Massenvernichtungswaffen
- all dies ist mit der Befriedung der Region
verbunden. In diesem Sirm ist das Ziel ein
dauerhaft gerechter und sicherer Friede fllr

Israel und seine Nachbarn, denn die Kosten filr
eine spätere Lösung sind erliebhch höher. Das
Ende des Kalten Krieges, so die Diplomatin,
sei zu einer Chance geworden, frühere Gegner
an den Verhandlungstisch zu bringen. Die
USA, die sich unbedingt an Israels Seite sehen,
haben diese Position seit Camp David 1 979
vertreten, die Clinton- Administration enga-
giert sich umfassend, um Israel von der Last zu
befreien, eine feindselige Bevölkerung zu re-
gieren und den Palästinensem die Verantwor-
tung für sich selbst zu übertragen. Die Struktur
des Friedensprozesses verläuft auf drei Ebe-
nen, der bilateralen zwischen Israel und seinen
einzekien Partnem, der multilateralen, also
Beteihgung von Staatengruppen (auch zu Fra-
gen von Wasser und Umwelt) und auf der
intemationalenEbene,z.B. die "Gel)er"-Kon-
ferenz. Frau McGuiness faßte auch die bishe-
rigen Erfolge zusammen, sprach von unum-
kehrl)aren Positionen, zu denen auch die Zu-
sammenarbeit der Behörden Israels und der
Autonomiegebiete gehört. Die Veriiandlungen
mit Syrien gehen langsam voran, doch mit
Jordaiiien sind sie extrem erfolgreich. DieUSA
vertrauen unbedingt darauf, daß persönhche
Kontakte und von der Öffentlichkeit unge-
störte Etebatten zur Entspannung beitragen.
Problematisch ist das Veriiältnis zu Lil)anon,
dies hängt mit der Hislx)llah-Präsenz zusam-
men, die Israel zwingt, Truppen in der Sicher-

heitszone zu stationieren. Die USA respektie-
ren diese Pohtik und wollen zugleich ein Mehr
an Entspannung schaffen. Es gibt keinen Frie-
den für Israel, der kein sicherer Friede ist.
Voraussetzungen wurden geschaffen, der Boy-
kott Israels durch arabische Staaten t>eendet,
die regionale Kooperation hat l)egonnen. Der
Terror der Selbstmord-Attentate und His-
boUaattacken ist eine nicht zu unterschätzende
Gefahr, ein globales Problem, das nur gemein-
sam bewältigt werden kann, der Terror bedroht
alle, wobei Iran deutiich als terroristischer
Staat bezeichnet wurde. In Sachen Iran weicht
die Bormer Haltung von der der USA sichtbar
ab. In Sachen Irak übe die USA Druck aus, der
u.a. auf den Abbau biologischer und chemi-
scher Waffen zielt. McGuiness zitierte einen
Satz von Yitzhak Rabin, man schheße nichtmit
seinen Freunden, sondem mit seinen Feinden
Frieden. In der Diskussion wurde sachkundig
nachgefragt, so, wie die USA mit einem mög-
hchen Wahlsieger Netanyahu arbeiten werde -
die Antwort: Mit ihm werde es eine andere
Regierung, aber das gleiche Ziel geben -das
heiße Friede. "Unsere Beziehungen zu Israel
sind besondere Beziehungen" , doch diese sind
nichtohneKritikmöghch. Intensiv wurde über
die Islamisierungderarabischen Weltnachge-
dacht und was es konkret bedeute, wenn Israel
auf Grund seiner Erfahrungen vor allem sich
selbst vertraue. Suzanne Kupfermann

Kurznachdenlsmel-WahlenwarderJournalistundpolitischeAktivistHansLebrechtausTelAvivimJKVundspnichvorzahlreicherschienen^
Gästen über die aktuelle Situation und den Stand des Friedensprozesses. Der Bericht erscheint aus Platzgründen erst in der nächsten "JK".

^^^"^■y-'-'I^^

Jüdisches aus der GUS

Mehr als200jiklische Organisationen arbeiten
inderGUS. Verschiedene israelische Ministe-
rien, darunter das Ministerium ftlr Reügiöse
Angelegenheiten und das für Bildung engagie-
ren sich im örtlichen jüdischen Leben vorrangig
in der Erziehung. Für die JewishAgency waren
1994 80 Vertreter in der GUS tätig. 27 000
Studenten und Jugendliclie beteiligten sich in
diesem Jahr an deren Aktivitäten, 19 000
Kinder waren in 92 Sommerlagern, die in 44
Städten abgehalten wurden. An mehr als 125
Hebräischkursen studierten über 2 1 000 Per-
sonen. Doch völlig unerwartet und unbegrün-
dethat geradejetztRußland der JewishAgency
die Lizenz entzogen und Büos in Birobidshan
und Pjatigorsk geschlossen, was nicht nur in
den USA Besorgnis auslöste, da dies die Alija
behindern könnte. Die Errichtung von Kultur-
zentren, die auch Büchereien, Tonband- und
Filmsammlungen, israeüsche Periodika, Com-
puterprogramme für das Hebräisch-Sprach-

training besitzen, dient ebenMsjüdischerlden-
titätsfmdung. Ein weiteres Gebiet ist die reh-
giöse Erziehung . Hier engagiert sich Chabad-
Lubavitch, deren Emissäre Jiddischkeit ver-
mitteln, die zum religiösen Judentum zurück-
ftihren soll. Nicht nur in Moskau, auch in St.
Petersburg, Kishinjow, Alma Ata gibt es jüdi-
sche Lehranstalten ( Yeshiwot) dank der Un-
terstützung verschiedener Gremien der USA,
Kanadas, Israels und europäischer jüdischer
Gemeinden. Hier lernen jene Einheimischen,
die als orthodoxe Juden leben wollen. Die
Weltvereinigung für Progressives Judentum
(Reformbewegung) unterhält ein Zentrum in
Moskau und 1 5 Gemeinden in der GUS . Das
Reformgebetsbuch aufRussisch wird in vielen
Gemeinden verwendet. Die Reform führteben-
falls Seminare für die Ausbildung örtlicher
religiöser Führer durch . Ein Teil der Gemein-
den unterhält auch Sonntagsschulen für Kin-
der, (nach "Policy Studies" London, 2-3)

Tadschikistan:

Dasjüdische Leben der etwa 1 800 Juden ist auf
die Hauptstadt Duschanbe konzentriert, eine
kleine Gemeinschaft mit eigener Synagoge gibt
es auch in Schakrisabz. In der Hauptstadt leben
die Juden meist in der Nähe der Synagoge, diese
ist das Zentrum des altenj üdischen Viertels. In
den letzten Jahren zogen viele in modemere
Wohngebiete. Über 40 Prozent sind Buchara-
Juden, der Rest Aschkenasim, die währenddes
Kriegs aus allen Teilen der UdSSR evakuiert
wurden. In Duschanbe gibt es eine jüdische
Bibliothek. Tadschikistan hat diplomatische
Beziehungen zu Israel. Seit 1989 sind 9 753
Juden ausgewandert.

Turkmenistan:

Die Mehrheit der etwa 1 200 Juden, die noch in
Turkmenistan leben, ist aschkenasisch. Sie
kamen in der Sowjetzeit hierher. Nuretwa20%
sind iraiüsche Juden mit tiefen Wurzeln in
Turkmenistan. 900dieser Juden leben in Asch-
chabad. In den kleineren Städten Mary und
Chardzou sind es je etwa 150 Juden. Die
instabile Lage im Landistmiteiner wachsenden
Islamisienmg verbunden. Die jüdische Ge-
meinschaft hat keinen formalen Status, es gibt
keine Synagoge, kein Gemeindeld)en. Seit 1 989
sind 524 Juden nach Israel ausgewandert, dafür
gibt es Hilfe. Es bestehen diplomatische Bezie-
hungen zwischen beiden Ländern.

^ Wir machen darauf aufinerksam, daß die nächste "Jüdische Korrespondenz" wieder

zum September erscheinen wird. Dies ist dieAusgabe für dieSommermonate Juh und August.

Wir wünschen allen Leserinnen und Lesern einen angenehmen Sommer. ^

Usbekistan: Buchara und Aschkenasim

In Usbekistan leben derzeit über 3 5 000 Juden,
davon aUein 23 000 in Taschkent, 7 000 in
Samarkand und 4 000 in Buchara, je zur Hälfte
sind es aschkenasische Juden, die vor und
während des Krieges kamen sowie die seit
Hunderten von Jahren hier ansässige Buchara-
Gemeinschaft, die einen eigenen tadschikisch-
jüdischen Dialekt spricht. Ihre Geschichte geht
auf das 5. Jahrhundert zurück, als sie aus
Persien flohen. Verfolgt wurden sie unter Tar-
taren, Mongolen und Moslems. Als das Land
1 868 von Rußland erobert wurde, verbesserte
sich die Lage auch für die Juden und viele
kamen, um am Aufbau teilzuhaben. Noch in
den ersten Sowjetjahren war die Gruppe der
Radaniten für ihren Handel zwischen China
und Europa berühmt. Es gab hier größere
reügiöse Freiheiten als anderswo und so erhielt
sich die Tradition. Faktisch gab es kaum ge-
mischte Ehen. Die Synagoge in Samarkand hat
heute einen Bucharaer Rabbiner von Chabad
Luba witsch, der auch als Mohel und Schochet
wirkt. InderTalmud-Thora-Schulegibtes200
Studenten, in Buchara gibt es ebenfalls eine
Talmud-Thora- und eine Sonntagsschule. In
Taschkent mit vorwiegend aschkenasischen
Juden ist Religion weit schwächer ausge-
prägt, Mischehen sind übhch. Es gibt vier

Synagogen, eine Talmud-Thora- und eine Sorm-
tagsschule. Fünf weiterejüdische Schulen ste-
hen im Lande vor der Eröflöiung, davon j e eine
Tagesschule in Buchara und Samarkand. In
Taschkent und Buchara gibt es jüdische Kul-
turzentren., jüdische Musikanten sind füh-
rend in der örthchen Musikszene, die Monats-
schrift "Schofar" erscheint aufRussisch. Zu
Israel gibt es seit 1992 diplomatische Bezie-
hungen, seit 1989 sind 62 169 usbekische
JudenaufAlijagegangen,seitMitte des letzten
Jahrhunderts lebt in Israel eine starke Buchara
Gemeinschaft. Dasjüdische Viertel in Buch-
ara ist ein Ort jüdischen Lebens, dort ist auch
die alte Synagoge. 1917 gab es 30 Synagogen,
1 935 noch eine. Viele Juden wurden damals
Fabrikarbeiter oder Kolchosniks. Viele von
denen, die nach 1 94 1 hierher evakuiert wur-
den, sind geblieben. Heute sind die Juden in
vielen Gruppen organisiert, es gibt keinen
Dach verband. Amerikanische und israehsche
Organisationen sind aktiv, auch die Jugendor-
ganisationen. Der Antisemitismus ist unbe-
deutend, doch es gab Fälle von Vandalismus.
Dieselnformation und einige andere auf die-
ser Seite haben wir dem Report "Jewish Com-
munities ofthe World". Hg. WJC Israel, ent-
nommen und übersetzt. .

Estland: Die braune Pest..

Sie ist nicht allein eine Krankheit des Staates
Estland oder einzehier Menschen... Denn
werm man einige Zeitungen Estlands auf-
schlägt, dann kann man auch ohne medizini-
sches Wissen feststellen, daß ein großer Teil
der Bevölkerung an ihr leidet. Mehr noch, an
dieser Krankheit leidet auch die hiesige staat-
hche PoUtik. In Estland finden derzeit Treffen
der Waffen-SS aus der ganzen Welt statt und
der Präsident und der Premierminister der
estnischen Repubük begrüßen diese Treffen
der Henker aus den Mihtärpolizeiabteilungen,
die von der Wehrmacht gebildet wurden, als
Befreier.

In dieser Republik, die sich als Demokratie
bezeichnet, wurden einige Maledie "Protokol-
le der Waisen von Zion" herausgegeben, die
allgemein bekarmten Fälschungen der zaristi-
schen Ochranka, die die fürchterlichen Pogro-
me im zaristischenRußland rechtfertigen soll-
ten. Die Ausgabe dieser Schriften hatte bei der
BevölkerungkeinenErfolg. Sie verstaubtenauf
den Regalen und in den Lagerräumen, niemand
kaufte sie. Nachdem die Jüdische Gemeinde
Estlands klagte, wurden die Restexemplare der
Schrift w^en "Hetze gegen nationale Minder-
heiten" und damit gegendie Verfassung versto-
ßend, verbrannt. Die Zeitung "Post" druckte
sie dermoch von Neuem ab. Aber alle Unver-
schämtheiten überbot die Zeitung "Posttimes" ,
die eine ganze Zeitungsseite den beiden Adolfs
widmete. Ein großes Porträt zeigte den "Füh-
rer" und fast der gesamte Text war Adolf
Eichmarm gewidmet. Der Text, in Form eines
Lobliedes gehalten, verharmloste derart: In der
Hauptstadt des Reiches lebte ein ehrhcher,
pedantischer Beamter, der immer seineDienst-
pflicht erfüllte und einBeispiel ftir andere sein
kormte. Andererseits wurde er in den Prozeß
der Nazi-Ideologie, den eingefleischten An-
tisemitismus, hineingezogen, doch im Grunde
genommen war er schöpferisch, undmanchmal
zeigten sich bei ihm auch humane Züge. Sein
Unglück warjedoch, daß er einen entsprechen-
den Dienst leitete und später in Panik aus
BerlinnachArgentinienflüchtenmußte, M)er
darm aber zum Wohle der Menscheit wirkte.
Hier entdeckte ihn darm das Wiesenthal-Cen-
ter. Es ist bekannt, daß er daraufhin vom
israehschen Geheimdienst entführt und einem
israeüschen Gericht überstellt wurde. Eich-
marm hätte, so heißt es, bestimmt den ideolo-
gischen Erben des "Dritten Reiches" dienen
körmen, jedoch beendete er sein Leben am
Galgen. Es kaimdahernicht verblüffen, daß in
manchen Städten und Dörfern Estlands Flug-
blätter kursieren, die mit einem einzigen Satz
eridäien: "Schlagt die Juden, rettet Estiand! "
Hier ist der Texteines dreckigen Flugblattes in
estnischer Sprache: "Volk Estlands, heute ist
unser Feind nicht der Deutsche und nicht der
Russe sondern der weltumspannende Zionis-
mus. Ganz gleich ob Kapitalismus, Kommu-
nismus oder Demokratie. Rausmitden verhaß-
tenJuden, Tod denFeinden des Volkes und des
Vaterlandes! Hoch lebeEsÜand! Unterschrift:
Estnische nationale Arbeiterpartei. Neue est-
nische Legion."

Ich glaube,daß sichzudiesemEJokument wohl
jeder Kommentar erübrigt. K. Michailov

Ein Wiedersehen nach über 50 Jahren

Nachdem sie vor 50 Jahren im KZ Auschwitz
getrennt worden waren, glaubte jeder von vier
Jugendlichen, er habe als einziger die Nazi-
Schrecken überlebt. Jetzt trafen zwei von ih-
nen, Max Bemski aus Austrahen und Yacov
Shapira aus den USA, beide inzwischen 6 5jäh-
rig,aufdem Tel Aviver Ben-Gurion-Flughafen
erstmals seit ihrer Trermung wieder zusam-
men. WährendMinutenhieltensiesich umfan-
gen und waren nicht fähig, auch nur ein Wort

zusagen. Dannrolltensieihre Hemdsärmel auf
und zeigten den Umstehenden fast identische
KZ-Nummera Die beiden anderen Freunde
hatten den Kri^ ebenMs überlebt, sirxi inzwi-
schen aber eines natürlichen Todes gestorbea
Die Verbindung zwischen Bemski und Shapira
war wiederhergestellt worden, als zwei Frau-
en, die die beiden karmten, vor rund einem
Monat in den USA zufMlig auf die zwei Män-
ner zu sprechen kamen.

Ehemalige Sachsenhausener in Israel wollen Vereinigung gründen

Es scheint, daß der Frühling just mit dem
Jahrestag der Befreiung des KZ hierzulande
Einzug hält. Ein Blumenmeer, niedergelegt
am Hinrichtungs- und Verbrennungsort, den
die SS zynisch Station "Z", die Endstation
narmte. Bewegende Ansprachen von zwei
89-jährigen - von Charles D&irat, dem Prä-
sidenten des Internationalen Sachsenhausen-
Komitees, und von Hellmut Bock, einst 6
lange Jahre in dieser Hölle. Tags zuvor hatten
auf einer Tagung des Internationalen Sach-
senhausen-Komitees (ISK) Vertreter von 14
Landesverbänden Bilanz ein Jahr nach dem
50. Jahrestag der Befreiung gezogen. Inzwi-
schen kormten sich die intemationalen Kon-
takte des ISK und der Gedenkstätte erheblich
ausweiten. So kormten wir erstmals mit Eli
Carmel einen Beobachter aus Israel begrü-
ßen. Er berichtete, daß Kontakte mit über
hundert einstigen Sachsenhausen-Häfllingen,
die in Israel den Platz für ihr zweites Leben
gefunden haben, hergestellt wurden. Noch in
diesem Jahr, so die Absicht, soll eine Verei-
nigung ehemahger Sachsenhausener, Hinter-
bhebener und Angehöriger in Israel gegrün-
det werden. Wir körmen also damit rechnen,
daß sich schon bald israehsche Kameraden
mit ihren Erfahrungen an der Tätigkeit des
ISK beteihgen werdea Ernst, ja beklem-
mend war der Bericht des ebenfalls teilneh-
menden Vertreters der ukrainischen Kame-
raden Wojewodtschenko. Gegenwärtig le-
ben in der Ukraine ca 5000 ehemalige Häft-
linge der verschiedenen KZ-Lager, die mei-
sten in bitterer Not. Inzwischen wurden 417
"Sachsenhausener" registriert, aber viele
warten noch auf die Bestätigung ihrer Anga-
ben. Entschädigungszahlungen werden be-
kaimthch von der Bundesregierung abgelehnt

Und so erweist sich eine einmahge Zahlung von
600 DM als der bekarmte Tropfen auf den
heißen SteirL Nicht versdiwiegen wurde das
sddimme Los, das viele von ihnen durch stal-
insche Willkürbetroffenhatte, Verleumdung,
Diskriminierung und Verfolgungert Das ISK -
so die Schlußfolgerung - hat künftig die Tatsa-
che zu berücksichtigsr., daß die Mdirheit '^er
ehemahgen KZ-Häftlinge heute in den Staaten
der ehemaligen UdSSRleben, und zwar viele in
großer Not. Die Landesverbtode wollen ül)er-
prüfen, wie sie, umzuhelfen, in ihren Ländern
die Tätigkeit von karitativen Verbänden imter-
stützen körmen. Die Tagung hörte außerdem
einen Bericht des Leiters der Gedenkstätte, Dr.
Morsch. Die Neugestaltung der Gedenkstätte
erweist sich als ein langwieriger Prozeß, und
Spuren der Vernachlässigung werden uns noch
fiir längere Zeit schmerzen. Werner Hündler

Neuer SateDit

"Amos", der neue israelische Nachrichtensa-
tellit, kreist seit Mai um die Erde. Um auch im
All die Schabbesgebote einzuhalten, körmen
per Femsteuerung dieTriebwerke abgeschal-
tet werden. Es ist geplant, ihn Mitte Jimi in
Dienst zu stellen. Doch ob das israehsche TV-
ProgiBrrmi darm auch in besserer Quahtät emp-
fangen werden kaim und welche israehschen
Programme "Amos" überhaiqjt überträgt, steht
noch "in den Sternen" . Wie Jüig Wittlin von der
Kabelfirma "Balcab" versicherte, wird sie alle
nötigen Abklärungen treffen und über die von
"Amos" gegebenenfalls neu erschlossenen
Möghchkeiten informieren .

Erster Jude im Weltall

Nicht zufälhg wohnt Jeffrey A. Hoffrnan (5 1 )
in Houston im US-Staat Texas. Als Astronaut
muß er sich mit den derzeit rund 135 im
Dienste der NASA stehenden Raumfahrern
in der Nähe des Raketenstüt^unktes Cape
Kermedy aufhalten. Hofimarm ist - und darin
unterscheidet er sich von seinen Kollegen-
derbishereinzigejüdische Astronaut der USA.
Bei bisher fünf Einsätzen hat er über 50 Tage
im Weltraum zugebracht Weim sein Ar-
beitsprogramm es ihm gestattet, wird er im
August 1997 an den 100-Jahrfeiem des 1.
Zionistenkongresses in Basel zusarrunen mit
dem Schweizer Astronauten Claude Nicolier
teilnehmen.

In einem Interviewmit der "JW" Basel sagteer
über seinen nicht gerade alltäghchen Beruf:
"Bei unserer Arbeit fielen Religion und Ab-
stanmiung keine Rolle . Jeder von uns hat sein
persönliches Erlebni::. Trctzdcn versuche ich,
meinen Reisen ins All einenjüdischen Aspekt
zu verleihen. Sohabeichz.B. schon eirmial eine
Mesusa mitgenommen, oder silberne Anhän-
ger, die ich dann anläßlich der Bar Mizwah
einen meinerSöhne an dessen Talhtl)efestigen
ließ. Und als ich einmal an Chanukka unter-
wegswar, spielte ichTrendel im schwerelosen
Raum Das wurde ebenso vom Femsehen
übertragen, wie meine Vorlesung aus einer
Thora. Der Rabbiner meiner Synagoge hatte
daftir eine extra kleine, nur 1 8 cm hohe Thor-
arollegefunden. Das war ein Schlüsselerlebnis
für mich. Als heihges Buchunseres Volkes ist
die Thora an sich schon sp^ell, aber die
Lektüre im Raum hatte eine zusätzhche Be-
deutung. Auf unseren Wanderungen im Laufe
der Jahrtausende haben wir Juden immer die
Thora mitgenommen, und werm die Mensch-
heiteines Tages den Weg ins All findet, werden
wir sie auch auf diese Reise mitnehmen. Die
Erfahrung eines Menschen hängt davon ab,
was er geistig mitbringt Meine Arbeit im
Raum bedeutet für mich die Suche nach der
Zukunft Im Gegensatz zur über4 000jährigen
Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes. Ein Teil
meina-Reisegehtalso4 000 Jahrezurück, ein
anderer Teil in die weite Zukunft "

Random emirfot RechtefurKleiiiperer Tagebücher

Die Rechte für die amerikanische Ausgabe von Victor Klen:^)erers Tagebüchern gehen für
$ 500 000 an denNew Yorker Verlag RandomHouse. Über eine auf doi Tagebüchern basiaende
Femsehserie soll derzeit mit deutschen Sendern verhandelt werden.

Mit diesen Worten charakterisiert Leon Schid-
lowsky sein Schaffen, das man, nach seiner
Auffassimg "mit den Ohren sehen und den
Augen hören" muß. Leon Schidlowsky wurde
1931 in Santiago de Chile geboren, seine
Eltern sind polnische Juden. Er studierte
Musik, Philosophie und Psychologie. Seit
1 %9 ist er Professor für Kompositionslehre
und Musiktheorie an der Tel Aviver Univer-
sität. Außerdem beschäftigt er sich viel mit
Malerei und Grafik. Zur Zeit findet eine
Ausstellung seiner Werke in der städtischen
Galerie Saarbrücken statt. Es ist eine sehr
avangardistische und eigentümhche grafi-
sche Kunst, die in sich schwierige geometri-
sche Konstruktionen und symbohsche Schrift-
züge aus lateinischen und hebräischen Buch-
staben vereint. Die Grafiken Schidlowskys

Leon Schidlowsky: **Klingende Grafik, sichtbare Musik**

dienen auch der Notenniederschrift seiner
Musik. Er folgt den Traditionen der alten
jüdischen Mystiker, viele Jahre vor dem Er-
forschen der geheimnisvollen Verbindung
zwischen Wort, Buchstabe und Ziffer -in
diesem Wissenssystem wurde das Wort "Le-
ben" durch die Ziffer 18 bezeichnet. Die
grafischen Werke Schidlowskys, besonders
das "Palindrom", haben Ähnhchkeit mit den
"Videomen" Andrej Wosnesenskys. Leonid
Schidlowsky gefragt, ob er mit dem Schaffen
Wosnesenskys vertraut ist, stellt sich heraus,
daß er noch nie von dem russischen Poeten
gehört hatte. Es ist erstaunlich, daß sie trotz
völhg verschiedener Ausgangspunkte und
eigenen von ihnen beschrittenen Wegen zu
einem ährüichen Ergebnis kamert Am Eröff-
mmgstag der Ausstellung fand ein Konzert

mit Werken Schidlowskys statt, die eine Syn-
these von Literatur (er benutzt die Poesie
Paul Eluards) und der Etedaisten imd auch
von Texten aus der Thora z.B. "Bereschit
bara elohim et haschamaim weet haaretz"
("Am Anfang schuf Gott Himmel und Erde"),
Grafiken, Theaterspiel und Musik darstellte.
Dabei sieht Schidlowsky z.B. für den Flügel
nicht nur die gewöhnliche Tonerzeugung
mittels Tastatur vor, sondem auch das unmit-
telbare Spiel mit den Saiten, so daß dieses
Instrument wie eine Harfe klingt Der Kom-
ponist verwendet auch das Tam-Tam und ein
irländisches Instrument, auf dem in alter Zeit
die Troubadoure spielten. Ungeachtet der
besonderen Eigentum- und Ungewöhnlich-
keit des Werkes Schidlowskys hatte das Kon-
zert großen Erfolg. Juri Boruchson, Saarbrücken

Jeder Tag ein Gedenktag

Unsere Geburtstagswünschekommenoft spät,
als gute Wünsche aber nicht zu spät Am 1 9.
Mai war Peter Zadek 70 Jahre all geworden,
just zum Ende des Theatertreffens mit einer
Auffiihnmg seiner im tiefsten Sinne schönen
Inszenierung von Tschechows "Der Kirsch-
garten". So feierte er sich und wardgefeiert Eter
geborene Berliner Jude lebte ab 1 933 in Eng-
land, lernte, studierte, arbeitete ab 1949 am
TheaterundbeiderBBC, 1959kduteernach
Deutschland zurück, arbeitete an zahlreichen
Bühnen der Bundesrepublik und Österreichs,
mit besonderem Erfolg in Bremen und Bo-
chum, mit geringerem in seinen Leitungspo-
sten am I>eutschen Schauspielhaus Hamburg
und am Berliner Ensemble. Seine eigentliche
LeistungUegtaufdemFelde der Regie. Seine
Vorlieben; angelsächsische I>ramatik, von Sha-
kespeare bis Behan. Sein wichtigstes Stück -
mehrfach inszeniert - "Der Kaufinann von
Venedig** : die Tragödie des geschundenen Ju-
den 1972 mit Hans Mahnke, unvei^eßüch,
während die von 1 988 und 1 993 im Burgthea-
ter und BE gezeigte eher eine Zurücknahme
bedeutete. Seine Tschechow-Inszenierungen
gehören zu den größten im deutschsprachigen
Raum. Zu den Positionen eines antifaschisti-
schen Theaters in der BRD zählen die Adap-
tionen von Heinrich Manns "Der Untertan"
und die Fallada-Bearbeitungen - "Jeder stirbt
fiirsich allein" von 1 98 1 (zusammen mit Greif-
fenhagen)wareinGroßereigrüs. Derauch von
enghschen Volkstheater-Traditionenbestimm-
te Z^dek machte die Verbindung von Grauen
und Größe, Verbrechen und Verrat, atembe-
raubender Komik und jämmerlicher Tragik
aufs augenfälligste in Joshua Sobols "Ghetto"
(1984) deuthch. Noch viele Inszenierungen
und 120 Jahre - Schalom für Peter Zadek! O
Am22. VI. istBUly Wilder, 1906alsSamuel
Wilder, Sohn des Hoteliers und Forellenzüch-
ters Wilder im galizischen Sucha geboren, 90
Jahre alt geworden. Also von den biblischen
1 20, die wir meist anläßhch wünschen, nicht
mehr so weit entfemt Sein Weg verlief fast
schuhnäßig: von Galizien nach Wien, ab 1 926
in Berlin, wo er mit seinem späteren Hol-
lywood-Kollegen Robert Siomak zusammen-
arbeitete, beide in der UFA, wo er u.a. das
Drehbuch nach Kästners "Emil und die Detek-
tive" /geschrieben hatte. 1 93 3 Frarkrdch, 1 934
Mexiko, schließlich USA. Eirunalkamernoch
nach Deutschland zurück, 1945 als Oberst
einer Einheit für psychologische Kriegsftih-
rung. Erst arbeitete er als Autor, seit 1 942 als
Regisseur, zuletzt auch als Produzent, meist
fürParamount. "Frau ohne Gewissen" (1 944),
"SunsetBoulevard"(1950), "IrmaLaDouce"
(1963), "Buddy, Buddy" (1981) sind einige
der berühmtesten seiner mehr als 50 Filme. In
"The Seven Year Itch" ist er jüdischer Meta-
phorikamnächsten. Schalom fürbilly Wilder!
O Einem weiterenSiebzigeristzu gratulieren:
dem in Jerushalayim lebenden Amos-EIon,
am 4. Juli 1 926 in Wien geboren. Kurz nach
dem "Anschluß" 1938 gelang es ihm, nach
Palästina zu entkommen, wo er in einem Kib-
butz arbeitete, studierte und später lange Zeit
filr "Ha'aretz" schrieb, er war Korrespondent
in den USA und Westeuropa. Wichtigste Bü-
cher "Morgen in Jerusalem", "Die Israelis,
Gründerund Söhne", "In einemheimgesuchten
Land" ( 1 966, 1 955), "Jerusalem. Innenansich-
ten einer Spiegelstadt" ( 1 990). Wer Jerusha-

layim bis dahin nicht hebte, nach diesem Buch
müßte er es tun. Weniger glückhch bin ich mit
dem Deutschland-Buch. Wenn er den West-
deutschen bescheinigt, daß ihr Wohlstand "ir-
gendwie unanständig" sei, mag man zustmi-
men; was da über die Ostdeutschen steht, ist
ziemlich oberflächlich. Daß sie ärmer waren
und sind, weiß jeder, daß sie nur einsam und
vereweifelt gewesen seien, ist kräftig danebea
In der DDR gab es vieles nicht, aber mehr
Solidarität als inder alten und neuen, größeren
BRD auf jeden Fall. Auch unter den wenigen
Juden, da erst recht. Dennoch: 120 Jahre und
SchalOTi für Elon! O Nun ein Eingedenken ftlr
einengroßen, vielleichteinendergrößtenSchrifl-
steller des 20. Jahrhunderts, der gemeinhin
nicht jüdischen Traditionen zugeordnet wird,
sondern als Klassiker der französischen Mo-
derne gilt: Marcel Proust, vor 1 25 Jahren am
10. Juli 1871 in Auteuil geboren, am 18. No-
vember 1922 in Paris gestorberL nr schrieb
viele Artikel ("Tage der Freuden", 18%, dt.
1926, 1%5; "Chroniques" 1927), aus dem
Nachlaßedierteman"JeanSantieul", 1952,dt
1 965 , Roman in drei Bändelt Sein einmaliges
Hauptwerk ist der siebenbändige Roman "Ala
recherche du temps perdu" ("Auf der Suche
nach der verlorenenZeit", 1917-25, dt. 1926,
1 974). Äußere Handlung sind Ereignisse aus
der Zeit zwischen 1 870 bis Ende des 1 . Welt-
krieges, hmere Handlung ist die Geschichte
eines Scheiterns. Vomerirmemden "Ich", dem
Helden oder Anti-Helden selbst erzählt In
allen Verästelungen undminutiös. Es erscheint
die Welt der Aristokratie und Großbourgeoi-
sie, dazu eine Equipe von originellen Dienern.
Ein Held, der kaxsm Gegenwart, dafiir umso
mehr Vergangenheit hat und Zukunft ahnt. Ich
denke, mit diesen Sätzen stoße ich in das
jüdische Zentrum des Schriftstellers Proust,
der in derNähe Rothschilds aufgewachsen ist
und wie ein Jahwist der Neuzeit schreibt.
Grundlage sind die objektiven Formen: die
Zeugenaussage, das lebendige Protokoll. Bei
Lunatscharski lese ich: "Das, was den Reiz, die
kraft, das Wesen und das Prinzip des Proustis-
mus ausmacht, ist die Kultur des Sicherin-
nenis."UnddarLiber hinaus: "... ist derReiz und
das Wesen seines künstlerischen Schöpfungs-
aktes die Erinnerung. " (M.P. , 1 934 ) Hier ist in
derTatdasEntscheidend:d'«jtidischenKüiist ■
lers Proust benaimt die Kultur, die Pflicht der
Erinnerung, die zum ästhetischen Grund selbst
wird. Geht man noch davon aus, daß ein Teil
des Personenensembles dieses Werkes mit
unverkennbar jüdischem Profil sind, dürfte
man über das Jüdische einen Hauptschlüssel
zum Aufschließen dieses Corpus haben. Was
nicht im Widerspruch zur Tatsache seiner
eminenten Wrrkungauf den europäischen bzw.
Weltroman dieses Jahrhunderts steht Sikka-
ron für Proust! O F' ^i zeitgleidi mit dem
großen Juden aus Frankreich lebte einer in
England, - vom 14. Ydber 1864 bis zum 1.
August 1 926, gestorben vor 70 Jahren: Israel
Zangwill. SeineEltemkanienausdemjiddisch
sprechenden Osten Europas zwischen Ruß-
land und der Ukraine. Er hatte selbst j iddisch
gesprochen und wußte, was ein Ghetto war.
In England konnte er studieren, war Lehrer,
Pubhzist und Joumahst, schheßüch freier
Schriftsteller. Er war ein früher Zionist, Herzl-
Verehrer, setzte sich indes bereits 1 905 vom
offiziellen Zionismus ab, gründete die J.T.O.

( Jewish Territorial Organisation) und trat für
die Errichtung eines jüdischen Staates außer-
halb Palästinas ein. Die von ihm geleitete Or-
ganisation hat immerhin einige tausend Juden
des europäischen Ostens in Galveston/Texas
angesiedelt Zangwill verfeßtePublizistik, Dra-
men und Romane. Von den Dramen ist wenig
zu berichten, von den Eizählungen und Roma-
nen umso mehr "Ghetto Tragödien" ( 1 893),
"Träumer des Ghettos" ( 1 898), und "Ghetto-
Komödien" ( 1 907)und"DerKönigder Schnor-
rer" (1894) u.a. Besonders der letete ist voll
köstlichen jtkiischen Humors. Man naimte
Zangwill den "Dickens der anglojüdischen
Welt", Schalom Aschden "Scholem Alejchem
des englischen Jahrhunderts". Eingedenken für
Zangwill! ^NunnocheinEingedoikenfilrdrei
1 00jährige j tidische Komponisten und Musi-
ker: Jaromir Weinbeiiger, Max Brand und
Stefan Aschkenase, der im Musiklexikon
des Leipziger Deutschen Verlages für Musik
noch als belgischer Pianist polnischer Her-
kunft bezeichnet wird. Auch Weinbergers Jude-
Sein wird verschwiegen, Brand kommt nicht
vor. Dieser imd Aschkenase kommen auch im
"Neuen Lexikon des Judentums" des Julius
Schoepsnicht vor, so wenig wie im24bändigen
Neuen Brockhaus. Weinberger ward am 8.
Jänner 1 8% inPrag geboren, schied- verzwei-
felt und vergessen - am 8. August 1 967 in St.
Petersburg/Florida freiwilüg aus dem Leben.
Dabei warder SchülervonKricha,Hofl&neister
(Prag) und Reger (Leipzig) ein Erzmusikant
und mindestens durch eine Oper " Schwanda,
der Dudelsackpfeifer" (nach einem Libretto
von KülosKafes undMaxBrod, Uraufftlhrung
1 927) weltberühmt Seltengabessolchendurch-
schlagendenErfolgeinaOperwiemit "Schwarv-
da" . DieNS-Baibarei unterbrach auch diesen
Zug. Ich sah dies entzückende Werk um die
Mitte der 50er Jahre in Weimar. UnvergeßUch!
Südslawische Musik, die Meister Smetana
undDvorak sowie synagogale Gesänge bilden
diehannonische Grundlage seiner Partituren:
weitere Opern, Sinfonien (eine Lincoh-Sinfo-
nie), Orchester-Variationen("The Spreading
ChestnutTree")u.a EbenMsmit einem Weik,
nämlich "Maschinist Hopkins" (1929) ward
Max Brand bekaimt. Geboren am 26. April
18%imgalizischenLemberg(Lwöw),gestor-
ben am 5. April 1980 in Klostemeuburg-
Gugging. Schtller von Franz Schreker, Mit-
schüler von Alois Haba und Ernst Krenek, die
mit ihm die zeitgenössische Oper bestimmten
wieauchHindemithundKurt Weill. DasStück
spielt in einer proletarischen Kneipe und in
einem Maschinenraum, sein Thema ist die
Arbeit, seine Metapher die Hauptschalttafel.
Seine Musik eine des Maschinenzeitalters,
dissonant und rhythmisch. Er vertonte ftlnf
Balladen der Lasker-Schüler, ein szenisches
Oratorium "The Gate". Exil gebenihmPrag,die
Schweiz, die USA. Dort und bis an sein
Lebensende in Österreich experimentierte er
mit elektronischer Musik. Ebenfalls in Lem-
berg ward am 1 0. Juli 1 8% Stefan Askenase
getoren. Er studierte bei E. Sauer in Wien,
lehrte in Kairo und Brüssel (seit 1951 belgi-
scher Staatsangehöriger), überlebte die NS-
Zeit in Südfrankreich, lebte ab 1 % l in Bonn
und gab Konzerte bis kurz vor seinem Tod im
Jahre 1985. Musikgeschichtlich von Rang als
Interpret von Chopin. Sikkaron ftlr drei jüdi-
sche Musiker! JochananTriise-Finkel stein

Tischa b'Aw, der 9. Tag des Monats Aw, ist
ein Tag der nationalen Trauer - in diesem Jahr
fällt er auf den 2 5 . Juli . An diesem Tag wurden
beide Tempel zerstört, der erste 586 v.d.Z. von
babylonischen Truppen, der zweite im Jahre
70 (hirch Titus. Wir eriimem uns nicht nur der
Tempelzerstörungen, auch der in ihrem Ergeb-
nis und seither geschehenen Verfolgungen und
Vertreibungen der Juden. Die Anordnung un-
serer Weisen besagt, daß nicht nur am 9. Aw,
sondern beijedemfreudigenAnlqßderZeistüh
rung unseres Heiligtums gedacht werden soll,
jedoch - weim der freudige Anlaß an einem
Feiertage oder Schabbat geschieht, sind Trauer,
ja selbst die Erirmerung an sie verboten. An
Tischa b'Aw sollten alle, bis auf Kranke, fa-
sten, d.h. es darf weder gegessen noch getrun-
ken werden, j edoch zum Zwecke der Medizin-
einnahme oder aber bei Unwohlsein durch das
Fasten kann ein wenig, doch nur soviel als
nötig, gegessen werden. Fälltjedochder9. Aw
auf einen Schabbat, wird das Fasten um einen
Tag verschoben. Außerdem sindan diesem Tag
untersagt: das Waschen und Einsalben des
Körpers, das Tragen von Lederschuhen und

Der 25. Juli: Tischa b* Aw - Ein nationaler Tag der Trauer

der ehehche Verkehr. Damit gelten für Tischa
bAw die gleichen Vorschriften wie für Jom
Kippur. Am Vorabend wird die letzte Mahl-
zeit vordem Fasten, die "Se'uda Hamafseket",
eingenommen. Die einfache Mahlzeit sollte
allein, also ohne die sor-st übliche Tischgesell-
schaft, verzehrt werden. Es ist Brauch, ein in
etwas Asche getunktes gekochtes Ei zu essen
- die Asche symbolisiert dabei die Asche,
welche bei den Bränden der beiden Tempel
übrigbheb. Nach dem Abendgebet in der Syn-
agoge werden auf einem niedrigen Hocker, bei
mäßigerBeleuchtung, mit leiser Stimme und in
einem besonderen Singsang die Klagelieder
gelesen. Auch nach demMorgengebet, zu dem
weder Tefillin noch TalUt angelegt werden,
werden Klageheder gelesen. Die Vorbereitung
auf den 9. Aw dauert drei Wochen. , sie beginnt
am 1 7. Tammus. In diesen Wochen, einer Zeit
der Trauer, werden, so die Tradition, weder
Musikveranstaltungen durchgeführt noch
Hochzeiten und andere Feste gefeiert. Man
schneidet sich nicht die Haare und trägt keine
neuen Kleider. An den Schabbatot werden in
der Synagoge unheilverkündende Texte als

Rezept der Sommermonate

Ein besonders sympathisches Gericht ist Babette Bananenbrot, das dem Kochbuch der
Jüdischen Gemeinde in Savannah/Georgia CongregationMickve Israel Sisterhood entnom-
men istAlleMitgliederwaren eingeladen, Familien- und Lieblingsgerichte beizusteuern. Auf
diese Weise wurde ein Kompendium von immerhin über 300 Rezepten zusammengestellt, nicht
zuletzt Rabbi Beizer selbst ist es, der das Buch, die Köchinnen und Köche und natürlich die
Ergebnisse gern preist. BabettesBananaBread stellt eine Variante des in den USA so beliebten
Bananenbrots dar, eine Delikatesse, die aus unerfindlichen Gründen inDeutschland gänzlich
unbekannt geblieben ist. Dieser Zustand sollmitdieser Veröffentlichungendlich beendet sein!
Dasvorliegende Rezeptverlangt nach 1 StückMargarine, 1/2 Tassebraunem und ebensoviel
weißem Zucker, 2 Eiern, 2 Tassen Mehl. I TL Backpulver und ebensoviel Backsoda sowie
2-3 sehr reifen großen Bananen. Dann kommen noch 1/2 Tasse gehackter Nüsse und 1/2
TL Mandelextmkt hinzu sowie 1 TL Vanillezucker. Der Herd wird vorgeheizt, Butterund
Zucker schaumig geschlagen, zugefugt werden die restlichen Zutaten, nachdem das Mehl
durchgesiebt und mit Backpulver und Soda vermischt ist. Das ganze Gemisch einschließlich
derzerkleinertenBananenwirdin eine gefettete Form gefölltundßir etwa 1 Stunde gebacken.
Zum Frühstück und für den Nachmittagstee nicht nur im Sommer ausgesprochen geeignet.^

Frohes Gelächter dank gespendeter Bücher

Der JKVbedankt sichherzlichfilrdie wertvol-
lenBücher auf Jiddisch, die unsere Mitglieder
Prof Sonja und Prof Moritz Mebel gespendet
haben, Bücher desjüdischeri Klassikers Scha-
lom Alechm, wo er schildert das Leben von
jüdischenMenschen inkleinenrussischen Stet-
le mit allen Gewohnheiten und Traditionen.
Das Buch "Kasrilewke", 1935 in Moskau
erschienen, im Verlag Emes, Wahrheit, "Zum
Sieg, Brüder, Brüder, in der Schlacht" , Moskau
1 944, ausgewählte Werke, "Tewje der Milchi-
ge", "ArmeundFröhlicheMenschen", beides
Moskau 1 937, ausgewählte Werke von J. Pe-
rec, Moskau 1941 u.a. In "Arme und Fröhh-
che" schildert Alechejchem wieder Kasrilew-

ke, dasGrundthemaistder Kasihck, einkleiner
Mensch aus einem jüdischen Stetl. Er sagt:
"Frag' nachdemNamenKasriel oder Kasrihck,
ausgesprochen wie Gesang. Kasrilick ist der
Arme, der Taugenichts, der Fröhliche . Das ist
die Mehrheit vomjüdischen Stetl, einGemisch
aus verschiedenen Schichten, Handwerker,
Kutscher, kleine Geschäftemacher, Wucherer,
Vermittler und Schamusün von den Synago-
gen, arme Measchen - wirtschaftliche Unter-
schiede sind wie eine Treppe. Scholem Ale-
j chems Humor ist einzigartig in seinem tiefen
Schmerz, mit Armut, bitterer Not, vermischt
mit frohem Gelächter derlustigen Armen. Eine
Lesung wird folgen. Motek Weinryb

Dank an alle Spender und Ratgeber in Sachen Kopierer

Unser Aufruf, Geld für den neuen Kopierer zu spenden, hat vielfMtige Aktivitäten ausgelöst.
Mittlerweile sind über 6 300 DM bei uns eingetroflfen. Aus dem In- und Ausland haben
Freunde der " JK" ihr Mitgefühl und Tips vermittelt. Sogar in den USA macht man sich Sorge
um denFortbestanddesMonatsblatts! Berliner Mitglieder undFreundeerkundengegenwär-
tig, ob es billigere Möglichkeiten als Kauf oder Leasing gibt. Zunächst aber bleibt allen zu
danken, die sich meldeten - den Spendern gehen demnächst Spendenbescheinigungen zu. Dank
dieses Geldes wird die voriiegende Ausgabe der " JK" außer Haus hergestellt.

Haftara gelesen. Die Mischna zählt für diesen
Tag jedoch noch drei weitere Katastrophen
auf 1 . fällte Gttam 9. Aw-aufgrund der Sünde
um das Goldene Kalb- das Urteil, wodurch erst
die zweite Generation nach dem Auszug aus
Ägypten in das Gelobte Landeinziehen durfte;
2 . verschanzten sich während des Bar Kochba
Aufstandes 8 000 Mäimer, Frauen und Kinder
in der Festung Betar, dieam9. Aw 1 35 fiel. Mit
Betar fiel nicht nur das wichtigste Zentrum des
Aufstandes, es fiel auch ein bedeutendes geisti-
ges Zentrum für das gesamte Land, und 3.,
nachdem die Römer den Bar Kochba Aufstand
niedergeschlagen hatten, untemahmen sie alle
Anstrengungen, umjegliche Erinnerung an das
Jtidische zu beseitigen . Unter anderem wurde
die zerstörte Stadt Jerusalem von ihnen völhg
umgepflügt und in "Aelia Capitolina" umbe-
nannt. Dieses ereignete sich ebenfaUs an einem
9. Aw. Jahrhunderte später, im Jahre 1492,
ebenfalls an einem 9. Aw, trat das Vertrei-
bungsedikt des spanischen Königs Ferdinand
in Kraft. Bis zum heutigen Tag ist Tischa b'Aw
das Synonym für die physische und geistige
Zerstörung, für Vertreibung und Exil der Juden.

Stefan A. Schrader

How can anyone recognize a Reform Jew

in a bakery onfriday? He Orders a

challahandsays: "Sliceit".

(aus: TheJoysofJiddish)

Israels Fußballer in der BRD

Der israelische Fußball- Vizemeister Beitar
Jerusalem wird vom 30. Juni bis zum 14. Juli
in Berlin sein. Dies ist der erste Aufenthalt
einer isr aeUschen Profi-Marmschafl in einem
deutschen Trainingslager, wie unser LeserEl-
mar Wemer, derOrganisator desBesuchs, uns
erzählte. Die Fußballer werden abernichtnur
hart trainieren, sondem neben einer Stadtrund-
fahrt und dem Gedenken an die Opfer der Shoa
auch zu Empfängen geladen, so in den Berliner
Senat, zum Bezirksbtlrgermeister von Köpe-
nick, der das Unterfangen engagiert unterstütz-
te und in Israels Generalkonsulat in Berlin,
dessen Generalkonsul sich ebenfalls als Fuß-
ballfan bewährt. Auch Jerusalems Sportse-
nator, der vor der Reise seiner Fußballmann-
schaft zu Gesprächen in Berlin war, hat diese
Premiere ebenfalls unterstützt. Das Seehotel
Friedrichshagen amMüggelseedamm wird als
Sponsor in Erscheinung treten. Die israeh-
schenFußballer absolvieren vor ihrerTeilnah-
me am UEFA Cup am 17. Juh vier offizielle
Spiele in Deutschland sowie eines außer Kon-
kurrenz - dieses geht gegen den KS V Johannist-
hal 1 980, eine Sportmannschafl, in der auch
Elmar Wemer mitspielt. Die offiziellen Spiele
fmden am 6. Juli in Pirna gegen Dyriamo
Dresden, am 10. Jiüi um 19 Uhr in Berüner
Jahn-Sportpark gegen Herta BSC, am 12. Juli
bei Lok Altmaik Stendal in Stendal und am 1 3.
Juli um 15 Uhr in der Wendenschloßstraße
gegen den Köpenicker SC statt. I>as konkur-
renzlose Spiel fmdet am 1 1 . Juli um 17 Uhr
ebenfalls in der Wendenschloßstraße statt.
Elrmar Wemeristaa. der unermikihche Leiter
erfolgreicher deutsch-israehscher Projekte und
seit längerem am Wohlergehen des JKV aktiv
interessiert H.W.

Einiges

Viele siedeln schon mehr alsdreihundert Jahre
dort, sind mit den Holzländem, also den Buren
nach Oranje und Transvaal gekommen, an die
Südspitze Afrikas, da, wo die Ozeane zusam-
menstoßen, ineinander strömen. Meist also
sephardische Tradition, denn die holländischen
Juden waren etüche Generationen zuvor aus
Portugal und Spanien gekommen. Doch es gab
auch andere Zuwanderungsströme, so in den
dreißiger und vierziger Jahren dieses Jahrhun-
derts, Juden aus Deutschland und Österreich
vor allem. Manche waren in jenen nördlichen
Teil gekommen, der früher die Kolonie Deutsch-
Südwestafrika war undheute als StaatNamibia
heißt. Juden waren dort u.a. Ärzte, Kaufleute,
Techniker, auch Buchhändler. Die langjähri-
ge Besitzerin des deutschsprachigen "Bü-
cherkellers" hieß Anna R. Großmann (hinter
dem R. verbarg sich eine Rahel), die, wie so
manche Juden Namibias, jetzt nach Südafri-
ka gezogen ist. Ihre charmante Nachfolgerin,
eine NichtJüdin, hat den Namen Grassman
angenommen, um eine Namensähnlichkeit
zu erreichen, des Namens und des Geschäftes

halber.

Aber Namibia hat nur sehr schwache Spuren
jüdischen Lebens aufzuweisen, hi Südafrika
ist das sehr anders, zumindest quantitativ ist
das jüdische Leben reich: in Kapstadt gibt es
12 Synagogen und Bethäuser, in Johannes-
burg indes 23 an der Zahl. Nach Rabbi Adi
Assabi, von Geburt her ein Israeli, ist die
jüdische Gemeinschaft in Südafrika geistig
eine der ärmsten der Welt. Die sephardischen
Traditionen sind abgebrochen oder erstarrt.
Die aschkenasischen brachten zu wenig Zu-
ftihr an frischem Geiste. Aus sich selbst
heraus kam wenig Neues. Dabei ist die Ge-
samtzahl nicht unbedeutend, auch wenn sie
nicht genau zu ermittehi ist. Man spricht bei
mehr als 40 Millionen Einwohnern der Re-
pubhk von etwa 1,8 bis 2 % Juden. Die
meisten leben in streng abgeschlossenen or-
thodoxen Gemeinden und pflegen die alten
Rituale. Es gibt koshere Gaststätten und
Einkaufsläden, mitunter mit Direktbezug aus
Israel. Überhaupt sind die Beziehungen zu
Israel intensiv, so verarbeiten die israeü-
schen Diamantenschleifereien die in Südafri-
ka gewonnen Steine, Material höchster Qua-
lität. Kontrolhert wird diese Industrie von der
Famihe Oppenheimer. Die Schürfgebiete sind
so schwer bewacht, daß man die Absperrun-
gen der Sowjetarmee oder der Staatssicher-
heit in der Berliner Normaimenstraße für
Kinderspiel halten kann. Ein großer Teil
schwaizafrikanischer Arbeiter hat dort seine
- meist unter Tarif bezahlte - Beschäftigung.
Das macht, daß Juden als Weiße betrachtet
wurden und z.T. noch werden. Das hat oft
genug Nadine Gordiner, als Jüdin bedeu-
tende, wennnichtdiemeistbedeutende Schrift-
stellerin des Landes und Nobelpreisträgerin
fiir Literatur, beklagt. Sie hat jedenfalls ge-
gen Apartheid und ftir den ANC gestritten, oft
mit politischen Mitteln auch, meist aber in
ihrer Literatur.

Daß die Judenheit als Ganzes im Lande von
armer geistiger Kultur ist, hat neben dem
Beharren in formalen Traditionen noch einen

über Juden in Südafrika - Reisecindriicke

zu Kenntnis nehmen. Er sucht den Dialog nut
vielen, auch mit Palästinensem. Seine Bewe-
gung ist in starkem Wachsen begriffen; Zu-
strom besonders von jungen Leuten. Dafiir

anderen Grund, den Grund Gordiners. Die
intelligentesten Juden kämpften auf der Seite
des ANC . Das wiederum brachte ein anderes
Problem. Die schwarze ANC-Führung hielt
ebenfalls Juden filrWeiße,die z.T. noch dazu
der ökonomisch reichen Klasse angehörten,
und zögerte lange, Juden in ihre Reihen auf-
zunehmen. Als der ANC seine Bedenken
überwunden hatte -nicht zuletzt dank einiger
Juden, die in Nelson Mandelas Umgebung
waren- und Juden in größerer Zahl aufnahm,
kämpften sie tapfer. Nach dem Sieg hieß es,
daß alle Weißen, die an der Seite des ANC
gekämpft hatten, Juden gewesen seien. Das
hat dann zwar nicht ganz gestimmt, aber in
der Menge doch.

Solches erfuhr ich zu großen Teilen von Wulfie
Kurdesch, einem in Kapstadt geborenen jüdi-
schen ANC-Kämpfer, 70 Jahre alt und ein
FreundNelson Mandelas. Über diesen erzähl-
te er eine aufregende Geschichte: Mandela ist
auchkörperlich ein Mann von ungewöhrüicher
Statur und ein sehr sportiicher Mann, Läufer
und Boxer vor allem. In einer Phase früher
Verfolgung, vor der langen Haft in Robben
Island, hatte ihn Wulfi ein halbes Jahr in seiner
Wohnung verborgen. Mandela wollte seines
Bewegungsdranges wegenjedenTagnadi drau-
ßen, umzurennen. Dasmußte er ihm verbieten.
Dann rannte Mandela in der - zienüich kleinen
- Wohnung umher. Auch das mußte Wulfi
verbieten. Später trat Mandela auf der Stelle,
aber stundenlang, sorgte ständig fiir Unruhe
und Angst vor Entdeckung. "Am liebsten hätte
ich ihn am Sttihl festbinden wollen", aber
Mandela hatte wiederum auch eine große Dis-
zipün. So blieb er dort unentdeckt, mußte
schheßhch doch fort, bis ihn die Burenpoüzei
fmg und nach Robben Island brachte, fiir 26
Jahre. Heute istMandelaPräsident, Wulfi sein
Freund und gelegentiicher Berater.
Auch hier geht der Riß durch unser Volk.
Umso ehrenhafter, daß ein großer Teil auf der
Seite der Befreiung stand. Nun ist die Situa-
tion verändert. Die kämpfenden Juden sind
z.T. inFührungspositionen,etwaAlanHirsch,
Wirtschaftsberater des ANC, der die große
Leistung der Umstellung von politischen
Kampflconzepten zur Priorität derWirtschafts-
entwicklung mitzuverantworten hat.
Aber auch im religiösen Judentum sind Be-
wegungen und Prozesse im Gange. An fiüi-
render Stelle der genaimte Rabbiner Adi
Assabi, Gründer der einzigen "Unabhängi-
gen Schalom Vereinigung in den Hochlan-
den", mit Sitz in Johannesburg. Gott kaim
nicht nur der Gott der Juden sein, sondern der
Gott aller. E r möchte die engen Grenzen des
orthodoxen Judentums ööhen, sie von rehgi-
ösem Klerikalismus befreien und zwar mit
der Tradition leben, sie aber modernem Ver-
ständnis anpassen, im Dialog mit anderen Re-
ligionen und Nichtrehgionen sein. Den Beruf
des Rabbiners ftihrt er wiederum streng auf den
Lehrer zurück, auf den geistigen Helfer, weg
von jenem Rabbinertum, das sich bereits wie-
deraufdem Wege zu einem Priestertum befin-
det. Assabi kritisiert den Fundamentalismus
aller Spielarten, dafiir mußte er bereits 18
Todesciohungen seitens ultraorthodoxer Seite

schuf er auchneue Gebetbücher, gegen Häre-
tiker und Ultras, fiir "einen freien und mensch-
lichen, dabei jüdischen Geist" . TF

Vertretung in Oman eröffnet

Im Mai wurde in Maskat, der Hauptstadt des
Emirats Oman am Persischen Golf, das israe-
lische Interessenbüro eröffnet. "Ich bin sehr
bewegt und das ganze kommt mir fast surrea-
listisch vor", erklärte Oded Ben-Haim, der
Leiter des Büros, in der israelischen Presse.
Ben-Haim, dem bei der Führung des Büros
zwei weitere Israehs zur Seite stehen, wies
vor allem auf das außergewöhnhche Interes-
se hin, das arabische Medien fiir seine Person
zeigen. "Arabische Nachrichtenagenturen, das
saudische Femsehen und das jordanische
Radio sind nur wenige Beispiele fiir Medien,
diemich interviewen wollen", sagteer. Allge-
mein rechnet man damit, daß Oman als erster
GolfstaatFlugverbindungen zu Israel einrich-
tenwird. Sdionbald werden vier Studenten aus
Oman und Katar an einer privaten Betriebs-
wirtschule in Tel Aviv studieren.

Denkmal für Juden

Der griechische Ministerpräsident Costas
Simitis kündigte die Errichtung eines Denk-
mals fiir die fast 50 000 Holocaust-Opfer der
500 Jahre alten Judengemeinde von Saloniki
an. Premier Simitis machte seine Ankündi-
gung in einem Treffen mit Führem des Ame-
rican Jewish Committee.

Memorial für Zwangsarbeiter

In Warschau wurde ein Denkmal fiir filihere
pohlische Zwangsarbeiter enthüllt. Die Pla-
stik, die einen halb knieenden, angeketteten
Arbeiter zeigt, ist den über emer Million von
den Nazis nach Deutschland verschleppten
Polen gewidmet. An dem Festakt nahmen
neben Präsident Kwasniewski und Minister-
präsident Cimoszewicz auch fiühere Zwangs-
arbeiter teil. "Die Völker Europas müssen
gemeinsam dafiir sorgen, daß sie nie wieder
Opfer von Systemen werden, die auf Gewalt
und Haß gebaut sind", betonte der polnische
Staatspräsident in seiner Festansprache. Dazu
trage auch der Prozeß der deutsch-polnischen
Aussöhnung bei. Die Stiftung fiir deutsch-
pohlische Zusammenarbeit in Warschau hat
sich mit knapp 37 800 DM an den Kosten des
Denkmals beteiligt, (aus: Blick nach rechts)

SiduraufUngarisch

Zum ersten Mal seit 60 Jahren wurde jetzt ein
neuer Sidur in hebräischer und ungarischer
Sprache in Budapest herausgegeben. Das Ge-
betbuch erschien in einer Erstauflage von 10
000 Exemplaren, Herausgeber ist das Luba-
witsch-Center in Ungarn. Ein Teil derGesamt-
kosten von etwa 40 000 Dollar wurde von
ungarischen Juden in Israel und Amerika ge-
spendet. Man geht davon aus, daß das Buch
von Ungarn in aller Welt genutzt werden wird.

••Vom Ich zum Wir" - Neues Treffen

Um es vorwegzunehmen: Nach Berlin und
Göttingen war dieses Treffen des Jüdischen
Runden Tischs Deutschland erneut ein großer
Erfolg. AufEinladungder Jüdischen Liberalen
Vereinigung e.V. Kassel kamen 70 Vertreter
aus 17 jüdischen Organisationen, Vereinen,
Gemeinden sowiejüdische Privatpersonen aus
ganz Deutschland. Vom 14. bis 16. Juni ging es
vor allem um "Demographische Veränderun-
gen der jüdischen Gemeinschaft in Deutsch-
land" sowie um "Die jüdischen Werte unter
dem Eindruck der Post-Zionismus Debatte"
Der gemeinsame Schabbat, Gespräche, ein
Stadtspaziergang und ein Konzert zum Mit-
singen bildeten den Rahmen. Die freundlichen
Kasseler, vorrangig aus Israel und den USA,
aber auch aus alteingesessenen jüdischen Fa-
mihenkommend, beeindruckten duichperfek-
te Organisation, bunte vegetarische Küche,
weitsichtige Planung undgroßenHumor. 1933
lebten in Kassel 2301 Gemeindemitglieder,
wie einer Tafel zu entnehmen ist, die 1 988 am
Ort der alten Synagoge angebracht wurde, 50
Jahre nachPogromnachtundAbriß des damals
geschändeten Gotteshauses. Kassel hat eine
reiche jüdische Geschichte, zu der auch 50
verschiedenejüdische Vereine inden20em und
sogar eine Betstube der etwa 500 russischen
Juden gehört, die 1924 von den Gemeindewah-
len femgehalten werden sollten, wie der Stad-
terklär^r anmerkte. Heute ist die Gemeinde zu
fast90%nissischsprachig, war bei einemKurz-
besuch des Bethauses zu erfahren. Doch fiir
unseren Gastgeber, diekleine Liberale Jüdisdie
Vereinigung, fanden die Zufallsgesprächspart-
ner nur unfreundhche Worte, obgleich jene
ebenfalls Gemeindesteuern zahlen. Dieser
Empfang überzeugte davon, daß die Neugrün-
dung ein Gewinn ist. Bei den Liberalen leitete
am Erew Schabbat kundig Suzan Boettcher,
eine junge Historikerin aus Madison/USA, zur

Zeit im benachbarten Göttingen lebend, den
egalitären Gottesdienst. Am Schabbesmorgen
amtierte Michael Lawton aus London, längst
Jüdisches Forum Köhi, hinreißend als Vorbe-
ter,Rabbiner und Kantor. DieSeferThorawar
eigensaus Göttingen mitgebracht worden. Ob
Reform, Konservativ, Liberal, Orthodox oder
Säkular - auch der religiöse Teil des Treffens
vereinte die Juden am Runden Tisch, der wei-
terhin keine festen Strukturen, keinen Vor-
stand, kein Stattit hat, sondern ein Ort der
intensivenBegegnungfiirengagierteJudenund

jüdische Einrichttingen in Deutschland und
darüber hinaus sein will. Aus Berlin waren
Vertreter des JKV, der Jüdischen Gruppe, von
ESRA - fast alle auch Gemeindemitglieder -
angereist. Igor Chahniev, Dr. Alla Kisselewa,
Dr. Leonid Swerdlow sowie Dr. frene Runge
vom JKVregten einleitend dieDebatte über die
russischsprachige Einwanderung an. Aussa-
gen über Strukttir und Umfang der jüdischen
Bevölkenmgbleibenungenau, solangenur Mit-
gheder der vom Zentrafrat vertretenen Ge-
meinden gezählt werden. 43 500 jüdische Zu-
wanderer kamen imKontingent, so die offizi-
elle Darstellung. Nicht erfaßt ist, wer anders
einreiste oder außerhalbder Gemeinden steht.
Bemängelt wurde das Fehlen von staatlichen
Konzepten für diese meist urbane Einwande-
run^s^ppe mit besonderem Bildungsprofil.

am Jüdischen Runden Tisch

Jüdische Rehgionsgemeindenkörmten bei al-
ler Mühe die Probleme Tausender Ratsuchen-
der nicht lösen. Und wer spricht fiir jene, die
nach der Halacha keine Juden sind, aber im
Sinne der Antragsregelung dennoch im jüdi-
schen Kontingent einreisen? Am Beispiel JKV
wurde das Konzept der Selbstaktivierung an-
stelle von Bevormundung erläutert. Leider
waren nur wenige Zuwanderer anwesend. In
einer Resolution an Auswärtiges Amt und
hinenministerium begrüßten die Teihiehmer
zudem die Zusicherung der Bundesregierung,
die Einwanderung von Juden aus der früheren
Sowjetunion nichtzu beschränken underklär-
ten nachdrückhch, daß sie diese als Bereiche-
rung der jüdischen Gemeinschaft in Deutsch-
land verstehen. In seinem Referat zum Post-
zionismus entwickelte Israels Botschaftsrat
Dr. Amnon Noy Überlegungen zum umfas-
senden Thema Israel - Diaspora. Der Frieden-
sprozeß nehme darauf Einfluß, inner-israe-
hsch sei dasEnde einer Art "Ghetto-Existenz"
angebrochen, die Feindschaft der Nachbarn
münde in Gespräche, und eine reale und men-
tale Lockerung fmdet statt. Die Diasporage-
meinschaflen, dies spüre man auch in I)eutsch-
land, bekommen eigeneProbleme. Israel wird
zunehmend ein normaler Teil der westlichen
Welt. Für viele Juden entsteht deshalb die
Frage, ob die Zukunft der Ahja oder der Ent-
wicklung des Judentums in der Diaspora Prio-
ritätzukommt. Immer aber wirdlsraelzentrale
Bedeutung fiir alle Juden haben. Dr. Noy
erläuterte die Ambivalenz, die Israel und die
israehsch-jüdische Bevölkerung zum Thema
Juden in Deutschland hätten, der Besuch Prä-
sident Weizmans habe dies signalisiert. Die
Anwesenheit von Juden im Land der Täter sei
ein "Eingriff in das israelische Bewußtsein"
Als direkte Folge des Holocaust habe man
besondere Erwartungen an die BRD, die Shoa
bleibt eindringhches Identifikationsmerkmal
aller Juden und des Staates Israel, der allen
Juden offensteht. Anders als inden Pionierzei-
ten ist jedoch die heutige Einwanderung wenig
ideologisch oder religiös, dafiir eher dem
Wunsch nach besserem Leben zu verdanken.
Jetzt haben die russischsprachigen Immigran-
ten die politische Reahtät verändert. Aus den
reichen westhchenLändem wandern rehgiös-
zionistisch Motiviertemit anderen Ansprü-
chen ein. Mit den Lockerungen hat sich auch
die Einstellung zu "Auswanderern" aus Israel
geändert, dienichtmehrals "Abtrünnige" oder
"Verräter" gelten, die Botschaften suchen den
Kontakt zu ihnen wie zu den Diaspora- Juden.
Als tiefe Zäsur beschrieb Dr. Noy den Über-
gang Israels aus eiiier "Wir"- in eine "Ich"-
Gesellschaft. In Israel würden zur Zeit Tabus
gebrochen: es gibt neue Fragen nachdem Ver-
hältnis Orthodoxie und Säkularismus, die At-
traktivität Israels für die Diaspora und ob es
eine religiöse Verwirklichung außerhalb Eietz
Israel gibt kommen dazu. Zwei Tage lang
wurde hitzig und kontrovers diskutiert. Das
herzliche Klima, welches oft in etabherten
Gemeinden vermißt wird, verheh dem Treffen
familiären Charakter. Zum dritten Jüdischen
Runden Tisch lädt das Jüdische Forum Köhi
e.V.inderZeitvom29. 1 l.bis 1. 12.1996nach
Köhi ein. Einige JKV-Teilnehmer

München: Beth Shalom e.V.

Beth Schalom ist eine Liberale jüdische Ge-
meinde in München, die sich im März 1 995 als
ein eingetragener Verein konstituiert hat. Sie
hat jetzt 1 20 Mitgheder (ca. 40 Familien); die
aus 1 3 Ländem stammen. Ordentliches Mit-
ghed karm jeder werden, der der jüdischen
Religion angehört, Fördermitghedschaft und
Veranstaltungen stehen allen offen. Seitdem 1 .
April 1996 ist Beth Schalom Mitglied der
European Region der WorldUnionofProgres-
sive Judaism. Beth Schalom entstand aas einer
Gruppe vorwiegend amerikanischer jüdischer
Familien, die vor sechs Jahren mit ReUgionsun-
tenicht fiir ihre Kinder begannen (Sonntags-
schule) und dann liberale Gottesdienste orga-
nisierten. Daraus wurde eine funktionsfähige
Gemeinde, die ein jüdisches Leben in der übe-
ralen Tradition ermögücht. Deutsch hat inzwi-
schen das Englische als "Hauptsprache" er-
setzt. Beth Schalom fiihrt (vorläufig einmal im
Monat)Kabbalat Schabbat Gottesdienste nach

reformiertem Ritus (hebräisch, deutsch, eng-
lisch) durch, zu denen zwischen 30 und 60
Besucher kommen, feiert mit biszu lOOBesu-
chem jüdische Feiertage und fiihrt jeden zwei-
ten Sormtag Rehgionsunterricht für etwa 30
Kinder durch. Mit Unterstützung der World
Union organisieren wir regehnäßig insbeson-
dere fiir die Hohen Feiertage den Besuch von
Rabbinern aus den USA undEngland. Derzeit
bemühen wir uns intensiv um die Festanstel-
lungeiriesRabbinersodereinerRabbineriiL Die
Finanzierungist durch eine Erhöhung derjähr-
lichen Mitgliedsbeiträge auf 1 000 DM pro
Famihe (500 DM pro Einzelperson) und Spen-
denzusagen weitgehend gesichert. Beth Scha-
lom ist eine egahtäre Gemeinde. Wir anerken-
nen die halachischen Entscheidungen der Re-
formrabbiner bzw. der hberalenRabbiner, ins-
besondere des Europäischen Beth Din der
World Union in London auch in Bezug auf
Konversionen und Fragen der jüdischen Ab-
stammung. Alle zwei Monate erscheint ein
Rundbrief Viele Mitgheder von Beth Schalom
sind gleichzeitig Mitgheder der Israelitischen
Kultusgemeinde München. Trotzdem hat die
DCGes bisherablehnt, fiir liberaleGottesdien-
ste oder fiir hberalen Rehgionsunterricht Räu-
me zur Verfügung zu stellen. Der Vorstand von
Beth Schalom will die innere Stärkung als
Gemeinde anstelle der Austragung solcher
Konflikte erreichen. Gespräche mit dem Prä-
sidenten der nCG, dem Gemeinderabbiner so-
wie dem Präsidenten des Landesverbandes
fiihrtenzwarzur gegenseitigen Respektierung,
nicht aber zur Lösung der praktischen Fragen.
Mehr Informationen über Jan Mühlstein, W.-
Busch-Weg 2, 31079 Sibbesse, Tel: 05121-
31586/Fax: 05121 -32057.

Der Runde Tisch in der Presse

"Vielfalt" warnachAuskunfivon Teilnehmern
die besondere Qualität des Jüdischen Runden
TischesDeutschland..."Pluralitätisteineneue
Erfahrungßr die jüdische Welt in Deutsch-
land", sagteTeibiehmerJanMühlstein... Einen
Gesprüchskontakt zwischen der jungen Insti-
tution und den Kultusgemeinden wieauchdem
Zentralmt gibt es nicht. Bei letzteren würden
sich sehrviele Juden nicht geborgenßihlen. so
TeilnehmerRonaldFlug... (HNAvom J8.6.96)

rr:^

Monatsplan Juli/August

Achtung! D,e Veranstaltung an. 30. 6. -^ -g^^aj^^^
Am Sonntag, 30.6. um löUhrsteUt^ofY.MichalBod^

Gememschafl und Ihre deutsche Eifindimg" vor BiK^hv^^^^

(nahe U-Bahn Luxemburg-Platz) zum Thema "F Or immer weg vom Fenster? Die hamiuen aer uur.

5. JuB, Freitag, 19 Uhr 8 8

Kabbalat Schabbat mit Motek Wem-
ryb.

7. Juli, Sonntag, 16 Uhr

"Albert Einsteins Verhältnis zum Zio-
nismus". Es spricht: Prof. John Stachel
(Boston/USA)(Der renommierte Heraus-
geber der Einstein-Briefe an der Harvard
University spricht nach "Albert Einstems
jüdischeIdentität"und"AlbertEinstemund
die Idee des Soziahsmus" über Einstems
Verhältnis zum Zionismus. )

12. JuB, Freitag, 19 Uhr 88

Kabbalat Schabbatmit Stefan A. Schra-
der (Das ist der letzte Schabbestisch vor
unserer unfreiwiUigen Sommerpause!)

1 4. Juü, Sonntag, 16 Uhr
Unser kleines Sommerfest!

Unser Kinderchor unter Leitung von
Marina Paschanowa stellt sich mit sei-
nem ersten Programm vor. Wir hoffen
auf großes Interesse und suchen einen
passenden Chomamen. Kuchen, begei-
sterte Zuhörer und Obst dürfen gern
mitgebracht werden.

23. August, Freitag, 19 Uhr 8 8

Kabbalat Schabbat mit Susan Boet-
cher (Madison/Wisc. z.Zt. Göttmgen)

25.August,Sonntag,16Uhr

Courage gegen Fremdenhaß - Mitcn
Cohen, jetzt Berlin, hest Texte und er-
zählt über die Arbeit der gleichnamigen
Organisation

27. August, Dienstag, 19 Uhr

Berlins bunte innerstädtische Mitte. Ein
Blick nach vom. Im Gespräch mit uns:
Joachim Zeller (CDU), Bezirksbürger-
meister von Berlin Mitte.

29. August, Donnerstag, 17.30 Uhr

Renten- und Paßprobleme some Fra-
gen derStaatsbürgerschafifür Zuwan-
derer Es spricht. Prof Leomd Donskoj
(russisch)

30. August, Freitag, 19 Uhr

Kabbalat Schabbat rmi
Jochanan Trilse-Finkelstein

Vorschau:

l.Septcmber,Sonntag,16Uhr

Ostberliner, Zuwanderer und die Ge-
meindepolitik Es diskutieren mit uns
Moishe Waks, Meir Pjotrkowski, Heinz
Seefeld - Vertreter der Demokratischen
Liste und Repräsentanten der Jüdischen
Gemeinde zu BerUn.

Montag, 24. August, 16 -18 Uhr

Individuelles Gespräch mit Jacov Flek

(Psychologe/Psychotherapeut).
Um telef Voranmeldung wird gebeten.

TourofEurope

A Presentation of tne Long

Island Composers Alliance

with Archives at Long Island

University

Helene Williams, Leonard Lehrman, Ro-
nald Edwards geben Jüdische Musikkon-
zerte amMittwoch. 3. Juli, 20 Uhr, Begeg-
nungsstätte Hatikva, Pulsnitzer Str. 100,
01099 Dresden, Mowtog, 8. Juli, 21 Uhr,
Hackesches Hoftheater Berlin, Rosentha-
ler Str. 40, 101 19 Berlin

Vom 15. Juli bis 18. Au-
gust sind wir nur stun-
denweise geöffnet!
Wir wünschen allen
unseren Mü^Uedern und
Freunden einen schönen
Sommer und freuen uns
auf ein Wiedersehen!

und:
Wir bitten säumige Zahleremeut darum, die

vergessenen Mitgliedsbeiträge für 1 995 zu
begleichen und erinnem die Leser der "JK"
daran, daß wir fiir den Bezug dieses Mo-
natsblatts 60 DM pro Jahr aus Gründen der

Solidarität erwarten - es sei denn, Sie haben
mit uns vorübergehend andere Vereinba-
rungen getroffen. Studenten, Arbeitslose
und Sozialhilfeempfönger bitten wir um
eine Zuwendung von 25 - 40 DM. Wir
müssen Papier, jetzt auch den Außerhaus-
dmck und immer viel Porto bezahlen. Wer
weder zahlt noch mitteilt, daß er/sie im
Moment Probleme hat, wird deshalb dem-
nächst keine " JK" im Briefkasten finden.

Nach der Sommerpause
wieder im Programm

Russische Workshops ilo.

- Literaturwoikshop jeden Mittwoch,

- verschiedene Deutschkurse,
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An alle JKV-Mtgüeder!

Der Sprecherrat hat auf seiner letzten Sit-
zung beschlossen, die nächsteMitglieder-
Versammlung mit Neuwahlen för den 13.
oder 20. Oktober einzuberufen. Zwei Jahre
sind vergangen, laut Statut sind also Neu-
wahlen erforderlich. Der Sprecherrat
schlägt den Mitgliedern gleichzeitig die
AnderungeinzelnerPunktedesStatutsvor.

Die Vorschläge werden auf der kommen-
denMitgliederversammlungzurDiskussi-
ongestellt. Siedienen derErleichterungder
Arbeit und ergeben sich aus den Verände-
rungen der letzten Jahre. Herr Herbert
Shenkman hat seine Funktion alsSprecher-
mtsmitglied bereits im Frühjahr niederge-
legt und scheidet daher vorfristig aus dem
Sprecherrataus. Wir bitten umEntschuldi-
gung, daß wir es versäumt haben, die
Mitglieder zum Zeitpunkt des Rücktritts
darüber zu informieren. Der Sprecherrat
bittet aus gegebenem Anlaß darum, daß
aktive und engagierte Mitglieder, denen ihr
eigenes Judentum, das jüdische Leben in
Berlin, die Integration der Einwanderer,
unser Klub, die "JK", das antifaschistische
Erbe. Diskussionen, die Workshops, unse-
re Veranstaltungsreihen undwieder einmal
die Finanzen am Herzen liegen, darüber
nachdenken, daß der Jüdische Kulturver-
ein im offenbar kritischen 7. Jahrseiner
Existenz viele starke Mitstreiterinnen und
Mitstreiter braucht - und wodiese zufinden
sind. Viel Arbeit wartet. Jeder kleine, mehr
nochjedergrqßeEtfolgistdasschließliche
Ergebnis aus mühseligen Erkundungen,
Entscheidungen, Briefen, Anrufen, Debat-
ten, Kompromissen, Streit und Kaffeetrin-
ken - und dies alles in kaumzu beschreiben-
den Kombinationen. Überall das und noch
viel mehr werden wir im Oktober Rechen-
schaft ablegen. WissenSie übrigens,dqß in
diesemJahrbereits über 3 OOOBesucherim
JKV waren ? Das betrifft Veranstaltungen,
Ratsuchende, Neugierige und alle, die zum
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kurse. Journalisten und Schülergruppen.
Und immer wurde die Türgeöffhet, Kaffee
gekocht, saubergemacht, Fragen beant-^
wartet, wurden Stühle geschoben, "JK"
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Für die "JK" bitten wir um solidarische 60

, DM pro Jahr (Europa) bzw. $ 60 (Übersee^

George L. Mosse

Zu Hause in der Maassenstraße

Ich habe eigentlich nur bis zu meinem zehnten Jahre gänzlich in Berlin und
dann, bis zu meiner Emigration fünf Jahre später, teilweise in Berlin, teil-
weise auf dem Familiengut Schloß Schenkendorf bei Königswusterhausen und im
Internat gelebt. Und doch sind die meisten meiner entscheidenden Eindrücke
dieser Jahre mit Berlin verknüpft: es sind dies politische Eindrücke der Stadt
während der Republik als erste Erfahrung der großen Welt. Mein Geburtshaus
lag im Villenviertel in Berlin W. in der Maassenstraße, während das Haus meiner
Großeltern Mosse, ein Palais am Leipziger Platz, nach ihrem Tod der großen
Bibliothek und Kunstsammlung sowie den offiziellen Empfängen meiner Eltern
als Verleger des Berliner Tageblatts und anderer Berliner Zeitungen diente.
Ich hatte meine eigene Welt in der Maassenstraße, von Gouvernanten betreut,
englische oder französische Damen, damit man als Kind die nützlichsten Sprachen
lernte. Dies war eine beschützte Welt, und trotzdem drang die Politik dieser
Jahre in diese Welt ein und formte meine ersten Eindrücke der Öffentlichkeit.

Meiner allererster Eindruck, an den ich mich erinnere, war, daß der immer
hellerleuchtete Nollendorfplatz im Dunkeln lag, weil Präsident Friedrich Ebert
gestorben war, der zweite, wie meine Mutter mich zu Ihrer Suppenküche am Nollen-
dorfplatz mitnahm, es muß wohl in der Zeit der Inflation gewesen sein. Erschreckend
für das Kind war das Straßenbild, das in jenen Jahren weithin durch die Kriegs-
versehrten geprägt war, die oft ohne Arme und Beine um^ihr Brot bettelten. Dazu
kam noch, daß man mit dem Namen Mosse sein Anderssein kaum vergessen konnte, denn
der Name war 3a zum Sinnbild der "Judenpresse" geworden, von Hitler und der
politischen Rechten immer wieder als Zielscheibe benützt. Sc war man selbst
als Kind solch eine Zielscheibe, durch Anpöbeleien oder vielleicht noch schlimmer
durch die gehässigen persönlichen Angriffe auf die Eltern in der Presse. Noch
heute kann ich mit Kindern sympathisieren, deren Eltern in der Öffentlichkeit
persönlichen Angriffen ausgesetzt sind. Nicht weniger beeindruckend waren die
Polizeieinheiten, welche an jüdischen Feiertagen die Synagogen bewachten. Diese
Realitäten liessen sich nicht einfach ignorieren, man fühlte sich als Deutscher
und doch wurde das potentielle Außenseitertum immer wieder in Erinnerung gerufen.
Trotzdem war meine Familie bewußt jüdisch: schon mein Großvater Mosse war
leitend in der jüdischen Reformgemeinde tätig gewesen, und für meinen Vater
war diese Gemeinde eines seiner Häuptinteressen. Er förderte ihre Jugendbewegung
und war führend am Entstehen einer neuen Liturgie beteiligt. Ich selber nahm
kaum an alldem teil, wohl weil ich als ungezogener Junge aus der Religionsschule

Messe - 2

verwiesen wurde. Auen meine Eltern konnten das nicht ändern. So endete auch
meine eigentliche Berliner Zeit, als ich vom Mommsen-Gymnasium relegiert wurde,
diesmal wegen meines Lateins. Danach kam das Internat.

Die politischen Auseinandersetzungen in der Familie machten einen großen
Eindruck auf mich und waren wohl meine erste politische Erziehung. Meine beinahe
zehn Jahre ältere Schwester gehörte zu einer sozialistischen Jugendbewegung,
den Zugscharen, welche die Arbeiterkinder in Wedding betreuten. Das schien für
eine Tochter guten Hauses schon unziemlich, und als meine Schwester auch noch
die SPD wäh3te, schienen alle Schranken gefallen. Meine Schwester hatte vielleicht
die wichtigste Familientradition verletzt: unbedingte Loyalität zum Liberalismus.
Man wählte Staatspartei in diesen letzten Jahren der Republik. So wurde meine
Schwester ignoriert, als sie davon erzählte - es muß wohl Anfang der Dreißiger
gewesen sein -, daß Arbeiter jungens schon mit einem Nazidolch im Gürtel zu den

Zugscharen kamen.

Aber die Kultur und nicht die Politik war das eigentliche Anliegen meines
Vaters, besonders Musik und Architektur, und dadurch strahlte etwas vom Weimarer
Berlin auf das Kind zurück. Mein Vater kann als der eigentliche Entdecker des
Architekten Erich Mendelssohn gelten: der Neubau der Fassade des Mosse-Hauses
liegt vor meinen Erinnerungen, aber nicht der Bau der Wohnungen und des Kabaret
der Komiker am Kurfürstendamm. Die Musik war seine große Passion, und hier
betätigte er sich als Mäzen. Er gab z.B. Bronislaw Hubermann seine erste
Violine und stiftete über viele Jahre den Berliner Philharmonikern ihren Smoking.
Es gab eine enge Bindung an Wilhelm Furtwängler, mit dem jedes Neujahr in St.
Moritz gefeiert wurde. Auch die Kauskonzerte mit berühmten Artisten bei uns
und anderen Freunden sind mir noch in Erinnerung, damals wohl gang und gäbe in
der Berlin Großbourgeoisie.

Eine sogenannte öffentliche Rolle durfte ich nur bei den "Lachabenden"
spielen, die mein Vater im Namen des Verlages für die Berliner während der
Wirtschaftskrise organisierte. Die Billette waren, soweit ich mich erinnere,
gratis und das große Theater immer gefüllt. Hier konnte ich mich in der Verklei-
dung eines Straßenverkäufers des BT zeigen. Diese Abende waren eigentlich mehr
an unsergyr^fg^TT^Ti'tunq- als an die Berliner Tageblatt-Lesersöhaf t orientiert.
Doch die ganze Richtung der Boulevardpresse war dem Verlag fremd. So erinnere ich
mich gut an die Entrüstung in der Familie, als das 8 mir Abendblatt gekauft
wurde - eine Zeitung, die "anrüchige Anzeigen" aufnahm (und bald darauf deswegen
einen Prozeß bekam) und von Sensationen lebte, bo hörte ich wohl zum ersten Mal,
was "anrüchig" bedeutet, und war selber begeistert von den vielen Preisausschreiben
des 8 Uhr Abendblatts.

Mosse - 3

Natürlich hatte ich als vierzehn- und^Ge«*>^zehnjähriger Junge noch keinen
festen politischen Standpunkt. Aber man konnte während dieser Zeit nicht in
Berlin leben, und noch dazu in exponierter Stelle, ohne neugierig zu sein, wie
es wohl bei der sichtbarsten politischen Bewegung zuging. So schlich ich mich
wohl um^ 1932 von zu Hause weg und ging in eine Nazi-Massenversammlung. Hitlers
Rede riß mich mit, obgleich ich kein Wort verstand (was bei solchen Ritualen
ohnehin nicht nötig ist), die Angst und Bedrückung kamen nachher. Die Politik
dieser Jahre zeigte mir ihr unruhiges, beänstigendes Gesicht, das sich natürlich
dem Kind und Teenager mehr einprägte als die netten und etwas behäbigen Parlamen-
tarier, die ofte zu Hause bei Tisch saßen. Es gab viel Courage und Loyalität,
besonders von all den Hausangestellten, die mich direkt betraf und später dazu
führte, daß einiges unserer Habe vor den Augen der Nazis gerettet wurde. Wir
wissen heute, aber es wird noch nicht genug geehrt, daß keine andere Stadt in
Deutschland oder im Auslande soviel Zivilcourage in der Nazizeit aufgebracht hat
als Berlin, und wir wissen, daß tausende von Berlinern ihr Leben riskierten, um
Juden zu verstecken und ihnen das Leben zu retten. Das lag damals noch in der
Ferne.

Berlin hat also den Grundstein für mein später so reges politisches Bewußt-
sein gelegt. Ich konnte mich in meiner Kindheit und frühen Jugend nicht abkapseln
von dem Geschehen, wie es mein älterer Bruders tat, der ganz in der Welt des Theaters
lebte; und das Theater in der Weimarer Republik - selbst das nichtpolitische
Theater - war es wert, der Mittelpunkt des Lebens zu sein. Das Berlin dieser
Zeit hat mich gelehrt, daß Politik ein unausweichliches Schicksal ist, und daß
es keinen sogenannten unpolitischen Menschen geben kann. Das Anderssein, das ich
hier am eigenen Leibe erfuhrt, bedingt den politischen Kampf. Hier wurde also
der Boden gelegt für mein wahres politisches Erwachen, was für meine Generation
vom Exil und vom antifaschistischen Kampf geprägt wurde.

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Sonderdruck aus

Kriegserlebnis

Der Erste Weltkrieg in der

literarischen Gestaltung und

symbolischen Deutung

der Nationen

Herausgegeben von

Klaus Vondung

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht

in Göttingen

Kommentar

George L. Mosse

Zum deutschen Soldatenlied

Soldatenlieder sind ein integraler Teil des Kriegserlebnisses. Sie erlauben
wichtige Einblicke in die Art und Weise, wie Intellektuelle und einfache Sol-
daten, Freiwillige wie Eingezogene den Krieg erlebten und dieses Erlebnis in
der Nachkriegswelt verarbeiteten. Die Typologie von Liedern, die Anton
Kovac für Slowenien entworfen hat, kann auch für Deutschland gelten. Auch
hier scheinen die Unterschiede zwischen der Realität und dem Mythos des
Kriegserlebnisses den Unterschieden zwischen Liedern zu entsprechen, die
von Intellektuellen in der Hitze des Kriegs verfaßt wurden, und solchen,' de-
ren Ursprung oft unbekannt ist.

Kriegslieder, die von Intellektuellen verfaßt wurden, waren gewöhnlich
Kampf- und Streit-Lieder, welche die nationale Einheit priesen, zum Opfer
fürs Vaterland und zum Haß gegen den Feind aufriefen. Die Autoren vieler
solcher Lieder gehörten einer wesentlich älteren Generation von Intellektuel-
len an, wie z. B. Theodor Körner, ein Freiwilliger der Befreiungskriege gegen
Napoleon. John Meier, der mitten im Ersten Weltkrieg die Lieder der Front-
soldaten analysierte, vertritt die Ansicht, daß solche Kampflieder bei den
jungen Freiwilligen beliebter waren als bei den Eingezogenen - in der Regel
gesetzte Bürger und Familienväter. Gleichwohl hatten diese Lieder - wie
Meier bemerkt - etwas von der Arroganz verloren, durch die sie während der
Befreiungskriege inspiriert waren ^

Meier stellt fest, daß die am häufigsten gesungenen Volkslieder von Hei-
mat, Weib und Kind handelten^ Es waren Lieder voll Heimweh und Senti-
mentalität, jedoch nie Verzweiflung. Allerdings gab es in diesen Liedern, die
sich an der Liebe zur Heimat weideten, einen merkwürdigen Einschlag Von
Selbstmitleid^.

Dagegen gaben die Lieder der jungen Freiwilligen den Wunsch wieder, die
Bürden häuslicher Verantwortung und die Öde des täglichen Lebens abzu-
schütteln. »FreiwilHge vor! [. . .] Hol uns heraus! Wirf uns hinaus!«^ Die
Männergesellschaft wurde hochgehalten; die Frau war eher Versucherin als
Liebchen. Dies Thema erscheint im Lied ebenso wie in anderer Literatur,
z.B. bei Ernst Jünger oder in Henry de Montherlants Weltkriegsnovelle Lc

331

Songe (1922), wo Männerfreundschaft über die Beziehung zwischen Mann
und Frau triumphiert. Das Kernlied des nationalsozialistischen Arbeitsdien-
stes, das die Kriegsrhetorik aufnahm, faßt diese Haltung zusammen: »[. . .]
schaut manches liebe Mädel aus deni Haus, / wir, wir marschieren gerade-

aus.«

Das Kriegslied symbolisierte die Kriegskameradschaft. Viele Intellektuel-
le, die Mitglieder der Jugendbewegung waren, erfuhren und beschrieben
diese Kameradschaft als Verwirklichung des idealen Männerbunds. Aber der
durchschnittliche einfache Soldat muß diese Kameradschaft ganz anders er-
lebt haben. So weit ich weiß, gibt kein deutscher Roman ein so realistisches
Bild der Korporalschaft an der Front wie Henri Barbusses Le Feu (1916). Die
Beschreibung der Enge des Zusammenlebens, der Anpassungsfähigkeit und
. des Zusammenschmelzens der Soldaten muß auch für die Deutschen zuge-
troffen haben^.

Nach dem Krieg wurde diese Nüchternheit bereitwillig mit dem Mythos
vertauscht. Das Kriegs erlebnis der Freiwilligen, der Intellektuellen mit ihren
Kampf- und Streit-Liedern triumphierte über das der einfachen Bürger-Sol-
daten. Sogar diejenigen, die sich an die nüchternere Wirklichkeit wohl erin-
nerten, vergoldeten gern diese wichtigste und bedeutungsvollste Erfahrung
ihres Lebens durch den Mythos. Niederlage, Revolution und Gegenrevolu-
tion trugen das ihre dazu bei, den Mythos des Kriegserlebnisses mit seinen
Preisliedern auf nationale Einigkeit, Herrschaft und Opfer zum Symbol einer
glücklicheren und gesünderen Welt zu machen. Alexander von Bormann hat
gezeigt, daß nach dem Krieg sowohl Sozialisten wie Nationalsozialisten
Kriegslieder übernahmen und ihren Zwecken anpaßten, obwohl die Rechte
weit stärker Gebrauch von solchen Liedern machte als die Linket Sozialisten
wie Nationalsozialisten entlehnten fast ausschließlich von den Kampf- und
Streit- Liedern und machten nur wenig Gebrauch von den nostalgischen Lie-
dern über Heim und Herd. Vermutlich gehörten jene Lieder zu den wichtig-
sten Vermittlern des Kriegserlebnisses an die Nachkriegs weit; sie entspra-
chen vorzüglich den militanten politischen Kräften der Weimarer Republik.
Lieder, die während des Kriegs nicht einmal zu den populärsten gehört hat-
ten, wurden nun bei Massenversammlungen und Massendemonstrationen
gesungen. Schließlich wurden sie Teil des nationalsozialistischen Liedguts.
Obwohl diese Bemerkungen vorläufigen Charakter haben und die Not-
wendigkeit weiterer Forschung erweisen, scheint doch deutlich zu werden,
daß nach dem Krieg der Geist des Kriegsfreiwilligen über den des eingezoge-
nen Bürgersoldaten triumphierte: Die Bewegungen der politischen Rechten
beschworen im Lied das Erbe der Befreiungskriege und des Ersten Welt-
kriegs. Das Schicksal der Kriegslieder wurde in das Geschick der Weimarer
Republik einbezogen.

33^

Anmerkungen

1 J. Meier: Das Deutsche Soldatenlied im Felde. Straßburg 1916. S. 23. Dies wird auch von dem

außerordentlich patriotischen Carl Busse bemerkt; siehe: C. Busse: Deutsche Kriegslieder
1914-16. Bielefeld u. Leipzig 1916. S. XI.

2 Meier (Anm. 1) S. 20.

3 S. Graham: The Challenge of the Dead. London 1921. S. 83. Graham bemerkt dasselbe über

englische Soldatenlieder.

4 O. Tolle: Landsturmlied. In: Die Deutschen Schützengraben- und Soldatenzeitungen. Mün-

chen 1917. (Ohne Seitenangabe).

5 Zitiert nach: A. v. Bormann: Das nationalsozialistische Gemeinschaftslied. In: H. Denkler u.

K. Prümm (Hrsg.): Die deutsche Literatur im Dritten Reich. Stuttgart 1976, S. 263.

6 H. Barbusse: Le Feu. Journal d'une Escoupade. Paris 1965. S. 21; Bormann (Anm. 5) S.

265 ff. ; für die Linke und das Kriegserlebnis siehe: G. L. Mosse: La sinistra europea e l'espe-
rienza della guerra. In: Rivoluzione e Reazione in Europa 1917-1924 Firence 1978 S
151-169.

7 Vgl. Bormann (Anm. 5).

333

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AN OFFPRINT FROM

SPECULUM

A JOURNAL OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIES

Vol. XXIV April - 1949 No. 2

REVIEW: THE TREE OF COMMONWEALTH

(EDMUND DUDLEY)

GEORGE L. MOSSE

TUE ISIEDIAEVAL ACADEMY OF AJIERICA

CA.MBRIDGE. M ASSACllUSE TTS

Edmund Dudlet, The Tree of Commonwealth, edited D. M. Brodie. Cambridge: UniTersity Press;
New York: Macmillan Company, 1949. Pp. vüi 110, $2.25.

The Tree of Commonwealth derives its interest from the fact that it was written
by Edmund Dudley, famed for his skill in filling the treasury of Henry VII by
mulcting both merchants and landed classes for the benefit of his royal master.
The treatise was written in 1509 during Dudley's imprisonment in the tower; he
was shortly to be executed as a token of the great love which Henry VIII bore
his people to whom Dudley had become a symbol for royal extortion. Dudley was
typical of the middle class civil servant upon whom Henry VII had relied to
carry out his policies. It might be expected that The Tree of Commonwealth
would reflect a willingness to exalt the King's powers and prerogatives. Indeed,
Dr Brodie sees in the treatise a preparation for the divine right of kings as well
as the emphasis upon the greatness of the law. To her Dudley foreshadows the
conflict between crown and parliament. Admitting that Dudley was no mere
sycophant of royalty, she stresses his emphasis on the king's responsibility as
evoked by fear of social turmoil. Dr Brodie ascribes part of the importance of the
treatise to the fact that it explains the practical problems facing the government,
and to the light thrown upon the passions. prejudices and ideals with which the
government had to reckon.

268

Reviews

269

Those who expect The free of Commonwealth to bear out all the claims made
in Dr Brodie's introduction will be disappointed. The main interest of the treatise
does not consist either in its explanation of practical problems or of the forecast-
ing of new developments of the next centuries. Rather, it is significant that Dud-
ley does not reflect ideas of enhanced royal power which one might expect from a
civil servant of the first Tudor. Instead we find a short restatement of the com-
monplace thought of the fifteenth Century. Dudley's central theme is the feudal
doctrine of dominion. The hierarchy of rights and powers between inferiors and
superiors cements The Tree of Commonwealth. Let every man do his duty accord-
ing to the 'honour and degree' to which God and prince have called him, and all
will be harmony and tranquillity. Thus, in the first decade of the sixteenth Cen-
tury, Dudley restates the Ideals which Sir John Fortescue had voiced late in the
fifteenth Century. The battle of Bosworth Field marks no break in the continuity
of political thought. Not until the concept of the sovereignty of the *King in
Parliament' emerges is the Vell ordered society* of Fortescue and Dudley shat-
tered. Dr Brodie seems to have forgotten the fact that ideas of the sovereignty
of 'King in Parliament' antedate the idea of the divine right of kings, and that the
mediaeval concept of the relationship between God and the king, found in Dudley
must not be confused with the theories elaborated by King James I.

Dudley is far removed from any idea of sovereignty. The king is the *protector'
of the Commonwealth and the church. He should minister law impartially, ruling
by his laws rather than by his prerogative. There is the commonplace praise for
the keeping of old customs and the suspicion of new laws and new customs which
hurt rather than benefit the subject. Dudley does not mention parliament.
Christopher St German's assertion that no man would think Parliament might
do anything which it had not the power to do, would have been incomprehensible
to the advocate of the feudal doctrine of dominion. The contrast between the
civil servant of Henry VII and St German, writing in the reign of Henry VIII
shows US wherein the significance of The Tree of Commonwealth lies. In spite of
the strong government of Henry VII, the mediaeval tradition was still the ideal
of Dudley, who had been responsible for much of the success of that reign. By
thel530's the *King in Parliament' had started onhisroad to sovereignty: The
Tree of Commonwealth does not stand at the beginning of that development
which, by 1650, allowed men like Marchamont Nedham to state {Case of the
Commonwealth, Fage 6) That the power of the sword is, and ever has been, the
foundation of all titles of government.'

Nor can Dr Brodie's statement that Dudley was prepared for a declaration of
royal supremacy over the church be accepted without question. The king is the
protector of the church and by divine authority he regulates its affairs in the
name of order. This is nothing new. Sir John Fortescue, with his emphasis on
papal supremacy, does not deny that the king is ordained by God as the protector
of the church in England. Dudley never puts himself outside mediaeval custom.
He criticizes the corrupt state of the church, and by so doing lends countenance to
reform; but many others before him had voiced equally trenchant criticisms.
The king should settle disputes between clergy and laity, yet this sentiment, too.

I
I

can surely be found in mediaeval thought and Statutes. It need hardly be added
that Dudley's views of economic life are also the traditional ones — riches are a
*trust' given by God for the defense of the poor, the church and the realm. In
no case were riches to be used for living above one's Station. Here Dudley man-
ages to say a few harsh things about his old enemies, the merchant classes, whom
he had mulcted for the benefit of his king.

Dr Brodie is correct in offering this work as typical of the ideas current among
the ordinary men of the late fifteenth Century. However, she has been led to make
Claims for the work which are apt to detract from its real importance; namely, the
restatement at the end of Henry VII's reign of the traditional point of view. Dr
Brodie's account of the career of Dudley, included in the introduction, is not
only better but more extended than her remarks upon the treatise itself .

The brevity of the introduction as well as the absence of annotation of the
more obscure passages in the text can no doubt be explained by the current paper
shortage in England. Fifteenth Century as well as Tudor scholars owe a debt of
gratitude to Dr D. M. Brodie for this edition of Dudley's treatise.

George L. Mosse,

State University of Iowa.

AN OFFPRINT FROM

SPECULUM

Vol. XXIV

A JOURNAL OF MEDIAEVAL STüDIES

July-1949

No. 3

REVIEW: CITIZEN THOMAS MORE AND fflS UTOPIA

(RUSSELL AMES)

GEORGE L. MOSSE

THE MEDIAEVAL ACADEMY OF AMERICA

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

REVIEWS

Russell Ames, Citizen Thomas More and his ütopia, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949.
Pp. viii, 230. $3.60.

Dr Ames' thesis may be simply stated : the Utopia is not the accident of indi-
vidual genius, but a product of the attack of capitalism upon feudalism; a part
of the middle class and humanist criticism of a decaying social order. More was
a bourgeois, critical of rising capitalism and especially of declining feudalism,
who hoped to reform society along bourgeois-republican lines in the immediate
future. He was one of the best exponents of a revolutionary class which * . . . has
raised up a lamp of Enlightenment in centuries of struggle against feudal dark-
ness' (p. 114).

It is not surprising that Ames* description of feudalism follows along the lines
of economic and class history rather than of the history of ideas and institutions.
The results of this treatment are curious indeed. The nobility are pitted against
the rising middle class, and the absolute monarchy becomes the leader of a ruling
clique of big landowners : the progressive members of the middle class, like More
and the Humanists were republicans, inspired by the city states and leagues of
Europe. The 'Citizen' in the title of the book refers to More's close ties with the
City of London, ties which, in Dr Ames' opinion, were instrumental in making
him a progressive member of the middle class. As a forward-looking Citizen,
More's main characteristic was his sympathy, respect and faith in the Common
Man. One has the feeling that the 'century of the Common Man' really began
with More and his fellow Humanists.

Dr Ames affirms his debt to Karl Kautzky's work on Thomas More and his
Utopia, though he differs with Kautzky in placing the emphasis upon the struggle
between feudalism and capitalism rather than upon the conflict between capi-
talism and the workers of England. Dr Ames in turn is critical of R. W. Chambers
(Thomas More, New York, 1935), but like Chambers he condemns Henry VIII —
not, however, because the king was the embodiment of the new commercial spirit,
but because his 'absolute' monarchy actualized a new form of feudalism. It was
this precapitalistic piracy which tended to conquer worthless Castles in Europe
instead of furthering the interests of the City of London. Indeed, the men of the
Duke of Surrey who patrolled the streets of London after the 'evil May day'
riots (1517) are likened to the Schutzstaffel of the National Socialists.

It seems almost too obvious to point out the fallacies which underlie this
amazing work. The very fact that Dr Ames assumes that feudalism can be dis-
cussed upon a class and economic basis alone, demonstrates the ignorance of
feudalism or, for that matter, of Tudor England basic to this study. Mr Arnes'
background sources are mostly textbooks. He cites in one breath Pickthorne's
excellent Henry VIII and confirms its conclusions with a Quotation from A. L.
Morton 's Marxist People's History of England. His sources for feudalism are
Pirenne, on the one hand, and a Soviet textbook for the sixth grade (Trachten-
berg and Gukovsky) on the other.

415

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416

Reviews

The good and bad are mingled in truly bewildering fashion, without any
apparent discrimination. Nowhere is such a Standard work as that of Marc Bloch
to be found; nor are the articles by Caspari on More (*Sir Thomas More and the
Justum Bellum,' Ethics, LVi [1946], 303-307) or by Zeeveld on *Equalitarianism
in a Tudor Crisis* {Journal o} the History of Ideas, vii [1946], 35-55) used in this
book. From Caspari the author could have learned the value of putting More
into the intellectual tradition in which he was reared. This intellectual tradition,
emerging from the 'darkest feudalism,' explains, for example, the idea of the
*just war' in the Utopia as being derived from Aristotle and the schoolmen, which
had relatively little to do with the Opposition of the merchants to Henry's
foreign wars. From Zeeveld he could have learned that there were so-called
democratic elements to be found even in the policy of that pre-capitalistic pirate,
Henry VIII. Nor is Dr Ames familiär with Gerhard Ritter's Machtstaat und Utopie
(Munich, 1943), which stresses the practicality of More, while dwelling simul-
taneously upon More's strong sense of law which again, of course, had its roots
in the Middle Ages. More's concept of natural law or even his religious views
receive bare acknowledgment in Citizen Thomas More. The author's views are
well illustrated when he mentions, in passing, and as accepted fact, that the
French religious wars of the sixteenth Century were caused by excessive taxation
and the Italian adventure. Not a word, of course, about the Huguenots.

Dr Ames realizes that More's religion may be important, but in the abstract
only. If he had limited the scope of his work and given us merely an analysis of
More's economic interests, this might have been a work of some value. For it
does bring together much material about More's economic affairs and his
activities as 'Citizen'. But to claim that this is the essence of the Utopia has led
to a distortion of Tudor England in the name of twentieth Century class concepts.
For medievalists this book can provide one more lesson of how the Middle
Ages, or any other period for that matter, can be distorted out of all recognition
by applying to it the judgments and Standards alone of economic and class
values. The Princeton University Press has, on the jacket, made its own contribu-
tion, by extolling the fact that More is here analyzed for his objective values as
a middle class Citizen living under Tudor despotism. There is, in short, little in
this book which an intensive study of the Middle Ages or of Tudor England would

not eure.

George L. Mosse,

State University of Iowa.

umm

■■.'Si^.'

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Speoulujn, April, 1949

Reviews

267

rency during a period of recoinage, from which he profited handsomely. In 1252,
when Henry went to Gascony, Richard served as regent.

*As Richard grows older and shrewder/ writes the author (p. 74), *his political
attitude becomes more and more difficult to define. He grew more magnificent — -
he could afford it — and never cast aside his ambition to become an independent
potentate/ An opportunity came, in 1256, to realize this ambition, when William,
Count of Holland and Zeeland, was slain by his perennial enemies, the Frisians,
near Alkmaar. John of Avesnes, brother-in-law of Count William, inherited
William 's political leadership in the Low Countries, adding this newly won pres-
tige to his own none too secure position in Hainault. It was John of Avesnes more
than any other person who induced Richard to seek the German crown.^ In the
opinion of the reviewer, this point ought to be stressed.

This truly excellent study throws much light upon a prominent career in
thirteenth Century England, and the writer assuredly has achieved his purpose
as stated at the outset: 'The present biography is not written in support of any
theory of history. It is simply an attempt to build up a picture of the man by
considering afresh everything that may be known about him from the sources
printed and unprinted' (p. 1). There seem to be very few errors. It appears un-
gracious to point out that Tlorence, Count of Holland,* mentioned on p. 89,
really was Florence, guardian (tutor) of Holland, the youthful Count Florence's
uncle.

Henry S. Lucas,

The University of Washington.

1 Cf. H. S. Lucas, 'John of Avesnes and Richard of Cornwall,' Speculum, xxin. 1 (Januarv 1948)
81-101. J' >».

Edmund Dudlet, The Tree of Commonwealth, edited D. M. Brodie, Cambridge: University Press;
New York: Macmillan Company, 1949. Pp. viii 110, $2.25.

The Tree of Commonwealth derives its interest from the fact that it was written
by Edmund Dudley, famed for his skill in filling the treasury of Henry VII by
mulcting both merchants and landed classes for the benefit of his royal master.
The treatise was written in 1509 during Dudley's imprisonment in the tower; he
was shortly to be executed as a token of the great love which Henry VIII bore
his people to whom Dudley had become a symbol for royal extortion. Dudley was
typical of the middle class civil servant upon whom Henry VII had relied to
carry out his policies. It might be expected that The Tree of Commonwealth
would reflect a willingness to exalt the King*s powers and prerogatives. Indeed,
Dr Brodie sees in the treatise a preparation for the divine right of kings as well
as the emphasis upon the greatness of the law. To her Dudley foreshadows the
conflict between crown and parliament. Admitting that Dudley was no mere
sycophant of royalty, she stresses his emphasis on the king*s responsibility as
evoked by fear of social turmoil. Dr Brodie ascribes part of the importance of the
treatise to the fact that it explains the practical problems facing the government,
and to the light thrown upon the passions, prejudices and ideals with which the
government had to reckon.

W^''-'

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268

Reviews

Those who expect The Tree qf Commonwealth to bear out all the claims made
in Dr Brodie's introduction will be disappointed. The main interest of the treatise
does not consist either in its explanation of practical problems or of the forecast-
ing of new developments of the next centuries. Rather, it is significant that Dud-
ley does not reflect ideas of enhanced royal power which one might expect from a
civil servant of the first Tudor. Instead we find a short restatement of the com-
monplace thought of the fifteenth Century. Dudley's central theme is the feudal
doctrine of dominion. The hierarchy of rights and powers between inferiors and
superiors cements The Tree of Commonwealth. Let every man do his duty accord-
ing to the 'honour and degree' to which God and prince have called him, and all
will be harmony and tranquillity. Thus, in the first decade of the sixteenth Cen-
tury, Dudley restates the Ideals which Sir John Fortescue had voiced late in the
fifteenth Century. The battle of Bosworth Field marks no break in the continuity
of political thought. Not until the concept of the sovereignty of the 'King in
Parliament* emerges is the *well ordered society' of Fortescue and Dudley shat-
tered. Dr Brodie seems to have forgotten the fact that ideas of the sovereignty
of *King in Parliament' antedate the idea of the divine right of kings, and that the
mediaeval concept of the relationship between God and the king, found in Dudley
must not be confused with the theories elaborated by King James I.

Dudley is far removed from any idea of sovereignty. The king is the protector*
of the Commonwealth and the church. He should minister law impartially, ruling
by his laws rather than by his prerogative. There is the commonplace praise for
the keeping of old customs and the suspicion of new laws and new customs which
hurt rather than benefit the subject. Dudley does not mention parliament.
Christopher St German's assertion that no man would think Parliament might
do anything which it had not the power to do, would have been incomprehensible
to the advocate of the feudal doctrine of dominion. The contrast between the
civil servant of Henry VII and St German, writing in the reign of Henry VIII
shows US wherein the significance of The Tree of Commonwealth lies. In spite of
the strong government of Henry VII, the mediaeval tradition was still the ideal
of Dudley, who had been responsible for much of the success of that reign. By
thel530's the *King in Parliament* had started onhisroad to sovereignty: The
Tree of Commonwealth does not stand at the beginning of that development
which, by 1650, allowed men like Marchamont Nedham to State (Gase of the
Commonwealthy Page 6) That the power of the sword is, and ever has been, the
foundation of all titles of government.'

)

')^.^

Reviews

Dr Brodie is correct in offering this work as typical of the ide^i^ current among
the ordinary men of the late fifteenth Century. However, she has been led to make
Claims for the work which are apt to detract from its real importance; namely, the
restatement at the end of Henry VII's reign of the traditional point of view. Dr
Brodie's account of the career of Dudley, included in the introduction, is not
only better but more extended than her remarks upon the treatise itself .

George L. Mosse,

State University of Iowa.

W. Ensslin, Theoderich der Grosse. Munich: Münchner Verlag, 1947. Pp. 408.

One of the most important of post-war European studies in the history of the
Late Roman Empire, but one unfortunately that is scarcely known in America,
is Professor W. Ensslin's Theoderich der Grosse. A recognized authority on this
period of Roman history and possessing an unusual command of the available
sources, the author writes with enthusiasm for his subject, and at the same time
offers a keenly critical appraisal of historical personalities and situations. Thus
he has come to present a thoroughly realistic and intelligible portrait of the
Ostrogothic king, besides making a notable contribution to the interpretation of
the Ostrogothic regime in Italy. The narrative is in ten parts, of which the first
two deal with Theoderic in the East, parts three to nine with his conquest of
Italy and his rule in the West, and the last with his death, the fall of the Ostro-
gothic kingdom, and the legends to which Theoderic's career gave rise. An
Anhang of thirty-eight pages in small type contains notes with liberal quotations
from Latin and Greek sources, and brief comments on the seventeen well-chosen
illustrations that appear throughout the text. There is also a useful index.

In his interpretation, Ensslin attributes great significance to Theoderic's
experiences during his ten years' detention as a hostage in Constantinople. There
he not only received an education which enabled him to appreciate Roman civili-
zation, but also gained an insight into the government and politics of the empire,
and acquired a wholesome respect for its strength while fired with an ambition
to play an important role within it. This ambition, coupled with a determination
to secure the interests of his own folk, is the key to the interpretation of his
subsequent career. It explains why, once in possession of Italy, Theoderic did
not seek to found an independent Gothic State or to usurp the position of em-
peror. He was content to be king of his Germanic subjects and to rule the Romans

■'■:'',: :'■"■ ,-"'A/j*'.--v."v,-"r' '.;,"■•.>'>

mm^m^mmt^mm^i

Speculiun, July, 1949

REVIEWS

Russell Ames, Citizen Thomas More and his Utopia, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949.
Pp. viii, 230. $3.50.

It is not surprising that Ames' description of feudalism follows along the lines
of economic and class history rather than of the history of ideas and institutions.
The results of this treatment are curious indeed. The nobility are pitted against
the rising middle class, and the absolute monarchy becomes the leader of a ruling
clique of big landowners: the progressive members of the middle class, like More
and the Humanists were republicans, inspired by the city states and leagues of
Europe. The 'Citizen' in the title of the book refers to More's close ties with the
City of London, ties which, in Dr Ames' opinion, were instrumental in making
him a progressive member of the middle class. As a forward-looking Citizen,
More's main characteristic was his sympathy, respect and faith in the Common
Man. One has the feeling that the *century of the Common Man' really began
with More and his fellow Humanists.

Dr Ames aflSrms his debt to Karl Kautzky's work on Thomas More and his
Utopia, though he differs with Kautzky in placing the emphasis upon the struggle
between feudalism and capitalism rather than upon the conflict between capi-
talism and the workers of England. Dr Ames in turn is critical of R. W. Chambers
{Thomas More^ New York, 1935), but like Chambers he condemns Henry VIII —
not, however, because the king was the embodiment of the new commercial spirit,
but because his 'absolute' monarchy actualized a new form of feudalism. It was
this precapitalistic piracy which tended to conquer worthless Castles in Europe
instead of furthering the interests of the City of London. Indeed, the men of the
Duke of Surrey who patrolled the streets of London after the *evil May day'
riots (1517) are likened to the Schutzstafel of the National Socialists.

It seems almost too obvious to point out the fallacies which underlie this
amazing work. The very fact that Dr Ames assumes that feudalism can be dis-
cussed upon a class and economic basis alone, demonstrates the ignorance of
feudalism or, for that matter, of Tudor England basic to this study. Mr Ames'
background sources are mostly textbooks. He cites in one breath Pickthorne's
excellent Henry VIII and confirms its conclusions with a Quotation from A. L.
Morton 's Marxist People's History of England. His sources for feudalism are
Pirenne, on the one hand, and a Soviet textbook for the sixth grade (Trachten-
berg and Gukovsky) on the other.

415

K;W*-

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416

Reviews

The good and bad are mingled in truly bewildering fashion, without any
apparent discrimination. Nowhere is such a Standard work as that of Marc Bloch
to be found; nor are the articles by Caspari on More ('Sir Thomas More and the
Justum Bellum,' Ethics, lvi [1946], 303-307) or by Zeeveld on *Equalitarianism
in a Tudor Crisis* {Journal of the History of Ideas, vii [1946], 35-55) used in this
book. From Caspari the author could have learned the value of putting More
into the intellectual tradition in which he was reared. This intellectual tradition,
emerging from the 'darkest feudalism,' explains, for example, the idea of the
*just war* in the Utopia as being derived from Aristotle and the schoolmen, which
had relatively little to do with the Opposition of the merchants to Henry's
foreign wars. From Zeeveld he could have learned that there were so-called
democratic elements to be found even in the policy of that pre-capitalistic pirate,
Henry VIII. Nor is Dr Ames familiär with Gerhard Ritter's Machtstaat und Utopie
(Munich, 1943), which stresses the practicality of More, while dwelling simul-
taneously upon More's strong sense of law which again, of course, had its roots
in the Middle Ages. More 's concept of natural law or even his religious views
receive bare acknowledgment in Citizen Thomas More. The author's views are
well illustrated when he mentions, in passing, and as accepted fact, that the
French religious wars of the sixteenth Century were caused by excessive taxation
and the Italian adventure. Not a word, of course, about the Huguenots.

Dr Ames realizes that More's religion may be important, but in the abstract
only. If he had limited the scope of his work and given us merely an analysis of
More 's economic interests, this might have been a work of some value. For it
does bring together much material about More 's economic affairs and his
activities as 'Citizen'. But to claim that this is the essence of the Utopia has led
to a distortion of Tudor England in the name of twentieth Century class concepts.
For medievalists this book can provide one more lesson of how the Middle
Ages, or any other period for that matter, can be distorted out of all recognition
by applying to it the judgments and Standards alone of economic and class
values. The Princeton University Press has, on the jacket, made its own contribu-
tion, by extolling the fact that More is here analyzed for his objective values as
a middle class Citizen living under Tudor despotism. There is, in short, little in
this book which an intensive study of the Middle Ages or of Tudor England would
not eure.

George L. Mosse,

State University of Iowa.

Leonid ARBuaow, Colores Rhetorici. Eine Auswahl rhetorischer Figuren und Gemeinplätze als Hilfs-
mittel für akademische Übungen an mittelalterlichen Texten. Göttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1948. Paper. Pp. 124.

This book owes its origin to the endeavor of the author to provide a teaching aid
for Seminar classes engaged in the study of the style of mediaeval chronicles. As
an expedient of literary research, it is designed to guide graduate students
through the densely wooded forest of Ornaments of style (colores rhetorici).

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THE
MISSISSIPPI mLLEY
HISTORICAL REVIEW

A JOURNAL OF AMERICAN HISTORY

de)

Vol. XXXI, NO. 4

MARCH. 1945

PROJECTS IN AMERICAN HISTORY AND

CüLTURE 499

WILLIAM EATON 'S RELATIONS WITH

AARON BURR

Louis B. Wrioiit and .Tttlia II. Macleod 523

THE LOG OP THE HENRY M. SHREVE

TO FORT BENTON IN 1869
William .T. Petersen 537

CLIO AND THE CAMERA Clayton S. Ellswortii 579

TEACHERS' SECTION Philip D. Jordan 579

BOOK REVIEWS 593

HISTORICAL NEWS AND COMMENTS 645

Publisbed Quarterly

THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTOEICAIi ASSOCIATION

mm:',

THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTORICAL REVIEW

PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY THE

Mississippi Valley Historical Association

EDITORIAL BOARD

EvERETT E. Edwards, Department of Agricvlture
George M. Stephenson, üniversity of Minnesota
Frank H. Garver, üniversity of Southern California
James L. Sellers, Üniversity of Nebraska
James C. Malin, üniversity of Kansas
William T. Morgan, Indicma üniversity
Edward C. Kirkland, Bowdoin College
Paul H. Clyde, Duke üniversity

Managvng Editor — Louis Pelzer, State üniversity of Iowa
Editorial Assistant — Mildred Throne
Editorial Assistant — Leola Nelson Bergmann

GUARANTOR

Mark Morton, Chicago

PATRON

Mark Morton, Chicago

OFFICERS OF THE ASSOCIATION

President Secretary-Treasurer

William C. Binkley, Mrs. Clarence S. Paine,

Vanderhilt üniversity Lincoln 2, Nebraska

Correspondence concerning contributions, books for reviow, and all editorial mat-
ters should be addressed to Louis Pelzer, Managing Editor, State üniversity of Iowa,
Iowa City. Annual membership dues are $5.00. Student membership dues are $3.00
annually. Correspondence concerning membership dues and all business matters should
be addressed to the Secretary, Mrs. Clarence S. Paine, Lincoln, 2, Nebraska. The
Bbvibw is sent to all members of the Association. Single numbers and back files
may be obtained from the Secretary.

The Mississippi Valley Historical Association disclaims responsibility for State-
ments, whether of fact or of opinion, made by contributors.

Entered as second-class matter, May 22, 1914, at the post office in Cedar Bapids,
Iowa, and Lincoln, 1, Nebraska, under the Act of August 24, 1912.

.^Hv-' '

.-^v^<^?:^'

t¥!:

■■ '-./;.:: ■:

^^^^if'fr yi

THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY
HISTORICAL REVIEW

Vol. XXXI. No. 4

March, 1945

CONTENTS
Projects in American History and Culture

. 499

William Eaton 's Relations with Aaron Burr. By Louis B.

Wright and Julia H. Macieod 523

Notes and Documents

The Log of the Henry M. Shreve to Fort Benton in 1869. By William J. Petersen

Teachers' Section. Edited by Philip D. Jordan.

Clio and the Camera. By Clayton S. Ellsworth ......

News and Notes ...........

Book Reviews ...........

Book Reviews

Freeman, Lee's Lieutenants, Vol. Ill, by James W. Patton ...

■ Brooks, The World of Washington Irving, by Merle Curti ...

Morgan, Edward Bellamy, by Chester McA. Destier ....

Haines, The Role of the Supreme Court in American Government and Politics, 1789
1835, by Fletcher M. Green .......

McInnis, The War: Fourth Year, by Wayne E. Stevens ....

Roseboom, The Civil War Era, 1850-1873, Vol. IV, History of the State of Ohio, by
Alfred P. James .........

Daniels, The Wilson Era: Years of Peace — 1910-1917, by Edgar E. Robinson .

Lawson, Für: A Study in English Mercantilism, 1700-1775, by William T. Morgan

Patrick, Jefferson Davis and His Cabinet, by Kenneth M. Stampp

Duncan and Nickels, Mentor Graham: The Man Who Taught Lincoln, by R. Carlyl
Buley ..........

Dunaway, The Scotch-Irish of Colonial Pennsylvania, by Paul H. Giddens

Wriston, Strategy of Peace, and Craig, The Second Chance, by Julian P. Bretz

Field, Bernard Baruch: Park Bench Statesman, by George E. Mowry .

Hebert, Fighting Joe Hooker, by Jay Monaghan .....

Henry, "First with the Most" Forrest, by Sylvester D. Luby

Kobre, The Development of the Colonial Newspaper, by Viola F. Barnes

McGann, Nat'tvism in Kentucky to 1860, by J. T. Dorris ....

Bergmann, Music Master of the Middle West: The Story of F. Melius Christiansen
and the St. Olaf Choir, by Carl Wittke ......

Jafife, Men of Science in America, by Walter B. Hendrickson .

Rodgers, American Botany, 1873-1892, and Rafinesque, A Life of Travels, by John
W. Oliver ..........

Sigerist, Civilization and Disease, by Philip D. Jordan ....

Footner, Rivers of the Eastern Shore: Seventeen Maryland Rivers, by Rhea A. Taylor

Brogan, The American Char acter, by Solomon W. Rudy ....

Book Notes ....
HiSTORicAL News and Comments
Directory of Contributors .

537

579
584
588

593
594

596

598
599

600
602

603
604

605
607
608
609
610
611
612
613

614
615

616
618
619
620

621
645
662

PROJECTS IN AMERICAN HISTORY AND CULTURE *

I. Introduction and Preface

A resolution of April 22, 1943, of the Mississippi Valley His-
torical Association directed the appointment of a committee of
five to seven **to propose and to formulate in detail a series of
projects in American history and culture and to report to the
Executive Committee of the Association. ' ' The Committee held
a brief preliminary meeting at St. Louis in April of 1944. A
second session of the Conamittee met in Chicago early in June
foUowing and worked in close Cooperation with the Committee
on Policy. Members of both committees met in Chicago in
November to discuss revisions and to plan for the final form of

the report.

Each age writes its own history, not only for and of its own
times but that of other eras. New fields are discovered, others
reworked, and others may be left to lie f allow. New viewpoints
and social changes not only affect the method but the content of
the Output of historical writing. The adjectives *sociaP and *cul-
turaP have modified the substance and method of the older ap-
proaches to history — political, constitutional, biographical, and

economic.

Materials and subjects of today would have been undreamed
of in the time of Jared Sparks. Francis Parkman saw little of
the social lif e of the civilization and time he portrayed. The Civil
War gave to military history and political events a momentum
which has not yet subsided. McMaster's history of the people
made a more rightful place for the common man. The Boswells
of various kinds joined the ranks of historical scholars.

These f ounding f athers of the American historical craf t were
more individualistic than their successors. The huge increase
of printed and manuscript material, the growth of historical
agencies, a larger reading public, and the rise of the historical

♦ A grant to the Association from the Rockefeller Foundation made this study
possible and is gratefully acknowledged.

499

634

THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY HISTOEICAL REVIEW

judgments. Tillman is joined to his age more than in The Tülman Move-
ment, but the focus is strictly on Tillman, and on South Carolina politics
in Tillman 's time. There is not even allusion to the ante-bellum decline
of Charleston, or to the earlier strife between Tidewater and Piedmont.
The reader is free to compare Tillman with his contemporaries and suc-
cessors and to consider the problem which they present ; it may be better
so in a biography.

Befitting the book 's importance, it is f or the most part clear and read-
able. Occasional labored usages, such as ref erring to Tillman as ''the
Edgefield casuist,*' 'Hhe f armer," **the Edgefield man," '*the Edgefield
agitator," ''our cornfield lawyer," *'the Pitehfork Senator," do not
dominate the style. Mr. Simkins has contributed both color and scrupu-
lously aecurate detail to the record of American politics.

üniversity of North Carolina Earl S. Pomeeoy

My Aunt Louisa and Woodrow Wilson. By Margaret Axson Elliott.
(Chapel Hill: üniversity of North Carolina Press, 1944. 302 pp. $3.00.)

This book will not please dry-as-dust historians (if such there be),
but it will be read with delight by those who believe that the bare bones
of historic fact are more attractive covered by the flesh and blood of
humor and human understanding. This is not a weighty treatise. It
ignores such encumbrances as footnotes, bibliography, and index. It is
definitely designed for the lighter moments of serious readers.

Aunt Louisa and Woodrow Wilson receive due attention in the book,
but it is really the book of Margaret Axson. The reader comes away
from it with a very kindly feeling for ''Mis' Louisa 's little girl," whose
coUisions with the granite of Aunt Louisa 's Calvinism were never em-
bittered with hatred, because she feit instinctively the love which drove
Aunt Louisa in her untiring efforts to save this particular brand from
the burning.

Perhaps it is this childhood Immersion in Calvinism which enables her
to write so understandingly of her brother-in-law. It is here that Mrs.
Elliott renders real Service to historians. Woodrow Wilson is in danger
of becoming the great martyr to his devoted f oUowers, or the devil incar-
nate to his equally fervent enemies. To this clear-eyed author, who
obviously adored him, he is neither.

She appreciates the sense of humor which made him a delightful com-
panion; she understands the warm human interest which made him
populär with all sorts of people. She understands the handicap of being
*'submerged by petticoats." There were entirely too many women around
him, and he had too little masculine companionship. Even as a young
girl in the Wilson household, she saw Woodrow Wilson 's loss of the com-

BOOK REVIEWS

635

mon touch which was his eventual undoing. Better than most of his
contemporaries also she interprets the strict Calvinistic background
which made him a man with an unswerving attachment to right and
duty — a man who could break, but who could not bend. The author 's
touch is light, but the underlying tragedy is clear.

Alabama State College for Women Hallie Farmer

Modern Political Phüosophies a/nd What They Mean. By Louis
Wasserman. The New Home Library. (Philadelphia, Pa. : The Blakistone
Co., 1944. viii + 255 pp. 69^.) There has long been the need for a
Short, inexpensive, and objective summary of the competing social
phüosophies which are at grips in the world today. Such a need Mr.
Wasserman has set out to supply. He has given us summaries of nine-
teen different philosophies, some, like Liberalism, Fascism, and Com-
munism, affecting the daily lives of all Citizens; others, like Anarchism
or the Single Tax, of mostly historical interest.

The author has also set out to give us the historical background and
setting of each political philosophy. It seems doubtful whether the roots
of all of these different philosophies lie, as the author seems to believe,
in the struggle of the middle classes against feudal ties. Thus in his
discussion on democracy any reference to the idea of the limitation of
government affecting both rulers and Citizens alike is entirely omitted.
We get nothing about the supremacy of law, the essence of limited
government, to which the early champions against absolutism looked for
protection, and which they recaptured from the Middle Ages. Nor is the
author very clear about the meaning of populär sovereignty. To include
the doctrine of **checks and balances" under that head is to misunder-
stand the fundamental idea behind the Constitution, the idea of limited
government, a concept which, contrasted to the idea of populär sov-
ereignty, would allow an appeal from **the people drunk to the people
sober. ' ' Wasserman is at his best when discussing such theories as Com-
munism, Anarchism, and Fascism, which are the products of the Indus-
trial Revolution and which can be analyzed in terms of class struggles.
The concept of competing social classes underlies all of the author 's
analyses. Thus other influences are excluded, such as the influence of
science on Proudhon's anarchism. The book presents on the whole a
useful compendium of the major political theories of the present day in
their historical context. Whenever one of these theories is prominently
represented in one country or another, we get a brief description of that
philosophy as it manifests itself in that country. At the end of the book
there is a brief compendium of the govemments of the world. Extensive
readings accompany each chapter.

State üniversity of Iowa . George L. Mossb

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Dear Prof« Mosse

This is to acknowledge the receipt of the review which you have been
so kind as to send to this Journal.

Very truly yours,

^ BOYD C. Shafer,

Managing Editor.

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t TH ISSIDE OFCAR

POSTAL CARD

Prof. George L. Mosse
Bascom Hall
Univ. of Wisconsin
Madison 6, Wisc.

The American Historical Review

400 A Street, Southeast
Washington 3, D. C.

Dear Professor Mosse:

Thank you for your book review. It will appear in the

October, 1959,

Review.

Very truly yours,

^D C. Shafer,
Managing Editor.

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Department of History
University of Wisconsin
Madison, Wis,

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400 A Street, Southeast-
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Dear Professor Hosse:

This is to acknowledge the receipt of the review which you have been
so kind as to send to this Journal. '

Very^truly yours

J^'^Ct^^*.^

BOYD C. Shafer,
Managing Editor.

( THIS SIDE OF CARD iS FOR ADDRF

Professor George L, Mosse
Department of HLstory
TJniversity of Wisconsin
Madison, Wisconsin

POSTAL CARD

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George L« Mosse
Department orHistc«?y
University of ««'isconsin
Madison, Wisconsin

POSTAL CARD

In his preface to the book, Sir Isiah Berlin Claims that it eonstitutes
^M a notable addition to the rainiürun infomation needed to tinderstand

how men in the West came to be what they are. There can be no qiiarrell

with the importance of romanticism, or with the scope of »^analysis
promised by this book: f^om romantic ideas of progress and diSBBohantment,
throiigh their malady of the soul to the emphasis on love and friendship#
HowevePt within the book this large Vision is sharply contracted, Hr#
Schenk* s method is partly repoBsible; the problems of romanticism are
illiistrated through "pen portraits" of the ^friters selected as examples#
No analysis in depth is provided» This method is related to the book 's
purpose, which is to provide an introduction to the movement» A by product
of this aim is both over simplif ication and a didacticism which jarrs
the reader»

The essence of romanticism is said to consist in the tension between
nihilism and a yeamlng for faith» Fx. Schenk judges his romantics with
the yardstick of orthodox Christianity, and nihilism denotes the abscence
of such*^faith« Small wonder that he misses the importance of the occult
for the rokantics, and slights their concept of myth and Symbols • Romantic
egoism is emphasised, but their efforts at reintigration are left dang»
ling; an unfullfiUable ambition leading either to pessimism or psycho=s
logical def ormity» Saaal wondey-thax the book is but silent aboutromantic
political thou^t and fails to discuss their concept of the community#
While National Messianism is discussed, Adam MickAewicz provides the

part

the romantic mind , is never i^lated to National Ilessianism in order
to explain romantic politics* The political dimension is missing, and
perhaps this is the reason why De Ilaistre and Bonald are read out
of the romantic movement in summary fashion»

Within the narrowed Vision oÄromantic individualisn this book can
provideVinteresting insights, and most of the exaiaples are taken xrom
men and women who orized their slngularity, For the neccecsary
minimum information on romanticism it is better to t\im elsewere,
this book is both too narrowly conceived and too subjective in order
to satisfy this need»

George L« Hosse

Univers ity of V/isconsin

W'^'^'^ri'^IW^^^^M^ff^M'mm

Reviews

THE WRITING OF AMERICAN HISTORY*

Eisenstadt's study of Charles McLean Andrews and his work
attempts to present the ideas and substance of his historicai writings,
the relation of Andrews' contribution to the new scientific school of
American colonial history, and to determine to what extent his colonial
history was part of the social thought of his lifetime.

The study is based on the works of Andrews, the general body
of relevant writings of historiography, works which paralleled the
subjects Andrews was interested in, and Andrews' papers. The product
is a book-length review of all of Andrews' publications, plus Andrews'
and Eisenstadt's reviews of the contemporary reviews — a large task
for a small book. Any attempt to condense or abstract from it usually
comes out as a quotation.

Eisenstadt credits Andrews with putting the "colonial" back into
"American colonial history." We so commonl) think of early Amer-
ican history in the way Andrews wrote it, as the history of a part
of the British Empire, that it takes something of a mental effort
to adjust to the pre-Andrews way of looking at it. This, the reviewer
thinks, is the chief effect of Andrews' career, and no slight one, since
it revolutionized the writing of early American history.

The revolutionist was trained in the Johns Hopkins graduate
school, and studied under Herbert Baxter Adams, Richard T. Ely,
J. Franklin Jameson, and Woodrow Wilson. As a first year Student
he wrote to his mother, "There is unfortunately the universal tendency
to specialize . . . to the detriment . . . of a broad general culture."
But when he found that he could contribute creatively to this culture
instead of merely sponging on it he changed his mind, as have so
many others of his years. Vide the second year's comment: "It is
wonderful, the influence this University has upon a fellow. It seems
to develop the faintest germ of ability ..." The account of Andrews
as a graduate Student also affords a glimpse of Herbert Baxter Adams
as the "captain of historicai industry" (or, perhaps, Proconsul of
the German Intellectual Empire).

So far as the book concems Andrews the man, it is a delight.
It is a description of the work of a man who took the reading,
writing, and teaching of history as worthy of his best efforts. Since
his best was very good this flatters the rest of us by dignifying our
craft. But when Eisenstadt leaves Andrews, the man and his work,
he embarks upon a sea of primitivist "philosophy" and the going gets

♦ A. S. Eisenstadt: Charles McLean Andrews. A Study in American His-
toricai Writing. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1956. Pp. xx, 273.
$5.00.)

381

382

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

rough. The theme of the analytical part of the study is that Andrews,
Maitland, Mcllwain, Osgood, Stubbs, Gardiner, G. B. Adams, et al.
represent only a phase of the history of history, between the eider
romantic or partisan writers and the younger relativist historians.
( Incidentally, the reviewer doubts that more than a small fraction of
living practitioners write history as an act of faith and believe that
every man should be his own historian.) The author sees the genera-
tion of Andrews as possessing the legacy of Ranke, seasoned with
Positivism (Comte) and Evolution (Darwin). This generation, it
is alleged, studied society with the methods of the natural sciences,
and expected that the correct reporting of the facts would reveal
"the inner lines of historical development" — in short, they thought
of human society as an evolving organism, going ever onward and
upward, conformable to Progress as a Law of Nature. The author
also believes that when Andrews assumed a London vantage-point
for his view of early American history he was participating in the
"pan-Anglian" drawing-together of the years 1865-1914, as expressed
in the then-popular phrases "Anglo-Saxon race," "hands across the
sea,'* "blood is thicker than water" and so on. As to the "science"
in their method, Eisenstadt agrees that the "scientific" historians did
not practice special pleading so much as Bancroft before or Beard
after, but, nevertheless, they were advocates. The author's whole
view seems admirably Condensed in the notion that "the scientific
ideal opened no broader avenue to the truth of the past" than did
the pietism of Bancroft or the relativism of Beard and Becker.

On these points the reviewer must say that he has read The
Colonial Period of American History twice, with as much care as
he is capable of, and has been sufficiently obtuse not to notice that
it was an ex parte case for the Law of Progress. Andrews was not
necessarily an uncritical Anglophile ; it happens that the Public Record
Office is in England for historical reasons. The Statement of the
relative validity of the hyper-patriotic, scientific, and relativist schools
can not be proved. It is a paraphrase of a postulate derived from
metaphysics; the historian can only affirm or deny. This one chooses
to err in Company with Maitland.

This whoily disagreeable reviewer can not agree that we have
inherited our antique trade from a succession of "schools," each as
good as the other for our purposes, but perversely asserts that there
is only one school of entirely respectable historians, and they are
neither propagandists nor relativists. They do not consciously produce
fiction for patriots nor propaganda for politicians. If a man wishes
to do so he can make up his own set of axioms and postulates for
an imaginary science, and have a good deal of private intellectual
pleasure in contriving a System within his self-made limits, but he
has no more claim to be taken seriously than have stamp collectors
or yacht racers. Either there is a well-rounded hope of arriving
at an approximation of the truth about the past or we historians
ought to quit deluding ourselves, each other, our students, our bene-

REVIEWS

383

factors, and our trustees, and tum to some socially-justifiable exploita-
tion of the imagination such as writing lyric poetry, novels or analyses
of election retums. Any other position makes us lobbyists or press
agents at best, and potterers or hobbyists at worst.

In justice it should be added that the author oflFers a very well-
balanced Statement, giving the arguments for and against the views of
Andrews* generation very fairly. The index was hardly worth printing,
being scanty and selective. "Andrews and His Age, 1863-1943"
(p. xv-xx), is an illuminating interweaving of his monuments with
others. For example, Bancroft's last edition appeared in the year
before Andrews graduated from College, and his graduation occurred
in the year of the founding of the American Historical Association.
Part of the bibliography is a useful list of Andrews* works.

It would be a very good thing for graduate students — at least
those graduate students who wish to do more than meet the quantitative
requirements for a materially unrewarding, middle class job — to read
Chapter Two, "Portrait of the Historian as a Young Man," and then
to meditate on the text (p. 37) "The new history was not for esthetes
and romantics, it was for men of cold, sober sense.*'

—Marshall Smelser

WOODROW WILSON AND THE NEW FREEDOM*

1. Probably the hardest kind of American history to write is the
biography of a political leader. Arthur Link seems to be succeeding
where so many have failed chiefly because he writes well, using strong
words to describe adequately studied events. This second volume of
his life of Woodrow Wilson moves along smoothly without efforts at
artificial suspense. It is strictly a biography and the main character
is not lost behind a mass of unrelated details. Link's Wilson is always
a strong personality, strong-willed yet with touches of tendemess
shown in such instances as the account of the death of his first wife.
Wilson is also the professor in politics who leamed — as much as he
could unbend — that in politics one must compromise.

Wilson apparently feit that he could not properly begin as President
if he left unfinished his work in New Jersey, but he found that the
New Jersey politicians knew that he had moved away. Link has shown
quite well that the professor leamed from the professional politicians,
such as Albert Burlescn, that the game of politics is won only by
politicians in the good sense of that term. Wilson was not a good
politician because he did not know how to yield. Probably he never
really compromised with his Presbyterian conscience either in New

*1. Arthur S. Link: Wilson: the New Freedom. (Pn'nceton: Princeton
University Press, 1956. Pp. ix, 504. $7.50.)

2. Edward H. Buehrig: Woodrow Wilson and the Balance of Power.
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1955. Pp. x, 325. $5.00.)

384

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

Jersey or in Washington and, perhaps, that was his chief weakness.
Gompromise is not in itself evii if the Clements of the compromise are
all good. This was shown in the tariff reforms, in the eventual Clayton
Act, and in the Federal Reserve Bill. The good politician must leam
to see good in other people. In his dealings with reform, in his Mexican
Intervention, and especially in his dealings with Germany and England
in the first years of the World War, Wilson's actions were not fully
what he professed to be doing. In this Wilson did not really compro-
mise; he simply carried out his own ideas as far as he could and let
matters go at that. He never admitted an error.

Link makes Wilson a professional reformer who wanted to re-
establish the dignity of the Presidency. As President he did improve
the recognition of the Executive in relation to Congress. But much
of the character of the reforms of the first administration were beyond
what Wilson intended. In his foreign policy, Wilson came to the
Presidency with the ordinary American public man's lack of experi-
ence in foreign aflfairs. He was interested, even partisan, in the
European conflicts and definitely made sure that the United States
did not give aid or comfort to Germany. That Germany aided our en-
trance into the war on the side of the Allies by bad policies is also true,
but Wilson would never have allowed the nation to be on the side of
Germany. In this as in so many of his public acts, Link shows us
a Wilson who was egotistical and stemly seif opinionated, basically
partisan but with a Puritan conviction of self-righteousness. In most
of his acts, his righteousness was justifiable but he did have the
prejudices of the Anglo-Saxon-Protestant-white tradition. Link teils
an interesting story and keeps the narrative moving without contrived
dramatics.

2. Edward Buehrig in his Woodrow Wilson and the Balance of
Power appears to make the factors determining Wilson's policies in
the first World War partly the diplomatic traditions and experiences
of the United States of the nineteenth Century and partly the experi-
ences of the leaders of the nation during the early years of the war.
He seems to agree with Link that Wilson never had any Intention
of going to war on the side ot Germany but mentions the insincerity
of Wilson only incidentally. The reader is left with the Impression
that Wilson was not the real master of the course of American
diplomatic action and that he was greatly influenced by Lansing.
Buehrig considers the policies of Bryan and Wilson as attempts
to carry their domestic democratic theories into international law.
Lansing and Theodore Roosevelt had more realistic ideas of national
self-govemment, which came to prevail.

Buehrig does not use the term "balance of power" in the meaning
it has had in European diplomacy but in the sense of balancing the
contending powers in Anglo-German rivalry for world power. Buehrig
really tries to prove that Wilson was merely carrying on the traditional
American diplomacy. That Wilson was the professor in international

REVIEWS

385

pohtics m the same way that he was the professor in domestic politics
seems quite true but Buehrig does not really go into the mental
processes of Wilson during the period of American neutrality. Like
Lmk, he seems to question Wilson's actual neutrality. Link, in his
next voIume, will have to show how Wilson reconciled his idealism
with this partisanship. Buehrig indicates that the force of circum-
stances brought American diplomacy into direct contact with
European politics and led to Wilson's elaboration of the notion of a
League of Nations; but his Wilson is strangely little more than a
name in this book.

Thomas T. MgAvoy, C.S.C.

^ • ^

NATIONAL PARTY PLATFORMS*

This is a welcome new edition of a valuable reference book.
In 1924, Kirk H. Porter published a compilation of the platforms
of the major parties extending through that election year. Since that
time, we have been fortunate in having quadrennial issues of party
platforms by the Government Printing Office compiled by Leroy
Brandon and William Graf. However, here we have brought together
in one volume the platforms of all true political parties from 1840
to 1956, the only such collection available.

The Compilers of this volume had to decide on a working definition
of a political party. They agreed on three basic Standards— size of
the group which claimed to be a party, the relative permanence of
the Organization, and its historical significance — and they included the
platforms of all parties that met these Standards. There are some
apparent departures from this rule in the inclusion of platforms
emerging from groups that defected from major parties, the most
prominent probably being the States's Rights Party, or "Dixiecrats,"
of 1948.

Another problem was the source of party platforms. These were
gleaned from a variety of sources but chiefly from the official pro-
ceedings of the party Conventions. Minor party platforms came from
correspondence with party leaders, from campaign literature, and
from contemporary secondary sources such as newspapers and
almanacs. The presentation of these platforms in this book follows
literally the punctuation and capitalization as contained in the par-
ticular sources. The platforms are unabridged without any attempt
at editing, except for obvious typographical errors.

In physical make-up, the arrangement is in chronological order
by campaigns beginning with that of 1840. Within each campaign
period, the platforms of the parties are presented in alphabetical

♦ Kirk H. Porter and Donald Bruce Johnson : National Party Platforms.
(Urbana: The University of Illinois Press, 1956. Pp. xi, 573. $10.00.)

386

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

Order of the parties, presumably to avoid any possibility of accusation
of favoritism. Each collection of the platforms of a campaign is
preceded by a brief background Statement from Porter and Jolmson
on the parties of that period. Other than a preface, this is the only
literary contribution of the Compilers. Of course, their true contribu-
tion is the very real one of bringing these platforms together and
making them available for scholars and others who may be interested.

— Paul G. Bartholomew

ISOLATION, YESTERDAY AND TODAY*

1. The Pierrepont Moffat diary is as much concemed with isola-
tion as is the study by Norman A. Graebner which is entitled The
New Isolationism. Graebner discusses the neo-isolation of the post-
1950 era, and MoflFat devotes most of his diary to American foreign
policy in the 1930's during the reign of the old isolation.

The diary begins with a long and most interesting account of the
author's mission after the first World War, as third secretary of
legation in Poland. Here he recalls developments in Poland as, first,
the new Polish national armies surged into the Ukraine and then
as the Bolshevik forces counterattacked and drove the Poles to the
very gates of Warsaw. There are some memorable passages here,
notably that describing the Cossack horde led by Budenny: "a new
Bolshevik army: horsemen, eight abreast, stretching as far as the
eye could 'see. He had counted ten, twenty, thirty thousand of them,
moving in a compact mass. They wore sand-grey uniforms, with
astrakhan caps, and for weapons each man carried a sabre, and had
a carbine slung across his back. They were headed northwest, with
the obvious intention of outflanking the entire Polish army at Kiew."

In Poland, Moffat was little more than an observer, and it was
in later events of the interwar period, and especially the crisis over
Czechoslovakia in 1938, that he found himself at the center of
American foreign policy. From 1937 to 1940 he was chief of the
State Department*s division of European affairs. The diary has a
fuUer treatment of the response of the United States to the Munich
crisis than one can discover anywhere eise. It does not, one should
add, alter the picture as we have previously known it. The American
govemment in the 1930*s regarded itself as an observer, a well-
intentioned but impartial observer, of European affairs. On August

♦1. Nancy Harvison Hooker, ed.: The Moffat Paper s: Selections from the
Diplomatie Journals of Jay Pierrepont Moffat. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
Univcrsity Press, 1956. Pp. xii, 408. $7.50.)

2. Norman A. Graebner: The New Isolationism: A Study in Politics and
Foreign Poliey since 1950. (New York: Ronald Press, 1956. Pp. xii, 289.
H.OO.)

REVIEWS

387

12, 1938 Moffat set down in his diary that "we saw nothing more
than to embroider on the theme of the etemal question mark of
American foreign policy, namely, that our best contribution would
be to create a doubt in the minds of Germany and Company that we
would under all circumstances stay out and at the same time to
create a doubt in the mind of England and Company that they could
count on us for direct assistance no matter what transpired. At this
moment the Secretary rang for me and took me along to the croquet
field where he had an hour and a half's game." On August 26-27,
1939, during the Polish crisis, he wrote that "These last two days have
given me the feeling of sitting in a house where somebody is dying
upstairs. There is relatively little to do and yet the suspense continues
unabated."

There were many men of intelligence in the State Department
in the 1930*s, as this diary so clearly shows; some of these men realized
only too well what was going on across the Atlantic; but because
of the uninformed nature of American public opinion there was not a
thing to do but sit in the house and wait. A spirit of isolation had
long been abroad in the United States, and it was impossible to
convince the public, not to speak of many of its most thoughtful
leaders, that what went on in Europe was very much our concem.

From reading Pierrepont Moffat's brilliantly written diary, watch-
ing its author slowly change his mind about the relation of America
to the World, with its saddening personal end in 1943 when Moffat
died in mid-career, it is something of a relief to tum to Norman A.
Graebner's new book and see the postwar neo-isolation flayed and
exposed as misinformation or downright intellectual nonsense. This
young author has doubtless taken to heart the experience of the
1930's. If he makes any mistake in dealing with neo-isolation, it is,
I think, that he is too easy with it — that he dignifies into a philosophy
and an alternative of foreign policy a motley, unassorted group of
ideas that can have few if any intellectual pretensions. This is not
to say that our present-day policy, especially in some of its verbal
aspects, is not open to improvement, but that in its main lines,
whether followed by President Truman and Secretary of State
Acheson or by President Eisenhower and Secretary Dulles, it is difficult
to see an alternative to the contemporary policy, announced in 1947,
of Containment of Communist aggression. The various improvements
offered by the neo-isolationists — such as a "strong" policy in Asia —
and other suggestions, such as abandoning Europe to its own devices,
make little sense when placed against Communist realities. Graebner
points out how, time after time, the neo-isolationists have contradicted
themselves, and that after many verbal barrages they frequently have
retreated when faced with the consequences of action. The idea of
isolation has seldom been as closely examined and compared with
international fact as Graebner has done in his book.

There are many engaging comments in The New Isolationism y such

388

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

as the following, concemed with using the atomic bomb in Asia:
"Bombing of human targets in Asia (since purely military and indus-
trial installations would be hard to find) appeared certain to alienate
hundreds of millions of Asians. It was doubtful if the coolies of
Shanghai would understand that they were being vaporized for the
brutal and sadistic treatment meted out to United States prisoners
in some distant Chinese camp." And again, this time on neutralism
in Asia— where the author "recalled the neutraHty policy of the
United States in the 1790's, and wondered why this nation would
criticize Nehm for attempting to avoid entangling alliances in 1954."
American neo-isolationism, Graebner writes, reflected five tendencies
— a concem for the domestic economy, the over-estimation of United
States power, the underestimation of the enemy, a belief in the nation's
moral superiority, and unilateralism in diplomacy. It is his purpose,
which he well fulfills, to discuss these tenets of neo-isolationism in
the frame of policy since 1950, and to show how — though sometimes
attractive in principle — each tenet led nowhere in practice.

It is not difficult to conclude from both these books that Isolation
today should be only a matter for academic discussion.

^ROBERT H. FeRRELL

THE GOLD COAST IN TRANSITION*

The Gold Coast, which became an independent State in March
1957, especially embodies the basic problem faced by the newly
emerging states in the non-West : whether democratic govemment
can be expected to prove viable divorced from the soils, experiences,
and circumstances which fostered it in the West. It is the liberal
premise (and most Asian-African nationalist leaders were educated
in the Western liberal tradition) that institutions of freedom can be
transplanted and will develop along lines which blend the best of the
Western and indigenous cultures. However, Eastem Europe between
the World wars provides ample evidence of the non-viability of
democratic forms in societies unsuited thereto. Whether a similar fate
awaits the Asian-African nations will not be evident for some time.
But in assessing their prospects for democratic success, detailed case
studies of the process whereby westem institutions were transferred
to them are vital. In this monograph Professor David Apter of
Northwestern University has provided such a study based upon re-
search and field work in the Gold Coast.

Apter*s study comprises four parts. The first emphasizes the gen-
eral problems of African democracy and insists that its "structural
devices" are means of integrating traditional, locally-based social

* David E. Apter: The Gold Coast in Transition. (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1955. Pp. xiii, 355. $5.00.)

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groupings into a meaningful national entity. The gestation pains,
however, are great, for the people of the Gold Coast are required "to
change their society at the same time that they solve its problems"
(p. 10). Part II outlines the history, geography, and economic prob-
lems of the country. Part III, the heart of the volume, takes up
indigenous (religiously oriented) political Organization, the British
System of indirect rule, nationalism, the structure of modern (secular)
govemment, the legislature and politics. In Part IV are two chapters
dealing with the theory of institutional transfer and the future of
Gold Coast democracy. Finally, there is appended a methodological
note outlining Apter's use of Weber's, Parsons', and Levy's theoretical
approaches in this study.

The Gold Coast in Transition is a valuable analysis of the political
processes involved in institutional transfer. The author has patiently
fitted diverse bits of Information and personal Observation into an
Overall framework. However, his comparisons of modern Gold Coast
institutions and the details of their westem prototypes are not always
as exact in terms of these prototypes as they might be. For instance,
his characterization of the process of designating a prime minister and
cabinet under the 1950 Constitution as "modified but similar . . .
to English custom" (p. 187) does not take into consideration that
this Gold Coast procedure has actually greater similarity to French
practice under the Fourth Republic with separate votes by the legis-
lature for the prime minister and the cabinet — a factor which may
have considerable relevance for future governmental stability. Further-
more, Apter's literary style frequently leads the reader to suspect that
the author is a sociologist masquerading in political scientist's costume.
The value of his work is somewhat diminished by its verbose attempts
at an impossibly scientific exactness. However, the reader who struggles
valiantly through this cumbersome mal-communication will find the
effort rewarding.

Three basic themes run through Apter's analysis: (1) The British
policy of indirect rule, the attempt to govem through indigenous tribal
structures, contained inherent contradictions. It shifted the basis of
chieftain authority from traditional norms to the Crown, and it made
no Provision for the absorption of the Westem-educated, new elite
into the System, thus setting them against both chiefs and British.
(2) The nationalist movement historically operated in this vacuum,
but under the "charismatic" leadership of Kwame Nkrumah in the
late 1940's, it tumed to the urban masses instead of limiting its
appeal to the African professional classes who had previously sup-
ported a more gradual approach to self-govemment. (3) Nkrumah,
having succeeded in attaining first (1950) an African dominated
legislature and cabinet and later (1954) self-govemment, is now
attempting to give the allen structure of parliamentary democracy
populär acceptance. However, traditional local govemment, having
withered from its absorption into the British administrative System,

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must now be revivified. But Apter argues that once the new national
govemment is viable, the revivification of local political life can occur
within the framework of secular rather than chieftain politics.

Traditional loyalties and allegiances in the Gold Goast were local;
the concept of Gold Goast nationality is recent and limited in impact.
But social and economic development had provided many people with
new roles to play and created new social groups excluded by kinship
structures from tribal political authority. Only when a new sense
of national membership, the product of nationalist agitation, had
appeared, was a national, non-traditional or secular, govemment
established under African control. The established pattem of routine
in its Offices served to educate the new political class in the require-
ments of secular govemment. And this educative role of alien
institutions constitutes, perhaps, the basic hope for the success of
democracy in such places as the Gold Goast.

It has been, however, the "charismatic" character of Nkrumah's
leadership which has enabled these parliamentary institutions to
replace, in even partial populär acceptance, the traditional System
of Chiefs distorted though it was by indirect rule. "Gharisma" was a
necessary ingredient in this process, but its presence is incompatible
with the successful Operation of parliamentary govemment over the
long run for it focuses attention upon the man rather than the System.
Should democratic govemment be unable to solve the Gold Goast's
economic problems after independence then, Apter maintains, the
totalitarian tendencies of certain segments of the nationalist move-
ment might assert themselves. Thus, the author's principal contribu-
tion to the constitutional discussions going on in the Gold Goast today
(and which are likely to go on for some time after independence
even though a Constitution is in force at the time sovereignty is
granted) is to urge upon Nkrumah and the Gonvention Peoples'
Party that the traditional authorities be more actively associated with
secular govemment than the nationalist movement has hitherto been
willing to admit. At the local level their immense prestige would
allow the mobilization of people and resources for development proj-
ects dependent primarily upon labor (for example, roads, good agri-
cultural practices, etc. ) . And at the national level their identification
with the secular System in an honorific capacity would give an added
Clement of prestige and legitimacy to the secular System and would,
perhaps, undercut some of the opfK)sition to it on the part of tradi-
tional Clements. Thus the dependency of modern secular govemment
upon p)ersonal "charisma" would be diminished and, by blending the
traditional with the modern, democracy's success in the Gold Goast
would be furthered.

— Edward R. O'Connor

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391

POLITICAL PARTIES, POLITICAL SCIENCE,
AND SOCIOLOGY*

1. The study of political parties is now, indeed, Coming into its
own. Not so long ago some of us had to emphasize that political
parties are not necessarily monsters but that, in fact, they occupy a
necessary place in the politics of democracy. During the last decade
several serious volumes on the subject have been published, and now
Sigmund Neumann, an old band in the field, has joined forces with
a number of outstanding experts to present a composite picture of
political parties the world over. His aim is a more realistic study
than has been made in the past. The emphasis is to be on the actual
processes of decision-making rather than on any "merely formal,
legalistic, and constitutional approach."

Neumann and his coUaborators attack the issue on geographic
lines, although they are guided by a systematic analysis when they
draw the major line of distinction between democratic and totalitarian
parties. Still, the question arises whether the treatment of democratic

*1. Sigmund Neumann, ed.: Modern Political Parties: Approaches to
Compcrative Politics. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1956. Pp. xii,
460. $7.50.)

2. Michael P. Fogarty: Christian Democracy in Western Europe, 1820-
195S. (Nctre Dame: Univeisity of Notre Dame Press, 1957. Pp. xviii, 461.
$6.75.)

3. Helmut Unkelbach: Grundlagen der Wahlsystematik: Stabilitätsbe-
dingungen der parlamentarischen Demokratie. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1956. Pp. 215. 12.80 DM.)

4. Dankwart A. Rustow: The Politics of Compromise: A Study of Parties
and Cabinet Government in Sweden. (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1955. Pp. xi, 257. $5.00.)

5. Rudolf Wiidenmann: Partei und Fraktion: Ein Beitrag zur Analyse
der Politischen Willensbildung und des Parteiensystems in der Bundesrepublik.
(Meisenheim am Clan: Westkulturverlag Anton Hain, 1954. Pp. 210. 16
DM.)

6. Fran^ois Goguel : Le regime politique frangais: Les mecanismes de la
democratie parlementaire. (Paris: fiditions du Seuil, 1955. Pp. 144. 390 fr.)

7. Frangois Goguel, ed.: Nouvelles £tudes de Sociologie ßlectorale.
(Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1954. Pp. xii, 214.)

8. Maurice Duverger, ed.: Partis politiques et classes sociales en France.
(Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1955. Pp. 332. 975 fr.)

9. Ramon Infiesta: Derecho Constitucional. (La Habana: Taüeres de
Editorial Lex, 1954. Pp. xvii, 456.)

10. Nobutaka Ikc: Japanese Politics: An Introductory Survey. (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1957. Pp. xiv, 300, ix. $4.00 text, $5.50 trade.)

11. Chitoshi Yanaga: Japanese People and Politics. (New York: John
Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1956. Pp. ix, 408. $7.50.)

12. The Anti-Stalin Campaign and International Communism. A Selection
of Documents Edited by the Russian Institute, Columbia University. (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1956. Pp. 338.)

392

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parties under geographica! headings is the answer to the problem
Is not the result of this procedura a mere juxtaposition rather than
a true comparison of types? The chapter headings, to be sure, suggest
a directive of the editor encouraging his contributors to take each
country as the representative of certain systematic characteristics. Yet,
one wonders whether it might not have been better to deal with
types of parties regardless of countries — such as the two-party Systems
(with the obvious variations between the Enghsh and American
Version) and then, in the other democratic nations, the multiple-
party System, characterized by Social Democratic, Christian Demo-
cratic, Liberal parties, agrarian parties, and the like. Such an approach
might more easily have led to a general theory of political parties,
showing the general features common to all democratic parties as
well as the reason for, and the results of, a deviation from the pattem
revealed by a "pure" theory of political parties.

The contributions dealing with various countries are, however,
interesting in their own right even if some of them suff er from the defect
that their authors, having dealt with their subject at greater length
before, naturally summarize, in the main, their earlier publications.
Still, there are advantages in having an overall survey of the party
Systems of the world, and the reader will be particularly grateful for
chapters dealing with countries not always treated in readily available
volumes such as the older Commonwealth nations, Belgium, and
Scandinavia.

Neumann's own treatment of Germany is written with both color
and vigor. On one occasion, he comes close to that functional theory
of political parties which has been implied in systematic analyses of
the parliamentary govemment as presented by Bagehot and Lowell,
and which E. E. Schattschneider has brilliantly adapted to American
conditions. Speaking of German splinter parties Neumann writes:
"They contradicted the essential function of political parties whose
major task is the Integration of special interests into a political whole"
(p. 364).

If the task of political parties is to be Integration the questlon
arises what importance political form has in either shifting them
into that direction or keeping them away from it. Neumann is strongly
influenced by contemporary sociology, which is inclined to deny
a priori that the institutions of what James Madison calls "the rep-
resentative republic" could "break and control the violence of faction."
For most sociologists social forces operate by themselves; they postulate
a vacuum where the political scientist sees political institutions in a
major control function. Madison considered the majority System of
voting the most potent weapon of such control. Neumann apparently
tends to minimize, if not to exclude, this control function; he does
not ask how parties can be shifted into Channels in which they could
provide for "the Integration of special interests into a political whole."

Inevitably, Neumann follows the contemporary sociologist into

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393

somewhat fatalistic conclusions. It was, for example, "a total crisis
which was at the base of Weimar's breakdown." Actually, of course,
a variety of factors was involved. Hut should we not, in approaching
them, do what the economist does in dealing with the problem of
"imputation" : apply the method of Variation and try to determine
what happens when one of the major variables changes? Let us, for
example, assume that Dr. Brüning had found it possible to devalue
the German mark in 1930 or 1931. Would not then what Keynes
calls the "cumulative downward trend of prices" have come to an
end, and with it the growing distress of workers, farmers, in fact, the
nation as a whole? That added impetus to misery and despair which
another year or two of "deflation" provided would have been absent
and chances are that the Weimar Republic would have survived.

This does not mean that other variables did not have their
importance. Neumann mentions such typical splinter parties as
the "Economic Party of the German Middle Classes." This group
would not only have been easily controlled under a majority System,
but even a somewhat limited System of proportional representation,
such as applied in the elections to the Weimar National Assembly,
would have sufficed to take most of the steam out of it. Is it not
preferable to discuss the effects of such variables one by one rather
than to speak of "total" crisis?

These remarks are prompted by the hope that Neumann's con-
tinuing research in the subject of political parties will, to an increasing
extent, be guided by a vigorous confrontation of the various systematic
points involved. Meanwhile, no one will ignore that the volume is
interesting as it is; this brief review cannot begin to indicate the
wealth of material which it contains.

2. If we ask for types of parties regardless of countries, and bear
in mind the fundamental difference which, in this respect, exists
between the Anglo-Saxon nations and those of Continental Europe
(as well as of Latin America!), the Christian-Democratic parties
have, of late, assumed a practica! importance to which theory has
paid scant attention. Here Fogarty steps in. As an economist, he
is familiär with statistics and finds it easy to summarize essential
facts in figures which eliminate dispute. When, for example, he
mentions (p. 295) that, between 1951 and 1954, Christian Democratic
parties had a total of 890 seats in the parliaments of eight Western
European countries, followed by the Social Democrats with 530 and
the Communists with 344, this should suffice to cstablish the import-
ance of the subject with which he deals. He does not write as a
political scientist and is more interested in the social manifestations
of the Christian Democratic movement than in its specifically political
expression. That fact is, however, highly interesting in itself. Any
number of writers have, in recent years, emphasized the deep lines
of division which, in their opinion, separate the parties of the countries
in question from one another. These divisions, it is added, are the

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"deeper" reason for political instability. Fogarty sees that, under
certain conditions, the Christian social movements might do without
Christian Democratic political parties, and he has much to say on
the considerable decline in the difference between, in particular,
Christian Democratic and Social Democratic parties which has taken
place since the Second World War.

Fogarty's book presents a completely fresh approach to the subject.
Not only are the Christian Democratic parties of Europe, regardless
of country, dealt with much more as a whole than they have been
dealt with by any other writer, but this is done against the background
of the British party System which suggests many interesting points
of contrast and comparison. There may be gaps so far as the syste-
matic study of political parties (and of the constitutional System
within which they operate) is concemed. However, any attempt to
fill this gap will find the going ever so much easier after Fogarty has
brought so much material together, and presented it in such bright
and attractive colors.

3. The Cardinal aspect of political parties is their integrating
function in regard to what John Locke called "the variety of views
and the contrariety of opinions which prevails in all collected bodies
of men." Alexander Hamilton has emphasized that much depends
upon the "proper Channels of govemment." In the case of political
parties, the most important Channels are those which confront the
social material of a country's political System at the lowest point,
where the people themselves, in free and competitive elections, decide
who is to obtain power. Here Systems of voting provide for Channels
which difFer radically from one another. Their discussion has now
been tackled by a writer whose background is in the field of the
natural sciences. Helmut Unkelbach, whose original field was pure
mathematics, was forced into the guided missile field during the
Second World War, where he was the author of major innovations.
When the war ended he found himself, as so many nuclear scientists
did in this country, in open rebellion against a political order which
diverted potentially constructive energies into avenues of pure destruc-
tion, much as conditions differed in this country from that those of
Nazi Germany. Unkelbach sacrificed a brilliant career for the purpose
of helping to find a Solution to this problem. The course of his
research in that field has led him ever more strongly into the study
of electoral Systems and their influence on party formation. He was
Struck by the fact that even in the confused Situation of 1932 a clear
majority of the German electorate indicated its aversion to a Nazi
dictatorship. Ever since he has asked himself how that aversion could
have been made effective, and how a positive orientation could be
encouraged in the future. The present book is the final culmination
of his work. Theory has most aptly been mixed with practical Observa-
tion, as no one has been closer to the Operation of both govemment
and parties in the Bonn Bundestag than has the author.

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395

The book has two purposes. The first is to define the problem in
the precise language of the mathematician, who finds it hard to submit
to the sloppy type of argument so frequently encountered in the social
sciences. The second is to show the dynamics not only of "pure"
electoral Systems but also of their various combinations. Unkelbach
is particularly concemed with a condition where a multiple-party
System already exists and virtually excludes the retum to the majority
System and the task is to avoid the most serious drawbacks of pure
P.R. He shows that something fairly effective and not too unsatis-
factory can be done in that difficult field if the premises are clearly
defined and a given political Situation is realistically analyzed.

Unkelbach's book contains also a brief summary (pp. 145-7)
of a lecture given by Professor Alexander Rüstow of the University
of Heidelberg on "The Constitution of the State Regarded as a
Moral Institution." Rüstow, now Professor of Economics Emeritus
at the University of Heidelberg, continues the old tradition of Max
Weber and Alfred Weber, which requires that the Joint knowledge
of the economist, the sociologist, and the political scientist be mar-
shalled in the analysis of social and political events. His monumental
three volumes, Die Ortsbestimmung der Gegenwart, combine the
knowledge of history with that of the social sciences. In this lecture
Rüstow is guided by Goethe*s reference to the "theater as a moral
institution." His point is that the moral attitude of the individual
is, in the political field, largely conditioned by the type of p>olitical
Institution by which he is confronted. Thus, much of what hapi>ens
under the Nazis was a result of the tyrannical System which they
established. In Rüstow's words: "There exists in the modern State a
central switchboard from which a single lever can change a peoples'
structure of integration basically. In this amazing fact there lies the
great opportunity and, at the same time, the tremendous responsibility
of all constitutional policy" (p. 147). For Rüstow it is obvious that
the electoral System plays a vital part in this connection; he is the
chainnan of the "German Voters Society," which endeavors to pro-
pagate that knowledge.

4. Dankwart Rustow's well-written volume combines constitu-
tional analysis with the concrete data produced by the history of
Sweden. That nation, always comparatively prosperous, did not have
to suffer the consequences of either world war. Furthermore, its
electoral System has never gone so far with doctrinaire consistency
as that of the Weimar Republic, and, as a result, there are limits
to party splintering. Yet, it is interesting to leam from Rüstow that
P. R. was adopted because the Conservatives feared that the plurality
System would give the Liberal and Socialist forces an overwhelming
majority. Besides, the period of comparative govemment stability,
dating from 1932, was preceded by one of "shifting alignments"
during the preceding twelve years (pp. 91 ff.). A confused parlia-
mentary Situation prevailed, and led to "successive govemment

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defeats and govemment crises" (p. 97). The present period of com-
parative stability must not make us overlook the fact that the Swedish
party System is defective in the sense that it lacks a positive alternative
to Social Democratic leadership. Yet, the existence of an alternative
govemment is a basic desideratum of democracy.

5. Wildenmann deals with topics in part similar to those treated
by Unkelbach, but he is more inclined to place them into the context
of the Overall political pattem. The little book is the second volume
of a series directed by Professor Dolf Stemberger of the University
of Heidelberg, who succeeded in gathering an unusually gifted group
of Ph. D. candidates in his seminar, and initiated them into a project
in which all could contribute to a systematic investigation of the
Problem of democratic stability as it arose in post-war Germany.
Wildenmann's is the most comprehensive of these studies in the
sense that it takes in the most territory — except for the first volume,
Stemberger's own treatise on The Formation and the Types of
Coalition Government. Wildenmann first gives the basic facts concem-
ing the major political parties in post-1945 Germany. He then pro-
ceeds to study how candidates are selected and how the parliamentary
group of a German party operates. An appendix lists the major
documents related to the four leading parties of the Bonn Republic.

This book, as well as its companions, has been guided by Stem-
berger into the type of research which combines the Observation of
facts with systematic analysis on a comparative basis. In too many
countries behaviorism has, in recent years, combined with the influence
of a certain type of sociology to cause the Student of political parties
to be so much interested in trees that he not only no longer sees
the forest but is inclined to deny that such a thing exists. Even as
outstanding a scholar as Duverger has been aflfected a little by this
tendency. Stemberger and his students have avoided that danger
throughout. Anyone interested in the facts conceming the actual
Operation of political parties can find them in these volumes. He will
not, moreover, have to grope in darkness so far as the general
relations between these facts are concemed.

6, 7 and 8. The functioning of French political parties (well
analyzed by Charles A. Micaud in the volume edited by Neumann)
is further elucidated by Fran^ois Goguel's little booklet on "The
French Political Regime,'* in the "New Studies of Electoral Sociology"
which he edited, and in the volume on "Political Parties and Social
Classes'* edited by Maurice Duverger. GoguePs book on the French
political System is written with the same lucidity and the same atten-
tion to detail characteristic of all of his writings. However, problems
arise from the very title of the volume on "Electoral Sociology,"
which again causes the contributors to this volume to emphasize aJl
that divides and to ignore what might be able to unite.

Thus, French "electoral sociology" analyzes the relationship

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397

between the votes cast in an election to a variety of factors, social
classes in particular, but it virtually disregards the System of voting.
This does not mean that we should not be grateful for the elucidation
of factors of division. The volume edited by Duverger has the
advantage of presenting us with a well selected area of fact in this
regard. Duverger rightly observes (p. 20) that both in France and
in England about two-thirds of the wage-eamers vote for either
Socialist or Communist parties. Certainly, it is equally important
that the one-third of the wage-eamers who do not vote for these
parties force their "bourgeois" opponents to search for a common
denominator valid for all social groups, just as those members of
"bourgeois" groups who vote for a Socialist party may induce the
latter to pursue a policy similarly adapted to the needs of the country
as a whole.

9. It is one of the great merits of Dr. Ramon Infiesta's study of
constitutional law — primarily Cuban constitutional law — that while
the author is keenly aware of the contribution which sociology can
make to its subject this contribution is of a subsidiary and comple-
mentary character. For Infiesta the emphasis lies on the political
Order which is to be realized by the State and the instmmentalities
which it uses in regard to society. He is keenly interested in the
preservation of human liberty, but he is realistic enough to write (in
the preface) : "The State of law is the synthesis between personal
independence and social dependence which gains man his dignity and
the possibility of his mission. Without liberty the State can exist; how-
ever, liberty cannot exist without the State, and the protection which
the State gives to liberty is the Constitution."

There are many other formulations in this book which one would
like to quote and discuss. The author writes with great erudition,
quoting European as well as American publications. The gap between
constitutional theory and political reality is sometimes great in Latin-
American countries. Most writers in the field of public law do what
the Roman jurists did after the establishment of the Empire — they
deal with the letter of the law as if it reflected reality. This Infiesta
does not do. He deals, for example, with the "semi-parliamentarism"
of the Cuban Constitution with great lucidity, having no difficulty in
showing that it is in reality a pseudo-parliamentarism. All real
executive power continues to lie in the hands of the president, some-
thing which the present prime minister, incidentally, openly acknow-
ledged in conversation with this writer, when he compared his position
to that of a presidential assistant, such as Govemor Adams in the
United States.

10. and 11. We move into an entirely different world in con-
sidering the political parties and political System of Japan. Yet, in
Japan as well as in the West, political parties arose simultaneously
with democratic institutions. To the extent that the govemment of

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Japan was democratic before the Second World War, it was what the
country's political parties made it. Naturally, these parties had to
adapt Üiemselves to the social material offered to them by Japanese
Society. Both writers deal with the peculiarities of this society at
length; they stress developments in the post-war period which the
American reader needs most urgently to understand. The two authors
do about equally well, and their books constitute a welcome enrich-
ment of our knowledge of the faraway outpost of democratic govem-
ment with which they deal. Ike presents perhaps a more systematic
analysis of the relation between political, and in particular consti-
tutional, action pattems and social life than Yanaga, whose volume
is, however, larger and offers more detail. Yanaga refers to the wish,
frequently expressed in Japan, for political stability on the Western,
and in particular British, pattem (p. 244) . He rightly concludes that
its realization "is still very much in the distant future." In his
words: "The Conservatives are being stemly admonished to be more
imaginative, idealistic and forward looking, and the Socialists are
reminded that they need to be more realistic and practical." The
question is, of course, whether these are not counsels of perfection
and whether, if the material of Japanese society is to be molded in
the British pattem it is not necessary to follow the institutions with
the help of which the British have managed to bring their own forces
(which at times were rather recalcitrant) under control, the plurality
System of voting in particular. Unless this is done, few critical observ-
ers will believe that the two-party System which the reunification of
the two branches of the Socialist party, and the merger of the Liberal
and Democratic parties, apparently created in 1955, will ever be
a true reality. Yanaga clearly shares these doubts (pp. 242-3).

12. The edition of Khrushchev's speech to the XXth Gongress
of the Russian Communist party, supplemented by documents relating
to the reaction of the leading Communist parties abroad, as well as
certain additional Russian Statements, takes us, again, into an entirely
different world. The totalitarian party differs from any democratic
party in a thousand ways, but it might be well to note in passing
that if any party takes seriously the task of overcoming social dif-
ferences in preparing for the unity of political action it is the totalitari-
an party. The spokesmen of its Communistic verslon continue to talk
in the terms of the economic interpretation of history, but since the
days of Lenin they have acted in the most complete awareness not
only of the primacy of the political in general but also the primacy
of political form in particular. They do want to "break and control
the violence of faction," but by making their own faction supreme,
and destroying that freedom which Madison says we must not
jeopardize even though it is the potential origin of a variety of factions.

This careful edition not only of Khrushchev's speech, of which,
by this time, several good editions have become available, but also
of the Statements by various Communist parties and leaders outside

and inside Russia is most useful. It was inevitable that the supporters
of the major Communist parties should close ranks again in short
Order, but what they had to say during the period of open soul-
searching sheds a great deal of light on the political processes char-
acteristic of a totalitarian party. The only significant Omission from
the list of documents included in this volume is an editorial published
in Pravda of July 6, 1956, entitled "The Communist Party — The
Inspirer and Leader of the Soviet People." It authoritatively con-
cluded the discussion inside Russia. Khrushchev had never intended,
of course, that the Conmiunist party's monopoly of power should be
jeopardized. Still, it was put in question by Communists and non-
Communists alike, zuid this article tried to put a stop to all of this
in a manner excluding any future compromise.

— Ferdinand A. Hermen s

THE IRRATIONALITY OF SOVIET BEHAVIOR*

The normative sciences, including political science, often explain
the phenomena of their investigation psychologistically, that is, view
them as the end result of some specific mentality. The title of the
study in question suggests that it is such an attempt. An analysis of the
study, however, reveals that it is far from being exclusively p>sycho-
logistic. Instead of directly correlating Soviet political behavior with
the Soviet mentality, it analyzes Soviet political dogma in the light
of its stimulative potency. Indeed, this is a novel approach because
a great many studies of Soviet behavior have offered us variegated
views (the swaddling hypothesis of Gorer, Berdiaev's theory of Russian
mental ambivalence or duality, the theory recently advanced by
Crankshaw of ethnocentrism of Russians, the theory of power politics,
and many others) completely ignoring or considerably minimizing the
importance of Bolshevik theory as a potential trauma of Soviet
behavior.

Niemeyer*s study indicates that it is Soviet dogma which prescribes
for and demands from its adherents such an Organization of life
which, according to our Standards of rationality, "resembles that of
a psychopath" (p. 40). This dogma, which is flexible and absolute,

other minds in reaction and response" (ibid.).

The irrationality of Soviet behavior reflects itself in many fields
of Soviet institutional life as well as in domestic and foreign policies.

* Cerhart Nicmeycr with the assistance of John S. Rcshetar, Jr.: An In-
quiry into Soviet Mentality. (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1956. Pp.
113. $2.75.)

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In no way is the Soviel behavior as a whole irrational. In it there
are "rational aspects," especially in Strategie and tactical method and
in the construction of political and conflict organizations. However,
"none of these procedures outweighs the fact that the whole Soviet
Operation is permeated with conflicts engineered by an irrational
doctrine, which can tum flexible stratagems into inflexible dogmas"
(p. 51).^

The inquiry into the traumata of Soviet mentality rather than
mentahty itself allows the author to pose and answer such important
questions as: a) Are Soviet leaders reasonable? b) Can the United
States and the USSR communicate? c) Is Soviet conduct
calculable? The answers to these questions fall short of prophetic
projection into the future but constitute a logical consequence of
the analysis of Soviet theory. The Communist theory observes that
"history has defined the mutual relationship between Communist and
non-Communist societies in terms of an intent to destroy or be
destroyed" (p. 71). As a result, any "communication of meaningful
Signals between the non-Communist world and the Soviet world is
extremely difficult" (p. 70). This, certainly, is unpopulär but seems
to be the only rational answer which can "protect the West from
the pitfalls of a new peace offensive of which, in the past, it has too
often been the victim" (p. 73).

It is to be regretted that the book does not specify the possessors
of this Soviet mentality. Should the reader assume that all Soviet
subjects are irrational and that Soviet dogma is so potent that the
Soviet Population as a whole is affected by it? Or is this irrationality
confined to the members of the Communist party — or only to those
selected few "who would have become martyrs had they been
Christians"? (p. 26). On page 28 the reader is referred to Klaus
Fuchs's "doublethink" as a conspicuous illustration of the Communist
mentality. Is then "Communist" synonymous with "Soviet"? If so,
does it follow that Communists all over the world display the same
type of illogical and irrational behavior?

An Inquiry into Soviet Mentality is unquestionably an outstanding,
timely, and valuable study. It points out the important role Com-
munist ideology plays in Soviet behavior and urges our "policy-
makers to submerge themselves in the vast literature of Communist
ideology so as to see things as Communists are likely to see them,
and yet emerge with an unimpaired devotion to non-Communist
values." — ^JoHN Fizer

EDUCATION IN ANTIQUITY*

H. I. Marrou's study of education in antiquity could scarcely be
praised too highly. It is comprehensive, orderly and simple, seemingly

*H. I. Marrou: A History of Education in Antiquity. Translated by
George Lamb. (New York: Shccd and Ward, 1956. Pp. xviii, 446. $7.50.)

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401

thorough and exact, and a prime example of that true humanism
in scholarly work of which the French are the masters. It teils us
about schools and education itself, about the road to totalitarianism
in education, about poetry and mathematics and dialectics, and
physical education. It means to be a general introduction to a vast
subject covering Greece and Rome from 1000 B.C. to A.D. 500.

Perhaps a work in history should be remote and cold and merely
positivist. This work is not of that type. The author takes sides at
the Start and all the way through. At the start he says, "The fruit-
fulness of historical knowledge is to be found primarily in the dialogue
which it generates between the Seif and Others." At the beginning of
the second part — on classical education in the Hellenistic age, which
follows the Origins from Homer to Isocrates — he states his view of
the study of history: "the aim of any historical enquiry is not so much
the enumeration of states of development as the analysis and synthetic
understanding of its subject-matter, as the latter is found in its
mature form, with all its values fully developed."

Emulation was a strong motive in the Greek souI, but, apart from
that, the only psychological motive for leaming was fear. It is likely
that the records are onesided, showing us only the brutal aspects of
education. But undoubtedly the Httle child's education was brutal.
Education and corporal punishment were as inseparable to a Hel-
lenistic Greek as to a Jewish or an Egyptian scribe in the time of
the Pharaohs. Marrou, who is professor of early Christian history at
the Sorbonne, thinks we have leamed something in the meantime
about child psychology and that the best we can say for the Greek
method is that it avoided spoon-feeding, that it took account of the
Grecian formula, "lovely and good things are difficult," and that
it seemed to sense the old Adam in us. Tradition decided that the
child was to be a minor soldier and that he was to have leaming
pounded into his recalcitrant head.

Even so, education added up to something very great among both
the Greeks and the Romans. For a long time it was oral, a matter
of discourse and conversation, people getting poetry and lore in gen-
eral by heart. The educated man had his leaming on tap, and it
was a common leaming: what any educated man knew, every edu-
cated man knew. For instance, it was the proof of an ignoramus if
a man could not play the lyre commendably when it was handed to
him at a banquet. Education was general and liberal, and the only
man then professionally educated in schools, namely the physician,
was supposed also to be a philosopher. As a rule, professional educa-
tion was got on the Job. Education was close to home, the slave-
pedagogue was a member of the family, and pride of place went to
private schools. "Schools did not play the all-important place in
education which they were to play in the Middle Ages ... In
antiquity the schoolmaster was far too insignificant a person for any
family to think of giving him the responsibility of educating its

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children, as it so often does today." When education seemed too
big a task for families, the municipality was encouraged, by private
benefactions and also by the State, to do the work of education.
Marrou says it was a bad day for education and for people when the
State simply took over, as it did in Sparta and in the late Roman
Empire. This change helped the State along the road to totalitari-
anism. The author speaks with warmth when he reviews the modern
German glorification of the Spartan ideal.

Oddly enough, it was totalitarian techniques that gave rise to
"the first real Christian school." On June 17, 362, Julian the Apostate
forbade Christians to teach. The edict simply said that permission
to teach must be obtained from the municipal authorities and from
the Emperor, so as to guarantee the teacher's efficiency and morality.
But Julian made it clear that Christians who taught Homer and
Hesiod without believing in pagan gods, were to be denounced as
immoral and ordered either to apostatize or to quit teaching. Christians
found a way out of the dilemma.

The four pillars of classical culture were Homer, Euripides,
Menander and Demosthenes. Even so, the highest rank goes to Plato
in the whole history of education. Plato's criterion was truth, and
he could not go with a pragmatic success. In Plato's thought, it is
knowledge above all that liberates the soul from the uncultured, raw
State of "apaideusia" ; and the method of getting knowledge is an
active participation in dialectic. But Plato himself, great as he was,
ran into a series of dilemmas: should education be artistic and poetic
or should it became mathematical and scientific? Should it be pre-
dominantly moral? Should it be state-dominated? Wherever it is
best obtained, and in whichever subjects, it takes a long time to
achieve education, according to Plato. As Malraux says, "It takes
fifty years to m^ke a man," and as St. Augustine says, "Follow this
long route" through dialectics and mathematics, "or give up
altogether."

Plato's crucial dilemma was this: which should be the aim of the
highest education — the philosopher king, or a personalist type of
culture? Marrou says that Plato finally gave up the former, and
was concemed with one man, or at most with a small group, "a
closed sect, a cultural oasis in the midst of a vast social desert."
Plato came down from the wish to reinstate the totalitarian ethic
of the ancient city, and laid the "foundations of what will remain the
personal culture of the classical philosopher." In fact, Plato's wise
man, whether political or personal, lost the day in Greek education
to the ideal rhetorician as presented by Isocrates. "Hellenistic culture
was above all things a rhetorical culture, and its typical form was
the public lecture." But for two important reasons, the triumph of
rhetoric was not so fatal as one might think. It was frivolous and
vain, but it did have rigid Conventions, and once these were assimi-
lated, the artist had complete freedom within them; besides rhetoric,

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403

open to all educated people, fumished a common Standard, a common
denominator uniting all in mutual understanding.

Marrou is at his best in his summaries. "Paideia" is of course
the technique by which the child is equipped and made ready for
becoming a man. But it is also the ideal end of human life; it is
culture in the sense of something perfected, "the mind of a man who
has become truly man." Classical education itself was simply an
initiation into the Greek way of life, submitting the child and ado-
lescent to a particular style of living, the style that distinguished
man from brüte, and Greek from barbarian. This cultural life came
to be Seen as a reflection and foretaste of the happy life enjoyed by
souls blessed with immortality. In fact, immortality was looked upon
as merited by culture. In that sense, Hellenistic culture was erected
into an absolute and became the equivalent of a religion. His second
great summary is much like the first: ancient thought refused to go
for the technical. "It was not unaware of the possibility of technical
development; it simply rejected it. Its one aim was to form the man
himself." Its emphasis was on the Word as the best means of insuring
contact and communication and breaking through the enchanted circle
of solitude in which the specialist tends to be enclosed as a result of
his very accomplishments.

This, says the author, is the true humanism, and "I say again, the
contingent forms of history are the bearers and embodiment of values
that transcend them." — Leo R. Ward, G.S.C.

THE ORDER OF HISTORY AND THE HISTORY OF ORDER*

In intellectual conversations this year, Eric Voegelin's magnum
opus will fumish the most exciting topic, unless it be passed over in
complete silence. The reader of Israel and Revelation will most
likely feel so jolted out of his habits of thought that he must re-think
basic assumptions, and he will react to this either with a burst of
intellectual activity, or with the shrug of incomprehension. Nor can
one deny sympathy to the latter, for Voegelin has presented us with
what he calls an inquiry into political order which he pursues with
methods of Biblical critical scholarship, imaginative construction of
ancient myths, and analyses of historiography. Thus the reader who
actively responds to the author's powerful and sensitive mind may
nevertheless not be certain in what field of thought he is making
his response. He may get so stirred up over Voegelin's withering
attack on the barrenness of nineteenth Century Biblical criticism, or
over his devastation of Toynbee's and Spengler's idea of history, that

* Eric Voegelin: Order and History. Volume One: Israel and Revelation.
(Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University Press, 1956. Pp. xxv, 533.
$7.50.)

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THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

he loses sight of the main line of argument, which concems political
Order. Moreover, the main line of thought itself may lead a reader
into what appears to be a theodicy, which again may prove profoundly
exiciting but leave him with a vague impression of irrelevance.
Voegelin's — and the reader's — main problem is to create the ground
on which the author can communicate with the reader. But when
this happens, the author's purpose is attained; a new framework of
thinking about political order will result.

The book under review is the first in a series of six volumes to
be published under the collective title Order and History. The specific
meaning which Voegelin gives to these two terms is at the very
heart of his undertaking and should be allowed to emerge fully from
his work itself. But the reader should be wamed at the outset that
habitual notions associated with these words may get in the way
of his understanding of Voegelin. Still, since there are such habitual
notions, Voegelin cannot help using them occasionally, so that in his
study "order" connotes a) the institutional structure of given peoples
and given times, b) the transcendent "order of being" to which
personal and social life must attune to be truly "orderly," and c) the
ideas about social existence which sensitive minds from time to time
have been able to formulate, often in Opposition to their own societies.
And "history" is used to mean a) human existence in political
units under changing conditions of power, struggle, and institutions,
b) long-range pattems of the rise and fall of rulers, peoples, and
civilizations, c) the over-all movement of human life in a meaningful
direction, in the light of which political events may be understood.

Political order is thus a function of the "order of history," the
meaning of human life in the dimension of time. Along with all
other expressions of human life, political order itself is part of history
and must be seen in the light of a meaningful account of time
changes. Thus "the order of history emerges from the history of
order." Voegelin's six volumes are a study of the "history of order,"
of the growth of rationality in man's attempts to relate himself and
Society to the transcending categories of order which he perceives in
the World, the universe, and his own soul. The present volume deals
with the ancient empires of the Near East and with Israel, the next
two, to be published this year, will cover the Greek polis and Greek
political philosophers, volume four will treat the Macedonian and
Roman empires and the emergence of the Christian order, and the
last two will be concemed with the modern world and the crisis of
our time.

Israel and Revelation describes two types of political order which
fumish a main theme for the entire six volume study. The first of
these IS found in the great empires of the ancient Near East. There
the ruler, symbolizing the cosmic order of nature, represents divine
power on earth. His authority parallels that of a supreme god in a
pantheon of divinities. Political rule, social institutions, divine will,

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405

and right human conduct are aspects of one undifferentiated whole
m which man as subject of the king, worshipper of a god, member
ot social institutions, participates in the rhythm of nature. The ordering
principle of these societies, an analogy of the order of the universe,
Voegelin calls "cosmological myth." Such constitutions do not admit
of any political criticism, since their undifferentiated compactness does
not supply any ground on which a critic could take his stand. These
societies are moreover necessarily bent upon conquest, since the exten-
sion of the rule on earth signifies the extension of divine authority in
the affairs of men.

A radically different kind of political order is found in Israel, a
people that constituted itself as an identifiable unit through an act
of collective response to God. At first without a ruler, the members
of this people could recognize their collective identity only in terms
of common loyalty to an unseen supreme being whose will called for
a certain attitude of men. When Israel finally acquired a king, the
idea of responsiveness to God was absorbed into the notion of the
monarchy and resulted in a political order utterly different from the
"cosmological myth." Israel's king ruled not as the agent of supra-
natural powers, but as the representative of the people's Obligation
toward God. Consequently there emerged in this political System
the typical figure of the prophet who rose over against the king to
remind him and the people of God's will and their violations of it.
Most important, Israel interpreted its own past as a series of failures
and successes intelligible in the light of a transcendent "order of
being" and man's defection from it. Extending this view backwards
as well as forward, it succeeded in seeing its own political existence
as part of a world history which could be fully understood in terms
of its ultimate destination: the world-wide realization of the God-
willed order of life. In the political order of Israel, Voegelin thus
finds a differentiation of religious and ethical experiences from political
rule, and consequently a political order the clues of which are derived
not from an Observation of the natural cosmos, but from an analysis
of the human soul. And this political order also was based on a
clear concept of meaningful time: the political present appeared in
the perspective of an intelligible chain of historical events. History
is not merely an interesting account of things past, nor a senseless up
and down of political units, but the key to political reason: "History
as a form of life."

Between cosmological empire and God-centered Israel there lies
an event that Voegelin calls one of the "extraordinary things" positivist
historians say can never happen in history. It is an occurrence which,
in Voegelin's hands, becomes also a symbol of universal significance:
the Exodus. In one sense, it was but an act of emigration. In another,
however, it meant the choice of a political order under God, an
Order unprotected by priest-kings, cosmic-magic institutions, economic
and military power concentrations. It meant tuming of a jjeople

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THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

from collective political self-centeredness to political God-centered-
ness, from a claim of alliance with gods to the acknowledgement of
a debt to God. What happened at Mt. Sinai was a decisive Step not
only in the history of Israel, but in the history of man's attempts
to achieve political order. A discovery of inestimable importance
was made, a new form of being was created, a new view of life in
history became possible. The significant change — which Voegelin calls
the "opening of the soul" to God — can happen to other peoples and
in difFerent forms. In each case, a form of collective self-idolization
is abandoned and a "conversion" to the true source of order occurs.
"And this tuming around, this conversion, results in more than an
increase in knowledge . . . it is a change in the order itself . . .
not an increase on the same scale but a qualitative leap. And when
this conversion befalls a society, the converted Community will experi-
ence itself as qualitatively different from all other societies that have
not taken the leap."

Voegelin's account of the developments of political order in the
ancient Near East obviously is a story "to be continued." For it ends
in an untenable Situation: Israel has disappeared, and the awareness
of its constitutive order is finally left with one man — the powerless,
rejected Prophet. At this point, Voegelin's concept of political order
seems to be reduced to absurdity. The Prophet of the "Suffering
Servant*' songs is no longer a factor in the political existence of any
Society, his knowledge of order seems to have become a mere solitary
vision. What is more, this vision signifies a new "exodus," the exodus
from the social existence even of the chosen people itself, a radical
tum to God which seems to declare all mundane political forms super-
fluous. The book thus ends on what must strike the reader as a
paradox, and he may well conclude that, whatever substance there
may have been in Voegelin's notion of "political order," Voegelin
finally lost it in a pure theodicy. And yet, this new radical tum to
God did in fact become the very real starting point of a new political
order a thousand years later. Augustine's philosophy of State and
history is the point at which the story will be taken up — ^not in the
next installment, which will rather deal with another instance of an
original "exodus" — but three volumes later, when Voegelin will de-
scribe the step from the Roman imperial order to the Christian
polity. At that point, the paradox of the "suffering servant" will be
Seen as the comerstone of a political rationality that has shaped the
institutions of Westem societies, a rationality from which we depart
only on the direst penalty. For if the achievement of higher ground
of rational order constitutes a step into a higher quality of human
life, a fall from it through ignorance or neglect must also mean a
qualitatively worse kind of disorder than ever prevailed before.

Voeglin's work is not only a history of political ideas but also
Creative political thought. But the very vigor of his original advance
entails certain Clements of weakness besides those of great power.

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407

These weaknesses mostly stem from his neglect to move with the
didactic circumspection which the State of his readers' minds requires.
As a result, he fails to deal explicitly with certain difficulties arising
from his thought, difficulties that may well be resolved in his own
mind but which cause unrelieved trouble to the reader (or, better,
caused such trouble to this reviewer).

One such question arises in the wake of Voegelin's most fruitful
concept of "symbolism." He sees political order as an act of partici-
pation in the universal order of being: "To establish a govemment
is an essay in world creation." As participants, we can never know
the füll truth of being, but as conscious beings, we can have consid-
erable intelligence about it. Hence "the attempt at making the essen-
tially unknowable order of being intelligible" leads to the "creation
of Symbols which interpret the unknown by analogy with the really,
or supposedly, known." The symbolic formulations of ontological
truth are the basic Clements of political order. It is the history of the
attempts at symbolization with which he deals. Hence this study of
political order comprises not only literary expressions of symbolic
truth (for cxample Plato's Re public) but also the symbolism of
peoples' political institutions, their myths of great leaders, their re-
membrance of cmcial historical experiences, etc. Through the con-
cept of "symbolism" he links existence with knowledge, political
structure with attunement to the order of being.

Precisely at this cmcial point, however, his own thinking leaves
an Impression of ambiguity which he does nothing to dispel. We have
already pointed out the reader's bafflement at discovering that
Voegelin, in one stage of history, sees Israel's political order reduced
to the vision of one solitary person, the rejected Prophet. Here
obviously is order potential, but is it also order actual? Can it be
called order of political existence if rejected by the people and retained
only in the breast of the lone seer? Or is there no significant dif-
ference between order potential and order actual? The difficulty
is compounded as Voegelin teils us that the creation of new Symbols
on a higher level of insight brings about a qualitative change in man's
existence, a "leap in being." Does this change occur only in the life
of the symbol's creator? Or does it extend to the entire Community?
Does it come about as a direct result of knowledge gained, or does

miportant part ot the mquiryi

where in contemporary Israel would Voegelin find political order —
in the mind of Martin Buber or in that of Ben Gurion?

Essentially the same question troubles one about Voegelin's ap-
proach to institutions. Voegelin studies the Symbols of political order
through a comparative history of certain political institutions. In
other words, his study comprises the sphere of speculation as well
as the sphere of social causality. Voegelin acknowledges causal rela-

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THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

tions: "The second symbol or form — society as macroanthropos

tends to appear when cosmologically symbolized empires break down."
"In the^ feudal disintegration of China appeared the philosophical
schools." In other words, not only do new Symbols affect man's
pohtical existence, but the vicissitudes of institutions also affect man's
attempt at symbolization. Man's capacity to attune his existence to
the Order of being therefore is not merely a problem of seeing truth,
but also of so arranging his institutions that they permit a rightly
attuned order of human life. Institutions obey causal laws of their
own which can utterly thwart man's intent to live by higher truth.
It may be permissible to apply the words of St. Paul to this different
context: "For the good that I would I do not, but the evil which
I would not, that I do ... For I delight in the law of God after
the inward man: but I see another law in my members, warring
against the law of my mind." It was precisely the recognition of
the independence of institutional causality that compelled Aristotle
to add to Plato's creation of Symbols of order the study of empirical
conditions and their relevance to the realization of order.

Voegelin has, of course, every right to confine his study to a
certain aspect of political order. But since he pursues his inquiry
through comparative institutional analysis, he could be expected to
explain to his readers where the sociological causality of institutions
fits into the picture of political order. Again, to be concrete: both
the Christian East and the Christian West accepted the new insights
into the order of being that flowed f rom the experience of the
crucified and risen Christ. Has man*s problem of attuning his political
existence to transcending truth been different in the Western frame-
work of feudal de-centralization from that in an Eastem framework
of bureaucratic centralization of power? Or, at any rate, is the dif-
ference significant? If Voegelin wished to leave this problem alone for
the time being, should he not at least have provided the piping at
which a structure of sociological analysis could be linked with his
structure of philosophical order?

Such occasional question marks, however, should not detract from
the greatness of this book. Voegelin's towering achievement is to have
re-laid the foundation for a genuine science of politics. Precisely at
the time when knowledge of political truth is a need almost greater
than our daily bread, we possess nothing but studies concemed with
the analysis of political devices as Instruments, avoiding the question
of truth as well as the problem of the rationality of ends. We are
studying nothing but political Operations, and the result of such
studies is bound to be a theory of technical skills rather than genuine
knowledge in the sense of wisdom. When in need of wisdom we
tum to ethics, without ever really linking it to political order.
Voegelin's re-establishment of the science of politics consists first in
shifting of the problem of political order from the ground of morals to
that of ontology. He recalls the undeniable fact that every social

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409

order roots in transcending truths about being, life and death, the
problem of things lasting and things transient. Behind political order,
there is thus the rock-bottom reality of basic experiences of human
life, shared in public knowledge and expressed in certain Symbols of
public Standing. There is thus reality, against which a framework
of scientific knowledge can be formed and improved.

Next, he has restored meaning to history, a concept which can
hardly be separated from the problem of political order. In an age
which is sick with the Illusion of historical destiny produced by
theories upon theories tracing senseless curves of historical necessity,
Voegelin anchors the meaning of history in man*s movement toward
the true order of being and the divine source of that order. Remi-
niscent of Herbert Butterfield's theory that the meaning of every
historical moment is its direction toward etemity, Voegelin equates
History with the order of events that change the quality of human
existence. There is no automatic sequence, no necessary evolution,
there is recession as well as progression, but it all is meaningful in
terms of a fullness of life which in all changes beckons to us from
beyond time and space.

Whatever may be the defects of the book, however much Voegelm
may still owe us by way of explanation, he has performed a great
deed of the spirit, one which will stand as a monument of this
mid-century. — Gerhart Niemeyer

MARCEL AND ROYCE*

The exposition of any philosopher's thought by an intelligence
so keen as that of Gabriel Marcel must always possess an immediate
and intrinsic interest; this interest cannot but be increased manifold
when the philosopher to whom Marcel addresses himself is one of
the stature and peculiar genius of Josiah Royce.

The first point of interest cannot, in tum, fail to be the circum-
stances which brought about this fascinating conjunction. Marcel
is aware that this must be sought and tries to satisfy it by anticipa-
tion. Although vague about the actual circumstances which led to
the study of Royce's thought and the composition of the present work
(Marcel's memory suggests an assignment for a review from the
Revue de Metaphysique et Morde) he is not really vague about the
ideal afiinity between which is the real explanation of this work.

This ideal affinity lies in the problem of man's route to God.
The way of naturalism has long since paled upon the most subtle
and most sincere of westem minds. The way to God by nature has
been rendered more than suspect by modem science. But the altemate

♦Gabriel Marcel: Royce's Metaphysics. Translated by Virginia and Gor-
don Ringer. (Chicago: The Henry Regnery Co., 1956. Pp. xviii, 180. $4.50.)

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way opened most invitingly and most promisingly: by way of that
World of ideas which man's "inner" presence, that is his presence to
himself as subject, reveals.

Along this path Gabriel Marcel and Royce move with a subtle
but non-explicit concord. The purpose of Marcel's work, more in-
tuitively than reflectively, is to render this concord explicit. He
achieves this end through a step by Step analysis of the Roycean
metaphysics.

As the analysis proceeds, however, a gulf opens between the
thinkers. The arguments which in Royce's intention and conviction
should lead to the existence of God, fall short in Marcel's view,
of this goal. In Royce's own hands they seem to Marcel to tum to
proofs merely of absolute idealism.

And in the merely lies all the difference. The personalist bias of
Marcel's thought forces the issue to the point from which absolute
ideahsm draws back. Do not the supreme terms of Royce's meta-
physics demand translation into the concreteness of subject and
presence, into Someone? That they do not is not the failure of
Royce's intention; it is the failure of absolute idealism itself, a failure
apparent as long ago as Hegel. The arguments of that line of
thought fail from an inward failure of force.

For this reason, the initial ideal affinity declines. The "existential-
ism" and the "personalism" of Marcel have at least in part their
key here. From the absolute idea to the absolute person there is no
passage. The ground of proof therefore lies within the person as
the immediately given. Presence is personal, and not ideal.

Marcel's book, apart even from the ideal line which yields its
true form, is a model of Gallic clarity and subtlety in exposition.
The translation is adequate, even more than adequate; it follows
the argument and echoes the language with more than faithfulness,
with real insight. — A. Robert Caponigri

THE COMMUNARDS*

The somewhat stränge aberration in nineteenth Century French
history, known as the Commune, has fascinated a great number of
writers and it has served as the subject of bitter historiographical
controversies. Historians have tended to view the Commune either
as a violent patriotic revolt against foreign aggression or as a social
upheaval rooted in the class struggle. Recently historians have tried
to adopt a middle position and the result has been an enormous
amount of literature about a govemment which lasted only one
hundred and ten days. Most recently, Charles Rihs, a Swiss historian

•Charles Rihs: La Commune de Paris, sa structure et ses doctrines
(1871). (Gencva: Librairie E. Droz, 1955. Pp. 317.)

REVIEWS

411

and sociologist, has written what could best be termed an intellectual
history of the Commune as well as an analysis of its governmental
structure. This work, which is not a political history of the Commune,
cannot be considered a duplication of previous works. It makes a
significant contribution to an understanding of the political ideas
and accomplishments of the Communards. To understand this book
the reader must know the political history of the Commune.

In examining the political ideas of the Communards Rihs asserts
that the Commune was not a movement which grew up outside of
France but in reality it was rooted in a tradition spawned by the
French Revolution. This tradition, rooted deep in nineteenth Century
France, opposed all the centralized govemments of France — that of
the Jacobins, the First Empire, the Restoration, the July Monarchy
and the Second Empire. It contributed fleetingly to abortive upris-
ings during the July Monarchy, then showed itself more effectively
in 1848, and in its ugliest form in the Commune. After the collapse
of the Second Empire and amid the confusion of establishing a
republican govemment while the enemy surrounded Paris, men of
this tradition seized the govemment of Paris and formed the govem-
ment of the Commune. The leaders of this group had previously
spent their lives in prison, in exile, or under police surveillance. The
political ideas and governmental policies of these men are examined

by Rihs.

The book is divided into two parts: the first is a thorough analysis
of the structure of the communard govemment. The author discusses
the origin of the communal idea; the communal assemblies which
formulated the govemment; the executive, legislative and judicial
Organs; and the manner in which the govemment functioned. The
second half of the book treats the political programs of the chief
Personalities and factions within the Commune. This last portion
is the most significant contribution of the author and here, as
throughout the work, he displays a mastery of the sources, both
archival and printed. His great difficulty is that so many of the
Commune's leaders led such violent lives or died upon the barricades
that they left few records. They were outcasts both during the
Second Empire and, once the Commune was cmshed, the Third
Republic.

Several conclusions of the author are worthy of note. In dis-
cussing the ideas which motivated the Communards, Rihs conclusively
proves that only one member of the govemment was a Marxist, Leo
Fränkel. Contrary to much historical writing the influence of Marx
and the followers of the First Intemational was extremely limited
or almost non-existent. In his analysis of the governmental stmcture
it is evident that the Commune was based upon a compromise among
three major factions. The first group, descended from Babeuf and
Hebert and led by Blanqui, desired a revolutionary commune pat-
temed after that of 1792 with a dictatorship and a Committee of

412

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

Public Safety. A middle group led by Gambetta, Louis Blanc, Victor
Hugo and others favored a balance between municipal or communal
liberties and the republic, one and indivisible. A third group, disciples
of Proudhon (who died shortly before the Commune began) desired
the abolition of central authority and the adoption of federalism.
Many members of this group closely approached anarchism. From
the interaction of these three somewhat disparate schools of thought
the govemment of the Commune was formed and tried to operate.
This disparity was reflected in the only Statement of political aims
these factions formulated: the Declaration au Peuple Frangais of
April 19, 1871, a vague declaration asserting communal liberties
against an all-powerful centralized State. ^ r i • j i

The author states that this work is an expansion of his doctoral
dissertation and it is equipped with detailed notes, bibliography and
index. No barricades are stormed in this book. However, it is a
penetrating analysis of the political ideas, aims, and accomplishment
of the Communards.— Walter D. Gray

AN ITALIAN INTELLECTUAL AND THE REFORMATION*

These studies of the Italian Reformation by Francesco Ruffini
are of twofold interest: not only for the historical ideas which they
contain, but also for the light they throw on the author, a figure
active in the intellectual life of Italy at the beginning of the Century.
Ruffini, who held public office as Senator (1914) and minister of
public Instruction (1916-1917), spent most of his life as Professor
of Law at the University of Turin. The chief concem of these essays
is the Socinian movement in which Ruffini sees the embodiment of
the principle of moderation. The Socinian stress upon conscience
govemed by reason led them to advocate the ideal of religious liberty.
These men of "moderata e sana ragione" were for the most part
Italians, and in their work Ruffini sees Italy's great contribution to
human freedom.

Opposed to all this is Calvinist orthodoxy. The second chapter
of the book pits the Socinian Matteo Gribaldi Mofa against the
"rabies theologica" of the Genevan reformer. Socinianism here be-
comes the Italian anti-Calvinist movement. This theme is continued,
after chapters on Poland and on Francisco Stancaro, in the section
"Socinianism in Geneva." Using the controversy between Rousseau
and the Genevan clergy, Ruffini attempts to show that by then the
ministers themselves were insecure in their orthodoxy conceming the
Trinity. In reality, Socinianism was storming the very citadel of the

♦Francesco Ruflfini: Studi sui Riformatori Italiani, a cura di Amaldo
Bertola, Luigi Firpo, Eduarde Ruffini. (Torino: Edizione Ramella, 1955.
Pp. 630.)

REVIEWS

413

enemy, a theme which Ruffini carries through the Restoration, ending
with a discussion of the relationship between Charles Albert of Savoy
and the Socinians of Geneva.

The long middle section on Francisco Stancaro fits into the
general pattem of the book, although this particular Italian was the
opposite of all reasonableness. Ruffini calls him a man of an "idea"
rather than of an ideal. Stancaro's "idea" concemed the attributes
of Christ as mediator between God and man, something which for
Ruffini led to sterile argument, contrasted with the Socinian ideal
of moderation and toleration. The moderate, but theologically inde-
cisive Fricius Modrevius is more to his liking, and he sadly remarks
that as theology is an absolute rather than a relative matter, the
"detestable" Stancaro was bound to have greater impact than the
"admirable" Modrevius.

It would lead too far afield to subject Ruffini's work to intense
scholarly scrutiny, especially as this was done when his book on
Religious Liberty ürst appeared (1901) ; a work which contains ideas
similar to those in these essays. The problems involved are obvious
and one example must suffice. Ruffini, in conformity with his thesis,
is forced to demonstrate how Italian Socinianism was the cradle of
all subsequent religious liberalism. For example, Arminius is tied to
Socinianism. However, as Wilbur has shown, {A History of
Unitarianism, (Cambridge, Mass., 1945), I, pp. 536-538) Anti-
Trinitarianism was prevalent in Holland even before Socinus* influ-
ence could be feit. That a man was charged with Socinianism was
no proof that he was influenced by the movement itself, though
Ruffini often seems to make just this point. Nevertheless, from this
book the moderate group of reformers emerge with new importance:
Occhino, Modrevius, Zurkinden of Beme and Lismano of Poland —
all are given a new perspective.

Beyond its value to Reformation scholarship, there remain the
insights which the book can give us into the qualities of the author's
mind. Here was an intellectual and a close personal friend of
Benedetto Croce, a man whom Croce admired, despite his limitations.
Ruffini's mind was a product of the Italian "Umanismo," filled with
ideas of justice, tolerance and reason. He was constantly amazed
that the men of the Reformation shed so much blood over religious
subtieties. That is why both Stancaro and Calvin are the villains
of the book. But combined with that love of reason and tolerance
are ideas of race and nationalism. Ruffini asks why the Italians,
rather than other people, were the apostles of freedom of conscience.
This is a matter of race. Only when he has given this answer does
he go on to discuss the influence of Italian Humanism on the Socinian
movement. The Anabaptists, intolerant fanatics and mystics, are
Germans. The Socinians, aristocratic, unprejudiced and rational,
are Italians. Such racial theories are bound to lead into contradic-
tions. Thus Pelagius, a man whom Ruffini admires, was a man of

411

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

the North, practical and phlegmatic. St. Augustine, in contrast, was
a man of the South, an unquiet spirit, passionate and speculative.
If the qualities of the British Pelagius are Northern, how can we
reconcile them with the German, and also Northern, Anabaptists?
If the qualities of St. Augustine are Southern, how can we reconcile
them with the rational, "Italian," Socinians?

The national element is brought out best in the discussion of the
origins of Socinianism in Poland. Ruffini concludes that Poland,
where Socinians found a home, became in consequence the only vital,
significant and universal force of the evangelical reformation — and
this due to a specifically Italian Inspiration. Thus this man of the
Risorgimento shows us not only an admiration for "moderata e sana
ragione" but combines this with both racial theories and intense
national pride. However, we must notice that here these ideas of
race and nationalism do not stand alone. They are bound up with
Ruffini's humanistic view of life. The Reformation is viewed from
the point of view of religious liberty, but this is integrated with an
Italian national approach and with racial theories of historical origins.
It is this combination which gives the work a wider signific2ince in
the study of modern intellectual history.

— George L. Müsse

REVIEWS

415

THE POLITICS OF DISTRIBUTION*

In the introduction to this book, the author bravely asserts his
underlying philosophy — "The politics of distribution are indissolubly
wedded to its economics." And from this thesis, conceived by the
author as a novel, exciting, and profound one, the reader is given a
study of the political struggles that in the 1930's erupted from the
web of markets which is generally called distribution. As the economic
conflicts between large-scale and small-scale Organization, between
"mass distribution" and smaller, independent distributors, became
most acute at that time, the choice of that decade for analysis is quite
defensible. Quite early in the book the author observes that the
political struggles precipitated by these economic conflicts also reached
their peak in this period, and this judgment may be supported by
even a cursory review of recent history of political pressures emanating
from these and similar economic groups. But the method of analysis
which Palamountain applies to these complex phenomena is neither
new nor novel, and of doubtful value if generalization is sought from
the Symptoms uncovered by his research.

Fundamentally, Palamountain accepts the Bentley group analysis
method as his starting hypothesis. This can best be described by
reference to Bentley's own writings. "When we talk about govern-

♦Jostph C. Palamountain, Jr.: The Politics of Distribution (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1955. Pp. 270. $4.75.)

ment we put emphasb on the influence, the pressure, that is being
exerted by group upon group .... The balance of group pressure

is the existing State of society Law is activity, just as govemnient

is . . . . It is a group process, just as govemment is. It is a forming,
a systematization, a struggle, an adaptation, of group interests ... . "
(Arthur Bentley, The Process of Government (Bloomington, 1935 re-
issue of 1908 ed., pp. 258-259, 272.)

There is, fortunately, a recognition of its drawbacks as a pseudo-
mathematical approach, with a stated intention to use this analytical
model within its limitations in order to discover the basic sourc^
of economic and political power. These limitations do not weigh
heavily on Palamountain in the early pages of his book where he
eagerly pursues the data of group conflicts and political battles that
characterized distribution during the 1930's. In the early pages which
have excellent examples of resounding clashes of vertical, horizontal,
and intertype economic interests, the author dissects quite well the
nature of the contending groups in the grocery, drug, and automobi e
industries. The extent of intemecine rivalry in these areas is excellently
exposed, and the author demonstrates a scholarship in the documen-
tation of this material that is impressive in its use of ongmal sources.
But in the midst of applying the Standard Bentley thesis, the
author begins to withdraw from the solid Bentley foundation in the
face of economic and political data which do not accord with the
Bentley model. On page 169 the author comments: "Political equi-
librium is more than a simple reflection of the relative polmcal
strength of the groups immediately concemed. It also registers the
impacts of Strands and crosscurrents of contemporaiy political,
economic, and social beliefs." This modification of the explicit Bentley
thesis of group analysis comes füll circle when the author reviews
the politics of the Robinson-Patman Act, a controversial and monu-
mental Act which has had a checkered history because it fails essen-
tially to reflect the basic interests of many groups that Palamountain
admits had no voice in its construction. "A group's political strength
is not an automatic consequence of its potential size, resources, and
interest as defined by economic circumstance. Certainly in the passage
of this Act groups were not represented in proportion to their poten-
tial strength. The most sizable group concemed, the consumers, were,
as usual, hardly represented at all" (p. 232).

Apart from this emasculation of the group thesis, Palamountain's
researches do throw considerable light on the techniques used by the
various power groups within an industry to rationalize their respectiye
positions. The programs followed to secure legislative and social
approval are clearly described and with correct emphasis on the
importance of the power factor in modern market analysis. To draw
analysts away from the a-political classical approach to market
analysis to a more realistic appraisal of the many vanables which can
be important in dynamic economic institutions is no mean teat.

'msM^^^i^ssi

416

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

Palamountain can be supported in his efforts to highlight the point
and counterpoint that is part of the structural profile of modern
distributive markets. But to argue as he does that this book provides
a novel approach to these problems is not impressive to this reviewer.
The early promise of this research to provide new tools and modeis
for political scientists and economists is not fulfilled. In this sense
the book regrettably fails to provide a major contribution to the

literature of politics and economics.

— Richard E. Ball

eid'can Historical Revie-rr, October^ I958

150

Other Recent Publications

trast to earlier or later parliaments. Here Moir is upsetting tradition, which was never
too firmly rooted in the sources. In his excellent description of the debates in this parlia-
ment, taken from all the best available sources, the author deals with the right of
Francis Bacon as attorney-general to sit in the House, the bill to naturalize the Coimt
Palatine, the expulsion of Sir Thomas Perry for his electioneering practices, and above
all with the four crucial topics of undertakers, supply, impositions, and the insults cast
upon the Commons by Bishop Neile in the House of Lords. To complete the account
of the debates in this parliament Moir might have said more about monopolies, and he
should have said something about the discussion over the elections of sheriffs, mayors,
and bailifTs, the attack on the new Company of Merchant Adventurers, and the debates
on the troubles of the Virginia Company. In a book dealing with a single parliament
no problem or inquiry of any importance should be omitted. The use of modern termi-
nology in describing the politics of 1614 is most unfortunate but possibly necessary. Moir
apologizes for employing such terms as "leaders of the Opposition," "the Opposition,"
"parties," etc. Even so his continual use of these appellations confuses the reader, espc-
cially when the author rightly points out that an outstanding characteristic of this parlia-
ment— its greatest weakness — was the absence of any kind of leadership. Then there is
the Word "undertakers," which King James thrust upon the Commons in his speech
from the throne; to have clarified the different usages of this term would have been a
boon to scholars. But these criticisms must not detract from a most valuable and well-
produced study of the Addled Parliament.
Neu/ Yor\ University Harold Hulme

PURITANS, LAWYERS, AND POLITICS IN EARLY SEVENTEENTH-CEN-
TURY ENGLAND. By John Dy\stra Eusden. [Yale Studies in Religious Education,
Volume 23.] (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. 1958. Pp. xii, 238. $4.50.) The
theme of Mr. Eusden's book is set forth with admirable clarity. Did Puritanism and
common law have an influence upon each other in early seventeenth-century England?
The relationship was one not of direct influence but of ideological parallelism. In order
to demonstrate such affinity, Eusden first discusses Puritanism, then the common
lawyers, and subsequently the "Puritan common law" Opposition to the Stuarts. Finally,
he deals with the thought of Puritans and lawyers on political authority, parliament,
and sovereignty. The ideological parallelism is seen primarily in the Puritan concept of
the Divine sovereignty of God and in the legal concept of fundamental l;aiw. "The Puri-
tans held that divine sovereignty manifested its authority through particular laws. This
also the lawyers believed about fundamental law." In contrast to natural law ideas,
there was nothing inflexible about these higher laws, and this enabled the issues of the
day to be argued within the traditional framework of English law. Puritans and lawyers
also shared the belief in the separate and limited functions of all governmental authority.
Eusden traces this idea forward, showing that such concept of "societal pluralism"
acted as a check on the supreme parliament of postrevolutionary times. The author
analyzes the ideas of Puritans and lawyers with clarity and precision. In retelling much
that is familiär, the book forms a useful introduction to the period as a whole, but its
strength also raises problems of complexity, despite Eusden's cautious tone. His discus-
sion of Puritanism directs us to the Calvinistic core of the movement and redresses
recent excessive emphases on other Continental sources. Yet the emphasis on Divine
sovereignty tends to slight other elements in Puritanism. Natural law is believed to
play litde part in the Puritan thought of this particular period, for it was taking on a
secular rather than Christian and Stoic form. The very deemphasis on theology which
Eusden notes, and with it the deemphasis on revelation, made many Puritans receptive

■tK-'iv

British Empire, Commonwealth, and Ireland I5^

to both Christian Stoicism and Platonism. God's mysteries could be elucidated through
logic, and here again a certain rationalism modified Divine sovereignty. In spite ot
Calvin's condemnation of the Stoic idea of destiny, the line between that concept and
Christian providence became ever more narrowly drawn. There is at least one parallel-
ism between the Puritan common lawyers and James I which could have been pomted
out. James considered himself an "unlimited monarch" but also one responsible to God.
That responsibility meant recognizing local custom, and he never claimed to make laws
without the "advice" of parliament. Eusden draws the line too clearly. Not only James
but parliament also had a concept of emergency powers. The "modern medievalisni" of
the common lawyers must not be made to exclude new revolutionary and absolutist
assertions made by parliament itself. Perhaps it is not the idea of sovereignty but the
idea of reason of State which is important here. In spite of these caveats, Eusden has
presented in excellent fashion the main thesis of the book. The first-rate forty-page
bibliography shows complete familiarity with the secondary and primary sources.
University of Wisconsin George L. Mosse

ESSAYS ON THE LATER STUARTS. By Godjrey Davies. (San Marino, Calif.:
Huntington Library. 1958. Pp. viii, 133. $4-oo.). The death last year of Godfrey Davies,
so long a member of the staff of the Huntington Library, was a blow to his many stu-
dents and friends. This slim volume contains three of his most recent stiidies: "Charles
II in 1660," published in 1956 in the Bulletin; "Tory Churchmen and James II" and
"The Control of Foreign Policy by William III," now appearing for the first time. To
these have been added three delightful reproductions of mezzotints of the monarchs
discussed in the text and a most useful bibliography of Davies' works compiled by
Dr. Paul Hardacre. Davies shared almost none of that nostalgic sympathy for the
Smarts which some historians have displayed. He was a dispassionate Student of what
actually happened, and coolly assessed the veracity of üributes to Charles II by contempo-
raries in the light of the record. Praise and blame are both dispensed without prejudice.
A rarely quoted confession by one of the Scottish commissioners, Alexander Jaffray, re-
veals the pressure brought upon the young Charles to sign a covenant he so obviously
did not like. The king's interest in ships and science is attested, and his talent as a
letter writer remarked. Charles' conversation was brilliant though repetitious at times,
but his public speaking was poor. Charming manners brought him a real populanty,
but reports of clemency and generosity cannot be taken too seriously in the light of the
evidence. A Catholic at heart perhaps as early as 1660, Charles' religion made singularly
litde difference to his morals. As a king he was lazy, with no philosophy about his role
except regarding his own amusement. James II relied too much on the loyalty in all
circumstances of the Anglican churchmen. These professed a belicf in divine right and
in the evil of resistance, but they balked at attacks on Protestant privilege and on rules
established by law. Conversations with Oxonians, with the bishops in 1688, and with
courtiers as the crowd cheered acquittal reveal James' naive surprise at the churchmen's
resentinent and defense of their establishment. As always, Davies' most casual asides
reveal complete command of printed material, but in neither this nor the essay on
Charles does he do more than underline theories already generally held about the
brothers. On the other band, in a penetrating summary of William the Third's control
of foreign policy, Davies illuminates more vividly than heretofore William's impatience
at the restraints of constitutional monarchy and the length to which he went in ignor-
ing parliament's desire to understand the policies for which it was paying. News of the
Grand Alliance was withheld in 1692. As William traveled and negotiated abroad he
took with him only men like Blathwayt, who could be relied on to do as he was

American Histoirlcal Revie-rr, Januaiy, 1954

422

Other Recent Publications

Jeanne Bignami-Odier et A. Vernet. Les livres de Richard de Bazoques. Bibliotheque de l'Ecole

des chartes, CX, 1952 (i953)-
Wendell Stacy Johnson. The Imagery and Diction o£ "The Pearl": Toward an Interpretation.

E L H, Sept., 1953.
R. M. LuMiANSKY. The Nun's Priest in The Canterbury Tales. PMLA, Sept., 1953-
Arnold Williams. Chaucer and the Friars. Speculum, July, 1953.

FiNE Arts

K. A. C. Creswell. Problems in Islamic Architecture. Art Bull, Mar., 1953.

H. J. W. TiLLYARD. Byzantine Music about a.d. iioo. Musical Quar.. Apr., 1953.

Archer Woodford. Mediaeval Iconography of the Virtues: A Poetic Portraiture. Speculum, July,

1953-
Patrick Thompson. Homage to Giotto. Dublin Rev., 2d quar., 1953-
John Herman Randall, Jr. Leonardo da Vinci and Modern Science. ]our. Hist. Ideas, Apr.,

1953.

Modern European History

THE BRITISH COMMONWEALTH
Leland H. Carlson'^

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL FORCES IN THE ENGLISH REFORMATION. By

Conyers Read, Emeritus Professor of English History, University of Pennsylvania.
[The Rockwell Lectures, Rice Institute.] (Houston, Tex., Elsevier Press, 1953, pp. 88,
$2.00.) In these engaging lectures Professor Read gives us a populär account of the
English Reformation. The title of the Book is misleading, for in so short a compass
it is almost impossible either to isolate the social and political from the religious factors
or to evaluate such forces. There are three chapters: "The Break from Rome," "The
Anglican Settlement," and "Puritanism," the latter discussing the Elizabethan settle-
ment. As was to be expected, problems of condensation have been met with great
skill and resourcefulness. The Reformation period is subject to constant reinterpreta-
tion and no general description can be expected to satisfy all scholars in the field.
Though Professor Read comes near to performing the impossible, several diflering
points of view may be indicated by way of example. Few would question the definition
of Puritanism as an "attitude of mind"; but it could be argued that not all Puritans
were Calvinists by choice. Some scholars (Trinterud, for example) have argued that
the influence of the Rhineland Reformers asserted itself with equal strength, at least
until the middle of EUzabeth's reign. Again, while the emphasis on Cranmer as the
real architect of the Anglican Settlement is a welcome one, there is room for argu-
ment about the archbishop's view of the mass as a miracle. While these lectures give
the Impression that he was consistent, T. M. Parker believes that after 1548 Cranmer
became increasingly convinced of the validity of the Zwinglian position. However,
such vexed problems of interpretation can have no place in a concise narration of so
vast a movement. Nor should such arguments be allowed to detract from the excel-
lence of the general picture of the English Reformation which Professor Read has
sketched. George L. Mosse, State University of Iowa

LOCKE'S TRAVELS IN FRANCE, 1675-1679, AS RELATED IN HIS JOURNALS,
CORRESPONDENCE, AND OTHER PAPERS. Edited with an Introduction and
Notes by John Lough, Professor of French in the Durham Colleges, University of

1 Responsible only for the list of articles.

)

(

:ji!.v^;iy":-j)^,tf;y;:^g|jv::."^j::<f^:^

,tf?';?

..■■.V. -,:-,v».Vl\'^ ..;n*,w--.'i

«w

American Historical Hevieir, *?annaiy, 1953

Modern European History

425

the time the reports were issued. Four collections are missing became o£ calendaring
tlTLaJ. was in process: ,hc De la Warr and Sackvil'-°"«ct^" known as
the Knole MSS, the Salisbury MSS, and the De L.sle and Dudley MSS. Sub,ect to

these limiutions, the Guide is a useful Uttle book. .

tnese iinuwi , Willard M. Wallace, Wesleyan Umverstty

TAVISTOCK ABBEY: A STUDY IN THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC HISTORY
OF DEVON. By H. P. R. Finberg. [Cambridge Studies in Medieval U£e and Thought,
New Series, Volume II.] (New York, Cambridge University Press, 1951; PP- vm, 320.
$.To ) Mr Finberg ha given us an example of local history as .t should be wntten
not as liquarian^esea?ch but as an analysis of interest beyond the confines o
Tavistock or Devon. Though some themes in the history of the abbey-.ö socia
smicmre, stannary, and the techniques of food production-were marked by lo«
peculiarities, others (such as seignorial revenues) have a more K<;""«1.™'«17- /^^
conclusions are documented by charts on sales and prices of wool, "^"^"cs ^ ^aur
oroduces, abbey expenses, etc. A chapter on the monastic economy sums up both the
UaS and Ihe exploitation of assets. On the whole the abbey made the most o£
a^r«, and especidly the agrarian economy reveals itself as one of sound farm.ng
for which Devon as a whole had acquired a reputaüon. Here, as elsewhere Ae monk-
farmers became transformed into monk-wardens by the end of *-: fou"eenA c nnjy,
and these in turn were superseded by lay surveyors. Thus whi e the -"«"ks led a
büsy life of prayer and economic activity, the share of the laity m the managemen
o"their estates continued to grow. The book is also of significance for the h,stor,an of
the Reformation. Not only is the story brought up to the dissolunon but we are gwen
an insight into the administrative history of an abbey wh.ch seemed to be one of
•■golL mediocrity." Nevertheless, when the crown, Lord RusseH and the par.sh
,«,k over the various temporal functions of the abbey. many neighbors and tenants
would gladly have welcomed the monks back. Mr. Finberg concludes that no compa-
rably ctilized Institution took the abbey's place. In the long run, however, secular
Society did manage to replace the social Services of the monasnc Orders, even .f we
are apt to glance enviously upon the "ordered society" of that handful of monks who
lived out their busy lives amid the architectural splendor of Tavistock Abbey.

George L. Mosse, State Unwerstty of Iowa

HOBBES AND HIS CRITICS: A STUDY IN SEVENTEENTH CENTURY CONSTI-
TUTIONALISM. By John Bowle. (New York, Oxford University Press, 1952. PP-
21'! $2 75.) The dictatorships that have swept over Europe during the past thirty
years have made for a revival of interest in the doctrines of Hobbes and of his op-
ponents. Mr. John Bowle, of Wadham College, Oxford, has written an incisive luc.d
account of this subject. He is die author of two able works, Western Pohtteal Thought
(from the origins to Rousseau) and The Unity of European H.story znd hence
brings to bear on his theme broad learning and a balanced ,udgment. Utilizing lus
mastery of the relevant sources and a fine historical Imagination, he brings to life the
Personalities as well as the ideas of Hobbes and such f^P«^^"«"™ "'""^f f "'
kobert Filmer, Alexander Rosse, Dr. Seth Ward, the Reverend William Lucy George
Lawson, Philip Hunton, Bishop Bramhall, Dr. John Eachard. Lord Clarendon, and
John Whitehall. With great skill Mr. Bowle recreates the climate of opinion of the age
and Shows how shocking and startling an Impression Hobbes made upon his con-
temporaries, an aspect of Hobbes's life and times which has been curiously neglected.

PipgllfMpeS

WWmMWWi^mSWW'

PORTTANS, UWIERS, AND POLITICS IN KARLT SEVENTREBTH-CENTURZ ENGLAND. By John

iykBtra EusdsD. [Tale Studles in Religlous Educatlon, Volume 230 (New
av«n, Conneoiieutt Yale ünivarsity Press. 1958. Pp. xii, ?38. $4.50.)

Dj3

Hai

The theme of Mr. Busden'» book 1« eet forth with adrolrable olarity. Did
Puritantsm and oommon law have an inf luence tqpon eaoh other in early seven-
teenth Century England? The relationship was one, not of direct influence,
btt of ideological parallelism. In order to demonstrate such affinity, Mr.
Eusden first discusses Puritanism, then the common lawyers, and subsequently
the "Puritan common law" Opposition to the Stuarts. Finally, the book deals
with the tho\ight of Puritans and lawyers on politioal authority, Parliaaent,
and sovereignty.

The ideological parallelism is seen primarily in the Puritan conoept of
the Divine sovereignty of God and in the legal concept of fundamental law.
•TThe Puritans held that divine sovereignty manifested its authority throu^
particular laws. This also the lawyers believed about fundamental law." (1^5)
In contrast to natural law ideas, there was nothing inflexible about these
higher laws , and this enabled the issues of the day to be argued within the
traditional framework of Bnglish law. Puritans and lawyers also shared the
belief in the separate and limited functions of all governmental authority.
Mr. Susden traoes this idea forward, showing that such concept of "societal
pluralism" acted as a check on the supreme parliament of post-revolutionary

times.

The book analyzes the ideas of Puritans and lawyers with clarity and pre-
cision. In retelling muoh that is familiär, it forms a useful introduction
to the period as a whole. But the book 's strength also raises problems of
oomplexity, despite Mr. Eusden 's cautious tooe. His discussion of Puritan-
ism direots us to the Calvinistic core of the movement and redresses recent
excessive emphases on other Continental sources. let the eraphasis on Divine

-■V.-, i'/ai(,,v'nt^V-"^ ■■■'~.--'-'

^::-M^'i!?M'

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sovereignty tends to slight other elements in Puritanlsm. Natural law 1»
thought to play littl« part in the Puritan thou^t of this partitnilar p«r.
iod, for it was taking on a s«oular rather than Christian and Stoic form.
The wry de-emphasis on thsology whioh Mr. Eusden notes, and with it the
dÄ-araphasis on revelation, mada many Puritans rsoeptiva to both Christian
Stoicism and Platonism. God*s nysteries oo\ild be alucidatod through logio»
and here again a certain rationalism modified Divine sovareignty. In spita
of Calvin 's condamnation of ihe Stoic idaa of dastiny, tha lina betwaan
that concapt and Christian providanca becama evar aora narrowly drawn.

Thare is at laast ona parallalism batwaan tha Puritan common lawyars
and Jamas I whioh co\ild hava baan pointad out# Jamas oonsidarad himsalf
an "unlimitad monarch** (84) but also ona rasponsibla to God. That raspon-
sibility meant recognizing local custom and ha navar claimad to maka laws
without tha "advice" of Parliamant» ¥r. Eusden draws tha lina too claarly.
Not only Jamas, but Parliamant also had a concapt of amargency powars. Tha
••modam madiavalism" of tha common lawyars must not ba oaada to axclude naw
ravolutionary and absolutist assartions mada 1^ Parliaraant itsalf . Parhaps
it is not tha idaa of sovaraignty but tha idaa of raason of stata whlch is

ioportant hara.

In spita of thasa oavaats, Mr. Eusdan has prasantad in axcallant fashion
tha main thasis of tha book. Tha first-rata forty-page bibliography shows
ooaiplata familiarity with tha sacondary and primary sourcas.

Gaorga L. Mossa

ünivarsity of Wisconsin

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AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW.

OCT

150

Other Recent Publications

1958

trast to earlier or later parliaments. Here Moir is upsetting tradition, which was nevcr
too firmly rooted in the sources. In his excellent description of the debates in this parlia-
ment, taken from all the best available sources, the author deals with the right of
Francis Bacon as attorney-general to sit in the House, the bill to naturalize the Count
Palatine, the expulsion of Sir Thomas Perry for his electioneering practices, and above
all with the four crucial topics of undertakers, supply, impositions, and the insults cast
upon the Commons by Bishop Neilc in the House of Lords. To complete the account
of the debates in this parliament Moir might have said more about monopolies, and he
should have said something about the discussion over the elections of sheriffs, mayors,
and bailifTs, the attack on the new Company of Merchant Adventurers, and the debates
on the troubles of the Virginia Company. In a book dealing with a single parliament
no Problem or inquiry of any importance should be omitted. The use of modern termi-
nology in describing the politics of 1614 is most unfortunate but possibly necessary. Moir
apologizes for employing such terms as "leaders of the Opposition," "the Opposition,"
"parties," etc. Even so his continual use of these appellations confuses the reader, espe-
cially when the author righdy points out that an outstanding characteristic of this parlia-
ment—its greatest weakness— was the absence of any kind of leadership. Then there is
the Word "undertakers," which King James thrust upon the Commons in his Speech
from the throne; to have clarified the diflerent usages of this term would have been a
boon to scholars. But these criticisms must not detract from a most valuable and well-
produced study of the Addled Parliament.
New Yor^ University Harold Hulme

PURITANS, LAWYERS, AND POLITICS IN EARLY SEVENTEENTH-CEN-
TURY ENGLAND. By John Dy\stra Eusden. [Yale Studies in Religious Education,
Volume 23.1 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. 1958. Pp. xii, 238. $4.50.) The
theme of Mr. Eusden's book is set forth with admirable clarity. Did Puritanism and
common law have an influence upon each other in early seventeenth-century England?
The relationship was one not of direct influence but of ideological parallelism. In order
to demonstrate such affinity, Eusden first discusses Puritanism, then the common
lawyers, and subsequendy the "Puritan common law" Opposition to the Stuarts. Finally,
he deals with the thought of Puritans and lawyers on political authority, parliament,
and sovereignty. The ideological parallelism is seen primarily in the Puritan concept of
the Divine sovereignty of God and in the legal concept of fundamental law. "The Puri-
tans held that divine sovereignty manifested its authority through particular laws. This
also the lawyers believed about fundamental law." In contrast to natural law ideas,
there was nothing inflexible about these higher laws, and this enabled the issues of the
day to be argued within the tradirional framework of English law. Puritans and lawyers
also shared the belief in the separate and limited functions of all governmental authority.
Eusden traces this idea forward, showing that such concept of "societal pluralism"
acted as a check on the supreme parliament of postrevolurionary times. The author
analyzes the ideas of Puritans and lawyers with clarity and precision. In retelling much
that is familiär, the book forms a useful introduction to the period as a whole, but its
strength also raises problems of complexity, despite Eusden's cautious tone. His discus-
sion of Puritanism directs us to the Calvinistic core of the movement and redresses
recent excessive emphases on other Continental sources. Yet the emphasis on Divine
sovereignty tends to slight other elements in Puritanism. Natural law is believed to
play little part in the Puritan thought of this particular period, for it was taking on a
secular rather than Christian and Stoic form. The very deemphasis on theology which
Eusden notes, and with it the deemphasis on revelation, made many Puritans receptive

British Empire, Commonwealth, and Ireland

151

to both Christian Stoicism and Platonism. God's mysteries could be elucidated through
logic, and here again a certain rationalism modified Divine sovereignty. In spite of
Calvin's condemnation of the Stoic idea of destiny, the line between that concept and
Christian providence became ever more narrowly drawn. There is at least one parallel-
ism between the Puritan common lawyers and James I which could have been pointed
out. James considered himself an "unlimited monarch" but also one responsible to God.
That responsibility meant recognizing local custom, and he never claimed to make laws
without the "advice" of parliament. Eusden draws the line too clearly. Not only James
but parliament also had a concept of emergency powers. The "modern medievalism" of
the common lawyers must not be made to exclude new revolutionary and absolutist
assertions made by parliament itself. Perhaps it is not the idea of sovereignty but the
idea of reason of State which is important here. In spite of these caveats, Eusden has
presented in excellent fashion the main thesis of the book. The first-rate forty-page
bibliography shows complete familiarity with the secondary and primary sources.
University of Wisconsin George L. Mosse

ESSAYS ON THE LATER STUARTS. By Godfrey Davies. (San Marino, Calif.:
Huntington Library. 1958. Pp. viii, 133. $4.00.). The death last year of Godfrey Davies,
so long a member of the staff of the Huntington Library, was a blow to his many stu-
dents and friends. This slim volume contains three of his most recent studies: "Charles
II in 1660," published in 1956 in the Bulletin; "Tory Churchmen and James 11" and
"The Control of Foreign Policy by William III," now appearing for the first time. To
these have been added three delightful reproductions of mezzotints of the monarchs
discussed in the text and a most useful bibliography of Davies' works compiled by
Dr. Paul Hardacre. Davies shared almost none of that nostalgic sympathy for the
Stuarts which some historians have displayed. He was a dispassionate Student of what
actually happened, and coolly assessed the veracity of tributes to Charles II by contempo-
raries in the light of the record. Praise and blame are both dispensed without prejudice.
A rarely quoted confession by one of the Scottish commissioners, Alexander JafTray, re-
veals the pressure brought upon the young Charles to sign a covenant he so obviously
did not like. The king's interest in ships and science is attested, and his talent as a
letter writer remarked. Charles' conversation was brilliant though repetitious at times,
but his public speaking was poor. Charming manners brought him a real popularity,
but reports of clemency and generosity cannot be taken too seriously in the light of the
evidence. A Catholic at heart perhaps as early as 1660, Charles* religion made singularly
little difTerence to his morals. As a king he was lazy, with no philosophy about his role
except regarding his own amusement. James II relied too much on the loyalty in all
circumstances of the Anglican churchmen. These professed a belief in divine right and
in the evil of resistance, but they balked at attacks on Protestant privilege and on rules
established by law. Conversations with Oxonians, with the bishops in 1688, and with
courtiers as the crowd cheered acquittal reveal James' naive surprise at the churchmen's
resentment and defense of their establishment. As always, Davies' most casual asides
reveal complete command of printed material, but in neither this nor the essay on
Charles does he do more than underline theories already generally held about the
brothers. On the other band, in a penetrating summary of William the Third's control
of foreign policy, Davies illuminates more vividly than heretofore William's impatience
at the restraints of constitutional monarchy and the length to which he went in ignor-
ing parliament's desire to understand the policies for which it was paying. News of the
Grand Alliance was withheld in 1692. As William traveled and negotiated abroad he
took with him only men like Blathwayt, who could be relied on to do as he was

■>'.«€.«;■

■<at,

The American Historical Review

BOYD C. SHAFER, Managino EDITOR
400 A STREET SOUTHEAST
WASHINGTON 3. D. C.

March 7, 1958

Dear Professor MosseJ

Would you be willing to write a review o£ the
book noted below? If so, a copy will be sent to you
with the proper heading, which you are requested to
attach to the review.

Sincerely yours,

Au thor and Title: John %kstra Eusden, PURITANS,
LAWYERS, AND POLITICS IN EARLY SEVENTEENTH-

CENTURY ENGLAND.
I am on leave in Surope, and shall be glad to

do the review if you want to send the book to me

here

Length of review: ca. 400 words

Date review IS desired: July 7, 1958

'-iiM^'x^&-M^^^'

^l^Pp^^M^^p^Ifl^lfi^^

TAKTSTOCK ABBCTi A SrJDY IN TTTK SOCIAL A^TD ECONOMIC ^'ISTORT OP DEVON, Bf Ä ' H* r^

H^P» R, Flne^>erg> (Caiubridge Studies In Mediefral Life and Thought, New
Serie» Volw» II.) (New Yorki Cairibrldge University Pre««. 1951. "^0 Tili,
320. «5.00.)

Utm Fineberg ^s firiv^n us an exanple of local history «a it «hould be
wrltten, not as antiquarlan research but as an analysia of intereat beyond the
confinea of Tavlstock or Devon» Thou^ some theroes In the hiatory of the Abbey,
it's aocial structure, stannary, and the techniques of food production were
marked by local peculiarities, oth rs (such aa seignoral revenuea) have a laoro
general validity. The concluaions are documented by Charta on salea and pricea
of wool, atatistlca of dairy produce8| Äbbey expensea otc, A chapter on the
Monaatic ecc»ioniy atmia up both the liabillties and the exploitation of asseta, On
the whole the Abbey made the most of it's asseta and eapedally the agrarian
econonQT revoals itself as one of saund farming for which Devon as a isliole had
acquired a i'eputation« Here, as elseiÄiere, the laonk-fanuers became transfonaed
into Monk -wardena by the end of the f ourteenth Century and theae in tum wera
auperfiedftd by lay surveyorö. Thus iihile the »onka led a buay life of prayer and
econoüaic a-tivity, the sh re of the layity in the manageaent of their estatea
conti nued to grow»

The book is alao of aignificanoe for the hiatorian of tha Reforjafttlon*
Not only is the story broufi^t up to the diaaolution but we are given an insight
into the administrative histoiy of an Abbey whoae imrreasion ia one of "golden
mediocrity*'» Jlevertheleas, when the Crown, Lord Russell and the Parish took over
the various temporal functions of the abbey, riany neighbors and tenants would
gladly have welcoaed tl.e monka back« Mr# Fir^berg concludes tliat no coiz^Ärably
civilized inatitution took the abbey'a place» In the long run, however, secular
aociety did raanagre to replace the aocial «ervicea of the monastic ordera, even if
we are apt to ^lance envioualy upon the *ordered aociety" of that handful of monka
who lived out their buay livea among architectural aplendour of Tavistock Abbey»

George L* Moaae

State Uni Vera ity of Iowa

♦,

THE PHILOSOPHY OF LAW IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE. By Carl
Joachim Friedrich, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1958. Pp. x, 252.
$4-75.)

Professor Friedrich's Book discusses thc problems of the philosophy of law,
as they prescnt themselves today, within a historical framework. The first part

■■ic^w-iffMAy-.

334 Reviews of Books

of thc Book, over two-thirds of the work, is devoted to the historical development
of legal thought. Thc second part, entidcd "Systematic Analysis," which con-
ccrns itself with contemporary legal problems, is broadly conceived and inte-
grates the historical perspectives derived from the first part of the Book. Friedrich
gives a concise summary of the historical development of legal thought from
the heritage of the Old Testament to the present. Hardly any major figure in
this development is missing; yet this is not in any wslj a "handbook," but a
smoothly flovi^ing analysis built around the various concepts of the nature of law.
Thus, for example, the chapter "Law as Command" discusses Hobbes and the
Utilitarians; "Law as the Expression of 'Pure Reason,'" handles Spinoza and
Wolfif, while "Law as Class Ideology" deals with Marx and Engels.

This is a book written with a purpose. In legal positivism and legal relativism
Friedrich sees philosophies opposed to the value Systems important to the concept
of a just law. Positivism, which includes Hans Kelsen's pure theory of law in our
time as well as that of Hobbes in the past, leads to a glorification of the State.
The equation of law with power alone is opposed by Friedrich; justice and
Order are not opposed to each other but are interdependent. Power by itself can-
not be the basis of justice. Bodin seems to Friedrich responsible for clearly divid-
ing human laws from the natural laws, paralleling the analogous Separation of
power politics and morals by Machiavelli. All this is contrary to the final defini-
tion of just law which concludes the book: it is a System of reasonable rules
grounded in the common experience of man. They seek to realize justice and thus
need a System of higher values, which are created with the participation of all
members of the legal Community on the basis of a Constitution and which rest
upon the continuous common efiforts of these members.

Whatever the practical limitations of this viewpoint — and Friedrich recognizcs
them — the object of the book does not markedly aflfect the judicious historical
analysis. In a work so comprehensive it is obvious that much had to be omitted.
The modern period concentrates on Germany, but this is justified since nine-
teenth-century Germany rather than France was the chief laboratory of legal
thought. More serious is the absence of any discussion of theories of resistance
to authority in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Perhaps it is through the
legal thought of such theories that natural law as the criterion of higher values
remained fresh and alive when it was being secularized elsewhere. The Huguenot,
Catholic, and Puritan theorists could well be the bridge between the pre-Bodinian
fusion of Order and justice and the new fusion that Friedrich desires.

This book is an excellent introduction to the history of legal thought. At a
time when most political scientists are abandoning the history of ideas for an
increasingly empirical orientation, Friedrich continues to show what excellent
results can be obtained through fusing both disciplines.

University of Wisconsin George L. Mosse

AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

i^ÄN 1959

-f^*.

American Historical Revieir, ( *Januaiy, 1959)

Friedrich: The Philosophy of Law 333

cogent demonstration that the "covering law model"— i.e., the position that the
thing to be explained is satisfactorily explained only by its explicit or implicit
reduction to an instance of a general law or hypothesis — simply does not satisfy
the practicing historian's sense of explanation: the general laws are either too
loosely connected with specific historical conditions to be logically required, or
they must be made either too general or too specific to be explanatory of any-
thing. How logicians will receive his argument I cannot judge, but certainly
Dray's feeling for the historians' position in this debate — for their emphasis on
particularity in subject matter, on diflferentiation in purpose, and on the coherent
"story" (in Dray*s logical version, "the model of the continuous series") in
explanation — is both sensitive and sound. Nor does Dray's historical understand-
ing fail when he deals with the obverse side of his study, the positive logic that
governs historians' Standard explanations. For he Starts from the explicit recogni-
tion of the multipicity of types of historical explanation — observational and em-
pathetic, noncausal and causal ("how" and "why" explanations), eventual and
active, dispositional and rational — and goes on to show the plurality of logical
procedures within each type. Dray discusses the types of explanation separately,
but a certain pattern of logical criteria seems to repeat itself in each case: the
historian uses an inductive "judgment" for establishing the necessary conditions
in an explanation, and he uses "pragmatic" logic for selecting the circumstances,
the sequences, or the "rational" grounds that constitute the sufficient conditions
in an explanation. These are criteria that will faithfuUy convey to philosophers
an insight into the varieties of historical perspectives, but they do not have the
rigor (particularly with two unresolved uses of "pragmatic," signifying both
satisfaction in the historian and agency in history) to convey to historians much
beyond the comfort that there is a niche in logic for what he does. It must be
conceded that this impression of a common pattern among the types of explana-
tion is a reader's inference and might well be resented by Dray as a violation of
his logical niceties. But authors who do not themselves tie together their discursive
analyses must sufler the audacities of reviewers who will try to do it for them.
The coincidental publication of these two volumes promises a fruitful Com-
munity of labor if philosophers continue to refine their categories to account for
the flexibility and mobility of the historian's logic and if historians continue to
integrate their autonomous province into the federation of disciplined knowledge.

Yde University Leonard Krieger

THE PHILOSOPHY OF LAW IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE. By Carl
Joachim Friedrich, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1958. Pp. x, 252.
$475.)

Professor Friedrich's book discusses the problems of the philosophy of law,
as they present themselves today, within a historical framework. The first part

■HHI

m4,

mmmimi^Km'

W^W^m^SW^WWWW^^ß^.

^^^ Reviews of Books

of the book, over two-thirds of the work, is devoted to thc historical developmcnt
of legal thought. The second part, cntitlcd "Systematic Analysis." which con-
cerns itself w.th contemporary legal problems, is broadly conceived and inte-
grates the histor.cal perspectives derived from the first part of the book. Friedrich
gives a conc.se summary of the historical development of legal thought from
the hentage of the Old Testament to the present. Hardly any major figure in
this development .s missing; yet this is not in any way a "handbook," but a
^ooth y flowmg analysis built around the various concepts of the nature of law.
Thus, for example, the chapter "Law as Command" discusses Hobbes and the
Unhtanans; Law as the Expression of 'Pure Reason,'" handles Spinoza and
Wolff, while Law as Class Ideology" deals with Marx and Engels.

Th.s « a book written with a purpose. In legal positivism and legal relativism
Friednch sees philosoph.es opposed to the value Systems important to the concept
of a ,ust law. Pos.üvism, which includes Hans Kelsen's pure theory of law in our
tune as well as that of Hobbes in the past, leads to a glorification of the State.
The equafon of law with power alone is opposed by Friedrich; justice and

r^.rjl T "'''^ '° ''''' °*'' ''"' "^ '«erdependent. Power by itself can-
not be the bas.s of justice. Bodin seems to Friedrich responsible for clearly divid-
mg human laws from the natural laws, paralleling the analogous Separation of
power pol.t.cs and morals by Machiavelli. All this is contrary to the final defini-
t.on of ,ust law wh.ch concludes the book: it is a System of reasonable rules
grounded .n the comrnon experience of man. They seek to realize justice and thus
n^d a System o h.gher values, which are created with the participation of all
members of the legal Community on the basis of a Constitution and which rest
upon the conünuous common efforts of these members.

Whatever the practical limitations of this viewpoint-and Friedrich recognizes
them-the object of the book does not markedly affect the judicious historical
analys,s. In a work so comprehensive it is obvious that much had to be omitted.
1 he modern penod concentrates on Germany, but this is justified since nine-

T ulT "'"^ '""'" **''" ^'^"« «'^' '^^ ^Wef laboratory of legal
hought. More serious is the absence of any discussion of theories of resistance
o authonty m the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Perhaps it is through the
legal thought of such theories that nataral law as the criterion of higher values
remained fresh and alive when it was being secularized elsewhere. The Huguenot.
Cathohc and Puntan theorists could well be the bridge between the pre-Bodinian
tusion of Order and justice and the new fusion that Friedrich desires

This book is an excellent introduction to the history of legal thought At a
t.me when most political scientists are abandoning the history of ideas for an
increasingly empirical orientation, Friedrich continues to show what excellent
results can be obtained through fusing both disciplines.
Unhersity of Wisconsin g,„^„^ l. Mossb

The American Historical Review

BOYD C. SHAFER, MANAGING EOITOR
400 A STREET SOUTHEAST
WASHINGTON 3, D. C.

July 11, 1968

Dear Professor Mosse;

Would you be willing to write a review of the
Book noted below? If so, a copy will be sent to you
with the proper heading, which you are requested to
attach to the review.

Author and Title: Carl JolHfchlin Triedrich,
PHILOSOPHT OP LAW IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE.

Length of review: ca. 600 words

Date review IS desired: Oct» 6, 1968

'^■■■■r^'

fF^pl!sl|p|l^

3ff^iFlii?Pi*|l^^

THE PHILOSOPHT OF UW IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE* By Carl Joaohiny Friedrich,
{ Chicago t üniwraity of Chicago Press, 195Ö. Pp* x, 25z, ^.7^.)

Professor Friedrich's book disouseeo the problems of the philosophy of law»
as they präsent themselves today, within a historlcal framework, The first
part of the book, over two thirds of the work, is devoted to the historioal de*
velopment of legal thought, The second part, entitled •'ßystematic Analysis,**
vhich concems itself with contemporazy legal problems, is broadl/ conceived,
and integrates the historioal perspectives derived from the first part of the
book. Professor Friedrich gives a concise suinmary of the historioal develop-
ment of legal thought from the herit^ige of the Cid Testainent to the present,
Hardly any major figure in this developi&ent is mlssingi yet, this is not in
any way a "handbook," but a smoothly flowing analysis bxiilt ajround the various
conoepts of the nature of law« Thus, for example, the ohapter **Law as Command**
discusses Hobbes and the Utilitarians $ ""Law as the Expression of *Pure Heason,***
handles Spinoza and Wolff , whilo "Law as Class Ideology** deals with Marx and
Engels •

This is a book written with a purpose« In legal positivism and legal rela-
tivism Professor Friedrich sees philosophies opposed to the value eystems iirqpor-.
tant to the concept of a Just law« Positivism, which includes Hans Kelsen's
pure theory of law in cur time as well as Hobbes in the past, leads to a glorifi-
cation of the state. The equation of law with power alone is opposed by Professor
Friedrich; Justice and order are not opposed to each other but are interdependent.
Power by itself cannot be tiie basis of jiistice. Bodin seems to Professor Fried-
rich responsible for clearly dividing H\iman Laws from the Natural Laws» paral-
leling the analogous Separation of power politics and morals by Machiavelli*
All this is contrary to the final definition of Just law which ooncludes the
bookj it is a System of reasonable rules that are grounded in the common exper-
ience of man, which seeks to realize Justice (and thus needs a system of higher

'>^ '-^ '^^'fi.^'.^j^'^r^^''^^^-^-''^ 5i^ij-'^''^r. '^^^'i^'l^^'-v ^U'-S^^;

valties) , whioh are creatad with the partioipation of all members of the legal
Community on the basis of a Constitution and whioh reet upon the continuoua
common effoz*ts of these membera«

Whatever the practlcal limitationa of this viewpoint— and Professor Friedrich
recognizes tliem— the object of the book does not markedly affect the judicious
historical analysis« In a work so comprehensive it is obvious that rauch had to
be omitted» The modern period concentrates on Germany, but this is Justified
since in the nineteenth Century Germany rather than France was the Chief labor-
atory of legal thought» More serious is the absence of any discussion of the-
ories of resistance to authority in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries«
Perhaps it is through the legal thought of such theories that natural law as
the criterion of higher values remained fresh and alive when it was being secular«
ized elsewhere» The Huguenot, Catholic, and Puritan theorists could well be
the bridge between the pr6«Bodinian fusion of order and justice and that new
fusion which Professor Friedrich desires»

This book is an excellent introduction to the histoiy of legal thought» At
a time when most politioal scientists are abandoning the history of ideas for
an increasingly empirical orientation» Professor Friedrich continues to show
the excellent Insults which can be obtained through fusing both disciplines.

George L. Messe

üniversity of Wisconsin

is based. Perhaps that is more than
we have a right to expect.

Ernest Trice Thompson
Union Theological Seminary,
Richmond, Va.

The Origin of the Gospel of Mark.
By Harold A. Guy. New York:
Harper, 1955. 176 pp. $2.50.

Modern study of the earliest gospcl
has suggested first that its author was
merely a Compiler of the oral tradi-
tions which had come down to him or,
more recently, that he was a subtle
theologian using tradition in the inter-
est of symbolism. Guy's book tries to
make use of both interpretations. After
a useful sketch of earlier work (in
which one misses Lohmeyer's and
Branscomb's commentaries, as well as
F. C. Grant's The Earliest Gospel and
J. Weiss's older Das älteste Evan-
gelium), Guy tums to argue that cer-
tain "asides" in Mark can best be ex-
plained as (originally) oral comments
of a narrator (2:10, 28; 3:30; 7:19;
9:1, 12, 41, 50b; 10:15, 31, 40b, 45;
12:9-11; 13:10, 30, 33, 37; 14:9, 49b,
62b; 16:4b, 8). He explains grammati-
cal irregularity, parentheses, repeti-
tions, colloquialisms, and mistakes as
characteristic of speech rather than
writing. Next, "when the oral ac-
count was written down, these traits
were retained, so well did the scribe
adopt his teacher's language and ex-
pression" (p. 119).

The question of the gospel's arrange-
ment remains, however, and Guy, evi-
dently unpersuaded by the arguments
of Austin Farrer, suggests that the
individual episodes in the gospel were
written on separate sheets of papyrus,
mostly containing about 600 Greek
letters and varying in size from 4x3
inches to 7 x 5. The present arrange-
ment of Mark is a tentative one based
by an editor on the papyrus sheets left
by the transcriber-pupil of an early
teacher-preacher. The editor also in-
serted material from other sources
(3:14-19, 4:3-34, 6:17-29, 7:1-23, and
the apocalyptic teaching in 13), and
added summaries and connecting links,
(The Passion Narrative was probably
already a connected whole.)

This theory, as Guy says, may ex-

plain the repetitions and doublets in
Mark, the abrupt beginning, and the
abrupt end. It is reminiscent of Bult-
mann's partition-theory concerning the
Fourth Gospel. And of course it is
equally difficult to prove, ttiough
some of the considerations brought
forward by C. C. McCown in his im-
portant article, "Codex and Roll in
the New Testament," Harv. Theol.
Rev. 34 (1941), 219ff., in support of
partition theories in relation to John
are equally valid here. And amid all
the explanations now being given of
the origin of the gospel of Mark, Guy's
Stands out as more persuasive than
most.

Robert M. Grant
University of Chicago.

The Agc of the Refonnation, by E.
Harris Harbison, Ithaca, New
York : Cornell University Press,
1955, 145 pages, $1.25.

The publication in this country,
within the last three years, of the
third general history of the Reforma-
tion, is effective testimony of the ris-
ing interest in that period. One of
the hardest tasks of historical scholar-
ship is to synthesize in brief form the
detailed scholarship of several pre-
vious generations, and to do so in a
way which the uninitiated can under-
stand and even enjoy; Professor
Harbison has been highly successful
in meeting this challenge.

The book is divided into three
chapters. The first of these, "The
European World about 1500" is a
model summary, brilliantly executed ;
the second, "The Religious Upheaval",
deals in straightforward fashion with
the Reformation itself. It is in his
last chapter, "The Struggle for
Power", covering the second half of
the sixteenth Century, that Professor
Harbison has faced his most difficult
organisational task, a task which he
has dealt with in two ways. The
"Crucial 50ties" are taken up sepa-
rately by country; for the rest of the
Century, the histories of Spain, France,
the Netherlands and England are in-
dividually traced. A brief and sugie^es-
tive section on the "Mind of the Six-
teenth Century" concludes the book.

uW^

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186

nme, 1956
CHURCH HISTORY

Many examples might be given of
the reflection of recent scholarship
in these pages. The stress on the Ref-
ormation as a **unique" movement,
hifving as its origin Luther's reHgious
experience, is indicative of the mood
of present day Reformation research.
The expansive treatment of the Ana-
baptists reflects the present interest
in the development of religious rad-
icalism. However, the book is not
primarily centered about the reHgious
development of the period. The Ref-
ormation is viewed more as a broad
reorganization of economic, poHtical
and reHgious Hfe. While the choice of
such a broad canvas is fully justified,
Hmitations of Space have involved the
sacrifice of certain aspects of the re-
Hgious picture. Thus Bucer, whose
importance new research has con-
stantly augmented, hardly enters into
the picture. This may well be the
reason for our failing to get a feeling
of the developing character of Calvin's
poHtical and religious thought. An
account of the internal developments
in Geneva, the climax of which seems
very much a part of the "Crucial
SOties" had to be omitted. Nor do we
get an insight into the importance of
the Conciliar tradition or the nature of
populär piety.

All this is not meant to be a serious
criticism of the book; it is meant to
indicate in what areas, perhaps quite
rightly, the weight of the w^ork lies:
the book is primarily concerned with
the interplay between Churches, States
and classes. While there are some
stimulating analytical sections in the
book, it is, in conformity with the
aim of the series in which it appears,
a narrative stressing that "compre-
hensiveness" which Professor Harbi-
son extols in his preface. There is no
doubt that his readers will get a sense
of the complex interplay of factors
which enter into a historical Situation,
but beyond this, they will also get
from this book the enjoyment and
satisfaction of reading good history.

George L. Müsse

Unkiersity of Wisconsin

Protestant-Catholic-J ew: An Essay
in American Religious Sociology.
By Will Herberg. Garden City,
New York : Doubleday & Co., 1955.
320 pp. $4.00.

The thesis of this sociological Inter-
pretation of the present religious Sit-
uation in America is essentially that
this "land of immigrants" has become
the "triple melting pot," restructured
in three great communities with re-
ligious labeis. This transformation has
been greatly furthered by what Her-
berg calls "the dialectic of third gen-
eration interest." The third generation
( Coming into its own with the cessa-
tion of mass Immigration) tries to re-
cover its heritage as a context of self-
identification, but finding it "un-
American" to appropriate the grand-
father's culture, appropriates his re-
ligion. The ancestral religion has been
subtly transformed, however, so that
it is not uncongenial to the "American
Way of Life," which is the operative
faith of the majority of Americans.
Therefore American religious institu-
tions flourish even as America be-
comes more secularized.

Though primarily sociological, the
work has three historical chapters,
each briefly dealing with the history
of one of America's three faiths. Bas-
ed on secondary sources, and not
without some error s (e.g., a minimiz-
ing of the struggles for religious liber-
ty, misstatements about the Great
Äwakenings), these chapters compress
into a hundred pages an interpretative
introduction to religion in the United
States. The historian who is especially
concerned with the last hundred years
of American Protestantism will find
Herberg's contribution suggestive,
for it dramatizes one of the important
topics in recent religious history — ^the
role of the immigrant. An index and
many useful bibliographical sugges-
tions complete this provocative and
stimulating study.

Robert T. Handy
Union Theological Seminary

John 2iska and the Hussite Revo-
lution, By Frederick G. Heymann.

B'i^-^fc^-. iiBSS^ft^^f^mj^iws^ä^^-f

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Richard Hamann and Jost Hermand, Naturalismus , Akademie Verlag» Berlin»
1959, 336 pp.

This book represents a kind of o\iltural history unfortunately unknown
on this side of the Atlantic, gy the drawing together in a meaningful
pattem art and literature» the authors have illuminated an entire epoch.
The title **naturali8m" describes art forme imbued bgr an activiem which
reflects a far-reaching reordering of politics and eociety. Thue the
naturalism of the eighties becomes a proletarian naturalism as the etrug-
gles of the working classes penetrate the consciousness of the bourgeoisie«
gtarting frora this historical base, the book analyzes the diversified
artistic and literary expressions inspired by this naturalism, which
broke with the currents of the (Sruenderzeit > Indeed, the book*8 first
chapter deals with this rejection of a tradition which was in füll re-
treat before the reality of a new industrial Germany. The manner in
which the hallowed idea^ of the seventies was exposed, and the subsequent
developraent of the new genre are fully developed, The authors detail
the effects of this upheaval upon religion» the family, as well as upon
the ooncept of authority. The influences of environmentalism are then
examined — man viewed as a part of the masses» tied to his milieu» led to
depersonalization in art and literature« After discussing the influence
of socialism upon art and literature, the final section is devoted to the
principles of naturalistic style, particularly its tendency towards
mechanization and optical precision to the exclusion of creative and imagin-
ative elements*

This sumraary is but a pale ref lection of the tapestry which this book
weaves. Its value lies precisely in the fact that the authors have drawn
upon a Wide variety of exaraples. Though art and literature occupy the
foreground, the intellectual currents of the age receive adequate attention«

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There are chapters on the new urge for statistiosy on the growing belief
that crime was a social-pathological manifestationi and on history and
culture as the mirror of economic conditions« Agains to illustrate the
influences of environmentalism, the authore ränge over the whole apectznun
of art and literatiire» from a painting "The Railroad Station" which de«
picts man as the mere Operator of switches» to the stage directions in
Gerha3?d Hauptmannes early plays. *^he Station" is one of several new
discoveries of natiiralistic art which Herraand has made during his re-
searches. From Max Liebermann to Kaethe Kollwitz, the book*8 illustra-
tions» many in color» form a well-integrated commentary on the text«
Nor are newspapers and literary magazines neglected as sources of analysis
and neither are important writings on theology like those of Ernst Troeltsch.
All of this can only indicate in a superficial manner the manysidedness
of the work.

The definition of natiiralism which the book uses is closely linked to
the struggle of the working classes but not in a Marxist sense; indeed
the book throws important light upon the interconnection between Marxism
and literature as well as art« The class struggle was engulfed by a
drive towards realism which penetrated artistic consciousness more from
the direction of environmentalism than from any wish to glorif^ the Pro-
letariat as the future society. This naturalism as proletarian realism
seems based more upon the reaction against the seventies and the subse«
quent search for reality rather than upon a Marxist dialectical view of
life. This is certainly true for many of the artistic expressions
discussed, such as the painting of Max Liebermann. Nor do the proletarian
autobiographies published after the tum of the Century go much beyond
descriptions of a milieu. No wonder that many writers, Gerhard Hauptmann,

^^SSUfS^SSlS^P

for instano«, •vantually matte their peaoe with the pseudo-idsalistio
tastes of the bourgeolsie» Moreover, thls genre does become a new
romantioism of the Proletariat« The book ralses the problem of whether
a Marxist art is possible on the two levels which Marx and Engels recog-
niaedt that of reality and that of theozy. Raymond Williame hae shown
the literary confusion of Marxist artistic endeavor in England » Hermand
and Hamman show its oversimplification in Qerman naturalism«

Today Marxists reject naturalism as not sufficiently committed to
the dialectical Vision of a brighter future as a bourgeois style.
Nevertheless Marxist artistic expression has never managed to break the
bonds of a naturalism defined as proletarian realism. Solely the school
of painting in Mexico and the theater of Bert Brecht might provide ex-
amples of an art created on the two levels which Marx and Engels desired.

This work is one of a series. Hie next volume will carry this kind
of analysis into the twentieth Century, They will have to disc\xss the
"new romanticism" in Germany which in the end was to triuraph over thls
naturalism. The Gründerzeit had not Just ignored contemporary problems
as Hermand implies; it had redefined these problems through Voelkische
Literatur away from an emphasis on industrialism. It is not quite true
to say either that the Oriinderzeit •^rauschte sich" with Bahn, for Dahn,
like Freytag, spread an ideology which was to outlast naturalis© and to
have grave consequences for Germany* s "new romanticism." No doubt all
this will be included in the next volumes* Meanwhile» the authors have
written what is ceirbainly one of the most important cultural histories
which have appeared in the last decades and which should be translated
into Bnglish at the earliest opportunity.

George L« Mosse

üniversity of Wisconsin

CHUflcH H/:>^0/lf

The Ane of the Reformation, by E« Harris H&rblßon,
Ithaca, New Yorkt Comell Uilverslty PresSf 1955»
l45 poges

The publicatlon In thls coiintry, wlthin the last throe years,
of the thlrd general hlstory of the Reformation, Is affective
testlmony of the rlslng intorest In that perl od« One of the
hardest tasks of hlstorliral scholarshlp Is to synthesize In
brlof form the detalled scholarshlp of several provlous
generatlonß, and to do so In a way v/hlch the vmlnitlated can
understand and evon enjoy; Professor Harblson has beon lilßhly
successful In Meeting thls challenge«

The book Is dlvlded Into throe chaptors: the flrst of these,
" The European World about 150O *• Is a model siunmary, brllliant-
ly executed; the second, "Tue Religlous Upheaval"» deals In
stralghtforward fashlon wlth the Reformation itself* It is in
hls last chapter, "The Struggle for Power", covering the second
half of the sixteonth centuery, that Professor Harblson has
faced hls most dlfflcult organlsational task, a task whlch he
has dealt wlth in two vrays. The "Cruclal SOties" are taken up
separat ely by country; for the rest of the Century, the hls-
tories of Spaln, France, the Netherlands and England are
indivldually traced* A brlef and sugoöstive soctlon on the
•• Mind of the Sixteonth Century" concludes the book«

MRny examples mlght be given of the reflectlon
of rocent scholarshlp in theso pages« The streso on the
Reformation as a "unlque" movement, havlng as It's origln
Luther 's religlous experience is indicatlve of the mood of
present day Reformation research« The expansive treatment of
the Anabaptlsts reflects the prosent intorest in the dove opment

1 f/xj >4, «i

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[tu '^: ^■j'iÄ"'-' ''"*''"' ,s »'■ T'^-^ J' y ^' „ 77?T>!I|1

of x^ollglouß radlcallsm« Howevor, tho book io not prlmarlly
center©d about the rellßious devolopment of the perlod# Tho
Roformation Is vlewed more as a broad rGorGani7.atlon of
economic, political and roligious lifo« Whllo tho cholc©
of such a üroad canvas Is fully Jußtlflod, llmltatlons of
Space hav© Involved th© sacrlflco of cortaln aspocts of tho
rollGious plcturo« Thus Bucer, whos© importanc© nev i*©s©arch
haa constantly augaentod, hardly ontors Into the plctuiTO, thls
may well be the roason for ouTTfalllng to ßot a feolinG of the
dovoloplng character of Calvin* s political and roliclous thousht*
An account of the internal devolopment s in Gonova the climax
of which seoms vorj much a part of the "Crucial 50ties" had
to be ommittod, Nor do wo s^t an insight into th© importanc©
of th© Consiliar tradition or th© nature of populär pioty.

All thiß is not neant to be a serious criticism
of the book| it is meant to Indicate in what areas, perhaps
quite ricshtly, the weight of the work ließi th© book iß
primarily concemed with the iate2?play betweon Churches,
States and clasßoß* V'hilo thero are eome stimulating analytical
sections in the book, it iß, in conforraity v;ith the aim of the
serioa in which it appeara, a narrativo streasing that
••Comprehenßi-^^iosB" which Profossor liarbison extols in hiß
pro face» Tnere iß no doubt that liis roaders will get a aenßo
of the complex intorplay of factora which enter into a hißtorical
ßitimtion, but boyond thiß, they will also get from tliiß book
tho enjoyment and aatlafacti jn of roading good history*

George L« Mosao

Univerßity of Wisconsin

^V*J::'*/^'*;V^!-v;^/!

/^Rdf»»V r^e fi R^ToA ti^Tii (^*<^J,U^ ^>/ vr ^ z

gerieten die Konservativen in ein zweites, für sie diesmal unlösbares Dilemma, und
selbst wenn die Herrschaft Maria der Blutigen angedauert hätte, würde die Zukunft
nicht ihnen, sondern den Jesuiten einerseits, der jungen protestantischen Bewegung
anderseits gehört haben.

Neben der Eruierung der wirksamen Leitgedanken hegt das Verdienst dieses
Buches in der großen Zahl der beleuchteten Bischofsgestalten im abgesteckten
Zeitraum. Die sie klassifizierende Tabelle weist 66 Namen auf, von denen etwa
die Hälfte als konservative in der Darstellung stärker berücksichtigt sind. Für seinen
Gegenstand bringt Vf. auch ein erfreuhches theologisches Verständnis mit, wie sich
besonders bei der Erörterung der Prädestination (S. 232ff.) zeigt, die in der refor-
matorischen Färbimg seitens der Konservativen als Antithese zum menschUchen
Gesetz und zur Geltung der Autorität überhaupt empfunden wurde. Zudem ist
das Buch ungemein lebendig gesclirieben.
Oöttingen ^»"»cä Roth

Philip Hughes, The Reformation in England. Volume II: Religio Depopulata.

New York, The MacmiUan Company, 1954. Pp. XXV, 366. $ 7.50.

In this volume Father Hughes continues his History of the English Reformation,
begun with the "King's Proceedings" published three years ago. Once more this
is a franky Catholic account of events, beginning with the fall of Thomas Cromwell
and ending with the death of Queen Mary. The polemical tone of much that Father
Hughes has to say contrasts with the more balanced judgments of his Catholic
predecessor, G. Constant.^) What is one to make, for example, of the dismissal of
Luther's belief s as "... the primitive statements of the heresiarch of Wittenberg"
(p. 52) ? Yet this defect should not obscure the value of the work as a whole. In
Order to prove his contentions, Hughes uses a method which of itseK would have
made his book a useful one: long paraphrases of basic (but sometimes almost
inaccessable) source materials. Not only are the Ten Articles, the Bishop's Book,
and the King's Book summarized in this manner, but lesser known important
documents are also included. Thus we get long accounts of such writings as the
Legum Ecdesiasticarum (1553) and Cardinal Pole's sermon reviewing the quaUty
of the Marian restoration (1557). This method enables the correction of previously
committed errors, such as Constant's almost inexplicable confusion between the
King's Book of Henry VIII and the manual of Christian doctrine written by Bonner
under Mary (p. 243).

In a CathoUc work of this nature the treatment of Queen Mary's reign may
well be the touchstone for an author's historical Interpretation. It is precisely here
that Hughes is at his best and most stimulating. He does not disguise the weaknesses
of that reign and assigns the greatest share of the blame to the bishops. Their
"bureaucratic blinkers", which had made them so pliable to Henry VIII's wishes,
had remained. Only an English Canisius could have put things right after twenty
years of confusion, and none of the Marian bishops rose to the call. Instead there
were the fires of Smithfield. If the bishops failed to give leadership to the ordinary

1) G. Constant, The Reformutimt in England, Vol. I (1934), Vol II (1941),
New York, Sheed and Ward.

279

mmm

lt*'liS'V•r■V,^''■•;i■:ÄiC'-•■'''ä'?^-'■.i(|;^^;■'

man, the heresy trials put them in even a worse light. For had not most of them
followed the Henrician heresy? Hughes bases his Interpretation of the heresy
proceedings upon a flat denial that Henry, while breakmg with the pope, remained
CathoHc. Here he is in sharp disagreement with Constant for whom the King was
schismatic, but Catholic in doctrine and Hturgy. Convincingly Hughes outlines the
Marian bishops' dilemma, that having been heretics hitherto they now had to
prosecute heresies which once had been their own beUef . Moreover, those prosecuted
were not Hable to such proceedings at canon law, for they had grown up in enforced
heresy. Here was the injustice, though Father Hughes spends some time proving
that reformers also beheved in burning heretics. If we forget this tilting at wind-
mills, there is another interesting Suggestion which emerges. Many of the victims,
about whom Foxe is silent, may have belonged to the universally despised Ana-
baptists. Essex and Kent fumished most of the heretics, and long before Mary's
reign, Cranmer had been worried about the growth of that sect in these
counties.

Yet for all the faUures of Mary's reign a new sphdt was infused into CathoUcism.
Though Hughes sees this in the Elizabethan exiles, those familiär with the stead-
fastness of such recusants as the Ladies' Vaux of Harrowden^) may also see it at
home. This change may be due as much to the hardening of confessional lines as
to the example of men like Cardinal Pole. For the Protestants also gained a new
elan during these years, something that does not emerge clearly from this account.
All told, Father Hughes's scholarship and insight should go far towards compen-
sating those who do not share his zest for fighting once more the battles of four
hundred years ago, or who belong to the opposite side of the Reformation barrier.
State üniversity of Iowa George L. Mosse

Earl Morse Wilbur, A History of Unitarianism in Transylvania, England, and
America. Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard Üniversity Press 1952, X, 518 S.
$ 7.50.

Ders.: A Bibliography of the Pioneers of the Socinian-Unitarian Movemevl in
Modern Christianity in Italy Switzerland Oermany Holland (Sussidi Enidji 1).
Roma, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1950. 80 S.

Wie sich — allein — aus dem Vorwort ergibt, will Vf., der Emeritus an der
Pacific Unitarian School (jetzt Starr King School) in Berkeley, Califomien ist,
dieses Buch als einen ergänzenden zweiten Band zu seinem früheren Werk A History
of Unitarianism: Socinianism and Its Antecedents, Cambridge, Mass. 1945 ver-
standen wissen. Er hat sich hier die Aufgabe gestellt, die Entwicklung der drei
hervorstechendsten Prinzipien der Unitarier in deren Geschichte zu verfolgen,
nämlich: volle Freiheit des Geistes (complete mental freedom), uneingeschränkter
Gebrauch der Vernunft (unrestricted reason) und großzügige Duldung religiöser
Verschiedenheiten (generous tolerance of differences in religion).

Ein solches Programm heß eigenthch einen geistesgeschichtlichen Zuschnitt
des Buches erwarten. Diesen Charakter hat es aber nicht, und auch „a history of

^) Godfrey Anstruther, Vaux of Harrowden, (Newport, Mon. 1953).

280

1 ':Wm'^M&§Mmi^i

Arohiv :^«r Re

formationsgeschicht«, 1952, Heft I

He points out in several connections the fact that Wolsey's dual position as a high
oöicial in the Church and as minister of state was tö be extremely significant when
tbe issue of supremacy was to be joined, particularly when his actions in this double
'capacity were to be also those of a legatus a latere. The fact that he received
all three offices essentially because of the King's favour had connotations for
royal power that were not fuUy realized at the time. In the relative weight of his
stress upon this nexus of powere Mr. Parker differa from other recent writera on this
subject. The point would appear to merit this emphasis. It is put thus neatly (p. 40) :
«Wolsey had used papal supremacy to unify authority in England under himself
and the King and directed the power thus gained to ends in which England had
little direct interest. Did not that give the idea for a royal supremacy which could
use the same instrument for national purposes ?" Later (pp. 79—80) it is made quite
clear that the Henrician settlement was not a peraonal one but a parliamentary one,
«•a transfer of ecclesiastical authority to the state," or again, "that even the King
as Head of the Church statutorily cannot interfere with the King in Parliament."
This is quite differently expressed from what one would expect to find e. g., in the
recent study of Father Philip Hughes.

Considerable attention is given to the significance of liturgical changes, as they
reflected the desires of the Protestant reformera to eradicate the teaching of false
ideas. These changes, focussed around the doctrine of the Mass, were more rapid
under Edward, and counsels of moderation fared badly. Perhaps too much credit is
given MachiaveUi as Cromwell's inspirer (p. 21). In 1527, when he could have firet
Seen a copy of Machiavelli's II principe, CromweU was already 42, with a long
career in business and poUtics behind him, and even in the moving times of sixteenth
Century England men of affaira did not at that age change theu- stripe. If he then
found MachiaveUi congenial it was because he had thouglit and acted along those
lines for many yeara before. It was certainly not because he was "a disciple of Ma-
chiaveUi." The reference (p. 76) to the "traditional Peter's Pence' paid since Anglo-
Saxon times" should have been qualified. The payment was very intermittent and
under protest. The "tradition" among Englishmen against the payment was per-
haps stronger than that in its favor. The final impression of the critical reader ia
one of appreciation for a careful, thoughtful, and discriminating presentation of
a whole nest of debatable issues.
üniversity of Colorado S. Harrison Thomson

Philip Hughes, The Reformatim in England. Volume I: The King's Proceedings.

New York, The Macmülan Company, 1951. XXI, 404 pp. ^ 6.00.

Writing in vigorous, at times even polemical, style, Father Hughes gives us a
frankly CathoUc view of the English Reformation. He portrays the reformere a«
"novatores" (p. 92), the Reformation as an "immensely harmful achievement"
(p. 123), and Henry VIII as rejecting "the foundation principle of historical Chri-
stianity" (p. 369). The immediate vUlain is, of courae, the king, whose character be-
gins to disintegrate with the advent of reform, while the long-range blame is placed
upon Ockham's "baneful theories" (p. 119) rather than those of Luther and upon
the hostility of the Devotio Modema to theologians. It should not surprise us to
find that the author places great reliance upon the words of Pole, More, and Chapuys
and uses Cardinal Newman as an authority on the thought of Martin Luther.

128

^f^|P||l||^p|!^Pilppl

It would be unjust, however, to dismisa Father Hughes' work as simj
polemi<^al book, or to state bis opinions as bluntly as he himself is apt to i
heat of argament, for he fuUy recognizes the decay of the Church and heapi.
blame upon the English clergy, blinded to the needs of the moment by their bux
cratic blinkers. There is also much of use and interest to scholars, for the autL
gives US one of the füllest accounts of the position of the Church with respect tu
the divorce question, citing the opinions of many theologians who have hitherto
received scant attention. Much of what he has to say about Campeggio and Pope
Clement VII is both novel and stimulatmg. Moreover, his discussion of the Church
before the Reformation and his appendices provide us with much usef ul geographical
and Statistical information.

Because Father Hughes knows his sources, one might wish that he had come
to closer grips with those problems which have occupied modern scholarship. He too
easily brushes aside the claim of the reformers that they were a part of the common
Corps of Christendom, a claim which has recently been investigated by Baumer and
Rupp. Moreover, one can scarcely characterize the writings of the Henrician apo-
logists as "blasphemous rubbish" (p. 342) if one is familiär with Baumers "Early
Tudor Theory of Kingship" and Zeeveld's "Foundations of Tudor Policy." Kanto-
rowicz's researches have taken the novelty out of Henry's reference to the realm
as his mystical body, a claim which greatly exercises Father Hughes. Nor is it any
longer customary to credit the survival of English institutions to the pecuUar Eng-
lish capacity for self-govemment or to England's medieval development. The roll
of the Reformation Parliament in the survival of these institutions cannot be
ignored. Notestein and Mcllwain have demonstrated its crucial importance for the
future of parliamentary government in England. But to accept the results of these
studies would be to admit that the English Reformation, far from being "immensely
harmful," was vital to the shaping of modern England, and this in tum would
seriously challenge the thesis of Father Hughes.

The most serious criticism of Father Hughes' book does not concem the
thesis which it propounds, but its failure to come to grips with the problems which
his point of view raises in the light of recent research. If the second volume of this
study is to receive the serious attention of scholars, this defect must be remedied,
despite the fact that the author would categorically deny Lord Bernard Manning's
celebrated statement that "the medieval Church is the mother of us all."
SioAt University of Imm George L. Mosse

Charles Davis Cremeans, The Reception of Calvinistic TJwught in England.

Urbana, University of lUinois Press, 1949. Pp. VIII, 127. $ 2.00.

The ränge and force of the Calvinist penetration in late sixteenth-century
England will be more fully reaUzed than before by the reader of this dissertation.
The data presented show clearly that not only Separatists and disaffected Puritans
in the Church of England, but also Anglicans of unchallenged regularity and high
authority, were numbered among the disciples of the Genevan Reformer. The only
disappointing chapter is the opening one, a review of sixteenth-century Swiss
Calvinism that relies too much upon a limited ränge of Calvin's Interpreters of an
earlier generation. The author has informed himself much better on the literature
for England, and his treatment of Calvinism in England becomes increasingly

g Archiv 3

129

Arohiv i'uer Rafcraitiorjj^schicht«, I954> ^^«f* 2

gerieten die Konservativen in ein zweites, für sie diesmal unlösbares Dilemma, und
selbst wenn die Herrschaft Maria der Blutigen angedauert) hätte, würde die Zukunft
nicht ihnen, sondern den Jesuiten einerseits, der jungen protestantischen Bewegung
anderseits gehört haben.

Neben der Eruierung der wirksamen Leitgedanken liegt das Verdienst dieses
Buches in der großen Zahl der beleuchteten Bischofsgestalten im abgesteckten
Zeitraum. Die sie klassifizierende Tabelle weist 66 Namen auf, von denen etwa
die Hälfte als konservative in der Darstellung stärker berücksichtigt sind. Für seinen
Gegenstand bringt Vf. auch ein erfreuliches theologisches Verständnis mit, wie sich
besonders bei der Erörterung der Prädestination (S. 232 ff.) zeigt, die in der refor-
matorischen Färbung seitens der Konservativen als Antithese zum menschlichen
Gesetz und zur Geltung der Autorität überhaupt empfunden wurde. Zudem ist
das Buch ungemein lebendig geschrieben.
Oöttingen Erich Roth

Philip Hughes, The Reformation in England. Volume II: Religio Depopulata.

New York, The Macmillan Company, 1954. Pp. XXV, 366. $ 7.50.

In this volume Father Hughes continues his History of the English Reformation,
begun with the "King's Proceedings" published three years ago. Once more this
is a franky Catholic account of events, beginning with the fall of Thomas Cromwell
and ending with the death of Queen Mary. The polemical tone of much that Father
Hughes has to say contrasts with the more balanced judgments of his Catholic
predecessor, G. Constant.^) What is one to make, for example, of the dismissal of
Luther's beliefs as "... the primitive Statements of the heresiarch of Wittenberg"
(p. 52) ? Yet this defect should not obscure the value of the work as a whole. In
Order to prove his contentions, Hughes uses a method which of itself would have
made his book a useful one: long paraphrases of basic (but sometimes almost
inaccessable) source materials. Not only are the Ten Articles, the Bishop's Book,
and the King^a Book summarized in this manner, but lesser known important
documents are also included. Thus we get long accounts of such writings as the
Legum Ecclesiasticarum, (1553) and Cardinal Pole's sermon reviewing the quality
of the Marian restoration (1557). This method enables the correction of previously
committed errors, such as Constant's almost inexplicable confusion between the
King' 8 Book of Henry VIII and the manual of Christian doctrine written by Bonner
under Mary (p. 243).

In a Catholic work of this nature the treatment of Queen Mary's reign may
well be the touchstone for an author's historical Interpretation. It is precisely here
that Hughes is at his best and most stimulating. He does not disguise the weaknesses
of that reign and assigns the greatest share of the blame to the bishops. Their
"bureaucratic blinkers", which had made them so pliable to Henry VIII's wishes,
had remained. Only an English Canisius could have put things right after twenty
years of confusion, and none of the Marian bishops rose to the caU. Instead there
were the fires of Smithfield. If the bishops failed to give leadership to the ordinary

1) G. Constant, The Reformation in England, Vol. I (1934), Vol II (1941),
New York, Sheed and Ward.

279

man, the heresy trials put them in even a worse light. For had not most of them
followed the Henrician heresy? Hughes bases his Interpretation of the heresy
proceedings upon a flat denial that Henry, while breaking with the pope, remained
Catholic. Here he is in sharp disagreement with Constant for whom the King was
schismatic, but Catholic in doctrine and hturgy. Convincingly Hughes outlines the
Marian bishops' dilemma, that having been heretics hitherto they now had to
prosecute heresies which once had been their own belief. Moreover, those prosecuted
were not liable to such proceedings at canon law, for they had grown up in enforced
heresy. Here was the injustice, though Father Hughes spends some time proving
that reformers also believed in buming heretics. If we forget this tilting at wind-
mUls, there is another interesting Suggestion which emerges. Many of the victims,
about whom Foxe is silent, may have belonged to the universally despised Ana-
baptists. Essex and Kent fumished most of the heretics, and long before Mary's
reign, Cranmer had been worried about the growth of that sect in these
counties.

Yet for aU the failures of Mary's reign a new spirit was infused into Catholicism.
Though Hughes sees this in the Elizabethan exiles, those familiär with the stead-
fastness of such recusants as the Ladies' Vaux of Harrowden^) may also see it at
home. This change may be due as much to the hardening of confessional lines as
to the example of men like Cardinal Pole. For the Protestants also gained a new
elan during these years, something that does not emerge clearly from this account.
All told, Father Hughes's scholarship and insight should go far towards compen-
sating those who do not share his zest for fighting once more the battles of four
hundred years ago, or who belong to the opposite side of the Reformation barrier.

State üniversity of Iowa George L. Mosse

Earl Morse Wilbur, ^4 History of ünitarianism in Transylvania, England, and
America. Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard Üniversity Press 1952, X, 518 S.
$ 7.50.

Ders. : A Bibliography of the Pioneers of the Socinian-Unitarian Movement in
Modern Christianity in Italy Sivitzerland Qermany Holland (Sussidi Eruditi 1).
Roma, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1950. 80 S.

Wie sich — allein — aus dem Vorwort ergibt, will Vf., der Emeritus an der
Pacific Unitarian School (jetzt Starr King School) in Berkeley, Califomien ist,
dieses Buch als einen ergänzenden zweiten Band zu seinem früheren Werk A History
of Ünitarianism: Socinianism and Its Antecedents, Cambridge, Mass. 1945 ver-
' standen wissen. Er hat sich hier die Aufgabe gestellt, die Entwicklung der drei
hervorstechendsten Prinzipien der Unitarier in deren Geschichte zu verfolgen,
nämUch: volle Freiheit des Geistes (complete mental freedom), uneingeschränkter
Gebrauch der Vernunft (unrestricted reason) und großzügige Duldung reUgiöser
Verschiedenheiten (generous tolerance of differences in religion).

Ein solches Programm ließ eigentlich einen geistesgeschichtUchen Zuschnitt
des Buches erwarten. Diesen Charakter hat es aber nicht, und auch „a history of

^) Godfrey Anstruther, Vaux of Harrawden, (Newport, Mon. 1953).

280

'' • ' n

T^^^WSfaip^

-/f.' •'s»,!,, ,:r;" .;;■,=;. ;•fc^'v,'i■^J . VI :v :'»,'■,■•■ ;;.,'^A: «*•:?',. ■^,--. ■■

'. JiVJ *' ''^'^W^^WT^^^

Philip Hughes, The Heformtlon In Enprlnnd» Voliame II i Bei

, New l^oric. "me Hacmlllan Company

Oi:'ulat

1964» Vp. XXV, 366 •

About 300 wordß« Date line Juno 15, 1954t

In thia voltuae Fathor Hughes contlnues big Hletory of the
Esagllsh Refoirmatlon, bogim wlth the "Klng's P-^oceedlngs** publlshed
three yoars ago« Once more thls Is a frankly Cathollc account of
•Ycntst beglnnlnr with the fall of T omas Cromwell and endlng
wlth the death of luoen Mory. Ihe pol^silcal tone of much that

Pather Hugho« has to say ccmtrasts wlth the more lalanced Judg«»

1
ments of bis Cathollc predecesaor, G» Constant# What Is one

to make, for exaraple, of the iismissal of Luther^s bellefs as

•♦ . • the primitive staterierts of the heroslarch of v/lttenber^

(p. 52) Yet thls defoct should not dbgcare t- e' value of the

work as a whole* In or ier to prove hls contentlons, lixaghes usos

a method whlch of Itsolf would have male hls book a usoful onoj

long paraphrases of basic (but sometl es alrnost Inaccessable)

source materials» Not only are the Ten Artlcles, the Bisbop^s

Book and the ITlng^s Book ST:OTnarized In thls mann er, but losser

known thoiigh Important dociiments are also Included* Ihus we got

1mg accounts <-f such wrlttn^s as the Lep^um Eccloslastlcaingn (1553)

and Cardinal Pole'ssermon revio?/lng the quallty of the l'Iarlan

restoratlon (1557) • Thls rriethod enables the corroctlon of pre«

vlcusl- cormnltted errors, such as Ccnstant^s al ost Inexpllcable

confuslon between the Kln;2:*s Book of Henry VIII and the tnanual

of Christian doctrlne writton by Bonner under Mary» (p» 243)

Tn a Cathollc work of täils nature the treatment of Queen
Ihiry^s rolgn mmy wall be tha touchetone for an author's hlßtorlcal
Interprotßtion« It Is procisoly her© that Hughes la at bis baat
and most atlmulatlngt He doea not Üsgulee the v/aaknesses of that
relgn and asslgno the greatest share of the bl me to the Blshops»
Th0lr"bureaucOatlc blinkors,^ whlch had made tham so pllablo to
Henry VIII» s wiebos, had remainod« Only an Engllsh Canisius
oould have put things rlght after t?/enty j^Sltb of confuslon, and
none of tha Marian Bishops rosa to the call» Instaad there were
tha flras of Smitbfleld» If the Bishops failed to -Iva leader*
ahip to fee ordlnary msin, the heres^r trials put tham in aven a
worge lir*ht« For had not most of them followed the Henrician
haresyt Hughos bases bis Interpretation of the heresy proceedings
upon a flat lenial that Henry, \'fnllo broaklng with the Popa, re-
mained Catholic. Here he is In sharp dlsagreement wlth Constant
for whatn the King vms schismatic, but Catholic in doctrina and
litiirgy« Convincingly Hugbes outlines tha Marian Bishop's dilem-
mä, that having been here ti es hitherto thev nov/ had to prosecute
heresies v/- ich once had been thair o?m belief • fforeover, thoaa
proaecuted wäre not liable to such proceedings at Canon law, for
thay had grown up in enforced heresy» Höre im« tha injustice,
thou^ Father Hw^hes spen^ia aome tlme provlng that Reformers
also believed in burning heretics» If wa forget this tllting
at windmills, there is another interenting su^t^atlon which
a»erges» fcny of the vlctims, about whcm Foxe is silent, may
have balonged to tha universalis daspised Anabaptistst It were
Essex and Kant who fumishad most of tha Vletlms^and lonR befora

Emmmmw.

llary*s relgn, Cranmor hnd be^n worrled about tho growth of that
86ct in these counties»

Yet fcxr all the falluroe of llary»« rolicfn a now aplrlt waa
Infused Into Cathollclam» 1!hough Hughaa sees thla In the Eliza-
bathan exllea, thor^e familiär with tha ataadfaatnass of such
recusanta r>.B the Ladlea* Vaux of Harrow^en aay also see it at
hotto» Thlö ohanga may be due as much to the hardenlng of con-
fesaional Dnes aa to the oxamplo of raon llka Cmrdinal Pole»
Por the Proteatants also gained a new elan durlng theae years,
ac^nothi g that doos not emerge clearly from thla account« All
trld, Pather Hiighes's «cholarahlp and Inslght s^iould go far
to?;ar i9 conipensating those who lo not share his zast for fi|^t-
Ing cnce more the battlos of foiJir himdred years agOj^ or who belong
to the opposlto aide of the Hef orniation barrior«

tJoorfTO L# flösse

stst© TJnivoi'alty of tmm

'V,

.^.

t<;tti--^-^^AX>ir!i'y2'^:i

NOTES

!• a. Constant, The Heformatigi In England. Vol# I (1954),
Vol* II (1941), New York, Sheed and ?/ard#

2» Golfrey Anstruther, Vaux of Harrow^!en« (TTewport, Moli« 1953)

mmmm&M

■ ■ ■',"■■ -fi <t^^U^^^^^'iHs*€f&-li'f'it.^:' '•-'-■■■'■ 'ig^^^^^^^^^^^^^m^^^^^^f:- ^■^-.■..•

:■ ...,,..Ä%,.^.-.. ,

!:■ !'

Mc ifii^

-•Mllp Fu'ihGO, Hie .ororTTiation In lin gimd. I. " The .J.n^/s

■ rltj.no» In vi -orüuo, at tlcoQ ©von , nlrr ical, rtylo, ) ather l U3ho8
? an -Ivcn un a frankly Gnthollc v'low of the - lieh .cforriaMor).
The .^oforrcr?^ >;c-:üor9 ' 3 .i^ovritore-^ * x :'^}, the ..ofor^ritlon itnolf
'* Irrrena],:/ h^ir! fiJl in it'^ -^cVJ^^^cr-ent»»' ( 123) and iQnrj ?ill,
19 ijoo-n ar rcjnctinr^ tho *• f4 "«nd -t/.lor, -rJr.eivlen of hlrtorical
Jhrlötlanlty" { 369) • Thr 5.n.:oJi?%U) Villen le, of courno, tho
vln;',, wboao c^aractor bof,lnrj to (l^A'lr.%'. ruU xU tV!i3 advert of
r^'for"'^, v;Mle tho lon^ V'^ir\<^c ^'i.( ;^j rv.,». no s.ao? X/uD^er'ß f-3
that of CokbarVo '^oaJieft.)! throrlr^n'*( II9) an^ tbe l.o-tllJty to
t^^ocluplarn of tho l^^ovotio rodomri. • :a, will rot ei;pr:1.«e vm to
find ^"'athcr Hu -hos olaclri'^ ^rcat foltanco u:)0'i t^io vordB of
Pole, v.oro and Ghax)uyo ao lx>na flclo pr^or oT oV-c ae.ci^racjy of '
thüir ntateretitn, or to fl>^d Clorcijnal ''uwuij ar^ autl urlty
•on tbe Lboii -ht oC .^Pvrtln Tutber«

y.^t It v'/ould be cU ln'->; a/) Injurt-lor to di^u inf^ iuthor .u::ne*G ;;ork
afi air.oly ctnotber ;x)lor:lc"?. tr.';ct, jr to su-.to hl^ opinlonfl aa
bluntTy an bo bir nfkl.f I0 ar^t to do 1 Lte IiOr.t of ar^ur^ent. Kor
be fullj»" rr^oor^iines tbe :loc?.,y or tbo "buroh, and L:ucb hlc- e I0
beaped ur:)on tbe en/Tlinb cJer.-j, ollrKled to tVc *>f^eclo of the
E-oront by tbolr beaurooratlo bllnkoro. rhore ia ali4o r ucb of
uno and Intercf.t to «obolarn, for ^itber ' usno?^ Ivci? i^r. one
of ^""r fullort ac'joantn of tbe ponltlon of tbo whurcb in tbo
dj vorcG ./uorjtlonp oltln^ tbo 0 ^l'-^lonn of . any thcclo i.tns :;blob
bave blthcrtoo roool^rf^d '^cant at^ntlon. Muc^h of wbat be -hBS ^
ftf'^^fiay aböut ^arapegglo and Pope Clement VII. Is both novel and
stlmulatlng. From anotber polnt of vlew bis discusslon about tbe
Cburch before tbe Reformation, as well as bis Appendix,

^'v 'T:oa ( 2)

hrln ; tor.;othor ruoV unofiil ^o /ra )hioal ?.nd ctatlBUcal

lnforr^^ltlon•

r • juy

^e V^M^ . . *(. V loru-^r '-rl')P5 vr:lU! tbone r>j^oblcrs which have
oc^uoJ«^'! '^0iV)rr. ^'c^cl^r•^] Ip. ^I© -rushcn anide too cGSilly
-ViA ^io 1' ;p M^r .■,^rvjrtrf)rfl to be'a pari of the coraion ccr^o

. (;:.;.!: wMoh baß boon invöP tiftated by p;.o.'3ern
Gcboji^fi 11- o ^.••Ji'.ei' and xiupp» It is Influfflclont to cbarac-
trri.np ^bc ivl'.lnsn of tbe irenrlcan apolo.^'-.lBtQ as " blaanbetrous
rutblsb'* (3*^) if one io unfaniliar batb witb iaunern ^arly
Tuior Iht^^or/ of .In.- f^hip and Zoeveld^B Foupdationc of _Tudor
r-oTloy, tbe lattor work tracins ^^ore•8 bunaniPtlc tradition
f>rcr7 ->) '>^' "'.v^:rlc:wn b^jr'anlBtö« rCantürowlcz'o rccearchoß
^—>Tn i,r er. f; r rcvcli.y out of Honry*^ röfrerce to tbo realn
an bin T-^Mcr.l body, a clalir. wbicb ax3atly exeroises Fatbor
F'j^ber. :r Ir; It rn}, lor?,5'3ei* ßuCficient to credit the flurvlval
of ¥ Hob Ir -titufclcr.?^ to tbe ?eculiar ILn:^lieb capaolty for
celf •ovor-iio;nt or to i>i3land'ß ir.edieval dovelo prent •Xh«
rollr» cf f^^ov'\tXon P r^lLvrerit In tbe aurvival of tbesa
lrf?tM:ij'5f nP on^^ot n}.-ply be iT^ored, i^'iuroly tbö rcsoarcböß
of Koten toln and o.J.\valn bi0.vo doir.onstrated It'fl cruclal
lirportance for tbe future of Tarliairentary j;overnir.ent in
Eii^land. But to accept tbo rcnultf^ of tböne ro^^earcbos
would ^73 to adr.it tbat, far fror ^olnp; ontlroly barirful,
the >:n:-llBb Reforratlon can l^e oonnldored vital to tbo
ßbapin-^. of rodern '^arlJ.arentary Knfrland, and thiß in turn
;ould aerioup^ly oballen^^ ^atber ::u-he'B hbonin

mßmmmm^!t$mm

Huc;h6fl (3)

The r-oflt -orlöUG oritlciRT. of Fathei- Hui^ie'c book Iß not
the thonün X% .^ro-ounr.n, but itV^ failurc to ccm, to
--rior wJth ^boj-ie probler.8 yl.lch hirj point of ylew ralsoB
in tho Hit of ' Odern ;Xi c/:k'.iy n r.o> It la hoped that
thlH cirfc'üL v/.l.. -.e iCi',eoiöu ii, -.he fsecond volurno If
It Irt to recleve tho ßoriouo e-ttontlcn cf ncbolarn,
inR^)lte of tb« fact that it'n autbor v^ould y^-i^j^lly ^
deny Lord ornard iiannln^xa colobrated ö tater ant that
tb« redleval C/rurch in tbc . otbor of us all".

iOorr*f! L, ; cnne

'^t^itc rniver^^t^r of Iowa

i • »■

.-.^'

-1.

MAMViCAüIA

SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
SAINT LOUIS 3, MISSOURI

Prof. George L. Mosse
Department of History
University of Wisconsin
Kadison, Wisconsin

Dear Professor Mosse:

We would like very much to have you review
see title below*
for the Oct59issue of Manuscripta. Cur deadline for
that issue is August 1, 1959.

Manuscripta is directed to teachers and
researchers in the Humanities and History • Consequently,
any particular judgments which you might wish to make
regarding the bibliographical notes, the more important
chapters, or the ncteworthy conclusions of the book,
would certainly be appreciated by our readers.

Our book review limit is usually 500-600 words.
If the book raises a controversial issue, and you wish
to discuss it, then feel free to do so. Furthermore ,
if the book suggested does not lie within the special
field of your interests» please let us know what type
of book you would prefer.

A postcard is enclosed for your convenience
in replying.

Gratefully yours,

' ^'^'^♦tw

Charles
Assistant Editor

irmatinger ^ ^

♦Kenyon, J. P. The Stuarts; A study in Snglish Kingship,
New York: The Macmillan Co. , 1959. Pp. 2^0. IfToÖT

Kenyon, J. P, The Stuartf^ A atudy in Engl
The MaomillanUo,, 195$^. ^"TIIÖT "TSToo;

lieh Kingshlp» New Yorks

Mr. Kenyon'« book is good reading. The Stuart monarchs are portrayed
with bold strokes. None of them cut an Ijnpreasive figure »Inoe their
personal failings dominate those achievements which they wlght have had to
their credit. Mr. Kenyon ie most convincing in his analyeia of King Charles I.
His persojiality was an essentialia negative pne and it seems true that he
was most effective when preparing for his role of martyrdon. Kenyon is
least convincing when portraying Queen Anne who was not quite as stupid
and slow witted as she apnears in this book sinoe her atteiapt to keep the
monarchy out of the hands of faction 4e«s evidence^ sene political insight.
Neverthelessi Mr. Kenyon does useS with some skill the psychological insights
which he derives from his historical analyses. Though he does not bring us
much that is new, this can hardly be expected from an aocount of this sort.
Tet there exist materials which can still thrcflir new lifjht upon some of the
Stuarts. For exanple, Henriette Maria*s letters to Cardinal Barberini have
never been mined by historians. (Barberini Latinae, 8l6ff. Biblioteca
Apostolica Vaticana.) At times the sources used in the book are frankly
Partisan. It is always easy to poke fun at the habits of King James I,
but it is hardly fair to use as « S'^urce for this that unregenerate Eliza-
bethen, Sir James Harrington.

Moreover, the book gives a onesided impression of James I by stressing
his economic interests, his native political shrewdness, and his homosexuality,
while passing lightly over the concept of the divine right of kings which
formed the working of his mind. Mr. Kenyon seems to believe that ideology
is unimportant in the history of Stuart England. He teils us that in England
the terra "arminian" was meaningless, that Laud^s theology was unimportant in
the events leading up to the civil war, and that puritanisw was a -WH-ely

mmm^m

i"fVHi.ii>vuimm!mmwmä

-2-

negative force, largely an expression of anti-cleric allem. Ilr. Ken(yon»8
hietorical framew^rk opooeed the St

ingBf eeen through their pereon-
alities and the Intrlgiies of their courte, to the gentry which forraed as
the oountry party the Opposition to Stuart deeires . If the kings are
dominated by the factor of personallty, the gentry are wedded to their
"intereata." The concept of politics ae dominated by personality and
interesta has oeen auocdsafully applied to the nexÄ Century by Sir Lewia
Nander, bat the age of the Stuarta was not yet the age of Newcastle and
oountry house politics* Ideology or principlea were ii^portant in the
seventeenth Century. Ignoring thia haa led Mr. Kenyon to overlook some
of the vital ingredients of his story.

For exannle, he teils us that king and parliament ta^fore the civil wj
were concerned with the Operation of government and not with abstract
principlea. This very dichotorny ia misleading. To be sure, meTtibera of
parliament were concerned with the actual Operation of governraent, but in
their debatea they cast this concem into c ^ncepta of sovereignty and reaaon
of atate. The mold into which man cast their thinking is apt in the end to

influenoe the direction which their actione take. Mr. Kenyon dates the
actual Btruggle for power between king and parliament only from the return
of Charles I from Edinburgh in l6Ul. In reality both sidea had concMved
of t is atruggle aa a atruggle for sovereignty ev^l» since in 1621 parliament
asserted that to »•reason of State and the preservation of the st-ate is moat
fit for this place." The fact that men thought in auch categories as "reason
of State" determined their whole approaoh to the constitutional struggle.
It will not do to divide principlea frora interests in the seventeenth Century,

Moreover, auch a division is apt to caricature certain Personalities in
the book. Sir Edward Coke emerges as motivated entirely by personal con^id-
erationa and intereats in hla parliamentary Opposition to the crown. This

p««iwiiM««ii

^^mtamma^m

-3-

is partly true, but Coke was also obsessed wlth the principles of the coirwon
law. Agaln, the gentry is seen entirely through their »upoosed interests
and their efforts to reform the church under Jamea is said to be a way of
keeping alive parliainent's Claim over the church. The gentiy were religious
but above all anti-clerical. Whatf then, aro we to raake of those gentry
who at considerable expense bought up lectureships for puritan preachers?
Did gentry like John Winthrop leave England mainly for reasons of interest
and raere anti-clericalism? Part of the difficulty lies in Mr. Kenyon's all
inclusive definition of the gentry, they tend to become the beast of all
bürden. Thus, he concludes that religion provided no clear cut division
between the opposing sides orior to the civil war. Thi« Observation is
based upon those of the gentry who were undecided on the Root and Branch
bill to abolish bishops, but muoh of the gentry outside oarliament was not
at all undecided. The puritanism of the Norfolk gentry was no sudden thing
which sprang up with the New Model army, but a religious railitancy with roots

in the St^üggk past. Mr. Keriyon's historical frame of reference makes the
Story too^forwarj; it was not as simple as he portrays it. His presentation
leads, finallv, to the downgrading of the one great mind produced by the
age of the later Stuarts, that of Lord Halifax. He was not a good politician,
and the book concentrates upon that fact. Yet here was a thinker whose
justness of mind rose at>ove the factional quarreis of the age. Because Mr.
KerQTon is not concemed with thought or ideology, he ignores that part of
Halifax »s character which obviously can not be ignored.

Mr. Kenyon's book is refreshing in it« denial of the exoessive preoccun-
ation with constitutional and political theory which has inarked so rauch of
the scholarship of this oeriod. Men did not oppose the king solely for the
sake of constitutional theory, as the older textbooks would have us believej
kings did not grapple with the business of govemment solely from the basis
of their theoretical oredelicticns. Court intrigue was important and Sir

■HSl

wpi

. -U-

Edward Coke was not solely motivated by concem for the common Ism. Th©
gentry does give us an important tool for the analysi» ot the age» In
»tresffing all thi» the book throw» a great deal of light on the Stuarts«
But part of the ptcture is mlssing. The "arminian" controversy between
free will and determinism did determine the actione of »oroe people; the
keeping unsullied of the common Iwff did become an Obsession with Sir
Edward Cokej and the puritans, some of whora were gentry, did believe in
a faith which was more than mere anti-clericalism. Interest which can not
be divided from dogna and ideology was at times swamped by them« Mr« Kenyon'a
book ±p a good introducti^n to one lide of the story, but there is another«

George L« Messe

üniversity of Wisconsin

kprll 22, 1959

Daar Mr« Bisiatinger^

«mntod« \

X tiould he vieiy eratefol tf ytm ootad send m

of th« JcHtonj«a in i*iich it idll appear.

I do :«ot ICMi yo'uT ptroof reading policies - bv.i
In cma« you nant rue to rwd th« procf I li«d better teil t^u tliat X v^ll

her«*

Wlth beat gi^eotings.

i \

Qoorg« L« Mo8ö6

-IF^f.-'

in 1^

NATION

May 19, i960

Dear Professor Mosse:

I'm glad jovL went ahead with
The Mind of aermanv — and it«s a good
review. Meanwhile, I've looked at
Burns's Jdeaa in Gonflict and get the
Impression that it is primarily a text
for a College course in politics. It
would not, I believe, provide material
for a very stimulating review.

Sincerely yotirs.

l-?iÄ2L

Robert Hatch
Literary Editor

Professor George L. Mosse
Department of History
Univers ity of Wisconsin
Madison 6, Wisconsin

Hans Kohn, THE KIND OF GKRMANT. Charles Scribner*» Sons, New York. $5.95»
George L* Mosse, Reviewer*

Is there a German mind? Professor Kohn certainly thinks so and he
States his thesis sucoinctly and with leaming. The German mind was
formed by the "war against the West,** a war waged by German intellectuals
and supported by Prussia^s Ideal of power and her mllitarlsm. The wair
began with the Napoleonic occupation and the t\im which romanticism took
in Germany« The scene is set for a Germany iiabued with its own special
mission, with a belief in national unity centered in the •^olk,*' and
given direction by a hatred of France. To be sure, there were Liberais
in Germany, but their liberalism withered when Prussia crushed the revo-
lutions of 1848 in South Germany. Finally, when Bismarck triuraphed over
Austria Liberais rushed into the waiting arms of the Iron Chancellor.
All of this formed the German mind iintil, in the 1920s, some German
Nihilists like Ernst Juenger seceded not only from the West but from
civilization itself •

Professor Kohn acknowledges that certain protests against this develop«
ment ocourred, but they were at best ambivalent, as he makes clear in the
case of Heinrich Heine. Hovjever, there is a happy ending. The Federal
Republic seems to him to have broken with this German mind. Its orienta-
tion comes from the Rhineland and South Germany, which all along might
have given rise to better things if Prussia had not triumphed. It has
now done so, and Prussia is no more— or rather is in the oommunist East*
It is neeessary to State Professor Kohn^s thesis in this summary fashion
in Order to realize the problems which it raises. What is this West from
which the German mind seceded? Professor Kohn takes a definite stand ftn

hJka first chapter on Goethe. The sage of Weimar is the very opposite of

the developing German mind, the true representative of the Vfeat. Goethe
typifies the rationaliam, coömopolitani«m, and tolerant moderation which
sharply contrasted with Geraian romanticlsiü, ••north making»" and tho worshlp
of power for its own sake. This oontrast, set down In the beginnlng of
the book presents an Image of the West which la highly Idealiaed and which
provides a historical basis for Adenauer» s new Oeraany. 3ut is the West
really like that — an elongated shadow of Goetlie? Professor Kohn points
to the absende of agipresaiveness in tha West in contrast to German oxpan-
sionism. let the West was aggressive, not in Burope, but in the colonial
World. Romantioisui and racism did not obtain tho same hold within the
westem nations that they did in Germany, yet these ideas were applied by
imperialistic nations to their enipires. Nor was racism absent in a nation
like Englarjd. It is true that neo-roaiantlcisin in the intensity of its
emotional appeal divided Germarjy frora the West, largely because it became
a *'race nystioism.'* It is astonishing tiiat there is so little about race
in this book and so lauch about the Prussian idsa of power.

That idea of power is def ined as a cosiplete assimllation of Machiavel-
lianism. l^ile it is refreshing to see Bisraarck treated for once not as a
hero but as a villain, the concept of power which dominatod liis actions
was by no means uniquely Geraan- As far back as tho seventeenth Century
Mchiavellianism had been assiaiilated as a concept of power not only in
central Europe, but especially in England and France. It is surely diffi-
cult to find the ideale of the Bnlightenment refleoted in European power
politica; the problem is instead, how they were disguised. Retaining the
••inyth'* of the Bnlightenment was undoubtedly a better way to handle the
matter than the naked theory of national interest which arose in Germany,
if only because of the influence of such theories on populär attitudes.
From this point of view one must agree with Professor Kohn^s argument.

Th« greatest dif f iculty with this dsf Inltion of the Qemian mind i»
that a most important part odT It is omitted. For, was Karl Marx not an
•xpression of the Geroan mind? Marxism does not, of course, fit in with
the thesia of a war against the West, for the West itself provided a con-
genial hoiue for these ideas. Nor does Marxism provide proof that the
forces of the South and the Rhineland might, if given a Chance, have
linked Germany with the West, as Kohn believes they are now doing throu^
the Rhinelander Konrad Adenauer. Marx was a Rhinelander too, and the
social democrats who evolved and developed his ideas were more consistently
Western according to Kohn 's definition than ar^y other segment of Oerman
thou^t* They were the tmie Opposition to what he oalls the "Clerman
mind" and it seems odd to omit them from it; though their inclusion,
however, would have made men like Adenauer less than unique in their
Western orientation. The Social Democrats failed in 1933 precisely
because of their liberalism and moderation, their devotion to representa-
tive government at all costs.

Is there no relationship between an ideal and its historical milieuT
Professor Kohn never asks the question whether the ethos of Goethe would
have worked in the concrete historical and economic Situation of Germar^y.
He points to the success of the Third Republic and to the failure of the
German Republic as sonaething intrinsic to the development of German
nationalism. But this is surely only one of many factors to be taken
into consideration. Th^re was no great depression in I87O, and six
million uneniployed might have put a great strain on Prench rationalism,
as a rauch less serious eeonomic dislocation did in the Dreyfus affair»

While the book is concemed with the education of the nation by
intellectuals , such factors as the slow industriali^ation of Germany are
still important. What is called German "pessimism*' can also be seen as
a nostalgia for the cid days by olasses, like the artisans, who were

being squezzed out by industrial progress. To say that "Qennan intelec-
tuals suoceeded in leading the Germaxi psople into the abyss" (32?) i» to
put a great preralum on the procass of rnjrbh-making at the expense of the
reality of history. This is not to absolve the intellectuals from guilt—
but would they have been effective if they had proclaimed a religion of
humanity? Like Benedetto Groce in faoist Italy, they would have been
noble but isolated. As it was, they did propagate a neo-romanticism and
a racism which led to catastrophy, though in this book nothing is said
about National Socalism itself . In order to make this movement under-
standable, more would have to be said about race and less about Prussian
power« National Socialism was, after all, an Austrian and South German
movement*

These are some of the problems raised by Professor Kohn's thesis*
They make it not a less but a more important book than if it had no
strongly expressed opinions. If he had written a history of German
nationalisra and not an inquiry into the German mind as a whole, there
wo\ild have been less dissent. SiiaHarly, if the West had not been ideal-
ized in the name of Liberalism and the £nlightenment , Germany*8 Separa-
tion from Westeni thought would have been more oonvincing. The conclusions
about West German democraoy spring out of this characteriaation of the
West« It is based on the hypothesis that Gerraany*s alliance with the
West io the decisive factor in the final demise of Uie German mind«

Liberalism» moderation» and concem for humanity will in this way triumph
in Germany« Eegardless of whetlier the West stand« for these ideologies
or not, it is doubtful whether a political and military alliance must
needs have such consequenoes« Enough has been written of late about
Problems of neo-Nazism and nationalism in the Federal Republic to render
any optimism about its future development questionable . Moreover,

Professor Kohn has to ignore last Qermany, whlch If united wlth the West-
ern half, would certainly undo the alliance wlth the Western nationa.

The def inition of the West as an Ideological unity can have serious
consequences in reviving the war of the Abendland against the Bast.
Germany's foreign minister has already taken advantage of this as he
celebrated in 1955 the thousand year anniversary of the victory of the
Emperor over the "föw/at the battle of Lechfeld. Has the Gerraan war
against the West ended only to enlist the West in a new and greater

struggle?

Professor Kohn would reject this Interpretation of recent German
developraents , and he may well be right. But his analysis does lead to
such speculations •

,*S»>m

George L. Mosse, Professor of Hlstory at the University of Wisconsin, i«

the author of The Struggle for Sovereignty in England, and The Holy Pretence,

A Study in Christianity and Reason State*

April 1, i960

Dear Professor Mosse:

Two books from the ciirrent lists
which might comb ine well for review and
which I would be most pleased to have you
consider are:

läfiäaJjLÜQnf lisi by Edward

McNall Burns
The MJT^d nf Q^T^jr^arjY by Hans Kohn

Would you be free to undertake
this assignment?

Sincerely yours.

iJciCC

Robert Hatch
Literary Editor

Prof. George Mosse
University of Wisconsin
Madison, Wisconsin

Aprl^L hm i960
April 4, i960

Doar Mr. Hatch,

I am free to iinäertalie the aßelennent to revlew

the two bookß you mentlon in a combinod roview. Do sonö them
to th© above o/ir^aBm

c>'

George L* Mosae

May 23, i960

tear Mr, hatch.

1 return the galleys. Could you be bo klnd

as to send mf tvo coples of the IdÄue in whlch the revlew
Uppears? I will i:;;la(31y pay for them, aß well as for one
more copy whlch should be sent tot Hilde Mosse M.D«
126 E. 19. t^tr. New York City» 3$ ^ow York,

Wlth best greetlngSg

ffeorse L» Koßse

i> ~^

Maetzke. Ernst-Otto, Die Deutsch-Schxueizerische Presse zu Einigen Problemen des

Zxveiien Wellkricges. Tuebingeii: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1055. Pp. 109.

DM 7.80.

in this book, Dr. Maetzke has atteiiipted to aiialyze the attitude of the Swiss
C;ennan press towards four problems of the second world war: the "new order"
planned by the Third Reich, the post-war plans of the allies, the allied policv of
unconditional surrender, and finally, the German Opposition to Hitler. The papcrs
chosen for analysis represent a broad cross-section: there are liberal papers like the
Neue Züricher Zeitung and the Nationalzeitung of Basel, conservative papers such
as the C:atholic Vaterland, and the socialist papers Berner Tagwacht and Volksrecht.

Within the large amount of freedom allowed by the Press Control, the Virtual
unanimity of the Swiss German press upon these four problems is remarkablc. In
rejrard to the post-war plans of Hitler as well as to those of the allies, concern for
the role of small states in Europe determined a negative attitude towards Hitkr's
"new Europe" and towards the Atlantic Charter. The latter, so the Neue Zinicher
Zeitung complained. was too "stepmotherly" towards small nations. Similarly, it
was the preference for a free economy as opposcd to post-war economic planning

Journal of Cf'^*'-"'! Furopean AHatr«
Vtowt-r^Uy of ColoradU^

JAN 1357

BOOK REVIEWS

423

„„, ,K.iH,.<, ™„ch of .hi. press fron, .h. ..ü-s. In spite of th.s. however. all -he

TV a,.inK,es of "^i,^-;^,^ ," ,C 'c on.inatecl bv cenain preconcepnons.
;„tcr<'st in tlus snulv. The« attitudcs «t , . Q^rman people with .He

v.t.nnal ^o.inlist r.Hrimo. Furtlurmore. t'- ' ■"- »^ P'^^, „„, „„,„ ^.,n af.^r

--r^-:^';'y 'Z '^u't:. T^Z.^^: ^ 'U'kUv .ase., o„posi.o., t. ,

fl.r rovolt of Tulv 20. 19H. that tne p ^„^^ ^^^,,j^,,

Hi... ,vi..n Connanv -^ '^^ -.^^^ f onK r tria,, of the non.iman oo-
,>.<rriv as a rrbt'llion of dissatTtied i,t.iu i. (onncction.

;;,:: rSLi^iJa '^st Cas-oro^a,, ..... .... .,. f.,.. of ... pou, . ,„

''^''r;;:::ry'cSoyÄ^^^

„o.;<. of un<on,litional surrender, and l,e f,nds u d.fficuU u, und.r I ^.^^^

negative poin, of view towards „u- Ger.nan -PP^^^^^],^,], „as made.

He'ar.„ed'tha. the poHev of ""-"' '•;;;-;,:';;^ f .^^ , " ';r :hich Hitler had

. -...re -'™P' -,;:""t;o„t,r ■ . Itlrce of'a G.rn,an Opposition was a
operafed so su«esstnlh. Moreover. u „ ,„,Hv ime that tliis Opposition

fJct whi.li warranted miich skeptuism We '''" ^'^^ ^^Zl lorj Lt M.
„■as a front of the ■'lunnan". agains, the inhnmai. " '^^;;;;";fi,3^een t^
Opposition developed late in the dav that many o '^ ^^^^^ '^^j'^^ , „^j,,,, ;„ „le

,r.. .he inip«..s of Nationa ^ «^ ■- J^ ''.^X^iriSved loyallv l.efore a-,d
l^overnment of Hitki. .nici nio^i ui ^ ^

diirin« the war. _ ^^ ^^,^^^ ^,,^ .ourage of thcir <hanRe

These remarks cannot detrat t irom im „„„osition was dimnilt to

„f heart. but historically it goes far to explan, «''> "^"^ G Zan regime. To
acept bv those who had fron, the vcry ^''S""""» ?P P-;^'!,'^ ^^ V,, ^e^ween the
anvo'ne not in the confidenee o the ^""^^^^^^^^J^J^ ^ aeny as the vears

'""""• ^'IheL^Tauri: : 'nL:« :r»;-nied not so nineh „lotiva-.ed bv
woie on. Ine harsli attitiicic oi .^ hatred of a nation

.he .latred nf Ciern.ans in general. - "^ -;,':X;":^\^;^gs « m wrong. To be
„hifh had. to all appearances, supported "■"^'^ "'"' " J' . i,,„ ,„,,, ..^efu!
sure. theie are historical reasons lor the support " '"^ ^ ^^^^^^^ling „f ncw
„,„U.es. whieh e.,n,e on.y ^'^^^^^J^^;^^ ::^ ^c. Dr' Maet^ke

:\ ."rf^r; :clurs1id^,orco. Jnntil «ans Rothfe. pubUshed h.s ,..™„n,

Opposit.on to .«'"'"■ '"'^''?; f„„ 3 j„dicious and excellent study. But it is.

These criticisms do not detract trom a ju "Revisionist" views of recenl

pcrhaps. tinic to give a word of warn.ng «''" ;"*^.^j^;j';'°"";^ „„„, „le reali/a-

!„. J whieh tend to -.- «^- ^or can " --- f/^^, „,,„ ,,,,. ,..,.

;;:;i::^ir:ec:n!rtörT: ^eTwZ .rad poHtica. courage in the face ol the greatest

f'*'*^*^ - George L. Mossf

Unwrrsity of Wisconsin

Cear Frofessor Thomaon^

Ausuöt 2t 1956

I enolose the reviev« It ie, perhaps somavlmt

longer then the ideal length for a book of this sort, but there are
some polntß wlilch Just have to be made - in view of a proßent tx*end
In Gerui^ji hlstoriob^^^apby« It would bo vron^ to let tliem just ßllp past»

With best ^reetingBp

George L« MoBse

. ,|[y^^j.rtiiiM|IWM"i^

^jfwipfi^i'Vif^*,^'^'rfm9*^P%*j^^ffyf^tt'm' * *

.— I.,i»..lll—Pll

iWWUi II .Ji^^fc.- j^ '

PKT-JS

Monday 30, *^uly, 1956

Emet-Otto Maetske, Die Deutscb-Schweiggrische Presse Zu Einigen Problemen
Des Zweiten Weltkrieges, "Tuebinger Studien Zur Geschichte und
Politik," Tuebingen. J, C. B, Mohr (Paul öiebeck) , 1955. Pp. 109«

In this bookt Dr. Maetzke has attempted to analyze the attitude of the
Swiss German press towards four problems of the second world war: the "new
Order" planned by the Third Reich, the post war plana of the allies, the
allled policy of unconditional surrender, and flnally, the German oppositicai
to Hitler. The papers chosen for analysis represent a broad cross-section
of the Swiss German press. There are liberalr papers like the Neue Zuericher
Zeitung and the Nationalzeitung of Basel; conservative papers such as the
Catholic Vaterland, and the socialist papers Bemer Tagwacht and Volksrecht ♦
Dr. Maetzke is well aware of the limitations inherent in his sources, and
has therefore confined himself to giving a "subjective impression" of the
attitudes of the papers towards these events. An additional problem is that
of the Press Control established by Switzerland during the war in order to
avoid jeopardizing the naticai's neutrality. However, this control, rather
than imposing a tight censorship upon the papers themselves, raerely elim-
inated editorlal excesses. After 1943 ^hen allied victory was thought cer-
tain, these press restrictions were rapidly liquidated. Dr. Maetzke is
therefore not dealing with a controlled press, but with a press that is
merely restrained from taking too absolute a position in favor of either
side in the war»

mthin the large amount of freedoin allowed by the Press Control, the
Virtual unanimity of the Swiss German press upon these four problems is
remarkable. In regard to the post war plans of Hitler as well as to those

of the allles, concem for the role of small statea In Barope determined
a nei^ative attitude towards Hitler »s "new Europe" and towards the Atlantic
Charter, The latter, so the Neue Zuericher Zeitung complainedt was too
"stetffliotherly" towards siriall nations. Similarly, it was the preference
for a free econon^r as opposed to post war economic planning that divided
much of this press from the allies» In spite of thlSi hovrever, all the
newspapers discussed had a basic pro-allied orientaticMi.

The ^ttltudes of the Swiss Geman press towards Germany itself are of
greater interest In this study. These attitudes were doniinated by cer-
tain preconceptions, There was a widespread acceptance of the identity
of the German people with the National Socialist regime. Purtherraore,
the "Prussian spirlt" was made to bear the responsibility for Gennany's
aggressicai. Äs a result, It was not until well after the revolt of the
twentieth of July, 1944» that the possibilities of a broadly based Opposi-
tion to Hitler within Germany was taken seriously, Before this, the
revolt was treated merely as a rising of dissatisfied generals. C^ly the
trials of the nonmilitary Opposition leaders changed the original ^titude
toward the revolt. In this connection, it is typical that this press at
first welcomed the "unconditional surrender" declaration of Casablanna;
and it was not German events, but the failure of this policy in Italy that
brought a chanp^e of attitude here.

Dr. Maetake Is critical of the attitudes of the Swiss GexTnan press
towards the policy of unconditlonal surrender, and he finde it difficult
to understand the papers' negative point of view towvrds the German Oppo-
sition. Hov;ever, it can certainly be argued that the policy of uncondi-
tional surrender was, at the time it was made, a sincere attenipt to
counter the stab-in^be-back legend with which Hitler had operated so

successfully, Moreover, the existence of a German Opposition was a fact
Xhftt warranted much skepticlsm. We can today agree that tbis Opposition
was a front of the "human" against the "inhuman," but we must not forget
that thia oppositioi developed late in the day, that many of its leaders
had at first been taken in by the impet\is of National öocialism* Even
Goerdeler served briefly in the govemment of Hitler, and most of the
generale involved served loyally before and during the war»

These reraarks cannot detract frorr: men who had the coiirage of their
Chance of heart, but historically it goes far to explain why this Opposi-
tion was difficult to accept by those who had froci the very beginning
orjposed the German regime. To anyone not in the confidence of the conspir-
ators, there was an identity between the people and the govemment which
it becaine more difficult to deny as the years wore on* The harsh attitude
of Nationalgeittgif; seemed not so imich motivated by the hatred of Germans
in general as our anthor states, as by the hatred of a nation which had,
to all appearances, surported Hitler until things went wrong, To be sure,
there are historical reasons for the support of the regime, but such care-
ful analyses, which come only after long reflection and with the revealing
of new source material, cannot be expected of editors trying to meet dead-
lines. Dr. Maetzke at times seems to demand a knowledge and understanding
from his newspapers which for many scholars did not come until Hans Rothfels
published his German OpTX)8ition to Hitler in 194Ö,

These criticisms do not detract from a Judicious and excellent study.
But it iß, perhaps, time to give a word of warning about such "revision-
ist" Views of recent history which tend to argue ajgriori. Nor can such
criticism detract from the realization that on 20 June 1944 Germany re-
ceived sanething which had been sadly lacking in her recent history: men
who had political courage in the face of the greatest odds.

George L. Mos««

teliRirsity of Wisconsin

-tiJI«:.,

iMaBaHMi

Theodore Caplow and P^eco J. HcOee, The Acadgnic ^larketplaotj New York,

Basic Bocks Inc. I95Ö, P^ . X, 262, i)4.95

In itfs traditienal d«finiti©n a university is a cemm^inity ef yPr^fiss^r^ and^»d«ntä>
Thert haÄ becn a vcritabl« flood of studies about the b«havi©\ir of stmdtnta^-what
they irant from & university^ irhy they com and TÄiy some leava on* academic Institu-
tion for another. About th« behaviouB ©f th# ^r©fess©r much 1©S8 is knerni. T/ith som©
justice our authors stat© that " th© mothods of social research have b©en appli©d
by univarsity prof©ssors to ev«ry important instit^tion ©x©pt th©ir ©im," ^is
book concentratos \ipon the central preblom Trhich faces every acad©mic Community:
th© laebility of professors 7rj.thin the acaderdc markotplac©, It is based up©n th©
©bservation of 21$ dopartmcnts in nine institutions of higher learning, They find
that in thio iip.pertant mQtt©r of hiring »iai^ and le»oing/professors thÄ profession
©nforces upon it s nembers a tradition ©f secrocy, igncrance, and seif deception«
This is harsh judgement^ but from th© point of vierr of their research it is born
©ut. The crux of it all &©e»#-to be the prestige factors "which gevem much ©f .^
academic marketplac© . Thus 5^i of the acaderdc departirients sanpled believed
their departEi©nts to b© among the t©p five in th© country in th©ir füi fiotpilin©»
ThcLs seeEis hardly startling or unusual, *i^H& wEiar th© v©ry natur© ©f
acadeudc prestige ^aupb ,ffirr»ns to distress the anthors»^!^ is measure^ almost
totally in terms of research rather then teaching« This, in titm, means that
the greater the prestige of the dcpartnent the greater ttLII bo th© tendency
for it s monbors to b© orionted towards their disciplinc rather th^n their

^niversity. ^'"enbers of such departments rdll have greater nobility in th© acaderrdo
TTorld th^n thoso r/ho have achieved solely a local reputation, There is'^d«nyLng
that this increasing disciplinarj^ cmphasis riAses some grave problems, Th©
first is th© relative disinterestedness in the local affairs of the universityf
the second copiplicates the process of appointing faculty members. Young n©n are
appointed for their research potontial but asr then'^judgeiL «« the Tray in Trhich

they fulfiljf their teaching duti©s» lIor©over T^iat the department attempts to de
in hiring is to establish the candidatJs prestig© pot©ntial. As the aivbhors
sunmarise it: "Th© acadondc labour nark©t is an oxchange trher© universities

cpeculat« in futur« prestige väI^acs, based ©n yeji \mdona rosearch.
Tha^Vficiaty ©f this; armlysis seems^tho pw-biy fal&ci©us ^aam^ )*pei«ri*±i5h-xt
r^Äifi.. ^kwf^ i» rridely sharad. ^ Mfluwtr ttiat g©od tcaching is possibl«
Tfithout a sorious interast in research and it^s dissemination^^g tha univarsity
taachar is -«<ri> t« ba ä " taxtbook tdrod for sound*]^ ha raust ba teaohing things
TThich he has fairnd out independently. I^van in elemcntary courses the studont«
is cheated if his D.öctiircr is not a scholar, for ha irill ba given merely
information acquired at sacond hand,«ad^^eyond this hcNi^sir^caiva »a*»aiy

aeieie^^ f acts rrlthout th© enthiisiasm to intepret thosc facts. Tha results of

^ _ ^ _^ ^ 1 ^ 0-4^

rasearch are not ^^ transirdtted by tha Witten irord; but^in the lectmre hall.

TtBjgall. Thara is a direct correspondcnce betwcen scholarly distincticn and t^

axlting teaching -s^ich is not nec)|essarilly i^dentical rath pntting on a shoTT

ÄR-tha-iÄft%ftTnn or ^anusing^ th© students»

^ a^

vU^^^^^'^t^ potontiU of a candidate tijsw has a direct bearing^^n his teachin^^

and departracnts are well advised to concentrate npon it, ,the authors süßest
a special rank ©f lacturer for nen prinarilly interested in teaching, whila
recognising tl-ie procedence of research ovar teaching as a sourca of disciplinary
prestiga./liot^only^^iro^ tb» tend to craate an acadenic proletariate but it .

also implies that %m a iiMv»r»i-ty it is possible to have good teaching^ iritho^t
^^^.^tha sch©lar-4al^^%?f it. ?:ould it tfee« not be b4;aar, and cheapar, t© Institute
a readinp period instead of courses taught in that way? This nay be harsh
Statement on ny part/- but l^^n Tvhose indei:)endent scholarship stopa^^irLth his

t^ /l

Ph.d. theiis %• a^t© ba intelloctually dead by the time ha is farty. It
also scoritrue that .iThile a stitdent may forget the subject Fiatter ©f a course,
he may have gainad a great deal by seeing h©TT a sch©lajtrly irdnd functians and
hoir new and important insights are derived by the professors i?ho teaoh him,
It seems tina that rre biiriad the cftnsjiigL that in a university teaching can ba
div©rced from scholarship and research«
With the other strictiiras af tha b©©k thara can ba less disagraemant» Tha

.-.f-^-t^j ät iMumtj- na^^j^nti-^ ^s

Itbis alffays distrcssing that stndents, evan graduate studcnts, aro usvially
Ignorant ab©ut tho schelarly attainments and irritings ©f thcir profess©rs,
I havo sat in doctoral exaniinaticns Trero th« candidat« had not road and did
not knoTf about thi© Trorks of the faculty mem^bers oxamining th©m. Yet, if -rrhat
I hava Said is truo, isfeÄC there is a dir© et rclationship botween teaching and
rasearch- »«4 the scholalry attainuient ©f a professor should hava mcra thon
maraly "academic" in^tarast for the stiadents. Tha root ©f tha difficulty secms

t© ba that^ unlika ii^uroxia^vin AmerLca^ötudents tak© subjects rathar than

Jl^^i

profassorß* Thay "want "covarage" rathcr th^n neir insights &Sf thay arc not

traincd to gat ordinary siabjact mattar from bookc. A great inany s\ibject8
Tdiich noTf hava to taught for the saka of covaring «-«isb^^et could ba gottan
much battar, and TrLth greatar banafit, from study in the library tnstaad ^at^
in the classroon, Reading stays Trith a student as lifa time habit.*^a co^rsa
taiight "by rote" rrithout tha backing ©f indapandent resaarch nerely givafi
an ©ftan falacioiis short cut t© kno-rrledge« Tha best way to raisa Standards
in a >miversity may wall not involve so much tha craation of special prograitjf s
but tha greatar intcrcst by the students in the scholarship of the faculty and
thair r^STtwBmg fewii conrses accordingly.

■nn

Prestige factor dees run riot irhen wen ajre hired on the basis ef htir goed they
le©k to othorß, as the study seems te conclude, The irerst abuses, however.

• »ere the frife of the camdidate is censidered mth some carej -feere teo

•omrr in wea(Jik departFients, those TThe Treaf^k net enly in teacjhing bwt also in

research

•ne man Tras hired because he playd the recerder. The ignorance ifhich smrrcunda

the hiring process can not be denied» By cenventicn therc is nrndh. co-yness in
making bids, stating terms of enployrient^ and finding ©ut salary cenditions from
the hone univcrsity, I^owever, the authors Suggestion that positiens be advertised
publicly secns no real Solution. They cite Kngland as cxanple, but those fainiliar
TO-th ^glish practice knoTf that this advertisemertl is gust a formality, liest positiens
areYTilled by the same mcthods -ipre usaiover here, If/ith other suggestions, such as

regulär base salaries and st&ndard teaching loads. there can be little quarell«

The authors, as is cloar from their suggestions for^changej Trant to gct
more order into the acadenic lif e^/ 'fhev are distressed by it^ hit and miss

procednres

thould be dij^Lx'cstrfed by lt. However, in some
instances, tre may lo/frse more by such ordcr then yre gain by it^VSenierity should be

respected and strengthened^ seric« to the institution should be rcrrarded instead
enly those t© the discipline ( ipi rcsearch). Morcover the older faculty inembers
■whose nobility is less should be pi^tectod against the mechanisE of the market
Yfhich assigns a higher values to inexperienced and untied men. There is ^ertainly
much validity t© this argunent. But irhen we are told that n© ©ne sho^ild be breught
into a department at a higher salary then the ncxt sendir r.an on the spet.then such
rigid \',H]f\,iA -m.f! orginisation may well lead te a department^ decline. Indcod, and I
hope that I an not revealing any secrets of the market place, such an appeintiaent
of a youngcr man may ha^^e the result of raising, in the end, everyone's salary.
T^ifi the authors seea t« ignore. The best Tray t© avoid unhaj&ness ©n the part ©f
a departnental faculty is not t© establish firm rules, but t© build a department
•f first rate scholars iTh© are able to disseminate their scholarship both in

•prriting and on the lecture platform. Such vmn d© exist, and th« cwnbersowe and
tine consrjiing precoss of hiring is designed to ferret ©lat svich people, If it i»
done proparly, ainlike sone thc sampl«s cited in the book, the results can be
pr©Eiising, Th© abuse cf a process dees not negat© it'^s validity, N© system based
upon the ©valuation of intell©ct\ial ©xiillcnce can be tied t© fix©d rulea»

those criticisms, there is rwsich that the book can teil "tts abcut

the academic profession. 'ftie actual mechanisn of appointnent, the strosses
Trithin dcpartnentfi, and the reasons Trhy Professors are mobil© are disent^led
■with a great deal of insight. N©t ©nly graduate students coiild read the book
Tvith Profit bulTall studcnts "wh© are interested hoirr the "other half" liveg,

alwa^ previded Ifertr they are atrare of thc limitations of such an analysis»

w*''mt!*'T*'j'hnjft..^

Jt^y.^^^^ ^^^^^

The Worka of Robort Browne and Hibert Hiirriflcn. ed. by Albert Peel
and l^eland H» Carlaon^ (Eljgabethan Nonconformist Texta)voligae II)»
London, 1954t —Ja '»

Whlle we have many secondnry works on Purltanlam, there are
few good editions of the source naterlal upon w^ ich auch booka must
ba basad* The Bllzabethan Nonconformist Texte represent an Important
attempt to flll thle vold# The flrst volume conslated of Gart*
wri*htiana (London, 1951) and future voltunos will contaln the wrlt*-
Inge of Henry Barrow, John Groenv/ood, John Penry and A Part of a
Register» ^xoept for Cartwrlght, this sorles concentrates upon the
•'Separatist'* wing of Purltaniamn Such emphasis Is welcome, for the
study of radlcal sectarianiam has lately ylelded important reaults
for Student 8 of the continontal reformation^

With thJLs volume Professor (Strlson has assximed sole edltorshlp
upon the death of Dr» Albert Peel# There io a short Introductioni^
sketching the llves of Harriaon and Browne and ably aummarizing the
content of oacäi of thelr writings* Thotigh a very few of the worka
Included have been edited previously, this TOlume represents a
"definitive*' edit'ont J^ot only printed writings ^ut also fnantiscript
aources have been utllized» Thua, the govemmonts selection of
extracts frcsn HarriscÄi's writings f« glven, as backgroxmd to the
Proclamatlon condesming bis and Browne *8 worka« (1583) The clear
print of thn volume facllltätes the reading of the texte»

George L« flösse

State üniverslty of Iowa

-4st-_

,.<»jf

.*^5Ä-i-Jifcu-

\
SOCIAL A!ID POLITICäL PORCKS IH TOB K^GLISH RT^ORmTIO'^. By

Cenyors Read, Erierltus Professor of Engllsh Hlstory^ Uni-
verslty of Pennsylvania • Tli« Hockwell Lecturos, Rice
Institute* (Houston, Texasi Elsevier Press» 1963,

/ pp# 88, ;?2*oo.

In thes© ongac:lng lectures Profossor Read glvos us a populär
Äccount of the %gllsh Refonnatlon« 9m title of the boolc Is ml«-»
iMidlng, for In so short a conpass no attempt could bd raade to Isoifce
or to evaluat© the Social and Polltlcal factors as over agalnst rell-*
glou« concems» There are three chapterst '•The Break from Homo'*,
••The Angllcan Sottlemont", and ^Pnrltanlsm**, th© latter dlsoussing
the Kllzabethan settlement» As was to be expected^ problems of con-
denoatlon havo l;>eon mot v^rlth great sklll and resourcefulnesst Tlila
Is a period undai'^golng ccnstant relnterpretatlms and no over-all
deacrlption can be expected to satiafy all schools of Reformation
8Cholarshlp# Though Professor Read comos near to performlng the
Imposslblo, soveral dlfferlng polnts of vlew may be Indlceted by
way of oxai!ipl©# Few would quastlai the definltloi of Pxxrltanlsm as
in "attitude of mlndj** but It could be argued that not all Puritana
were Calvlnlsts by choica, Scano scholars (Tlnterud et al.) have
argued that the influence of the Rhlnoland Reformerc asserted Itself
wlth equal strongth, at least untll the mlddle of EHr^aboth^s relgn»
Agaln, i^lle the emphasls cm Cranmer as the real architect of the
Angllcan Söttloment Is a wolcotne one, thex^e Is room for argura©nt
mbout the Archbishop»8 View of the mass as a mlracle» Whlle these
lectures gllre the Impression of consistency, T» M# Pariser bellevos

Mm.im'

that after 1548, Cranmer becam© Increaelnply convlnoed of the
vallälty of tho Zwlngllan posltlon« towovor, such vexed problema
of int orpr etat loa can hava no plnce In a conclso narratlon of so
vast a movement» Nor muat they be allowad to datract frora tha
excollence of tho g^ioral plctiir© of the Sngltsh Reformation whloh
Professor Read has sketched In bis book#

Geors^e L# Moase

State TMlveraity of lov/a

THE FHENCH RKLIGIOÜS WARS IN ENGLISH POLITICAL THOÜCSTT. By J. H. A. Salraon.
(Nm Torkt Oxford üniverslty Press« 1959. Pp. vii, 202* $4.000

Kr. Salmon hae shown conclusively the relevance of the French rellglous war»
to the Bnglish scene» He shows how both royallsts and parliamentarians regarded
Bodin as thelr friend, how the Vindlcia was used by Bngltsh political theory
throughout the Century. He is also concemed with the intermediaries who fun-
neled some of this French thought into England; Althusius, Amisaeus, and
arotius. Only in one respect is the title of the book misleadingt it is
Huguenot political thou^t which is Mr. Salmon 's principal concem and only
to a rauch lesser extent that of the Catholics. This Huguenot thought he
traoes froia the Elizabethan reception to the end of the centxiry.

Mr. Salmon believes that French political thought retnained dormant in
England during the f irst decades of the Century (with the exception of the
Oath of Allegiance controversy) and that its iinportance was only fully re-
vealed by the Civil War. He bases this upon the cult of the immemorial Con-
stitution and the supremacy of ancient law as the expression of parliamentary
Opposition to the king before the Civil War. Sir Edward Coke is, quite rigjitly,
cited as the exa^jple of this outlook, and here cez*tainly Bodin •s ideas are of
only minor relevance»

Yet there is no necessaxy contradiction between arguments couched in terms
of ancient law and the struggle for power in terms of a search for sovereignty.
Ancient law was indeed oft^n clarified in such terms, and if there is Sir
Edward Coke, there is also James Whitelocke, who did think in terms of a strug-
gle for power and used Bodin accordingly. Moreover, by stressing Parliament»
the book does not oome to terms with the use made of Bodin by the royalists in
this period. Mr. Salmon seems to base his case upon a conventional interpreta«
tion of the constitutional struggle which he accepts and which seems close to
tha t Whig Interpretation which is otherwise rejected. This may have blinded
Mr. Salmon to the actual importance of French thought in the pre-revolutionary period,

)

For all this, Mr» Salmon^s oonclusiona ai^ Judicioijsly stated and hi»
book representa a most important contribution to th« history of political
thought. \

George L« Hosee

The Univereity of Wisconsin

I*p

412

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

^•

AN ITALIAN INTELLECTUAL AND THE REFORMATION*

Opposed to all this is Calvinist orthodoxy. The second chapter
of the book pits the Socinian Matteo Gribaldi Mofa against the
"rabies theologica" of the Genevan reformer. Socinianism here be-
comes the Italian anti-Calvinist movement. This theme is continued,
after chapters on Poland and on Francisco Stancaro, in the section
"Socinianism in Geneva." Using the controversy between Rousseau
and the Genevan clergy, Ruffini attempts to show that by then the
min isters themselves were insecure in their orthodoxy conceming the
Trinity. In reality, Socinianism was storming the very citadel of the

* Francesco Ruffini: Studi sui Riformatori Italiani, a cura di Arnaldo
Bertola, Luigi Firpo, Eduardo Ruffini. (Torino: Edizione Ramella, 1955.
Pp. 630.)

REVIEWS

»':

enemy, a theme which Ruffini carries through the Restoration, ending
with a discussion of the relationship between Charles Albert of Savoy
and the Socinians of Geneva.

It would lead too far afield to subject Ruffini's work to intense
scholarly scrutmy, especially as this was done when his book on
Rehgious Liberty first appeared (1901) ; a work which contains ideas
similar to those in these essays. The problems involved are obvious
and one example must suffice. Ruffini, in conformity with his thesis,
IS forced to demonstrate how Italian Socinianism was the cradle of
all subsequent religious liberalism. For example, Arminius is tied to
Socmianism. However, as Wilbur has shown, {A History of
Unitarianism, (Cambridge, Mass., 1945), I, pp. 536-538) Anti-
Tnmtarianism was prevalent in Holland even before Socinus' influ-
ence could be feit. That a man was charged with Socinianism was
no proof that he was influenced by the movement itself, though
Ruffini often seems to make just this point. Nevertheless, from this
book the moderate group of reformers emerge with new importance :
Occhino, Modrevius, Zurkinden of Berne and Lismano of Poland—
all are given a new perspective.

Beyond its value to Reformation scholarship, there remain the
msights which the book can give us into the qualities of the author's
mmd. Here was an intellectual and a close personal friend of
Benedetto Croce, a man whom Croce admired, despite his limitations.
Ruffini's mmd was a product of the Italian "Umanismo," filled with
ideas of justice, tolerance and reason. He was constantly amazed
that the men of the Reformation shed so much blood over religious
subtleties. That is why both Stancaro and Calvin are the villains
of the book. But combined with that love of reason and tolerance
are ideas of race and nationalism. Ruffini asks why the Italians,
rather than other people, were the apostles of freedom of conscience!
This IS a matter of race. Only when he has given this answer does
he go on to discuss the influence of Italian Humanism on the Socinian
movement. The Anabaptists, intolerant fanatics and mystics, are
Germans. The Socinians, aristocratic, unprejudiced and rational,
are Italians. Such racial theories are bound to lead into contradic-
tions. Thus Pelagius, a man whom Ruffini admires, was a man of

414

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

the North, practica! and phlegmatic. St. Augustine, in contrast, was
a man of the South, an unquiet spirit, passionate and speculative.
If the qualities of the British Pelagius are Northern, how can we
reconcile them with the German, and also Northern, Anabaptists?
If the qualities of St. Augustine are Southern, how can we reconcile
them with the rational, "Italian," Socinians?

The national dement is brought out best in the discussion of the
origins of Socinianism in Poland. RufHni concludes that Poland,
where Socinians found a home, became in consequence the only vital,
significant and universal force of the evangelical reformation — and
this due to a specifically Italian Inspiration. Thus this man of the
Risorgimento shows us not only an admiration for "moderata e sana
ragione" but combines this with both racial theories and intense
national pride. However, we must notice that here these ideas of
race and nationalism do not stand alone. They are bound up with
Ruffini's humanistic view of life. The Reformation is viewed from
the point of view of religious liberty, but this is integrated with an
Italian national approach and with racial theories of historical origins.
It is this combination which gives the work a wider significance in
the study of modern intellectual history.

— George L. Müsse

THE POLITICS OF DISTRIBUTION*

In the introduction to this book, the author bravely asserts his
underlying philosophy— "The politics of distribution are indissolubly
wedded to its economics." And from this thesis, conceived by the
author as a novel, exciting, and profound one, the reader is given a
study of the political struggles that in the 1930's erupted from the
web of markets which is generally called distribution. As the economic
conflicts between large-scale and small-scale Organization, between
"mass distribution" and smaller, independent distributors, became
most acute at that time, the choice of that decade for analysis is quite
defensible. Quite early in the book the author observes that the
political struggles precipitated by these economic conflicts also reached
their peak in this period, and this judgment may be supported by
even a cursory review of recent history of political pressures emanating
from these and similar economic groups. But the method of analysis
which Palamountain applies to these complex phenomena is neither
new nor novel, and of doubtful value if generalization is sought from
the Symptoms uncovered by his research.

Fundamentally, Palamountain accepts the Bentley group analysis
method as his starting hypothesis. This can best be described by
reference to Bentley's own writings. "When we talk about govern-

* Joseph C. Palamountain, Jr.: The Politics of Distribution (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1955. Pp. 270. $4.75.)

An Itallan J^itellectual and the Reformation*

These Studie s on the Italian Reformation by Francesco Ruffini are
of twofold interost: not only for the historical ideas which they con-
taln, but also for the light they throw on the author, a figure active
in the intellectual life of Italy at the beginning of the Century.
Ruffini, who held public office as Senator (1914) and minister of public
instruction (1916-1917) t spent most of hie life as Professor of Uw at
the üniversity of Turin. The chief concem of these eesays is the Soc-
inian movement in which Ruffini sees the embodiment of the principle of
moderation. The Socinian stress upon oonscience govemed by reason led
them to advocate the ideal of religious liberty. These raen of "moderate
e Sana ragione" were for the most part Italians, and in their work
Riiffini sees Italy »s great contribution to human freedom.

Opposed to all ^ his is Calrlnist orthodoxy. The second chapter
of the book pits the Socinian Matteo Gribaldi Mofa against the »rabies
theologica" of the Genevan reformer. Socinianism here becomes the
Italian anti-Calvinist movement. This th«ne is continued, after chap-
ters on Poland and on Francisco Stancaro, in the section "Socinianism
in Geneva." üsing the controversy between Rousseau and the Genevan
clergy, Ruffine attempt« to show that by now the ministers themselves
were insecure in their orthodoxy concem ing the Trinity. In reality,
Socinianism was storming the very citadel of the eneroy, a theme which
Ruffine carries through the Restoration, ending with a discussion of
the relationship between Charles Albert of Savoy and the Socinians of
Geneva.

The long middle eection on Francisco Stancaro fits into the general
pattem of the book, although this particular Italian was the opposite

4»

of all reasonableness. Ruffinl calls him a man of an '*idea" rather than
of an ideal. Stancaro'a "idea" concemed the attributes of Christ as
mediator between God and mani something which for Ruffinl led to sterile
argumenti contrasted with the Socinian ideal of modcrntion and toleration.
The moderate, but theologically indecicive Fricius Modrevius is more to
his liking, and he sadly remarks that as theology is an absolute rather
than a relative matter, the "detestable" Stancaro was bound to have
greater impact than the "admirible" Modrevius,

It would ls«id too far afield to subject Ruffini's work to intense
scholarly scrutiny, especially as this was done when his book on Religious
Liberty first appeared (1901); a work which contains ideas similar to those
in these essays. The problems involved are obvious and one example must
suffice. Ruffini, in conformity with his thesis, is forced to demonstrate
how Italian Socini:mi6m was the cradle of all subsequent religious liber-
alism». For example, Ärminius is tied to Socinianism. ^^wever, as
Wilbur has shown,^ Anti-Trinitarianism was prevalent in Holland even before
Socinus' influence could be feit* That a man was ch^.rged with Socinianism
was no proof that he was influenced by the movement itself , though Ruffini
often seems to make just this point. Kevertheless, from thie book the
moderate group of Reformers emmrge with new import^mce: Occhino, Koderevius,
Zurkinden of Beme and Lismano of Polland— all these men of good will are
given a new perspective,

Beyond its value to Reformation scholarship, there remain the insights

which the book can give us into the qualities of the author's mind, Here

A HAH

was an intellectual and a close personal friend of Benedette Croce «m one

}0hom Croce admired, despite his limitations»'^ Ruffini 's mind was a product
of the Italian "Uroanismo," filled with ideas of Justice, tolerance and reason,

He was constantly amazed that the man of the Reformation ahed so much
blood over stränge religious subtelties« That is why both Stancaro and
Calvin are the villains of the book. But combined with that loYe of reason
and tolerance are ideas of race and nationalism. Ruffini asks ^j the
ItalianSf rather than other peoplet were the apostles of freedom of conacience,
This is a matter of race. Only when he has given this answer does he go on
to discuss the influenae of Italian Humanism on the Socinian movement, The
Anabaptists, intolerant fanatics and mystics, are German, The Socinians,
aristocratic , unprejudiced and rational, are Itali&ns. Such racial
theories are bound to lead into contradictions. Thus Pelagius, a man whom
Ruffini admires, was a man of the North, practical and phlegmatic. St.
Augustine, in contrast, was a man of the South, an unquiet spirit, passionate
and speculative. If the qualitiea of the British Pelagius are Northern,
how can we reconcile them >dth the Gerraan, and also Northern, Anabaptists?
If the qualities of St. Augustine are Southern, how can we reconcile them
with the rational, "Italian," Socinians?

The National element is brought out best in the discussion of the
origins of vSocinianism in Poland. Ruffini concludes that Poland, where
Socinians found a home, became in consequence the only vital, significant
and universal force of the evangelical reformation— and this due to a speci-
fically Italian' Inspiration. Thus this man of the Risorgomento shows us
not only an admiratic« for "moderata e sana ragione" but combines this with
both racial theories and intense national pride. However, we must notice
that here these ideas of race and nationalism do not stand alone. They are
bound up with Ruffini «s humanistic view of life. The Reformation is viewed
from the point of view of religious liberty, but this is integrated with an
Italian national approach and with racial theories of historical origins.

It is this combination which gives thc work a wider significanca in tha
study of modern intellectual history.

George L. Moese

üniversity of Wisconsin

Notea

' Francesco Ruffini, Studi sul Rlformatori Italianlf a cura di Amaldo
Bertola, Luigi Firpot iixiuardo Ruffini, (Torino: ^fidizione Ramella, 1955f
pp. 630).

1. (Torino: Bocca, 1901-1909)» a translation also appeared as Raligioue
Liberty, (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1922), There is a good
critical review of the first volume of the Italian work by A. Molin in
Revue d'Histoire Scclesiatigue, VIII (1907), 809-316.

2. E. M. Wilbur« A Hiatory of Unitarianism, (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 1945-1952), I, 536-538.

3. See Benedeite Croce's obituary "Francesco Ruffini," La Critica, XXXII,
(193/*), 229-230.

Mftpch 26, 10^6

Doar Professor FitZGlnons,

here Is tho rovlew of th© Ruffinl

book* I hope It will do* once T.ore I woul<!l be rrateful for the
dlia&co to cot some roprintß eventually«

Best srcotlngs.

tmm

mmmim-wmf

RMMMMMl

au££ini:

c • •

or:

* ♦ *

Studied at Leipzig \inder Friedberg whose work he later
transl^ted»(Trattato di diritto ecclesiastico cattplico ed evarigelico>
'Ibrinoiüld93»)l&ught eccl« law at Pavia and Genova Universities. Held
chair in Italian law at Torino( 1899^1900), later in Bccl, Law (1008-1934 )•
Senator ±t 1914| Minister of Public Inatruötion in Boselli Cabinet, -
1916-19 17 •'üblike many. lay jiirists, writes the Enciclopedia Gat tolicay
he held canonical law to be of fundamental importnanÄe« This disciplme
,he helped to resbore in Italy after its decline foliowlng the abolition m

of the theological faculties in l873fWhile approaching juridiöal studies
with regard to their historical VWSBL genesis, Croce remarks that he
was primarily a J-urist who considered history per se always in connection

\fith the formation of juridical principles •Croce remarks as well that
R^ did not speculate on tfee basiü of his belief s and could not help
being amazed, in a rather Voltarian maa ner* thet the men of Ähe Refor-
mation she4*Plood'and expended intellectual efforts over such stränge
subtleties«(Croce, HKMÜiaiMNecrology "Francesco Ruffini'', la Critica^
XXXII(1934), 229/230. )Ruffiniconcentrated efforts on. Reformation in
Italy, among other fields, and in particular the Socinians and Jansen-
ists with tHeir iftfluence onCavour and Manzoni.His La liberta^ relig-
iosa('Ibrino^l902),according to one re^fcBwer* was insplred by a
Pöllinger lecture^which was intended tö be incorporated in a book,
thi« project'cut short by D's deathi(G. Bonet^iawr» ^^ Revue Histprigue,
LXXXIX(1905), 155-157, reviewing Rts la liberta^ :yeligi63aTr

• « *

^'^

f 1

La liberta^ religiosaC 'rbrino,1909') J Reviews* oft

A/ Mpnin in Revue d^ His toire Bcclegiastigue; 7III(1907),d09-8l6*-

riB

A f-J

Unöüstified jüdgements re, Catholic Church|j Monin critical
of R«s Omission of Spain^and much of Italy in his study^ Also, dubious
as to R*s stress on Marsiglio as an exponeht of religiousVtoleration
noting that Marsiglio allowed punishment for religious transgressions
under the civil law whatgver his stand on the-'^jitrusion of the spiritual
power in secular affairsjonin further questions R«s view of Voltaire
as a promonent of tolerance, if V, is read in his entirety and cites
for R*s edification Robertos Voltaire et l^intolerance relijgieuseCParis^

1904)* ••*• [

As to RÄB view of Socinianism as the source of tolerance,
Mönin feels that where one may not reject the thesis the failure of
Ri^ to take other factors into consideration must ne noted* For example,
RV hims|%f notes that tolerance increased in Sweden with the'necessity
of importing Cat holic labor* The reviewer adds that in Italy, incÄuding
the'Papal States," economic considerations fostered toi erat ion, that
the desire for peace and* stabilty lyere largely responsible flor the
^Jdict of Nantes, etc,etci In all, R.' omits economic and social consider-
ations which weretf elt in the realm of specülations as wejl#

(Pairly generous review in all,considering the sourceiA
Marxist Jesuit, no lesst) •

(Other reviews checked in Amer^ Hist» Review:Nouvelle RevJ H
de Broit francais et atranger;anar Revue Hl stör igue were uselesa^
namby -pampyirj —

Histi;
quite

-• ^.

mg'

• rf • • • • ^

w ^

mif f Inll I^eligious Liberty ttr^ J. JParto»rHeye?(llJ5f«,191?)

vf 9Ö ''Between the Sociniano^VV^ snftethe Arminians the ^^
best reiätions were established, atid a profitable exchange of ideas
took place; In regard Also to the doctrine of the Trinity. the point
on.which the Arminians always declined to be confused^with^-the
-Socinians, they could not avöid being stlmulated in the coürse of
time to make an äppreciable attenuation of the Catholic dogma. In
regard to the spirit of toleration, however, complete accord^existed«^'

123-129:"Ih retard to'intolerance considered as a principle, .
he(Bayle) lays dovm clearly, as locke had already done, that what has \
remained dovm to the present day a ftindamental law of all civilized
peoples can be excused only in so far as it cönsitutes an act of
political necessity and social defence against. those doctrines which
incite to or toply sedition, robbery, murdef and perjury. Hut from
tl^e application of thi^ principle^ he does öot exclu^e, as we have
Seen that locke did. the atheists, in regard to whoin.«.h8 had not
concealed. In an eariuer work a certain sense of .forebearahcei On the
other hand,he,too, extends the principle of .exclusion, to the
Papists, and this for reasons which entirely agree with those
adopted by locke«, Protestant princes, he holds,do well in not tolerating
a sect which subordin^tes the author ty and i^h^^observance of the la\fs
.to the aüthority and laws of a foreign pov/er«#v» But in any case, ^at
a differemce between the intoleramce öf the Protsetants towards the
Catholics, and that of the lattfer towards the ProtestfintslNo compulsory
conversions and massacres, büt only a few rei^raints and exclusions' '
from public affiat» which are ihspired by the necessity öf defencei»«*"

(Note; IfcjiJ'fini in'his mention of Bayle never touöheö üpon hisy***^
aÄhorence of Socinainiiäm,as well as Fapisqi. In his Dict^jp« 2606Ff )
•^oh^E'auttiß SocinüSvj the founder of the' "mauvaise secte", Bayle goes into
the rejection of Socinianism in Holland at some length and ,in particular,
links the, Jans enists to Socinian doctrine« the Omission is rather
suspivious considering the spasa Ä4ch R, devotes to Bayle ±fi La-
libertat religiosa^citing in fact the section on Faust us Socinus
as source ror the plight of Socinians in Holland;)

H» ^

1/ i-

Re Arminius? and Socinus

"He (Arminius) was pressed for his attiturle to the teaching of
Socinus- on the justice of God^ but declared that he wöüld ber better
able to give it when he had read the works of Socinus«».^ His enemies
feit that if only he could be closfly li^ked up wi^h some avbwed
hwretic, his condemnation'was;surei"(AoWo Harrison. Pie Beginnings of
Arminlanism (London, 1926)-, 5Ö*(This treats of the 1604 dispute at
Leiden between Arminius and Gomarus») ,5 - *

' ' In 160Ö. again oharged with Socinianism, Arminius "...suf-
ficiently clears^a hijnself of any Charge. •••" Harrison(op»cit) goes
on to say that some later def^nders of Free, Will' would f ind,,his(A»s)
Support a little tepid. Arminius wrote(V/orks, 11,700/701) j"1hat
teacJle^ obtians my highest approbation who ascribes as mich as possible
to Divine Grace; provided he so Dleads thet cause of Grace, as joot to in-
flict an in Jury on the Justice of God, and not to take away the free
will to do that which is evil^^' - .•

- Vorstius,' successör to Arminius, had read Socin\is but was -
not a Socinian and thus refnsed an oiffer to teach at the Socinian
Academy at Lublin* (Harrison, opj^^cit . , 166)

Vorstius later defended seif of the-same Charge in o^der to
obtain post at Leiden. Some of his studehts, irked at the High Calvin-
ist restrictions, i-^rote a sarcastdc tract in which it t^as stated that
the only place for a real Christian given the present State of

relißious controversy, was aAong the Polish Arians. Their books
seized among their effects letters to Poland requesting Socinian
,books. Others who knev; Vorstius clalmed he advised them to read
Socin4a» works on salvation. The seriousness of these charges stems
from the 17th centur}^ horror for Socinianiim, Vorstius denied he
advised his Student s to read Socinus.admitted getting books from
Poland since one should knov; both sides of the issues. (Harrison,175-ö^

Socinus v/as prominant in Holland but the anti-trinitarian
doctrine was prevelent there before Socinus* influenae began to be
feit» A natural tendancy for union between the Polish Söcinians and
the Mennonites and Remonstrants of Holland. {E»M. Wilbur* A Hist^ of

IMitariansJjgf Cambridge, 1945 ) , 1,53 5/6 • ^ , ^ ^ ^ ,

Little""t?eason to believe that Arminius-was intimately acnuainted

with Wojdowski,a Polish Socinian. fr<^ x-/hoin, acco.to höstiie Calymist
source«, he got his heretical beliefso (Wilbur, op# cit.^ I,537/9i

The DutOh Reform Church made short shrift öf Socinians m late
l6th Century« So decistvely were they cjecked that it would be
nearly a Century before Socinianiim revived* Keanwhile, the ground
T^as being pr epared for their retum byothe steady growth of the
spirit;of freedom in the Liberal party of the Dutch Church. (V/ilbur,

op.citot I, 540.) ^n ^ *.v.

Wilbur notes that Vorstius "unconsciously or regardless of the

rising stSJem" published Socinus* "On the Authority of the Holy
Scripture" with his ovm preface attacked. ( /ilbur, 1,542)

"It would be unfair to claim Vorst for an outright Sovinian as
it vras unjust to brand hin such in his lifetime. Kike the Rmnonsfcrants
in general. he disapproved some of the arTicles of the Calvinistic
System. V.' and having naturally an open, inouiring mind, he did not •
shrink from inquir:'' in any direction that promised nev/ light. Hence,
whildhe rejected the Socinian System in the main. some of its teachings
v/on His aD-nroval, vfhereupon his opponents charged hm with accepting
them all/thoiigh he be presumed to have been sincere in his professed
Opposition to Socinianism, he may yet have gohe furjifeer in that direc-
tion than he realized at the tme....His belief s seem to have been-
eclectic, lying somev^here betv/een strict Calvinism and SoCinianism,
with a strong inclination to tolerance of divergent viev:s. He comes
into cur history because his case gives concrete Illustration of a
stage in the development of Socinian influence in Holland, 'when
Socinian books, formerly very rare and difficult to obtain-, were
raore and more being being brotght or sent into the country, and
increasing n\imbers v/ere tending to become mor§ liberal'and>easonable
in their beliefs, and more tolerant in spirit."(V/ilbur, 2EiCit. ,1, 543/4 i

"It must not be supposed that these long and persistent efforts
tp prevent or supress Socinianism in Holland v/ere only the expression
of a principle of political intolerance and religious bigotry, For the
Dutch were by native temperament as heartily devoted to liberty as
those who had long suffered under despotidm might be expected to be;
and the original broadly tolerant policy of V/illiam the Silent em- _
bodied a basic ideal of the people. But in the period of the Catholic
reaction for a Century of more after the Council of ÜJrent, the fear
of the Dutch was sincere and acute that by insidious steps they might
again be brought under the oppression of Rome, which had been more
cruel and merciless in the Netherlands than in any other country^Hence
any relaxing of the strictest Standards of Protestantism was at once
under ötis'icion as perhaps the first step back toward Rome." (Wilbur,
op Veit.. 1.5591?

:äC: ^. u:«. ••btawlMSiiMtMMtaHM^R'

F#bruÄJ7 20f I95Ä

Dt«r Vroftssor PltMltton,

I haT« noW look«d at tha Hufflxii» and

I thlnk It lg worth rtTltwing. Thla ia a rathar formldabla taak

and Z hopt tbat you will eXr% sa aooa tlma to do It In.

X also wantad to ask yon If 1 oould s»t sob» reprint« of tha

ravlav of tha Gespart book» whan tha tlma cotmB.

Vltb baat graetinß«^

mi'MMuguiw

•.A^U'riuwm I IMiiiLH.MBIJiJI .„. iJLi.iiH'li'-J-Li-lil!|lW.Hii. JBJW

THE mnO OF THS EUROPEAN ROHANTICS: AN ESSAY IN CULTURAL HIST(AT
By H. £• Schenk, Wlth a prefacsbby I»iah Brlin« (London:
ConstAbl«. 1966. Pp. xxiv, 303. 30£.)

In hl0 prefactt to th« book, Sir Ismiah Berlin cIaIbis that it constitutet
a notable addition to the mlnlmiim infomatlon needed to understand how men in
the West came to be what they are« There can be no qiiarrel wlth the Importance
of romantlclam, or wlth the ecope o£ the analysla promlsed by thls book:
from rcMiiantlc Ideaa of progress and dlsenchantment , through their malady of
the eoul to the emphaals on love and friendshlp, However, wlthln the book
thls large vlslon Is sharply contracted. The book*8 purpose Is to provlde an
Introductlon to the romantlc movement through "pen portralts" of selected
flgures. Thls method works against depth in analysis» while the tendency
towards oversimplification and didacticism Jars the reader«

The essence of romanticism is seid to consist in the tension between
nlhilism and a yearning for faith. Mr. Schenk Judges his romantics wlth
the yardstick of orthodox Chrlstianity, and nlhilism denotes the absence of
such a faith. Small wonder, that he misses the importance of the occult
for the romantics, and slights their concept of myth and Symbols. Romantlc
egolsm is eaqphasized, but their ef forte at reintegration are left dangling;
such ef forte emerge as unfullflllable aabitions» leading either to pessimism
or psychologlcal defomlty. As a consequence, the book is silent about
romantlc polltlcal thought, falllng to dlscuss the Important concept of the
conmunity. While National Hesslanlsm ie discussed, Adam Mickievlcs provides
the sole "typlcal" example. Natura i^stielsm, part of the enchantment of

thft ronantle mlnd, Is ntvtr related to National Heeslaniem In order to
explaln roaantic politica« The polltlcal dlBenaion is miealng; De Maietre
and Bonald are read out of the romantic movement in suBmary faehlon«

Wlthln the narrowed vision of romantic Indivlduallam thla book can
provide some Interestlng Inslghts, and moet of the examplea are taken from
men and women who prized thelr slngularlty« For the neceaaary nlnlmum In-
formation on romanticism it is better to turn elsewhere, thia book is both
too narrowjLy conceived and too subjective in order to aatisfy this need*

George L* Mosse

University of Wisconsin

"~^

Archiv fiier Refomationsge schichte, 1957, heft l

d'ouvrages oü le probl^me de l'Eglise n'est pas abord^ 4 titre principal». Nous remar-
quons ici que M. Voeltzel entend confiner son livre aux th^ologiens frangais, Or nous
nous demandons si, de ce point de vue, un travail de cette qualit^ se justifie? Selon nous,
il est impossible, pour qui veut tant soit peu couvrir le sujet, de se cantonner i eux.
Pour atre fructueuse, une teile ^tude doit embrasser tous les th^ologiens de langue fran-
9aise. Nous avouons que l'absence totale des noms deFran9oisTurrettini, auteur
de ^Institution theologicae elencticae, etdeB^n^dictPictet, auteur de la Theologie
chretienne, pour ne citer qu'eux, dans la *seconde vague» (et je pense meme dans la
Premiere) dont parle l'auteur, constitue une s^rieuse lacune dont l'ouvrage souf fre dans
son ensemble. Nous le regrettons d'autant plus qu'il est, sans cela, fort bien fait.

Jaques Courvoisier

Allan Simpson, Puritanism in Old and New England. Chicago, The University of
Chicago Press, 1955. Pp. x, 126. % 3.00.

It is Professor Simpson's aim in these Walgreen lectures to "sketch the impact of
Puritanism on English and American Institutions in the seventeenth Century." His
preoccupation is with Puritanism as a "species of enthusiasm," having its own sources
of Inspiration and frustration. Professor Simpson's conclusions can be summarized by
saying that the Puritan movement started out as religious enthusiasm, centered upon
a conversion experience, but that it ended as a bankrupt Crusade. Those who had
"blundered into power" dreaming of a holy Community found themselves simply the
administrators of the Puritan tradition.

The diapters of the book are built around this thesis. We start with the "Puritan
thrust" and, in two chapters, we see what became of that thrust in New England. The
scene then shifts back to old England where the "Saints in Arms" soon became the
"Bankrupt Crusade." The final chapter on the "Puritan tradition" lists the contributions
of Puritanism to self-government, education, and morality. But none of these contri-
butions are linked to the success of the revolution itself, and in the last lines of the book
the premise of Professor Simpson's analysis is once more made expHcit: the Puritan
pressure to turn politics into a moral Crusade is condemned because poHtics ought to
be the art of reconciliation.

Reconciliation was made impossible by Puritan enthusiasm, and this during the
Civil War, when it could have been achieved. Such a compromise should have come
about on a monardiical basis, for monardiy was the "inevitable System of the age."
The "holy spirit," however, defeated political common sense, and the result was a
"classical tragedy in the politics of enthusiasms."

But was it really such a tragedy? Charles II did not return as another Charles I.
The aura of monarchy was gone, and populär sovereignty had become an axiom in
politics, something which even Sir Robert Filmer admitted. To make the Levellers,
because of their poHtical bent, the only democratic party of the revolution seems to
be reading history backward. In the context of the times, the Agreement of the People
was no more realistic than Winstanley's Law of Freedom, whidi was inspired by a
religious enthusiasm, however much intermixed with rationalism.

Is it possible, then, to have a revolution without enthusiasm? One could well argue
that instead of a tragedy in the specifically Puritan politics of enthusiasm, we have
here a problem inherent in the nature of all revolutions. Puritan enthusiasts were
perhaps incapable of united action, as Professor Simpson claims, but would there have

1
)

143

» ■ »f —

been a revolution without them? Obviously Professor Simpson wishes that the revo-
lution could have stopped at a ceriain point: that of instituting limited monarchy.
To be sure, such a speedy ending would have spared much grief to all concerned;
however, it seems, once more, reading history backwards to assume that this result
could have been accomplished in England without a long and disorderly revolution. It
is undoubtedly a pity that Englishmen could not, throughout their history, Hve up to
those expectations of gentlemanly behavior which Queen Victoria would have appre-
ciated and which in the eyes of William Stubbs made them constitutionalists par
excellence. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, alas, they had a reputation for
being the most unruly people in Europe.

This, then, is a controversial book, and that Is all to the good. Professor Simpson
has a definite point of view, which he states with much charm and a great deal of
learning. For all I know, more contemporaries would have shared his views than would
have agreed with my questioning of them. It is hoped that the reader will judge for
himself ; he will find reading this book a beguiling experience.
University of Wisconsin George L. Masse

A. MervynDavIes, Foundation of American Freedom. New York and Nashville,

Abingdon Press, 1955. Pp. 253. $ 3.50.

Mr. Davies is a Journalist, formerly a British subject, now an enthusiastlc American.
This book is a tract written to dramatize the part of the reformed tradition in the
making of American political and social institutions. It Is not a critical or original
work, but it Is based upon broad reading of the work of critical scholars.

Mr. Davies begins with a discussion of the nature of Calvinism, concentrating upon
its social effects rather than its theologlcal content, and follows with a review of the
broadening stream of Calvinism from Geneva to Purltanism In England and America.
He does not Ignore the "undemocratic" elements In Calvinist practice but argues that
one cannot expect to understand the contribution of the tradition to American social
Institutions by referring to its similarltles with medlevallsm but rather by examining
the novelties which it introduced. These, he belleves, further created a climate in which
Ideas not contained in the reformed current could thrive.

Readers who are church minded will be disappointed by Mr. Davies' fallure to
distinguish church from socIety or Calvin's eccleslology from the cultural Calvinism
of later date. Nevertheless, Mr. Davies' concern for the Impact of Calvinism upon
social institutions Is legltimate and he has elucidated it in a way that Is llkely to be
highly acceptable to lay readers.

The book does not pretend to be scholarly, but It Is unfair to critical readers of a
review to fall to observe that It contains Statements which are either completely
mistaken or altogether questionable. For example, Mr. Davies distingulshes "two
separate streams of Calvinism." The "liberal stream" was tempered by Armlnlanism;
the other "adhered stubbornly and unwaveringly to the narrow doctrinal position taken
at Dordrecht" and produced Calvinist wickedness from the execution of Oldenbarne-
veldt to the present apartheid policy of South Af rica. Granting a real polarity between
the bad effects of the Synod of Dort on churdi and socIety and the modification of Cal-
vinism In more liberal societies, one Is troubled by the simplificatlon. This is a prevalent
diaracteristlc of the book.
University of Dubuque (Iowa), The Theological Seminary Elwyn A. Smith

144

■

■■

4flCHiy

Allan Simpson, Puritaniom in Qld and New ühgland« Chicago, The üniv^rsity of
Chicago Press, 1955. Pp. x, 126. $3 •00,

It is Professor Simpson 's aim in these Vwalgreen lectiires to "sketch the
impact of Puritanism on Fhglish and American Institutions in the seventeenth
Century*" His preoccupatl on is with Purltanisw as a "species of enthtisiasm,"
havinr its owi sources of inspiration and frustration. Professor Simpson 's
ccncl^isions can be sumariajed by saying tbat the Puritan movement atairted out
as religious enthusiasm, centered upon a conversion experience, but that it
ended as a ban]<rupt carusade« Those who had "blundered into power" dreaming
of a holy coTwnjnity found themselves simply the adroinistrators of the Puritan
tradition.

The chapters of the boc^ are built around this thosis, We start ^fith the
"Puritan thrust" and, in two chapters, we see what became of that thrust in
New Ihgland. The scene then shifts back to old li^gland where the "Saint s in
Arms" soon became the "Bankrupt Crusade," The fijial chapter on the "Puritan
tradition" lists the cmtributlons of Puritanisfc to self-govemment, education,
and morality. But none of these contributicais ar© linked to the success of
the revolution itself, and in the last lines of the book the preBdse of Professor
Simpson 's analysls is once more made expliclts the Puritan pressure to ttim
politlc« into a moral Crusade is condemned because politics ought to be the art
of reconciliation.

Reconciliation was made impossible by Puritan enthusiasm, bx\& this during
the Civil War, when it could have boen achieved. Such a compromise should have
come about on a monarchical basis, for monarchy was the "inevitable sjrstero of
the age," The "holy spirit," however, defeated political common sense, and the
result was a "classlcal tragedy in the politi€« of enthusiasms."

»Brnm

But vms it really mich a traredy? Charlee TI dld not retum as another
Charles I. The aura of monarc^ was gone, and populär soverelgnty had become
an axiom In politics, somethlng which even Sir Robert Filmer admitted, To
make the Levellers, becaiiae of thelr political bant, the only democratic party
of the revolution seems to be readlng history backward. In the context of the
times, the A^eeinent of the People was no more reallstic than Winstanley's Law
of Freedom. whlch was Inspired by a religioua enthusiasia, however much inter-
lüixed wlth rationalism,

Is it poesible, then, to have a revolutton without enthusiasm? One could
well argue that instead of a tra/?edy in the speolfically Puritan politics of
enthusiasm, we have here a problew jnherent in the natttre of all revolutions.
Puritan enthusjasts were perhaps incapable nf \mitod acticHi, as Professor
Simpson clalmc, but would there have been a revoluticai without th«m? Obviously
Professor Sinipson wishes that the revolution could have stopped at a certain
point: that of Institut ing limited inc«iarchy. To be sure, such a speedy ending
would have spared imich f^rief to all concemed; however, it seems, once more,
reading history backwards to assume that tbis result could have been accomplished
in England without a long and disorderly revolution • It is undoubtedly a pity
that Bhglishinen could not, throughout their history, live up to those expectations
of gentlemanly behaviour which Queen Victoria would have arpreciated and which
in the eyes of William Stubbs made the^r^ constitutionalistsDar excellence. In the
sixt^^enth and seventf^enth Century, alas, they had a reputation for being the
most unruly people in Europe«

This, then, is a controversial bodct and that is all to the good, Professor
Simpson has a definite point of view, which he states with much charo and a great
deal of leaming, For all I know, more ccMnrt, empor ari es would have shared hie views
than they would have agreed wlth roy questioning of them. It is hoped that the
reader will Judge for hiraself; he will find reading this book a beguiling experience«

Georr*? I. Mosse

University of Wisconsin

■aqwW^Ttjw^^i»« !_ IM y

Archiv Fuer Reformationsgeschichte

Internatonal Journal Concerned With the History of the
Reformation and its Significance in World Affairs

PUBLISHED FOR THE VEREIN PUER REPORMATIONSGESCHICHTE AND THE AMERICAN SOCIETY POR REFORMATION REHARCH

BY C. BERTELSMANN, GUETER8LOH , WESTPHALIA, GERM AN Y. EOlTORSi GERHARD RITTER, HAROLO J. GRIMM, ROLAND
H. BAINTON. HEINRICH BORNKAMM. ASSISTANT EDITORt ERICH HASSINGER.

204 Social Science Building

Indiana University

Bloomington, Indiana

October 1, 1956

Professor George L« Mosse
Department of History
University of V/isconsin
Madison, Wisconsin

Dear George:

Enclosed is the proof of your review of Simpson* s book
for the second issue of the ARG for this year» Kindly retum
it to me by air mail at your earliest possible convenience«

The first issue of the AEG for this year was held up
because of a change of printers« It should be here \d.thin
a few weeks.

Cordially yours.

Cu.4^

Harold J« Grimm

HJG:sh

Archiv Fuer Reformationsgeschichte

Internatonal Journal Concerned With the History of the
Reformation and its Significance in World Affairs

PUBLISHED FOR THE VEREIN FUER REFORMATIONSGESCHICHTE AND THE AMERICAN SOCIETY FOR REFORMATION RESEARCH

BY C. BERTELSMANN, GUETERSLOH, WESTPHALIA, GERMANY. EDITORS: GERHARD RITTER, HAROLD J. GRIMM, ROLAND
H. BAINTON, HEINRICH BORNKAMM. ASSISTANT EDITORi ERICH HASSINGER.

204 Social Science Building
" Indiana University

Bloomington, Indiana

November 11, 1955

Prof« George L. Mosse
Department of History
University of Wisconsin
Madison 6, l^sconsin

Dear George:

Thank you for calling my attention to Simpson' s new book, The
Puri tans . I have asked the University of Chicago Press for a
review copy and will send it to you as soon as it has arrived«

Leo Solt reported on the interesting meeting #iich you had had
in Chicago and on his visit "with you. From him I gather that
you are highly pleased "with your new position.

Leo has made an excellent beginning here in Bloomington, as I
had expected him to do. He is well liked by his colleagues and
Student s alike.

I have put on a determined campaign of personal letter-writing to
bring the number of our Archiv subscribers up to 200, and we have
gone over the top. Since a number of persons discöntinue their
subscriptions every year, I would greatly appreciate it if you
would from time to time send me names of prospective members.

The Joint meeting of our society with the AHA will take place in
Room 259 of the Mayflower Hotel, December 30, 2:30 pm. I hope to
see you at that time, if not sooner. My kindest personal regards.

Cordially,

HJG:GK

Harold J, Grimm

Archiv Fuhr REFORMAXiONSGESCfflCHTE

Internatonal Journal Concerned With the History of the
Reformation and its Significance in World Affairs

PUBLI8HED FOR THE VEREIN PUER REPORMATIONSQESCHICHTE AND THE AMERICAN SOCIETY POR REFORMATION RESEARCH

BY C. BERTELSMANN, GUETER8L.OH. WESTPHALIA, GCRMANY. EDITORSi GERHARD RITTER, HAROU3 J. GRIMM, ROLAND
H. BAINTON, HEINRICH BORNKAMM. ASSISTANT EOlTORi ERICH HASSINGER.

204 Social Science Building

========================================^=============^^ Indiana University

Bloomington^ Indiana

Febrxiary 23, 1956

Professor George L, Mosse
Dej^artment of History
University of Wisconsin
Madison, Wisconsin

Dear George:

Many thanks for your stimulating review of Simpson' s bock.
I -will send it on to Hassinger -within a few days«

As I mentioned to you in December, Leo is doing an excellent
Job here. He seems to like bis ifork and associates. I was
happy to leam that Illinois is interested in him, for this
indicates that we had made a good choice«

Mrs. Grimm joins me in hoping that you are happy in your new
Position and in sending our kindest regards to your mother
and you.

Cordially,
HJG:GK Harold J. Grimm

November 7# 1955

Professor Harold Grimm l

Chairman, History Dept«
Indiana University
Blooraington, Indiana

Dear Harold: '

I wonder if you uave gotten anyone yet to review Alan
Simpson' s new book called, The Puritans, for the Archive.
The University of Chica£;o Press has just published it, and I
would be most intrrested in reviewing it. I quite \mderstand,
of course, if you have Eoniebody eise in view, but inasmuch as
I have promised you an article for a long time and have not
delivered, perhaps I can make up to you in this way.

I talked to Leo Solt in Chicago last Weekend. He seeras to
enjoy Bloomington very much, and he was ril of praise for the
way in which the Department is operating.

Perhaps I shall have an opportunity to see you in Washington
this Christmas. Do give ray best greetinge to Hrs. Grinim.

All the best.

GKOFQE L. MOBSE

Associate Professor of History

«Ü/ald

mmt

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 7cl/i>ii^A^ t C' HiOC/l c^85K/'^^^ ^ ^

Because of space limitations, the present re-
viewer will confine himself to some brief remarks
about the essays which pertain to his own period
of recent history and which therefore concern
hftrn most. Herman Ausubel, writing on Gold-
win Smith, undertakes successfully the task of
re«'evaluating the historical works of the octo-
genarian Manchester liberal and explains why
he enjoyed a much greater reputation as a
Scholar with his contemporaries than with suc-
ceeding generations. W. Menzies Whitelaw's es-
say on Lord Morley shows how difiicult it is to
distinguish between Morley the historian and
Morley the political moralist and statesman.
P. Bartlet Brebner's ''£lie Halevy"— the only
essay in this volume which deals with a historian
whose native tongue was not English — is a bril-
liant Portrait of a great scholar who "belonged
ih the grand tradition of French intellectuals
who were Struck by the peculiar ways of the
English, who studied them, an<l who tried to
explain them to their compatriots" (p. 235).
Samuel J . Hurwitz' essay on Winston Churchill
reveals a shrewd understanding of that "very
immodest man . . . [who] has indeed much to be
immodest about" (p. 307). And Catherine
Strateman Sims's essay on L. B. Namier, though
properly placing primary emphasis on his two
major studies of eighteenth-cenftury England,
deals adequately with his excursions into more
recent fields of history.

This volume is a so und piece of work and rep-
resents a significant contrfbution to British his-
toriography. It should prove extremely useful to
graduate students in their British history Semi-
nars but will also make pleasant and rewarding
reading for students of history generally.

Sydney H.. Zebel

Rutgers University

Tudor prelates and polUics, 1536-1558. By La-
CEY Baldwin Smith. ("Princeton studies in
history," Vol. VIII.) Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, 1953. Pp. 318.
$5.00.

History has not been kind to the Henrician
bishops. Philip Hughes has called them "ex-
perienced bureaucrats," and Thomas Parker
suggests that they were converted to the king's
policies partly through fear. Now Lacey Bald-
win Smith has given us a brilliant and incisive
aialysis of the "middle-of-the-road" bishops,

men like Gardiner, Heath, and Tunstall, who
rose to their ecclesiastical positions not throu^ »
Spiritual pre-eminence but through faithful roy-
al Service. Detailed biographical data are used
to contrast the early careers of these men with
those of their coUeagues, the religious idealists
like Cranmer, who were absorbed with salva-
tion and God rather than with law and man,
This, as Smith states, is a study in religious con-
servatism (1536-58), an attempt to see th? •
Reformation as this important group of conv -
servative bishops saw it.

To see the Reformation through their eyes is -
to witness gradual disillusionment. To be sure,
the conservatives had their moment of triumph •
(1540-47), but the reign of Edward soon dem-
onstrated that, once the floodgate of ecclesiasti-
cal change had been opened, religious radicalism
would triumph over moderation. Moreover, be-
hind uncompromising ecclesiastical convictions
lurked the specter of social revolution. The
pious dreams of the reforming bishops that the
ability to recite scriptural verses would eise
existing social tensions merely served to sui p)rt
agitators who desired a change in the existing
Order of things. The priesthood of all believers
was a dangerous theory for those who stood for
the preservation of authority, but there were
religious radicals as well as conservatives who
realized this. It is true that a man like Latimer
was not afraid to advocate social reform as a
concomitant of the Reformation, but can the
same be said for all his radical coUeagues? Wil-
liam Turner may have raised the specter of
"class warf are," consciously and unconsciously,
as Smith points out; but might he not (like
Luther) have believed both in the equality of
believers and in social and political inequality '
as well? It seems possible, at any rate, that the
religious idealists in this book are described too
uniformly.

The conservative bishops, in their struggle
against religious idealism which threatened es-
tablished political and social relationships,
evolved what Smith calls "the new sophistry."
Expediency formed a large part of their out-
look, "... and if good was capable of Coming :
from evil, they did not hesitate to sanction it"
(p. 227). Unlike Latimer or Cranmer, such men
were not willing to place spiritual salvation be-
fcre political security.

Enough has been indicated to show the kind
of analysis with which this book provides us; no
future historian of the English Reformation will
be able to do without it — nor will historians of

™««k*WrW«i««.

B.275

tSl^

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Continental protestantism. The problems raised
in this work strike at some of the very funda-
mentals of the whole movement. Not only these
English bishops but also the reformers them-
selves, whether Luther or Calvin, grappled with
dangers to political and social stability which
the Reformation brought in its wake. Nor was
casuistry entirely confined to religious conserva-
tives; there were even among convinced Prot-
estants men who were not afraid to resort to
expediency if only for God's ends rather than
for those of the status quo. It was not properly
within the scope of Smith's work to point out
the relationship between the early Tudor prel-
ates and the more general problems of the Ref-
ormation. For what he has done he deserves our
present gratitude and the posthumous praise of
this important group of much maligned prelates
whom he has set in their proper perspective and
whose Problems he has made'meaningful,

George L. Mosse
State University of Iowa

La rSgime reprSsentatif ävant 1790 en. Beigigue.
By John Gilissen, professeur ä l'Universite
de Bruxelles. (CoUection "Notre passe," ed.
SuzANNE Tassier.) Brussels: "La Renais-
sance du Livre," 1952. Pp. 140.

This book is another example of the excellent
work being done by various Belgian authors in
their contributions to the series of books being
produced under the general title ''Notre passe."
John Gilissen is to be congratulated for his part
in the undertaking which has given us this slen-
der volume tracing the growth of Belgian repre-
sentative institutions from the earliest times to
1790. Concisely and clearly the author guides us
through Belgian representative history and
ideology as they were in their most obscure be-
ginnings and as they were at the time that the
flames of the French Revolution engulfed Bel-
gium. He has written a most illuminating vol-
ume which sets forth the results of his attempts
to "chercher dans 'Notre Passe' les origines de
nos [Belgian] institutions representatives"

(p. 8).

By a representative regime, Gilissen does not
E^ean representative or parliamentary suprema-
cy as the terms were used in the nineteenth Cen-
tury, or are used today, but rather monarchy
timpered by an assembly of states (estates),
"que les historiens allemands appellent Stände-
staat'' (p. 9). The author rightly sees this form

of government as having^the beginnings of repre- ^
sentative organs. Gilissen sometime in the fu-
tur^ will do a second volume in the "Notre
passe" series which will bring this study down
to 1950. That volume rather than the one under
review will be parliamentary history of the more- .
conventional type.

In Order to show the evolution of representa- .
tive institutions, Gilissen first tackled the com-
plex Problem of their origins, especially as they
existed between the monarch and the privileged
Orders. The earliest germs of representation are
to be found in the feudal hierarchy and in the
medieval church as they were related to sov-
ereign, town, and peasant.

The appearance of the representative institu-
tions in the medieval towns and in the medieval
principalities is next considered by th? author.
The chapter on the towns, as might be expected
from a Belgian historian, is especially well done.
The growth of urban representation, the impor-
tance of the medieval guilds, the assembly of.
guild governors, are all put in their proper per-
spective as the author traces the importance of ,
representation in the new town governments.
At first, even apprentices voted on important
matters considered by their respective guilds,
but gradually the franchise within the guilds
and the towns became increasingly restricted.
Not only does Gilissen treat the medieval towns
collectively, but he considers many of them ^
separately and shows how greatly urban repre- .
sentative institutions varied from province to
province.

What he does for the towns, he also does for
the p-incipalities. In Flanders, for example, the
role of the clergy in affairs was "tres reduit"
(p. 65) by the beginning of the fourteenth Cen-
tury. In some provinces the nobles lacked power
to control the sovereign, and in others the larger-
towns more and more pushed the smaller towns
into the background so far as a voice in govern-
mental affairs was concerned. By well-chosen
examples, Gilissen shows us the relatively differ-
ent role of the various estates as they existed in
the various principalities.

The description of the rise and fall of the
states general in Belgium is brief but excellent.
That Organization first made its appearance in
the Low Countries at Bruges in January 1464,
and showed a continuous development from its •,
conception until the recapture of Antwerp by
Alexander Farjiese in 1585. At that time the his-
tory of the states general so far as Belgium was
concerned came to an end. It was to be the-

Jo^r^ ^

fiCrU^ ^'^^^

Tudor Prelatea and Polltics^ 1536^1558 > By LACEY

BALWÜI ST^ITH* ("Prlnceton Studlea In Hlstory,''
Vol« VIII») Prlncoton, K» J^j Prlncatcn Unlverslty
Press. 1935» Pp. 318t |5,CX).

Hlatory has not boon klnd to tho Henrlclan blshopa* Philip
Hughes hös called them **0xperlenced bureaucrats" and Thomas Parker

ata that they were converted to the Klng^e pollcloa partly
through fear« Hwr Dr« Smith has glven us a brllllant and incislvo
analysla of the '•middle of the road** blshops, wen llko Gardlner^
Heath and Tttnatall liho rose to thelr eccleslaatical poaitlona not
throiigh aplrltual pre-eialnence but through falthful royal aervlce»
Detalled blorraphlcal data ia used tc contrast the early careers
of t: ese men vdth thc^ of their colloagues, the religlous ideall st s
likö Cranmer lÄio ««ra Äbsorbed with salvi^tlgn and ttod rather tlian
with law and man# Thls, as Dr# Jänlth atatea, is a atudy in religlous
ccaiservatiam (1536*1558), an attempt to see the Reformation aa thia
Important group of conservatlve blshopa saw It«

To see

tho Ref omnatlon through tholr eyes Is to wltnesa

dual iisillusionment» To be suro^ the Conservativoa had thelr
mccient of trlumph (154<V1547), but the relfj^i of El ward soon demcn-
strated that once the floodgata of ecclesiastlcal chanco had baan
opened^ religlous radlcall am would trlumph over modpratlon« More-
over^ behlnd uncoinpr<^lalng ecclesiastlcal convlctlons lurked the
spectro of aoclal revolutlon« Ihe plous dreams of the reforming
biiAiops that the ablllty to reclte acrlptural veraos would ease
exlatlng aoclal tenaiona morely sorved to support agitators «h#

•«HP

deslrod §. ehango In the ©xisting order of thlngs^ Th« prlesthood
of All bellevers was a dsngerous theox^ for those who stood for
the presoarvation of aut: orlty^ but there were rellglona radlcala
aa wall aa conservatlvoa who raallzed this# It la true that a
man llka Latlmer waa not afrald to a^vocate social refona as a
ooncoomitant of tha Haformatlon, but can the aam© Ija aaid for
«11 hla radlcal colleapruea? illlam Turner may bavo raiaed tiie
I9#ctre of "clasa warfare", consciously and unconacloualy as DTf
Smith polnts out, but mlght he not (llke Luther) have belleved
both In the equallty of bellovors and in social and polltlcal
inequality aa well? It seems poaslble, at any rate, that the
religious Ideali st s in thls book are described too ^onlfor^ily»

The conaorvativo blshops, in thelr strugplo against religloua
ideall^m whlch threatened octablishod polltlcal and social relation-
ships, ev Ived what Dr« Smith calls '^The New Sc^hlstry**» B8q?edlency
formed a large part of their outlook "»♦•and if good was capable
of ccaning from ovll, they Üd not hesltate to sanction it*** (p# 227)
Dhlike Latlmer or Cranmer such nien were not willing to place
aplrltual salvaticn before political socurity»

Änough !ias been indicated to show the klnd of analysls wlth
iM.ch thls book provldea us; no futurc historlan of the Ehgliah
Hitfermation will be able to do without it-«»nor will hiatorlana
of Continental Protestant! sm# The problens raised in thls work
atrlke at some of the rerj fundamentals of the whole movement»
Hot cnly these aigliah biehopa, but also the Roformera thertaelves^

wbether Luther or Calvin, grappled wlth th© dangers to polltlcal
and social atabillty wMoh th© Rof oxnaatlon brought in Ita wake«
Nor was caaulstx^' entlrely oonf Inod to rallglous consorvatlvesi
there wer© ©von amon^ cc»ivinced Protostents wen who wer© not afrald
to rosort to ©xp©dl©ncy if cnly for God*8 ©nJs rathor tlian for
thos© of th© statu© quo# It was not proporly wlthin tho scopq
of Dr# Smith» 8 work to polnt out th© relatlanshlp botwean th©
©arly Tudor Prelates and th© moro g©neral problams of th© Reforma»
tion» For what h© has don© h© leserves our pr©s©nt gratitud© and
th© posthunou© ppalae of thls luiportant group of much laallgnad

Frolatas

h© has set In thair prop©r perspactlv©, mtä liios©

problams h© has mal© m©anlngful»

5168

Mar Mod Hist— Revs 9-31 on 10 8-3-4 15 Lah-
man 1-11-54— M -2000 0—115 10 —

Tudor prelates and politics, 1536-1558. By La-
CEY Baldwin Smith. ("Princeton studies in
history," Vol. VIII.) Princeton, N.J.:
Princeton University Press, 1953. Pp. 318..
$5.00.

History has not been kind to the Henriciar>
bishops. Philip Hughes has called them "ex-
perienced bureaucrats," and Thomas Parker
suggests that they were converted to the king's
policies partly through fear. Now Lacey Bald-
win Smith has given us a brilliant and incisive
analysis of the "middle-of-the-road" bishops,
man like Gardiner, Heath, and Tunstall, who
rose to their ecclesiastical positions not through
Spiritual pre-em.inence but through faithful roy-
al Service. Detailed biographical data are used
to contrast the early careers of these men with
those of their colleagues, the religious idealists
like Cranmer, who were absorbed with salva-
tion and God rather than with law and man.
This, as Smith states, is a study in religious con-
servatism (1536-58), an attempt to see the
Reformation as this important group of con-
servative bishops saw it.

To see the Reformation through their eyes is
to witness gradual disillusionment. To be sure,
the conservatives had their moment of triumph
(1540-47), but the reign of Edward soon dem-
onstrated that, once the floodgate of ecclesiasti-
cal change had been opened, religious radicalism
would triumph over moderation. Moreover, be-
hind uncompromising ecclesiastical convictions
lurked the specter of social revolution. The
pious dreams of the reforming bishops that the
ability to recite scriptural verses would ease
existing'social tensions merely served to support
agitators who desired a change in the existing
Order of things. The priesthood of all believers
was a dangerous theory for those who stood for
the preservation of authority, but there were
religious radicals as well as conservatives who
reahzed this. It is true that a man like Latimer
was not afraid to advocate social reform as a
concomitant of the Reformation, but can the
same be said for all his radical colleagues? Wil-
liam Turner may have raised the specter of
"class warfare," consciously and unconsciously,
as Smith points out; but might he not (like
Luther) have believed both in the equality of
believers and in social and political inequality
as well? It seems possible, at any rate, that the
religious idealists in this book are described too
uniformly.

The conservative bishops, in their struggle
against religious idealism which threatened es-
tablished political and social relationships,
evolved what Smith calls "the new sophistry."
Expediency formed a large part of their out-
look, ". , . and if good was capable of Coming
from evil, they did not hesitate to sanction it"
(p. 227). Unlike Latimer or Cranmer, such men
were not willing to place spiritual salvation be-
fore political security.

Enough has been indicated to show the kind
of analysis wdth which this book provides us; no
future historian of the EngHsh Reformation will
be able to do without it — nor will historians of
Continental protestantism. The problems raised
in this work strike at some of the very funda-
mental of the whole movement. Not only these'
English bishops but also the reformers them-
selves, whether Luther or Calvin, grappled with
dangers to political and social stability which
the Reformation brought in its wake. Nor was
casuistry entirely confined to religious conserva-
tives; there were even among convinced Prot-
estants men who were not afraid to resort to
expediency if only for God's ends rather than
for those of the Status quo. It was not properly
within the scope of Smith's work to point out
the relationship between the early Tudor prel-
ates and the more general problems of the Ref-
ormation. For what he has done he deserves our
present gratitude and the posthumous praise of
this important group of much maligned prelates
whom he has set in their proper perspective and
whose Problems he has made meaningful.

State University of Iowa

George L. Mosse

'JiP^U^

tt(tp^<r^ i^'jJ^

An Hmble SuPDlication to Her Maieat^Q. By Robort Southwell* Mlted

oy ^» C» Bald* New Yorki Cambridge ünlveralty Presa, 1958« Pp,80, fs.OO*

*^® SuPDllcatiop was f Irat publlahed, nlne yoars after Southwell

wroto th© tract, aa part of the pamphlat worfare connected wlth the

Archprlest controversy# When the Papacy ccmderaned the booka wrltten

on both aldos of thla dlaputei^ th© Supplication faded into tmder^

aerved obacurlty» Profeasor Bald haa glvon us a metlouloua edltlon

of the workjp together wlth a short Introductlon devoted, f or the most

part, to the curloua after hlstory of th© Suppllcatloy^a There are

three Appendixe 8# The flrat reprlnts the Proclamatlon of 1591 Udoh

provlded the occaalon for the Suppllcatlon^ the socond reprlnta an

extract frc»n the proceedlngs In Rome deallng wlth the Archprlest

controver»y# The thlrd Appendix consista of an ©ssay on Donne and

Southwell» Eere Profeasor Bald cowea to the tentatlv© concluslon

th#t the Jesuit Petition' roentioned in the Peeudo^MartTT Is none

other tlian Southwell's Supplication. Interestlng though such specu^

latlm may be, to hlstorians fihls edltlon Is doubly welccmje* Flratly^

because It makea avallable a tract whlch Pierre Janelle In hla Robert

Southwell (Lmdon, 1956) haa rlghtly called '•.••the ableat, füllest

and most p0e;erful plea ever Tut forward by SngUah Catholloa In th©
relgn of Queen Elizabeth,'* (p. 238) Secondly^ becauie it may serve
to call attention to a serlous gmp In Tudor acholarship» Thotigh we
posaeas such promlslng new worka on Ellzabethan CathollclOT as Godfrey
Anstruther's Vatxx of Ilarrowden. (Newport, Mon. 1953) Bald was still
forced to rely upon A» 0» Meyer •a book publlahod In 1900» Do we not
even lack a scholarly study of Southwell^s master^ Hebert Parsons^
not to mention an ©dltion of the works of thls ^ ost prominent of
fcgllsh Cathollcs?

George L« Mosse

S|aLte ühlverslty of Iowa

An nigabethan, Sir Horatio Pal^vlcino, By LAWREtJCE STONE.
Oxford: Oxford TJnlverslty Press, 1956, Pp. 320, S7.20.

^'Piofnraphy," Lavnrence Stone teils us, "forras a very clumsy meld into
whlch to force the recalcitrant material of a developed historical argu-
ment," (xiii) For him, the story of Koratio Palavicino is ratber a con-
venient per tipon which to hang illustrations, to provide a center aroiind
which to ,iudpe the moral and in teile ctual atmosphere, as well as the po-
lltlcal interests vjhlch doinlnate a given soclety, The resiilt of this
approach to biography Is a work which nnist stand in the very fore front of
recent scholarship on the KLizabethan age.

Palavicino provides excellent material for the kind of biography Stone
has set out to write, for the ran^^^ of bis activities touches upon almost
every aspect of !*lizabethan policy. In successive chapters he is presented
as the monopolist of a3."ujii, the war financier involved in loans to the Dutj^h,
the ambassador to the German princes, the succersful speculator, the secret
apent, and finally, the landj^d gentleman, But these stages of Palavicino*8
career are carefully interrelated with the f^eneral issues and policiee fac-
inßr the Engllsh povemment« Thls anproach can be illustrated h- the chapter
on Palavicino 's enbassy to Germany« Apart from Sir Horatio 's own role, it
is one of the best discussions of this all-important aspect of ELieabeth'B
foreign policy which we possess. The reason for thJLs is twofold, On the
one band, Stone clearly delineates the main probl«ns facing the Queen in
keeping b^^th the Huguenots and the Dutch front collapsing, while on the other
band, he glves a detail ed picture of the attenpts to create a military incur-
8 Ion from Germany into France. Here men like the later da,y condottiere,
Casimir of the ^alatinate, emer?'e wjtb fascinating procisiont while the
futility of Elizabeth 's poldcy can hardly be questioned.

Indeed, one of tbe by-products of thls study is to call a halt to that
unquallfied admlratlon of Elizabeth whlch has characterized so much recent
scholarsMp, Stone is able to show, for example, that it was the very pol-
Icies of Elizabeth which helped to isolate Sngland at Armada ti.Tie. Her
pollcy tov/ards France and Spain was disastrousj that towards the Dutch only
somewhat less so.

Moreover, the detail ed account of how Palavlcino's mission actually
functioned as well as the dlscussion of the role and Operation of secret
apents, contributes to t>ds later period important supple: entary material
to Garre^ t Ma^tingly's excellent Renaissance Diplomacy.

It was Palavicino the international merchant who proved so important
to the Enp'lish government. He was the "go-between and broker, the lobby-
ist and matchmaker betw»^en polltical powers and financial interests."
(ISk) In thls manner, Stone can qnalyze for us both the internatic»ial finan-
ces of the Klizahethan government and those of the conti nent. It is striking
how the realitles of econoirlc power, just as those of politiaal power, tend
to transcend the ide|ilogles of the age. Horatio Palavicino becaine a Protestant
larr^ely becaijse of hls quarrel wlth the papacy over bis alum monopoly, but
he kept in touch wlth bis Italian cousins and even used them for Beeret in-
telli^ence work on behalf of his Protestant queen. Yet thls realism is not
wholly true for the centun'' in which Palavicino lived« His German embassy
Shows how enraity between Lutherans and Calvin! sts could still determine t*yie
pollcles of a coüntry llke Saxony, Simllarly, where H«iry of Navarre used
the threat of Catholic conversicai to extort money frcm Elizabeth, a leader
like La Noue was sincerely devoted to the cause, It is once again part of
the excellence of the book that it doea not fall into the trap of generalizing ^

fron» the character of men like Horatio er Casimir i but rather interweaves i

econondc and polltical realism wlth the ideologlcal hatreds of the age.

Finally, Palavicino pro^/ldes an "almost perfect textbook case" (26ö)
of tbe träne formation of iiiercbant Into landowner. The Italian who never
learned how to write Ehglish ends up as a Cambridgeshire squire. Kowever,
the pilory was not to last, It took exactly one generation to lose the
Vortnne wblch Palavicino had «vr'assed, and It was the Jacobean nouveau
rtohe who were the gainers. Sir Horatio's descendants declined in social
r,t\tu8 until his grandson "was entirely English and entirely bourgeois in
association." (3I4) Within the apace of fifty years, a great fortune
had been made and lost — ^not in vain, for it bas now provided us with one
of our best works on the Elizabethan age.

Georpe L. Hosse

University of Wisconsin

RMI

All'

eri.can Historical Review, October, I95I

126 1' Reviews of Books

Single Elizabethan bishop who was a bad man" (p. 389), followed closely by a
narrative of bishops' Performances something less than admirable in anybody's
definition of what is good and bad.

The reader will also be concerned with the implied philosophy behind a State-
ment about men willing to die for their ideals: "The two sides are interchangea-
ble: one does not respect either; nor did Elizabeth: she liked those who knew how
to live" (p. 390). After a lively description of the domestic trouble of the bishop
of Norwich, Mr. Rowse comments: "The fact that the Bishop had bis own trials
did not prevent him from trying a crazy Arian for heresy and condemning him
to be burned" (p. 412). Puritans are "horrid" or "nasty" or otherwise approbrious
when Mr. Rowse describes them. A good Anglican did not hold "Calvin's ugly
doctrine of Predestination" (p. 415). Occasionally Mr. Rowse appears to be writ-
ing ironically; if so bis style betrays him into the hands of critics who will con-
demn what they believe to be inaccuracies and unhistorical deductions. Perhaps
Mr. Rowse has read too long among unpruned Elizabethan authors, for bis style
suflers from a lack of restraint. Fewer adjectives, parenthetical Statements, un-
finished sentences, asides, and exclamations would have made a briefer, an easier,
and a more pleasing book to read.

Although the historian will find much in Mr. Rowse's book with which he
must disagree, he will be grateful for the vast reading which the author has done
and the abundant citations of little-known records and documents. Mr. Rowse
is a Scholar of great learning, and in many places he points the way to neglected
areas of study.

Folger Library

Louis B. Wright

SIR WALTER RALEGH: A STUDY IN ELIZABETHAN SKEPTICISM.
By Ernest A. Strathmann. (New York: Columbia University Press. 1951.
Pp. ix, 292. $3.75.)

BoTH Elizabethans and moderns have accused Sir Walter Ralegh of "atheism."
Dr. Strathmann's book, based upon a thorough examination of the History of
the World, exonerates Ralegh of this charge. He concludes that Ralegh, while
anxious to define and enlarge the limits of intellectual inquiry, remained obedient
to the religious code of bis day; that bis heresy (if one can term it such) was
directed against Aristotle and scholastic logic and not against the scriptures or
the belief in immortality. Ralegh's skepticism was the skepticism of the academy
rather than the empirical skepticism of Pyrrho. The terms "atheism" and
"Machiavellian" were linked in Elizabethan vocabulary and Dr. Strathmann
does not deny the use made of Machiavelli by Ralegh; indeed he admits that in
action and in bis ethics Ralegh has earned the epithet "Machiavellian" but not
the appellation of "atheist"— the moralist who wrote the History remains always
in the ascendant.

.s.i

Wormald: Clarendon

127

Any Interpretation of such a stormy figure as Sir Walter Ralegh is bound to
be controversial, and Dr. Strathmann's conclusions, bolstered as they are by a
thorough knowledge of the sources, command respect. Yet the contradiction
between the moralist and the "Machiavellian" is never entirely resolved. Mario
Praz tried to face this problem by distinguishing between the Ralegh of the
Irish campaigns and the Ralegh in the Tower. Dr. Strathmann, basing his view
on the scarcity of the sources, denies that Ralegh's development can be traced
with confidence. He is, however, eventually forced to cite Bishop Hall's dictum
that the "Tower reformed the Court in him." Even when he extols religion,
Ralegh's sincerity has often been questioned, as Dr. Strathmann points out.
Ralegh was passionately devoted to the maintenance of order and it is in this
cause that he uses Machiavelli. His praise of religion in his political tracts has an
element of Utility rather than faith. Greater emphasis on Ralegh's political writ-
ings might have contributed to the Solution of problems not solved entirely by
a thorough examination of the History. Dr. Strathmann readily admits the exist-
ence of these problems in Ralegh's thought, though he is careful always to
emphasize the primacy of the sincere moralist.

This book is valuable both for the problems which it raises and for its thor-
ough and exhaustive bibliographic footnotes. The arrangements of the chapters
make the book a very usable survey not only of the content of Ralegh's History
but also of more general topics like "atheism" and "skepticism" in Elizabethan
England. Extensive quotations from primary sources further enhance the value
of the work.

State University of Iowa

George L. Mosse

CLARENDON: POLITICS, HISTORY, AND RELIGION, 1640-1660. By
B. H. G. Wormald, Fellow of Peterhouse. (New York: Cambridge University
Press. 195 1. Pp. xüi, 331. $5.00.)

This is an important book, not only for its new Interpretation of a great
man but for its brilliant analysis of the complex politics in the period of the
English Civil War. The magnitude of the task of writing about a man whose
career spanned the Tyranny, the Long Parliament, the civil wars, and seven
critical years of Restoration history, and whose works include not only the
copious memorials of a statesman but the lengthy reflections of a prolific historian,
has in general daunted students. A populär life of Clarendon appeared in 191 1
and a learned life and letters by T. H. Lister in 1838. Both Sir Charles Firth
and S. R. Gardiner described briefly his life and works in various publications.
Mr. Wormald has thoroughly mastered the extensive printed Clarendon ma-
terial, on which he for the most part bases his thesis, though his notes show some
acquaintance with manuscript sources as well. His contribution cannot be ignored
hereafter by any Student of seventeenth-century history, but it cannot be appre-

'■T''»y'"'™'-'**"*™*»"' "■*■*'*''''''*

THOUGHTS ON MACHIAVELLI. By Leo Strauss. (Glcncoe, 111.: Free Press.
1958. Pp. 348. $6.00.)

Professor Strauss gives us the crux of his thoughts on Machiavelli when he
writes, "Books like The Prince and the Discourses do not reveal their füll mean-
ing as intended by the author unless one ponders over them May and night.* The
rcader who is properly prepared is bound to come across suggestions which refusc
to be stated." Far from being clear and simple, as his successors thought them to
be, Machiavelli's writings are elusive, and at times his silences are as important as
his Statements. Strauss holds that we must never surrender to the drift of Machia-
velli's sentences without correlating them with the total scheme of the work
under discussion, as well as with the sources he analyzes. This contention is based
upon Machiavelli's own approach to reading, which was "nearer to the way the
theologians of the past read the Bible than to our way of reading either Livy or the
Bible." Such an analysis of Machiavelli's thought is continued over four long
chapters, treating the relationship of The Prince to the Discourses, The Prince
and the Discourses separately, and finally, Machiavelli's teachings.

It is suprising that despite this subtle approach to Machiavelli's works the au-
thor's conclusions are the same as those of men in past ages who found thesc
books simple reading. For here, in contrast to modern scholarship, the distinction
between Machiavelli and Machiavellism is eliminated. On the very first page of
the book the author professes himself to be of the "old-fashioned" opinion that
Machiavelli was a teacher of evil. In his concluding remarks he contrasts true phi-
losophy, which "transcends the City," with Machiavelli's thought in which noth-
ing suprapolitical is allowed and "beast man" becomes the symbol instead of
"God man." Though this summary of the complex tapestry of ideas contained in
the work is much foreshortened, it is clear that Strauss's approach is not only at
variance with modern scholarship (no modern work on Machiavelli is cited),
but that it is also based upon certain philosophical presuppositions.

Machiavelli is accused of "indescribable misuse" of Biblical teaching because, as
Strauss believes, the Bible sets forth demands of morals and religion in their

EAFt «HCCT

^,^. <ji»»aw

COI

n Your» FJLE

aSIlS.L^«^«'"N PUBLOHEO

JÜL

1959

AMERICAN H!STOR!CAL REVIEW

Hrushevsky: History of Vkraine-Rus* 955

purest and most intransigent form. But theologlans did read the Biblc thc way
Strauss himself teils us we should read Machiavelli, and what they found was not
such a simplistic and absolute view. Machiavelli is thus contrasted with a philo-
sophical absolute and not with what the Bible did mean to men within a historical
context. By calling Machiavelli a blasphemer, the author statcs that he is mcrcly
calling a "spade a spade," though he will be accused by social scicntists of bcing
"culture conditioned." Instead he seems open to the charge of comparing Machia-
velli to moral absolutes which are not historically warranted. In this sense thc
book contrasts with the Crocean school of Machiavelli studies, which believed
that his greatness lay precisely in the discovery of the necessity and autonomy of
politics beyond good and evil; that Machiavelli was aware of the tragic dilemma
of his times. This meant that his thought could only be understood within thc
context of Florentine history.

There is hardly any trace of such a historical framework in this book. Machia-
velli is Seen against a background of classical thought, and litde eise. Gennaro
Sasso's belief that Machiavelli used Roman history to demolish contemporary
Florence is not reflected here, since Machiavelli's ideas are viewed exclusively
from within the works themselves. Thus Strauss's Machiavelli is "new," indeed,
"revolutionary," because he changed the direction of inherited classical thought;
but just how new Machiavelli might be within the context of medieval Renais-
sance thought is never mentioned or discussed. Sasso also examines the text of
Machiavelli's works and comes to the conclusions that the Machiavelli problem
is complex, and that it cannot merely be determined by his relationship to classical
or Florentine humanistic thought. While the approach of Sasso is that of a his-
torian, Strauss's approach seems divorced from a historical context. Federico
Chabod, influenced by Croce, has exclaimed, "But The Prince is no literary exer-
cise!" To the historian it seems at times as if this book has made Machiavelli's
works into just that. Yet once the limitations of Strauss's approach have been
taken into account, his book can give us some valuable insights. The interplay of
appearance and reality in Machiavelli's writings, for example, does convey somc-
thing of the temper of his mind.

University of Wisconsin

George L. Mosse

The American Historical Review

BOYD C. SHAFER. MANAOINO EDITOR
400 A STREET SOUTHEA8T
WASHINGTON 3. D, C.

November 28, 1958

Dear Prof. Mosse:

Would you be willing to write a review of the
Book noted below? If so, a copy will be sent to you
with the proper heading, which you are requested to
attach to the review.

Sincerely yours,

Author and Title: Leo Strauss - THOIJGHTS ON
MCHIAVKLLI

Number of words for review: Ca . 400

Date review is desired: Jan« 5, 1959

THODGHTS ON MACHIAVBLIJ. By Lto Straus«.
FvBB. 1958. Pp. Jka.)

(C£L«nooa, Illinois. fr%%

Professor Strauss givss us ths orux of his thoufhts on MaohlaTslli whsn
hs wrltss thatt «^ooks liks ths Prinos and ths Disooursss do not rtvsal
thsir füll «laning as intsndsd Ysy ths author unlsss ons pondsrs orsr thsa
*day and night.* Ths rsadsr «ho is propsrly prsparsd is bound to ooms
aoross etiggsstions whioh rsfuss to bs stated" (l?'^)« Far from bsing olsar
and simple» as his sucoessors thought them to bs, Maohiavslli*s writings
ars slxisivs, and at tims his silenoes ars as izsportant as his Statements*
Strauss holds that we must never surrender to ths drift of Maehiavelli's
sentences without oorrelating them with the total scheme of the work undsr
disoussion, as weU as with the sonrces he analys^s« This oontention is
based upon Maehiavelli*s own approach to reading, whioh was "nearer to
ths way the theologians of the past read the Bible than to our way of
reading either Livy or the Bible.« (30.) Suoh an analysis of Machiavelli's
thonght is oontinued cnmr f our long ohapters , treating the relationship
of the Prinoe to the Disoourses , the Prinoe and the Dieoourses separately»
and finally, Maohiavelli*s teaehings.

It is surprising that despite this stibtle approaoh to Kaohiairelli^s
works Professor Strauss *s oonelusions are the saas as those arri^red at
bor men in past ages who found these books simple reading. For here» in
eontrast to modern seholarship, the distinetion between Hachiavelli and
Haohiavellism is elininated. On the very first pags of ths book the author
professes himself to be of the '*old^fashioned" opinira that Hachiavelli
was a teaoher of evil. In his oonoluding rwaarks he oontrasts true phil»
osophQT whioh "transcends the City* with Hachiavelli «s thought in whioh
nothing supra-politioal is allowed and **beast man* beeomes the symbol
instead of *Ck>d man." thou^ this summary of the complex tapestry of

HMWi^MMnHPMMn«p

idsas oontaiMd in th» vork ia nuoh for^shortanedp it is olear that Pro-*
imsBCft Strat2ss*8 appiroaeh ia not only at yarlanoa vith nodarn aoholarahip
(no aodarn vork on Machlavvlli is oitod), but that it ia alao baafd upon
oartain philoaophioal praauppositions»

Haohiavelli ia aoouaad of "«indiaoribable miauae** of Biblioal teaohing
(197) bacauaa, aa Profaaaor Strauaa baliavaa, tha Bibla aata forth damanda
of morala and raligion in thair pureat and moat intranaigent form* But
tbaologiana did read tha Bible the way Profaaaor Strauaa himaelf tella ua
wa ahould read Maohiavalli, and what thay found was not suoh a aimplistic
and abaoluta Tiaw. Maohiavelli ia thua oontraatad with a philoaophioal
abaoluta and not with what tha Bibla did oaan to man within a hiatorioal
oontaxt« By oalling Maohiavalli a blaaphaxaar, tha author atataa that ha
ia aaraly calling a ••spada a apada,*» though ha will ba aoouaad by aooial
aoiantiata of baing'*oulture oonditionad.** Inatead he seema open to tha
oharge of oomparing Haohiavelli to moral abaolutea whioh are not hiator«.
ioally warrantad. In thia aenae tha book oontraata with the Crooean
aohool of Maohiavelli atudiea, whioh believed that hia greatneaa lay pre«
oiaely in the diaoovery of the neoeaeit^r and autonoi^ of politioa beyond
good and evili that Maohiavelli waa aware of the tragio dilemma of hia
tinea. Thia neant that hia thought oould oatj- be underatood within the
oontext of Florentine hiatoxy«

There ia hardly any traoe of auoh an hiatorioal framework in thia book«

Haohiavelli ia aeen againat a baokground of olaaaioal thought, and little

elae. Qenare S^9m^u belief that Maohiavelli uaed Roman hiatorv to de«

1
moliah eontemporary Florenee ia not refleoted here, ainoe Maohiavelli^a

Thua
ideaa are viewed exoluaively firo« within the worka themaelvea.^ Profaaaor

Strauaa *a Haohiavelli ia **new,** indeed, ''revolutionary,** beoauae he ohanged

mmmmm

^■/

th« directlon of inherited classical thought, but just how neu MachiavBlli

aight be within the oontext of raedieval or Ranaissanoe thought l5 never

mentioned or disc\i8sed« f^^sso also examines the text of Machiavelli^s

works and coines to the conclusions that the Machtavelll problem Is com*

plex, that it cannot roerely be determined by hls relatlonship to classical

2
or Flore ntlne Humanist thought. While the approach of Sasso is that of

an historian, Strauss^s approach seems divorced from a historical context*

Frederic Chabed, influenced by Croce, has exclairaed ••But the Prince is no

literary exercise!" To the historian it seeras at times as if this book

has made Machiavelli*s works into just that. Yet once the liraitations
of Professor Strauss*s ax>proach have been taken into aocount, there are
some valuable inslghts whieh his book can give us. The interplay of
appearanoe and reality in Machiavelli's writings, for example, does con-
vey something of the teraper of his mind. The final evaluation of this
work must rest upon the legitimaoy of the approach taken to the examination
du texte and on the feasittility of analyzing the ideas of a theorist who
prided himself on his practicality, outside of the historical context of
his times.

George L* Mosse

üniversity of Wisconsin

1. Gennarrf Sasso, Niccole Machiavelli, Storia Del Su© Pensiere Politico

(Napoli, 1958), 315>

t. Ibid., Prefaaiione.

3« Fredrico Chab^d» Machiavelli and the Renaissance (London, 1958)» 77«

BVeCOk^ MVff"

MVDiaOM «

XHE nni/^Eii;*iJ.A ok Mieconöin

AH-^-

A IIISTORY OF POLITICAL TKOÜGHT HT CTE ENGLISH RSVOLUTICIU By Pero«
Zagorljif (London I Routledge and Kegan Paul» 1954$ Pp» vll,
208t 15».)

'^9 Zagorln ha« not ^hnr*itten a complete hlstory of polltical
thought in the Revolutiori and there Is no evldence that ho Intended
to de so» He hae wrltten instead, a stlmulatlng and provocatlve
accoimt^ centerin^^ on thosa doctrlnes which i^ere in Opposition to
tho tralitimal ord©:;'»^ not ao called '^democratic" thought only,
but also that of such man as Hobbes, ^ledham and Filtert In four-
teen chspters Zagorin dedln, among others, with Leveller Thaorists,
TJtoptan Ccrrmimiete, Theorist s of the Co^nmonwealth, and ^^rotectorate,
Llttle or no nentlon will be fot¥Ki of the more ccnventiteal thinkera
lilr© Iretofn, Cro®iwell or Ppnt Juat as Zagorln »s limltation of
hia purpos^ should be reapacted, so ahould bis Interpretationa
bo Juclged throiigh the framework he himself hae set« Tho Revolution
Is atressod as a crltj.cal rtimient In the detachment of polltical
ideas from thelr religious assoclationst The rellolous factor l3
not ignored, bxtt a special empbaeia is put upon the emernlng secular
elementst In thls way Zai^^orln showa convincingly how a man lik©
John Wlnatanley progreased from mystlcls??! through panthelöis to
raticnaliam^

TJiere are, neceasarily, nroblema of intürpretatlon involved
In auch analyacst Zagorln ia on the aide of the Rovolutioai, and
progresa Is defined both in terms of the secularizatlcTi of thought
and of the fulflllment of populär aspiratlons» Whlle such frank
attitudes uiake towarda clarlty of expoaltion, the enphasis upon
the procesa of aecularizatlon may have 1^6 to an underestir-iatlon
of the religloua factor as, in itself , ccntalnlng elements of
rationallam ao Important In theae theorlee* For example, the

the chlllaem of Thomas I^taer dld not completely ezclud«
reallstic attitudea towarda aocial raform« Nor wma Thosnaa
More so ?mich leaa ratlcmal than John Wlnatanley, Plfth
Monarchy aurely had doeper roots than the failure of the
democratlc rovolutlon to consunmato Itself • Francis Osbom
may have been a partlsan of the "new phllosophy**^ but trtm
another point of vlew he was much concemed v/lth squarlng
his ratlonalism vjrith hla faith« One might quostlon whethor
tho detachment of polltlcal idoas from thelr religious asso-
clatlon wasj In many caaes, as complete as Za^orln wotild
have US belle va, and fiirther^ t/hethor the religious factor
led in all casos to a social utopianlsm froin whlch thinkers
were saved only by a progressive rationallzation of thelr
Ideas«

Ho one, in an analysls of polltlcal thought, has a
monopoly on truth# It Is to be regretted, therefore, that
Zagorin so summari^y dismlsses the ?/ork of other scholars»
As his Statements on soiorces sometimes tend to bo equally
arbitrary, It may be well to add that the Atheistical Politi*"
tian is not the work of Francis Osbom, but of James Bovey,
in whose name it was relssued in 1692, under the title
Vindlcation of the Hero of Politlcal Loamlmt lU ?Tachlavelll>

Zagorln has not produoed a definitive work, but he has
done what any hlstorian of polltlcal thought ou^t to doi ha
has written a book, based on the sources, whioh is provocative,
•nd whlch providea Stimulus for new Ideas and new InterpretatiCÄis«

George L» Messe

Ignores political oonsequences alltogether ( i«e« Volksgeist diso. __
in connection with singalarity but silent about what becajne of this.

(14).

Vs. socialism as concemed with happiness (26) but, after all,

re Integration (27) also part of moralism of Eni* - which is seen
entmrely through eyes of romantics. Does not know G-ya*s work»
Basic definition " erruption of the irrational" (30)
De Mainstre and Bonais read out of romantic movement (14) "vrithout

explanation» But Liberal Catholicisra of Laranais made much of #

Nihilism ( def ined as belief in nothing) said a part of romanticism,
49. Bven existent ilalism( Lumping together Sartre and Camus) is

called nihilism. Belief to S. means belief in Christianity. ^^Wness
because too great a bruden on free will in romanticism (52)«

Schleiermacher

discussed merely

in rel.

terms but even

so without

stress on the

organic

( Droz) or

the

State.

Examples

are

always very

incomplete.

•

" "unlimited craving of the soul" not really nihilism ( ie. P. 126)

Very much parti pris: Feuerback and Conte conceived " grotesque" idea
of a completely anthropocentice religion. But parti pris without

any anlystical confrontation with these ideas or the Enl#
Romanticisn intrinsically anti - rotestant? (155)

ROMANTICS EVALUATED BY THE MSASIRING ROD OP A CATHOLIC CHRISTIAITITY
Al^'D NOT POLITICS ETC. Thus nature worship never really analysides -

fiKimmmKmmmmtmm'mmmmim

]^sA^^ ^ >t t^ 0*^ Zoc^-

to tis cpnsequences» Examples highly selective* Nature: Wordsworth
and Thrreau - but stops there, Ordination: a concept, and then
a few seiet ed examples«

It is a little perve;rse to f ocus the one chapter which deals with

politics "national messianism" exclusivly on Poland and Mickiewicz,
( HB ALWAyS PORGETS THAT ROI^ATTTIC MUTD CAITNOT BE TORN ASSUKDER AND
THAT POLITICS AN E3SBNTIAL ELM'^IENT OP IT).

Should be: the mind of some Eiiropean Romantics, it is not an analysis

of romanticsm as a whole, Chapter headings miseldeaing: oover all
faoets but the examples chosen are highljr selective»
idolising people in romanticism after 1830 ( 198) - btit Herder* s
Volksgeist? ( thesis p» 200 not tenable)

SAIB: THBI'IB ^ RELATIONSHIPS BETV/EEN EIIROPEAIT RIMANTICS ON ONE

HAN?i MD CIIRISTIANITY ON OTHER (201)

HIMSBLP usus Word " pen portait gallery" - and tis what the book^

really consists of , rather thne nay sustained analysis #

at roots of ramoanticism sees a dissonanoe: histrionic

element, depair, gap between ideology and life»

GeteiÄeaH--»e4--a?e^eBifeie-#ea?~4Äve*ieÄ--e3?-a3?^ft3Ä-}Äy%h

V/agners religion was a pretence ( ie, his Chrsitainity) in Parcifal
because admixed with erotio, passions, Buddist sentraent and
vegentarianism ( nothing odd -^ebenreform). 250

EITDS WITH NIETSCIIE: HERB ROMANTICISM AS PSEUDO RELIGION IS
MAl^IPBST: SUPBRI-IAN AInTD IHSTERIA, ( ETERNAL RECUURENCE) ^ ROI^'IANTIOS
LACK OP COmiTTMEINT, THIS ALSO THE NIHILISM AND DESPAIR.

17 January 1956

Professor M. A. Fitzsimons, Edltor
•Review of Polltics
Unlverslty of Notre Dame
South Bend, Indiana

Dear Professor Fit «Simons i

üerewith the review I promised you wh«i we met In Chicago» I tried to follovr the
form of the revlews in the Review of PoliticSj and hopo I have succeeded,

It was p;ood to fet a f^lirapse of "ou in Washington. All the best.

Sincerely,

ÖIIf:ec

George L. Messe

"•• I '^■;mgsm9muaB^

"""^TH""!""'»!!

July II, 1956

Dear Fritz,

dld you ev©r gat the offprint from the

Rovlev of Politics v;lth my review of your book?
I 3ent It to the foreign cfflce adrosß, and I hope that It
dld not get lo8t#

I hope that if you got It your silonce does not mean that you
woro dlssatlofled with it« I thou^ht that it was a very
favourable review, as indsed 1 think the bock indispensable
and that is why I asked Fitzsimmon's to review it»
I am terribly sorry not to be ovor this summer, but I have
too much writins to do to get way ( quite apart from a new
house)» A few weeks in Mexico will be all the vacation I plan
to talce»

Are you all now well sottled in you new house? Sylvia was teachine
part time here last year, and wo often said how nice it would
have been if we could all have been skiing together»

All the best to the whole familly.

A^ ^s^t>

aEcRC^e L^ AAo^^E CcZi^^^^-'/o'^

ARc^lu^

(«-

^vxeu^s .«s-.,..,«,«^„ „„„„„„ ^^„^ ^^^^^^____^^ ^^ ^^^

'¥'^\^-Tf^'p'iyi^!f^-i<y'i-'P''^^ " ■■■ j;i>i---4;'' 'f ■■/iv'Tf ■■•

f .l^o

THE

REVIEW OF POLITICS

Vol. 18

APRIL, 1956

No. 2

Robert H. Ferren:

Woodrow

: Man and Statesman

Arthur S. Link:

Woodrow Wilson and tlie Democratic Party

Bernard S. Morris:

Some Perspectives on the Nature and Role of
the Western European Communist Parties

George F. Kennan:

Raymond J. Sontag:

History and Diplomacy as
Viewed by a Diplomatist

Andrew Hoclcer:

and Diplomacy as
Viewed by a Historian

Sin vs. Utopia in British Sociolism

Andrew M. Scott:

Challenge and Response: A Tool for the
Analysis of International AfFoirs

THE UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME
NOTRE DAME, INDIANA

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

M. A. FITZSIMONS

FRANK O'MALLEY cmd JOHN J. KENNEDY

THOMAS T. McAVOY

Editor
Assodote Editors
Mcmaging Editor

Copyright, 1955, by the Univ«rsity of Notre Dame. Published quarterly by the Unl-
versify of Nofre Dame, Indiana. Issued each January, April, July, and October. Entered
OS second-closs matter, April 1, 1939, at the post office ot Notre Dame, Indiana, under
Act of March 2nd, 1879. Subscriptions: $5.00 the year in the United States and Canada;
foreign $5.40; Single copy, $1.50. English representative, Ducketfs 140 Strand, London
W. C. 2, England.

Parliamentary Government

A study box produced by the British Council
in association with the Hansard Society

$10

(including postage)

The box contains books, pamphlets, wall
Charts and filmstrips on parliamentary gov-
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Script of a day in the House of Commons.

Write for further details to:

THE HANSARD SOCIETY

39 Millbank, London, S.W.1 .

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

Published Quarterly by the University of Notre Dame, Indiana

^Q^- ^Q APRIL, 1956 No. 2

IN THIS ISSUE

Robert H. ¥mt\\~Woodrow Wilson: Man and Statesman. . 131
Arthur S. Unk—W oodrow Wilson and the Demoer atic Party 146

Bemard S. Morris— ^om^ Perspectives on the Nature and

Role of the Western European Communist Parties. . 157

George F. Kennan — History and Diplomacy

as Viewed by a Diplomatist 170

Raymond J. Sontag — History and Diplomacy

as Viewed by a Historian 178

Andrew Hacker— On^z na/ Sin vs. Utopia in British Socialism 184

Andrew M. Scott — Challenge and Response: A Tool

for the Analysis of International Affairs 207

Reviews:

Albert Guerard: Lui! Toujours Lui! 227

William O. Shanahan: The Liberal Motive in German History.... 232

Ferdinand A. Hermens: The Problem of Political Form 239

John J. Kennedy: Americana in the Form of a Memoir 243

Charles F. Mullett: The British Commonwealth Today 246

Jerome Thale: Victorian Giants 247

George L. Mosse: Humanism Reconsidered 250

James Zatko: Modern Slovakia 252

Gerhart Niemeyer: The Intellectual Defense of the West

Against Communism 254

¥M!

CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE

Robert H. Ferrell — Of Indiana University; author of Peace in Their Time.

Arthur S. Link — Professor of History at Northwestern University; author of
a Wilson biography, the second volume of which will appear this year.

Bernard S. Morris — A political analyst, has written a number of studies of
Gommunist strategy.

Raymond J. Sontag — Professor of History at the University of California;
author of Germany and England: Background of Conflict.

Andrew^ Hacker — Teaches Political Science at Cornell.

Andrew M. Scott — Teaches Political Science at Haverford, and is the author
of The Anatomy of Communism.

Albert Guerard — Now Professor Emeritus at Stanford, has written many
works on French literature and politics, the most recent of which, a
study of Napoleon, will appear this year.

William O. Shanahan — Professor of History at the University of Notre Dame,
is the author of German Protestants Face the Social Question.

Ferdinand A. Hermens — Professor of Political Science at Notre Dame, is the
author of Europe Between Democracy and Anarchy.

Charles F. Mullett — Professor of History at the University of Missouri, has
written widely on the history of Britain and the British Empire.

Jerome Thale — Teaches English at the University of Notre Dame.

George L. Mosse — Teaches History at Wisconsin and is the author of The
Struggle for Sovereignty in England and The Reformation.

James Zatko — Has studied at Harvard's Russian Institute and is now doing
graduate work at Notre Dame.

Gerhart Niemeyer — Professor of Political Science at Notre Dame, is author
of Inquiry into Soviet Rationality, to be published this year.

The Review of Politics, without neglecting the analysis of institutions
and tcchniques, is primarily interested in the philosophical and historical
approach to political realitics.

All manuscripts, books for review, exchanges, inquiries, and subscription»,
should be addressed to the Editors, The Review of Politics, Notre Dame
Indiana. '

Opinions expressed in the articles printed in The Review of Politics are
those of the authors alone and not necessarily opinions held by the editoi».

The Contents of this publication cannot be reissued or republished in any
form without special permission from the Editors.

The articles in The Review of Politics are indexed in the International
Index to Periodicals and the Index of Catholic Periodicals and abstracted in
the International Political Science Abstracts.

Woodrow Wirson: Man and Statesman

by Robert H. Ferrell

IT IS NOW thirty-two yeare since the death of Woodrow Wilson,
one hundred years since his birth, and stül the place in history of
this Southemer who became president of Princeton University
and later President of the United States remains somewhat uncertain.
Wilson will rank among the great American presidents, but pre-
cisely where his reputation will come to rest is at present difficult
to say. His public life has been the subject of intense scholarly
investigation. CoUege professors of history and political science
have found his career fascinating (perhaps, one suspects, because
he was the only College professor to reach the White House) . But
they have been unable to make up their minds about him. There
is a passionate air in the historians' appraisals of Wüson, and more
than a hint of assertion and argument, and beneath even the most
calm and apparently measured accounts there is intellectual heat
of a sort that betrays uncertainty about the stature of the man.

There are, it would seem, two reasons for this uncertainty.
One lies in the personahty of the man. When Wüson came into
close contact with disceming, sensitive people during his academic
and political careers, there was something about him that sooner
or later antagonized them. There were a number of tragically
broken friendships. Wilson himself once confessed that "I have
a sense of power in dealing with men collectively which I do not
feel always in dealing with them singly. . . . One feels no sacrifice
of pride necessary in courting the favor of an assembly of men
such as he would have to make in seeking to please one man."i
But Wilson's difficulty in dealing with people went deeper than
this. A fellow faculty member at Princeton, Edward S. Corwin,
concluded about Wilson that "the core of his being was a flaming

r.,..^ ^^"^/. *° E^^^^, Axson, Dec. 18, 1884, in Ray Stannard Baker, Woodrow
Wilson: Life and Letters (Garden City, N. Y., 1927-37), I, 199. Even so
favorable a biographer as Baker admitted that Wilson in personal relations
always mamtained a reserve — "the barrier never breaks quite down. One nevcr
quite gets to him." American Chronicle: The Autohiography of Ray Stannard
Baker (New York, 1945), p. 496.

131

250

THE REVIEW OF POLITIGS

a larger work if he had concemed himself a little less neutrally with
the things that prompt to hate or admiration, the values of Darwin's
age and our own. It is not that he is too timid to offer judgments
and to look for larger relations, but that he is too good-tempered, too
urbane. One does not ask for a theory of giants, or for a righteous
comment on the will-to-beHeve in scientists, or for ponderosities about
the tragedy of the nineteenth Century, but one does feel that even as
biographical drama the work loses magnitude and interest because
the issues are treatd so antiseptically.

Jerome Thale

HUMANISM RECONSIDERED*

"Looking back on the lif e of Erasmus the question still arises : Why
has he remsdned so great?" Huizinga's question can be broadened to
include the whole Humanist movement, and his answer is also relevant
to it. Erasmus has remained great because his was the first enuncia-
tion of the creed of education and perfectibility, of warm social feel-
ing and of faith in human nature, of peaceful kindliness and tolera-
tion. Such influence is extensive, rather than intensive, and therefore
less historically discemible at definite points. The same remark can
be made about the Humanists whom Dr. Caspari discusses in his book.
Their importance lies in the introduction of certain cultural ideals into
England, rather than in their immediate historical effectiveness. For
the Humanists' contributions to their own age were lessened and, in
the end, defeated, by their idealism; through the utopianism of the
humanistic approach to the realities which underlay the rise of the
sixteenth Century monarchies. Neither moral exhortation nor schemes
of education could attain the high ethical Standards which Humanism
set for political and social behavior. From its very beginning, Human-
ism faced the problem of synthesizing the ethical idealism, expressed
in Erasmus's desire to mould Western society upon the simplicity and
purity of the Gospel, and the harsh facts of the age of Machiavelli
and of King Henry VH!.

Professor Caspari is well aware of this dichotomy between the
Humanistic and the "Machiavellian" approach to political ethics.
His book is so important because it attempts to show the practical side
of Humanism and, hence, to demonstrate the balance which could be
achieved between the ideal and the practical. The English Humanists
had a very concrete aim in view, one which sets the theme for the
book: to evolve a social doctrine with which existing society might be
both defended and improved. They concentrated their efforts upon
the country gentry, that class of the population which, under the
Tudors, bore most of the bürden of governing the realm. Dr. Cas-
pari, like W. G. Zeeveld, treats Tudor Humanism as a whole and re-

♦ Fritz Caspari, Humanism and the Social Order in Tudor England, (Chi-
cago: University of Chicago Press, 1954. Pp. viii, 293. $6.50.)

REVIEWS

251

jects the idea that the death of St. Thomas More marks a tuming
point in the history of the movement. What Erasmus had begun bore
fruit in the Elizabethan age; the Piatonic ideal of the good and just
State, mied by an elite of guardians and philosophers, found ex-
pression at the end of the Century, as it did at its beginning. This ideal
was to be brought about through education. The Humanists never
desired knowledge for its own sake but always with a social and
governmental purpose in view. Here they were not idealists but
practical men.

Erasmus Stands at the beginning of Professor Caspari's analysis.
He notices the vagueness and "aloofness" of the great Humanist. But
he notes also that it was Erasmus' concepts of education and leam-
ing which his more practical friends attempted to translate into real-
ity. Nor does he see the great contrast between Erasmus and More
which J. H. Hexter stressed in his work on the Utopia. To be sure,
Dr. Caspari teils of the greater realism of Henry's chancellor, but he
also emphasizes the continuing moral outlook on the political and
social questions. It is not More who made the perfect Renaissance
Humanistic synthesis, but Sir Thomas Elyot. The chapter on the
author of The Governor seems to provide the key passage of the book.
For here we have the füll rebirth of the Piatonic ideal and through it
a perfected combination between the ideal and the practical. He
truly fulfills his role in the world who, through leaming and contem-
plation, attains the knowledge of the Divine good, realizes it within
himself, and reproduces it within his sphere of activity. Elyot brings
this synthesis into a more specific English framework, which Caspari
contrasts with the cosmopolitanism of both More and Erasmus.

Elyot's is a noble theory. How effective was it in practice? After
discussing Thomas Starkey as a representative of Humanist political
thought, Professor Caspari addresses himself to this question. He
shows convincingly how a new desire for secular education came into
being and how this, in tum, affected the education of the gentry. Its
final consequence was that to be a gentleman meant also to be leamed,
something which did indeed change the cultural configuration of the
English mling classes. But does it follow that the Humanist synthesis,
built upon Piatonic foundations, was the "historically effective syn-
thesis" which Professor Caspari believes it to have been?

It seems to me that the last two chapters, on Sir Philip Sidney and
Edmund Spenser, defeat this thesis. In reading the analysis of their
ideas, one is stmck by the lack of realism in their thought as com-
pared with that of Elyot or St. Thomas More. There is Sidney's
simple triumph of virtue in the Arcadia, there are Spenser's ruritanian
knights and his vague universal code of justice. Dr. Caspari is himself
aware of the contrast. He accuses Spenser of a disregard for social
and political matters. We also know that there is another Sidney who
was interested in Machiavelli and in the realities of political life,
though he does not emerge clearly from these pages concemed as they

252

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

are with Sidney's humanism. Yet, it does seem to be an almost in-
escapable conclusion that by Elizabethan times the Piatonic fusion of
the active and contemplative had given way to an idealism reminiscent
of Erasmian "aloofness" and unable to provide real guidance to the
Problems of English political and social life. Thus, while the Eliza-
bethan age iindoubtedly sees a great flowering of Humanism, it may
also haye marked the end of Humanist effectiveness.

While Humanism could not provide a valid synthesis beyond the
middle of the Century, its extensive influence upon English culture was
to last. The very fact that Dr. Gaspari's book raises these problems
should demonstrate its value. Views on Humanism will continue to
differ, but no further discussion on the subject will be able to proceed
without reference to the analyses and opinions contained in this
scholarly and excellently written book. — George L. Müsse

MODERN SLOVAKIA*

The purpose of the History of Modern Slovakia is to acquaint the
American public with Slovakia and the Slovaks. The book*s scope,
vast for so small a work, embraces Slovak history from the ninth Cen-
tury A. D. to the present.

^ The book's main thesis, elaborately repeated on page 277, is the
existence of a Czechoslovak or Czecho-Slovak cultural and historical
unity as a basis for a Czechoslovakia or Czecho-Slovakia. The author's
political viewpoint predominates, much to the detriment of his history.

The author tries to see in the Great Moravian Empire the first
Czechoslovak State. Moreover, his nationalist Slovak bias induces him
to make categorical Statements even when some doubt exists. For in-
stance, he calls Pribina, an early ninth Century ruler of Nitra, a Slovak,
whereas the "nationality" of Pribina is a matter of some doubt (cf.
Halecki, Borderlands of Western Civilizaüon, p. 25 ) . No doubt, only
a slip of the pen places the death of St. Methodius in 880 instead of
885 (p. 15).

Because of the author's Gzechoslovak bias, he interprets the
Hussite wars of the fifteenth Century as involving a "strengthening of
the ties of a common language and culture (p. 22)." This is startling.
Lettrich's countryman, Franti§ek Bokes, in his Dejiny Slovenska i
Slovakov (History of Slovakia and the Slovaks) describes the ravages
of Slovakia by the Hussites and assesses their cultural influence as
slight, if not nil (pp. 82-88) .

The discussion of a common Czechoslovak language (p. 26) is füll
of inaccuracies. True, the Slovak Protestants used Gzech as a literary
language; but this is rather different from a "common Czechoslovak
language." The author leaves the impression that there existed a

* Jozef Lettrich, History of Modern Slovakia. (New York: Frederick Prac-
ger, 1955. Pp. 329. $5.00).

REVIEWS

253

Czechoslovak language that was replaced by Slovak as a literary
language. Had the author referred to so elementary a school text as
Po Stopach Predkov (In the Footsteps of Ancestors) by Professor Jan
Stanislav, even a superficial comparison of mediaeval texts in Czech
and Slovak would have shown him that the characteristics diflferentiat-
ing the two languages, or if he will, dialects, existed even in the fif-
teenth Century. Hans Kohn's brief comments on the Slovak literary
language problem in his Panslavism: Its History and Ideology may
serve as a corrective to the confusion and errors of the book under
review. Kohn's book also indicates the relations of the Slovak Pan-
slavists to other Slavs in the nineteenth Century.

Lettrich's treatment of the Magyar period in Slovak history is
typically nationalist. To him, the Magyar rule is "unbelievably in the
red." Slovaks suffered "irreplaceable losses" during it (p. 42). He
forgets that precisely during the Magyar period Jan Holly (1785-
1849), an epic poet, Anton Bemolak (1762-1813), who in 1787 com-
posed a grammar of literary Slovak, and Paul Safarik (1795-1861)
did their literary and scholarly work; that the govemment established
a chair of Slavic literature in Bratislava; that a literary language was
established. Lettrich's nationalism seems to blind him to any achieve-
ments under Magyar rule.

Similarly Lettrich laments the fact that in the years 1861, 1871,
1878, and 1881 no Slovaks won seats in the parliament; yet later he
States that Slovaks had had recourse to passive resistance and non-
participation in elections (p. 43) !

The bulk of Lettrich's work deals with the history of Slovakia since
1918. His brief sketch of the economic and cultural progress in
Slovakia is perhaps the best part of the book. However, when he
tums to political history, the real objective of the work emerges. It
is to discredit as far as possible Monsignor Hlinka, Monsignor Tiso,
the wartime president of Slovakia, DurCansky, Sidor and the other
Slovak autonomists and separatists. Most clearly does this objective
appear in the choice of illustrations of the history of Slovakia. Some of
them show the separatists and autonomists in the Company of the Nazi
leaders or in Fascist formations; others are photographs of atrocities
and massacres for which the Slovak autonomists or separatists are
supposedly responsible. Nevertheless, the author falls to show that the
autonomist movement was merely the result of the personal ambitions
or individual grievances of unscrupulous leaders. Even his brief refer-
ences to the election results of 1925 (p. 76), 1929 (p. 77), 1935 (p.
79) suggest a movement of large, even though not overwhelming,
dimensions. For instance, in 1925 for a party devoted to a radical
change of the political structure, even to reconstruction on a federal
principle, to poU 32% of the total Slovak vote should have been alarm-
ing. In 1935 for 30% of the Slovak electorate to tolerate the idea of
almost complete Subversion is no ripple in the stream. Lettrich's
discussion of the elections is over-simplified in the extreme.

a larger work if he had concemed himself a little less reutrally with
the things that prompt to hate or admiration, the values of Darwin's
age and our own. It is not that he is too timid to off er judgments
and to look for larger relations, but that he is too good-tempered, too
urbane. One does not ask for a theory of giants, or for a righteous
comment on the will-to-beheve in seien tists, or for ponderosities about
the tragedy of the nineteenth Century, but one does feel that even as
biographical drama the work loses magnitude and interest because
the issues are treatd so antiseptically.

Jerome Thale

HUMANISM RECONSIDERED*

"Looking back on the lif e of Erasmus the question still arises : Why
has he remained so great?" Huizinga's question can be broadened to
include the whole Humanist movement, and his answer is also relevant
to it. Erasmus has remained great because his was the first enuncia-
tion of the creed of education and perfectibility, of warm social feel-
ing and of faith in human nature, of peaceful kindliness and tolera-
tion. Such influence is extensive, rather than intensive, and therefore
less historically discemible at definite points. The same remark can
be made about the Humanists whom Dr. Caspari discusses in his book.
Their importance lies in the introduction of certain cultural Ideals into
England, rather than in their immediate historical effectiveness. For
the Humanists' contributions to their own age were lessened and, in
the end, defeated, by their idealism; through the utopianism of the
humanistic approach to the realities which underlay the rise of the
sixteenth Century monarchies. Neither moral exhortation nor schemes
of education could attain the high ethical Standards which Humanism
set for political and social behavior. From its very beginning, Human-
ism faced the problem of synthesizing the ethical idealism, expressed
in Erasmus's desire to mould Western society upon the simplicity and
purity of the Gospel, and the harsh facts of the age of Machiavelli
and of King Henry VHI.

* Fritz Caspari, Humanism and the Social Order in Tudor England. (Chi-
cago: University of Chicago Pres», 1954. Pp. viii, 293. $6.50.)

naaMiil

'"**#*«»

REVIEWS

251

Erasmus Stands at the beginning of Professor Gaspari's analysis.
He notices the vagueness and "aloofness" of the great Humanist. But
he notes also that it was Erasmus' concepts of education and leam-
ing which his more practical friends attempted to translate into real-
ity. Nor does he see the great contrast between Erasmus and More
which J. H. Hexter stressed in his work on the Utopia. To be sure,
Dr. Caspari teils of the greater realism of Henry's chancellor, but he
also emphasizes the continuing moral outlook on the political and
social questions. It is not More who made the perfect Renaissance
Humanistic synthesis, but Sir Thomas Elyot. The chapter on the
author of The Governor seems to provide the key passage of the book.
For here we have the füll rebirth of the Piatonic ideal and through it
a perfected combination between the ideal and the practical. He
truly fulfills his role in the world who, through leaming and contem-
plation, attains the knowledge of the Divine good, realizes it within
himself, and reproduces it within his sphere of activity. Elyot brings
this synthesis into a more specific English framework, which Caspari
contrasts with the cosmopolitanism of both More and Erasmus.

Elyot' s is a noble theory. How effective was it in practice? After
discussing Thomas Starkey as a representative of Humanist political
thought, Professor Caspari addresses himself to this question. He
shows convincingly how a new desire for secular education came into
being and how this, in tum, afFected the education of the gentry. Its
final consequence was that to be a gentleman meant also to be leamed,
something which did indeed change the cultural configuration of the
English mling classes. But does it follow that the Humanist synthesis,
built upon Piatonic foundations, was the "historically effective syn-
thesis" which Professor Caspari believes it to have been?

It seems to me that the last two chapters, on Sir Philip Sidney and
Edmund Spenser, defeat this thesis. In reading the analysis of their
ideas, one is stmck by the lack of realism in their thought as com-
pared with that of Elyot or St. Thomas More. There is Sidney's
simple triumph of virtue in the Arcadia, there are Spenser's mritanian
knights and his vague universal code of justice. Dr. Caspari is himself
aware of the contrast. He accuses Spenser of a disregard for social
and political matters. We also know that there is another Sidney who
was interested in Machiavelli and in the realities of political life,
though he does not emerge clearly from these pages concemed as they

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

are with Sidney's humanism. Yet, it does seem to be an almost in-
escapable conclusion that by Elizabethan times the Piatonic fusion of
the active and contemplative had given way to an idealism reminiscent
of Erasmian "aloofness" and unable to provide real guidance to the
Problems of English political and social life. Thus, while the Eliza-
bethan age undoubtedly sees a great flowering of Humanism, it may
also have marked the end of Humanist effectiveness.

While Humanism could not provide a valid synthesis beyond the
middle of the Century, its extensive influence upon English culture was
to last. The very fact that Dr. Caspari's book raises these problems
should demonstrate its value. Views on Humanism will continue to
differ, but no further discussion on the subject will be able to proceed
without reference to the analyses and opinions contained in this
scholarly and excellently written book. — George L. Müsse

MODERN SLOVAKIA*

The purpose of the History of Modern Slovakia is to acquaint the
American public with Slovakia and the Slovaks. The book's scope,
vast for so small a work, embraces Slovak history from the ninth Cen-
tury A. D. to the present.

The book's main thesis, elaborately repeated on page 277, is the
existence of a Czechoslovak or Czecho-Slovak cultural and historical
unity as a basis for a Czechoslovakia or Czecho-Slovakia. The author's
political viewpoint predominates, much to the detriment of his history.

The author tries to see in the Great Moravian Empire the first
Czechoslovak State. Moreover, his nationalist Slovak bias induces him
to make categorical Statements even when some doubt exists. For in-
stance, he calls Pribina, an early ninth Century ruler of Nitra, a Slovak,
whereas the "nationality" of Pribina is a matter of some doubt (cf.
Halecki, Borderlands of Western Civilization, p. 25). No doubt, only
a slip of the pen places the death of St. Methodius in 880 instead of

885 (p. 15).

Because of the author's Czechoslovak bias, he mterprets the
Hussite wars of the fifteenth Century as involving a "strengthening of
the ties of a common language and culture (p. 22)." This is startling.
Lettrich's countryman, Franti§ek Bokes, in his Dejiny Slovenska i
Slovakov (History of Slovakia and the Slovaks) describes the ravages
of Slovakia by the Hussites and assesses their cultural influence as
slight, if not nil (pp. 82-88) . .

The discussion of a common Czechoslovak language (p. 26) is füll
of inaccuracies. True, the Slovak Protestants used Czech as a literary
language; but this is rather different from a "common Czechoslovak
language." The author leaves the impression that there existed a

*~Jozt{ Lcttrich, History of Modern Slovakia. (New York: Frederick Prac-
ger, 1955. Pp. 329. $5.00).

f
4

ijl^uieu^ of f^^f'^^''^

Humanism Recons idered*

"Looking back on the life of Erasmus the question atill arises: Why has
he remained so great?" ^hiizinga's question can be broadened to inslude the
whole Ttoianlst movement, and his answer is also relevant to it. Erasmus has
reaalned gr«at becanse his was the flrst en\mciation of tha creed of education
and perfectibility, of warm social feeling and of faith in human nature, of

peaceful kindliness and toleration. Such influenae is extensive, rat her than

1
intensive, and therefore lese historically discemable at definite points,

The saine remark can be made about the Humanists whom Dr. Caspari discusses in
bis book. Their importance lies in the introduction of certaln ciiltural ideals
into England, rather than in their immediate historical effectiveness. For
the Flumanists' contributions to their own age were lessened and, in the end,
defeated, by their idealism; through the utopianism of the humanistic approach
i to the realities which imderlay the rise of the sixteenth Century monarchies.
Nelther mornl exhortation nor schemes of education cou!l.d attain the high ethical
Standards which Hixmanigm set for polltical and social behavior, Froin its very
beginning, Humanism Ipfaced the problem of synthesizing the ethical idealisn ex-
pressed in Erasmus 's desire to mould Western society upon the simplicity and
purity of the Oospel, and the harsh facta of the age of MachiaVelli and of King
Henry VIII.

Professor Caspari is well aware of this dichotomy between the Humanistic

and the "Machiavellian" approach to polltical ethics. Hls book is so important \

because It attempts to show the practical side of Humanism and, hence, to dei%- \^

onstrate the balance which coxild be achievf>d between the ideal and the practical«

The ^glish Humanists had a very concrete aim in view, one which sets the them€l|^\

~ \

■ \

/■/.

for tbe b'ok: to evolve a social doctrine wltb whlch eodsting society ndght

be both defended and improved, They concentrated their efforbs upon the countjr

röntry, that class of the population which, under the Tudors, bore most of the

bu^en of goveimlng the realm, Dr. CasDari, like W. C. Zeeveld, treats Tudor

/
/

^^uiftanisra as a vrhole and reJQCts the idea that tbe death of St. Thomas More
Tnafks a tnrnin^r point in the history of the movement. I^fhat Erasmus had be/nrn
b,0re fruit in tbe Elizabetban age; the Piatonic ideal of the good and just
/statte, ruled by an elite of guardians and philosophers, found expression at
tbe end of tbe centur:rt as it did at its beginning. This ideal was to be brought
^bout tbrough education« The Humanists never desired knowledge for its own sake
y but alwayg wltb a social and governmental purpose in view. Here they were not
ideal ists but practlcal men.

Erasimis Stands at the beginning of Professor Caspari's analysis. He
notices the vagueness and "aloofhess" of the ^':reat Humanist. But he notes
also that it was Erasrmis's concepts of educaticai and learning which bis more
practica] friends attempted to translate into reality. Nor does be see the

great contrast between Erasmus and Köre which J. H. Hexter stressed in bis

work on the IJtopia. To be sure, Dr. Caspari teils of the greater realism of

Henry 's cbancellor, but }» also emphasizes the continuing moral outlook on
tbe polltical and social questions. It is not More who made the perfect
Humanist ic syntbesls, but Sir Thomas Elyot. The chapter on the author of
The novemor seerns to provide the key Das8?if?e of the book. For here we have
tbe füll rebirtb of the Piatonic ideal and tbrough it a perfected combination
between the ideal and the practical. He truly fulfills bis role in the world
i*o, through learning and contemplation, attains the knowledge of the Divine
food, realiaes it within himselft and reproduced it within bis sphere of

activHy. HLyot brings this synthesis into a more specific Bhglish framework,

; wbicb Casnarl contrast s witb tbe cosmopolitanism of botb More and Erasinus.

Hlyot'8 Is a noWw theory. How effective was It in practice? After dis-
cnssinfT Thofnaa Starkey ac a representative of Htmianlst politlcal thoufht, Pro-
fespor Caspar! addresses hiniself to th5s qijestion« He showe convincingly how 4/

a new deeire for aecular oducation came into being and how thiSp in tiim,
a^fectec! the education of the gentry. Its final conseqiience was that to be a ^!

.1"

gentleman raeant also to be leamed, somethinp; which did indoed change the cul- , '

turn3 conflguration of the lh,p:lish nallng classes. B^rt does it follow that /

tbe fhimanist synthesis, built upon P3aton.1c foimdations, was the "historically

effective synthesis" which Pi'ofeasor Caspari believes it to have been?

\
It soems to me that the last two chapters, on Sir Philip Sydney and Edinund

Spenser, defeat thls thesis. In reading the anal^rsis of their ideas, one ia

atruck by the lack of rea].ism in their thought as corapared wlth that of Slyot

or St. Thomas More. There is vSidney's simple triunph of virtue in the Arcadia,

there are Spenser's ruritanian Imirbts and his v&g'ae universal code of justice.

Dr. Casoari is himself aware of t.he contrast. He accuses Spenser of a disregard

for social and political matters. V/e al-so know that there Is another Sidney

who was interestÄd in Machiavelli and in tho realities of political life, thou^

he does not f^er.f^e clearlj'^ froiri these pages conccmed as they are vdth Sidney 's

humanism. Yet, it does setmi to be an a3.most inescapable conclusi on that by

ftizabethan times the Platonic fusion of the active and conteniplative had given

imy to an idealisra reminiscent of Erasmus's **aloofnes5" and unable to provide

real fruidance to the problema of Siglish political and social life. ThuSp whi/le

the Elieabethan a^e undoubtedly sees a o:reat flowerine: of Humanism, it may also

have raerked the end of üumanist effectiveness.

While Humanism could not provide a valid synthesis beyond the raiddle of

the contiiryi its extons&ve influence upon Ehglish culture was to laßt. The

very fact that, Dr. Casparl's book ralsee theee Problems should demonstrate its
value« Views on Humanism vr'll continue to differt but no further discussion
on the subject will be able to proceed without reference to the analyses and
opinions contained in tbis scholarly and excellently written book.

Georrre I. Mosse

University of Wisconsin

Footnotes

Fritz Caemri, fhimanism and the Social Order in Tu.dor, England (Chicago:
University of Chicafto Press, 1954, Pp. viii, 293. ^6.50),

^J. Iliiizinga, Brasrnus of Rotterdam (New York: Phaidon Publishers, 195^).
190, 191-192.

Willian Gordon Zr»eveld, Foundations of Tndor Policy (Cambridge: Harvard

University Press, 194Ö) • \

J. H. Höxter, More*r> Utor^ia (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 195^)

^..

Bad Godesberg-Mehlem
Im Hag 5

July 28. 1956

Dear Georp;«:

I am sorry I did not write you beforei but I wanted loiTp;
aKO to tf^ll you that I was extremely pleased with your revlew,

I was almost emb^rrassed by it beoause I thought that perhaps
you were klnder than you should have been, but then I flattered
mvself into thinking that it represented you honest opinlon.
It is a real pleasure to read a review by someone who understands
what one is trying to do, and who appreoiates what is involved
in one*s work and interpretation, This is most certainly the
Oase with you, and I am really very srateful that you took the
trouble of going so thoroughly into it all, I shall oome back
to the critioal points whioh you raise some other time when I
have more leisure, but - anc^his may sound stränge - as I reoall
I lar^ely ap;ree with your views,

Did I teil you that I now teach at Cologne? They laade
me a Honorarnoxf essor for Enp:lish Intelleotual History. I go
there once a week and leoture to them, whioh is a pleasant
ohange from produoing reoords for future historians, and
similar oocupationö. Next semester I propose to deal with j
sixteenth OBHtury Enp:lish political thoncrht, if I oan work
it up.

I had breakfast with the Rothfels» this morning«
He gave a lecture to the assembled dignitaries of Bonn University
last night, and did very well« He told us of the splendid
reoeption you gave him at Madison. At the reoeption after the
lecture I talked at some lenp;th to Ch^«ter Easum who will
re.ioin your department in the autumn, and gacxjsxkim asked him
to teil you about the G«sp«ris when he gets back. I have seen
a good deal of him here.

At the A.A. I deal with German-British and German-
Irish relations. In May I went to London with Brentano for
talks with the British p:overnment. For a long-time student
of the British system this was very interesting. We oame in
the backwash of the Russians. tH so to speak, whioh was also
of considerable interest, as you oan imagine. Shortly after
I got back here our second daughter (fourth ohild) Andrea
Elita was born. ( On May 25rd.) Elita has reoovered from the
ordeal, and we are now all going to Holland for the whole
month of Auffust. We shall be at DombuTÄ^ a small place on
the Island of Walcheren.

Elita joins me in best wishes and refeards to you.
Your»s very lAncerely^

./.P.%^^/ xp^ßrtiL ^^ ! 7,

7 Ootober 1958

Mr. M. A. Fitnaimona , Editor
The Review of Politio»
Box k
Notre Dame» Indiana

Dear Professor Fltzslmonst

I wonder if you ralght have a tear sheet f or me of the
very generous revlew of my book whloh appeared In the
Rayiw of Politios. I donH know whether thls is pos-
sible, But there is no harra in asking, Perhaps I will
have the pleasnre of seeing you in Chicago diiring the
British Studies meeting in November. With best greet-
ings*«

Slnoerely,

George L* Mosee

Professor of History

(SlfMe

Editor

M. A. Fitzsimons

AssociATE Editors
Frank O'Mallcy
John J. Kennedy

Managing Editor
Thomas T. McAvoy

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

BOX 4, NOTRE DAME, INDIANA

ISSUED QUARTERLY

January, April, July
and Octoben

^^^.ü^, /<?$-[,

^*c^^.

^tfTj^.fb«.^^ At.<r>-aL<

•

3 >^

and historical ab|>roacfi to holxtU

The Review of Politics is interested in the philosophical

ipproach to political realities.

■■^^^^fW^t'-''W

^■.■■■''■■."-'V~''"9'^'^'^l*''Jr' !:-'■

^Wm^

j^Üg^ Ji^-^^'

nHHl

jÄHuary 2^, 1956

D«er 'rofessor FltBiaons, ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ,,^^0 letter,

I will be very slad to lock at the Bufflnl book and. if it 1b
iforthvrlille, to rcviov it for you.

I only ho^ tmt you will ^Ivo no . litUe tlme on this - I hpvo öv.st
bousht » house a..ä the movins etc. haa ßotton ..e a little beMnä

schodul0#

3oßt c^o'^'UjiB^9

^^■l^

^ i

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

M. A. FITZSIMONS - - - .
FRANK O'MALLEV and JOHN J. KENNEDY
THOMAS T. McAVOY . . . ,

Edltor

Associate Editors

Manasins Editor

Reviews

Albert Guerard, William O. Shanahan, Ferdinand A. Hermens, John

J. Kennedy, Charles F. Mullett, Jerome Thale, George L

Mosse, James 21atl(o, Gerhart Niemeyer

Rcprinted from

"THE REVIEW OF POLITICS"
Vol. 18. No. 2. April. 1956, pp. 227-256

University of Notre Dame Press
Notre Dame, Indiana

250

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

a larger work if he had concerned himself a little less neutrally with
the things that prompt to hate or admiration, the values of Darwm's
age and our own. It is not that he is too timid to offer judgments
and to look for larger relations, but that he is too good-tempered, too
urbane. One does not ask for a theory of giants, or for a righteous
comment on the will-to-beHeve in scientists, or for ponderosities about
the tragedy of the nineteenth Century, but one does feel that even as
biographical drama the work loses magnitude and mterest because

the issues are treatd so antiseptically.

Jerome Thale

HUMANISM RECONSIDERED*

"Looking back on the life of Erasmus the question still arises: Why
has he remained so great?" Huizinga's question can be broadened to
include the whole Humanist movement, and his answer is also relevant
to it. Erasmus has remained great because his was the first enuncia-
tion of the creed of education and perfectibility, of warm social feel-
ing and of faith in human nature, of peaceful kindliness and tolera-
tion. Such influence is extensive, rather than intensive, and therefore
less historically discemible at definite points. The same remark can
be made about the Humanists whom Dr. Caspari discusses in his book.
Their importance lies in the introduction of certain cultural ideals into
England, rather than in their immediate historical effectiveness. For
the Humanists' contributions to their own age were lessened and, in
the end, defeated, by their idealism; through the utopianism of the
humanistic approach to the realities which underlay the rise of the
sixteenth Century monarchies. Neither moral exhortation nor schemes
of education could attain the high ethical Standards which Humanism
set for political and social behavior. From its very beginning, Human-
ism faced the problem of synthesizing the ethical idealism, expressed
in Erasmus's desire to mould Western society upon the simplicity and
purity of the Gospel, and the harsh facts of the age of Machiavelli
and of King Henry VHI.

* Fritz Caspari, Humanism and the Social Order in Tudor England. (Chi-
cago: University of Chicago Press, 1954. Pp. viii, 293. $6.50.)

REVIEWS

251

jects the idea that the death of St. Thomas More marks a tummg
point in the history of the movement. What Erasmus had begun bore
fruit in the Elizabethan age; the Piatonic ideal of the good and just
State, ruled by an eUte of guardians and philosophers, found ex-
pression at the end of the Century, as it did at its beginning. This ideal
was to be brought about through education. The Humanists never
desired knowledge for its own sake but always with a social and
governmental purpose in view. Here they were not idealists but
practical men.

Elyot's is a noble theory. How effective was it in practice? After
discussing Thomas Starkey as a representative of Humanist^ political
thought, Professor Caspari addresses himself to this question. He
shows convincingly how a new desire for secular education came into
being and how this, in tum, affected the education of the gentry. Its
final consequence was that to be a gentleman meant also to be leamed,
something which did indeed change the cultural configuration of the
English ruling classes. But does it follow that the Humanist synthesis,
built upon Piatonic foundations, was the "historically effective syn-
thesis" which Professor Caspari believes it to have Seen?

It seems to me that the last two chapters, on Sir Philip Sidney and
Edmund Spenser, defeat this thesis. In reading the analysis of their
ideas, one is Struck by the lack of realism in their thought as com-
pared with that of Elyot or St. Thomas More. There is Sidney's
simple triumph of virtue in the Arcadia, there are Spenser's ruritanian
knights and his vague universal code of justice. Dr. Caspari is himself
aware of the contrast. He accuses Spenser of a disregard for social
and political matters. We also know that there is another Sidney who
was interested in Machiavelli and in the realities of political life,
though he does not emerge clearly from these pages concerned as they

252

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

are with Sidney*s humanism. Yet, it does seem to be an almost in-
escapable conclusion that by Elizabethan times the Piatonic fusion of
the active and contemplative had given way to an idealism reminiscent
of Erasmian "aloofness" and unable to provide real guidance to the
Problems of English political and social life. Thus, while the Eliza-
bethan age undoubtedly sees a great flowering of Humanism, it may
also have marked the end of Humanist effectiveness.

MODERN SLOVAKIA*

The author tries to see in the Great Moravian Empire the first
Czechoslovak State. Moreover, his nationalist Slovak bias induces him
to make categorical Statements even when some doubt exists. For in-
stance, he calls Pribina, an early ninth Century ruler of Nitra, a Slovak,
whereas the "nationality" of Pribina is a matter of some doubt (cf.
Halecki, Borderlands of Western Civilization, p. 25). No doubt, only
a slip of the pen places the death of St. Methodius in 880 instead of
885 (p. 15).

Because of the author's Czechoslovak bias, he interprets the
Hussite wars of the fifteenth Century as involving a "strengthening of
the ties of a common language and culture (p. 22)." This is startling.
Lettrich's countryman, Franti§ek Bokes, in his Dejiny Slovenska i
Slovakov (History of Slovakia and the Slovaks) describes the ravages
of Slovakia by the Hussites and assesses their cultural influence as
slight, if not nil (pp. 82-88) .

♦ Jozcf Lettrich, History of Modern Slovakia. (New York: Frederick Prac-
gcr, 1955. Pp. 329. $5.00).

REVIEWS

253

Czechoslovak language that was replaced by Slovak as a literary
language. Had the author referred to so elementary a school text as
Po Stopach Predkov (In the Footsteps of Ancestors) by Professor Jan
Stanislav, even a superficial comparison of mediaeval texts in Czech
and Slovak would have shown him that the characteristics difFerentiat-
ing the two languages, or if he will, dialects, existed even in the fif-
teenth Century. Hans Kohn's brief comments on the Slovak literary
language problem in his Panslavism: Its History and Ideology may
serve as a corrective to the confusion and errors of the book under
review. Kohn's book also indicates the relations of the Slovak Pan-
slavists to other Slavs in the nineteenth Century.

Lettrich's treatment of the Magyar period in Slovak history is
typically nationalist. To him, the Magyar rule is "unbelievably in the
red." Slovaks suflfered "irreplaceable losses" during it (p. 42). He
forgets that precisely during the Magyar period Jan HoUy (1785-
1849), an epic poet, Anton Bemolak (1762-1813), who in 1787 com-
posed a grammar of literary Slovak, and Paul Safarik (1795-1861)
did their literary and scholarly work; that the govemment established
a chair of Slavic literature in Bratislava; that a literary language was
established. Lettrich's nationalism seems to blind him to any achieve-
ments under Magyar rule.

The bulk of Lettrich's work deals with the history of Slovakia since
1918. His brief sketch of the economic and cultural progress in
Slovakia is perhaps the best part of the book. However, when he
tums to political history, the real objective of the work emerges. It
is to discredit as far as possible Monsignor Hlinka, Monsignor Tiso,
the wartime president of Slovakia, Dur^ansky, Sidor and the other
Slovak autonomists and separatists. Most clearly does this objective
appear in the choice of illustrations of the history of Slovakia. Some of
them show the separatists and autonomists in the Company of the Nazi
leaders or in Fascist formations; others are photographs of atrocities
and massacres for which the Slovak autonomists or separatists are
supposedly responsible. Nevertheless, the author falls to show that the
autonomist movement was merely the result of the personal ambitions
or individual grievances of unscrupulous leaders. Even his brief refer-
ences to the election results of 1925 (p. 76), 1929 (p. 77), 1935 (p.
79) suggest a movement of large, even though not overwhelming,
dimensions. For instance, in 1925 for a party devoted to a radical
change of the political structure, even to reconstruction on a federai
principle, to poll 32% of the total Slovak vote should have been alarm-
ing. In 1935 for 30% of the Slovak electorate to tolerate the idea of
almost complete Subversion is no ripple in the stream. Lettrich's
discussion of the elections is over-simplified in the extreme.

250

y.M 13, ^^.{^^> 1^'')

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

a larger work if he had concemed himself a Httle less neutrally with

the things that prompt to hate or admiration, the values of Darwin's

age and our own. It is not that he is too timid to offer judgments

and to look for larger relations, but that he is too good-tempered, too

urbane. One does not ask for a theory of giants, or for a righteous

comment on the will-to-believe in scientists, or for ponderosities about

the tragedy of the nineteenth Century, but one does feel that even as

biographical drama the work loses magnitude and interest because

the issues are treatd so antiseptically.

Jerome Thale

HUMANISM RECONSIDERED*

"Looking back on the life of Erasmus the question still arises: Why
has he remained so great?" Huizinga's question can be broadened to
include the whole Humanist movement, and his answer is also relevant
to it. Erasmus has remained great because his was the first enuncia-
tion of the creed of education and perfectibility, of warm social feel-
ing and of faith in human nature, of peaceful kindliness and tolera-
tion. Such influence is extensive, rather than intensive, and therefore
less historically discemible at definite points. The same remark can
be made about the Humanists whom Dr. Caspari discusses in his book.
Their importance lies in the introduction of certain cultural ideals into
England, rather than in their immediate historical effectiveness. For
the Humanists' contributions to their own age were lessened and, in
the end, defeated, by their idealism; through the utopianism of the
humanistic approach to the realities which underlay the rise of the
sixteenth Century monarchies. Neither moral exhortation nor schemes
of education could attain the high ethical Standards which Humanism
set for political and social behavior. From its very beginning, Human-
ism faced the problem of synthesizing the ethical idealism, expressed
in Erasmus's desire to mould Western society upon the simplicity and
purity of the Gospel, and the harsh facts of the age of Machiavelli
and of King Henry VHI.

Professor Caspari is well aware of this dichotomy between the
Humanistic and the "Machiavellian" approach to political ethics.
His book is so important because it attempts to show the practical side
of Humanism and, hence, to demonstrate the balance which could be
achieved between the ideal and the practical. The English Humanists
had a very concrete aim in view, one which sets the theme for the
book: to evolve a social doctrine with which existing society might be
both defended and improved, They concentrated their eflforts upon
the country gentry, that class of the population which, under the
Tudors, bore most of the bürden of governing the realm. Dr. Cas-
pari, like W. G. Zeeveld, treats Tudor Humanism as a whole and re-

* Fritz Caspari, Humanism and the Social Order in Tudor England. (Chi-
cago: University of Chicago Press, 1954. Pp. viü, 293. $6.50.)

REVIEWS

251

jects the idea that the death of St. Thomas More marks a tuming
point in the history of the movement. What Erasmus had begun bore
fruit in the EHzabethan age; the Piatonic ideal of the good and just
State, ruled by an elite of guardians and philosophers, found ex-
pression at the end of the Century, as it did at its beginning. This ideal
was to be brought about through education. The Humanists never
desired knowledge for its own sake but always with a social and
governmental purpose in view. Here they were not idealists but
practical men.

Elyot's is a noble theory. How effective was it in practice? After
discussing Thomas Starkey as a representative of Humanist political
thought, Professor Caspari addresses himself to this question. He
shows convincingly how a new desire for secular education came into
being and how this, in tum, affected the education of the gentry. Its
final consequence was that to be a gentleman meant also to be leamed,
something which did indeed change the cultural configuration of the
English ruling classes. But does it follow that the Humanist synthesis,
built upon Piatonic foundations, was the "historically effective syn-
thesis" which Professor Caspari believes it to have been?

It seems to me that the last two chapters, on Sir Philip Sidney and
Edmund Spenser, defeat this thesis. In reading the analysis of their
ideas, one is Struck by the lack of realism in their thought as com-
pared with that of Elyot or St. Thomas More. There is Sidney's
simple triumph of virtue in the Arcadia, there are Spenser*s ruritanian
knights and his vague universal code of justice. Dr. Caspari is himself
aware of the contrast. He accuses Spenser of a disregard for social
and political matters. We also know that there is another Sidney who
was interested in Machiavelli and in the realities of political life,
though he does not emerge clearly from these pages concemed as they

MiaaHH

■M

252

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

While Humanism could not provide a valid synthesis beyond the
middle of the Century, its extensive influence upon English culture was
to last. The very fact that Dr. Caspari's book raises these problems
should demonstrate its value. Views on Humanism will continue to
differ, but no further discussion on the subject will be able to proceed
without reference to the analyses and opmions contained in this
scholarly and excellently written book.--GEOROE L. Müsse

MODERN SLOVAKiA*

The purpose of the History of Modern Slovakia is to acquaint the
American public with Slovakia and the Slovaks. The book's scope,
vast for so small a work, embraces Slovak histor>' from the ninth Cen-
tury A. D. to the present.

The book's main thesis, elaborately repeated on page 277, is the
existence of a Czechoslovak or Gzecho-Slovak cultural and historical
unity as a basis for a Czechoslovakia or Czecho-Slovakia. The author's
political viewpoint predominates, much to the detriment of his history.

The author tries to see in the Great Moravian Empire the first
Czechoslovak State. Moreover, his nationalist Slovak bias induces him
to make categorical Statements even when some doubt exists. For in-
stance, he calls Pribina, an early ninth Century ruier of Nitra, a Slovak,
whereas the "nationality" of Pribina is a matter of some doubt (cL
Halecki, Borderlands of Western Civilization, p. 25). No doubt, only
a slip of the pen places the death of St. Methodius in 880 instead of
885 (p. 15).

Because of the author's Czechoslovak bias, he interprets the
Hussite wars of the fifteenth Century as involving a "strengthening of
the ties of a common language and culture (p. 22).'* This is startling.
Lettrich's countryman, Franti§ek Bokes, in his Dejiny Slovenska^ i
Slovakov (History of Slovakia and the Slovaks) describes the ravages
of Slovakia by the Hussites and assesses their cultural influence °as
slight, if not nil (pp. 82-88) .

♦ Jozef Lcttrich, History of Modern Slovakia. (New York: Frederick Prac-
gcr, 1955. Pp. 329. $5.00).

--iv^-v:ä^;f:t:/?:'^*S?^-M

|?^E^k'''S''

^^ z^<v^

C^CiCt L. A^öSi.^ coi.tecYio'N/

^r>tN»\/e

///

w '^■ic^'M ui- fcMföfJgAM SOCIAL TMomGMT; WD-/ <? 30 /T"?

:>!:^^m-^3\?^v®Si*^^^^i^!^^H^Hi^i^^^^'-^-^^-^^^^^

book exciting, then depressing, but.
finally, provocativc to my own think-
ing and, I hope, to niy own condiui.

Retreat from Reality

CONSCIOI SNKSS AM) SOC.IFTV. ThI
Rk(-)RIFM VTION OF ElROlM AN SoCIAI.

IurHGiir. 1890-1930, by H. Stuart
Hughes. Kiiopt. 433 j)p. sr».

lieviewed hy

George L. Mosse

Tt IS A TRiisM that modern gencia
•*- tions have lost thc comfortal^le
bclief of thcir ancestors in scienrr and
[)rogress. To a group of iruelle( luals.
near the end ol the Nincteenih Cen
tury, the prevailing soher (onfidciK«
in the future of man seemed bast'd
upon the confusion bctween the basii
leality of society and its outward ap
pcarances and (onventions. between
the content and its wrappini^s. [t i^
t!ir search of the intellcc tuals lor an
riu\ to this confusion which is th(
theme of Hughes' fH)ok. Ihc iinpoi
tant intclleduals with whom he d( iK
attempteci to penetrate behind lUc
existing facade of socicty in pursuit
of a ncw criterion of social tlu)ugh(

I'he result ol their seanh is ol n<>
mere theoretical importancc. tnr ii
produced that modern 'Vhaos ol opin
i<»n' iruo which totalitarian sodtM\
<ould <mm!v move. Realitv. to flHs(
inen, (ame to mean a rejection ol riif
< orresjK)nden(e iH-fween s(ien(( '

■^. lor thev saw u} fhis aiKHliti
to (onfusf M\\\ mattet

üKucaiJ. social i.iouL;t!i ni'-
lioni inaixsjs ol m.in's own con

^(lOüMi • I; t •] helic\e iio iwii^ur what e.\isl< '
wi/;, ,, ,..,, nnportant. ii was what men
ihou^ht exisied." Ihis view of realitv.
as Hughes shows. led to a critiqur ol
>farxisiii and to the "redisc r)vei \ ol
the un<()nscious" with Bergson aml
Freud. It also meant a new ideal ism
whuh saw srK'ial realitv e\emplifi(Ml
in the i^pirations which grew out ol
man's wn "intuition." Historians
like Croce tended. in Hughes' opin
lon, to emphasi/e abstractions and
ideals rather than to evaluate the <on
rrete d« elopments m the past

I hi^ movenietit chd not mean i
total retreat from realitv into th^
inner workings of man's mind. tljf>uijh
Freud bv the cnd of his lile di<l M>»n
to believr that "reality will alv^,

imknowable." Most of tlie men in
Hughes' siudv. while deeply ron-
cerned about man's unronscious
dri\es, attempted to exoreise them.
Hughes Stresses this fac t thoroughlv:
vet, it is implicit in the whole l)ook
that they failed in this. The dilemma
IS obvious. Once social reality has
beccmie idenlified with man's own
consciousness of himsell, how can tlie
irrational drives which are an integral
part ol that eonsciousness be liar-
nessed to the construc tion ol the good
soc ietv?

The Italian Wilfiedo Pareto can
serve as an illustration. He believed
that the irrational in man <an be
brought under control, not bv the
a hol i tion of the irrational drives but
lather bv the use of scientific . soc io-
logiral methods to manipulate them
lor thc good of sorietv. To ndc ac
c Ol ding to Pareto. meant t» (ontrol
and use the irrational in man's na-
tiire. Though Hughes is righth cau
tious in linking Pareto to ' sin.
there ran be no doubt that uns nia-
nipulation of the irrational bv rhe
use of social science became the Im 11
mark of totalitarian [>ropagand,i

I he disillusionment with the demo
natic: process on the pari m| these
iniellectuals was not, as Hughes seenis
to hint, only ronnecit-il with fheii
lejection of bbeialism; insfcad. mi< h
disillusionment is inherei ■ 'ns

t\pe ol social thought. Ii i\sed

tMrliatnentary procedure as .. ;>;irt

I ihe surface phenomena oi >... Kt\
uhosr rralities were hidden ni ihe

iiiN lid aspirations ol tnan's "."

Mousness. Ff)T (aoce. lo takt ,..
■ 'iiple, t\\' didness of parhiTnm
tarv squabbles was iiansrend( ;

t'alities whith (ame fioni lua
[x-rteption of his du,- idt-;, K. Snue
'fi<- ba s'.t!ft\ itself nccHied to be

«hang; (onh)rm to these ideals. v

uas iiscjcss *', iiriprove parliamc
institutions

r!>is retreat fmm realit\ .
iisecpien ' .r deveiw,

I Western den. . esperia!

I^e retreat tended f- berome noi.

) lonment wuh present soc irr-,

! per\a«;ive hop<
' '•' possihilif \ (,f imprc.
ilns'rafes in excelh

;»n(l iltcrni ith. Thr ri'-,> ,;:

lenia!

knowleder ui locrir.i? nncj

tivism, l>ecomes the glorification of
the elemental power of the human
jK'rson.dity in Thomas Manns Mhi^k
Moutünm. Julien Benda in Fvan<«
urged intellertuals to withdraw Iroin
socieiv lest they become contaminated
W'hen totalitarian society moved into
this inielleftual vacuum, the intellec
tuals had to confront a present realit\
ihe\ could not l<<nger ignore. It is a
pit\ that Hughes never explicith
brings out this conc lusion to the scnial
tliought uith which he is concerned.

riiis is the sweep and these are the
implications ol Hugfies' signifkant
study. No leview can do justice to all
the important and the lesser known
figuies he treats with perreption and
insight. \Iq\ i hook which is in-

dispensable loi .lu understanding not
only (i\ the (urrents of modern
thought. but a' ' .r the historv of
those totalitär! III niovements whi<h
have bedeviled our own centurv. T he
fir/raynf of the Intel lectuals was not
i Bend.i th.Might. that they left then
i\oi\ (oweis. I)ut rather that instead
of helping to improve existing scxien
they retreated into their private view
ol reality until this was takr?i jwa\
Iron» fhem and used bv uns* , ,,is

p" 1 forces.

Dominant Forces

'^^1 lr)i \s iHAT Chance the
\\"t<ii>, by Barbara Ward. W. W.

•n 188 pp. S.H.75.

Rri'iewed hy

Jack Gerson

T ' i> tu uncharitablr <<.

Ol the (ontent •)! [he lec

bvertxl b\ Barbara Ward at

'MtN ( .>i\\v^v of Ghana in

■^^ Ml! ot her fat g., rhe sug-

tjraph was oper
' i":, , In 1864). and
• I ol hei nuerpretatn»n.s (particu
iail\ of developments in Fast Asia
>uld not stand up to histfiriral criti
iism. But more significant. perhaps
than the content, are t!ic um

stances which stimulated It»
' rth her concept of the
i<»)tc^ affetting world
XV'ard inaugurated the
it the initiative of '^
Minister KwanT^ ^
niiiM. ^mphasi
■ i! .. .; indepen

/ u r.

wnr

1r1

r Am r- 1 s 1 1':

July, 1959

■■■i.^-ic':J-': '^^-K'k' ■'.■■

->'■:''.";!

RBTREAT FROM REALITT

Consciougness and Society« The Reorientation of European Social Thought»
lö9Q-193Qf fay H> sStuart Hugha>» Alfred k. Knopf« U33 pp* $6>

Reviewad fay George L« Uosse«

It is a truisia that modern generations have lost the ooafortable belief
in science and progresa of their ancestors. To a group of intellectual»,
toTwarde the end of the ninetaenth centiiry, the orevailing sober confidence
in the fut\ix^ of man seetned baaed upon the confusion between the basic
reality of society and its outwar<3 a^pearances and Convention«^ between the
content and its wrappings. It is the searoh of the intellectuals for an end
to this confusion which is the theme of Hughes^ book« The important intellectuals
with whom he deals attemp^/ed to penetrate behind the existing facade of society
in Order to arrive at a new criterion of social thought» The result of their
search is of no mere theoretical importance, for it nrodueed that modern
^ch^ios of opinion" into which totalitarian society could easily roove. Reality»
to these jnen, came to mean a rejection of the correspondence between science
and society, for they saw in this another way to confuse reality with matter«
Instead, social thought rou^t start from an analysis of m&n's own conscieusness
where they believod reality lay. "It was no longer what existed which was
important, it was what ron thought existed." This view of reality, as Hughes
Shows, led to a critique of Marxism and to the "rediscoveiy of the unconscious"
with Bergson and Freud. It also meant a new idealism which saw social reality
exemplified in the asnlrations which grew out of man 's ^wn "intuition."
Historianf? like Cuoce tended, in Hughes' opinions, to emphasiae abstractions
and ideale rather than to evaluate the concrete developnents in the past.

This movement did not mean a total rctreat from reality into the inner
working» of man's mind, though Freud by the end of his life did come to
believe that "reality will always be unknowable.'* Moat of the men in Hughes*
study, while deeply concerned about man 's urVöonsoious drives, attempted to
exorciee them« Hughes »tresBes thi« fact throughout; yet, it is implicit
in the whole book that they failed in this. The dilerama is obrious, Oice
social reality has becoTae identified with man's own consclousness of himself^
how oan the irrational drives which are an integral part of that consciousne»»
be hamessed to the construction of the good society? The Italian Tdlfredo
Pareto can »erve as an üluatration. He believed that the irrational in man
can be brought under control, not by the abolition of the irrational drives
but rather by the use of scientific, sociological methods to manipulate them
for the good of society« To rtile according to Pareto meant to control and
uee the irrational in man'a nature. Though Hughes is rightly oautious in
linking Pareto to fasciam, there oaxi be no doubt that this manipulation of
the irrational by the use of social science beoanie the hall Ria|U|^of ^*#»tal-
itarian proT>aganda* Thotigh Hughes believes that the Qerman Max Weber was
most succeaaful in hamessing t.bls subjective concept of reality to the
conatruction of a rational, democratic society, he has to admit Weber 's
eventual failure« On the one band v«eber b«lieved in the possibility of a
deroooratic 8ooJ|by through the application of social science; <m the other
band he believed in the irenortance of a charlsmatic leader and in the
presuppositiona of Oennan nationalism •

"Hie disillusionment with the democratic process on the part of these
intel lectuals was not Just, aa Hughes seeias to hint, connected with their
rejection of liberaliam; inatead, such disillusionraont is inherent in tliia
type of social thought» Parliaraentary procedure was viewed by them as only

■^^^M^^'^SM^^^-''

■'i:P^:

part of the auf ace phenonena of «ooeity whose realitiw wer* hidden in th«
drlve« and aapiration. of „an's consciouanes«. For Croce, to t^ke one example,
the aordidneas r>f j)«rlia«entary aquabbl.i wa« transceiided by the realitie»
which came fram man'e own peroeption of his tnie ideale. Sl«ce the oaeie of
»ociety iteelf needad to be changed to confom to theee ideale, it wae useleaa
to improve parliamentary institutione.

Thie retreat from r«aTlt. had «erioue cneequences for the development
of Weetern de^ocracy, aej^cially as t.ha retreat fceiKied to becor,« not, only a
diflill,«,io,»,ent wlth preaent society b,it an all perrasive hooelee.-nee. about
the poesiblMty of improvement. Thle eonee ,uence of the firet ,orld war
and ite aftermath HuRhes illuetrates in excellent fashion. The ieepair of
a Pirandello, the denial of true philoeophical Knowledge in lo.ical poeitivi«.,
beco.ee the glorlflcati.n of the elemental po.er of the hun,an Personality in
Thor,ae Mann'e Magic Mountain. Julien Benda in France urged intellectnale to
withdraw from eoceity leet they become contaHiinated. 'fhen totalitarian
Society moved into thls intellectual vacuur,, the int<.llectuals had to confront
a preeent reality which they coi-ld no longer ißnore. It ie a pity that
Mughee never explicitly bringe out this c -nclueion to the eocial thou^ht with
i^hich he i« concerned.

This ie the eweep and theee are the implicatione of Hußhea- eignificant
»tudy. No reriew can do Justice to all th. important and the leeeer known
fif^ires whom he treate with preceotion and insight. He carefully juatifiea
the choice of the intellectuale who« he hae eüeled out for anal.^ie, eren
if one'e own choice might have been elightly different. Her« then ie a book
which ie indispensable for an underetanriinfr not only of the currente of
modern thought, but aleo for the hietory of those totalitarian «o^mente

^-y'■ ,'^' ^-j'i'' ■ /> /■ -'i-T>,"

. *^:'f.<\ K f/

part of the sn^ace phenonena of «oceity whose realitie» wera hidden in the
drlv«« and aspirationp of man'a conscioixanesB« For Croce, to take one example,
the aordidneaa nf fjarliaBentary squabbles was tranacendad by tha raalitias
which cama from man'a own percapti-^n of hia true ideala. Slnco the baaia of
aociety itaelT needad to ba changed to conform to theaa idaals, it waa uaaleaa
to improve parliamantary inatitutiona,

Thia retreat from reaTlty had serious conaequencea for the develojjmant
of leatern democracy, eej>ecially as tha retreat tended to Decowe not only a
diaillusionment with präsent Society but an all penrasive hopalessneaa about
tha possibility of iwprovaiaant . Thia conae quence of the firat world war
and ita aftermath Huj^hea illuatratea in excellent faahion. The ^eapair of
a Pirandello, the denial of tnie philoaophical knowledpre in lojrical positiviam,
becoT^ea tha glorification of the elemental pnwer of the huinan personality in
Thonaa Mann'a Maf^ic Mountain, Julien Benda in France urged intellectuals to
vrithdraw from aoca^ty leat they becorae contaaiinated, Fhen totalitarian
aociety moved into this intellectual vacuun, the intellectuals had to confront
a preaent reality which they co\ild no longer ißnore. It ia a pity that
Hugh»« nerer exolicitly bringa out thia c->ncluaion to the social thpught with
which he ia concernad,

Thia ia the aweep and theae are tha implication» of Hughes » significant
atudy. No reriew can do Justice to all the iniportant and the leaaer kn-mn
figurea whom ha treata with preoantion and insij^ht. He carefully .juatifies
the choica of the intallectuala whoro he haa f?i9i5led out for anal^'^ia, even
if one's cwn choica laight have been alightly different, Har^ then ia a book
which ia indispensable for an undaratanding not only of the currenta of
modern thought, but alao for tha hiatory of thoaa totalitarian movementa

• für'. ,i.\^. i v.^S'-^

mpm

■Ä>..;■'.^h?::':':^^:.;;J.■a^^■

which have Üpdeviled our own Century. The Betrayal ctf^ the Intelleotuals was
not, as Öenda thou^ht, that t.hey left their ivory towers, but rather that
instead of helping to improved existi)ig «ociety they retreated into their
private view of reality until this was taken away froin the« and used by
unscrupulous political forcea.

üniveraity of Wi«conßin

Thls ±8 the Headlng: don*t pat it on seperate sheet bnt

Just at head ef reviem.

Retreat fj^o« Reallty

ConflclouBneas and Society» The Reerlentatlon of European Social Thoiagh 1890 -I930>
hy H« Stuart l^ughea^ Alfred k. Knopf« 433 PP* 96

Re"7leffd hy
C'eorge L« Moase

■iia>i*«HW»<

The

It is a tmiSÄ that modern generations have lost the comfortable belief in
Science and progress of their ancestors« !£bei»gb

jenara'bleni T© a group of intellectuals, tonards the end
of the nineteenth century^^Sefe 4ol»er conf idence in the fmture of 3Än see«ed
based upon the confusion betten the^reality of/aociety and it s ^^^J^^^r^^^^^j^
appearances^ between the iiiftppei- and it s oeiAertft» It is the search for
an end to 4^ confusion idiich is the theae of Hughes book* The important
intellectuals with nhom he deals atteapted to penetrate behind the faöade
of Society a»-44r-exioted in order to arrive at new criteriÄa of social
tho^t« The result of their search is of no mere theoretical importance,
for it produced ÄÄ^nodem "chaos of opinien" int© nhich totalitarian society
cota^^ii^ve.with'-«Mb-eM^ Reality, to these men, came to mean a rejectien

of nnaloclTn between science and society; for they sair in this another nay to
confase reality with aatter* Instead^ social thought wist start f rom an analysis
of MWi s own consciousnass« "It tras no longer iihat existed which was i»portant,
it was what men thoiight existed." This^ as^Riighis shows, led to a crtique of
MarxLsayiio the "redisooTery of the unconscious" with Bergson and Freud« It
also meant a new idealism idiich saw social reality exeaplified threwgh- tte
aspirations'^lSÄ^out of «an's own "intnition". Historians like Crece
tended, in Hughes opnions, to eMphasise atetractidfe rather th^n to evaluate

This HOTOMnt did not Man a total retreat froa reality into the inner workings

Freud ^wfee by the end of his lifo beliOTeC
>«• Xmdieftd Wost ©f the »an in HugheMp^^»^

of »an s Kind» though

ifhlla daeply concamed -vl^h aan'a Hnconscioiis drlTaa attempted to exorclse thea«
Hughes strassdw«! thls fact throughouty ^Tet^ It 1« Implicit thrau^ottt tha
tihala boak that they failad In thls« Tha dilanma li obviani« Onca social
raality has bacoaa i^^antiflad irlth man s own consclotisnass of hinsalf ^ hav
csm tha irrational drivas ifhidi aira'^^pflftof that consciousnass ba hamassad
to tha construction of tha geod sociaty? Tha Italian ^ilf rado Parato can

«^

sarva as .Illustration* Ha balia-vad that tha irrational in man can ba breught
undar contro!

k^ — =:-.

tha abolition of

ixrational

A^a-rit^ >t -^ou. TN^

irrational

but rathar tha usa of sciantiflc, sociological^ »athods to nanipulata tt^
for tha good\sociat7* To rule'^iiiaani' to

fi^^ughas is rightly cautious in linking Parato to fascisBj ^ggk thara
can ba no doubt that ira hava haga ar LMiBlihHifiTi^n of tha irrational arid tha

bacaMa tha hall mark of totalitarian

usa of\i3cianca

Propaganda» Hughas baliavas that tha Oenaan Max Wabar nas most succassfol

in hamessing this xjoncept of raality to tha construction of a rational.

^ denocratic^ sociaty» %ä6 ha has to adnit Wabar 's
eTontual failura^ On tha ona band Wabar baliavad in tha possibility of a
daaK)cratic sociaty^on tha othar band ha atoa^baliavad in tha iaportante of

a charisBatic laadar

Ct^^x^

in tha prasuppositions of m ^araan JüationaliSM«

Tha disiUxisionmant irith tha denocra'^^procäss^^s not just^ as
Hughas saeas to hijd), connected irith thair rajaction of liberalisak instaad^
such disillusionaant is inherent in this' social thought« Parliaaentary procedura
itas^ nrtw^wll^ only part of a surface phenoaena of society idiose realitias
wäre hidden in the drivas and aspirations of aan s consciousness» For Crace^
to take one example^ the sordidness of Parliaantary squabbles ivas transcended
by the tpaa raalities iihidi caae froa aan s'^^rception of his true ideals«
Jo^^ m Mi^ociety itself m\wik he diangc^to confora to these idealsj ^«id it -was usoless

to iaprofTa parliaaentary institutions«

This ratreat froa raality had sarious consequences for the devalopaent

ba^fS

:.4 ■; IV

.f Weatem de-ocracy, especially as^ tended to beco« not only a dililusion^nt
iri.th ppBsant «odety but an all pervaslTB hopeleÄes. about «le posslbility .f
'"-^'^'"^^aSj^b . Thia consequenoe of the flrst Tiorld war and it*» aftei«ath Hoghea
niustrates in «Ällant fashlon. The despair of a Plrandelle, the denlal ef
true Fiiilsophical knorledge In loglcal poaiti^am^beco«« the gleriflcaUen
of the "^^i^til power of the hnman personallty in Tho«aa Mann'. Magic
Mountain. JiOien Benda in France urgei/ intellectuals to withdraw from society
^ they becoM contaailnated.I*^^^to this intellectual tocuio^)*«*
i^>Utotalitarian society «oiredf^irtor\ntellectual»4i^ had to confrent * '[^'"'''

I^jghas never explicitly aaäbysis

peality they couLd no longer ignore»

this condusien to the social thonght nith iihich he is concemed^ th^-reeder
of,hii buuk Hill yiyoh thto toesoapable a^rn.nolen» ^., ^

Tps is the sweep and these are the ütpLicationa of HugheH^N»oftani stndy.
Ne re-»iew can de justice to all the Ijiportant and the lesser known fÄfc«»"
t«u» he treats wi^SP^sSi and insight. Mt>iuw>n; tie carefolly justifies
the choice of the «i««MM intellectuals whom he has singled out fer analysis,
even if one^s own choice night have been «lightly different. H«« then i«
a book Tdiich is indrtpenaable for an «nderstanding not only of the currents
of »Odem thought, bat also for the history of those totalitarian «o-wMMnta
Tdiich haw bedewilled our own centuiy. The BetramL of the Intellectuals
naa not, as Benda thoiight, that they left their ivoiy toww«, but rather
that instead of l^/^wl n^'efelating society they retreated into their
priTOte Tiew of reality untn 1* was taken fro« thert^by unscruptf-oSVfocces.

Oeorge L« ^sse

University of Wisconsin

The Progressive, July, I959

book exciting, then depressing, but,
finally, provocative to my own think-
ing and, I hope, to my own conduct.

Retreat from Reality

CONSCIOUSNESS AND SoCIETY. ThE

Reorientation of European Social
Thought, 1890-1930, by H. Stuart
Hughes. Knopf. 433 pp. |6.

Reviewed by

George L. Mosse

IT IS A TRuisM thac modern genera-
tions have lost the comfortable
belief of their ancestors in science and
progress. To a group of intellectuals,
near the end of the Nineteenth Cen-
tury, the prevailing sober confidence
in the future of man seemed based
upon the confusion between the basic
reality of society and its outward ap-
pearances and Conventions, between
the content and its wrappings. It is
the search of the intellectuals for an
end to this confusion which is the
theme of Hughes' book. The impor-
tant intellectuals with whom he deals
attempted to penetrate behind the
existing facade of society in pursuit
of a new criterion of social thought.

The result of their search is of no
mere theoretical importance, for it
produced that modern "chaos of opin-
ion" into which totalitarian society
could easily move. Reality, to these
men, came to mean a rejection of the
correspondence between science and
society, for they saw in this another
way to confuse reality with matter.
Instead, social thought must start
from an analysis of man's own con-
sciousness, where they believed reality
lay. "It was no longer what existed
which was imp>ortant, it was what men
thought existed." This view of reality,
as Hughes shows, led to a critique of
Marxism and to the "rediscovery of
the unconscious" with Bergson and
Freud. It also meant a new idealism
which saw social reality exemplified
in the aspirations which grew out of
man's own "intuition." Historians
like Croce tended, in Hughes' opin-
ion, to emphasize abstractions and
ideals rather than to evaluate the con-
crete developments in the past.

This movement did not mean a
total retreat from reality into the
inner workings of man's mind, though
Freud by the end of his life did come
to believe that "reality will always be

July, 1959

unknowable." Most of the men in
Hughes' study, while deeply con-
cerned about man's unconscious
drives, attempted to exorcise them.
Hughes Stresses this fact thoroughly;
yet, it is implicit in the whole book
that they failed in this. The dilemma
is obvious. Once social reality has
become identified with man's own
consciousness of himself, how can the
irrational drives which are an integral
part of that consciousness be har-
nessed to the construction of the good
society?

The Italian Wilfredo Pareto can
serve as an illustration. He believed
that the irrational in man can be
brought under control, not by the
abolition of the irrational drives but
rather by the use of scientific, socio-
logical methods to manipulate them
for the good of society. To rule, ac-
cording to Pareto, meant to control
and use the irrational in man's na-
ture. Though Hughes is rightly cau-
tious in linking Pareto to fascism,
there can be no doubt that this ma-
nipulation of the irrational by the
use of social science became the hall-
mark of totalitarian propaganda.

The disillusionment with the demo-
cratic process on the part of these
intellectuals was not, as Hughes seems
to hint, only connected with their
rejection of liberalism; instead, such
disillusionment is inherent in this
type of social thought. They viewed
parliamentary procedure as only part
of the surface phenomena of society
whose realities were hidden in the
drives and aspirations of man's con-
sciousness. For Croce, to take one
example, the sordidness of parliamen-
tary squabbles was transcended by the
realities which came from man's own
perception of his true ideals. Since
the basis of society itself needed to be
changed to conform to these ideals, it
was useless to improve parliamentary
institutions.

This retreat from reality had seri-
ous consequences for the development
of Western democracy, esp>ecially as
the retreat tended to become not only
a disillusionment with present society
but an all pervasive hopelessness
about the possibility of improvement.
Hughes illustrates in excellent fashion
this consequence of World War I
and its aftermath. The despair of a
Pirandello, the denial of true philo-
sophical knowledge in logical posi-

tivism, becomes the glorification of '
the elemental power of the human
personality in Thomas Mann's Magic
Mountain. Julien Benda in France
urged intellectuals to withdraw from
society lest they become contaminated.
When totalitarian society moved into
this intellectual vacuum, the intellec-
tuals had to confront a present reality
they could not longer ignore. It is a
pity that Hughes never explicitly
brings out this conclusion to the social
thought with which he is concerned.

This is the sweep and these are the
implications of Hughes' significant
study, No review can do justice to all
the important and the lesser known
figures he treats with perception and
insight. Here is a book which is in-
dispensable for an understanding not
only of the currents of modern
thought, but also for the history of
those totalitarian movements which
have bedeviled our own Century. The
Betrayal of the Intellectuals was not,
as Benda thought, that they left their
ivory towers, but rather that instead
of helping to improve existing society
they retreated into their private view
of reality until this was taken away
from them and used by unscrupulous
political forces.

Dominant Forces

Five Ideas that Chance the
World, by Barbara Ward. W. W.
Norton. 188 pp. $3.75.

Reviewed by

Jack Gerson

Tt would be unchari table to be too
-'- critical of the content of the lec-
tures delivered by Barbara Ward at
the University College of Ghana in
1957. Some of her facts (e.g., the Sug-
gestion that the telegraph was oper-
ating from China by 1864), and
several of her interpretations (particu-
larly of developments in Fast Asia),
would not stand up to historical criti-
cism. But more significant, perhaps,
than the content, are the circum-
stances which stimulated her to set
forth her concept of the dominant
forces affecting world affairs. Miss
Ward inaugurated the lecture series
at the initiative of Ghana's Prime
Minister Kwame Nkrumah, a fact
which emphasizes the search of the
newly independent members of the
World Community for ideas as well as

-wf^mmam

ANNiVERSARY YEAR

50 CENTS JULY 1959

THE

PROGRESSIVE

McCARTHYlSM UNDER THE MAGNOLIAS

Wilma Dykeman and James Stokely

THE MOST IMPORTANT FACT
IN THE WORLD TODAY

Adlai Stevenson

^» • • •

• * • • •
• •_• • •

• • • •

• • • I

• • • •

• • • ■

) • • •

' ' ' • '

,'t 1 1 1 1
i'i'i'.

■Ml

HOW NOT TD MANAGE
THE NATIONAL DEDT

Henry S. Reuss

mmm

I^^ÄCtiO^

LAST MONTH WC announccd that our special spring sub-
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•

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VOLUMi 23 NUMaf t 7

The

FOUNDED IN 1909 BY ROBERT AA. LaFOLLETTE, V.

PROGRESSIVE

Te shall know the truth

JULY, 1959

EDITOR

ASSOCIATE EDITOR

BUSINESS AAANAGER

OFFICE STAFF

MORRIS H. RUBIN

AAARY SHERIDAN

JOHN AAcGRATH

GORDON SINYKIN

ROSE L REDISKE,

HELEN KLEPPE, DOROTHY BEYLER,

BETTY HAAARE, ELEANOR WIND

3 RETREAT FROM FREEDOM

Editorial

4 NOTES IN THE NEWS

6 McCARTHYlSM UNDER THE MAGNOLIAS

Wilma Dykeman & James Stokely

10 THE MOST IMPORTANT FACT

IN THE WORLD TODAY

Adlai Stevenson

12 CHARITY: IN THY SWEET NAME

Ruth Harmer

15 OUR IGNORANCE IN ASIA

O. Edmund Clubb

18 HOW NOT TO MANAGE

THE NATIONAL DEBT

Henry S. Reuss

20 SLOGANS AND SOCIALISM
IN THE MIDDLE EAST

Don Peretz

24 THE PEOPLPS FORUM
26 BOOKS

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iamMlJljyPO i

50th ANNIVERSARY YEAR

AND THE TRLTTH SHALL MAKE YOU FREE

Retreat from Freedom

HPhe United States Supreme Court
-■- served the nation well as a bul-
wark of freedom in a time of hysteria.
When McCarthyism terrorized and
paralyzed Congress and the Execu-
tive, the Court kept a light burning
for the day when reason would banish
the sickness of suspicion, hate, and
repression. Two years ago the nation's
highest tribunal handed down a series
of memorable decisions — Jencks, Nel-
son, Watson, Yates, and Sweezey are
the best known — which seemed to
mark a re-birth of freedom in the
United States after the long night of
McCarthyism. There were angry out-
cries by the spokesmen for reaction
and repression, and a formidable
movement developed in Congress to
curb the Court, but nothing much
happened then.

Something has happened now — in
the Court itself. Twice during the
past month the Supreme Court, by
five to four decisions, handed down
rulings which greatly reduce the area
of freedom it had seemed to mark out
in its decisions two years ago. Both
dealt with the power of legislative
bodies to circumvent the safeguards
of the First Amendment to the Con-
stitution by inquiring into the po-
litical beliefs of individuals.

Two years ago, in the Nelson case,
the Court seemed to say that the prob-
lem of combatting Subversion was
national in character and belonged to
the national government, not the
separate states. But in the Uphaus
case decided last month the Court
breathed new life into the multitude
of sedition laws which clutter up the
Statute books of most states.

Dr. Willard Uphaus of New Haven,
Conn., is executive director of the
New Hampshire World Fellowship
Center, a pacifist Organization. Acting
under a legislative resolution empow-
ering him to investigate subversive
activities, New Hampshire's Attorney

July, 1959

General Louis C. Wyman had de-
manded that Uphaus provide him
with a list of guests at the Center and
letters concerning guest lecturers.
Uphaus, who swore he was not a
Communist and denied that he and
his associates advocated any form of
violence, refused to make the data
available on the grounds that the
state's demand violated the Consti-
tution's guarantees of freedom of
association, speech, and belief.

But a majority of the Court —
Justices Clark, Harlan, Whittaker,
Frankfurter, and Stewart — ruled that
the Nelson case did not "strip the
states of the right to protect them-
selves" and that the "governmental
interest" of self-preservation "out-
weighs individual rights in an asso-
ciational privacy which however real
in other circumstances were here
tenuous at best."

The Court's minority — Chief Jus-
tice Warren and Justices Black, Doug-
las, and Brennan — argued that there
was nothing at all in the record to
justify the State in violating Dr.
Uphaus' "constitutionally protected
rights." On the contrary, the dissen-
ters contended, the record shows that
"the investigatory objective was the
impermissible one of exposure for
exposure's sake."

By the same five to four division
the Supreme Court resolved the
Baren blatt case against the First
Amendment guarantees of freedom.
Lloyd Barenblatt, a former instructor
at Vassar College and the University
of Michigan, had refused to answer
questions of the House Un-American
Activities Committee regarding Com-
munist associations. Barenblatt did
not plead the Fifth Amendment; he
relied on the First Amendment guar-
antees of freedom of speech and asso-
ciation, argued that the Committee's
entry into the field of education was
unconstitutional, and contended that

the Committee's only purpose was
"exposure for exposure's sake."

The Supreme Court's majority of
one rejected Barenblatt's entire case,
which was argued in his behalf by
the American Civil Liberties Union.
The decision, written by Justice Har-
lan, conceded that the power of Con-
gress to investigate is limited by the
Bill of Rights and that Congress
could not conduct a general inquiry
into what a teacher teaches. "But this
does not mean," the Court held, "that
Congress is precluded from interro-
gating a witness merely because he is
a teacher."

Moreover, the majority found, the
House Committee on Un-American
Activities had a valid legislative pur-
pose in this Situation because of the
government's "right of self-preserva-
tion" against Communist attacks.
The Supreme Court, the opinion
pointed out, has "consistently refused
to view the Communist Party as an
ordinary political party" and would
have to "blind itself to world affairs
to do otherwise."

In a memorable dissenting opinion
Justice Black protested that in its
attempt to balance the government's
right of self-preservation against
Barenblatt's right to abstain from
revealing Communist affiliations, the
majority of the Court "mistakes the
factors to be weighed. . . . It com-
pletely leaves out the real interest in
Barenblatt's silence, the interest of
the people as a whole in being able
to join organizations, advocate causes,
and make political 'mistakes' without
later being subjected to governmental
penalties for having dared to think
for themselves.

"It is this right, the right to err
politically, which keeps us strong as
a nation. For no number of laws
against Communism can have as
much effect as the personal conviction
which comes from having heard its
arguments and rejected them, or from
having once accepted its tenets and

Even Cows Have It

The Status Seekers, by Vance
Packard. David McKay. 876 pp.
$4.50.

Reviewed by

Robert E. Fitch

FOR Vance Packard it all began as
a farm boy in Northern Pennsyl-
vania when he met up with Gertrude
the cow. It was Gertrude who always
came through the gate first at feeding
time. All the other cows deferred to
Gertrude, and, besides, each cow kept
her own place in the line. But one
day a new cow joined this society and
butted and bluffed her way to the top
spot within an hour after entering the
barnyard. Thereafter Gertrude, the
dethroned queen, developed neurotic
Symptoms. If she had belonged to the
human hierarchy, probably she would
have hired a psychoanalyst. As it was
she had to be content with simply
becoming the meanest kicker at milk-
ing time. Anyway, the cows had it
even if they didn't have a name for
it: a sense of Status.

Vance Packard's latest book has to
do with the seekers after Status. If
the reader is impatient to find out
just where he Stands on the scale, he
can turn to pages 248-249 and gauge
his social position. The principal
clues are four: occupation, education,
income, and kind of home. There
are seven possible Status levels for
each of these categories. You do a
little simple arithmetic, and you have
the answer. If you are among the
few and fortunate, you get a low
score, which means that you rank
high in Status.

Instead of the historic scheme of
three classes in society, and in place
of a current scheme of six classes,
Vance Packard prefers a five-fold pat-

tern. The "Real Upper Class" and
the "Semi-Upper Class" make up the
"Diploma Elite." Between these two
classes and the "Supporting Classes"
there is a great gulf. The "Support-
ing Classes" consist of the "Limited-
Success Class," the "Working Class,"
and the "Real Lower Class." The
class at the very bottom embraces
those who, in the words of one In-
formant, "are not worth a damn . . .
and don't give a damn." They are
happy-go-lucky hedonists. I have the
impression that the "Real Upper
Class" contains a lot of hedonists, too,
of the rational or prudential variety.
It is the bona fide Status seekers, from
classes II, III, and IV, who are the
ascetics, trying to pull away from low-
class hedonism and to rise to high-
class hedonism.

The greater part of Packard's book
is given to the marks of Status. We
learn that the home now takes prece-
dence over the automobile as the
Chief Status symbol. The style of the
home may vary, but, if you want to
go all out for elegance, you can have
things like gold-plated faucets in the
bathroom and color television built
into the ceiling of the master bed-
room. Other matters of importance
are the right address, the right job,
the right wife, and the right manners.
You should Shop only at prestige
Stores, acquire the sexual mores of
the Upper classes, and join only the
approved church, club, and political
party. And you must watch the class
folkways in the procreation, nurture,
discipline, and schooling of children.

In spite of formidable documenta-
tion that all of us are caught up in
this System of Status seeking, one
might hope that keenness of mind
and nobility of soul function as miti-
gating factors. At any rate I remem-
ber that, much to Kinsey's disgust, it
was religion and higher education

that put a curb on the more "natural"
expression of our sexual impulses.
But they do us no good here. One
chapter is entitled "The Long Road
from Pentecostal to Episcopal" and
makes it piain that you have to work
your way up in church as you do in
the rest of society. Nor are the intel-
lectuals of any help. They cherish
such traits as playfulness, worldliness,
a bias for the underdog, untidiness,
and voting Democratic. They make
a conformity of nonconformity, and
so "develop their own ways of
snooting."

Packard is concerned chiefly with
signs of the increasing rigidity of
social stratification in the United
States, and with the problem of how
we can bring into play the neglected
human resources in the "Supporting
Classes." This of course can be of the
greatest importance if we are willing
to accept the System.

But others will be concerned
chiefly with how to get out of the rat
race altogether. One simple device
would be to move to California, for
there, Packard assures us, are "the
least status-conscious people I've en-
countered in the nation." A more
complex effort might be directed
toward changing the Status symbols
from those of a consumers' economy
to those of a producers' economy in
which persons are esteemed not for
what they use up but for what they
create. Or we might learn to show
contempt rather than sympathy for
the sort of self-pity which feels sorry
for itself because it has fewer posses-
sions than does another. Or we might
restore the tradition of the true aris-
tocrat who, instead of exercising con-
spicuous consumption, practices what
Vance Packard calls "conspicuous re-
serve" in expenditures. And if we
worked hard enough at it, we might
even manage, with some of the "Real
Lower Class," to share the admirable
sentiment that they just "don't give
a damn."

But the starting point for all of us
must be a careful and thoughtful
reading of The Status Seekers. This
book represents a splendid blend of
scholarship and of joumalism. There
is an amazing condensation of data
from all kinds of sources. The mate-
rial is ordered with intelligent dis-
crimination, and presented in a clear
and interesting style. I found the

The PROGRESSIVE

book exciting, then depressing, but,
finally, provocative to my own think-
ing and, I hope, to my own conduct.

Retreat from Reality

CONSCIOUSNESS AND SoCIETY. ThE

Reorientation of European Social
Thought, 1890-1930, by H. Stuart
Hughes. Knopf. 433 pp. $6.

Reviewed by

George L. Mosse

IT IS A TRUisM thac modem genera-
tions have lost the comfortable
belief of their ancestors in science and
progress. To a group of intellectuals,
near the end of the Nineteenth Cen-
tury, the prevailing sober confidence
in the future of man seemed based
upon the confusion between the basic
reality of society and its outward ap-
pearances and Conventions, between
the content and its wrappings. It is
the search of the intellectuals for an
end to this confusion which is the
theme of Hughes' book. The impor-
tant intellectuals with whom he deals
attempted to penetrate behind the
existing facade of society in pursuit
of a new criterion of social thought.

The result of their search is of no
mere theoretical importance, for it
produced that modern "chaos of opin-
ion" into which totalitarian society
could easily move. Reality, to these
men, came to mean a rejection of the
correspondence between science and
society, for they saw in this another
way to confuse reality with matter.
Instead, social thought must start
from an analysis of man's own con-
sciousness, where they believed reality
lay. "It was no longer what existed
which was important, it was what men
thought existed." This view of reality,
as Hughes shows, led to a critique of
Marxism and to the "rediscovery of
the unconscious" with Bergson and
Freud. It also meant a new idealism
which saw social reality exemplified
in the aspirations which grew out of
man's own "intuition." Historians
like Croce tended, in Hughes' opin-
ion, to emphasize abstractions and
Ideals rather than to evaluate the con-
crete developments in the past.

This movement did not mean a
total retreat from reality into the
inner workings of man's mind, though
Freud by the end of his life did come
to believe that "reality will always be

July, 1959

The disillusionment with the demo-
cratic process on the part of these
intellectuals was not, as Hughes seems
to hint, only connected with their
rejection of liberalism; instead, such
disillusionment is inherent in this
type of social thought. They viewed
parliamentai7 procedure as only part
of the surface phenomena of society
whose realities were hidden in the
drives and aspirations of man's con-
sciousness. For Croce, to take one
example, the sordidness of parliamen-
tary squabbles was transcended by the
realities which came from man's own
perception of his true ideals. Since
the basis of society itself needed to be
changed to conform to these ideals, it
was useless to improve parliamentary
institutions.

This retreat from reality had seri-
ous consequences for the development
of Western democracy, especially as
the retreat tended to become not only
a disillusionment with present society
but an all pervasive hopelessness
about the possibility of improvement.
Hughes illustrates in excellent fashion
this consequence of World War I
and its aftermath. The despair of a
Pirandello, the denial of true philo-
sophical knowledge in logical posi-

tivism, becomes the glorification of
the elemental power of the human
Personality in Thomas Mann's Magic
Mountain. Julien Benda in France
urged intellectuals to withdraw from
society lest they become contaminated.
When totalitarian society moved into
this intellectual vacuum, the intellec-
tuals had to confront a present reality
they could not longer ignore. It is a
pity that Hughes never explicitly
brings out this conclusion to the social
thought with which he is concerned.

This is the sweep and these are the
implications of Hughes' significant
study. No review can do justice to all
the important and the lesser known
figures he treats with perception and
insight. Here is a book which is in-
dispensable for an understanding not
only of the currents of modern
thought, but also for the history of
those totalitarian movements which
have bedeviled our own Century. The
Betrayal of the Intellectuals was not,
as Benda thought, that they left their
ivory towers, but rather that instead
of helping to improve existing society
they retreated into their private view
of reality until this was taken away
from them and used by unscrupulous
political forces.

Dominant Forces

Five Ideas that Chance the
World, by Barbara Ward. W. W.
Norton. 188 pp. $3.75.

Reviewed by

Jack Gerson

IT WOULD BE uncharitable to be too
critical of the content of the lec-
tures delivered by Barbara Ward at
the University College of Ghana in
1957. Some of her facts (e.g., the Sug-
gestion that the telegraph was oper-
ating from China by 1864), and
several of her interpretations (particu-
larly of developments in Fast Asia),
would not stand up to historical criti-
cism. But more significant, perhaps,
than the content, are the circum-
stances which stimulated her to set
forth her concept of the dominant
forces affecting world affairs. Miss
Ward inaugurated the lecture series
at the initiative of Ghana's Prime
Minister Kwame Nkrumah, a fact
which emphasizes the search of the
newly independent members of the
World Community for ideas as well as

I^l^rti^

/2.<W^

% . lAA^y^y:)^^

SONOEHDRUCK

Archiv
für Reforinationsgcschichte

Archiv fuT Reformationggeschicbte
C Büf 4ei8Uiaiiii Verlag, Gütersloh

^7f /j"^^

Lacey Baldwin Smith, Tvdar Prelatea and Politics 1536— 155S, Princeton,
New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1953, X, 333 S., $ 5.—.

Ähnlich wie bei den Deutschen die Reformation Deutschlands, nimmt in der
angelsächsischen Welt die Reformation Englands die Gemüter immer wieder ge-
fangen. Die Tatsache, daß man die Ereignisse und Gestalten einer von Spannungen
und Gegensätzen so geschwängerten Zeit meistens nicht unparteiisch zu beurteilen
pflegt, hat diesmal einen Historiker von der Princeton Universität veranlaßt, seine
Aufmerksamkeit auf die Geistlichkeit der entscheidenden Jahre bis zum Regierungs-
antritt Elisabeths zu richten. Ohne vollkommene NeutraHtät für sich zu beanspru-
chen, möchte Vf. besonders derjenigen Gruppe von Bischöfen und Prälaten mehr
Gerechtigkeit zuteil werden lassen, die vom Humanismus herkamen und dann
zwischen die leidenschaftlichen Fechter der reformatorischen und der römisch-
katholischen Seite gerieten. Da ihm die Begriffe Protestanten und Katholiken für
diese Gruppe unzulänglich erscheinen, bezeichnet er sie als Konservative oder
Traditionalisten, wobei freilich auch diese Benennung nicht als ideal gelten kann,
weil sie mehr deckt als nur diese Gruppe. Am treffendsten hätte sie wohl doch als
Humanisten bezeichnet werden können.

Vf. meint, daß man diesen Konservativen darum nicht gerecht geworden sei,
weil man sie immer nur auf dem Hintergrund beurteilt habe, was tatsächlich ge-
schehen ist, und nicht, was hätte geschehen können. Er bietet darum eine neue
Analyse ihrer rehgiösen Geisteswelt, wobei sich folgendes Bild ergibt:

Vom Humanismus beeinflußt, sind die Konservativen von der Notwendigkeit
einer begrenzten kirchlichen Reform überzeugt. Die Schwäche ihrer Haltung sieht
Vf. zum einen darin, daß ihr Humanismus zu aristokratisch und dem intellektuellen
Snobismus nahe ist, zum andern in dem fehlenden Elan bei ihren Reformbestrebun-
gen. Der Grundzug, der sie beherrscht, ist die Angst vor Aufruhr und sozialer Un-
ordnung, die unter dem Einfluß von Luthers religiösem Radikalismus im Lande her-
vorgerufen werden könnten. Im Gegensatz zur gängigen Meinung, nach der diese
konservativen Bischöfe als religiöse Reaktionäre und Sykophanten angesehen
werden, zeigt Vf., daß es sich bei ihnen größtenteils um Diplomaten, administrative
Sachwalter und Juristen handelt, deren Hauptinteresse nicht auf religiöse Fragen,
sondern auf die der staatlichen Sicherheit dienende Ruhe unter der Bürgerschaft
gerichtet war. Dieses Bestreben versetzte sie bald in die Lage — Vf. hätte hier der

Disposition des Buches zufolge von ihrem ersten Dilemma sprechen müssen

ihre emstigen humanistischen Reformideale aufzugeben und aus der Sorge, die
Vorgänge in Deutschland könnten auch auf England übergreifen, Heinrich VIII.
zur Mäßigung der Reformen zu bestimmen. Sie hatten eben erkannt, daß die Refor-
mation in Wahrheit eine Revolution war, in theologischer wie sozialer Hmsicht.
Und das ging ganz gegen den geistigen Zuschnitt ihrer Vorbildung und Geprägtheit,
bei der der dreifache Grundsatz des Gesetzes, der Verfahrensweise und der Ordnung
den Ausschlag gab (für die Konservativen „the triple principes of law, method
and Order were the abiding rules of human conduct, S. 223). Kurzum, es war das
Evangelium der menschlichen Klugheit (human prudence), dem diese Prälaten
huldigten. Die reformatorisch Gesinnten hingegen waren in ihren Gewissen an
Gottes Auftrag gebunden, alle seelengefährlichen Menschensatzungen zurückzu-
dämmen, weshalb es keine Brücke zur Verständigung gab. Unter Eduard VI.

278

Neben der Eruierung der wirksamen Iieitgedanken liegt das Verdienst dieses
Buches in der großen Zahl der beleuchteten Bischofsgestalten im abgesteckten
Zeitraum. Die sie klassifizierende Tabelle weist 66 Namen auf, von denen etwa
die Hälfte als konservative in der Darstellung stärker berücksichtigt sind. Für seinen
Gegenstand bringt Vf. auch ein erfreuliches theologisches Verständnis mit, wie sich
besonders bei der Erörterung der Prädestination (S. 232 ff.) zeigt, die in der refor-
matorischen Färbung seitens der Konservativen als Antithese zum menschlichen
Gesetz und zur Geltung der Autorität überhaupt empfunden wurde. Zudem ist
das Buch ungemein lebendig geschrieben.

Qöttingen Erich Roth

Philip Hughes, The Reformation in England. Volume II: Religio Depopulata.
New York, The Macmillan Company, 1954. Pp. XXV, 366. | 7.50.

In this volume Father Hughes continues his History of the English Reformation,
begun with the "King's Proceedings" published three years ago. Once more this
is a franky CathoHc account of events, beginning with the fall of Thomas CromweU
and ending with the death of Queen Mary. The polemical tone of much that Father
Hughes has to say contrasts with the more balanced judgments of his Catholic
predecessor, G. Constant.^) What is one to make, for example, of the dismissal of
Luther's beliefs as "... the primitive Statements of the heresiarch of Wittenberg"
(p. 52) ? Yet this defect should not obscure the value of the work as a whole. In
Order to prove his contentions, Hughes uses a method which of itseK would have
made his book a useful one: long paraphrases of basic (but sometimes almost
inaccessable) source materials. Not only are the Ten Articles, the Bishop's Book,
and the King^s Book summarized in this manner, but lesser known important
documents are also included. Thus we get long accounts of such writings as the
Legum Ecclesiasticarum (1553) and Cardinal Pole's sermon reviewing the quality
of the Marian restoration (1557). This method enables the correction of previously
committed errors, such as Constant's almost inexpHcable confusion between the
King's Book of Henry VIII and the manual of Christian doctrine written by Bonner
under Mary (p. 243).

In a CathoUc work of this nature the treatment of Queen Mary's reign may
well be the touchstone for an author's historical Interpretation. It is precisely here
that Hughes is at his best and most stimulating. He does not disguise the weaknesses
of that reign and assigns the greatest share of the blame to the bishops. Their
"bureaucratic blinkers", which had made them so pliable to Henry VIII's wishes,
had remamed. Only an English Canisius could have put things right after twenty
years of confusion, and none of the Marian bishops rose to the call. Instead there
were the fires of Smithfield. If the bishops failed to give leadership to the ordinary

•

1) G. Constant, The Reformation in England, Vol. I (1934), Vol II (1941),
New York, Sheed and Ward.

279

man, the heresy trials put them in even a worse light. For had not most of them
foUowed the Henrician heresy? Hughes bases his Interpretation of the heresy
proceedings upon a flat denial that Henry, while breaking with the pope, remained
CathoUc. Here he is in sharp disagreement with Constant for whom the King was
schismatic, but Catholic in doctrine and Uturgy. Convincingly Hughes outlines the
Marian bishops' dilemma, that having been heretics hitherto they now had to
prosecute heresies which once had been their own belief. Moreover, those prosecuted
were not liable to such proceedings at canon law, for they had grown up in enforced
heresy. Here was the injustice, though Father Hughes spends some time proving
that reformers also believed in buming heretics. If we forget this tilting at wind-
mills, there is another interesting Suggestion which emerges. Many of the victims,
about whom Foxe is silent, may have belonged to the universally despised Ana-
baptists. Essex and Kent fumished most of the heretics, and long before Mary's
reign, Cranmer had been worried about the growth of that sect in these
counties.

Yet for all the failures of Mary's reign a new spirit was infused into Catholicism.
Though Hughes sees this in the Elizabethan exiles, those familiär with the stead-
fastness of such recusants as the Ladies' Vaux of Harrowden^) may also see it at
home. This change may be due as much to the hardening of confessional lines as
to the example of men like Cardinal Pole. For the Protestants also gained a new
elan during these years, something that does not emerge clearly from this account.
All told, Father Hughes's scholarship and insight should go far towards compen-
sating those who do not share his zest for fighting once more the battles of four
hundred years ago, or who belong to the opposite side of the Reformation barrier.

State üniversity of Iowa George L. Mosae

Earl Morse Wilbur, ^ History of Unitarianism in Transylvania, England, and
America. Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard üniversity Press 1952, X, 518 S.
$ 7.50.

Ders. : A Bibliography of the Pioneers of the Socinian-Ünitarian Movement in
Modern Christianity in Italy Switzerland Germany Holland (Sussidi Eruditi 1).
Roma, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1950. 80 S.

Wie sich — allein — aus dem Vorwort ergibt, wUl Vf., der Emeritus an der
Pacific Unitarian School (jetzt Starr King School) in Berkeley, Cahfomien ist,
dieses Buch als einen ergänzenden zweiten Band zu seinem früheren Werk A History
of Unitarianism: Socinianism and Its Antecedents, Cambridge, Mass. 1945 ver-
standen wissen. Er hat sich hier die Aufgabe gestellt, die Entwicklung der drei
hervorstechendsten Prinzipien der Unitarier in deren Geschichte zu verfolgen,
nämUch: volle Freiheit des Geistes (complete mental freedom), uneingeschränkter
Grebrauch der Vernunft (unrestricted reason) und großzügige Duldung rehgiöser
Verschiedenheiten (generous tolerance of differences in religion).

Ein solches Programm ließ eigentlich einen geistesgeschichtlichen Zuschnitt
des Buches erwarten. Diesen Charakter hat es aber nicht, und auch „a history of

^) Godfrey Anstruther, Vaux of Harroivden, (Newport, Mon. 1953).

r I

Unitarianism as a doctrinal System", also eine unitarische Theologiegeschichte
will es nicht bieten, sondern stellt eine mitunter chronistische, auch kleinste Er-
eignisse, Gestalten und Daten aufnehmende, in ihrer Art gediegene Geschichte der
Unitarier in Siebenbürgen, England imd Amerika dar. Entsprechend dieser terri-
torialen Aufgliederung sind von den insgesamt 23 Kapitehi des Buches neun Sieben-
bürgen gewidmet, zehn England, die restlichen vier Amerika.

In Siebenbürgen ist u. a. auch der Name Unitarier aufgekommen, freilich nicht
auf Grund einer unio der Anhänger des Davidis mit andern Konfessionen, wie Peter
Bod in seiner Historia Unitariorum annahm, sondern wie Vf. wahrscheinlich
macht, als Gegenthese zum Deus trinitarius der reformierten Gresprächspartner.
Während die polnischen Sozinianer sich nie Unitarier nannten, machten sieben-
bürgische Studenten diese Bezeichnung im 17. Jh. in Holland bekannt, und von
dort aus bürgerte sie sich in England und Amerika ein.

Entsprechend einem Grundzug des Buches ist auch die in Siebenbürgen
spielende Greschichte der Unitarier dem Gresamteindruck nach als Leidensweg im
Kampf um Geistesfreiheit und Toleranz geschildert. Ohne bestreiten zu wollen,
daß die Bedingungen, unter denen die Unitarier in früheren Jahrhunderten leben
mußten, auch in Siebenbürgen immer noch hart genug gewesen sind, ist es doch
wohl angebracht, die Akzente an drei Punkten etwas zurechtzurücken. Erstens:
früher als sonstwo in der Welt ist in Siebenbürgen der religiöse Toleranzgedanke
von der Landesregierung, d. h. von dem aus der sächsischen Nation, dem ungarischen
Adel und den Szeklem bestehenden vereinigten Landtag anerkannt und beschlossen
worden. Das kann aber nicht als ein Erfolg der unitarischen Bestrebungen gebucht
werden, denn dieser Toleranzgedanke wurde bereits zu einer Zeit — nämlich 1557 —
im Landtag formuliert, als die Bewegung der Unitarier in Siebenbürgen noch nicht
Fuß gefaßt hatte. Als diese dann unter Führung des Klausenburger Pfarrers Davidis
wirksam hervortrat, wurde auch sie als vierte Konfession durch den Landtag
rezipiert. Zweitens: die Verfolgung, Verhaftung und Aburteilung des unitarischen
Führers Davidis geht weniger auf das Konto der andern Konfessionen als auf das
der Unitarier selbst, war es doch ihr zweitprominentester Mann, nämlich der zuvor
mit Davidis eng zusammenarbeitende, auch bei Hofe sehr einflußreiche Leibarzt
Biandrata, der den Fürsten von Siebenbürgen bestärkte, gegen Davidis vorzugehen,
nachdem dieser sich in seiner Anschauimg über die Person Christi zum Nonadoran-
ten entwickelt und damit zugleich ein im Lande rezipiertes Gresetz verletzt hatte.
Man lernt daraus, daß es nicht das Prinzip der Toleranz gewesen ist, auf das sich
die Bewegung der Unitarier von Haus aus gründete. Vielmehr waren es auch da —
besonders bei Davidis, dessen Nonadorantismus sich später bei den Unitariem des
Westens weithin durchgesetzt hat — vitale theologische Interessen, die hieb- und
stichfest formuhert wurden und nach Durchsetzung verlangten, selbstredend unter
Bekämpfung der gegnerischen Auffassungen. Sonach sind die Unitarier von Haus
aus auf keine andere Weise als durch ihr bloßes Dasein eine Herausforderung und
Anruf zur Förderung der Toleranzidee gewesen, nicht anders im Prinzip, als es auch
die andern Konfessionen durch die Tatsache ihrer Mehrzahl und Vielfalt auch schon
gewesen sind. Drittens : wenn die katholische Regierung Österreichs bei ihrer Unter-
drückung der Protestanten in Siebenbürgen die Unitarier besonders aufs Korn
nahm, so geschah dieses nicht aus religiösen, sondern aus poUtischen Gründen,
weil nämlich die Unitarier als stramme Verfechter der Unabhängigkeit Ungarns

280

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THE

REVIEW OF POLITICS

Vol. 19

JULY, 1957

No.3

Gustave Weigel, S J.:

American Catholic Intellectualism
— A Theologian's Reflections

Edward Taborsky:

The Revolt of the Communist Intellectuals

John Seabury Thomson:

Burma: A Neutral in China's Shadow

J. W. N. Waticins:

The Posthumous Career of Thomas Hobbes

Irwin Abrams:

The Emergence of the international

Law Societies

THE UNIVBRSITY OF NOTRB DAME
NOTRE DAME, BSÜIANA

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

^■i

M. A. FUZSIMONS . . -

FBANK OTAAUSY onxd lOHN I. KENNEDY
THOMAS T. McAVOY

Editor

Assodote Editon

Managing Editor

Copyright, 1957, by the University of Notre Dame. Published quarterly by the University
of Notre Dome, Indiona. Issued eoch Januory, April, July, and October. Er»tered os
second-class matter, April 1, 1939, at the post office at Notre Dame, Indiana, under
Act of March 2nd, 1879. Subscriptions: $5.00 the year in the United States and Canado;
foreign $5.40; Single copy, $1.50. English representative, Duckett's, 140 Strand, London
W. C. 2, England.

WORLD POLITICS

A Quarterly Journal of International Relations Under the Editorial

Sponsorship of the Center of International Studies,

Princeton University

CONTENTS, Vol. IX, No. 3, April, 1957

ARTIGLES
Soviet Atomic Blackmail and the North Atlantic Alliance

By Hans Speier

Observations on France : Economy, Society, and Polity

By David S. Landes

Planning and Economic Progress in France.. ..By Wallace C. Peterson
An Approach to the Analysis of Political Systems By David Easton

REVIEW ARTIGLES

Marxism, Leninism, and Soviet Gommunism By C. E. Black

A Psychoanalytical Interpretation of Woodrow Wilson

By Bernard Brodie

A Decade of Political and Economic Ghange in Italy

By Joseph La Palombara

The Political Scene in West Germany By Otto Kirchheimer

Approaches to the Problems of Political Developments

in Non-Western Societies 3y S. N. Eisenstadt

Prospects for an International Economy By Benjamin Higgins

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Address: WORLD POLITIGS
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THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

Published Quarterly by the University of Notre Dame, Indiana

Vol. 19

JULY, 1957

No. 3

lä.i

: f

IN THIS ISSUE

Gustave Weigel, SJ. — American Catholic Intellectualism

— A Theologian's Reflections 275

Edward Taborsky — The Revolt of the Communist ,

Intellectuals 308

John Seabury Thomson — Burma: A Neutral in

China's Shadow 330

J. W. N. Watkins — The Posthumous Career of

Thomas Hobbes 35 1

Irwin Abrams — The Emergence of the International

Law Societies 361

Revien's:

Marshall Smelser: The Writing of American History 381

Thomas T, McAvoy, G.S.C. : Woodrow Wilson and the

New Freedom „ 383

Paul C. Bartholomew : National Party Platforms 385

Robert H. Ferrell: Isolation, Yesterday and Today 386

Edward R. O'Connor: The Gold Coast in Transition 388

F. A. Hermens: Political Parties, Political Science,

and Sociology 391

John Fizer: The Irrationality of Soviet Behavior 399

Leo R. Ward, C.S.C.: Education in Antiquity 400

Gerhart Niemeyer: The Order of History and the History of Order 403

A. Robert Caponigri: Marcel and Royce _ 409

Walter D. Gray: The Communards 410

George L. Mosse: An Italian Intellectual and the Reformation 412

Richard E. Ball: The Politics of Distribution ,... 414

«EiamswnsiKraKi^

■Ti'siiäisauMcmtii.miiitiifiiKalaijgBi

CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE

Gustave Weigel, S.J. — Dean of the theology faculty of the Catholic Univer-
sity of Chile, 1942-1948, and since 1952 professor of ecclesiology in
Woodstock College, Maryland.

Edward Taborsky — Professor of Government in the University of Texas.

John Seabury Thomson — Assistant Professor of Political Science in the Uni-
versity of Wisconsin. During 1955-1956 he was in Burma on a Ford
Foundation Fellowship.

J. W. N. Watkins — Lecturer in Political Science in the London School of
Economics.

Irwin Abrams — Professor of History in Antioch College and an editor of
the Antioch Review.

Marshall Smelser — Professor of History in the University of Notre Dame.

Paul C. Bartholomew — Professor of Political Science in the University of
Notre Dame.

Robert H. Ferrell — ^Assistant Professor of History in the University of
Indiana.

Edward R. O'Connor — A Student of African AfFairs living in Washington, D. C.

F. A. Hermens — Professor of Political Science in the University of Notre Dame.

John Fizer — Instructor in Russian Language and Literature in the Univer-
sity of Notre Dame.

Leo R. Ward, C.S.C. — Professor of Philosophy in the University of Notre Dame.

Gerhart Niemeyer — Professor of Political Science in the University of Notre
Dame.

A. Robert Caponigri — Professor of Philosophy in the University of Notre
Dame.

Walter D. Gray — Instructor of History in the University of Notre Dame.

George L. Mosse — Associate Professor of History in the University of Wis-
'consin.

Richard E. Ball — Associate Professor of General Business in Michigan State
University.

The Review of Politics, without neglecting the analysis of institutions
and techniques, is primarily interested in the philosophical and historical
approach to political realities.

All manuscripts, books for review, exchanges, inquiries, and subscriptions,
should be addressed to the Editors, The Review of Politics, Notre Dame,
Indiana.

Opinions expressed in the articles printed in The Review of Politics are
those of the authors alone and not necessarily opinions held by the editors.

The Contents of this publication cannot be reissued or republished in any
form without special permission from the Editors.

The articles in The Review of Politics are indexed in the International
Index to Periodicals and the Index of Catholic Periodicals and abstracted in
the International Political Science Abstracts.

American Catholic Intellectualism —
A Theologian's Reflections

by Gustave Weigel, S.J,

THE intellectual life is neither committed to Christianity nor
does it antecedently reject it.* That it is not committed to
Christianity is clear enough from history. Plato, Aristotle,
Archimedes, Moses Maimonides, Ihn Sina and Einstein were not
Christians but no one would deny that they were scholars. That
the Christian can be a scholar is just as piain. Abelard, Aquinas,
Copemicus, Galileo, Erasmus, Newton and Newman were Chris-
tians and no one would deny that they were creative intellectuals.
This very simple truth is often ignored by Catholic apologetes.
Some give the Impression that Christian faith inclines to make every
Christian an intellectual; that scholarship is an inevitable byproduct
of Christian commitment. This is hardly true. In the long history
of the Church we note a double tendency, and both tendencies are
dynamic in every period. There are those, who with Kempis, would
rather feel compunction than be able to define it. There are others
like Aquinas who believe that the disinterested contemplation of
truth is the highest form of Christian life. The presence of these
two tendencies produces a tension for the Catholic who wishes to be
an intellectual. He finds many Christian thinkers urging him on
in his work of scholarship, but there are others who look on him
with suspicion as a fifth columnist. Galileo certainly met with
ecclesiastical Opposition and even Aquinas was faced with the
hostility which always confronts an innovator.

To put it quite simply, faith by its own inner essence does not
produce scholars. On the other hand it does not exclude them from
its Community. The call to scholarship is independent of the call
to faith. However, if the Christian is a scholar, his intellectual life
will be in function of his faith. What is the place of the intellectual
in the Church? That is one of the questions we wish to discuss.

* This papcr was originally presented to the annual meeting of the Catholic
Commission on Intellectual and Cultural AfFairs at the University of Chicago
April 27, 1957.

275

412

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

Public Safety. A middle group led by Gambetta, Louis Blanc, Victor
Hugo and others favored a balance between municipal or communal
liberties and the republic, one and indivisible. A third group, disciples
of Proudhon (who died shortly before the Commune began) desired
the abolition of central authority and the adoption of federalism.
Many members of this group closely approached anarchism. From
the interaction of these three somewhat disparate schools of thought
the govemment of the Commune was formed and tried to operate.
This disparity was reflected in the only Statement of political aims
these factions formulated: the Declaration au Peuple Frangais of
April 19, 1871, a vague declaration asserting conmiunal liberties
against an all-powerful centralized State.

AN ITALIAN INTELLECTUAL AND THE REFORMATION*

These studies of the Italian Reformation by Francesco RufRni
are of twofold interest: not only for the historical ideas which they
contain, but also for the light they throw on the author, a figure
active in the intellectual life of Italy at the beginning of the Century.
Ruffini, who held public office as Senator (1914) and minister of
public Instruction (1916-1917), spent most of his life as Professor
of Law at the University of Turin. The chief concem of these essays
is the Socinian movement in which Ruffini sees the embodiment of
the principle of moderation. The Socinian stress upon conscience
govemed by reason led them to advocate the ideal of religious liberty.
These men of "moderata e sana ragione" were for the most part
Italians, and in their work Ruffini sees Italy's great contribution to
human freedom.

Opposed to all this is Galvinist orthodoxy. The second chapter
of the book pits the Socinian Matteo Gribaldi Mofa against the
"rabies theologica" of the Genevan reformer. Socinianism here be-
comes the Italian anti-Calvinist movement. This theme is continued,
after chapters on Poland and on Francisco Stancaro, in the section
"Socinianism in Geneva." Using the controversy between Rousseau
and the Genevan clergy, Ruffini attempts to show that by then the
ministers themselves were insecure in their orthodoxy conceming the
Trinity. In reality, Socinianism was storming the very citadel of the

* Francesco Ruffini: Studi sui Riformatori Italiani, a cura di Amaldo
Bertola, Luigi Firpo, Eduardo Ruffini. (Torino: Edizione Ramella, 1955.
Pp. 630.)

REVIEWS

413

enemy, a theme which Ruffini carries through the Restoration, ending
with a discussion of the relationship between Charles Albert of Savoy
and the Socinians of Geneva.

It would lead too far afield to subject Ruffini's work to intense
scholarly scrutiny, especially as this was done when his book on
Religious Liberty first appeared (1901) ; a work which contains ideas
similar to those in these essays. The problems involved are obvious
and one example must suffice. Ruffini, in conformity with his thesis,
is forced to demonstrate how Italian Socinianism was the cradle of
all subsequent religious liberalism. For example, Arminius is tied to
Socinianism. However, as Wilbur has shown, {A History of
Unitarianism, (Cambridge, Mass., 1945), I, pp. 536-538) Anti-
Trinitarianism was prevalent in Holland even before Socinus' influ-
ence could be feit. That a man was charged with Socinianism was
no proof that he was influenced by the movement itself, though
Ruffini often seems to make just this point. Nevertheless, from this
book the moderate group of reformers emerge with new importance:
Occhino, Modrevius, Zurkinden of Beme and Lismano of Poland —
all are given a new perspective.

Beyond its value to Reformation scholarship, there remain the
insights which the book can give us into the qualities of the author's
mind. Here was an intellectual and a close personal friend of
Benedetto Croce, a man whom Croce admired, despite his limitations.
Ruffini's mind was a product of the Italian "Umanismo," filled with
ideas of justice, tolerance and reason. He was constantly amazed
that the men of the Reformation shed so much blood over religious
subtleties. That is why both Stancaro and Calvin are the villains
of the book. But combined with that love of reason and tolerance
are ideas of race and nationalism. Ruffini asks why the Italians,
rather than other people, were the apostles of freedom of conscience.
This is a matter of race. Only when he has given this answer does
he go on to discuss the influence of Italian Humanism on the Socinian
movement. The Anabaptists, intolerant fanatics and mystics, are
Germans. The Socinians, aristocratic, unprejudiced and rational,
are Italians. Such racial theories are bound to lead into contradic-
tions. Thus Pelagius, a man whom Ruffini admires, was a man of

414

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

The national element is brought out best in the discussion of the
origins of Socinianism in Poland. Ruffini concludes that Poland,
where Socinians found a home, became in consequence the only vital,
significant and universal force of the evangelical reformation — and
this due to a specifically Italian inspiration. Thus this man of the
Risorgimento shows us not only an admiration for "moderata e sana
ragione" but combines this with both racial theories and intense
national pride. However, we must notice that here these ideas of
race and nationalism do not stand alone. They are bound up with
Ruffini's humanistic view of life. The Reformation is viewed from
the point of view of religious liberty, but this is integrated with an
Italian national approach and with racial theories of historical origins.
It is this combination which gives the work a wider significance in
the study of modern intellectual history.

— ^^George L. Müsse

THE POLITICS OF DISTRIBUTION*

In the introduction to this book, the author bravely asserts his
underlying philosophy— "The politics of distribution are indissolubly
wedded to its economics." And from this thesis, conceived by the
author as a novel, exciting, and profound one, the reader is given a
study of the political struggles that in the 1930's erupted from the
web of markets which is generally called distribution. As the economic
conflicts between large-scale and small-scale Organization, between
"mass distribution" and smaller, independent distributors, became
most acute at that time, the choice of that decade for analysis is quite
defensible. Quite early in the book the author observes that the
political struggles precipitated by these economic conflicts also reached
their peak in this period, and this judgment may be supported by
even a cursory reyiew of recent history of political pressures emanating
from these and similar economic groups. But the method of analysis
which Palamountain applies to these complex phenomena is neither
new nor novel, and of doubtful value if generalization is sought from
the Symptoms uncovered by his research.

Fundamentally, Palamountain accepts the Bentley group analysis
method as his starting hypothesis. This can best be described by
reference to Bentley's own writings. "When we talk about govern-

♦ Joseph C. Palamountain, Jr.: The Politics of Distribution (Cambridge:
Harvard University Press, 1955. Pp. 270. $4.75.)

REVIEWS

415

ment we put emphasis on the influence, the pressure, that is being
exerted by group upon group .... The balance of group pressure
is the existing State of society .... Law is activity, just as govemment
is . . . . It is a group process, just as govemment is. It is a forming,
a systematization, a struggle, an adaptation, of group interests . . . . "
(Arthur Bentley, The Process of Government (Bloomington, 1935 re-
issue of 1908 ed., pp. 258-259, 272.)

There is, fortunately, a recognition of its drawbacks as a pseudo-
mathematical approach, with a stated Intention to use this analytical
model within its limitations in order to discover the basic sources
of economic and political power. These limitations do not weigh
heavily on Palamountain in the early pages of his book where he
eagerly pursues the data of group conflicts and political battles that
characterized distribution during the 1930's. In the early pages which
have excellent examples of resounding clashes of vertical, horizontal,
and intertype economic interests, the author dissects quite well the
nature of the contending groups in the grocery, drug, and automobile
industries. The extent of intemecine rivalry in these areas is excellently
exposed, and the author demonstrates a scholarship in the documen-
tation of this material that is impressive in its use of original sources.

But in the midst of applying the Standard Bentley thesis, the
author begins to withdraw from the solid Bentley foundation in the
face of economic and political data which do not accord with the
Bentley model. On page 169 the author conmients: "Political equi-
librium is more than a simple reflection of the relative political
strength of the groups immediately concemed. It also registers the
impacts of Strands and crosscurrents of contemporary political,
economic, and social beliefs." This modification of the explicit Bentley
thesis of group analysis comes füll circle when the author reviews
the pK>litics of the Robinson-Patman Act, a controversial and monu-
mental Act which has had a checkered history because it falls essen-
tially to reflect the basic interests of many groups that Palamountain
admits had no voice in its construction. "A group's political strength
is not an automatic consequence of its potential size, resources, and
interest as defined by economic circumstance. Certainly in the passage
of this Act groups were not represented in proportion to their poten-
tial strength. The most sizable group concemed, the consumers, were,
as usual, hardly represented at all" (p. 232).

Apart from this emasculation of the group thesis, Palamountain's
researches do throw considerable light on the techniques used by the
various power groups within an industry to rationalize their respective
positions. The programs foUowed to secure legislative and social
approval are clearly described and with correct emphasis on the
importance of the power factor in modem market analysis. To draw
analysts away from the a-political classical approach to market
analysis to a more realistic appraisal of the many variables which can
be important in dynamic economic institutions is no mean feat.

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Renaissance News, Autumn, 1958

consulted Krueger, Thulin, Jordan, and some American writers,
many of these errors could have been avoided. Even more deplorable
is the perpetuation of the Tschackert fable purported to be a breakfast
conversation withjustus Jonas in 1536 by an anonymous author. The
recital contains six basic errors. Denifle, from whom the author has
drawn much of his material, included much such doubtful material;
but Joseph Lortz' two volumes on the Reformation would have pro-
vided a much more balanced view of modern Cathohc scholarship.
The Story of the cloaca (p. 198), a ridiculous tale invented in the Deni-
fle days, would not have been repeated had the author investigated
the Story of the Lutherturm and its construction as revealed by recent
scholarship based upon excavations in Wittenberg. None of the Ger-
man scholars since as early as 1936 has given credence to this old slan-
der. Early woodcuts show this tower, and the original foundations
have also been uncovered.

Viewed in a larger perspective» like a fleld of grain, Luther does not
fare too badly by the pen of this author, who seems genuinely sym-
pathetic toward the Reformer and his problems. The general reader,
to whom errors in detail are not offensive, may derive much value
from reading this interesting, extensively documented book.
FOUNDATION FOR REFORMATION Emest G. Schwiebert

RESEARCH, ST. lOUIS, MISSOURI

Robert E. L. Strider, 11. Robert Greville, Lord Brooke, Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1958. $5.

A generation ago few historians would have found the Puritan
mind worth serious study. Now, largely due to the work of Ameri-
can literary historians, the picture has changed. Not only do we fmd
the Puritan mind worth studying, but the insular 'mere English' ap-
proach to the subject has been discarded. To understand Puritanism
it is necessary to go beyond Calvin himself, to many other Strands of
the Continental reformation. Mr. Strider takes us even further afield:
*It is instructive to learn that among the Puritans a representative in-
tellectual like Brooke was dependent upon Piatonic, medieval and
Renaissance sources ' (208).

Mr. Strider's book is a case study of the mind of one prominent
Puritan, well written and cogently argued. He has divided his book
into three parts. The first presents a rather detailed reconstruction of

[ 207 ]

WWMf:^

yh^i^y<'-S..:.y):r^'-'

Brooke's short life. The second deals with Brooke's work on *The
Nature of Truth', and the third with his *A Discourse Opening the
Nature of Episcopacy'. In each of these latter parts, the work itself is
first summarized and then placed within the contemporary frame-
work of philosophy and controversy. Brooke's intellectual relation-
ship to John Milton is everywhere stressed, though this seems at times
to be tenuous at best.

Brooke was a Piatonist. This label, Strider holds, comes dosest to
describing a very complex mind. But his Platonism did not exclude
arguments resting on scholastic premises and did not detract from his
orthodox Calvinism in the matter of original sin, predestination, and
election. While Strider proves conclusively that all these elements
were a part of the texture of Brooke's mind, the relationship between
his Platonism and his Calvinist orthodoxy seems slighted. Yet there
are theological connections which suggest themselves. The idea of
evil as the mere privation of good was used by men like WilUam
Ames to answer accusations that orthodox Puritans would make God
the author of evil. The idea that 'knowüig the good necessitates doing
the good' appealed to those who beheved that only the elect could
know the good.

The problem of the connection between Brooke's philosophy and
his theology arises constantly throughout the book. To Brooke rea-
son was one with God. His contribution to toleration was the connec-
tion he forged between hberty of conscience and human reason. It is
possible, as Strider states, that ultimately liberty of conscience can
only be defended through the integrity of individual reason. Never-
theless, most of Brooke's fellow Puritans claimed such hberty on the
grounds of personal revelation. In this connection, Strider gives us an
illuminating discussion of the debate about indifferent things, making
it clear that as Anglicans became more rigidly scriptural, some Puri-
tans like Brooke believed that man's own reason must determine in-
difference. It is this rationalism, his openness to new ideas, that makes
Strider call Brooke a 'hberal'. Yet there seems nothing in the theology
of the Westminster Confession of Faith with which Brooke might
have disagreed.

It is possible to see two elements in Brooke's thought that could,
perhaps, have been used to resolve this contradiction. Is it not possible
that Christian stoicism, with its emphasis on moderation, entered into

[208]

MGWW^imv'

;^ife*-;X

his ideology? Such ideas seem to be present in Brooke's works and,
especially, in his concept of toleration. Pierre Charron also remarked
on *reason which is God'. Moreover, such stoicism was not opposed
to orthodoxy; indeed, much of it had Calvinistic roots. Mr. Strider
makes Httle of Brooke's social attitudes but it seems possible that he
clung to election and predestination because of his constant concern
for his own social Status.

In connection with the social and economic background it should
be remarked that Bishop Hall's lament about Church spohation was
not Veeping' or a sidetracking of the essential issues, as Mr. Strider
seems to beheve. Rather it pointed to a chief evil in the Church, one
which, as Christopher Hill has shown, was largely responsible for its
decline.

These remarks should not detract from the importance and excel-
lence of the book. Brooke, as Strider states, does signahze a broaden-
ing of the Puritan mind. The very difFiculty of relating his philosophy
to his theology may point to the future: on the one band, to the Cam-
bridge Platonists and to the notion that the morally perfect man is
himself reUgious reahty; on the other, to the Huguenot Jurieu's State-
ment: 'le movement qui nous porte vers les choses spirituelle est tres
raisonable, par consequence il est fonde sur la raison.'
UNiVERSiTY OF WISCONSIN George L. Mossc

Jean Lemaire de Beiges. Le Temple d'Honneur et de Vertus. ed. crit.
p. p. Henri Homik. Geneve: Droz; Paris: Minard, 1957. 136 pp.

Is it not surprising to see Raoul Mor^ay begin his study of the six-
teenth Century with chapters on Petrarch and his Italian followers?
Lanson, whose work is still for us an excellent guide, Starts the third
part of his Histoire de la litteraturefrangaise with the following sentence:
*La fecondite du moyen äge semblait tout ä fait epuisee ä la fm du
XV® siecle.' In his chapter on the grands rhitoriqueurs, he says: *Les
plus supportables sont ceux qui ont moins de genie: leur platitude les
condamne ä etre intelligibles ou ä peu pres. Tels sont Jean Marot, ou
Jean Le Maire de Beiges . . .' It is true that in the Appendices, Lanson
corrected himself thus: *Parmi ces rhetoriqueurs, il faut mettre ä part
Jean Lemaire de Beiges, qui est un humaniste et un artiste et dont
l'oeuvre est traversee de lueurs qui annoncent la Renaissance.' Many
teachers repeat, even today, that, by the end of the fifteenth Century,

[209]

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^ l^SeX3lSSaU3SS^i2D&

'V' '^- ^^-

Mrs • Roger Beimett
2109 Colfax Street
Evans ton, Illinois

4810 RN XI, 3 6-1 iF Bcmbo 12-13-25

Gal 7

Robert E. L. Stridor, 11. Robert Grcvillc, Lord Brookc. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard Univcrsity Press, 1958. S5.

A generation ago few historians would havc found the Puritan
mind worth serious study. Now, largcly due to the work of Ameri-
can hterary historians, the picture has changed. Not only do wc find
the Puritan mind worth studying, but the insular 'mere EngHsh' ap-
proach to the subject has been discarded. To understand Puritanism
it is necessary to go beyond Calvin himself, to many other Strands of
the Continental reformation. Mr. Strider takes us even further afield:
'It is instructive to learn that among the Puritans a representative in-
tellectual like Brooke was dependent upon Piatonic, medieval and
Renaissance sources ' (208).

Mr. Strider's book is a case study of the mind of one prominent
Puritan, well written and cogendy argued. He has divided his book
into three parts. The first presents a rather detailed reconstruction of
Brooke's short life. The second deals with Brooke's work on 'The
Nature of Truth', and the third with his 'A Discourse Opening the
Nature of Episcopacy'. In each of these latter parts, the work itself is
first summarized and then placed within the contemnorary frame-
work of philosophy and controversy. Brooke's intellectual relation-
ship to John Milton is everywhere stressed, though this seems at timcs
to be tenuous at best.

Brooke was a Piatonist. This label, Strider holds, comes dosest to
describing a very complex mind. But his Platonism did not excludc
arguments resting on scholastic premises and did not detract from his
orthodox Calvinism in the matter of original sin, predestination, and
election. While Strider proves conclusively that all these elements
were a part of the texture of Brooke's mind, the relationship between
his Platonism and his Calvinist orthodoxy seems slighted. Yet there
are theological connections wliich suggest themselves. The idea of
evil as the mere privation of good was used by men like William
Arnes to answer accusations that orthodox Puritans would make God
the author of evil. The idea that 'knowing the good necessitates doing
the good' appealed to those who believed that only the elect could
know the good.

The problem of the connection between Brooke's philosophy and
his theology arises constandy throughout the book. Ti^^rooke rea-
son was one with God. His contribution to toleration was the connec-
tion he forged between liberty of conscience and human reason. It is
possible, as Strider states, that ultimately liberty of conscience can
only be dcfended through the integrity of individual reason. Never-
theless, most of Brooke's fellow Puritans claimed such libcrtv on the
grounds of personal revelation. In this connection, Strider gives us an
illuminating discussion of the debate about indifferent things, making
it clear that as Anglicans became more rigidly scriptural, some Puri-
tans like Brooke believed that man's own reason must detcrmine in-
difference. It is this rationalism, his openness to new ideas, that makes
Strider call Brooke a 'liberal'. Yet there seems nothing in the theology
of the Westminster Confession of Faith with which Brooke might
have disagreed.

It is possible to see two elements in Brooke's thought that could,
perhaps, havc been used to resolve this contradiction. Is it not possible
that Christian stoicism, with its emphasis on moderation, entered into
his ideology? Such ideas seem to be present in Brook.'s works and,
especially, in his concept of toleration. Pierre Charron also rcmarked
on 'reason w^hich is God'. Moreover, such stoicism was not opposed
to orthodoxy; indeed, much of it had Calvinistic roots. Mr. Strider
makes little of Brooke's social attitudes but it seems possible that he
clung to election and predestination because of his constant concern
for his own social Status.

In connection with the social and economic background it should
be remarked that Bishop Hall's lament about Church spoliation was
not 'weeping' or a sidetracking of the essential issues, as Mr. Strider
seems to believe. Rather it pointed to a chief evil in the Church, one
which, as Christopher Hill has shown, was largely responsible for its
declinc.

These remarks should not detract from the importance and excel-
Icnce of the book. Brooke, as S;rider states, does signalize a broaden-
ing of the Puritan mind. The very difficulty of relating his philosophy
to his theology may point to the future: on the one band, to the Cam-
bridge Platonists and to the notion that the morally pcrfect man is
himself rcligious reahty; on the other, to the Huguenot Jurieu's State-
ment: 'le movement qui nous porte vers les choses spirituelle est tres
raisonable, par consequence il est fonde sur la raison.'
UNiVERSiTY OF WISCONSIN George L. Mossc

THE

RENAISSANCE SOCIETY OF AMERICA

1161 Amsterdam Avenue, New York 27

PAUL OSCAR KRISTELLER. Vre^idient, Columbia University

JOSEPHINE WATERS BENNETT. Executxvt Secretary, Hunter College

EDWIN B. KNOWLES. Treasurer, Pratt Institute

Feb. 13, 1958

Professor George L« Mosse
Dept. of History
Univers ity of '//isconsin
Madison 5> Wis.

Dear Professor Mosse:

Would you be able to do a 500-800 word review of Mr. Strider's new
book, Robert Oreville, Lord Brooke for an early issue of Renaissance News?
The deadline for the Autumn issue is June 1, for the Winter Oct. 1, but of
course our policy is to print reviews as promptly as possible, so I would
prefer the earlier date, if possible.

V/e have the review copy in the Office, so I could send it to you
at once.

Sincerely yours.

Sc^^ i^^

^^/^Y'T /föt

lAj

BditTor

:Mil:S'.

fp»

m^imL/

.WM'

W-

A generatlon ago few hletorlane would have found th« Purltan mlnd
worth serlouB study, rtow. largely aue to the work of American
llterary hlstorlans, th© plcture has changed. Not only do we
find the purltan mlnd worth etuäylng, but the -Insular", " mere
Encllsh-, appraoch to the subject has been dlecarded. To understand
Purltanlsm It 1b neccessary to $0 beyond Calvin hlmsolf, to many
other strande of the contlnental reformatlon. Mr. Stridor takes
US even further afleldj "It Is Instructlve to leam that among
the Purltans a representa tlve Intellectual llke Brooke was depen-
öent upon Platonlc, meöleval and P.enAAaeance source8.."(208).

Mr. Stridor' 8 book Is a cas© study oj^ the mlnd of
one prominent Purltan, well wrltten and coeently argued. Iie has
dlvlded hls book mto three parts. -he flrst presents a rather
detalled reconstructlon of Brooke» s Short llfe. The second deals
wlth Brooke» 8 work on "The ^Tature of Truth", and the thlrd wlth
hl8 " A Discourse openlng the »Taturo of Eplscopacy". In each of
these latter parts the work Itself Is f Irst sumarlsed and then
placed wlthln the contemporary framework of phllosophy and
controversy.^lSt^lntellectual relatlonehlp ^0^^^°^ Kllton Is
everyvhore stressed, though thls seems at timesnonuous arbost.

Brooke was a Platonlst. Thls labeil. Stridor holds.
comes dosest to descrlblng a very complex mlnd. Hut hls Platonlsm
dld not exclude argumenta restlng on scholastlc premlses, and dld
not detract from hls orthoaox Calvlnlsm In the matter of original
sm. predestmatlon and election. Whlle Stridor prooves conclusl-
ly that all these elements vere a part of the texture of Brooks'
mlnd. the relatlonshlp between hls Platonlsm andhls Calvlnlst
orthodoxy seemS sllghted. Yet there are theologlcal connectlonf
vhlch sugrest themselves. The Idea of evll as the mere prlva'
of good vas usod by men llke William Arnes to answer accusaf

■N,

\^ \

that orthodox ?urlt»n8 wouifl niake God *he «uthor of evll. The Idea
that •• knowlng the good nedcessltates dolng the^ood- appoaled to

> i ^

those who belleved that orlly .the eloct could know the good.

The Problem oft, the connectlon between Brooke's

phllosophy and hls theology arlßes constantly throughout the book,
-^ TW Brooke reason was one wlth Ood^ Hls contrlbution to toleration
vas that-he the connectlon he forged botween llberty of consclence
©nd hnrnsn reason. It is posslble, as Stridor states, that ultimatly
llberty of consclence can only bo defended through the Integrlty
of Indlvldual reason. üevertheloss most of 3rooke's fellow Purltana
clalraed such llberty on the grounds of personal revelatlon. In
thl« connectlon Strlder glves us an lllumlnatlng dlscusslon of
the debate about Indifferent thlngs, maklng It clear that as
#ngllcans became more rlgldly scrlptural, sone Purltans llke Brooke
belleved that man's own reason raust deterraine indlfferency. It la ,
thlB rationallsm, hls openness to new Ideae, whlch n-akes Etrider
call Browne a "liberal". Yet there seemB nothlng In the theology of
the westmlneter Confeselon of Palth wlth whlch W weaid hav© dl8aere©<

It IB poselble to eee two oloments In Brooke* b thought
vhlch"TiAfe£r>.8ve been used to resolve thls contradlctlon. Is It not
poBBlble that Chrlstlen etolclsn, wlth ifB emphaslB cm moderatlon,
i»i«bt-4»av« entered Into hls ideology? Such ideas seem to e»«6r^gte_,^
works and, especlelly.'^hlß concept of toloratlon. Plerr© Charron
also renarkS^ on- reason vhlch Is God5 Moreover, such Btolclsm was
not opposed to orthodoxy, Indeed" It had Calvlnlatlc roots. Mr.
Strlder makes llttle of Brocke' s social attltudes. bul^t seems
poBslble that h« clung to ©lectlon and predestlnatlon because cF
hls constant concem for hls ownVstatus,

In connectlon wlth the social and economic background It shoucp

, lament r^Sf^

■^ ^,__. ^ „._, n.ii'. w>_<a.a oVimit. Thurch snollatlon was /i'Vi

weeplng

^^B"

tmmtm

•}

or a Bldetracklng of the essentlal Issaas ae yir. Stridor Boemfl to
belleve» Rather ^y polnted to a chlef evll In the Church, one
vhlch, aa Chris topher Hill haß shown^ vas lar^ely responsible for
it*s decline«

These remarkß should not detrsct from the importance and exellence
of the bock. Brooke, as Stridor states, does sißnalise a broadenlng

of the Purltan mind, The very difficulty of relating his philosphy
to hiB theology may point to the future: on the one hand to the
Cambridge Platonißtß and to the notion that the morally perfect
man is himself relipiouß reallty, on the other to the Huguenot
Jurieu'ß stötemont: ^ le movement qui nouß porte verß leß choses
spirituelle ent tres raisonable, par conaquence il eßt fonde
ßur la ralBon*^*

George L# üosee

Universlty of Wisconain«

Robert K» L. Stridor» U, Robert Qrcvll34i»Iiort Brooktt Harrard
Universitär Fresat Caaibridlga» Haesachusätta« l?^» $5» 00»

A ganaration ago faw hiatorlana vould hava f ound tha Furitan mlDd
vorth aarioua atu4y» Noir» largaly dorn to tha work of Aaarlcan litar«
axy hiatorlana» tha plotux^ has changad« Not only do wa find tha
Purltan. ulnd worth atudying» bat tha inaular **iBara Sn^iah** approach
to tha aubjaot haa baan diaoardad« To understand Puritanlsm It ia
naoaaaary to go bayond Calvin hlaaalf , to many othar atranda of tha
oontinantal raforaatlon« Mr. Stridar takaa ua avan farthar afialds
*It ia inatruotiva to laam that among tha Puritana a rarprasentativa
intallaottial llka Brooka was <fepandkint ugpon Platonio» madiaval and
Ranaiaaanoa souroaa • • # •* (208}*

Mr« Strlämr^ß book ia a oaaa atu4y of tha »ind of ona prominent
Purltan, vell vritten and cogently argued* He haa dlTldad hia book
into three parte. The firat praaenta a rather detailed reconatruo-
tion of Brooka* 8 ahort lifa« The aaoond deala vith Brooke^a work on
"^The Natura of Truth," and the third nith hia "A Dlaeoarae Opening
the Nature of Splaoopaosr*** Zh eaoh of theae latter parte» the work

first

Itself le^^auBusarized and then plaoed within the oontemporaiy fraiaa«
work of x)hiloaop^ and eontroveray» Brooke^a intellectual relation-
ahip to John Milton ia everyidbiere atreaaed» thou^ thia oeema at
timea to be tenuoua at baat*

Brooka was a Platoniat« Thia label» Stridar holde» oomee oloaeet
to deeoribing a Tery oonplex oind» 6ut hie Platoniam dld not exolude
argunenta reeting on aoholaatie preniaea and dld not datraet ft-os hia
orthodox Calviniaa in the matter of original ein» pradeatination» and
aleotion« Mhile Stridar provea ooneluaively that all theae eleaenta
«ere a part of the texture of Brooke*a adnd» the relationehip between
hia Platoniau and hia Calviniat orthodojgr aeema alighted« let there

ara thtologioal ooniMCtions i^iioh sugeast tbamselyts« Tba idea of
•vil aa th« vmrm priration of good was U8td tgr aan Uka Williaa Aosa
to anauar aoouaationa that orthodox Puritana vould make God tha
author of avil« Tte idaa that "knowing the good noceasltatea doing
tha good** appaalad to thoaa nho balierad that only the eleot could
know tha good.

Tha problaa of tha oonnaotion batwaen Brooka^s philoaophy and hi«
thaologsr ariaaa oonstantly throughout tha book« TM BroökiB raaaon
vaa ona vith Qod. Hin oontribution to tolaration was tha oonnaotion
ha forgad batuaan libarty of oonacienoa and hiaman reason« It ia
possibla, aa Strldar atataa» that iiltiaataly libairty of consoianoe
oan only ba dafanded thz^Du^ tha intagrity of individual raaaon«
Haverthalaaa » i&oat of Brooka*s fallov Puritana olaiaad auoh libartor
on tha grounds of paraonal raralation« In thia oonnaotion, Stridar
givas US an iUuminating diacuaaion of the dabata about indifferent
thing«, Biaking it olear that aa Anglicans bacaae more rigidly acriptural,
aoma Puritana like Brooka baliavad that man 's own reason must datarmina
indif f aranca • It is thia rationaliaoii hia opaonasa to naw idaaa^ that
makas Stridar call Brooka a "liberal.** Tat thare ssema nothing in the
theology of tha Westminater Gonfesaion of Faith with which Brooka might
have diaagreed*

It ia possible to b^^ tvo elenenta in Brooke*a thou^t that oould,
pez^apa» have been uaed to reaolve thia oontradiotion. Is it not
possible that Christian atoicism, with its aiaphasis on aodaration» en<*
terad into his idaology? Suoh idaas aeem to ba präsent in Brooka *a
works and» espeoiallj» in his oonoept of toleration» Pierre Charron
alao remarked on Reason whioh is Qod«** Moreorer» suoh stoicism naa

V''

not opposed to orthodosQri indeed» muoh of it had Calvinistio z*oots«

Mr» Stridor raalais littla of Brool»*s aooial attitudss but it aeem«
posslbls that hm olung to «leotion and prodestinat'on bacause of hi«
oonstant eonoam for bis own sooial status*

In oonnaction with tha sooial and eoonomio backgroiind It »hould
be remarksd that Biehop Halles lainent about Churoh spoliation waa not
••waeping" or a sldatracking of tha assantlal issues, aa Mr» Stridor
aeeüus to baliav«« Hatbar it pointad to a ohiaf avil in tha Chturch»
ona which, aa Cbriatophar Hill has shown, was largely j^eeponsible
for its daoline«

These remarks sho\ild not detract fx-om tha importance and exoallenca
of tha book. Brooke, aa Strider states, does signalize a broadening
of tha Puritan aiind. Tha vary difficulty of relating hia philoaophy
to bis thaology may point to tha futurai on the ona band, to toa
Caiäbridga Platonists and to tha notion that tha morally parfact man
ia himsalf raligioua raality; on tha othar, to tha Huguenot Jtirieu^s
atatamantif "la moveiiÄnt qxii nouc porta vars las chosas spirituelle
aat taraa raiaonabla, par concequenca il aat fonda sur la raison»*

ünivarsity of Wisconsin

Gaorga L« Xosse

Review

An ofipiint from Renaissance News xi, 3

Viewed in a larger perspective, like a field of grain, Luther does not
fare too badly by the pen of this author, who seems genuinely sym-
pathetic toward the Reformer and his problems. The general reader,
to whom errors in detail are not offensive, may derive much value
from reading this interesting, extensively documented book.
FOUNDATION FOR REFORMATION Emest G. Schwiebert

RESEARCH, ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI

Robert E. L. Strider, 11. Robert Greville, Lord Brooke. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1958. $5.

A generation ago few historians would have found the Puritan
mind worth serious study. Now, largcly due to the work of Ameri-
can literary historians, the picture has changed. Not only do we fmd
the Puritan mind worth studying, but the insular *mere EngHsh' ap-
proach to the subject has been discarded. To understand Puritanism
it is necessary to go beyond Calvin himself, to many other Strands of
the Continental reformation. Mr. Strider takes us even further afield:
*It is instructive to leam that among the Puritans a representative in-
tellectual like Brooke was dependent upon Piatonic, medieval and
Renaissance sources ' (208).

[207]

Brooke's short life. The second deals with Brooke's work on *The
Nature of Truth', and the third with his *A Discourse Opening the
Nature of Episcopacy*. In each of these latter parts, the work itself is
first summarized and then placed within the contemporary frame-
work of philosophy and controversy. Brooke's intellectual relation-
ship to John Milton is everywhere stressed, though this seems at times
to be tenuous at best.

Brooke was a Piatonist. This label, Strider holds, comes dosest to
describing a very complex mind. But his Platonism did not exclude
arguments resting on scholastic premises and did not detract from his
orthodox Calvinism in the matter of original sin, predestination, and
election. While Strider proves conclusively that all these elements
were a part of the texture of Brooke's mind, the relationship between
his Platonism and his Calvinist orthodoxy seems slighted. Yet there
are theological connections which suggest themselves. The idea of
evil as the mere privation of good was used by men Hke Wilham
Ames to answer accusations that orthodox Puritans would make God
the author of evil. The idea that 'knowing the good necessitates doing
the good' appealed to those who beUeved that only the elect could
know the good.

The problem of the connection between Brooke's philosophy and
liis theology arises constantly throughout the book. To Brooke rea-
son was one with God. His contribution to toleration was the connec-
tion he forged between hberty of conscience and human reason. It is
possible, as Strider states, that ultimately liberty of conscience can
only be defended through the integrity of individual reason. Never-
theless, most of Brooke's fellow Puritans claimed such liberty on the
grounds of personal revelation. In this connection, Strider gives us an
illuminating discussion of the debate about indifferent things, making
it clear that as Anglicans became more rigidly scriptural, some Puri-
tans like Brooke beheved that man's own reason must determine in-
diiference. It is this rationalism, his openness to new ideas, that makes
Strider call Brooke a liberal'. Yet there seems nothing in the theology
of the Westminster Confession of Faith with which Brooke might
have disagreed.

»I

his ideology? Such ideas seem to be present in Brooke's works and,
especially, in his concept of toleration. Pierre Charron also remarked
on 'reason which is God'. Moreover, such stoicism was not opposed
to orthodoxy; indeed, much of it had Calvinistic roots. Mr. Strider
makes httle of Brooke's social attitudes but it seems possible that he
clung to election and predestination because of his constant concem
for his own social Status.

In connection with the social and economic background it should
be remarked that Bishop Hall's lament about Church spohation was
not Veeping' or a sidetracking of the essential issues, as Mr. Strider
seems to believe. Rather it pointed to a chief evil in the Church, one
which, as Christopher Hill has shown, was largely responsible for its
decline.

These remarks should not detract from the importance and excel-
lence of the book. Brooke, as Strider states, does signalize a broaden-
ing of the Puritan mind. The very difficulty of relating his philosophy
to his theology may point to the future: on the one hand, to the Cam-
bridge Platonists and to the notion that the morally perfect man is
himself religious reahty; on the other, to the Huguenot Jurieu's State-
ment: 'le movement qui nous porte vers les choses spirituelle est tres
raisonable, par consequence il est fonde sur la raison.'
UNiVERSiTY OF WISCONSIN George L. Mosse

Jean Lemaire de Beiges. Le Temple d'Honneur et de Vertus. ed. crit.
p. p. Henri Homik. Geneve: Droz; Paris: Minard, 1957. 136 pp.

Is it not surprising to see Raoul Mor^ay begin his study of the six-
teenth Century with chapters on Petrarch and his Italian followers?
Lanson, whose work is still for us an excellent guide, Starts the third
part of his Histoire de la litteraturefrangaise with the foUowing sentence:
'La fecondite du moyen äge semblait tout ä fait epuisee ä la fin du
xv® siecle.' In his chapter on the grands rhetoriqueurs, he says: 'Les
plus supportables sont ceux qui ont moins de genie: leur platitude les
condamne ä etre intelligibles ou ä peu pres. Tels sont Jean Marot, ou
Jean Le Maire de Beiges . . .' It is true that in the Appendices, Lanson
corrected himself thus: 'Parmi ces rhetoriqueurs, il faut mettre ä part
Jean Lemaire de Beiges, qui est un humaniste et un artiste et dont
l'oeuvre est traversee de lueurs qui annoncent la Renaissance.' Many
teachers repeat, even today, that, by the end of the fifteenth Century,

[208]

[209]

ylR ^Sfj?.

(^£c)Rag L< Aaö^sc cöu«-(£cv/ o'^

4 Rc^in/^'

"Ar

Re vre COS» /^sos - v/\MbeMBusc^, Anw a/^ Hogan. üL)iLLAf?D M. ' "n^^ united states /^53

Winter 1953

VOLUME 38 NUMBER 2

SYMPOSIUM

Price Control: Prospect and Retrospect

Foreword

Tighc E. Woods

Currcnt Developments in Price Control Legida'
tion: A Safe Middlc Way Homer E. Capehart

The Gase for Economic Freedom Henry O. Tolle

The Future of Price Controls Gardner Ac\ley

Limitations on the Cost of the Defense Program

Thomas Blanchard Worsley

The Regulatory Structure for Consumer Durable
Goods: Rococo Run Rampant

Fritz F. Heimann

The Individual Adjustment Program

Charles R. Simpson

Evidentiary Aspects of Proceedings for Determin'
ing Validity of Ceiling Regulations

James A. Durham and Israel Convisser

The Enforcement Program Harry >{. Stein

■s;'vr;".:;.^i>-i^*;::;:\v

^iJ^^^^M^l^n^^/^^

Shepard Cuts A Cake

With 80 years of successful experience Le-
hind it, Shepard could afFord to sit Lack and
count the candles on its anniversary cake.
Instead, it is workin^ harder than ever.

Since World War II SKepard's has com-
pleted and equipped a new plant and moved
its extensive Operations close to tKe ^eo-
^raphic center of the country.

It is improvinfe its Organization in every
way so that it may do its part in meetin^ the
increasin^ demands of the le^al profession
for the next 100 years.

(3<7>

SKepard's Citations

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IN THE SPRING, 1953, ISSUE OF THE IOWA

LAW REVIEW.

A Symposium on

SIGNIFICANT DEVELOPMENTS IN SELECTED
AREAS OF IOWA LAW: 1942-1952

Of practical use to every Iowa practitioner, this
Symposium will also contain a special article by Justice
G. K. Thompson entitled Oral Arguments in the Sw
prcme Court of Iowa.

Iowa Law Review

State üniversity of Iowa

College of Law

Iowa City, Iowa

Iowa Law Review

VOLUME 38 WINTER 1953 NUMBER 2

Z — ~ ~~ $1.00 Per Issue

$3.50 Per Year ^ ^

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The Iowa Laiv Review wishes to express appreciation ^^Mr James
A DURHAM, Associate Chief Counsel, Office ofPrice Stabilization, for
his valuable assistance in the preparation of this Symposium.

CONTENTS

Price Control: Prospect AND Retrospect

Editorial Introducho,n 209

FoREWORi>-MiLEPOSTS IN Stabilization - - Tighe E. Woods 213

CURRENT DEVELOPMENTS IN PRICE CONTROL LEGISLATION :

A Safe Middle Way Homer E. Capehart 222

The Gase For Economic Freedom - - - Henry 0. Talle 232
The FuTURE OF Price Controls - - - - Gardner Ackley 241

LiMITATIONS ON THE COST OF THE DEFENSE PROGRAM

Thomas Blanchard Worsley 252

The Regulatory Structure For Consumer Durable Goods:

Rococo Run Rampant Fritz F, Heimann 263

The Individual Adjustment Program - Charles R. Simpson 279

EvIDENTIARY AsPECTS of PrOCEEDINGS FOR Determining Validity
OF Ceiling Regulations - James A. Durham and Israel Convisser 301

The Enforcement Program Harry N, Stein 321

(continued on page iv)

Entered as second-class matter at the post oflFice in Iowa City, Iowa, under the Act of March 3, 1879

Published quarterly Fall, Winter, Spring, and Summer.

Office of publication: College of Law, Iowa City, Iowa.

Coryright 1953 by the State Üniversity of Iowa (Iowa Law Review)

* • •

mmm::^mmmmmtM':m'i?

'X^"';'':'^'i1:''s^'-''^

IOWA LAW BEVJEW

[Vol. 38

NOTES AND LEGISLATION

AREA OF SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNICAL WORKS - 334

OOMMENTS ON EECENT CASES

■r^ f Qfof^e TTnder Twenty-first Amendment —

V. Ericson, D. Minn. 1951)

App. 1952) - - - • ■

Price Oontrol-Statutory Construction-Pto Meaning Eule (Safeway
Stores, Inc. v. Amall, Em. Ct. App. 1952)

_ • r,^„t,^\ T,„hi., r)fimaL»e Provision of Defense Production Act—
^Tivnegfrglintt Se°£.Sinüna^^^ ^üniUä States v. La Fonta.ne,
D.R.I. 1952)

BOOK REVIEWS

The United Nations , ^r tt

By Amry Vandenbosch and Willard N. Hogan

Administration of National Economic Control
By Emmette S. Redford . - - -

Principles of International Law

By Hans Kelsen

345

349

354

358

362

367

BOOKS Received

George L. Mosse 373

Lehan K. Tunks 375

Vernon Van Dyke 379

- 381

-^■^^^'■i''j!^0,i^':-^s'^iS^^

■ '^^'^^l'jfc''. ^w ':"■:?: -'■ii?;">'v!.l,.':

■:::m:i:^-

^mm^m^WmM^^

372

IOWA LAW BEVIEW

[Vol. 3S

which a court is able to apply such an analysis to the determination
of whether certain Constitutional Privileges are available to the de-
fendant. It has been suggested that this method of analysis be dis-
carded as not being suitable for resolving the problem.^^ However,
there has been no strong indication in any of the judicial opinions of
any alternative method of analysis. Since the doctrinal approach ap-
pears as in the instant case to provide the proper result, the courts
will probably continue to utilize such an analysis when confronted with
the question of the availability of the privilege against self-incrimina-
tion in a treble damages action^

26 ihid.

BOOK REVIEWS

The United Nations. Bv Amrv Vandenboschf and Willard N. Hogan.tt
New York : McGraw-Hiil Series in Political Science, McGraw-Hill Book
Company. 1952. Pp. xiii, 456. $5.00.

The United Nations is a truly judicious and well balanced account
of man 's most recent attempt to arrive at a workable international
Organization. The authors give a thorough description of the origin,
structure and procedure of the United Nations and implement this with
a discussion of that Organization 's aetual work and accomplishments.
The whole analysis is set in a proper framework, beginning with a his-
torical skctch of the development of international Cooperation and end-
ing with present day attempts to strengthen the UN. All this is written
in a simple, straight-forward style which should make this book avail-
able to a large circle of readers.

Any book about the United Nations must be concerned with the role
of the UN in the present tense international Situation. The realities
of the ''cold war" seem to transcend the power and influence of any
international Organization. Our authors make several interesting com-
ments upon this thorny problem. They are opposed to the campaign
to eliminate the veto from the security Council. It would do little good
to reach decisions by majority vote if the minority can, as a matter
of practical fact, prevent decisions from being carried out in large areas
of the globe. Our authors' chief hope lies in the devolution of more
power to the General Assembly. Though this is but an advisory body,
it does give any nation a chance to vote against majority resolutions
without feeling obligated to carry its vote into practical action. The
case of Korea is cited here, for the Soviet Union voted against the com-
mon action without overtly interfering with the measures taken to
carry out the majority decision. Such argument seems merely to detour
the basic disagreements among the big powcrs. Can the UN not serve
to overcome basic international differences in a more direct fashion?
Ilere the authors present us two rays of hope. Statesmen are now
forced to justify their actions before their constituents on the floor of
the United Nations. But this might well prove a two-edged sword.
Under this wide-open diplomacy, considerations of Propaganda seem
to dominate the desire to reach agreements. No power can afford to
lose face in public. Thus, such public discussion has led to the reten-
tion of uncompromising attitudes. Our authors, however, have a second
Suggestion in which they seem to place greater faith. This is the emer-
gence of a 'Hhird force" of medium nations for whom the UN can pro-
vide a base of Operations. Here tlie role which India is attempting to
play in the Korean dispute is cited as an example. Perhaps this ''third
force", by balancing the rival great powers, can become a reality; yet

t Professor of Political Science, University of Kentucky.

1 1 Professor of Political Science, State University Teachers College, New Paltz,
New York.

373

';''t'-fti,-U''l!',i'-\71'-'^i*f'7if'f'-

^•^mMsiaism

374

IOWA LAW BEVIEW

[Vol. 38

3953]

BOOK BEVIEWS

375

such a possibility seems minimal at best. It may be remembered that
just before the last world war a coalition of *' neutral" powers includ-
ing Belgium and the Netherlands tried to intervene as a balancing
force and even the United States offered to support ''mediation" of
acute disputes. These efforts proved to be fruitless; and the precarious
Position of the so-called *'third force" political parties among the
European nations today provides added evidence concerning the diffi-
culties of neutrality in the present conflict.

More might have been made of the comparison between the League
of Nations and the United Nations. It is a great service to point out,
as the authors do, that the failure of the League was not due to the
i^fusal of the United States to participate. Indeed, lukewarm American
participation might further have hindered the Operations of that inter-
national Organization. But if the League 's failure was due largely to
the absence of solidarity among the big powers and to its emphasis
upon Order rather than change, cannot the same be said for the UN?
An amendment to the charter can be vetoed by any member of the
Security Council and here again only the gradual devolving of more
power to the Assembly could overcome this handicap.

If the structural improvements of the UN over the older League
do not seem significant, in the realm of actual accomplishments the
record is more impressive, this not only in those regions where the in-
terests of the great powers are not involved, but also in those areas
where common action to deter aggression has been necessary. The only
precedent for Korea under the old League was the sanction applied
against Italy during the Ethiopian war. But this sanction was applied
half-heartedly, and proved to be worse than none at all. As a conse-
quence Mussolini was driven into the ready arms of Adolf Hitler. Korea,
however, is different. Here action was resolutely taken, even though
the interests of a great power (USSR) were, at least indirectly, in-
volved. In this action lies a justification for the United Nations which
may w;ell have a more abiding significance than all the weaknesses in-
herent in the Organization.

Compared with the Solution of balance-of-power conflicts and the
deterring of unwarranted expansions of national power, theoretical
considerations of national sovereignty are of secondary importance.
It is one of the great virtues of this book that it recognizes this fact,
while giving us excellent short discussions of international law and
the development of international Cooperation. The weakness of inter-
national law lies in its nature as ''custom" and in the consequent slow-
ness of its development. Yet, it should be added that attempts to give
international law a push in the right direction are fraught with danger.
Efforts to further this cause such as the Nürnberg trials are apt to
lead to ex post facto situations incompatible with any of the recog-
nized principles of the judicial process. The creation of martyrs rather
than the branding of criminals are, it seems, the outcome of this ac-
celeration of the processes of international law. What is at stake here
concerns the historical evolution of the idea of Sovereignty. From the
medieval ideal of ''limited sovereignty" we have traveled to the con-
cept of ''absolute sovereignty" so dear to the heart of Blackstone and

John Austin. It is possible that in a world not rent by international
power conflicts we might recapture the idea of limited sovereignty
as the great common-law lawyers of an earlier time saw it. In an age
of increasing centralization of power this in itself may be difficult,
but to recapture the older concept would also revitalize international
law which is built upon the idea that a higher law exists above all
municipal laws. However, fear of rivaling balance-of-power combina-
tions is bound to cast suspicion upon any limitation of national sov-
ereignty whatsoever. In this Situation even such a respectable advocate
of limited sovereignty as old Chief Justice Coke might find himself
under suspicion. The most important problem is still that of creating
a world Community based upon the identity of interests of the major
nations of the globe. Only then will theory adjust to the realities of
political experience. The necessity for world interdependence is the
bed-rock upon which the UN is built as our authors well realize. But
even this has now been placed in doubt. In a speech before the last
Congress of the Soviet, Marshai Stalin dwelt upon the self-sufficiency
of the Soviet block of powers. "Parallel markets" have been created
which provide economic self-sufficiency at a time when the Soviet Union
is rapidly integrating the political and social structures of the satellite
countries with its own System. Whether this is truth or wishful think-
ing seems less important than the fact that this has become the official
viewpoint of a great power.

This consideration makes it still more mandatory that other powers
support the United Nations. The action in Korea has shown the Poten-
tial of the Organization as a deterrent against aggression. The recurrent
international meetings which are automatically provided for in the
Charter may also serve the same purpose. For all the propagandistic
Speeches, any power determined upon aggression may well pause for
thought when it realizes how, in debate, the balance is stacked against
it. In the present fluid Situation any analysis of international affairs
is largely speculation; the United Nations is the one concrete Organ-
ization with which we have to work and through which we have already
worked with some success. That alone should command our support
and must make us wish that this excellent book reach a wide and varied

circle of readers.

George L. Mosse*

Administration of National Economic Control. By Emmette S.
Redford. t New York: The Macmillan Company. 1952. Pp. xvii, 403.
$5.50.

The issue of the Iowa Law Review in which these comments appear
is devoted to the subject of price stabilization. This is one of the forms
of economic control with which Professor Redford 's book deals. The
frame of reference with which Redford is concemed is, of course, larger
than price stabilization alone. It includes such diverse kinds of eco-

♦ Associate Professor of History, State University of Iowa.

t Professor of Government, The University of Texas.

■ -''i;^S,if.iß-«i.i0i:i!!tSC^Sif'^^;ti^^

.«"

^V 3/ ^ -^

BOOK revi:ews

The United Nations. By Amry Vandenboschf and Willard N. Hogan.tt
New York : McGraw-Hill Series in Political Science, McGraw-Hill Book
Company. 1952. Pp. xiii, 456. $5.00.

Tlfie United Nations is a truly judicious and well balanced account
of man 's most recent attempt to arrive at a workable international
Organization. The authors give a thorough description of the origin,
structure and procednre of the United Nations and implement this with
a discussion of that Organization 's actual work and accomplishments.
The whole analysis is set in a proper framework, beginning with a his-
torical sketch of the development of international Cooperation and end-
ing with present day attempts to strengthen the UN. All this is written
in a simple, straight-forward style which should make this book avail-
able to a large circle of readers.

Any book about the United Nations must be concerned with the role
of the UN in the present tense international Situation. The realities
of the "cold war" seem to transcend the power and influence of any
international Organization. Our authors make several interesting com-
ments upon this thorny problem. They are opposed to the campaign
to eliminate the veto from the security Council. It would do little good
to reach decisions by majority vote if the minority can, as a matter
of practical fact, prevent decisions from being carried out in large areas
of the globe, Our authors' chief hope lies in the devolution of more
power to the General Assembly. Though this is but an advisory body,
it does give any nation a chance to vote against majority resolutions
without feeling obligated to carry its vote into practical actiofc. The
case of Korea is cited here, for the Soviet Union voted against the com-
mon action without overtly interfering with the measures taken to
carry out the majority decision. Such argument seems merely to detour
the basic disagreements among the big powers. Can the UN not serve
to overcome basic international differences in a more direct fashion?

Here the authors present us two rays of hope. Statesmen are now
forced to justify their actions before their constituents on the floor of
the United Nations. But this might well prove a two-edged sword.
Under this wide-open diplomacy, considerations of Propaganda seem
to dominate the desire to reach agreements. No power can afford to
lose face in public. Thus, such public discussion has led to the reten-
tion of uncompromising attitudes. Our authors, however, have a second
Suggestion in which they seem to place greater faith. This is the emer-
gence of a "third force" of medium nations for whom the UN can pro-
vide a base of Operations. Here the role which India is attempting to
play in the Korean dispute is cited as an example. Perhaps this **third
force", by balancing the rival great powers, can become a reality; yet

t Professor of Political Science, University of Kentucky.

1 1 Professor of Political Science, State University Teachers College, New Paltz,
New York.

373

•

374

IOWA LAW BEVIEW

[Vol. 38

such a possibility seems minimal at best. It may be remembered that
just before the last world war a coalition of ''neutral" powers includ-
ing Belgium and the Netherlands tried to intervene as a balancing
force and even the United States offered to support ''mediation" of
acute disputes. These efforts proved to be fruitless; and the precarious
Position of the so-called ''third force" political parties among the
European nations today provides added evidence conceming the diffi-
culties of neutrality in the present conflict.

More might have been made of the comparison between the League
of Nations and the United Nations. It is a great service to point out,
as the authors do, that the failure of the League was not due to the
refusal of the United States to participate. Indeed, lukewarm American
participation might further have hindered the Operations of that inter-
national Organization. But if the League 's failure was due largely to
the absence of solidarity among the big powers and to its emphasis
upon Order rather than change, cannot the same be said for the UN?
An amendment to the charter can be vetoed by any member of the
Security Council and here again only the gradual devolving of more
power to the Assembly could overcome this handicap.

If the structural improvements of the UN over the older League
do not seem significant, in the realm of actual accomplishments the
record is more impressive, this not only in those regions where the in-
terests of the great powers are not involved, but also in those areas
where common action to deter aggression has been necessary. The only
precedent for Korea under the old League was the sanction applied
against Italy during the Ethiopian war. But this sanction was applied
half-heartedly, and proved to be worse than none at all. As a conse-
quence Mussolini was driven into the ready arms of Adolf Hitler. Korea,
however, is different. Here action was resolutely taken, even though
the interests of a great power (USSR) were, at least indirectly, in-
volved. In this action lies a justification for the United Nations which
may well have a more abiding significance than all the weaknesses in-
herent in the Organization.

Compared with the Solution of balance-of-power conflicts and the
deterring of unwarranted expansions of national power, theoretical
considerations of national sovereignty are of secondary importance.
It is one of the great virtues of this book that it recognizes this fact,
while giving us excellent short discussions of international law and
the development of international Cooperation. The weakness of inter-
national law lies in its nature as ''custom" and in the consequent slow-
ness of its development. Yet, it should be added that attempts to give
international law a push in the right direction are fraught with danger.
Efforts to further this cause such as the Nürnberg trials are apt to
lead to ex post facto situations incompatible with any of the recog-
nized principles of the judicial process. The creation of martyrs rather
than the branding of criminals are, it seems, the outcome of this ac-
celeration of the processes of international law. What is at stake here
concerns the historical evolution of the idea of Sovereignty. From the
medieval ideal of ''limited sovereignty" we have traveled to the con-
cept of "absolute sovereignty" so dear to the heart of Blackstone and

i«»

hA^'^

BOOK BEVIEWS

375

John Austin. It is possible that in a world not rent by international
power conflicts we might recapture the idea of limited sovereignty
as the great common-law lawyers of an earlier time saw it. In an age
of increasing centralization of power this in itself may be difficult,
but to recapture the oider concept would also revitalize international
law which is built upon the idea that a higher law exists above all
municipal laws. However, fear of rivaling balance-of-power combina-
tions is bound to east suspicion upon any limitation of national sov-
ereignty whatsoever. In this Situation even such a respectable advocate
of limited sovereignty as old Chief Justice Coke might find himself
under suspicion. The most important problem is still that of creating
a World Community based upon the identity of interests of the major
nations of the globe. Only then will theory adjust to the realities of
political experience. The necessity for world interdependence is the
bed-rock upon which the UN is built as our authors well realize. But
even this has now been placed in doubt. In a speech before the last
Congress of the Soviet, Marshai Stalin dwelt upon the self-sufficiency
of the Soviet block of powers. *' Parallel markets" have been created
which provide economic self-sufficiency at a time when the Soviet Union
is rapidly integrating the political and social structures of the satellite
countries with its own System. Whether this is truth or wishful think-
ing seems less important than the fact that this has become the official
viewpoint of a great power.

This consideration makes it still more mandatory that other powers
Support 'the United Nations. The action in Korea has shown the Poten-
tial of the Organization as a deterrent against aggression. The recurrent
international meetings which are automatically provided for in the
Charter may also serve the same purpose. For all the propagandistic
Speeches, any power determined upon aggression may well pause for
thought when it realizes how, in debate, the balance is stacked against
it. In the present fluid Situation any analysis of international affairs
is largely speculation; the United Nations is the one concrete Organ-
ization with which we have to work and through which we have already
worked with some success. That alone should command our support
and must make us wish that this excellent book reach a wide and varied

circle of readers.

George L. Mosse*

Administration of National Economic Control. By Emmette S.
Redford. t New York: The Macmillan Company. 1952. Pp. xvii, 403.
$5.50.

• Associate Professor of History, State University of Iowa.

t Professor of Goverament, The University of Texas.

^^^HH»-'.^' r-'-mtUdii^^^^^^^

Uli

v,-. -v^^B ^^H

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■ ' ■• j .■■■-. e;'ii. -■?,'-, 't-'y.'-

:''•--■' ,'fc''i'^');7>''i

Aiary Vandenbosch^and Willard N. Hogan^ at^e Unitod Nationa

McGraw-Hlll Sorloa In Polltlcal Science, T!cGraw-n|ll Book
Company, Nev; York, 1952, XIII, 456, "5

fhls a truly Judlclous and well bnlancod account of
man 's moat rocent attempt to arrive at a v;orkablo Intomational
Organization» l^e authors rive a thürough doscrlptlon of tho
orlgin, structure and procedura of the United Nation s and Imple-
ment thls wlth a llscusslon of that organization^s actual work
and accompliahnionts« The whole analysls Is '^^t In a proper
framowork, beglnninr; v/lth a historlcal skotch of tho dovelop-
xaent of international Cooperation nnd en linß wlth present day
attenpto to strengthon tho U# IT# All thls is written in a slmplOf
straif^t-forward style v*ilch should make thls bool: avallable to
a largo clrcle of roaders.

Any book about tho United Nations must be concornodi wlth
the role of the ü# T3*# in the present tense international Situa-
tion. The realitles of the "cold war" seem to tranrlescend the
power and influence of any international Organization. Our
authors mako nevoral interesting conments upon thls thomy prob-
lom» Tliey aro opposod to tho campaign to ellmin te the voto from
the socurity covmcll. It would do little good to reach decisions
by majority vote if the minorlty con, aa a mattor of practical
fact, prevont decisions fro^Ti being carried out in larre areas
of the globe. Our authors* chief hope lies in the devolutlon
of more power to the Goneral Asscniblyt Though thls is but an
advlflory body, it doos ßlve any nation a chanco to vote agalnst
majority resolutions with ut f eeling obligntod to carry Its vote

« Professor of Polltlcal Science, University of Kentuclry
* Professor of Polltlcal Science, State Univorsity Tgachors College

New Paltz, ITew York

i-.'),!;'.,; •"'^rfp^'4'^f;;^':^^lM^0f^-k^^:>,

Into practloal actlorit The craso of Koroa Is cited hero, for
the Seilet Union votod against tho common actlon wlthout overtly
Interferinc wlth the measuros taken to carry out the majorlty
doclslon» Such argument coomcs meroly to detour the baolc dls-
asreements anonc the biß pov/ors* Can the U. !?• not sorvo to over-
come baslc International dlfferencos In a more Urect fashlon?

Here the authors presont us tv/o rays of hope» . State smen
are no\7 forced to .justlfy thelr actiona before tholr constltuents
on the floor of the ühltod Hatlons* But thls rtl^t well prove a
two edged sword« ündor tlls wlde open dlplomacy conslderatiais
of Propaganda seen to donlnate the leslro to reach anreononts«
No pow-r can afford to loooe face In public • Thus, such public
dlscussion has led to the retontion of \ancomprcxalslng attltudos.
Our authors, however, have a second Suggestion in v/hlch they
seem to plane greator faith* Thls Is tho emer^ence of a "thlrf|
forco" of medium nationn for rihom the ü. !!♦ can provlde a base
of oporat:^ons# Here the role whlch India Is attenptlng to play
In the Korean dispute is cited as an oxample« Perhaps thls
"third force", by balancing the rival gre t pov; rs, can become
a roalityj yot such a possibility soems ninimal at best# ^t
may bo remoinborod that Just beforo tho last world wmr a coalitlon
of "neutral" powers Including Belgium and the Netherlands tried
to Intorvene as a balancing f orco and oven the ünitod Statoa
off red to support "modiation" of acute disputos* These efforts
proved to bo fruitleas, ancl the precarious posiölon of the so-
called "thlrd force" political partics among the European nations
today providos added ovidonce concomlng the difficultios of
neutrallty In ^e present confllct*

■^1'.■.wi•■x^amfn^t:sM*-,■■

•M1v^<y>;,r,:i.S^?Bifi^üt?--

More mlght have been raa -e of the comparlson botwoen the
League of Nations and the Uiltod Nat ona» It Is a groat sorvlce
to polnt out, as the authors do, that the fallure of the League
was not duo to tho refusal of the ünltod r^tntos to partlclpate»
Indoed, lukowarm Amorlcan partlclpation nlr^t furthor have
hlndered the Operations of that Intomatlonal Organization» But
If the League »8 fallure was largoly due to the absonce of sollfi-
arlty among tho big powors and to Its emphasls npon order rather
than change, cnnnot the same be sald for the tJ» N»? An amend-
ment to the charter can be vetoed by any membor of the Socurlty
Council and hero agaln only tho gradual dovolvlng of moro power
to the Assombly could ovorcoine thls handlcap«

If the structural Improvoments of the ü. II # ovor the older
Loague do not seem slgnlf Icant In the realm of actual accompllsh**
ments tho rocord Is more InproaslvoMot only In thoserr^glons
i*here the Intorosts of the great po?/ )rs aro not Involved, but
alaw^hose aroas whero common action to letor aqgression has
been necossar:« The only procedont for Korea under tho old
Loamie was the Scanctlon applied affinst Italy durlng tho Ethloplan
war. But thls sancti'm r/as applied half-hoartedly, and proved to
be v7orse than none at all« Aa a consequonce Mussolini was clrlvon
Into tho roaly arme of Adolf Hltlor. Korea, hov/over, is dlfforont»
Here action was resolutely talcen, even thou^ the Interests of
a great powor (U.S.S.R») wore, at loa st Indlrectly, Involvod«
In thls action llos a justlflcatlon for the Ifiilted Nations
whlch may well have a more ablUng slgnlf Icance than all the
weaknessos Inherent In tho organlr.atlon»

ÜÜ

«Htl/r

Comparod wlth tho Solution of balance of power confllcta
and the ddtorrlng of imwarrantod oxpanalona of national p owor,
thoorotloal ccnsldcratlons cf national soverelgnty are of socond-
ary Importance» It Is ono of the rreat virtuos of thle book that
It rocognlzos thls f act, whlle '^ivl? g ue oxcellent short ilscusslon«
of Intoimatlonal Law and the developwont of Intoimatlonal Coopera-
tion«. Tj^o woalmoss of International Law llee In Its naturo as
"custom" and in tho consequont slownesa of Its levolopmentf Yot^
It shorild be added that attempts to c^ve Inteimatlonal Law a push
In the rlßht dlrectlon are frougjit wlth dangor» Kfforta to
ftirther thls cause such as the Iluomberf^ Trlals aro apt to load
to ex post facto sltuatlona Incorapatlblo wlth any of the rocognized
prlnclples of the Judiclal proceos. The crertlpn of raartyrs
rather than the bran ilng of crlmlnals are, It seems, the outcome .
of thls accoleratlon of the processos of International Law* Wr
oootne %gi ?ne that Wiat Is at etake höre concoms the hlstorlcal
ovolutlon of the Idoa of v3ocerolgnty# Prom the medleval Ideal
of "llraltod oovorol/^ty" v/e havo travolod to the concept of
•absolute soverolgnty" so dear to the heart of Blackstone and
John Austin» It Is poaslble that In a v/orld not rent by Inter-
national powor confllcts v/e mlght recapture the Idea of limited
soverelgnty as the great ccranon lat/yers of an earller tliae iwiw
lt# In an age of increaslng centrallzatlon of power thls In It-
seif may be dlfflcult, but to recapturo the older concept wo^ld
also revltallze IntexmatlcÄial Law ^ilch Is bullt upon the Idea
that a hl^er Law exlsts abovo all munlclpal La ws »"^ P^jar tiTj^
rlvallng balance of po\7er comblnatlons Is bo^md to cast susplclon

^mf.:^

^:^^"ii^M'!^l

upon any liraitation of national sovorelf^ty TThatsoovert In
thle sittiation oven such a roapoc table advocato of limited
sovorel^nty as old Chief Justice Coke might find himsilf under
8U8picion# T^e most Impoirbant problom Is still that of crenting
a World coinmimity based upon the identity of intereats of the irmjor
natlons of the nlobo» Onlj thon will tHeory ad Just to tho realities
of political experience# The noßossity for world interdependence
is the bed-rock upon which the U» IT« is bullt as cur author»
well roalize# But ©von this hac now been placod in doübt# In
a spooch bofore tlie last Congross of the Soviet, Marshall Stalin
dNrelt upon the solf-sufflclency of the Soviot block of powere #
"Parallel inarkets" have boen crentod \Thlch provlde econcrilc solf^
sufficioncy at a time when the Soviot lÄiltm is rapidly integroting
the political and social structuros of the satollite countrlos
with its tnm syst^n« Whether this is tinith or wirhful uhinklÄ^
aeoms loös teportant than tho fact thal: this har boco^ e the
offlclnl vlowpoint of a r^ont powor«

^is consldoration nak.s It still more mnndatory that other
powers Support the United Hat Tons« 'H^e action i/y Korea has shown
the Potential of the Organization as a deterrent a^tainst ag(^es-
sion» The recux»rent Intomatlonal meetlnfts which are automatlcally
proviried for in the Charter rtay also sorve the samc purposo*
For all the propagandistic speeches^ any pot/er determined upon
agCTosslon aay v/ell pause for thourjit. when it realizos hcKi^ in
debate, the balance is stacked against lt# In the präsent fluid
Situation any analysis of international affairs 1» larr:ely
speculatlonj the "öhited Natlons is the one concreto orcanization

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with 8 Offne succeGs« 'JRiat alono should command oiar support and
must make U8 wish that this oxcellent book roach^ a wlde and
vairled clrcle of readers«

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MAN AS A CQMMQDITY

Bruno Bettelhelm, The Informed Heart: Autonony in a Mass Age,

Free Press, GCLencoe, Illinois

$5
Reviewed \xy George L« Mosse

The ideale of hiiman progress and of hope for a better life throti^
social re-organization have been severely tested in our own age« Modem
man is hauntad by the Vision of his own degradation. •Riis book should
be required reading for all those who are interested in re-examining
Liberal dograa in the face of the challenges Bettelheim raises. Ihe
book • 8 core concems the "extreme" Situation of man imprisoned in
the national Socialist concentration camp. Yet this is not an
enumeration of that catalogue^» of horrors with lÄiich we are all too
familiär, but a serious attempt to derive meaning frora these horrors
for our time. Bettelheim is a psyohologist , and while he applies
psychological criteria to his observations they lead him also bowards
some fundamental criticisras of the Freudian approach in which he was
trained. Indeed, his conclusions spring from a repudiation of much
of what he had hitherto aocepted as part of Psychologie al thought*

The totalitarian concentration camp society changed the human
Personality of its victims. This seems to Bettelheim to be of the
essenoej that the modern State now has in its hands the means of
actually changing personality. The Operations of the SS were geared
to this end and this chiefly by inducing in the inmates a ohildliks
dependence upon their guards, destroying their adult frame of reference«
Msn and women, totally cut off from the outside world, living in an
artificial sooioty over which th^ had no control becane "living

oorpses**. As if this were not onough» Bettdlheim demonstratas that this
ehildllke dependenoe iinrolvea taking on the v«ry valua «srvtam of tha
rulera» coraplete with ita brutality and raoiam. Thna Bettelheim explalns
nhat is the ultlmate degradation of modern man; hov thousanda oould ba
ruled by a few guards, how man and woman could go to thelr daath
without protesting«

Modem pflyohology Beenm to hlm miataken in two particiilara . It
tenda to believe that not aooiety but tha inner man creataa tha
peraonality* B«t tha ohanga in paraonality under this extreme aituation
carae about throu|^ a rigid oontrol of the environment, an emrironraent
conaciously manipulated by the SS. Man waa doprived of his autononjy;
eiraxything waa controlled by an extemal and \incontrolable power. Mora-
over» paychology ne^kB to adjuat man to aooiety» but in auoh a aituation
there ia no conventional sociaty to adjuat to and the reality of evil
oannot be aublimated. The amphaaia Bettelheim puta upon -^e environment
and how it waa uaed to change paraonality haa important implioations for
the aolutiona to tha very problema the oonoentration cainp aooiaty haa raiaad.

Thoaa who ahut their eyaa to thia z*eality were moat eaaily mada tha
Yictima of it« Thoae who aunrivad beat were man and women %dio faoed their
aituation and attempted to adjuat to it while aeoretly keaping aoma
attitudea of their formar world intaot.^ Bettelheim •a critique of tha
Diaiy of \nne Frank ia to tha point* Hare waa a family who ahut ita
ayaa to the National Sooialiat reality and ita implicationa • The
fathar tau^t hia ohildren academio aubjeota inatead of how to aaoapa
in oaaa of dangart tha family remainad together inatead of aoattaring
ii^ioh might hava aaved their livaa« Tha play enda, typioally enoug^»
with Anne proclaiming her beliaf in tha goodneaa of all oian« To

I ) ii; IUI UI.I 1'i.ii I Jii- ly. 1.11,111 II ni;)j»i|.

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Bettelheim this shlrks the very probleta» lÄilch the book has raieed.
In this oase, belief in the goodteees of man i» an eccape from the reality
of the totalitarian environment which oan tranefomi the central autonomy
of human personality into a robotiT like dependenoe \jpon a brutal xmler.
That man can be good thu» beoomes beeide the point.

To Bettelheim, the dangers of euch a »ociety are a part pf the industrial,
social and technological revolution in which we live; they are, therefore,
ever present. His hope is based on the better understanding by man of
these dangers as well as upon his Observation that men did in the
ooncentration camp Situation embraoe death rather than live as a
coramodity. But he gives us slight hope, Sxcellent though his actual
analysis may be, his larger conclusions do not quite convince* The

Society he analyaes existed at a point mhen a certain ideology vas

^o/v/fTFp er ^ . .

triun^hant. It is ^CTettelheim that even Soviet labor camps do not

display the same extreme types of personality change. Moreever, it is

always dangerous to generalize from "extreme" human situations, though

this has, significantly, become the fashion in cur time. There is no

evidence that history repeats itself in an identical manner, even though

the identical problems aay still want Solution. The lesson ^ich men

concemed with human progress and human freedom mi^t draw from this book

is some^at different from Bettelheim* s own point of view* Social

Organization now has a demonstrable power over man. It can even change

that human nature which previous generations believed was entirelyHmpervious

to the social process. Men hoping to improve society must not be sidetracked

into searohing for the reMMes of man*s soul but instead must realize that

hximan freedom and social Organisation are inseparable.

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^he American Historicäl Review

400 A Street, Southeast
Washington, D. C, 2ß003

^^^^ Professor Mosser '^^^ "

Ä^ - • « • »

Thank you for your book review. It will appear in the
December 1967 Review.

Very truly yours,

Mmaging Editor,

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THISSIDEOFCARD IS FOR ADDRESS

Professor G. L, Mosse
Dept. of History
Uhiversity of Wisconsin
Madison, Wisc« 53706

AMERICAN HISTOKICAL REVItW

DEC 1967

TEAR :^^^r coPY FOR YOUR FILE
NOTICE HAS BEEN PUQUSHED

524

Reviews of Books

MIT DER KRAFT DES GEISTES: LEBENSERINNERUNGEN. ZWEITE
HÄLFTE, 1927-1967. By Arnold Brecht. (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-An-
stalt. 1967. Pp. 496. DM 38.)

Arnold Brecht's autobiography is a significant book. As one of the delegates of
Prussia to the Reichsrat he brings much new material about the relationship of
Prussia to the Reich. Brecht was, moreover, intimately concerned with the plans
to reform the Weimar Constitution, and he has interesting things to say about
these abortive attempts. As his last Service to Prussia and the republic, after Pa-
pen's coup d'Stat, he pleaded Prussia's case before the Reichsgericht. Brecht doc-
uments his analyses by drawing from hitherto unpublished letters and from
Speeches not easily accessible elsewhere.

On another level the book can serve to illustrate the dilemma of a devoted
republican civil servant in the face of the growing antidemocratic menace. Brecht
furthered Prussia's loyal collaboration with the Reich, though in retrospect it
seems unlikely that the Weimar Republic would have suflFered shipwreck merely
upon the unresolved dualism between Prussia and the Reich. He convincingly de-
fends, however, the nonresistance of the Prussian ministers to Papen's coup:
after all, the Chancellor of the Reich could legally take over the Prussian police,
and existing unemployment might well have broken a general strike.

But what were the alternatives as this loyal republican saw them during the
last years of the republic? Brecht is aware that most of the electorate was anti-
democratic, but he also clings to the fact that the Nazis never received a majority
of votes. Brecht's list of alternatives envisages the attainment of power by a re-
sponsible Right in Opposition to the Nazis, but in turn he misreads that Right
when he blames Hugenberg for not safeguarding human rights in the enabling
law of 1933. The responsibility of this Right never extended to such lengths.
Brecht thought that an "Oligarchie democracy" might save the republic by deny-
ing totalitarian parties the right to stand for elections. Typically enough, a popu-
lär front never enters any of his calculations. Even in the last years of the re-
public Brecht believed that changing the constitutional framework of the State
might preserve German democracy. He shows no awareness, however, of the in-
exorable dynamic of antidemocratic mass movements. Nor does he see that legal
devices, such as the adjustment of Prussia to the Reich, would not have defeated
the Joint hostility of the army and the Right to that Land. The objection was not
to Prussian particularism but to its social democracy.

While the narrow legal and institutional framework within which the book
moves reveals much that is new for the historian, it also ignores the deeper and
revolutionary forces at work in ending the republic. This illustrates the dilemma
of many supporters of Weimar Germany in the face of an enemy who threatened
to liquidate their world of humanity, order, and law.

University of Wisconsin George L. Mosse

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MIT DER KRAFT DES GEISTES: LEBENSERINNBRUNGEN . ZWEITE HALPTE, 1927-1967.
By Arnold Brtcht. (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt. 1967.
f^. 496. m 38.)

Arnold Brecht'« «utoblogrmphy is a signlflcant book. As one of the
delegates of Prussia to the Reichsrat (Federal Council) he bringe much
new materlal about the relatlonshlp of Prussia to the Reich. Moreover,
Brecht was intimately concerned with the plana to reform the Weimar Con-
stitution and he has interesting things to say about these abortive at-
tempts. As his last service to Prussia and the Republic, after Papen's
coup d*etat, he pleaded Prussia 's case before the Reichsgericht. Brecht
documents his analyses by drawing from hithertoounpublished letters, and
from Speeches which are not easily accessible elsewhere.

On another level the book can serve to illustrate the dilemma of a
devoted Republican civil servant in the face of the growing anti democratie
menace. Brecht furthered Prussia*s loyal collaboration with the Reich,
though in retrospect it seems unlikely that the Weimar Republic would
have suffered shipwreck merely upon the unresolved dualism between Prussia
and Reich (99). However, he convincingly defends the non resistance of
the Prussian ministers to Papen's coup: after all, the Chancellor of the
Reich could legally take over the Prussian police, and existing unemploy-
ment might well have broken a general strike.

But vhat vere the alternatives as this loyal Republican saw them
during the last years of the Republic? Brecht is aware that most of the
electorate was anti democratie, but he also clings to the fact that the

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Rasis ticvcr rectived a majortty of votaa. Bracht'a Hat o£ altarnativaa
envieages the attalnment of powar by a reaponaibla Right aa ovar agalnat
tha Nazia, but In turn ha tnisreads that Rlght when ha blamaa Hugenbarg for
not safeguardlng hunan rlghta in the anabllng law of 1933. Tha raaponai-
billty of thla Rlght never axtanded to auch langtha. Bracht thought that
an "Oligarchie democracy" might aava tha Rapublic: danying totalitarian
partiaa tha right to atand for elactiona. Typically anough» a populär
front never enters any of hia calculationa. Evan in tha laat yaara of
tha Republic Brecht believed that changing tha conatitutlonal framework
of tha atata might preaarve Gerinan democracy. Howavar, ha ahowa no awara-
naaa of tha inaxorable dynamic of antl democratic maaa movementa, Nor
doaa he see that legal devices, such as the adjustment of Prussla to the
Raich vould not have defeated tha Joint hostility of the array and tha Right
to that Land. The objectlon was not to Prussian particularlsm but to its

Social Democracy.

Whlla the narrow legal and Inatitutional framework wlthln whlch the
book movea bringe much that ia naw for the hiatortan, It alao ignores tha
deeper and revolutionary forcaa at work in ending the Republic. That it
doaa ao, llluatratea tha dilemma of many supporters of Weimar Garmany in
tha face of an eaamy who thraatanad to llquldata thelr world of humanlty,
Order and law.

George L. Mosse

University of Wlaconain

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recht»

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attempted changes from inside Weimar System - administrative change:
how sucessl^a coiAld this Idc? Man of Geist, not foroe*

reprints hithertoo imavailable & unpublished dociments: i.e. of
the negotiations of B. im Verfassimgsausschuss to Prussian
govemment ( confidential memorandiun).

W-^imar Re public broke upon the dualism of Prussia -Reich (p#99
up). Very simplistic, seen from one side only» But imp. 127

Book a history - personal one: B. judges men and
events in the retelling of what happened. Gives his own intepretation^
Includes accoutit of proceeding before Staatsgerichtshof. (I8Iff )

against -^apaens acts«

Wfe^ no force vs. Papen by Prussian ministers? P. 213 alternatives
well put, but only from point of view of keeping Nazis out, not
from preserving Republic. MMtary dictatorrship possible then?
(Look at Carstens )• Really only possibility would have been to take
imconstitutional action: to keep the police from being put under a
R^ichscommissar. But these Weimar men!

T^pical that under 6 alternatives in 1933 listed ( 254) the
populär front is not listed - apparently never seriously discussed
in these circles ( though B. says little about Coranunists at all).
All the alternatives B. saw at all times (i.e. the next possible
govt.etc) always Riglitist. He assumes this. Choice between resp.
rigtit ( military diotatorship) and totalitarian parties. Reaction
preferred. But this real tragedy of a devoted man to law and Republ=
to see into what comer he was pressed. ( THBMB?) 255: his alt:

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Brecht II

" Oligrachio democracy ( 255) "but this constitutionalism at any

price?

^44»H0ek^; Hugenberg. etc haeeten i^Ienschenr echte etc. in Ermaechtigung:
gesetz waehren sollen* Aber interresirte das Sie uerberhaupt? ^ eamten
J-uristisch getaeuscht - aber leicht da sowieso konservativ* C^/Zy

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L»fiVOLüTION POLITIQUE DE L'ANGLETERRE MODERNE. Volume I, II4.85-I66O.
Ry T.^on Gaben and Maurice Braure, [L'fivolutlon de l'HuraanitÄ,
- BibliothSque de Synthäse Historique, Number 65« ] (Paris: fiditions
Albin Michel, i960. Pp. xxxvii, 68I4.. 28.50 new fr.)

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The American Historical Review

BOYD C. 8HAFER, MANAOINO EDITOR
400 A STREET 80UTHEA8T
WASHINGTON 3. D. C.

June 15, 1960

Dear Dr. Mosse :

Would you be willing to write a review of the
book noted below? If so, a copy will be sent to you
with the proper heading, which you are requested to
attach to the review.

Sincerely yours,

Author and Title: Leon Cahen and Maurice Braure :
L' EVOLUTION POLITIQUE DE L'ANGIETERRE MODERNE.
Vol. I, 1485-1660.

Number of words for review: ca. 600.

Date review is desired: Ocix^ber 5, i960.

!• EVOLUTION POLITIQUE DE L^ANGLETERRß MODERNE. Volume I, 1^5-l660.
By Leon Gahen and Kaurice Braure» [L'Evolution de l'Humanite,
Bibliotheque de Synthese Historique, Number 65.] (Paris: Editions
Albin Michel. I96O. Pp. xxxvii, 684. 28. 50 new fr.)

In these last decades French historians in partic\ilar have taken upon
themselves the task of drawingVthe monographic works of a multitude of scho-
lars. The present book belongs to this tradition and it makes an important
contribution to our understanding both of the Tudor period and the England
of the Puritan Revolution. This is not just a political history but a
synthesis of all the relevant intellectual , social, and economic factors
woven into a narrative of events. Moreover, the authors \xse the latest
«cholarship, drawing their secondaiy authorities principally f3X>m the last
ten years. The result is irapressive. The early Stuarts for once get their
due, and the oft-repeated judgement of Henri Quatre that James I was the
♦•wisest fool in Chris tendonj* is once and for all rejected. The authors are
aware of the prejudicial nature of Henriks personal Judgements. Indeed, one
of the raerits of the book is that England is constantly set in a European
framework and not in an insular one*

Despite these welcome departures, one older tradition still persists.
Englishmen are pictured as traditionalists , as basically raoderate, and the
failure of English radicalism is linked to this assertion. Enthiisiasm and
mysticisra are held to be pecullarly Continental in origins and flavor, foreign
to the English cast of mind; one is reminded of Ten^yson's phrase that revo«
lution was the '*madne8S of the Celt.**

Englishmen, the authors maintain, were a practical people, engrossed
in the struggle for existence. As an unsubstantiated assertion this oannot

^A.'^^f.i^^'i^'

- 2 -

take the plaoe of historical explanation. All peoples» no\ jüst Englishmen»
were tradltionalists » (as Luther realized in Qermaror}» and all vere praotical»
they had to be to win their daily bread« Radio als were a minority everywhere
whether the times were revolutionary or noti and Statements about supposed
national character do not explain the Radical failiire in England. It is a
pity that the authors are not acquainted with Brian Manning's hypcthesis that
the breakdown of the old order was caused by the populär movement which pushed
the ruling olasses reluotantly into revolution* Th» view of Snglishmen»
whioh the authors share with many historians, leads them to slight the radical
and populär moveraents. Thus they view the Elizabethan Anabaptists as a
foreign minority, and apparently take no stock in Philip Hughes* important
discovery that raany of the Marian maxi:yrs were native Anabaptists.

The only other important criticisms conoem their otherwise admirable
handling of the Puritans. The authors overeraphasize the Calvinist components
of the movement and are not familiär with Leonard J. Trinterud's artiole on
the influence of the Rhineland Reformers. Moreover, they accept the equation
between Puritanism and Liberty championed by A.S*P. Woodhouse and others,
while ignoring the attack uix>n this point of view made by Leo Solt in his
analysis of the thought of the Anqy Chaplains*

The very f act that there are so few reservations about a book which spans
such a great length of time means that the authors have succeeded in their
task. They are indeed a part of the best tradition of modern Frenoh historical
scholarshipi in their broad understanding of the whole of an important period
of history, and in their ability to write about it in a style which most of
their colleagues abroad might envy«

George L* Mösse
University of Wisconsin

The American Historical Review

400 A Street, Southeast
Washington 3, D. C

Deaf Dr. Mosse:

Thank you for your book review. It will appear in the

January I96I Review.

Very trtify yours,

C^^L^.

OYD C. Sh^FER, ''"^

Managi^ Editor,

[THISSIDEOFCARl:>i^:i:6l^ADD

RESS

Dr. George Mosse
Department of Hlstory
Universlty of Wisconsin
Madison, Wisconsin

^mm

■:"■;*;'• ■!'■:

434

Reviews of Books

who meant well and causcd disaster, who slipped quickly from a belief in generally
accepted human valucs to the position that the end justifies the means. How should
onc judgc thcse individuals? Landauer's answer is convincing in its humanity.
His sincere effort to understand, to be objective and just makes the reading of
these volumes a profound experience. The work should be read not merely as history
but as an cvaluation of socialism in all its forms.

University of California, Los Angeles

Eugene N. Anderson

L'£ VOLUTION POLITIQUE DE L'ANGLETERRE MODERNE. Volume I,
1 485-1 660. By LSon Cahen and Maurice Braure. [L'Evolution de THumanit^,
BibUoth^ue de Synthese Historique, Number 65.] (Paris: fiditions Albin
Michel, i960. Pp. xxxvii, 684. 28.50 new fr.)

In these last decades French historians in particular have taken upon them-
selves the task of assembling the monographic works of a multitude of scholars.
The present book belongs to this tradition, and it makes an important contribution
to our understanding both of the Tudor period and the Puritan Revolution in
England. This is not only poHtical history but a synthesis of all the relevant in-
tellectual, social, and economic factors woven into a narrative of events. The authors
use the latest scholarship, drawing their secondary authorities principally from the
last ten years, with impressive results. The early Stuarts receive their due, and the
oft-repeated judgment of Henry IV that James I was the "wisest fool in
Christendom" is once and for all rejected. The authors are aware of the prejudicial
nature of Henry 's personal judgments. One of the merits of the book is that England
is constantly set in a European framework and not in an insular one.

Despite these welcome departures, one older tradition still persists. Englishmen
are pictured as basically moderate traditionalists, and the failure of English radicalism
is linked to this assertion. Enthusiasm and mysticism are held to be peculiarly
Continental in origins and flavor, foreign to the English cast of mind; one is reminded
of Tennyson's phrase that revolution was the "madness of the Gelt."

Englishmen, the authors maintain, were a practical people, engrossed in the
struggle for existence. This unsubstantiated assertion cannot take the place of histori-
cal explanation. All peoples were traditionalists, and all were practical. Continued
existence demanded this. Radicals were a minority whether the times were revolu-
tionary or not, and Statements about supposed national character do not explain
the radical failure in England. It is a pity that the authors are not acquainted with
Brian Manning's hypothesis that the breakdown of the old order was caused by
the populär movement which pushed the ruHng classes reluctantly into revolution.
The view of Englishmen, which the authors share with many historians, leads them
to slight the radical and populär movements. They view the Elizabethan Ana-
baptists as a foreign minority and apparently take no stock in PhiUp Hughes*s
important discovcry that many of the Marian martyrs were native Anabaptists.

Another important criticism concerns their otherwise admirablc handling of

AMERICAN HISTORiCAL REVIEW

JAN 1951

''■^■ß'f'''-'-T'-'''^^^^^

Lewis et al : Walpole-Mann Correspondence 435

thc Puritans. The authors ovcremphasizc thc Calvinist components of thc move-
ment and they do not seem to be famÜiar with Leonard J. Trinterud's article on
the influence of the Rhineland Reformers. They accept, moreover. the equation
between puritanism and liberty championed by A. S. P. Woodhouse and others,
whUe ignoring thc attack upon this point of view made by Leo Solt m his analysis
of the thought of the army chaplains.

That there are so few reservations about a book which spans such a great length
of time means that the authors have succeeded in their task. They are mdeed a
part of the best tradition of modern French historical scholarship m their broad
understanding of the whole of an important period of history and m their abdity
to write about it in a style that most of their coUeagues abroad might envy.

Vniversity of Wisconsin

George L. Mosse

HORACE WALPOLE'S CORRESPONDENCE WITH SIR HORACE MANN.
Volumes IV, V, and VI. Edited by W. S. Lewis et al. [The Yale Edition of
Horace Walpole's Correspondence. Volumes XX, XXI, and XXII.] (New Haven,
Conn.: Yale University Press, i960. Pp. xi, 591; 565: S»». $45-oo ^f 3 vols.)
The Yale edition of Horace Walpole's correspondence is one of the meritorious
enterprises now in progress in this country in the editing and publication of histon-
cal sources. One section alone of this correspondence. that between Walpole and
Sir Horace Mann, British minister to Tuscany, wiU require an «trmated mne
volumes for the textual presentation of Mann's letters as weU as Walpole s widi
the accorapanying elucidative and invaluable editorial footnotes. To judge from the
six volumes already published, these notes wUl appear on almost every page and
often fill more than half the page. The first three of these volumes, publ^hed in
,954, contain the Walpole-Mami letters written during the War of the Austnan

Succession. , , ^

The present volumes include letters written during the twenty years between
the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748) and Walpole's retirement from Parhament,
years he referred to, in a later letter to Mann, as the "middle period ofour corre-
spondence" and considered the "most agreeable," for it was then. durmg the Sevcn
Years' War, that he was able to write accounts of British "victory upon victory,
and conquest upon conquest" which have suppUed historians with effective quota-
tions. Many of his letters have long been accessible in print. The pubhcation m
,833 of his letters, also to Mann, occasioned the essay in which Macaulay dehvered
his blistering attack on Walpole's mannerisms, eccentricities, triviahaes. frivohues,
extravagances, absurdities, affectations, pretenses, and shams. The remaming threc
volumes of the Walpole-Mann correspondence to be pubUshed wül record. .««^
alia, Walpole's epistolary reactions to what he called "a mouldermg empire. Hut
the a/<a will also bulk very large.

It could hardly be otherwise. Walpole was nearly sixty years old when the
shot heard round the world" was fired. His character, tastes. and social outlook

~?v;^ -iAX:

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Mr. Chadwick hae caet hls net wlde* Hie substantlal
book Covers the perlod from the '•Cry for Reform" to 1648; the
Protestant Reformation, the Counteri-Reformation and the Eastem
Orthodox Church (though more brlefly). Such a broad canvas, pro-
videe many com. arlsons between the Protestant and the Catholiö
Reformatlons, and Mr» Chadwick takes füll advantage of thls
opportunlty. From a comparatlve approach the last part of the
book Is the most Interestlng, for there he wrltes about Dlvlded
Christendom, the decline of the Ecclesfclastical Iower and the
Problems of mlnlstry and worship as they affect both streams of
Chrlstlanlty« He finds that both Protestantism and Catholiclsm
succeeded In thelr Reformatlons, and that both of them raised
the moral Standards of Christianlty from pre-Reformatlon tlmes.
Koreover, each slde confessed '^with a stammer** that the other
side contalned members of the true Church In splte of thelr
partlclpatlon In a corrupt or heretlcal body«

Ihis &i the best part of the book« The most serious
crltlcism Is that one dimension Is mlsslng, that of populär plety
It is sald, quite rightly, that books crossed the barrlers of
Christianlty wlth Impunity, but It equally a fact that many of
the simple people crossed over from Protestant to Cathollc
reglons to partake In the tradltlonal festivals, to obtaln hftly
water agalnst dlsease. Nor Is mystlclsm a purely Cathollc expres-
slon, for there were many mystics among the peasant preachers
In Protestant reglons and the connectlon between Arminlanlsm
and mystlclsm cannot be Ignored«

The sllghtlng of the populär '•factor*' becomes still more

-2-

Important when It 1b constantly stated that Luther was a man of
the people, but It Is never made clear who and of what splrlt
these people were. The radlcals are oonsequently underestimated
and glven little spaoe. The *lunatlc frlnge** element In their
thoiigbt is stressed, but the serious and slgniflcant part Is not.
It Is not satisfactory to merely mentlon that the Sn^^lish Muggle-
tonlans belleved that preachers should wear sliort hatr, and caalt
their '^soul sleeping" whlch makes them a part of a long traditlon»
In Short, the Hadical Reformation gets short shrift, whether it
be that of the English Revolution or of Muenster.

This Omission seems due to the fact that the Reformation
is tied closely to both the Increaelng power of the secular State
and the increase in education« No one will quarrel with this,
but it does not teil the whole story. Typlcally enough, nothing
at all is Said about changes in social structure, The book, except
for the 1' st and most valuable part, is a narrative of people
and events, descriptive rather than anal^tical, Here one might
quarrel with the conventional view of Queen llary*s reign in
England, where the im^artiality, so well kept throughout the
book, is completely abandoned. Why should plety be a good thing
for Luther and John of Saxony, as Mr. Chadwick stetes, and a bad
thing for Mary Tudor? If saving souls was primary, was an alliance
with Spain not then the logical step to take? Why was piety so
much iLore disastrous in determin^lHvJ^olitics for Mary than
Luther 's equal dogmatism at ^he Colloquy of Marburg which is not
80 condemned? It is high time to give up the old cllchls about
Mary 's reign~and the equally unproven contention.repeated here.

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that In the Commonwealth moßt people were moderate Angllcans
er Presbyteriane. If the book has a blas It le towards the suc-
cessful reformers whose enthuBlaam was tamed and oontalned, and
in the Implicatlona that as much of Christianlty lost it's pol-
itical Imprtance, Christian moral revlval was accelerated#

All these are polnta which can be dlsputed» It Is more
ßerlous to clalm that Calvin ended the prohibition on usury.
Here Bieler's analysis must eurely be accerted, that he did so
only when It benefltted the Community, But there is little about
political theory in the book (Bucer is very much slighted) and
this prevents the raising of the problem of Individuali sm versus
the ideal of the Common &oöd — an Import ant iasue in the Reform-
ation.

Similarly misleadin^ is the negative account of the
Socinians whose rationalism is denied at that point, Yet the
Rakovian Catechism is mentioned (without much explanation) and
in it there is a def Inite stress on reason and free will. Indeed,
the whole problem of free will is yet another side of the
Reformation which is not adequately treated here.

Any history of so large a period will raise problems.
Mr. Chadwick has concentrated upon narrative and the comparison
of Protestants and Catholics within the •'Common corps of Chris-
tendom*' of which they were a part. Ihis is valuable and well done.
But modern scholarship has put the Radical Reformation» populär
piety and even the baroque (which is not even mentioned) into the
forefront. Perhaps it is time to tum the clock back. But the
Reformation was surely not entirely a matter of clerics, States
and intellectuals. There is another dimenslon to the story and

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one wished tüat in hks excellent book Mr» Chadwick had more of

George L. Mosae

Unlvereity of Wisconsin

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Mr» Chadwick hae oast hit net wid«« Hia substantial
book Cover» the par lod from the *Cry for Haform** to 1648| tha
Protastant Reformation, the Countar-Raformatlon and tha Sastax«
Orthodox Church (thougjti more brlafly). Such a broad canvae, pro-
vldea ffiany com; arleone batwaan the irotaatant and the Cathollo
Reformati ons, end Mr* Chadwick takaa füll advanta^a of thla
opportunity. From a comparativa approaoh the laßt part of the
book is the most intereetlng, for there he writes about Divided
Christendom, the decllne of the Ecclaailastical iower and the
Problems of minie try and worahip ae they affect both atreams of
Christianlty* He finde that both rroteatantiam and CathollclM
aucceeded In thelr Raformatlona, and that both of them raieed
the moral Standard» of Chrlstianlty from ^.re-Reformatlon tlmea*
Koreover, each slde oonfessed '•with a etammer'* that the other
»ide contained members of the true Church In apita of thelr
partlci, atlon in a corrupt or heretical body»

Ihiß li the best part of the book» Ihe moet seriouß
critlcism Iß that one dimension ie mleaingt that of populär piety«
It la eald, qulta rlghtly, that booke crossed the barriers of
Chrlstianlty with Impuntty, but it equally a fact that many of
the simple people croesed over from Protestant to Cathcllc
re^lona to partaka In the traditlonal festival», to obtaln hWy
water against dlaeaee» Nor iß mystlclam a puraly Cathollc exprea-
alon, for there were many mystic» amon£ the ^.easant preacher»
In Protestant regione and tha connectlon between Arminlanlsm
and mystlclam cannot be l^nored*

Ihe »lic^tint^ of the populär '•factor^ becomea still more

iP'i'MfM-^^^:

•2*

isportant wh#n It is oonstantly stated that Luther was a man of
tba p#ople| but It l8 naver mada olear who and of i^at aplrit
thaaa paopla wera# Xhe radlcals ara conaaquantly undareetimatad
and giv*» llttla apaoa« Xha '•lunatlo frinea" elaiaant In tbelr
thougbt is etressad, but tha aarloua ana alEnirieant pari Ifi not*
It la not aatisfactory to merel; mention that tha Enteil sh Huggla»
toniana balle ved that preachera ahould wear Short hatri and emit
thelr '•aoul sleeplng'* whlch makes thea a pari of a long tradltlon»
In ahcrt, the .iadlcal Reformation t^eta ahort slirlfti whether It
be that of the i2:n5llsh Revolution or of Muenater»

Ihia omlaaion aeems due to the fact that the Reformation
is tied closely to both the increasing power of the aecular atate
and the increaae in education» No one will quaanNil with thiag
but it ioea not teil the whole story« lyplcally enou^ih, nothing
at all ie aaid about changea in aocial atructure» The bookt except
for the 1' at and moat valuable part, ia a narrative of people
and events, deaoriptive rather than anal^^^tical* here one mlght
Quarrel with the conventional View of Queen Mary 's relgn in
Englandt where the Imi artiality, ao well kept thrcughout the
book, ia coffi.vletely abandoned« Why ahould , lety be a good thlng
for Luther and John of saxony» aa Mr» Chadwick et^tea, and a bad
thing for Mary ludor? If aavlng aoula waa prlmaryp waa an allianoe
with Spain not then the logioal atep to take? \i/hy waa piety ao
much iiore dlBaetrcua in determlnjl^ politice for Mary than
Luther* 8 equal dogmatism at the Colloquy of Marburg which ia not
M condemned? It la high time to give up the old olichea about
Mary'a reign««»and the equally unproven contention repeated here»

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•3-

that in th« Commonwealth moBt p#ople w«re moderate Anglicane
or Preebyteriane« Zf the bock hae a blas It ia towarda the aue«
eessful reformera whose enthualaem waa tamed and oontained» and
In the implloatlona that as mach of Chrletlanlty lost it'a pol-
itioal iaiprtance, Christian xoral revlval was accelerated»

iÜLl theae are polnta wi.loh oan be dlaputed» It Is more
eerloua to olalm tnat Calvin ended the prohlbitlon on uaury»
Here Bleler'a analysls must surely b© accerted, that he dld ao
only when it benefltted the Community* But there la llttle about
olltlcal theory In the book (Bucer la very much elighted) and

thla ::revent8 the ralsln^ of the problem of Individuall am veraua
the ideal of the Common aood -« an Important iasue in the iieform«

ation»

Slmllarly njlsleading la the negative account of the

Soclniana whoae rationalism la denied at that pointt Yet the
Hakovian Catechism ia mentioned (wlthout much explanatlon) and
In It there ia a def mite streaa on reason and free will» Indeed,
the whole problem of free will ia yet another aide of the
Reformation whlch la not adequately treated here*

Any history of ao large a period will raiae Probleme.
Mr« Chadwick has concentrated upon narratlve and the comparlaon
of Protestant a and Catholica within the **Common cor^a of Chrla-
tendom^ of whlch they were a part# Ihia ia valuable and well done*
But modern acholarahip haa put the Hadioal Reformationt populär
plety and even the baroque (whlch la not even mentioned) Into the
forefrcnt. Fertiapa it ia time to ftum the clock back* But the
Refoxnnatlon waa aurely not entirely a matter of clerlCBg Statea
and intellectuala* Ihere la another dimenaion to the atory and

•4-

on# wifihed that in hkt exoell^nt book Mr« Chadwiek had mor« of
it.

G«or^e L* Moasa

Unlverslty of Wlaoonaln

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772

Reviews of Books

rcceipts, ccnsus reports, and related matcrials drawn from archivcs all ovcr
Catalonia and Spain. Throughout, Vilar's use of sources and reasoning is criticai
and keen. There is sheer brilliance in his imaginative demonstration that profits
from land rose faster than did the pricc index and in his analysis of how this
capital accumulation was distributed in the social structure.

While WC applaud these accomplishments, we are left disappointed. The
most exciting development of the Century, the growth of a cotton industry that
rivaled England's, has not becn broached, and the question of the modern
Catalan "nation" is untouched. In his conclusion Vilar promises to deal with
these subjects in a fourth voIume on the nineteenth Century. (Evidently French
scholars in the long run are also pressed to publish before they are ready.) As a
foretaste, he has placed at the beginning a historical sketch of the relationship
between Catalonia and Castile in the last 150 years, centering on the interaction
of social classes with political aims and national spirit. Such a discussion is missed
all the more for the eighteenth Century. Vilar has so far laid no groundwork for
relating eighteenth-century economic growth to the phenomenon "nation" (last
Seen in the Middle Ages); rather the indications are that loyalty to Madrid and
the use of the Castilian language both were increasing among the upper classes.
Up to now his theoretical framework does not go beyond a search for the sources
of accumulation of capital as a prerequisite for industrialization. (The only
prerequisite? We are not told.) Despite Vilar's avowed commitment to Marx,
there is nothing particularly Marxist about his "conjunctural" approach to the
eighteenth Century in these volumes. He is writing sound economic history, but
he has accepted the greater challenge of writing "total history." We must still
wait to See how well he succeeds.

University of California, Berkeley

Richard Herr

THE RISE OF POLITICAL ANTI-SEMITISM IN GERMANY AND AUS-
TRIA. By P. G. J. Pulzer. [New Dimensions in History: Essays in Compara-
tive History.] (New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1964. Pp. xiv, 364. $5.95.)

Mr. Pulzer's book should become the Standard account of anti-Semitism as a
political movement in Central Europe. It is a real Service to analyze both German
and Austrian anti-Semitism, for though the German part of the story is well
known, the Austrian side has been strangely neglected. Starting in the 1870's,
Pulzer gives separate treatment to Germany and Austria to 1900. From then
until 1914 both are handled together, though such important differences as the
divergent positions of the Catholic Church are always kept in mind. An epilogue
brings the story to 1933, though quite correctly Pulzer sees the difference be-
tween pre- and postwar anti-Semitism not in content but in the scope of its
success.

The valuc of the book lies both in its completeness and in the clarity of its
analyscs. Political anti-Semitism is a veritable m^lange of rivaling movements

AMERICAN HISTÜKICAL REVIEW

APR 1965

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Fletsch: Gegen die Unvernunft 773

and Personalities, and Pulzer has managed to makc sense out of this confusion.
While well-known figures, like Stöcker and Lueger, or morc obscurc ones
like the Hessian Böckel or the Austrian Vogelsang, do not get much space by
thcmselves, they are clearly put into the context of the movement. Valuablc
Statistical tables bolster the evidence. Moreover the rhythm of modern anti-
Semitism emerges clearly: its rise in the last decades of the Century, the apparent
decline after 1900, only to rise again with a vengeance after 19 18. The relatively
more sustained Austrian impetus rightly provides a constant theme of the book.

Pulzer sees political anti-Semitism based upon both the rejection of liberalism
and the frustrations of the petite bourgeoisie. This negative analysis seems to
minimize anti-Semitism as part of a real revolutionary impetus. The primary
concentration upon it as a "political" movement raises some problems. Anti-
Semitism was a cultural as well as a political movement, and its greatest impact
was in a realm that rejected the traditional definition of politics. Even when
political failure overcame the various groups, anti-Semitism managed to pene-
trate important social and cultural institutions, above all, the educational estab-
lishment. Institutionalization was more important than political failure, and this
partly explains why the so-called "dormant" period after 1900 was only a lull
before the storm.

Within the framework that Pulzer has set for himself (and men like
Langbehn and Lagarde do enter the discussion) he has made a most important,
indeed indispensable, contribution to our understanding of modern anti-Sem-
itism. To be sure, some recent works could have changed details of emphasis,
modifying, for example, the Faulhaber-Innitzer dichotomy as describing the
more tolerant position of the German as opposed to the Austrian Catholic
Church. But it is all there, the whole lamentable story, and written with singular
grace.

JJniversity of Wisconsin

George L. Mosse

GEGEN DIE UNVERNUNFT: DER BRIEFWECHSEL ZWISCHEN PAUL
GRAF WOLFF METTERNICH UND WILHELM SOLF, 1915-1918,
MIT ZWEI BRIEFEN ALBERT BALLINS. Edited by Eberhard von Vietsch,
[Zeugen ihrer Zeit: Erlebnisse; Berichte; Dokumente.] (Bremen: Carl Schüne-
mann Verlag. 1964. Pp. 145. DM 9.80.)

In this collection of letters, Eberhard von Vietsch, the biographer of Wilhelm
Solf, has sought to bring before a wide German audience what two cosmopolitan
and humane German statesmen who opposed their government's policies thought
and wrote during the First World War.

Metternich was a professional diplomat who held posts in Vienna, Paris, and
Brüssels, but is best known as the ambassador to England (1901-1912) who
sought in vain to improve Anglo-German relations by limiting the naval race.
His friend Solf was a diplomatic and colonial administrator of wide experience

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The Tudor Conttltutlon. Documtnf and Conaaentary, by G. R. Elton, Cambridges
Unlverslty Press, 1960, xvi, 496 pp.

To those of US vho well reaember the night s spent annotat Ing and memorl«
sing J. R. Tanner *s Tudor Constltutional Documents an era has come to an
end. Xf ve had, at that tlae, been able to use Mr. Elton's book, how much
labor ve vould have been saved in preparing for examinations . For this is
more than a collect ion o£ documents: Because of its commentary it is also
an excellent introduction to the vhole of Tudor constltutional and adminis*

trative history« No longer will text books be needed to supplenant the

documentary evidence, for Mr. Elton has comblned both in a vay Dr. Tanner
failed to do. In spite of the fact that, of the 216 documents reprinted,
127 appeared in Tanner, this is more than a mere revision of the earlier
vork vhich first appeared in 1922. Not only is the commentary at the be-
ginnlng of each topic much more extensive than Tanner *s brlef notes, but
the documents added also broaden the scope of the collection. They, like
the text, reflect the emphas£s of recent scholarship. Thus under "The
Church" four documents deal vith the secularisation of the land which
Tanner had slighted«

The arrangement of the materlal has changed as well. Where Tanner
had broken the Tudor religious Settlements doim under the reign of the
separate monarchs, Elton has Consolidated them under the '*Church'*« Ha
Starts with the "Grievances of the Clergy**, goes on to such topics as
"The Royal Supremacy" and the "Settlement of Religion'*, and ends with "The
Catholic Threat'* as well as the "Puritan Movement". Every section has an
introduction, sometlmes four or five pages in length. These are modeis
of condensation, reflectlng the most recent scholarship on the subject
and are footnoted to the secondary literature. There is little one ean
differ with in Mr. Elton *s interpretations, for instance bis content ion
that radical Puritanism was dead at the end of Elizabeth 's reign and that

'■.>L'i,k N-i/^iT ■■■//

only James w«s to revlve th« revolutionary element o£ the movement. Though
there is some evidence to the contrary, it Is acattered and not yet ready
for proper evaluatlon. The viewpolnt asaerted here Is reasonable, given
the present conclusions of most scholars«

Mr. Elton stlcka closely to constitutional issues» aa Indeed he should,
and there is llttle that beara upon theology or rellglous thought in the
sectlon on the Church. However, he has a fine sense of dlatlnguishing
theory from practica throughout hia book and both are lllustrated. The
blbllography Is a raost useful summary of the best secondary literature on
Tudor Constitutional History. This book then will definitely replace Tanner »
through the latter may still be useful for some supplementary documents not
included here but cross referenced in the footnotes. New that Hr. Elton
has given us a nev and definitive book on the Tudor Constitution, perhapa
he will lay to rest another onc of our ancient classics in urgent need of
revision: Dr. Tanner 's English Constitutional Conflicts of the Seveuteenth
Century. This is not to blame Tanner, indeed it is no small tribute that,
in a subject whose scholarship is so ever*changing, his books have remained
Standard for so many decades. It is a good guess that Mr. Elton*s book
will repeat Tanner*s accomp li ahmen t until it also will have to be rewritten.
This is not to belittle a work well done but to preise a subject whlch,
though sometimes buried prematurely, still has an undiminished attraction
for some of the best scholarly minds.

George L. Mosse
Univers ity of Wisconsin

''V, <i '1? '''»''s 't'f-*^ Äu, ti.i.''4' ■■

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Dear Professor Mosse:

The American Historical Review

400 A Street, Southeast ^ r

Washington, D. C, 20003 Q ^i>^ r^^ '

Thank you for your book review. It will appear in the

December 1968

Review,

Very truly

f^V^

Managing Editor .

0, C

Professor G, L. Mosse
10 Lansdowne Crescent
London, W. IL, ENGLAND

TEAR SHEET COPY FOR YOUR FILB
NOTICE HAS BEEN PUBLISHED

AMERICAN HiSTüKICAL REVIEW

Americas

OEC

1988 763

as early as 1927 but with what rcgularlty wc arc not told; travcl notcs;
memorandums that his superiors never placcd in thc department's files; Steno-
graphie rcports of thc cxtemporaneous Speeches; texts o£ lectures delivered at thc
National War College; and, to a lesser degree, excerpts from private letters and
unprinted dispatches. A few documents he could not use for security rcasons.
There are extended quotations in thc text and the appendixes, and a scrics
of papers originating in Prague in 1938-1939 has been published separatcly.

Specialists will difler over thc most valuable featurcs of the book. I would
cite thc Story of Kcnnan's training to be a Russian expert, his description of
the Moscow embassy from 1933 to 1937, bis explanation of the demisc in 1937
of the Division of Eastern European Aflairs, his two successful appeals to
Roosevelt in 1 943-1 944 when the State Department seemed to be yielding supincly
to the military, his consistency in rejecting Russia as a fit ally, his limited
role in drafting the Truman Doctrine, and his candid admission that he had
expressed badly his ideas in the Foreign Affairs articlc that made him famous.
He teils something about thc Policy Planning StafI and the reason why its in-
fluence diminished after Secretary Marshall retired. The account of his work
in Moscow from 1944 to 1946 is less novel and contains little new on the
decision to terminale lend-lease or to use the atom bomb. Throughout, Kennan
includes illuminating vignettes of statesmen he knew. In these, the oft-forgotten
professional diplomat comes ofl best; the amateurs and the politicians frequently
appear in an unfavorable light.

By August 1950, Kennan was at odds with many of Tniman*s policics
and had been for some time. He feit his ideas on Containment had been
perverted so as to perpetuate thc cold war and to make impossiblc any meaningful
Solution to the German problem or the unification of Europe. Having vainly
opposed the formation of a West German government, the conclusion of the
North Atlantic Treaty, the negotiation of a peace settlement with Japan, the
development of thermonuclear wcapons, and the practice of blocking Communist
China's admission to the United Nations, he dccided that he could exert more
influence outside the government than within. It is too early to teil whether
he was correct, but his withdrawal to Princeton left him free not only to
speak out on current issues but also to produce scveral volumes, including these
Memoirs, which any historian would be proud to list in his bibliography.

Northwestern University Richard W. Leopold

ILLUSTRIOUS IMMIGRANTS: THE INTELLECTUAL MIGRATION
FROM EUROPE, 1930-41. By Laura Permi. (Chicago: University of Chi-
cago Press. 1968. Pp. xi, 440. $7.95.)

This book, written by the widow of the distinguished physicist Enrico Permi,
attempts to analyzc and assess the impact of thc prewar immigration of
intellectuals into the United States. She deals with thc American environmcnt
to which they came, their European background, their road to America, and
their achicvements in this country. A largc file of immigrant biographies from
all of the European countries provides the foundation upon which thc book is
built. Although written with much charm, the book fails in its purposc.

WSmm

764

Reviews of Books

Mrs. Fcrml did not intcnd to include all intellcctuals who flcd from Europc,
but her criteria for selection seem vcry loose and at timcs personal. Moreover, shc
describes, rather than analyzes; the eflect of the European milieu upon the thought
and actions of these immigrants receives only superficial treatment. For examplc,
Edward Teller is mentioned, but nothing is said about the possible effect of
his experiences in Bela Kun's Hungary upon bis actions in America.

The one-sided emphasis upon the achievements of these intellectuals and
their contribution to the war efiEort prevents a discussion of those who were skepti-
cal about the possibilities of American society and who were to attack it
after the war. The critical spirit of such intellectuals, which had its roots
in the Weimar Republic, made them increasingly important on the American
scene. This proved more significant, in the long run, than the Vienna school
of philosophy to which she devotes some attention. The Institute of Social
Research is discussed briefly, but nothing is said about the vital role this
Immigration played in the revival of Marxist studies. The book tends to trans-
form all immigrants into good liberals (Arnold Brecht is discussed at some
length, while Bertolt Brecht gets only passing mention). The Opposition
of some intellectual immigrants to the American consensus did not emerge from
the acculturation she praises so highly but from the fact that American pluralism
allowed them to remain aloof from the dominant modes of thought and action.

American generosity is rightly stressed, but it does not teil the whole story.
Thomas Mann's fear that his passport might be revoked hurried his departure
to Europe. The author is at her best when dealing with the scientific world
she knew, and the interviews she summarizes in the text are among the most
valuable parts of the book. It seems ungenerous to find fault with a work
that is so obviously a labor of love and that passes no harsh judgments on
the men and women who fiU its pages. A serious analysis of this Immigration,
with all its repercussions on American life and politics, remains to be written,
however, though it may well lack the amiability and dedication of this book.

University of Wisconsin George L. Mosse

JOHN FOSTER DULLES. By Louis L. Gerson. [The American Secretaries of
State and Their Diplomacy, Volume XVII.] (New York: Cooper Square
Publishers. 1967. Pp. xiv, 372. $7.95.)

This is the first study based on Secretary Dulles' personal papers, which are
deposited in the Princeton University Library. Despite these welcome additions
to our knowledge about the Secretary 's motivations and his reactions to other
statesmen and their possible motivations, the book is disappointing in some
other respects. I am hard pressed, consequently, to stay within the admonitions
and strictures against criticizing an author for not writing a diflerent book.
In part this difficulty may be explained (with great sympathy) by reference
to the assignment that confronted Professor Gerson: to write a book in a series
on "American Secretaries of State" that will appeal to the reading public and
yet somehow please scholars who are anxious to know what new materials
therc are in the private papers of a "controversial" figure.

As a result, the book is overweighted toward reliance on the Dulles Papers;

L^H'^ ^'^^ '^^^^ Rft/'^^S ^i^na^f^^

ILLÜSTRIOUS IMBIGRANTS; THE INTELLECTUAL MIGRATION FROH
EURÜPE, 1930-41. By Laura Fermi, (Chicago: Unlvarslty
of Chicago Press. 1968. Pp xi , 4^0. ^7.95)

This book, written by the vridow of the diatlngulßhed physiciat
Enrico Permi, attempts to analyoe and assesfi tho iinpact of tha
pre-var imüigration of intellectuals into the United States.
She deals with the American environment to which they came,
their European background, their road to America and their
achievements in this country. A large file of iinmigrant
biographies from all European countries provides €he foundation
upon which the book is built« Although written with much
chariu, the book falls in its purpose. Mrs. Fei^mi did not
intend to include all intellectuals who fled from Europo , but
her criteria for selection seera very loose a\id at times personal.
Morewver, she describos rathory(^anaiyses : the effect of the
European railieu upon the thought and actions of these immigrants
receives only superficial treatment . For example , Edward Teller
±u mentioned, but nothing is said about the possiblo effect of
his experiences in Cela Kun's Hungary upon bis actions in America«

The one-sided emphasis upon the achievements of these intel-
lectuals, their contribution to the war ef f ort , prevents a
discussion of *hose who were sceptical about the possibilities
of Americem society and who were to attack it after the war.
The critical spirit of such intellectuals, which had its roots
in the Weimar Uepublic , gave them increasing iraportance to the
American scene; more important, in the long run , than the
Vienna Ächool of philosophy to which she devotes sorae attention.
The Institute of Social Research is briefly dxscussed, but
nothing is said about the vital role this Immigration played in
the revival of Marxist studies. The book tends to transform all
immigrants into good liberals (typically, Arnold Brecht is
discussed at sorae length, whllc Bertolt Brecht gets only passing
mention). The Opposition of some iutellectual immigrants to the

f i

I U

#•

American coneansxxa did not emerge from the acculturatlon ehe
praises so highly, but from the fact thatAraerican pluralism
allowed them to remain aloof from the dominant modes of thought
and action.

Aaiarican generosity is rightly stressed, b4t tt does not
teil the ./hole story. Thomas Mann'«« fear that his passport
might be rovoked hurried hls departiire to Europe. Mr» • Permi
is at her best when doaling with tho scientific world she kniw,
and the Interviews ^he summanizes in the text are arnong the most
valuable parts of the book. It «eems ungenerous to find fault
with a work which is so obviously a labour of love and in which
no harsh judgnien^s are pas^^ed upon the rnenaand women who fill its
pagea, However , a serious analysis of this immigration with
all its repercussions on American life and politics reiuains ta
be vfritten; though it raay well lack the amiabdJity and dedication
to the caU3e of Mx-s . Permi *s book.

George !• Mosse

(Jniversity of Wisconsin

1
i
i

1040 Reviews of Books

In accordance with the method favored by Lucien Febvrc and Fernand
Braudel, the author devotes considerable Space to geographic environment and
human resources. There is an excellent map of the region around Geneva, very
helpful because relief and mountain passes are clearly indicated. The style is
pleasing and readable. This book, based on archival sources in several countries,
is a major contribution and replaces the earlier vi^ork by Frederic Borel, which
is completely out of date.

Brooklyn, New YorJ(

Florence Edler de Roover

Modern Europe

THE MILLENNIUM OF EUROPE. By Oscar Halec^i. Foreword by Hendric\
Brugmans. ([Notre Dame, Ind.:] University of Notre Dame Press. 1963. Pp.
xxvii, 441. $8.95.)

Professor Halecki's thesis is a comparatively simple one: Europe as a historical
Community has been erected on two traditions, Greco-Roman humanism and
Christianity. This dualism has led in modern times to an imbalance that can be
traced from the Renaissance through the scientific and industrial revolutions. The
book ends vi'ith a plea for reuniting Christianity and humanism within the frame-
work of a united Europe. This theme is accompanied by a valuable discussion
of the expansion of these traditions throughout Europe, until in the tenth Century
vi^ith the Europeanization of Eastern Europe the millennium of Europe Starts
in earnest.

Christianity is the decisive factor in this dualism; European culture is Chris-
tian culture. It is at this point that difficulties arise, for the actual content and
eflectiveness of the concept of a Christian Commonwealth are assumed, and
historical events are measured against such a moral and ethical ideal. This ideal-
istic basis is said to be more important than the materialistic superstructure, but
the degree to which the ideal itself became involved, and changed by the involve-
ment, with material concerns does not clearly emerge. A discussion of casuistry
would have been essential, if only to face the problem of the continuity of
meaning of the Christian Commonwealth; nor does the modern linkage of this
ideal with reactionary political regimes receive attention. The basic contention
of both the indivisibility and continuity of a Christian Europe faces an admitted
humanist challenge, but this was not without a rival morality of its own. The
Renaissance is said to be influenced by the anti-Christian belief that politics has
nothing to do with ethics; this can hardly be maintained, however, even for a
figure like Machiavelli. Halecki connects political morality exclusively with a
Christian tradition, an exclusiveness that leads him to underestimate the force
of other European moral traditions and to push the idea of Christian continuity
to great lengths. Surely skepticism and Neoplatonism were a break with Chris-

AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW
JUL 1964

TEAR SHEET COPY FOR YOUR FJLK
NOTICE HAS BEEN Pl/DLiSHSO

Gilmore: Humanists and Jurists

1041

tianity, while the Becker thesis about the Enlightenment, which he accepts, has
bcen challenged by modern scholarship. Even the spiritual unity of the Middle
Ages saw vast areas of Europe succumb to heresies that did not share a "uni-
versally accepted Christian doctrine."

One misses a confrontation with such problems. The trouble seems to stem
from the fact that a basically cultural approach is worked out in terms of the
interrelationships of European states, that emphasizing the evolution of the Euro-
pean State System pushes the problems of a Christian culture to the margins of the
analysis.

Marxism is the modern enemy; fascism, the great secularized religion, is
strangely slighted. But even here the brushing aside of Marxist humanism would
have been more convincing within the context of a modern scholarship that
distinguishes between Marx, Engels, and Lenin. It is not quite clear why Russia
should be excluded from Europe even before Communism, and the emphasis
upon the persistence of its Asiatic tradition is a highly controversial point.

The book attempts to arrive at the historical foundations of European unity,
Seen in terms of the Christian Commonwealth. This goal led to assumptions rais-
ing historical problems not solved in this book. Perhaps Halecki will now write
a companion volume centering upon the cultural aspects of his thesis.

University of Wisconsin

George L. Mosse

HUMANISTS AND JURISTS: SIX STUDIES IN THE RENAISSANCE.
By Myron P. Gilmore. (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard Uni-
versity Press. 1963. Pp. xiv, 184. $4.25.)

The over-all title of this volume only partially conveys the scope of the six illumi-
nating and provocative essays — four previously published but here extended and
revised — that Professor Gilmore has devoted to the subject of new attitudes to-
ward history in the Renaissance. The first three studies draw upon the Italian
Renaissance and sixteenth-century French humanism, two are concerned with
Erasmus, and a final essay deals with Erasmus' friend Amerbach.

Covering the period from Petrarch to Erasmus, the author pursues two closely
related themes: the contrasting strains within humanism itself in regard to the
nature and function of history, strains held in somewhat uneasy synthesis; the
contribution of the lawyers to the new historical attitude emerging as a by-product
of the humanist attack upon them. The more familiär attitude of the early hu-
manists is admirably summarized, with its belief in the repetitive character of
history and the relevance of the lessons of history to the present, its emphasis on
original sources and textual criticism. Coexistent with it, however, was the sense
of the uniqueness of historical events, of the importance of the free actions of
individuals within the framework of given determinisms, hence the assumption
that history does not repeat itself. This receives special elaboration in the essay
on "Individualism in Renaissance Historians," with illustrations drawn from

wmy.

lilwi&

ÜP^

^!^WWW^^^^W¥W^W^''

THE MILLENNIUM OF EÜHOPBt Bf Oscar Hai eckt ♦ FoMwmrd by
Hendrlok Brugmans (Notre Dame, Ind.t) Unlverslty of Notre
Dame Press. 1963* Fp# xxvil, km. |8.95«

Professor Haleckl^s thesis In this boolc Is a oonpara»
tlvely slrnple ona: Surope as a hlstorloal oommxmlty has
been ereoted on two tradltionsj Graeoo^Homan humanlsm and
Chrlstlanity, This dualtsni has lad In modern tlmes to an
Imbalance Trhloh oan be traced from the Renaissance through
the scientific and industrlal revolutlons. The book ends
with a plea for reunlting Chriatianity and hUTaanism wlthln
%he franaework of a united Surope* This theme Is accompanied
with a valuable dlscussion of the oxpansion of these tradi-
tions throughout Europe, until in the lOth oentury with the
iSuropeanization of Sastern Surope the Millenium of Europe
Starts in earnest#

Christianity is the decislve factor in this dualism,
European culture is Christian culture* It is at this point
that dlfflculties arise, for the aotual content and effeot-»
iveness of the ooncept of a Christian Commonwealth are as«
sumed, and hlstorloal events are measured against such a
moral and ethical ideal, Thl« ideallstlo basis Is said to
be more important than the materlalistic superstructure,
but the degree to whloh the ideal Itself beoame Involved,
and changed by the involvement, with material concems doaa
not clearly emerge* A disoussion of oasuistry would have
hmmn assential, if only to face the problem of the oontin«
uity of meaning of the Christian Gommonwealtht nor does
the modern linicaga of this ideal with raactionary politi-

-■■•.i':--^%iiJ^'"' "

-2-

o«l reglmes recelve attention, The Imelo contentlon of
both the indlvlslblllty and oontinulty of a Christian Eur-
opa faoee an admltted huTnanlst ohallenge, but thls wae not
wlthout a rlval morallty of Its own. The Henalaaance Is
sald to be Influenoed by the antl-Chrlstlan bellef that
polltlcs haa nothing to do wlth ethlosi however thls oan
hardly be malntalned even for a flgure llke ÄachlaveXll,
Professor Haleckl oonnects polltloal morallty exolualvely
wlth a Christian tradltlon, an excluslveness whlch leada
hlm to underestlmate the force of other European moral
tradltlon» and to push the Idea of Christian oontinulty
to great lengths. Surely 3keptlclsm and neo-Platonlsm
were a break iflth Chrlstlanlty, whlle the Beoker thesls
about the Snllghtewiantt whloh he acoepts, has been
ohallenged by modern aoholarshlp. Kven the aplrltual
unlty of the Hlddle Agea aaw vast areas of Europe succumb
tm heresles whlch dld rM>t ahare a "unlveraally accepted
Christian doctrlne."

One mlaaes a oonfrontatlon wlth such problems, The
trouble seems to steta from the fact that a baaloally cul-
tural approach Is worked out In terais of the Interrelatlon^
«hlps of European states, that the evolutlon of the European
State System pushes the problems of a Christian culture to
the marglns of the analyals«

Marxlsm Is the modern enemy, Fasolam, the great seou-
larlzed rellglon, Is strangely sllghted, tut even here the
brushlng aslde of Marxist humanlam would have been more con-
vlnolng wlthln the oontext of a modern soholarahlp whlch die«
tlngulshes between Marx, Englis and Win, It Is not qulte

tgStJJIiSiäSSääSmäB^^aää^^ä^A

•?•

clear why Rijsi?!« should be exclud©d from Europe even he^
fore Gommunism, and the emphasls upon the perslstenoe of
its Aslatic tradltlon ie a hlghly oontroversial point»

The book attempts to arrive at the hlstorloal fovtnda-
tions of European unity, seen In terms of th© Christian
Commonwealth* Thls goftl led to assumptlons ralelng hla*.
torlcal Problems not solved In thls book, ferhapa Prof-
easor Haleokl will now write a ooapanion volume oenterlng
upon the oultural aspects of his thesls.

George L. no&se

Untversity of Wisoonsln

TIIS MILLENNIUM OF EUHOPS. By Oscar Haleckl« Foreward by
Hendrlok Brugaans (Notre Dame, Ind.:) Unlverslty of Notre
Dame Press. I963. Pp# xxvii, ^^1. $8. 95*

Professor Halecki's thesis In thls book Is a compara-
tively simple one: Surope as a historlcal communlty has
been erected on two ttadltlonsi araeco« Roman humanlsm and
Christlanlty. This duallsm has led In modern times to an
Imbalance whloh oan be traced from the Renal ssanoe through
the scientific and Indus trlal revolutlons. The book ends
wlth a plea for reunitlng Christlanlty and humanlsm wlthln
the framework of a unlted Europe. Thls theme Is accompanied
wlth a valuable dlscussion of the expansion of these tradi-
tlons throughout Europe, untll in the lOth Century wlth the
Buropeanizatlon of Bastern Sxxrope the Millenium of Europe

Starts in earnest«

Christlanlty is the decislve factor in thls dualism,
European culture Is Christian culture. It is at thls polnt
that difficulties arlse, for the actual content and affect-
Iveness of the concept of a Christian Commonwealth are as-
sumed, and historlcal events are measured agftlntt such a
moral and ethloal Ideal. Thls Ideallstlc basls is sald to
be laore Important than the materlallstlc superstructure,
but the degree to whloh the Ideal Itself became Involved,
and changed by the Involvement, wlth materlal concems does
not clearly emergc« k dlscussion of casuistry would have
been essentlal, if only to face the problem of the contln-
ulty of meanlng of the Christian Commonwealth, nor does
the modern llnkage of thls ideal wlth reactionary polltl-

;. X£i .V . .M*

,.' .-',.,„■ ^jf-y;

2^..,,^w...vv.^^^^^Vv';:

-2*

oal reglmes recelve attention, The basic contention of
both the Indlvlslblllty and contlnulty of a Christian Bur-
ope faoes an admltted humanlat ohallenge, but thle was not
without a rlval aorallty of ite om. The Renaissance Is
Said to be Influenced by the anti-Chrlstlan bellef that
polltics has nothing to do wlth ethlcsf howeTer thls oan
hardly be aalntalned even for a flgure llke Machlavelll.
Professor Haleckl oonneots polltloal mopallty exoluslvely
wlth a Christian tradition, an exclusiveness whloh leads
hlm to underestlmate the force of other European moral
tradltlons and to push the Idea of Christian contlnulty
to great lengths. Surely Skepticism and neo-Platonisa
were a break wlth Chrlstlanity, whlle the Becker thesls
about the Snlightenment, whloh he accepts, has been
ahallenged by modern scholarship. Sven the splritual
unlty of the Mlddle Ages saw vast areas of Burope succximb
to heresies whlch dld not «hare a "universally accepted
Christian doctrine."

One mlsses a oonfrontation wlth suoh problems, The
trouble seems to stem from the fact that a basloally cul-
tural approach is worked out in teMs of the interrelation^
•hlps of European states, that the evolution of the European
State System pushes the problems of a Christian culture to
the raargins of the analyslst

üarxism is the modern enemy, Fasoism, the great secu«
larized rellgion, is strangely slighted, But even here the
brushing aside of Marxist humanlsm would have baen more oorv.
vlnolng within the context of a modern scholarship whloh dls-
tlnguishes betwtM Harx, Engtls and ienin, It Is not quite

-3-

olear why Hussla should be excluded from Hurope even be-
fore Communismt and the emphasls upon the perslstence of
tts Asiatic tradltlon Is a highly controversial point,

The book attempts to arrive at the historical founda-
tlons of European unlty, seen In terms of the Christian
Commonwealth. This goal led to assumptlons raising his-
torical Probleme not solved in this book. Perhaps Prof-
essor He^leclci will now write a companion volume centering
upon the cultural aspects of his thesis.

George L. Mosse

Unlversity of Wisconsin

The American HIstorical Review

400 A^tfeet, SoutHÄrsr
WasJHngtdn; D. t^, ^^3

Y^^ Professor Motrs^epr^ ^^^

Thank you for your bock review. It will appear in the
July 1961+ ^^^^_

Very truly yours,

Managing Editor,

Professor George L. Mosse -. /

|^'-;X f ;;!iSS';»£;^.;'i7^;i^

MONATSHEFTE

MAY 1960

Book Reviews

209

In den folgenden Kapiteln untersucht der Verfasser nun zunächst
die Wirkung der drei am frühesten in Spanien bekanntgewordenen
Werke, Hermann und Dorothea, Werther und Faust. Dazu hat er alle
zeitgenössischen Zeitschriften, Ästhetiken, Schriften durchgesehen und
gibt die jeweils ersten grundlegenden Aufsätze in einer teil weisen Über-
setzung wieder und faßt andere zusammen. Während das bürgerliche
Epos die spanische Dichtung so gut wie gamicht anregt, entsteht doch
ein spanisch gefärbter Wertherismus; ein Kolumbianer hat sogar noch
1943 eine Ergänzung zum Werther geschrieben. Vom Faust gibt es ins-
gesamt 60 Übersetzungen, vielfach nach dem Französischen. Erst 1920
erschienen beide Teile zusammen. Ob man Santayana und seinen engli-
schen Goethe-Aufsatz so unbedenklich als Kronzeugen für Goethes
Nachfolge im spanischen Bereich heranziehen darf? Ein etwas pedanti-
scher Wille zur Vollständigkeit, wie etwa auch in den vielen Berichten
über südamerikanische Goethefeiern und -Sprecher, gibt dem Buch zu-
weilen etwas Provinzielles.

Die im folgenden behandelten dramatischen Werke haben kaum
irgendeine sichtbare Wirkung ausgeübt, am wenigsten der Tasso, dessen
Problemadk dem Spanier offenbar nicht liegt. Ebensowenig haben die
Romane, mit Ausnahme des Werther, irgendwie bestimmend auf die
Literatur gewirkt. Rukser erklärt das z. B. beim Wilhelm Meister damit,
daß das Bildungsideal der deutschen Klassik eine individuelle Denkart vor-
aussetze, für die man in Spanien kein Verständnis aufbringe. Zur Lyrik
findet man vornehmlich durch Lied und Ballade Zugang. Rukser kommt
da zu grundlegenden Bemerkungen über die Übersetzungsschwierig-
keiten von Goethescher Lyrik ins Spanische. Der Anhang des Buches
bringt eine über 20 Seiten lange historisch-bibliographische Tabelle,
worin alles dem Verfasser erreichbare Material an Übersetzungen und
Aufsätzen zusammengestellt ist. Diese Tabelle, eine erstaunliche Fleiß-
arbeit, zeugt von der ungeheuren Sorgsamkeit und Emsigkeit des Ver-
fassers und macht das Buch jedem Komparatisten unentbehrlich. Der
Band ist also im Wesentlichen eine Dokumentensammlung auf histo-
risch erklärendem Hintergrund. So ist eine saubere Grundlage für
spätere interpretierende Einzelarbeiten geschaffen worden.

University of Wisconsin. - Werner Vordtriede

Naturalismus.

Von Richard Hamann und Jost Hermand. Deutsche Kunst und Kultur
von der Gründerzeit bis zum Expressionisrmts, Bd. II. Berlin: Akaderme-
Verlag, 1959. 336 S. DM 24.00.

This book represents a kind of cultural history unfortunately un-
known on this side of the Atlantic. By drawing together in a meaning-
ful pattern art and literature, the authors have illuminated an entire
epoch. The title "naturalism" describes art forms imbued by an activism
which reflects a far-reaching reordering of politics and society. Thus
the naturalism of the eighties becomes a proletarian naturalism as the

WiMMm^^M'^;;m

210

Monatshefte

struggles of the working classes {>enetrate the consciousness of the bour-
geoisie. Starting from this historical base, the book analyzes the diversi-
fied artistic and literary expressions inspired by this naturalism, which
broke with the currents of the Gründerzeit. Indeed, the book's first
chapter deals with this rejection of a tradition which was in füll retreat
before the reality of a new industrial Germany. The manner in which
the hallowed ideas of the seventies were exposed, and the subsequent
development of the new genre are fully developed. The authors detail
the effects of this upheaval upon religion, the family, as well as upyon
the concept of authority. The influences of environmentalism are then
examined — man viewed as a part of the masses, tied to his milieu, led
to depersonalization in art and literature. After discussing the influence
of socialism upon art and literature, the final section is devoted to the
principles of naturalistic style, particularly its tendency towards mechani-
zation and optical precision to the exclusion of creative and imaginative
elements.

This summary is but a pale reflection of the tapestry which this
book weaves. Its value lies precisely in the fact that the authors have
drawn u{X)n a wide variety of examples. Though art and literature
occupy the foreground, the intellectual currents of the age receive ade-
quate attention. There are chapters on the new urge for statistics, on
the growing belief that crime was a social-pathological manifestation,
and on history and culture as the mirror of economic conditions. Again,
to illustrate the influences of environmentalism, the authors ränge over
the whole spectrum of art and literature, from a painting "The Railroad
Station" which depicts man as the mere Operator of Switches, to the
stage directions in Gerhart Hauptmann's early plays. "The Station" is
one of several new discoveries of naturalistic art which Hermand has
made during his researches. From Max Liebermann to Kaethe Kollwitz,
the book's illustrations, many in cölor, form a well-integrated com-
mentary on the text. Nor are newspapers and literary magazines ne-
glected as sources of analysis, and neither are impyortant writings on
theology like those of Ernst Troeltsch. AU of this can only indicate
in a superficial manner the many-sidedness of the work.

The definition of naturalism which the book uses is closely linked
to the struggle of the working classes, but not in a Marxist sense; indeed
the book throws important light upon the interconnection between Marx-
ism and literature as well as art. The class struggle was engulfed by a
drive towards realism which penetrated artistic consciousness more from
the direction of environmentalism than from any wish to glorify the Pro-
letariat as the future society. This naturalism as proletarian realism
seems based more upon the reaction against the seventies and the subse-
quent search for reality than upon a Marxist dialectical view of life.
This is certainly true for many of the artistic expressions discussed, such
as the painting of Max Liebermann. Nor do the proletarian autobiog-
raphies published after the turn of the Century go much beyond descrip-
tions of a milieu. No wonder that many writers, Gerhart Hauptmann,
for instance, eventually made their peace with the pseudo-idealistic
tastes of the bourgeoisie. Moreover, this genre does become a new

tmT;

jtm

Book Reviews

211

romanticism of the proletariat. The book raises the problem of whether
a Marxist art is possible on the two levels which Marx and Engels recog-
nized: that of reality and that of theory. Raymond Williams has shown
the literary confusion of Marxist artistic endeavor in England; Hermand
and Hamann show its oversimplification in German naturalism.

Today Marxists reject naturalism as not sufficiently committed to
the dialectical vision of a brighter future, as a bourgeois style. Never-
theless Marxist artistic expression has never managed to break the
bonds of a naturalism defined as proletarian realism. Solely the school
of painting in Mexico and the theater of Bert Brecht might provide ex-
amples of an art created on the two levels which Marx and Engels de-
sired.

This work is one of a series. The next volumes will carry this
kind of analysis into the twentieth Century. They will have to discuss
the "new romanticism" in Germany which in the end was to triumph
over this naturalism. The Gründerzeit had not just ignored contempo-
rary problems as Hermand implies; it had redefined these problems
through Völkische Literatur away from an emphasis on industrialism.
It is not quite true to say either that the Gründerzeit "berauschte sich"
with Dahn, for Dahn, like Freytag, spread an ideology which was to
outlast naturalism and to have grave consequences for Germany's "new
romanticism." No doubt all this will be included in the next volumes.
Meanwhile, the authors have written what is certainly one of the most
important cultural histories which have appeared in the last decades
and which should be translated into English at the earliest opportunity.

University of Wisconsin. —George L. Mosse

The Wrker in Extremis, Expressionism in Twentieth-Century German Litera-

turc.

By Walter H. Sokel. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press,

^959' '^^ -25/ pp. Frice $^.00.

The modern storm and stress movement of expressionism, lasting
from 19 10 to 1924, was one of the most violent revolutions in German
literary history. In discussing this complex movement, Mr. Sokel, writ-
ing for American readers, naturally favors authors whose names have
already been associated with German literature. On the other band,
many forgotten facts and obscure sources have been unearthed, to make
this book an important contribution, especially since the material is
widely scattered and has become extremely rare, as any one working in
this field will know.

The two main sections of the book, 'The New Form" and "The
New Man," do not present the entire movement as an esthetic and
Philosophie phenomenon, separating form from content, as the titles
may suggest, but refer to theoretical and practical conceptions, in par-
ticular the absence or presence of political engagement. Accordingly,
writers are classified and distinguished by their message: formalists ex-
press litterature pure, activists litterature engagee. Language and style,
perhaps the most important aspects of the movement, are mentioned in
passing, since the book is not written for the philologist. Besides, Mr.

,>-^?:.s;rf-*.;^^^>-i ;:,^u;i;-/^^i^,Xi,t^: Nv;i>.-/;,;'vfsi^^

.^^.4,ti>?;

fEAR ÖHEET COPY FOR YOUR rILE
NOTICE HAS BEEN PU3LISHED

APR 1967

Modern Etirope

AMERICAN HISTORICAL RF.VIEW

961

Claude's vencrable but still battleworthy Complaints of the Protestants bears
this out, as do the courting of the English crown (Bion dedicated his book to
Queen Anne), the fear of military extermination of Protestantism, the warnings
against a great international Catholic conspiracy, and the call for the transforma-
tion of the war into a Crusade.

University of Waterloo

Herbert Schlossberg

THE MIND OF THE EUROPEAN ROM ANTICS: AN ESSAY IN CUL-
TURAL HISTORY. By H. G, Scheuß. With a preface by Isaiah Berlin.
(London: Constable. 1966. Pp. xxiv, 303. 50^.)

In his preface to this book, Sir Isaiah Berlin claims that it constitutes a notable
addition to the minimum information needed to understand how men in the
West came to be what they are. There can be no quarrel with the importance of
romanticism, or with the scope of the analysis promised by this book: from ro-
mantic ideas of progress and disenchantment, through their malady of the scul,
to the emphasis on love and friendship. Within the book, however, this large
Vision is sharply contracted. The book's purpose is to provide an introduction to
the romantic movement through "pen portraits" of selected figures. This method
works against depth in analysis, while the tendency toward oversimplification
and didacticism jars the reader.

The essence of romanticism is said to consist of the tension between nihilism
and a yearning for faith. Mr. Schenk judges his romantics with the yardstick of
orthodox Christianity, and nihilism denotes the absence of such a faith. Small
wonder, then, that he misses the importance of the occult for the romantics and
slights their concept of myth and symbols. Romantic egoism is emphasized, but
their eflorts at reintegration are left dangling; such eflorts emerge as unfulfillable
ambitions, leading either to pessimism or psychological deformity. Consequently,
the book is silent about romantic political thought, failing to consider the impor-
tant concept of the community. While national messianism is discussed, Adam
Mickiewicz provides the sole "typical" example. Nature mysticism, part of the
enchantment of the romantic mind, is never related to national messianism in
Order to explain romantic politics. The political dimension is missing; De Maistrc
and Bonald are read out of the romantic movement in summary fashion.

Within the narrowed vision of romantic individualism this book can provide
somc interesting insights, and most of the examples are taken from men and
women who prized their singularity. For the necessary minimum information
on romanticism it is better to turn elsewhere; this book is both too narrowly
conceived and too subjective to satisfy this need.
University of Wisconsin George L. Mosse

THE TRAVEL DIARIES OF THOMAS ROBERT MALTHUS. Edited by
Patricia James, (New York: Cambridge University Press for the Royal Eco-
nomic Society. 1966. Pp. xvi, 316. $8.50.)

For well over a decadc there has been an upsurge of interest in the Reverend
T. R. Malthus. Publication of this volume testifies to the continuing strength of

m-:mmm^mi:^^i:mmm5m&.MMi4;^Mf^^^

For the Journal of Modem Hjatory

EQUALITY IN POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY. By Sanford A, Lalcoff , C««bridgei Harvard
tolversity Press» I96U. Fp. ix - 270, $5.95.

Mr. Lakoff^B book centere upon Liberal, Conservatlve and Soeiallst Ideas
of cqiiality. The book begins with the Reformation for there, in the view of the
author, ideas of equality began to take ehape as ethical concepts with inmediate

bearing upon actual conditions. The book goes on

to discuss such

ideas vithin the framework of the Enlightenraent » Liberalism and Conservatism.
This is in no sense an esdiaustive investigation of equality in huaan thought,
but rather a aeries of essays centering upon vhat the author believes to be
Problems of special interest. Thus the chapter on Conservatism dwells upon
figures like de Tocqueville and Freud, but not on men like Bonald or de Malstre,
What holds a chapter like this together is the critique of liberal ideas of
equality and indeed the eection on Freud is well taken as is the discussion of
Marx in the chapter on social ism*

Yet it is not totally clear why Mr. Lakoff centers upon some thinkers to
the exclusion of others. Germinal figures like Sorel are not included and
fascism is not even considered, in spite of its obvious importance for our
Century. The framework of the book is within traditional political theory, and
the defense of political philosophy which ends the book will present nothing
new to historians. This is meant for the more "scientific-minded" political
sclentlsts. He specifically recognises the importance of social history, but
It is especially on this count that bis book is open to criticism* The social
nexus is missing, aomething which is most evident in bis discussion of the
Snglish X«evellers. He notes that for all their connitment to equality, servants
and waga aamers are omltted from the Agreement of the Feople, but this does not

lÄ^'iJ'-MIS^

k:^^jt-

Equality In Pollttcal Fhllosophy
tage 2

•••entially Biodi£y hls vlev of Leveller Ideals o£ equality, Thia concept ie
alvaya a theoretical one and a work like HcPheraon'a Poaaaaalve Individuall am
Is not mentloned, and the problema It ralaaa (vhether one agrees vlth them or
not) are ignored.

It Is the approach to the subject whlch glves the book a somei^hat old
fashloned and fragnented cast, though Indlvldual Interpre tat Ions are often
atlraulatlng and Interestlng«

George L« Moese

The üniverölty of Wisconsin

^^.

, \

portant than Big Steel's backdown — it
was a historical reminder that public
power could be marshaled to thwart a
bad private decision, and hence a Presi-
dential action that will have influence
for years to come.

White has done a fine job of inter-
preting President Johnson to the liber-
als. I hope that he can do an equally
fine Job of interpreting the liberals to
President Johnson. Never will such
mutual understanding be as important
as in the months just ahead.

JßpAJm, ((f6^

Church and State

The Catholic Church and Nazi
Germ AN Y, by Guenter Lewy. Mc-
Graw-Hill. 416 pp. $7.50.

Reviewed by

George L. Mosse

A BOOK like this has been long over-
•^^ due. Substituting thorough docu-
mentation for polemics, it teils the
Story of the Catholic Church and Na-
tional Socialism in a straightforward
manner. Perhaps because of this low-
keyed approach, the impact of Guen-
ter Lewy's account is both depressing
and challenging: depressing, because
of the Story of almost complete col-
laboration on the part of the episco-
pate; challenging, as a lesson for the
future.

There has been no real soul-search-
ing on the part of the German Catho-
lic Church, deeply involved as it is in
contemporary West German politics;
only repeated denials of the pro-
National Socialist stand which Lewy
proves only too well. The present Ger-
man Catholic Church has learned a
lesson from the past which provides
one of the themes of Lewy's book:
not to let itself be "entombed" in the
sacristy as Hitler attempted to do with
some success. But another lesson is
also discussed, and this seems nearer
the heart of a lamentable story. On
the one band, throughout the Nazi
experience the Church emphasized its
traditional neutrality toward a na-
tion's form of government, while on
the other it supported those authori-
tarian governments which gave secu-
rity and privileges to the Church as
an institution.

This attitude is at the root of the

problem, because for the German
fepiscopate National Socialism was
/just one more authoritarian govern-
Iment with which collaboration was
Inot only possible but desirable. The
oishops, almost to a man, were con-
servatives of the old school, and they
never could understand that such fea-
tures as neo-paganism (and indeed
their own destruction) were an inte-
gral part of Nazism, Pius XI con-
demned both racism and neo-pagan-
ism, but he said nothing about author-
itarianism itself or indeed about the
persecution of the Jews.

The result was a policy of support
or the Nazi State from the beginning.
In 1937, for example, German Catho-
lics were told that resistance to the
Nazi State was sinful. But the bishops
believed that this would give them a
quid pro quo: confessional schools
and support of their institutions —
and the Nazis never discontinued
their financial support of the German
Church. Hitler played on this insti-
tutional emphasis while he gradually
stripped from the Church the very or-
ganizational and institutional frame-
work for which the Church supported
him so wholeheartedly. The ultimate
result is well exemplified by the fact
that the German bishops, desperately
hoping for support from the State,
,went on to praise Hitler even while
the Nazis murdered priests in Poland.
Indeed, Lewy shows that the persecu-
tion of the Church had nothing to do
with a disloyal attitude toward the
Nazi State, but rather indicated that
the Nazis wanted to get rid of an un-
wanted ally — something the episco-
pate in its old-fashioned, conservative
way never understood.

Lewy fully documents these points,

and he also points out that the Church

is an integral part of the nation in

which it functions. There was con-

stant pressure from below for the

bishops to heil Hitler. Moreover, if

the Church did not speak up against

/rhe Jewish persecution and deporta-

tions, one main reason was the wide-

\spread indifference of the population.

/The failure of the bishops mirrored

the failure of the German Catholic

milieu, indeed of the whole German

opulation. To be sure, the bishops

were cautious, hesitant, and above all

concerned to safeguard the institution

they served; but they were also Ger-
mans, and in their initial enthusiasm,
they mirrored the attitudes of theirj
constituency.

Guenter Lewy is writing history,
not passing judgment. The challenge
of his Story should occupy not only
theologians and the Christian churches
(for the Story of Protestantism would
be very similar except for an earlier
awakening) but indeed all those who
try to ignore or Sublimate this past.
Not enough historians have come for-

(ward to disturb our complacent ac-
ceptance of nationalism, institutional
priorities, and "just wars."

The Right Questions

The Critical Decade: an eco-
nomic POLICY FOR AMERICA AND THE

FREE WORLD, by Henry S. Reuss. Mc-
Graw-Hill. 227 pp. $5.50.

Reviewed by

Theodore Morgan

rpnis IS the book that a humane, in-
-■- dustrious, and intelligent Con-
gressman might sit down to write,
without the benefits and disabilities
of a Ph.D. in economics — ^putting
thoughts straight, supporting them,
and presenting them well. Represen-
tative Henry S. Reuss writes "as a
progressive Democrat and a supporter
of the Kennedy-Johnson program . . .
interested in peace, national inde-
pendence, humane institutions, and
civil liberties, equality and civil rights
— both here and abroad." He has firm
opinions on wrongheaded policies,
such as those of William McChesney
Martin of the Federal Reserve who
year after year has been using tight
money against a non-existent demand
inflation, and on the ineffectiveness
of administrators not interested in
their Jobs, like the Agency for Inter-
national Development heads before
David Bell. Readers who disagree
with Reuss's views will be especially
sensitive to the use of illustrations
here and there, in place of proof, and
to his neglect of alternatives.

John Kenneth Galbraith, in his
foreword, worries lest Reuss is too far
in advance of his time. The punisK
ment for this offense is that one ''
the name of crackpot, a

iÄ^iPiSIÄ'^^1^

m;m^-:

r^'^ lUr

' i

A book llke thls has been long overdue: substltutlng thorough documenta-
tion for polemics tt teils the story of the Cathollc Church and National
Socialism In a stralghtforward manner. Perhaps becau e of this v:ry low-
keyed approach the Ixapact o£ what Mr. Levy has to teil is both depressing and
challenglng: depressing because of the story of almost complete collaboration
on the part of the episcopate; challenging as a lesson for the future. There
has been no real soul-searching on the part of the German Catholic Church,
deeply involved as it is in contemporary West German politics; only repeated
denials of the pro-National Socialist stand which Lewy proves only too well.
The present German Catholic Church has learned oae lesson from the past which
provides one of the themes of Lewy*s book: not to let itself be "entombed" in
the sacristry as Hitler attempted to do with some success. But another lesson
is also being discussed, and this seems nearer the heart of this lamentable
story. On the one hand throughout the Nazi experience the Church emphasized
its traditional neutrality toward a nation's form of government, while on the
other hand it supported those authoritarian government s which gave security
and Privileges to the Church as an institution.

This attitude is at the root of the prob lern because for the German epis-
copate National Socialism was Just cne more authoritarian government w'ch
which collaboration was not only possible but desirable. The Bishops, almost
to a man, were conservatives of the old school and they never could under stand
that such features as neo-paganism (and indeed their own destruction) were an
integral part of Nazisra. Pius XI condemned both racism and neo-pagrnism but
he Said nothing about authoritarianism itself or indeed about the persecution
of the Jews.

wmm-'^

- p -

The result was a policy of support for the Nazi State from the beglnnlng.
^n 1937» for example» German Catholics were told that reslstance to the Nazi
State was slntul, But the Bishops believed that this would give them a quid
pro quo: confessional schools, and support of their institutions, and indeed
it must be said that the Nazis never discontinued their financial support of
the German Church. Hitler played on this institutional emphasis while he
gradually scripped from the Church the very organizational and institutional
framework for which the Church supported him so wholeheartedly. The ultimate
result is well exemplified by the fact that the German Bishops, desparately
hoping for suoh -upport from the State, went on to praise Hitler even while
the Nazis murdered pries ts in Poland. Indeed Ltwy shows that the persecution
of the Church had nothing to do with a disloyal attitude toward the Nazi State,
but rather indicated that the Nazis wanted to get rid of an unwanted ally -
something the piscopate in its old-fashioned conservative way never understood,

Lewy fully documents these points, and he also points out that the Church
is an integral part of the nation in which it functions. There was constant
pressure from below for the Bishops to hail Hitler. Moreover, if the Church
did not speak up against the Jewish persecution and deportations, one main
reason was the widespread indifference of the population, The failure of the
Bishops mirrored the failure of the German Catholic milieu, indeed of the
whole German population. To be sure the Bishops were cautious, hesitant and
above all concerned to safeguard the Institution they served; but they were
also Germans, and in their initial enthusiasm, they mirrored the attitudes
of their constituency.

Guenther Lewy is writing history, not passing judgment. The challenge of
his Story should occupy not only theologians or even the Christian Churches
(for the Story of Protestant ism would be very similar except for an earlier

^:^.S^:MM>ik.

- 3 -

awakenlng) but Indeed all those who try to Ignore or Sublimate thls past. Not
enough hlstorlans have come forward to dlsturb our complacent acceptance of
nationallsm, instltutlonal priorlties and *'ju8t wars." Where in all thls
Story Is there a place for the human conscience?

:?-■$■■■■'■' ■

1^1 ^t{^ a u^ *-/v'/*^

The *'Non-Political*' Youth Movement

The task of the hietorlan is to explain thc variety of choices
made by the actors on the stage of the past. In recent years the German
Youth Movement has become the object of conslderable attention, for many
have feit that it played an important role in making middle-clase youth
receptive to those right-wing and anti-democratic attitudes which carried
Adolf Hitler to power,

A bitter controversy over this question began %*hen Harry Pross sug-
gested that the Youth Movement, especially after I9I8» was sucked into a
course of action x^jhich vas fateful in producing the German catastrophe.
Now those who were once part of the Movement have collected and published
some of the most important docuraents on this controversial subject. The
Grund schrj[.ften are a valuable addition to our knowledge, and yet it seems
that the book is still a response to the earlier accusations that the
Movement was part of the "destruction of German politics.*' The introduc-
tion mt- Tlieodor Wilhelm! repeats the often-held contention that the move-
flient was without political concepts before I918» »nd thereiore politically
harmlcss, Yet this is true only if *'politicB*' is used to designate the
"business-as-uDual" parliamentary affairs of Wilhelminlan Germany, The
Youth Movement rejected these as artificial and lifeless forms, and caXled
upon the young to rebuild Germany outside the iramework of existing State
and political institutions* A new society was to be erected on the basia
o£ the 'If/hole man,*' on an emotional linkage between man and his Volk«

!)M. -.^,..,,,J

^^W^^^^^^^^W^^f^^^'^W^^^^^^^.

. 2 .

It will not do to deflne as "apolltical" a movement which promul-
gated auch a State of mind, The controversy about the specific "pJ^«*
Nasism" of the movement has bedevilled the issue. For the attitudes
•xwi^lified by the Youth Movement vere shared by many people who never
became Nazis, while at the saue time providing attitudes x^ich National
Socialism could and did exploit*

Professor Wilhelmi correctly recognizes the dangers of the irra-
tionalism vhich was a part of the movement, and this theme runs through most
of the documents. He further Stresses the important fact that while most
nambers of the Movement were youths seeking adventure, camaraderie and
independence , the ideologizing was primarily the work of their eiders.
However, he falls to point out that the eiders, most particularly young
teachers, had concentrated the leadership of the Movement into their own
hands already before the first World War. They then pushed the Movement
into a more overtly voelkisch dlrectlon, even before I9IÖ. Blueher and
%necken are brushed aside in Dr. Wilhelmi 's discussion, (although they
are represented in the documents), the one longing for a pure romanticism,
the second advocating a true revolution of Youth.

More serious is the absence of any mentlon of the Jewish question.
This arose, for example, in the discussions in the Freideutsche Jugend
both in 1916 and in 1920, and demons träte s how far the Movement could or
could not be pushed towards a racism which might be implicit in the worship
of a genuine and natural Volk. Such a treatment could have shown that the
majority accepted a definition of the Volk which excluded certain groups
without becoming actually racist. In any analysis of the relationshlp
betw^en the Youth Movement and National Socialism such a discussion is
necessary, especially in llght of the tendency in all German works on
this subject to sweep the entire issue under the carpet.

■ .- li'-w..: :.; :-^-.>.i'^::Xi,^ .if^:'r.^-:'i, ;r^^(i-j:.i^ /,-. ,. ' ■ t .^.: .:■■: '•;,•',

»>««**"'»■•

- 3 •

The Omission of tnore overtly Germanic notes in the Movement just
before the war iö equally serious. Herbert Breuer 's 'Herbstschau 1913*'
Is not among the doctmients. Here Breuer, one of the most influential of
the MoveiTÄnt*s leaders, defined the patriotlsm of German Youth by drawing
a distinction between their intense patrlotism and the common Wilhelmtnlan
sentiments. Breuer endows the Wandervogel with an overtly political pur-
pose: to regenerate Germany through a new soilbound German man.

While the collection, which on the whole Is exccllent, gives a
good picture of the Ideological foundattons of the movement, one mlsses
a sense of developn^nt up to 1920, Por these foundattons did evolve even
before 19l8. fit* Jewish question, the issues of Volk vs. race had been
raised, and \jete debated at great length. Needlesa to say, If the sup-
posed "pre-Nazism" of the Movement is a serious question, these issuet
are not marrlnal. There is a tendency in German scholarshlp to over-
strtss the role of the war and German defeat in producing the tragic
later developments« To be sure the majority of Youth entered the
Bjuendische Jugend after the war, which stressed a Reich 's mysticlmn and
Opposition to political parties. However, this sort of attltude had

been developing before the war among Youth \A\o died and ^ ought "for Volk

and Heimat and not for the State/'

The crucial question about the Youth Movement is not its specific
pre-Nazism, but to what extent it engendered an attitude of the mind
receptive to a rightlst revolution. A second question might be added:
can a fundanantally irrational deiinition of the Volk exist without be-

coming aggressive and racist? Much of the Movement would give a positive

. h -

axisxmv to this second question, but thc controvers: on this subject with-
in the movement itsclf is hlghly illuminating. Let U6 hope that a
second volume whlch takes these problems into account will provide Basic
doctiraents which penetrate into the issues raised by the evolution of the
Youth Movement itself •

George L* Messe
üniversity of Wisconsin

* Gnydschriften der Deutschen Jugendbewegung. Herausgegeben im Auftrage
das "Gemeinschaft owerkes Dokumentation der Jungendebewegung,** von Werner
Kindt; mit Einfuehrung von Theodor Wilhelmi, Eugen Diederichs Verlag,
Duesseldorf-Koeln, 19^3»

!• Harry Pross, Die Zerstoerunr- der deutschen Politik, (Fischer Buecherei,
Fr«ai;furt, 1959), 153.

2. Heinz Steinbrink, Das konmende Abendland und der Geist der neuen
nd (Rudolstadt, 1922), 79»

■■.-■-■ ■ ■■■-Kr--- *"%i^- .,'■ *

the'rise of political anti-semitism in germany and AUSTRIA. By

P. b. J. Pulzer. [New Dimensions in History: Essays in Comparative
History.] (New York: John Wiley and Sons. 1964. Pp. xiv, 364.
$5.95.) /A^^'^^ (i^^,^'-^^^'-^-

'^Mi^^^

S^^Bi!^^S^^^^^^l^^rol^.^^lfeSIISI&ilK^S

THE BISE OF FCLI2ICAL ANlI-SiMITISM IN QI3}iAti:X MD AÜSIHIAt
by Im G. J> rulzer« ^/^^ow Dlmcnslona In Hietcry; Eesa^^ß In
Comparetlve HlßtorÄ/Tx^öw York; John Wiley and Sons» 1964«

Mr. Pulzer's book should beccme the Standard acccunt
of i?nti-eemltlsm as a polltlcal movement In central Suropc» It
le a real scrvlce tc analysc both G^rman and Austrlan antl-
semltlsni^ for thou^h the Gorman art of the story Is well kncwn,
the Austrlan slde ha© been 8tran£ely neglected. startin£ In the
1870*8, luiser £ives separate treatmcnt to Germany and Austrla
u; to the year 190O. From then untll 1914, both are handled
to£ether, thou^* euch lm;ortant dlfferencea as the divareent
/•ceitlona of the Cathollc Church are always kept In nlnd» An
epllogue br,lntts the atory ur to 1933^ thoagh qulte correctly
Pulzer Eees the dlfference between pre- and po?!t-war antikem-»
Itlam nct In content but In the scope of Ita success»

The value of the bock lle« both in Its completenesß
nxid In the clrrlty of Ita analyges» Polltlcal ©rtlee?a.1.ti£m le
a verltable m^lan^e of rivalllng movements and x^ersonalltiea,
and Pulser hae mana^ed to make senae out of tl iß confuslon»
While well knovm flsures, like Stoecker and Luegor, or more
ebecure oneB like the Heasian Boeokel or the Austrian Vojfeelflang,
do not £et ffiuch epace by themselves, they are clearly put Into
the oontext of the moveinent» Valuable atatlstlcal tables bolater

the evidence« Moreover the rhythm of modern antl-^eemltl

ejnerges clejtrly: Ita rlae In the last decades of the Century ^
the apparent docllne after 1900 — only to riae again with a
vengeance after 1918* The relatlvely aore auftained Austrlan
Impetuß rißhtly providee a constant theme of the book»

p^f^f^|f"lp;fk>^^

-2-

Fulzer sees political anti*8emitlsm based upon both
the rejectlon of liberallsm and the famstretione of the oetit'^
bour,^;eoisie» This negative analysi« eeems to downgrade anti-
semltlsm as part of a very real revolutlonary impetus» Th©
prlmary concentration upon It as a ^political'* movement raises
some .roblems. Antl-semltlam was a cultural as well as a polit-
ical movement, and its greatest im, act was in a realm wliich
rejected the traditional definition of polltics. 3:ven when
political failure overcame the various groupSt anti-semitlem
managed to pene träte im^ortant social and cultural inetitutions--
above all, the educaticnal establ lahmen t« Institutlonalisation
was more i^n^ortant than political failure, and this partly
explains why the so-called '^dormant^ period after 1900 was
only a lull before the storm»

Vdthln the framework which Pulzer has set for himself
(and men like Langehn and Lagarde do ©nter the dlscussion) he
haß made a moet im^ortant, Indeed indispensable, contribution
to our understandln^ of modern anti-semitlBm« To be eure, some
recent wcrks oould have changed details of emphasiß — modifying,
for example, the Faulhaber-Innltzer dichotomy as describin^c
more tolerant posltion of the German as ooposed to the Auptrlan
Cathollc Church, But it is all there, the whole lainentable
story, and written with Singular ^racefulness»

George L. Moese

University of Wisconsin

THfi RISE OF iOLIIICAL ANTl-SÄBilTISM IN G£HMANY AND AUBIRIA.

by P# a> J, Pulzer» ße^f Dlmensions In Hlstory: Essay b In

Comparatlve Hlstori/TNew York: John Wiley and Sons. 1964,
Pp* xlv, 364. $5.95- )

Mr. Pulzer'fl book should become the etemdard account
of antl-semltism as a polltlcal movement In central Europe. It
Is a real Service to analyee both German and Austrlan anti-
Bemltlsm, for though the German part of the story Is well known,
the Austrlan slde has been etrangely neglected. starting in the
1870*8, Pulzer gives separate treatment to Germany and Austria
up to the year 1900. From then untll 1914, both are handled
to£ether, though such important differences as the divergent
positions of the Cathollc Church are always kept In mind# An
epilogue brinßB the story up to 1933, though quite correctly
Fulzer eees the difference between pre- and post-war antisem-
itism not in content but in the soope of its success.

The value of the book lies both in its completeness
and in the clarity of its analyses. Political anfpisemitism is
a veritable m^lange of rivalllng movements and Personalities,
and Pulzer has managed to make sense out of this confuslon.
While well known figures, like Stoecker and Lueger, or more
obscure ones like the Hesslan Boeckel or the Austrian vHgelsang,
do not £et much space by themselves, they are clearly put into
the context of the movement. Valuable Statistical tables bolster
the evidence. Moreover the rhythm of modern anti-semitism
emerges claarly: its rise in the last decades of the Century,
the apparent decline after 1900 ~ only to rise again with a
vengeance after 1918. The relatlvely more sustalned Austrian
Impetus ri^htly provides a constant theme of the book.

•*WP

W'^(^:-'^-0''^^

•2^

Fulzar 8068 polltical antl«»Bemlti«s ba88d upon botb
the rejeotion of liberaliam tmA the frustratlone of the petlt*»
bour/-.»oiBiy« Xhis negatlTe analyaia eeams to downgrad« anti«**
88ml tl 81» a8 ptüc^t of a very real revolutlonary Impetua» The
prlmary concentratlon upon It aa a '•polltical*' movement ralsea
8ome Probleme» Anti-semitlBm wae a oultural ae well aa a polit*
ical movement^ and Its greateet impaot wae in a realm whioh
rejected the tradltlonal deflnltion of pollticet Sven when
political fallure overcame the varioue groupa» anti^semitlem
managed to pene trete Import ant aocial and cultural InetltutionB*—»
abcve all, the educational eetabllehment» Instltutlonallsatlon
was more l:B,ortant than politioal fallurei^ and thla partly
explains why the so-called "dormant** period after 1900 wae
only a lull before the storm»

Wlthln the framework whlch . ulzer has set Tor himself
(and men like Langehn and Lagarde do enter the disouesion) he
has made a moet Important, Indeed Indispensable > contributlon
to our underetandlng of modern anti^semitiem« To be eure, some
recent werke oould have changed detalle of emphaele •><» modifying^
for example, the Faulhaber-Innltzer dlchotomy ae describing
fflore tolerant poeition of the German ae oppoeed to the Austrian
Gathollo Ghurch« But it is all there^ th@ whole lamentable
story^ and written wlth Singular gracefulnese*

George L« Koeee

Univerelty of Wiaconsln

CORNELL UNIVERSITY

ITHACA, NEW YORK

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
West Sibley Hall

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SÜROPEAN P0SITIVI3M IN THE NIMBTSENTH CSIIfmYt
Ali ESSAY IN INTSLLBCTÜAL HISTOHY
^ W» H> Simon« Ithacai Comell
University Press, 1963 Pp. x-33^ 15.95

In his book Walter Simon tracee the influenae of positivism
in the ninetfenth Century by coneidering org&nized positivism
after Comtess death, and through its diffusion in partes infid^
elura. He has a definite idea of how suoh traoing of influence
should be aecomplished in intellectual history. Simon believes
that this should be sought concretely in the «pecific liirea,
thoughts, and desires of individuals« In conaequence, his
book is centered upon suoh indiTlduals, from the famous Littre
and John Stuart Mill to many who are shrouded in obsourity.
Attention is oentered on the struggle over Comtess System aa
a whole, in the minds of sympathizers and disoiples alike, and
the oruoibles of positivism are men like F. Harrison, G« H»
Lewes and George Bliot.

Within his own terms Simon has fulfilled his mission* Pos-
itivism is oarefully traoed in its evolution throughout the
Century, But the problems which suoh an approach to the trao->
ing of influences raises are important. There is a certain
tendency to oatalogue, and this is partly due to the faot that
too little is spelled out. One oan only agree with Simon that
not everything can be explained, but is it then not necesaary
to go deeper into the personalities dealt with in order to ex«
piain, at least, why aome facets of positivism were aooepted by
th^a and not others? One has the feeling that Simon stuck too
close to the reoord and that what men said about positivism

«2»

4mmm not WBlly explaln why thmt dld so, or InAMd how 0110h

posltlTlsm flts into their whol« world view« A iinE'Mit dMül of
knowledge (#Ten about secondary figur««) la asmaiad and th#
83r«t«m of Comte hlmsolf is only dMJLt wlth in an Indlrect
mannor«

But the Chief problom in Simonis mothod is that it doo«
not really teil us yihf posltivism ahould bo aooepted in ono
age and find few disoiplos in the next# 3urely the influenoe
of positlvism did not Just dwlndle after the 1370' s beoauae of
aplits and counter^splits within Comtess disciples« 9er is it
explained why sympathetic appraisale of Comte l^ profeeelaaal
philosophera became mcre frequent after the tum of the oen->
tusry« Traoing the development of an intelleetual systeia soiely
through individuals either singly or foraed into groups does
not aeea a&tirely aatiefaotory« At times Simon hints at the
faot that movMiente like the Fabiane nere influenoed hf poei«
tiviinii but hie method keepe him froa «aking an analyels of
such an important movement with this faotor in mind, and the
eame holds for his tantalizing remarke about Saglish trade
unionism« ^^oreorer, if poeitiviea oannot be underetood ex»
oept as a Substitute religion (ae Si^on holde) thmx the prob»
lern of how other subatitute religiona aapped the strength of
the mov^ient doea arise# Thlat in tum» would mmm an exaal»
nation of Poaitiviam agalaat the baokground of the rising
irrationaliam of the fin de eleele>

Halter Simon haa» in ezoellent and luoid faehion« ahown
ua h<nf important paople regparded Poaitiviam aooording to their

-3-

own (publlshed or unpubllshad) evldence» Bat the Importance

of an Ideology is how It

laatitutionallzed» and thls oan

happen not merelf through groups of indlviduals and dlsolple«
bat also throu«^h the developtaent of laportant aov«aents of
the tim#8 like Pablanism, trade unlonlsa and even Soclallsm.
This oould be donfTwithout trylng to explain poaltivlsm away,
fop acoording to Simon himself positlvism dld hav© an Influenoe
on some of these#

Walter Siiion's reaotlon to the often vague talk about In-
fluences is paralseworthy and he has done a servloe In pulllng
Intelleotiml hlstory up Short in the face of generalltiea. Äit
in doing so he haa unduly restrloted his own thorough analysls,
Surely here also there taust be a via media which wuld allow
for a broader scope of investigation wlthout slidlng off into
vagueness. Meanwhlle, withln h±e frame of reference, Simon

has given us a

valuable analysis of nineteenth Century

posltlvism of whose usefulness there oan be little doubt.

George L« Mosse

üniversity of Wisconsin

^Fl!P^^W*vW^

EUROPEAN P03ITIVI3M IN THE NINBTEENTH CBNTURYt
m BSSAY IN INTSLLECTUAL HI3T0RY
8y W> M> 31mon# Ithaeat Comall
ünlverslty Press, 1963 Pp# x-38^ •5*95

In hls book «kalter Simon tT(Mmm tha Influenoe of posltlvlam
in the nlneteenth Century by oonslderlng organlzed poeltlvism
after Comte's death» and through Its dlffuslon in partes infld^
elum» He has a deflnite idea of how such tracing of influence
should be aocomplished in intelleotual history» Simon believee
tost this should be sought ooncretely in the specific live«»
thoughts, and desire» of individuals« In consequenoet his
iMMik is centered upon «uoh individixals, from the famous Littre
and John Stuart Mill to many who are shrouded in obscurity»
Attention Is oentered on the struggle over Comtess «yetem aa
a whol@t in the minds of sympathizers and disciples alike, and
the cruoibles of posltivism are laen llke F# Harrison, G# H»
Lawea and George Eliot.

Within his oim terms Simon has fulfilled hls mission. Poa«
itivism is carefully traced in its evolution throu^hout the
Century. But the probleaa which such an approach to the trao«»
ing of influenoes raises are important. There is a certain
tendency to catalogue, and this is partly due to the fact that
too little is spelled out. One oan only agree wlth Simon that
not everything can be explained, but is it then mt necessary
to go deeper into the personalities dealt with in order to ex«
piain, at least« why sme facets of positivisa were aocepted by
thea and not otherst One has the feeling that Simon stuck too
olose to the record and that vhat men said about positivifft

-2-

do«s not really explaln nhy th«y did so, or Indeed how suoh
posltlvl«« flts Into tholr whol« world vl«w. A greet de»l of
knoi)l*dge (even about secondary flgures) Is ••siraed and the
«ystem of Comte hlmself Is only daalt wlth In an Indlrect

Bat the chlef problem in Simon' s method Is that It does
not really teil us why posltlvism should be aoceptad In one
age and find few dlsolples In the next. Sxxrely the Influenae
of posltlvlSTi dld not Just dwlndle after the 1370's beoauaa of
•pllts and oounter-apllte wlthln Comtess dlsclplea. Nor Is It
explalned why syapathetlc appralsals of Comte by professional
phllosophers becaae more frequent after the turn of the Cen-
tury. Traclng the development of an Intellectual System solely
through Indlvlduals elther slngly or fomad Into groups does
not seem entlrely satlsfaotory. At tiaa« Simon hlnts at the
fact that noveraents llke the Fabians were Influenced by posl-
tlvism, but hls method keeps hlm from maklng an analysls of
such an Important movement wlth thls factor In ralnd, and the
M»e holds for hls tantallzlng rmmrUu about Sngllsh trade
unlonlsm. Moreover, If posltlvism oannot be understood ex-
oept aa a Substitute rellglon (as Simon holds) then the Prob-
lem of how other Substitute rellglons sapped the strength of
the movement does arlse. Thls, In tum, would mean an examl-
natlon of Posltlvism agalnst the background of the rlslng
Irratlonallsm of the fln de sleole.

Malter Simon has. In exoellent and luold fashlon, «hown
US how important weople regarded Posltlvism aooordlng to thelr

•3-

own (published or unpublishad) «vlAence* But th« Importanot
of an Ideology Is how It um« lnstitutlor»llz«dt and thls oan
happan not nerely throu^h groups of IndlTlduals and disolples
but alM through the daTeloptaant of Important aoT«mants of
tha tlmas llke Fablanism, t3?ade milonlaa and ^v^n Soclallsm.
Thla coiad be dona^wlthout trylng to axplaln po«ltlTlsm aita^t
for accordlng to Simon hlmeelf positirlsm dld hava an Influenae
on 80?na of these*

«alter Simonis reactlon to the often vagua talk about in-
fluencas Is pralseworthy and he had done a sarvica In piailng
Intellactual hlstory up short in the faoe of ganeralities« But
in dolng 80 he has unduly restrlotad bis own thorough analysis.
Surely here also thare mnst ba a via media imioh wyviLd allow
for a broader soopa of inraatigatlon irlthout sliding off into
•vaguenesß^ Meanwhile, withln hta fram« of reference, Simon
has glven us a mmmt valiiable analysis of nineteanth c«rtftary
posttlvira of whose usafulnass thera oan be little doubt*

George L. Mosse

üniversity of Wisconsin

-»-•T- —

/ tJU^ -Le^

ooe^

''*<-o>t.co^

IDEAS IN CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE . edlted by Philip P. Wiener and
Aaron Noland. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgera ünivaraity Preas,

1962. pp. 759. $9.00.

Where doea the hiatory of ideas stand in thia country today; and how
far have we coine since the Journal of the Hiatory of Ideaa waa founded
twenty-four years ago? The editora of Ideaa in Cultural Ferapectl^g.
have aelected thirty-two articlea from the Journal in order to repreaent the
"ränge of the hiatory of ideas and aome of ita roethoda and probleroa." The
book ia aubdivided into "Methodology in the Hiatory of Ideas," "Hiatory
of Ideas in Literature and Art," "Social and Political Thought." and
"Philoaophlcal and Religioua Thought ."

Arthur 0. Lovejoy opena the volume by Judicioualy reatating hia viewa
which had aerved as the original program for the Journal. He reaffirtna
the iroportance of exaroining the internal relationahip of ideaa, becauae
they conatitute the moat aignificant product of man aa a thinking being.
Philip P. Wiener, alao, atreaaea the "common intellectual bonda beneath
the cotnplex eventa of hiatory." Thia waa aureiy an important viewpoint
which gave the hiatory of ideaa a special task within the general framework
of hiatorical analyaia. A wajority of the eaaaya in the book reflect thia
«pproach .

Yet the book reveala (notably in the articlea by Merle Curti and
Keith Thoinaa) an increasing attention by hiatoriana to those ideaa which
reault in aocial or political action. It is John Higham'a eaaay which
challengea the majority view, aa he calla for a hiatorical aynthesis, c
combining an external examination of ideaa with a greater relianc<ß oto
the aocial aciencea . Highatn further notea the weakeat point in th^ preaent
•tudy of the hiatory of ideaa, the naglect of populär culture. Thii^ is
airply illustrated by the preaent volume, and it is closely related to \|:he

&§^^M

-2-
approach whlch has been dominant. Wlth only three possible exceptions
(artlclea by Talcott Paraona» Hans Kohn» and Kelth Thomas), none o£ ths
•ssays leave a narrow clrcle o£ intellectuals, however Important they may
have been. Whlle there Is no lack o£ source materials in the history o£
populär cultural, y«it we still lack an adäquate conceptual framework £or
their exploitation.

It is surprising that none o£ the contributions on methodology deal
seriously with this prob lern. Certainly the pragmatic approach to ideas
may well provide the starting point, but only i£ social £actors be
considered an integral part o£ ideologies. Because this has not happened,
the analyses on methodology £ail to consider seriously various socio logical
insights» including those o£ Marxism. It seems odd that although the
relationship between literature and history comprises one o£ the main themes
o£ the booky the name o£ George Lukacz is nowhere £ound. Philosophy was
the discipline which dominated the £ounders o£ the history o£ ideas, and,
from the evidence presented still remains dominant in modern scholarship.
Not only is populär culture neglected but also the institutionalisation
o£ ideas. Surely the transmission o£ ideas becomes a more e££ective £orce
in Society when such ideas are embodied in social or educational insti-
tutions. A £ew o£ the articles deal peripherally with this problem
(notably Paul Oscar Kristeller's) but there is a tendency to brush aside
the g^up presuppositions o£ the people who hold the ideas. The result
is that the dominant mood o£ the volume re£lects an individualistic and hu-
nanistic point o£ view and does not satis£actorily deal with the question
o£ what has made ideas creative £orces acting in modern society •

Every historian will £ind that these essays have lost none o£ their
signi£icance, and that the high Standards o£ the Journal have been
continuously maintained. Future intellectual historians may want to

PV '-A'-i'^".'' .'i'.rf.c'l'r ./''*L.i' "■ ^'Vl" ^ ''■.-■'. *.,■

-3-

tfdincintrate lest upon thought of indlviduals and tnore upon thc dlffuslon
and concrete conaequences o£ Ideaa . They may alao spend nore tlme upon
a methodology centered not upon an idea to Idea analysia» but one whlch
will inake it poialble to analyze the preconception» and prejudicea whlch
conatltute the attltudes towarda llfe of the bulk o£ humanlty. The next
twenty*flve yeara in the career of one of our moat llvely Journals will
undoubtedly glve us both a Tnethod and exaroples of how to accompllah theae
taaka .

George L . Mosse
Unlveralty of Wisconsin

X^?x/->-^ 'i'^^^t^^ ir^/y^K ,

IDEAS IN CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE . edited by Philip P. Wiener and
Aaron Noland, New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutger» University Preai,
1962. pp. 759- $9.00.

Where does the history of ideaa stand in this country today; and how
far have we corne slnce the Journal of the History of Ideas was founded
twenty-four years ago? The editors of Ideas in Cultural Perspective,
have selected thirty-two articles frotn the Journal in order to represent the
"ränge of the history of ideas and some of its methods and problerns." The
book Is subdivided into "Methodology in the History of Ideas," "History
of Ideas in Literature and Art," "Social and Political Thought," and
"Philosophical and Religious Thought."

Arthur 0. Lovejoy opens the volurne by Judiciously restating his views
which had served as the original program for the Journal. He reaffirms
the importance of exaroining the internal relationship of ideas, because
they constitute the most significant product of man as a thinking being.
Philip P. Wiener, also, Stresses the "common intellectual bonds beneath
the comp lex events of history." This was surely an important viewpolnt
which gave the history of ideas a special task within the general framework
of historical analysis. A majority of the essays in the book reflect this
approach .

Yet the book reveals (notably in the articles by Merle Curti and
Keith Thomas) an increasing attention by historians to those ideas which
result in social or political action. It is John Higham's essay which
challenges the majority view, as he calls for a historical synthesis, -^
comblnlng an externa 1 examination of ideas with a greater reliance on
the social sciences . Higham further notes the weakest polnt in the present
study of the history of ideas, the neglect of populär culture. This is
amply lllustrated by the present volume, and it is closely related to the

, rAv'j, -■■"-» ■iJ..,^';/^'-^'t',:i.L-ij:;:v* ■-■

-'^^.:-^^im:-%^

-2-
approach which has been dominant. With only three posslble exceptions
(articXes by Talcott Farsona, Hana Kohn, and Kelth Thomas), none of the
essayi leave a narrow clrcle of intellectualSj however important they may
have been. Whlle there is no lack of source materials in the hlstory of
populär cultural, yet we still lack an adäquate conceptual framevork for
their ex^loltation.

It is surprising that notte of the contributions on methodology deal
seriously with this prob lern. Certainly the pragmatic approach to ideas
may well provide the starting point, but only if social factors be
considered an integral part of ideologies. Because this has not happened,
the analyses on methodology fail to consider seriously various socio logical
insightSy including those of Marxism. It seems odd that although the
relationship between literature and history comprises one of the main themes
of the book, the name of George Lukacz is nowhere found. Philosophy was
the discipline which doroinated the founders of the history of ideas , and,
from the evidence presented still remains dominant in modern scholarship.
Not only is populär culture neglected but also the institutionalisation
of ideas. Surely the transmission of ideas becomes a more effective force
|ln Society when such ideas are embodied in social or educational insti«
tutions. A few of the articles deal peripherally with this problem
(notably Paul Oscar Kristeller 's) but there is a tendency to brush aside
th<e i^up presuppositions of the people who hold the ideas. The result
is that the dominant mood of the volume reflects an individualistic and hu-
roanistic point Of view and does not satisfactorily deal with the question
of what has made ideas creative forces acting in modern society .

Every historian will find that these essays have lost none of their
significance, and that the high Standards of the Journal have been
continuously roaintained. Future intellectual historians may want to

ii'r

. -3-

concentrate !«•• upon thought of Indivlduals and tnore upon Che dlffuslon
and concrete consequencea o£ ideat . They may also tpend more tlme upon
a methodology centered not upon an idea to Idea analytls, but one which
will tnake it possible to analyze the preconoeptions and prejudicea whlch
conatltute the attitudes towards life of the bulk of humanity. The next
twenty-ftve years in the career of one of our moat lively Journals will
undoubtedly give us both a method and exaroples of how to accomplish these
tasks .

George L. Mosse
UniverBity of Wisconsin

'^.■r . •■'-" - ; ■^-■;V'.>-.-'' ■'■i''^«/;:v,:^ ^t,.^;^-,;-;'?,:;- -.■■»'^«•'iWi W. T-, ;- -*-!:--iv>t,t^:i-.r>'«

^■yt;v^4i:'ji,Äi:;>,;,;',/xiui>'j,--^i^i;

t .

XV« REUNION

de la

,SOCIETE JEAN BODIN

pour l'histoire comparative des Institutions

organisee avec la collaboration de la

COMMISSION INTERNATIONALE POUR L'HISTOIRE

DES ASSEMBLEES D'ETATS

Gouvernes & Gouvernants

3 au 9 juin 1962

Siege de la reunion :
FACULTE DE PHILOSOPHIE ET LETTRES
Universite de Bruxelles
50. avenue Franklin Roosevelt

Commission Internationale
pour l'Histoire des Assemblees d'Etats

La Commission internationale pour l'Histoire des Assemblees
d'etalsf International Commission for the History o[ Representative
and Parliamentary Institutions) tire son origine dun vceu emis par
le VU® Congres international des Sciences Historiques (Varsovie,
1933). üepuis 1936, eile est reconnue par le Comite international
des Sciences historiques, au titre de Commission exterieure. Elle a
pour but de promouvoir l'etude des institutions representatives et des
assemblees parlementaires du moyen äge et de l'ancien regime, par
l'emploi de la methode comparative et par la collaboration des cher-
cheurs. Elle groupe actuellement plus de cent cinquante membres,
appartenant ä vingt-quatre pays differents, et repartis en plusieurs
sous-commissions nationales. Elle a public jusqu ä ce jour, vingt-
quatre volumes contenant des monographies particulieres ou des
melanges.

Elle a participe dune maniere active ä tous les Congres inter-
nationaux des Sciences historiques depuis 1938. En outre, eile a
tenu plusieurs reunions communes avec la Societe d'Histoire du
Droit, de Paris. Au congres de Bruxelles de 1962 de la Societe
Jean Bodin, la Section B (Bas moyen äge et Temps modernes)
lui est confiee.

Son Comite de Direction est compose comme suit :

Presidente d'Honneur : Miss Helen Maud CAM, C.B.E. (Profes-

seur emerite Harvard et Cambridge).

President : M. Emile LOUSSE (Louvain).

Vice-Presidents : MM. Fran^ois DUMONT (Paris).

Erik LO NN ROTH (Göteborg).
Antonio MARONGIU (Pise).
Gaines POST (Univ. Wisconsin).
H. F. SCHMID (Vienne).
Vaclav VANECEK (Prague).

Secr^aire : H. G. KOENIGSBERGER (Nottingham).

Tr^soriers

J. C. HOLT (Nottingham).
Roger PETIT (Arlon).

Societe Jean Bodin
pour l'Histoire Comparative des Institutions

Fondee en 1935 par Alexandre Eck, Frangois Olivier-Martin
et Jacques Pirenne, la Societe Jean Bodin a pour but d'encourager
les ctudes scientifiques d'histoire du droit et des institutions selon
la methode comparative et de faciliter les travaux collectifs entre-
pris ä leur sujet.

Avec la collaboration de savants de tous les pays, eile etudie
chaque annee, ou par periode de deux ans, une institution differente,
en cherchant a reunir le plus grand nombre possible de rapports
sur les divers aspects du sujet etudie. Les rapports constituent des
contributions originales, exposant l'etat actuel de nos connaissan-
ces sur l'evolution de l'institution aussi bien dans les civilisations
archaiques que dans Celles de l'antiquite, du moyen äge, des temps
modernes et de l'epoque contemporaine, non seulement en Europe
mais egalement dans les autres continents. Ces rapports servent
ensuite de base ä des etudes comparatives, dans le temps et dans
l'espace.

Les Sujets suivants ont ete etudies jusqu'ä present : les liens
de vassalite et les immunites (1936), le servage (1937), la tenure
(1938), le domaine (1939), la foire (1951), la ville (1952-1954),
le Statut des etrangers (1955), le Statut de la femme (1956-1957),
l'organisation de la paix (1958), la preuve (1959), la monocratie
(1960).

En 1962, du 3 au 9 juin, la Societe Jean Bodin etudiera, en
collaboration avec la Commission internationale pour l'histoire des
assemblees d'etats, le sujet « Gouvernes et Gouvernants ».

Les travaux de chaque session sont publies dans les « Recueils
de la Societe Jean Bodin »; quinze volumes ont paru jusqu'ä
present.

Le Comite directeur est actuellement compose comme suit :

President : Comte Jacques PIRENNE (Bruxelles).

Vice-Prcsident : M. Pierre PETOT (Paris).

Secr^aire General : M. John GILISSEN (Bruxelles).

Membres : M. Gabriel LEPOINTE (Paris).
M. Robert FEENSTRA (Leyde).
M. Hans THIEME (Fribourg-en-Brisgau).
Madame A. DORSINFANG-SMETS (Bruxelles).

THEME DE LA REUNION DE 1962 :

ANALYSE DU THEME.

Au cours de sa reunion tenue ä Toulouse en 1960, la Societc
Jean Bodin a procede ä une etude historique et comparative de la
monocratie, c'est-ä-dire des diverses formes de gouvernement dans
lesquelles le pouvoir etait concentre entre les mains d'un seul hom-
me. Le sujet adopte pour la session de 1962 est un complement
ä cette etude d'histoire de droit public et de science politique.

Sous le titre « Gouvernes et Gouvernants », il est propose
d'etudier les diverses fotmes par lesquelles les gouvernes partici-
pent, ä l'un ou l'autie titre, ä l'activite des gouvernants,

Les modes de participation sont tres divers. A cöte des types
de gouvernement direct par les gouvernes, il s'agit avant tout des
differents regimes representatifs qui ont existe dans l'Europe mc-
dievale, moderne et contemporaine. Mais, si l'histoire des Assem-
blees d' Etats et des Parlements constituera une partie substantielle
des travaux, on ne peut negliger d'autres institutions par lesquelles
ä d'autres periodes ou dans d'autres regions, tout ou partie des
gouvernes ont pu jouer un certain röle ä l'egard des organes du
pouvoir, meme si ce röle a ete purement consultatif ou tutelaire,
ou meme s'il n'a consiste qu'en une action de contröle ou de
surveiilance. ,

Place ainsi sur un terrain tres large — indispensable pour per-
mettre l'etude comparative d'institutions quelquefois tres differen-
tes en apparence — le theme « Gouvernes et Gouvernants » cou-
vre les divers aspects de l'interaction entre gouvernes et gouver-
nants, en tant qu'ils constituent des manifestations de l'activite des
gouvernes ä l'egard des gouvernants. I.'analyse doit porter sur tous
les rapports, de droit et de fait, entre gouvernes et gouvernants,
pour autant que ces rapports aboutissent ä une intervention
des gouvernes dans l'organisation ou l'exercice du pouvoir, et
quelle que soit l'importance quantitative du groupe de gouvernes
qui intervient.

GOUVERNES ET GOUVERNANTS

S'il est rare que l'ensemble des gouvernes ait joue un röle
actif ä l'egard des gouvernants (p. ex. systemes politiques sur base
du suf frage universel), par contre l'intervention de groupes pri-
vilegies de gouvernes (aristocratie, ploutocratie, noblesse, clerge,
bourgeoisie, armee, groupes de pression) pourra etre decelee dans
la plupart des civilisations.

ORGANISATION DE LA REUNION.

Comme la plupart des sessions precedentes de la Societe Jean
Bodin, Celle de 1962 est divisee en deux parties.

La premiere partie est consacree ä l'etude du Sujet dans le
plus grand nombre possible de pays et de periodes historiques ;
environ 80 rapports sont inscrits au programme ; le travail se fera
par section, ä savoir :

Section A
Section B
Section C
Section D
Section E

Antiquite et haut moyen äge.

Bas moyen äge et temps modernes.

Periode contemporaine.

Orient et Islam.

Civilisations archaiques.

La Section B (Bas moyen äge et temps modernes) constitue
la reunion annuelle de la « Commission internationale pour l'his-
toire des assemblees d'etats ».

La deuxieme partie de la reunion est reservee ä des etudes com-
paratives, syntheses des rapports presentes dans les sections au
cours de la premiere partie. Les exposes, en nombre limite, servent
d'introduction ä des discussions auxquelles les specialistes des dif-
ferentes periodes de l'histoire sont invitcs ä participer.

La derniere seance est reservee ä une discussion generale sur
l'ensemble du sujet, apres presentation de conclusions provisoires.

PROGRAMME GENERAL

PREMIERE PARTIE • TRAVAIL PAR SECTION.

Dimanche 3 juin :

9 h. 30 Scction A : Antiquite et haut moyen äge (voir p. 8).

et Section B : Bas moyen äge et temps modernes, etant la

14 h. 30 Commission internationale pour l'histoire des Assemblees
d'etats (voir page 10).

Section C : XIX*^ et XX*' siecles (voir page 12),

20 h. 30. Reception des participants ä la « Maison des Anciens
Etudiants de l'Universitc de Bruxelles », rue Blanche, 29.

Lundi 4 juin :

9 h. 30 Section A : Antiquite et haut moyen äge (voir p. 9).

et Section B : Bas moyen äge et temps modernes (Com-

14 h. 30 mission internationale (voir pp. 10-11).

Section C : XIX^ - XX' siecles (voir pp. 12-13).
Section E : Civilisations archaiques (voir p. 15).

20 h. 30. Reception des participants, organisee par la Commission
internationale et par la sous-commission beige pour l'his-
toire des Assemblees d'Etats, chez le President,
M. Lousse, « Vieux Logis», 12, rue Braine, Blanden.

Mardi 5 juin :

9 h. 30. Section A : Antiquite et haut moyen äge (voir p. 9).

Section B : Bas moyen äge et temps modernes (Commis-
sion internationale) (voir page 11).

Section C : XIX' - XX^ siecles (voir p. 13).

Section D : Islam et Orient (voir p. 14).

14 h Excursion dans les environs de Bruxelles, conduite par

MM. les professeurs H. BERNARD et S. BRIGODE :
Waterloo et Nivelles.

18 h. 30. Reception Offerte par le gouvernement provincial du
Brabant au C.E.R.I.A. (Centre d'enseignement et de
recherche de la province de Brabant), avenue E. Gry-
son, 1, Anderlecht-Bruxelles.

Mercredi 6 juin :

9 h. 30 Section A : Antiquite et haut moyen äge (voir p. 9).

Section B : Bas moyen äge et temps modernes (Com-
mission internationale) (voir p. 11).

Section C : XIX^ - XX'^ siecles (voir p. 13).

Section D : Islam et Orient (voir p. 14).

DEUXIEME PARTIE : SEANCES PLENIERES,

Mercredi 6 juin :

14 h. 30. Allocution de bienvenue, par

M. W. DE KEYSER. recteur de l'Universite Libre
de Bruxelles ;

Le Comte Jacques PIRENNE, president de la Societe
Jean Bodin ;

M. E. LOUSSE, President de la Commission interna-
tionale pour l'histoire des assemblees d'etats.

Rapport sur l'activite de la Societe Jean Bodin,

par M. J. GILISSEN, secretaire general de la Society.

15 h. 30. Rapports generaux

— sur les civilisations archaiques (Mme A. DORSIN-
FANG) :

— sur rOrient (M. L. ROCHER).

17 h. 30. Seance administrative de la « Commission internatio-
nale pour l'histoire des assemblees d'etats ».

20 h.

Banquet de la Societe Jean Bodin et de la Commission
Internationale.

Jeudi 7 juin :

9 h. 30. Rapports generaux sur l'Antiquite :

a) 3" et 2' millenaires (Comte J. PIRENNE);

b) Greco-romaine (M. J. GAUDEMET).
14 h. 30. Rapports generaux sur :

a) le Haut moyen äge (M. C. G. MOR);

b) l'Islam (M. A. ABEL).

18 h. Reception Offerte par l'Universite de Bruxelles.

Vendredi 8 juin :

9 h. 30. Rßpports generaux sur le Bas moyen äge et les Temps
modernes ;

a) Europe occidentale (M. E. LOUSSE);

b) Europe Orientale (M. H. F. SCHMID).
14 h. 30. Rapports generaux sur les XIX^ et XX^ siecles :

a) Europe occidentale et Amerique (M. G. LE-
POINTE);

b) Pays communistes (M. H. BUCH).

Samedi 9 juin :

9 h 30. Rapport general sur les pays afro-asiatiques (M. F.

DUMON).
Conclusions generales (M. J. GILISSEN).

12 h. Assemblee generale de la Societe Jean Bodin.

Section A.

ANTIQUITE ET HAUT MOYEN AGE.

Presidents : Comte Jacques PIRENNE, membre de rAcademie

royale de Belgique.

M. Robert FEENSTRA, professeur ä l'Universit^ de
Leyde.

Rapporteurs generaux : Comte Jacques PIRENNE : L'Antiquite

avant Van 1000.

M. J. GAUDEMET : Grece et Rome.
M. C. G. MOR : Haut Moyen Age.

Dimanche 3 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. Comte Jacques PIRENNE,

L'Ancien Empire egyptien,

10 h. 30. M. Otto KOEFOED-PETERSEN, Conservateur de la

Glyptotheque de Copenhague,

Le Nouvel Empire egypticn.

11 h. 30. M. Emile SZLECHTER, Paris,

La Mesopotamie. depuis les origines jiisquä la [in
de la dynastie babylonienne.

Aptes-midi :

H h. 30. M. Guillaume CARDASCIA. profes.seur ä la Faculte de
Droit de Caen,

Assyrie, Cappadocc, Neo-Bahylonie,

15 h. 15. M. Franz ALTHEIM, professeur ä l'Universite de

Berlin.

Les Empires achemenide, seleucide, pacthe et sas-
sanide.

16 h. M. Boaz COHEN, professeur au « Jewish Theologie

Seminary », New York (suppleant eventuel : M. Jacques
Pirenne),

Les Hebreux.

16 h. 45. M. Rene VAN COMPERNOLLE, professeur ä l'Uni-
versite de Bruxelles,

La Grece classique.

Lundi 4 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. M. Marcel RENARD, professeur ä l'Universite de

Liege,

Les Etrusques.

10 h. 30. M. E. J. BICKERMANN, professeur ä Columbia Uni-

versity, New York,

L'Egypte greco-romaine.

11 h. 30. M. J. GAUDEMET, professeur ä la Faculte de Droit

de Paris,

Rome avant l'Empire.

Apres-midi :

14 h. 30. M. M. MICHAUX, professeur ä l'Universite de Louvain,

L'Empire romain.

15 h. 30. M. J. de MALAFOSSE, professeur ä la Faculte de

Droit de Toulouse,
Byzance.

16 h. 30. M. C. P. KYRRIS, professeur ä l'Institut technique,

Nicosie, Chypre,

Byzance pendant la revolution des Zelotes (1341-

1350).

17 h. 15. M. R. FILHOL, doyen de la Faculte de Droit de

Poitiers,

L'Orient lafin,

Mardi 5 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. M. P. W. A. IMMINK, professeur ä la Faculte de Droit

de Groningue,

Les Germains.

10 h. 30. M. F. L. GANSHOF, professeur emerite ä l'Universite

de Gand,

La Monarchie franque.

11 h. 30. M, C. G. MOR, professeur ä l'Universite de Padoue,

LItalie. du VI' au XW siede.

Mercredi 6 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. Melle R. FOREVILLE. professeur ä la Faculte des Let-

tres de Rennes,

L'Angleterre, avant 1306.

10 h. 30. M. L. MUSSET, professeur ä la Faculte des Lettres

de Caen,

Les Normands.

1 1 h. 30. M. K. BOSL, professeur ä l'Universite de Munich,

Das Reich im 10-12. Jahrhundert.

Section B

BAS MOYEN AGE ET TEMPS MODERNES

Commission internationale
pour rhistoire des Assemblees d'Etats.

President : M. Emile LOllSSE, professeur ä l'Universite de Lou-

vain.
Rapporteurs generaux : M. H. F. SCHMID. president du Comite

international des Sciences historiques, pro-
[esseur ä l'Universite de Vienne,

L'Europe Orientale.
M. E. LOUSSE,

L'Europe occidentale.

Dimanche 3 juin :

Matin :
9 h. 30. MM. Fran^ois DUMONT, professeur ä la Faculte de

Droit de Paris,

Robert MOUSNIER, professeur ä la Sorbonne,
Pierre TIMBAL, professeur ä la Faculte de Droit

de Paris,

La France, du XW au XVIII' siede.

11 h. 30. M. Jean RICHARD, professeur ä la Faculte des Lettres
de Dijon,

La Bourgogne.

Apres-midi :

14 h. 30. M. Walter ULLMANN, professeur ä Trinity College,

Cambridge,

The Papacij and the [aithfuL

15 h. 15. M. Mario GRIGN ASCHI, Trieste,

La notion du civis dans la scolastique.

16 h. M. R. FOLZ, professeur ä la Faculte des Lettres de

Dijon,

L'Empire du XIII' au XV' siede.

16 h. 45 M. Gerhard BUCHDA, professeur ä l'Universite d'Iena,

üeber die Stände im Heiligem Römischer Reich
(16. und 17. Jahrhundert).

17 h. 30. M. F. L. CARSTEN, Londres,

Germany in the 18th Century.

Lundi 4 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30- M. Antonio MARONGIU, professeur ä l'Universite de

Pise,

Les communes italicnnes.

10 h. 15. Melle Gina FASOLI, professeur ä l'Universite de Bo-

logne,

Venise.
11h. M. Lino MARINI, charge de cours ä l'Universite d'Ur-

bino,

La Savoie.

11 h. 45. M. Francesco GIUNTA, professeur ä l'Universite de

Palerme,

La Sicile atagonaise,

Lundi 4 juin :

Apres-midi :

14 h. 30. M. Marc SZEFTEL, professeur ä l'Universite de Seat-

tle (USA),

La Russie.

15 h. 15. M. Juliusz BARDACH, professeur ä l'Universite de

Varsovie,

La Pologne.

16 h. M. Vaclav VANECEK, professeur ä l'Universite de

Prague,

Les Assemblees d'Etats en Boheme ä l'epoque de la
rebellion d'Etats en 1618-1620.

16 h. 45. M. Dragomir STOJCEVIC, professeur ä l'Universite de

Beigrade,

La Serbie.

17 h. 30. M. Ch. d'ESZLARY, Charge de recherches au C.N.R.S.,

Paris,

La Hongtie.

Mardi 5 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. M. Jan DHONDT, professeur ä l'Universite de Gand,

La Belgique.

10 h. 15. M. S. J. FOCKEMA ANDREAE, membrede la Neder-

landse Academie van Wetenschappen,

Les Provinces-Unies ( XV W -XV IIP siede).
11h. M. Franqois GILLIARD, professeur ä l'Universite de

Lausanne,

La Suisse.

11 h. 45. M. Juan BENEYTO. professeur ä l'Universite de

Madrid,

L'Espagne (XVP-XIX^ siede).

Mercredi 6 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. M. G. L. HARRIS, professeur ä Durham College,

Padiamentary Taxation and the Origins of Appro-
priation of Supply in England (1207-1340).

10 h. 15. X...

English Parliament (16th-18th Century).

11h. M. Antonio MARONGIU, professeur ä l'Universite de

Pise,

Jean Bodin et les Assemblees d'Etats.

11 h. 45. M. E. LONNROTH. professeur ä l'Universite de Göte-

borg,

La Scandinavie.

Apres-midi :
17 h. 30. Scance administrative de la « Commission internationale
pour rhistoire des Assemblees d'etats ».

Section C

LE XIX« ET XX« SIEGLE.

President : M. Gabriel LEPOINTE, professeur ä la Facultc de
Droit de Paris.

Rapporteurs generaux : M. Gabriel LEPOINTE,

Europe occidentale et Amerique.

M. Henri BUCH, professeur ä l'Univer-

site de Bruxelles,

Les pays communistes.
M. Fr. DUMON, professeur ä l'Univer-
Site de Bruxelles,

Les pays afro-asiatiques.

Dimanche 3 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. M. Morris D. FORKOSCH, professeur ä la Brooklyn

Law School, New York,
The United States.

10 h. 30. M. ]. HANHAM, lecturer at the University of Man-

chester,

Great'Bdtain.

11 h. 30. M. G. LEPOINTE. professeur ä la Faculte de Droit

de Paris,

La France, de 1789 ä 1815.

Apres-midi :

14 h. 30. M. Emile GIRAUD, professeur ä la Faculte de Droit

de Lille,

La France, depiiis 1815.

15 h. 15. M. Erich BORN, Privatdozent ä l'Universite de Cologne,

Deutschland im 19, Jahrhundert.
~6 h. M, George L. MOSSE, professeur ä l'Universite de

Wisconsin, Madison (USA),

The idea of the corporate State in Getmany (1900"

. 1933).

16 h. 45. M. Frangois GILLIARD, professeur ä l'Universite de

Lausanne,

La Suisse aux XIX'-XX' siecles.

Lundi 4 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. M. John GILISSEN, professeur ä l'Universite de

Bruxelles,

La Belgique, depuis 1815.

10 h. 30. M. Fraga IRIBARNE. professeur ä l'Universite de

Madrid,

LEspagne au XX^ siede.

11 h. 30. M. E. F. W. GEY van PITTIUS, professeur ä l'Uni-

versite de Pretoria,
South Africa.

Apres-midi :

14 h. 30. Mgr. SIMON, doyen des Facultes universitaires Saint-

Louis ä Bruxelles,

L'Eglise catholique comme groupe de pression.

15 h. 15. M. Henri JANNE, pro-recteur de l'Universite de Bru-

xelles,

Les syndicats comme groupe de pression,

16 h. M. Joseph KAISER, Prodekan des Rechts- und Staats-

wissenschaftlichen Fakultät, Freiburg-in-Breisgau,

Das Europa der Sechs.

16 h. 45. M. Frans DE PAUW, charge de cours ä l'Universite
de Bruxelles,

Les institutions internationales.

Mardi 5 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. M. Konstanty GRZYBOWSKI, professeur ä l'Univer-

site de Cracovie,

La Pologne aux XIX' et XX' siecles.

10 h. 30. M. Rene DEKKERS, professeur ä l'Universite de Bru-

xelles,

L'U.R.S.S.

11 h. 30. Groupe de travail de T« Union des juristes tchecoslova-

ques », Prague,

La Tchecoslovaquie depuis 1918.

Mercredi 6 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. M. Dragomir STOJCEVIC, professeur ä l'Universite de

Beigrade,

La Yougoslavie.

10 h. 15. M. Marian CIESLAK, professeur ä l'Universite de

Cracovie,

La participation des citoyens ä l' administration de
la justice dans les pays socialistes contemporains.

11 h. Madame ENGELBORGHS, chargee de recherches ä

l'lnstitut de Sociologie de l'Universite de Bruxelles,

La Chine.
11 h. 45. M. Shinzo TAKAYANAGl. professor at Tohoku Uni-
versity, Sendai, Japan,
]apan after 1854.

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Section D

ISLAM ET ORIENT.

Prcsidents et rapporteurs gencraux :

M. ABEL, professeur aux Universites de Bruxelles et

de Gand,

L' Islam.
M. L. ROCHER, professeur ä rUniversite de Bruxelles,

L' Orient,

Rapports particuliers :

Mardi 5 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. M. J. Duncan M. DERRETT, Lecturer at the School for

African and Oriental Studies, Londres,

Governors and governed in India tili 1919.

10 h. 15. M. Ryosuke ISHII, professeur ä l'Universite de Tokyo,

Japan before 1854.

11h. M. de CORAIL, professeur ä la Faculte de Droit de

Caen,

Le royaurne Khmet.

11 h. 45. M. Jan PRINS, professeur ä l'Universite d'Utrecht,

Indonesia.

Mercredi 6 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. M. E. TYAN, professeur ä l'Universite Saint Joseph,

Beyrouth,

L'Islam dans les pays du Moyen et Proche-Orient.

10 h. 15. M. Tayyik GOKBILGIN, professeur ä l'Universite d'Is-

tanbul,

Les Ayäms, institution de gouvernes dans VEmpire
Ottoman aux XVIII' et XIX' siecles.

11 h. Madame ENGELBORGHS (voir p. 13),

La Chine.
11 h. 45. M. Shinzo TAKAYANAGI (voir p. 13),

]apan aften 1854.

Section E

CIVILISATIONS ARCHAIQUES.

Presidente et Rapporteui qeneral : Madame A. DORSINFANG-
SMETS, professeur ä l'Universite de Bruxelles.

Lundi 4 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. MM. Daniel BIEBUYCK, professeur ä l'Universite

« Lovanium », Leopoldville, et
Luc de HEUSCH. professeur ä l'Universite de
Bruxelles,

L' A[rique centrale.

11 h. M. Raymond VERDIER, attache de recherches au

C.R.N.S., Paris,

L'Ouest a[ ricain.

11 h. 45. M. N. J. J. OLIVIER, professeur ä l'Universite de SteU
lenbosch (Afrique du Sud),

Bantu Population o[ South-Africa.

Apres-midi :

14 h. 30. M. Henri LAVACHERY, professeur honoraire ä l'Uni-

versite de Bruxelles,

L'Ancienne culture polynesienne.

15 h. 15. M. Mervyn J. MEGGITT, Senior Lecturer in anthropo-

logy at the University of Sydney (Australie),
Australia and New Guinea.

15 h. 45. Madame A. DORSINFAKG-SMETS, professeur ä

l'Universite de Bruxelles,

Indiens d'Amerique et Azteques.

16 h. 30. M. Charles VERLINDEN, professeur ä l'Universite

de Gand ,

« Republicas de Indios » du Mexique aux XV I" et

XVII' siecles.

17 h. 15. M. G. VANDENSTEENHOVEN, La Haye,

Les Esquimaux.

Mardi 5 juin :

Matin :

9 h. 30. M. P. W. A. IMMINK,

Les Germains (voir section A).

10 h. 30. M. J. DE BROLIWERE, chef de service ä l'lnstitut

royal des Sciences naturelles,

et M. Frangois TWIESSELMAN, professeur ä l'Uni-
versite de Bruxelles,
La Prehistoire.

i^ ("^ i^

Jnöcription

Les personnes qui desirent participer ä la r6union de la
Societe Jean Bodin et de la Commission Internationale pour l'his-
toire des assemblees d'etats, sont priees de renvoyer le formulaire
d'adhesion ci-joint, avant le 15 avril 1962, ä

M. le Ptofessem /. GILISSEN 4 ^(^ ^ -^ ^
155, aveniie des Statuaires
BRUXELLES 18

Renseignements concernant le logement et les repas.

REFAS : Le repas de midi (self-service) peut etre pris au restaurant uni-
versitaire, ä la CITE HSTUDiAiNllNE, situe aveiiue Faul Heger, dans le
complext des batiments universitaires. Prix : 5U irancs (une boissun
cüniprise).

Autres restaurants situes aux environs de l'Universite :

Beau-Sejour, 787, Chaussee de Walerloo (meiiu de üü ä 135 in).

La Fetite Suisse, 35, büulevard General Jacques (menu ä 75 fr.).

La Colomba, 111, boulevard üeneral Jacques (menu ä 60 fr.) (fermelelundi).

Le Chevalier, 177, boulevard üeneral Jacques (ä la carte).

L'Auberge de Boendael, 13U, avenue du Bois de la Cambre (ä la carte).

LOüEMENT : Un nombre limite de dogements sont mis ä la disposition des
congressistes ä l'Hötel du Domaine provincial ä Huisingen et au Home Jo-
ciste de Tourneppe (Üworp), situes ä une quinzaine de kilometres au sud
de Bruxelles. Les irais de ia demi-pension s'eieveront ä une centaine de
francs beiges par jour et par personne. Chambres ä une et ä deux personnes,
eau courante, salies de bains et de douches. Une ligne reguliere d'autobus
relie Huisingen et Tourneppe a Bruxelles (depart d'Uccle-Calevoet, terminus
des lignes de tramways 7 et 9). Les congressistes qui ne disposeraient
pas de vüiture parliculiere, seront si possibie transportes vers les locaux
de travail ä l'Universite de Bruxelles, le matm, et ramenes le soir ä ieur
logement, au moyen d'autocars speciaux loues par les soins du Comite
organisateur du Congres. Les deniandes de reservation devraient parvenir
au plus tard le \ö avril 1962.

2 personnes.

380 - 1200 ir.
400 - 635 fr.

QUELQUES HOTELS ;

Metropole, place de Brouckere, 31
Astoria, rue Royale, 1Ö3
ürand Hotel, 31, bld. Anspach
üallia-Britannique, rue Joseph II, 2
Scheers, blv. A. Max, 132
Central Bourse, 1, rue A. Orts
Albergo, av. Toison d'Or, 37
Richmond, rue de la Concorde, 21
Beau-Sejour, Chaussee de Waterloo, 787

L'Agence de voyages üENERALCAR, 1, rue des Colonies, Bruxelles 1
(tel. 13.19.19) est chargee de la reservation des chambres.

1 personne.

250 - 750 fr.

235 - 450 fr.

190 - 315 fr.

2ÜC» - 290 fr.

150 - 325 fr.

170 - 245 fr.

120 - 250 fr.

95 - 320 fr.
120 - 150 fr.

285 -
240 -
200 -
240 -
150 -
165 -
200 -

545 fr.
470 fr.
350 fr.
460 fr.
320 fr.
375 fr.
325 fr.

^R e.S'iST

C^^RU^ L. A^öS:^C c^t^L^KL^^^^

A^t Hl (/c

"/i

l%5

•

MARECCD CC?Y— JEä PAG

.3^V

The Wisconsin Icc Trade

LEE E. LAWRENCE

Banking Without Banks

ALICE E. SMITH

Pictorial Images of the hiegro During the Civil War

WILLIAM FLETCHER THOMPSON, JR.

My Ten Years on the Wisconsin Faculty

JOHN D. HICKS

TKe Renovation of G.A.R. Memorial Hall

Puhlished hy The State Historical Society of Wisconsin / Vol. XLVIII, No, 4 / Summer, 1965

THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

OF WISCONSIN

Leslie H. Fishel, Jr., Director

Officers

Scott M. Cutlip, President

John C. Geilfuss, First Vice-President

Clifford D. Swanson, Second Vice-President

Herbert V. Kohler, Honorary Vice-President
E. E. HoMSTAD, Treasurer
Leslie H. Fishel, Jr., Secretary

Board of Curators

Ex-Ojficio

Warren P. Knowles, Governor of the State Mrs. Dena A. Smith, State Treasurer

Robert C. Zimmerman, Secretary of State Fred H. Harrington, President of the University

Angus B. Rothwell, Superintendent of Public Instruction
Mrs. Joseph C. Gamroth, President of the Womens Auxiliary

E. David Cronon

Madison
Scott M. Cutlip

Madison
W. Norman FitzGerald

Milwaukee

Thomas H. Barland

Eau Ciaire
M. J. Dyrud

Prairie du Chien
Jim Dan Hill

Middleton

Term Expires, 1966

Mrs. Robert E. Friend

Hartland
Edward Fromm

Hamburg
Robert A. Gehrke

Ripon

John C. Geilfuss

Milwaukee
Mrs. Howard T. Greene

Genesee Depot
Robert L. Pierce

Menomonie

Term Expires, 1967

E. E. HoMSTAD

Black River Falls
Mrs. Charles B. Jackson

Nashotah
Mrs. Vincent W. Koch

Janesville

Mrs. Raymond J. Koltes

Madison
Frederick I. Olson

Wauwatosa
F. Harwood Orbison

Appleton

J. Ward Rector

Milwaukee
James A. Riley

Eau Claire
Clifford D. Swanson

Stevens Point

Frederic Sammond

Milwaukee
Donald C. Slichter

Milwaukee
Louis C. Smith

Lancaster

Term Expires, 1968

George Banta, Jr.

Menasha
Kenneth W. Haagensen

Oconomowoc
Philip F. La Follette

Madison

Mrs. John N. Miller
Wisconsin Rapids

Robert B. L. Murphy
Madison

FosTER B. Porter
Bloomington

William F. Stark
Pewaukee

MiLO K. SWANTON

Madison
Frederick N. Trowbridge
Green Bay

Cedric A. Vig

Rhinelander
Clark Wilkinson

Baraboo
Stephen P. J. Wood

Beloit

Honorary

Honorary Life Members

William Ashby McCloy, Winnipeg

Preston E. McNall, Madison

Mrs. Litta Bascom, Madison

DoROTHY L. Park, Madison

Fellows

Vernon Carstensen

Merle Curti

Alice E. Smith

The Women's Auxiliary

Officers

Mrs. Joseph C. Gamroth, Madison, President

Mrs. William H. L. Smythe, Milwaukee, Vice-President

Mrs. Edward H. Rikkers, Madison, Secretary

Mrs. William E. Hug, Neenah, Treasurer

Mrs. Edmund K. Nielson, Appleton, Assistant Treasurer

Mrs. W. Norman FitzGerald, Milwaukee, Ex-Officio

FJJiP^w?^^^^^

VOLUME 48, ISVMBER 4 / SUMMER, 1965

Wisconsin
Magazine
of History

William Converse Haycood, Editor
Paul H. Hass, Associate Editor

The Building Addition (I) : The Museum
The Wisconsin Ice Trade

LEE E. LAWRENCE

Banking Without Banks: George Smith and the Wisconsin
Marine and Fire Insurance Company
ALICE E. SMITH

Pictorial Images of the Negro During the Civil War

WILLIAM FLETCHER THOMPSON, JR.

A Museum Transformed: Grand Army Memorial Hall in Madison
My Ten Years on the Wisconsin Faculty

JOHN D. HICKS

Book Reviews
Accessions

Bibliographical Notes
Contributors

256
257

268

282

295
303

317
333
337
342

Published Quarterly by The State Historical Society of Wisconsin

THE WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY is published
quarterly by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin
816 State Street. Madison, Wisconsin 53706. Distributed
to members as part of their dues (Annual membership.
J5 00: Family membership, $7.00; Contributing, $10; Busi-
ness and Professional, $25; Sustaining $100 or more annual-
ly • Patron, $1000 or more annually). Single numbers, $i-^5.
Mi'crofilmed copies available through University Microtiims,
313 North First Street, Ann Arbor. Michigan. Communica-
tions should be addressed to the editor. The Society docs

not assume responsibility for Statements made by contribu-
tors. Second-class postage paid at Madison, Wisconsin.
Copyright 1965 by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin.
Pai^d for in part by the Maria L. and Simeon Mills Editorial
Fund and by the George B. Burrows Fund. Wisconsin news-
papers may reprint any article appearing in the WISCON-
SIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY providing the story carries
the foUowing credit line : Reprinted from the State Histori-
cal Society's Wisconsin Magazine of History for [insert the
season and ycar which appcar on the Magazine}.

WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF TIISTORY

SUMMER, 1965

BOOK REVIEWS

tion first exploded. The description of the
Chinese response to this movement is a signifi-
cant contribution. Barth next points out, in
an overdrawn picture, the role of the Cali-
fornian humanitarian-missionary in helping
the Chinese become part of the American
scene. He overlooks that the majority, not
humanitarians, opposed the Chinese. The last
chapter moves beyond the borders of Cali-
fornia and describes the use of Chinese labor
throughout the United States, which turned
out to be slight.

Barth's thesis ig that the Chinese, through
a process of acculturation, adapted success-
fully to American life. The Chinese came as
sojourners to accumulate wealth which would
enable them to return to China to live a life
of ease. Barth, however, maintains that be-
tween 1850 and 1870 many changed their
purpose and became true immigrants who de-
sired to remain in the United States. No one
can deny that the Chinese adapted to their
new environment. Nevertheless, no explana-
tion is made as to whether this adaptation was
done willingly or was developed through a
sense of frustration, nor are patterns of hu-
man behavior examined with reference to the
Chinese. Given the Situation in which they
found themselves, it was inevitable that they
abandon their dream of leisure and remain
in this country, surviving as best they could.

Acculturation or adaptation is possible for
all minority groups. This is only one aspect
of the problem. Another is assimilation. How
readily have minority groups, such as the
Chinese, been accepted into American society?
The answer is painfully clear. During the
nineteenth Century and after, the Chinese,
particularly in the West, were never thought
of as Americans. They may have adapted, as
Barth ably contends, but they were ever con-
sidered by Caucasians as stränge inferior
aliens.

Bitter Strength is a scholarly appraisal of
the Chinese in California rather than in the
entire country as suggested by the title. The
book would have been improved if more
specific figures could have been given on the
total number of Chinese involved. While the
author has confined bis study to but two
decades, the most explosive aspects of the
Chinese problem came in the following ten
years. This account would have been en-
hanced by including the problems of these
years.

H. Brett Melendy
San Jose State College

The Nazi Seizure of Power: The Experience
of a Single German Town. By William
Sheridan Allen. (Quadrangle Books, Chi-
cago, 1965. Pp. xi, 345. Appendices, notes.
index. $6.95.)

There have been astonishingly few attempts
to study the Nazi Revolution at the grass-
roots level, of how that revolution managed
(without firing a shot) to capture one lo-
cality after another. Mr. Allen has chosen
one small Hanoverian town (population,
10,000) as the object of bis study, and he
follows its politics from the "death of de-
mocracy" through the introduction of dic-
tatorship. There is no such thing as a "typi-
cal town" in a nation so diversified regionally
and economically as was Germany, and Mr.
Allen is rightly cautious about constructing
any "ideal type." The town he has chosen
has several interesting features about it: a
coherent and solidly social democratic work-
ing class; a large percentage of petit-bour-
geoisie and, because it was an administrative
centre of the region, a goodly number of
civil servants.

The attraction of National Socialism for
youth and much of the middle class is well
known, and this book documents it in some
detail. But the most interesting feature may
well be the destruction of working-class Op-
position even before the seizure of power —
a working class conscious of itself and of so-
cialism. The depression accomplished the
task for the Nazis. Wedded to the Republic,
the socialist leaders seemed to support the
Status quo, while the Nazis were the radicals.
Employers, fast becoming National Socialists,
could intimidate workers in union elections
because strikes were out of the question at a
time of great unemployment when scabs
could be had for the asking. While Allen
rightly mentions the Nazi Identification with
time-honored patriotic symbols, this may
have impressed the workers as well as the
middle classes.

If all this Sounds pretty dry in the retell-
ing, it does not do so in this book. Rather,
Mr. Allen writes well and fluently, so that
the reader becomes involved with the cross-
currents of politics and aspirations of this
little town. Unfortunately we are not told its
name: little towns, Mr. Allen holds, have
too much gossip and too little privacy. From
the point of view of scholarship such discre-
tion seems unjustified, for so much depends
(given the peculiarities of Germany) upon

Society's Iconographic Collection
A soldier^s funeral in Germany during the Nazi era.

where this place is specifically situated. How-
ever, Mr. AUen's method may well require
this anonymity. For this book is based upon
nineteen interviews with the survivors from
the period with which he is concerned. These
Cover a wide political spectrum as well as
different class backgrounds.

Such a method is risky, especially where
many Statements cannot be checked by docu-
ments (the town archives in this case do not
seem to have been very complete). For all
the uncertainties involved in such a method,
the usefulness of oral history cannot be dis-
puted. Those who had a part in the events
of 1933 are dying out, and much too little
has been done to preserve a record of the
experiences of actions of the local politician
— for it is on this level that the Nazi revolu-
tion affected most people. The fact that Mr.
Allen had to change names for the purposes
of the book does not detract from the ulti-
mate value of what he has done. But it does
give bis book a cast which may stump the
Scholar who likes to verify bis material,
though some supplementary sources are, of
course, used.

The Problems raised here can apply to
any local study, written many years later,
relying upön the memories of a limited circle
of participants. It is difficult to see how Mr.

Allen could have proceeded differently. The
final verification of much of what he says
comes from a direction which he does not
mention: the evidence of Nazi actions and
results on the national level. It could also
derive from studies of other localities in
which interviews can be verified by docu-
mentary evidence. This might provide a valid
kind of control for the oral history with which
he is concerned. Allen's book is a Start for
a more thorough examination of Nazi his-
tory on the grass-roots level. The pioneering
work of American historians in this field
might well be utilized by the historians of
recent Germany. Without local studies (and
they hardly exist) we shall never know how
the Nazi revolution actually penetrated into
the daily life of the population.

George L. Mosse
University of Wisconsin

Generals in Blue: Lives of the Union Com-
manders. By Ezra J. Warner. (Louisiana
State University Press, Baton Rouge, 1964.
Pp. XXV, 680. Notes, appendices, bibliography.
$15.00.)

This large and extremely useful reference
work contains biographical sketches and phot-
ographs of the 583 men who held the füll rank
of brigadier or major general in the Union
Army during the Civil War — from John
Joseph Abercrombie (who lived until 1877)
to Samuel Kosciuszko Zook (who was killed
at Gettysburg).

Another 1,367 soldiers who held only bre-
vet rank are listed in an appendix, and the
obvious thoroughness of Mr. Warner's re-
search should dispel any suspicion that there
were others. Heroes and cowards, geniuses
and incompetents, they are all here. The bio-
graphical sketches, which average about 400
words each, are uniformly well written; the
photographs, almost without exception, are
sharp and füll of character. Not the least
interesting part of this book is Mr. Warner's
introduction, which brings together some of
the incidental statistics uncovered by bis re-
search. For example, we learn that the aver-
age age of the 583 generals in 1861 was
under forty; that 194 of them were profes-
sional soldiers; that 217 were West Pointers

324

325

'■'l^-^iMsM^^^^i^^^mi^^^m'^

W^MSMBMiSf^WM^i-

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P!ig^M'.§j|;|

William Sheridan Allen, The Nazi Seizure of Power, The £xperience

oT a Sim-le berman Town, Chicago, v^uad-
ran^le books, 1965. #6.95

There have been astonishin^ly few atteinpts to study the
Nazi Revolution at the ^rasaroots level, of how that revolution
managed (without flring a shot) to capture one locality after
another, Mr. Allen has chosen one small Hanoverian town (popu-
latlon, 10,000) as the object of hie study, and he follows its
polltics from the •'death of democracy" throu^h the introduction
of dictatorship. There is no such thln£ as a ^'typical town'* in
a nation so diversified re^ionally and economlcally as was
G-ermany, and Kr. Allen is ri^iitly cautious about ccnstructin^
any ** ideal type**. The town he lias choeen has several interesting
features about it: a coherent and solidly social democratic
workin^ class; a large percenta^e of petit-bour^^eoisie and,
because it was an administrative centre of the re^ion, a
goodly number of civil servants.

The attraction of National Socialism for youth and much
of the mlddle class is well known, and this bock documents it
in 8ome detail, ßut the most interestin^; feature may well be
the destruction of workin^ class Opposition even before the
seizure of power — a workin^ class conscious of itself and of
socialism. The depressicn accomplished the task for the Nazis.
Wedded to the Republic, the socialist leaders seemed to support
the Status quo, while the Nazis were the radicals. Enfiployers,
fast becoffiln^ National Socialiste, could intimidate workers in
Union elections because strikes were out of the question at a

IfsTl^s^^'iiTPIi!^

/ä^Ji.;!/;^;.;.'.-;, ":;.,^.;'i' '^^■-■y:-:^y\:;j-'',' \l '1^ :^-'i!^.'

iir-Xc'

^•2-

time of great unemployment when scabs could be had for the asklng.
WViile Allen rightly mentions the Nazi Identification with time-
honored patriotic symbols, this may have impressed the workers
as well as the middle classes.

If all this sounds pretty dry in the retelling, It aoes
not do so in this bock. Rather, Mr. Allen writes well and fluently,
so that the reader becomes involved with the cross currents of
politics and aspirations of this little town. Unfortunately we
are not told its name: little towns, Mr. Allen holds, have too
much feossip and too little privacy. Fr:.iri the point of view of
schclarship such discretion seems unjustified, for so much
depends (given the peculiarities of Germany) upon where this
place is specifically situated. However, Mr. Allen' s method may
well reqüire this anonymlty. For this book is based ucon 19
interviews with the survivors from the period with which he is
concerned. These cover a wide political spectrum as well as
different class backgrounds.

Such a method is risky, especially where many Statements
cannot be checked by documents (the town archives in this case
do not seem to have been very complete), For all the uncertain-
ties Involved in such a method, the usefulness of oral history
cannot be dlsputed. Those who had a part in the events of 1933
are dying out, and much too little has been done to preserve a
record of the exi:eriences of actions of the local politician --
for it is on this level that the Nazi revolution affected most
people. The fact that Mr. Allen had to change names for the

-3-

purposes of the book does not detract from the ultimate value
of what he has done» But It does £lve hie book a cast whlch
may stump the scholar who llkes to verlfy his materlal, though
some supplementär^ sources are, of course, used.

The Problems raised here can apply to any local study,
written many years later, relyln£ upon the memories of a limited
circle of partlcipants. It is dlfficult to see how Mr. Allen
could have proceeded dlfferently. The final verification of
much of what he says comes from a direction which he does not
mention: the evidence of Hazi actlons and results on the national
level, It could also derive from studies of other localities in
which Interviews can be verified by documentary evidence. This
ffilght provide a valid kind of control for the oral history with
which he is concerned. Allen* s book is a start for a more thorough
examination of Nazi history on the grass roots level» The pio-
neerin^ work of Amei'ican historians in this field mi^ht well
be utilized by the historians of recent bermany, without local
studies (and they hardly exist) we shall never know how the
Nazi revolution actually penetrated into the daily life of the
population#

G-ecrge L. Kosse

üniversity of Wisconsin

■^:?;|J(q'2?":'

AR. 2.5-/21^

C^SoRC^^ L.. AU>^^E CoL.c£c^^^toy^

A^cH\yj

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Kannah Arendt» Elchmann in Jerusalem, a Raport on thc Banallty of Evtl,
The Viking Press, New York, I963, 275 PP. $5-50

Revleved by
George L. Mosse

Miss Arendt* 8 book, whlch flrst appearad as a serles of artlcles in the
New Yorker has reaped a whlrlvlnd of crltlclsm, Indeed a reply has already
been coxnissioned by a Jevlsh Organization. One night well ask why this
should be so, for this book, which ranges well beyond Eichmann himself, ia
factually accurate and based upon the latest sourcea . She deals perceptively
with the changes in German policy towards the Jews, from expulsion to the
final Solution. She describes truthfully the resistance offered by a whole
people to such measures (the unparalleled heroism of the Danes), and the
enthusiasm for .pogroms in Rumania which frightened even the Germans . More«
over Eichmann and his part in all of thia are skiUfully woven into the
larger narrative; he emerges as what he was: not the initiator of policy
but its skiUful executor, the beaurocrat par exellence concerned not with
the end of the final Solution but with transporting hia victims to their end.

And yet, a dimension of the Jewish catastrophe ia missing, and it ia
thia which has cauaed a storm of criticism. Miss Arendt is theoretically
right but wrong in practica especially in her condemnation of Jewish colla-
boration with the Nasis . She is prone to disapprove of any contact between
Nazi and Jew, whether it be Zioniat negotiation for emigration (in which
Eichmann proved helpful) or the position of Jewish leadership in face of
extinction. She often makea her point through innuendo: For example, Jewiah
officiala "could be truated'* to compile deportation liata and so indeed they
could. But thia is hardly the point, for what ia omitted, and it is a serioua
Omission, is a sense of the extreme Situation in which theae officiala found
themaalvea.

- 2 -

Wrltlng fron HDunt Olympus rather than puttlng h«r««lf Into th« Inferno»
sh« expecta thes« leaders to rise dranmtlcally abov« « hlstorlcal altuation
for whlch th«y wer« •ntirely unprepared. Mtn and women tfho wera daaply Inbuad
iflth the haritaga of llbaralistn and the anlighteranent, whlch had bean bald
more tanaclously by tba Jewlst bourgolala tban by any otbar class of tha
Europaan population, wäre suddenly confrontad wtth a new typa of totalltarlaa
man. For Miss Arendt Is at har best when she dlssects preclsely this neu type
as symbollsad by Adolf Eichmann. Ha was indeed a captiva of the Naai myth
and therefore whatever he did was a matter of Gertnan dastlny into which no
other traditional, humanitarian, criteria could enter. He had no feeling of
guilt about the horror and destruction of which he was a part. But what she
forgets is that his victims wäre also captives of a tnyth which would not let
them see the true natura of their conf rontation : All man were» to them,
human beings and therefore had a measure of decency which might make negoti«*
ation possible, while the terror could be mitigated through cushioning the
shock. The passive resistance which, with hindsight, she would have substituted
is hardly raalistic on a continant which doas not share the traditions which
producad a Ghandi in India.

What she had to say about the trial itsalf has also caused violent criti*
cism, but here one can risa to her defense for she does under stand Eichmann
and his place in the whole dreadful story. Mr. Gideon Hauser, the prosecutor,
did attempt to assign to Eichmann the principle role in the final Solution, to
paint him as a Sadist and monstar. Through such an iinhistorical approach ha
missed the most damning point of all, that Eichmann was "tarrifyingly normal",
that he was indeed a new type of criminal so captive to an idaology that quite
literally ha did not know what ha was doing when Judged by the accepted canons
of civilieed law. As Miss Arendt points out further, tha legal formula of
"intent of guilt'* is davoid of maaning in this contaxt. This is tha trua

i
V

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- 3 -

terror r^presented by ElchiMnn th« man. Hl« inis « •#!£ deceptlon whlch nat
shared by wogt o£ th« Garman imtlon. Tbl« Utt«r polnt was lost in th« trlal
tbrough the e£fort to spare tbe sensibllltitts of tbs Adenauer government« a
polnt about wblch Miss Arendt Is rlghtly scornf ul . It would have been better
If present-day politics had not entered the trlal at all, but they dld, both
as over agalnst Germany and in the effort to instruct the younger generatlon
of Israelis in the whole long history o£ Jewish persecutlon. Eichmann was
used to instill a greater seif awareness into the young Israelis and thus the
vitnesses at the trlal were conceded a rlght to be Irrelevant. Hiss Arendt
captures this spirit when she contrasts throughout her bock the purposes» partly
polltlcal, of the prosecutlÄn wlth the undoubted devotion to the law by the
Judges .

But how could Eichmann have been tried dlfferently? To this the book
glves an answer only in moral and not in legal terms. We cannot be expected
to share our small planet with such inen. If Eichmann was indeed symbolic for
the "new type" of man living under modern totalitarlsm then this is small com-
fort indeed, for the modern trend towards al legiance to national ideology
ratl^r than universal Standards of thought survived his death. In giving us
our /best understanding of Eichmann the man Miss Arendt has rendered a distinct
sar^ice, cutting tbrough the emotionalism of the trial» even though she has
failed to under stand those caught by the terror which he served so we3 1 and
without pangs of conscience.

-•>

Mayer analyzes a number of prom-
ising new ventures but he gives only
scant attention to what may at this
time be the best of them — an ambitious
experiment with new history materials
headed by Edwin Fenton of Pitts-
burgh and supported by the Mellon
Foundation.

Despite such flaws and contradic-
tions, the book is eminently worth
reading (and getting angry about) if
only because Cinderella cannot yet af-
ford to be choosy about her suitors. Im-
provements in social studies teaching
are desperately needed in the schools,
where coaches and bus drivers double
as history teachers and where, from
time to time, vigilantes roam like
coyotes. Many teachers who know they
should do better and who wish they
could, have neither the time nor the
materials.

Mayer's concern with this neglect
and with the catalogue of stupidities
that pass for economics and history and
geography bring him to intelligent dis-
cussions of some attractive experiments
with archeology and anthropology and
of the possibility of using the new
physics course developed by the Phys-
ical Science Study Committee (PSSC)
at the Massachusetts Institute of Tech-
nology as a model for social studies re-
form generally. "Induction . . . as the
mathematicians and scientists practice
it," Mayer says, "is a process of succes-
sive approximation. A child need not
be told that his answers are right or
wrong, because he can feed them back
into the problem himself, see how they
work out, and hunt around for the
reasons for error . . ." Mayer be-
lieves the extent of the usefulness of
induction in social studies is "an open
question," but to many such an ap-
proach seems promising.

And yet social studies is not physics;
the area is broad and undefined; it
already has too many "experts," touches
too many sacred cows, and is the fief

of an establishment which shows little
zeal for reform. Despite all this, some
reform is taking place; new materials
are being produced, and many teachers
as well as academic social scientists are
eager to start work if someone will only
give them half a chance.

The real question raised by this
Carnegie-sponsored book (with its
inane jacket endorsement from a
Carnegie officer) is what the founda-
tions are going to do — or indeed what
they should do. Back in the Thirties,
Carnegie laid an egg by financing a
massive social studies teaching outline
that no one seems to have followed,
and recently the Ford Foundation bit,
then escaped from the hooks of an am-
bitious but over-promoted project di-
rected at reform in all twelve years, be-
ginning with anthropology in the first
grade. Thus, the timidity of the foun-
dations is understandable. And yet, if
the many smaller projects now under-
way are not encouraged, a great oppor-
tunity will have been missed. Should
Mayer's book generate such encourage-
ment — and that means money — then it
may turn out to be a most important
contribution to the teaching of social

" ' j m%

Cafitive(^fchmann ^

Eichmann in Jerusalem; a report

ON THE BANALiTY OF EViL, by Hannah

Areij^lt. The Viking Press. 275 pp.

$5,

Reviewed by

George L. Mosse

MISS arendt's book, which first ap-
peared as a series of articles in
The New Yorker, has reaped a whirl-
wind of criticism; indeed, a reply has
already been commissioned by a Jew-
ish Organization. One might well ask
why this should be so, for the book,
which ranges well beyond Eichmann
himself, is factually accurate and
based upon the latest sources. Miss
Arendt deals perceptively with the
changes in German policy towards
the Jews, from expulsion to "the fi-
nal Solution." She describes truthfully
the resistance offered by a whole
people to such measures (the unpar-
alled heroism of the Danes), and the
enthusiasm for pogroms in Rumania
which frightened even the Germans.

f^^2A^ ^U^fiAVu^

Moreover, Eichmann and his part in
all of this are skillfully woven into
the larger narrative; he emerges as
what he was: not the initiator of pol-
icy but its skillful executor, the bu-
reaucrat par excellence concerned
with transporting his victims to their
end.

And yet, a dimension of the Jewish
catastrophe is missing, and it is this
which has caused a storm of criticism.
Miss Arendt is theoretically right but
wrong in practice, especially in her
condemnation o| Jewish collaboration
with the Nazis. She is prone to disap-
prove of any contact between Nazi
and Jew, whether it be Zionist negoti-
ation for emigration or the position
of Jewish leadership in the face of
extinction. She often makes her point
through innuendo: For example, Jew-
ish officials "could be trusted" to
compile deportation lists, and so in-
deed they could. But this is hardly
the point, for what is omitted, and it
is a serious Omission, is a sense of the
extreme Situation in which these of-
ficials found themselves.

Writing from Mount Olympus
rather than putting herseif into the
inferno, Miss Arendt expects these
Jewish leaders to rise dramatically
above a historical Situation for which
they were entirely unprepared. Men
and women who were deeply imbued
with the heritage of liberalism and
the enlightenment, which had been
held more tenaciously by the Jewish
bourgeoisie than by any other class
of the European population, were
suddenly confronted with a new
type of totalitarian man. Miss Arendt
is at her best when she dissects this
new type as symbolized by Adolf
Eichmann. He was indeed a captive
of the Nazi myth, and whatever he
did was a matter of German destiny
into which no other traditional, hu-
manitarian criteria could enter. He
had no feeling of guilt about the
horror and destruction of which he
was a part. But what Miss Arendt
forgets is that his victims were also
captives of a myth which would not
let them see the true nature of their
confrontation: All men, to them,
were human beings and therefore
had a measure of decency which
might make negotiation possible,
while the terror could be mitigated

THE PROGRESSIVE

« »

(

through cushioning the shock. The
passive resistance which, with hind-
sight, she would have substituted is
hardly realistic on a continent which
does not share the traditions which
produced a Gandhi in India.

What she has to say about the trial
itself has also caused violent criti-
cism, but here one can rise to her
defense for she does understand Eich-
mann and his place in the whole
dreadful story. Gideon Hauser, the
prosecutor, did attempt to assign to
Eichmann the principal role in the
final Solution, to paint him as a Sad-
ist and monster. Through such an
unhistorical approach he missed the
most damning point of all, that Eich-
mann was "terrifyingly normal," that
he was indeed a new type of criminal
so captive to an ideology that quite
literally he did not know what he
was doing when judged by the ac-
cepted Canons of civilized law. As
Miss Arendt also points out, the legal
formula of "intent of guilt" — action
taken with Intention — is devoid of
meaning in this context. This is the
true terror represented by Eichmann
the man. His was a seif deception
which was shared by most of the
German nation. This latter point
was lost in the trial through the ef-

Put US in your
moving picture

before you move
please send us
your old address

as well as your new one

The Progressive

Madison, Wisconsin

fort to spare the sensibilities of the
/Adenauer government, a point about
Iwhich Miss Arendt is rightfully
Vscornful.

How could Eichmann have been
tried differently? To this the book
gives an answer only in moral and
not in legal terms. We cannot be ex-
pected to share our small planet with
such men. If Eichmann was indeed
symbolic for the "new type" of man
living under modern totalitarianism,
then this is small comfort indeed,
for the modern trend towards allegi-
ance to national ideology rather than
universal Standards of thought sur-
vived his death. In giving us our
best understanding of Eichmann the
man, Miss Arendt has rendered a
distinct Service, cutting through the
emotionalism of the trial, even though
she has failed to understand those
caught by the terror which he
served so well and without pangs of
conscience.

Washington Negroes

DusK AT THE MOUNTAIN^ by Hayues
Johnson. Doubleday. 273 pp. $4.50

Reviewed by

Laurence Stern

"Tt is difficult," writes Haynes John-
-■- son, "to write with objectivity
about the Negro, for in the end all
racial relationships are personal." Yet
what is so disturbing about this book
is its tone of virginal objectivity, its
failure to give birth to a point of view.
As a reporter, Johnson has done a
good-hearted, chaste, conscientious
Job of fact-gathering. An enormous
amount of personal interviewing,
reading, and patient legwork has gone
into the making of his book. The
bibliography attests to it. But he ends
up telling US what we should already
know if we have had our eyes and
ears open — that Negroes in Washing-
ton (or for that matter any major
city) are victims of double prices and
credit extortion whether in shoes or
shelter; that they are expropriated
rather than helped by urban renewal
projects intended to redeem their en-
vironment; that they are barred
from suburbia and middle class
employment.

Johnson teils us these things with
the thoroughness of a good reporter
who might have been sent out to
Cover a plane crash, a fire, or a mur-
der. He interviews the cops, the sur-
vivors, the eyewitnesses, and puts it
all down on his note päd. The reader
is given the benefit of Johnson's sü-
perb note-taking. What is missing is
the all-important interaction between
the brain and the viscera before the
fingers hit the keys. We might not
expect to find this quality in a news-
paper series, such as the one that in-
spired Dusk at the Mountain. But —
one way or the other — one does ex-
pect the author to lay it on the line
once freed of the meddlesome re-
straints of copy desks, editors, and
ever-twitching front-office counsel.

Many anonymous voices whisper
through the pages of this book on
Washington's Negroes — anonymous,
the author insists, so that his subjects
may speak out candidly. Hear the
frankly bigoted Dixiecrat who rules
Washington's legislative roost on
Capitol Hill. Listen to the mother of
seven illegitimate children on the
city welfare dole speak of casual forni-
cation. Meet the status-hungry, upper
crust Negro who lives in splendid
alienation from his own heritage and
the white world he covets. Somehow
this mosaic of disembodied conversa^
tions never seems to pull together,
perhaps because the author's voice is
largely absent from the babel.

A lot of cheap nonsense has been
published in recent months about
Washington and its Negro problem.
Johnson's book is neither cheap nor
nonsensical but serious in its objec-
tives. For this reason alone it is
welcome.

Spellbound

The Unicorn, by Iris Murdoch.
Viking. 311 pp. $5.

Reviewed by

Donald Emerson

MISS Murdoch's seventh novel re-
sembles A Severed Head in its
intricate pattern of personal relation-
ships and An Unofficial Rose in the i
moral seriousness of its subject. But i,
for all the family traits, this latest '

THE PROGRESSIVE

»■

c(lhOUu4>

IN ONE of the letters in the current People's Forum com-
menting on George Kirstein's June issue article, "The
Myths of the Small Magazine," Irving HoUingshead of
New Jersey affirms the small magazine's usefulness in
giving readers "a depth of factual knowledge" not found
in mass circulation "populär" magazines.

As important as solid factual background is a militant
point of view. Without it a minority magazine would be
precious or a bore. In The Progressive's celebrated special
issue on Senator Joseph R. McCarthy, the facts were pain-
stakingly assembled, then assessed.

The Progressive's recent special issue, "A Century of
Struggle," is different in its presentation but not in its
total impact. While the McCarthy issue was staff-re-
searched and staff-written, in "A Century of Struggle" a
variety of brilliant writers explored in depth, ranging
from historical precision to poetic insight, the past and
present in race relations in the United States. It is a back-
ground of facts for understanding the current crisis. And
with the facts, a passionate point of view. Incidentally,
Martin Luther King's article, "The Luminous Promise,"
in "A Century of Struggle" is strikingly prophetic of to-
day's turmoil.

Copies of "A Century of Struggle" are still available:
fifty Cents a single copy, $1 for three. Quantity rates
will be sent on request. With every new subscription, the
issue is a bonus.

•

"This is what I've been hoping for," said a friend and
long-time subscriber as he waggled a postcard under the
nose of the Editor. "Last year I sent a gift subscription of
The Progressive to the library of my alma mater. This
card from the library says the university is continuing the
subscription on its own. Why don't you urge every sub-
scriber to send the magazine to his alma mater?"

We are naturally enthusiastic about this constructive
Suggestion. The Progressive is already on the periodical
shelves of a considerable number of coUege and univer-
sity libraries. In that setting an impressive assortment of
regulär and lifetime readers were first introduced to the
magazine. "I began reading The Progressive when I was
an undergraduate," or "I found The Progressive useful
when I was doing graduate research and have subscribed
ever since," are familiär lines in correspondence from
subscribers.

Does the library of your alma mater subscribe to The
Progressive? If a postcard inquiry gets a negative reply,
why not enter a gift subscription, thereby making the
magazine available to hundreds of young people and
faculty members? And even to librarians who, we hope,
will subsequently continue the subscription.

VOLUME 27 NUMBER 7

The PROGRESSIVE

FOUNDED IN 1909 BY ROBERT M. LaFOLLETTE, Sr

'Ye shall know the truth

JULY, 1963

AND THE TRUTH SHALL MAKE YOU FREE

EDITOR MORRIS H. RUBIN

ASSOCIATE EDITOR MARY SHERIDAN

ASSOCIATE EDITOR JOHN McGRATH

ASSOCIATE EDITOR ARNOLD SERWER

BUSINESS MANAGER GORDON SINYKIN

OFFICE STAFF ROSE L. REDISKE

HELEN KLEPPE, DOROTHY BEYLER
BETTY HAMRE, ELEANOR WIND

4
9

25
28

EDITORIALS

NOTES IN THE NEWS

TEARS OF LOVE

Martin Luther King, Jr.

A SHIELD FOR THE SHOPPER

Senator Philip A. Hart

SUAAMER RIPENESS

Hai Borland

ADVICE WITHOUT DISSENT.

James A. Wechsler

WASHINGTON BOARDING HOUSE

Peggy Bebie Thomson

LETTER FROM LEOPOLDVILLE

Susan Brady

THE PEOPLE'S FORUM
BOOKS

THE PROGRESSIVE makes no attempt to exact complete con-
formity from its contributors, but rather welcomes a variety of
opinions consistent with its general policies. Signed articies,
therefore, do not necessarily represent the opinion of the man-
agement of the magazine.

THE PROGRESSIVE is published monthly. Copyright © 1963 by
The Progressive, Inc., 408 West Görham Street, Madison 3, Wis-
consin. Second-class postage paid at Madison, and Waterloo,
Wisconsin.

SUBSCRIPTION PRICES: U.S. and foreign-One year $5; Two
years $9; Three years $12.

MANUSCRIPTS: The Progressive cannot assume responsibility
for unsolicited articies and letters. None will be returned unless
so requested and accompanied by stamped, self-addressed
envelope. Printed in U.S.A.

The North Is Next

"President Kennedy's decision to
•*- Sponsor — and, hopefully, even to
fight for — long overdue civil rights
legislation represents a heartening
departure from past jxjlicy. Confront-
ed with mounting crises that threat-
ened to run out of control and ex-
plode in revolution, Mr. Kennedy
sent Congress a package of civil rights
bills that would go part way toward
providing Negroes with something re-
sembling equality of opportunity on
this lOOth anniversary of the Eman-
cipation Proclamation.

The President's legislative program
— for all its omissions — constituted a
Step in the right direction and clearly
proposed to go farther and faster than
the President planned until events
forced his hand. Its principal provi-
sions would 1) "guarantee all Citizens
equal access to the Services and fa-
cilities of hoteis, restaurants, places
of amusement, and retail establish-
ments;" 2) empower the Attorney
General to file suits in Federal courts
on behalf of Negro students seeking
admission to all-white schools; 3)
strengthen the Negro's right to vote,
and 4) grant permanent legal Status
to the Committee on Equal Employ-
ment Opportunities.

Despite the shrieks of protest from
Southern demagogues and North-
ern tories, the President's program
was a moderate compromise, which
did not measure up to the promise
expressed in his landmark speech to
the nation the night of the crisis at
the University of Alabama. It does
not include Fair Employment Prac-
tices (FEPC) legislation as part of the
Administration's own package. It
iails to expand adequately the power
of the Attorney General to bring le-
gal action against all forms of unlaw-
iul discrimination. Its provisions in
the field of school desegregation are

July, 1963

not nearly so comprehensive as liber-
als had urged.

The President's failure to include
FEPC legislation as part of his own
package strikes us as a tragic Omis-
sion, for unemployment among Ne-
groes, which is increasing rather than
declining, lies at the very heart of the
crisis in race relations. His strategy
in endorsing the FEPC bill now
pending in Congress, instead of mak-
ing it the core of his own program,
strikes us as rather more politically
clever than morally courageous.

More constructive and far-sighted
was the President's proposal to seek
alleviation of unemployment among
Negroes by broadening the Federal
Manpower Development and Train-
ing Program, expanding the pending,
youth employment bill, and passage
of legislation to spur vocational edu-
cation, among other steps.

Herblock in The Washington Post

"Those Alabama stories are

sickening. Why can't they be

like US and find some nice, refined

way to keep the Negroes out?"

Legislation, of course, will not of
itself resolve the struggle or bring
equality to the Negro. We agree
with the President that "law alone
cannot make men see right" and
that "it is time to act — in all our
daily lives." The President's decision
to seek as wide a ränge of voluntary
action through Conferences with edu-
cators, labor leaders, lawyers, and
clergymen was all to the good. But
voluntary action does not obviate
the need for strong legislation. Law
can go a long way toward making
most men act right, and law can be
decisive in building the legal founda-
tions of integration and providing
Negroes with the peaceful weapons
they need to fight their way to the
freedom they were promised a Cen-
tury ago.

Mr. Kennedy's half-a-loaf program
was all the more disappointing be-
cause he had sounded, in his address
to the nation, like a man aroused,
a leader committed to bringing
moral passion and political power to
the struggle ahead. In forceful lan-
guage he had asserted that the time
has come "for the nation to fulfill
its commitment to the Negro after
100 years of delay."

In contrast to the cool summons to
law and order that had characterized
most of his previous utterances on
race relations, Mr. Kennedy apf>ealed
this time to the conscience of the
country as he emphasized the moral
nature of the crisis. "We are con-
fronted primarily with a moral issue,"
he said. "It is as old as the Scriptures
and is as clear as the American
Constitution."

It was inevitable, given the dra-
matic |x>wer of developments in
Dixie, that national attention would
be focused, as it was during the past
month or more, on the crisis in the

classroom of certain controversial top-
ics — police brutality, U. S. military In-
tervention in Panama, Mexico, Cuba,
and the use of the A-bomb at Hiro-
shima— because "children should think
well of their country," a jingoistic
dodge that would be applauded by the
Birchite "sex-starved housewives and
the little old ladies with umbrellas" he
pretends to gun down five pages earlier.
Mayer analyzes a number of prom-
ising new ventures but he gives only
scant attention to what may at this
time be the best of them — an ambitious
experiment with new history materials
headed by Edwin Fenton of Pitts-
burgh and supported by the Mellon
Foundation.

Mayer's concern with this neglect
and with the catalogue of stupidities
that pass for economics and history and
geography bring him to intelligent dis-
cussions of some attractive experiments
with archeology and anthropology and
of the possibility of using the new
physics course developed by the Phys-
ical Science Study Committee (PSSC)
at the Massachusetts Institute of Tech-
nology as a model for social studies re-
fprm generally. "Induction . . . as the
mathematicians and scientists practice
it," Mayer says, "is a process of succes-
sive approximation. A child need not
be told that his answers are right or
wrong, because he can feed them back
into the problem himself, see how they
work out, and hunt around for the
reasons for error ..." Mayer be-
lieves the exten t of the usefulness of
induction in social studies is "an open
question," but to many such an ap-
proach seems promising.

And yet social studies is not physics;
the area is broad and undefined; it
already has too many "experts," touches
too many sacred cows, and is the fief

Captive Eichmann

Eichmann in Jerusalem; a report
ON THE BANALiTY OF EVIL, by Hannah
Arendt. The Viking Press. 275 pp.
$5.50.

Review ed by

George L. Mosse

"l/Tiss arendt's book, which first ap-
-'-'-'- peared as a series of articles in
The New Yorker, has reaped a whirl-
wind of criticism; indeed, a reply has
already been commissioned by a Jew-
ish Organization. One might well ask
why this should be so, for the book,
which ranges well beyond Eichmann
himself, is factually accurate and
based upon the latest sources. Miss
Arendt deals perceptively with the
changes in German policy towards
the Jews, from expulsion to "the fi-
nal Solution." She describes truthfully
the resistance offered by a whole
people to such measures (the unpar-
alled heroism of the Danes), and the
enthusiasm for pogroms in Rumania
which frightened even the Germans.

Moreover, Eichmann and his part in
all of this are skillfully woven into
the larger narrative; he emerges as
what he was: not the Initiator of pol-
icy but its skillful executor, the bu-
reaucrat par excellence concerned
with transporting his victims to their
end.

THE PROGRESSIVE

In a ''conspiracy case'' anything goes, so

TRY, TRY, AGAIN

irS LIKE SOMETHING OUT OF KAFKA . . . almost unreal, yet it's happening. Seven leaders of the Mine, Mill
and Smelter Workers union will be tned again— August 27— for what? For allegedly "conspiring" sometime between
1949 and 1956 to violate a law that was repealed four years ago and in a case that has already been reversed by a higher
court. That m itself gives the whole thing an aura of unreality. Conspiracy? What conspiracy?

THE RECORD: In November 1956, 14 men
were indicted for conspiring to defraud the
government by filing false non-communistic
afFidavits under the Taft-Hartley law. The
crime allegedly took place between the
years 1 949 to 1 956. Three of the Indicted
men had never even signed affidavits.

QUESTION: Why was the charge "conspiracy"? In a conspiracy case,
anything goes; the late Supreme Court Justice Jackson described con-
spiracy charges as "elastic, sprawling and pervasive . . . often
proved by evidence that is admissible only upon the assumption that
the conspiracy existed."

FOR THREE YEARS the indictment lay dormant. Then, October, 1959 the trial began. . . . Began smack in the
middle of a tough, nation-wide miners' strike that lasted over six months. The strike was won, but the case was lost.
Nine defendants were sentenced to imprisonment and fine. (Telford Taylor, chief prosecutor for the United States
Government at the Nuremburg trials and noted civil libertarian, acted as Mine-Mill counsel.)

tancy and strivings of labor itself." Norman Thomas wrote:
"It is difficult to resist the conclusion that (in the Mine-Mill
case) the government was willing to do a little union-busting
in the name of anti-communism under the forms of law."

QUESTION: WHAT IS A CONSPIRACY? The labor historian
Sidney Lens wrote about the Mine-Mill case, the conspiracy
doctrine "forges a siedge hammer with which all labor can
be battered. The conclusion is inescapable that the real tar-
get is not a few union leaders, or a few unions, but the mili-

THEN GAME VINDICATION . . . March 1962— the U.S. Court of Appeals dismissed charges against two of the
men and reversed the conviction of the remaining seven — on the grounds that the testimony of a professional govern-
ment witness was improperly admitted. Unionists and civil libertarians were positive that this was the end of years
of legal harassment. Surely, everyone thought, the government would not be interested in retrying such an old case,
based on charges involving a section of a law repealed four years earlier.

TRY, TRY, AGAIN

Now decent folk who care are astonished that the Department of Justice announced retrial of the seven remaining
defendants. For the past 12 years this union has been the target of continuous harassment by the government. Since
1951, and each year since then, right up to the present, there has been some case, or trial, or decision, or other per-
secutive act by the Justice Department or other government agency against Mine-Mill. How much longer?

AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION Executive Director John
de J. Pemberton, Jr., last year wrote to Attorney General
Robert F. Kennedy, noting that the Court of Appeals in Den-
ver had earlier reversed the conviction, urging that the prose-
cution be abandoned. He said, '1t is noteworthy that hard
as the government tries to exact damaging sanctions against

Mine-Mill and its ofFicers, the courts without exception have
held these efForts to have been somehow in error." He
noted that the conspiracy element creates "emotionally-
tinged'' charges, and closed by saying: ''Our government
ought not to stand guilty of diminishing our political free-
doms by these indirect methods.''

YOUR HELP IS NEEDED: You can help stop this persecution
ot one of the oldest unions in America — a union that is cele-
brating its 70th Anniversary this year. At the same time, you
can join the fight to end use of the "conspiracy" charge as a
weapon against labor. Will you write or wire Attorney General
Robert Kennedy asking him to drop this case? Will you aid
this long-embattled union in its defense? Can we count on you
for help?

Enclosed find my contribution toward
Mine-Mill defense.

Name....
Address.

City State

Mail to:

MINE-MILL DEFENSE COAAMITTEE
941 East 17th Ave. Denver 18, Colo.

Fifteen international unions representing six million unionists have asked the Attorney
General to stop this persecution! Won't you?

What she has to say about the trial
itself has also caused violent criti-
cism, but here one can rise to her
defense for she does understand Eich-
mann and his place in the whole
dreadful story. Gideon Hauser, the
prosecutor, did attempt to assign to
Eichmann the principal role in the
final Solution, to paint him as a Sad-
ist and monster. Through such an
unhistorical approach he missed the
most damning point of all, that Eich-
mann was "terrifyingly normal," that
he was indeed a new type of criminal
so captive to an ideology that quite
literally he did not know what he
was doing when judged by the ac-
cepted canons of civilized law. As
Miss Arendt also points out, the legal
formula of "intent of guilt" — action
taken with intention — is devoid of
meaning in this context. This is the
true terror represented by Eichmann
the man. His was a seif deception
which was shared by most of the
German nation. This latter point
was lost in the trial through the ef-

Put US in your
moving picture

before you move
please send us
your old address

as well as your new one

The Progressive

Madison, Wisconsin

fort to spare the sensibilities of the
Adenauer government, a point about
which Miss Arendt is rightfully
scornful.

How could Eichmann have been
tried differently? To this the book
gives an answer only in moral and
not in legal terms. We cannot be ex-
pected to share our small planet with
such men. If Eichmann was indeed
symbolic for the "new type" of man
living under modern totalitarianism,
then this is small comfort indeed,
for the modern trend towards allegi-
ance to national ideology rather than
universal Standards of thought sur-
vived his death. In giving us our
best understanding of Eichmann the
man, Miss Arendt has rendered a
distinct service, cutting through the
emotionalism of the trial, even though
she has failed to understand those
caught by the terror which he
served so well and without pangs of
conscience.

Washington Negroes

DusK AT THE MOUNTAIN^ by Hayues
Johnson. Doubleday. 273 pp. |4.50

Reviewed by

Laurence Stern

"Tt is difficult," writes Haynes John-
-*- son, "to write with objectivity
about the Negro, for in the end all
racial relationships are personal." Yet
what is so disturbing about this book
is its tone of virginal objectivity, its
failure to give birth to a point of view.
As a reporter, Johnson has done a
good-hearted, chaste, conscientious
Job of fact-gathering. An enormous
amount of personal interviewing,
reading, and patient legwork has gone
into the making of his book. The
bibliography attests to it. But he ends
up telling US what we should already
know if we have had our eyes and
ears open — that Negroes in Washing-
ton (or for that matter any major
city) are victims of double prices and
credit extortion whether in shoes or
shelter; that they are expropriated
rather than helped by urban renewal
projects intended to redeem their en-
vironment; that they are barred
from suburbia and middle class
employment.

Johnson teils us these things with
the thoroughness of a good reporter
who might have been sent out to
Cover a plane crash, a fire, or a mur-
der. He interviews the cops, the sur-
vivors, the eyewitnesses, and puts it
all down on his note päd. The reader
is given the benefit of Johnson's sü-
perb note-taking. What is missing is
the all-important interaction between
the brain and the viscera before the
fingers hit the keys. We might not
expect to find this quality in a news-
paper series, such as the one that in-
spired Dusk ai the Mountain. But —
one way or the other — one does ex-
pect the author to lay it on the line
once freed of the meddlesome re-
straints of copy desks, editors, and
ever-twitching front-office counsel.

Many anonymous voices whisper
through the pages of this book on
Washington's Negroes — anonymous,
the author insists, so that his subjects
may speak out candidly. Hear the
frankly bigoted Dixiecrat who rules
Washington's legislative roost on
Capitol Hill. Listen to the mother of
seven illegitimate children on the
city welfare dole speak of casual forni-
cation. Meet the status-hungry, upper
crust Negro who lives in splendid
alienation from his own heritage and
the white world he covets. Somehow
this mosaic of disembodied conversa-
tions never seems to pull together,
perhaps because the author's voice is
largely absent from the babel.

Spellbound

The Unicorn, by Iris Murdoch.
Viking. 311 pp. $5.

Reviewed by

Donald Emerson

"ITiss Murdoch's seventh novel re-
-^»-^ sembles A Severed Head in its
intricate pattern of personal relation-
ships and An Unofficial Rose in the
moral seriousness of its subject. But
for all the family traits, this latest

THE PROGRESSIVE

(ADVERTISEMENT)

"Tomorrow Well All Be Geniuses

f»

Wouldn't It be exciting to discover that your
own mind is the equal of the greatest minds of
history! Just think of being able to use all the
phenomenal power of genius to benefit your
own life's happinessl

Till now, people have believed that men whom
they have seen as geniuses were born with
superior minds. Now along comes this book
which proves to you through scientific Observa-
tion that we all have the potentialities of genius.
Copernicus, Galileo, Isaac Newton, Louis
Pasteur, Charles Darwin, Sigmund Freud, Have-
lock Ellis, Albert Einstein, are among the great-
est geniuses of all time. Again and again their
observations changed the thought of the world.
By analyzing their work you see that the
essence of genius is Observation. Not one man
ever became a genius without Observation. You
see the vital distinction between the mind itself
and the use of the mind by genius to observe.
Any healthy person can learn to observe. Only
in the use of Observation did genius excel.
Through Observation these men rose sheer above
the limitations of their times. If Observation can
do this for genius, think what it can do for
your own success!

Galileo founded modern physical science. It
is recognized that in the short time since Galileo
science has improved society's conditions of life
more than in all previous history. Science is
Observation. Every scientist will agree on the
overwhelming success of Observation in the
physical world. If Observation can so transform
Society, why not let it help you!

Just as Observation is the essence of genius,
so is Observation the essence of success. You
can't name one man who built up his own
fortune without Observation of how to satisfy
the wants of others. In our present society of
competitive struggle, Observation is vital to
forging ahead. Observation can make your suc-
cess deliberate and sure, and your life relative-
ly safe, healthy, and happy. See for yourself in
this book how Observation made a few men
the most successfui thinkers of all time! Thrill
to the Story of the most ennobling power hu-
manity has ever known!

Discover fascinating facts collected from the
world's finest human behavior scientists: seman-
ticists, anthropologists, sociologists, physiologists,
psychologists, archaeologists, biologists. From
historians too. See genius in relation to these
facts and to history in the most comprehensive
study of genius ever attempted. For this is the
only way we can really understand genius. See all
these facts together in clear focus revealing to
you the startling and inspiring power of your
own mind. A revelation you'll treasure forever.
What could give you greater confidence in your-
self!

See for yourself how helpfui is Observation,
how harmfui and how widespread is lack of
Observation. How too often we fail to see obvi-
ous facts. Too often we thoughtlessly repeat the
errors of our past, See how through history
people actually have been trained not to observe.
You'll be amazed at how the words from our

July, 1963

past that we use today can confuse us. Learn to
look for and to remove these pressures against
the power of your mind. Know the immense
advantage of seeing clearly where others are
confused. Strengthen yourself so that you may
strengthen others!

See why all new observations of fact have
seemed stränge at first. Sometimes even absurd.
See how they have often aroused the strongest
controversy. But always sooner or later people
have realized that facts make sense. Because you
can always see those facts for yourself. The final
appeai in any dispute must always be to the
facts. So with this book, the result of over a
quarter of a Century of intensive study of
genius. All you need is to examine the facts in
this book. Then you can confidently challenge
any person alive to disprove them. No one can
disprove facts. Observation has always triumphed
in the past and it will again. Observation is
invincible. Let Observation triumph for you!

Copernicus showed that rather than the sun
going around the earth, the earth rotates in rela-
tion to the sun. But in truth, either way, there is
nothing we can do about this. Charles Darwin
showed that rather than man and animals being
separate creations, we are all products of the
same evolution. But again in truth, either way,
there is nothing we can do about this. How-
ever, this book showing that rather than genius
being a rare superiority, we are all potential
geniuses, gives you the greatest hope. For
here is where you can act. Here is history's most
inspiring challenge to you! Surely such mag-
nificent possibilities are worth the most carefui
consideration, the most widespread discussion!

Observe and act! Enjoy to the füll the bene-
fits of seeing yourself objectively in relation to
the world around you. Look for cause and ef-
fect in your own life just as the scientist does
in the laboratory. Use your mind to guide your
actions in relation, to facts. Make the most effec-
tive use of what you have now. Concentrate on
the essentials in the areas you control. Then
widen those areas. Know the power of working
with facts. Always simplify. Clear simple facts
are the most convincing. Your mind is as sound
as the thought you put in it. You can't employ
helpfui Observation without achieving helpfui
results. Every day in every way you can thrill
to the success of Observation!

See how genius had to overcome the errors of
our unobserving past. Only the shadow of the
past dims the brightness of our future. The whole
of history proves overwhelmingly that Observa-
tion is the one sure way to understand life and
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I I

A^ ^r(2>

(X^*fiCy,^ /,. ^oCce. coLC <tc.V i «> ->/

ARt\M\je^

I'Ilo

StAue

^63>

MAMViaUIA

February 1963

ADVISORY EDITORS

JOHN FRANCIS BANNON
Saint Louis University

ERNEST BURRUS

Institutum Historicum S.I., Rome

JAMES V. JONES
Saint Louis University

LYNN WHITE, JR.

University of California, Los Angeles

WALTER J. ONG
Saint Louis University

PAUL OSKAR KRISTELLER
Columbia University

ALPHONSE M. SCHWITALLA
Saint Louis University

LOREN C. MacKINNEY
University of North Carolina

CHAUNCEY E. FINCH
Saint Louis University

STEPHAN KUTTNER

Catholic University of America

Editor

LOWRIE J. DALY

Assistant Editors

EDWARD R. VOLLMAR CHARLES J. ERMATINGER

■^

Published by

SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

Three Times Annually
FEBRUARY JULY

Subscription per Year $4.00
Single Issue $1.50

OCTOBER

PRINTED BY

KLENE PRINTING COMPANY

HANNIBAL, MISSOURI

U.6.A.

JUAK)ViaüIA

VOL VII

FEBRUARY, 1963

No. 1

CONTENTS

The Minor Poems of NaIdo Naidi 3

W. Leonard Grant

The Vatican Manuscripts of the Prose Tristan 18

Richard F. O'Gorman

Notes and Comments

An Argument of Book I of Statius' Thebaid 30

Paul M. Clogan

Thirty New Manuscripts of Pope Innocent lll's

De Miseria humanae conditionis 31

Donald R. Howard

Reviews of Books 36

Books Received: Annotated List *'

Index of Book Reviews

A Hittory of üterory Criticism • ^

History of the Court of Augmentations "•

The Fifteenth Century ^'

42
Henslowe's DIary

Cabot to Cartier

(Contlnusd on Next Page)

Index of Book Reviews (Continued)

St. Thomas Moore ^

The Arundel Harington Manuscript 46

Somerset 1625 - 1640 47

Life of John Dryden 49

Brave New World of Enlightenment 51

Mr. Secretary Peel 52

Jeuits in the Philippines

Kate: Journal of a Confederate Nurse 56

Letters of Stephen A. Douglas 57

Our Contributors

W. Leonard Grant is Professor of Clossical Languages at the University of
British Columbia.

Richard F. O'Gorman is Assistant Professor of French and Italian at Indiana
University.

Paul M. Clogan is Instructor in English at Duke University.

Donald R. Howard is Associate Professor of English at Ohio State University.

THE MINOR POEMS OF NALDO NALDI

W. LEONARD GRANT
THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

In a brief article scheduled to appear in the October, 1963, issue
of Studies in Philology I have sketched the outlines — so f ar as
they may be ascertained f rom manuscript and printed sources —
of the life of the Neo-Latin poet Naldo Naldi of Florence (1436-
ca. 1513) ; a longer article on his major poems (the Elegiae, the
Epigrammata, and the Eclogae) appeared in the October, 1962,
issue of Manicscripta. In the two parts of the present paper I
shall discuss a group of rather lengthy poems which Naldi re-
garded as his major achievement but which are in fact of rather
minor importance to us today. A reading of the 1962 paper is
assumed and I shall avoid repeating bibliographical material
already published.

Lorenzo de* Medici and his younger brother Giuliano appeared,
it will be recalled, as the shepherds Micon and Amyntas in the
bucolic poems ; they appear under their own names in a longish
heroic poem called Carmen de ludicro hastatorum equitum certa-
mine, a cumbrous title, f or which we can Substitute Pietro Negri's
unauthenticated but convenient name Hastiludium ("The
Joust") . The poem describes the knightly combat fought by Giul-
iano and others in 1475. It is extant in three recensions: the
earliest appears in P^ (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Nouv.
acqu. lat. 476, ff. 43r-54r, dated 6 November 1475 and copied
f rom Naldi's autograph) ; the second, showing minor but textual-
ly significant changes, is in a manuscript of the Biblioteca Cor-
siniana at Rome (Cors. 604 = 45. E. 4, ff. 88r-95v) ; the third
recension, displaying quite drastic revisions, appears m an
incunabulum (Florence? Bologna? 1487?) of which copies are
extant in Paris (Bibliotheque Nationale, Res. K. 748, parts 1
and 2) and Naples (Biblioteca Nazionale Vittorio Emmanuele
111,70.4. F. 21).i

1 Note that this is not, as Alice Hulubei thought ("Naldo Naldi: Etüde
sur la joute de Julien et sur les bucoliques dediees ä Laurent de Medicis,
Humanisme et Renaissance, III [1936], p. 172), the only volume actually
printed by Naldi: the Elegia in septem Stellas errantes (see below) was
also printed. The two manuscript versions of the Hastiludium were nat-
urally dedicated to the youthful Giuliano; the printed edition, appeanng

MANUSCRIPTA

The Arundel Harington Manuscript of Tudor Poetry, edited by Ruth

Hughey. Vol. I: Introduction & Text. Vol. II: Notes & Glossary.

Columbus, Ohio: The Ohio State University Press, 1960. Pp. xvi, 428;
viii, 529. $15.00.

In 1934 Ruth Hughey discovered the long-missing Harington Manuscript
at Arundel Castle and gave a preliminary account of her find in an article
in The Library in March, 1935. Renaissance scholars have long awaited
her edition of that manuscript, and the two volumes under review richly
reward the wait and fulfiU all expectations.

In Volume I, a lengthy introduction gives a füll account of the discovery
of the manuscript at Arundel Castle, togethcr with a description and
provenance. To summarize her analysis of the manuscript: there are 324
poems, more than a quarter of them published here for the first time.
Some were first published in Tottel's Miscellany, others in editions of
Wyatt, Surrey and Constable. The introduction next discusses Compilers
of the manuscript and the manuscript as a record of Tudor poetry, giving
a Chart of poems common to this manuscript and other pertinent manu-
scripts and books. FoUowing the text (pp. 79 to 369), poems from certain
closely related manuscripts are given in two appendices. There foUow
abbreviations and references, lists and an Index of First Lines.

The editing of a manuscript of material written in Tudor handwriting
presents many difficulties, for a printed page can give only a representa-
tion; the editor gives an account of the difficulties in her description of
the manuscript (I, 11 ff.) and in her textual note (I, 74-5). She has
attcmpted to render a literal transcript of the poetry, retaining spelling,
punctuation and capitalization with these sensible modifications : the long
s is not kept, and the es contraction (by this time rare) has been expanded;
but the sixteenth-century usage of u, v, i and ; has been followed. In
this manuscript, there are many handwritten flourishes, and the tilde and
macron (besides their conventional function to indicate a consonant)
have also been adopted as compromise representations for the flourishes.
"This compromise is not completely satisfying," the editor comments, but
any Tudor editor knows that some compromise must be made in attempting
to put Tudor manuscripts into print. Much further discussion is desirable
on the editorial theories and practices for scholarly editions of such
manuscripts, and this edition of the Arundel Harington manuscript is a
model of its theory of editing.

Volume II contains the notes, glossary and index. The glossary is füll
and most helpful, the index rieh and (from a spot-checking) most accurate.
Only three errata have been noted in many hours of reading and checking,
and these of altogether minor importance — e.g., on II, 8, for enmyxed
read enmyxyd; on II, 158, for Seve read Sceve. The edition is a model of
extraordinarily füll and meticulous scholarship. It is then a work of
permanent importance: it immediately earns a place on the still too-small
shelf of definitive editions and quintessential studies of sixteenth-century
English poetry, for it has done a job that will not have to be done again.
And if all of the unpublished poems are not first-rate, there are several
which will join more celebrated exemplars in the anthologies; the manu-
script does provide good texts for a number of Surrey's poems, and even
for those poems that have already been published there is the importance
of interesting textual variants.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

The fullness and exactness of the commentaries is exemplary, but
precisely because of the very high level of its scholarship the edition
deserves mdication of points of further extension or enlargement. A fable
of the thankfulness of the Lion is recounted by Wilson in The Arte of
Rhetonque (Scholars Facsimüe and Reprint, ed. Robert Hood Bowers,
Gainesville, Florida, 1962, sig. 103^) from Appian, and this seems much
closer to home than the authorities cited by Hughey (II, 95). The phrase
"as white as a Whales Bone" (II, 97) is a commonplace of medieval
poetry: cf. the first line "A wayle whyt ase whalles bon" in Harley MS
2253 (ed. G. L. Brook, Manchester Univ. Press, 1948, p. 40). The question
of the contmuity of the Conventions of medieval English poetry in sixteenth-
century England needs much further study, it must be observed. When
Prof. Hughey speaks (II, 130) of "a stubborn tradition" of associating
Wyatt's sonnet "Whoe so liste to hunt" with Anne Boleyn and gives a
number of authorities, one might add that this autobiographical interpreta-
tion has recently been argued once more by Robert O. Evans in "Some
Autobiographical Aspects of Wyatt's Verse," Notes and Queries, N.S.,
vol. V (1958), pp. 48-52, building upon the earlier article of Arthur k!
Moore in Anglia, LXXI (1953). To the question (II, 243) of reading
"straung" or "scaring" in No. 168, prof. Kenneth Muir has already com-
mented in Modern Language Review, LVII (1962), p. 83, and he has
given a positive answer to the query of whether Blage wrote other
Verses (II, 443).

All students of Tudor poetry will lament the weaknesses of the New
English Dictionary in this area (and an editor of Sir Thomas More
a fortiori), yet all are heavily indebted to it. At such points where we
may now add the published fascicles of the Middle English Dictionary we
can frequently make adjustments or clarifications, and should do so. To
say, therefore, that

According to the N. E. D. the north country word brim, i.e.,

breme, in the sense of the raging storm or sea was taken from

Lydgate by Spenser {The Shepheardes Calender, Feb., 42) and

adopted by later writers from Spenser (II, 249)

is to make a now unnecessary and undesirable oversimplification, for the

Middle English Dictionary throws sharper light on etymology, significa-

tion, and currency. (In Part B. 5, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan

Press, 1958; v. brim and breme).

Perhaps the highest praise for this splendid edition is to say that it
compels US to reread the poetry of the middle third of the sixteenth Century
(and consequently the later Elizabethan poetry), and we shall read it
the better because of the light that this edition throv/s on the stormy
Problem of poetic manuscripts in what was still in many significant ways
a manuscript age.

St. Michael's College R. j. Schoeck

University of Toronto

Somerset 1625-1640: A County's Government during the * Personal Rule*
by Thomas G. Barnes. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.
1961. Pp. xiii, 369. $7.50.

The King Charles I period of personal rule had been regarded with deep
suspicion by historians. Was it an attempt to establish despotism in Eng-

MANUSCRIPTA

land? Could Charles I subjugate his nation just as Richelieu was trying to
subjugate France? The answers to these questions lie not only in the policies
of Whitehall, but above all in the local administration of the counties where
personal government met its test. Yet there are few adequate studies of
English county government covering the period prior to the Civil War,
and still fewer which concentrate upon the King's personal government.
Mr. Barnes' book successfully pioneers in this field. His book is an institu-
tional analysis of the functioning of local government in Somerset. He has
investigated such matters as the magistracy, the lieutenancy, and those
tasks which v/ere imposed upon the officials of local government: i.e. collec-
tion of ship money, the demand for a "more perfect militia," and the
execution of the Book of Orders. The many additional dutics and the in-
creasing bürden which the Council placed upon the unpaid justices here
emerge as one of the principal results of personal rule. From 1G35 on the
number of justices willing to serve steadily declined because the v/eight of
county Office proved too heavy. This development, of course, further in-
creased the bürden of those who remained.

The new burdens, however, cannot simply be classified as attempted
despotism because most of them, including those in the Book of Orders, had
previously existed, although never cnforced. Thus efficiency rather than
despotism seems to have been the aim of Whitehall in its supervision of
county government. The exceptions were the new forced loans and taxes
(especially ship money) which caused serious problems of enforcement.
Not only did ship money make the justices' task unpopulär, dividing them
from their friends, but they themselves were more heavily assessed than
their peers. Thus in addition to the office becoming burdensome it became
surrounded by hostility and was subject to great personal expense.

These are some of the conclusions emerging from Professor Barnes' book.
The practical problems of their office rather than disloyalty to their King
produced a reluctance to serve the government. Moreover, the struggle for
power between two leading justices of the county resulted in a Virtual
breakdown of local government. This was outside the control of the Council,
though one of the contenders used Opposition to royal taxation in order
to further his ambitions. This made the task of other justices still more
difficult.

Mr. Barnes' book forces a revision of the usual statement that during
the personal rule of the King "many of his subjects began to fear the crea-
tion of a permanent, irresponsible despotism."i It cannot have been so
simple a matter. The machinery of local government, at least in Somerset,
never functioned well enough to substantiate such fears. There, for example,
Opposition "killed ship money." Why in response to such circumstances the
Council never considered adopting something parallel to Richelieu's In-
tendants seems difficult to fathom and one wishes that Barnes had said
something about this. Not only did many subjects have no reason to
fear despotism but instead benefited by the Book of Orders which was
drawn up to favour the consumer.

Puritanism rather than personal government must have been instru-
mental in Somerset's Opposition to the King. Here the book is not helpful,
for if, as Barnes writes, Puritanism in Somerset was the established faith

1 W. E. Lunt, History of England (New York, 1957), P. 413.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

practiced m the established Church what, then, were the Puritan elements
m the Opposition? Was Puritanism in Somerset only a division between
Laudians and other Anglicans? At some time before 1640, a more radical
Puritanism must have emerged. While this still needs investigation, it is
a subject well on the periphery of this book. Meanwhile Barnes has written
an excellent and much needed institutional study which throws new light
upon a period too long obscured by historical Slogans.

University of Wisconsin George L. Mosse

The Life of John Dryden, by Charles E. Ward. Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1961. Pp. viii, 380. $7.50.

The stated aims of Professor Ward in his Life of John Dryden are, first,
to assemble all the pertinent materials hithei-to available and to add
when possible new Information and new interpretations" (p. vii) ; secondly
to avoid the temptation of including "every scrap, though insignificant and
trivial, or to "expand upon every trifle of gossip, though often interesting
or scandalous" (p. vii). Noting that he has "in places . . . relied
heavily upon conjecture," Professor Ward hopes that the reader will agree
to the "reasonableness" (p. vii) of the conjecturing.

Professor Ward has been faithful to these central aims, and his con-
jectures seem generally sound and modestly expressed. The Rose Alley
affair, for example, after all the evidence has been sifted, remains, for
Professor Ward, "unsolved" (p. 144). His modesty is revealed by the
sprmklmg of such qualifying expressions as "perhaps," "probably,'*' and
"it seems obvious." Professor Ward's concern v/ith avoiding trivial gossip,
however, has probably made his book less useful to the non-specialist than
it might have been. For example, his brief account of Dryden's death and
burial might have taken some cognizance, perhaps in the footnotes, of the
contemporary lurid accounts of these events. Furthermore, Professor Ward
sometimes takes his wide knowledge of the period for granted. Certainly
the non-specialist might have profited from a more detailed treatment of
the political background against which Dryden's own position takes its
coloring. The tradition of "fideism" to which, following Bredvold, Ward
links Dryden, might also have been developed more fully. More serious, the
non-specialist will look in vain for corroboration of the fact that Dryden
vouched for a friend's having taken the sacrament during the uncertain
days of the Test Act (p. 94).

The method is chronological throughout, and the chapters deal with time
Spans of varying length in the life of Dryden. The reader will probably
not be troubled by somewhat misleading chapter headings. For example,
Chapter X, entitled "Religious Incertitude, 1682-1683," contains such dis-
parate elements as Dryden's satiric attacks against Settle and Shadwell in
the "second part" of Absalom and Achitophel, an extended discussion of
the circumstances attending the publication of the Duke of Guise, and
Dryden's response, in The Vindication of the Duke of Guise, to political
attacks by the Whigs.

Professor Ward's book is especially valuable for its attempts to locate
Dryden in the stream of political and literary events. Entirely free of the
wild conjecturing that has marred some of the more recent lives of Dryden,
it continues the seminal work of Dr. Johnson, Edmond Malone, Sir Walter

Reprinted from

AlAMViCJlüIA

Vol. VII (1963)

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

The fuUness and exactness of the commentaries is exemplary, but
precisely because of the very high level of its scholarship the edition
deserves indication of points of further extension or enlargement. A fable
of the thankfulness of the Lion is recounted by Wilson in The Arte of
Rhetorique {Scholar s Facsimile and Reprint, ed. Robert Hood Bowers,
Gainesville, Florida, 1962, sig. 103') from Appian, and this seems much
closer to home than the authorities cited by Hughey (II, 95). The phrase
"as white as a Whales Bone" (II, 97) is a commonplace of medieval
poetry: cf. the first line "A wayle whyt ase whalles bon" in Harley MS
2253 (ed. G. L. Brook, Manchester Univ. Press, 1948, p. 40). The question
of the continuity of the Conventions of medieval English poetry in sixteenth-
century England needs much further study, it must be observed. When
Prof. Hughey speaks (II, 130) of "a stubborn tradition" of associating
Wyatt's sonnet "Whoe so liste to hunt" with Anne Boleyn and gives a
number of authorities, one might add that this autobiographical interpreta-
tion has recently been argued once more by Robert 0. Evans in "Some
Autobiographical Aspects of Wyatt's Verse," Notes and Queries, N.S.,
vol. V (1958), pp. 48-52, building upon the earlier article of Arthur K.
Moore in Anglia, LXXI (1953). To the question (II, 243) of reading
"straung" or "scaring" in No. 168, prof. Kenneth Muir has already com-
mented in Modern Language Review, LVII (1962), p. 83, and he has
given a positive answer to the query of whether Blage wrote other
Verses (II, 443).

According to the iV. E. D. the north country word brim, i.e.,

hreme, in the sense of the raging storm or sea was taken from

Lydgate by Spenser {The Shepheardes Calender, Feb., 42) and

adopted by later writers from Spenser (II, 249)

is to make a now unnecessary and undesirable oversimplification, for the

Middle English Dictionary throws sharper light on etymology, significa-

tion, and currency. (In Part B. 5, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan

Press, 1958; v. brim and breme).

Perhaps the highest praise for this splendid edition is to say that it
compels US to reread the poetry of the middle third of the sixteenth Century
(and consequently the later Elizabethan poetry), and we shall read it
the better because of the light that this edition throws on the stormy
Problem of poetic manuscripts in what was still in many significant v/ays
a manuscript age.

St. Michael's College R. J. Schoeck

University of Toronto

Somerset 1625-164-0: A County*s Government during the 'Personal Rule,*
by Thomas G. Barnes. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press,
1961. Pp. xiii, 369. $7.50.

The King Charles I period of personal rule had been regarded with deep
suspicion by historians. Was it an attempt to establish despotism in Eng-

MANUSCRIPTA

land? Could Charles I subjugate his nation just as Richelieu was trying to
subjugate France? The answers to these questions lie not only in the policies
of Whitehall, but above all in the local administration of the counties where
personal government met its test. Yet there are few adequate studies of
English county government covering the period prior to the Civil War,
and still fewer which concentrate upon the King's personal government.
Mr. Barnes' book successfuUy pioneers in this field. His book is an institu-
tional analysis of the functioning of local government in Somerset. He has
investigated such matters as the magistracy, the lieutenancy, and those
tasks which were imposed upon the officials of local government : i.e. collec-
tion of ship money, the demand for a "more perfect militia," and the
execution of the Book of Orders. The many additional duties and the in-
creasing bürden which the Council placed upon the unpaid justices here
emerge as one of the principal results of personal rule. From 1C35 on the
number of justices willing to serve steadily declined because the weight of
county Office proved too heavy. This development, of course, further in-
creased the bürden of those who remained.

The new burdens, however, cannot simply be classified as attempted
despotism because most of them, including those in the Book of Orders, had
previously existed, although never enforced. Thus efficiency rather than
despotism seems to have been the aim of Whitehall in its supervision of
county government. The exceptions were the new forced loans and taxes
(especially ship money) which caused serious problems of enforcement.
Not only did ship money make the justices' task unpopulär, dividing them
from their friends, but they themselves were more heavily assessed than
their peers. Thus in addition to the office becoming burdensome it became
surrounded by hostility and was subject to great personal expense.

difficult.

Mr. Barnes' book forces a revision of the usual Statement that during
the personal rule of the King "many of his subjects began to fear the crea-
tion of a permanent, irresponsible despotism."i It cannot have been so
simple a matter. The machinery of local government, at least in Somerset,
never functioned well enough to substantiate such fears. There, for example,
Opposition "killed ship money." Why in response to such circumstances the
Council never considered adopting something parallel to Richelieu's In-
tendants seems difficult to fathom and one wishes that Barnes had said
something about this. Not only did many subjects have no reason to
fear despotism but instead benefited by the Book of Orders which was
drawn up to favour the consumer.

1 W. E. Lunt, History of England (New York, 1957), P. 413.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

practiced in the established Church what, then, were the Puritan Clements
in the Opposition? Was Puritanism in Somerset only a division between
Laudians and other Anglicans? At some time before 1640, a more radical
Puritanism must have emerged. While this still needs investigation, it is
a subject well on the periphery of this book. Meanwhile Barnes has written
an excellent and much needed institutional study which throws new light
upon a period too long obscured by historical slogans.

University of Wisconsin George L. Mosse

The Life of John Dryden, by Charles E. Ward. Chapel Hill: University of
North Carolina Press, 1961. Pp. viii, 380. $7.50.

The stated aims of Professor Ward in his Life of John Dryden are, first,
to "assemble all the pertinent materials hitherto available and to add
when possible new Information and new interpretations" (p. vii) ; secondly,
to avoid the temptation of including "every scrap, though insignificant and
trivial," or to "expand upon every trifle of gossip, though often interesting
or scandalous" (p. vii). Noting that he has "in places . . . relied
heavily upon conjecture," Professor Ward hopes that the reader will agree
to the "reasonableness" (p. vii) of the conjecturing.

Professor Ward has been faithful to these central aims, and his con-
jectures seem generally sound and modestly expressed. The Rose Allcy
affair, for example, after all the evidence has been sifted, remains, for
Professor Ward, "unsolved" (p. 144). His modesty is revealed by the
sprinkling of such qualifying expressions as "perhaps," "probably," and
"it seems obvious." Professor Ward's concern with avoiding trivial gossip,
however, has probably made his book less useful to the non-specialist than
it might have been. For example, his brief account of Dryden's death and
burial might have taken some cognizance, perhaps in the footnotes, of the
contemporary lurid accounts of these events. Furthermore, Professor Ward
sometimes takes his v/ide knowledge of the period for granted. Certainly
the non-specialist might have profited from a more detailed treatment of
the political background against which Dryden's own position takes its
coloring. The tradition of "fideism" to which, following Bredvold, Ward
links Dryden, might also have been developed more fuUy. More serious, the
non-specialist will look in vain for corroboration of the fact that Dryden
vouched for a friend's having taken the sacrament during the uncertain
days of the Test Act (p. 94).

The method is chronological throughout, and the chapters deal with time
Spans of varying length in the life of Dryden. The reader will probably
not be troubled by somewhat misleading chapter headings. For example,
Chapter X, entitled "Religious Incertitude, 1682-1683," contains such dis-
parate Clements as Dryden's satiric attacks against Settle and Shadwcll in
the "second part" of Absalom and Achitophel, an extendcd discussion of
the circumstances attending the publication of the Duke of Guise, and
Dryden's response, in The Vindication of the Duke of Guise, to political
attacks by the Whigs.

Professor Ward's book is especially valuable for its attempts to locate
Dryden in the stream of political and litcrary events. Entirely free of the
wild conjecturing that has marred some of the more recent lives of Dryden,
it continues the seminal work of Dr. Johnson, Edmond Malonc, Sir Walter

MANUSCRIPTA

Scott, and in our own time, James M. Osborn. We see, more clearly than
ever before, Dryden the dramatist and stager of his plays, the embattled
satirist, and a man caught in the swirl of political and religious events. If
Dryden does not emerge as vivid as Swift or Pope, the fault lies not with
Professor Ward, who has been painstaking, but with our relative lack of
knowledge about Dryden's day-to-day affairs. With respect to literary
matters, perhaps the most iUuminating chapter is Chapter V, The £.pic
Dream," in which Dryden's sustained interest in the epic is recorded. With
respect to political and religious matters, Dryden's "Dedication" to his
translation of Maimbourg's History of the League (what Ward calls, on
page 204, that "cri du coeur") and his Defence of the Paper s written by
the Laie King are for the first time given the importance they deserve and
lay the last nail in the old Charge that Dryden, in his political and religious
shifts, was motivated by less than admirable prudence.

Professor Ward has excluded, as he says, "critical pronouncement upon
Dryden's work" (p. vii). Since he has professed to do so only "in general,"
perhaps the reader will be less disturbed by the purely literary discussions
which tend to blunt the focus of this "Life." For example, the discussion in
Chapter VII ("The Angry World") of the political Situation is mterrupted
by a discussion of All For Love and Oedipus. The comments on the "Dedica-
tion" to All For Love" of course have their place, since the "Dedication
does throw light on Dryden's political opinions, but the same cannot be
Said for the purely literary discussion of the two plays. The qualifying "m
general" helps to account, one would suppose, for the partial literary analy-
sis, in Chapter IX, of Absalom and Achitophel and the Medal Such lack of
pointing is typical throughout, but these are small matters and do not affect
the genuine importance of this book.

There are occasionally some puzzling observations. One cannot quarrel
with Professor Ward's decision to follow Bredvold in attributing philosophic
scepticism to Dryden, although two recent articles (perhaps too recent to
have been available to Professor Ward)i have questioned what seems to be
Bredvold's oversimplification of Dryden's position. But the reader will
probably wonder at the footnote on page 359 to the effect that Bredvold
provides a complete "account of English Catholic opinion during these
months." One wonders too at the absence of corroboration for Professor
Ward's statement that "occasional comments of Dryden's subsequent years"
entitle us to surmise that "had the Church of England spoken more clearly
and with a single voice" (p. 192) Dryden would probably have remained
within the Anglican communion.

There is no bibliography, and the footnotes are often hard to trace with-
out considerable backtracking. Some of the footnotes are misplaced and
thcrefore misleading. Footnote 18 on page 10 seems to support the supposi-
tion that Dryden's admission and scholarship to Westminister School was
**certainly not harmed" by the presence on the selection committee of his
two kinsmen, Sir John Dryden and Humphrey Salwey. Yet the footnote
at the back merely informs us that Sir John had "served on a committee
to inventory, at the Collegiate Church at Westminister, a list of plate [and]

1 See Thomas H. Fujimura, "Dryden's Religio Laici: An Anglican Poem,"
PMLA, LXXVI (June, 1961), 205-217, and Elias J. Chiasson, "Dryden's
Apparent Scepticism in Religio Laici;' Harvard Theological Revieiv, LIV
(July, 1961), 207-221.

September 27, I962

Dear Professor Mosse:

Thank you very much for your book review*
It will appear in a forthcoming issue of

Manuscripta,

Sincerely yours,

»»

-:iV.U';,;M;>.

\V^' ^?

r,-.^ ,

INITED STATES

(T^

POSTAL CARD

Professor George L. Mosse
Department of History
Univers ity of Wisconsin
Madison 6, Wisconsin

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"'■'^'-?7'.Jf

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^ ^ " '

.L^* J4t#^ fff ff^^

Thomas Garden Barns, Somerset 162^ • loUo, A County ' g Government Durlng
the "Personal Rule," Harvard Unlversity Press, Cambridge, Mast. I96I,
xiii, 369. $7.50

The King Charles I perlod of personal rule had been regarded with
d^i&^'p suspicion by hlstorlans. Was It an attempt to establlsh despotism
In England? Could Charles I subjugate hls natlon just as Richelieu was
trylng to subjugate France? The answer to these questions lie not only
in the pollcies of Whltehall, but above all, in the local adminis trat Ion
of the counties where personal govemment raet it's test. Yet there are
few adequate studles of English county govemment covering the period
prior to the Civil War, and still fewer which concentrate upon the King*s
personal govemment. Mr. Barnes' book successfully pioneers in this field,
His book is an institutional analysis of the functioning of local Govern-
ment in Somerset. He has investigated such matters as the magistracy,
the lietttenancy, and those tasks which were imposed upon the officials
of local govemment: i.e. collection of ship money, the demand for a

"more perfect militia", and the execution of the Book of Orders > The many
additional duties and the increasing bürden which the Council placed upon
the unpaid justices here emerge as one of the prtnciple results of per-
sonal rule. From 163"^ on the number of justice«, «^willing to serve,
steadily declined because the weight of county Office proved too heavy.
This developraent, of course further increased the bürden of those who re-
mained .

The new burdens, however, cannot simply be classified as attempted
despotism because most of them, including those in the Books of Orders ,
had previously existed, although never enforced. Thus efficiency rather

-2-

than despotlstn seems to have been the alm of Whltehall In Its super-

vislon of county govemmcnt. The exceptlons were

the new forced

loans and taxes (especlally shlp money) whlch cauged serlous problems
of enforcement. Not only did dhlp money make the Justlces taak un-
populär, dlvidlng them from thelr friends, but they themselves were
more heavlly assessed than thelr peers. Thus in addltion to the offlce
becomlng burdensome it became surrounded by hostlllty and was sub ect
to great personal expense.

These are some of the conclusions etnerging from Professor Barnes'
book. The practlcal problems of thelr offlce rather than dlsloyalty to
thelr King produced a reluctance to serve the govemment. Moreover, the
struggle for power between two leadlng iustlces of the county resulted
In a Virtual breakdown of local government. Thls was outslde the control
of the Council, though one of the contenders used Opposition to royal taxa-
tlon In Order to further hls ambltlons. Thls made the task of other jus-
tlces »tili more dlfflcult.

Mr. Barnes' book forces a revlslon of the usual Statement that durlng

the personal rule of the King "many of hls subjects began to fear the

creatlon of a permanent, Irresponslble despotlsm.** It cannot have been

so simple a matter. The machlnery of local government, at least In Som-
erset, never functloned well enough to substantlate such fears. There, for
example, Opposition "kllled shlp money." Why In response to such clrcum-
stances the Council never consldered adoptlng somethlng parallel to Riche-
lieu 's Intendants seems dlfflcult to fathom and one wlshes that Barnes had
sald somethlng about thls« 9#r Hot only dld many subjects have no reason

1. W. E. Lunt, Hlstory of England (New York, 19^^^) , ^IS

}r'i' :^ ^^^^':&''.''i'-J' K: ' 'i/f

mmammmimmm

■üu^rväif-u?^:!!

-3-

to fear despotlsm but Instead beneflted by the Book of Orders whlch
was drawn up to favour the consumer.

Puritanlsm rather than personal government must have been instru-
mental In Somerset 's Opposition to the King. Here the book is not helpful,
for if, as Barnes writes, puritanism in Somerset was the established faith
practiced in the established Church what, then, were the puritan elements
in the Opposition? Was puritanism in Somerset only a division between
Laudians and other Anglicans? At some time before 16U0» a more radical
puritanism must have emerged. While this still needs investigation, it is
a subject well on the periphery of this book. Meanwhile Barnes has written
an excellent and i^ch needed institutional study which throws new light
upon a period too long obscured by historical slogans.

George L. Mosse

University of Wisconsin

yT?5S?X^^

v'.-,i-v-;'i;-S.

PpiiW

ppipipp

^j.^s^^U^g-"/;'; ii^'l- ',i":»;i:'^ '

( at head of Review)

Thomas Garden Barns, Somerset 1625 -1640« A County's Government During
the " -Personal Rule**» Harvard Univers ity Press, Cambridge, Mass. I96I
xiii, 369, ^7*50

( tow Spaces, then start text)

. ■ ' ,-.\ ■■ !-j>. •■■■>"• ■"•^:. ".vor' ^- 1, '''•'-' ?viN+ '.••,; '' '; --t^V ft'^'"<-''--''fi •■''?■'-:'';"'. ^ ■■■■'•

period of personal rule b^y^^King Charles^ beÄ been regarded witk
deep suspicion by hist Brians • Was üwh^'^an attempt to establish despctism
in England? Gould Charles Iv subjugate EngaiaadVas Eichelieu was, trymg
^o s-ttb-jugate France? The answer to these questions lie not only in
the policies. of tho oontral goirprmnnt lat Whitehall but, above all, in

the local

of the counties^. .tfpye^personal government met
'^^^^ ^^^ f ew '^«fj^studies of English coimty government

it's test. Yet
^^iÄ^^the period prior to the Civil War , and still fewer which concentrate

upon th^pel-sonal government. nf thfl TTlBg Mro Barnes book/,pioneer6 in
7^5

onal government.

f ield^ and it dooo

Eis book is ^Van^ysisf f the functioning of local goveejament in

arnoo la cgm&eynod witlr ^fee

Hii«' tasks which

S omer s etj^on tho ine titi.it 3 on ml 1 nvoTjL

ctJC^

'— — ^ ^>_ . . ^

such matters as the Xagistracy, tine Xieutenancy^and

were imposed upon the officials of local government:^ t«g collection

of ^hip ]>foney, the Councils demand for a "more perfect militia"

y^ 7^ ^^''i didii nt^4^Q UTiB5 ^

and indood the increasing bürden which the Council
r^^i^ upon the unpaid justicesViemerge as one of the principle e^^etrfcs of
personal rule» From 1635 on/vthuno io a 3%nnf\'r äeollneciKn the mimbor >

icausethe'weight of county Office waa^ too heavy^This^

^-^^^-^'^^jüi^i^^ further increased the bürden of those who

5mw

CThe new burdens, however, cannot simply be classified as a»- attem^
, ,. .. _„ ^.^Ifl^jy^Qf them, including

M-4\/\^yt'vf T^^crp mattenr' ¥hi^h ^'^^ niT.TnYn 'hwjiw am tho

^».^^M ^<W^

J^Jl^X^ /^^^en enforcedoA^f ficiencyArather 1*/ despotism seems to have been the
^^ aim of Whitehall in t** supervision of county government. The exeptions

wereAthe new forced loans and taxes ( especially ßhip ^Ooney)
which caused tine oovore problems wMeh tho jucticgrs fnned. Not only
did Ship Money make t*fw*^ task unpopulär and divido them from tho majori-

their friends, but they jiiigtiQc»ff themselves were/essesed
than their peers-, While th- uffieg v^^ increasingly biirdensome
it wa!Sv\Surro-unded by hostilitj and/^subject to great personal expense
These are soÄe of the conclusions wli li;1'i i!ii(iwM[[;e from tfe« book. The
practical problems of their Office rather then disloyalty to 'Wf^ King

produced tÄ reluctance to serve the government • Moreover.the struggle
f or power between two leading justices of the coinity n^oko «äs^ÄMw*«.
^ Virtual breackdown of local government, ThM -was outside the controll

of the Council, though one of the contenders used iw Opposition to j

royal taxation in order to further his ambitions. This'made the task

of other justices still more difficult»

Mr. Barnes' book forces a revision iff the usual statement that during"^^^-

personal rule of the King " many of his subjects began to fear the

creation of a permanent, irresponsible^, despotism". It cannot have been

so simple a matter# The machinery of local government, at least in

Somerset, never functioned \^11 enough to^givo oubotoncm '(ln!) such fears.

There, for example, tfe Opposition "killed ship money". Why in -swaisL

^c/^cAcircumstances the Council never considered adopting something parallel

to Richelieu*s Intendants eeifteB-=^e seems difficult to fathom^«irtHÄ5e' ^-^

foi^tiorctHLxOJQ
wishes that Barnes had said something about this^ Morcovejrmany subjects

f^A^G" Ho RBA^e>M Tc ^tj^rgA^

Orders which was moan4; to bonof-yt the consumer/.]^ f ^ (P 3 ^4i^ Y^^I^^fy

I. W.Eo Lunt, History of England ( New York, 1945 )f 415-

•-#^#MiÄÄ-^i-'l#5

wmimr^ifß^

Puritanism rather then personal governinent must have been instrumental
in Somersets Opposition to the King, Here the book is not helpful^ J^^
V as Barnes writes, puritanism in Somerset was the estahlished faithi .
practiced in the established Church what, then, y^Tpoiritan/jategt this? y/'^^^,
Was puritanism in Somerset only a division between Laudians and other
Anglicans?/|8umb time before 1640. thgro must havo omorgcd a more radical
puritanism^ GHaicu still needs investigation b»**- it is^ subject>*oni the
perijSphery of thif book» Meanwhile this igfan exellent and much naeeded
institutional study which throws new light upon a period too long obscured
by historical Slogans»

George L. Messe

University of Wisconsin

A^ ^^^^

G63R(^€ L. A/f>\\^ CcCCtc^to/^

/<^c/vi u<F

"/.

'R.E\/I£U)S '%C>S-B6TTeLHerM, B^U/N/0 '. TH6j:MroÄM61> H6A^T^/^UTCN0MV IN A M/^SS fKQ>^

1^=16

THE

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VOLUME 25 NUMBER 4

The

FOUNDED IN 1909 BY ROBERT M. LaFOLLETTE, Sr.

APRIL, 1961

EDITOR

ASSOCIATE EDITOR

BUSINESS AAANAGER

OFFICE STAFF

MORRIS H. RUBIN

WVARY SHERIDAN

JOHN AAcGRATH

GORDON SINYKIN

ROSE L. REDISKE

HELEN KLEPPE, DOROTHY BEYLER
BEHY HAMRE, ELEANOR WIND

PROGRESSIVE

42
45

THE NEGLECTED FRONTICR

William V. Shannon

NOTES IN THE NEWS

BARRY GOLDWATER: RADICAL OF THE
RIGHT

Karl E. AAeyer

NEW HORIZONS FOR THE UNITED
NATIONS

David C Williams

ADLAI STEVENSON EMPLOYED

Murray Kempten

NATURPS RESURRECTION

Hai Borland

EICHMANN IN ISRAEL

Milton AAayer

EXPLOSION IN BIRMINGHAM

James Clayton

CRISIS IN THE HOSPITALS

Selig Greenberg

THE ROLE OF LAW IN WORLD AFFAIRS

William O. Douglas

DANGER SIGNALS IN THE CONGO

Clyde Sanger

THE RETURN OF MR. WHISTLER

Alfred Werner

THE PRISON VISITORS

Irvin Ashkenazy

THE PEOPLE'S FORUM
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'Ye shall know the TRUTH

AND THE TRUTH SHALL MAKE YOU FREE

The Neglected Frontier

by WILLIAM V. SHANNON

This guest editorial is adapted from a recent commentary by
William V, Shannon, Washington correspondent and political
columnist for the New York Post.

CIVIL LiBERTiES has becii, so far, the
most neglected sector of the New
Frontier.

The Kennedy Administration in-
herited from the Truman and Eisen-
hower regimes a complex, oppressive
body of laws, executive Orders, regula-
tions, and official attitudes in the so-
called security area. Nothing would
do more to restore the pure air of
American freedom than to abolish the
whole lot of them. But President
Kennedy and his brother, Attorney
General Robert Kennedy, have thus
far touched nothing labeled "se-
curity." The outlook for reform is
discouraging.

There is, first of all, the vast and
useless security program for all gov-
ernment employes, from janitors to
cabinet members. It was a mistake
when President Truman started it
by executive order in 1947. It was a
worse mistake when Eisenhower
broadened it with his executive order
in 1953.

A case can reasonably be made for
a security program covering a small
number of policy-making officials in
the State Department, Defense De-
partment, and Atomic Energy Com-
mission. Such officials are in genu-
inely sensitive national security areas.
But there is no reason why there
. should be security programs for em-
ployes in such completely domestic
agencies as Agriculture, Labor, and
Interior.

Yet the new people coming into
Jobs in the Kennedy Administration

April, 1961

are politely and circumspectly going
through all the prescribed rigmarole.
They are filling out— in quintupli-
cate, mind you — the same old FBI
forms. The same coveys of naive
security agents are going around ask-
ing the same silly questions. Does he
drink? What magazines does he read?
What clubs did he join in College?
Does he give late parties?

Yet we never find any Communist
spies this way. It is all a waste of
time. It is inconceivable, the miles of
filing cabinets that must be filled
with this stuff. It is as if Twentieth
Century surgeons had to kneel and
say the abracadabra of jungle witch
doctors when they did not believe a

Word of it and knew it would do no
good.

No one believes in the security pro-
gram. It is a joke and a cynical racket.
Like Prohibition, it should be
abolished for the health and sanity
of the republic.

If the security program is to be re-
tained, at least some elementary safe-
guards could be introduced into it.
The Democratic platform of 1960
specifically pledged: "We shall pro-
vide a füll and fair hearing, including
confrontation of the accuser, to any
person whose public or private em-
ployment or reputation is jeopardized
by a loyal ty or security proceeding."

This could be accomplished by ex-
ecutive order. No action by Congress
is required. A re-reading of this plat-
form by those now in high places in
the government would do no härm.

Fltzpatrlck in The St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 1953

As America Goet, So Goes the World

Another step the President could
take on his own is to right some of the
injustices done to individuals by this
program in the past. Former Senator
Harry Cain, who was denied reap-
pointment to the Subversive Activities
Control Board by Eisenhower be-
cause of his courageous fight for mis-
treated government employes, could
be brought back to office to search out
these wrongs and correct them. Other
officials could do the task just as well,
but the choice of Cain would be both
a personal act of justice to him and a
happy piece of symbolism.

Yet even these are only halfway
measures. Our civil liberties cannot be
restored to their füll vigor as long as
J. Edgar Hoover remains as head of
the FBI. The whole weight of his
reputation, his Congressional connec-
tions, his newspaper allies, and his
secret dossiers is thrown against any
security reform, great or small. The
House Un-American Activities Com-
mittee and the Senate Internal Se-
curity subcommittee could not func-
tion if it were not for the informa-

of suspected Communist Infiltration.
If one wants to know about Bishop
Oxnam, or Eimer Guy Shipley, or
Howard Melish, or Jack McMichael,
or the Methodist Federation for So-
cial Action, or the fight within the
Unitarian church or within the East-
ern Orthodox churches, or any others
where the question had arisen in
acute form, here is the place to get a
careful marshaling of the facts.

Man as a Commodity

The Informed Heart: Autonomy
IN A Mass Age, by Bruno Bettelheim.
Free Press. 309 pp.

Reviewed by

George Mosse

THE IDEALS . of human progress
and of hope for a better life
through social reorganization have
been severely tested in our own age.
Modern man is haunted by the vision
of his own degradation. The Informed
Heart should be required reading for
all those who are interested in re-
examining liberal dogma in the face
of the challenges Bruno Bettelheim
raises. The book's core concerns the
"extreme" Situation of man im-
prisoned in the National Socialist
concentration camps. This is not an
enumeration of that catalogue of
horrors with which we are all too
familiär, but a serious attempt to de-
rive meaning from these horrors for
our time. Bettelheim is a psychologist,
and while he applies psychological
criteria to his observations, they lead
him towards some fundamental criti-
cisms of the Freudian approach in
which he was trained. Indeed, his con-
clusions spring from a repudiation of
much of what he had hitherto ac-
cepted as part of psychological
thought.

The totalitarian concentration
camp Society changed the human per-
sonality of its victims. To Bettelheim
this seems to be of the essence: that
the modern State now has in its hands
the means of actually changing per-
sonality. The Operations of the S.S.
were geared to this end, chiefly by
inducing in the inmates a childlike
dependence upon their guards, and
destroying their adult frame of refer-
ence. Men and women, living in an
artificial society over which they had
no control, became "living corpses."

As if this were not enough, Bettel-
heim demonstrates that this child-
like dependence involves taking on
the very value system of the rulers,
complete with brutality and racism.
Thus Bettleheim explains the ul-
timate degradation of modern man;
how thousands could be ruled by a
few guards, how men and women
could go to their death without
protesting.

Modern psychology seems to him
mistaken in two particulars. Accord-
ing to modern psychology, the inner
man, not society, creates the per-
sonality. Yet the changes in person-
ality under the extreme Situation of
concentration camp existence came
about through a rigid control of the
environment, consciously manipulat-
ed by the S.S. Man was deprived of
his autonomy; everything was con-
trolled by an external and uncon-
troUable power. Moreover, psychology
seeks to adjust man to society, but in
a concentration camp there is no con-
ventional society to adjust to, and
the reality of evil cannot be
sublimated.

Those who shut their eyes to con-
centration camp reality were most
easily made the victims of it. Those
who survived best were men and
women who faced their Situation and
attempted to adjust to it while secret-
ly keeping some attitudes of their
former world intact. Bettelheim's
critique of The Diary of Anne Frank
is to the point. Here was a family
that shut its eyes to the National
Socialist reality and its implications.
The father taught his children
academic subjects instead of how to
escape in case of danger; the family
remained together instead of scatte»"-
ing, which might have saved their
lives. The play ends with Anne pro
claiming her belief in the goodness
of all men. To Bettelheim this shirks
the very problems which the book
raised. Belief in the goodness of man
is an escape from the reality of the
totalitarian environment, which can
transform the central autonomy of
human personality into a robot-like
dependence upon a brutal ruler. That
man can be good thus becomes beside
the point.

To Bettelheim, the dangers of such
a society are a part of the industrial,
social, and technological revolution
in which we live; they are, therefore,

ever present. His hope is based on the
better understanding by man of these
dangers as well as upon his Observa-
tion that men in the concentration
camp Situation did embrace death
rather than live as a commodity. Ex-
cellent though his actual analysis
may be, his larger conclusions do not
quite convince. The society he
analyzes existed at a point when a cer-
tain ideology was triumphant. It is
admitted by Bettelheim that even
Soviet labor camps do not display the
same extreme types of personality
change. Moreover, it is always danger-
ous to generalize from "extreme" hu-
man situations, though this has, sig-
nificantly, become the fashion in our
time. There is no evidence that his-
tory repeats itself in an identical
manner, even though the identical
problems may still want Solution.

The lesson which men concerned
with human progress and human free-
dom might draw from this book is
somewhat different from Bettelheim's
own point of view. Social Organiza-
tion now has a demonstrable power
over man. It can even change that
human nature which previous genera-
tions believed was entirely or partially
impervious to the social process. Men
hoping to improve society must not
be sidetracked into searching for the
recesses of man's soul but instead
must realize that human freedom and
social Organization are inseparable.

Shorts

Sermons and Soda Water, by John
O'Hara. Random House. $5.95.

Nichts in the Gardens of Brook-
lyn, by Harvey Swados. Atlantic-Lit-
tle, Brown.

Reviewed by

Tom Burke

JOHN O'Hara takes the title for his
collection of three short novels
from Byron's Don Juan:

"Let US have wine and women,

mirth and laughter,
Sermons and soda water the day

after."
The novelle are brief, but O'Hara's
sermons and soda water are fuUy as
sobering as they were when he wrote
Appointment in Samarra twenty-
seven years ago. Several O'Hara-ites
from previous works reappear: James
Malloy again leaves Gibbsville,

The PROGRESSIVE

Pennsylvania, for New York and a
writing career. Malloy is the narrator,
but more than an observer. His re-
lationships to the other characters
provide an excellent springboard for
O'Hara at his vintage best.

"Imagine Kissing Pete" (first pub-
lished in The New Yorker) is the
most fully realized of the three
stories. "Bobbie" Hammersmith, a
Gibbsville belle, marries homely Pete
McCrea after being spurned by a
more desirable beau from the East.
Pete soon realizes that he has been
chosen from spite, and makes life

miserable for both of them. The nar-
rative follows the couple's social and
moral decline. But Bobbie's moral
disintegration is not complete. She
does not leave Pete, though she
loathes him — and she regains stature
at the end of the story when she
watches, erect and smiling, as her son
takes top honors at a 1960 Princeton
Commencement.

As James Malloy grows older, he
explores the memories of his youth:
"Moments would come back to me"
[he says] "of love and excitement . . .
the throbbing urging of George

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LIBERALiSM
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• Texas is the source of much corro-
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• THE TEXAS OBSERVER, calied "an
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by The Reporter, has shaken up the whole
politics of the State during the last six
years— has broken State scandals of public
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• In addition it offers, on its back
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THE

50 CENTS FEBRUARY 1968

PROGRESSIVE

^'l-

'..■^•«a

(^■i(5K<

%-..S^,^

äW.'*.-^,^->

THE MAKING OF A DOVE

THE RISE OF RONALD REAGAN
NO HOHER THAN THOÜ
STÜDENTS AND THE DRAFT

Don Luce

David Murray

Milton Mayer

Seymour L Halleck

AMmajÖ

IN ONE of every four years — and this is that year — the be-
ginning of the second school semester coincides with
the opening trumpetings of the Presidential election over-
ture. These early sounds are already being heard in New
Hampshire, Wisconsin, and the other states with Presiden-
tial primaries coming up soon.

The Progressive is recording and interpreting these poHti-
cal soundings for its readers in a manner that has special
relevance for teachers and students of universities, Colleges,
and high schools. Through its articles written by veteran ob-
servers of the political scene The Progressive will provide
important supplementary reading for students which will
help enliven classroom discussion on the personalities, the
major trends of this landmark election of 1968, and the
issues faced — or not faced — by the candidates.

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The Progressive, of course, will also provide bountiful
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than the 1968 election. There will be articles on foreign
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Cover, at $5 each.

VOLUME 32 NUMBER 2

The

FOUNDED IN 1909 BY ROBERT M. LaFOLLETTE, Sr.

FEBRUARY, 1968

EDITOR

MANAGING EDITOR

ASSOCIATE EDITOR

BUSINESS MANAGER

OFFICE STAFF

MORRIS H. RUBIN

MARY SHERIDAN

JOHN McGRATH

ARNOLD SERWER

GORDON SINYKIN

ROSE L. REDISKE, HELEN KLEPPE, DOROTHY

BEYLER, BETTY HAMRE, ELEANOR WIND,

PATRICIA DORN

3 RETREAT TO YESTERDAY

Editorlal

5 NOTES IN THE NEWS

10 THE WORD FROM WASHINGTON

13 THE MAKING OF A DOVE

Don Luce

17 THE IRONY OF VIETNAM

Morris Udall

18 THE RISE OF RONALD REAGAN

David AAurray

23 NO HOHER THAN THOU

AAilton Mayer

26 STUDENTS AND THE DRAFT

Dr. Seymour L. Halleck

30 CALIFORNIAS NEW VIGILANTES

William Wingfield

34 THE FBI'S COMMUNIST BRIGADE

James A. Wechsler

36 LANGUAGE AND THE NEGRO CHILD

Peggy Bebie Thomson

38 CULTURAL FERMENT IN THE SECOND CITY

Charles-Gene McDaniel

41 THE PEOPLPS FORUM

43 BOOKS

THE PROGRESSIVE is published monthly. Copyright © 1968 by
The Progressive, Inc., 408 West Gorham Street, Madison, Wiscon-
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Wisconsin 53594.

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i 1

to determine definitely where honest
growth ends and alert opportunism
begins in this process of change. He
is an astute politician who recognizes
that he has no place to go for addi-
tional Support for the Presidency ex-
cept to the left . . . Hubert Hum-
phrey's natural constituency. In the
amending and shaping of legislation,
therefore, Kennedy usually pushes for
the most liberal position, the biggest
appropriation, the toughest regulation.
What honest conviction prompts, po-
litical logic confirms."

Concerning Vietnam, Shannon dis-
cerns the same happy juxtaposition of
conviction and political benefit in
Kennedy's early call for doing business
rnore directly with the National Liber-
ation Front. Rising American and
Vietnamese casualties worked on him,
Shannon says, but he also "astutely
perceived that the Vietnam war would
eventually mean political disaster for
the Democrats and that the prudent
course for a political leader who cared
about his future was to get on record
early in favor of a negotiated peace."
Though few thought Kennedy was be-
ing either politically astute or prudent
when he spoke out in early 1966, later
Vietnam developments have made
him look much more so.

Narrow-gauge critics like de Tole-
dano, predictably, see not merely un-
diluted opportunism but also rank se-
dition in Kennedy's Vietnam position.
The Senator's remark that giving
blood to the North Vietnamese
"would be in the oldest traditions of
this country," says de Toledano, "en-
deared him to left-wing students and
to those actively seeking to undermine
the American war effort. And it
probably did him no great härm in
the deep anti-patriotic climate. It did
explain why some one-time Kennedy
supporters were beginning to refer to
him as Ho Chi Bobby." Oh, boy.

De Toledano's peripheral book, a
sort of primer for Bobby-haters, is not
totally valueless because his recount-
ing of Kennedy's Congressional com-
mittee days does bring back graphical-
ly memories of the bratty Bobby that
have been fogged by his more recent
Charisma. But valid accusations are
accompanied by overstatements and
oversimplifications that give the book
a devil-theory tone and paint Kennedy
as entirely too one-dimensional. There

is also a righteousness that borders
on intellectual dishonesty running
through the book. It adopts airs of
objectivity and scholarship, yet dips to
snide carping and innuendo. Sources
seldom are given for quotes on "in-
side" accounts, and no bibliography is
provided.

Kennedy's own book, To Seek A
Newer World, is an often preachy ap-
peal to the liberal left constituency,
but with the accent on youth that
has become his trademark. The
theme, so attractive to the new gen-
erations— that the old, rigid cold war
must be thawed into a more realistic,
constructive period of competitive
detente — courses through Kennedy's re-
telling of his views on Latin America,
nuclear control, China, Vietnam, and
neglected problems at home.

All three books about Kennedy ap-
peared before the emergence of Sena-
tor Eugene J. McCarthy in the role
of the liberal, anti-Johnson white
knight— a role McCarthy hastened to
note he would not have had to play
had Kennedy filled it. Accordingly,
the authors of the nineteen Kennedy
books to come have fresh material on
which to base their own curbstone
psychoanalysis of the man. They
would do well in this regard to read
the PostScript in Kennedy's own book.
In it, he challenges youth to effect
change but wams of four dangers:
f Utility ("the belief that there is noth-
ing one man or one woman can do
against the enormous array of world's
ills") ; expediency ("those who say that
hopes and beliefs must bend before
immediate necessities" ) ; timidity ("few
men are willing to brave the disap-
proval of their fellows, the censure of
their colleagues, the wrath of their So-
ciety") ; comfort ("the temptation to
follow the easy and familiär paths of
personal ambition and financial suc-
cess so grandly spread before those
who enjoy the privilege of education").
Kennedy certainly cannot be ac-
cused in his own career of yielding to
futility or to comfort. But neither, in
this critical hour, is he throwing ex-
pediency to the winds or exhibiting
notable boldness while another man,
admittedly with much less to lose,
makes the overt challenge Kennedy's
words of the last three years have
defined.

Retarded Germany

Society and Democracy in Ger-
many by Ralf Dahrendorf. Doubleday.
482 pp. $6.95.

Reviewed by

George L. Mosse

THE "German question" maintains
its fascination for Germans and
non-Germans alike. The ways in which
Society and Democracy in Germany
poses and answers that question are of
special importance for an understand-
ing of that nation's constant battle
with modernity.

"Why is it that so few in Germany
embrace the principle of liberal democ-
racy?" Having posed the question in
these terms, Ralf Dahrendorf, a Ger-
man sociologist, goes on to analyze the
barriers which German society has
erected against the realization of this
goal. Germany was and is a "retarded
nation" because the economy of Im-
perial Germany became industrial but
not capitalist: German society remained
semi-feudal. The German bourgeoisie
failed to become a political class and
instead clung to the pre-capitalist val-
ues of an earlier time.

Dahrendorf illustrates the struggle of
such values with liberal democracy and
uses a great deal of Statistical evidence
to prove the point. German society ad-
hered to a patriarchal ideal symbolized
by the family structure, retreating into
a private sphere of life rather than
following the path of public virtue.
The retreat from participation in pub-
lic life meant undue emphasis upon
the authority of the State. Status was
not defined through individual endeav-
or or worth, but in relation to State
Service instead, and even for intellec-
tuals "the name plate on the door, the
title, and the pension became more im-
portant than the word."

German society was engaged in the
search for security through an organic
view of life and the quest for ultimate
Solutions which lay outside the sphere
of free competition and political par-
ticipation. Dahrendorf not merely con-
demns the German political Right but
also Social Democracy and the labor
movement for avoiding meaningful
political struggle and relying instead
upon the organic unity of men, wheth-

THE PROGRESSIVE

er enforced through the pressure of
national interest, or, in recent times,
through direct participation in the run-
ning of certain Industries.

German education perpetuates this
State of affairs. Not only are secondary
and higher levels of education closed
to the vast majority of the population,
but education Stresses the abstract ul-
timate goals of society and the nation
instead of preparing youth for econom-
ic competence and practical citizenship.

The social structure remained static
during the Empire and even during
the Weimar Republic. Dahrendorf sees
the collapse of Weimar as caused by
the contradiction between a political
System which permitted modernity and
a social structure which forbade it.
The real break came with the Nazi
seizure of power. The Nazis warred
against the traditional base of German
society and managed to destroy it.
After the war, the German Democratic
Republic completed the road towards
modernity by granting social equality
to all its Citizens. Yet this change in
social structure lacks the concomitant
of political liberty. East Germany has
given, once more, a negative response
to the "German question."

There can be little quarrel with
Dahrendorf's always stimulating analy-
sis of why Germany became a "re-
tarded nation." The emphasis rests
upon the social structure itself and not
upon the attitudes which went into the
creation of this structure. The reason
for this lies in Dahrendorf's definition
of liberal democracy. Such democracy

THE REVIEWERS

JULES WITCOVER is a Washington cor-
respondent for the Newhouse papers.
He covered Senator Kennedy's 1966
campaign and wrote the articie, "Rob-
ert F. Kennedy: The Making of an
Electorate," in the January, 1967 issue.
GEORGE L. AAOSSE is a professor of his-
tory at the University of Wisconsin.
He wrote "The Crisis of Ideology: In-
tellectual Origins of the Third Reich."
WILLIAM AAcCANN, a free lance writ-
er, edited "Ambrose Bierce's America."
ALLEN GUTTMANN is an associate pro-
fessor of English and American Studies
at Amherst College. He is the author of
"The Conservative Tradition In Ameri-
ca" and "The Wound in the Heart:
America and the Spanish Civil War."
CHARLES ALAN WRIGHT is a professor
of law at the University of Texas. ANNE
CURTIN is a free lance Journalist and
critic.

February, 1968

must emphasize the conflict of interests
within the framework of citizenship:
where all men have equal political
rights, though differing class Status.
Free competition of the market place
must inform all of society: economics,
politics, and ideas. Metaphysics must be
renounced; the search for ultimate an-
swers and for an organic society must
give place to pragmatism.

This point of view makes him sus-
picious of psychological and even his-
torical explanations of human attitudes
which lie outside the measurable social
structure. Such a concentration upon
the social structure gives the book a
guarded optimism about the future of
liberal democracy in the Federal Re-
public. Ludwig Erhard as the creator
of Germany's successful free market
economy loosened the traditional social
structure and gave Germans another
Chance to catch up with liberalism.

Dahrendorf's ideal of liberal democ-
racy may, in spite of his purpose, dem-
onstrate even more dramatically than
his analysis the "retardation" of Ger-
many. The nations of the West have
already entered a different stage of de-
velopment. Their problems center
around the viability of liberal democ-
racy in terms of the military-corporate
complex, of the limits of citizenship
and free competition. The needs of
mass politics and the growing imper-
sonality of society have meant, in the
West, a new search for ultimate an-
swers, for the organic view of society
which the book rejects so forcefully.

Moreover, in the face of problems
raised by a liberal democracy, the
younger generation searches for a new
metaphysics, for a morality, which will
supersede that liberalism which to them
disguises a new centralization of au-
thority and power under a rhetoric of
freedom and participation. Germany
seems to be puffing towards a Station
which other industrial nations are
about to leave, though their destina-
tion is far from clear at the moment.

Dahrendorf has demonstrated the
courage of his convictions, for he has
recently accepted the candidacy for the
Bundestag on behalf of the Free Dem-
ocratic Party (FDP). This small group
of embattled liberals (closely tied to in-
dustry) provides the only parliamen-
tary Opposition to the "grand coalition'*
which governs Germany. Their attempt
to push Germany towards a liberal

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democracy may, like the book, have
relevance to the German experience al-
though, as a matter of practical poli-
tics, the majority of the FDP seem re-
luctant to accept this ideal.

Dahrendorfs model is fruitful in dis-
cerning the causes for Gennany's
dilemma, but as a model for the future
it might well prove "too little and too
late" — another negative answer to the
"German question."

Weapon Quotations

QuoTEMANSHiP, by Paul F. Boller,
Jr. Southern Methodist University
Press. 454 pp. $7.95.

Reviewed by

William McCann

SOMETiMES one wants a quotation
as a tight-rope walker wants the
touch of a withered twig," Walter
Raleigh wrote. But balanced writers
and wavering reviewers are not alone
in their need of quotable reassurances.
Polemicists— especially the political
practitioners — need quotations most of

all.

This absorbing book is an analysis
of how quotations have been used and
misused in the United States on for-
ensic, argumentative occasions. Paul F.
Boller, who teaches history at the
University of Massachusetts, believes

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that "quotemanship" as a refined art
is a developnient of the Twentieth
Century, and particularly of the 1930's,
when the use of quotations to rein-
force arguments became Standard pro-
cedure in American political debate.

Boller deploys bis material under

such rubrics as "Esteemed Authority

Quotes," "Opposition - as - Authority

Quotes" (a favorite device, he says, of

The Progressive), "Spurious Quotes,"

"Reversed-Opinion Quotes," "Out-of-

Context Quotes," "Awkward Quotes

from the Past," and so on, with

shades of differences within the larger

categories. "There is," he pointed out,

"not only an adversary-as-authority-

for-my-side quote; there is also

an adversary-as-authority-against-his-

own-side quote."

Boller analyzes bis illustrative quo-
tations in a serious but lively manner,
obviously relishing bis explorations in
the thickets of political disputation.
Sometimes, however, he bogs down
with the Plethora of subject matter at
bis disposal. He forgets the lesson bis
book teaches— that pungency, brevity,
and relevancy are essential to good
quotemanship. To drive a tack he
will occasionally pick up a sledge
hammer.

The author has found much of bis
material in recent issues of American
Journals of opinion, ranging the po-
litical spectrum from the National
Review to The Progressive. His
sympathies are liberal but do not
blind bim to the adroit quotemanship
of William F. Buckley, Jr., H. L.
Mencken, and other astute conserva-
tive polemicists. It was Buckley who
extracted this 1919 quotation from
J. M. Keynes: "There is no subtler,
no surer means of overturning the
existing bases of society than to de-
bauch the currency. The process
engages all the hidden forces of
economic law on the side of destruc-
tion and does it in a manner which
not one man in a million is able to
diagnose."

Among liberal quotemen. Boller
gives high rating to I. F. Stone, Mil-
ton Mayer, and Arthur M. Schlesin-
ger, Jr. He notes that Milton Mayer,
writing in The Progressive some years
ago, coined the word "contextomy"—
the deliberate excision of words and
phrases to misrepresent what has

been said. I. F. Stone is a skilled user
of adversary-as-authority quotations ;
he is fond of Statements made by
conservatives that help prove his own
points. (Example: "We made a mistake
going in there, but I can't figure
out any way to get out without scar-
ing the rest of the world"— Senator
Richard B. Russell, of Georgia, on
Vietnam in 1964.)

Confronting one's adversary with
embarrassing Statements from the past
is particularly effective quotemanship.
For example, the author finds The
Progressive in August, 1966, quotmg
President Johnson's 1964 campaign
declaration in Akron, Ohio: "We are
not going North, ... and we are
not about to send American boys
nine or ten thousand miles away from
home to do what Asian boys should
be doing for themselves."

One interesting chapter of the book
is given to "Quotes and the Campaign
of 1964" and another. to "Quotes and
L.B.J." Boller says Lyndon Johnson is
"the 'quotingest' President ever to oc-
cupy the White House." On one occa-
sion Johnson neatly quoted Fred
Allen: "A Conference," Allen said, "is
a gathering of important people who
singly do nothing but together decide
nothing can be done."

As for effective "self-quoters," his-
torian Boller bows to Arthur M.
Schlesinger, Jr. and Adlai Stevenson.
And, of course, there was George Ber-
nard Shaw: "I often quote myself, it
adds spiee to the conversation."

Then and Now

Jacksonian Aristocracy, by Doug-
las T. Miller. Oxford University Press.
228 pp. $6.

Workshops in the Wilderness,
by Marvin Fisher. Oxford University
Press. 238 pp. $6.

Reviewed by

Allen Guttmann

THE FIRST SENTENCE of Alexis de
Tocqueville's Democracy in America
asserts the thesis of his book: "Among
the novel objects that attracted my at-
tention during my stay in the United
States, nothing Struck me more forcibly
than the general equality of condition

THE PR03RESSIVE

among the people." Jeffersonians had
advocated equality of opportunity;
Jacksonians assumed equality of Status.
The drunken mob that helped Old
Hickory celebrate his Inauguration dra-
matically demonstrated what the com-
mon man meant by equality of Status.
Tocqueville's account emphasized equal-
ity, but the Frenchman also predicted
correctly that an aristocracy was about
to be created. Although America had
escaped the burdens of a traditional
aristocracy on the European model,
commerce and industry formed the base
for a new class and a new inequality.
Douglas Miller's book, Jacksonian Ar-
istocracy, traces the rise of this new
class in New York.

Despite the political democratization
of New York, symbolized by the new
Constitution of 1821, inequalities of
wealth and Status grew much greater
in the decades before the Civil War
than they had been when Jackson took
office, The factory System replaced
household manufactures and depressed
the conditions of artisans while repres-
sive legislation prevented laborers from
effective Organization. The Immigra-
tion from Ireland and Germany was
greater, in proportion to the popula-
tion, than the late Nineteenth Century
influx from southern and eastern Eu-
rope. By 1855, New York's population
was almost fifty per cent foreign born.
In 1833, the first tenement was built;
by 1860, nearly half the population of
the city lived in tenements, in squalor.

Given such conditions, given the
growing gulf between rieh and poor,
disorders were almost inevitable, and
they took place with frequency from
the Astor Place riot of 1849 to the
draft riot of 1863, which left more
than 1,000 dead. (Economic as well as
ethnic factors were involved in each
of these incidents.)

While the Standard of living feil for
the urban poor, the new aristocracy
arose. The old families, which had
ruled the Hudson Valley like a fief-
dom, gave up their estates and turned
to factories and railroads. In 1820,
there were 102 New Yorkers who had
personal property assessed at more than
$20,000 each; in 1845, 950 men were
worth more than $100,000 each and
the term "millionaire" came into use
to describe the wealthiest. The new
class built mansions on Fifth Avenue,
dressed as expensively as possible, en-

February, 1968

tertained lavishly, and scorned the
democratic principles of "their'^ coun-
try. Fifty years before the Gilded Age,
the affluent consumed conspicuously
and competitively.

Inequality is Douglas Miller's sub-
ject; the industrial basis of the new
wealth is Marvin Fisher's. Dealing with
the same three decades, Fisher uses
the reports of European travelers to
document the emergence of industrial-
ism as a way of life. The argument of
Workshops in the Wilderness is that
the more perceptive visitors, like the
more perceptive Americans, realized
in the Jacksonian period the füll im-
plications of a technologically-based
economy. While most Americans were
agrarians who imagined — at least in
their optimistic moods — that the New
World was the secular equivalent of
Eden, the seeds of the urban-industrial
Order bore their first fruits. Europeans
often assumed that Americans were
brutes and boors, only to d Iscover that
the division of labor, standardization
of measurements, interchangeable parts,
invention, and even automation had
progressed much faster, and often fur-
ther, in the United States than in Eu-
rope.

If Fisher merely used European data
to Support W. W. Rostow's thesis of in-
dustrial "take-off" in the 1840's and
1850's, his book would deserve faint
praise. The real merit of the book lies
in investigations of the less obvious,
and less easily documented, aspects of
industrialization. The writings of Eu-
ropeans (and of some Americans) are
analyzed for the covert as well as the
overt responses to the machine age. Be-
neath the cheery acceptance of mecha-
nization was a persistent fear of what
might be. Fisher finds evidence of "so-
cial criticism and psychological discom-
fort . . . beneath layers of approba-
tion" and "covert fears about the de-
humanization of the industrial worker."
Tocqueville, once again, is the hero:

"When a workman is unceasingly
and exclusively engaged in the fabri-
cation of one thing, he ultimately does
his work with singular dexterity; but
at the same time he loses the general
faculty of applying his mind to the di-
rection of the work. He every day be-
comes more adroit and less industrious;
so that it may be said of bim that in
Proportion as the workman improves

23 years

aller the

end Ol the

worin

ROBERT lAYLIFTON

INDFE

SURVIVOKS OF
HIROSHIMA

This is one of the im-
portant social and psy-
chological studies of
our time, comparable
in Its impact and
human interest to
Oscar Lewis's La Vida.
Dr. Robert J. Litton, a
Yale University psy-
chiatrist, reveals the
enormous effect of the
Bomb on the city of
Hiroshima and on its
individual survivors —
who speak of their ling-
ering memories, their
persistent struggles,
their guilt at being
alive. Dr. Litton ex-
tends his analysis to
include comparisons
of A-bomb and concen-
tration camp survivor-
ship, leading finally to
the development of a
significant theory of
the psychology of
survivorship.

$10, now at your bookstore
RANDOM HOUSE

SOCIETY AND DEMOCRACY IN GERMANY, by Ralf D«hr«ndorf. Doubl«<Uy & Company.
482 pp, $6.95

George L. Moese

The "Gennan question" seems to maintain its fatclnatlon for Germana
and non-Germans allke. The ways in which thts book poses and ansvers
that question are o£ special importance for an understanding of that
nation's constant bettle with modernity. •'Why is it that so few in Germany
embrace the principle of liberal democracy?" Having posed the question in
these terms, Professor Dahrendorf goes on to analyze the barriers which
German society has erected against the realization of this goal. Germany
was and is a '»retarded nation" because the economy of Imperial Germany
became industrial but not capitalist: German society remained semi-feudal.
The German bourgeoisie failed to become a political class and instead
clung to the pre capitalist values of an earlier time.

The book illustrates the struggle of such values with liberal
democracy, using a great deal of Statistical evidence to prove its point.
German society adhered to a patriarchal ideal symbolized by the family
structure, retreating into a private sphere of life rather than following
the path of public virtue, The retreat from participation in public life
meant undue emphasis upon the authority of the State. Status was not de-
fined through individual endeavor or worth, but in relation to State
Service, instead, and even for intellectuals "the name plate on the door,
the title, and the pension became more important than the word." German
Society was engaged in the search for security through an organic view of
life and the quest for ultimate Solutions which lay outside the sphere of

Society and Democracy in Germany

free competltlon and polltlcal participatlon. Professor Dahrendorf not
merely condeians the polltlcal Rlght but also Social Democracy and the
labor movement for avoldlng meaningful polltlcal struggle and relylng In»
stead upon the organlc unlty of men» whether enforced through the pressure
of national Interest, or In recent tiaes, through dlrect participatlon In
the runnlng of certaln Industries. Flnally, German educatlon perpetuates
thls State of affalrs. Not only are secondary and higher levels of edu-
catlon closed to the vast majorlty of the populatlon, but educatlon Stresses
the abstract ultlmate goals of soclety and the natlon Instead of preparlng
youth for economic competence and practlcal cltlzenshlp»

The social structure remalned statlc durlng the Empire and even durlng
the Weimar Republlc, Professor Dahrendorf sees the collapse of Weimar as
caused by the contradlctlon between a polltlcal System whlch permltted
modernlty and a social structure whlch for bade lt. The real break came
wlth the Nazi seizure of power. The Nazis warred agalnst the tradltlonal
base of German soclety and managed to destroy lt. After the war, the
German Democratlc Republlc completed the road towards modernlty by grantlng
social equallty to all its Citizens. Yet thls change In social structure
lacks the concommltant of polltlcal llberty. East Germany has glven,
once more, a negative response to the '*German questlon."

There can be llttle qtiarrel wlth the boak^'M always stlmulatlng analysls
of why Germany became a **retarded natlon.*' The emphasls rests upon the
social structure Itself and not upon the attltudes whlch went Into the
creatlon of thls structure. The reason for thls lies In Professor
Dahrendorf 's deflnltlon of liberal democracy. Such deaocracy must emphaslze
the confllct of Interests wlthln the framework of cltlsenshlp: where all

Society and Demoer acy in Germany

men have equal polltlcal rights, though differing class atatua. Free
competition of the market place muat inform all o£ eociety: economica»
polltica and ideas. Metaphysics must be renounced; the aearch for ultimate
ansvers and for an organic soclety muat give place to pragmatism. This
point of View makes him auapicioua of peychological and even historical
explanations of human attitudes which lie outslde the measurable social
structure. Such a concentration upon the social structure gives the book
a guarded optimism about the future of liberal demoer acy in the Pederal
Republic. Ludwig Erhard as the creator of Germany 's successful free market
economy loosened the traditional social structure and gave Germans another
Chance to catch up with liberal ism.

Professor Dahrendorf *s ideal of liberal democracy may, in spite of
his purpose, demonstrate even more dramatically than his analysis, the
'*retardation** of Germany. The nations of the West have already enterid
a different stage of development, Their problems center around the via-
bility of liberal democracy in terms of the military - corporate complex»
of the limits of citizenship and free competition, The needs of mass
politics» the growing impersonality of aociety, have meant, in the Wesw»
a nev seareh for ultimate answers, for the organic view of society which
the book rejects so forcefully. Moreover» in the face of problems raised
by a liberal democracy , the younger generation searches for a new meta-
physics» for a morality, which will supersede that liberalism which to
them disguises a new central ization of authority and power under a rhetoric
of freedom and participation. Germany seems to be puffing towards a Station

which other industrial nations are about to leave, though their destination
is far from clear at the moment«

o"*tfWT*

Society and Democracy In Germany

Professor Dahrendor| has demonstrated the courage of hls convictions,
for he has recently accepted the candldacy for the Bimdestag on behalf
of the Free Democratlc Party (PDP). The small embattled liberale (closely
tied to industry) provide the only parliamentary Opposition to the "Grand
coalition" which governs Germany. This attempt to push Gennany towards
a liberal democracy may, like the book, have relevance to the German
experience though, as a matter of practical politics, the majority of the
FDP seem relactant to accept this ideal. Professor Dahrendorf's model is
fruitful in discerning the causes for Germany's dilemma, but as a model
for the future it might well prove "too little and too late" - another
negative answer to the "German question."

iälif' ' '?:-,*Xi,;';\WlÜ^i'i«^,.

/ (jfsMyfl^

SOCIETY ^1^ DEHOCRACY IN aEEH'IAlfT, by RaJjf Dahrendorf • Doubleday & Compnay,
482pp. $6.95 jj^

^o^f^

The " Grerman question" seems to maintain it's fascination for
Germans and non-«G-ermans äk^Äige. The wajs in which this "book poses

and answers that question are of special importance for an tuider»
Standing of th^at nation^iaa i4>'o constant "battle with modemity*

^ Why is it that so few in Germany embrace the principle of liberal
democracy?" Having posed the question in these terms, Professor
Dahrendorf goes on to analyse the barriers which Grerman society
has ^lurhfn u^against the realii^tion of this goal» ^ermany

W^4^

X.tM<>_üJi Ag KMPl'llPji^

a " retardednation" because the economy m. Imperial
Germany became Industrie! but not capitalist: Germany society
remained semi -feudal» The German bourgeoisie failed to become
a political class But kop^-^feke clung to the pre capitalist values
of an earlier time» ^/j

The book illustrates the stmiggle of such values with liberal
democracy, using a great deal of Statistical evidence to prooTe
it's point« German society elung to a patriarchal ideal symboliged
by the familüy structxire, ^ho treato.nto a private sphere of life
rather thenVEEi practioe of public virtue» &»ek-ft-a?e*a?eftt*fe±s
Äetreat from participation in public life meanfVeräphasis upon the
authority of^ State* Status was not defined through individual
endeavoin» or worth but^' instead^ in relation to state service'*^nd
even for intellectuals " the narae plate on the door, the title,
and th^ension became more important then the word"# German
society was engaged in the search for security through an organic
View of life and the quest for ultimate Solutions to all problomo
which lay outside the sphere ofvcompetition and political partici=
pation* Professor Dahrldorf not e»iy condemms the political Right

T7?7

' ' *!

s!r!»!S5?55a

;'ij :;,:,,:"; .■*v;!=^-;.

'/'■;■■'.■ ...-:.

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but also Social Democracy and the labo>lr movement for avÄ^ding
meaningf-ul political struggle Jeag-jaelicin^^^pon the organio \mity
of men, ^ther enforced through the pressiire of national interest^
or y in recent times,>airect participation in the running of certain

Industries» # Finally, German education perpetuatea this state of

affairs,

er>^aÄicat:

pir

education stresses

the vast majority of the population, but

*ke-ft^*s»«e*-ft»*-*keea?e*4efti the abstract iiltimate goals of
Society and the nation instead of preparing youth for economic
competence and practical citizenship

• f

[fter the war

The social structure reÄained static during the Empire and even
during the Weimar Republic» Professor Dahrendorf sees the collapse
of Weimar^i ^ermo rfi the contradiction between a political System
which #e*»eedpermitted modemity and a social structure which forbade
it. The real breafk came with the i^azi seizure of power. TJie Hazis
warred against the traditional base of German society and managed
to destroy ito '^Hhe German Democratic Republic, (^te
completed the road towards modemity by gr^ing social equality
toMt's po]=rulation. Tet^ awB t*t6 change in social strbrture lacks
the concoramitant of political liberty^ East Germany has given,

There can be little quarrell with the booksVanalysis of why Germany
became a " retarded nation". The emphasis rests upon the social
struct-ure itself and not upon the attitudes which went into the
creation of this structure. The reason for this lies in Professor
Dahrendorf 's definition of liberal democacy. CoiLTliül uf Inl-eronts

This point of view makes him suspicious of psychological and even historical
explanations iw5 human attitudes which lie outside the raeasurable social
structure» Stj« concentration upon the social strucirure gives the book

a guarded optimism about the fut\xre of liberal democracy in

the Federal Republic»

rights^ ovon i^ differwÄ

Such democracy must emphasise the conflict of iii^terests within
the framework of citizenship: wpre all men have equal political

class Status» Free competition of the
market place must inform all of society: economics, politics and
ideas« ^^t^physics must be renounced; the search for ultimate
answers auid for an organic society must give place to pragmatism«
Prufuhjsur Dalu'midui'r Bb?eB UlpäfUl 31gfiü foi Ihe accompllaliiiiunl of
thio ond in fMe Fpderal Rcpiilillf, — bhough the uld ubslacluü lo
Jii^enal dpnncraoy remain a^rong» Ludwig ^'SLu lidSTb as the creator of

Grermany*s successful free market economy/gave G-erraans another

hance to catch up with liberalism» Sß"^
I^ofessor Dahrendorf 's ideal of liberal democracy may, inspite of
his purpose, demonstrate even more dramatically then his analysis^
the " retardation** of Germany« The nations of the West have already
entered a different stage of development» Their problems cent&
around the viability of liberal democracy in terms of the military -
corporate complex, of the limits of citizenship and free competition«^
Moreover, in the face of gj^gh problem^ the younger generation
searches for ^ymetjftaphysics, for a morality, which will super^ede

thÄ»t liberalism which

CCfilßW* *▼/*« ^F 4vr»y*/li rr,

amO

disguisef a 7iew^uthoritariain.i3i!t\^^^

imder a rhetoric of freedom and participation» G-ermany seems to

kji^

puff ing towards a Station which other industrial nations kave
Älxaady 1-ext, though their destination is far from clear at the

moment •

>d to QQiXli

Se-»»-ft-eandida'<ye f er ithe-j

Party lias

"■■■."■■■ Hv«- ■■■:.' •.,-,7 ^i ;>va>\--.-. .

3a,

c^v

The needs of mass politics, the growing impersonality of society,
have meant, in the West, a new search for ultimate answei^, for
the organic^which the loook rejects so foffefully» (^ W )

■äs,'5^'";.-V'''?-' v^>^:

rroteasoT Dahrendorf has^Jsü^e^fffthe coiirage of his
convictions, for he has recently accepted the candidacy for the
Bxmdestag on behalf of the Pree Democratic Party (FPD). *k4e-ei*»ü
The sman embattled liberals ( closely tieflt to industry) provide the
only parliamentaary Opposition to the " Grand coalition" which govems
Gerraany* This attempt to push Germany towards a liberal democrac»r
may, like the book, bo rclovonl^ to the German experience though, as
a matter of praotioal politics, the majority of the PDP seem reluctant
to accept this ideal. Professor Dahrendorf «s model is fruitful in
tho analysio o:^ the causes ^tT Germany»s dilemma, but as a model
for the future it might well proove " too little and too late*' -
another negative answer to the German questionri'

yvK\ T^S'isi^

(ABcf^Cv4B l^ AÄc^^ZG Cc LCiccyrie ^

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11 ^f

The Intellectual Migration i Europe and America, 1930-1960^
By Donald Fleming and Bernard Bailyn. (The Belknap Press.)

The importance of the intellectual migration frora
Pascist Europe has only recently begun to occupy the at-
tention of historians. üntil last year a slim volume of
emigre reminisces, The Cultural Migration i The European
Scholar in America (1953) was the only book devoted to
the subject. Now Laura Permi has published her Illustrious

Immjqrants (1968) and another work on the same subject is

1
scheduled to be published this fall.

The Intellectual Migration is the most important

analysis to date. Leading figures of this emigration

give their reminiscences and assessmentsx Leo Szilard,

the physicist, the social scientists, Paul P. Lazarsfeld

and T. W. Adorno, and Herbert Peigel, a member of the

Viennese school of logical positivism. Historians join

in the discussion, and here Donald Pleming's analysis of

the biological revolution, Stuart Hughes' chapter on

Pranz Neumann and Colin Eisler 's discussion of the history

of art deserve special mention. Peter Gay 's excellent

i.,>-'i-v;'-.iirt-u-i^'.'>>„i<i.t-.''-i>J"" ■-""

introduction analyzes the cultural atraosphere of the

Weimar Republic which fojnneci the outlook of the emigres.

There ie only one serious Omission j nothing is said about
the profound influenae these refugees exercised upon the
study of history.

What, then, was the impact of the United States on
these intellectuals and their impact on it? While they
influenced almost every field of study, the foundations
had previously been laid through the attraction which
German intellectual life had aiways exercised on American
intellectuals. Nevertheless, this emigration had to fit
itself into the prevalent modes of American culturei the
thrust of empiricism and pragmatism, foreign to much of
the European tradition, proved difficult to overccMue. For
example, Paul P. Lazarsfeld, with his Statistical socio-
logical orientation had an easier time than T. \/i. Adorno
whose sociological approach was highly theoretical and
conceptualized.

thl8 voluma. Literary scholara had a great inpact (as
Harry I«ewin shovrs) , but politically orianted writara
llka Bertolt Brecht or Heinrich Mann survivad in Cali-
fornian isolation.

In the United States tha critical edge had to be
blunted, aometimea with tragic results, v^ilhelm Jordy
damonatrates how ander the impact o£ American demoer acy,
functionaliam and maaa production, the Bauhaua group loat
its experimental Impetus and declined into conventionaliam.
The tensions in American society did benefit psychoanalyaia«
Psychoanalysta had been cona idered outaiders in their ovm
countries, aa Marie Jahoda pointa outs in the United
States they could cater to the deaire for seif appraiaal
while, as private practit ioners, remaining outaide the in-
atitut ional framework and establiahment.

The aituation o£ moat refugeea was different« They
had to obtain positions in the academic world and many
contributors believe that they made their greatest impact
as teachers. Xt is noteworthy that they were able to
carry over so much o£ their originality and critical
spiriti a tribute to America*s pluralistic society« To
ba eure, there was professional jealousy, anti-Semit ic

W^S^^^^m^^^^^^^^M^M?Wik''W^

ju..'-,'y,.

■1. ^:'i^v_'.

'■'-■7^A ;^•^:K'T?^^^ '''^^■■■'i'H. ■■

and anti-foreign sentiment within the universities, but

it is startling that so many eraigres did find academic

positions even during the Depression.

The changes these men and women brought about in
American intellectual life secures them a vital position
in modern American intellectual and cultural history.
Event ually, even those who had remained in Isolation in
the United States were destined to make an impact, and
Bertolt Brecht provides only the most famous example.
Those formed by Weimar Culture not only changed many ac-
cepted fields of intellectual endeavour, but, like Herbert
Marcuse, also influence current anti-establishment thought.
This süperb volume carries its discussions to i960, and
therefore does not have to include the delayed impact of
the Weimar revival of Marxist and Hegelian studies upon
the United States. But this nevertheless, is part of the
total picture. Hitler did not fully destroy Weimar Culture;
many of its most important contributions took root in this
country and developed concurrently with the problems and
tensions of American thought. No other emigration in his-
tory has shared this fate.

GEORGE L. MÜSSE

Univarsitv of Wisconsin

^'■^;,'''/^'r'^'"-. ,^"'V^"'^^

1. FRANZ NEUMANN et. al. The Cultural Migrationt The
European Scholar in America, (üniversity of Pennsylvania
Press, Philadelphia, 1953); LAURA PERMI, Illustrioüs
Immiqrantsx The Intellectual Migration from Europe
1930-41, (üniversity of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1968);
ROBERT BOYERS, ed. The I^egacv of German Ref ugee
Intellectuals, special issue of Salmagundi, (New York,
1969) .

2. This introduction has been expanded in PETER GAY,
Weimar Culture, (Harper and Rowe, New York, 1968) .

3. i. e. CHARLES JOHN WETZEL, The American Rescue of

Ref ugee Scholars and Scientists from Europe. 1933-1945.
(unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, üniversity of Wisconsin, 1964).

'■■''(tAV?

. '>*■

June 18, 1969

Mr. Ira Berlin

Book Review Edltor

Wisconsin Magazine of Hlstory

816 State Street

Madlson, Wisconsin 33706

Dear Mr. Berlin:

I would be glad to revlew the Ballyn bock. Please send It over.

Slncerely,

George L. Mosse

Bascom Professor of Hlstory

GLM:c£

)

/^^C-t^-tO^ ^

. v■■.^^;J...Ji^x;,^.^■^/A»>~^i.v:■li^^1r(L■^L'-'.,r;.r^;'(ri^.Jh>■^.^.■.■i'.tir^^

iw.

THE3 STATE HISTORICAL
SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN

816 STATE STREET / MADISON, WISCONSIN S3706 / LESLIE H. FISHEL, JR.» DIRECTOR

Wisconsin Magazine of History

June 16, 1969

Mr« George Mosse
Dept of History
University of Wisconsin
Madison

Dear Mr. Mosset

I am writing to ask if you are interested in reviewing Donald Fleming
and Bernard Bailyn, THE INTELLECTUAL MIGRATION, EIJROPE AND AMERICA.

Reviews in the Magazine usually run 7OO-8OO words, If we would have
your review by September Ist, it would enahle us to place it in the fall number,

If you can do ±this, I will send a review copy iirmedi-tely. I shall look
forward to hearing from you.

f youra,

Ira/Berlin'

Book Review Editor

Iv /> 4^^ /- ^ '^^^ jM^'-?-4j /.t-<^ ///^

The Intellectual Migration! Europe and America. 193Q-*196Q^
By Donald Fleming and Bernard Bailyn. (The Belknap Press.)

The importance of the intellectual migration from
Faecist Surope has only recently begun to occupy the at-
tention of historians« Until last year a slim volume o£

emigre reminisces, The Cultural Migration t The European

Scholar in America (1953) was the only book devoted to

the subject. Now Laura Fermi has published her Illustrious

Immiqrants (1968) and another work on the same subject is

scheduled to be published this fall«

The Intellectual Migration is the most important
analysis to date. Leading figures of this emigration
give their reminiscences and assessmentsi Leo Szilard«
the physicist« the social scientists, Paul F. Lasar sfeld
and T. v^. Adorno, and Herbert Feigel, a member of the
Viennese school of logical positivism« Historians join
in the discussion, and here Donald Fleming *s analysis of
the biological revolution, Stuart Hughes' chapter on
Franz Neumann and Colin Eisler *s discussion of the history
of art deserve special mention. Peter Gay 's excellent

fifip

Introduction analyzas the cultural atmoaphere of tha

2
Walmar Republic which formad the outlook o£ tha amlgraa.

There ia only one serlous omisaiont nothing ia aald about

the profound influenae these refugoes exerciaed upon tha

atudy of hiatory.

What« then, waa the impact of the United Statea on
theaa intellectuals and their impact on it? v^ile thay
influenced almost every f ield of atudy, the foundationa
had previoualy been laid through tha attraction which
German intellectual life had alwaya exeroiaed on American
inteilectuala. Mevertheleaa, thia emigration had to fit
itaelf into the prevalent modea of American culturet the
thruat of empiriciam and pragmatiam, foreign to much of
the European tradition, proved difficult to overcome. For
example, Paul F. Lazarafeld, with hia atatiatical aocio-
logical orientation had an eaaier time than T. ^i. Adorno
whoae aociological approach waa highly theoretical and
conceptualized«

The Weimar Republic had deepened the allegianoe of
the inteilectuala to theoretical and abatract ayatema, aa
Peter Gay pointa out, but it alao engendered a critical
apirit which fed upon confrontation and combat ivenaaa«
Thia had made many inteilectuala outaidera in the Republic
and acme retained thia alienation in the United Statea«
There ia good reaaon why man of lettera are omitted in

this volume. Literary scholars had a great iitipact (as
Harry Lewin shows) , but politically oriented writers
like Bertolt Brecht or Heinrich Mann survived in Cali-
fornian isolation.

In the United States the critical edge had to be
blunted, sometimes with tragic results. /Wilhelm Jordy
demonstrates how under the impact of American demoer acy,
f unctionalism and mass production, the Bauhaus group lost
its experimental impetus and declined into conventionalism.
The tensions in American society did benefit psychoanalysis
Psychoanalysts had been considered Outsiders in their own
countries, as Marie Jahoda points out: in the United
States they could cater to the desire for seif appraisal
while, as private practit ioners, remaining outside the in-
st itutional framework and establishment,

The Situation of most refugees was different. They
had to obtain positions in the academic world and many
Gontributors believe that they made their greatest impact
as teachers. It is noteworthy that they were able to
carry over so much of their originality and critical
spirit: a tribute to America* s pluralistic society. To
be sure, there was professional jealousy, anti-Semitic

and anti-forelgn sentlment within tha universlties, but

it is startling that so many emigr«s did find academic

poaitiona even during the Depression.

The changes these men and women brought about in
American intellectual life secures them a vital position
in modern American intellectual and cultural history.
Eventually, even those who had remained in Isolation in
the United States were destined to make an impact, and
Bertolt Brecht provides only the most feuaous exanqple»
Those formed by v<7eimar Culture not only changed many ac-
cepted fields of intellectual endeavour, but, like Herbert
Marcuse, also influence current anti-establishment thought«
This süperb volume carries its discussions to 1960, and
therefore does not have to include the delayed io^act of
the Weimar revival of Marxist and Hegelian studies upon
the United States. But this nevertheless, is part of the
total pioture. Hitler did not fully destroy Weimar Culture f
many of its most important contributions took root in this
country and developed concurrently with the problems and
tensions of American thought. Mo other emigration in his-
tory has shared this fate.

GEORGE L. MOSSB

PftJLY^fffflrtY 9g ^XW^QM^n

'■Si^-^fi/rfs i"i'^^Vi?t ikijrV-iiir:

1. FRAISIZ NEUMAMM et. al. The Cultural Miarationi Xba.
European Scholar in America, (üniveraity o£ Pennaylvania
Press, Philadelphia, 1953) i LAUBA PERMI« Illustriotta
Immicrantst The Intellectual Migration from Europe
1930-41, (üniversity of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1968) i
ROBERT BOYERS, ed. The I»eqacv of German Ref ucee
Intellectuals. special issue of iSi^imflqvmdL (N«w York,
1969) .

2. This introduction has been e^anded in PETER GAY,
Weimar Culture. (Harper and Rowe, New York, 1968) •

3. i. e. CHABLES JOHN WETZEL, The American Reacue of
Refuoee Scholara and Scientiats from Europe. 1933-1945.
(unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Üniversity of Wisconsin, 1964)

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W:'h::W&M:

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Laiarsfeldt inter. liecause n«t vell ka«WÄ lik« pkysi«iBts ( 302)

p, 337 -L. Ätes n#t see prtTilem tf industrial «•nneetitn - then new,

m#w a liaTiility# DeTel^pment t# detaoh Institutes agaiii» But !♦•»,

•f metk^A and kind •! industry related reaeack ( empirieal)* 337

Atemos critj[ctiöm 45§ 342

Gestalt & liewia frem peripkery ef estakliskÄant - perkaps tkis needei

f er new idea»* UniT. skoiild ke careflil kefera tkey keoeme tke estakl»

and vant te ape Its elder memkers«

Psyekelecr influenae prepkaly soallest. Sujimary !• 417

One edd eMissien: leenard Olsekki - kecause Italian ky kirtk? Mest
•f werk in Haidelkerc» Emicre criterien? 675 - Prenck injfeuded.

r Psyekoanalysts eutsiders at kerne - tkus adjustment easier» 429

OkTieusly tkeee scientists and psyckelegists er lecisal pesitirists

wke fitted in witk tk tkrust ef Aaeriean empirieism and pragMatisM did

ketter ini intigratien tken tke seeial scientists wke eame frem an.

Mere idealistie kaek^reund: Ademe ts. Laiersfeldt; ^eumann ( Detaehed -

?• 445) Tkeufik Bekeaetk fitei in allriö:kt: akaest inte tke -^eardian

traditieÄt eertainly inte tke ratienalisu eto. ie. tke ecenemie key te

tke ußjiaskinc wkiek Mugkes mentiens pp. 450/451 Net just celd war

reasens- aj&d Systems» 453 l^ut 455

Alse: intern, ratker then natienal erientatien ( ie, i'evin en tkeir eentr,
te cemparatire literature, -"-andea seleetien -Olsckki again imitted - ill,
tkis and »ersatility ef sckelarskip kest - ketter tken Auerkaok er Spitier.

Infi, se ^eat keeause teackein^ prefessien fer »est ef tkem.
( Bauhaus p. 48Ä) Treukle we still kxiild tkat way, tkeu^ wkat " »ered"
tken ( p* 487) y meres us ne lenzer. Baukaus eeepted and leeses sense

ef eeMMittaent ( 520) - pepularisatien ineritakle: kuilt in really#

Stress n«t #1117 " aTis^luta ( p • 20) Tiut als# in oaae «f intelleetualc
tke l«Te tf c#nfr#ntati«m. MeiÄeck© ( p. 47) -^eter •mitts tkis.

Raestn d« etat als# strufigles ts. Ckristianity et®. Sven man wke
eut ef reasen accepted tke Repuklie kas tkese lindert enes» Demantl ef

reasen ( p#t5) always kased en cenfliöt and ckeeeina^ up sides. N#

real eeneiliatien«

Aderme: idealism kere alse - kut tranfremed inte apercu, tke

*• insigkt" - indeed ts. US pracuatism linked te deaecraej.
alose " spntaniety" vs, speude spentaniety ( ie. masB ©en»"umptien ef
art and litaratiire ) . Alse Hareuse critiquct & Leonard Frank. Aderne
net such an exeptien aaeng int eil, refugees«

Adome same as etker inteei^l ef tkis traditiens Eni« intellectuals
lead tke nasses ( i.e. PeuchtwanJier , Ä. Mann - these wity wk®a keek is
net eencemed ( intred.) My paper p. 19
Seientists ekvieusly easier time ef it: already intenaatienal _

erientatien (195) wkile secial seientists & etkers feund tke differences
great and seaetiaes unkrid^jeakle ( Aderme). Mekility ef seientists
rigktly stressed - ne trarelling seminar in seeial sciences. 195 _^
USA already ceainff te in ©entre kefere 1933 - seif eenscieus attempt
te iapreTe ewn discipliiie ky pkysieists. ( 202)
Laiersfelds: descriptire instead ef critieal ( vs. Ademe) 289

DISCUSS TIBM AS TTPBS * REPRBSENTATIVES OP INTELl.?

La«arsfeld: imtreduced " wky" inte aarketing research etc. net Just
tke " wkat" ( nese ceunting) 295

Anti fereißnism and antisenitisa in academie estakliksaent ( ay ewn
experienee« aany years alter - Iceuld duplieate Lamarsfeldt letter
in 1945 ( 30#)

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'«I

The importance «f the intellectual migratitn fr« Pascist Bur^pe kas
only recently l»e^un to «ccuj^y the attenti#n ef hist©rians. lÄitil
last year a slin v©lume ©f reainiscene», The Cultural Migrati>nt
The aurQpeaiL_SQhi>lar in Aaerica (1953) was, the only liotJk devete*
to the subject. New Laura Perai has FuTilished her Illustrieua
Iramiff-ajitsC 1968) anÄ an^ther w#rk •n the same suTiject is scheÄule*
to be published this fall.^ The Intellectual Migrati« is the M#st
important analysis ittkä^ bnci iiu-nnniii k .^ir^ Leading fig^ers ©f
this emigration gire their reminiscences and assessmentei Lee
Z^^ümarA, the physicists, Pa\aVLa»arsfeld and T.W. Ad ©ma, as
sGcial scientistö and Herbert Pelgel, a »eMelier ef the Yiennese
sohool of legical positivisa» Hiaterians Jein in the discussi#n,
and here Donald Fleming»» analysis ef the Tiielegical revelutien,
Staurt Hughes chapter «n Fraiui Netmann aoA C»lin Eisler »s Ämscussi»^
the history of art deserve special meÄti»n. There is «nly »ne
serious •iaissi»n: nothing is said ali«ut tke pr«f»tm« influenae «#

CA frH c / S CTO j/P 6*^ /(

the refugeesH^rthT^tudy ©f history. Peter öay*s exellent introductio
analyses the cultural athüosphere of the Weimar Repulilio which f ormed
the ©utlook of the enigres.

What, then, was their iapact upon their new koae and tke impaet of
the United 3tates upon these intelleotuals? Wkile tViVrnr^ frrini 1 nclmal n
influenced alniost every field of study, tke f oundations kad koen laid
through the attraction which Geraan intellectUÄl lifo kad always
exercised upon American intellectiialB# Nerertkelees this eaigratiOÄ
had to fit itself into the prevalent Modes of Amerioan ctatur«! tke
thrust of eapiricisa and pragaatisÄt foreign to Most of tke BuropeaÄ

fH^i. T.

tradltion, preeved difficult to overe«»e. P«r «xaaple ,^l^«ar sf eli
with his statlstioal sociological orientati«n ha* an easier timo
then T.W. At6)mo whose socioloßical appr«ach was higher theeretioal
ajid concepttialis©*,

The Weimar ReputolicY^epened the intellectuals allega^ce t. theeretical
and abstract systeas, as Petel «yÄ^^i,ut it als. engenderet a
critical spirit wkich fed upea confrontati.n and c.a^ativeness. Thia
had BM»y aany intellectuale «utsiders in the RepuTslic and s«m«
remained this in the UnitedcStates. There is gead reas.n why «en .f

sTk,^^ ^^"""^^ *""* s»». ükT Bert.lt Brecht .r Heinrich I^Iana

ressaiKed in their Oalifomian is.latien.

In the United States the critical edge had t. T.e T.lunted, soaeti«es
with tragic results. Wilhel* J.rdy deaonstrates h«w amder the lj.paet
of American democracy, functionalisa and «ass preducti.n, the Bauhaue
g3?«H3.-*eeiä«ed-i»*«_e<„av©»*i.»«ii««» gr.up lest it's eiperi«ental
inpetus and declined int. conventLaalisa. The tensi.ns in American
s.ciety dxd lienefit J»fyeh«.aly9±ii , i^t as ^^arie Jaheda writeo^they
Ää=d-».tmade their livin« as .utsiders and did n.t hare t. fit int.
any Aaerican establishment«

The situati.n ©f a.st refu«ees was different. They had t. .¥tain
pesiti.ns in the acadeaic w.rld and «any cntrihut.rs Teelieve that
they raaÄe their greatest ccntrihuti.n as teachers. It is n.tew.rthy
that they were able t» carry .Ter s. »ueh .f their .riginality and
critical spirit: a tribute t. AMerioas pluralistic e.oiety. T. be
sure, there was professi.nal Jealeusy, anti seaitic and ant.- f.rei«
feeüae-in the Universities , hut it is elw^biife that s. aany emieres

-y:*'r'"f^^'i5'>V^»

di* fißd acadenic p.siticns^ even Äurln« the Depressi.a,^
The chan^es tliese men an* woraen lorough a¥«ut in ±i^'^\^;;la''Xl^
and.^a*ia£fe«i«ie«a'^rth«ia a Tital jositien in «o*«m üaerica»
intellectual an* ctiltural history. Brentuallj; eren those Wh» ha€
renaine* m isolation in the United States were Aestined t. aak« an
inpact, aaid Bertolt Brecht prcvides only the «ost fam»ua exa»ple.
Th.se f öriaed by *h« Weimar Culture n.t enly influenced «HMsfeitged
accepted fieldB cf ^:üxtellectual endeav.ur, Imt, lif Herbert l^rcua«,
als* 4fe^e*«*^We4-ÄwU anti • establihÖHent theugkt. ; Hitler did n.t
end the './eimar Repul.lic, hucI^^ it{'s';äJ!;i;lS;;^f^'*'-
country and ^eveloped in u^TsoiTwI^EYÄmericäii^t^ lf# ether

ei!iii>;ration in hist^ry has shared this fate.

rties

This süperb r.lime ends in I^fiO, and theref »r^ d.es n.t hare
t. include the delayd impact .f the Weimar reviral .f Marxist
and Hegeliaji studies up.n the United States. Hut this, is,
nevertheless part of the t.tal pioture.

^SSvF^'

■"-•— tlliU^IHii

WETZKL. Charles John

Degrees:

B«J., U. Missouri, 53
M.S., Ü.W., 59
Ph.D., U.W., 64

Awards: Sigma Delta Chi Honorary Journalism Fraternity
Non-res. Seh., U.W. , Sem. II 58-59 59 60 L
Proi Asqf TT TT CO ' jy-oU, Sem.

Pres* a/. r ; ' '' ^^' '* ^^' S^"^* ^ 60-61
iTes. Adams Fei., U.W., 61-62

Res. Asst., U.W., 62-63

Date of Birth: 12-31-31

Major Prof. ; Curtl

Ph.D. Thesis: "The American Rescue of Refugee

Scholars and Scientists from
Europe 1933-45"
Field: US. Hist,: Soc. & mt. , 20th C.

(listed on Amer. cards: Soc.'& Int., 20tli C.)

II 60-61

Publ

,^^i ■j^*iVH't-'^rf"'-4''9? t"'' ^

^f*^"€^

.... /i7-/y/

f^^r/d War II Vetcrans at thc University of Wisconsin

KEITH W. OLSON

Some British Rcflcctions on Turner and the Frontier

JIM POTT ER

Thc War Department' s Defense of ROTC, 1920-1940

RONALD SCHAFFER

Confidcntial Dispatch to thc British Foreign Office
Edited by thomas e. hachey

The Atomic Bomb As History

MARTIN J. SHERWIN

Published by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin / VoL 53, No. 2 / Winter, 1969-1970

THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY

OF WISCONSIN

Richard A. Erney, Acting Director

Officers

Thomas H. Barland, President

John C. Geilfuss, First Vice-President

Clifford D. Swanson, Second Vice-President

George Banta, Jr., Honorary Vice-President

E. E. HoMSTAD, Treasurer

Richard A. Erney, Acting Secretary

Board of Curators

Ex-Officio

^ Mhs. George Swart, President of the Women s AuxiUary

Thomas H. Barland

Eau Claire
Jim Dan Hill

Middleton

E. E. HoMSTAD

Black River Falls

Roger E. Axtell

Janesville
Mrs. Henry Baldwin

Wisconsin Rapids
HoRACE M. Benstead

Racine

E. David Cronon

Madison
Scott M. Cutlip

Madison
W. Norman Fitzgerald

Milwaukee

Terrn Expires, 1970

Mrs. Edv^^ard C. Jones

Fort Atkinson
Mrs. Raymond J. Koltes

Madison
Charles R. McCallum

Hubertus

Hov^ARD W. Mead

Madison
Frederick I. Olson

Wauwatosa
F. Harwood Orbison

Appleton

Term Expires, 1971

Kenneth W. Haagensen Mowry Smith

Oconomowoc
Robert B. L. Murphy

Madison
Frederic E. Risseh

Madison

Neenah
Mrs. Wm. H. L. Smythe

Milwaukee
William F. Stark

Nashotah

Donald C. Slichter

Milwaukee
Dr. Louis C. Smith

Lancaster
Robert S. Zigman

Milwaukee

MiLO K. SWANTON

Madison
Cedric A. Vig

Rhinelander
Clark Wilkinson

Baraboo

Tern} Expires, 1972
Mrs Robert E. Friend Mrs. Howard T. Greene Wayne J. Hood

Genesee Depot La Crosse

Ben Guthrie J- Ward Rector

Lac du Flambeau Milwaukee

Mrs. R. L. Hartzell Clifford D. Swanson

Grantsburg Stevens Point

Hartland
Robert A. Gehrke

Ripon
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Milwaukee

Honorary

Honorary Life Members

William- Ashby McCloy, New London, Connecticut

Preston E. McNall, Clearwater, Florida

Mrs. Litta Bascom, Berkeley, California

John C. Jacques, Madison

'Dorothy L. Park, Madison

Benton H. Wilcox, Madison

Fellows

Vernon Carstensen

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The Women's Auxiliary

Oßicers

Mrs. George Swart, Fort Atkinson, President

Miss Marie Barkman, Sheboygan, Vice-President

Miss Ruth Davis, Madison, Secretary

Mrs. Richard G. Zimmerman, Sheboygan, Treasurer

Mrs. Edward H. Rikkers, Madison, Ex-Officio

■$

VOLVME 53, NÜMBER 2 / WINTER, 1969-1970

Wisconsin
Magazine
of History

William Converse Haycood, Editor
William C. Märten, Associate Editor

World War II Veterans at the University of Wisconsin

KEITH W. OLSON

Some British Reflections on Turner and the Frontier

JIM POTTER

The War Department's Defense of ROTC, 1920-1940

RONALD SCHAFFER

Confidential Dispatch to the British Foreign Office:

A Journalist's Analysis of American Politics in 1920
Edited by Thomas e. hachey

The Atomic Bomb As History : An Essay Review

MARTIN J. SHERWIN

Book Reviews

Accessions

Contributors

108

121

128

135
157
159

Puhlished Quarterly by The State Historical Society of Wisconsin

THE WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY is published
quarterly by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin,
816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin 53706. Distributed
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Wisconsin newspapers may reprint any article appearing in
the WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY providing the
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State Historical Society's Wisconsin Magazine of History
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iMll^PÄillSPflS^S^fWS^

WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY

intemperate language and incomplete analyses
diminish both its polemical and its scholarly
value. Outrage is the traditional response of
serious students to educational history, and this
study has uncovered its füll quota of unhappy
eyents. But it does not prove that the reformers
"imposed" the high school and "harangued"
their poorer townsmen; many local majorities,
as well as the state legislature, voted to support
innovations. When the book itself imposes diag-
noses of status-anxiety and paranoia on super-
ficially studied groups of reformers and school-
men, it uses psychological terminology as a
weapon of attack, not as a tool to promote
understanding.

Katz does show that reform was a middle-
class phenomenon, and he provides a stimu-
lating introduction to reform ideology. But
neither his study of the reformers nor of their
opponents meets the high Standards he sets in
his own Statistical appendix. He has sampled
widely in reform writings instead of studying
them systematically. He almost ignores cross-
cutting motives in the vote against Beverly high
school and he offersvery little hard information
about the social history of Lawrence,

The reader who is convinced by Katz's argu-
ment that school reform was the product of
conflict wishes to know more about its advo-
cates and opponents: How did reformers differ
from ordinary school committeemen and from
"schoolmen"? How did nonreformers influence
school policies? How did poverty, the trials of
Immigration, and religious values influence the
attitudes of the workers? How did the Massa-
chusetts reformers differ from the many others
who, in different times and places, have sought
to educate a working class without giving it the
tools of revolt? In spite of these unanswered
questions, Katz has successfully discredited sev-
eral old myths, opening the way for further
investigation.

Columbia Universüy

David Hammack

Unemployment Insurance: The American Ex-
perience, 1915-1935. By Daniel Nelson. (Uni-
versity of Wisconsin Press, Madison, 1969.
Illustrations, notes, bibliographical note, index.
$10.00.)

The first organized campaign for unemploy-
ment insurance in the United States was
launched around 1914-1915. It formed part of

WINTER, 1969-1970

the social insurance package devised by the
American Association for Labor Legislation.
The middle-class Sponsors of social insurance
legislation from 1910-1917 were optimistic.
Both workmen's compensation and mothers'
pensions had spread rapidly after 1911; it
seemed that Americans were beginning to real-
ize that an industrial state required a more
efficient, predictable method of income mainte-
nance than public or private charity. Also en-
couraging was the progress of compulsory,
national social insurance programs in Europe.
America, it was assumed, could not remain
immune to the pressures which led to the adop-
tion of these programs aboard. The European
legislation, in turn, served as a precedent and
model for American advocates. In the case of
unemployment insurance, a powerful theoreti-
cal rationale was provided by William Bever-
idge in Unemployment: A Problem of Industry
(London, 1909) , and the English had, in 1911,
enacted the first national unemployment insur-
ance scheme. In a sense, the challenge to the
historian of American social insurance is to
explain why the optimism proved unfounded.
Following a brief, sketchy account of the
origins of the social insurance movement prior
to World War I, Nelson focuses upon the Status
of unemployment insurance in the 1920's (with
particular reference to the attitudes of business,
labor, and middle-class reformers), the impact
of the Depression, and the legislative history of
the unemployment insurance title of the Social
Security Act. His theme, essentially, is that "un-
employment insurance was, and to some extent
is today, intended to do much more than pro-
vide benefits to workers who lose their Jobs."
Nelson distinguishes, in this connection, be-
tween a European strategy which viewed un-
employment insurance as a form of economic
relief or income maintenance, and an American
policy which favored use of the insurance
mechanism to encourage businessmen to sta-
bilize employment. The emphasis upon reduced
labor turnover and prevention of unemploy-
ment through some form of insurance or re-
serve scheme was embodied in the experiments
of a few progressive employers in the 1920's,
the employer-union plans in the needle trades
during the same decade, the Wisconsin unem-
ployment reserves legislation enacted in 1932,
and the options for merit-rating incorporated
in the unemployment insurance title of the So-
cial Security Act. The theory of social insur-
ance as an instrument of prevention as opposed
to economic security achieved its most extreme
formulation in Wisconsin : here the classic con-
cept of insurance as a pooled risk was aban-

BOOK REVIEWS

146

doned altogether in favor of individual em-
ployer reserves.

Nelson's distinction between a European and
an American approach to unemployment insur-
ance is valid, as far as it goes. It is difficult to
grasp the füll significance of the issue, however,
because the author barely touches on the
broader social insurance movement and related
themes in social reform. He does not, therefore,
clarify the origins and füll implications of the
controversy between those who advocated so-
cial insurance for purposes of income mainte-
nance, and those who minimized its economic
relief functions in favor of merit-rating and
other incentives for prevention. For example,
it is important to understand that the emphasis
upon prevention was rooted, in part, in the
general reform strategy of the early twentieth
Century, which stressed the environmental roots
of poverty. This commitment to preventive re-
form, in turn, influenced the entire social insur-
ance movement, and not simply unemployment
policy. Equally important in explaining the in-
trusion of preventive goals was the difficulty of
mobilizing support for social insurance in an
incongruous ideological climate. Social insur-
ance implied a major extension of the State role
in economic and welfare activities, a change in
the balance of functions and powers between
voluntary and statutory institutions and, ulti-
mately, a threat to individual freedom. The
alien ideology of compulsory social insurance
might prove more palatable to Americans if
phrased in the rhetoric of business manage-
ment (reduction of labor turnover), competi-
tion (merit-rating or penaities for inefficient
management) , and business initiative.

Advocacy of social insurance implied dis-
satisf action with traditional methods of charity
and relief. It thus marked an important phase
in the evolution of welfare thought in the United
States. Revulsion against the dole was a particu-
larly significant motivation in the case of social
insurance experts like Isaac Rubinow. The
author does not deal much with this dimension
of unemployment insurance. Finally, although
1935 is a legitimate terminal date, the subject
is left dangling in a rather arbitrary and abrupt
fashion. One is not given the least clue to the
evolution of unemployment insurance since the
1930's, the widespread criticisms of the pro-
gram, or the contrast between the 1930's and
1960's in terms of the nature of unemployment
and new policy departures such as manpower
development and training.

In summary, this is a well-researched book,
competently executed within the very severe
limits imposed by the author on his subject.

It might be described as a highly formalistic
account of what groups or organizations pro-
posed what legislation and, in turn, what groups
or organizations responded with what counter-
proposals.

Roy Lubove

University of Pittsburgh

The Intellectual Migration: Europe and Ameri-
ca, 1930-1960. By Donald Fleming and Ber-
nard Bailyn. (Harvard University Press, Cam-
bridge, 1969. Pp. 748. $12.95.)

The importance of the intellectual migration
from Fascist Europe has only recently begun to
occupy the attention of historians. Until last
year a slim volume of emigre reminiscences,
The Cultural Migration: The European Scholar
in America (1953) was the only book devoted
to the subject. Now Laura Permi has pub-
lished her Illustrious Immigrants (1968) and
another work on the same subject is scheduled
to be published this fall.

The Intellectual Migration is the most im-
portant analysis to date. Leading figures of this
emigration give their reminiscences and assess-
ments: Leo Szilard, the physicist; the social
scientists, Paul F. Lazarsfeld and T. W. Adorno ;
and Herbert Feigel, a member of the Viennese
school of logical positivism. Historians join in
the discussion, and here Donald Fleming's
analysis of the biological revolution, Stuart
Hughes' chapter on Franz Neumann, and Colin
Eisler's discussion of the history of art deserve
special mention. Peter Gay's excellent intro-
duction, which he has expanded in his recently
published Weimar Culture, analyzes the cul-
tural atmosphere of the Weimar Republic
which formed the outlook of the emigres. There
is only one serious Omission: nothing is said
about the profound influence these refugees
exercised upon the study of history.

What, then, was the impact of the United
States on these intellectuals and their impact
on it? While they influenced almost every field
of study, the foundations had previously been
laid through the attraction which German in-
tellectual life had always exercised on Ameri-
can intellectuals. Nevertheless, this emigration
had to fit itself into the prevalent modes of
American culture : the thrust of empiricism and
pragmatism, foreign to much of the European
tradition, proved difficult to overcome, For ex-

147

WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY

ample, Paul F. Lazarsfeld, with his Statistical
sociological orientation, had an easier time
than T. W. Adorno, whose sociological ap-
proach was highly theoretical and conceptual-
ized.

The Weimar Republic had deepened the
allegiance of the intellectuals to theoretical and
abstract Systems, as Peter Gay points out, but
it also engendered a critical spirit which fed
upon confrontation and combativeness. This
had made many intellectuals Outsiders in the
Republic and some retained this alienation in
the United States. There is good reason why
men of letters are omitted in this volume. Liter-
ary scholars had a great impact (as Harry
Levin shows), but politically oriented writers
like Bertolt Brecht or Heinrich Mann survived
in California isolation.

In the United States the critical edge had to
be blunted, sometimes with tragic results. Wil-
liam Jordy demonstrates how under the impact
of American democracy, functionalism, and
mass production, the Bauhaus group lost its
experimental impetus and declined into con-
ventionalism. The tensions in American society
did benefit psychoanalysis. Psychoanalysts had
been considered Outsiders in their own coun-
tries, as Marie Jahoda points out: in the United
States they could cater to the desire for self-
appraisal while, as private practitioners, re-
maining outside the institutional framework
and establishment.

The Situation of most refugees was different.
They had to obtain positions in the academic
World, and many contributors believe that they
made their greatest impact as teachers. It is
noteworthy that they were able to carry over
so much of their originality and critical spirit:
a tribute to America's pluralistic society. To be
sure, there was professional jealousy, anti-
Semitic and antiforeign sentiment within the
universities, but it is startling that so many
emigres did find academic positions even dur-
ing the Depression. See, for example, Charles
John Wetzel, "The American Rescue of Refu-
gee Scholars and Scientists from Europe, 1933-
1945" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Uni-
versity of Wisconsin, 1964) .

The changes these men and women brought
about in American intellectual life secures them
a vital Position in modern American intellectual
and cultural history. Eventually, even those
who had remained in isolation in the United
States were destined to make an impact, and
Bertolt Brecht provides only the most famous
example. Those formed by Weimar Culture not
only changed many accepted fields of intellec-
tual endeavour, but, like Herbert Marcuse, also

WINTER, 1969-1970

influenced current antiestablishment thought.
This süperb volume carries its discussions to
1960, and therefore does not have to include
the delayed impact of the Weimar revival of
Marxist and Hegelian studies upon the United
States. But this, nevertheless, is part of the total
picture. Hitler did not fully destroy Weimar
Culture; many of its most important contribu-
tions took root in this country and developed
concurrently with the problems and tensions of
American thought. No other emigration in his-
tory has shared this fate.

BOOK REVIEWS

University of Wisconsin

George L. Mosse

Ideologies and Utopias: The Impact of the
New Deal on American Thought. By Arthur
A. Ekirch, Jr. (Quadrangle Books, Chicago,
1969. Pp. ix, 307. A note on sources, notes,
index. $8.50.)

Contrary to the fetching title, this book is not
about ideologies and utopias. In fact, save for
two unclear references to utopian features in
the early New Deal, and a few vague references
to the New Deal as a new American ideology,
the two concepts do not even appear in the
book.

Even the subtitle is misleading, for Ekirch
does not, in any precise way, try to evaluate
the impact of the New Deal upon that vaguest
of entities, American thought. Instead, he sum-
marizes quite diverse opinions about Hoover,
the Depression, Rooseveh, Roosevelt's legisla-
tive program (or the New Deal proper), and
American foreign policy during World War II.
Occasionally his focus is upon group or public
opinion, assessed impressionistically, but usu-
ally it is upon the commentary of individuals,
some of whom he categorizes as "intellectuals."
In fact, one quite often feels that the book is a
medley, made up of one opinion after another,
taken from one note card after another. Ekirch
seems to have compiled a vast anthology of
opinion, and then reduced each selection to
Paraphrase, fleeting quotation, and hurried
summation.

As a backdrop to his survey of opinion,
Ekirch oifers his own brief account of the
Roosevelt Administration. But even this is
largely a conventional and loose compilation

148

of historical judgments, and not an imagina-
tive creation of his own. He does not use
evidence to compose a coherent story, or to
clarify changes, or even to reveal anything new
or significant about the thirties. But with demo-
cratic impartiality he paraphrases and quotes
from almost every historian who has written
about the New Deal. Here he is as wedded to
his authorities as elsewhere he is wedded to a
literal transcription of his research findings.
History, to him, is quite literally scissors and
paste.

As a vague theme (the book is maddening in
its imprecision, in its unending parade of loose
labeis), Ekirch does insist that the New Deal
(whatever he specifically means by this label)
was not only revolutionary, but marked the
birth of a new public philosophy in America,
a great new departure in American thought.
He not only neglects to prove this theory, but
never even makes very clear what he means
by it. In only one chapter, on the WPA arts
programs, does Ekirch subordinate varied
opinions within or about the New Deal to a
presentation of actual achievements. And only
in his concluding chapter does he stray very
far from other people's views and bare a few
of his own judgments. He waited much too
long. Although still imprecise in his language,
he offers a perceptive evaluation of the long-
term significance of the New Deal.

Perhaps this book should be judged, not as
a coherent story of anything (it is not that),
not as an exercise in intellectual history (it is
much too imprecise and unfocused to deserve
the label), not as an interpretive analysis of
any sort (the judgments are too few and too
unsupported), but only as a compilation of
source materials. As such, it represents much
reading, a good deal of careful searching, and
some demanding efforts at condensing and
organizing a large body of material. But the
result, a sort of reference book, suffers all the
limitations and pitfalls of its kind. Even if
Ekirch were a more rigorous thinker himself,
and more sensitive to the nuances and subtleties
of belief in other people, his two or three para-
graph summations of individual beliefs and
positions could hardly be fair to the more per-
ceptive people in his catalog. As it is, Ekirch
mutes all subtleties, suggests only in broadest
outline the tenor and bent of an individual's
beliefs, and thus too often ends with misleading
caricatures.

Paul K. Conkin

University of Wisconsin

Oneida: Utopian Community to Modern Cor-
poration. By Maren Lockwood Garden. (The
Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1969. Pp. xx,
228. lUustrations, notes, bibliography, index.
$8.50.)

Quest for the New Moral World: Robert Owen
and the Owenites in Britain and America. By
John F. C. Harrison. (Charles Scribner's
Sons, New York, 1969. Pp. xi, 392. lUustra-
tions, notes, bibliography, index. $7.95.)

Although recent historians have come to rec-
ognize the centrality of the communitarian
Vision in early nineteenth-century Anglo-Amer-
ican society, vestiges of a traditional penchant
for over - simplification remain. Thus Robert
Owen's New Harmony and John Humphrey
Noyes' Oneida frequently appear as paired
opposites: the first an example of misplaced
Enlightenment faith in reason, a secular,
rationalistic experiment haphazardly assem-
bled on the Indiana frontier, non-selective and
short-lived, a "lost Community" testifying to
the futility of transporting European closet-
philosophies to the New World; the second
offered as the single exhibit of sustained com-
munitarian success, seeming proof of the in-
dispensability of religious fervor as distinct
from sectarian zeal, a careful selection of
materials, and the genius of leadership. Two
new works — an institutional study of Oneida
by a sociologist and a comparative analysis of
Owenism by an intellectual historian — do much
to dispel this false clarity and to reveal the
movement in all the complexity and confusion
which it actually engendered.

The two studies present a marked contrast
in method. Professor Garden rejects compara-
tive analysis for a detailed examination of
Oneida from its beginning in 1848 as a perfec-
tionist reform model through its collapse thirty
years later and subsequent reorganization in
the business world of the turn of the twentieth
Century to its eventual death at the hands of
the modern world. The theoretical structure for
the author's account is provided by her dis-
tinction between utopia and ideology. In its
first phase under the founder's direction
(1848-1879) Oneida was utopia, "an Organiza-
tion founded specifically to implement in its
social structure a particular set of ideals." In
its second phase after the disruption of the
original experiment and the reconstitution of
the society in 1880, according to the author, it
became an ideological Community, "one whose
ideals were already implemented in the social
structure." Whereas John Humphrey Noyes

149

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The American Historical Review

400 A Street, Southeast
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Dear Professor ^Kosse:

Thank you for your book review. It will appear in the
OCT mijie^ieu;,

Very truly yo

BoYD C. Shafer,
Managing Editor,

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THIS SIDEOFCARPrtS FOR APP

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Professor George L. Mosse
Department of History
University of Wisconsin
Madison, Wis.

io6

Reviews of Books

flect his insight into thc England of Elizabeth I. Two of thc cssays deal with thc
Queen herseif. Each of die Cccils is thc central figure in one. Ireland, Scodand,
and Wales are considered. Parliament, the Exchcquer, the courts, and the church
receive appropriate attention.

In the opening essay, "In Search of the Queen," C. H. Williams summarizes
effectively the estimates of her character by earlier writers from John Clapham,
who knew her personally, through Lingard, Froude, and Creighton, to Conyers
Read, A. L. Rowse, and Neale himself. "To bring to life again a figure from the
past is never easy: it is more than usually difficult when that figure is Elizabeth I
of England." Yet there is no reference to Elizabeth Jenkins, nor any Suggestion
that Neale's biography is much the best work. Wallace MacCaffrey's essay on
"Place and Patronage in Elizabethan Politics" is pcrhaps the most ambitious paper
in the collection. Although it may be questioned whether the generalizations are
based upon enough examplcs, his judgment seems safe. "Under the tutdage of
Burghley and his royal mistress they had learned the peaccful, if sometimes cor-
rupt, habits of a new political order." Patrick CoUinson's essay on "John Field and
Elizabethan Puritanism" shows its subject to have been a much more important
figure than has usually been recognized. A. H. Dodd has based an equally excit-
ing account of the life of Thomas Myddleton, a Welshman who became a major
London merchant and financier and eventually lord mayor, upon a remarkable
personal financial diary. Other essays treat Burghley's not very persuasive and
often incomplete attempts to write Propaganda, the passage through Parliament
of the Statue of Artificers, Exeter merchants, the writ of latitat, the conflict of
jealous Exchequer officials, the foundations of Anglo-Scottish union, Ireland and
the Counter-Reformation, and the struggle over the succession to Elizabeth. An
appendix gives a füll list of Neale*s published work: articles, reviews, and books.

In the paper, which has probably the greatest general interest, R, B. Wemham
discusses "Elizabethan War Aims and Strategy." "In 1589 England was ofifcred
what was beyond all doubt the greatest opportunity presented to either side during
the entire war, . . . For a year the remnant of Spain*s naval power lay . . . help-
lessly inviting final destruction. . . . The great opportunity was missed. Some of
the blame was clearly the Queen*s, but it was not she alone, or most signally, who
had done all by halves, and she had seen the essential objective more clearly than
her men of war."

Combining their own researches with some general theme, the editors and con-
tributors have well achieved their purpose: "to illustrate some of the recent trends
in Tudor political and social historiography which owe so much to Sir John Neale*s
pioneer work and inspiration."

Pomona College

John H. Gleason

THE PROTESTANT MIND OF THE ENGLISH REFORMATION, 1570-

AMERICAN MISTORICAL REVIEW

OCT 1961

TCA?! »HSCT COPY l Oii YOUR f 'Li.
«lOTJCE MAC BtBN F'Ü8l.l«HEO

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■-■»9

George: Protestant Mind of the English Reformation 107

1640. By Charles H, and Katherine George, (Princcton, N. J.: Princeton Uni-
vcrsity Press. 1961. Pp. x, 452. $8.50.)

This important book attempts to arrive at a ncw synthesis of thc "Protestant
idcology at flood tide." In their quest, the authors discuss almost every aspect of
that ideology: its view of socicty, economic thcory, political thought, and thc
family. Nor are theological issues such as the church neglected. Indced, they stand
at the forefront of the discussion for the book begins with a general chapter on
the Problems of salvation, sin, faith, and predestination. The conclusions stress the
overwhelming dominance of the "middle way" defined as a "varicty in unity" — a
via media in which contention is accepted as a permanent aspect of the life of a
unified church. It is here that the title "Protestant mind" necds modification. The
Georges are quite explicit in excluding the Separatists from their synthesis, con-
fining themselves to the Anglican Church, the mainstream of Protestant thought
for them. They have read widely in the sources, though the same divines are apt
to provide the examples for most of their analyses.

The larger conclusion springing from their work concerns what the authors
call the conservatism and intellectual sterility of the clcrgy, something which,
taken together with the emphasis on the via media, made them irrelevant to the
English revolution. They do not bear directly upon nor explain the causes of this
central event of the seventeenth Century. This was equally true for the Puritans
(the non-Separatist kind). Their allegiance to the idea of variety in unity makes
it diflScult to distinguish them, except by an intensity of tone, from other An-
glicans. Even Presbyterianism played a major role only at the beginning of their
period. This is an important thesis that deserves to be considered seriously.

But was this Protestant mind so irrelevant to events? The very intellectual
sterility of the ministers was at least partly redeemed by their idea of the Com-
munity which is only hinted at here, though it is mentioncd as a welfare State
attitude toward charity. Their support of the King included not only divine right-
ism but also a conccpt of the Community, of the public good. Andre Bi^ler has
lately shown us its importance for Calvin. Like their casuistry, this was an im-
portant Step in the development of the modern State. More seriously, however, is
the implication (made especially in the case of Laud) that the eventual destruc-
tion of the via media must have come from outside the religious scene. In one
sense this is, of course, true, but in another it sccms too limited a vision. If the
Protestant mind were defined more broadly and if the heresy proceedings before
the High Commission had been used, in addition to the conventional thought of
the orthodox clergy, another dimension would have emerged. Christian radicalism
is Said to have been neutralized in the established creeds of Christendom. This
may be so, but in fact it was not neutralized in the period with which this book
deals. Of course, as the authors State, there is little cvidence for the extraordinary
agitation in Cromwell's army that can be derived from their analysis, but this only
means that orthodox Christianity had given way to a radical Christianity which

■ ' ' »> —

io8 Reviews of Books

always coursed beneath thc ideas of an Andrews or a Perkins (who was much
concerned with it). Beforc more varied sourccs have been examincd by historians,
it is actually difficult to say, at least on the populär Icvcl, if the Presbyterianism of
Elizabethan days really did die out.

For the Anglicans discussed, the authors have learnedly proved their point.
The dynamic path to revolution did not come from them or from the non-Separa-
tist Puritans. More positively, they have opened up new perspectives on thc kind
of Protestant ideology that is their concern. They now propose to find out why
the via media broke down, but this means first illuminating a "Protestant mind"
historians have neglected. For that task they now have the best of credentials.

Üniversity of Wisconsin

George L. Mosse

THE KING'S SERVANTS: THE CIVIL SERVICE OF CHARLES I, 1625-
1642. By 'G. E. Aylmer. (New York: Columbia Üniversity Press. 1961. Pp. xii,
521. $8.75.)

This volume is a brilliant study of the civil service in England during the
reign of Charles I from his accession in 1625 to the beginning of the Civil War in
1642. Dr. Aylmer is not primarily concerned with the great officers of State,
though they constantly come into thc picture, but rather with thc mass of subordi-
natc officials in the central government. He investigates the ways in which these
ofEcials obtained appointments and promotions, their security of tenure in ofi&ce,
their sources of income, their education and social background, their efficiency and
the conditions under which they worked, their Standards of honesty, duty, and al-
legiance, and what they did in 1642 when faced with thc harsh necessity of choos-
ing sides. On these and on many other points Aylmer brings together a great mass
of information which he analyzes with kecn precision and illustrates with numer-
ous lists and tables.

Political life had degenerated under James I, and corrupt practices had hard-
ened into a system that defied reform. The cardinal difficulty was the poverty of
the crown. Stipendiary fees were so low that ofHcials were permitted to Supple-
ment their incomes by pluralism (though this might be merely a sensible combi-
nation of functions), by patronage, by the sale of their offices, by free board and
lodging at court (a most wasteful method of remuneration), and by fees and
gratuities from all who had business to transact with the government. Aylmer
estimates that fees and gratuities amounted to something between ;^ 250,000 and
;f 400,000 a year and thus constituted an important form of indirect taxation. Cer-
tain Offices, if exploited without scruplc, could produce great income. Charles de-
sired reform. But he was frustrated by the large amount of patronage in the
hands of great men, by the Opposition of officeholders who feared they would suf-
fer financially, and by the vicious system of reversions, which determined the suc-
cession to offices long beforc vacancies occurrcd. Yet thc system should not bc

:;f^j|f ;cpSS#^^;v^^3'*^^

f^< e^.x (^.U^:^^ Oi<^'-^'

This Is an Important book. Tht «uthors h«vc «ttcmpted to «rrlva «t « imw
synthttsls of th« "FrotMtant l<Uology at flood tld«.** In th«lr qu«st, th«y
dlscuss aluoit every aBpaet of that Ideology: Its' vlav of aocloty, aconoiBic
thaory, political thought and tha famlly. Nor ara thaological laauaa auch aa tha
Church naglactad. Indaad, thay stand at tha ferafront of tha dlscuailon: tha
book baglna vith a ganaral ehaptar on tha problaaa of aalvation» sin, falth and
pradaatlnation. Tha concluslona throughout tha book straaa tha overwhalialng
doodlnanca of tha 'Hnlddla vay" daflnad aa a "varlaty in unity"««»a via wdla In
whlch contantlon la accaptad aa a paroMsant aapact of tha Ufa of a unlflad
Church« It la hara that tha tltla '*Protaatant nlnd" naads nodlflcatlon« Tha
Gaorgaa ara qulta axpliclt In axcluding from thalr synthasis tha Saparatists,
conflning thaaaalvaa to tha Anglican Church, for thaa, tha loain atraam of
Protastant thought. Thay hava raad vldaly in tha aourcaa, though tha saaa
Dlvlnaa ara apt to provlda tha aiuMpIaa for nost of thalr analysaa.

Tha largar conclualon vhlch aprlnga fron thalr work concama i^at tha authora
call tha conaervatlsm and Intallactual atarlllty of tha clargy, somathlng «hlch»
takan togathar wlth tha an^haals on tha via laadla nada tham Irralavant to tha
Sngllah ravolutlon. Thay do not baar dlractly upon, nor axp laln tha cauaaa of
thla cantral avant of tha aavantaanth cantury. Thia vaa aqiutlly trua for tha
Purltana (tha non-aaparatltt klndj. Thalr allaglanca to tha Idaa of varlaty la
unlty aakaa It dlfflcult to dlatlngulah thaa, axpapt by an Intaualty of tona,
from othar Angllcana. Bvan Praabytarlaniam playad a major rola only at tha ba«
glnnlng of thalr parlod. Thla la an Important thaals vhlch daaarvaa to ba takan
aarloualy»

MJM^ .i'. i\ i illi i Ulm 111 -^ '^~

But was thiP Protestant mliid so Irralavant to «vants? 1ha vary Intallactual
starllity of tha mlnistars waa at laaat partly radaanad by thair Idaa of tha
connunity whlch Is only hintad at hara, though It la Mntlonad aa a valfara
atata attltuda towarda charlty. Ihalr aupport of tlia klng includad not only
Dlvlna Rlghtian but also a concapt of tha coMwiiiity, of tha public good, «hosa

iiiq>ortanca for Calvin Andrd Blblar haa lataly shoim us* Llka thalr casulstry»
thla waa an In^ortant stap In tha davalopmant of tha aodarn stata« Mora aarlously,
liMavar. Is tha InpUcatlon (aada aapadally In tha caaa of Laud) that tha avan-
tual dastructlon of tha ^^ aadla nuat hava cona fr«m outslda tha rallgloua scana.
In ona sanaa thla la, of coursa» trua, but In anothar It aaana too llmltad a
Vision. If tM Protaatant mlnd wara daflnad mora hroadly, If tha harasy pre-
caadlngs bafora tha Hlgh CoBamlsslon had baan usad^ In addltlon to coovantlonal
thought of tha orthodox ^lergy, anothar dlxoanslon vould hava eaargad» Christian

radlcallsm is aald to hava bata nautrallzad in tha aatablshad craads of Chrlatandom:

ts
thla nay ba so, but In fact It waa not nautrallzad In llft parlod thls baok in

concamad wlth. Of coursa» as tha authors stata, thara Is llttla evldanea for

tha axtraordlnary agltatlon In Croos^all's amy, whlch car- ba darlvad from thalr

analysls» but thls only maans that orthodox Chrlstlanlty had glvan way to a

radlcal Chrlstlanlty whlch alwaya coursad undamaath tha Idaaa of an Andraw

or a Parkina (who was saich concamad wlth It). Bafora «ora varlaty of sourcas

hava baan axaalnad by hlatorlans, It la actually dlfflcult to say at laaat en

tha populär laval If tha Prasbytarlanlsm of Elleabathan diQrs raally dld dla out.

For tha Angllcana dlscussad, tha authors hava wlth graat laamlng provad

thalr polnt: tha ^rnamlc laadlng to ravolutlon dld not coms froiii tham or fron

tha ncm-aaparatlat Purltana. Mora poaltlvaly» thay hava opan up naw parapactlvaa

^^m^^!.^

m j- iT-

(J\f 1 flV-^

ea th« klnd of Prototant IdMlogy whlch Is th#lr coacmm. Thay nov propost

to find out viiy the via madla broke down» but thls

flrst illunlnatlfig a

•»Protestant mind" hlstorlans hava naglactad. For that task thay now hava tha

taat of cradantlals.

iaorga L. Hoaaa

Unlvarsity of Wisconsin

.irfhBlHiAM^i«*«

: J ,-: rvi j : .;^.^y r-^^^g-'l^^f ji ' j"l' ■

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October, 1961

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The

AMERICAN
HISTORICAL

REVIEW

Vol LXVIl No. I

October, 1961

Mildred Campbell
Mason Hammond

^oard of Editors

Richard N. Current
Max Savelle

Managing Editor
Boyd C. Shafer

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Lynn White, jr.

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M. Rita Howe

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. * • ^able oj Qontents * * *

Vol. LXVII, No. 1 October, 1961

Articles

THE NORTH'S EMFTY FURSE, 1 861-1862, by Bray Hammond i

SOME PROBEEMS IN THE HIS'IORY OF THE VENDEE, by Charles Tilly ... 19
MYTHS OF THE "LITTLE ENGLAND" ERA, by John S. Galbraith 34

Notes and Suggestions

AMERICAN HISTORIANS AND 1 HE S'IUDY OF URBANIZATION, by Eric E.

Lampard

JAPANS "SPECIAL INTERESTS" AND THE WASHINGTON CONFERENCE, 1921-

22, by Sadao Asada

SETTLING THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE FEDERAUST , by IrvLng Brant ... 71

Reviews of Books

General

Howe et al, eds., THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION'S GUIDE TO HIS-

TORICAL LITERATURE. by Stanley Pargellis 7o

Toynbee, A STUDY OF HISTORY, XII; McNeill et al, THE INTENT OF TOYNBEE'S

HISTORY, by Gerhard Masur 7^

Derry and Williams, A SHORT HISTORY OF TECHNOLOGY FROM THE EARLIEST

TIMES TO A.D. 1900, by Melvin Kranzberg °^

Mumjord, THE CITY IN HISTORY, by Constance McLaughlin Green 82

Glass et al., eds., FORERUNNERS OF DARWIN, by Edward Lurie 84

Gorelik POLITIKA SShA B MANCHZHURII B 1 898-1903 GG. I DüKTRINA "OT-
KRYTYKH DVEREI"; Bukharov. VOPROSY DALNEVOSTOCHNOI POLITIKI

SShA (1953-1955 GG.), by Ernest R. May 85

Kennan, RUSSIA AND THE WEST UNDER LENIN AND STALIN, by Herbert Fcis . 87

Feis, JAPAN SUBDUED, by S. E. Morison 89

Gate et al, SOME 20TH CENTURY HISTORIANS; Schmitt, THE FASHION AND FU-

TURE OF HISTORY, by Raymond J. Sontag 90

Lukacs, A HISTORY OF THE COLD WAR, by John L. Snell 9i

Ancient and Medieval

Kees. ANQENT EGYPT, by Nels Bailkey 92

Gardiner, EGYPT OF THE PHARAOHS, by James B. Pritchard 93

Downey, A HISTORY OF ANTIOCH IN SYRIA FROM SELEUCIS TO THE ARAB

CONQUEST, by Thomas A. Brady 94

Taylor, THE VOTING DISTRICTS OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC, by Charlotte E.

Goodfellow ^5

Walsh. LIVY, by Mason Hammond 9"

Lowe, ENGLISH UNCIAL; Ker, ENGUSH MANUSCRIPTS IN THE CENTURY
AFTER THE NORMAN CONQUEST; Bishop, SCRIPTORES REGIS, by Richard

Vaughan

Bahn LA STRUCTURE ET LA GESTION DU DOMAINE DE L'EGLISE AU MOYEN

ÄGE DANS LT.UROPE DES FRANCS, by David Herlihy 99

Modern E!urope

Tyler, KAISER KARL V., by Frederic C. Church ^o»

Willuert, APRES LE CONCILE DE TRENTE, by Harold J. Grimm 102

Table of Contents — Cont'miied iü

Cameron, FRANCE AND THE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF EUROPE, 1800-1914,

by Shei)ard B. Clough '*'^

Pures THl HISTORIAN'S BUSINESS AND OTHER ESSAYS, by Ruth Emery . . 104

BnuhO et al., eds., ELIZABETIIAN GOVERNMENT AND SOCIETY, by John H. ^^^

Glcason

George, THE PROTESTANT MIND OF THE ENGLISH REFORMATION, 1570-1640, ^^^

by George L. Mosse

Aylmer THE KING'S SERVANTS, by David Harris Willson 10»

Hörn THE BRITISH DIPLOMATIC SERVICE, 1689-1789, by Charles R. Ritcheson . 109

Dur/>^, WORSHIP AND THEOLOGY IN ENGLAND, by Richard Schlatter . . . no

Plumb, SIR ROBERT WALPOLE, by G. H. Guttndge "^

Uwis et al eds HORACE WALPOLE'S CORRESPONDENCE, by Dora Mae Clark . 112
Cameron, FREDERICK WILLIAM MAITLAND AND THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH

LAW, by Robert Livingston Schuyler ^ ' 4

McCloy, THE NEGRO IN FRANCE, by Richard M. Brace ^^5

Gouhert BEAUVAIS ET LE BEAUVAISIS DE 1600 Ä 1730, I and II, by John B. Wolf 116
Saint lacob, LES PAYSANS DE LA BOURGOGNE DU NORD AU DERNIER SIEGLE

DE L'ANCIEN REGIME, by Robert Forster "°

Bien THE CALAS ÄFF AIR, by Leo Gershoy "9

Bois PAYSANS DE L'OUEST (DES STRUCTURES ]&CONOMIQUES ET SOCIALES
AUX OPTIONS POLITIQUES DEPUIS L'EPOQUE REVOLUTIONNAIRE DANS

LA SARTHE), by Beatrice F. Hyslop ^^o

Lotibere. LOUIS BLANC, by Harvey Goldberg ^^i

Thuillier GEORGES DUFAUD ET LES DfeBUTS DU GRAND CAPITALISME DANS

LA METALLURGIE, EN NIVERNAIS, AU XIX' SIEGLE, by David S. Landes . 123

TÄow^/, THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR, by John Edwin Fagg 124

Beloch, BEVÖLKERUNGSGESCHICHTE ITALIENS, III, by William M. Bowsky . . 125

Cande'loro, STORIA DELL'ITALIA MODERNA, I and II, by Kent Roberts Greenfield . 126

H^/f MACHIAVELLI AND RENAISSANCE ITALY, by Hans Baron 128

Bertelli, ERUDIZIONE E STORIA IN LUDOVICO ANTONIO MURATORI, by Eric

w! Cochrane ^^^

Vaussard DE PETRARQUE Ä MUSSOLINL by Louis L. Snyder n^

Kevins and Ehrmann, eds., THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN HISTORY Ol-^ THE

MODERN WORLD: GERMANY, by Carl Hamilton Pegg 13-

H^/Vy^rr/, THEODOR MOMMSEN, I, by ehester G. Starr V^^

Btirks THE DYNAMICS OF COMMUNISM IN EASTl-.RN EUROPE, by Cyril l-.. Black 134
Polev'oi ZAROZHDENIE MARKSIZMA V ROSSII 1883-1894 GG., by Richard Pipes . 135
Deborin, ed., ISTORIIA VELIKOI OTECHI.STVENNOI VOINY SOVETSKOGO

SOIUZA 1 941-1945, by Alfred J. Rieber ^37

Africa

Hahn, NORTH AFRICA, by Helen Anne B. Rivlin ^3

Asia and the East

Zürcher, ITiE BUDDHIST CONQUEST OF CHINA, I and II, by Conrad M. Schirokauer 139

Butow, TOJO AND THE COMING OF THE WAR, by Herbert Feis Mi

Americas

Longaker THE PRESIDENCY AND INDIVIDUAL LIBERTIES, by Harold M. Hyman 142
Smith and Jamtson, eds., RELIGION IN AMERICAN LIFE, I, II, and IV, by Kenneth

Scott Latourette '

Hurst. LAW AND SOCIAL PROCESS IN UNITED STATES HISTORY, by George L.

Haskins

Benson, TURNER AND BEARD, by Oscar Handlin M7

5p/7/fr rt fl/.. eds., AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, by Carl Bodc m8

\y Table of Contents — Continued

Morton C>OLONIAL VIRGINIA. I aml II. hy Wikomb F. Washburn M9

North THE ECONOMIC GROWTH OK THE UNITED STATES, by Carter GcMKJnch 151

Duherman CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, i «07-1 886, by Edward C. Kirkland . . 152
Wheat, MAPPING THE TRANSMISSISSIPPI WEST, 1540-1861, IV, by Walker D.

Wyman

Williams LINCOLN FINDS A GENERAL, V, by Allan Nevins 154

Ahell. AMERICAN CATHOLICISM AND SOCIAL ACTION, by Jc.hn Higham . . I55

Cretnin, THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE SCHOOL, by Arthur Mann ... 156

//^m;moW, ORGANIZING FOR DEFENSE, by Louis Morton »57

Ise OUR NATIONAL PARK I>OLICY, by Jerry A. O'Callaghan I59

Forcey. THE CROSSROADS OF LIBERALISM, by David W. Noble 160

A/rC;f^/;7, GIFFORI) PINCHOT, by Elting E. Morison ^^^

Cramer, NEWl^ON D. BAKER, by John A. (larraty ^^3

Morison, TURMOIL AND TRADITION, by Richard N. Currcnt 164

Dau'soti, THE DECISION TO AID RUSSIA, 1941, by Robert Paul Hrowdcr ... 165

Henry PRESIDENTIAL TRANSITIONS, by Eugene H. Rosebooni 167

Watters comp., A CHECK LIST OF CANADIAN LITERATURE AND BACKGROUND
MATERIALS, 1628-1950; Tanghe, comp., HIHLIOGRAPHY OF CANADIAN BIB-

LIOGRAPHIES, by John Hall Stewart ^^°

J^i/;v7f^, THE FAI EURE OF UNION, by I-^mis E. Bumgartner ^^9

Other Recent Publications

Books

,, , . 171

iicncrai ^

Ancicnt and Medieval '^

Modern

United Kingdom and Ircland ^

,■ 194

Europe 2

Near Last ^^^

Africa 5

Asia and the Fast

. . 221

Amencas

Articies and Other Books Received ^40

Historical News

278

Historical News '

Editorial . 278

This Journal is unable as a rule to review textbooks and works of current discussion.

The William Byrd Press, Inc.
RicHMOND, Virginia

- FOR COMPREHENSIVE,
TEACHABLE HISTORY TEXTS
CHECK MACMILLAN'S
FORTHCOMING UST

THE UmTED STATES OF AlfiERiCA: A History

By DEXTER PERKINS, Cornell University, and GLYNDON G. VAN

DEUSEN, University of Rochester

Two of the nation's leading scholars have prepared this süperb two-

volume history of the United States, including the 1960 election and

the Kennedy administration. Concentrating primarily on developfnent

of political. economic, and diplomatic institutions, it also provides

necessary background on social and cultural history.

Becauge of the dUtinguUhed authors' vimdMvritmg ityle and authoritative

presentation, this texi promise» to become a leader in Us field,

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either at 1865 or 1877

• Topical analysis to Supplement chronological development where
appropriate

• Unusually extensive illustrations and maps

Separate Instructor's Mannais, each approximately 150 pages in length,
are being prepared for both volumes. December, 1961

READMNGS liV ilfODERiV WORLD CMVIUZATWJV

By LEON BERNARD, University of Notre Dame, and THEODORE
B. HODGES, Research Analyst, U.S. Government

The first book of readings on modern world history, it is a valuable
accompaniment for any Standard textbook in the field. Its 37 chapters
of uniform length, containing from four to seven selections each,
promise both convenience for the teacher and interest for the student.
Outstanding Feature: The variety of the selections- letters, diaries,
documents, travel accounts, plays, memoirs, laws contemporary his-
torical accounts — which provide the student with a clear picture of
actual events and historical attitndes, rather than simply the mtellec-

V 1 *. Sprmg, 1962

tual currents. "^^ '^*

MACMILLAN A Division of The Crowell-Collier Publishing Company

io6 Reviews of Books

flect his insight into the England of Elizabeth I. Two of thc cssays deal with thc
Queen herseif. Each of the Cccils is the central figure in one. Ireland, Scodand,
and Wales are considered. Parliamcnt, thc Exchequer, the courts, and the church
rcceive appropriate attention.

In the opening essay, "In Search of the Queen," C. H. Williams summarizes
effectively the estimates of her character by earlier writers from John Clapham,
who knew her pcrsonally, through Lingard, Froude, and Creighton, to Conyers
Read, A. L. Rowse, and Neale himself. "To bring to life again a figure from the
past is never easy: it is more than usually difficult when that figure is Elizabeth I
of England." Yet there is no reference to Elizabeth Jenkins, nor any Suggestion
that Neale's biography is much the best work. Wallace MacCaffrey's essay on
"Place and Patronage in Elizabethan Politics" is perhaps the most ambitious papcr
in the collection. Although it may be questioned whether the generalizations are
based upon enough examples, his judgment seems safe. "Under the tutelage of
Burghley and his royal mistress they had learned the peaceful, if sometimes cor-
rupt, habits of a new political order." Patrick Collinson's essay on "John Field and
Elizabethan Puritanism" shows its subject to have been a much more important
figure than has usually been recognized. A. H. Dodd has based an equally excit-
ing account of the life of Thomas Myddleton, a Welshman who became a major
London merchant and financier and eventually lord mayor, upon a remarkable
personal financial diary. Other essays treat Burghley *s not very persuasive and
often incomplete attempts to write Propaganda, the passage through Parliament
of the Statue of Artificers, Exeter merchants, the writ of latitat, the conflict of
jealous Exchequer officials, the foundations of Anglo-Scottish union, Ireland and
the Counter-Reformation, and the struggle over the succession to Elizabeth. An
appendix gives a füll list of Neale's published work: articles, reviews, and books.

In the paper, which has probably the greatest general interest, R. B. Wemham
discusses "Elizabethan War Aims and Strategy." "In 1589 England was offered
what was beyond all doubt the greatest opportunity presented to either side during
thc entire war. . . . For a year the remnant of Spain's naval power lay . . . help-
lessly inviting final destruction. . . . The great opportunity was missed. Some of
thc blamc was clearly thc Queen's, but it was not she alone, or most signally, who
had done all by halves, and she had seen the essential objective more clearly than
her men of war."

Combining their own researches with some general theme, the editors and con-
tributors have well achieved their purpose: "to illustrate some of the recent trcnds
in Tudor political and social historiography which owe so much to Sir John Neale's
pioncer work and Inspiration."

Pomona College

John H. Gleason

THE PROTESTANT MIND OF THE ENGLISH REFORMATION, 1570^

George: Protestant Mind of the English Reformation 107

1640. By Charles H. and Katherine George. (Princcton, N. J.: Princcton Uni-
versity Press. 1961. Pp. x, 452. $8.50.)

This important book attempts to arrivc at a new synthesis of thc "Protestant
ideology at flood tide." In their quest, the authors discuss almost cvery aspect of
that ideology: its view of society, economic theory, political thought, and thc
family. Nor are theological issues such as the church neglected. Indeed, they stand
at the forefront of the discussion for the book begins with a general chapter on
thc Problems of salvation, sin, faith, and predestination. Thc conclusions stress thc
ovcrwhelming dominance of thc "middlc way" defined as a "varicty in unity" — a
via media in which contention is accepted as a permanent aspect of thc life of a
unified church. It is here that the title "Protestant mind" needs modification. Thc
Georges are quite explicit in excluding the Separatists from their synthesis, con-
fining themselves to the Anglican Church, the mainstream of Protestant thought
for them. They have read widely in the sources, though thc same divines are apt
to provide the examples for most of their analyses.

Thc larger conclusion springing from their work concerns what thc authors
call thc conservatism and intellectual sterility of the clergy, something which,
taken together with the emphasis on the via media, made them irrelevant to the
English revolution. They do not bear directly upon nor explain the causes of this
central event of thc sevcntcenth Century. This was equally true for the Puritans
(the non-Separatist kind). Their allegiance to the idea of variety in unity makes
it difficult to distinguish them, except by an intensity of tone, from other An-
glicans. Even Presbyterianism played a major role only at the beginning of their
period. This is an important thesis that deserves to be considered scriously.

But was this Protestant mind so irrelevant to events? The very intellectual
sterility of the ministers was at least partly redeemed by their idea of thc Com-
munity which is only hinted at here, though it is mentioned as a welfarc State
attitude toward charity. Their support of the King included not only divine right-
ism but also a concept of the Community, of the public good. Andre Bicler has
lately shown us its importance for Calvin. Like their casuistry, this was an im-
portant Step in the development of the modern State. More scriously, however, is
thc implication (made especially in the case of Laud) that the cventual destruc-
tion of the via media must have come from outside thc rcligious scenc. In onc
sensc this is, of course, true, but in another it seems too limited a vision. If thc
Protestant mind were defined more broadly and if thc hercsy proceedings before
thc High Commission had been used, in addition to the conventional thought of
the orthodox clergy, another dimension would have emerged. Christian radicalism
is Said to have been neutralized in the established creeds of Christendom. This
may be so, but in fact it was not neutralized in thc period with which this book
deals. Of course, as the authors State, there is little cvidencc for the cxtraordinary
agitation in Cromwell's army that can be derived from their analysis, but this only
means that orthodox Christianity had given way to a radical Christianity which

io8 Reviews of Books

always coursed bcneath the ideas of an Andrews or a Perkins (who was much
concerned with it). Beforc more varied sources have becn examined by historians,
it is actually difficult to say, at least on the populär level, if the Presbyterianism of
Elizabcthan days really did die out.

For the Anglicans discussed, die authors have Icarnedly proved their point.
The dynamic path to rcvolution did not come from them or from the non-Separa-
tist Puritans. More positively, they have opened up new perspectives on the kind
of Protestant ideology that is their concern. They now propose to find out why
the via media broke down, but this means first illuminating a "Protestant mind'*
historians have neglected. For that task they now have the best of credentials.

University of Wisconsin

George L. Mosse

THE KING'S SERVANTS: THE CIVIL SERVICE OF CHARLES I, 1625-
1642. By 'G. E. Aylmer. (New York: Columbia University Press. 1961. Pp. xii,
521. I8.75.)

This volume is a brilHant study of the civil Service in England during the
reign of Charles I from his accession in 1625 to the beginning of the Civil War in
1642. Dr. Aylmer is not primarily concerned with the grcat oflicers of State,
though they constantly come into the picture, but rather with the mass of subordi-
nate officials in the central government. He investigates the ways in which thesc
officials obtained appointments and promotions, their security of tenure in office,
their sources of income, their education and social background, their efficiency and
the conditions under which they worked, their Standards of honesty, duty, and al-
Icgiance, and what they did in 1642 when faced with the harsh necessity of choos-
ing sides. On these and on many other points Aylmer brings together a great mass
of information which he analyzes with keen precision and illustrates with numer-
ous lists and tables.

Political life had degenerated under James I, and corrupt practices had hard-
ened into a System that defied reform. The cardinal difficulty was the poverty of
the crown. Stipendiary fees were so low that officials were permitted to Supple-
ment their incomes by pluralism (though this might be merely a sensible combi-
nation of functions), by patronage, by the sale of their offices, by free board and
lodging at court (a most wasteful method of remuneration), and by fees and
gratuities from all who had business to transact with the government. Aylmer
cstimates that fees and gratuities amounted to something between ^f 250,000 and
;{^ 400,000 a year and thus constituted an important form of indirect taxation. Cer-
tain Offices, if exploited without scruple, could produce great income. Charles de-
sired reform. But he was frustrated by the large amount of patronage in the
hands of great men, by the Opposition of officeholders who feared they would suf-
fer financially, and by the vicious system of reversions, which determined the suc-
cession to offices long before vacancies occurred. Yet the System should not bc

Horn: The British Diplomatie Service 109

judged by notorious scoundrels such as George Mynnc or Sir Henry Crokc. Ayl-
mer concludes that most officials "must have worked moderately hard, with fair
efficiency, sticking mainly to precedent and routinc, with reasonable loyalty to
the Crown, and profiting only moderately out of their positions."

Criticisms of this excellent volume are largely matters of opinion. It seems to
me that Aylmer is too lenient in judging the Duke of Buckingham, who poisoned
the whole tone of the administration. The final chapter is less a summary of con-
clusions than a series of afterthoughts. And the author might have included a
master list of all officials, for such a list would have been useful to other scholars.

University of Minnesota

David Harris Willson

THE BRITISH DIPLOMATIC SERVICE, 1689-1789. By D. B. Horn. (New
York: Oxford University Press. 1961. Pp. xv, 324. $6.75.)

This Superlative monograph, based principally upon the great corpus of pub-
lished sources, is a new "Standard work." Between 1689 and 1789, British diplo-
macy became professional, owing chiefly to the close continental connections of
William III and the Hanoverians and to the great extension of commercial and
colonial activities throughout the world. It became national, too, with the inter-
vention of Parliament in the royal civil list in the 1780's marking the culmination
of the process. Throughout much of the period, service abroad was both unpopu-
lär and unfashionable among upper-class Englishmen. Hence the employment of
aliens, sometimes in the highest diplomatic ranks. By 1789 foreigners had been
supplanted by native Englishmen, by increasing numbers of Scots, and even a few
Irish. The influx of North Britons notably preceded the arrival of Lord Bute upon
the scene and continued on a rising scale after his departure. (With some facetious-
ness, it might be askcd if chauvinism led Professor Horn to detect a native capacity
for foreign languages and diplomacy among his fellow Scots. Would not Dr. John-
son have another explanation for their willingness to serve abroad?)

The Organization of the service, its costs, the gradations of rank and emolu-
ments (including stockjobbing) are examined thoroughly. It is interesting, too, to
learn that the problem of recruitment caused the government to found in 1724 the
Regius professorships in modern history at Oxford and Cambridge. As the plan
had as its primary goal the production not of diplomatists but of Whigs, the as-
sumption being that "Tory principles could not survive an historical education,"
its almost total failure causes no surprise. Even so, the advantages of higher aca-
demic preparation could only have been limited in training a diplomatist to dis-
charge his primary duties, reporting home and executing orders from thence.

The work concludes with a survey of ceremonial and privilegc, Communica-
tions, the place of consuls and of secret agents, and, finally, of literary contribu-
tions made by diplomatists, among whom must be listed names as eminent as
Bolingbroke and Hume.

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MAMViCAüU

October 1960

ADVISORY EDITORS

JOHN FRANCIS BANNON
Saint Louis University

ERNEST BURRUS

Institutum Historicum SA., Rome

JAMES V. JONES
Saint Louis University

LYNN WHITE, JR.

University of California, Los Angeles

WALTER J. ONG
Saint Louis University

PAUL OSKAR KRISTELLER
Columbia University

ALPHONSE M. SCHWITALLA
Saint Louis University

LOREN C. MacKINNEY

University of North Carolina

CHAUNCEY E. FINCH
Saint Louis University

STEPHAN KÜHNER

Catholic University of America

:. «Ji :

Editor

LOWRIE J. DALY

Assistant Editors

EDWARD R. VOLLMAR CHARLES J. ERAAATINGER

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U.8.A.

JUAMViaUIA

VOL. IV

OCTOBER, 1960

No. 3

CONTENTS

Page

Jacopo Ragona and His RuIes for ArtificiaJ Memory • - - 131

Michael P. Sheridon

A Neo-Latin ''Heraldic" Eclogue - - - . - . 149

W. Leonard Grant

Notes and Comments

Browning Letters in the Vatican Library - - - - 164

Charles T. Dougherty

The Libri Concilorum of the Order of St. John

of Jerusalem in Valletta, Malta 170

Bernerd C. Weber

Reviews of Books 174

Books Received: Annotated List - -- - • - - 190

Index of Book Reviews

The Political Thought of Thomas Aquinas 174

York Metropolitan Jurisdiction and Papal Judge Delegates 174

The Stuarts; A Study in Engiish Kingship '. '. 175

(Contlnued on Next Page)

Index of Book Reviews (continued)

Page

Early EnglUh Stages 1300 to 1660

Bishop Lancelot Andrewes, Jocobean Court Preacher

177

178

The Malcing of Wolton's Lives 178

Clavier-Buchlein vor Wilhelm Friedemann Bach 181

Le Clerge de France et la Monarchie 1 82

The Papers of Benjamin Franklin 1 83

The Papers of John C. Calhoun 184

The Rudolph Matas History of AAedicin« in Louisiana 185

The Life and Times of Fray Junipero Serra . . . . , 188

Our Contributors

Michael P. Sheridan, SJ., teaches at Campion, Prairie du Chien, Wis.

W. Leonard Grand is Professor of Classicat Languages at the University
of British Columbia.

Charles T. Dougherty is Associate Professor of English at Saint Louis
University.

Bernerd C. Weber is Associate Professor of History at Alabama
University.

JACOPO RAGONA AND HIS RULES FOR ARTIFICIAL

MEMORY

MICHAEL P. SHERIDAN
CAMPION HIOH SCHOOL

Let US imagine that you are asked the following question:
"How many days are there in the month of April?" After you
answer, consider how you arrived at your reply. The chances
are that you began to recite very quickly the little jingle "Thirty
days hath September ..."

Almost everyone has known people whose memory was con-
sidered to be prodigious. Indeed, there was a day, not too long
ago when many a man earned his living by training the memory
of less gifted individuals. In the era of the lecture-hall enter-
tainers, the memory expert was a more or less Standard f eature
of the annual program. The art of memory, although now mori-
bund, has passed away but lately.

Amidst the varied materials of the Vatican collections there is
to be f ound a most interesting manuscript on the art of memory.^
The treatise was composed by an obscure humanist of the fif-
teenth Century, Jacopo Ragona. Jacopo wrote his treatise under
the patronage of the generous Gianfrancesco II, Marquis of
Mantua. The city was converted into a bee-hive of intellectual
and humanistic endeavors during Gianf rancesco's reign. In f act,
Vittorino da Feltre produced his educational marvels on the
strength of Gianf rancesco's generous subsidies.^

Of Ragona himself, however, little is known. A brief and
uninformative biography is found in a book on writers from
Vicenza. It would seem that this treatise on the ars memoriae
is Ragona's sole contribution to learning.^ At any rate, the
essay was produced at a time when the art of memory was enjoy-
ing its most successf ul era. Ragona's treatise concerns the "Rules
for Artificial Memory." ArtificUü memory is that facility for
remembering things brought about by practice according to a

1 Cod. Vat. Lat. 6896, 55r-69v. ^ ^, ^ ,tyt i^^o a

2 Julia Cartwright, laabella D'Este, Marchxoness of Mantua, U7A'15S9, A
Study of the Renaissance (London: John Murray, 1907), I, 20-21.

3 Aneiolgabriello di Santa Maria, Biblwteca e stona di quex scrttton eo9t
della citta come del territoHo de Vicenza ch^ pervennero finad oraan^ttzia
del P, F. Angiolgabriello de Santa Maria (Vicenza; G.B.V. Mosca, 1772), 11,
51-53.

131

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

The Political Thought of Thomas Aquinas, by Thomas Gilby. Chicago: The
University of Chicago Press, 1958. Pp. xxvi, 357. $5.00.

Father Gilby's book is really a bright and extensive essay on the legal
and political Clements in Saint Thomas' writings. It is not a scholarly
work. Built up from a thorough reading of most of the relevant secondary
material, the book does exhibit a warm and appreciative understanding of
the Thomistic text. Probably, it will be of most use to general readers and
undergraduate students. Scholars will be impatient with the self-assurance
everywhere present and with the persistent refusal to provide "proof" of
doctrinal positions taken.

The book consists of two sections. First, the author reviews in a very
general way "The Influences at Work." Here is found a treatment of the
inspirations which Saint Thomas found in the Bible, theological teaching,
the jurists, and the philosophical tradition (especially Aristotle). Attention
is given, also, to the medieval social scene as it existed in Saint Thomas'
time. The second section contains four chapters. Of these, two are devoted
to a good, general analysis of the Thomistic teaching on law. In the two
remaining chapters, the author gives his understanding of those texts
which deal with citizenship and the state. A final chapter points out that
the direct influence of Saint Thomas was extremely slight until Vitoria's

time.

If the book is viewed for what it really is, a rhetorical essay sharpened
by intelligent insights, it can provide a general review of the subject.

Creighton University

Thomas C. Donohue

York Metropolitan Jurisdiction and Papal Judges Delegate (1279-1296),
by Robert Brentano. Berkeley and Los Angeles : University of California
Press, 1959. Pp. xv, 292. $6.00.

This excellent first book throws light on many more topics than its rather
severe title would indicate. In the period specified, several aggressive arch-
bishops of York attempted to consolidate Jurisdiction over their refractory
bishops of Durham. Carlisle and Whithorn had already succumbed to
administrative control ; Durham was not to do so. This book, then, is a very
careful account of the legal and political battle between York and Durham.
By being as thorough and wide-ranging as he is, Professor Brentano gives
US the füll texture of the controversy which at one time or another involved,
besides the principals and their legal advisors, the great prelates of Eng-
land and Rome, Edward I, and several popes.

The case history is developed in eleven highly organized and integrated
chapters which in slow, almost suspenseful, fashion reveal the issues and
Personalities involved in the litigation. First the author discusses the
"OfRce of Metropolitan" and the "Province of York" with an eye to formal
canon law as well as to administrative history and politics; and where
English sources are lacking or obscure he is not afraid to use Continental
documents carofully to build up his picture of the working Institution.

174

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

175

"People" are next brought into the case to the limit of extant records; we
are lucky here. And then, to develop dramatic contrast, Brentano describes
York's relations with the two submissive dioceses. Finally, five chapters
take US into the complicated law, procedure, and maneuvers of the struggle
between York and Durham itself. Here, I think, is the volume's great value,
for such intensive treatment of a local issue (with all its national and even
international ramifications) is all too rare in the literature. Indeed, we are
lucky that sufficient records survived all over Europe to make this work
possible.

Apart from his close description of the case, the author's "feel" for the
Operation of the Church instructs us on many points: the conduct of the
Institution in the world and the relation of its actions to theory; the ways
it was amenable to national (royal) pressure; the extent to which admin-
istrators at the diocesan-provincial level were sensitive to the most refined
contemporary Romanist as well as canonist thought — to say nothing of
their appreciation of the finer points of successful legal diplomacy at the
Roman curia; and the processes whereby institutions at the level of York
and Durham were achieving definition theologically, administratively, and
legally.

At times the writing is somewhat terse and one wishes for more definition
and discussion, but on the whole this scholars' book is admirably if not ele-
gantly written. The 180 pages of narrative and analysis are followed by
another 74 of documents. These refer to almost every aspect of the involved
proceedings; some, as the author teils us, are rarely found in print. As
might be expected of a work of such meticulous scholarship, the bibliography
is huge and shows acquaintance with manuscript as well as printed sources,
to say nothing of the widest possible ränge of Continental as well as English
literature.

Washington University, Saint Louis Peter Riesenberg

The Stuarts; A Study in English Kingship, by J. P. Kenyon. New York:
The Macmillan Co., 1959. Pp. 240. $5.00.

Mr. Kenyon's book is good reading. The Stuart monarchs are portrayed
with bold strokes. None of them cut an impressive figure since their
personal failings dominate those achievements which they might have had
to their credit. Mr. Kenyon is most convincing in his analysis of King
Charles I. His personality was an essentially negative one and it seems
true that he was most effective when preparing for his role of martyrdom.
Kenyon is least convincing when portraying Queen Anne w^ho was not
quite as stupid and slow witted as she appears in this book since her
attempt to keep the monarchy out of the hands of f action evidences political
insight. Nevertheless, Mr. Kenyon uses with some skill the psychological
insights which he derives from his historical analyses. Though he does
not bring us much that is new, this can hardly be expected from an account
of this sort. Yet there exist materials which can still throw new light
upon some of the Stuarts. For example, Henrietta Maria's letters to
Cardinal Barberini have never been mined by historians (e.g., Vatican
Library, cod. Barb lat. 8615-8616). At times the sources used in the book
are frankly partisan. It is always easy to poke fun at the habits of King
James I, but it is hardly fair to use as one source for this that unregenerate
Elizabethan, Sir James Harrington.

176

MANUSCRIPTA

Moreover, the book gives a one-sided Impression o£ James I by stressmg
his economic interests, his native political shrewdness, and his homosexu-
ality, while passing lightly over the concept of the divme right of kings
which formed the working of his mind. Mr. Kenyon seems to believe that
Ideology is unimportant in the history of Stuart England. He teils us
that in England the term *'Arminian" was meanmgless, that Lands
theology was unimportant in the events leading up to the civil war, and
that Puritanism was a negative force, largely an expression of anti-
clericalism Mr. Kenyon's historical framework opposed the Stuart kmgs,
Seen through their personalities and the intrigues of their courts, to the
gentry which foi-med as the country party the Opposition to Stuart desires.
If the kings are dominated by the factor of personality, the gentry are
wedded to their "interests." The concept of politics as dommated by
Personality and interests has been successfuUy applied to the next Century
by Sir Lewis Namier, but the age of the Stuarts was not yet the age of
Newcastle and country house politics. Ideology or principles were impor-
tant in the seventeenth Century. Ignoring this has led Mr. Kenyon to over-
look some of the vital ingredients of his story.

For example, he teils us that king and parliament before the civil war
were concerned with Operation of government and not with abstract
principles. This very dichotomy is misleading. To be sure, members of
parliament were concerned with the actual Operation of government, but m
their debates they cast this concern into concepts of sovereignty and
reason of State. The mold into which men cast their thinking is apt in the
end to influence the direction which their actions take. Mr. Kenyon dates
the actual struggle for power between king and parliament only f rom the
return of Charles I from Edinburgh in 1641. In reality both sides had
conceived of this struggle as a struggle for sovereignty ever since, m 1621,
parliament asserted that to "reason of State and the preservation of the
State is most fit for this place." The fact that men thought in such cate-
gories as "reason of State" determined their whole approach to the con-
stitutional struggle. It will not do to divide principles from interests m
the seventeenth Century.

Moreover, such a division is apt to caricature certain personalities in
the book. Sir Edward Coke emerges as motivated entirely by personal
considerations and interests in his parliamentary Opposition to the crown.
This is partly true, but Coke was also obsessed with the prmciples of the
common law. Again, the gentry is seen entirely through their supposed
interests and their efforts to reform the church under James is said to be
a way of keeping alive parliament's claim over the church. The gentry
were religious but above all anti-clerical. What, then, are we to make of
those gentry who at considerable expense bought up lectureships for Puri-
tan preachers? Did gentry like John Winthrop leave England mainly for
reasons of interest and mere anti-clericalism? Part of the difficulty lies in
Mr. Kenyon's all inclusive definition of the gentry; they tend to become
the beast of all bürden. Thus, he concludes that religlon provided no
clear cut division between the opposing sides prior to the civil war. This
Observation is based upon those of the gentry who were undecided on the
Root and Branch bill to abolish bishops, but much of the gentry outside
parliament was not at all undecided. The Puritanism of the Norfolk

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

177

gentry was no sudden thing which sprang up with the New Model army,
but a religious militancy with roots in the Stuart past. Mr. Kenyon's
historical frame of reference makes the story too straightf orward ; it was
not as simple as he portrays it. His presentation Icads, finally, to the
downgrading of the one great mind produced by the age of the later
Stuarts, that of Lord Halifax. He was not a good politician, and the book
concentrates upon that fact. Yet here was a thinker whose justness of
mind rose above the factional quarreis of the age. Because Mr. Kenyon is
not concerned with thought or ideology, he ignores that part of Halifax's
character which obviously cannot be ignored.

Mr. Kenyon's book is ref reshing in its denial of the excessive preoccupation
with constitutional and political theory which has marked so much of
the scholarship of this period. Men did nct oppose the king solely for the
sake of constitutional theory, as the older textbooks would have us believe;
kings did not grapple with the business of government solely from the basis
of their theoretical predelictions. Court intrigue was important and Sir
Edward Coke was not solely motivated by concern for the common law.
The gentry does give us an important tool for the analysis of the age. In
stressing all this the book throws a great deal of light on the Stuarts.
But part of the picture is missing. The "Arminian" controversy between
free will and determinism did determine the actions of some people; the
keeping unsullied of the common law did become an Obsession with Sir
Edward Coke; and the Puritans, some of whom were gentry, did believe in
a f aith which was more than mere anti-clericalism. Interest which can not
be divided from dogma and ideology was at times swamped by them. Mr.
Kenyon's book is a good introduction to one side of the story, but there is
another.

University of Wisconsin GEORGE L. MossE

Ea/rly English Stages ISOO to 1660. Volume I: 1300 to 1576, by Glynne
Wickham. New York: Columbia University Press, 1959. Pp. xliv, 428.
$7.50.

Professor Wickham's first volume, which Covers the period before 1576,
is the most important history of the Medieval and Early Renaissance
stages to appear since the works of the late Sir Edmund Chambers. Cham-
bers' monumental compilations have long been available to scholars along
with Karl Young's The Drama of the Medieval Church (1933), and more
recently Father Harold Gardiner's Mysteries' End (1946), and Professor
Hardin Craig's English Religious Drama (1955). Professor Wickham is
indebted to them all, but he has given us what has long been needed: a
demonstration of how the theater, taking its genesis in the worship and
in the social recreation of medieval Europe, developed into the great drama
of the Elizabethans. In his demonstration he has clarified much material
that has long been available, and he has corrected much that has been
interpreted erroneously.

By making broad use of contemporary manuscripts, Professor Wickham
first reconstructs the history of the medieval tournament. Next he traces
the story of the pageant theaters. He then explains the development of
the miracle plays from their inception in the Introit of the Easter Mass
to their fuUy developed form in the cycles, which incorporated many of
the features of both the tournaments and the street pageants. As a result,

Reprinted from

JUAMViaUU

Vol. IV (1960)

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

175

"Peoplc" are next brought into the case to the limit of extant records; we
are lucky here. And then, to develop dramatic contrast, Brentano describes
York's relations with the two submissive dioceses. Finally, five chapters
take US into the complicated law, procedure, and maneuvers of the struggle
between York and Durham itself. Here, I think, is the volume's great value,
for such intensive treatment of a local issue (with all its national and even
international ramifications) is all too rare in the literature. Indeed, we are
lucky that sufRcient records survived all over Europe to make this work
possible.

Apart from his close description of the case, the author's "feel" for the
Operation of the Church instructs us on many points: the conduct of the
institution in the world and the relation of its actions to theory; the ways
it was amenable to national (royal) pressure; the extent to which admin-
istrators at the diocesan-provincial level were sensitive to the most refined
contemporary Romanist as well as canonist thought — to say nothing of
their appreciation of the finer points of successful legal diplomacy at the
Roman curia; and the processes whereby institutions at the level of York
and Durham were achieving definition theologically, administratively, and
legally.

Washington University, Saint Louis

Peter Riesenberg

« t

The Stuarts; A Study in English Kingship, by J. P. Kenyon. New York:
The Macmillan Co., 1959. Pp. 240. $5.00.

Mr. Kenyon's book is good reading. The Stuart monarchs are portrayed
with bold strokes. None of them cut an impressive figure since their
personal failings dominate those achievements which they might have had
to their credit. Mr. Kenyon is most convincing in his analysis of King
Charles I. His personality was an essentially negative one and it seems
true that he was most effective when preparing for his role of martyrdom.
Kenyon is least convincing when portraying Queen Anne who was not
quite as stupid and slow witted as she appears in this book since her
attempt to keep the monarchy out of the hands of faction evidences political
insight. Nevertheless, Mr. Kenyon uses with some skill the psychological
insights which he derives from his historical analyses. Though he does
not bring us much that is new, this can hardly be expected from an account
of this sort. Yet there exist materials which can still throw new light
upon some of the Stuarts. For example, Henrietta Maria's letters to
Cardinal Barberini have never been mined by historians (e.g., Vatican
Library, cod. Barb lat. 8615-8616). At times the sources used in the book
are frankly partisan. It is always easy to poke fun at the habits of King
James I, but it is hardly fair to use as che source for this that unregenerate
Elizabethan, Sir James Harrington.

176

MANUSCRIPTA

Moreover, the book gives a one-sided Impression of James I by stressing
his economic interests, bis native political shrewdness, and bis bomosexu-
ality, wbile passing lightly over tbe concept of tbe divine rigbt of kings
wbicb formed tbe working of bis mind. Mr. Kenyon seems to believe tbat
ideology is unimportant in tbe bistory of Stuart England. He teils us
tbat in England tbe term "Arminian" was meaningless, tbat Laud's
tbeology was unimportant in tbe events leading up to tbe civil war, and
tbat Puritanism was a negative force, largely an expression of anti-
clericalism. Mr. Kenyon's bistorical framework opposed tbe Stuart kings,
Seen tbrougb tbeir personalities and tbe intrigues of tbeir courts, to tbe
gentry wbicb formed as tbe country party tbe Opposition to Stuart desires.
If tbe kings are dominated by tbe factor of personality, tbe gentry are
wedded to tbeir "interests." Tbe concept of politics as dominated by
personality and interests bas been successfully applied to tbe next Century
by Sir Lewis Namier, but tbe age of tbe Stuarts was not yet tbe age of
Newcastle and country bouse politics. Ideology or principles were impor-
tant in tbe seventeentb Century. Ignoring tbis bas led Mr. Kenyon to over-
look some of the vital ingredients of bis story.

For example, be teils us tbat king and parliament before tbe civil war
were concerned witb Operation of government and not witb abstract
principles. Tbis very dicbotomy is misleading. To be sure, members of
parliament were concerned witb tbe actual Operation of government, but in
tbeir debates tbey cast tbis concern into concepts of sovereignty and
reason of state. Tbe mold into wbicb men cast tbeir tbinking is apt in tbe
end to influence tbe direction wbicb tbeir actions take. Mr. Kenyon dates
tbe actual struggle for power between king and parliament only f rom tbe
return of Charles I from Edinburgh in 1641. In reality both sides bad
conceived of tbis struggle as a struggle for sovereignty ever since, in 1621,
parliament asserted tbat to "reason of state and tbe preservation of the
State is most fit for tbis place." The fact tbat men thought in such cate-
gories as **reason of state" determined tbeir wbole approach to tbe con-
stitutional struggle. It will not do to divide principles from interests in
tbe seventeentb Century.

Moreover, such a division is apt to caricature certain personalities in
tbe book. Sir Edward Coke emerges as motivated entirely by personal
considerations and interests in bis parliamentary Opposition to the crown.
Tbis is partly true, but Coke was also obsessed witb the principles of the
common law. Again, tbe gentry is seen entirely tbrougb tbeir supposed
interests and tbeir efforts to reform the cburch under James is said to be
a way of keeping alive parliament's claim over tbe cburch. Tbe gentry
were religious but above all anti-clerical. Wbat, then, are we to make of
tbose gentry wbo at considerable expense bought up lecturesbips for Puri-
tan preachers? Did gentry like John Winthrop leave England mainly for
reasons of interest and mere anti-clericalism? Part of tbe difficulty lies in
Mr. Kenyon's all inclusive definition of tbe gentry; tbey tend to become
tbe beast of all bürden. Thus, be concludes tbat religion provided no
clear cut division between tbe opposing sides prior to tbe civil war. Tbis
Observation is based upon tbose of the gentry wbo were undecided on tbe
Root and Branch bill to abolisb bisbops, but much of tbe gentry outside
parliament was not at all undecided. Tbe Puritanism of tbe Norfolk

< I i

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

177

gentry was no sudden tbing wbicb sprang up witb the New Model army,
but a religious militancy witb roots in tbe Stuart past. Mr. Kenyon's
bistorical frame of reference makes tbe story too straightf orward ; it was
not as simple as be portrays it. His presentation leads, finally, to tbe
downgrading of tbe one great mind produced by tbe age of tbe later
Stuarts, tbat of Lord Halifax. He was not a good politician, and tbe book
concentrates upon tbat fact. Yet bere was a tbinker wbose justness of
mind rose above the factional quarreis of tbe age. Because Mr. Kenyon is
not concerned witb thought or ideology, be ignores tbat part of Halifax's
character wbicb obviously cannot be ignored.

Mr. Kenyon's book is refreshing in its denial of the excessive preoccupation
witb constitutional and political theory wbicb bas marked so much of
the scbolarsbip of tbis period. Men did not oppose tbe king solely for the
sake of constitutional theory, as tbe older textbooks would have us believe;
kings did not grapple witb tbe business of government solely from the basis
of tbeir theoretical predelictions. Court intrigue was important and Sir
Edward Coke was not solely motivated by concern for the common law.
The gentry does give us an important tool for tbe analysis of tbe age. In
stressing all tbis tbe book throws a great deal of ligbt on the Stuarts.
But part of the picture is missing. The "Arminian" controversy between
free will and determinism did determine the actions of some people; the
keeping unsuUied of the common law did become an Obsession witb Sir
Edward Coke; and tbe Puritans, some of whom were gentry, did believe in
a faith wbicb was more than mere anti-clericalism. Interest wbicb can not
be divided from dogma and ideology was at times swamped by them. Mr.
Kenyon's book is a good introduction to one side of the story, but there is
anotber.

University of Wisconsin George L. Mosse

Early English Stages 1300 to 1660. Volume I: 1300 to 1576, by Glynne
Wickham. New York: Columbia University Press, 1959. Pp. xliv 428
$7.50. *

Professor Wickham's first volume, wbicb covers tbe period before 1576,
is tbe most important bistory of the Medieval and Early Renaissance
stages to appear since the works of the late Sir Edmund Chambers. Cham-
bers' monumental compilations have long been available to scholars along
witb Karl Young's The Drama of the Medieval Church (1933), and more
recently Fatber Harold Gardiner's Mysteries' End (1946), and Professor
Hardin Craig's English Religious Drama (1955). Professor Wickham is
indebted to them all, but he bas given us wbat bas long been needed: a
demonstration of how tbe theater, taking its genesis in tbe worship and
in tbe social recreation of medieval Europe, developed into the great drama
of the Elizabethans. In bis demonstration he bas clarified much material
tbat has long been available, and he bas corrected much tbat bas been
interpreted erroneously.

By making broad use of contemporary manuscripts, Professor Wickham
first reconstructs the bistory of tbe medieval tournament. Next he traces
the story of tbe pageant theaters. He then explains the development of
the miracle plays from tbeir inception in the Introit of the Easter Mass
to tbeir fuUy developed form in tbe cycles, wbicb incorporated many of
the features of both the tournaments and tbe street pageants. As a result,

/IR zCtzq.

^CoR^S Z.. Mt%^^ CoLcEcTe o-J

A(^C14( Ü$

"/.

2^ 'REN/rEU)^ l'^GOS.'' Kom, MAMS'TH£ MII^ OF GeJ^MANV iq(^o

IVATION

June 18, 1960 . . 25c

f
i

■

THE BALANCE
OF BLAME

PI
im.

'^»

:>. ■■ s-:;:

Further Notes on the Strategie
Causes of World War III

C. Wright Mills

/■-oij^^ ^^A»..«~«^^<-«äft*<^««^^ :,7

HOW 'MODERN'
IS REPUBLICANISM?

Robert G. Spivack

LETTERS

New York's Primary

Dear Sirs'. I think It only fair to teil
you that many of us in the reform move-
ment in New York Democratlc politics
feel strongly that "The Shame of New
York," which you published on October
31, 1959, must get some of the credit
for the important victories we scored
in last week's prlmaries. Your admirable
expose of corruption In Tammany-ruled
New York City shocked voters into
realization of the need for reform.

I hopc that more voters will read " The
Shame of New York." The primary
victories were gratifying — but there s
an election still to come.

Irving Wolfson
Democratic District Leader
5th A.D. North
Nezu York City

[Copies of the 64-page special issue are
still available at bulk rates: 10 for $4,
50 for $17.50, 100 for $30. Single copies,
50c. Order from The Nation, 333 Sixth
Ave., N.Y. 14, enclosing paymenl.]

Eiicoiiiiter With Castro

Dear Sirs: I was, of coiirse, quite in-
terestcd in Barbara Deming's article on
Cuba in The Nation of May 28.

Mrs. Matthews and I wondered
whether the author realized that her ac-
cidental encounter with Fidel Castro
was indircctly due to us. Fidel had come
to our hotcl, the Sevilla-Biltmore, to
takc US to lunch and then had drivcn us
around, showing us some public works,
and had just deposited us back at the
hotcl when Miss Deming and some
cqually lucky N.B.C. correspondents
camc up. We are happy that in the
case of Miss Deming the results wcrc

so fruitful.

Hi-RBERT L. Matthews

Editorial Board, The New York Times

Coiitributioiis to Law

Dear Sirs: It has not, I think, been suf-
ficiently noted that the Administration,
and particuhu-ly Mr. Eisenhower, has
madc a number of signal contributions
to jurisprudcnce. Thrce of the most im-
portant are: the theory of presumpüve
immunity, the doctrine of projective
gratvities and the principle of offensive

secrecy.

1. the theory of prcsumptive im-
munity was statcd with brilHant suc-
cinctncss by President Eisenhower.
When confronted by charges that Sher-
man Adams had not lived up to the

hlghest Standards of bis office, the Pres-
ident answered in just three words: "I
need bim." The relation of mastcr and
servant, employer and employee, offers
knotty points of law. One of the most
crucial is now chirified. A man is pre-
sumptively immune to dismissal and
perhaps indictment if a superior claims
that he is indispensable. This defense, it
is to be noted, has a limited time span.
With the discovery that a man is no
longer indispensable, the immunity
lapses and the original charges become
relevant again.

2. The Administration has made it

absolutely clear that it does not intcnd

to tolerate the acceptance of gratuities

by public servants, particularly from

those who might expect favors in return.

It was not explicitly stated whether or

not the gratuities received are for pres-

cnt or later use. But Mr. Eisenhower

has made the point clear by bis practices.

The ruling evidently applies only to gifts

received for exclusive use in the prescnt.

Mr. Eisenhower's farm in Gettysburg,

to which he is expected to retire, is

stocked with gifts which will be used

later. It is unfortunatc that the doctrine

of projective gratuities was not explicitly

formulated. It would have helped those

accused of payola and royola to have

been able to plead that some of their

gifts were intended to be used when

they retired. . . . Still, if the reports are

to be believed, they could retire now.

3. The principle of offensive secrecy
has been invoked as a defense of Francis
Powers' flight ovcr Russia. Under this
principle, the government is free to de-
termine at what point secrecy becomcs
an offensc against the public weal, and
may then take Steps to overcome it.
Wire tapping, the reading of another's
mail, forced entry into homes and busi-
ness establishments (particularly if
clearly locked) are now seen to be justi-
fied. this, the latest of Mr. Eisenhower's
creations, is also the most revolutionary,
overthrowing a purely traditional con-
cept going back to the Magna Charta.

Paul Weiss
Dept. of Philosophy, Yale University
New Haven, Conn,

Bill of Rights Fund

Dear Sirs: The Bill of Rights Fund is
making its annual appeal for contribu-
tions to render financial aid to many
brave Americans defending themselves
in the courts today bccause they have
stood up uncompromisingly for the First
Amendment or for some other important
aspect of civil libcrties.

A number of different organizations
in this country are doing splendid werk

for civil libertles. But the Bill of Rights
Fund is the only one whosc sole function
is to raise money and make financial
grants to individuals and organizations
fighting for the basic freedoms guaran-
teed under our Constitution. That fight
goes on unceasingly, as is shown by the
continuing assaults of the House Un-
American Activities Committee on the
liberties of the American people.

The Bill of Rights Fund assists at the
vital point of financial need those whom
the government prosecutes in violation
of fundamental Constitutional guaran-
tees. We appeal to all civil libertarians
to give generously at this critical junc-
ture in the struggle for freedom. Contri-
butions can be sent to me at 450 River-
side Drive, New York 27, N.Y. All con-
tributors will receive a Five-Year Sum-
mary of Grants which the Fund has
made through 1959.

CoRLiss Lamont
Chairman, Bill of Rights Fund

In This Issue

NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JUNE IS, 1960
VOLUME 190, No. 25

rrii»

NATIOrST

EDITORIALS

521 •

ARTICLES

523 • The Balance of Blame

by V. AVKIGllT MILLS

531 '• How "Modern" Is Republican-
ism?

by ROBERT G. SPIVACK

BOOKS AND THE AKTS

534 • The Noble Panorama of Ideas

l).v

NEWTON P. STALLKNECHT

De Gaulle in His Own Image

by WILLIAM G. ANDREWS

Why Do We Work?

by RONALD CJRO'SS

Germany and the West

by GEORCiE L. MOSSE

Polyglot Reader

by RAMON GUTHRIE

Art

by FAIRFIELD PORTER

Films

by ROBERT HATCH

Crossword Puzzle (opp. 540)

bv FRANK \V. LEWIS

535
536
537
538
539
540

s George G. Klrstein, Publisher

= Carey McWilliams, Editor

m Victor H. Bernstein, Managlng Bditor

m Robert Hatch. Books and the ArtB

B Harold Clurman, Theatre

M Maurice Grosser, Art

s M. L. Rosenthal, Poetry

M Lester Trimble, Music

s Alexander Werth, European
s Correspondent

g Mary Simon, Advertising Manager

I Tlio Nation, Jim«' 18, IIMM). Vol. 190, No. 2«

I The Nation published weekly (except for omls-

^ sion of four summer Issues) by The Nation

p the Nation Associates, Inc., 333 Sixth Avenue,

p New York 14, N. Y. Second class postage pald

^ at New York, N. Y.

I~ Subsrription Prlce Domestlc — Onc year $8. Two
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per year, Foreign $1.

EDITORIALS

The Rockef eller Emblem

In the last month, Governor Nelson Rockefeller has
cnicrged as the country's ablest political pinch hitter;
twice now he has come to bat in the ninth inning, score
tied, two out, none on — and has bclted the first pitch
right out of the park. He has great power, he keeps
his eye on the ball, his timing is perfect. In his force-
ful, well-timcd Statement of May 24, in which he called
for "an open and honest exercise of reason" — that is,
for full-scale dcbate on the key issues — he effectively
discouragcd the Rcpublican hatchetmen in Washington
who were dusting off McCarthy's old weapons. Now,
in a skillfully prepared and artfully executed maneuver,
he has again demanded an open, honest, no-holds-
barred debate; but this time, his challenge is pointedly
addressed to Vice President Nixon. The best Democratic
sloganeers could not improve ort the Governor's tren-
chant Statements, which will echo from now until
November: "We cannot . . . march to meet the futurc
with a banner aloft whose only emblem is a question
mark"; "The path of great leadership does not lie along
the top of a fence." The words may well be those of
the Governor's taleutcd "ghost" — J. Emmett Hughes
— but the directness behind them is the Governor's
special quality, a qliality that is a prime ingredient of
his charm as ä politician. Not only has he succeeded in
focusing public attention on the weakness of the Re-
publican Party and its current leadership (see Robert
Spivack's article, p. 531), but he has rcvealcd, in utter
starkncss, his own position.

If this late in the political sfeason Vice President
Nixon's banner still carries the emblem of the question
mark, the banner which the Governor has now un-
furled is emblazoned with crossed missiles, oil derncks
in the middlc distance, and grim Underground shcltcrs
in the background. Points 1, 2 and 3 of his ten-point
program are strong big-arms planks cälculated to de-
light missile-makers, cool warriors and the top brass.
If he had his way, the Governor would up defense
spcnding by $3 billion, immcdiately; and it is quite
clear that this would rcprcsent only a sitiall bcginning
for what he has in mind. To be sure, he has wrapped
his grisly program in some attractive domestic issues

To Nation Readers

After Jiily 9, and through August, The
Nation will appear on alternate weeks
only, i.e., on July 23, August 6 and Au-
gust 20. The weekly schedule will be re-
sumed with the issue of September 3.

— civil rights, fedcral aid to education, medical care
for the agcd, etc., — but big arms spending is the
conspicuous core of this "modern" Republican's polit-
ical thinking.

We have reason to be gratcful to the Governor for his
insistence — which he himself honors — that pohticians
must exhibit candor and courage in these times which,
as he correctly states, are not "conventional." Not only
has he exposed the bankruptcy of the Republican
Administration, of which the Vice President is the
sole residual legatec, but he has made his own basic
attitudcs and positions crystal clear. Governor Rock-
efeller has placcd himself both now and for 1%4 (if
need bc) at the head of the pack of big-arms Spenders
and cold-war "muscle" men.

It's Much Later Than You Think

With the Democratic Convention only a matter of
days ahead, a large and influential section of the "egg-
head" community is still bemused by the pernicious
dogma that a large built-in "against Nixon" vote ex-
ists throughout the fifty states of a magnitude which
automatically insures his defeat by any nominee the
Democrats name. We have read the surveys and reports

the doorstep interviews with housewives in Detroit,

over-the-fence chats with farmcrs in Iowa, and man-
in-the-street parleys in the big cities — which are
tiresomely cited in support of the dogma. We, too, know
any number of voters who say "there is something about
that man I don't like"; we don't like him, either. But
solid evidence has convinced us that Richard M. Nixon
is a strong Rcpublican nominee; witncss his showing in
the statcB of New Hampshire, Wisconsin, Indiana and
California, in none of which did he personally conduct
an active campaign. In the wake of the Summit debacle,

Allics ;iiul nativcs, nnd contrihute to
winninji: rhc \v:ir insofar :«s rhis would
loiuliKH to flu- Kreuch national intercst.
]\v also matclics intransi^cncc with
Stalin to thc lattcr's allegcd disndvan-
tagc and with thc parties and thc poli-
ticians. thc disscmhlers and factions, to
his own disad\antagc. Hc struggles with
thc Consnitativc and Constituent as-
scmhlies, piirgcs occupation collabora-
tors, hickcrs with CJencral Eiscnhower
and with Krance's Allics in thc Confer-
ences to which they werc gracious
enoiigh tr) in\ite him.

It is difficult to sympathize with his
firm helief that thc needs of the Joint
Allied war effort at a crucial juncturc
in the Battle of the Rnlge should have
heen sacrificed to French prestige. Nor
is one convinced that all French politi-
cal Icaders who disagreed with de Gaulle
were drivcn by evil and selfish motives.
Snk'dtion is most interesting and vahi-
ahlc where its author discusses the
evolving political Situation, presenting
his views on politicians, parties. govern-
ment, leadership and the State candidly,
cogently and fuUy.

AT thc moment of his greatest tri-
umph — the liberation of France — thc
tragic dcfect in his ideal hegins to ap-
pear. When he wrotc in 1932 that the
great leader "must personify contcmpt
for contingencies, and leave it to his
suhordinates to hc hogged down in de-
tail." he was undcriining his own in-
ability to comprchend thc problems
posed by clashes that arc not "on thc
grand scalc" but arc nevcrtheless of tre-
mendous importance in thc lifc of thc
modern State. Thirtecn years later, when
hc closed a crucial discussion with Rene
Pleven and Pierre Mendes-France by
commenting. "You won't get mc dis-
cussing cconomics and finances for a
whole afternoon again," he showcd thc
gra\e inrplications of that attitudc.
Through his disdain for such "details,"
he was led to favor a policy of weak-
ncss and folly that laid thc basc for
much of France 's subsequent economic
difficulties. Mis defense in Solrat'wn of
that decision is unconvincing but rc-
vealing.

^^"hen de (jaulle spcaks in gcncral
terms hc sces his function as thc su-
premc arbitrator. rcconciling antagon-
istic factions to the national intercst.
As one examincs specific incidents a dif-
fercnt picture emergcs. His political in-
fluence. as he dcscribes it. is less ar-
bitral than catalytic. Fach timc he
addnssed rhc Consnltative Assembly
"there occurred among thc mcmbers a
fusing of minds . . . thc human contact
with <!< (iaidl( himself reminded thc

536

dclegates of the solidarity which linked
US all together." On his cntry into Paris
in 1944 the crowds werc "exalted by
this presence." Hc was disappointed
when his proposal for European unity
did not at oncc crystallize opinion and
surge forward without further effort on
his part. He foresaw his task in the
French recovery effort as being "to
galvanize" thc "enormous enterprises
. . . vigorous action" and "strong insti-
tutions." And when hc rcsigned, "that
atmosphere of exaltation, that hope of
success, that ambition for France, which
supported the national soul" was there-
by dissipated.

When de (laulle returned to power
in 1958 his prestnce again had a galvanic
effect but his reluctance to engage in
the hurly-burly of political in-fighting
exccpt where the problem is cleariy and
heroically posed. as in Algiers last Jan-
uarv. has caused French domestic poH-
tics to slidc a long way back toward the
grimy morass of iynmobilisync that so
typified thc Fourth Republic. Grantland
Rice, Karl Long and Major de Gaulle
to the contrary notwithstanding, it is
not true that "all Icaders of men . . .
are . . . remembered less for thc use-
fulness of what they achieved than for
the sweep of thcir endeavors."

Why Do We Work?

WORK A\D EDUCATIOX: Thc Role
of Technical Culture in Somc Dis-
tinctive Iheories of Humanism. By
John W. Donohue. S. ). Loyola Uni-
versity Press. 238 pp. $\.

Ronalfl Grosa

IN OUR currcntly fashionable concern
over the "problem" of Icisure, we fre-
quently forget the enormous unrcsolved
contradictions and confusions which re-
main in our ideas about the work that
makes Icisurc possibic. C Wri'.;ht Mills
has pointed out that we still lack a
widely acccptcd idcology of work, and
we are just beginning to fumblc toward
somc cohcrent notion of Icisure. Con-
sc(|uently we set asidc parccis of time
labcled "work" and "Icisure" in such a
mcchanical and convcntional way that
we lose thc capacity to cnjoy cither
one in füll mcasure.

In Work and Educatioiu Father Don-
ohue performs an invaluablc Service by
inspecting the half-forgotten philosophi-
cal sourccs of our unexamincd assump-
tions about thc place of work in in-
dividual and social life. Thrcc major
positions cmerge: Marx's apotheosis of
work as the primal and ultimatc human
acti\ity; Dewcy's bclicf in the uni(|uc
efficacy of work for de veloping thc onl\'
souiul mcthod of thinking and acting
Cüopcratively; and Habbitr's allcgiancc
to thc Aristotlean principle, central to
Western humanism, which sces work as
simply the necessary cost of contem-
plativc Icisure.

For Marx, labor is the uniquc activity
b> which mcn first distinguished them-
sclves from the animals by producing
thcir own mcans of subsistencc. The

RONALD (;R0SS is Assistant to ihc
Executive Directnr of the Education
Dii'ision o/ tfn Ford Foundation.

ultimately decisive dement throughout
history has always been man's particular
mode of productive activity in each era.
And Marx has an uncquivocal answer
to thc query about what we will do in
that utopia which will end history: we
will work. But thc abolition of class
exploitation will make work so intrinsi-
cally enjojable that wc'll forego our de-
mands for equal rewards for equal work,
and remuncration can be on the basis of
need alonc. In this image of the human
drama, work is thc index of distinctiy
lumian life, its ubiquitous dcterminant
and its utopian finale.

Opposite Marx, Father Donohue
places thc upholders of thc Hellcnic
traditio!! of work as thc servant of Icisure.
He sclccts Irving Babbitt. Robert
Hutchins and Mortimer Adler to rep-
resent this position. which has dominatcd
humanistic speculation about work, and
which locates man's uniquc and nobicst
fulfillmcnt in contemplation independent
of the matcrial or social world.

Dewey, falling between these two ex-
tremes, believed that "thcrc is no such
thing as genuine knowledgc and fruit-
ful undcrstanding exccpt as the olf-
spring of doing.'' In thcir work, Dewey
maintained, mcn first discovered and
contiiuialK' rclearn the onl\- mcthod of
sound thinking and living — scientific,
instrumental, problcm-solving prag-
matism.

FATHFR DONOHUK'S artfully con-
structed analysis can be vicwed as es-
sentially a series of variations on two
underlying themes. On the one band,
work can be considered an instrument
to something beyond itself, and valued
by Society for thc goods it produces, or
by the individual for what its wages
will buy. On the other, work can be ex-
.iltcd for its own sakc, eitlier because it

'Jlic Nation

expresses a fundamentally demiurgic
human nature, or bccause it is thc prim-
ary arena for developing men's facul-
ties and social conuiuinion. These two
themes reveal somc surprising parallels
between the classic formulations pre-
sented by Father Donohue, and con-
tcmporary viewpoints.

Sharing the instrumental view of
work, David Riesman, for example, re-
jects as impractical the attempts to in-
troduce "joy and meaning" into modern
factory and office work, and argues that
we must push for further mechaniza-
tion in Order to gain time for the füllest
pleasures of consumption. The intrinsic
value of work is also minimized by
those economists concerned with prob-
lems of "manpower": Eli Ginzberg, Di-
rector of Columbia University's Con-
servation of Human Resources Project,
debunks the whole theory of alienation
from work elaborated by Marx, Ruskin
and Durkheim. He insists that the
modern factory worker is as aware as
was the eighteenth-century craftsman
that he is being paid for doing some-
thing usefui, and he points to the satis-
factions the worker gets from being able
to maintain his family at a high level
of consumption without having to work
as hard as his father did.

Contemporary commentators also
echo the classical themes on the other
side, in exhortations to make work hu-
manly satisfying in itself. Riesman
again, characteristically playing both
sides of the sociological street, bemoans
the silent revolt against work on all
levels of our social life. Less equivocally,
such diverse spokesmen as Harvey

Swndos, Daniel Bell and Paul Goodman
atrributc our disrinctivc social malaisc
to the vacuity and corruption ol work
in a profit-drivcn cconomy.

Work and Education lucidly prescnts
the background of conflicting ideals
against which any re-examination of
work must take place. Can we look for
a possibic resolution to this conflict,
independent of the theological frame-
work which inspires Father Donohue's
Christian synthesis.? The proper use of
this kind of speculative dialogue is not
to formulate a perfect verbal definition
of work. Rather, it is to give us co-
hcrent images of possibic ways to im-
prove our actual working conditions.
The philosopher who discusses work as
if it were a monolithic social entity
tends to conceal rather than illuminate
the facts. We must look toward a resolu-
tion, not in terms of Man the Worker,
but in terms of particular men doing
particular Jobs that are clean or dirty.
gratifying or frustrating. The real
policy question is not work as means or
end, but what kinds of means and ends
our work shall embody. We will better
justify work as a means, to the extent
that we create Jobs with clear and social-
ly usefui purposes. Work will become
a reasonable end in itself to the degree
that we provide more Jobs evoking in-
tensive commitment by whole human
beings, and stop wasting our ingenuity
devising ways to adjust the worker to
his intrinsically meaningless task by
bathing him in mechanized music and
providing group therapy to improve his
motivation. "Great is work," says the
Talmud, "for it honors the workman."

Germanv and the West

THE MIND OFGERMANY. By Hans
Kohn. Charles Scribner's Sons. 370 pp.
$5.95.

George L. Mosse

IS THERE a German mind? Professor
Kohn certainly thinks so and he states
his thesis succinctly and with learning.
The German mind was formed by the
"war against the West," a war waged
by German intellectuals and supported
by Prussia's ideal of power and her mili-
tarism. The war began with the Na-
poleonic occupation and the turn which

C FORCE L. MOSSE, Professor of His-
torv at the Umversity of Wisconsin, is
the author of The Struggle for Sov-
ereignty In England and The Holy Pre-
tence, A Study in Christianity and Rea-
son of State.

June 18, i960

romanticism took in Germany. The
scene is set for a Germany imbued with
its own special mission, with a belief in
national unity centered in the Volk, and
given direction by a hatred of France.
To be sure, there were libcrals in Ger-
many, but thcir liberalism withered when
Prussia crushed the revolutions of 1848
in south Germany. Finally, when Bis-
marck triumphed over Austria, liberals
rushed into the waiting arms of the Iron
Chancellor. All of this formed the Ger-
man mind until, in the 1920s, some Ger-
man nihilists like Ernst Juenger se-
ceded not only from the West but from
civilization itself.

However, there is a happy ending.
The Federal Republic seems to him to
have broken with this German mind.
Its orientation comes from the Rhine-
land and south Germany, which all along

T/ie sfory of ffce cofossal Ger-
man h\uf\6Qr fhaf made Russia
a formidable world power

THE HOUSE

BUILT

ON SAND

The Conflicts of German Policy
in Russia 1939-1945

by GERALD REITLINCER
author of 'The S.S.: Alibi of a Nation'

Fluni iiiiinv niujHc«! sourccs, iiu'liidlntf
the imiss of »locninents prodnc»'»! sit
Ninciiibfrir. tli" iioti'd IJrltlsh histor-
i:iii liiis writtcii tlic first dctailcd iiisido
accdinil of Hitlcr's disastroiis KuMsian
vcnliirt'. From the Friontlship Pact ne-
«otiatioMs in IICJI» hc traces the va«-il-
hUions of Hlth'r's [xdif.v, his eostly
(inarrels willi liis lii^'h coiuiiiand, aiul
tiis assuiDplion of thc personal diree-
lioii of ilie war. Tiie se«'ond part of
this autliorltaiive and drain:itle h«»ok
teils the tra^rie anti wildly era/.y story
of the Knssian Lil»eratlon Movement
and ils arniy. \Vilh hitlev, nofei*. blb-
lioKraphy, appendlees, and fold-oiit
mups. .$().'.>.">

THE VIKING PRESS, N.Y. 22

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537

might have given rise to better thlngs
if Prussia had not triumphed. Now
Prussia is no more — or rather is in the
Communist East. It Is necessary to State
Professor Kohn's thesis in this sum-
mary fashion in order to realize the
Problems which it raises. What is this
West from which the German mind se-
ceded? Professor Kohn takes a definitc
stand in his first chapter, on Goethe. The
sage of Weimar is the very opposite of
the developing German mind, and a true
representative of the West. Goethe typi-
fies the rationaHsm, cosmopolitanism and
tolerant moderation which sharply con-
trasted with German romanticism,
"myth making" and worship of power
for its own sake. But is the West really
like that — an elongated shadow of
Goethe.^ Professor Kohn points to the
absence of aggressiveness in the West
in contrast to German expansionism.
Yet the West was aggressive; not in
Europe, perhaps, but in the colonial
World. Romanticism and racism did not
obtain the same hold within the West-
ern nations that they did in Germany,
yet thesc ideas were applied by im-
perialistic nations to their empires. It
is true that neo-romanticism in the in-
tensity of its emotional appeal divided
Germany from the West, largely because
it becamc a "race mysticism." It is as-
tonishing that therc is so little about
race in this book and so much about
the Prussian idea of power.

THAT IDEA of power is defined as a
complete assimilation of Machiavellinn-
ism. While it is refreshing to see Bis-
marck treated for once not as a hero
but as a villain, the concept of power
which dominated his actions was by no
means uniquely German. As far back
as the seventeenth Century Machiavel-
lianism had been assimilated as a con-
cept of power not only in central Eu-
rope, but especially in England and
France.

The greatest difficulty with Professor
Kohn's dcfinition of the German mind
is that a most important part of it is
omitted. For, was Karl Marx not an
cxpression of the German mind.'' Marx-
ism does not, of course, fit in with the
thesis of a war against the West, for the
West itself provided a congenial home
for these ideas. Nor does Marxism pro-
vide proof that the forces of southern
Germany and the Rhineland might, if
given a chance, have linked Germany
with the West, as Kohn believes they
arc now doing through the Rhinclander
Konrad Adenauer. Marx was a Rhinc-
lander too, and the Social Dcmocrats
who evolved and developed his ideas
were more consistently Western accord-

538

ing to Kohn's definition than any other
Segment of German thought. They were
the true Opposition to what he calls the
"German mind" and it seems odd to omit
them from it; though their inclusion
would have made men like Adenauer less
than unique in their Western orienta-
tion. The Social Democrats failed in
1933 precisely because of their liberal-
ism and moderation, their devotion to
representative government at all costs.

Is there no relationship between an
ideal and its historical milieu.'' Professor
Kohn never asks whether the ethos of
Goethe would have worked in the con-
crete historical and economic Situation
of Germany. He points to the success
of the Third Republic in France and to
the failure of the German Republic as
something intrinsic to the development
of German nationalism. But this is sure-
ly only one of many factors. There was
no great depression in 1870, and six mil-
lion unemployed might have put a great
strain on French rationalism, as a much
less serious social dislocation did in the
Dreyfus affair.

While the book Is concerned with the
education of the nation by intellectuals,
such factors as the slow industrialization
of Germany are still important. What is
called German "pessimism" can also be
Seen as a nostalgia for the old days by
classes, like the artisans, which were
being squeezcd out by industrial prog-
ress. To say that "German intellectuals
succeeded in leading the German peo-
ple into the abyss" is to put a great
premium on the process of myth-making
at the expense of the reality of history.
This is not to absolve the intellectuals
from guilt — but would they have been
effective if they had proclaimed a re-
ligion of humanity.f' Like Benedetto
Croce in Fascist Italy, they would have
been noble but isolated. As it was, they
did propagate a neo-romanticism and
a racism which led to catastrophe,
though in this book nothing is said about
National Socialism itself. In order to
make this movement understandable,
more would have to be said about race
and less about Prussian power. National
Socialism was, after all, an Austrian and
south German movement.

THESE are some of the problems raised
by Professor Kohn's thesis. They make
it not a less but a more important book
than if it had no strongly expressed
opinions. If he had written a history of
German nationalism and not an inquiry
into the German mind as a whole, there
would have been less dissent. Similarly,
if the West had not been idealized in
the name of Liberalism and the En-
lightenment, Germany's Separation from

Western thought would have been more
convincing. The conclusions about West
German democracy spring out of this
characterization of the West. It is based
on the hypothesis that Germany's al-
liance with the West is the decisive
l:ictor in the final demise of the German
mind. Liberalism, moderation and con-
cern for humanity will in this way tri-
umph in Germany. Regardless of whether
or not the West Stands for these ideolo-
gies, it is doubtful that a political and
military alliance must needs have such
consequences. Enough has been written
of late about problems of neo-Nazism
and nationalism in the Federal Repub-
lic to render any optimism about its
future development questionable. More-
over, Professor Kohn has to ignore East
Germany, which if united with the
Western section, would certainly undo
the alliance with the Western nations.

The definition of the West as an
ideological unity can have serious con-
sequences in reviving the holy war
against the East. Germany's Foreign
Minister has already taken advantage of
this as he celebrated in 1955 the thou-
sand-year anniversary of the victory of
the Emperor over the East at the battlc
of Lechfeld. Has the German war
against the West ended only to enlist
the West in a new and greater struggle?

Professor Kohn would reject this in-
terpretation of recent German develop-
ments, and he may well be right. But his
analysis does lead to such speculations.

Polvglot Reader

THE POEM ITSELF. Edited by Stanley
Burnshaw. Holt, Rinehart and Win-

ston. 338 pp. $6.50.

Runion Guthrie

THE PREMISE on which The Poem
Itself is based is that poetry cannot be
translated or even that, as Valery says,
"Any writing that has an aim that can
be expressed by another writing is prose."
Under the editorship of Stanley Burn-
shaw, twcnty-three scholars, with a good
smattering of pocts among them, have
produccd a polyglot anthology of selec-
tions from the works of forty-five poets
writing in six languages, and endeavorcd
to make them accessible, as poetry, to the
English-speaking readcr who may have
no knowledgc of the original tongues.
Their purpose is to convey the feeling

RAMON GUTHRIE, poct and rritic,
t Caches comparative literaturc at Dart-
mouth. His lotest collection of verse,
Graffiti, was published by M acmiUan.

The Nation

and effectlveness of the poem, as well as
its meaning, by comment, interpretation
and Paraphrase, rather than by trans-
lation.

Among the pocts included in the an-
thology are Baudelaire, Mallarme, Rilke,
Brecht, Leopardi, Lorca, Quasimodo and
Ungaretti.

Since sound is an important dement
of poetry, The Poem Itself contains
notes on the prosody and pronunciation
of each of the languages represented, and
the reader is warned that the profit he
may get from the work will be propor-
tionate to the "effort he is willing to in-
vest in learning to hear."

In addition to being a book that every-
one concerned with poetry should own,
The Poem Itself is an interesting experi-
ment that may well become a pioneer of
its kind. The chief flaw in its method is
that the reader is asked to read the or-
iginal poem "along with" the EngUsh
Paraphrase — which would require more
eyes and minds than most of us are
equipped with. As Mr. Burnshaw admits,
"Ideally each poem should be available
in a recording."

The success of the method depends
much on the kind of poems selected and
the skill and perception of the explicator.
Thanks to clear comment by John F.
Nims, who has a happy knack of explor-
ing poetry vvithout dispelling its essential
mystery, the reader with no knowledge
of Gallego (the dialect of Galicia) can
experience the poems of Rosalia Castro
without too much difficulty. And one
need not know the populär vernacular of
Rome to enjoy the rollicking cynicism of
a Belli sonnet as Professor Bergin pre-
sents it. Similarly, the shorter poems of
Rilke and Brecht come through as
aesthetic experience to the reader who
has only sketchy German, but this
reader at least could achieve no more
than an intellectual comprehension of
the long exccrpt from Rilke's "Die Erste
Elegie."

Occasionally the commentaries obscure
more than they elucidate. The transla-
tion of Valery 's beautiful evocation of
the sound of the cicada in summer air:
"L'insecte ne gratte la secheresse," as
"The sharp insect scrapes at the dryness
of the earth," is a case in point.

ART

Fairfield Porter

PHOTOGRAPHY in the Eine Arts, the
second in a continuing series of exhibi-
tions at the Metropolitan Museum of
Art, New York, is based on a fallacy. It
is fallacious to think that the question,
is photography an art.?, can be decided
by much the same process that elects
Representatives-at-Large to Congress. A
number of Photographie organizations,
both professional and amateur, and or-
ganizations of publishers and advertisers,
nominated 800 photographs by nearly as
many photographers, and from these a
final selection was made by a jury of
twelve: curators, museum directors, art
critics and photographers, who voted
quite secretly and without regard to any
consideration but their own preferences.
The jury elected 127 black-and-white
photographs and 49 color photographs,
which can be seen at the museum until
September 4th. One objection to this
procedure is that the works were first
of all screened by organizations — an Or-
ganization has no taste — and another ob-
jection is that democratic choice is ir-
relevant to artistic Standards.

Photography is an art if the photogra-
pher loves it enough, and if the juror
who selects the show responds. James
Rorimer, director of the museum, says,
"In our era, when art enthusiasts are

June 18, 1960

welcoming paintings of white on black
and black on white, even white on white,
the photographer should have his day
in court." But photographers are not
suing anyone, and they need no defense.
When was black-and-whiteness the es-
sential nature only of the Photographie
medium? And where does color fit in.''
Photography is a medium — you can
recognize a photograph — but attempts
to define it, to limit what it is, will al-
ways come up against important excep-
tions. Is photography a kind of ultimate
realism, as is implied by the pejorative

adjective "photographic"? What then
abüut abstract photographs? Very often
a diagram, or diagrammatic drawing, can
be more informative than a photograph,
as in an atlas of anatomy. One wonders
whether a photograph is art, not so much
because of anything inherent in the me-
dium, as because the difference between
art and craft, and art or craft and mech-
anism, is very subtle in photography.
This subtlety has mostly eluded the
Screening organizations and the Jurors;
so if this rather disappointing exhibition
proves anything about the artistic nature
of photography, it is that among the
thousands of photographs taken every
year, very few are art. Which is not to
be wondered at, for it is also true of
painting, sculpture, literature, music and
all the arts. The exhibition proves that
art is not what people look for first of
all in photography, which has so many
uses, like recording and advertising. And
it is hard to teil immediately when a
photograph Stands out as art.

THE color photograph that stood out
for me was Horst's Tzvo Moslem. Women.
Nothing escapes from the picture, every
cool color is where it should be (as
good color also should be in painting).
Photography enjoys the advantage of
having hardly any problem about mud-
diness, since its color is an aspect of
light. Pleasing color photographs are
Kauffman's Punting on the Chertvell
and Haas's Norzvegian Fjord, which de-
pends perhaps too much on being a
record of a landscape extraordinarily
beautiful in nature.

In black and white a Standard for me
is whether the photographer, either in

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GREETINGS TO THE FIFTH AMERICAN BOOKSELLERS
ASSOCIATION INTERNATIONAL BOOK EXHIBITION

A special showing at Low Memorial Library,

Columbia University

JUNE 20-JULY 1, 1960

Visitors to the Exhibition are cordially invited to the display of literature,
art, scientific and technical material published in the U.S.S.R.
All magazines and books in the exhibit may be purchased or ordered
through the

FOUR CONTINENT BOOK CORPORATION

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ISIS

AN INTERNATIONAL REVIEW

DEVOTED TO THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE

AND ITS CULTURAL INFLUENCES

FOUNDED IN 1912 BY GEORGE SARTON

Sadi Camot and the Steam Engine Engineers
A Note on Galileo^s De Motu

Milton Kerker
I. £. Drabkin

John Lining and Hk Contribution to Early American Science

Everett Mendelsohn

Nicole Oresme and His De proportionibus proportionum

Edward Grant

Notes on the First Arithmetics Printed in Dutch and English

P. Bockstaele

Maurolyco's ^'Lost" Essay on the New Star of 1572 C. Doris Hellman

Notes b- Correspondence

News of the Profession

Book Reviews

Eighty-fifth Critical Bibliography of the History of Science

and Its Cultural Influences

OFFICIAL QUARTERLY JOURNAL
OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE SOCIETY

FUBLISHED IN SEPTEMBER 1960
VOL. 51, PART S, NO. 165

Editor: HARRY WOOLF
Editorial Assistant: Phyllis Brooks Bosson

UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON
SEATTLE 5, WASHINGTON

Editorial Committee

Carl Boyer

Brooklyn College

Marshall Clagett

University of Wisconsin

I. E. Drabkin

City College^ New York

OwsEi Temkin

Johns Hopkins University

Harry WoOLF (Chairman)

University of Washington
CoNWAY Zirkle

University of Pennsylvania

Board of Editorial ConstUtants

Ludwig Edelstein, Johns Hopkins University, Greek Science
William H. Stahl, Brooklyn College, Latin Science
Lynn Thorndike, Columbia University, Middle Ages

Giorgio de Santillana, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Renaissance

Alexandre Koyrä, Institute for Advanced Study and the Sorbonne, 17th Century
I. Bernard Cohen, Harvard University, 18th Century

Charles C. Gillispie, Princeton University, 19th Century

Willy Hartner, Goethe Universität (Frankfurt), China and Islam
Loren Eiseley, University of Pennsylvania, Anthropology
Bentley Glass, Johns Hopkins University, Biology
Henry Guerlac, Cornell University, Chemistry

B. L. VAN der Waerden, University of Zürich, Mathematics

J. B. deC. M. Saunders, University of California (San Francisco), Medicine

Glenn Sonnedecker, University of Wisconsin, Pharmacy

Thomas Kuhn, University of California (Berkeley), Physics

Lynn White, University of California (Los Angeles), Technology
Ernest Nagel, Cx)lumbia University, Philosophy of Science

D. C. Allen, Johns Hopkins University, Science and Literature

Publication Office: University of Washington, Seattle 5, Washington. ISIS, the official Journal
of the History of Science Society, is published quarterly. An annual subscription to ISIS costs
$7.50 (students, $5.00) ; subscribers to ISIS also enjoy the Privileges of membership in the
History of Science Society. The price of a single issue is $2.00. Second-class postage paid at
Seattle, Washington. Inquiries concerning membership in the History of Science Society,
subscriptions, editorial and other Communications, and requests for back numbers of ISIS shoold
be addressed to the Editor, ISIS, University of Washington, Seattle 5, Washington, U.S.A.

HISTORY OF SCIENCE SOCIETY

Annual Meeting, 27-29 December 1960
Headquarters: Belmont-Plaza Hotel, Lexington Avenue & 49th Street, New York

Preliminary Program

Tuesday, December 27

Morning: Registration, Belmont-Plaza Hotel

10:00 A.M. Belmont-Plaza Hotel, Oak Room A

Meeting of the COUNCIL of the History of Science Society

12 :30 P.M. Belmont-Plaza Hotel, Oak Room B

Meeting of the GEORGE SARTON MEMORIAL FOUNDATION

2:00 P.M.

6:00 P.M.

8:00 P.M.

Belmont-Plaza Hotel, Baroque Room

FAIRLY RECENT SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY (Jointly
with the Society for History of Technology)

Chairman: Lynn White (University of California, Los Angeles)

Speakers: Alexander M. Ospovat (University of North Dakota),
on "Abraham Gottlob Werner's Ideas on Science and Education" ;
Harold I. Sharlin (Polytechnic Institute of Brooklyn), on "The
Engineering Gap between Faraday's Discovery of Electro-Magnetic
Induction and the Electric Dynamo"

Belmont-Plaza Hotel, Moderne Room

ANNUAL DINNER of History of Science Society, with Presenta-
tion of the Sarton Medal (open to Section L, American Association
for the Advancement of Science and to Society for the History of
Technology and all friends)

Belmont-Plaza Hotel, Baroque Room

FIRST GEORGE SARTON MEMORIAL LECTURE given by
Rene Dubos (Rockefeller Institute). Open to general public.

Wednesday, December 28

9:00 A.M. Belmont-Plaza Hotel, Baroque Room

SOCIOLOGY AND PSYCHpLOGY OF SCIENTISTS (Jointly
with Section L, American Association for the Advancement of Science)

Chairman: Thomas S. Kuhn (University of California, Berkeley)

Speakers: Bernard Barber (Columbia University), on "The Scien-
tist's Resistance to Scientific Innovation"; Karl W. Deutsch (Yale
University), on "Sources of Scientific Manpower and Competence :
Some Issues for Historical and Political Research"; Anne Roe (Har-
vard University), on "The Psychology of Scientists"

12 NooN Belmont-Plaza Hotel, Moderne Room

LUNCHEON of the Society with Address by Henry Guerlac (Out-
going President), and presentation of Pfizer and Schuman prizes.

2 :(X) P.M. Belmont-Plaza Hotel, Baroque Room

THE SCIENTIFIC MAINSTREAM

Chairman: Duane H. D. Roller (University of Oklahoma)

Speakers: Allen G. Debus (Harvard University), on *The Develop-
ment of Analytic Methods in Chemistry Prior to Robert Doyle";
C. Doris Hellman (Pratt Institute), on "A Kaleidoscope of Apprais-
als of the Importance of Tycho and Kepler" ; Rudolph E. Siegel
(University of Buffalo), on "Galen's Experiments and Clinical Obser-
vations on Circulation and Respiration"

4:30 P.M. Belmont-Plaza Hotel, Oak Room A

Meeting of EDITORIAL BOARD of Isis

Thursday, December 29

9:(X) A.M. Belmont-Plaza Hotel, Baroque Room

REPORTS ON WORK IN PROGRESS (Strictly limited to 15
minutes per Speaker; no discussion)

Chairman: Marshall Clagett (University of Wisconsin)

Speakers: Saul Benison (Columbia University), on "Oral History
of Contemporary American Science"; Harold L. Burstyn (Harvard
University), on "Galileo's Attempt to Prove that the Earth Moves" ;
Gerald J. Gruman (Johns Hopkins University), on "Medical Al-
chemy: a Study in Comparative History"; Thomas M. Smith (Uni-
versity of Oklahoma), on "Application of the Digital Computer to the
Analysis of Variant Readings of Medieval Texts" ; W. James King
(Smithsonian Institution), on "The Role of Measurement in the
Natural Philosophy of Galileo and Huygens" ; Eri Yagi (Yale Uni-
versity), on "The Growth of Modern Science in Japan"; Duane
Roller (University of Oklahoma), "Report on the Teaching of His-
tory of Science in American Colleges"; Martin Dyck (University
of Michigan), on "The Impact of Mathematics on Goethe and No-
valis" ; Allan R. Robinson (Harvard University), on "The Develop-
ment of Atomic Models : Kelvin to Bohr"

( Some f urther papers will be accepted for this session up to November
1. They should be sent to the Program Chairman, Dr. D. J. de Solla
Price, 56 Hillhouse Avenue, New Haven, Connecticut.)

2:00 P.M. Belmont-Plaza Hotel, Oak Room A and B

ANNUAL BUSINESS MEETING OF THE SOCIETY

4:00 P.M. Belmont-Plaza Hotel, Oak Room A and B

CONFERENCE ON SCIENCE MANUSCRIPTS
Chairman: Nathan Reingold (Library of Congress)

We hope to arrange a special program for wives (and husbands) of
active members attending the meeting, to be announced later.

Derek J. de Solla Price
Program Chairman

Vol. 51, Part 3

ISIS

No. 165

September 1960

Contents

MAIN ARTICLES

Milton Kerker: Sadi Carnot and the Steam Engine Engineers 257

I. E. Drabkin: A Note on Galileo's De Motu 271

Everett Mendelsohn : John Lining and His Contribution

to Early American Science 278

Edward Grant : Nicole Oresme and His De proportionibus proportionum 293

P. Bockstaele : Notes on the First Arithmetics
Printed in Dutch and English 315

DOCUMENTS AND TRANSLATIONS

Maiirolyco's "Lost" Essay on the New Star of 1572.

Transcribed, translated and edited by C. Doris Hellman 322

NOTES AND CORRESPONDENCE ... ZZ7 NEWS OF THE PROFESSION 342

I. Bernard Cohen & Alexandre Koyre: Personalia — Academie Internationale

Newton's "Electric & Elastic Spirit"— d'Histoire des Sciences — Dissertations

Stillman Drake : Galileo on Equal Speed in the History of Science — William

o/Fa//— W.E.K.Middleton : Down J^t/Ä Osler Medal — History of Science So-

ßac^nof^j.' — Inter- American Scholarly ciety Sections— Teaching the History of

Communication in the Humanities and Science.

the Social Sciences — National Science

Foundation Senior Postdoctoral Fellow- rir^rMr ür-^rTüinrc

ships— New Polish Research Center in BOOK REVIEWS

the History of Science— Nuffield Foun- history of science— Charles Coulston

dation Unit for the History of Scientific Gillispie : The Edge of Objectivity.

Ideas— ACLS Study of Scholarly Photo- Reviewed by A. Rupert Hall 344

copying Projects — Conference on Science

Manuscripts — National Union Catalog of L. W. H. Hüll : History and

Manuscript CoUections — Queries — Er- Philosophy of Science. Reviewed by

ratum. Carl B. Boyer 347

ISIS, An International Review devoted to the History of Science and its Cultural Influences,
is the official quarterly Journal of the History of Science Society, Inc. The Editorial Committee
of ISIS is composed of Carl Boyer (Brooklyn College), Marshall Clagett (University of Wis-
consin), I. E. Drabkin (City College, New York), Owsei Temkin (Johns Hopkins University),
Harry Woolf (University of Washington: Editor and Chairman), and Conway Zirkle (Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania).

ISIS is published quarterly by the History of Science Society (Thomson Hall, University
of Washington, Seattle 5, Washington, U.S.A.). Second-class postage paid at Seattle, Wash-
ington. Copyright 1960 by the History of Science Society, Inc.

BioLOGiCAL SCIENCES — Conway Zirkle:
Evolution, Marxian Biology and the
Social Scene. Reviewed by David Jor-
avsky. Further comments by C. Zirkle
and D. Joravsky ^^

MEDiciNE— Chandler McC. Brooks ; Paul
F. Cranefield: The Historical Devel-
opment of Physiological Thought. Re-
viewed by Charles Bodemer 353

TECHNOLOGY — Charlcs Singer; E. J.
Holmyard; A. R. Hall; Trevor L
Williams (editors). History of Tech-
nology, Vol. V. The Late Nineteenth
Century. Reviewed by Cyril Stanley
Smith 354

ISLAM— Gäbir ibn Hayyän: Das Buch
der Gifte. Reviewed by M. Plessner . 356

RENAISSANCE & REFORMATION— Gonzalo

Fernandez de Oviedo: Natural His-
tory of the West Indies. Reviewed by
F. Guerra 359

Johannes Kepler: Gesammelte

Werke. Reviewed by C. Doris Hell-
man 360

Alexandre Koyre: Mystiques,

spirituels, alchimistes du XV I^ siede
allemand. Reviewed by George L.
Mosse 361

17th & 18th centuries— R. Dujarric
de la Riviere; Madeleine Chabrier:
La Vie et l'ceui>re de Lavoisier. Re-
viewed by Marie Boas Hall 363

Henri Gouhier : Les premieres

pensees de Descartes. Reviewed by
Willis Doney 363

Duane H. Roller : The De Mag-
nete of William Gilbert. Reviewed by
Bern Dibner 365

19th & 20th centuries— John J. Beer:
The Emergence of the German Dye
Industry to 1925. Reviewed by Henry
M. Leicester 366

Bern Dibner: The Atlantic

Gable. Reviewed by John W. Oliver 367

Andre Maurois: Sir Alexander

Fleming. Reviewed by Douglas Guthrie 369

EIGHTY-FIFTH CRITICAL BIBLI-
OGRAPHY OF THE HISTORY OF
SCIENCE AND ITS CULTURAL
INFLUENCE 371

Index to Eighty-fifth Critical
Bibliography

471

Sadi Carnot and the Steam
Engine Engineers

By Milton Kerker"^

Introduction

IN the year 1824, in Paris, Nicholas Leonard Sadi Carnot published his Re-
flections on the Motive Power of Heat^ which was destined to lay the foun-
dations of thermodynamics and to distinguish him as one of the very great
scientific geniuses. Although he was an engineer- and wrote primarily for en-
gineers, his work was almost completely neglected by them. A quarter of a
Century later it was exhumed by two physicists, Kelvin and Clausius,^ and
then only slowly diffused into engineering theory and practice.

The reason for this indifference towards Carnot's work, especially on the
part of the steam engine engineers, is either avoided by historians of science
or is meshed with some sweeping generaHzation such as "he was before his
time."* S. Lilley'' and L. Rosenfeld'* have suggested that the physicists failed
to develop Carnot's ideas immediately because they belonged to a different
social World from the engineers, had different perspectives and were thus in-
terested in different kinds of problems. However, there is no comment on why
the steam engine engineers, who were vitally concerned with the same prob-
lems as Carnot, ignored him. The thesis of this essay is that by the usual

* Clarkson College of Technology, Potsdam,
New York. This paper was read before the
International Congress of the History of Sci-
ence at Barcelona, 4 September 1959. I should
like to acknowledge the kindness of M. Lehan-
neur in making available to me the facilities of
the library of L'Ecole Nationale des Ponts et
Chaussees during a period when the library is
normally closed.

I should also like to express my appreciation
to the American Philosophical Society for a
grant which enabled me to spend some time at
the Bibliotheque Nationale and Ecole des Ponts
et Chaussees in Paris ; also to the Shell Com-
panies Foundation for a travel grant which
enabled me to use the Cornell University
library.

1 The two English translations are by R. H.
Thurston, New York and London, 1897 and by
W. F. Magie in Tlic Sccond Law of Tlicrmo-
dynamics ("New York, 1899). A French paper-
back facsimile of the 1878 edition is now avail-
able with the imprimerie of A. Blanchard
(Paris, 1953). Both this and the Thurston

edition also contain some posthumous notes.

2 There is included, in the Histoire de
VRcolc Polytcchnique by A. Fourcy (Paris,
1828), a list of graduates by classes. The
present affiliation of each man is given. Carnot
is cited as a "constructeur de machines ä va-
peur ä Paris." We are indebted to Professor
Henry Guerlac for drawing our attention to
this point.

3 R. Clausius, "On the Motive Power of
Heat," Poggendorff's Ann., 1850, 79: 376,500.
W. Thomson, "On the Dynamical Theory of
Heat," Trans. Rov Soc. Edinburgh (March
1851).

* Henry W. Dickinson, A Short History of
the Steam Engine (New York and London,
1938), p. 177.

'"' S. Lilley, "Social Aspects of the History
of Science," Archivcs Internationales d' Hi-
stoire des Sciences, 1949, 2: 376-443.

^ L. Rosenfeld, "La genese des principes de
la thermodynamique," Bull, de la Soc. Rov des
Sciences de Liege, 1941, 10: 197-212.

257

360

BOOK REVIEWS

Johannes Kepler : Gesammelte Werke
Band 18: Brieje 1620-1630. Herausge-
geben von Max Caspar. 592 pp., front.,
figs., tables, München : C. H. Beck, 1959.
The volume under discussion brings
to a conclusion the edition of Kepler's
correspondence begun in volume XIII
(1945) of his Gesammelte Werke fsee
Isis^ 1951, 42: 252-255). The six vol-
umes of letters form an integral part of
this now well-known, but not yet com-
pleted, edition of the famous astrono-
mer's collected works.

The preparation of this sixth volume
of letters was begun by Max Caspar
who edited the other five. At Caspar's
death m 1956 the editorship of the
Gesammelte Werke was assumed by
Franz Hammer, who had edited vol-
umes II and V and been coeditor with
Caspar of volume IV. Hammer fol-
lowed the plan drawn by Caspar for
volume XVIII but is himself respon-
sible for the excellent commentary. He
has maintained the high Standard previ-
ously set for this edition and it is to be
hoped that the remaining volumes will
soon appear. .

The letters in volume XVIII, num-
bered 884 to 1146, cover the years 1620
to 1630, plus one letter written in Tan-
uary 1631 describing Kepler's death,
which had occurred the previous No-
vember. There is a Supplement of eight
letters, two of them newly discovered
the other six previously difficult to date
and msert m their proper places.

The general comments about volumes
XIII and XIV made in Isis, loa. cit.
hold good for this volume. The format
IS the same and the arrangement is
similar. As in the other volumes, the
letters are presented and numbered
chronologically and supplemented by a
commentary, copious notes in German
and three mdexes giving the numbers
which the letters have in this edition,
their dates, and page references, ar-
ranged alphabetically by ( 1 ) those to
whom Kepler wrote the letters, (2)
those who wrote the letters to Kepler,
and (3) those who wrote about Kepler
to a third party. There is no need to
repeat how this edition surpasses the
older, still useful Frisch edition.

There are obvious blanks in all three
groups of letters and a larger portion

of those written to Kepler than those
written by him seem to have survived
However, letters often refer to other
letters to which they are replying, so
that the over-all picture is extremely
well presented. Not only did Kepler
carry on a vast correspondence, but in
that correspondence the details of his
work as well as those of his daily life
are discussed at length. It is by this
recounting of computations carried
through and discarded, theories pro-
pounded and revised, moneys due him
and not paid, the steps involved in the
composition of his books, his associa-
tion with nobles, dealings with printers,
and so forth that the correspondence
furnishes valuable footnotes to the pub-
lished works and to Kepler's biography.
We have here a rieh source of clues to
the how and why of Kepler's reasoning,
to the dates and order of his Comings
and goings.

The first letter in this eighteenth vol-
ume, letter number 884 in the collection
was written in April, May and June of
1620 to Michael Maestlin in ans wer to
his letter of 2 March 1620 (old style),
which was published in volume XVIl'
It discusses Kepler's efforts to establish
a lunar theory and his confidence in the
use of logarithms, for which he com-
puted his own tables. Thus, at the very
beginning of the volume, the reader
finds, as he must have expected, that
the articificial selection of a date in 1620
as the deciding point whether letters are
included in volume XVII or the next
prevents the individual volumes from
being complete entities. This is the
necessary consequence of the publication
m its entirety of a voluminous corre-
spondence covering many years and di-
versified fields of thought. If, as is
hoped, there will be a general subject
index to the Gesammelte Werke and
this is used in conjunction with the in-
dexes now available in each volume the
inconvenience caused by the chronolo^ri-
cal arrangement of the letters in sepa-
rate volumes will be readily overcome.
u?-^,^^^' ^s there any better way of
Publishing such a correspondence ?

vwt^tt^t/^^ ""^ ^^^ opening of volume
AVIll, Kepler's three laws of planetary
motion have been announced and his
works on optics published. One micrht

BOOK REVIEWS

361

wonder what there was left in the re-
maining years of his life to Warrant Pub-
lishing the letters of that period. There
was much of importance. The volume
Covers the completion of the publication
of the Epitome, Kepler's concern with
the moon's motion, his use of logarithms
and the publication of his own logarithm
tables, his long drawn out struggle over
the Rtidolphine Tables which culmi-
nated in their publication and which
raised problems not solved merely by
the use of elliptical orbits, the publica-
tion of a new and revised edition of his
first book, the Mysteritim Cosmographi-
cum, of the Hyperaspistes in defense of
Tycho Brahe's cometary theory against
the attack of Claramontius, and of lesser

works.

Moreover, the closing ten years of
Kepler's life, like most of his others,
were spent against a disturbed political
background and he was beset with finan-
cial worries and anxiety for the welfare
of his children. The personality diffi-
culties he encountered in his dealings
with Tycho's heirs over the publication
of the Tables harried him. The disgrace-
ful trial of his mother as a witch ended
in the fall of 1621 -and the poor old
woman died in the following spring. The
Thirty Years' War had begun in 1618.
Linz, where he resided, became increas-
ingly unfriendly. Religious controver-
sies sapped much of his energy. He feit
intensely the pressures of the Counter
Reformation. In 1626 he moved to Ulm
and later to Sagan. He met his death
while on a journey to Regensburg.

That Kepler produced so much work
of great scholarly importance is to be
marvelled at when one sees the tortured
existence he led both in mind and in
body and the troubled times in which he
lived, all of which is pictured in his let-
ters. It is not so much to be wondered
at that he left works, like the Somnium,
incomplete as that he had planned them
and begun them at all.

Kepler the man, the era in which he
lived, his thought processes, the wide
circle of his acquaintance — at court, in
Holy Orders, among university people
— are better seen through his corre-
spondence than any other way.

C. Doris Hellman
Pratt Institute

Alexandre Koyre: Mystiques, spiri-
tuels, alchimistes du XV le siecle alle-
mand. Schwenckfeld, Seb. Franck,
Weigel, Paracelse. With a foreword by
Lucien Febvre. (Cahiers des Annales,
publies avec le concours du Centre Na-
tional de la Recherche Scientifique, 10.)
xii -{-177 pp. Paris: Librairie Armand
Colin, 1955.

In the last twenty years renewed in-
terest in the religious radicalism of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries has
developed. Ideas that older generations
of historians discounted as mere vagaries
of the human spirit, insignificant beside
the established modes of religious ex-
pression, are now at last taken seriously.
Indeed, Lucien Febvre's preface to Pro-
fessor Koyre's book is no longer quite
correct in maintaining that no one has
made a general synthesis of such mysti-
cal and radical thought in the Germany
of the years 1560 to 1570 and 1600 to
1610. Walter Nigg, Das Ewige Reich
(Zürich, 1954), attempted quite a gen-
eral synthesis of the radical and apoca-
lyptical movements of the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries, while Norman
Cohn's Pursuit of the Millenium (Lon-
don, 1957), a more recent analysis,
treats these movements as part of the
desire of the poor to improve their con-
ditions.

Professor Koyre's analysis, though
more restricted than these books, pene-
trates further into the thought of the
men he examines : Caspar Schwenckfeld,
Sebastian Franck, Paracelsus and Val-
entin Weigel are the subjects of the four
essays which make up the book, **frag-
ments" as Professor Koyre calls them.
of what was to be a longer and more
complete study. As a matter of fact, if
another chapter on Jacob Boehme had
been added, the book would have had a
greater unity, for, as Professor Koyre
himself notes, the thought of these men
culminated in the world view of that great
German mvstic. Nevertheless, these indi-
vidual studies are of great value, largely
because he does not apply twentieth-
century values and strictures to the phi-
losophy of these men. Professor Koyre
does not sit in judgment; he simply elu-
cidates a philosophy. Instead of seeing
in Paracelsus a man caught in a web of
superstition, the originator of an anti-

362

BOOK REVIEWS

scientific philosophy (as he was viewed
by many during this and the last Cen-
tury), he reminds us that sixteenth-
century magic was a science, that the
astrological thought of Paracelsus made
sense in the context of his cosmology.
Alchemy here was not the romantic aber-
ration that Goethe pubHcized. It sprang,
just as does modern science, from a co-
herent ordering of the universe, thus :
if all nature strove toward perfection, it
seemed logical that the evolution of met-
als should also strive toward the most
perfect of them all — gold. This judicious
viewpoint can be questioned only when
Professor Koyre teils us that the disso-
lution of medieval science provoked a
renaissance of primitive superstitions,
and that half of what Paracelsus taught
was folklore replete with bizarre expres-
sions. Yet such superstitions have the
same significance as astrology and al-
chemy, for the age did not regard them
as such. Paracelsus reflected not only
the philosophical and scientific Systems
of the learned but also the thought of
those who were not. Like all the men
in this book he was close to populär
beliefs.

Professor Koyre lays some emphasis
upon the false connections which have
been made between these mystics and
later philosophers. He puts his mystics
either into a patristic and medieval con-
text or makes the point that their cos-
mology came out of their own convic-
tions. This is all to the good, yet the tie
with populär belief was there and it
provides a necessary dimension for the
understanding of their thought. True,
as Professor Koyre points out, though
modern historians have taken the affir-
mation of Divine immanence to signify
pantheistic and anti-Christian beliefs,
these men operated within an explicit
Christian context. However, at some
point in the development of this thought
nature instead of faith does become the
true revelation, as Johannes Kuehn has
shown in his Toleranz und Offenbarung
(Leipzig, 1923). Does not Paracelsus,
the great theme of whose philosophy
Professor Koyre characterizes as "Life
and nature" (p. 49), come close to this
vital change in mystical thought? Cer-
tainly Jacob Boehm tended in this direc-
tion. The problem is implicit in the whole

of the book and seems central to gauging
the importance of this thought. Here
Professor Koyre's analysis seem unduly
restricted.

The primary concern with the inner
coherence of the philosophy of the mys-
tics seems also to slight the social dimen-
sion of their thought. To be sure, Cohn
went too far when he attributed to mys-
tical and apocalyptical ideas as a whole,
an explicit social dynamic, but it might
be questioned whether the rejection of
a visible church Community meant the
great degree of internalisation of thought
which Professor Koyre implies. By con-
centrating upon God, nature and mysti-
cism, the anarcho-communist ideals of a
man like Sebastian Franck are largely
ignored. Yet are they not also an inte-
gral part of his thought ? Not only were
the ideas of these men linked to the
populär piety of their age but they also
expressed some of the longings of the
unlearned and unlettered.

For all that, Professor Koyre's book
does advance us much further in the un-
raveling of a most important body of
thought. Its usefulness would have been
increased if the more recent secondary
literature on the subject had not been
relegated to a few chance references but
had been integrated into the discussion
itself. However, these are ''fragments,"
and one must be grateful to Professor
Koyre for Publishing them as they stand ;
the hope remains that he will still give
US the general synthesis later. Such a
synthesis, if broad enough, will not only
throw new light upon the religious
thought of the epoch but would also be
of vast importance in the revaluation of
those forces that went into the growth
of science in the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries. For the rationalistic
spirit of those centuries can no longer
be intimately linked either to those forces
which came from outside the Christian
context or to the rise of rational religion.
Much of it was due to the developments
within Christian thought itself, of which
the men of whom Professor Koyre's
analyses were an integral part.^

George L. Müsse
University of Wisconsin

1 See George L. Mosse "The importance of
Jacques Saurin in the history of Casuistry and
the EnHghtenment," Church History (Sept.,

BOOK REVIEWS

363

R. DUJARRIC DE LA RiVIERE, MaDE-

LEiNE Chabrier: La Vie ei Voeuvre de
Lavoisier d' apres ses ecrits. 319 pp.,
front bibl. Paris: £ditions Albin
Michel, 1959. 1500 Fr.

It is interesting to have a biographical
study of Lavoisier which gives füll space
to his scientific accomplishments and yet
is more concerned to give a rounded pic-
ture of the activities of the man than of
the scientist. The senior author has al-
ready written on Lavoisier's contribu-
tions to economics, and here one finds
much valuable and interesting informa-
tion about Lavoisier's administrative
ability and technique. The book is
divided into three parts : a purely bio-
graphical section (about a third of the
whole) ; a chapter on Lavoisier's method
of work; and the remainder (about one
half) a more detailed study of his scien-
tific, administrative, financial and agri-
cultural work. The last part is largely
composed of extracts from his writings ;
these are all relatively short quotations
(averaging about a page in length) with
commentary by the authors to make a
continuous narrative.

The biography is lively, and highly
eulogistic. Lavoisier dominates his bio-
graphers as he dominated his conteni-
poraries. One is amazed afresh at his
multifarious activities, though it may be
queried whether even Lavoisier could
have been the leader of every group,
scientific, administrative or financial. of
which he was a member. (It is, for ex-
ample, usually considered that Tenon,
rather than Lavoisier, was the leadmg
spirit in the investigation of the Paris
hospitals). As usually happens with
Lavoisier, the authors are keenly eager
to defend him against the populär criti-
cism excited by his work for the Fenne
generale; it is true that, in general,
Lavoisier seems to have been an enlight-
ened though naturallv not purely altru-
istic financier, but the authors rather
load the dice in his favor by omitting his
role in building the customs wall around
Paris. His talent for publicity naturally
told against him as well.

This book is clearly intended for a

1956), 195-210, and "Puritan Radicalism ancl
the EnHghtenment," Church History (i960)
forthcoming.

French audience rather than an interna-
tional one, and for a general public
rather than a specialist one. A reviewer
cannot criticize the authors of a populär
exposition for making little use of re-
cent scholarly discussions of Lavoisier's
scientific work: their bibliography does
list Daumas' excellent books, but they
have not (understandably) launched
into detailed analysis of the complexities
of Lavoisier's chemical activity. They
are, however, all too ready to quote and
accept outmoded, nineteenth-century in-
terpretations of his work. It is of some
interest to quote Berthelot and Duhem
on Lavoisier's importance; it is hardly
serious interpretation to quote Richet's
peculiar estimate that Lavoisier ranked
as a physiologist with Galen and Harvey
(p. 201). If this book is regarded as a
general introduction to Lavoisier's life
and achievements, rather than a critical
appraisal, it merits high praise, perhaps
especially for its analysis of Lavoisier's
method of work, which is not confined
to one chapter but is continually dis-
cussed with reference to his various

activities.

Marie Boas Hall

University of California,
Los Angeles

* * *
Henri Gouhier : Les Premieres pensees
de Descartes. Contribution ä l'histoire
de 1' Anti-Renaissance. (De Petrarque ä
Descartes, II.) 167 pp., bibliographical
notes. Paris : Librairie Philosophique J.
Vrin, 1958.

In the preface of this book Professor
Gouhier teils us that at one time he had
the idea of writing a Jeunesse de Des-
cartes but came to see that, having to
deal not onlv with Descartes' studies at
La Fleche but also with the scientific
milieux of Paris in the early seventeenth
Century, he would lack time and compe-
tence. ' Narrowing his sights, he has
chosen to concentrate his attention on
Descartes' activities in the momentous
months from his meeting with Beeckman
in 1618 to his leaving his poele in 1620.
Even so, the task he has set himself is
formidable. Not only was this an ex-
ceedingly fertile period in Descartes' life,
but also the record of his thoughts and
discoveries is far from complete. In

24 Febniary i960

University of Washington
Seattle 5, "Washington

Deoc.

>»

Dr. Mosse

sending us your review of

't.»«»:4«\» '• <» •» ».•."»•,•*'.

Thank you for your kindness in

Koyrft; %fltiquea, Spirituels^ Alchimist es du

We appreciate having the benefit of your judgment.

Harry Woolf

Editor of ISIS

Dr. George L. Mosse
Department of History
University of Wisconsin
Madison 6, Wisc,

WF'

,'»'■.,« rVif««,

?vkv,;:^::

November 23, 1959

Mr. '^arrv ^oolf
History of ^cience Society
Üniversity of Washington
Seattle ^, Washington

Desr Mr» /oolf i

I will be gl rd to review the book
for you, but I c??nnot jossibly have the review
before the end of sorim^«

Professor Hiebe -t has pa ssed on the
bcok to me«

With best greetings,

Sincerely,

George L# Mosse
Professor of Üstory

rLM/djw

ISIS

AN INTERNATIONAL REVIEW DEVOTED TO THE
HISTORY OF SCIENCE AND ITS CULTURAL

INFLUENCES

Editor:
HARRY WOOLF

Official Quarterly Journal of the
History of Science Society

17 November 1959

Vniversity of Washington
Seattle 5, Washington

Professor George L. Mosse
Department of History
University of Wisconsin
Madison 6, Wisconsin

Dear Professor Mosse:

Would you be interested in reviewing for Isis:

Koyre: Mystiques. siirituels, alchimistes du
Xfle siecle allemand. Paris, 1955.

Perhaps you would find a convenient length would
^ 1,000 words. If possible, we would appreciate
a carbon copy as well as an original of your review.
Three months is usually the time a reviewer requires.
The book will be sent you at once if you care to accept
the review.

Sincerely yours,

Harry^^oolf

Professor Hiebert has indicated that you would be

willing to perforra this ^sk for^^s and will pass

the book on to you. ^^^ü l^S^v^

Alexandre Koyr^, HftlqiMSt Splirltuals, Alohlmlstes du XVI^ sieole allemand
(PariB, UbralAe Armand Colin. 19^3).

In tha last twenty years renewed interest in the religious radicalism of the
16 th and 17th oenturlss has dorsloped. Ideas vhloh oldar generations of histor-
ian« dlsoounted as mere vagaries of the human splrit» insignificant besids the
established modes of religious expression» are now at last taken seriouely«
Indeed» Luden Febvre*8 prefaoe to Professor Koyre*s book is no longer quite
correot in maintaining that no one has «ade a general synthesis of such oQrsti*
cal and radical thought in the Qerraany of the years I56O-.I57O and I6OO to I6IO.
Walter Nigg, Das Ewige Reich (Zürich, 195^), attempted quite a general synthesis
of the radical and apocalyptical movements of the I6th and 17th centuries»
while Norman Cohn*s Pursuit of Ihe Millenium (London, 1957)» a more recent
analysis, treats these movements as part of the desire of the pöox^«

Prt>fes8or Koyr^*s analysis, though more restricted than these books, pene*
trates further into the thought of the men he examinesi Caspar Schweckfeld,
Sebastian Franck, Paracelsus and Valentin Waigel are the subjects of the four
essays which make up the book, "fragments" as Professor Kpyr^ calls them, of
what was to be a longer and more complete study. As a matter of fact, if another
ohapter on Jacob Boehme had been added, the book would have had a greater unity,
for, as Professor Koyr^ himself notes, the thotight of these men culminated in
the World view of that great Oerman mystic. Neveirtheless, these individual
studies are of great value, largely because he doec not apply twentieth Century
values and strictures to the philosophy of these men. Professor Koyr^ does
not Sit in Judgment; he simply elucidates a philosophy« Instead of seeing in
Paracelsus a man caught in a web of superstition , the originator of an anti«
scientific philosophy (as he was viewed by inany during this and the last Century),
he reminds us that sixteenth Century iuagic was a science, that the astrological
thought of Paracelsus made aenae in the context of his cosit^ology« AlcheoQr here
was not the rcmantio aberration that Goethe publicized* It sprang. Just as
does modern science, from a ooherent ordering of the universe, tliust if all

r»

nature strov» toward porfection» it seeiosd logioal that the evolution of i&etals
should also strive toward the most perfect of them all— gold« Thiswienpoint
oan be questbned only when Profeasor Koyr^ teils ue that the diseolution of
modieval science provoked a renalssance of primitive superstitlons , and that
half of what Paracelsus taught was folklore replete with bizanw expressions«
Yet suoh superstitions have the saise signifioance as astrolog^ and aloheinyt for
the age did not regard them as suoh. Paraoelsus reflected not only the philo«
sophioal and scientific systeiis of the leamed but also the thought of those who
were not. Like all the men in this book he was olose to populär belief s.

Professor Koyr^ lays some emphasis upon the falso connections which have been
made between these niystios and later philosophers. He puts his nystics either
Into a patristic and ruedieval context or makes the polnt that their cosffiology
came out of their own oonvictions. This is all to the good, yet the tie with
populär belief was ther« and it provides a neoessary dimension for the under«
Standing of their thought. True, as Professor Koyr4 points out, though modern
historians have taken the affirmation of Divine immanence to signify panthelstic
and anti-Christian belief s, these men operated within an explicit Christian con-
text. However, at sou» point in the developraent of this thought nature instead
of faith does become the true revelation» as Johannes Kuehn has shown in his
Toleranz und Offenbarung (Leipzig, 1923). Does not Paraoelsus, the great thene
of whose philosophy Professor Koyr4 oharaoterizes as "Life and nature" (^9) »
come dose to this vital ohange in n^ystical thou|^t7 Certainly Jacob Boehm tended
in this direction. This problea is implicit in the whole of the book and seems
central to gauging the inportance of this thought. Here Professor Koyr^'s
analysis seems luiduly restricted.

The primary concem Mth the inner coherenoe of the philosophy of the BQrstics
seems also to slight the social dimension of their thought« To be eure, Cohn
went too far when he attributed to iqystical and apooalyptical ideas as a whole»

an expliott social dynaralc, but it mlght be queatloned whether the rejection of
a visible ohiurch ooinmunity meant the great degree of Inteamatlonallsaiion of
thought whioh Professor Koyr^ implies. E|y conoentratlng upon God, nature and
BQrsticisaiy the anaroho^oommunist Ideals of a man like Sebastian Franok are
largely ignored« Tet are they not also an integral part of his thoug^t? Not
only were the ideas of these men lÄced to the populär piety of their age but
they also expressed some of the longings of the unleamed and unlettered*

For all thaty Professor Koyr^*s book does adrance us muoh further in the un-
raveling of a most important bo<^ of thought* It« usefulness would have been
increased if the more recent seoondazy literatiore on the subject had not been
relegated to a few chanoe referenoes but had been integrated into the discussion
itself. However, these are '•fragments,'* and one must be grateful to Professor
Kpyr< for Publishing them as they stand; the hope remains that he will still
give US the general synthesis later. Such a ^ynthesis» if broad enough» will
not only throw new light upon the religlous thought of the epoch but would
also be of vast impoirtanoe in the revaluation of those foroes that went into
the growth of scienoe in the I6th and 17th oenturies« For the rationalistic
spirit of those centuries can no longer be intimately linked either to those
forees which came from outside the Christian context or to the rise of rational
r«^igion* Mueh yf it was due to the developments within Christian thought
itself» of whioh the men of whom Professor Koyr^*s analyses were an integral part«

rc-
1« See George L. Mosse» ^The importanoe of Jacques Saurin in the histoxy
of Casuistry and the Kniighten3ient/* Church History (196^) forthooming.

George L. Kosse j y *V2 i )^4öf üniversity of Wisconsin

rtcsv-"' !'"■-■'' •■■Sit

mMmm

Reprinted from Isis, volume 51, number 3, September i960

BOOK REVIEWS

361

Alexandre Koyre: Mystiques, spiri-
tuels, alchimistes du XV le siede alle-
mand. Schwenckfeld, Seh. Franck,
IVeigel, Paracelse. With a foreword by
Luden Febvre. (Cahiers des Annales,
publies avec le concours du Centre Na-
tional de la Recherche Scientifique, 10.)
xii 4" 177 pp. Paris : Librairie Armand
Colin, 1955.

Professor Koyre's analysis, though
more restricted than these books, pene-
trates further into the thought of the
men he examines : Caspar Schwenckfeld,
Sebastian Franck, Paracelsus and Val-
entin Weigel are the subjects of the four
essays which make up the book, "frag-
ments" as Professor Koyre calls them,
of what was to be a longer and more
complete study. As a matter of fact, if
another chapter on Jacob Boehme had
been added, the book would have had a
greater unity, for, as Professor Koyre
himself notes, the thought of these men
culminated in the world view of that great
German mystic. Nevertheless, these indi-
vidual studies are of great value, largely
because he does not apply twentieth-
century values and strictures to the phi-
losophy of these men. Professor Koyre
does not sit in judgment ; he simply elu-
cidates a philosophy. Instead of seeing
in Paracelsus a man caught in a web of
superstition, the originator of an anti-

scientific philosophy (as he was viewed
by many during this and the last Cen-
tury), he reminds us that sixteenth-
century magic was a science, that the
astrological thought of Paracelsus made
sense in the context of his cosmology.
Alchemy here was not the romantic aber-
ration that Goethe publicized. It sprang,
just as does modern science, from a co-
herent ordering of the universe, thus:
if all nature strove toward perfection, it
seemed logical that the evolution of met-
als should also strive toward the most
perfect of them all — gold. This judicious
viewpoint can be questioned only when
Professor Koyre teils us that the disso-
lution of medieval science provoked a
renaissance of primitive superstitions,
and that half of what Paracelsus taught
was folklore replete with bizarre expres-
sions. Yet such superstitions have the
same significance as astrology and al-
chemy, for the age did not regard them
as such. Paracelsus reflected not only
the philosophical and scientific Systems
of the learned but also the thought of
those who were not, Like all the men
in this book he was close to populär
beliefs.

U -

^^^^'^^f^^Vw^ fj- t'i-'iv' '¥".<7(¥i"'t^Al'/>c'''" '-''■■■Vi'-'''

1«,.^,, .A^t^i lA- .■'.

ij '.'^''^•■'^■■hi ■/KV' c :;.■.■ 'W/^^/:''- /;'i/'i <-'■',

J^i^^ilfi^^

■iji ■

■

!_5j,c'

.■Vi.i*;

1; -'S'' , ;;■■■;■ ff-

362

BOOK REVIEWS

of the book and seems central to gauging
the importance of this thought. Here
Professor Koyre's analysis seem unduly
restricted.

The primary concern with the inner
coherence of the philosophy of the mys-
tics seems also to slight the social dimen-
sion of their thought. To be sure, Colin
went too far when he attributed to mys-
tical and apocalyptical ideas as a whole,
an explicit social dynamic, but it might
be questioned whether the rejection of
a visible church Community meant the
great degree of internalisation of thought
which Professor Koyre implies. By con-
centrating upon God, nature and mysti-
cism, the anarcho-communist ideals of a
man like Sebastian Franck are largely
ignored. Yet are they not also an inte-
gral part of his thought? Not only were
the ideas of these men linked to the
populär piety of their age but they also
expressed some of the longings of the
unlearned and unlettered.

For all that, Professor Koyre's book
does advance us much further in the un-
raveling of a most important body of
thought. Its usefulness would have been
increased if the more recent secondary

literature on the subject had not been
relegated to a few chance references but
had been integrated into the discussion
itself. However, these are "fragments/*
and one must be grateful to Professor
Koyre for publishing them as they stand ;
the hope remains that he will still give
US the general synthesis later. Such a
synthesis, if broad enough, will not only
throw new light upon the religious
thought of the epoch but would also be
of vast importance in the revaluation of
those forces that went into the growth
of science in the sixteenth and seven-
teenth centuries. For the rationalistic
spirit of those centuries can no longer
be intimately linked either to those forces
which came from outside the Christian
context or to the rise of rational religion.
Much of it was due to the developments
within Christian thought itself, of which
the men of whom Professor Koyre's
analyses were an integral part.^

George L. Mosse
University of Wisconsin

1 See George L. Mosse "The importance of
Jacques Saurin in the history of Casuistry and
the Enlightenment," Church History (Sept.,

.,i^;i'^('5:^^^J,I(1l

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/^^0'|<^61

JANUARY

1 -N ," -^
1 '^ D

>ary

f-j^ 7^

. y

POST-BOURCEOIS EUROPE

George Lichtheim

THE HOUSINC ORDER & ITS LIMITS

Charles Abrams

JEWISH & OTHER NATIONALISMS

H. R. Trevor-Roper

CROWING OLD IN AMERICA

Midge Decter

AFTER THE CUBAN CRISIS

Dennis H. Wrong

Public Affairs

HansJ. Morgenthau:

THE NEW SECREJARY-
GENERAL

Observations

David Pryce-Jones:
ISRAELS THREE CITIES

\n the Community

\4ilton Himmelfarb.
FESTIVALS & JUDGES

THE INNOCENCE OF TENNESSEE WILLIAMS

Marion Magid

SO VM NOT LADY CHATTERLEY, SO BETTER
I SHOULD KNOW IT NOW— A Story

Sara

Books in Review

David T Bazelon
Staughtcn Lynd
Robert V. Daniels
Marvin Fox
Alfred Chester

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Commmtary

JANUARY 1963

NUMBER 1

VOLUME 35

Post-Bourgeois Europe

The Housing Order & Its Limits

Jewish & Other Nationalisms

Growing Old in America

After the Cuban Crisis

The Innocence of Tennessee Williams

A Story

So I'm Not Lady Ghatterley,
So Better I Should Know It Now

Observations

Israel's Three Cities

Public Affairs

The New Secretary-General

In the Community

Festivals and Judges

Letters from Readers

Books in Review

The Warfare State, by Fred J. Cook

The Ghetto Game, by Dennis Clark; and

A Tale of Ten Cities, edited by

Eugene J. Lipman and Albert Vorspan

The Soviet Revolution, 1917-1939, by
Raphael R. Abramovich

The Story of Jewish Philosophy, by Joseph Blau;
and The Jewish Mind, by Gerald Abrahams

Naked Lunch, by William Burroughs

1 George Lichtheim
10 Charles Abrams
15 H. R. Trevor-Roper
22 MiDGE Decter
28 Dennis H. Wrong
34 Marion Magid

44 Sara

52 David Pryge- Jones

62 Hans J. Morgenthau

66 MiLTON Himmelfarb
71

79 David T. Bazelon

81 Staughton Lynd

84 Robert V. Daniels

S6 Marvin Fox

89 Alfred Chester

Editor: Norman podhoretz
M anaging Editor

SHERRY ABEL

Associate Editors

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THEODORE SOLOTAROFF

Contributing Editors

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GEORGE LICHTHEIM

Editorial Assistant

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General Manager: frances green
Advertising

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74 COMMENTARY/JAN.63

innuendo in his closing paragraphs does
seem to me to obviate the need for fresh
research.

Mr. Bentley doesn't claim that I misrepre-
sent the ''Playboy philosophy"; his point is
that nobody believes the philosophy. I tried
to treat the philosophy in question as the
top of an iceberg, and to suggest that the
girlie books might be traced to the wide-
spread acceptance of some ideas about the
relation between modern thought and the
past. A hundred years ago J. S. Mill was
convinced that the ideas mentioned — no
need to spell them out again here — were
becoming voguish among the elite; I doubt
that Mr. Bentley would deny that they are
common elsewhere now; and my case was
that this in itself indicates that the founda-
tions of disbelief in the ''Playboy philosophy"
are growing weaker.

The last correspondent contends that
without the "instrumentality of courage'*
most tools of culture are impotent; my an-
swer is that to accept old moral languages
and definitions now requires an instrumen-
tality not just of courage but of mindlessness.
It's never easy to recommend the latter.
Mr. Lorber does me the courtesy, however,
of responding with an argument rather than
with a diagnosis, and under the circum-
stances I especially appreciate his decency.

American Radicalism

To THE Editor of Commentary:

In his review of The Reconstruction of
American History [Sept. '62], Staughton
Lynd develops the important point that
much postwar American "consensus" revi-
sionist historiography is far from being a
denial of the economic interpretation of his-
tory. Actually it is an extension of it. . . . Ac-
cording to Lynd the revisionists have scomed
sentimentality but not economic and social
forces. Lynd's analysis is fine up to a point
but it must be extended if we are to under-
stand the antipathy to the "consensus'* his-
torians among many radical historians. Why
the desire on the part of the latter to retain
"sentimental" visions of Jackson, Bryan, and
Wilson as true radicals? . . . "Consensus
revisionism," by placing all protest move-
ments within the context of American
liberal-capitalist ideology, tends to deny the
modern radical roots within the American
political past. It forces [the radical historian]
to find his real antecedents in the American
socialist movement. In the midst of cold
war pressures, radical historians are forced
by "consensus" historians to choose between

an all-pervasive liberal oneness or a more
explicit avowal of some form of Marxism. . . .

For it must be seen that much "consen-
sus" history by such men as Louis Hartz,
Richard Hofstadter, and Max Lemer is
really a form of "reverse Marxism." These
historians place movements like Popu-
lism within the liberal-capitalist framework,
but this is only to claim what any Marxist
historian, such as William A. Williams,
would gladly second. The difference is that
for the latter such an insight leads to a
call for a stronger radicalism, whereas for
the "consensus" historian the insight itself
is sufficient in that it demonstrates the un-
deniable truth, which is the liberal-capitalist
domination of American politics.

But what of the historian who does not
wish either to join in the great celebration of
the vital center or to move to a more avow-
edly Marxist position? In this Situation he
may choose the middle road of assaulting the
"consensus revisionists" for robbing him of
his visions of Bryan, Jackson, and Wilson.
He strives mightily to prove they were "true"
radicals. But the real bittemess, it would
seem, arises from an inner conflict in the
radical historian himself. ... In attacking
revisionism and seeking to resurrect liberal
heroes of the past he fights his own Marxist
conscience, which in the reverse form of
"consensus" revisionism reminds him of
what he would rather forget. It reminds him
that the lot of the real left in American has
always been lonely.

N. Gordon Levin, Jr.
Harvard University
Cambridge, Massachusetts

Mr. Lynd writes:

Mr. Levin's comment seems to me per-
ceptive and sound. It raises the question,
Who were the real radicals in American
history?

I suggest that the search for an American
radical tradition should begin with the Abo-
litionists. Only the Abolitionists punctured,
with the contempt it deserves, the white lib-
eral hyprocrisy that America is and has al-
ways been a democratic country, without a
feudal past (we only had slavery) and with
supremely wise and humane founding fath-
ers (who were also slave-holders) .

The Abolitionists have been denigrated by
all schools of recent historians: by Beard,
who Said they provided an ideological cloak
for Northern capitalism; by the revisionists,
who regard them as unrealistic fanatics; and
by William Appleman Williams, who con-
siders them individualistic egoists. Yet they

defended free speech. They opposed imperi-
alism. They continued the tradition of the
Declaration of Independence by conceiving
universal human rights to be more basic
than any written law, and, stressing the
fugitive slave clause and the three-fifths
compromise, presented a critique of the
United States Constitution far more dev-
astating than Beard's.

Moreover, the Abolitionists (viewed as a
group) practiced what they preached. Their
representative theorist — my candidate for
our most seminal radical thinker — was
Henry Thoreau, a man whose critique of
slavery extended to a critique of capitalism,
whose Opposition to domestic oppression
broadened into Opposition to imperialist war,
and who (like Marx) always regarded cour-
ageous practica! action as more important
that any theory.

Praise

To the Editor of Commentary:

I feel impelled to write you that I think
Daniel M. Friedenberg's article ["Can the
Alliance for Progress Work?" Aug. '62] the
clearest Statement of our place in Central
and South America that I have ever read.
Your magazine, indeed, deserves com-
mendation altogether.

Herbert F. West
Dartmouth College
Hanover, New Hampshire

Sources of Nazism

To THE Editor of Commentary:

George L. Mosse's review ["The Splendid
Failure," Aug. '62] of Walter Laqueur's work
on Young Germany 1900-1960 . . . seems
to unduly generalize responsibility of the
German youth movement for Nazism. There
were, indeed, intrinsic connections. . . .
When your reviewer subsequently speaks of
inherent susceptibility of the German youth
movement to Nazism I should agree with
him. But that is not the same as the cause
and eflfect relationship initially postulated
by him. Also, as Mr. Mosse himself relates,
the movement was a multitude of unrelated,
often contradictory, groups, activities, and
ideologies. . . .

Anti-Semitic tendencies were as frequent,
or infrequent, as the local climate would
permit. Nor would I want to bürden Ger-
man teachers as a class, as Mr. Mosse does,
with "reactionary" tendencies. . . . This
modus operandi smacks of nothing short of
McCarthyism. Of course, German teachers

LETTERS FROM READERS 75

believed, unquestionably, in God, King, and
Fatherland. But they may be termed reac-
tionary on that account only if we concede
religiousness to people simply because they
send their children to Sunday school and at-
tend (in their finery) Easter (or, for that
matter, high holiday) Services. All this is aH
too often a matter of Convention rather than
conviction. While perfectly willing to con-
cede the road from Hegel to Hitler (and
Heidegger), we still have to reckon with
Hesse and Hauptmann (and Rilke and so
many others). The answer isn't as simple as
Mr. Mosse suggests. Moreover, don*t we
exaggerate our importance if we focus on
anti-Semitic attitudes and actions as such,
however brutal they may have been? Isn't
such action, and such attitude, significant at
least for purpose of analysis and evaluation,
solely as evidence of a general Constitution,
moral, intellectual or whatever it may be?
If so, it is the latter with which we have to
be concemed, even though our action or re-
action may rightly and forcefully address it-
self to the manifestation.

Gerhard Mayer
Highland Park, Illinois

Mr. Mosse writes:

Nowhere in the review do T postulate a
direct cause and effect relationship between
the Youth Movement and National Social-
ism. What I do say is that the Movement's
responsibility for the "German catastrophe"
cannot be minimized; then I proceed to
point out the intrinsic connections which
Mr. Mayer admits existed. The multitude of
groups which did exist is beside the point,
for all of them shared a basic world view
which made their members susceptible to
totalitarian ideologies, whatever eise they
may have quarreled about among them-
selves.

The Charge of McCarthyism seems to be
based upon a false distinction: whether
teachers held conservative views by Conven-
tion or conviction. The point is that most of
them did hold such ideas for whatever rea-
son. For example, because of their belief in
King, God, and Fatherland, teachers formed
the majority of members of the super-patri-
otic Ali German association ; and Germany*»
current Jewish periodicals are almost oh-
sessively concemed with the question of why
teachers and schools were in the forefront of
the anti-Semites. The outlook of most teach-
ers was "reactionary," for it opposed moder-
nity and praised the romantic and feudal
ideal of the Volk. There existed non-nation-
alist teachers, ckf course, but they w«re a

J^M^W$i^-^WW'''ti^^iW^-''^

76 COMMENTARY/JAN. 63

minority and are not to be found among the
majority leadership of the non-leftist Youth
Movement.

Anti-Semitism is indeed evidence for a
general attitude toward life, for it is always
combined with other conservative and irra-
tional ideas. I not only deplore it personaJly
but also as a Symptom of a world view with
which it has always been associated. It is as
simple as all that, and no argument based
on "complexity" must be used as an excuse
for the part which anti-Semitism, the teach-
ing profession, and even the Youth Move-
ment played in the fatal course of modern
German history.

Analyzing Fagin

To THE Editor of Commentary:

The introduction of the psychoanalytic
approach into literary discusslon is generally
pettifogging and corrosive. Steven Marcus's
article ["Who Is Fagin?" July '62] is a
happy, brilliant exception.

I shouldj however, like to ofFer one minor
criticism — which, I believe, strengthens Mr.
Marcus's thesis: In his closing paragraph
he writes: "... the part of Fagin which
is Jewish tums out to be not merely minor
but almost fortuitous, or . . . curiously un-
premeditated. ..." In the light of Mr.
Marcus's own sensitive perceptions, I think
that Fagin's Jewishness is not minor — and,
though certainly unpremeditated, is not
curious. As any psychoanalyst can testify,
the Jew is a symbol of sexual freedom
("evil") for the Gentile (just as the Gentile
is a Symbol of sex-and-evil for the Jew) .

It is quite of a piece therefore that Fagin
should have in his character Oliver's
(Dickens's) sexuality as well as his
other lusty but socially reprehensible quali-
ties. Especially since, as Mr. Marcus shows
so clearly, Fagin is not only the suppressed
Dickens but Dickens's Oedipean father.

Arthur Steig
Lakewood, New Jersey

The School Prayer Decision

To THE Editor of Commentary:

Cheers for Leonard W. Levy's straighten-
ing the record on the thoughts of the found-
ing fathers with regard to church and State
["School Prayers and The Founding
Fathers," September 1962] . . .

If anyone . . . still wishes to question the
meaning or motives of Jefferson and Madi-
son, we may still rest on the utterly sensible
. . . words of George Washington who was

generous and sympathetic to all religions. . . .
But when a Presbyterian group complained
to him of the absence of God and Jesus
Christ from the Constitution, he replied
that "the path of true piety is so piain as
to require but little political direction. . . .
To the guidance of the Ministers of the
Gospel, this important object is, perhaps,
more properly committed."

One notes that Catholic and Jewish Citi-
zens of the time had particular cause to re-
joice at this policy of friendly Separation;
and they did. For there were pressures to
write religious tests for political participa-
tion into our fundamental law which were
exerted by Protestants who were afraid that,
at some f uture date, Roman Catholics, Jews,
and infidels might seize the govemment. . . .

Stanley Ditzion
New York City

To THE Editor of Commentary:

Even a religious agnostic must find oc-
casion to agree with his religious friends.
Thus I cannot, as a Student of the Constitu-
tion, agree with the Interpretation placed
on the United States Constitution by the
Supreme Court in its rendered judgment
that a nondenominational prayer recited in
the public schools is in violation of the First
Amendment to the Constitution. Such a
prayer does not, I believe, result in an
establishment of religion. . . . Indeed, there
was no predilection shown for one religious
sect in the composition of the prayer.

Despite this, however, a more solid case
could have been made for eliminating the
prayer if the equal protection clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment was the basic ra-
tionale. The very antithesis of equal pro-
tection is discrimination. Minority right
is inviolate. Notwithstanding the fact that
there was an absence of compulsion or
coercion in the recitation of the prayer . . .
the non-observing individual woiUd feel the
harmful effects of stigmatization. Such
treatment would be inherently unequal. . . .

Elliott A. Cohen
New York City

Bar Hiyya

To THE Editor of Commentary:

In his review of my book Judaism as a
Philoso phy [Aug. '62], Jerome Eckstein at-
tempted to present a critical appraisal by
inflating a relatively minor notion of medie-
val Jewish philosophy into a major doctrinal
affirmation with which he then takes
issue. . , .

. . . Every major medieval Jewish philoso-
pher gave credence to the belief current
among the Jews in Alexandria that the Jews
were the original cultivators of philosophy
and that the Bible was a classical source of
fundamental philosophical insights. Bar
Hiyya's assertion "that [the phüosophers']
conceptual thoughts are taken from the
words of the Torah and are drawn from
our fountain of wisdom" was repyeated by
Judah Halevi, Abraham Ibn Daud, and
Maimonides. The discussion in the Talmud
revolving around ma caseh hereshith was
regarded by David Neumark as representing
the original thought modes of the Hebraic
world scheme. . . .

My major concem, however, with the
reviewer is his complete Omission of the
central thesis of the book. . . . Through a
critical analysis of the works of Bar Hiyya,
a comparative study of the manuscripts
available, and a historical investigation
into the intellectual climate of the times,
Judaism as a Philosophy projects two basic
ideas : . . . One is that Bar Hiyya's Aristote-
lian notions are crucial to the exposition of a
philosophy of personalism. Such a philosophy
maintains, among other things, that the ab-
solute is not a gift conferred uj>on men ini-
tially by grace or faith or intuitive apprehen-
sion. In a dynamic world scheme combining
causality with commanding purpose, the
absolute is projected as the ideal and is
hammered out in the crucible of existential
exp>eriences and spiritual commitments. As
a metaphysic of self-realization, personalism
puts the mark of emphasis on ultimate "ra-
tional wholeness" bom of man's infinite
capacity to attain intellectual excellence and
human perfection. In this context the ab-
solute is not a theory but an activity. "Being"
is a verb as well as a noun.

Tied up with this ideological construct
there is a novel approach to the tacame ha-
mitzvot based on the notion of Kabb'lat ha-
Torah and Yihud ha-Shem. The reviewer
either deliberately miscontrues Bar Hiyya's
Interpretation of these terms or he has failed
to read my chapters on the subject. . . .

Leon D. Stitskin
Yeshiva University
New York City

Mr. Eckstein writes:

The indefensibility of Mr. Stitskin's Posi-
tion is exhibited in his letter by the avoid-
ance of any attempt (with one exception)
to answer the several objections which I
raised in my review. ...

Now, I mentioned that Mr. Stitskin

LETTERS FROM READERS 77

Supports his view by references to the medie-
val Jewish philosophers and ancient Alex-
andrian Jews; but my point was that while
I can sympathize with their provincialism, I
cannot approve of this unhistorical stand in
Mr. Stitskin. No major modern history of
world philosophy begins its account with
the Jews or the Bible, or claims that the
Greeks borrowed their philosophies from
them. Moreover, not only does the reference
to Maimonides in his letter and book fail
to suppK>rt Mr. Stitskin's position, but it con-
tradicts it. For Maimonides writes there that
although some metaphysics was "once culti-
vated by our forefathers" it was never
"permitted to be written down." It was com-
municated orally to only a few able Jew^,
and hence it became completely lost. "Noth-
ing but a few [metaphysical] remarks and
allusions are to be found in the Talmud and
the Midrashim," says Maimonides, thus
suggesting clearly that philosophic insights
could not possibly be "taken from the words
of the Torah." . . . Maimonides even writes
that "in the few [philosophic] works com-
posed by the Geonim and the Karaites . . .
they followed the lead of the Mohammedan
Mutakallemim, and what they wrote is in-
significant in comparison with the kindred
works of the Mohammedans."

Surely, Mr. Stitskin is inconsistent in his
criticism that my review contains hoth a
"complete Omission of the central thesis"
and a "misconstruction" of some of its
basic concepts. . . . Moreover, I could not
have misconstrued the notions of Yihud ha-
Shem and Kabb'lat ha-Torah, because I
gave exactly the same definitions of them
which he did.

With regard to the area I omitted, I
could have noted Mr. Stitskin's unscholarly
avoidance of any reference to G. Vajda; for
Vajda is one of the most respected authori-
ties on Bar Hiyya, and he argues, contrary
to Mr. Stitskin, that Bar Hiyya was a neo-
Platonist. . . .

Reik's Jokes

To the Editor of Commentary:

May I suggest three kisses for Marion
Magid for her lovely review of Jewish IVit,
["Jewish Wit Psychoanalyzed," Sept. '62]
as well as a muzzle (or two — one milchig,
one fleishig) for Dr. Reik. I recently tried
very hard to read the treatise in question,
first, in what I am now pleased to know is
the "usual procedure," scanning the jokes
(most of which I did know), then trying
the conmientary (unreadable) . It was a

AUGUST 1962

^ %ry

CAN THE ALLIANCE FOR PROCRESS WORK?

Daniel M. Friedenberg

SCHOLARS CONVENE IN JERUSALEM

Milton Himmelfarb

Observations

Robert Penn Warren

EDMUND WILSON'S
CIVIL WAR

THE ANATOMY OF "PLAYBOY^*

Benjamin DeMott

AMERICAN PRACMATISM RECONSIDERED

1. Charles Sanders Peirce

Henry David Aiken

THE JEWISH NEED FOR THEOLOCY

Eugene B. Borowitz

CRANDEUR & MISERY OF CUERRILLA WARFARE

H. Stuart Hughes

A Story

Joseph Papaleo:

ON THE MOUNTAIN

Books in Review

Dwight Macdonald
Theodore Solotaroff
Jeronne Eckstein
Paul Kecskemeti
C. Peter Magrath
George L. Mosse

PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN JEWISH COMMITTEE

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Commmtary

AUGUST 1962

NUMBER 2

VOLUME 34

Can the Alliance for Progress Work ?

Scholars Gonvene in Jerusalem

The Anatomy of "Playboy"

American Pragmatism Reconsidered
I. Gharles Sanders Peirce

A Story On the Mountain

The Jewish Need for Theology

Grandeur and Misery of Guerrilla Warfare

93 Daniel M. Friedenbero
102 MiLTON Himmelfarb
111 Ben j AMIN DeMott

120 Henry David Aiken
131 Joseph Papaleo
138 Eugene B. Borowitz
145 H. Stuart Hughes

Observations

Edmund Wilson's Civil War 151 Robert Penn Warren

Letters from Readers 159

Books in Review

Deaths for the Ladies (and other disasters),

by Norman Mailer

Political Justice, by Otto Kirchheimer

Judaism as a Philosophy: The Philosophy
of Abraham Bar Hiyya, by Leon Stitskin

Public Opinion and American Democracy,

by V. O. Key, Jr.

Young Germany 1900-1960, by Walter Z. Laqueur

David Knudsen, by George P. EUiott

169 DwiGHT Macdonald
172 C. Peter Magrath

174 Jerome Eckstein

176 Paul Kecskemeti
178 George L. Müsse
181 Theodore Solotaroff

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178 COMMENT ARY

others, uncritically project this concem upon
American society at large. But this shows
that "political science" has discarded the
supposed pitfalls of classic theory only in
intention, not in fact. It also attributes di-
rectly unobservable global features to soci-
ety; it also incorporates the value attitudes
of its practitioners. Apparently one cannot
avoid doing these things when studying
politics and society. The only question is
how well one does them, but it is clear that
people who are unaware of doing a thing
cannot do it very well.

All this does not mean to say that atti-
tude survey studies are generally worthless.
On the contrary, many such studies (no
less than the voting studies) have derived
valuable knowledge about the social back-
ground of American politics by the use of
excellent, and sometimes truly brilliant,
techniques of investigation, deduction, and
analysis. Still, the general picture that
emerges is both distorted and incomplete.
Supposed measures of liberalism often
measure nothing, and the mine of informa-
tion worked by questionnaire techniques is
quickly exhausted.

Professor Key indicates that "political
science" has found no satisfactory way to
bring into focus such phenomena as political
power, influence, and leadership. Indeed, as
the survey studies show, "political science"
seeks to isolate the "infiuential" members of
the political Community by finding out who
votes most regularly, reads most about poli-
tics, does most of the party work, and so
on. This is how heroically "political
science," wedded to the grass roots ap-
proach, strives to avoid its own subject
matter. True, political issues are of concem
to all, and in a democracy everyone is sup-
posed to participate in politics. But many
things besides pervasive attitudes and modes
of behavior that everyone engages in on an
equal footing are found among the essential
determinants of the political process. These
include, on the one hand, the hierarchical
features of politics (differentiation between
leaders and led, rulers and mied) and on
the other, its institutional features (the
"mies of the game," the established modes
of acquiring and exercising authority).
Classic theory, which concentrated on these,
was on the right track; "political science,"
which systematically blocks them out, in-

>»

capacitates itself thereby. Of course we are
aware today of the need for more rigorous
and extensive fact-finding techniques than
those available to the classics, and it is
"political science" that has given us this
awareness. But the methods we need can-
not be based upon the concept of "objec-
tivity" propounded by "political science."
We cannot do without interpretation and
judgment, and the objectivity which is possi-
ble (and imperative) in these fields neces-
sarily has an admixture of controUed sub-
jectivity. This is inescapable. The "pure
objectivity postulated by "political science
leads both to loss of subject matter and to
an intrusion of uncontrolled subjectivity.

THE SPLENDID FAILURE

YouNG Germany 1900-1960. By Walter
Z. Laqueur. Routledge & Kegan Paul.
(Basic Books in Oc tober, $6.00)

Reviewed by George L. Müsse

The world's rotten bones tremble with
fear of the Red War. We did away with
terror, that was our triumph. Onward
we'U march, let everything fall in mins.
Today Germany is ours — tomorrow the
World!

These lines vv^ere written not by an SS
leader or a professional patriot, but by a
middle-class Catholic German high school
boy, in 1932. Hans Baumann was then
eighteen ; later he became a minor leader in
the Hitler Youth and regarded with naive
amazement the great deeds of the Fuehrer.
But boys become men, and as Baumann
grew up he began to evince a mild resistance
to National Socialism, while doing his patri-
otic duty as a soldier. Today he is a pacifist,
author of children's books and avant-garde
plays. His song, so famous under the Third
Reich, is a product of the forces which
shaped his youth. Does German youth today
write the same sort of thing? I believe not.
In any case, it would be impossible today
for such ideological verse to spread with the
same speed as Baumann's youthful effort.
For one thing, the sense of destiny expressed
can have no real meaning in a nation di-
vided and at the mercy of the Great Powers.
For another, it is too soon, after the total
defeat, to envisage a total victory. Yet the

underlying attitude of mind Springs from a
view of the world which has never lost its
appeal in modern Germany. The problem
of unity, around which German nationalism
has always centered, once more confronts
the nation. If the young Baumann was ob-
sessed with it in 1932, he had the example
of the German youth of generations pre-
ceding his. Even the fathers and mothers of
the young were always patriotic, after all —
given to Bismarck-worship and Wagnerian
operas. But in the case of the parents, a
strident patriotism seemed to conflict with
a placid acceptance of Germany's internal
division. The young searched for a deeper,
more genuine connection with the "genius"
of the nation, as evident from the first re-
bellious spirits who around 1900 started the
Youth Movement.

Mr. Walter Laqueur has given us a new
and interesting history of the German Youth
Movement, though it seems to me that he
has, in his introduction, laid too little re-
sponsibility for Nazism at its door. If its
early representatives did not express them-
selves in words like Baumann's, their atti-
tude was nevertheless congenial to his. And
though it is tme that the Youth Movement
ultimately rejected National Socialism, its
responsibility for the German catastrophe
cannot be minimized.

Laqueur quite rightly Starts his discussion
with a chapter on the "romantic prelude" :
it was the romanticism that foUowed the
French Revolution which provided the Im-
petus for German nationalism. The young
men who banded together around 1900 did
not form gangs or proclaim the Coming of a
new society, but went on rambles. Few
people in the West would associate rambles
with revolutions, a love of nature with the
Subversion of the existing order. But this
latter-day romanticism was in no sense a
simple "back-to-nature" movement (as Mr.
Laqueur seems to suggest) . Rather, it rep-
resented a highly combustible fusion of na-
ture, man, and "folk."

Schoolboys doubtless wanted the fun of
being on their own, of having adventures in
the as yet unspoiled countryside. The leader-
ship was a different matter. Karl Fischer,
the first head of the Movement, had already
around 1900 taken his groups to visit the
German minorities in the Austrian Empire,
and as time went on the leaders became in-

BOOKS IN REVIEW 179

creasingly involved in ideological discussions.
These burst into the open at a celebrated
meeting of all youth groups in 1913 on the
Meissner mountain, when an effort was
made to tie the Youth Movement to ideas
of revolt that went beyond a national re-
newal. Gustav Wyneckeiv a remarkable <
teacher (later a Social Democrat), who be-
lieved that youth should find its own forms
and break with the past, issued a passionate
appeal to total revolution and rejection of
19th-century romanticism, and continued in
this role during the revolution of 1918 which
resulted in the Weimar Republic. But the
powerful anti-modemity of the Movement
defeated him.

A different kind of teacher attained to
influence: one who had gone through the
patriotic training of the university and was
far from being a foe of authority. The teach-
ers had always been a reactionary force in
Germany and were to remain so (in contrast
to neighboring France) . The Youth Move-
ment served to draw them closer to their
pupils, but they retained their nationalist
outlook. The First World War was instm-
mental in bringing the youth to the fore —
they accepted with enthusiasm a war started
by the very eiders against whom they were
supposed to be in revolt. Mr. Laqueur is
formally right when he sees vagueness in the
early Wandervogel^ but the attachment of
the youth to the "folk" and to the German
cosmos of nature was never vague, and it
was this romanticism that set the tone for
the war and its aftermath. Such romanti-
cizing led inevitably to a sense of futility in
political action. Thus the Movement was
inherently susceptible to totalitarian influ-
ence and Solutions — whether from the right
or the Communists.

Yet individualism had once been an ideo-
logical goal. The Movement had set out to
escape both the caste society of Wilhelmin-
ian Germany and the stifling atmosphere
of the school. The original historian of the
Youth Movement, Hans Blüher, recalled
that in the early days, when a simple roman-
ticism prevailed, the "soul" of the individual
joined itself to nature, and the organiza-
tional superstructure, which the individual
joined of his own free will, was minimal.
True, the leadership idea was strong, for the
leader recmited his followers directly; but
no outside force intervened between leader

180 CO MMENTARY

and foUower. It was enough that the leader
was endowed with what Max Weber named
"charisma." The continual splits and re-
groupings which Laqueur describes testify
te the enduring strength of the personalized
leader-follower relationship. Inevitably, the
loose association grew more rigid. Laqueur
calls 1919 the "end of the individualistic
period," It must be emphasized, however,
that never had individualism been con-
ceived within the Youth Movement in terms
of that liberaHsm which all the groups re-
jected as divisive. The concept of leadership
blocked genuine individualism.

We must consider again the point that
these were for the most part boys, and de-
spite the anti-intellectualism of the Move-
ment an ideology was fostered from above.
In 1911 Blüher wrote a sensational book
on the Youth Movement as an erotic phe-
nomenon, putting forth his contention that
sexual inversion in adolescence played a
powerful part in maintaining group con-
sciousness and cohesion. Laqueur handles
this particular question with circumspection.
But if the case can never be proved, Piatonic
friendship did play a vital part, and one may
venture beyond Laqueur: the many publi-
cations of the Wandervogel speak continu-
ally of a new sort of admiration for the
muscular male body, the clear brow, the blue
eyes, which seemed to pertain to the "genu-
ine" person rooted in the soil — as contrasted
with the pale-faced and flabby urban bour-
geois, comfortable in corpulence, hopelessly
sunk in his way of life. The ideal of mascu-
line beauty was coupled with that of the
heroic. And the leader was the heroic per-
sonality who through strength of will had
overcome his own background.

Even before any strong group cohesion
had set in, "old boys" were finding it difficult
to grow out of their experience of the Move-
ment; in fact, they rarely did. A most sig-
nificant adult extension of the Movement
was a series of agricultural Settlements in
eastem Germany where property was held
jointly and work pursued in common. Here
were the "cells" for a new nation, renewed
through actual living in nature, on the soil
— and it was also here that the drive toward
racial bias in the Youth Movement was
strengthened. Nationalism and Germanic
mysticism met and married in the com-

munes, which make the link between the
Youth Movement and National Socialism
obvious. This is especially clear in the case
of the largest group — and the only one with
which Laqueur deals — the Artamanen, who
hired themselves out as farm laborers. The
Artamanen were for the most part absorbed
into the Nazi party: Himmler had been a
member from the beginning.

Jews were members of many of the early
groups and some even attained positions of
leadership. Nevertheless — as Laqueur shows
— there was always a question about their
right to be called Germans. When the ques-
tion was debated during the First World
War, the argument was advanced that the
Jew in the Movement could become a com-
plete German — even if all Jews could not;
the Jew within an elite movement was spe-
cial, after all. The opposing view saw the
Jews as a separate people. This was Karl
Fischer's attitude early on, and it became
dominant among the most significant sec-
tions of the Movement. Germanism (one
quite tolerant leader wrote) was a quality
of the soul which the Jew as Jew could not
share. Though racial superiority as such
was not at first involved, the always present
German stereotype of the Jew as material-
istic and unpatriotic gradually got set.

Such a view was of course implicit in the
youth ideology even if some individual Jews
were thought to be exceptions. But the radi-
cal anti-Semites were not a majority, as
Laqueur rightly points out. Most of the ide-
ologists, disliking Jews, still tended to dis-
tinguish between individuals and the mass;
and a certain sympathy with Zionism even
gave to Jews recognition as a separate
*'folk." It was the "Germanism" of the ide-
ology which from the very beginning ex-
cluded Jews as Jews. Here we have one more
piece of evidence pointing to an attitude
toward life which, while it went deep into
the fabric of German youth, did not neces-
sarily lead them into the arms of Nazism.

The majority in fact never became closely
involved with the party. Laqueur suggests
that the guilt of the young Germans lies in
their sins of Omission, in their failure to de-
velop an ethos of individual political re-
sponsibility; he believes that the Youth
Movement merely shares the same kind of
responsibility for National Socialism as most
German parties, all of which embraced the

neo-romantic ideology in one way or an-
other. The matter cannot be brushed off
quite so easily, however. It is a fact of Ger-
man history that the young underwent a
nationalist radicalization not reflected in
their parents. During the last decades of the
19th Century, German students jumped on
the bandwagon of the anti-Semitic court
preacher Stöcker, whose movement was
largely ignored by their eiders. Fratemities
which had accepted Jews now excluded
them, and anti-Semitic Student organiza-
tions began to flourish: all this in the
name of the "folk," the Germanic re-
newal. Half a Century later, around 1930,
the National Socialists captured German
Student organizations well over a year before
their party showed any electoral strength.
The Story is not yet over. As Laqueur
shows, the fires now bum low, but they bum
nevertheless. For where is German youth to
tum to today in its dissatisfaction with the
Society of the "economic miracle"? A third
of the nation is under Communist domina-
tion, which makes any truly radical move-
ment difficult to promote. But the old road
trod by the Youth Movement is still open —
and some groups have been reconstituted.

Laqueur's perceptive book is a fascinating
and sensitive narrative of a failure, but a
failure which explains better than most suc-
cesses the working of those attitudes of mind
which made Germany the home of the coun-
ter-revolution : a counter-revolution against
the tradition of the French Revolution, lib-
eralism, and modemity. Today, if the ag-
gressiveness of 1932 is dead, the underlying
State of mind still lives. Will the counter-
revolution once again be confused with true
revolution? For the "splendid failure"
(Laqueur's words) was symptomatic of a
world view which produced the "Red War"
that put a most unromantic end to the ro-
manticism of German youth.

THE FALLOUT OF THE ACE

David Knudsen. By George P. Elliott.
Random House. 399 pp. $4.95.

Reviewed by Theodore Solotaroff

This is a luminous and important novel
that deserves much better than the per-
functory or hostile reviews that it received

BOOKS IN REVIEW 181

when it was published six months ago and
the Virtual silence that has followed. The
limpness and imperception of the reaction
has been surprising to me. For one reason,
George P. Elliott had already established
himself both by his essays and fiction as one
of the few unmistakably solid and pertinent
talents to emerge in the 50's, precisely the
sort of writer who bears, as they say, close
watching. Moreover, David Knudsen is con-
cemed, in a remarkably concrete and sensi-
tive way, with the public problem today that
impinges upon consciousness like an un-
solved murder in the next building and that
makes most other fictional subjects seem
somehow marginal and evasive. The subject
of EUiott's novel is what it means, speci-
fically, to live in the nuclear age — the prob-
lems of private morale and morality which
we face as we sit tight in the valley of the
shadow of death, depending upon the mercy
of science and the goodness of the State.

To read David Knudsen is to realize how
little has been done with this subject until
now. There has been, of course, a good deal
of muttering about "The Bomb" in con-
temporary fiction, but it seldom goes beyond
that to define its influence upon thought
and feeling. As part of the nihilistic melo-
drama that weVe been getting so much of
recently, "The Bomb" serves as a key de-
vice to darken at one stroke the sense of
the times or to provide a kind of instant
comment on the hysterical behavior of the
characters. The characters, that is to say
the author, think no more to the point about
the specific Import of the "deterrent" —
both public and private — than do our theo-
logians, sociologists, or ourselves, and the
sense of evil it produces fades into the
anxiety about Russian intentions or child-
rearing or sex. Perhaps this is why David
Knudsen was either ignored or reviewed as
though it were mainly another novel about
modern marriage or "the quest for values."
When it comes to the Bomb, it's easier to
pass on to other, more graspable problems.
Except that we don't — not quite. This is
the point of Elliott's novel. What he has
tried to do is to show how, in one case, the
"deterrent" has disturbed the normal re-
lations of the responsible individual to So-
ciety, has undermined and debased rational .
thought, and has bred permissive and brutal
gods.

27.^.1960.

DB»r George Mosae,

It is 9 while" since
we h^vn't he»rd frotn e»cb ot^er. Any
ch»nce of seeing yoa here in England this
Summer? I »m under the Impression th^t
you m»ke 9 habit of Coming every yesr.If
30, I trust you' 11 let me know well in
ödv^nce.

If you do come in
gummer, you »re likely to find me in the
ihroes of giving birth to che book I told
you »bout when you were here l»3t. It is
now being printed,or »t le»st set up,»nd
I sh»ll soon be knee-deep in proofs. All
the more re»son for getting some mental
»nd person»l Stimulus,

Did the Commentary
people get in touch with you? I m»de
some such sur'.^estion to the new editor^
Norman Podhoretz, who is doing his best
to liyen the thing up »nd h»s, I think,
suGceeded to some extent. If the current
number is »vailable in the provincial
darkness where vou dwell, you will see
that I 9m doing my bit to help,

Look forw»

from you.

to hearing

'-^r^' /t.>

jia2Li, ,-:w^m

■Ä'tovI'S*-";^''-' Jiik'. -:-Wrl'iv7tf<T'P;"ftT*-> ';ii^'-l^j¥!:-!'^':::^';:y:-<^ '■<:'■': i'iiif^^

Sf>'

Commmtary

October 30, 1962

165 EAST 56th STREET
NEW YORK 21, N. Y.
PLAZA 1-4000

Mr. George L. Mosse
Department of History
Bascom Hall

üniversity of Wisconsin
Madison 6, Wisconsin

Dear Mr. Mosse:

Enclosed is a letter to
the editor on your book review,
Do you wish to comraent? If you
intend to reply, please let me
know. Thank you.

Sincerely,

Rhoraa Mostel
Editor ial Assistant

f^'^fevik'f ■";-'>«

Mayer

- 1 -

Cotnraentarj

4fl|

TO TFE EDITOR OF COMMsNTARY :

George L. Mosse's revlew, Tym SV^mttD PAI/LÜRE^" AugustT
of Walter Laqueur's work r>n^*^|^gr aftr»Tnftpy i Qon-.i 9^0-^*6,^

• t •

seems to unduly generallze responslbllity of the

German youth movement for Nazism» There were, Indaed,

intrinsic connect^ ons»« •

When your reviewer sub#

sequently speaks of Inherent susaeptlbillty of the
German youth movement to Nazism I should ac^ree with
him. But that is not the same as the cause an(/effect
relationship initlally postulated by him. Also, as
Mr. Moflse himself relates, tlre movement was a multitudä
of unrelated, often contradictory, groaps, activities,
and ideologies^ Common denominators were age, escapism,
absence of rational moral orientation, a liberal quantiM
of immaturity« But their composite does not a dd^rup

to a Naz

i attitude* And otherwise the groups, and subf
groups, were as different from each other as can be
imagined.

JAntiaemitic tendencies were as frequent, or infrequent,
as the local climate would permit. Nol» would I want
to bürden German teachers as a class, as Mr. Mosse d©s,
with "rfeactionary tendencies, •. •! Thls modus operandi
srnacks of nothing short of McCarthyism. Of course,
German teachers believed, unquestioningly/ surely^in
God, King and Patherland. But they may be termed
reactionary on that account oniy if we conceae religio-
sity to people simply because they send their children
to -^unday school and attend (in their fineryj Easter
(or, for that matter, high-hoiiday ) Services. All this

is all too often a matter of Convention rather than

>S, i':,s;?5-'i

Maver

- 2 -

Commentary

convlctlon. Whlle perfectly willing to concede the
road from Hegel to Hitler (and Heidegger), we still
have to reckon with Hesse and Hauptmann (and Rilke
and so «any others) • The answer isn't as simple as
Mr. Mosse suggests. Moreover, don't we exaggerate omr
importance If we focus on antl-Semltic attitudes and
action as such, however brutal they may have been?
Isn't such action, and such attitude, significant at
least for purpose of analysis and evaluation, solely
as evidence of a general Constitution, moral, intellectual
or whatever It may be? If so, it is the latter with
wliich we have to be concerned, even though our action
or reaction may rightly and for^ully address itself
to the manifestation«

Gerhard Mayer

Highland Park, 111.

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HI8M038IW ,d MOeiQAM

llöH mcoiijfl \8i

noJtJH \o w?vnJtJ>qaQ

November 2, I962

Dear Miss Hostel,

Here is m^ cociment 011 ^« Ma^r« It is allright, I hope.

at least somobody has paid attention to a revlew of Biiiiei

Ncwhere in the review do I postulate a diract cause and effect relationship
between tlie Xouth Mooveinönt and National Soclalism» ^/Jhat I do sa^y is that
the Moo-venients responaibility ef the '^GeriTian Katastrophe" cannot be rainimised
and procej*d to point out the intrinsic connecti(3iß which Mr« Mayer admit»
exis-ted« ÜÜie laidtitude of groups wlaich did exist ig besicte the
point f or all of thera shared a basic vrorld view wMch raade their ineniber«
su3CQptible to totalltarian idaologies whatever eise they may have quari^lled
about among t^ieroselves.

The Charge of ifcOarthyl i«mi seens to \)q based upon the distlnction of i^ther
teachers held consex^vativo /iews by Convention or conTictn.on* The point ia

V TOR ^^AHp^^y ,

that in liieir .uajority they did hold such ideae for whatever reasan« Relief

in King, God and jSttherland led teachei^s to form the majori ty of members

of thü super patriotic AU Gernan assuciation , rnid •'ewish periodicala

during the Republic are alnost obsessiviy ccncemed with the question of uby

xaost
of s^eh teachers was "reactionary" for it opposed modemity and praised

the roraantic and feudal ideal of the Volk« There existed non nationalist

teacheiisi, of course, but thay were a minority and are not to be f ound

?*jnong the leadership of the Touth Mooverr»nt.

Antiseraitisra ia indeed evidence for a general attitude towards life, for

it is always combined with other conservative and irrational ideas, I do

not onpy deplore it personaljy but also £ey as a syraptooi of a world view

m--'

-■'7/

with vhich it has alvays been assodaied. For here it is as simple as all
that and no arguinent from caraplexity muat be used as an excuae for tiia
pari wliich antiseimitism, the teachlng i^rofessioa and evan the louto Hoovement
playd in the fatal cotirse of modöm Gennan history.

Sinoerely,

George L« Hossa

VPU ^o^Süg Zgi

NISNOOSLJ^ '9 NOSiaVW

NISNOOSIi^ JO ÄXIS^HAINH HHl

£l03r|H /^ }U9UtU1MJ9Q

NliA]fe%'i^,^^Ä^i^f v,:m;

^ per- fp Hr5r.«Y (;eo({Ge t.^pjsG- '^^^f^^^^^^ui.fiD:

' •• Es zittern die morochen Knochen ir^K, liTj/

der .<elt vor dem roten Krieg

wir haben den Schrecken gebrochen,

fuer uns war's e|^ grosser Sieg.

Wir werden welter marschieren

■L TT <L ^^^

wenn alles In Scherben faellt -
WM heute gebeert uns Deutschland

und morgen die ganze .Veit"
( The World 's rotten bonps are trembllng

In fear of the red war,

we have done away with the terror,

for US it was a trlumph.

We shall march on

though everythiniT falls In ruins -

for today Germany Is oura

and tomorrow the world will be. )
These llnes .vere not written by a leader of the SS, or even

by a profesHlonal patriot, but by a German Gathollc youth In

1932. Hans Bauraann waa eighteen years old at the tlme. Later

he was to becorae a minor leader In the Hitler youth, for yeara

thereafter regardlng wlth naive amazement the great deeda of

the Puehrer and contributln^ verses to the llterature of the
Thlrd Reich. But boya become raen, and as Baumann grew up he
began to offer mild reslotance to National Soclallem untll

-2-

today he is a pacifi«t, author of ohlldren»' booke and avant
g^rde plays. Hie poem, so famous under the Thlrd Reich, is a
product of his youth and the forcee which shaped it. What
happened thirty years ago to lead an intelligent, even religious ,
young man to think such thoughts? The ^riting of bad verse ie

a familiär enough part of growing up, but hie nationalist

is something more than that. Could a German youth

of today write the identical aort of thing ? If we can ans

pv/er

these questions we will hab*e coine closer to an und rstanding
of the Oerman catastrophe.

As far as I know sirailar pootry does not exist in present-day
Germany, and if it did exist, wuld not spread with the saiue

speed as Baumann 's early effort. For one thing, the sense of

deatiny so obvious here can have no real meaning in a divided

nation at tho mercy of the great powers. For another it is much

too soon after a total defeat to invisage a total victory. But

the underlying attitude of mind is a different matter, for it

springe frora a view of the world which has had a lagting appeal

in modern Germany. German nationalism contred around the probl

of unity, and this once more confronts the nation. The youthful

Hans Baumarin was obsessed with it, just as German youth had
focused on this point for generations before ke put his thought

on paper.

-3-

From the elghteen Century onMurds, a wave of national feellng
had Bwept German youth, concentrating their enthusiasm upon this
one isaue. The French Revolution proved a serlous dleappointment,
for instead of national liberation it brought with it^'a foreign
occupatlon followed by a continuation of that disunlty which
young Germans deplored, As a reoult, German nationalVirejected

the Prench Hevolution and what it otood for: the worship of

reason, and progreas. A rejection fatal for the future of Germany

and German youth, the more so as it turned into a denial of the
Enlightenment which put rationalism, individualiam and progreas

into the forefront of thought. Instead, romanticiam became the

wave of the future: the ancient but Germanic Nibelungen of Wagnu-r's

operaa seemed cloeer to genuine national aapirationa than ideale

of induatrial and civic progreas.

\d^

Germany was unified in

1870: did this not change the coraplexion of auch nationalism?

Bismarck unified the nation politically and gave it a aenae of

power, but to thoae who dreamed of a truly unified aountry hia
work aeemed Singular ly incomplete. Success in foreign policy
waa no Substitute for internal coheaion. The Nation aeemed onc<
more divided, not into amall principalities but into feuding

aea

aocial claaaea md polititfal partiea, while the middle claa

put pureuit of wea(th far ahead of national concerna. No one aeemed

to oare any more about the noble ideale of Germanic grandeur

-4-

whlch had excited past generatione. The consequencee of thie

national fruetration were of truly Immense importance for the

future. They channelled feelings of revolt againat the exiating
etate of thinge into nationalist enthuaiaam)! rather than Into

a longing for social change. The "philistinea** were to blame

for the exiating incomplete state of national unlty, and

Nietzsche 's thunderings against those drones was interpreted

as a call to revolt. The superman would throw off the philistiniem

of Wilhelininian Germany: i^D^^-^rorwo^nePt^in order) t^-r^flfehi^'ltlife^

e^^t0!^]ii^]^fi^L^p&yi^ lead the Germans towards a national

renewal. Superman turned out to be Ä'agner's Siegfried after
all.

Those who shared this feeling are not the ^orking classes, but
Segments of the middle strata who had been in the forefront of
the fight for unity. Now they continued to prees the point, and
whenever a crisis hit the nation they blamed it on the lack of
national spirit. It is no coincidence that the great wave of

modern Germein nationalism started up again after the economic

cri3es of 1873 t or that during the eighties and ninetiea

Antisemitism became a real force in German life - and all this

connected with the enthuaiasm to complete the vrork Biamarck had
left undone. It is not surprising therefore that when öerman

middle-olaas youth wanted to protest against its elderst it waa
immediately sucked into thia n/e4lstrom. Romantic nationalism

-5-
aB8«rted iteelf as the true repudiation of the preaent. It ia
obvlous thiat this was fateful to thoae who stood for liberaliam,
progress and modernity. They were obatacles in the way who had

to be eliminated, the misbegotten children oi the French
Revolution -who had suppressed the fatherland. Such people

(probably in the service of foreign powers, at leaet in the

Service of the Jews) were responsible for the state of a nati

no^ torn apart by the war of claas againat claas and of

ona

political party against the other

That middle-claae youth waa in the forefront of auch

interpretation ia not aurpriaing. Youth wanta to revolt, wanta
to be different from ita parents, and höre was a traditional

opening for an aasertion of leaderohip. It did not have to b

as violent aa Baumann 's poem. Even their eldera, after all, w

ere

UaJ^

patriotic, given to Bismarck-worship and to Wagnerian operas*-
But this is juat the point: their strident patriotism aeemed
to conflict with their oonifortable compäancency about Germany'a

internal diviaiona. This was rank hypocr^sy, and their child

ren

in consequence searched for a deeper and more genuine connection
to the apirit of the nation. The young peopje who revolted around
1900 and started the youth movement shared this attitude, and
their more muted tonea were meant to lead towarda a more genuine

patriotiam. BÄr. Laqueur Claims too little for the Young Germany

to whose hi Story he has giVen us an aLtogether excellent intro-
duction. -^ They may never in actual fact have written poems like
Baumann's, but their whole attitude of mind was congenial to these

Verses. Though, as we shall see, the youth movement rejected
National Socialism its responsibility for the German catastrophe
must not be minimized. For here German youth trod with increasing

enthusiasm a path whicb has its roots in the last centxiry. In
1932, the year of Baumann *s poem, oneVof a youth group Icader"

loyal to the Republic declared that so many from the youth movement
were joining the Nazis because the Eührer was sacrificing himself
to the fatherland. Youth wanted to live a life totally immersed
in the genuine and true, in the union with the Germania folk which
tneir eiders had on ti^eir lips but not in their hearts.

The romanticism which had provided the Impetus for German

nationalism ever since the i'rench Revolution was the crux of the

matter, and Laqueur quite correctly Starts his discussion of the
youth movement with a chapter on the "romantic prelude". The
young men who banded together towards 1900 did not form gangs to
fight other gangs or proclaim the coming of a new society at mass
meeting in the city: instead they went on rambles,. Few people in
the West would associate rambles with revolutions, a love of nature
with the Subversion of the existing order. The romantic Impulse

1) Walter Z. Laqueur, Younp; Germany 1900-1960. A History of the

German Youth Movement, New York, Basic Books

1962

-7-

was aßserting itself here as it had done for a centiiry before.
ßecause it was bound up with national aspirations this was in no
sense a simple back to natura movement (as Mr. Laqueur would have
US believe at one point), Instead, from the very beginning, it
fused nature, man and the folk into one unity. Too little attention
has been paid in the Jast to what natura really meant to the German
of the nineteenth Century and we are apt to think somewhat
ironically of the afternoon walk of the bourgeois family ending in
coffee and cakes. That is what this youth despised and for their
Impetus of revolt they revived a different tradition.

Landscape is not mere nature, it will not do Just to roam the
countryside and to enjoy the fauna and flora which meets the eye.
if this were so there would be no difference between the German,
Dutch and Polish landscapes. Instead natura was made a part of
German idealism: the spirit whiah underlies this landscape counts,
and this, in turn, means that it has to "vi brate" in the soul of
the beholder. But it can only do this if there is a particular
kind of reiationship, one based upon common roots in that cosmos
which embraces soul, folk and natura into one unity. One of the
very early leaders of the youth movement asked that roaming should
make the environment a possession of the soul of the individual.
This environment included not Just plant and animal life but also

the peasants, small towners and monuments of the German past. Not,

as with Wordsworth did the beautif\il flower reflect the cosmos
presided over by God, but the entire landscape with all that it
contained, human, plant or animal was the "genuine" and the trua.
At the other pole was the Big City and indeed the whole of
modernity. Such a concept of nature made it "sentinet" to be sure,
for it had to be received into the soul but it also made it
national - the German soul would retpond to the German landscape.
what this meant is clear from the very first proclamation of the
directorate of the roamers (Wandervögel) 1904- : through roaming
they acquire a deep love for the fatherland which lifts them above

the narrow view of cast, class, religious intolerance and political
preconceptions.

The common nature experience was defined in this way and this
definition was common to all the various groups which constituted
the youth movement. Nevertheless the patriotism of the movement
has caused a great deal of confusion among its historians. For as
we saw, they rejected the strident tones of the professional
nationalists, some even believed that, while every folk is
peculiar in its soul to itself , each one is still the equal of all
the others. Moreover, concrete programs are few and far between,
indeed such making of programs seemed to contradict the importance
of the inner experience involved in the grapping of the Germania

*j>

landscape. Mr. Laqueur at one point criticises the movement as an

-9-

unpolitical form of Opposition» but at another point he traces
with great skill the ever inore overt political aims through an
examination of their Chief song book. Yet the^nationalism was
there from the beginning, the whole nature experience was geared
to a neo-romanticism which emphasised the nation as an individual
soulJi experience. when they said that they had "no real principles"
they meant that they opposed political parties, indeed any
divisiveness in the nation, and that itself is a political principle
of the greatest significance.

But surely the thirteen and fourteen years old boys who went
on exciirsions did so for the fun of being on their own, of having
adventures in the as yet unspoiled countryside. Undoubtedly, but
the leadership was a different matter again. The first leader,
Karl Fischer, had already in the beginning of the Century taken
his groups to visit the German minorities in the Austrian Empire
and as time went on the leaders became increasingly involved in
ideological discussions. These burst into the open at the meeting
of all youth groups in 1913 on the Meissner mountain. At that point
an effort was made to tie the movement to ideas of revolt which
went beyond a national renewal out of folk and nature. Gustav
Wyneislieniji a remarkable figure of a teacher, who believed that youth
should find its own forms and break with the past, made a passionate

appeal. It was a call to a total revolution, to a rejection of

•10-

the romanticism of the nineteenth Century as an Impetus lor revolt
in the twentieth. He was to continue this call during the revolution
of 19I8 which issued in the Weimar Republic. He failed, and that
itself Shows how deep the antii-modernity of the movement ran. A
different kind ^f teacher attained to influence. The high echool
Professor achieved leadership: the kind of person wno had gone
tijrough the patriotic training which the üniversity provided and
who, far from being a foe of authority, wanted to deepen the
patriotic spirit of German youth. The teacheis had always been a
reactionary force in Germany and they were to remain so (providing
another contrast with neighbouring France). The youth movement
gave them a greater understanding of their pupils, they were closer

•?.^"

to youth, but they nevertheless retained their national outlook.

The first world war was instrumental in bringing them to the
fore, since the whole outlook of the movement made them accept
enthusiastically a war started by the very eiders against whom they

were supposed to be in revolt. There had never been any vagueness
about their feeling for the folk and now they were called to defend
it. Mr. Laqueur is correct only in strict terms of political action
when he sees vagueness in the early Wandervögel but it must not be
stretched to include their attachment to the folk and to that cosmoe
which was for them specifically a German nature experience. For this

set the tone for the events of the war and what followed. The

-11-

romanticising of life led inevitably to futility in political
action for all the normal Channels of political communication were
denied« Thus the movement was inherently open to totalitarian
Solutions of politics wiaether advocated by the German Right or by
the Communists. The Youth movement was in search of new forms of

political life which would actualise their basic ideology.

Such a search led some towards a frustrated activism and

excentricity which Laqueur documents through one of the more
fascinating leaders of the nineteen twenties. It could also lead
to a phenomenon whicr. connects the Youth movement with the
millenarian movement of previous centuries- Muck Lamberty and his
group went from Thuringian viliage to village after the war. First
he preached a sermon in the church, and then the whole viliage
Joined in an extatic dance through the stxeets. What he preached
was familiär: the soul must "swing again", the Community ol tne
folk must seek new health ti^rough nature. The title of Lambert 's
Sermons: "the revolution of the soul".

Tjuis might be a slogan of the movement of youth and here it
is at one with the whole of this German Impetus. In the late
twenties one intellectual called for a final Berman revolution:
there had been two of these before - the Lutheran Revolution and

the Romantic revolution, now was the time for the revolution of the

-12-

the folk. The Company in which this final revolution la put

describ^s its nature - it waa to be a spiritual revolution. The

youth movement tended this way in the nineteen twenties and indeed

before this, tempered only by an activiam which, at timea, became
excentricity. This iraa a revolt vvithout a aet political program,
without an economic theory but with a conaenaua on the soul

r<-j

experience which would renew the folk. It ia a part of the German
cataatrophe that some of the beut minds of the nation were
aearching for auch genuineneaa when they should have paid attention
to concrete politicalVeconomic programs and that auch a flight
from reality led all too eaaily into the arma of any leader who

shared the paasion for the genuine and the folk.

And yet, individualism was ntressed by all the movement.
How could it be otherwise when the members had wanted to escape
not just the society of Wilhelminian Germany but also the stifling
atmosphere of the school? It was the soul^ of the individual
which had to "awing" to nature, it was the individual who of his
own free will joined the group. The principal early historian of
the movement, Hans Blflher, recalled that a simple romanticiam had
prevailed where souljl joined itself to nature and the organisational
auperstructure waa minimal. The leaderahip idea waa atrong, for
the le-'ider recruited hia followera directly, but it waa an
individualiaed relationahip in which no outaide force intervened.

-13-

9he leader hlmself was democratlc: he had what Max Weber called

"Charisma", an undefinable something which made the dlfference«

No doubt the groups were rather loose associations to begin with,

collected around the leader, but inevitably there grew up a
greater organisational stability as time went on. The continual

splits and re-groupings which Laqueur describes so well give
testimony however to a more lasting strength of the personalised

leader-follower relationahip. A further change was in the making

and Laqueur calls 1919 the "end of the individualistic period»».

Yet never was individualism conceived in terms of that liberalism,

which all the groups rejeoted as divisive. At all tiraes the strong

idea of leadership tempered any individualism whatsoever. The

ideology also produced a common bond which made for a commonly

shared experlence: nature could not be defined differently from

the accepted norm. By 1919 this meant in some of the roamers a

a new emphasis on the group which liquidated such individualism

as there was.

This is important, for now the collective mattered more than
the individual and this collective was defined in terms of the

ideology: here was the cell from which the defeated nation was to (
be renewed. An order of Knights Templar grouped around their leader '
would Charge on and bring with it the genujne folk. Stefan George
had predicted a "secret Germany" which through poetry and beauty

-14-

- would lead to national regeneration. Such ideas of an eilte were
appealing and the youth movement had always regarded themaelves
as such. The group so defined channelled all its energies towards
the "new Reich" conceived ih semi-mystical terms. "The group of
men banded around a leader is the origin of all statee" euid the
hope of the folk. The Image which Spengler had put at the end of
his Decline of the West now becomes man 's salvation.

Was ideology all that held these groups together? Once more
*e must return to the point that these were for the most part
young boys and denpite the anti-intellectualism of the movement
the ideology was constantly fostered from above, not below. In
1911 Hans Bltlher wrote a sensational book about the Youth
movement as an erotic phenomenonHis contention that sexual
Inversion played a Btrong part in maintaining group cohesion was
influenced by his acceptance of Preud. He himself believed that
in adolescence sexual Inversion was a factor making towards social
consciousness. The case as it concerns the movement can never be
proven and Laqueur handles it with fineiise and circumr^pection.
Piatonic friendship did play a vital part. Yet one can go further
than Laqueur in this matter. If one reads the many publications
of the Wandervögel one can see in their lengthy descriptions a
new kind of admiration for the male body. Seemingly erotic

attitudes were linked to streng ideas about beauty which in turn

-15-

were a concomitant of the feeling about nature. The etrong
muacular bodyi the clear brow, the blue eyes all seem dosest to

the genuine person rooted in the soil, A definition of beauty
arrived at in Opposition to the pale-faced and flabby City person

and the bourgeois, comfortable in corpulence as well as in hie
way of life. It seems that the element of the erotic must be
approached in this way, as part of a definition of German raanhood
and beauty which became predominant throughout the folk. Once
again this revolt of youth tended towards the traditional. Por

juat as the landscape, the folk, was eternal so was this concept
of beauty. After the war amd during the revolution aome groups

flirted briefly vith expresaionism only to return to the Germanic
Image. Truth was given for all time and Wyneckens* failure shows

clear ly that Traditionali sm was to be victorious.

The ideal of beauty was coupled at all times with the ideal

of the heroic. Nietzschean ideas played a role here in the way we
have already indicated. The leader was a heroic personality in the
sense that through his strength of will he overcame his Philistine
background. The sense of adventure in exploring nature, the prowess
needed to deal with the primitive conditions they prized on their
rambles, all this produced an image of man which contrasted with
middle claas comfort and complacency. The young Knight was embattled

against society and his Rtrong muscular body contained an iron

-16-

Btrength of will based upon the truth he had learned on hia
ramblee. This ideal of manhood produced a "heroic Personality"
which some groups emphasised more than others. The Nazis were to
stress this part of the nationalist ideology and to exalt it
into the rnain prlnciple of life. The group cohesion of the youth
movement prevented such a predominant eraphasis, nevertheless the
heroic became an integral part of lÄ^ concept of Germania beauty
and the Germanic spirit.

Even before the cohesion of the group came to dominance this
was a total way of life. It encompassed the whole man and old
boys found it difficult to grow out of it - in attitude of mind
they rarely did. How total it was can best be demonstrated through
the agricultural communes which grew out of the Youth movement.
These were communal Settlements on the land in the Eastern parte
of Germany. In the colonies all property wa^ held jointly and
agricultural tasks were undertaken in common. Such efforts had
been made in Germany since the turn of the Century and they

/if

i"?^ sharpened the ideology towards a definite racial base. Ilere too

were the "cells" for a new nation but a nation renewed through
actual living in nature, on the soll, while racial purity gave an

additional strength to these experiments. They failed, some sooner
than others, the people of the soll seemed Singular ly bad peasants
Laqueur deals only with the largest of them, the Artamanen, who

-17-

themselves out as farn laborers and thue managed to aurvlve. The
Artamanen were, for the moet part, absorbed Into the Nazi party
and Himmler had been a member from the beginning, At this extreme,
therefore, the link between Youth movement and National Socialism
is direct and obvious. In these communes the opirit of Youth
and the specific Germanic mysticism met and married. They were
never so far apart. The festival of the changing sun, a central
rite of the youth movement, was a part of the rediscovery of the
Germanic past, the folk songs uaed texts and melodies of the
heroic age of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. But the
touchstone of the depth of this Germanism is surely the attitude
tovvards the Jews . Laqueuc sees its importance by devoting a whole

ohapter to the Jefish QuestionI

The very fact that he does so shows that there was no

unanimity here.

Jews were raembers of many of the early groups and some even
attained positions of leadership. But, typically enough, two

attitudes prevailed: there were those who believed that Jews could
assimilate completely, that they could exchange their Jewishness

for Germanism. When the Jewish question was debated during the
first World war this was the position of those who did not want
to discriminate. The Jew could become a complete German, that was

the point and it was, at the same time, conceeded that not all

-18-

J«W8 were able to do thle. But then thia youth was an eilte in
the first place and not a mass movement. Throughout the nineteenth
Century even those who had operated with the Jewish stereotype

^' had believed that some selected Jews could throw off their

undesirable origins. Jewishness and Germanism never went together,
that is quite clear, the problem was only whether Jews had a choice
at all. For the youth movement the nature experlence, the cosmology,
was, after all, speciflcally German. It ig not without interest

to note that when a German- Jewish and Zionist youth movement

was

formed they debated at length what meaning the German land

scape

ciuld have for them when the Palestinian lanscape was that nature
to which their qouIs would respond.

The second attitude was to see in the Jews a separate people.

This was Karl Fischer 's standpoint and it became important among

the most significant section of this youth. Racial superiority of

the Germans was not, at first, involved. In 1913 one leader wrote

that racial questions were very "new" as a topic for discussion

in the movement. He should have known for he did his best to

introduce this element. What is significant about this is his lack |

of real success, a fact which Laqueur seems to underestimate. Those '

who believed in total assimilation remaincd streng and the others /

who saw the world 4n terms of a number of people all equally valid

also persisted. What is true is that the Je# as Jew was rejected

-19-

from the beginning, that as a Jew (if he remained one) he was
regarded aa disagreeable and foreign. The ambiguity on the Jewish
queetion which Laqueur notes was introduced into the movement in
this way. Germanism, as one quite tolerant leader v?rote, was a
quality of the aoul which the Jew as Jew could not share. Quite
naturally it could become "the" quality of the soul and those who
could not share it were denied a bouI at all. Such a atep was
taken eventually by some and the al/vays preaent aerman stereotype
of the Jew as materialistic, po.ver mad and un-German was re-enforced
Essentia3.1y, such a view of Judaism was implicit in all of the
ideology even if some individual Jews could transcend it with
success.

The radical antisemites were not a majori ty and Laqueur is

l^'

right in pointing this out. They disliked the Jew but tended to

4^ distinguish between the individual and the mass while a certain

syrapathy with Zionism gave to Jews recognition as'^^se paratem It

was the Germanism of the ideology which from the very begir^ning
excluded Jews as Jewa from the movement. This provides one more
piece of evidence about an attitude towards life which went deep
into the fabric of 3erman youth. But this did not lead themVnto
the arms of National Socialism. As Laqueur wrote, the majority
never became cloaely involved with the party while, at the same

time misjudging it as a major political förce. Their guilt lies,

-20-

he holdsy In sins of Omission rather then commiasion, in the
failure to develop an ethos of individual political reapongibility.
All this is true enough but we muat once more return to the
ideology for this youth did, mithin their terms of reference,
have a sense of political involvement. He have pointed this out
already atnd the contrast between what the Nazis understood as
politics and what they understood^the basis of an anders tanding

of their attitudes.

The charges againat the NSDAP fall into two categories: it
was behaving "shamefully" as a political party and it was a crude
mass movement. Political parties were divisive of the unity of

the folk, and mass agitation overlooked the proper ideological

Impetus v?hich could only come from the elite, the "socret Germany".

. l

Thus they fought the Hitler Youth, and the more important the

Nazis became the firmer the rejection of that movement was ingrained
in the majority of the Youth groups. The largest of these included

in the rejection of the NSDAP the repudiation of the violent

*?/,

antii^semitism of Nazi Propaganda. The youth movements/despite the

accusation of vagueness and political immaturity by Laqueur (and

most other historiansj convictions about the folk were not vague

enough to include an alliance with a movement which on the face of
it seemed to stress the same thing^ theugh it is true,höw^ver, that

many ordinary members were confused by this apparent airailarlty, and

-21-

ruahed to joln up. The youth movemelit did not have a Chance
against the Party. What pulled them down to defeat was not the
vagueness of the ideology but its very nature. The union of

landscape, rooted man and history had ita base in a mystical
cosmology which opposed the klnd of political pragmatiem of which
Hitler vvaa the master. He might say that the Third Reich would be
a Reich of peasants, his economic policy might be equally confused,
but he operated within the context of political realities^. The
youth movement awept them aaide as part of their revolt and here

liea its baaic weakness and futility. The folk was above the state,
it was the mystical unity which included all individuality and

soul experiences and therefore the actual functioning of the state

was bound to be of secondary importauice.

Laqueur believes that the youth movement shares the same kind
of responsibility for National Socialism as did most German

movements and parties, all of whom embraced some part of the neo- I

1
romantic ideology. Most of them, it must be added, also apposed the

Nazis for much of the same reason as this youth. But the matter can

not be brushed off quite so easily. For this is German Youth and in

raany waya the best and most articulate part of it. To emphasize the
past can lead to vague general Statements as Laqueur believed but
this movement transmitted an important tradition from the past to
the present, something which gives it an importance which far
outweigha the political failings .vhich are constantly streased in

-22-

the book. Por it is a phenomenon of Oerman history that the
youth in times of crisis underwent a nationalist radicalisation
not reflected by their parents. During the last decades of the

Aa4

nineteenth Century German students jumped on to the band waggon
of the antisemitic Court preacher Stöcker which never proved
politically affective with their eiders. Praternities which had
accepted Jews now excluded them (a fraternity tradition which
came to the United States from this source) and antisemitic

-, 4

Student organisations flourished. All this on behalf of the
folk, the (rermanic renewal. Later the National Socialists
captured the large German student Organisation well over a year
before the NSDAP itself showed any electoral strength. It is in

the context of this radicalisation of German youth that the
Youth movement itself takes on the true dimensions of its
importance. They wanted to change the world of their eiders,

they wanted to renew the nation but what they pr6duced was a
retreat from reality into the folk as exemplified by genuine

nature. A real overthrow of society was impossible under such

terms.

The crux of the matter is that the revolutionary forces among
the German middle class did not stem from the Prench Revolution
but from the Romanticism which opposed it. The students in the
nineteenth Century and the Youth movement of the twentieth were

-2>^

middle claas* They thought of themselves as revolutionaries but
in specific Germaui terms of revolution: the spiritual revolution
came first. This made sense in a disunited nation but now it
was re-emphasized in a united nation which nevertheless seeraed
to lack a proper unity. The Nazis capitalised on this, but they
combined it with the idea of a revolution of the masses and the
pragmatism we have mentioned already. The German Youth movement
was another abortive Gerraan revolution but one whose failure
throws a glaring light on the frustrations of the bourgeoisie,
which has bedevilled Germany in the last two centuries.

But it is not yet over. As Laqueur shows the fir4s are now
burning low but they are burning nevertheless. Por where is
German youth to turn to today in its discontent with the
Society of the economic miracle? To the futility of our own
Angry young men? That would be a sudden and unexpected break
with the tradition of the past. Towards a non-Coramunist left,
such as there is in Britain? This hardly exists in Germany today, '
A third of the nation is under Comraunist domination and this

makes any truly leftist movement difficult at best, as the
expulsion of the young Gocialists from the Social Democratic
party shows. The road which the Youth movement trod is still
open, to capture once again the enthusiasm of the young and not
so youn^ and some groups have been reconstituting themselves.

-2^1.

It would not, I think, be correct, to call thia a revival of
Naziem: the movement, after all, had opposed Hitlers rise to
povver. But it does once raore raise up the spectre of a neo-
romanticism, of the attitude of mind we have analysed. In the
caee of German youth, crass materialism and a good dose of

pragmatism may well be a good thing but it cannot be in the

long run a Substitute for that longing for ideology which has

been the hall-mark of German youth and German history,

^/TiU Such ifciiid^^/^^^
The young Germany which Laqueur writes aboutVcuts through

to the Gore of an attitude towards life which runs on beneath

the reiatively short time span of the Third Reich. This book
i# a faacinating and sensitive narrative of a failure, but a
fallure which explaina better than most successes the ivorking
of that German raind which made the nation the home of the

counter-revolution: a counter-revolution against the tradition
of the ?rench Revolution, liberalism and modernity. Today the
World »8 bones are trembling once more in fear of a red war.
It seema difficult to do away with the terror and it is
iraposaible to march on to triumph l^^ough the ruins of an
atomic holocaust, but it is still possible to believe in a
triumph of the folk amidst the ruins of a divided Germany. I
ceuinot be the only recent visitor to Gestern Germany to have

heard repeatedly that political boundaries äo not really matter,

-<:3-

*>!«>- « ^

that a natural and deeper unity of the German people la bound
to reassert itself in the end. Today the aggressiveness of
1932 is beside the point, but the frame of mind which had this
youthful enthusiasm as one of its conaequences is not Will the
counter-revolution once again be confused with a true revolution?
For whether consciously or not the "splendid failure" (in Mr.
Laqueur's words) was^yrapatltotlc of a world view which produced
the all too concrete Katastrophe, a red war which gave to such

romaticism a most unromantic end.

V. t

• V

178 COMMENT ARY

others, uncritically project this concem upon
American society at large. But this shows
that "political science" has discarded the
supposed pitfaJIs of classic theory only in
intention, not in fact. It also attributes di-
rectly unobservable global features to soci-
ety; it also incorporates the value attitudes
of its practitioners. Apparently one cannot
av^oid doing these things when studying
politics ^d Society. The only question is
how well one does them, but it is clear that
people who are unaware of doing a thing
cannot do it very well.

Professor Key indicates that "political
science" has found no satisfactory way to
bring into focus such phenomena as political
power, influence, and leadership. Indeed, as
the survey studies show, "political science"
seeks to isolate the "influential" members of
the political Community by finding out who
votes most regularly, reads most about poli-
tics, does most of the party work, and so
on. This is how heroically "political
science," wedded to the grass roots ap-
proach, strives to avoid its own subject
matter. True, political issues are of concem
to all, and in a democracy everyone is suj>-
posed to participate in politics. But many
things besides pervasive attitudes and modes
of behavior that everyone engages in on an
equal footing are found among the essential
determinants of the political process. These
include, on the one band, the hierarchical
features of politics (differentiation between
leaders and led, rulers and mied) and on
the other, its institutional features (the
"mies of the game," the established modes
of acquiring and exercising authority).
Classic theory, which concentrated on these,
was on the right track; "political science,"
which systematically blocks them out, in-

capacitates itself thereby. Of course we are
aware today of the need for more rigorous
and extensive fact-finding techniques than
those available to the classics, and it is
"political science" that has given us this
awareness. But the methods we need can-
not be based upon the concept of "objec-
tivity" propounded by "political science."
We cannot do without Interpretation and
judgment, and the objectivity which is possi-
ble (and imperative) in these fields neces-
sarily has an admixture of controUed sub-
jectivity. This is inescapable. The "pure"
objectivity postulated by "political science"
leads both to loss of subject matter and to
an intrusion of uncontrolled subjectivity.

THE SPLENDID FAILURE

YouNG Germany 1900-1960. By Walter
Z. Laqueur. Routledge & Kegan Paul.
(Basic Books in Octoher, $6.00)-

Reviewed by George L. Müsse

The World' s rotten bones tremble with
fear of the Red War. We did away with
terror, that was our triumph. Onward
we'U march, let everything fall in ruins.
Today Germany is ours — tomorrow the
World!

These lines wtlre written not by an SS
leader or a professional patriot, but by a
middle-class Catholic German high school
boy, in 1932. Hans Baumann was then
eighteen; later he became a minor leader in
the Hitler Youth and regarded with naive
amazement the great deeds of the Fuehrer.
But boys become men, and as Baumann
grew up he began to evince a mild resistance
to National Socialism, while doing his patri-
otic duty as a soldier. Today he is a pacifist,
author of children's books and avant-gsu^de
plays. His song, so famous under the Third
Reich, is a product of the forces which
shaped his youth. Does German youth today
write the same sort of thing? I believe not.
In any case, it would be impossible today
for such ideological verse to spread with the
same speed as Baumann's youthful effort.
For one thing, the sense of destiny expressed
can have no real meaning in a nation di-
vided and at the mercy of the Great Powers.
For another, it is too soon, after the total
defeat, to envisage a total victory. Yet the

R^f^:f''l:

^V'■ ■ ^ '•!

3v vVi'?-

>>'■■•■":■■ 'C'L'' -iih'l'-- '■■■"■■ ■ u=''^!äv.'i"v''Y' ■' -■ ■ ■' ■-Vt^;'*''-^' vi!",, ■ ,;

underlying attitude of mind Springs from a
view of the world which has never lost its
appeal in modern Germany. The problem
of unity, around which German nationalism
has always centered, once more confronts
the nation. If the young Baumann was ob-
sessed with it in 1932, he had the example
of the German youth of generations pre-
ceding his. Even the fathers and mothers of
the young were always patriotic, after all —
given to Bismarck-worship and Wagnerian
operzis. But in the case of the parents, a
strident patriotism seemed to conflict with
a placid acceptance of Germany's internal
division. The young searched for a deeper,
more genuine connection with the "genius"
of the nation, as evident from the first re-
bellious spirits who around 1900 started the
Youth Movement.

Mr. Walter Laqueur has given us a new
and interesting history of the German Youth
Movement, though it seems to me that he
has, in his introduction, laid too little re-
sponsibility for Nazism at its door. If its
early representatives did not express them-
selves in words like Baumann's, their atti-
tude was nevertheless congenial to his. And
though it is true that the Youth Movement
ultimately rejected National Socialism, its
responsibility for the German catastrophe
cannot be minimized.

Laqueur quite rightly Starts his discussion
with a chapter on the "romantic prelude" :
it was the romanticism that foUov/ed the
French Revolution which provided the Im-
petus for German nationalism. The young
men who banded together around 1900 did
not form gangs or proclaim the Coming of a
new Society, but went on rambles. Few
people in the West would associate rambles
with revolutions, a love of nature with the
Subversion of the existing order. But this
latter-day romanticism was in no sense a
simple "back-to-nature" movement (as Mr.
Laqueur seems to suggest). Rather, it rep-
resented a highly combustible fusion of na-
ture, man, and "folk."

Schoolboys doubtless wanted the fun of
being on their own, of having adventures in
the as yet unspoiled countryside. The leader-
ship was a difFerent matter. Karl Fischer,
the first head of the Movement, had already
around 1900 taken his groups to visit the
German minorities in the Austrian Empire,
and as time went on the leaders became in-

BOOKS IN REVIEW 179

creasingly involved in ideological discussions.
These burst into the open at a celebrated
meeting of all youth groups in 1913 on the
Meissner mountain, when an effort was
made to tie the Youth Movement to ideas
of revolt that went beyond a national re-
newal. Gustav Wynecker, a remarkable
teacher (later a Social Democrat), who be-
lieved that youth should find its own forms
and break with the past, issued a passionate
appeal to total revolution and rejection of
19th-century romanticism, and continued in
this role during the revolution of 1918 which
resulted in the Weimar Republic. But the
powerful anti-modemity of the Movement
defeated him.

A different kind of teacher attained to
influence: one who had gone through the
patriotic training of the university and was
f ar from being a f oe of authority. The teach-
ers had always been a reactionary force in
Germany and were to remain so (in contrast
to neighboring France) . The Youth Move-
ment served to draw them closer to their
pupils, but they retained their nationalist
outlook. The First World War was instru-
mental in bringing the youth to the fore —
they accepted with enthusiasm a war started
by the very eiders against whom they were
supposed to be in revolt. Mr. Laqueur is
formally right when he sees vagueness in the
early Wandervogel, but the attachment of
the youth to the "folk" and to the German
cosmos of nature was never vague, and it
was this romanticism that set the tone for
the war and its aftermath. Such romanti-
cizing led inevitably to a sense of futility in
political action. Thus the Movement was
inherently susceptible to totalitarian influ-
ence and Solutions — whether from the right
or the Communists.

Yet individualism had once been an ideo-
logical goal. The Movement had set out to
escape both the caste society of Wilhelmin-
ian Germany and the stifling atmosphere
of the school. The original historian of the
Youth Movement, Hans Blüher, recalled
that in the early days, when a simple roman-
ticism prevailed, the "soul" of the individual
joined itself to nature, and the organiza-
tional superstructure, which the individual
joined of his own free will, was minimal.
True, the leadership idea was strong, for the
leader recruited his foUowers directly; but
no outside force intervened between leader

El ■-^i'j*** ■.;..' ^"^ ■■"■"■■ J". ''' f/ -1 M 1 ■ t - ' .■»."■••I ^ V . ■ ' ■ ■■

180 COMMENTARY

and foUower. It was enough that the leader
was endowed with what Max Weber named
"charisma." The continual splits and re-
groupings which Laqueur describes testify
to the enduring strength of the personalized
leader-follower relationship. Inevitably, the
loose association grew more rigid. Laqueur
calls 1919 the "end of the individualistic
period." It must be emphasized, however,
that never had individualism been con-
ceived within the Youth Movement in terms
of that liberalism which all the groups re-
jected as divisive. The concept of leadership
blocked genuine individualism.

We must consider again the point that
these were for the most part boys, and de-
spite the anti-intellectualism of the Move-
ment an ideology was fostered from above.
In 1911 Blüher wrote a sensational book
on the Youth Movement as an erotic phe-
nomenon, putting forth his contention that
sexual Inversion in adolescence played a
powerful part in maintaining group con-
sciousness and cohesion. Laqueur handles
this particular question with circumspection.
But if the case can never be proved, Piatonic
f riendship did play a vital part, and one may
venture beyond Laqueur: the many publi-
cations of the Wandervogel speak continu-
ally of a new sort of admiration for the
muscular male body, the clear brow, the blue
eyes, which seemed to pertain to the "genu-
ine" person rooted in the soll — as contrasted
with the pale-faced and flabby urban bour-
geois, comfortable in corpulence, hopelessly
sunk in his way of life. The ideal of mascu-
line beauty was coupled with that of the
heroic. And the leader was the heroic per-
sonality who through strength of will had
overcome his own background.

Such a view was of course implicit in the
youth ideology even if some individual Jews
were thought to be exceptions. But the radi-
cal anti-Semites were not a majori ty, as
Laqueur rightly points out. Most of the ide-
ologists, disliking Jews, still tended to dis-
tinguish between individuals and the mass;
and a certain sympathy with Zionism even
gave to Jews recognition as a separate
"folk." It was the "Germanism" of the ide-
ology which from the very beginning ex-
cluded Jews as Jews. Here we have one more
piece of evidence pointing to an attitude
toward life which, while it went deep into
the fabric of German youth, did not neces-
sarily lead them into the arms of Nazism.

v*;'»";--

(Lf^/lr-t^^U:.

:^m

,^!;.-,i-i; 'fl.,:>,

The Story is not yet over. As Laqueur
shows, the fires now bum low, but they bum
nevertheless. For where is German youth to
tum to today in its dissatisfaction with the
Society of the "economic miracle"? A third
of the nation is under Communist domina-
tion, which makes any truly radical move-
ment difficult to promote. But the old road
trod by the Youth Movement is still open —
and some groups have been reconstituted.

Laqueur's perceptive book is a fascinating
and sensitive narrative of a failure, but a
failure which explains better than most suc-
cesses the working of those attitudes of mind
which made Germany the home of the coun-
ter-revolution : a counter-revolution against
the tradition of the French Revolution, lib-
eralism, and modemity. Today, if the ag-
gressiveness of 1932 is dead, the underlying
State of mind still lives. Will the counter-
revolution once again be confused with true
revolution? For the "splendid failure"
(Laqueur's words) was symptomatic of a
World view which produced the "Red War"
that put a most unromantic end to the ro-
manticism of German youth.

THE FALLOUT OF THE ACE

David Knudsen. By George P. Eluott.
Random House. 399 pp. $4.95.

Review^d^y Theodore Solotaroff

This is a lummpus and important novel
that deserves mucli better than the per-
functory or hostile reviews that it received

BOOKS IN REVIEW 181

when it was published six months ago and
the Virtual silence that has foUowed. The
limpness and imperception of the reaction
has been surprising to me. For one reason,
George P. EUiott had already established
himsel^ both by his essays and fiction as one
of the few unmistakably solid and pertinent
talents to emerge in the 50's, precisely the
sort of Writer who bears, as they say, close
watching. Moreover, David Knudsen is con-
cemed, in a remarkably concrete and sensi-
tive way, with the public problem today that
impinges upon consciousness like an un-
solved murdtr in the next building and that
makes most other fictional subjects seem
somehow marginal and evasive. The subject
of EUiott's novel is what it means, speci-
fically, to live in the nuclear age — the prob-
lems of private morale and morality which
we face as we sit tight in the Valley of the
shadow of death, depending upon the mercy
of science and the goodness of the state.

To read David Knudsen is to realize how
little has been done with this subject until
now. There has been, of course, a good deal
of muttering about "The Bomb" in con-
temporary fiction, but it seldom goes beyond
that to define its influence upon thought
and feeling. As part of the nihilistic melo-
drama that we've been getting so much of
recently, "The Bomb" serves as a key de-
vice to darken at one stroke the sense of
the times or to provide a kind of instant
comment on the hysterical behavior of the
characters. The characters, that is to say
the author, think no more to the point about
the specific import of the "deterrent" —
both public and private — than do our theo-
logians, sociologists, or ourselves, and the
sense of evil it produces fades into the
anxiety about Russian intentions or child-
rearing or sex. Perhaps this is why David
Knudsen was either ignored or reviewed as
though it were mainly another novel about
modern marriage or "the quest for values."
When it comes to the Bomb, it's easier to
pass on to other, more graspable problems.
Except that we don't — not quite. This is
the point of Elliott's novel. What he has
tried to do is to show how, in one case, the
"deterrent" has disturbed the normal re-
lations of the responsible individual to So-
ciety, has undermined and debased rational
thought, and has bred permissive and brutal
gods.

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50 CENTS SEPTEMBER 1964

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A NEW GENERATION

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RETREAT IN POLAND

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portant than Big Steel's backdown— it
was a historical reminder that public
|X)wer could be marshaled to thwart a
bad private decision, and hence a Presi-
dential action that will have influence
for years to come.

Church and State

The Catholic Church and Nazi
Germany, by Guenter Lewy. Mc-
Graw-Hill. 416 pp. |7.50.

Review ed by

George L. Mosse

A BOOK like this has been long over-
■^^ due. Substituting thorough docu-
mentation for polemics, it teils the
Story of the Catholic Church and Na-
tional Socialism in a straightforward
manner. Perhaps because of this low-
keyed approach, the impact of Guen-
ter Lewy's account is both depressing
and challenging: depressing, because
of the Story of almost complete col-
laboration on the part of the episco-
pate; challenging, as a lesson for the
future.

This attitude is at the root of the

problem, because for the German
episcopate National Socialism was
just one more authoritarian govern-
ment with which collaboration was
not only possible but desirablc. The
bishops, almost to a man, were con-
servatives of the old school, and they
never could understand that such fea-
tures as neo-paganism (and indeed
their own destruction) were an inte-
gral part of Nazism. Pius XI con-
demned both racism and neo-pagan-
ism, but he Said nothing about author-
itarianism itself or indeed about the
persecution of the Jews.

The result was a policy of support
for the Nazi State from the beginning.
In 1937, for example, German Catho-
lics were told that resistance to the
Nazi State was sinful. But the bishops
believed that this would gi\Q them a
quid pro quo: confessional schools
and Support of their institutions —
and the Nazis never discontinued
their financial support of the German
Church. Hitler played on this insti-
tutional emphasis while he gradually
stripped from the Church the very or-
ganizational and institutional frame-
work for which the Church supported
him so wholeheartedly. The ultimate
result is well exemplified by the fact
that the German bishops, desperately
hoping for support from the State,
,went on to praise Hitler even while
the Nazis murdered priests in Poland.
Indeed, Lewy shows that the persecu-
tion of the Church had nothing to do
with a disloyal attitude toward the
Nazi State, but rather indicated that
the Nazis wanted to get rid of an un-
wanted ally — something the episco-
pate in its old-fashioned, conservative
way never understood.

Lewy fully documents these points,
and he also points out that the Church
is an integral part of the nation in
which it functions. There was con-
stant pressure from below for the
bishops to heil Hitler. Moreover, if
the Church did not speak up against
the Jewish persecution and deporta-
tions, one main reason was the wide-
spread indifference of the population.
The failure of the bishops mirrored
the failure of the German Catholic
milieu, indeed of the whole German
population. To be sure, the bishops
were cautious, hesitant, and above all
concerned to safeguard the institution

they served; but they were also Ger-
mans, and in their initial enthusiasm,
they mirrored the attitudes of their
constituency.

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^ranffurter allgemeine

ZEITUNG FÜR DfcU rS(.Hl.AND

Redaktion

Herrn

Prof. Dr. George L. Mosse

36 , Glenway

Madison, Wisconsin 53705

USA

25.1 .88

Sehr verehrter, lieber Herr Professor Mosse,

inzwischen werden Sie sicher die Zeitung mit Ihrer
Rezension erhalten haben, und ich hoffe sehr, daß Sie mit der
jetzt gedruckten Fassung einverstanden ist.

Wir haben uns große Mühe gegeben, daß die redaktionellen Ein-
griffe nirgends zu Lasten der inhaltlichen Argumentation ging

Das Echo ist groß. Zu Ihrem Amüsement lege ich Ihnen die
jüngste Reaktion von Zwerenz in der TAZ bei und verspreche
Ihnen, niemals unter Ihrem Namen über Gerhard Zwerenz zu
schreiben.

Nebenbei: Wer offenbar Ihre Arbeiten zur deutschen Geschichte
nicht kennt, sollte sich in diesem Streit wohl besser nicht
zu Wort melden.

Zuletzt aber möchte ich mich bei Ihnen noch einmal herzlich
bedanken. Wir hatten Ihnen eine heikle Aufgabe zugemutet, und
Sie haben ^ie mit großer Fairness gelöst.

Ich würde mich sehr freuen, lieber Herr Professor Mosse,

wieder von Ihnen zu hören

und grüße Sie mit allen guten Wünschen

als Ihr

Johann Michael Möller

Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung GmbH • Hellerhofstraße 2-4 ■ Postfach 10 08 08 • 6000 Frankfurt am Main 1 • Telefon (069) 759 10 • HR B 7344 • Amtsgericht Frankfurt/Main

Geschäftsführer: Reinhard Mundhenke • Hans-Wolfgang Pfeifer- Klaus Rudioff Generalbevollmächtigter: Dietrich Ratzke

Artikel _ab_
Nolte's Das vergehen der Vergangenheit ~a r uck t^V^ d i e er 1987 und 1987

in der FAZ und der Zeit publiaierte, sowie Interviews u.a. mit

Israelischen Zeitungen. Auch Korrespondenz mit ÄkKritikern wird

abgedruckt, dabei giebt Ernst Nolte seine eigenen Briefe galftzlich

wieder, fasst aber die von seinen Kr i t ikern/kur z zusammen: eine

tho/e die z.b. der Israelische Historiker als entstellung seiner

eingene Briefe kritiriert hat.

Die Lange Einleitung zu dem Buch ^

verteidigt seine Thesen über die " ur sprungl ichkeit" der Russischen

Si^ipie:

gerfe^uj^ber den Pational &05<iz iali s t i s chen X^rbrechen wieder, J*tid
seine Bemerkungen über die Endlosung der Judenfrage .//Dabe i ist %rc
■x I I ■}«^eh--er-be«on sein besonderes Anliegen dass durch die historische
Analyse der Vergangenheit Schuldgefühle abgebaut werden können im
\\ dienste einer positiven Deutschen Identität.//

ifi i^h'f

< '

über die lückenlose Geschichte

Ernst Nolte, Das Vergehen dar Vergangenheit, Antwort an meine Kritiker im
sogenannten Historikerstreit, Ullstein, Berlin, 1987

historischen Beweise in all ihrer Vielfalt^ d^n^m-^i^M^^^l^ c:f ^^M^aplifh

, . v_ ^_____^__ ÖÄO c/WTCÄ^/^E^ey

kein eindimensiorraTes^14eserr|~urTt^-es--best^^ Versuchung; sich an

einer simplen und eleganten These zu berauschen, welche nicht nur die

Vergangenheit erklärt sondern auch die Gegenwart anspricht./ "Suthhf, ^o

wo wäre

find^^;^^i^s*---v«444Mr^:ht~i±^^ ViKd

sie größer als in der Suche nach einer Nationalen Identität, legitimiert
durch die Kontinuität der deutschen Geschichte und dies oft unter /
Einbeziehung des Dritten Reichs? 7

"1 ^^. ■, :

i- » '

Man kann Ernst Noltes Thesen

nichtVmit den politischen /^nforcJürQngen

gen des

Augenblicks identifizieren, denn sie gehen schon auf sein Buch Der
Faschismus in seiner Epoche zurück, das vor über zwanzig Jahren erschien.
Dort wird der Nationalsozialismus weitgehend als eine Reaktion auf den
Bolschewismus verstanden, "eine Revolution gegen die Revolution". Adolf
Hitler selber war damals schon der "Anti-Lenin", wie Nolte es heute
ausdrückt. Niemand wird den Einfluß des Bolschewismus bestreiten, aber die
Prioritäten sind hier falsch gesetzt. Der Nationalsozialismus war
schließlich mehr als das negative Abbild der Russischen Revolution, er war
vor allen Dingen eine Konsequenz der Entwicklung des deutschen Nationalismus
sowie der Zwänge einer modernen Massenbewegung und, "last but not least",
der Brutal isierung der deutschen Politik durch Krieg und Krise. Solche
Überlegungen sollen der vergleichenden Geschichte keinen Abbruch tun, im
Gegenteil, sie wirft zentrale Fragen auf. Der Hinweis auf einen
Weltbürgerkrieg zwischen Menschen und Parteien welche die Erlösung der
Menschheit anstreben, wie ihn Ernst Nolte in seiner Antwort jetzt gibt, ist
sicher nützlich zum Verständnis des Nationalsozialismus, nur als zentral^
Faktor verdeckt er die spezifisch deutschen Wurzeln der Bewegung, die gerade
für das Problem einer deutschen Identität entscheidend sind.
I Hier wäre ein Vergleich mit Frankreich eher am Platze, das Land, welches als
erstes eine Massenbewegung und den Rassismus in die Politik umsetzte, und
das trotzdem bis zu seiner Niederlage, ein rassistisches und totalitäres
Regime vermied. Es stellt sich dann die Frage, was Frankreich denn für
"AntLknrpgr" hatte, die Deutschland fehlten. Die Epoche des
Nationalsozialismus ist für Ernst Nolte von der deutschen Geschichte weithin
abgeschnitten, und durch die Fixierung auf den Bolschewismus auch von
Vergleichen, die ein Licht auf die deutsche Entwicklung werfen könnten

Noltes These, heute noch spitzer formuliert als damals, steht natürlich zur
wissenschaftlichen Debatte. Die Endlösung der Judenfrage ist von einer
solchen Debattte nicht ausgenommen. Für Historiker, die es mit Benedetto
Croce halten, nach dem^die Geschichte entdecken kann, was es bedeutet,
Mensch zu sein, steht die historische Erfassung der Endlösung nicht zur
Debatte. Aber Ernst Nolte, mit all seiner Verabscheuung der Endlösung,
tritt mit einer vorgefaßten Meinung an sie heran, die nicht nur gegen die
Einsichten der einschlägigen Literatur verstößt, sondern auch eines der
ältesten Märchen über die Juden wieder aufleben läßt- Er faßt die Juden als
eine homogene Einheit auf; so wird Chaim Weizmann, dem zionistischen
Staatsmann, eine im Namen der Juden abgegebene Kriegserklärung gegen
Deutschland in die Schuhe geschoben, und das im Namen des sQgenanrrten
Jü4i Gehen l«Jelt.kQDgreagyisy der 1939 kaum genug Geld besä ß,\»fiHk-R«^ei gen en
Telefonrechnungen zu bezahlen. Ernst Nolte pjt SaTid^t^mit Recht gegen das
kollektive Denken, aber trotzdem, wendet er es auf die Juden an. Es sollte
die Pflicht des Historikers sein, solche Mythen wie die vom Weltjudentum zu
vernichten, Mythen, die nur zu leicht in sich selbst-er füllende
Prophezeiungen umgemünzt werden können, und es im Dritten Reich auch
wurden. Wenn solche vermeintlichen, sogenannten "jüdischen
Her ausf oder ungen" als teilweise Erklärung von Hitlers Vernichtungswillen
hingestellt werden, wie Ernst Nolte es tut, dann ist die Endlösung nur die
Erhöhung eines von Anfang an berechtigten Verteidigungswillens. Sie wird in
ihrem Kern trivialisiert.

Ernst Nolte plädiert richtigerweise dafür, Hitler als ganzes zu sehen. Aber
wenn man Hitler beim Wort nimmt, dann ist es schwer zu leugnen, daß für ihn
der Bolschewismus und aFT^flBedrohungen Deutschlands nur die Spitze eines

Eisberges sind, der von Juden getragen und manipuliert wird. Niemand wird

die geKtralitlft der ökonomischen, politischen und sozialen Faktoren leugnen,
die der nationalsozialistischen Bewegung zur Macht verhalfen, aber zugleich
geht es ja auch darum, wie die Menschen diese Probleme wahrnehmen, und hier
spielte die sogenannte Juden frage eine wichtige Rolle. Der
Nationalsozialismus hat versucht, alle sogenannten "Außenseiter" als
Bedrohung von Rasse und Gesellschaft zu vernichten - die Liste ist lang-
Sie reicht von Juden, ihnen vor allen, bis zu den Geisteskranken, den alten
und Schwachen, den Zigeunern und Homo -Sexuellen. EiiiiZentraleJ Ar liegen,
f*ÄS nur cu oft, so auch in dieser Debatte, nicht angesprochen wird. Ernst
Nolte drängt all dies auf den Bolschewismus und die fiktive Herausforderung
der Juden selber ab.

Ernst Noltes eigentliche These von Nazismus und Bolschewismus scheint mir
nicht so wichtig wie die Fragen, die sie aufwirft über die Einordnung des

Nationalsozialismus in die deutsche Geschichte und seine Konsequenzen für

die Nationale Identität. : Hier hat man mit der Redensweise von "guten und

schlechten Deutschen" einige Strohmänner aufgebaut. Es sollte erst einmal
um das Verstehen gehen, und hier kan man kaum abstreiten, daß das Dritte

F//y

f^'^.

^-^

Reich, jedenfalls in seinen ersten Jahren, auf einem aktiven oder passiven
Konsens beruhte. Die Deutschen waren im Krieg vielleicht, wie Andreas y^ FA2
Hillgruber argumentiert, zwischen Hitler und Stalin (M-rrerelrpSBelt , aber sie C ^'^ «^'^^y
waren in den Jahren des Nationalsozialismus nicht einfach Zuschauer; sie

hatten meist gute Gründe, es nicht zu sein, aber das ändert nichts an der
Tatsache eines solchen Konsens. Diese Tatsache bedarf erst einmal einer
gründlichen Erforschung, bevor man zum besseren Verständnis des
Nationalsozialismus zur großen Politik greift oder ausländische Bedrohungen
herausstellt. Scjl-b&t -passiver Konsens gcgonübcr eiTTgnTTä^Brsii sehen Regime
hat iCoFHJCiyionEon für die Cueho nach einer Mdliuiialgn Tflbfiitil ät . /

Ich selber glaube nicht an einen deutschen Sonderweg in der Geschichte, aber
das, was in vielen Nationen, wie Frankreich, latent war, kam schließlich in
Deutschland an die Macht. Es scheint mir falsch und gefährlich, die Frage
nach der Einordnung des Nationalsozialismus in die deutsche Geschichte und
Identitätssuche zu entscheiden ohne relevante Fragen über Rassismus und
Nationalismus an die neuere deutsche Geschichte zu stellen. Ich verstehe
nicht ganz, warum die Einordnung des Nationalsozialismus in die deutsche
Geschichte mit der Suche nach einer Nationalen Identität verkettet werden
muß. Es ist schwer vorstellbar, daß man eine deutsche Identität mit irgend
einem Teil des Dritten Reiches, im Krieg oder Frieden, identifizieren kann,
ohne die allgegenwärtigen Verbrechen mit einzubeziehen. Es gab damals
wirkliche Helden, so z.B., die gar nicht so kleine Schar der Deutschen, die
unter Lebensgefahr Juden versteckten. Ihnen ist noch kein Denkmal gesetzt
worden. Bedeutet dies etwas? Zivilcourage scheint mir immer noch das beste
Beispiel für ein/l Identität^Vbesser als die Zuflucht zu einer lückenlosen

J^, v^''M^^ ^

Geschichte.

Der Historiker -St reit sollte vor allem die Anregung geben, über
Nationalismus und Nationale Identität tiefer nachzudenken und ^htf& nicht als
gegeben anzusehen. Die Konfrontation mit einem "negativen Nationalismus",
der weithin auf Schuld beruht, wie in einigen Diskussionen im Historiker-
Streit erwähnt, droht umzuschlagen in einen positiven Nationalismus nicht
der Nazis, sondern mehr der Wilhelminischen Zeit. Das heißt meiner Meinung
nach, wieder einmal in der deutschen Geschichte eine Gelegenheit zu
verpassen. Gerade der Schock des Dritten Reiches und das Gefühl der Schuld
sollte es möglich machen, über die Vergangenheit hinaus einem humanem, weit
offenen, Nationalismus das Wort zu reden. Ansätze dafür gibt es ja genug in

ZJf^fy^^

der deutschen Geschichte. Diese sollte man lieber als Nationale
Identifikation herausarbeiten als versuchen, die deutsche Geschichte durch
Einordnung in Ordnung zu bringen. Gerade hier kann auch Chaim Weizmann ein
Beispiel sein, mit seiner Ablehnung der militärischen Gewalt und eines engen
Nationalismus, mit seiner Befürwortung des friedlichen Zusammenlebens in
Pal äst i na.

George L- Mosse (Universität Wisconsin, USA, Hebräische Universität,

Jerusalem)

f ^-— •»* ■», >

31. 11. 1987

Sehr geehrter Herr Mol'l

Nolte's Buch. Ich war^'e I

Hier ist der kl
hnen dankbar f ur^' d

Frankfurter in welcher der Artikel

eine Artikel ut/er
ie zu Sedjing der

gesr^ckt wird, fis ist

naturlich bei ei

r so brenzlich

en Kontroverse

wichtig dass

Sie etwaige And

erungen erst« mit mir b

Kopie des Artikel i

chen. Ich habe ei

n Madison, so kann das uiy4r das Telef

geschehen^ Sonst nehme ich an d

ass der Artikel gedruckt

wird

so wie er

jetzt «et steht, Natut'l

ich werde ich auch ub^er

etwaige briefe die den Artikel betreff

en informiert werden?

Sie habe j^ir k

eine ganz leichte Aufgabe gegebe

n, aber nachd

ich die Exerpte die Sie

mir sand$^ und auch di

e relevant

Bucher gelesen habe, so habe

ich versucht zu sagen was

man

meiner m^inung nach

sagen muss

Mit besten Gru^

sen

■<\

Ihr

e erreichen i

mmer am bebten zu Hause ( 608-233-0915)

über die lückenlcose Geschichte

Ernst Nolte, Das — Vergehen der Vergangenheit. Antwort an meine Kritikpr im

sogenannten Histoorikerstreit. Ullstein, Berlin, 1987

Ernst Nolte hat -seinen Kritikern erwidert und, außer kleinen Abstrichen,
nichts aufgegeben-:. Der sogenannte Historiker-Streit geht weiter, er spielt
sich auf zwei Ebeenen gleichzeitig ab, der wissenschaftlichen und der
politischen, die Suche nach einer deutschen Identität. Der Mythos des
sogenannten "Unpccli tischen" war schon immer ein künstliches Konstrukt das
versuchte, die Pcolitik vom Alltag abzukoppeln. Man kann das in Wirklichkeit
immer gegenwärti^s Politische nicht einfach in Abrede stellen, wie es zu oft
im Historiker-Streit geschieht, es gibt schließlich kaum ein größeres
Politikum als di^ Suche nach Nationaler Identität. Es wäre besser, dies
anzuerkennen und es unter Kontrolle zu halten. Und dann, welcher Historiker
kann schon über C^^s Dritte Reich schreiben ohne eine, wenn auch nur latente,
Stellungnahme? D^zu ist es zu nahe, der Schock zu groß und das Geschehen
von zu 5chreckli.r:'-.er Dimension. Die Wissenschaft muß das um ihrer
Integrität willen zur Kenntnis nehmen. Was für sie zählen sollte, sind die
historischen Beweise in all ihrer Vielfalt, denn der Mensch ist schließlich
kein eindimensionales Wesen; und es besteht immer die Versuchung, sich an
einer simplen und eleganten These zu berauschen, welche nicht nur die
Vergangenheit erklärt sondern auch die Gegenwart anspricht. "Suche, so
finde" ist vielleicht die größte Versuchung für den Historiker, und wo wäre
sie größer als in der Suche nach einer Nationalen Identität, legitimiert
durch die Kontinuität der deutschen Geschichte und dies oft unter
Einbeziehung des Dritten Reichs?

%»

Man kann Ernst Noltes Thesen nicht mit den politischen Anforderungen des
Augenblicks identifizieren, denn sie gehen schon auf sein Buch Der
Faschismus in seiner Epoche zurück, das vor über zwanzig Jahren erschien.
Dort wird der Nationalsozialismus weitgehend als eine Reaktion auf den
Bolschewismus verstanden, "eine Revolution gegen die Revolution". Adolf
Hitler selber war damals schon der "Anti-Lenin", wie Nolte es heute
ausdrückt. Niemand wird den Einfluß des Bolschewismus bestreiten, aber die
Prioritäten sind hier falsch gesetzt. Der Nationalsozialismus war
schließlich mehr als das negative Abbild der Russischen Revolution, er war
vor allen Dingen eine Konsequenz der Entwicklung des deutschen Nationalismus
sowie der Zwänge einer modernen Massenbewegung und, "last but not least",
der Brutal isierung der deutschen Politik durch Krieg und Krise. Solche
Überlegungen sollen der vergleichenden Geschichte keinen Abbruch tun, im
Gegenteil, sie wirft zentrale Fragen auf. Der Hinweis auf einen
Weltbürger krieg zwischen Menschen und Parteien welche die Erlösung der
Menschheit anstreben, wie ihn Ernst Nolte in seiner Antwort jetzt gibt, ist
sicher nützlich zum Verständnis des Nationalsozialismus, nur als zentral^fl
Faktor verdeckt er die spezifisch deutschen Wurzeln der Bewegung, die gerade
für das Problem einer deutschen Identität entscheidend sind.
Hier wäre ein Vergleich mit Frankreich eher am Platze, das Land, welches als
erstes eine Massenbewegung und den Rassismus in die Politik umsetzte, und
das trotzdem bis zu seiner Niederlage, ein rassistisches und totalitäres
Regime vermied. Es stellt sich dann die Frage, was Frankreich denn für
"Antikörper" hatte, die Deutschland fehlten. Die Epoche des
Nationalsozialismus ist für Ernst Nolte von der deutschen Geschichte weithin
abgeschnitten, und durch die Fixierung auf den Bolschewismus auch von
Vergleichen, die ein Licht auf die deutsche Entwicklung werfen könnten.

Noltes These, heute noch spitzer formuliert als damals, steht natürlich zur
wissenschaftlichen Debatte. Die Endlösung der Judenfrage ist von einer
solchen Debattte nicht ausgenommen. Für Historiker, die es mit Benedetto
Croce halten, nach dem'^'die Geschichte entdecken kann, was es bedeutet,
Mensch zu sein, steht die historische Erfassung der Endlösung nicht zur
Debatte. Aber Ernst Nolte, mit all seiner Verabscheuung der Endlösung,
tritt mit einer vorgefaßten Meinung an sie heran, die nicht nur gegen die
Einsichten der einschlägigen Literatur verstößt, sondern auch eines der
ältesten Märchen über die Juden wieder aufleben läßt. Er faßt die Juden als
eine homogene Einheit auf; so wird Chaim Weizmann, dem zionistischen
Staatsmann, eine im Namen der Juden abgegebene Kriegserklärung gegen
Deutschland in die Schuhe geschoben, und das im Namen des sogenannten
Jüdischen Weltkongresses, der 1939 kaum genug Geld besaß, seine eigenen
Telefonrechnungen zu bezahlen. Ernst Nolte pi Stf'i or,t mit Recht gegen das
kollektive Denken, aber trotzdem, wendet er es auf die Juden an. Es sollte
die Pflicht des Historikers sein, solche Mythen wie die vom Weltjudentum zu
vernichten, Mythen, die nur zu leicht in sich selbst-er füllende
Prophezeiungen umgemünzt werden können, und es im Dritten Reich auch
wurden. Wenn solche vermeintlichen, sogenannten "jüdischen
Herausfoderungen" als teilweise Erklärung von Hitlers Vernichtungswillen
hingestellt werden, wie Ernst Nolte es tut, dann ist die Endlösung nur die
Erhöhung eines von Anfang an berechtigten Verteidigungswillens. Sie wird in
ihrem Kern trivialisiert.

Ernst Nolte plädiert richtigerweise dafür, Hitler als ganzes zu sehen. Aber
wenn man Hitler beim Wort nimmt, dann ist es schwer zu leugnen, daß für ihn
der Bolschewismus und afTif^edroRungen Deutschlands nur die Spitze eines

Eisberges sind, der von Juden getragen und manipuliert wird. Niemand wird

d Schwachen, den Zigeunern und Homo -Sexuellen. Ein zentrales Anliegen,

das nur su oft, so auch in dieser Debatte, nicht angesprochen wird. Ernst
Nolte drängt all dies auf den Bolschewismus und die fiktive Herausforderung
der Juden selber ab.

Ernst Noltes eigentliche These von Nazismus und Bolschewismus scheint mir
nicht so wichtig wie die Fragen, die sie aufwirft über die Einordnung des
Nationalsozialismus in die deutsche Geschichte und seine Konsequenzen für
die Nationale Identität. Hier hat man mit der Redensweise von "guten und
schlechten Deutschen" einige Strohmänner aufgebaut. Es sollte erst einmal

das Verstehen gehen, und hier kan man kaum abstreiten, daß das Dritte

Reich, jedenfalls in seinen ersten Jahren, auf einem aktiven oder passiven
Konsens beruhte. Die Deutschen waren im Krieg vielleicht, wie Andreas
Hillgruber argumentiert, zwischen Hitler und Stalin eingekesselt, aber sie
waren in den Jahren des Nationalsozialismus nicht einfach Zuschauer; sie
hatten meist gute Gründe, es nicht zu sein, aber das ändert nichts an der
Tatsache eines solchen Konsens. Diese Tatsache bedarf erst einmal einer
gründlichen Erforschung, bevor man zum besseren Verständnis des
Nationalsozialismus zur großen Politik greift oder ausländische Bedrohungen
herausstellt. Selbst passiver Konsens gegenüber einem rassistischen Regime
hat Konsequenzen für die Suche nach einer Nationalen Identität.

''•(•W.i'H;.'':'^" ■*/'■ ■<■, ■'>■■■ :'■:*■'■■/• .• ^■■.•^,^''P^' ^ - T''

Ich selber glaube nicht an einen deutschen Sonderweg in der Geschichte, aber
das, was in vielen Nationen, wie Frankreich, latent war, kam schließlich in
Deutschland an die Macht. Es scheint mir falsch und gefährlich, die Frage
nach der Einordnung des Nationalsozialismus in die deutsche Geschichte und
Identitätssuche zu entscheiden ohne relevante Fragen über Rassismus und
Nationalismus an die neuere deutsche Geschichte zu stellen. Ich verstehe
nicht ganz, warum die Einordnung des Nationalsozialismus in die deutsche
Geschichte mit der Suche nach einer Nationalen Identität verkettet werden
muß. Es ist schwer vorstellbar, daß man eine deutsche Identität mit irgend
einem Teil des Dritten Reiches, im Krieg oder Frieden, identifizieren kann,
ohne die allgegenwärtigen Verbrechen mit einzubeziehen. Es gab damals
wirkliche Helden, so z.B., die gar nicht so kleine Schar der Deutschen, die
unter Lebensgefahr Juden versteckten. Ihnen ist noch kein Denkmal gesetzt
worden. Bedeutet dies etwas? Zivilcourage scheint mir immer noch das beste
Beispiel für eine Identität, besser als die Zuflucht zu einer lückenlosen
Geschichte.

Streit erwähnt, droht umzuschlagen in einen positiven Nationalismus nicht
der Nazis, sondern mehr der Wilhelminischen Zeit. Das heißt meiner Meinung
nach, wieder einmal in der deutschen Geschichte eine Gelegenheit zu
verpassen. Gerade der Schock des Dritten Reiches und das Gefühl der Schuld
sollte es möglich machen, über die Vergangenheit hinaus einem humanem, weit
offenen, Nationalismus das Wort zu reden. Ansätze dafür gibt es ja genug in

der deutschen Geschichte. Diese sollte man lieber als Nationale
Identifikation herausarbeiten als versuchen, die deutsche Geschichte durch
Einordnung in Ordnung zu bringen. Gerade hier kann auch Chaim Ueizmann ein
Beispiel sein, mit seiner Ablehnung der militärischen Gewalt und eines engen
Nationalismus, mit seiner Befürwortung des friedlichen Zusammenlebens in
Pal äst i na.

George L. Mosse (Universität Wisconsin, USA, Hebräische Universität,

Jerusalem)

Über die lückenlose Geschichte

tt<ie. h d e n k e ii! — über

ionaliomus

Ernst Nolte, Bas Vergehen der V^er gangenheit . Antwort an meine Kritiker
im sogenannten H is tor iker s tr e it . Ullstein, Berlin, 1987

und, aus~ser kleine

Ernst Nolte haT seinen Kritikern erwiöidert;
Abstrichen, nichts aufgegeben^ Der sogenannte Historiker -Streit geht
ijg-ll e,rjL.^I_^P i e 1 1 s^ch auf zwei Ebenen glj/echze it ig ab, der wissen =

schaftlichen und der politischen''.'^ Der Mythos dej sogennanten " '"irji =

politischen" war seh

on immer ein kunstliches Konstrukt. das versucht

Ifffftmi^ diejf Politik vom Alltag ab.^zu'koppe In . Man kann das in Wir/kl ichk/eit

Uir/,

j^'^H^i-mmer gegenwartige plDlit

\0^

prrs^'^

ir^

ische nicht einfach in Abrede stelle

n, wie

es zu oft im H i s tor iker -Streit geschieht, es gi^bt schließlich ka

V ^

ein groBäeres folitikum w-ä^ die Suche nach Hat ionaler J[dent itat

Es wäre besser, dies

an zu erkennen und es^ Jrtt-'-Shorakort^zu halten. Und dann

welcher Historiker kann schon über das Dritte Reich schreiben «nd-sieh
ohne eine, wenn auch nur latente, Stellungnahme? Dazu ist e
derichock zu gro$"~ä und das Geschehen v

s zu nahe

on zu schrecklicher öimension

U>»^ ikndiT

^>i%

fe-ire — i-n-t-e-&rita^t drÄ^Wi s sen s chaf t muiss das/ zur fii^enntni

s nhhmen

^•■fu

I«

Was für sie zahlen sollte sind die historischen Beweise in all ihrer

ielfalt denn der Mensch ist schlierilich kein e in.-.d imens ionales Wese

■j

und es besteht immer die Versuchung . s ich an einer simplen und elegante

These zu berauschen welche nicht nutXdie Vergangenheit erklart sonder

;

uch die Jfegenwart anspricht. "Suche. so fiii^" ist vielleicht die

.^.

h :l

gros^te Versuöning für den Historiker, und wo wäre sie grosser als i

iPE*;?

Q4:0Gc/r S u c h I

e nach einer Hat ionalen Jident itat , legitimiert durch di

k^.

^li) Qijr^ C FT

Kontinuität der Deutschen Je schieb teYunt er Binbeziehung
Re^ch/s? /^TTP

Man kann Ernst Nolte7;s Thesen nicht mit den po
ford^rungen d^ Augenb 1 icks ident if i z<^ieren , denn sie geht5< schon
uuer zwanzig j-anre auf s-en' Der Faschismus in seiner Epoche zurück. ^&s V^H

-v^^.,» f, — f— -T

•^^-.

-<=kr.

,-.— Vv^l^

*^. '^Hcki£.>t

Dort wird der flat ionaL-"5ozialismus we

itÖ3*igeherW als eine Reakti

\/.

auf den BolschejTi smus verstanden, "eine «evolution gegen die

Revolution". Adolf Hitler selber war damals schon der " ^nti-

Lenin", wie -^^ es heute ausdruckt

■habe — schon — 4«itrais

io ThGGQ

Aß^A

des Bolschevismus bestreiten w

lü

leman

dTden Einfluss

die Frioritatenniier falsch

nVhi

gese

tzt^-9-^fwi. Der /Hat iona V-§ozia

iia.

lismus war schliesslich me

hr als

das negative

Abbild der Russischen Revolution, ^miieh--*^— ft^Ä^e-m

vor allen Dingen eine ;|;pnsequenz

flationalismus sowie der Znange

der Entwicklung des Deutschen

einer mo

dernen Massenbewegung

und

last but not least" der

talisierung der

rCß,

ijeutschen p

oiiti:k--naeh-i^riess folitik dr/ch Krieg und Krise

Solche Überlegungen sollen der vergleichenden |eschichte keinen

Abbruch tuen, im

egenteil. si

e wirft zent/rale Fragen auf

l^JuinweisS auf einen Wel tbur gerkr ie g zwischen Menschen und Parteien

eiche die Erlösung

der Menschheit anstreben, wie ihn Ernst Notlte

m se

iner Antwort jetzt gie

bt ist sicher nutlich zum verste-hen

des National. STozialismus, nur als zentrales Taktor versteiit-er-

rdeckt er die spezi

fisch ^^utschen

gera

de für das

Wurzeln der Bewe gung ^, die

Problem einer Deutsche^ Identität entscheidend sind

Vergleich mit Frankreich >d^^-««^-T/ am

Hier wäre ein

PlatzÄ.arts das Land welches als ers

Rassismus in die p^olitik umsetzte.

den

f/M f^A^^'j^THLHBi[ß^t>)V TtTU'l r 4 ix, -^^

V^f>^ Mi SV

'^^6Hfe4r^ftCLl ooaialictisctfe^ Regime vorbei kam. Es s

teilt sich dann die

flnl/fc;

Frage, was Frankreich denn für

-bio

hatte^die Deutschland

üfi"^

fehlten. Die Epoche ^s Wat ional^=^oz ialismusaPte ist für Ernst
Notle von der dLut sch^, |eschichte weithin abge schnitten^ und

Äu'*-^

d^uch die Ti^ierung auf den Bolschevismus

iV7on Vergleichen

die ein Licht auf die «feutsche Entwicklung zmrr4U

werfen konnte

Nolte-s These, heute noch spitzer formuliert ^^

damal

steht naturlich

zur wissenschaftlichen Debatte. Die Endlosung der

Judenfrage ist von einer solchen Debatte nicht ausgenommen. F

Hitfsoriker . die e

s mit Senedetto Croce halt

tettU Ut^,

entdek/cen k

Erf

*Ur V^J^^

^iV^;^^s es bedeutet Mensch

ur die ^eschichte

pL^

UXS^^

•^

assungrnicht ^ur Debatte, Aber

der Endlosung, tritt

zu sein steht s-^-rrre hist
J

Ernst Nolte , mit all

orische

se mer

^"- " ^^ mit einer vorgefas&te

die nicht nur gegen die Einsichten der einschlagi

t> ü

gen

Literatur verstos^st sondern auch eines der ältesten W

f¥

archen über

mlfßilf-ifi'i't :;i,«-. ;;*i'' iifc.' ' . --jr .'-ii'jy',.^s;(<« J- i- -■.■'a:i''h :

^fc

ZU oft, so auch in dieser Debatte, nicht angesprochen wird. Ernst

abstreiten daid das Dritte Reich, jedenfals in seinen ersten Jahren
auf einem J^onaens-beröh^^akt iven oder passiven Konsens beruhte.
Die Deutschen waren im Krieg vielleicht, wie Andreas Hillgruber
argumentiert, zwischen Hitler und Stalin eingekesselt, aber sie
waren^nich"r"~eThtach ^UücUauefK^ie hatten meist gute Grunde es nicht
zu sein, aber das ändert nichts an der Tatsache Mas-cs^ein-ftöf-elie t
f d50tc3gte-des-9RassTsmas-anf gebantes solchen Konsens. Ö>B<T)edarf
erst

s des

mal einer grundlichen J^schung bevor man zumVVers tandni
BationaL'-5^ozialismus^-|. zur grossen politik greift^ oder auslandisch«

4a ( Insert

bis zu

die Liste ist lang, Sie reicht von Juden, ihnen vor AlCBi'i

den Geisteskranken, den alten und Schwache

den Zigeunern und Homo Sexuellen

4b . Geschichte und seine Konsequnezen für die Nationale Identität

Hier hat man mit der Redensweise von '• guten und schlechten
Deutschen" einige Strohmanner aufgebaut. Es

Bedrohungen heraustellt. Selbst

passiver Konsens gegenüber eine

Rassistischen Regime hat i/onsequenzen für die Suc^he nach einer

nrouft-d Identität

Ich selber glaube nicht

c^.

an einen (feutschen Sonderweg in der

Geschichte, aber daswas i

n VI

Llen ki-.

ationen, wie Frankreich, latent

war, kam schliesslich in Deutschland an die Macht. Es scheint

fljasch und gefahrlich^die Frajfe nacTr- ^^inordnung des ftitional^

mir

<i <^ozialimus in die Deut

sehe Geschichte und Ident i tat^^Tr~ent sehe id

ohne d^ relevante« Fragen über Rassismus und »at ional idmus an die

HEi/e-Ar

te jSteutsche ^eschichte zu stellen. Ich vertehe nicht ga

nz , warum

die Einordnung des l5lat iona]^ozial ismus in die Deutsche ^eschichte 4ft
mit der Suche nach einer ^at ionalen ^dent itat vel^SÜSf^werd

en mus s

ist schwer vorstellbar da?-'

)(

man eine qjteutsche J.dentitat mit irgend

einem

teil

des Dritten Reiches, im Krieg oder Frieden, identifiziere

kann^ohne die allgegenwärtigen Verbrechen mit e inzu[^bez iehen . {fan

w4-rd diosQ ^Fpi.sQiLfi — iif?r Deutsohon ^ o g o h i c h^ir^— n.

/»

-Q können s

^•^"^-^— ^^^^^-^^^—^'•^^•^^^^^^^ ubrigblQi4^4i, Es gab damals wirkliche Held
so z.S. die garnicht so kleine Scharr der Deutschen die unter Lebens=
gefahr Juden ver s teckteP> ^ber deue^yist noch kein Denkmal gesetx'zt
worden. Bedeutet dies etwas? Zivilcourage scheint mif immer noch das
beste Beispiel für eine Identität, bes ser ^^«iuf flucht i^i einer
lückenlosen feschichte.

Der Historiker^-Streit sollte vor allem die Anregung

' n/ %u >'

geben über cteai. Rationalismus und Nationale Identität tiefer n

ach

zu^denken und sie nicht als gegeben anzusehen. Die j^nf rontat ion
mit einem "^ftegativen f/at ionalismus ". der w^ethin auf Schul^^d
beruht, j-QdGnfa4s einigen Diskussionen im His tor iker^^-S tre i t'Kdroht /
umzuschlagen in einen positiven Rationalismus nicht ^l>c^ Nazi^/ sondert
mehr d-«* Wi Ihe Imini s cheri' Zeit. Öas heiiflt meiner Meinung nach wieder

einmal in der Deutschen beschichte eine Gelegenheit zu verpassen
Gerade der Schock des Dritten Reiches und das aefuhl der Schuld

sollte es

Düutuchl^nd mogliych mg/achen. über die Vergangen*j/^

;

heit hinaus einem humanen, weit offenen, //at ionalismus das Wort

zu reden, Ansätze k\.j.^^ dafür giebt es ja genug in der «üWutschen

Geschichte. Diese sollte

ionaale Identifikati

herausarbeiten als versuchen die deutsche Geschichte durch feinordn^ng
in girdnung zu bringen. Gerade hier kann auch Chaim Weizmann ein

Beispiel

^-^ \ ti

it seiner Ablehnung der^Gewalt ^und eines

Nationalismus, mit seiner Befürwortung des^-b-i: n-gHiionalon Jf

engen

Zusammen=

lebens in Pal(^stina

fi%CH

l^JVCt^

über die lückenlose Geschichte

Ernst Nolte, Das Vergehen der Vergangenheit- Antwort an mpine Kritiker in.

sogenannten Historikerstreit. Ullstein, Berlin, 1987

Ernst Nolte hat seinen Kritikern erwidert und, außer kleinen Abstrichen,
nichts aufgegeben. Der sogenannte Historiker-Streit geht weiter, er spielt
sich auf zwei Ebenen gleichzeitig ab, der wissenschaftlichen und der
politischen, die Suche nach einer deutschen Identität. Der Mythos des
sogenannten "Unpolitischen" war schon immer ein künstliches Konstrukt, das
versuchte, die Politik vom Alltag abzukoppeln. Man kann das in Wirklichkeit
immer gegenwärtige Politische nicht einfach in Abrede stellen, wie es zu oft
im Historiker-Streit geschieht, es gibt schließlich kaum ein größeres
Politikum als die Suche nach Nationaler Identität. Es wäre besser, dies
anzuerkennen und es unter Kontrolle zu halten. Und dann, welcher Historiker
kann schon über das Dritte Reich schreiben ohne eine, wenn auch nur latente,
Stellungnahme? Dazu ist es zu nahe, der Schock zu groß und das Geschehen
von zu schrecklicher Dimension. Die Wissenschaft muß das um ihrer
Integrität willen zur Kenntnis nehmen. Was für sie zählen sollte, sind die
historischen Beweise in all ihrer Vielfalt, denn der Mensch ist schließlich
kein eindimensionales Wesen; und es besteht immer die Versuchung, sich an
einer simplen und eleganten These zu berauschen, welche nicht nur die
Vergangenheit erklärt sondern auch die Gegenwart anspricht. "Suche, so
finde" ist vielleicht die größte Versuchung für den Historiker, und wo wäre
sie größer als in der Suche nach einer Nationalen Identität, legitimiert
durch die Kontinuität der deutschen Geschichte und dies oft unter
Einbeziehung des Dritten Reichs?

Man kann Ernst Noltes Thesen nicht mit den politischen Anforderungen des
Augenblicks identifizieren, denn sie gehen schon auf sein Buch Der
Faschismus in seiner Epoche zurück, das vor über zwanzig Jahren erschien.
Dort wird der Nationalsozialismus weitgehend als eine Reaktion auf den
Bolschewismus verstanden, "eine Revolution gegen die Revolution". Adolf
Hitler selber war damals schon der "Anti-Lenin", wie Nolte es heute
ausdrückt. Niemand wird den Einfluß des Bolschewismus bestreiten, aber die
Prioritäten sind hier falsch gesetzt. Der Nationalsozialismus war
schließlich mehr als das negative Abbild der Russischen Revolution, er war
vor allen Dingen eine Konsequenz der Entwicklung des deutschen Nationalismus
sowie der Zwänge einer modernen Massenbewegung und, "last but not least",
der Brutalisierung der deutschen Politik durch Krieg und Krise. Solche
Überlegungen sollen der vergleichenden Geschichte keinen Abbruch tun, im
Gegenteil, sie wirft zentrale Fragen auf. Der Hinweis auf einen
Weltbürger krieg zwischen Menschen und Parteien welche die Erlösung der
Menschheit anstreben, wie ihn Ernst Nolte in seiner Antwort jetzt gibt, ist
sicher nützlich zum Verständnis des Nationalsozialismus, nur als zentral^fl
Faktor verdeckt er die spezifisch deutschen Wurzeln der Bewegung, die gerade
für das Problem einer deutschen Identität entscheidend sind.
Hier wäre ein Vergleich mit Frankreich eher am Platze, das Land, welches als
erstes eine Massenbewegung und den Rassismus in die Politik umsetzte, und
das trotzdem bis zu seiner Niederlage, ein rassistisches und totalitäres
Regime vermied. Es stellt sich dann die Frage, was Frankreich denn für
"Antikörper" hatte, die Deutschland fehlten. Die Epoche des
Nationalsozialismus ist für Ernst Nolte von der deutschen Geschichte weithin
abgeschnitten, und durch die Fixierung auf den Bolschewismus auch von
Vergleichen, die ein Licht auf die deutsche Entwicklung werfen könnten.

^■.■■''■:. : '.

*': -.C:_ .";-■

L,.,

'■'-- 1">!'.

Noltes These, heute noch spitzer formuliert als damals, steht natürlich zur
wissenschaftlichen Debatte. Die Endlösung der Judenfrage ist von einer
solchen Debattte nicht ausgenommen. Für Historiker, die es mit Benedetto
Croce halten, nach dem'^'die Geschichte entdecken kann, was es bedeutet,
Mensch zu sein, steht die historische Erfassung der Endlösung nicht zur
Debatte. Aber Ernst Nolte, mit all seiner Verabscheuung der Endlösung,
tritt mit einer vorgefaßten Meinung an sie heran, die nicht nur gegen die
Einsichten der einschlägigen Literatur verstößt, sondern auch eines der
ältesten Märchen über die Juden wieder aufleben läßt. Er faßt die Juden als
eine homogene Einheit auf; so wird Chaim Weizmann, dem zionistischen
Staatsmann, eine im Namen der Juden abgegebene Kriegserklärung gegen
Deutschland in die Schuhe geschoben, und das im Namen des sogenannten
Jüdischen Weltkongresses, der 1939 kaum genug Geld besaß, seine eigenen
Telefonrechnungen zu bezahlen. Ernst Nolte pISrf'iBr.t mit Recht gegen das
kollektive Denken, aber trotzdem, wendet er es auf die Juden an. Es sollte
die Pflicht des Historikers sein, solche Mythen wie die vom Weltjudentum zu
vernichten, Mythen, die nur zu leicht in sich selbst-er füllende
Prophezeiungen umgemünzt werden können, und es im Dritten Reich auch
wurden. Wenn solche vermeintlichen, sogenannten "jüdischen
Herausfoderungen" als teilweise Erklärung von Hitlers Vernichtungswillen
hingestellt werden, wie Ernst Nolte es tut, dann ist die Endlösung nur die
Erhöhung eines von Anfang an berechtigten Verteidigungswillens. Sie wird in

ihrem Kern trivialisiert.

Ernst Nolte plädiert richtigerweise dafür, Hitler als ganzes zu sehen. Aber
wenn man Hitler beim Wort nimmt, dann ist es schwer zu leugnen, daß für ihn
der Bolschewismus und artV^edroRungen Deutschlands nur die Spitze eines

Eisberges sind, der von Juden getragen und manipuliert wird. Niemand wird

die Zentralifat der ökonomischen, politischen und sozialen Faktoren leugnen,
die der nationalsozialistischen Bewegung zur Macht verhalfen, aber zugleich
geht es ja auch darum, wie die Menschen diese Probleme wahrnehmen, und hier
spielte die sogenannte Judenfrage eine wichtige Rolle. Der
Nationalsozialismus hat versucht, alle sogenannten "Außenseiter" als
Bedrohung von Rasse und Gesellschaft zu vernichten - die Liste ist lang.
Sie reicht von Juden, ihnen vor allen, bis zu den Geisteskranken, den alten
und Schwachen, den Zigeunern und Homo- Sexuellen. Ein zentrales Anliegen,
das nur su oft, so auch in dieser Debatte, nicht angesprochen wird. Ernst
Nolte drängt all dies auf den Bolschewismus und die fiktive Herausforderung
der Juden selber ab.

ß. Es ist schwer vorstellbar, daß man eine deutsche Identität mit irgend

einem Teil des Dritten Reiches, im Krieg oder Frieden, identifizieren kann,
ohne die allgegenwärtigen Verbrechen mit einzubeziehen. Es gab damals
wirkliche Helden, so z.B., die gar nicht so kleine Schar der Deutschen, die
unter Lebensgefahr Juden versteckten. Ihnen ist noch kein Denkmal gesetzt
worden. Bedeutet dies etwas? Zivilcourage scheint mir immer noch das beste
Beispiel für eine Identität, besser als die Zuflucht zu einer lückenlosen

Geschichte.

Der Historiker-Streit sollte vor allem die Anregung geben, über
Nationalismus und Nationale Identität tiefer nachzudenken und sie nicht als
gegeben anzusehen. Die Konfrontation mit einem "negativen Nationalismus",
der weithin auf Schuld beruht, wie in einigen Diskussionen im Historiker-
Streit erwähnt, droht umzuschlagen in einen positiven Nationalismus nicht
der Nazis, sondern mehr der Wilhelminischen Zeit. Das heißt meiner Meinung
nach, wieder einmal in der deutschen Geschichte eine Gelegenheit zu
verpassen. Gerade der Schock des Dritten Reiches und das Gefühl der Schuld
sollte es möglich machen, über die Vergangenheit hinaus einem humanem, weit
offenen, Nationalismus das Wort zu reden. Ansätze dafür gibt es ja genug in

s»;-i

^mmm^

George L. Messe (Universität Wisconsin, USA, Hebräische Universität,
Jerusalem)

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)^yppl- ßf4lt^'^<^- ^dflM^ ^^^/*A^ ri^-f^ l^t^i^^i^

l>- -

Pjh O^ ^ ?p^^ß4^ T^^H*^ /^^

'/(p

$mi>uüi^ yyt ^^<^

K^.n^'^ ^^y^^^LJ^

■ mmf I

^^ P^^^" ^^^'^/h^t^^"^ //y)^^j

^^i^^^m^

vS^ ^^^^^ ^ W^- ^^/^^^v^5^

"7^

fM^^^ J-^f^'^^ l'/^J ^^^ "^ /^^^^.^i.^^

fvm^^l l'^'ff^'-^ ^y^ /ß^^ - t,n^'^/

Über die lückenlose Geschichte

Ni<i e h d e 1 1 K e i\ — thb-e

^ i ona 1 i omus

Ernst Nolte, öas Vergeh

en der Ver ßangenheit , Antwort an meine Kritiker

".s^t

im sogenannten His tor iker s tre it . Ullstein, Berlin, 1987

Ernst Nolte ha« seinen Kritikern erwi^dert^ und^ au|^er kleinen
Abstrichen, nicht« aufgegeben^ Der sogenannte Historiker -Streit geht

weiter, er spielt sich

auf zwei Ebenen gl i/'echzeit ig ab, der wis

sen =

schaftlichen und der politischenV Der Mythos der s

ogennantert

tfk^H politischen" war schon immer ein künstliches Kons trukt , das versuchte

^f^Hfrtri^ diej? Politik vom Alltag ab';:zu'7koppe In . Man kann das in Vir/

klichkleit

■ttm

rM^'

liT'

l)f^^^,^%r ^"^"^^^ gegenwartige politische nicht einfach in Abrede stell

en, wie

welcher Historiker kann schon über das Dritte Reich schreiben «nd-steh
ohne eine, wenn auch nur latente, Stellungnahme? Dazu ist es

zu nahe

der Schock zu gro$l und das Geschehen von zu schrecklicher Dimensi

Uii*^ i\k^itt

^hii^^i^lt

■p4re — Frrt-e-gr i t a^ ^^^

Wi s sens c

Uii

(u^

I«

haft mu^s dasTzur fc(enntnis nbh

men

Was für sie zahl

en sollte sind die historischen Beweise in all ihrer

Yielfalt^denn der Mensch ist schliefilich kein e inSd imens ionales Wesen;
und es besteht immer die Versuchung , s ich an einer simplen und eleganten

These zu berauschen welche nicht nuft die Vergangenheit erklart s
auch die ^egenwart anspricht. "Suche, so firi^" ist vielleicht die

ondern

hf a

ICU

groa^te Versu^ng für den Historiker, und wo wäre sie grosser als i

ms/^.

iibef

Dort wird der (lat ionaC-:Sozialismu

s weitergehen/ als eine Reaktion

V/.

auf den Bolschewismus verstan

evolut ion

Lenin

den, "^eine Revolution gegen die

", Adolf Hitler selber war damals schon der " Änti-

W(f^^

ie ^^ es heute ausdruckt

habe — schon — chetmais

WAfi ^

■ die ThGoo kr irt i^&a^ji

t^ Ha gg y o-b«4r-i-e+^ ftliemandTden Einfl

uss

des Bolschewismus befctreiten

AÜ^A

die prior itatenMiier falsch

nVhi

ges

das n

etzt^-SHrffd, Der /tüat iona V^ozial ismus war schliesslich m

ehr als

A^ »^v^

egative Abbild der Russischen Revolution, rt^fttn^teh-^ sondeg-ft- -

vor allen Dingen eine

J^onsequenz der Entwicklung des Deutschen

Nationalismus sowie der Zaange d?« einer modernen Massenbewegung

G ff \¥f\ fVf^ — 1-i o ß e n , und

last but not least" der

talisierung der

/^_ßutschen po4i:ttk--naeh-Kr*egs Politik dr/ch Krieg und Krise.
Überlegungen sollen der vergleichenden ^eschichte keinen

Solche

Abbruch tu^n, im

egenteil.sie wirft zent/rale Fragen auf

eiche die Erlösung der (Menschheit anstreben, wie ihn Ernst Notlte

u:^

in se

iner Antwort jetzt giebt ist sicher nutlich zum

V e r frt e h of»^

des Äational^STozialismus, nur als zentraler faktor ver«*eiit-er-

yuk

rdeckt er die spezifisch JJfeutschen Wurzeln der Bewegung^die

gerade

für das froblem einer Deut sche^Identitat entscheidend sind

Hier wäre ein >tergleich mit Frankreich

c rl SM j^hiTi^

mokr -am

PlatzÄ ^irts das Land welches als ers

)

Rassismus in die Politik umsetzte.

den

f/M f^^^'/^rHLH^^ U^NP nT>U'/r4pi^^

^"Nd

l/^A M/ BV

at-ion-fr

1 oQaialistisctfe^ Regime vorbei kam. Es stellt sich dann die

Frage, was Frankreich de»n für

I*flHfWk/.p

-b io

L o iL t i 1^

hatte, die Deutschland

oe^

fehlten

Die Epoche A*s Hat ionaLc^oz ialismus«ite ist für Ernst

Notle von der

aleutsch^ ^eschichte weithin abgeschnitte

und

d^ch die fixierung auf den Bolsche/i smusVvon dergleichen^

die ein Licht auf die «Putsche Entwicklung

werfen konnte

Nolte^^.s These, heute noch spitzer formuliert Vi^

damal

steht naturlich zur wissenschaftlichen Debatte. D

ie Endlosung der

Judenfrage ist v

on einer solchen Debatte nicht ausgenommen. Für

Hiösoriker , die e

s mit ßenedetto Croce halte

UäU c^U/9n

entdek/cen k

*W V^iilb

ann^was es bedeutet Mensch zu sein steht

JU^

ur die beschichte

iu^i/^

Erf assungYnicht "^ur Deb

atte. Aber

se iiie historisch

yerah

Ernst Nolte

» mit all sei

ner

scheuung der Endlosung, t

€4/^

ritt an uIk mit einer vorgefas^t

einung ?heran^ die nicht nur gegen die Einsichten der ei

" a

nschlagigen

Literatur verstoslst sondern auch eines der ältesten ft

archen über

wieder aufleben lasst. Er fasst die Juden als eine "IlL.xs±iiHii

d^ Einheit aufj so wird Chaim Weizmann, dem^gionisti

Staatsmann, ei

ne im

]^/f»t^K

sehen

der Juden abgegebene Kriegserklar

ung gegen

*eaaiteh keine

. Ks sollte .ie P.XicHt .es ^Histor IKer s se in^s^l^c^V^^^I^^I?^^!^.,,.^.

/ Mythen, die nur zu 1 e i c ht iÄ'l b^t -erfüllende Prophezeiungen umgemun,!zt
werden '^°'^nen und^^^^"cT,"--„urden^lm^^ „enn solchel

vermeintlicheJl^üdiT^hil^ i^'erausf orderungeA' «i* t.elwe.fe«e
Klärung von Hitler^s /ernichtungswil len hi^estellt „erden, wie Ernst
Nolte es tut. dann ist die Endlosung nichts nur die Erholung eines
Ir^viflis'l'er^!''^^"^^"^" V^erteidigungswillens . Sie wird in/l'hrem Kern

Sit

pff M

S^Ti— <tliV^^i^V£^^ ht\x^

^^*'*®>" ^e-i all CQJneL v e l a b s-ciretttHvg- dog mo^^l^^vs-

den

abstreiten^da^ das Dritte Reich, jedenfals in seinen ersten Jahren

auf einem l^onaena-ber«h1i«akt iven oder passiven Konsens beruhte.

Die Deutschen waren im Krieg vielleicht, wie Andreas Hillgruber

argumentiert, zwischen Hitler und Stalin eingekesselt, aber sie

"''"~eTnracTr-^S-uhauerf^ s le haTten mei¥t gute Grunde es nicht
// ^ ^

zu sein, aber das ändert nichts an der Tatsache N^a/^fl^ein-aöf-etie 4

laeoTogTe-ctes-SRassismns-anfgebantes solchen Konsens. Ö>ir^^edarf
erst m a 1 ei

waren^nic

s des

mer grundlichen ^rschung^ bevor man zumWers t andni
KationaL^^ozialismus^ zur grossen folitik greift*^ oder ausländisch^

{

Bedrohungen heraustellt. Selbst passiver Konsens gegenüber eine
Rassistischen Regime hat i/onsequenzen für die Sucj^he nach einer

nroua-d Identität,

Ich selber glaube nicht an einen (f(

eutschen Sonderweg in der

Geschichte, aber das.wa

s m VI

Llen J^i

ationen, wie Frankreich, latent
war, kam schliesslich in Deutschland an die Macht. Es scheint mir

Ifs

f Ka s c h

und gefahrlich^die FraJ^ naVlI^ Einordnung

<^ozialimus in die Deut

sehe Geschichte und Identi

ohne

tlElZ-^As:

relevante« Fragen über Rassi

smus und Hat ional idmus an die

te iSfeutsche j^eschichte z

u stellen. Ich vertehe nicht

die Einordnung des Wat ionaL--$oz ial

ganz warum

ismus in die Deutsche beschichte 4

mit der Suche nach einer fi'at ionalen Jdent itat v^l^SUi!^

werden mus s

ist schwer vorstellbar. da|3 man eine %

}(

utsche Identität mit ir

gend

einem teil des Dritten Reiches, im Krieg oder Frieden, identifiziere

kann^ohne die allge

gegenwartigen Verbreche

</e

n mit einzu. beziehen. Mwn

w4-rd dioco .,£4x1 .sodp rlpr Doutsohon /|Goohic

■können so

^^-^•«-^-^^^^^-^^^-g^-e-^^^^ ubrigbl»J4^^. Es gab damals wirkliche Held

so z

• »^ •

die garfnicht so kleine Schajir der Deutsch

^t,

en die unter Lebens=

i-UCt.

gefahr Juden ver s teckte tl> ^bei: deiie^ist noch kein Denkmal geset/zt

worden, Bedeutet dies etwas? Zivil^c

ourage scheint mi;^ immer noch das

beste Beispiel für eine Identität
lückenlosen Seschichte

be s s er

^^^

ufjflucht im einer

Der Historiker -Streit

sollte vor allem die Anregung

geben über (tea. ftationalismus und IKationale Identität tiefe

r nach

A n

zu^denken und sie nicht als gegeben anzusehen. Die j^nf
mit einem "Jiegativen Rationalismus" der w^ethin auf Schui;^d

rontat ion

tVi'e /M

entfji n ^/T,

beruht, jodonfQ4s einigen Diskussionen im Historiker'-S treitlPdroht /
umzuschl^agen in einen positiven Mit ional ismus nicht d*^ Nazi?» sonder^
mehr *«*_ Wilhelminische".?- Zeit . Öas heißt meiner »Kein

ung nach wieder

einmal in der Deutschen |eschichte eine Gelegenheit zu verpasse

Gerade der Schock des Dritten Reiches und das Gefühl

!•

der Schuld

sollte es h4.pr. ia Dautschleiud mogli/ch m^achen, über die Ver

;

gangenij/»?

ismus das Wort

heit hinaus einem humanen, weit offenen, //ational

zu reden. Ansätze ^i/bf dafür giebt es ja genug in der (ßt

ut sehen

Geschichte. Diese sollt

ion^ale Identifikati

herausarbeiten als ver suchen^die deutsche Geschichte durch ^inordn^ng

in (Ordnung zu bringen. Gerade hier kann auch Chaim Weizma

^-e » tt

nn ein

\Mi<rA9^',^6^cn

Beispiel sAollcMt, mit seiner Ablehnung de^Gewalt ^nd eines e

ngen

Nationalismus, mit seiner Befürwortung des

|fZusammen =

lebens in Pal<(^stina

W)^Cc>H^j» i;SÄ HB f^P.A /&d/VB l/fiiy^A^

rAT,

^BAO^^^^y

•#••##«

4«

lllllllt«*»««»*»»

(

^ro^ ^<p^^ C^ —

^c?rr

\c;^VN^ -Vo <^<!?'^

Vv^

\-v

yj.^^ Ke^^^^^

A Vaclo Ligurc un'altra iscrizione latina posta sotto la
statua che rappresenta la Guerra Giusta (un guerriero me-
dievale) recita: Ab iusto hello summa gloria.

5) Dio\ nelle iscrizioni l'aspetto religioso e molto glissa-
to, a dimostrazione che in primo luogo ci troviamo di fron-
te ad un rito civile, ma nei pochi esempi in cui e esplicitato,
la presenza di Dio svolge una funzione di legittimazione
cattolica del rito che si sta compiendo. Ed allora si assiste
ad una macabra spartizione della vittima tra Dio e la Patria:

A DIO LO SPIRITO - ALI.A PATRIA IN OLOCAUSTO LA VITA (Bolzatieto)
DA DIO IL PREMIO - DAL COMUNE QUESTO UMILE RICORDO [CaraSCo)
LUCE DI PAGE E DI GLORIA CONGEDA IDDIO - ONMORE E AFFETTO PEREN-

NE l'italia gente (Pievc Ligure)

Vi sono infine le eccezioni dei monumenti di Varazze e
Mignanego, nei quali l'iconografia che attinge quasi esclusi-
vamente alla simbologia cristiana — una Madonna a Migna-
nego, un Cristo a Varazze — si riflette anche nelle iscrizio-
ni: O Madonna della Pace/accogli e proteggi fra la Guardia e
la Wittonaji morti per la Patria (Mignanego); Ai prodi suoi ji-
glijche collo sguardo in Cristo /caddero per la Patria (Varazze).

' M

6) Morti e risorti:
Quale piü bella, piü pura morte [di] quella del soldato sul campo?

(f<po

Morte imposta quella [che si abbatte suH'uomo in tempo di pace], morte " 'ft »^ JtjKlH ^^^

voluta questa; vita divelta la prima, vita donata la seconda; fine che ha ^^^ , "^

un fine; cadere che e un risorgere; gelo di un corpo, donde balza la ptk^fi(^N^f^^

fiamma di un'anima; ombra che illumina gli estinti e i vivi, perche gli ' tfti^ t^i'^^*
uni e gli altri irradia di gloria!*. " *^ . *^

Anche questo e un tema che non sempre compare espli-
citamente, pur costituendo il nodo centrale del meccanismo
di dono e contro-dono. Inoltre non esiste una formula espo-
sitiva comune; vi e perö in tutte le iscrizioni la tendenza a
contrapporre, ed a volte rimuovere, la morte fisica con l'im-
mortalitä che si tributa agli eroi. L'esempio che meglio rias-
sume questa operazione lo troviamo nell' iscrizione giä cita-
ta del monumento di Pegli in cui i due termini antitetici
morti e immortali vengono affiancati in una soluzione catar-
tica. Per il resto gli esempi sono molto vari. Ne riportiamo
alcuni:

NON morti siamo/ci trasmutammo in luce/a far perenne/gior-

NO/SUL CAMMINO d'iTALIA/e NEL TUO CHORE {Ospcddletti)

CADUTi/pER l'uNITA d'iTALIa/rISORTI/nELLA GLORIA DEGLl EROl ETER-

ni {Isola del Cantone)

O VOl CHE VIVRETE IN ETERNO/dITE AI VENTURI LE OPERE E I GIOR-
Ni/oNDE LA PATRIA E GRANDE {La SpCzio)

DI QUI SEMPRe/fINCHE SIA LUCE DIVINA/sPLENDERANNO I TUOl CADUn

{Sanremo)

OtA^ J

Seite 10 D Süddeutsche Zeitung Nr. 217

DAS POLITISCHE BUCH

Dienstag, 22. September 1987

^JWSTORIKERSTREIT". Die DokumentaHon
der Kontroverse um die Einzigartigkeit der na-
tionalsozialistischen Judenvemichtung. Piper
Verlag, München. 395 Seiten, 1 7.80 Mark.
REINHARD KÜHNL (Hrsg.): Vergangenheit,
dxe nicht vergeht Die „Histonker-Debatte".
Darstellung, Dokumentation, Kritik Pahl-Ru-
genstein Verlag, Köln. 330 Seiten, 16,80 Mark
ERNST NOLTE: Das Vergehen der Vergangen-
heit Antwort an meine Kritiker im sogenann-
ten Historikerstreit Ullstein Verlag, Berlin. 190
Seiten, 19,80 Mark

JÜRGEN HABERMAS: Eine An Schadensab-
vncklung. Kleine Politische Schriften VI. Suhr-
kamp Verlag, Frankfurt/M. 180 Seiten 12,-
Mark

CHRISTIAN MEIER: 40 Jahre nach Atischwitz.
Deutsche Geschichtserinnerung heute. Deut-
scher Kunstverlag, München. 96 Seiten, 12,80
Mark

GERNOT ERLER u. a.: Geschichtswende? Ent-
sorgungsversuche zur deutschen Geschichte.
Mit einem Vorwon von Walter Dirks. Dreisam
Verlag, Freiburg/Brsg. 144 Seiten, 15,- Mark
ROLF KOSIEK: Historikerstreit und Ge-
schichtsrevision. Graben-Verlag, Tübingen. 240
Seiten, 32,- Mark

Beiträge verschiedener Historiker (insbeson-
dere von Andreas Hillgruber, Ernst Nolte. Mi-
chael Stürmer), die höchst imterschiedlich gela-
gert waren, nahm Jürgen Habermas im Sommer
1986 zum Anlaß einer scharfen „Zeit"-Attacke:
Man stelle die Geschichtswissenschaft in den
Dienst einer bestimmten Ideologie, der Kampf
des deutschen Ostheeres werde verklärt und die
Einzigartigkeit des Holocaust bestritten. Haber-
mas' Polemik löste seinerseits heftige Reaktio-
nen aus. In der Folge setzte sich die auch im Aus-
land mit Interesse zur Kenntnis genommene Dis-
kussion in Zeitungen, Zeitschriften und im Rund-
funk fort, und es kam zu zahlreichen Veranstal-
tungen in Akademien und Universitäten. Das
Thema sorgt(e) für Furore. Ein Ende dieser (so
Ralf Dahrendorf) „ersten interessanten deut-
schen Kontroverse des Jahrzehnts", die schon
bald etwas unscharf als „Historikerstreit" be-
zeichnet wurde, ist nicht in Sicht Dafür mag die
stattliche Anzahl von Büchern, die jetzt den
Markt überschwemmt, ein Indiz sein. Wenn sie
an dieser Stelle vorgestellt werden, so kann eine

Der „Historikerstreit** - eine deutsche Kontroverse

Die Auseinandersetzung mit der nationalsozialistischen Zeit kann nicht „rein wissenschaftlich"

sein

derartige Bestandsaufnahme naturgemäß nur
einen groben Überblick geben, zumal Frage- wie
Frontstellungen höchst kompliziert verlaufen.

Wer sich einen ersten angemessenen Überblick
verschaffen will, ist gut beraten, die vom Piper
Verlag zusammengestellte Dokumentation „Hi-
storikerstreit" zu Rate zu ziehen. In diesem Band
spiegeln sich alle Positionen repräsentativ wider.
Das Charakteristische an der Kontroverse be-
steht deuin, daß der Streit, der Lagermentalitäten
bloßlegt und zugleich fördert, eine Heftigkeit er-
reicht hat, die bis in die persönliche Sphäre
reicht. Vom Verleger stammt eine einzigartige
„Danksagvmg" an die Mitarbeiter seines Verla-
ges, „die mit Ausdauer und Enthusiasmus den
immer wieder durch fast unüberwindlich er-
scheinende Schwierigkeiten gekennzeichneten
Entstehungsprozeß dieses Bandes begleitet ha-
ben". Einige der Kombattanten haben auf Nach-
worten bestanden, in denen nachgehakt wird.

Auf der einen Seite befinden sich neben Nolte,
Hillgruber und Stürmer u. a. Klaus Hildebrand,
Joachim Fest, Hagen Schulze, Horst Möller. Jür-
gen Habermas wird u. a. unterstützt von Hans
Mommsen, Martin Broszat, Eberhard Jäckel, Jür-
gen Kocka. Wenn auch die beiden Parteiungen in
sich imterschiedlich argumentieren, so kann man
doch mit guten Gründen folgende Grundpositio-
nen ausmachen: Die Habermas-Richtung wittert
apologetische Tendenzen, wehrt sich gegen Ar-
gumentationsmuster, die die singulären Verbre-
chen des Nationalsozialismus verharmlosten,
sieht einen Zusammenhang zur politischen
„Wende" im allgemeinen und den Museumsplä-
nen der Bundesregierung im besonderen. Die an-
dere Seite wendet sich gegen Frageverbote und
bestreitet, daß die Vorwürfe im Hinbhck auf
^Aufrechnung" zutreffen. Der „Histx)rikerstreit"
ist, betreichtet man sich die Kontrahenten, min-
destens ebensosehr ein politischer Streit, ein
Kampf auch um kulturelle Hegemonie.

Ist die Piper-Dokumentation von den Autoren
autorisiert, so gilt dies nicht für den Band von
Reinhard Kühnl, in dem auszugsweise die wich-

tigsten Texte wiedergegeben werden, wobei auch
solche kommunistischer Couleur Aufnahme fin-
den. Der Pahl-Rugenstein Verlag muftte sich
nach einer juristischen Auseinandersetzung ver-
pflichten, das Buch über die erste Auflage hinaus
nicht weiterzudrucken. Neben der Dokumenta-
tion enthält der Reader einen umfangreichen
Beitrag des Herausgebers sowie zwei Abhand-
lungen des DDR-Historikers Kurt Gossweiler
und des Münsteraner Politologen Arno Klönne.
Für den marxistisch-leninistisch argumentieren-
den Kühnl, der suggestiv von der „Offensive rech-
ter Historiker" spricht, ist die Kontroversf ein
„Kampf ums Geschichtsbild".

Die Thesen von Ernst Nolte

Vielleicht die beiden Hauptprotagonisten in
dem Streit waren Ernst Nolte und Jürgen Haber-
mas. Von ihnen liegen zwei Schriften vor, in de-
nen sie ihre Position verdeutlichend darlegen.
Wohl am stärksten attackiert wurde der Histori-
ker Ernst Nolte, weil er in einem FAZ- Beitrag die
These verfochten hatte, daß zwischen den Ver-
brechen der Kommunisten und denen der Natio-
nalsozialisten ein kausaler Nexus wahrscheinlich
ist. Kritiker interpretierten diese These so, als
werde damit „aufgerechnet" und der National-
sozialismus indirekt gerechtfertigt. Wie immer
man zu Noltes Thesen stehen mag, dessen Ant-
wort verdient höchste Beachtung: Dem „großen
Eigenbrötler der Zeitgeschichte" (Martin Bros-
zat) tut man Unrecht, wenn ihm politische Inter-
essen unterstellt werden. Schließlich hat er, un-
abhängig von der jeweiligen politischen Konstel-
lation und Konjunktur, die meisten seiner The-
sen schon seit längerem vertreten (wenn auch
wohl nicht in dieser Zuspitzung), und selbst in
seiner allseits als bahnbrechend anerkannten
Habilitationsschrift über den „Faschismus in sei-
ner Epoche" ist der Nationalsoziahsmus als Anti-
Marxismus interpretiert worden.

Nolte stellt jetzt aus seiner Sicht den „Histori-
kerstreit" dar, druckt Antwortbriefe nach Israel

Investment-Forum

Der Sparer, das unbekannte Wesen oder:

Sind wir Deutschen

in punao Geldanlage unterentwickelt?

Kein Zweifel: Wir sind ein spar-
sames Volk! 12 Prozent unseres
laufenden Einkommens wandern
„auf die hohe Kante". 85 Prozent
der Bundesbürger haben ein Spar-
buch, manche gleich mehrere. Gut
600 Milliarden Mark liegen auf Spar-
konten. Und addiert man das
gesamte Cieldvermögen der priva-
ten Haushalte, kommt man auf die
stolzeSumme von mehralszwei Bil-
lionen Mark (2.200.000.000.000).
Sparsamkeit ist eine nationale
deutsche Tugend in Generationen
gewachsen, teils elementare
menschliche Verhaltensweise, teils
nüchterne ökonomische Funktion.
Es ist eine durch und durch positive
Eigenschaft: Sparen schützt den
Einzelnen vor Not, fördert seine
finanzielle Unabhängigkeit, hebt
seinen Lebensstandard; Sparen ver-
sorgt die Volkswirtschaft mit dem
unerläßlichen Kapital für Innova-
tionen und Investitionen und damit
für Wachstum und Fortschritt.
So weit also, so gut.

Aber eben nur so weit. Denn was
>die Anlage des Ersparten an-
geht. verhält sich die überwiegende
Mehrheit der deutschen Sparer
recht merkwürdig^

Kein Zweifel Das Sparkonto ist
eine ausgezeichnete Sparform; zum
Ansammeln von Geld für größere
Ausgaben und als Reserve fiir Not-
fälle ist es unübertroffen. Aber
ebenfalls kein Zweifel: Für die sy-
stematische längerfristige Vermö-
gensanlage gibt es bessere Anlage-
möglichkeiten.

Dazu gehören zahlreiche Wert-
papiere verschiedener Art.

Logisch wäre es, wenn der Spa-
rer diese Chance nutzen und einen
Teil seiner Ersparnisse bzw. seines
laufenden verfügbaren Einkom-
mens in solchen Papieren anlegen
würde. Viele haben das dazu erfor-
deriiche Geld und somit die ent-
sprechende „Reife". Doch wenige
tun es!

nach, denn es waren Israelis, die sich besonders
über seine Thesen empörten. Zu Recht erwähnt
Nolte, daß .Antisemitismus" das „wirkungsvollste
aller Verdammungswörter" sei; natürlich ist er
angesichts der gemachten Erfahrungen empört
darüber, daß man ihn in die Nähe eines Antisemi-
ten gerückt bzw. behauptet hat, er leiste dem
Antisemitismus indirekt Vorschub.

Auch Jürgen Habermas, der „bekannteste
Linksintellektuelle der Bundesrepublik" (Ernst
Nolte), hat einen Band vorgelegt, in dem er seine
Aufsätze (z. T. in erweiterter Form) zum „Histori-
kerstreit" gesammelt und sie durch einige andere
ergänzt hat, in denen politisch-historische Sach-
verhalte zur Sprache kommen. Für Habermas
geht es weniger um dieses oder jenes historische
Faktum, als vielmehr um das „Selbstverständis
Bundesrepublik". Habermas beklagt den Um-
gang des politischen Establishments mit der
deutschen Vergangenheit, wie er sich etwa an
den „öffentlich-rechtlich inszenierten PeinUch-
keiten von Bitburg und Bergen-Belsen" gezeigt
habe. Insofern glaubte er wohl, ein Zeichen set-
zen zu müssen, als er zu seiner Historiker-Schel-
te ausholte, wobei er freilich geradezu verschwö-
rungstheoretische Dimensionen auszumachen
meinte und „Tendenzwendeaktivitäten" über-
schätzte.

So pauschal und höchst einseitig seine Kampf-
ansage auch war, so muß doch ein Aspekt hervor-
gehoben werden, der vielfach unzureichend ge-
würdigt worden ist. Habermas plädiert für die
Westorientierung der Bundesrepublik, stellt sich
an die Seite der .Aufklärungskultur des Westens"
und verficht einen „Verfassungspatriotismus",
der alle nationalen Alleingänge - von welcher Art
auch immer - ablehnt. Auch in dieser Schrift fin-
den sich entsprechende Ausführungen. Vielleicht
hätte Habermas noch stärker verdeutlichen kön-
nen, was denn die von ihm zu Recht befürwortete
„Option für den Westen" eigentlich besagt Mög-
licherweise sind die Unterschiede zu den von ihm
attackierten Historikern gar nicht so groß, denn
diese sind ja ebenfalls entschiedene Gegner eines
deutschen Sonderweges. Und wenn HalHermas
sich zu „universalistischen Wertorientierungen"
bekennt und gegen „volkspädagogische" Strick-
muster zu Felde zieht, so deckt sich diese Position
- zunündest formal - mit der von Nolte. Auch sein
Plädoyer für eine Historisierung des National-
sozialismus findet bei seinen Gegnern Zustim-
mung. Nur wird unter dem etwas schwammigen
Begriff der „Historisienmg" nicht dasselbe ver-
standen. Habermas fürchtet ,4ie historische Ein-
ebnung des Exzeptionellen, eben der Vorgänge
und Verhältnisse, die Auschwitz möglich ge-
macht haben". Seine Kritik ist aus einem Jiie
wieder Auschwitz"- Impetus gespeist, der jene

weitere „Geschichtsrevision" erwarten lasse. In-
sofern werden die jeweiligen Positionen über-
scharf herausgearbeitet um das eigene Vorurteil
bestätigt zu sehen. Ebcakt das, was Meier beklagt
geschieht hier. Der von überwiegend jungen Hi-
storikern aus dem Unken Laiger verfaßte Sam-
melband zur „Geschichtswende?" ist breit ange-
legt - er will die Zusammenhänge zwischen der
politischen „Wende" in Bonn, den Museumsplä-
nen, den Äußerungen von Politikern und dem
„Historikerstreit" aufhellen. Es ist die Schwäche
dieses Bandes, der immerhin die beste Bibliogra-
phie aller hier vorgestellten Bücher enthält daß
er den „Zusammenhang" einfach voraussetzt je-
denfalls nicht argumentativ belegt Man wendet
sich gegen ein „national eingefärbtes Geschichts-
bild". Ob man aber in dem attackierten Ernst Nol-
te, dem eine nationalgeschichtliche Sichtweise
suspekt ist einen geeigneten Antipoden hat niag
man bezweifeln. Immerhin wird Noltes Aus-
schluß aus einem Forschungsprojekt der Deut-
schen Forschungsgemeinschfift als „töricht" be-
zeichnet weil diese Entscheidung nicht dem
Grundsatz der Freiheit der Wissenschaft ent-
spreche.

Einer der besseren Beiträge stammt von Wolf-
ram Wette mit seiner fundierten Kritik an der
These, die Nationalsozialisten seien der Sowjet-
union bei ihrem Überfall 1941 nur zuvorgekom-
men. Was hingegen enttäuscht ist die volkspäd-
agogische Argumentation in manchen Abhand-
lungen. Bestimmte Thesen renommierter Histo-
riker leisteten dem Rechtsextremismus Vor-
schub und machten ihn seüon- und hoffähig. Un-
abhängig davon, ob dieser Sachverhalt wirklich
stimmt Was ist damit eigentlich über die histori-
sche Richtigkeit dieser Thesen gesagt' Ein Satz
wie der folgende ist richtig, doch fragt man sich,
gegen wen eigentlich argumentiert wird: JZum
Konsens der Demokraten in unserem Lande ge-
hört noch immer die Ablehnung des Antisemitis-
mus und seiner verbrecherischen Erscheinungen
während der NS-Zeit er sollte nicht unnötig ins
Wanken gebracht werden."

Verfälschende Zitate

Aus einem dezidiert rechten Verlag stammt
Rolf Kosieks Schrift Man würde nicht repräsen-
tativ berichten, unterschlüge man sie. Kosiek be-
klagt die jahrzehntelange „Umerziehung" und
sieht im ,JIistorikerstreit" einen ersten wesentli-
chen „Einbruch in die Front der Umerziehung
und des für die I>eutschen von den Alliierten seit
1945 verordneten Geschichtsbildes seitens der
Fachgelehrten". Dies ist der Tenor seiner Inter-
pretation des „Historikerstreits". Angeprangert
wird - diesmal von rechts - die Entfernung von
Personen aus dem Lehrberuf, die sich dem „ver-
ordneten Geschichtsbild" nicht fügten. Es ist die
indirekte These des Autors, daß manche JRevi-
sionisten" von rechtsaußen den Boden für die
neuerhche Entwicklung bereitet haben. Und ent-
sprechend selektiv, wenn nicht gar verfälschend
werden dann die Thesen renommierter Histori-

Die Deutschen und ihr Geld

Von allen KiincleshUr}>ern besitzen

85%

Nur 9 Prozent der Bundesbürger
Lep,en ihrdeid in crtmgbbiarktm

festvt'r/ip»;lir-hf'p W^rtpapien-n an ,

S-Pio/en r in jUaien ^2 Pm/^^nt in

zum Beispiel besitzen 20 Prozent
Aktien, in Großbritannien 14 Pro-
zent, in Schweden 21 Prozent).
Die übrigen - und das sind die
meisten - begnügen sich mit weni-
ger lukrativen Sparformen.

Über die Ursachen des unlogi-
schen Anlagcverhaltens der deut-
schen Sparer wird sehr viel gerät-
selt: Ä^arum^versi'henkr jemand
sautx verdientes Geld? \X'arum
nutzt er nicht die reichlich gebote-
nen Möglichkeiten, seinCield profi-
tabel arbeiten zu lassen? Möglichst
hohe Zinsen zu kassieren? Durch
eine ertragsorientierte Anlage sein
Vermögen zu mehren?

Die Antworten liegen im dun-
keln.

Sicher ist bei all den Ungereimt-
heiten nur: Die Mehrzahl der Spa-
rer weiß über Wertpapiere nicht
Bescheid, hält sie für kompliziert und
aufwendig.

Das ist falsch!

Die Wertpapier-Anlage JsLtonsr
parei^j, bequem und fiir viele.. er-
sdiwinglicL Das werden Sie sofort
erkennen, wenn Sie sich mit dem
Thema ein wenig näher befassen.
Um Ihnen dabei zu helfen und
Ihnen die solide Vermögensanlage
in ertragreichen Wertpapieren, vor
allem auch in Investmentanteilen,
zu erschließen, schicken wir Ihnen
gern Informationsmaterial.

(Alle Zahlen aus Spieiiet-Dokaniental/on
SOLI. l'M)HAHh:\2. /'JH5)

Initiative Wertpapier-Anlagen

BVl, Eschenheimer Anlage 28, 6()()() Frankfurt 1

distanziert den Nationalsozialismus analysiert,
ohne sich eines moralisierenden Jargons zu eigen
zu machen.

Die folgenden drei Bände argumentieren
höchst unterschiedlich: Neben einer besonnenen
Abhandlung handelt es sich in den anderen bei-
den Fällen um „Parteischriften". In dem Piper-
Buch über den ..Historikerstreit" war ein Autor
mit drei Beiträgen vertreten, der als einziger eine
middle-of-the-road-Position eiimahm, aber kei-
neswegs standpunktlos argumentierte - der
Münchner Althistoriker Christian Meier und ge-
genwärtig Vorsitzender des Historikerverbandes.
Auch in seiner neuesten Schrift ,.40 Jahre nach
Auschwitz" plädiert Meier entschieden dafür, daß
Singularität des Holocaust anzuerkennen (was
übrigens nicht Vergleiche zu anderen Verbre-
chen ausschließt), die Verbrechen der National-
sozialisten nicht zu relativieren und keinen
Schlußstrich zu ziehen, wobei er freiUch insofern
einen Popanz aufbaut, als diese Position jeden-
falls von seriöser Seite nicht bestritten wird.

Kein wissenschaftlicher Aspekt

Was den „Historikerstreit" betrifft, hätte nach
Meier jeder Zeitungsleser „genügend Kenntnisse
gehabt, um an ihm teilzunehmen". Leider hätten
sich nur Spezialisten zu dieser Thematik geäu-
ßert Hier muß man Meier widersprechen.
Stimmte seine These, so wäre es ein rein politi-
scher Streit (geworden) imd der wissenschaftli-
che Aspekt würde völlig ausgeblendet. Man kann
andersherum argumentieren: Es haben sich zu
viele mit politisch-moralischen Äußerungen zu
Worte gemeldet und zu wenige, die sich wissen-
schaftlichen Fragestellimgen widmeten, wie etwa
der, ob und inwiefern der Nationalsozialismus
von dem Vorgehen der Komm\uiisten in Rußland
beeinflußt worden sind. Wenn Meier - zu Recht -
beklagt, es seien zuwenig „neue Erkenntnisse
oder neue Kategorien" hervorgebracht worden,
dann lag der Grund doch wohl darin, daß die wis-
senschaftliche Komponente zu kurz kam.

Voll zustimmen kann man Meier hingegen, daß
die emotional geführte Kontroverse etweis offen-
bart hat, was man vorher kaum für möglich ge-
halten hatte - ..ein tief erschreckendes Ausmaß
an Unversöhnlichkeit und einen außerordenüi-
chen Mangel an Bereitscheift, sich streitend ernst
zu nehmen". Die mangelnde Streitkultur zeigte
sich auch darin, daß man vielfach nicht auf die
jeweiligen Argumente einging, sondern nur die
eigenen Vor-Urteile bestätigt sehen wollte. Geg-
nerische Positionen wurden häufig nicht eiiunal
sachgemäß referiert Das (Reiz-)Thema der Ver-
gangenheitsbewältigung setzte ebenso Emotio-
nen frei wie die Verknüpfung mit der (tatsächli-
chen oder vermeintiichen) „Geschichtspolitik"
der Bundesregierung.

Meiers Ausführungen über die Vergangen-
heitsbewältigung sind besonnen, man hätte sie
noch zuspitzen können. Es ist nämlich geradezu
eine gewisse Paradoxie zu konstatieren: Als in
den fünfziger Jahren die Vergangenheitsbewälti-
gung auf den meisten Gebieten nur sehr halbher-
zig betrieben wurde, blieben Proteste der öffentli-
chen Meinung weithin aus. Diese nahmen hinge-
gen eine zum Teil schrille Form in den letzten
Jahren an, obwohl seither mit viel mehr Sensibi-
lität einschlägigen Versäumnissen begegnet wor-
den ist

So kraß unterschiedlich die Schriften „Ge-
schichtswende?" und ..Historikerstreit und "Ge-
schichtsrevision" auch sind, so fallen doch über-
raschende Gremeinsamkeiten auf: In beiden Bän-
den wird die „Wende" überschätzt - in dem ersten
gilt sie als ein höchst beklagenswerter Zustand,
in dem anderen als erfreuliches 2^ichen, das eine

Zitat: „(Es) sollte endlich ein Schlußstrich gezo-
gen werden." Dem wird des Bundespräsidenten
Mahnung gegenübergestellt, einen .Schluß-
strich" könne man nicht ziehen. TatsächÜch ist
Noltes Argumentation massiv verdreht worden.
Dieser hatte sich gegen die Tyrannei des kollekti-
vistischen Denkens ausgesprochen, die entschie-
dene Hinwendung zu einer freiheitlichen Ord-
nung befürwortet und sich gegen eine „Kritik an
4en' Juden, 4en' Russen, ,den' Deutschen oder
4en' Kleinbürgern" ausgesprochen und dann ge-
folgert: „Sofern die Auseinandersetzung mit dem
Nationalsozialismus gerade von diesem kollekti-
vistischen Denken geprägt ist sollte endlich ein
Schlußstrich gezogen werden." Man sieht der
Sinn ist ein g£uiz anderer.

Und auch der von anderer Seite geäußerte Vor-
wurf, Nolte gebrauche einen anrüchigen, weil
festgelegten Begriff wie „Schlußstrich", zielt ins
Leere, da ihm eigens bei den Frankfurter Römer-
berggesprächen das Thema vorgegeben wan
„Vergangenheit die nicht vergehen will. Ausein-
andersetzung oder Schlußstrich." Nicht alles, was
Kosiek zu Papier bringt ist völlig verzerrt aber
bezeichnenderweise nimmt er sich auch ausgie-
big der vmastrittenen These vom Präventivkrieg
1941 an. Der Autor zieht aus dem Jiistoriker-
streit" folgende gewagte Konsequenzen: „Die Zeit
der großen Vereinfacher und damit Verfälscher
sollte zu Ende gehen... Ein Umschreiben der
Schulbücher ist dann die logische Folgerung und
sollte möglichst bald erfolgen." Davon kann je-
doch keine Rede sein.

Es ist nicht Aufgabe einer solchen Sammel-
rezension, ein Resümee a\is dieser als sensibel
empfundenen und zugleich höchst verästelten
Thematik zu ziehen. Es bleibt eine bewegende
Frage, wie und wsurun der Einbruch von Inhimia-
nität \md Unmoral in einer Kultumation erfolgen
konnte. Wer aber unter dem Deckmantel der
Auseinandersetzimg mit dem Nationalsozialis-
mus ihm unliebsame Positionen ins antidemo-
kratische Abseits zu drängen sucht handelt un-
moralisch insofern, als er sich einer Waffe im po-
Utischen Tageskampf bedient und Auschwitz in-
strumentalisiert Leider ist davon keineswegs
wenig Gebrauch gemacht worden - nicht zum
Nutzen der Geschichtswissenschaft und nicht
zxmi Wohl der politischen Kultur in der Btmdes-
republik. ECKHARD JESSE

NEU - EINE AUSWAHL

Thomas Ellweln / Joachim Jens Hesse / Renate
Mayntz / Fritz W. Scharpf (Hrsg.): Jahrtuch zur
Staats- und Verwattungswissenschaft. Band
1/1987. Nomos Veriagsgesellschaft. 495 Selten, 79
Marie.

Hermann Hill: Die politisch-demokratische Funktton
der kommunalen Selbstverwaltung nach der Re-
form. Nomos Veriagsgesellschaft. 261 Seiten 78
Marie.

Johan Gattung: Hitlerismus, Stalinismus, Reaganis-
mus. Drei Variationen zu einem Thema von Orwell.
Nomos Veriagsgesellschaft. 169 Seiten, 27 Mark.

Hans-Jürgen Gabel: Trojanisches Pferd im Westen.
Ansk:hten eines Liberalen zur bundesdeutschen
AuBenpolitik der 80er Jahre. Freie Politische Edi-
tion, Everswinkel. 261 Seiten. 29,80 Mark.

Dieter Deiseroht: Transitstelle Bundesrepublik? War-
time Host Nation Support, NATO-Vertrag und
Grundgesetz. Forschungsinstitut für Friedenspoli-
tik, Stamberg. 175 Seiten, 12,80 Marie.

Verantwortlich: Peter Diehl-Thiele

gegen oder gar Komplizenschaft mit dem Nazi-
regime war sie vor aller Augen ihrer Subsunzlo-,
sigkeit überführt worden. Dieser geschichdich
erzwungene ReflexionssAub hat nicht nur die
ideoloeischen J^rämisscn ^-^ der deöfecticn^ Qp-
scliicntsscnrcibung berimrt* er hat ay^rhüdaji lie-
thodische Bewußtsein für d|p Kontextabhingigkf it
jeder Geschichtsjchrribing "verschärft.''

Es ist jedoch ein Mißverständnis dieser herme-
neutischen Einsicht, wenn die Revisionisten heute
davon ausgehen, daß sie die Gegenwart aus^
Scheinwerfern beliebig rekonstruierter Vorge-
schichten anstrahlen und aus diesen Optionen ein
besonders geeignetes Geschichtsbild auswählen
könnten. Das geschärfte methodische Bewußtsein
bedeutet vielmehr das Ende jedes geschlossenen,
gar von Regicrungshistorikem verordneten Ge-
schichtsbildes. Der unvermeidliche, keineswegs
unkontrollierte, sondern durchsichtig gemachte
Pluralismus der Lesarten spiegelt nur die Struktur
offener Gesellschaften. Er eröffnet erst die
Chance, die eigenen identitätsbildenden Überliefe-
rungen in ihren Ambivalenzen deutlich zu ma-
chen. Genau dies ist notwendig für eine kritische
Aneignung mehrdeutiger Traditionen, das heißt
für die Ausbildung eines Geschichtsbewußtseins,
das mit geschlossenen und sekundär naturwüchsi-
gen Geschichtsbildern ebenso unvereinbar ist wie
niit jeder Gestalt einer konventionellen, nämlich
einhellig und vorreflexiv geteilten Identität.

Was heute als »Verlust der Geschichte* beklagt
wird, hat ja nicht nur den Aspekt des Wegstek-
kens und des Verdrängens, nicht nur den des Fi-
xiertseins an eine belastete und darum ins Stocken
geratene Vergangenheit. Wenn unter den Jüngeren
die nationalen Symbole ihre Prägekraft verloren
haben, wemi die naiven Identifikationen mit der
eigenen Herkunft einem eher tentativen Umgang
.mit Geschichte gewichen sind, wenn Diskontinui-
täten stärker empfunden, Kontinuitäten nicht um
jeden Preis gefeiert werden, wenn nationaler Stolz'
und kollektives Selbstwertgefühl durch den Filter
universalistischer Wertorientierungen hindurchge-
Arieben werden - in dem Maße, wie das wirklich
/ zutrifft, mehren sich die Anzeichen für die Aus-
/l4 bildung einer postkonventionellen Identität. Diese
1 1 Anzeichen werden aus Allensbach mit Kassandra-
IIM ^^^" bedacht; wenn sie nicht trügen, verraten sie
b|1 nur eins: daß wir die Chance, die die moralische
II Katastrophe auch bedeuten konnte, nicht ganz
verspielt haben.

Die vorbehaklose Öffnung der Bundesrepublik
gegenübef der oolitischen Kultur des Westens ist
die große intellektuelle Leistung unserer Nach-
kriegszeit, auf die gerade meine Generation stolz
sein könnte. Stabilisiert wird das Ergebnis nicht
durch eine deutsch-national einpfärbte Natophi-
losophie. Jene Öffnung ist ja vollzogen worden
durch Überwindung genau der Ideologie der Mit-
te, die unsere Revisionisten mit ihrem geopoliti-
schen Tamtam von »der alten europäischen Mittel-
lage der Deutschen" (Stürmer) und »der Rekon-
struktion der zerstörten europäischen Mitte"
(Hillgruber) wieder aufwärmen. Der einzige Pa-
triotismus, der uns dem Westen nicht entfremdet,
ist ein Verfassungspatriotismus. Eine in Überzeu-
gungen verankerte Bindung an universalistische
Verfassungsprinzipien hat sich leider in der Kul-
tumation der Deutschen erst nach - und durch -
Auschwitz bilden können. Wer uns mit einer
Floskel wie »Schuldbesessenheit" (Stürmer und
Oppenheimer) die Schamröte über dieses Faktum
austreiben will, wer die Deutschen zu einer kon-l
ventionellen Form ihrer nationalen Identität zu- 1
rückrufen will, zerstört die einzige verläßliche Ba- I
sis unserer Bindung an den Westen.

I -:

derlegung in der Forschungsliteratur (12)
und vor allem die Pnmarquellen (wie
Weltbülme) bekannt sind, muß zu der
Schlußfolgerung kommen, daß Ihnen nur
die rerhtsrevisionisnsche Literatur be-
kannt war und als Ihre ausschließliche
Quelle diente.

Hätten Sie, Ihrer erklärten Absicht und
wissenschaftlichen Ethik nach, Tuchol-
skys Aufsatz aus der „Weltbühne": „Däni-
sche Felder" zitiert, dann könnten folgen-
de Sätze unmöglich verschwiegen wer-
den: „Welch ein Wahnsinn! Hier war
Mord. Mord, dort war Mord. ...Es ge-
schieht so wenig gegen den nächsten
Krieg... es müßte jeden Abend m den
Films laufen, wie es gewesen ist, das mit
dem Sterben". Erst dann folgt in einer sa-
tirischen Umkehrung der Deutungen der
„Wunsch", daß di^ Anstifter eines neuen
Weltkrieges den qualvollen Tod durch
das Gas sterben sollten. (XIII. Js.. Nr 30
27. 7. 1927.) " . '

Ich muß Sie darauf aufmerksam ma-
chen, daß der Zusammenhang liathe-
nau-Tucholsky nur bei Stäglich, bzw. sei
ner Quelle Aretz erscheint, und keines-
wegs in der von Ihnen angegebenen
Quelle, der „Weltbühne". Die beiden oben
genannten Herren sprechen über den Ju-
den Tucholsky, und ich nehme an. daß
auch Sie Tucholsky dem Leser als Vertre-
ter des „Weltjudentums" mit seiner
Kriegserklärung an Deutschland präsen-
tieren ...

Bei Stäglich wird der Vergleich zu den
berüchtigten Erklärungen Hitlers über
den Gastod der Juden gezogen. Im Ge-
gensatz zu all Ihren methodologischen
und ethi.schen Erklärungen für Ihre Lek-
türe dieser Literatur, widerlegen Sie lei-
der diese, so wie alle oben genannten re-
visionistischen .Argumente mit keinem
Wort.

Ich habe mich bei der Besprechung Ih-
res Aufsatzes auf den Tucholskv-Punkt

beschränkt, und zwar nicht nur weil er
bis jetzt, soweit mir bekannt sit. in Ihren
Publikationen nie veni^endet worden ist,
sondern weil hier, meiner Meinung nach,
die bedenklichste Auswirkung Ihrer ge-
genwärtigen Beiträge auf den I^esor kreis
zum Ausdruck kommt".

(Ich glaube, daß der Text eines solchen
Schreibens ziemlich klar macht, warum
Herr Nolte die Veröffentlichung des
Wortlauts meiner Briefe verhmdern und
sie durch seine „Paraphrasen" zu erset-
zen suchte.)

In seiner Antwort vom 8. 12 (S.
136—138) erklärt Nolte unter anderem;
„Ich habe Tucholsky nicht als Juden, son-
dern als Linksintellektueilen erwähnt . . .
Aber ich ergreife in diesem Falle die Par-
tei der Rechtsradikalen . . . weil seit vie-
len Jahren die simplen Richtigkeiten, die
sich auch bei Ihnen finden, nicht aufge-
griffen und nicht zitiert werden."

Meine Antwort vom 11. 1. 1987 ist im
wesentlichen ein weiterer Protest gegen
Noltes Vorgehen und bezieht sich auf die-
se Behauptungen:

„Was Ihre Einwände in bezug auf
Tucholsky, den Sie „nicht als Juden, son-
dern als Linksintellektuellen erwähnt"
haben wollen, betrifft, muß ich auf Ihren
Text in dem ZEIT- Artikel vom 31. 10. (in
dem Buch auf S. 184) hinweisen. Es ist je-
dem Leser klar, daß Tucholsky hier nur
im Zusammenhang und im Anschluß an
Ihre Vorwürfe gegen (den Chef der „Je-
wish Agcncy") Chaim Weizmann (im Sep-
tember 39) als Vertreter des Judentums
und Herausforderer von Hitlers Vernich-
tungswillen angesehen werden kann. Sie
erwähnen nicht etwa Tucholskys Eigen-
art als Linksintellektueller oder Pazifist;
der klare Zusammenhang zu dem jüdi-
schen Aspekt ist auch das Wesentliche,
das aus dem Hinweis auf die rechtsradi-
kale Literatur hervorgeht. (13)

Zum Schluß muß ich bekennen, daß ich
dem Pazifisten Tucholsky viel näher ste-
he als seinen Gegnern ".

In Noltes „Paraphrase" zu dem ersten
„Tucholsky-Brief verschwindet selbst-
verständlich mein Nachweis der Primär-
quelle, aus dem der seinen Behauptungen
entgegengesetzte Sinn so klar hervor-
geht In der „Paraphrase" zu dem zweiten
Brief wird dessen eigentliches Thema —
Tuchoisky-Weizmann — überhaupt nicht

erwähnte - -^ - . . .

(in diesem Zusammenhang möchte ich
bemerken, daß das Thema Tucholsky
auch Gegenstand der anschließend an
unsere Korrespondenz veröffentlichten
Briefen Noltes an den Herausgeber der
israelischen Zeitung „Ha-Aretz", Ger-
shom Shocken, ist. Herrn Shockens Ant-
worten sind weder in ihren Wortlaut
noch in „Paraphrasen** einbeschlossen.)

Ich kann diese meine erste Reaktion
auf das Buch von Herrn Nolte nicht ohne
eine zusätzliche Bemerkung abschließen,
die nicht zu unserem Briefwechsel ge-
hört Sie betrifft Noltes jüngsten Beitrag
zu unseren Kenntnissen über Auschwitz

— diesmal nicht im symbolischen Sinn.
In seiner besonders für dieses Buch ver-
faßten Einleitung über den „sogenannten

»HistoKikerstreit Moralische Kampagne

— pcmtischer Feldzug — wissenschaft-
liche Debatte", offenbart er seinen Lesern
(in dem Unterkapitel „Die moralische
Kampagne"), daß .Auschwitz kaum weni-
ger nichtjüdische als jüdische Opfer ge-
fordert hatte" (S. 20). Es genügt jedes zu-
verlässige Nachschlagwerk zu öffnen, um
zu erfahren, daß außer einigen Tausen-
den von sowjetischen Kriegsgefangenen
und Zigeunern, die dem Gasmord in
Auschwitz zum Opfer fielen (die ersten
am Anfang, die letzten gegen Ende), die

in den Gaskammern der Auschwitz-Kre-
matorien .systematisch Ermordeten fast
ausschließlich die aus allen Teilen Euro-
pas deportierten Juden waren.

Man kann sich hier nicht der Frage
entziehen, aus welchen Beweggründen
Nolte den jüdischen Opfern des gröüten
nationalsozialistischen Ma.ssenmordes
diese tragische Singularität abspricht. Es
konnten ihm immerhin dazu kaum ande-
re Quellen dienen als diejenigen der
rechtsradikalen Literatur über den
„Auschwitz-Mythos", aus der er .seine In-
vektiven gegen „den Anstifter zur Ver-
nichtung durch Gas", „den Juden" Kurt
Tucholsky, schöpfte.

•
Anmerkungen

;; Otto Dov Kulka, Die Deutsche Ge-
schichtsschreibung über den Nationalso-
zialismus und die „Endlösung", in: Histo-
rische Zeitschrift, 240 (1985). Heft 3,
S. 599-640.

2) Vergangenheit die nicht vergehen
will, FAZ, 6. Juni 1986 (Historikerstreit, S.
39-47).

3) Ernst Nolte, Der Faschismus in sei-
ner Epoche, München 1963, S. 438. 482.

4) Ernst Nolte, Eine frühe Quelle zu
Htilers Antisemitismus, in: HZ, 199 (1961),
S. 584-606.

5) S. Anm. 1.

6) Ernst Nolte, Philosophische Ge-
schichtsschreibung heute?, im: HZ. 242
(1986), S. 265-289. ,

' 7) Die Sache auf den Kopf gestellt:
Gegen den negativen Nationalismus in
der Geschichtsschreibung, Die Zeit Nr.
54, 31. Oktober 1986 (Historikerstreit,
S. 223-231).

8) Wo sich die Geister scheiden. Die
Zeit, Nr. 41, 3, Oktober 1986 (Historiker-
streit, 189-195).

9) Wilhelm Stäglich, Der
Auschwitz-Mythos. Legende oder Wirk-
lichkeit? Eine Kritische Bestandsaufnah-
me, Tübingen 1979, S. 85 ff. u. Anm. 116
aufS. 396.

10) Emil Aretz, Hexeneinmaleins einer
Lüge, Verlag Hohe Warte — Franz , von
Bebenburg, Pähl/Obb., 1973, S. 106.

119 Ernst Nolte, Between Myth and Re-
visionism, in: H. W. Koch (ed.), Aspects of
the Third Reich, London 1985, pp. 17-38
(deutsche Originalfassung inj Historiker-
streit, S. 13-35).

12) Vgl auch Ino Arndt und Wolfgang
Scheffler, Organisierter Massenmord an
Juden in nationalsozialistischen Vernich-
tungslagern. Ein Beitrag zur Richtigstel-
lung apologetischer Literatur, in: VfZ, 24
(1976), S. 105-135.

13) S. Anm. 7 (Historikerstreit, S. 228;
Nolte, Das Vergehen . . ., Ullstein, S. 184).
Vgl dazu bei Stäglich (Anm. 9). S. 85-6,
über „den Juden Tucholsky" und seine
„weit dramatischeren Sätze" als die Er-
klärung Hitlers im Mein Kampf, auf de-
ren Grund man ihn „als den Urheber an-
geblicher Gasmorde am jüdischen Volk
hinstellen möchte". D/R/S

Wcizmann, die Juden auf der ganzen Welt würden
aut der Seite Englands gegen Hitler kämpfen; er
folgert daraus, dies könnte die These rechtfeni-

gen» Hitler sei berechtigt gewesen, die Juden aJs
Knegsgefaneene zu behandeln und zu internieren.
Ernst Nolte macht sich damit die These von der
.Kriegserklärung der Judcnheit an Deutschland"
zu eigen, die seit Jahren stereotypes Propaganda-
gut rechtsradikaler Broschürenliteratur in der
Bundesrepublik ist. Daß der Weltkongreß der
Zionisten, in dessen Namen und Auftrag Weiz-
mann im September 1939 nur sprechen konnte,
kein Völkerrechtssubjekt war und deshalb die von
Weizmann übermittelte Botschaft des Kongresses
niemals die völkerrechtliche Bedeutung und Qua-
lität einer »Kriegserklärung" habe, konnte, mag
ein rechtsradikaler Publizist mit mangelnder
Schulbildung übersehen, der Universitatsprofessor
Ernst Nolte darf es nicht.

Hier ist ein Punkt objektiver Apologie erreicht,
der unabhängig von der Motivation des Verfassers
und auch unabhängig davon, daß icdermann weiß,
daß er kern vorsätzlicher Apologet ist, eine ßaga-
tellisierune nicht mehr erlaubt, erst recht nicht ei-
ne Hinaufstilisierung, wie sie Joachim Fest unter
wohlweisiicher Verschweigung solcher Fehllei-
srungen seines Autors versucht. Solche Argumente
dürfen nicht hmgenommcn, gar salonfähig ge-
macht werden - gerade, weil sie von cmera so an-
gesehenen Gelehrten stammen.

Auch Klaus Hildebrand sollte deshalb wenig-
stens eingestehen, daß er die zitierte These Noltes
entweder insgeheim mißbilligt oder einfach überle-
sen hat, als er sich dieses Frühjahr in der Histori-
schen Zeuschnft (Nr. 242, S. 466) über den Bei-
trag Noltes besonders lobend äußerte, weil dieser
CS „in außerordentlich anregender und weitführen-
der An und Weise" unternehme, „für die Ge-
schichte des Nationalsoziahsmus und des Dritten
Reiches zentrale Elemente der Vemichtungskapa-
zität der Weltanschauung und des Regimes histo-
nsierend einzuordnen". Es ist ja wohl nicht anzu-
nehmen, daß mangelndes Wahrnehmungsver-
mögen vodiegt oder politischer Optx)rtuniut ge-
folgt wird. Nur aus der Tatsache, daß Hildebrand
den ohnehin in Berim lebenden Ernst Nolte nicht
als Referenten zu dem Berimer Symposium der
Schleyer- Stiftung eingeladen hat, mag man auf
leichte, diplomatische Distanzierung schließen.

Über allem Streit freilich haben die meisten den
Schlußstein in Habermas* Polemik übersehen -
sein Bekenntnis zur Wcstintegration der Bundes-
republik. Die Hauptpassagen verdienen es, wie-
derholt zu werden: ^Dic vorbehaltlose Öffnung
der Bundesrepublik gegenüber der politischen
Kultur des Westens", diese „große intellektuelle
Leistung unserer Nachkriegszeit", so Habermas,
sei ja gerade „vollzogen worden durch Überwin-
dung genau der Ideologie der Mitte", die neuer-
dings von Michael Sturmer und anderen mit ihrem

natürlich, daß der Erlanger Historiker kein
Deutsch- Nationaler und kein politischer Romanti-
ker ist. Aus seiner kürzhch veröffentlichten Auf-
satzsammlung („Dissonanzen des Fortschnits",
München 1986) lassen sich mühelos Zitate anein-
anderreihen, die ihn als Protagonisten skeptischer
Rationalität und vor allem auch als entschiedenen
Befürwoner des Atlantischen Bündnisses auswei-
sen. So veneidigt und ziticn sich Sturmer auch
selber gegen Habermas (FAZ vom 16. 8. 86), frei-
lich ohne ganz anders klingende Zitate entkräften /p r^
zu können, auf die Habermas gezielt haae. Es Vp'^h^^T^^
fällt nicht schwer, ihnen noch einige weitere hin- *^
zuzufügen (samtlich aus der Aufsatzsammlung
, Dissonanzen des Fortschritts"):

• „Geschichte verspricht Wegweiser zur Identität,
andere Plätze in den Katarakten des Fonschritts."

• „Ein Gemeinwesen, das sich von seiner Ge-
schichte abspaltet, wird im Bewußtsein seiner
Burger nicht überdauern."

• r,^s ist nicht zu verkennen, daß der Veriust der
Geschichte und die Zerstörung des Verfassungs-
konsens zu den Gefahren zahlen, die die Gegen-
wan bedrohen."

• „Wenn es uns nicht gelingt ... uns auf einen
elementaren Lehrplan der Kultur zu einigen, da-
mit Kontinuität und Konsens im Land tortzuar-
beiten und Maß und Mitte des Patnotismus wie-
der zu finden, dann könnte es sein, daß die Bun-
desrepublik Deutschland den besten Teil ihrer Ge-
schichte hinter sich hat."

Wenn mcht neokonservative „Ideologiepia-
nung", wie Habermas interpretiert, so spricht aus
solcher kulturpessimistischer Kassandrarhetorik
doch zumindest ein gravierender Mangel an ge-
danklicher Nüchternheit und Präzision, verbrämt
oder begründet in einer prätentiösen Sprache, die
Tietsinn und Bedeutung mehr suggeriert als ent-
hält. Der Leser vor allem der lüngsien Artikel
Stürmers steht vor einem Denken und Reden, das
zwischen rationaler Bejahung des demokratischen
Pluralismus und der universalistischen Prinzipien
des westlichen Verfassungs- und Rechtsstaates ei-
nerseits und der Beschworung vormodemer ge-
meinschartsstiftender Eliten, Konventionen, Kul-
turen und Geschichtsuberiieferungen andererseits
mit pnesteriicher Gebärde, aber vergeblich, zu
vermirtein sucht.

Geschichte ist in diesem Dunstkreis weit mehr
als die schlichte EHebnis- und Leidensgeschichte
des Menschen; sie hat zugleich die Funktion eines
Reiigionsersatzes und muß von Staats wegen um
des demokratischen Konsenses willen torciert wer-
den, zumal wenn die Auseinandersetzungen mit
den tyrannischen Systemen des Totalitarismus und
ihren Geschichtsmythen erfolgreich besunden
werden sollen.

.geopoiitischen Tamum von der alten europäi-
schen Mitiellage der Deutschen" wieder aufge-
wärmt wird. „Der einzige Patriotismus, der uns
dem Westen nicht entfremdet", bestehe in lenem
bundcsrepubhkanischen „Verfassungspatriotis-

mus", der sich leider in der Kultumation der
Deutschen erst nach Auschwitz hat bilden kön-
nen. Deshalb sei es schwer enräglich, wenn neu-
erdings nur Floskeln wie -Schuldbcsessenheit" den
Deutschen die Schamröte über dieses Faktum aus-
gctncbcn werden solle und sie wieder zur „kon-
vcnüoncllen Form ihrer nationalen Identität" zu-
™7|^™j«^"„^«^«n. Das zerbreche .die einzige
vcrkfilichc Basis unserer Bindung an den Wc-

Nüchternheil fehlt

Auch hier stellt sich die Frage, ob Stürmer die-
sen vcftcmcnten An«nfl verdient. Habermas weiß

Überforderte Historie

Unbestreitbar wird bei Stürmer der Histone ei-
ne Leitfunktion gesellschartlicher und staatlicher
Integration zugemutet, die sie weit überfordert.
Alfred Dregger hat in der Haushaitsdebatte des
Bundestages am 10. September erklän: „Besorgt
machen uns Geschichtslosigkeit und Rücksichtslo-
sigkeit der eigenen Nation gegenüber. Ohne einen
elementaren Patnotismus, der anderen Völkern
selbstversundlich ist, wird auch unser Volk nicht
überleben können. Wer die socenannie »Vergan-
genheitsbewältigung', die gewili notwendig war,
mißbraucht, um unser Volk zukunttsuntahig zu
machen, muß aut unseren Widerspruch stoßen."
Wenn Stürmer von dem „aufrechten Gang" redet,
der den Deutschen wieder ermöglicht werden sol-
le, meint er im Grunde dasselbe: Habermas hat es
treffend formulien: Den Deutschen soll die
Schamrote ausgetrieben werden.

/ ■

derlegung in der Forschungslitordtur (ni
und vor allem die Pn märquellen wie
Weltbuhne) bekannt sind, muü zu der
Schlußfolgerung kommen, daß Ihnen nur
die rechtsrexisionistische Literatur be-
kannt war und als Ihre ausschließliche
Quelle dien te.

Hätten Sie Ihrer erklärten Absicht und
wissenschaftlichen Ethik nach. Tuchol-

\ r ^"^''^ ^"^ ^^'^ ' ^'-'itbühne": „Dam
h sehe Felder" zitiert, dann könnten olgen-

Mord,

de Satze unmöglich verschwiegen wer-
den: ..Welch ein Wahnsinn! Wer war
Mord, dort war Mord. . Es ee-
leht so wenig gegen den nächsten
.ne^. es müßte jeden Abend in den

wir c. £!'''."r^^ ^^ ^^H-es^n ist. das mit
dem Sterben" Erst dann folgt in einer sa-
t\rischen Umkehrung der Deutungen der
„H unsch . daß di^ Anstifter eines neuen
Weltkrieges den qualvollen Tod durch
das Gas sterben sollten (XIII Je Vr W
27. 7. 1927.) "- *^''

Ich muß Sie darauf aufmerksam ma-
chen daß der Zusammenhang lUithe-
nau-rucholsky nur bei Stäglich. bzw. sei-
ner Quelle Aretz erscheint, und keines-
wegs w der von Ihnen aneeeebenen
r Quelle, der „Weltbühne". Die b^^denoben
genannten Herren sprechen über den Ju-
den Tucholsky, und ich nehme an, daß
auch Sie Tucholsky dem Leser als Vertre-
ter des Weltjudentums" mit seiner
Kriegserklärung an Deutschland präsen-
tieren ... ^

Bei Stäglich wird der Vergleich zu den
berüchtigten Erklärungen Hiüers über
den Gastod der Juden gezogen. Im Ge-
^ens-diz zu all Ihren methodologischen
und ethischen Erklärungen für Ihre Lek-
türe dieser Literatur, widerlegen Sie lei-
der diese, so wie alle oben genannten re-
v^^onisüschen Argumente mit keinem

Ich habe mich bei der Besprechung Ih-
'^^^'I'^/JJ.^^^^"/ Jen Tucholsky- Ankt

beschränkt, und zwar nicht nur weil er
bis jetzt soweit mir bekannt sit in Ihren
Publikationen nie verwendet worden ist.
sondern weil hier, meiner Meinung nach,
die bedenklichste Auswirkung Ihrer ge
genwärtigen Beiträge auf den I^serkreis
zum Ausdruck kommt".

(Ich glaube, daß der Text eines solcl en
Schreibens ziemlich klar macht, warum
Herr Nolte die Veröffentlichung des
Wortlauts meiner Briefe verhindern und
sie durch seine „Paraphrasen" zu erset-
zen suchte.)

In seiner Antwort vom 8. 12 (S.
136—138) erklärt Nolte unter anderem:
„Ich habe Tucholsky nicht als Juden, son-
dern als Linksintellektuellen erwähnt...
Aber ich ergreife in diesem Falle die Par-
tei der Rechtsradikalen . . . weil seit vie-
len Jahren die simplen Richtigkeiten, die
sich auch bei Ihnen finden, nicht aufge-
griffen und nicht zitiert werden."

Meine Antwort vom 11. 1. 1987 ist im
wesentlichen ein weiterer Protest gegen
Noltes Vorgehen und bezieht sich auf die-
.se Behauptungen:

„Was Ihre Einwände in bezug auf
Tucholsky, den Sie „nicht als Juden, son-
dern als Linksintellektuellen erwähnt"
haben wollen, betrifft, muß ich auf Ihren
Text in dem ZEIT-Artikel vom 31. 10. (in
dem Buch auf S. 184) hinweisen. Es ist je-
dem Leser klar, daß Tucholsky hier nur
im Zusammenhang und im Anschluß an
Ihre Vorwürfe gegen (den Chef der ^e-
wish Agency") Chaim Weizmann (im Sep-
tember 39) als Vertreter des Judentums
und Herausforderer von Hitlers Vernich-
tungswillen angesehen werden kann. Sie
erwähnen nicht etwa Tucholskys Eigen-
art als Linksintellektueller oder Pazifist;
der klare Zusammenhang zu dem jüdi-
schen Aspekt ist auch das Wesentliche,
das aus dem Hinweis auf die rechtsradi-
kale Literatur hervorgeht (13)

Zum Schluß muß ich bekennen, daß ich
dem Pazifisten Tucholsky viel näher ste-
he als seinen Gegnern".

In NoU«s „Paraphrase" zu dem ersten
„Tucholsky-Brief verschwindet selbst-
verständlich mein Nachweis der Priraär-
quelle, aus dem der seinen Behauptungen
entgegengesetzte Sinn so klar her\'or
geht In der „Paraphrase" zu dem zweiten
Brief wird dessen eigentliches Thema —
Tucholsky-Weizmann — überhaupt nicht
erwähnt - . , .

(in diesem Zusammenhang möchte ich
bemerken, daß das Thema Tucholsky
auch Gegenstand der anschlieüend an
unsere Korrespondenz veröffentlichten
Briefen Noltes an den Herausgeber der
israelischen Zeitung „Ha-Aretz", Ger-
shom Shcx^keo, ist Herrn Shockens Ant-
worten sind weder in ihren Wortlaut
noch in „Paraphrasen" einbeschlossen.)

Ich kann diese meine erste Reaktion
auf das Buch von Herrn Nolte nicht ohne

in den Gaskammern der Auschwitz-Kre-
matorien systematisch Ermordeten fast
ausschließlich die aus allen Teilen Euro-
pas deportierten Juden waren

Man kann sich hier nicht der Frage
entziehen, aus welchen Beweggründen
Nolte den jüdischen Opfern des größten
nationalsozialistischen Ma.ssenmordes
diese tragische Singularität abspricht. Es
konnten ihm immerhin dazu kaum ande-
re Quellen dienen als diejenigen der
rechtsradikalen Literatur über den
„Auschwitz-Mythos", aus der er seine In-
vektiven gegen „den Anstifter zur Ver-
nichtung durch Gas", „den Juden" Kurt
Tucholsky, schöpfte.

Anmerkungen

1) Otto Dov Kulka. Die Deutsche Ge-
schichtsschreibung über den Nationalso-
zialismus und die ..Endlösung", in: Histo-
rische Zeitschrift 240 (1985). Heft 3
S. 599-640

2) Vergangenheit die nicht vergehen
will, EAZ, 6. Juni 1986 (Historikerstreit S
39-47).

3) Ernst Nolte. Der Faschismus in sei-
ner Epoche, München 1963, S. 438. 482.

4) Ernst Nolte. Eine frühe Quelle zu
Htilers Antisemitismus, in: HZ, 199 (1961)
S. 584-606. - ' .

5) S. Anm. 1. .

6) Ernst Nolte, Philosophische Ge
Schichtsschreibung heute?, im: HZ, 242
(1986), S. 265-289. .

7) Die Sache auf den Kopf gestellt:
Gegen den negativen Nationalismus in
der Geschichtsschreibung, Die Zeit Nr
54, 31. Oktober 1986 (Historikerstreit
S. 223-231).

8) Wo sich die Geister scheiden. Die
Zeit Nr 41. 3. Oktober 1986 (Historiker-
streit 189-195).

• 9) Wilhelm Stäglich, ' Der

Auschwitz-Mythos. Legende oder Wirk-
lichkeit? Eine Kritische Bestandsaufnah-
me, Tübingen 1979, S. 85 ff. u. Anm. 116
aufS. 396.

10) Emil Aretz, Hexeneinmaleins einer
Lüge. Verlag Hohe Warte — Franz von
Bebenburg, Pähl/Obb., 1973. S. 106.

119 Ernst Nolte. Betneen Myth and Re-
visionism, in: H. W. Koch (od.). Aspects of
the Third Reich. London 1985. pp. 17-38
(deutsche Originalfassung mj Historiker-
streit S. 13-35).

12) Vgl auch Ino Arndt und Wolfgang
Scheffler. Organisierter Massenmord an
Juden in national.soziahstischen Vernich-
tungslagern. Ein Beitrag zur Richtigstel-
lung apologetischer Literatur, in: vk, 24
(1976), S. 105-135.

13) S. Anm. 7 (Historikerstreit S. 228;
Nolte. Das Vergehen . . ., Ullstein. S. 184)
Vgl dazu bei Stäglich (Anm. 9). S. 85-6,
über „den Juden Tucholsky" und seine
„weit dramatischeren Sätze" als die Er-
klärung Hitlers im Mein Kampf, auf de-
ren Grund man ihn „als den Urheber an-

D/R/S

eine zusätzüche Bemerkung abschheßen ^^ynjndman ihn

die nicht zu unserem Briefwechsel tte- ^^°"^"^'' Gasmorde am jüdischen Volk

hört Sie betrifft Noltes jüngsten Beitrag .^'"^^^^^^ möchte

zu unseren Kenntnissen über Auschwitz

— diesmal nicht im symbolischen Sinn.
In seiner besonders für dieses Buch ver-
faßten Einleitung über den „sogenannten

-Hi«toäkerstreit Moralische Kampagne

— poRtischer Feldzug — Wissenschaft
liehe Debatte", offenbart er seinen Lesern
(in dem Unterkapitel „Die moralische
Kampagne"), daß .Auschwitz kaum weni-
ger nichtjüdische als jüdische Opfer ge
fordert hatte" (S. 20). Es genügt jedes zu-
verlässige Nachschlagwerk zu öffnen, um
zu erfahren, daß außer einigen Tausen-
den von sowjetischen Knepspefangonen
und Zifieunern. die dt-ni Liasmord in
Aus'.^••.v:^ /.uiv.
an Ariiaii^, dir

i .'un-). dl«

Der Umgang des Historikers Ernst
Noite mit Briefen aus Israel

J Otro Dov Kulka, Professor für Neuere Geschichte an der Jerusalemer
Universität, schlagt neues Kapitel im „Historikerstreit" auf

Antwort tneb. IS? )etzt.mül!;^.nJ:;;Lger^^^^^^^^^ ' "'^ ^^^'^^^ '" ^«"^^ öffentl.chen

fj Frankf. Rundschau 5 HOV 1387

***^nfang September erscnien irä Ullstein
Verlag der Paperback-Band von Ernst
Nolte „Das Vergehen der Vergangenheit;
Antwort an meine Kritiker im sogenann-
ten Historikerstreif. Er kam heraus
knapp zwei Monate nach dem Sammel-
band der Piper Serie AKTUELL „Histori-
kerstreif, der die „Dokumentation der
Kontroverse um die Einzigartigkeit der
nationalsozialistischen Judenvemich-
tung" in einer repräsentativen Auswahl
der Stellungnahmen umfaßte. Im Gegen-
satz zu dieser Veröffentlichung, die sich
auf die Auseinandersetzung zwischen
deutschen Historikern beschränkte, führt
Nolte in seinem Buch eine neue Dimen-
sion ein, nämlich die Auseinandersetzung
mit seinen Kritikern außerhalb der Bun-
desrepublik, insbesondere in Israel

Der fast ein Drittel des Buches umfas-
sende Teil, der dem Israel-Thema gewid-
met ist, enthält ein besonderes Kapitel,
das im wesentlichen Noltes Briefwechsel
mit mir gewidmet ist Einer Veröffentli-
chung authentischer Texte aus den Brie-
fen von uns beiden habe ich zwar meine
grundsätzliche Zustimmung gegeben,
ab<y was Herr Nolte in seinem Buch ge-
tan hat, widerspricht den elementarsten
Normen der wissenschaftlichen Ethik
und den Regeln gegenseitiger menschli-
cher Beziehungen. Herr Nolte hat zwar
die authentischen Texte seiner eigenen
Worte in fast vollem Wortlaut wiederge-
geben, meine jedoch hat er, ohne mein
Wissen und im klaren Verstoß gegen die
vorangegangene Vereinbarung, ,jcurz
paraphrasiert". . ' . i« . : , >
Es handelt sich dabei nicht nur um die
Tatsache, daß meine meist sehr ausführ-
lichen Briefe in einigen Zeilen zusam- /
mengefaßt worden sind. Das Wesentliche '
ist, daß ihr Inhalt, der im Anschluß an
meine früheren Forschungen über die
deutsche Geschichtsschreibung (1) fast
ausschließlich einer sehr kritischen Aus-
emandersetzung mit Herrn Noltes Publi-
kationen der letzten Jahre gewidmet ist.
auf willkürlichste Art und Weise entstellt
wurde. Es ist ausgeschlossen, daß ein
Autor, der so heftige Vorwürfe gegen
aneoblichf Mißinierpretationen seilen'
s<Mni'r Kriliki'.' (niicn cinRCSchiosscr.)
nun hi^ siir nuht dor CJ.'iiihr d(-r Siib
'«'kli;i:.i! DtM ci»' '»\'i»'fH*rpabe der Cn-atir-
'■..: Stviiuntnuli.Tic'r. ci«-; andvre:.
'■ M-* .Ai!^.';riancv."'»e!.'''Ji!U tK'Wu;-:

>. • i

niemf

Ausführungen wird daher als ein Loblied
auf seine Forschungen über den Natio-
nalsoziaüsmus und den Holocaust, mit
einem nur leicht kritischen Unterton am
Rande, dargestellt Einige Beispiele dafür
sind in der Gegenüberstellung einiger
„Paraphrasen" mit den nachfolgend aus-
zugsweise angeführten Texten der Briefe
verdeutlicht

Es liegt auf der Hand, daß Herr Nolte
gute Gründe für die Anwendung dieser
eigenartigen Technik der „quellenkriti-
schen" Herausgabe der Texte meiner
Briefe hatte, um nämlich den scharfen
Angriffen seiner zahlreichen Gegner die
„von Wohlwollen und Verständigungsbe-
reitschaft ,g)epr^gte",%scheiri^hd vorwie-
gend positive • Einsteilunjg des- isrädt
sehen Historikers Als. eine Art Ahbx «-
genüber2w»teH€n.'^D€Uiurch wurde .nicht
nur alles Konkrete und wissenschaftlich
Belegte in meiner Kritik sozusagen aus-
getilgt aber auch ihr Sinn und ihre Trag-
weite, die meines Erachtens weitreichen-
der als die Mehrzahl der kritischen Argu-
mente seiner deutschen Kollegen ist ei-
genwillig entstellt Noltes beruhigende
Worte an den Leser: „Herrn Kulkas Ein-
wände lassen sich leicht aus meinen (d. h.
Noltes!) Antworten entnehmen" (S. 125).
scheinen mir eine Heuchelei zu sein.

Die recht umfangreiche wisse nschfift-
liche Korrespondenz nut Herrn Nolte be-
gann mit der Übersendung eines Sonder-
drucks seines im Jahre 1983 in den Vier-
tel Jahresheften für Zeitgeschichte veröf-
fentlichten Artikels „Marxismus und Na-
tionalsozialismus". In meiner Kritik habe
ich auf den, meiner Meinung nach, radi-
kalen Wandel in seinen Auffassungen ge-
genüber dem grundlegenden Werk aus
den sechziger Jahren, „Der Faschismus
in seiner Epoche", hingewiesen. Entgegen
dem dort als diametral entgegengesetz-
ten Widerspruch der beiden Ideologien
wurde hier das angeblich wesentlich Ge-
meinsame, nämlich der Rassismus und
die Berechtigung der Massenvernichtung,
postuliert

Rückblickend, aus der Perspektive des
..Historikcrsireits" um den FAZ- Aufsatz
von Nolte vom 6. 6 86 (2) gesehen, konnte
man sich einer gewiß legitimen Para-
phrase bedienen, narnlich. daß nicht nur
ner- ..ArrniPc; Guhii: ursprunclu he.' a!'
Austhwr war. sonderr. auc :, .Marx ur-
■ :•: '.ii::,.!'. .1' ; .;!- }liii- : .\uc r. ::.; . lijsuro.
«I '' ui" ..i.Ki M f),-'. Herj . :< i ij.'i .i'^.-
fM-.'ieiiunusweise .. M ; tverän t Wort; ith Kor

für den späteren NS-Massenmord an den
Juden selbst („Kriegserklärungen" des
Vorsitzenden des Zionistischen Weltkon-
gresses. Chaim Weizmann, 1939. des ame-
rikanischen Juden Theodore Kaufmann.
1940, des „Juden Tucholsky-, 1927) tritt
hier schon auf. indem Nolte den „Kom-
munisienrabbi" und geistigen Vater des
Zionismus. Moses Hess (nach seinem
„Rom und Jerusalem", 1862), als den „er-
sten Nationalsozialisten" bezeichnet Nol-
tes Antwort auf diesen Brief ist nicht in
.seinem neu erschienenen Buch enthalten,
und daher entging auch mein Schreiben
Noltes „Paraphrasierung ".

Ein weiterer Brief von mir an Nolte
vom 24. 11. 1985 reagiert auf die Veröf-
fentlichung seines Artikels „Between
Myth and Revisionism" (Zwischen My-
thos und Revisionismus, d. Red) in dem
von H. W. Koch herausgegebenen Sam-
melband .Aspects of The Third Reich".
Dieser Brief, der meine kritische Einstel-
lung über die später zu den zentralen
Themen des von Jürgen Habermas ent-
fesselten „Historikerstreits" gewordenen
Behauptungen Noltes zum Ausdruck
brachte, gab auch die Ansichten einiger
meiner Kollegen in Jerusalem und Tel
Aviv, darunter Saul Friedländer, wieder.
Nachträglich wurde dieser Brief Gegen-
stand der ziemlich scharfen Konfronta-
tion, die in Berlin im Haus von Herrn
Nolte zwischen dem Gastgeber und sei-
nem Gast Prof. Saul Friedländer, statt-
fand. (Vgl. Noltes Brief an mich vom 25. 3.
Ö6, S. 126—127, sowie seinen Brief an deil
Präsidenten der Deutschen Forschungs-
gemeinschaft in dem er diese Konfronta-
tion als „vielleicht den wichtigsten Aus-
gang.spunkt des sogenannten Historiker-
streas'^zeichnet Ebenda, S. 150).

Diese meine Kritik wurde dann in dem
über ein Jahr andauernden Briefwechsel,
der in die Zeit des eigentlichen „Histori-
kerstreits" fällt auf ausführliche Weise
entwickelt Sie enthält darüber hinaus
den Versuch, die Ursachen und Beweg-
gründe der sich seit einigen Jahren an-
bahnenden Wende in der deutschen Ge-
schichtsschreibung über den Nationalso-
zialismus zu erörtern, als Vorbereitung
für ein weiteres Kapitel meiner Abhand-
lung cu diesem Thema, und verlief paral-
lel zu dem mit einigen anderen Histori-
kern in und außerhalb Deutschlands ge-
führten Dialog.

Als eine der charakteristischen Bei-
spiele der von Nolte mißbrauchten Kor-
respondenz kann mein ausführlicher
Brief vom 18. 7. 1986 dienen, der auf Seite
132 „paraphrasiert" ist Wie aus dem
nachfolgeriden Auszug ersichtlich, ist
sein wesentlicher Inhalt der Auseinan-

derselzung mit Noltes Tendenz, die Sin-
gularität der nationalsozialistischen Ju-
denvernichtung zu relativieren, gewid-
met. (Er bezieht sich auch auf die im vor-
angegangenen Brief vom 16. 5. zitierten
entgegengesetzten früheren Thesen Nol-
tes. wie; J\uschwitz steckt in den Prinzi-
pien der nationalsozialistischen Rassen-
lehre so sicher wie die Frucht im
Keim. . ." oder . . iur Hitler und Himmler
I ebenso wie für die Nachwelt ist der Ak-
I zent mit Recht ganz auf die Judenver-
I nichtung gefallen.. . . ihrer Intention nach
unterschied sie sich wesentlich von allen
anderen Vernichtungsaktionen"). (3)

(. . .) ..Es wird Sic vielleicht nicht über-
raschen, doli Ihr Aufsatz (.Betxveen M\ih
and Revisionism?) auch bei nicht jüdi-
schen Historikern, wie z. B dem Englän-
der lan Kvrshaw und dem Kanadier John
Conway, die kürzlich an einer Konferenz
hier teilgenommen haben. Erstaunen er-
regt hat Ihre Argumente scheinen allen
unverständlich nicht nur im Lichte Ihres
.Faschismus -Buches, sondern sogar im
Kontrast zum HZ- Aufsatz von 1961 (Eine
Frühe Quelle...') (4). in dem Hitlers de-
terministisch begründeter Vernichtungs-
wille gegenüber dem Judentum als einer
Substanz, die als solche durch ihre bloße
Existenz eine Bedrohung nicht nur für
Deutschland, sondern auch für die
menschliche Gesellschaft darstellt, über-
zeugendpräsentiert wird.

In diesem Sinne kann auch die Bedeu-
tung der nationalsozialistischen .Endlö-
sung' keineswegs retrospektive, aus der
Sicht der 80er Jahre dieses Jahrhunderts
im Rahmen einer fast mechanischen Auf-
zählung aller Massenmorde unserer Zeit
erklärt werden. Die Vorgänge gegen die
Armenier in der Türkei, die Ibos in Nige-
ria, der .Holocaust am Wasser' in Indochi-
na und die vielen anderen ähnlichen Ak-
tionen in Afrika und Asien, bis zum
Krieg m Afghanistan, können doch nicht
als .Widerstand gegen die Transzendenz',
bzw. als Anschlag gegen den Fortschritt,
sondern eher im JconvenUonellen' Sinn
als brutale Eroberungskriege, bzw. Unter-
drückungen, oder sogar Vernichtungen
nationaler oder religiöser Minderheiten
verstanden werden . . .

Dasselbe gilt für die malthusianischen
Vernichtungstheorien der industriellen
Revolution, aber vor allem für die not
wendige Unterscheidung der Motive und
des Sinnes der verschiedenen NS-Ver-
nichtungsaktionen gegenüber Polen. Rus-
sen oder sogar Zigeunern, wie auch ge-
genüber Jebensun wertem Leben'. Denn
keiner dieser Gruppen wurde in Hitlers,
bzw. der NS-Ideologie die Eigenart der
Bedrohung zugeschrieben, wie im Falle
der Juden, die als die biologische Quelle
universalistischer, chnstlich-jüdisch-mar-
xistischer Weltheilungslehren bekämpft
'•^rdon. (Ich muß hier wieder auf meinen
HZ-Artikel. S. 628-629, (5) hinweisen.)

Es soll hier klar ausge.sprochen wer-
den, daß Mord und Grausamkeit als sol-
che gegenüber jeglichem menschlichen
We5e/7 und Jeder Gruppe selbstverständ-
lich Mord und Grausamkeit bleiben und
es ist unwichtig, ob die Juden zahlenmä-
ßig die größte Gruppe der Betroffenen
des nauonalsozialistischen Terrorsy-

stems waren oder nicht Dasselbe gilt für
die Grausamkeiten und Folterungen in
den Konzentrationslagern und Folter-
kaniniern der verschiedenen Regime
gegen ihre Opfer.

Die Einzigartigkeit des NS Massenmor-
des an den Juden muß also in dem ihm
zugeschriebenen weltgesch ich t liehen

Sinn als Versuch, die bisherige Richtung
und__d^s Zld der^Geschichte zu verän-
dern, verstanden werden, und der NSAn
tisomitismus muß daher hier als Aus-
druck der vielleicht folgenschwersten
Kri.se der westlichen Welt betrachtet wer-
den. Von hier aus muß der Zusammen-
hang des historischen Antagonismus ge-
genüber dem Judentum m der europä-
ischen Geschichte und seine folgen-
schweren Transformationen im Prozeß
feiner Säkularisierung der letzten Jahr-
hunderte gesehen werden ... Aus ver
schiedenen Gründen wurde gerade in

Deutschland dieser gewöhnlich m argin t^-
Ic Antisemitismus zum zentralen Be
standteil der NS-Ideologie. m welcher er
sozusagen „apokalyptische" Ausmaße an
nahm..." '^~' — ~

In diesem Brief kommt auch die Frage
nach den möglichen Ursachen der verän-
derten Tendenz der deutschen Ge-
schichtsschreibung vor:

Wenn ich nun noch einmal auf Ihre Er-
klärung der Unterschiede m Ihren For-
schungen über den Faschismus, das Drit-
te Reich und die Endlösung als ,shift oi
emphasis' zurückkomme, dann stellt sich
unwillkürlich die Frage nach der Motiva-
tion und den Beweggründen dieser ver-
änderten Sicht Ich glaube sie in Ihrer
Beschreibung der gegenwärugen Situa-
tion der Bundesrepublik, dem Selbstver-
ständnis dieser Gesellschaft und Ihrem
Bedürfnis nach einem neuen Verständnis
der deutschen Geschichte aus dieser
Sicht zu sehen. Ich meine hier die folgen-
de Definition in Ihrem FAZ- Aufs atz: „Je
eindeutiger sich die Bundesrepublik
Deutschland und die westliche Gesell-
schaft überhaupt zur .Wohlstandsgesell-
schaft' entwickeln, um so befremdender
wird das Bild des Dritten Reiches mit sei-
ner Ideologie . . .".

Die Einzigartigkeit des Dritten Reiches
und der Endlösung und die Zentralität
des Antisemitismus erscheinen hier
zwangsweise als etwas, das keineswegs
die Normalität der gegenwärtigen deut-
schen Gesellschaft erklärt bzw. m einem
sinnvollen Zusammenhang zu ihr steht
Viel verständlicher ist dagegen der Ver-
gleich mit dem genozidalen Phänomen in
seinen verschiedenen Erscheinungen m
dieser Zeit Dw _ Massen vernich tun gen
werden hier, wenn auch nicht zur norma-
tiven, aber doch zu einer jiormalen' Er-

l-x)biied das fast den ganzen Text der
.Paraphrase- erschöpft, über die wenigen
/x-ilen. in denen ich mich über den über-
.sandten Sonderdruck seines neuen
HZ-ArtiKels ..Philosophische Geschichts-
schreibung heute;-- (6) positiv geäußert
habe, /um Schluß betont er ausführlich
meine kritischen Randbemerkungen zu
den letzten Veröffentlichungen seiner
deutschen Kollegen. ^t-mer

Eine andere Art der ..Paraphrase" von
Nolte. auf Seite 135. lautet w.e folgt:
..Herr Kulka bittet um Erläuterungen zu
einer in meinem Brief enthaltenen Un-
klarheit."

Angesichts dieser lapidarer Zusam-
menfassung meines Briefes vom 14 lo
1986 fragt der Leser vergeblich nach ir-
gendeinem sinnvollen Hinweis zu dem
Inhalt. In der Tat handelt es sich um mei-
nen Protest gegen anscheinende Insinua-
tion, die mir - als einem Wissenschaftler
- m Form angeblicher Äußerungen über
1 „Schuld der deutschen Nation" und Tri-
umph des Jüdischen Volkes" in unserer
Korrespondenz zugeschrieben wurde Zu
diesen, möglicherweise an aas Vokabular
der rechtsradikalen Literatur deutenden
Terminologie, steht es in meinem Brief:

..Es kann sich keineswegs um von mir
in unserer Diskussion verwendete Begrif-
fe handeln und ihre Einbeziehung m die-
sen Rahmen scheint mir unverständlich."
Ein ähnlicher Protest, in Noltes ..Para-
phrase" vollkommen unberücksichtigt
befindet sich in dem oben genannten
Brief vom 18. 7.: „Soweit ich unsere Kor-
respondenz durchgesehen habe, habe ich
nirgends über Bitburg. Waldheim, oder
sogar meine Einstellung als Bürger Is-
raels, der mit seinen Thesen politische
Vorteile für seinen Staat erstreben will
gesprochen. Ich glaube auch, daß ich in
keiner meiner Veröffentlichungen oder
Briefe auf den subjektiven Zustand der
Betroffenheit meiner eigenen Person je
im entferntesten hingewiesen habe."

Ein weiteres Beispiel aus unserer Kor-
respondenz sind die beiden Briefe die die
Diskussion abschließen sollttn Der erste
vom 16. n. 1986. gibt meine Reaktion auf
Noltes zusammenfassende Antwort an
seine Kritiker in der „Zeit" wieder die
unter dem Titel „Die Sache auf den Kopf
gestellt" am 3L 10. erschien (7). Wegen
der Wichtigkeit der methodologischen
Aspekte von Herrn Noltes Umgang mit

scheinung unserer~^lZeit, sozusagen m
aT/eTyeyt In diesem, und nur in diesem
STnhe'muß also meine Interpretation der
veränderten Perspektive und ihrer mögli-
chen Motivation als .shift' m der Verant-
wortlichkeit gegenüber der Geschichte
als solche verstanden werden — eben aus
der Sicht der gegenwärtigen deutschen
Gesellschaft und der Relevanz ihres
Selbstverständnisses. "

Nolte ..paraphrasiert" diese mehr als
funfseitige kritische Abhandlung mit
einem nichssagenden halben Satz. Dage-
gen veröffentlicht er ein ausfuhrliches

der Quellenüberlieferung (diesmal „Para-
phrasierung" nicht nur meiner, sondenT
auch der in der rechtsradikalen Literatur
erscheinenden Texte), zitiere ich ausführ-
lich aus meinem oben genannten Brief:

Ich danke Ihnen sehr für den umfang-
reichen „Zeit"- Artikel.,. Ein einziges No-
vum scheint mir die im Anschluß an die
Weizmann-Argumentation erwähnte Äu-
ßerung von (einem anderen ..Vertreter
des Weltjudentums"?) Kurt Tucholsky.
Dies ist im Gegensau zu Ihren erklärten
Absichten leider nicht eine Widerlegung,
sondern eher eine Art Legitimation der
Argumente jener Literatur und Autoren,
von denen Sie sich anscheinend distan-
zieren. Dies geschieht, wie schon Martin
Broszat m seinem ..Zeit' -Artikel (8) ange-
deutet hat. durch eine Persönlichkeit von
professionellem Rang, von deren Unter-
stützung sie kaum geträumt haben . . .

Obwohl Sie m der ..Zeit" bemerken, daß
die von der rechtsradikalen Literatur an-
geführten Auszuge ..nicht in solcher Iso-
lierung zitiert werden ' .sollten, sehe ich
hier m: Ver;;lf-ich mit Stagiich (9) bzw
.-\rety (10) ebenso \%„> mi F.iii'^ von KVv;*
inaiiT) una KHUtridr:; irr tw.'ii.; ,iu: /••
U7/J/,' CJ; n;cnt>. tr.. ^ a.irunrr hinju.s^:^.'!!
i >'•' i '■<' • Inrt- \:. s./r c /•

""r

Jranffurler^^llflemdne

ZEITUNG FÜR DEUTSCHLAND

Redaktion

Sehr verehrter Herr Professor Mosse,

nachdem Sie so liebenswürdig waren, das neue Buch von
Nolte über den Historikerstreit zur Rezension anzunehmen,
möchte ich Ihnen doch die einschlägigen Artikel der
deutschen Presse zur Verfügung stellen.

Mit den besten Grüßen
Ihr ^ ^

Johann Michael Möller

16. November 1987

Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung GmbH • Helierhofstraße 2-4 • Postfach 100 808 • 6000 Frankfurt am Main 1 • Telefon (069) 7 59 10

'^ •

Donnerstag. 5. November 1987. Nr. 257

DOKUMENTATIQN

Frankfurter Rundschau • Seite 17

Der Umgang des Historikers Ernst Nolte mit

Otto Dov Kulka, Professor für Neuere Geschichte an der Jerusalemer Universität, schlägt neues Kapitel im „Historikerstreit'' auf

Anfang September erschien im Ullstein
Verlag der Paperback-Band von Ernst
Nolte „Das Vergehen der Vergangenheit;
Antwort an meine Kritiker im sogenann-
ten Historikerstreit". Er kam heraus
knapp zwei Monate nach dem Sammel-
band der Piper Serie AKTUELL „Histori-
kerstreit", der die „Dokumentation der
Kontroverse um die Einzigartigkeit der
nationalsozialistischen Judenvernich-
tung" in einer repräsentativen Auswahl
der Stellungnahmen umfaßte. Im Gegen-
satz zu dieser Veröffentlichung, die sich
auf die Auseinandersetzung zwischen
deutschen Historikern beschränkte, führt
Nolte in seinem Buch eine neue Dimen-
sion ein, nämlich die Auseinandersetzung
mit seinen Kritikern außerhalb der Bun-
desrepublik, insbesondere in Israel.

Es handelt sich dabei nicht nur um die
Tatsache, daß meine meist sehr ausführ-
lichen Briefe in einigen Zeilen zusam-
mengefaßt worden sind. Das Wesentliche
ist, daß ihr Inhalt, der im Anschluß an
meine früheren Forschungen über die
deutsche Geschichtsschreibung (1) fast
ausschließlich einer sehr kritischen Aus-
einandersetzung mit Herrn Noltes Publi-
kationen der letzten Jahre gewidmet ist,
auf willkürlichste Art und Weise entstellt
wrurde. Es ist ausgeschlossen, daß ein
Autor, der so heftige Vorwürfe gegen
angebliche Mißinterpretationen seitens
seiner Kritiker (mich eingeschlossen)
machte, sich nicht der Gefahr der Sub-
jektivität bei der Wiedergabe der Gedan-
ken und Stellungnahmen der anderen
Seite in der Auseinandersetzung bewußt
war. Der grundlegende Tenor meiner
Ausführungen wird daher als ein Loblied
auf seine Forschungen über den Natio-
nalsozialismus und den Holocaust, mit
einem nur leicht kritischen Unterton am
Rande, dargestellt. Einige Beispiele dafür
sind in der Gegenüberstellung einiger
„Paraphrasen" mit den nachfolgend aus-
zugsweise angeführten Texten der Briefe
verdeutlicht.

«««•ilc»* nK«.r Aiioh ihr .mnn und ihrt> Trna-

Diese meine Kritik wurde dann in dem
über ein Jahr andauernden Briefwechsel,
der in die Zeit des eigentlichen „Histori-
kerstreits" fällt, auf ausführliche Weise
entwickelt Sie enthält darüber hinaus
den Versuch, die Ursachen und Beweg-
gründe der sich seit einigen Jahren an-
bahnenden Wende in der deutschen Ge-
schichtsschreibung über den Nationalso-
zialismus zu erörtern, als Vorbereitung
für ein weiteres Kapitel meiner Abhand-
lung zu diesem Thema, und verlief paral-
lel zu dem mit einigen anderen Histori-
kern in und außerhalb Deutschlands ge-
führten Dialog.

Als eine der charakteristischen Bei-
spiele der von Nolte mißbrauchten Kor-
respondenz kann mein ausführlicher
Brief vom 18. 7. 1986 dienen, der auf Seite
132 „paraphrasiert" ist. Wie aus dem
nachfolgenden Auszug ersichtlich, ist
sein wesentlicher Inhalt der Auseinan-

stems waren oder nicht Dasselbe gilt für
die Grausamkeiten und Folterungen in
den Konzentrationslagern und Folter-
kammern der verschiedenen Regime
gegen ihre Opfer.

Die Einzigartigkeit des NS-Massenmor-
des an den Juden muß also in dem ihm
zugeschriebenen weltgeschichtlichen

Sinn als Versuch, die bisherige Richtung
und das Ziel der Geschichte zu verän-
dern, verstanden werden, und der NS-An-
tisemitismus muß daher hier als Aus-
druck der vielleicht folgenschwersten
Krise der westlichen Welt betrachtet wer-
den. Von hier aus muß der Zusammen-
hang des historischen Antagonismus ge-
genüber dem Judentum in der europä-
ischen Geschichte und seine folgen-
schweren Transformationen im Prozeß
seiner Säkularisierung der letzten Jahr-
hunderte gesehen werden ... Aus ver-
schiedenen Gründen wurde gerade in

Das Vergehen der

Vergangenheit

Antwort an merine Kritiker
im sogenannten

Historikerstreil

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beschränkt, und zwar nicht nur weil er
bis jetzt soweit mir bekannt sit, in Ihren
Publikationen nie verwendet worden ist
sondern weil hier, meiner Meinung nach,
die bedenklichste Auswirkung Ihrer ge-
genwärtigen Beiträge auf den Leserkreis
zum Ausdruck kommt".

(Ich glaube, deUJ der Text eines solchen
Schreibens ziemlich klar macht, warum
Herr Nolte die Veröffentlichung des
Wortlauts meiner Briefe verhindern und
sie durch seine „Paraphrasen" zu erset-
zen suchte.)

In seiner Antwort vom 8. 12 (S.
136—138) erklärt Nolte unter anderem:
„Ich habe Tucholsky nicht als Juden, son-
dern als Linksintellektuellen erwähnt . . .
Aber ich ergreife in diesem Falle die Par-
tei der Rechtsradikalen . . . weil seit vie-
len Jahren die simplen Richtigkeiten, die
sich auch bei Ihnen finden, nicht aufge-
griffen und nicht zitiert werden."

Meine Antwort vom 11. 1. 1987 ist im
wesentlichen ein weiterer Protest gegen
Noltes Vorgehen und bezieht sich auf die-
se Behauptungen:

„Was Ihre Einwände in bezug auf
Tucholsky, den Sie „nicht als Juden, son-
dern als Linksintellektuellen frwähnt"
haben wollen, betrifft muß ich auf Ihren
Text in dem ZEIT-Artikel vom 31. 10. (in
dem Buch auf S. 184) hinweisen. Es ist je-
dem Leser klar, daß Tucholsky hier nur
im Zusammenhang und im Anschluß an
Ihre Vomürfe gegen (den Chef der „Je-
wish Agency") Chaim Weizmann (im Sep-
tember 39) als Vertreter des Judentums
und Herausforderer von Hitlers Vernich-
tungswillen angesehen werden kann. Sie
erwähnen nicht etwa Tucholskys Eigen-
art als Linksintellektueller oder Pazifist;
der klare Zusammenhang zu dem jüdi-
schen Aspekt ist auch das Wesentliche,
das aus dem Hinweis auf die rechtsradi-
kale Literatur hervorgeht. (13)

Zum Schluß muß ich bekennen, daß ich
dem Pazifisten Tucholsky viel näher ste-
he als seinen Gegnern".

In Noltes „Paraphrase" zu dem ersten
„Tucholsky-Brief" verschwindet selbst-
verständlich mein Nachweis der Primär-
quelle, aus dem der seinen Behauptungen
entgegengesetzte Sinn so klar hervor-
geht. In der „Paraphrase" zu dem zweiten
Brief wird dessen eigentliches Thema —
Tucholsky-Weizmann — überhaupt nicht
erwähnt.

Ich kann diese meine erste Reaktion
auf das Buch von Herrn Nolte nicht ohne
eine zusätzliche Bemerkung abschließen,
die nicht zu unserem Briefwechsel ge-
hört. Sie betrifft Noltes jüngsten Beitrag
zu unseren Kenntnissen über Auschwitz

— diesmal nicht im symbolischen Sinn.
In seiner besonders für dieses Buch ver-
faßten Einleitung über den „sogenannten
Historikerstreit: Moralische Kampagne

— politischer Feldzug — wissenschaft-
liche Debatte", offenbart er seinen Lesern
(in dem Unterkapitel „Die moralische
Kampagne"), daß „Auschwitz kaum weni-
ger nichtjüdische als jüdische Opfer ge-
f/%«.^a*^ Kaff^A" /.Q 0(\\ F.Q opnüat iedes zu-

:V,/J.*l»*^'li;^'/

«*%&» %ft«a^.'ft# *^\^a

-i

Belegte in meiner Kritik sozusagen aus-
getilgt, aber auch ihr Sinn und ihre Trag-
weite, die meines Erachtens weitreichen-
der als die Mehrzahl der kritischen Argu-
mente seiner deutschen Kollegen ist, ei-
genwillig entstellt. Noltes beruhigende
Worte an den Leser: „Herrn Kulkas Ein-
wände lassen sich leicht aus meinen (d. h.
Noltes!) Antworten entnehmen" (S. 125),
scheinen mir eine Heuchelei zu sein.

Die recht umfangreiche wissenschaft-
liche Korrespondenz mit Herrn Nolte be-
gann mit der Übersendung eines Sonder-
drucks seines im Jahre 1983 in den Vier-
te Ijahresheften für Zeitgeschichte veröf-
fentlichten Artikels „Marxismus und Na-
tionalsozialismus". In meiner Kritik habe
ich auf den, meiner Meinung nach, radi-
kalen Wandel in seinen Auffassungen ge-
genüber dem grundlegenden Werk aus
den sechziger Jahren, „Der Faschismus
in seiner Epoche", hingewiesen. Entgegen
dem dort als diametral entgegengesetz-
ten Widerspruch der beiden Ideologien
wurde hier das angeblich wesentlich Ge-
meinsame, nämlich der Rassismus und
die Berechtigung der Massenvernichtung,
postuliert.

Rückblickend, aus der Perspektive des
„Historikerstreits" um den FAZ-Aufsatz
von Nolte vom 6. 6. 86 (2) gesehen, könnte
man sich einer gewiß legitimen Para-
phrase bedienen, nämlich, daß nicht nur
der „Archipel Gulag ursprünglicher als
Auschwitz" war, sondern auch Marx ur-
sprünglicher als Hitler. Auch das absurde
Motiv der „jüdischen Herausforderung",
beziehungsweise „Mitverantwortlichkeit"
für den späteren NS-Massenmord an den
Juden selbst („Kriegserklärungen" des
Vorsitzenden des Zionistischen Weltkon-
gresses, Chaim Weizmann, 1939, des ame-
rikanischen Juden Theodore Kaufmann,
1940, des „Juden Tucholsky", 1927) tritt
hier schon auf, indem Nolte den „Kom-
munistenrabbi" und geistigen Vater des
Zionismus, Moses Hess (nach seinem
„Rom und Jerusalem", 1862), als den „er-
sten Nationalsozialisten" bezeichnet. Nol-
tes Antwort auf diesen Brief ist nicht in
seinem neu erschienenen Buch enthalten,
und daher entging auch mein Schreiben
Noltes „Paraphrasierung".

Ein weiterer Brief von mir an Nolte
vom 24. 11. 1985 reagiert auf die Veröf-
fentlichung seines Artikels „Between
Myth and Revisionism" (Zwischen My-
thos und Revisionismus, d. Red) in dem
von H. W. Koch herausgegebenen Sam-
melband „Aspects of The Third Reich".
Dieser Brief, der meine kritische Einstel-
lung über die später zu den zentralen
Themen des von Jürgen Habermas ent-
fesselten „Historikerstreits" gewordenen
Behauptungen Noltes zum Ausdruck
brachte, gab auch die Ansichten einiger
meiner Kollegen in Jerusalem und Tel
Aviv, darunter Saul Friedländer, wieder.
Nachträglich wurde dieser Brief Gegen-
stand der ziemlich scharfen Konfronta-
tion, die in Berlin im Haus von Herrn
Nolte zwischen dem Gastgeber und sei-
nem Gast, Prof. Saul Friedländer, statt-
fand. (Vgl. Noltes Brief an mich vom 25. 3.
86, S. 126—127, sowie seinen Brief an den
Präsidenten der Deutschen Forschungs-
gemeinschaft, in dem er diese Konfronta-
tion als „vielleicht den wichtigsten Aus-
gangspunkt des sogenannten Historiker-
streits" bezeichnet. Ebenda, S. 150).

dersetzung mit Noltes Tendenz, die Sin-
gularität der nationalsozialistischen Ju-
denvernichtung zu relativieren, gewid-
met. (Er bezieht sich auch auf die im vor-
angegangenen Brief vom 16. 5. zitierten
en^egengesetzten früheren Thesen Nol-
tes, wie: .Auschwitz steckt in den Prinzi-
pien der nationalsozialistischen Rassen-
lehre so sicher wie die Frucht im
Keim. . ." oder . . .für Hitler und Himmler
ebenso wie für die Nachwelt ist der Ak-
zent mit Recht ganz auf die Judenver-
nichtung gefallen,. . . ihrer Intention nach
unterschied sie sich wesentlich von allen
anderen Vernichtungsaktionen"). (3)

(. . .) „Es wird Sie vielleicht nicht über-
raschen, daß Ihr Aufsatz (,Between Myth
and RevisionismT) auch bei nichtjüdi-
schen Historikern, wie z. B. dem Englän-
der lan Kershaw und dem Kanadier John
Conway, die kürzlich an einer Konferenz
hier teilgenommen haben, Erstaunen er-
regt hat Ihre Argumente scheinen allen
unverständlich nicht nur im Lichte Ihres
,Faschismus'-Buches, sondern sogar im
Kontrast zum HZ-Aufsatz von 1961 (,Eine
Frühe Quelle...') (4), in dem Hitlers de-
terministisch begründeter Vernichtungs-
wille gegenüber dem Judentum als einer
Substanz, die als solche durch ihre bloße
Existenz eine Bedrohung nicht nur für
Deutschland, sondern auch für die
menschliche Gesellschaft darstellt, über-
zeugendpräsentiert wird.

In diesem Sinne kann auch die Bedeu-
tung der nationalsozialistischen ,Endlö-
sung' keineswegs retrospektive, aus der
Sicht der 80er Jahre dieses Jahrhunderts
im Rahmen einer fast mechanischen Auf-
zählung aller Massenmorde unserer Zeit
erklärt werden. Die Vorgänge gegen die
Armenier in der Türkei, die Ibos in Nige-
ria, der ,Holocaust am Wasser' in Indochi-
na und die vielen anderen ähnlichen Ak-
tionen in Afrika und Asien, bis zum
Krieg in Afghanistan, können doch nicht
als .Widerstand gegen die Transzendenz',
bzw. als Anschlag gegen den Fortschritt,
sondern eher im .konventionellen' Sinn
als brutale Eroberungskriege, bzw. Unter-
drückungen, oder sogar Vernichtungen
nationaler oder religiöser Minderheiten
verstanden werden . . .

Dasselbe gilt für die malthusianischen
Vernichtungstheorien der industriellen
Revolution, aber vor allem für die not-
wendige Unterscheidung der Motive und
des Sinnes der verschiedenen NS-Ver-
nichtungsaktionen gegenüber Polen, Rus-
sen oder sogar Zigeunern, wie auch ge-
genüber ,lebensunwertem Leben'. Denn
keiner dieser Gruppen wurde in Hitlers,
bzw. der NS-Ideologie die Eigenart der
Bedrohung zugeschrieben, wie im Falle
der Juden, die als die biologische Quelle
universalistischer, christlich-jüdisch-mar-
xistischer Weltheilungslehren bekämpft
wurden. (Ich muß hier wieder auf meinen
HZ- Artikel, S. 628—629, (5) hinweisen.)

Es soll hier klar ausgesprochen wer-
den, daß Mord und Grausamkeit als sol-
che gegenüber jeglichem menschlichen
Wesen und jeder Gruppe selbstverständ-
lich Mord und Grausamkeit bleiben und
es ist unwichtig, ob die Juden zahlenmä-
ßig die größte Gruppe der Betroffenen
des nationalsozialistischen Terrorsy-

6. Juni 1986: Unter dem Titel .Vergangenheit, die nicht vergehen will erscheint in der
Frankfurter Allgemeinen Zeitung ein Beitrag des Historikers Ernst Nolte und lost mit
zeitlicher Verzögerung eine heftige Kontroverse aus. Noltes These lautete: Die Ver-
brechen der Nationalsozialisten waren eine Reaktion auf die bolschewistischen Verbre-
chen. Einzigartig - Singular - sei die planmäßige Ausrottung des judischen Volkes
daher nicht Die Betrachtungen des einst renommierten Faschismus-Forschers trieben
Wissenschaftler wie Jürgen Habermas auf die Barrikaden. Lange zögerte jedoch die
,Zunft- der Historiker. Aus dem Ausland kam eher Verwunderung, denn Empörung.
Öffentliche Zurückhaltung übten vor allem auch Israelische Forscher. Dennoch gab es
Briefwechsel, erregte Auseinandersetzungen. Der folgende Beitrag von Otto Dov
Kulka, der heute Neuere Geschichte am Institute for Jewish Studies der Hebräischen
Universität in Jerusalem lehrt, enthüllt (trotz der etwas altmodischen Sprache) etwas
von diesem Kapitel des .Historikerstreits- . Er enthüllt darüber hinaus, wie Ernst Nolte
in seinem Buch .Antwort an meine Kritiker- seine israelischen Kollegen in aer Aus-
einandersetzung benutzt. Der .Stein des Anstoßes", der Kulka zu seiner öffentlichen
Antwort trieb, ist jetzt im Ullstein-Verlag erschienen.

Deutschland dieser gewöhnlich margina-
le Antisemitismus zum zentralen Be-
standteil der NS-Ideologie, in welcher er
sozusagen „apokalyptische" Ausmaße an-
nahm..."

In diesem Brief kommt auch die Frage
nach den möglichen Ursachen der verän-
derten Tendenz der deutschen Ge-
schichtsschreibung vor:

Wenn ich nun noch einmal auf Ihre Er-
klärung der Unterschiede in Ihren For-
schungen über den Faschismus, das Drit-
te Reich und die Endlösung als ,shift ot
emphasis' zurückkomme, dann stellt sich
unwillkürlich die Frage nach der Motiva-
tion und den Beweggründen dieser ver-
änderten Sicht. Ich glaube sie in Ihrer
Beschreibung der gegenwärtigen Situa-
tion der Bundesrepublik, dem Selbstver-
ständnis dieser Gesellschaft und Ihrem
Bedürfnis nach einem neuen Verständnis
der deutschen Geschichte aus dieser
Sicht zu sehen. Ich meine hier die folgen-
de Definition in Ihrem FAZ-Aufsatz: „Je
eindeutiger sich die Bundesrepublik
Deutschland und die westliche Gesell-
schaft überhaupt zur ,WohlstandsgeseU-
schaft' entwickeln, um so befremdender
wird das Bild des Dritten Reiches mit sei-
ner Ideologie .. .".

Die Einzigartigkeit des Dritten Reiches
und der Endlösung und die Zentrali tat
des Antisemitismus erscheinen hier
zwangsweise als etwas, das keineswegs
die Normalität der gegenwärtigen deut-
schen Gesellschaft erklärt bzw. in einem
sinnvollen Zusammenhang zu ihr steht.
Viel verständlicher ist dagegen der Ver-
gleich mit dem genozidalen Phänomen in
seinen verschiedenen Erscheinungen in
dieser Zeit. Die Massenvernichtungen
werden hier, wenn auch nicht zur norma-
tiven, aber doch zu einer .normalen' Er-
scheinung unserer Zeit, sozusagen in
aller Welt. In diesem, und nur in diesem
Sinne muß also meine Interpretation der
veränderten Perspektive und ihrer mögli-
chen Motivation als ,shift' in der Verant-
wortlichkeit gegenüber der Geschichte
als solche verstanden werden — eben aus
der Sicht der gegenwärtigen deutschen
Gesellschaft und der Relevanz ihres
Selbstverständnisses. "

Nolte „paraphrasiert" diese mehr als
fünfseitige kritische Abhandlung mit
einem nichssagenden halben Satz. Dage-
gen veröffentlicht er ein ausführliches

Loblied, das fast den ganzen Text der
„Paraphrase" erschöpft, über die wenigen
Zeilen, in denen ich mich über den über-
sandten Sonderdruck seines heuen
HZ-Artikels „Philosophische Geschichts-
schreibung heuter (6) positiv geäußert
habe. Zum Schluß betont er ausführlich
meine kritischen Randbemerkungen zu
den letzten Veröffentlichungen seiner
deutschen Kollegen.

Eine andere Art der „Paraphrase" von
Nolte, auf Seite 135, lautet wie folgt:
„Herr Kulka bittet um Erläuterungen zu
einer in meinem Brief enthaltenen Un-
klarheit."

Angesichts dieser lapidaren Zusam-
menfassung meines Briefes vom 14. 10.
1986 fragt der Leser vergeblich nach ir-
gendeinem sinnvollen Hinweis zu dem
Inhalt. In der Tat handelt es sich um mei-
nen Protest gegen anscheinende Insinua-
tion, die mir — als einem Wissenschaftler
— in Form angeblicher Äußerungen über
„Schuld der deutschen Nation" und „Tri-
umph des jüdischen Volkes" in unserer
Korrespondenz zugeschrieben wurde: Zu
diesen, möglicherweise an das Vokabular
der rechtsradikalen Literatur deutenden
Terminologie, steht es in meinem Brief:

„Es kann sich keineswegs um von mir
in unserer Diskussion verwendete Begrif-
fe handeln und ihre Einbeziehung in die-
sen Rahmen scheint mir unverständlich."

Ein ähnlicher Protest, in Noltes „Para-
phrase" vollkommen unberücksichtigt,
befindet sich in dem oben genannten
Brief vom 18. 7.: „Soweit ich unsere Kor-
respondenz durchgesehen habe, habe ich
nirgends über Bitburg, Waldheim, oder
sogar meine Einstellung als Bürger Is-
raels, der mit seinen Thesen politische
Vorteile für seinen Staat erstreben will,
gesprochen. Ich glaube auch, daß ich in
keiner meiner Veröffentlichungen oder
Briefe auf den subjektiven Zustand der
Betroffenheit meiner eigenen Person je
im entferntesten hingewiesen habe."

Ein weiteres Beispiel aus unserer Kor-
respondenz sind die beiden Briefe, die die
Diskussion abschließen sollten. Der erste,
vom 16. 11. 1986, gibt meine Reaktion auf
Noltes zusammenfassende Antwort an
seine Kritiker in der „Zeit" wieder, die
unter dem Titel „Die Sache auf den Kopf
gestellt" am 31. 10. erschien (7). Wegen
der Wichtigkeit der methodologischen
Aspekte von Herrn Noltes Umgang mit

der Quellenüberlieferung (diesmal „Para-
phrasierung" nicht nur meiner, sonderit
auch der in der rechtsradikalen Literatur
erscheinenden Texte), zitiere ich ausführ-
lich aus meinem oben genannten Brief:

Ich danke Ihnen sehr für den umfang-
reichen „Zeit"- Artikel . . . Ein einziges No-
vum scheint mir die im Anschluß an die
Weizmann-Argumentation erwähnte Äu-
ßerung von (einem anderen „Vertreter
des Weltjudentums"?) Kurt Tucholsky.
Dies ist im Gegensatz zu Ihren erklärten
Absichten leider nicht eine Widerlegung,
sondern eher eine Art Legitimation der
Argumente jener Literatur und Autoren,
von denen Sie sich anscheinend distan-
zieren. Dies geschieht, wie schon Martin
Broszat in seinem „Zeif'-Artikel (8) ange-
deutet hat, durch eine Persönlichkeit von
professionellem Rang, von deren Unter-
stützungsie kaum geträumt haben . . .

Obwohl Sie in der „Zeit" bemerken, daß
die von der rechtsradikalen Literatur an-
geführten Auszüge „nicht in solcher Iso-
lierung zitiert werden" sollten, sehe ich
hier im Vergleich mit Stäglich (9) bzw.
Aretz (10) ebenso wie im Falle von Weiz-
mann und Kaufmann im bezug auf Ir-
wing (11) nichts, was darüber hinausgeht.
Der Leser Ihres Aufsatzes, dem sowohl
die rechtsradikale Literatur wie ihre Wie-
derlegung in der Forschungsliteratur (12)
und vor allem die Primärquellen (wie
Weltbühne) bekannt sind, muß zu der
Schlußfolgerung kommen, daß Ihnen nur
die rechtsrevisionistische Literatur be-
kannt war und als Ihre ausschließliche
Quelle diente.

Hätten Sie, Ihrer erklärten Absicht und
wissenschaftlichen Ethik nach, Tuchol-
skys Aufsatz aus der „Weltbühne": „Däni-
sche Felder" zitiert, dann könnten folgen-
de Sätze unmöglich verschwiegen wer-
den: „Welch ein Wahnsinn! Hier war
Mord, Mord, dort war Mord. ...Es ge-
schieht so wenig gegen den nächsten
Krieg... es müßte jeden Abend in den
Films laufen, wie es gewesen ist, das mit
dem Sterben". Erst dann folgt in einer sa-
tirischen Umkehrung der Deutungen der
„Wunsch", daß die Anstifter eines neuen
Weltkrieges den qualvollen Tod durch
das Gas sterben sollten. (XIII Jg., Nr. 30,
27. 7. 1927.)

Ich muß Sie darauf aufmerksam ma-
chen, daß der Zusammenhang Rathe-
nau-Tucholsky nur bei Stäglich, bzw. sei-
ner Quelle Aretz erscheint, und keines-
wegs in der von Ihnen angegebenen
Quelle, der „Weltbühne". Die beiden oben
genannten Herren sprechen über den Ju-
den Tucholsky, und ich nehme an, daß
auch Sie Tucholsky dem Leser als Vertre-
ter des „Weltjudentums" mit seiner
Kriegserklärung an Deutschland präsen-
tieren ...

Bei Stäglich wird der Vergleich zu den
berüchtigten Erklärungen Hitlers über
den Gastod der Juden gezogen. Im Ge-
gensatz zu all Ihren methodologischen
und ethischen Erklärungen für Ihre Lek-
türe dieser Literatur, widerlegen Sie lei-
der diese, so wie alle oben genannten re-
visionistischen Argumente mit keinem
Wort.

Ich habe mich bei der Besprechung Ih-
res Aufsatzes auf den Tucholsky-Punkt

Kampagne"), dali Auschwitz Kaum weni-
ger nichtjüdische als jüdische Opfer ge-
fordert hatte" (S. 20). Es genügt jedes zu-
verlässige Nachschlagwerk zu öffnen, um
zu erfahren, daß außer einigen Tausen-
den von sowjetischen Kriegsgefangenen
und Zigeunern, die dem Gasmord in
Auschwitz zum Opfer fielen (die ersten
am Anfang, die letzten gegen Ende), die
in den Gaskammern der Auschwitz-Kre-
matorien systematisch Ermordeten fast
ausschließlich die aus allen Teilen Euro-
pas deportierten Juden waren.

Man kann sich hier nicht der Frage
entziehen, aus welchen Beweggründen
Nolte den jüdischen Opfern des größten
nationalsozialistischen Massenmordes
diese tragische Singularität abspricht Es
konnten ihm immerhin dazu kaum ande-
re Quellen dienen als diejenigen der
rechtsradikalen Literatur über den
.^uschwitz-Mythos", aus der er seine In-
vektiven gegen „den Anstifter zur Ver-
nichtung durch Gas", „den Juden" Kurt
Tucholsky, schöpfte.

•
Anmerkungen

1) Otto Dov Kulka, Die Deutsche Ge-
schichtsschreibung über den Nationalso-
zialismus und die „Endlösung", in: Histo-
rische Zeitschrift, 240 (1985), Heft 3,
S. 599-640.

2) Vergangenheit, die nicht vergehen
will, FAZ, 6. Juni 1986 (Historikerstreit, S.
39-47).

3) Ernst Nolte, Der Faschismus in sei-
ner Epoche, München 1963, S. 438. 482.

4) Ernst Nolte, Eine frühe Quelle zu
Htilers Antisemitismus, in: HZ. 199 (1961),
S. 584-606.

5) S. Anm. 1.

6) Ernst Nolte, Philosophische Ge-
schichtsschreibung heute?, im: HZ, 242
(1986). S. 265-289. . »

7) Die Sache auf den Kopf gestellt:
Gegen den negativen Nationalismus in
der Geschichtsschreibung. Die Zeit. Nr.
54. 31. Oktober 1986 (Historikerstreit,
S. 223-231).

8) Wo sich die Geister scheiden. Die
Zeit. Nr 41. 3. Oktober 1986 (Historiker-
streit. 189-195).

9) Wilhelm Stäglich. Der
Auschwitz-Mythos. Legende oder Wirk-
lichkeit? Eine Kritische Bestandsaufnah-
me, Tübingen 1979. S. 85 ff u. Anm. 116
aufS. 396.

10) Emil Aretz. Hexeneinmaleins einer
Lüge, Verlag Hohe Warte — Franz von
Bebenburg, Pähl/Obb. 1973, S. 106

119 Ernst Nolte, Between Myth and Re-
visionism. m: H W. Koch (ed.), Aspects of
the Third Reich, London 1985, pp. 17-38
(deutsche Originalfassung in: Historiker-
streit, S. 13-35).

12) Vgl. auch Ino Arndt und Wolf gang
Scheffler, Organisierter Massenmord an
Juden in nationalsoziahstischen Vernich-
tungslagern. Ein Beitrag zur Richtigstel-
lung apologetischer Literatur, in: VfZ, 24
(1976), S. 105-135.

13) S. Anm. 7 (Historikerstreit, S. 228;
Nolte. Das Vergehen . . ., Ullstein. S. 184).
Vgl. dazu bei Stäglich (Anm. 9), S. 85-6.
über ..den Juden Tucholsky" und seine
..weit dramatischeren Sätze" als die Er-
klärung Hitlers im Mein Kampf, auf de-
ren Grund man ihn „als den Urheber an-
geblicher Gasmorde am jüdischen Volk
hinstellen möchte". D/R/S

t t

i^ki-irftar<M»a

T€LnUIUUNIU€RSITV

noN-'^nnu'oiii'jiN

School of History
Ramat Aviv 69978

23 December 1987

Professor George L. Mosse
Department of History
University of Wisconsin
Madison, WI 53706
USA

Dear George,

Many thanks for sending me the text of your review of Nolte's
Antwort. I find your article first class, clear as can be, and
addressing the main issues in no uncertain terms. The "finale"
is brilliant indeed. 1 hope all this will have some impact .

I guess that in the meantime, you will have seen Winkler 's review
in_^M^_^.^it of Nolte's opus magnum. Der Europaeische Buergerkrieg
^,-^-TF^ ^,^.1- .-.. ■ ^ nice dressing down.

1971-1945

Quite a

However, as you well know and as you indicated in your own
article, the issue is much vaster than the writing of this or
that eccentric. There are many interrelated , although opposed ,
trends and Dan Diner 's volume may have introduced these new
elements into the debate. My own exchange with Martin Broszat ,
to appear in the Viertel iahrshefte in April, 19S8, will possibiy
help to clarify some issues or at least to allow the focussing on
some rather central Problems of the historiography of that epoch.

I hope all is well with you and that we will have a chance to
meet soon and find more time for a chat than we had in New York.
It was marvellous to see you, though .

Be very well,
Yours as ever .

Saul iFriedlander

24. 1. 1988

Lieber Herr Moll

Ich

mochte mich bei Ihnen f

ur die scho

Herausstellunß der Besprechung bedanken. Ich habe mlc^h seh

darüber gefreut

Jetzt wollen wir einmal

/«

sehen was für Reaktionen einlaufen

Von dem 1. b^ M

arz bis zum 29. Juni können Sie mich err^icheni

Historisches Seminar i

m, B. L. Hooft Huis, Spuistraat 13/|

100012 Amsterdam ( tel: 525 -446

6 oder 252 343)

Dann am beste

n wieder über Madison obgliech ich da

nn noch einen

Monat in Jerusalem b

in und auch in Itali

Mit besten Gruss

Ihr

George L, Mösse

P.S, haf sich die FAZ mit HerrnjChiaber ge von Corriere della Sera

in Verbindung p; f> s j, s, ?

gesetzt?

Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung

Neue Sachbüchei

Die lückenlose Geschichte

Ernst Noltes Antwort an seine Kritiker

Ernst Nolte hat seinen Kritikern geant-
wortet und, außer kleinen Abstrichen,
nichts aufgegeben. In einer Dokumenta-
tion, die unlängst bei Ullstein erschien, hat
er alle seine Äußerungen zusammengetra-
gen, mit denen er am Historikerstreit des
vergangenen Jahres beteiligt war: öfTentli-
che wie sehr persönliche Stellungnahmen
zu den heftigen Angriffen, die auf seinen
Artikel über „Die Vergangenheit, die nicht
vergehen will" folgten und noch das
Erscheinen seines neuen Buches über den
„Europäischen Bürgerkrieg" überschatte-
ten. In einem einleitenden Essay verteidigt
Nolte seine Thesen und zieht mit deutli-
cher Distanz sein Resümee des Historiker-
streits, in dessen Verlauf gerade ihm
unterstellt wurde, er bezweifele die Einzig-
artigkeit der nationalsozialistischen Ge-
waltverbrechen.

Noltes Stellungnahme wird nicht das
letzte Wort in dieser Sache bleiben. Der
Historikerstreit geht weiter, und er spielt
sich auf zwei Ebenen gleichzeitig ab, der
wissenschaftlichen und der fwlitischen: der
Suche nach einer deutschen Identität. Der
Mythos des „Unpolitischen" war schon
immer ein Konstrukt, mit dem man
versuchte, die Politik vom Alltag abzukop-
peln. Das in Wirklichkeit immer gegenwär-
tige Politische läßt sich jedoch nicht einfach
in Abrede stellen, wie es zu oft im
Historikerstreit geschah. Es gibt schließlich
kaum ein größeres Politikum als die Suche
nach nationaler Identität.

Welcher Historiker könnte schon über
das Dritte Reich schreiben ohne eine, wenn
auch nur latente, Stellungnahme? Dazu ist
alles noch zu nahe, der Schock zu groß und
das Geschehene von zu schrecklicher
Dimension. Die Wissenschaft muß das um
ihrer Integrität willen zur Kenntnis neh-
men. Was für sie zählen sollte, sind die
historischen Beweise in all ihrer Vielfältig-
keit. Sie sollte nicht der Versuchung
erliegen, sich an einer simplen These zu
berauschen, welche nicht nur die Vergan-
genheit erklärt, sondern auch die Gegen-
wart anspricht. Aber gerade bei der Suche
nach nationaler Identität ist eine solche
Versuchung besonders groß.

Man kann Ernst Noltes Thesen nicht nur
mit politischen Überlegungen des Augen-
blicks identifizieren, denn sie gehen schon
auf sein Buch „Der Faschismus in seiner
Epoche" zurück, das vor Fünfundzwanzig
Jahren erschien. Dort wird der Nationalso-
zialismus weitgehend als eine Reaktion auf
den Bolschewismus verstanden, „eine Re-
volution gegen die Revolution". Adolf
Hitler selber war damals schon der „Anti-
Lenin", wie Nolte es heute ausdrückt.
Niemand wird den Einfluß des Bolschewis-
mus für die Entstehungsgeschichte des
Nationalsozialismus bestreiten, aber die
Prioritäten sind in diesem Falle falsch
gesetzt. Der Nationalsozialismus war mehr
als nur das negative Abbild der russischen
Revolution, er war vor allen Dingen eine
Konsequenz der Entwicklung des deut-
schen Nationalismus sowie der Zwänge
einer modernen Massenbewegung und
schließlich der Brutalisierung der deutschen
Politik durch Krieg und Krise.

Solche Überlegungen sollen der verglei-
chenden Geschichte keinen Abbruch tun,
im Gegenteil: Sie werfen zentrale Fragen
auf. Der Hinweis auf einen Weltbürger-
krieg zwischen Menschen und Parteien,
welche die Erlösung der Menschheit anstre-
ben, wie ihn Ernst Nolte in seiner Antwort
jetzt gibt, ist sicher nützlich zum Verständ-
nis des Nationalsozialismus. Nur als zen-
traler Faktor verdeckt dieser Hinweis die
spezifisch deutschen Wurzeln der Bewe-

gung, die gerade für das Problem einer
deutschen Identität entscheidend sind.

Hier wäre ein Vergleich mit Frankreich
eher am Platze, mit einem Land, das als
erstes eine Massenbewegung und den
Rassismus in Politik umsetzte und das
trotzdem, bis zu seiner Niederlage im
Zweiten Weltkrieg, ein rassistisches und
totalitäres Regime vermied. Es stellt sich
weiterhin die Frage, was Frankreich denn
für Abwehrkräfte hatte, die Deutschland
fehlten. Die Epoche des Nationalsozialis-
mus ist für Nolte von der deutschen Ge-
schichte weithin abgeschnitten und infolge
der Fixierung auf den Bolschewismus auch
von Vergleichen, die ein Licht auf die
deutsche Entwicklung werfen könnten.

Noltes These, heute noch zugespitzter
formuliert als damals, steht natüriich zur
wissenschaftlichen Debatte. Die Endlösung
der Judenfrage ist von einer solchen
Debatte nicht ausgenommen. Für Histori-
ker, die es mit Benedetto Croce halten,
nach dem nur die Geschichte aufdecken
kann, was es bedeutet, Mensch zu sein,
steht die historische Erfassung der Endlö-
sung nicht zur Debatte. Aber Ernst Nolte
tritt, bei all seinem Abscheu vor der
Endlösung, mit einer vorgefaßten Meinung
an sie heran, die nicht nur gegen die
Einsichten der einschlägigen Literatur ver-
stößt, sondern auch eines der ältesten
Märchen über die Juden Wiederaufleben
läßt.

Nolte faßt die Juden als eine homogene
Einheit auf; so wird Chaim Weizmann,
dem zionistischen Staatsmann, eine im
Namen der Juden abgegebene Kriegserklä-
rung gegen Deutschland in die Schuhe
geschoben, und das im Namen des Jüdi-
schen Weltkongresses, der 1939 kaum noch
genug Geld besaß, seine eigenen Telefon-
rechnungen zu bezahlen. Ernst Nolte
wendet sich mit Recht gegen das kollektive
Denken, er selbst aber wendet es auf die
Juden an. Es sollte jedoch die Pflicht des
Historikers sein, Mythen wie den vom
Weltjudentum zu zerstören, Mythen, die
nur zu leicht in sich selbst erfüllende
Prophezeiungen umgemünzt werden kön-
nen und es im Dritten Reich auch wurden.
Wenn solche vermeintlichen ,Jüdischen
Herausforderungen" als teilweise Erklä-
rung für Hitlers Vemichtungswillen hinge-
stellt werden, wie es bei Ernst Nolte
geschieht, erscheint die Endlösung nur als
die radikale Form eines von Anfang an
berechtigten Verteidigungswillens.

Ernst Nolte plädiert richtigerweise dafür,
Hitler als Ganzes zu sehen. Aber wenn man
Hitler beim Wort nimmt, ist es schwer zu
leugnen, daß für ihn der Bolschewismus
und alle anderen Bedrohungen Deutsch-
lands nur das Werk der Juden und einer
Manipulation waren, die von Juden getra-
gen und gesteuert wurde. Niemand wird die
zentrale Rolle der ökonomischen, politi-
schen und sozialen Faktoren leugnen, die
der nationalsozialistischen Bewegung zur
Macht verhalfen. Aber zugleich geht es ja
auch darum, wie die Menschen diese
Probleme wahrnahmen, und hierbei spielte
die sogenannte Judenfrage eine wichtige
Rolle. Der Nationalsozialismus hat ver-
sucht, alle sogenannten „Außenseiter" als
Bedrohung von Rasse und Gesellschaft zu
vernichten - die Liste ist lang. Sie reicht
von den Juden, ihnen vor allen, bis zu den
Geisteskranken, den Alten und Schwachen,
den Zigeunern und Homosexuellen. Eine
zentrale Absicht, die nur zu oft und auch in
dieser Debatte nicht angesprochen wird.
Ernst Nolte drängt all dies auf den
Bolschewismus und die fiktive Herausfor-
derung durch die Juden selber ab.

Noltes eigentliche These von Nazismus
und Bolschewismus scheint mir nicht so
wichtig wie die Frage, die sie aufwirft: die
Einordnung des Nationalsozialismus in die
deutsche Geschichte und seine Konsequen-
zen für die nationale Identität. Hier hat
man mit der Redensweise von den „guten
und den schlechten Deutschen" einige
Strohmänner aufgebaut. Es sollte erst
einmal um das Verstehen gehen, und hier
kann man kaum abstreiten, daß das „Dritte
Reich", jedenfalls in seinen ersten Jahren,
auf einem aktiven oder passiven Konsens
beruhte.

Die Deutschen waren im Krieg vielleicht,
wie Klaus Hildebrandt argumentiert, zwi-
schen Hitler und Stalin eingepfercht. Aber
sie waren in den Jahren des Nationalsozia-
lismus nicht einfach Zuschauer; sie hatten
meist gute Gründe, es nicht zu sein, aber
das ändert nichts an der Tatsache eines
solchen Konsenses. Diese Tatsache bedarf
erst einmal einer gründlichen Erforschung,
bevor man zum besseren Verständnis des
Nationalsozialismus zur großen Politik
greift oder ausländische Bedrohungen her-
ausstellt.

Ich selber glaube nicht an einen deut-
schen Sonderweg in der Geschichte, aber
das, was in vielen Nationen, wie beispiels-
weise in Frankreich, latent war, kam
schließlich in Deutschland an die Macht.
Es scheint mir falsch und gefahriich, die
Frage nach der Einordnung des National-
sozialismus in die deutsche Geschichte und
Identitätssuche zu entscheiden, ohne rele-
vante Fragen über Rassismus und Nationa-
lismus an die neuere deutsche Geschichte
zu stellen. Auch verstehe ich nicht ganz,
warum die Einordnung des Nationalsozia-
lismus in die deutsche Geschichte mit der
Suche nach einer nationalen Identität
verkettet werden muß.

Es ist schwer vorstellbar, daß man eine
deutsche Identität mit irgendeinem Teil des
Dritten Reiches, im Krieg oder Frieden,
herstellen kann, ohne die allgegenwärtigen
Verbrechen mit einzubeziehen. Es gab
damals wirkliche Helden, wie die gar nicht
so kleine Schar der Deutschen, die unter
Lebensgefahr Juden versteckten. Ihnen ist
noch kein Denkmal gesetzt worden. Bedeu-
tet dies etwas? Zivilcourage scheint mir
immer noch das beste Beispiel für Identi-
tätsbewußtsein, besser als jede Zuflucht zu
einer lückenlosen Geschichte.

Der Historikerstreit sollte vor allem dazu
anregen, über das Verhältnis von Nationa-
lismus und nationaler Identität tiefer
nachzudenken. Die Konfrontation mit
einem „negativen Nationalismus", der weit-
hin auf Schuld beruht, wie in einigen
Diskussionen im Historikerstreit erwähnt
wurde, droht umzuschlagen in einen positi-
ven Nationalismus nicht der Nazis, son-
dern mehr der Wilhelminischen Zeit. Das
heißt aber doch, wieder einmal in der
deutschen Geschichte eine Gelegenheit zu
verpassen.

Gerade der Schock des Dritten Reiches
und das Gefühl der Schuld sollten es
möglich machen, über die Vergangenheit
hinaus einem humanen, weit oflenen
Nationalismus das Wort zu reden. Beispiele
dafür gibt es genug in der deutschen
Geschichte. Diese sollte man besser als
Ansätze einer nationalen Identität heraus-
arbeiten, als zu versuchen, die deutsche
Geschichte durch Einordnung in Ordnung
zu bringen. Gerade hier kann auch Chaim
Weizmann ein Beispiel sein, mit seiner
Ablehnung der militärischen Gewalt, eines
engen Nationalismus und seiner Befürwor-
tung aller Formen friedlichen Zusammenle-
bens. GEORGE L. MOSSE

Ernst Nolte: „Das Vergehen der Vergan-
genheit". Antwort an meine Kritiker im
sogenannten Historikerstreit. Ullstein
Verlag, Berlin 1987. 191 S., kt., 19,80 DM.

Dienstag, 19. Januar 1988, Nr. 15 / Seite 9

•»iM!

Die Arbeit an der Dreschmaschine

Abbildung aus dem besprochenen Band

Auf der Stufenleiter der Knechtschaft

Ingeborg Weber-Kellermann: „Landleben im 19. Jahrhundert"

Vor genau zweihundert Jahren leitete
Rudolf Zacharias Becker sein „Noth- und
Hülfsbüchlein für Bauersleute" mit den
Versen ein: „Dies ganze Buch ist mit
Bedacht / Für Bauersleute so gemacht . . ."
Man weiß wenig über die damalige
Leserschaft; aber gewiß waren neben
Landpfarrern und Dorfschulmeistern auch
viele Bauern darunter - sonst hätten die mit
landwirtschaftstechnischen, hygienischen
und moralischen Belehrungen gespickten
Histörchen Beckers nicht eine Auflage
erreicht, die selbst Goethes Werther über-
traf. Wenn Ingeborg Weber-Kellermann
das alte Motto ihrem neuen Buch über das
„Landleben im 19. Jahrhundert" voran-
stellt, dann soll das wohl andeuten, daß
sich ihre Darstellung ernüchternder Auf-
klärung eher verpflichtet weiß als einer
romantisierenden Perspektive auf das
Landleben.

„Landleben": Schon dieser Begriff ist
von der Stadt her gedacht. Wenn der Bauer
vom Land sprach, meinte er ein Stück
Acker, und das Wort „ländlich" bedeutete
in süddeutschen Mundarten noch um die
Jahrhundertwende „nach Landesart". Das
„Landleben" existierte, als Gegenbild, vor
allem in der Vorstellung der städtischen
Bürger - Muster des einfachen Lebens,
dessen freundliche Schauseite sie als Spa-
ziergänger genossen. „Heitere Gefühle bei
der Ankunft auf dem Lande" heißt ein Satz
in Beethovens Pastorale.

Dieses Gegenbild hat die bürgerliche
Spazierwelt überdauert, obwohl die Wis-
senschaft - von Max Webers sozialen
Enqueten bis zu den jüngsten volkskundli-
chen und sozialgeschichtlichen Gemein-
destudien - seit langem um eine realisti-
sche Sicht bemüht ist. Die fachlichen
Analysen änderten wenig an der traditio-
nellen Auffassung, die ihren Rückhalt in
Sonntagsreden von der heilen bäuerlichen
Welt, vor allem aber auch in den
Genrebildern der schönen Literatur, der

, Der eigentümliche Kultus der Härte und der Schwere

Eine Sammlung von Aufsätzen über Martin Heidegger und sein Verhältnis zum NationalsoziaHsmus

„Wir Neueren sagen jetzt besser mit
Napoleon: die Politik ist das Schicksal.
Hüten wir uns aber mit unsem neuesten
Literatoren zu sagen, die Politik sei die
Poesie." So Goethe wenige Tage vor
seinem Tod zu Eckermann. Ein bemer-
kenswertes Wort. Hat es doch helles
Bewußtsein davon, daß in neueren Zeiten
der ebenso alte wie tiefe Begriff des
Schicksals ohne das scheinbar Profanste
und Oberflächlichste: Politik eben, nicht
mehr zu bestimmen ist. Und dennoch ist
dieses Wort nicht zur „neuesten" Konse-
quenz bereit, schlechthin alles und noch
die Poesie mit Politik zu identifizieren.

So klug wie Goethes Wort ist nicht alles
gewesen, was deutsche Dichter und Den-
ker politisch zu Protokoll gegeben haben.
Wie trostlos die Konsequenzen einer
Einstelliing sein können, die große Begrif-
fe und Überlegungen von den Niederun-
gen des Politischen freihalten zu müssen
wähnt, hat niemand so eindringlich de-
monstriert wie Heidegger. Denn er, der im
Frühwerk gegenüber dem Politischen nur
den Gestus der Verachtung pflegt, ist ihm
spätestens 1933 anheimgefallen.

Dies klar darzustellen gehört zu den
Vorzügen des von Annemarie Gethmann-
Siefert und Otto Pöggeler herausgegebe-
nen Bandes „Heidegger und die praktische
Philosophie". Er kann als Komplement,
aber auch als Kontrast zu Victor Farias'
Buch „Heidegger und der Nationalsozia-
lismus" gelesen werden. Die Chronologie
beider Veröffentlichungen läßt direkte
Bezugnahmen nicht zu. Dennoch herrscht
kaum bestreitbarer Konsens in der Fest-
stellung, daß (wie Winfried Franzen im
vorliegenden Band darlegt) Heidegger
durch sein NS-Engagement „persönlich in
erheblich größerem Maße kompromittiert
war, als es in vielen bisher notgedrungen
wohlwollenden Beurteilungen angenom-
men worden ist, vor allem auch in
größerem Maße, als es Heidegger in seinen
Selbstverteidigungsäußerungen suggeriert
hat".

Die Quellenlage läßt andere Einschät-
zungen kaum mehr zu. Der Freiburger
Historiker Hugo Ott führt gar Belege für
Heideggers „gewaltigen politischen Ehr-

geiz" an, der auch vor persönlichen
Denunziationen von Kollegen nicht zu-
rückscheute. Und er kommt zu der
Schlußfolgerung, „daß Martin Heidegger
nach 1945 ohne jegliche Chance einer
Rehabilitierung geblieben wäre, wenn die
, Aktion Sternheim' dem Bereinigungsaus-
schuß oder einer anderen Stelle bekannt
gewesen wäre". Aktion Sternheim - das
war ein Deckname für die staatspolizeili-
chen Maßnahmen gegen den Freiburger
Ordinarius für Chemie Hermann Staudin-
ger, den Heidegger denunziert hatte.

Daß Heidegger politisch kompromittiert
war, kann demnach nicht mehr ernsthaft
bestritten werden. Biographisch klärungs-
bedürftig ist allenfalls das Problem, ob bei
Heideggers NS-Engagement Überzeu-
gungs- oder Karrieremotive überwogen.
Und dringlicher Klärung bedarf sicher die
Frage, ob ein Schatten oder gar tiefstes
Dunkel auf das Werk insgesamt fallt. Die
Pariser Zeitung „Liberation" hat diese
Frage angesichts des Buches von Farias
gleich im Titel ihrer Besprechung gestellt:
„Kann man jetzt noch Heideggerianer
bleiben?" Man kann, antwortet Ernst
Nolte am Schluß seines Aufsatzes „Philo-
sophie und NationalsoziaHsmus", in dem
er Hans Heyse, Alfred Baeumler und
Hermann Schwarz ausführlich behandelt
und erst am Schluß Heidegger ein paar
Zeilen widmet. Da heißt es: „Heideggers
Engagement von 1933 und die Einsicht
von 1934 in seinen Irrtum waren philoso-
phischer als die Richtigkeit der unverän-
dert distanzierten und überaus achtens-
werten Haltung Nicolai Hartmanns."

Auch hier gebraucht Nolte einen Kom-
parativ, der grammatisch so problematisch
ist wie sachlich. Heideggers politisches
Engagement war weder philosophisch noch
„philosophischer" - es verriet vielmehr
seine tiefsten philosophischen Einsichten.
Diese waren freilich fürs (Selbst-)Mißver-
ständnis bestens disponiert. Das vermögen
etwa die Beiträge von Winfried Franzen,
Alexander Schwan und Gerold Prauss zu
zeigen. Sie legen dar, daß Heideggers
Denken schon früh einem eigentümlichen
Kultus der Härte und der Schwere verfallen
war. Daß die neuzeitliche Ermächtigung

von Subjektivität die Schwere des Seinsge-
schicks verkennt, wird nicht erst nach der
vieldiskutierten Kehre im Denken Heideg-
gers ein leitendes Motiv seiner alsbald
„schablonenhaften" (Schwan) Analysen des
gegenwärtigen Zeitalters. Heidegger ent-
scheidet sich nach 1927 global „gegen
legitime Neuzeit endgültig für illegitime
Antike". Welche Entscheidung den „höch-
sten Preis verlangt, den zu zahlen Heideg-
ger anscheinend nicht sehr lange zögerte:
die Preisgabe jeglichen Eigenwesens und
damit auch jeglicher Sonderstellung han-
delnder Subjekte" (Prauss) gegenüber dem
seinsgeschichtlichen Geschick. Millionen-
fach auf Eigensinn verzichtendes und doch
in Massenorganisationen auf Härte und
Eigentlichkeit mit großer Gebärde ver-
pflichtetes Dasein - dieses schrecklich
paradoxe Bild muß Heidegger, den Kritiker
des „man", fasziniert haben.

Damit aber ist eben die ursprüngliche
Einsicht nur gestreift, die eriaubt, gegen
jede Form personaler Heidegger-Idolatrie
an seinen entscheidenden Denkmotiven
festzuhalten. Auf der letzten Seite von
„Sein und Zeit" hat dieses Motiv seinen
schärfsten problemlogischen Ausdruck ge-
funden. Und das nicht zufallig in einer
Form, die direkt neomarxistische Begriffs-
bildungen aufnimmt. Bis heute wird
(wichtigen Hinweisen von Lucien Gold-
mann zum Trotz) nicht hinreichend be-
dacht, daß Heidegger in den Schlußfragen
seines Hauptwerks eindeutig auf Lukäcs'
neomarxistische Verdinglichungstheorie
von 1923 verweist, wenn er zitierend und
doch ohne Autorenreferenz ausführt:
„Daß die Gefahr besteht, das , Bewußtsein
zu verdinglichen', weiß man längst. Allein
was bedeutet Verdinglichung? Woraus
entspringt sie? Warum kommt diese Ver-
dinglichung immer wieder zur Herrschaft?
Und läßt sich die Antwort auch nur
suchen, solange die Frage nach dem Sinn
des Seins überhaupt ungestellt und unge-
klärt bleibt?"

Nirgends dürfte Heidegger den Grund-
lagenproblemen praktischer und ontologi-
scher Philosophie zugleich so nahe gewe-
sen sein wie an dieser Stelle (und im
Paragraphen 10 von „Sein und Zeit").

Lukäcs hatte Marxens Hinweis aufgenom-
men und radikalisiert, wonach in der
Gesellschaft des entfalteten Äquivalenten-
tauschs Sein und Subjekte wie Dinge
behandelt werden. Heidegger argumentiert
mit Lukäcs gegen Lukäcs: Nicht erst der
Fetischcharakter der Ware, sondern das
Vergessen der ontologischen Differenz von
Sein und Seiendem verantwortet Verding-
lichung. Wird Sein doch von den rationa-
len Subjekten behandelt, als wäre es
„etwas" und als könne es (wie etwa in der
Aussage „Ens est unum, verum, bonum")
der Struktur des prädikativen Satzes
unterworfen werden. Dies aber ist „seins-
vergessen"; denn Sein ist als Zeit verfaßt
und also nicht (wie ein Ding) mit sich
selbst identisch.

Wie menschliche Daseinspraxis aussähe,
die dessen eingedenk wäre, hat Heidegger
stets erneut zu bedenken versucht. So wie
in der Epoche des Reiches, das zwölf Jahre
zu lange dauerte, ganz gewiß nicht. Aber
derselbe Heidegger, der Sein vor identifi-
zierenden und repräsentierenden Prädika-
tionen bewahrt sehen wollte, scheute vor
dem trostlosen Niveauabfall der Kon-
struktion nicht zurück, die im Führer das
Sein repräsentiert sah. „Unphilosophi-
scher" ist er nie gewesen. Und doch gilt
der Satz des jüdischen Philosophen Em-
manuel Levinas, den Christoph von Wol-
zogen in seinem Beitrag zitiert: „Sein und
Zeit ist ein Buch, das man nur dem
Phaidros, der Kritik der reinen Vernunft
und der Phänomenologie des Geistes ver-
gleichen kann. Ich gestehe es jedesmal
offenherzig, obgleich ich den Heidegger
von 1933/34 nie entschuldigen konnte."
Gerettet wären Heideggers tiefste Einsich-
ten, wenn es gelänge, ihre affektgeladenen
Blindheiten gegenüber allem Modernen
aufzuheben oder (um das Wort Thomas
Manns zu paraphrasieren, Marx hätte
Hölderiin lesen sollen) wenn Heidegger
Hannah Arendt wirklich gelesen hätte.
JOCHEN HÖRISCH

Annemarie Gethmann-Siefert/Otto Pögge-
ler (Hrsg.): „Heidegger und die praktische
Philosophie'-. Suhrkamp Verlag, Frank-
furt/M. 1988. 384 Seiten, br., 24,- DM.

Malerei, aber auch noch des deutschen
Heimatfilms fand.

Ingeborg Weber-Kellermann fügt den
empirischen Analysen keine weitere hinzu,
sondern versucht eine Revision des Ge-
samtbildes. Sie wählt dabei eine listige
Methode: Sie schreibt nicht gegen die
poetischen Texte und Bilder an, sondern
nimmt diese selbst, holt heraus, was darin
an realistisch Beobachtetem enthalten ist.
bringt Parallelen bei aus autobiographi-
schen Schriften und unterfüttert diese
Befunde mit objektiven Daten der Statistik
und der Agrargeschichte. Die starke Kon-
zentration auf die Erzählliteratur ist nicht
unproblematisch; einzelne Zitate ziehen
sich über zehn Druckseiten hin, die
Kommentare der Autorin sind oft sparsam
und können nicht immer eindeutig den
Wirklichkeitsgehalt der Erzählpartien her-
auskristallisieren. Aber Ingeborg Weber-
Kellermann vermittelt auf diese Weise nicht
nur ihrem Text „einen Geschmack vom
realen Leben", sondern sie nützt auch die
Fähigkeit der zitierten Erzähler, die Dinge
eindringlich auf den Nenner zu bringen.

Wenn Kart Leberecht Immermann in
seinem „Oberhof (der von Weber-Keller-
mann am meisten favorisierten Erzählung)
formuliert: „Liebe ist Liebe, aber Ehe ist
Ehe", dann ersetzt dies manch detaillierte
Abhandlung über bäueriiche Sexualmoral;
und die doppelte Benachteiligung der
weiblichen Angehörigen dörflicher Unter-
schichten läßt sich kaum knapper und
treffender fassen als in Fritz Reuters
Worten über die Taglöhnersfrau: „Mit ihr
ist die Stufenleiter der Knechtschaft abge-
schlossen, sie ist das letzte Glied in ihrer
Kette, sie ist die Dienerin des Dieners."

Ingeborg Weber-Kellermann konzen-
triert sich auf das 19. Jahrhundert, in dem
die deutsche Landwirtschaft und damit
auch das dörfliche Leben erheblichen
Veränderungen unterlag. Das Eingangska-
pitel behandelt die Bauernbefreiung; die
Verfasserin zeigt, daß die mit diesem
Schlagwort bezeichneten, gutgemeinten Re-
formen das Los der Bauern nur teilweise
verbesserten, und sie macht vor allem
deutlich, wie unterschiedlich das Tempo
und die Auswirkungen der Reformen in
den verschiedenen deutschen Regionen
waren. Im Schlußkapitel geht Ingeborg
Weber-Kellermann auf die Technisierung
der bäueriichen Arbeit ein, mit der sich oft
eine Orientierung an städtisch-kleinbürger-
lichen Maßstäben, aber auch eine neue,
eher proletarische Arbeitsauffassung ent-
wickelt.

Der wesentliche Akzent des Buches liegt
aber nicht auf diesen historischen Entwick-
lungsprozessen. Es geht der Autorin vor
allem darum, „die alte Dorfgesellschaft der
Vormodeme" in ihrem letzten Stadium zu
fassen und in ihrer ganzen Vielfalt zu
beschreiben. „Die Organisation des Dorfle-
bens als eines Systems von Relationen" soll
herausgearbeitet werden. Gegen schnelle
Verkürzungen ist Ingeborg Weber-Keller-
mann gefeit durch das reiche Detail wissen,
das sie sich in den unterschiedlichsten
Bereichen des Landlebens und der Dorfge-
schichte angeeignet und das sie zum Teil ja
auch schon ausgebreitet hat in ihren
erfolgreichen Büchern zu Familiengeschich-
te und Kindheit, Frauenleben und Festwe-
sen, Brauch- und Kleidungsgeschichte.

Das ländliche Leben kommt in dem
Buch in seiner ganzen Komplexität zur
Geltung. Es wird deutlich, daß sich schon
hinter dem Begriff des Bauern höchst
verschiedenartige Realitäten verbergen -
und neben die Bauern treten die Hirten und
Schäfer, die Handwerker, die dörflichen
Honoratioren und Vertreter der Obrigkeit,
aber auch die Hausierer und Bettler. Vom
Leben auf dem Hof ist die Rede, von
Arbeitsgängen und Festlichkeiten, vom
Wohnen und von der Kleidung, von
Gesindeverträgen und Märkten, vom dürf-
tigen Kinderspiel und vom notdürftigen
Altenteil. Die Fäden laufen mitunter so
kraus und verwirrend, daß der strukturelle
Zusammenhang gewiß abhanden käme,
wenn die Verfasserin nicht eine kleine Zahl
von Dominanten herausarbeitete, die (aller-
dings nicht ganz konsequent) auch ihre
Kapiteleinteilung bestimmen.

Da ist einmal die durchgängige soziale
Hierarchie, die sich im wesentlichen an der
Besitzgröße orientiert und die in allen
Lebensbereichen ein gestuftes Gefüge von
Einflüssen und Abhängigkeiten ergibt. Die
Ausdrucksformen wechseln, aber die Ge-

gensätze bleiben, und gerade gegen Ende
des Jahrhunderts verstärkt die durchgehen-
de militärische Erziehung auch auf dem
Land das Kasten- und Klassendenken. Für
die Frauen - und dies ist die zweite
Dominante - kommen auf allen Stufen der
Hierarchie besondere Abhängigkeiten hin-
zu. Auf ihre spezifischen Belastungen -
durch Schwangerschaft und Geburten -
wird kaum Rücksicht genommen; sie
tragen fast allein das Risiko sexueller
Betätigung; und Verbesserungen des Le-
bensstandards, beispielsweise durch die
Fabrikarbeit der Männer, werfen sie oft
genug auf eine Stufe noch härteren
Arbeitseinsatzes zurück.

Als Drittes arbeitet die Autorin das
Verhältnis der Generationen, die besondere
Stellung und Aufgabe in verschiedenen
Altersgruppen, heraus: Der Schonraum
Kindheit, der sich in der bürgerlichen
Familie im 19. Jahrhundert herausbildet,
fehlt im ländlichen Bereich. Die Geltung
der Personen wächst mit den Jahren - aber
nur bis zu dem Punkt, an dem die
ausgepowerten Alten ins Ausgedinge und
damit meist in extreme Abhängigkeit
verwiesen werden.

Das Landleben wird in dem Buch - das
zeigen schon diese wenigen Hinweise - als
gnadenlos hart, karg und unerbittlich
charakterisiert. Von diesem dunklen Unier-
ton heben sich dann freilich die farbigen
Einschübe um so deutlicher ab. und auch
sie werden in dem Buch ausführiich
vorgestellt. Die Verfasserin schwelgt nicht
in Elendsromantik. Sie zeigt, wie auch die
Landbevölkerung mit „symbolischem Ka-
pital" (Bourdieu) zu operieren versteht.
Das Wort „zeichenhaft" gehört zu den
Leitvokabeln der Darstellung: Am Beispiel
der Kleidung, der Bräuche, aber auch
geschnitzter und gemalter Schmuckformcn
wird gezeigt, wie das wenige, über das die
Menschen im Dorf verfügten, zum Spre-
chen gebracht wurde - eingebunden freilich
stets in die vorgegebenen Strukturen.

Die Verbindlichkeit dieser Strukturen
ist für Ingeborg Weber-Kellermann ambi-
valent. Sie weist immer wieder auf die
Ausweglosigkeit hin. in die das Leben der
einzelnen verstrickt war. Aber wenn sie,
kommentarlos fast, die historisch nicht
gesicherte und jedenfalls kräftig archaisie-
rende Beschreibung eines westfälischen
Fem-Gerichts im „OberhoP' zitiert oder
wenn sie - jenseits aller sozialen Deklassie-
rungen - vom gemeinsamen Interesse aller
am Wohl des Hofes spricht, dann ist auch
ihre eigene Faszination an der Dichte und
Unveränderiichkeit des dörflichen Netz-
werks spürbar.

In dieser Faszination der Verfasserin,
die ja doch um Nüchternheit bemüht ist,
wird sichtbar, daß die Hochschätzung der
bäuerlichen Welt nicht nur Realitätsflucht,
eine Art optischer Täuschung und Lebens-
lüge, war, daß sie vielmehr ihren tieferen
Grund hatte: Im „Landleben" ragte eine
Existenzform in die Gegenwart herein, die
durch klare, mehr oder weniger unverän-
derliche Rollenzuweisungen charakteri-
siert war. Die Dynamik und Offenheit des
industriellen Lebens, der Zerfall kulturel-
ler Selbstverständlichkeiten und die damit
einhergehende Verunsicherung legten es
nahe, in jener vergehenden Daseinsform
weniger Bomierung und Zwang zu sehen
als vielmehr Sicherheit und Fraglosigkeit.

Ingeborg Weber-Kellermann schließt
ihr schönes und reichillustriertes Buch mit
einem Zitat aus dem „Stechlin", in dem
Theodor Fontane die alte und die neue
Zeit miteinander vergleicht. „Der Haupt-
gegensatz alles Modernen gegen das Alte
besteht darin, daß die Menschen nicht
mehr durch ihre Geburt auf den von ihnen
einzunehmenden Platz gestellt werden."
Fontanes Pastor Lorenzen freilich läßt
keinen Zweifel, daß jenes Alte nicht
konserviert werden kann und soll: „Ich
empfind es als eine Gnade, da, wo das Alte
versagt, ganz in einem Neuen aufzuge-
hen." Die Vormoderne des alten Landle-
bens läßt sich nicht einfach als Postmoder-
ne aktualisieren. „Alternativ" ist das Buch
von Weber-Kellermann nicht. Aber indem
es Geschichte lebendig macht, antwortet es
auch auf Fragen der Gegenwart.

HERMANN BAUSINGER

Ingehorg Wtber- Kellermann: „Landlehen
im 19. Jahrhundert". Verlag C. H. Beck.
München 1987. 462 Seiten, 183 Abbildun-
gen, geb., 68,- DM.

Seite 10 / Dienstag, 19. Januar 1988. Nr. 15

Zeitgeschehen

Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung

franffurter^lgemcine

ZEITUNG FÜR DEUTSCHLAND

Rm. Einige der am Sonntag verhafte-
ten Dissidenten hat die Ost-Berliner
Polizei bald freigelassen. Aber das
ändert nichts an der Rechtsstaatsferne
ihrer Aktion. Seltsame Stücke aus dem
Arsenal ihrer Unterdrückungsmittel
sind hier sichtbar geworden: Leute
wurden nicht wegen des Verdachts einer
Straftat, sondern „zur Klärung eines
Sachverhalts" festgenommen. Bürger
wurden von Sicherheitsbeamten aufge-
fordert, sie sollten sich schriftlich ver-
pflichten, an einem Umzug nicht teilzu-
nehmen; andere wurden unter rechtlich
nicht begründeten Hausarrest gestellt.
Der ostdeutsche Staat ist in Gesetz und
Praxis weit von Verhältnissen entfernt,
die Proteste von draußen unangemessen
erscheinen ließen. Aber wenn man sie an
den Gegebenheiten der DDR mißt,
erscheinen die Maßnahmen vorsichtig.
Offensichtlich will der Staat ein Massen-
Strafverfahren vermeiden. Eine Abord-
nung der evangeüschen Kirche konnte
mit Beamten des Kirchen-Staatssekreta-
riats über die Affäre sprechen. Die SED
will an der Monopolherrschaft ihrer
poütischen Gedanken festhalten; aber
sie möchte nicht mit krachendem
Draufschlagen die Unruhe in Bevölke-
rungsgruppen erhöhen, in denen es gärt.
Beides zu vereinen wird schwieriger.

Nm. In Argentinien haben - nicht
zum ersten Male - Einheiten des
Militärs gemeutert. Doch das waren
keine Vorboten eines Putsches gegen die
Regierung; das Ganze ist eher Ausdruck
einer verfahrenen Situation. Vergessen
ist inzwischen, daß die Militärs die
Macht im Lande einst mit Zustimmung
der meisten Argentinier übernommen
hatten, um dem Terrorismus ein Ende
zu bereiten. Nach dem Falkland-Krieg
mußten sie geschlagen und demoralisiert
abtreten. Dem argentinischen Militär ist
das Rückgrat gebrochen, zu einer
neuerUchen Machtübernahme sind die
Generale nicht bereit. Unmut regt sich
dagegen in den mittleren OfTiziersrän-
gen; Wer einst ein kleiner König war,
gilt heute nichts mehr und wird von der
zivilen Umwelt - machmal zu Recht, oft
auch zu Unrecht - verdächtigt, zur Zeit
der MiUtärdiktatur ein Folterknecht
gewesen zu sein. Die „Vergangenheits-
bewältigung" der argentinischen Gesell-
schaft pendelt zwischen pauschaler Am-
nestierung und ebenso pauschaler Ver-
danmiung der Soldaten. Und auch
Präsident Alfonsin ist mit diesem Pro-
blem nicht fertig geworden. Wie die
meisten Staaten Lateinamerikas leidet
auch Argentinien vor allem am Versa-
gen seiner Politiker.

Pellt al0 100 000

Reu. Zum erstenmal hat die Zahl der
Studenten in West-Berlin die Grenze
von 100000 überschritten. In diesem
Wintersemester studieren an den elf
Hochschulen des westlichen Teils der
Metropole 101400 junge Leute. Allein
an der Freien Universität sind es 56600
- zehnmal so viele, wie 1810 bei der
Gründung der Humboldt-Universität in
allen deutschen Landen studierten, von
Köln bis Königsberg. Hinzu kommen
25000 Studenten an den acht Hoch-
schulen in Ost-Berlin; die meisten davon
studieren an der alten Humboldt-
Universität Unter den Linden. In allen
elf Bundesländern hat sich in diesem
Semester dasselbe ereignet: Die Zahl der
Studenten ist gestiegen; die Prognosen,
daß sie sinken werde, waren falsch. In
West-Berlin ist man darüber gleichzeitig
beruhigt und beunruhigt. Mehr als die
Hälfte aller Studenten kommt von
auswärts; damit scheint die Attraktivität
der Stadt hinlänglich bewiesen zu sein,
wenn auch zugegeben werden muß, daß
ein Teil der Gäste sich nur vor dem
Wehr- oder Zivildienst drückt. Es kann
nicht die Rede davon sein, daß die
Hochschulen „zur Normalität zurück-
kehrten"; vielmehr leiden sie weiter
unter der Überlast.

Die Idee vom Luftkreuz Berlin

Die geteilte Stadt und ihre internationalen Flughäfen / Von Ralf Georg Reuth

BERLIN, 18. Januar
Die Diskussion über ein „Luftkreuz
Berlin" und über eine Erweiterung des
Berlin-Flugverkehrs breitet sich aus. Be-
gonnen hatte sie, als im Januar 1986 die
Deutsche Lufthansa in Berlin ihren sech-
zigsten Geburtstag feierte. Der Regierende
Bürgermeister Diepgen hatte seinerzeit
angeregt, neben dem alliierten Flugverkehr
durch die drei Luftkorridore neue Flugver-
bindungen von Skandinavien über West-
Berlin nach Südeuropa zu erschließen.
Entscheidenden Schub bekam die Idee, als
der amerikanische Präsident Reagan wäh-
rend seines Berlin-Besuches aus Anlaß der
750-Jahr-Feier unter anderem vorschlug,
die Stadt zu einem mitteleuropäischen
Luftverkehrsknotenpunkt auszubauen.

Ausgangspunkt der westlichen Überle-
gungen, die seit der Reagan-Initiative von
den Westallierten in Zusammenarbeit mit
den zuständigen deutschen Stellen ange-
stellt werden, ist ein Gesamtberliner „Luft-
kreuz". Einerseits sollen durch eine Ver-
stärkung des Luftverkehrs von und nach
Berlin die Bindungen der Stadt an den
Westen verstärkt werden. Andererseits soll
damit ein Beitrag zur Überwindung ihrer
Teilung geleistet werden. Unumstößliche
Bedingung für jegliche Fortschritte ist in
den westlichen Überlegungen die Wahrung
der grundlegenden Rechte der Alliierten.
Gemeint sind die von den vier Siegermäch-
ten am 30. November 1945 auf Grund des
Londoner Protokolls durch ein Abkommen
vereinbarten Korridore sowie der Luftraum
im Radius von 32 Kilometern um die
alliierte Luftsicherheitszentrale im früheren
Kontrollratsgebäude in Berlin-Schöneberg.
In den gemeinsam von den vier Mächten
kontrollierten Luftkorridoren sowie in der
32-Kilometer-Zone haben die Alliierten
originäre Flugrechte. Während der sowjeti-
schen Berlin-Blockade 1948/49 sicherten
diese das politische Überleben der Stadt.

Fast vierzig Jahre danach gilt es für die
Initiatoren des „Luftkreuzes" nun, mit der
Sowjetunion und der DDR auszuhandeln,
daß auch nichtalliierte westliche Fluggesell-
schaften, wie zum Beispiel die Deutsche
Lufthansa, außerhalb der Luftkorridore in
den freien Teil Berlins fliegen können.
Hierzu bedarf es des Überflugrechts über
das Territorium der DDR und der Zustim-
mung der Sowjetunion für das Durchflie-

gen der 32-Kilometer-Zone über der geteil-
ten Stadt. Auf westlicher Seite gibt man
sich optimistisch, bei gewissen Gegenlei-
stungen, etwa der Lieferung modernster
westlicher Flugzeuge vom Typ „Airbus",
über die derzeit gesprochen werden soll,
das „Luftkreuz Beriin" verwirklichen zu
können. Auch das sich verbessernde Ver-
hältnis zwischen den Supermächten mag
den politischen Perspektiven für ein „Luft-
kreuz Berlin" günstig sein.

Wenig Berücksichtigung findet jedoch
bei den Politikern offenbar die Frage, ob in
der geteilten Stadt überhaupt Bedarf für
einen verstärkten Flugverkehr besteht. So
erscheint es fraglich, ob westliche nicht-
alliierte Fluggesellschaften, deren Routen
Frankfurt-Moskau oder gar Frankfurt-
Tokio das „Luftkreuz" in Ost- West-Rich-
tung schneiden, überhaupt ein Interesse

m/ßt0

daran haben, auf dem West-Berliner Flug-
hafen Tegel zwischenzulanden: Eine Flug-
gesellschaft, die eine Fernstrecke mit einer
Zwischenlandung unterbricht, wäre gegen-
über ihrer Konkurrenz, die dieselbe Strecke
nonstop fliegt, unterlegen, falls keine
bedeutende Passagier-Nachfrage besteht.
Eine solche Nachfrage ist auf dem engen
Berliner Markt kaum zu erwarten. Auf der
Nord-Süd-Strecke kommt hinzu, daß die
alliierten Fluggesellschaften bereits einen
der Nachfrage entsprechenden Linienver-
kehr von Tegel aus anbieten. So fliegen Pan
American und Berlin Regional U.K. neben
süd- und norddeutschen Flughäfen Zürich,
Innsbruck und Kopenhagen an.

Da ein Gesamtberliner „Luftkreuz" an-
gestrebt wird, soll nach den Vorstellungen

der westlichen Seite eine „vernünftige und
abgestimmte Arbeitsteilung" zwischen Te-
gel und dem auf DDR-Gebiet gelegenen
Ost-Berliner Zentralflughafen Schönefeld
erreicht werden. Auch dies scheint jedoch
wenig realistisch, denn es ist unwahrschein-
lich, daß Fluggäste, die von Frankfurt nach
Moskau fliegen, in Tegel aussteigen, um
von dort zum Weiterflug nach Schönefeld
zu reisen.

Wenn überhaupt eine Zwischenlandung
in Berlin, dann ist Schönefeld für die
Fluggesellschaften attraktiver, denn von
hier und nicht von Tegel aus starten die
Staatsfluggesellschaften der kommunisti-
schen Staaten zu Niedrigstpreisen in die
östliche und südöstliche Welt. So fliegen
bereits die Skandinavian Airiines (SAS)
und die österreichische Fluggesellschaft auf
ihrer Nord-Süd-Route Schönefeld an. Da
es der DDR offensteht, die Vergabe von
Überflugrechten mit der Auflage zu verbin-
den, Schönefeld und nicht Tegel anzuflie-
gen, erscheint es fraglich, ob die ostdeut-
sche Regierung überhaupt Interesse an
einer Zusammenarbeit zwischen beiden
Berliner Flughäfen bekundet.

Eine Komponente des „Luftkreuzes Ber-
lin", die derzeit erwogen wird, bedürfte
allerdings nicht der Zustimmung der DDR
oder der Sowjetunion: Transatlantikflüge
amerikanischer Fluggesellschaften sollen
nicht mehr nach Frankfurt, sondern non-
stop nach West-Berlin geführt werden. Von
hier aus sollen die Passagiere in die
gewünschten deutschen Städte befördert
werden. Da jedoch viele Atlantik-Überque-
rer nicht nur die Bundesrepublik bereisen
wollen, erscheint es fraglich, ob sich
Fluggesellschaften finden, die den bewähr-
ten Frankfurter Transit-Flughafen mit
Tegel vertauschen.

Unterdessen hat sich bestätigt, daß das
Interesse der durch die Reagan-Initiative
geweckten „Neueinsteiger" in den Berlin-
Flugverkehr den von Bonn subventionier-
ten und profitablen Korridorflügen zwi-
schen Tegel und der Bundesrepublik gilt.
Vehement drängen hier American Airlines,
Trans-World-Airlines, Northwest-Orient
und Delta Air Lines sowie PanAm Express,
eine Tochter der Pan American Corpora-
tion, auf den Markt. American Airlines
und Trans World Airlines sowie British
Airways und Pan American, die schon

bislang einen Großteil des Beriin-Ge-
schäfts abwickeln, planen für diesen
Sommer neben den bereits 230 Starts in
Tegel 130 weitere. (Allein American Air-
lines will dreizehnmal im Stundentakt
nach Frankfurt fliegen.) Obwohl ange-
nommen wird, daß die alliierten Luft-
fahrtsattaches nur etwa zwei Drittel der
neu beantragten Flüge genehmigen wer-
den, und auch die Flugplankoordinatoren
bereits vierzehn Starts wegen Überfüllung
der westdeutschen Flughäfen abgelehnt
haben, wird der Verkehr durch die
Luftkorridore insgesamt um mehr als
fünfzig Prozent und auf den Hauptstrek-
ken nach Frankfurt. Hamburg und Mün-
chen sogar um hundert Prozent ansteigen.

Aus einer Studie der Pan American geht
hervor, daß ihre Flugzeuge gegenwärtig zu
60,4 Prozent ausgelastet sind. Daraus läßt
sich leicht erahnen, wie stark in Zukunft
der Verdrängungswettbewerb auf den
Korridorflügen sein wird. Die Freude der
Fluggäste - in Berlin waren es im
vergangenen Jahr mehr als fünf Millionen
- auf günstigere Flugtarife und einen
besseren Bordservice könnte angesichts
dieser Wettbewerbssituation nur eine kur-
ze sein.

Vertreter von Pan American und British
Airways haben nämlich bereits deutlich
gemacht, daß man im Falle eines harten
Konkurrenz- und Preiskampfes auf den
Hauptstrecken gezwungen sein werde, all
jene Berlin-Routen zu streichen, die nicht
rentabel beflogen werden können. Ge-
meint sind hier die Flüge nach Hannover,
Münster, Nürnberg und möglicherweise
auch nach Bremen. Um die Überlebens-
aussichten der kleinen Fluggesellschaften
Tempelhof Airways und Berlin Regional
U.K., die mit Turboprob-Flugzeugen von
Tempelhof aus Augsburg, Dortmund,
Paderborn und andere Städte anfliegen,
wird es dann sicherlich nicht zum besten
stehen. Nicht nur auf den Hauptstrecken
setzten sich zu guter Letzt die Kapital-
stärksten durch, die dann bald wieder
Preise und Routen bestimmen könnten.
Da von Vereinbarungen mit der DDR und
der Sowjetunion - sollten sie denn
zustande kommen - wenig Belebung für
den West-Berlin- Verkehr zu erwarten sein
dürfte, wäre in Tegel dann wieder alles
beim alten.

Ein Lehrstück für den Rechtsstaat

Die Bevorzugung einer richterlich unerfahrenen Professorin - und was daraus wurde / Von Professor Dr. iur. Bernd Rüthers, Konstanz

Gerichtliche Schritte von drei Richtern
der Arbeitsgerichtsbarkeit in Nordrhein-
Westfalen gegen die eigene Landesregie-
rung, ihren „Dienstherrn", haben in letzter
Minute die ebenso sach- wie rechtswidrige
Besetzung des Präsidentenpostens beim
Landesarbeitsgericht (LAG) Köln verhin-
dert. Die drei Richter hatten gegen die
Ernennung einer vom zuständigen Ar-
beitsminister Heinemann (SPD) favorisier-
ten und speziell zur Bewerbung aufgefor-
derten Kandidatin eine einstweilige An-
ordnung bei den Verwaltungsgerichten
Köln und Arnsberg beantragt. Sie sahen in
der Bevorzugung einer richterlich gänzlich
unerfahrenen Professorin - Frau Pfarr-
Dieterich aus Hamburg - eine Verletzung
des Grundgesetzes, das bei der Besetzung
öffentlicher Ämter einseitige parteipoliti-
sche Manipulationen untersagt (Artikel
33).

Die klagenden Richter standen mit ihrer
Kritik an den Absichten der Landesregie-
rung nicht allein. Der Deutsche Richter-
bund hatte die geplante Ernennung wegen
der vermuteten parteipolitischen Motive
scharf verurteilt. Der angehörte Präsidial-
rat der Richter des LAG Köln hatte
einhellig widersprochen. Die zur Stellung-
nahme aufgeforderten Arbeitgeberverbän-
de des Landes hatten, erstmals in der
Geschichte von Nordrhein-Westfalen, ihre
Zustimmung verweigert. Das alles focht -
so schien es zunächst - weder die für die
Ernennung allein zuständige Landesregie-
rung noch ihre Wunschkandidatin an.
Auch vom Aufsehen und von der Kritik in
der öffentlichen Meinung wegen der
Seltsamkeiten in diesem Bewerbungsver-
fahren schienen beide - im Sicherheitsge-
fühl der absoluten SPD-Mehrheit im
Lande - unbeeindruckt. Nur mit gerichtli-
chen Schritten hatte man offenbar nicht
gerechnet.

Die beiden angerufenen Verwaltungsge-
richte untersagten der Landesregierung im
Wege einstweiliger Anordnungen die
schon fest geplante Ernennung, bis die
erhobenen Vorwürfe geprüft seien. Das
Verwaltungsgericht in Köln sah dafür -
anders als das in Arnsberg - keine
bestimmte Frist vor. Der Landesregierung

waren damit auf unbestimmte Zeit die
Hände gebunden.

In diesem Verfahren hätten den Gerich-
ten sämtliche Bewerbungsunterlagen vorge-
legt werden müssen. Die Landesregierung
hätte darlegen müssen, warum es kein
schwerer Verstoß gegen Artikel 33 des
Grundgesetzes sei, wenn das Präsidenten-
amt an ein speziell zur Bewerbung aufge-
fordertes Mitglied der Regierungspartei
gehen sollte, das nach seinem Examen
keinen Tag Richterdienst getan hatte. Die
Landesregierung selbst hatte in der öffentli-
chen Ausschreibung der Stelle gefordert,
Bewerber/innen müßten über besondere
richterliche Bewährung und Erfahrung in
Angelegenheiten der Gerichtsverwaltung
verfügen.

Erst unter dem Druck der beiden
gerichtlichen Anordnungen setzte in Düs-
seldorf neues Nachdenken ein. Am Diens-
tag, dem 5. Januar 1988, fand eine
Fraktionssitzung der SPD statt. Kurz
danach verbreiteten die Agenturen die
Meldung, die Kandidatin habe ihre Bewer-
bung nach Angaben des Düsseldorfer
Arbeitsministeriums zurückgezogen, weil
die Auseinandersetzung darüber Dimensio-
nen angenommen habe, die eine vertrau-
ensvolle Zusammenarbeit in der Arbeitsge-
richtsbarkeit in Köln unmöglich machten.
Der Boden war den Beteiligten offenbar zu
heiß geworden.

Die „Auseinandersetzungen um die Be-
werbung", mit denen dieser Rückzug
begründet wird, verdienen staatspolitische
und verfassungsrechtliche Beachtung. Be-
merkenswert ist zunächst die Bedenkenlo-
sigkeit, mit der sich hier ein Arbeitsminister
und die ihm folgende Landesregierung über
das geltende Recht, über die selbst aufge-
stellten Ausschreibungskriterien und über
die politischen guten Sitten hinwegsetzen
wollten. Es mag sein, daß man mit solchen
Methoden Sechstagefahrer für die Westfa-
lenhalle anheuern kann. Für die Besetzung
von hohen Richterämtem sind sie - auch in
Nordrhein-Westfalen - unerträglich. Die-
sem Stil entspricht es, nach dem Scheitern
der favorisierten Kandidatur die Schuld an
dem Eklat und das Fehlverhalten in der
Sache öffentlich den klagenden Richtern

zuschieben zu wollen. So stellt man
Tatsachen auf den Kopf.

Beachtenswert ist vor allem der Um-
stand, daß in Nordrhein-Westfalen hohe
und höchste Richterämter (das Land hat
drei LAG-Präsidenten) allein von der
Landesregierung besetzt werden können.
Es gibt keinen Richterwahlausschuß, der
die Durchsetzung einseitiger parteipoliti-
scher Machtgelüste bremsen könnte. Das
ist nicht in allen Bundesländern so. Dieses
Verfahren der Richterauswahl ohne geeig-
net zusammengesetzte Richterwahlaus-
schüsse verdient unter dem Gesichtspunkt
der Gewaltentrennung zwischen Regierung
und Justiz - ein Grundstein des Rechtsstaa-
tes - höchste Aufmerksamkeit. Die Richter
in Nordrhein-Westfalen sind - was ihre
Auswahl angeht - Richter ihrer Regierung.
Was das bedeutet, besonders wenn eine
Partei allein mit absoluter Mehrheit die
Regierung beherrscht, zeigt dieser Fall.

Der Konflikt um das Präsidentenamt am
LAG Köln hebt einen schwerwiegenden
Mangel der Verfassung von Nordrhein-
Westfalen abermals ins Bewußtsein. Dieser
Mangel ist seit Jahrzehnten bekannt und
von mehreren, im Auftrag des Landes tätig
gewordenen Gutachtern festgestellt wor-
den. Die Regierungen und Parteien in
Nordrhein-Westfalen haben es bisher nicht
vermocht, hier Abhilfe zu schaffen. Es ist,
über die Verhinderung des geplanten
Mißgriffs hinaus, das zusätzliche Verdienst
der drei klagenden Richter, auf diesen
Fehler in der Verfassungsstruktur von
Nordrhein-Westfalen aufmerksam gemacht
und seine möglichen Folgen, nämlich die
parteipolitische Manipulation der Justiz,
sichtbar gemacht zu haben.

Der ausgeschiedene Präsident des Bun-
desgerichtshofes, selbst nicht ohne partei-
politisches Engagement, hat in seiner
Abschiedsrede Anfang Januar die Politiker
eindringlich davor gewarnt, Richter primär
nach parteipolitischen Interessen auszusu-
chen. Die Rede fand verbreitete, teils mit
melancholischer, teils mit ironischer Heiter-
keit gemischte Zustimmung. Sie hätte mit
einem ebenso anschaulichen wie frischen
Beispiel aus Nordrhein-Westfalen gewürzt
werden können.

Der Rückzug der Bewerbung von Frau
Pfarr-Dieterich darf nicht darüber hinweg-
täuschen, daß hier ein Verstoß gegen
fundamentale Prinzipien des Rechtsstaates,
begünstigt durch eine unzureichende Rege-
lung der Richterauswahl, versucht und nur
knapp abgewehrt wurde. Mit dem Verzicht
der Kandidatin des Arbeitsministers ist das
eigentliche Problem jedoch nicht gelöst. Es
könnte sogar vernebelt werden durch die
ebenso gezielte wie irreführende Sugge-
stion, es habe „von außen" kommende
Störungen des Emennungsverfahrens -
seitens der klagenden Richter - gegeben.
Das ist falsch. Im Emennungsverfahren
selbst steckt der Fehler. Es ist unter
rechtsstaatlichen Aspekten verfehlt, daß die
Landesregierung sich „ihre Richter" allein
aussuchen und ernennen kann. Sie kann es
nach dem derzeitigen Rechtszustand - wie
die Praxis zeigt - unter Mißachtung aller
berechtigten Kritik, wenn sie nicht verwal-
tungsgerichtliche Hindemisse bei nachge-
wiesenen Rechtsverstößen fürchten muß.

Der Konflikt um das LAG Köln hat
noch eine andere, weit über den Anlaß
hinausweisende, allgemeine Bedeutung.
Hätten die drei Richter nicht die Verwal-
tungsgerichte angerufen, so wäre alles
„nach Plan" gelaufen. Das gibt Anlaß zum
Nachdenken. Die selbstherrliche Mentali-
tät politischer Parteien, hohe und höchste
Staatsämter als parteieigene Siegesbeute
mißzuverstehen, ist keine Spezialität der
SPD. Alle Parteien sind hier Versuchun-
gen ausgesetzt. Der Staat und, besonders,
die Justiz als Beute der jeweils herrschen-
den Partei, das ist ein verfassungsfremdes
Zerrbild, aber eine vielfältige reale Gefahr
auf allen politischen Ebenen. Wachsam-
keit und tatkräftige Gegenwehr kritischer
Bürger sind Voraussetzungen eines stabi-
len liberalen Verfassungsstaates. Drei
Richter in Nordrhein-Westfalen haben
ihrer Regierung in angemessener Form
entschlossen und erfolgreich Widerstand
geleistet. Sie haben damit ein Zeichen
gesetzt. Es bleibt die Frage, wer in
Düsseldorf die persönliche und politische
Verantwortung für die peinliche Aflare
übernimmt oder ob sie folgenlos bleiben
soll.

Jessye NORMAN

Folo Fcbatas Tunpc

Die Diva

„Gott ist tot", heißt es schon lange.
Aber auch die Göttinnen sterben, die
Diven des Films wie die großen Primadon-
nen: Maria Callas ist tot, Birgit Nilsson
singt nicht mehr. Doch eine Stimme
überstrahlt derzeit ungebrochen für viele
den Vokalhimmel und schlägt ihre Fans in
den Bann: die von Jessye Norman. Groß
und anbetungsbereit ist ihre Gemeinde,
Kultphänomene zeichnen sich ab - die
neue Göttin scheint gefunden. Gewaltig ist
der Andrang zu ihren Konzerten - selbst
im gewiß nicht kleinen Münchner Natio-
naltheater oder in der Beriiner Philharmo-
nie, in der sie zum Jahresende unter
Karajan „Isoldes Liebestod" sang.

Doch Schlagworte wie Diva, Primadon-
na, Königin, ja Göttin verraten zwar nicht
wenig von der Bewunderung, die Jessye
Norman allgemein zuteil wird und die sie
hoheitsvoll lächelnd als selbstverständliche
Huldigung entgegennimmt; aber sie führen
auch in die Irre. Suggerieren sie doch auch
Negatives: die Launen der Diva, Prima-
donneneitelkeit, Allüren, gar Affären.
Davon indes kann kaum die Rede sein.
Keine Skandale ranken sich um ihre
Person; schon der Begriff Star, gewiß
zutreffend, klingt ihr gegenüber äußerlich,
und von ihrem Privatleben weiß man
wenig. Was man weiß, ist emes: Jessye
Norman ist eine sehr, sehr gute Sängerin.
Und dies soll nicht heißen, daß sie nur eine
überwältigende Stimme ihr eigen nennt,
sondern auch und erst recht, daß sie eine
große Musikerin ist, die ihre immensen
vokalen Mittel in den Dienst seriöser
Interpretation stellt: Qualitäten, die schon
bei ihren Anfangen deutlich waren.

Die 1945 geborene Farbige machte
Furore, als sie 1968 den Münchner
Wettbewerb der Rundfunkanstalten ge-
wann und bald danach bei ersten Konzer-
ten mit der Pracht und Fülle ihres Soprans
schier überrumpelte. Schon damals war
aufgefallen, wie „musikalisch" sie sang,
wie sie ihre mächtige Stimme gelenkig
beherrschte, wie plastisch ihre deutsche
und französische Diktion war, wie klug
und originell sie ihr Repertoire fächerte.

Sie hat immer wieder Oper gesungen,
sogar bekannt, daß ihr selbst das avancier-
te Regie-Theater etwas bedeutet (Ende
1986 sollte sie sogar die Titelpartie in
Robert Wilsons Stuttgarter „Alceste"-
Inszenierung übernehmen), aber ihre mehr
als junonische Erscheinung hat sie selbst
immer wieder dazu bewogen, ihre Bühnen-
auftritte klug zu dosieren. Auf Schallplat-
ten ist sie als Opernsängerin reich vertre-
ten; live jedoch hört man sie am meisten
im Konzertsaal. Auch Sirenengesängen
ganz anderer Art hat sie mit gutem Grund
widerstanden: dem „schweren" Fach hat
sie sich weitgehend versagt. Stets hat sie
darauf beharrt, sich im Betrieb nicht
verschleißen zu lassen, und vor allem das
Piano, ja Pianissimo als Grundlage aller
wahren Gesangskunst zu bewahren und zu
verfeinern. Ebendies macht ihre Konzerte
Singular: der Bronze-Prunk ihres mehr
und mehr Mezzo-Färbung annehmenden
Soprans in Verbindung mit dem ab und an
die Grenzen des Manierierten streifenden
Raffinement der leisen Töne, der Kolora-
tur, der Phrasierung und Deklamation,
der opalisierenden Farbwerte. Eminente
Naturbegabung und hoher Kunstverstand
machen ihre Mahler-, Debussy-, Berg- und
Strauss-Lieder zu berückenden Erfahrun-
gen. Und noch eines verrät die Karriere
von Jessye Norman: Arbeit, ständige
Weiterentwicklung von Technik wie Re-
pertoire - Lemenwollen. Auch dies unter-
scheidet sie von manchen „Senkrechtstar-
tern", „Jahrhundertbegabungen", die sich
womöglich als Eintagsfliegen entpuppen.

GERHARD R KOCH

Wichtige Steuergesetze

mit Durchführungs-
verordnungen

34. Auflage. Stand 1. 2
448 Seiten. DM 11,80
ISBN 3 482 49114 3

NWB-Textausgaben.

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3. Auflage. 1987. 330 Seiten

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WIcMKa
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Wichtige Mietgesetze

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Mit Änderungen des
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6. Auflage. 1986. 344 Seiten.

DM 11,80

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Fragen Sie Ihre Buchhandlung.

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N«u« Wirtschofts-tri«!«

4690 N«ni« I

taZ MONTAG, 25/1/88

Das Gegenteil des Diebstahls ist
der Bringstahl, der geschieht,
wenn ein Krimineller unbemerkt
bringt, was nicht gebracht werden
darf. Der ungeheuerliche krimi-
nelle Akt muß über Nacht passiert
sein, als die Kinder, Wächter und
Wachhunde schliefen. Am Mor-
gen rieben sich alle die Augen.

Es ist wirklich nicht zu fassen,
doch es stand so mitten in der
'FAZ': Der Historiker Ernst
Noite ist nicht integer, seine Wiss-
senschaft erliegt einer simplen
These und nationalen Vesuchung ,
er hat die Prioritäten falsch gesetzt
und geht mit vorgefaßter Meinung
an die Endlösung heran. Überdies
läßt er eines der ältesten Märchen
über die Juden Wiederaufleben,
i ndem er sie als homogene Einheit

auffaßt. Er besitzt eine vorgefaßte
Meinung, die gegen die Einsich-
ten der einschlägigen Literatur
verstößt, schiebt den Juden eine
Kriegserklärung gegen Deutsch-
land in die Schuhe, wendet ein fal-
sches kollektives Denken auf die
Juden an und mystifiziert sie, statt
Mythen zu zerstören. Nolte läßt
die Endlösung nur als radikale
Form eines von Anfang an berech-
tigten deutschen Verteidigungs-
willens erscheinen, versucht die
deutsche Geschichte durch natio-
nale Einordnung in Ordnung zu

bringenundprovoziert einen posi-
tiven Nationalismusmit Rückgrif-
fen auf die Wilhelminische Zeit,
womit die deutsche Geschichte
wieder einmal eine Gelegenheit
der Selbstkorrektur verpaßte. In-

dem Nolte den Nationalsozialis-
mus Hitlers mit dem Bolschewis-
mus Lenins begründet, erschei-
nen bei ihm wie bei Hiller die Ju-
den als die eigentlichen Feinde
und Feindschaftsverursacher der
Deutschen und des 3. Reiches.

Nachdem ichdie sensationellen
Gedankengänge lediglich indirekt
referierte, will ich eine zentrale
Passage zitieren, wo es heißt:
„Der Nationalsozialismus hat
versucht, alle sogenannten 'Au-
ßenseiter' als Bedrohung von
Rasse und Gesellschaft zu ver-
nichten — die Liste ist lang. Sie
reicht von den Ju"den, ihnen Vor al-
len, bis zu den Geisteskranken,
den Alten und Schwachen, den Zi-
geunern und Homosexuellen.

Foio: Michael Volke

Eine zentrale Absicht, die nur zu

oftundauchindieserDebattenicht
angesprochen wird. Ernst Nolte

drängtalldiesaufdenBolschewis-
mus und die fiktive Herausforde-
rung durch die Juden selber ab."
Natürlichließesichdas nochexak-
ter sagen. Denn Noite steht inzwi-
schen für die Verkürzungen, wo-
nach Auschwitz eine asiatische
Tat war und die Juden an der End-
lösung genauso schuldig sind wie
die Sowjets daran, daß Hitlers
Wehrmacht sie überfiel.

Allein, jener geheimnisvolle
George L. Mosse, der die hier ge-
kürzt vorgeführten ungeheuer-
lichen Einsichten inder 'FAZ' uri-
terbrachte, mag sich gesagt ha»
ben, man dürfe den Bogen nicht
überspaannen. Tatsächlich sind
seine Sätze starker Tobak genug,

bedeutensiedochinjederHinsichi
das scharfe Gegenteil dessen, was
bisher in dem Rechtsblatt abge-
machte Meinung war. Konter-
bändealso?Dochweristdieserbe-
herzte Herr Mosse? Ein Pseudo-
nym von Habermas oder Aug-
stein? Schwer vorstellbar, daßder
Professor sich nachts in die elek-
tronisch bewachte Redaktion ein-
schlich. Augsicin hiMgc^;pn sind
derlei Subversiläten eher unter-
stellbar, rückte er Nolte den gei-
stesschweren Kopf doch schon
mehrfach öffentlich so gerade,
daß es vornehmlich knackte. An-
dererseits braucht Augstein kei-
nen Einbruch (Bring.stahl) in der

regierungsschwangeren 'FAZ'zu .
begehen, besitzt er doch ein eige-
nesBlatt.wobishernochjedeNol-
telei postwendet verrudolft wor-
den ist.

Merke: Wo ein Nölte aus dem
Fenster schaute, drückte ihm bis-
her immer der Augstein die Birne
insungelüfteteStudierzimmerzu-
rück. (Notfalls nahm Augi auch
mit dem Hillgruber vorlieb. Nur
ihrer aller Drmaturgen und Mei-
ster Joachim Fest sparte er gern
aus.Wasverständlichist,denndcr
schickt die Herren Profs ins Ge-
fecht, bringt also Leben in die
Bude.)

Bleibtdie Frage, werunterdcm
Pseudonym Mosse wirklich der
'FAZ' die unangenehmen Wahr-
heiten indenPelzsetztc.lst'sciner
der von früheren Kommunisten zu
meinungslosen Quaddeln umge-
mendelten Hauslyriker gewesen?
Oder gar Marcel persönlich? Aber
nein, soviel Zivilcourage bricht
über Nacht nicht auf einmal los.
Dazu brauchts charakterlichcr
Tiefenschichten. Auch von uns,
der Schmeißflicgengarde, trieb
keiner die Vermummung soweit.

daß er sich bei Dunkelheit in die
gefahrlichen Verdrängungswerk-
stätten stahl. Käme eh höchstens
Hochhuth in Frage, und der macht
dann ein ganzes 'FAZ'-Magazin
mit Jüngerei so voll, wie es die
Hausmichel nicht brächten.
Hochhuth, bist du der Mosse?
Nein. War auch zuviel verlangt.
Er zählt noch Ernsfls Weltkrieg-
1-Wunden nach: Sind's zwölfe

odewlreizehn? Nur Jesus Christus
brachte es auf mehr.

Lassen wir die Kirche im Dorf
am Main: Die Mosse-Einsichten,
stünden sie in einem bürgerlichen
Normaiblatt, fielen gar nicht auf
Erst' im Metropolenkampfblatt
steigern sie sich zur Weltsensa-
tion, denn damit wird die gesamte
konservative Kriegsfront bis in
dip Ausgangstellungen zurückge-
nommen. Ein Rückzug wie in Sta-
lingrad: Wer hocken bleibt wird
abgeschnitten.

Fragt sich cb^n nur, ob's strate-
gische Absicht istoderTaktikoder
ein Stoßtruppunternehmen'. des
Mosse über Nacht. Geht das denn
wirklich so einfach — jahrelang
wird als Wissenschaft behauptet,
was jedem Schüler als Thema ver-
fehlt, um die Ohren gehauen
würde, und mit einem Male^wer-
den die gesammelten Weisheiten
der konservativen Hisloriker-
garde im Zentralorgan mir nichts
dir nichts zurückgewiesen? Ja ist
denn auf gesicherte 'FAZ'-Weis-
heiten auch kein Verlaß mehr?
Gehts iiider Redaktion schon un-
übersichtlich zu wie in Hanau und
Kiel? Was gilt denn nun , Kamera-
den von der schwarzen Tinten-
front: Vorwärts mit dem behelm-
ten Kopf durch die Wand oder zu-
rückzuKaiserWilhelm. . . Ichmuß
mich jetzt entschuldigen, dcnndie
Selbstentäußerung der 'FAZ' ge-
schah nicht am vergangenen
Samstag, sondern schon am
Dienstag. Also kümmerte ich
mich ausnahmsweise hilfreich
nicht um die niedlichen Sonna-
bcndquerschlägerdes postfaschi-
stischen Denkens. Diese Aus-
nahme von der Regel legitimiert
sich durch die welthistorische Ge-
wichtigkeit des Mosse-Artikels.
Oder war's einer aus der Redak-
tion selbst? Wir erinnern uns, so-
gar in der alten 'Frankfurter Zei-
tung' und in 'Das Reich' gabs be-
kanntliche innere Emigrationen,
wo nicht Widerständler.

Wie denn, wenn Mosse ein
Pseudonym von Joachim Fest
wäre, damit ihm im 5. Reich nicht
nachgesagt werden könne, er sei
im 4. Reich so'n Opportunist ge-
wesen wie Höfer im 3. Reich?

! \

^ranffurfcr.Alljicinfinr

/l I I I \(. M K Dl I ist Hl \\|>

Herrn

Georg L. Mosse
Bankhaus Aufhäuser
Löwengrube 18

8000 München

l'OSII Arn lOUSOX TEI 069/75910
60U0 I RA N Kl i; KT AM MAIN 1

26. Januar 1988

Betr. : Honorarzahlung

Sehr geehrter Herr Mosse!

Bitte teilen Sie uns zwecks der Honorierung Ihre Bank-
verbindung mit.

Vielen Dank im voraus.

Mit freundlichen Grüßen
FRANKFURTER ALLGEMEINE ZEITUNG
Honorar^lpteilung

(Gabti

lrank(urlcrAllgcmcmcZci.unrGmbH.HRHn44.Am,st!ench.FranMurt/M.in
C.cscha,.s.uhrcr Ro.nharü Munühcn.o. Ilans-W.,„a^ PICc. Klaus KucIloO .s.Mv.,: C,cnora,hcv„,|.a.h,.,.cr: D.e.nch Ra„Ko

13. 2. 1988
Sehr geehrte F

rau Saudi

Betreffend Honorar Zahk

VfterbindunR ist

ung, meine BANK+

Hankhaus H, Aufhauser
Postfach 169

B München 1
f)epot Nummer« 781 39

Mit besten Gr

ussen

X / Reorge L. M

OS se

^ranffurter allgemeine

ZEITUNG FÜR DEUTSCHLAND

Redaktion

Herrn

Prof. Dr. George Mosse

36 Glenway

Madison, Wisconsin 53705

USA

12.11 .87

Sehr verehrter Herr Professor Mosse,

für Ihre liebenswürdige Bereitschaft, das neue Buch
von Ernst Nolte über den Historikerstreit bei uns zu rezensieren,
möchte ich Ihnen sehr herzlich danken.

Es wäre natürlich sehr schön, wenn wir Ihre Besprechung noch vor
Weihnachten drucken könnten.

Sie können mich jederzeit unter der Telefon -Nummer 01149 69 7591 252
im Büro oder privat unter 01149 6151 377137 erreichen.

Mit guten Grüßen bin ich
Ihr Ihnen sehr ergebener

Johann Michael Möller
Redaktion Neue Sachbücher

S^h^v^i.

h^^

Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung GmbH • Hellerhofstraße 2-4 • Postfach 100 808 ■ 6000 Frankfurt am Main 1 • Telefon (069) 7 59 10

December 30, 19^7

Mr. Antonio Perrone
Via Soldini 7
6^3 3 CHI AS SO
Schweiz, West Gf^rmany

Dear Mr. Perrone:

Please oxcuse me for answering your letter in English.
My own pcsition in the Historikerstreit strike will be made
public in the Frankfurter Allgemein^- *>oitung this week or
n'-xt. You could either write to the Frankfurter Allgemeine
Zeitung for a copy of my article, or I can send you a X'-rox
whenover I rec-ivo a copy myself. The best book on the
Historikerstreit that I know if is Ist der Nationalsozialismus
Geschichte, hr<ig. D-n Diener, Fischer Taschenbuch, 19877

Thank you very much for writing to me, and I hope this
is helpful.

With best greetings.

George L. Mosse
Weins tein-Bascom Professor
of History

GLM/mab

Antonio PERRONE
yin Soldini 7

6830 CHIASSO

Schweiz

Chiasso, den 14. Dez. 1987

Pro«,

George L. MOSSE
OepartmenS of History
University of Wisconsin

MADISON, Wisconsin
U.S.A.

Sehr geehrter Herr Professor Mosse^

Ich schreibe Ihnen bezüglich der Polemik zwischen Prof. Jürgen
Habermas und Prof. Ernst Nolte, über die Thesis des Prof. Ernst
Nolte des Kausalzusammenhanges zwischen Bolschevismus und Nazismus.
Ist es möglich bibliographische Indikationen und/ oder eine Dokumenta-
tion über Ihre Stellungsnohme^ zu erhalten?

Was bedeutet die Thesis von Ernst Nolte in der heutigen deutschen
Wirklichkeit?

Sind die Thesen des Prof. Nolte das Ergebnis einer "objektiven" histo-
rischen Analyse^ oder sind sie in einem gewissen Sinne an eine grössere
Bewegung des Revival, von der eine deutsche Wirklichkeit prögniert ist,
gebunden?

Ich bedanke mich herzlich, und verbleibe

Mit freundlichen Grüssert

mmMMMmm«!»

MONTAG, 25/1/88

Das Gegenteil des Diebstahls ist
der BringstahJ, der geschieht,
wenn ein Krimineller unbemerkt
bringt, was nicht gebracht werden
darf. Der ungeheuerliche krimi-
nelle Akt muß über Nacht passiert
sein, als die Kinder, Wächter und
Wachhunde schliefen. Am Mor-
gen rieben sich alle die Augen.

Es ist wirklich nicht zu fassen,
doch es stand so mitten in der
'FAZ': Der Historiker Ernst
Nolte ist nicht integer, seine Wiss-
senschaft erliegt einer simplen
These und nationalen Vesuchung,
er hat die Prioritäten falsch gesetzt
und geht mit vorgefaßter Meinung
an die Endlösung heran. Überdies
läßt er eines der ältesten Märchen
über die Juden Wiederaufleben,
! indem er sie als homogene Einheit

dem Nolte den Nationalsozialis-
mus Hitlers mit dem Bolschewis-
mus Lenins begründet, erschei-
nen bei ihm wie bei Hitler die Ju-
den als die eigentlichen Feinde
und Feindschaftsverursacher der
Deutschen und des 3 . Reiches.

Nachdem ichdie sensationellen
Gedankengänge lediglich indirekt
referierte, will ich eine zentrale
Passage zitieren, wo es heißt:
„Der Nationalsozialismus hat
versucht, alle sogenannten 'Au-
ßenseiter' als Bedrohung von
Rasse und Gesellschaft zu ver-
nichten — die Liste ist lang. Sie
reicht von den Juden, ihnen Vor al-
len, bis zu den Geisteskranken,
den Alten und Schwachen, den Zi-
geunern und Homosexuellen.

Foto: Michael Volke

Eine zentrale Absicht, die nur zu
oftundauchindieserDebattenicht
angesprochen wird. Ernst Nolte
drängt al 1 dies auf den Bolschewis-
mus und die fiktive Herausforde-
rung durch die Juden selber ab.**
Natürlichließesichdas nochexak-
ter sagen. Denn Nolte steht inzwi-
schen für die Verkürzungen, wo-
nach Auschwitz eine asiatisc|ic
Tat war und die Juden an der End-
lösung genauso schuldig sind wie
die Sowjets daran, daß Hitlers
Wehrmacht sie überfiel.

Allein, jener geheimnisvolle
George L. Mosse, der die hierge-
kürzt vorgeführten ungeheuer-
lichen Einsichten inder 'FAZ' un-
terbrachte, maj sich gesagt ha»
ben, man dürfe den Bogen nicht
überspaannen. Tatsächlich sind
seine Sätze starker Tobak genug,
bedeuten siedoch injederHinsichi
das scharfe Gegenteil dessen, was
bisher in dem Rechtsblatt abge-
machte Meinung war. Könter-
bandealso?Dochweristdieser be-
herzte Herr Mosse? Ein Pseudo-
nym von Habermas oder Aug-
stein? Schwer vorstellbar, daß der
Professor sich nachts in die elek-
tronisch bewachte Redaktion ein-
schlich. Augsicin hinge^pn sind
derlei Subversitäten eher uiiter-
stellbar, rückte er Nolte den gei-
stesschweren Kopf doch schon
mehrfach öffentlich so gerade,
daß es vornehmlich knackte. An-
dererseits braucht Augstein kei-
nen Einbruch (Bringstahl) in der

regierungsschwangeren TA^lZM -
begehen, besitzt er docTi ein eige-
nesBlatt, wo bisher noch jede Nol-
telei postwendet verrudolft wor-
den ist.

Merke: Wo ein Nolte aus dem
Fenster schaute, drückte ihm bis-
her immer der Augstein die Birne
ins ungelüftete Studierzimmer zu-
rück. (Notfalls nahm Augi auch
mit dem Hillgruber vorlieb. Nur
ihrer aller Drmaturgen und Mei-
ster Joachim Fest sparte er gern
aus. Was verständlich ist, dennder
schickt die Herren Profs ins Ge-
fecht, bringt also Leben in die
Bude.)

Bleibt die Frage, wer unter dem
Pseudonym Mosse wirklich der
'FAZ' die unangenehmen Wahr-
heiten indenPelzsetzte.Ist'seiner
der von früheren Kommunisten zu
meinungslosen Quaddeln umge-
mendelten Hauslyriker gewesen?
Oder gar Marcel persönlich? Aber
nein, soviel Zivilcourage bricht
über Nacht nicht auf einmal los.
Dazu brauchts charakterlicher
Tiefenschichten. Auch von uns,
der Schmeißfliegengarde, trieb
keiner die Vermummung soweit.

daß er sich bei Dunkelheit in die
gefahrlichen Verdrängungswerk-
stätten stahl. Käme eh höchstens
Hochhuth in Frage, und der macht
dann ein ganzes 'FAZ' -Magazin
mit Jüngerei so voll, wie es die
Hausmichel nicht brächten.
Hochhuth, bist du der Mosse?
Nciiu War auch zuviel verlangt.
Er zählt noch Emstls Weltkrieg-
1-Wunden nach: Sind's zwölfe
odetdreizehn? Nur Jesus Christus
brachte es auf mehr.

Lassen wir die Kirche im Dorf
am Main: Die Mosse-Einsichten,
slünden sie in einem bürgerlichen
Normalblatt, fielen gar nicht auf.
Erst int Metropolenkampfblatt
steigern sie sich zur Weltsensa-
tion, denn damit wird die gesamte
konservative Kriegsfront bis in
die Ausgangstellungen zurückge-
nommen. Ein Rückzug wie in Sta-
lingrad: Wer hocken bleibt wird
abgeschnitten.

Fraj^sicheb^n nur, ob's strate-
gische Absichtist oder Taktikoder
ein Stoßtruppunternehnrjen' des
Mosse über Nacht. Geht das denn
wirklich so einfach — jahrelang
wird als Wissenschaft behauptet,
was jedem Schüler als Thema ver-
fehlt, um die Ohren gehauen
würde, und mit einem Majejver-
den die gesammelten Weisheiten
der konservativen Historiker-
garde im Zentralorgan mir nichts
dir nichts zurückgewiesen? Ja ist
denn auf gesicherte 'FAZ'-Weis-
heiten auch kein Verlaß mehr?
Gchts ihder Redaktion schon un-
übersichtlich zu wie in Hanau und
Kiel? Was gilt denn nun, Kamera-
den von der schwarzen Tinten-
front: Vorwärts mit dem behelm-
ten Kopf durch die Wand oder zu-
rück zu Kaiser Wilhelm. . . Ich muß
mich jetzt entschuldigen, denn die
Selbstentäußerung der 'FAZ' ge-
schah nicht am vergangenen
Samstag, sondern schon am
Dienstag. Also kümmerte ich
mich ausnahmsweise hilfreich
nicht um die niedlichen Sonna-
bendquerschläger des postfaschi-
stischen Denkens. Diese Aus-
nahme von der Regel legitimiert
sich durch die welthistorische Ge-
wichtigkeit des Mosse-Artikels.
Oder war's einer aus der Redak-
tion selbst? Wir erinnern uns, so-
gar in der alten 'Frankfurter Zei-
tung' und in 'Das Reich' gabs be-
kanntliche innere Emigrationen,
wo nicht Widerständler.

Wie denn, wenn Mosse ein
Pseudonym von Joachim Fest
wäre, damit ihm im 5. Reich nicht
nachgesagt werden könne, er sei
im 4. Reich so'n Opportunist ge-
wesen wie Höfer im 3. Reich?

THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEM

Pro. O.D.Kulka

Dpt- o-f Jewish History

Prai . George L. Mosse
Univeritiy o-f Wisconsin—

Madison

Dpt. o-f History

3211 Human ities Building

455 North Park Street

liadison, Wisconsin 53706

DeAr George,

many thanks -for your - as always ~ brilliant ariticle on
Nolte in the FAZ. My publication in the FR has had some -further
repercussions which might intrerest you as well. I am sending you
this exchange of Leserbriefe, including one from Wol-fgang Schieder
and my correspondence with him-

Looking -forward to see you soon here in Jerusalem

.. .- ^a »ni lär- ■—■■-■■■ t>M.ati rtf"— ■*"'**'^' — fc>^— ■■■-^^-*>-*~-^^— . --■ ^-"iMi I I -..■■>-— ~.--^ --

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'REVi^tos. n^o^'-perei^soM^er^/^^i^ N. - th^ limits ^f HrfLsf^'s vocjOb^ /%7

/ f

Decerobor 23 i 1969

Dafür I^t Brown I

Here ia the ravlev« isy tho tlme you get it

I will ba o/o Quirk| 6 Boyne Tarraot M«wa» Loi^on W« II

( Park 9677) • Froo January 9# onword« I /will be in iiadison

a^ain for the reet of spring and aarly aiimmar*

fc/ith best groeting8|

Ueorge L« Hosso

>A^

C<-^^

/^. ftf^ /^^3^

THE LIMITS OF HITLKR'S POWER. By Edward N. Petersen. 472pp.
Princeton: Irinceton üniversity Press. $ 12.50

Did Hitler and the Nazi party preaent one united will to the people? Mr. Petersen
attempts to disprove this contention, thou^^ few historians have accepted such an
idealized picture of the Third Reich. The power struggles within the party an* state
machineiy kept the govemment in a condition of permanent improvization. Yet, this
book manages to command attention through a detailed and of tan fascinating analysis
of local politica in Hitler* s Bavaria. The scene is set b./ a description of the
rather chaotic working of the Reich Government and the Reich Ministiy of Interior.
We then pass to Bavaria and plimge into the politics of cities like Nuremberg and
Augsburg, as well as oertain selected small towns and villages. We are shown a
pattem of administrative rivalries and incompetence within which experienced beau-
rocrats attempted to hold their own.

For Edward Peterson this »»unending petty struggle over personal privilege
and power" placed definite limits upon Hitler' s authority. The Führer* s lack of
interost in administration, his policy of Controlling the leadership by keeping it
divided, did, at times, make it possible to delay or circumvent the execution of
unpopulär directives. Yet. we must bear in mind that Hitler followed a program of
gradualism, while never losing sight of his final goal. The attempt to restrain
oveiweager party officials is, now and then, confused with victories against the
Nazi System gained throu^ administrative Sabotage. The Gauleiters, who r. presented
the authority of the Nazi party within their regionlfv^I^Tn^rpret the law accor-
ding to their own will. But while they succeeded in disrupting local govemment and
ruiriing its finances, they never touched the essential direction of Reich policy.
Hitler* s own tactics and lack of administrative know-how must not obscui^ the fact
that he had a plan to execute which was based upon a definite world view and that
National Socialiam was not merely a "mystique for acti n" as this book implies.

No doubt, administr..tive chaos made scattei-ed resistance for humanitarian
or selfish reasons possible. When all is said and done, some lives were saved and
some victims of the regime protectiÄ^ The Jews did not benefit greatly, and in this
Story it was usually the half Aryans or Jewv with Aryan wives who managed to obtain
the necessary protection. Church institutions could i^ost eaally be preserved against
directives from Berlin, for local officials undrrstood the stix)ng religious ties of
the Bavarian population. Here it is imi^rtant to note that while the Nuremberg po-
lice Chief opposed Gauleiter Julius Streicher and helped some of the persecuted, he

'Vi

dld nothing to stop the buming of Synagogues or «iss arrests on th» 9th of November
1938. Ue belieyed that the directive for these actions had oome fro« Hitler hl«-
self . Peterson amply demonstrates that «ow effective reeistance was possibl. only
when the war was being lost,

Yet, there was one Island of sustained resistance throu^out the Nazi re-
gime: the amall villages of rural Bavaria. They w.re closed societles. cemented
by the Catholic falth. No goveniment order could break the stubbome..8 with which
Villagers clung to their Church and their festivals - an oppositto. which spilled
over into the more humane treatment of slave labour during the war. The most illu-
minating passages in the book demonstrate th. t in Bavaria. the small town or village
priest who had local support oould resist the intnxsion of National Socialiam to a
Burpriaing extent.

Nevertheless, Hitler dld accomplish his over-all purposes. The applica«
tion of political tactics might have, on occ^sion, been wotte the pilze of adminis-
trative confusion. The old time beaurocrata played a caxMinal part in circumventing
goveiment Orders, but by continujng to serve the i^gime they themselves furthered
Hitler- 8 aims to pour new wine into old bottles - keeping the tradltional frameworic
of the State in tact while, at the same time. emasculating and circumventing it.
Throußh such tactics he retained the support of those who dislike sudden change
and revolution. Many people may have Ignored the tymnny, as i'eterson holde, but
this tends to obscure the fact that no ..erious challenge ever developed to the ideo-
logical direction of the Nazi regime.

Was administrative Sabotage the only effective Opposition possible once
Hitler had attained power? Petersen may be correct in sti^ssing this fact, at
Icast until resistance within the anay gained momentum. But this in itself demon-
strates the depth of collaboration in Gormany, i^Jc does not necessarily provlde. as
the book holde, a model for dictatorships An genena. A comparison with Italien
fascism «lieht have served to change the perspective. Mussolini also came to power
legally, but within Itlay a significant anti-fascist movement developed long before
the war. The actions chronicled in this book see« a poor Substitute for such a move-
ment. However, in telling his stoiy Mr. Petersen has deepened our insight into /tiB
actual workings of the Nazi regime and given flesh and blood to this sad episq/^of
the com^dle hiuDaine«

George L* Nosse

üniversity of Wisconsin

936«^^^^

THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEM

INSTITUTE OF CONTEMPORARY JEWRY

IJJDT ni"Tn»V n3on

Heview:

Chaos of dmctatorship built on myth of order - longing
for it. In reality a pluralistic society much raore guarantee
for law and order.

»^^?-^

%9^

JU \^

<I^^^

' ei.^

M^a-

D«'7if/n«a Ji'TajLrn nu-tynau lAtn

THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEM

INSTITUTE OF CONTEMPORARY JEWRY

U3DT nnn'b nann

Chapt. !• Heichs government: documents " permanent state of

Improvisation", through the functioning of ministers.
v^uestion: hov; much did it arrest nitlers wishes? To be sure,
condradictions built in, decisions delayd but " leader"
still central, " Institutional ^arawinism. "(^//4^ Well
documentd* "^eans to see in i^S. merely " Mystique for action'* :

but forgets that in all the internal inefficiency, no
ideological disputes. Here Singular centralisation. V/ould
overcome all esle - did it? Good summary of " actual
working" v/itb stress on overlapp etc.
mt new in bettle s of old could also be persuasive to people -
i.e. no sudden change but duplication.i^feepeing old conservatives
( Krosigk) or old party men C Frick) and emasculating them in

reality.

Each iMazi läauleiter intepreted law according to bis own will ( lOJ)

ü^ut in essential direction of policy? Just how much Speilruam?
Will detailed chapters show this? Ghapt. 2 account of dreary
conpetence quarreis and x.itler's contradictory decisions.
ALL üJhlS 1312.0 AUS£ Oii inO LAW nJiALLx * nAKji^ irCK MUGn KJi-iH^A'ra^ti
Ir^Ei^TGIiiir^üi * aOx üübx UM^tixAlivri. If nitler did not want a law
followed, it was not. im uncertainty bere.
Sumraary of resistance in ^avaria - J.^9

That power was not stable in nitlers state ( I94-) is not news,
but detailed docuraentation of the 2 year chaos in üavaria is

useful

^-uho^

D'^TK/iTa JTTairn nu«tjnii"j iNin

THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEM

INSTITUTE OF CONTEMPORARY JEWRY

U3DT nnn>> iiddh

Limits of ii.(s power only drawn by the J/ubrers ovm personal
quirks and tactics, The very absence of set and legal limits
made possible the Institutionalised Darv/inisra v/hich this book
documents,

I^ew: relative importance of Leichsfinance ministry in stopping

party uebergeife to state -^earnten (204),

Emphasis of only resistance possible from inside, overlooks that

such Opposition raight habe been possible outside 1933 - and

•^'aulhabers so called " political v/isdom" (210) proved seif defeating

in the »eÄr end*

iiavaria " compromise" -^rot. v/on vs. Gerrnan Christians ( but caved

in themselves in the war); Faulhaber seif defeating, though Grosses

restored in Churches. Religion a dämm only v/ere it's öwn customs were

concerned, not in politics* HPILj^HS OWri POV/SHS LIMP^LESS, Withdrawal

alv/ays a matter of his won policy. ( not made clear),

Speiraum: Nürnberg police Chief ^'^artin secretly helped indiv, Jev/s

but in Night of Terror I93S hesitated to do anything, lest Hitler

himself had given the order for action ( 2?!)

Nothing about real Speilraum, but history of intrigues ( such

as Streichers dismissal in iMurraberg, ■^■"'roving what?

Book belabours obvious : uniforraity not possible ( 295), Only deaüs

v/ith officials and their slight resistance ( i.e. Martin).

Always repeats legend that most rabid l^S were half Jewish ( 297)

not true for üeydrich, and he only cites one or two cases without

■"■" ■■T;T^'i|.^VWJ'-^-Vu.-,;,.

Summary: nitler did not know what he want - battles always an,ong
his followers battles of principles. ( he did know what he wanted:
end to Jews, war etc. tiitler obsessed by his basic ideas -
regime did penetrate and bend old institustion as well as create '
new ones. Not so confused. Direction clear, administrative
conflicts present.

Also techinque to build up leadership positions: local, munizipal etc
The ..ermans - a people of leaders etc. 379 vs. «ovt to a favoured
Image of Prty (455) only ti,ue at .urnberg Always f orf :ts : diLct
(^ coznn>ands were fulfilled in .ost cases, general lines were followed
out. 455
Not disprived that will was, in general, united. 455

Kesiatance as diversion ( 456) only in Church n,atters and
Indiv. - he proves thhat vs. large assertion here. " selective
resistance" was cer selective. p. 456

passes fro.: his thesis to imply that nitler not active consent of
the governed. J.or this his ecvidence too fragmentary and evidence
Of ideaolo ical popularity too great ( 442) Obscures fact that many
did have a feeling of participation, more then in Hepublic, and that
it was not merely a metter of " ignoring l'yranny" ( 445)
Book corrective for Anredts ■• banality of evil" - here.
Uniformity of belief and desire did exist as enforced - p/449 clue
to his thesis and nonesense. (QUOrii ^AHLi) Not true '■ totalitarian
State" - Germany but not Italy. Comparison would have helped. 449

(

a«4K/n"zi Ji"TajL/n nu-tynau lAcn

THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY OF JERUSALEM

INSTITUTE OF CONTEMPORARY JEWRY

njOT rmn»V 113 nn

evidence exept that people thou.^ht soi i^ook really a documentation.
iieal resistance possible in Catholic Church and on village or small
town levell were priest had real authority. ( Eichstaeett, but still
more Village of pollenfeld ( 314)

Some deraonstrations of how local official could defeat central Orders
only from last months of war ( 382)

Central Organisation of lieich most eflective in Propaganda and
Police. (372)

Brffiing a " passive" figuer equals resistance? ( ,/ahl, 349)
l^esistance in 1933 might have been a blood bath ( 339) but barricades
better for Germany's future - made much irapossible which came later.

/41 relations, personal relations. (339)
üook about areas least ^»azi before 1933*

Kesistance often confused with neccessity to pull back over eager
party people v7ho threateaned to upset nitler»s time table, (ie 319)

-Book is about power struggles in these coraraunities.

Should not suprise that passivity easiest way ( 407), Amounted to
boycott, to be sure. Evidence not used critically at times C ^^-06)

^reatest resistance in village - closed society supported
by unchanging religious custom. iiere I\S was " modernity" and had
to be resisted or circumvented - iiS which itself claimed to fight
modernity. p. 421

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Documents of Nazism

BOOKS IN REVIEW 171

Das Dritte Reich und Seine Denker,
560 pp. Das Dritte Reich und Seine
Diener, 540 pp. Das Dritte Reich und
die Juden, 457 pp. By Leon Poliakov
and Josef Wulf. Arani Verlag (West
Berlin).

Review ed by George L. Mosse

These welghty volumes of documents show
US how little we have, as yet, penetrated to
the core of National Socialism. Historians
have concentrated on the political and so-
ciological side of the movement to the
Virtual exclusion of its ideology. Yet one
cannot read through these volumes without
being impressed by the all-pervasiveness of
the ideological appeal — exemplified by re-
ports from the Foreign Office as well as by
documents conceming the army — and with-
out seeing that the Jewish question was,
unmistakably, central to this ideology. In-
deed, the authors apologize for the fact
that even in those volumes not specifically
concemed with the Jews, so many docu-
ments seem to deal with their fate. But there
is no need for such an apology, the less so
since the majority of the documents deal
with the war years. What had always been
central to National Socialist thought then
became an Obsession, not only in the mind
of Hitler but within the whole apparatus of
party and State. Racialism, discussed in these
volumes with an almost monotonous same-
ness, is the clue without which National
Socialism remains forever inexplicable.

This argument calls into question the
historians' concentration upon German
nationalism as the prime source of the
movement. Perhaps they choose to deal with
the familiär rather than tackle the morass
of racial mysticism. One important docu-
ment included here, however, shows the re-
lationship between nationalism and racial
doctrines. The head of the party office of
racial politics {Rassenpolitisches Amt) or-
dered that the phrase "German race" be
expunged from the vocabulary, for it im-
plied an environmentalism which stripped
the concept of its true meaning; the terms
pNordic" or "Dinaric" were to be sub-
\stituted in order to universalize the su-
periority of the race. This argument is rem-

iniscent of Hitler's own words: "We must
attract all the Nordic blood of the world to
US, and deprive our adversaries of it.'

9»

Another little explored facet of the Nazi
movement also dominates these pages. The
authors State that they found it necessary
to include materials on men who, in their
hearts, may have been members of the Op-
position. The involvement of so many
people on so many different levels of action
and thought is indeed puzzling, but an in-
tellectual, Professor Helmut Breve, providei^
one answer: the National Socialist revolu-\,
tion once again gave meaning to life and
made it worthwhile. A kind of elation runs
through most of the inteliectuals' work
presented in the first volume. The intellec-
tuals craved a meaningful existence ex-
pressed in ideological terms as much as did
any other class of the population. (Thusi
Karl Mannheim's thesis — that the intel-l
lectual can be particularly objective because '
of his place in the social structure — is called-
into question.)

Though the authors stress the factor of
conformism, many intellectuals seem to have
been genuinely committed to National So-
cialism; not just historians and philosophers
(though one wishes that more extracts from
prominent professional historians had been
included) but scientists as well — Nobel
laureates like Philip Lenard and Johannes
Stark with their "German physics." (Con-
cerning Aryan science, however, even some
party members were dubious. By 1944 one
memorandum asked Alfred Rosenberg to
encourage German physicists to return to
the theory of relativity, for they had fallen
behind the rest of the world.)

The moral failure of the intellectuals can
only be explained by explaining the at-
traction of the ideology itself . These volumes
make possible the beginning of such an
analysis, but they lack the documents which
show why intelligent men, searching for
life's meaning, could so easily accept the
mysticism of race. There should be one
more book of documents, starting perhaps
in the 19th Century — one leamed professor
cited Adolf Hitler as the embodiment of
Hegel's world historical spirit — but, with
more justice, at the tum of the Century; it
should include not only Nietzsche and Wag-
ner, but expressions of that neo-romanti-

172 COMMENTARY

cism which in Germany typified the revolt
against positivism and science that, in the
end, engulfed even the scientists themselves.
The urge to escape from industrial civili-
zation, to seek in nature a rootedness out-
side of material circumstances, is as im-
portant for an understanding of Germany
as is the much-discussed Gennan urge
toward expansion. As a Hider youth says in
one of these documents : "the National So-
cialist World view is based upon the Nordic
race which found its best support in a virile
German peasantry."

Such a view, quite clearly not new by the
time Hitler took it up, resulted in the strug-
gle against the Jews. How many of the
men in these volumes had been members
of the youth movement permeated by this
ideology? How many had gone to country
boarding schools in which a similar spirit
ruled long before Hitier? The authors con-
scientiously cite the writings and profes-
sions of the men whose works are repre-
sented, and answering these additional
questions is one way the collections should
be exploited. The Jewish stereotype cer-
tainly existed before the growth of racial
thought. The authors call Professor Rudolf
Flick a truly wise and dignified man be-
cause, in 1935, he publicly questioned the
scientific basis of the concept of race. At
the end of his lecture, however, he equated
Jews with a Standard stereotype of selfish-
ness, greed, and an unscrupulous quest for
fame. In order to understand the wide ac-
ceptance of National Socialist ideology, we
must realize that anti-Semitism was quite
possible without racism and that its per-
vasiveness did in fact make the acceptance
of racism all the easier.

Is it over? These volumes not only entomb
the past, but raise serious questions about
the present. Mathilde LudendorfF is in-
cluded, for example, with her mystical
Aryan and anti-Jewish thought, but when
the German magazine Der Spiegel recently
published an expose of her ideas, the read-
ers' columns were subsequently filled with
letters deploring the article. Two intellec-
tuals who knelt in mystical adoration before
the "Fuehrer" and figure in these books are
now editors of German newspapers; many
i more are active in teaching or professional
organizations. We can also read an extract

from Chancellor Adenauer's alter ego— Jl
Hans Globke and his commentary on the
Nuremberg racial laws (the Jews are
strangers in Germany through their blood
and feeling)— and another intellectual^
Giselher Wirsing, has passed on to the edi-
jtorship of Christ and the World. What does
it all mean? The possibility of a genuine
conversion cannot be excluded: conscience
can assert itself, however late. The failure
of an ideology is also a powerful factor for
discarding it.

But one can discard some without dis-
carding all. Secretary of State Weizsaecker,
whose guilt fiUs these pages, wrote his mem-
oirs after the war and at that time gave as
one reason for his collaboration with the
regime the fact that the Jews were too
powerful in Germany before 1933. This
argument indicates once more that anti-
Jewish ideas existed apart from racialism,
and that the repudiation of one does not
automatically mean the repudiation of the
other. Recent German anti-Semitism must
be viewed in this light.

Weizsaecker also used another old argu-
ment to justify himself: a sailor must not
desert the ship during a storm; several
documents, included by way of contrast,
make such an argument untenable. Bern-
hard Lösener wrote a commentary on the
Nuremberg laws of 1935 even more racist
than Globke's; yet, faced with the Jewish
massacres, officially resigned from the party
and lived to teil the tale. Professor Max
Bodenstein gave a speech in honor of the
Jewish scientist Fritz Haber the same year
Flick spoke — but without using the same
Jewish stereotypes. It could be done, and
it was done by honest and courageous men.
/rhose who remained loyal to the ideology
/throughout the Jewish tragedy (fuUy docu-
/mented in the third volume) share the guilt
j for it whether or not they finally converted
1 and no matter how high a position they
may now have in either West or East Ger-
many. For them these volumes will resur-
rect a past they prefer to forget; for us they
raise the problem of whether those who
helped build National Socialist thought and
watched its progress without protesting
should today be accepted in silence for the
sake of political expediency.

The authors have not only provided
scholars with a gold mine of Information

but have given everyone a new view of the
power over men of a demoniacal ideology.
They quote from the manifesto of the most
courageous resistance group, the students
of Munich: "Why is the German people so
apathetic in the face of the most inhuman
crimes? Nobody gives them a thought.
These facts are duly registered and filed."
Thanks to these volumes they are no longer
filed but made public.

Dogmatism and Opinionation

The Open and Closed Mind. By Milton
RoKEAGH. Basic Books, 447 pp., $7.50.

Reviewed by Lewis A. Coser

This thought-provoking book foUows the
tradition of such modern classics as Erich
Frommes Escape from Freedom and The
Authoritarian Personality by T. W. Adorno,
et al. Investigating the psychology of people
who hold dogmatic Systems of belief, Rok-
each seeks to develop criteria by which a
"closed" mind can be validly distinguished
from an "open" mind. One need hardly
stress the relevance of such research for
understanding the various forms of preju-
dice, the pychology of the True Believer,
and the history of cultural Innovation.

A major point of departure for Rokeach's
studies were the investigations by Adorno
and his associates which culminated in the
publication of The Authoritarian Personal-
ity in 1950. This research, which began in
1943 when, for obvious reasons, anti-Semi-
tism had assumed a peculiar saliency for so-
cial scientists, gradually was broadened to
include other forms of intolerance as well.
As the research progressed, the study's well-
known F scale, originally designed to meas-
ure Personality traits underlying a fascist
outlook, was used to test authoritarianism in
general, and so those who scored high on
this Scale were hence dubbed "authoritar-
ian." The results showed that such people
tended to be ethnocentric, intolerant of
Negroes and Jews, and politically conserva-
tive. But the shift from measuring "fascism
in Personality" to measuring the "authori-
tarian personaHty" led to some awkward
difficulties. As a number of critics pointed
out, the Scale did not in fact reveal authori-
tarianism per se, but only right-wing author-

BOOKS m REVIEW 173

itarianism. More particularly, the test items
were so worded that members of the Gom-
munist party did not emerge as authoritar-
ian if they were measured by the F scale.

Rokeach argues that the change from
studying right-wing authoritarianism in the
40's to left-wing authoritarianism in the 50's
can be explained in terms of the fascist and
Communist threats during the respective pe-
riods. He maintains that the time has now
come to broaden the approach and to ask
whether it is not possible to distinguish be-
tween "open" and "closed" minds irrespec-
tive of particular ideologies. Rokeach urges
that we difFerentiate sharply between the
structure of ideological Systems and their
content: an individual, for example, may
accept all the traditional pieties of Hberal
belief and yet hold them in a dogmatic way;
or, again, some belief Systems, undogmatic
in content but authoritarian in structure,
may advocate tolerance in an intolerant
way. Rokeach further argues that while we
know a great deal about ethnic intolerances,
we know comparatively little about intoler-
ance among Freudians, Unitarians, liberals,
literary critics, or professors of psychology.
His "Dogmatism" and "Opinionation" scales
— which have no reference to a thought's
content and allegedly are sensitive enough
to uncover dogmatic thought both within
the realm of politics and outside of it — are
designed to dose these gaps in our knowl-
edge. The tests in which these scales were
applied reveal no clear-cut relation between
the content of political ideology and dog-
matism and opinionation (despite a slight
tendency for more people right of center
than left to be "closed") : a group of Eng-
lish Gommunists who scored low on The
Authoritarian Personalit/s F scale, scored
high on the Dogmatism scale, and rightist
American Gatholics as well as American
leftists, who on the F scale scored at oppo-
site poles, both scored high on Dogmatism
and Opinionation.

In a variety of laboratory tests, primarily
with students, subjects were faced with a
series of tasks whose Solution depended on
the adaptation of beliefs at odds with ones
they held previously. The tests showed that
the relatively "open" person differs signifi-
cantly from the relatively "closed" person
in both cognitive abilities (such as problem-
solving, remembering, and perceiving) and

165 EAST 56th STREET, NEW YORK 22, N. Y.

CDMMEHTÄHY

July 19, i960

Mr. George L. Mosse

-Department of Hlstory, Baacom Hall

Unlversity of Wisconsin

Madison 6, Wisconsin

Dear Mr. Mosse:

I»ll be happy to send issues in
which your re^äew appears to the people
you list m your letter. You, of
course, will receive two extra copies.

Sincerely yours.

WiAA/yo Dieivt

HD:bg

Harris Dienstfrey
Assistant FJditor

165 HAST 56th STRE

ET, NE W YORK 2 2, N . Y. • Plaza 1 -4000

CDMMEIVTÄHY

June 21, i960

Mr, George L. Mosse
Dept. of History - Bascora Hall
Unlversity of Wisconsin
Madison 6, Wisconsin

Dear Mr. Mosse:

Here is a slightly edited Version of
your book review. Please make any changes
or corrections you like and send it back
to US as soon as possible.

Sincerely yours.

HD:bg

fhrvviu J)

Harris Dienstfre
Assistant Editor

1 ■ I 11,

'^>T^atFW!g!CJg— f.

■ \- - -

165 EAST 56th STREET, NEW YORK 22, N. Y.

CDMMEJVTÄRY

June 6, i960

Mr. George Mosse

Department of History-Basoom Hall
ünlversity of Wisconsin
Madison 6, Wisconsin

Dear Mr. Mosse:

Once again, please excuse
my delay in communicating with you.
This note is simply to teil you that
we are definitely taking your review,
and that we will send you an edited
manuscript for your approval within the
next few days.

fj^^<

^ncerel;

Norman Podhorebz
Editor

NP/jm

165 EAST 56th STREET, NEW YORK 22, N. Y.

CDMMEIVTAflY

May 19, i960

Mr. George Mosse

Department of Hiatory - Bascom Hall

ünlversity of Wisconsin

Madison 6, Wisconsin

Dear Mr. Mosse:

I realized with horror this
morning that I never acknowledged
receipt of your review. Please
forgive the oversight.

Might I also ask you to be a
bit more patient about our decision?
We have been terribly understaffed and
overburdened, with the result that
not all the editors have yet had a
Chance to read the piece carefully,
I promise you final word by no later
than next week«

Sincerely,

Norman Podhorejtz
Edi tor

NP:bb

165 EAST 56th STREET, NEW YORK 22,

CDMMEIVTARY

March 31, i960

Mr. George L, Mosse
Department of History
Bascom Hall

Univeraity of Wisconsin
Madiaon 6, Wisconsin

Dear Mr. Mosse:

I would be very much interested
in seeing your article on German
education vöienever you have the
manuscript ready, Meanwhile, would
you care to review Leon Poliakov's
three voliames in German, Das Dritte
Reich und seine Diener, Das Dritte
Reich und seine Denker, and Das
Dritte Reich und die 7uden? Please
let me know.

Sincerely,

Norman Podhoretz
Editor

NP:bb

April 4, i960

DMOP Mr» Podhorets»

I ßhall be äelighted to revlew the bocka

Wlth best ^,r^e%inQBf
/George L# Messe

Intellectual Cornriintment and

German intellectuals and Anti Semtic coiKTiittments a
I, hov/ to explaim n.oral failure of Intellecti:ials ( illustrate)
2, ^ev:s as part of this

3# new roioanticism: thcught

education

The Ancient Gerinar^ and the neir -ntisiipltism»

!• ^^on racial antisernitisn: how change?
2. intellectuals picneeored
3» neiT romanticism

AUGUST 1960

A. V SHERMAN: TURKEYS CONSTRUCTIVE NATIONALISM
SIDNEY HOOK: PRACMATISM & THE TRACIC SENSE OF LIFE
ASHER BRYNES: ECONOMICS OF THE FARM PROBLEM
MICHAEL HARRINCTON: SLUMS, OLD AND NEW
LEWIS YABLONSKY: THE VIOLENT GANG
ROBERT BRUSTEIN: BORIS & THE SECOND AVENUE MUSE

Henry Roth's Neglected Masterpiece

LESLIE A. FIEDLER

HENRY ROTH
The Dun Dakotas

THE STUDY OF MAN

Harold Rosenberg: Community, Values, Comedy

IN THE COMMUNITY

Milton Himmelfarb: Some Notes on Jewish Affairs

CONTROVERSY

Oscar Handlin/ Jacob Robinson: Ethics & Eiehmann

BOOKS IN REVIEW Richard L. Schoenwald Ceorge L Mosse
Marshall Cohen Nathan Clazer Lewis Coser Eimer Borklund

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There are several ways to increase pro-
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One evidence of this is the present use of
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Commmtary

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W^HICH JOB VS^OULD YOU TAKE?

If you re like most of us, you'd take the
Job with the more tempting salary and
the brighter future.

Many College teachers are faced with
this kind of decision year after year. In
fact, many of them are virtually bom-
barded with tempting offers from busi-
ness and industry. And each year many
of them, dedicated but discouraged, leave
the Campus for Jobs that pay fair, com-
petitive salaries.

Can you blame them?

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In the face of this growing teacher
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Commmtary

AUGUST 1960

VOLUME 30

NUMBER 2

The Issue

Turkey — A Gase in Constructive Nationalism

Henry Roth's Neglected Masterpiece

The Dun Dakotas

Economics of the Farm Problem

Slums, Old and New

The Violent Gang

Boris & the 2nd Avenue Muse

Pragmatism & the Tragic Sense of Life

The Study of Man Gommunity, Values, Gomedy

In the Community Some Notes on Jewish Affairs

Controversy Ethics & Eichmann

Letters from Readers
Bocks in Review

General Education, edited by Lewis B. Mayhew

Three Books on the Third Reich,

by Leon Poliakov and Josef Wulf

The Open and Closed Mind, by Milton Rokeach

The Noble Savage, edited by Saul Bellow,

Keith Botsford, and Jack Ludwig;

Love and Like, by Herbert Gold;

Golk, by Richard Stern

Words and Things, by Ernest Gellner

American Immigration, by Maldwyn Allen Jones;

American Labor, by Henry Pelling;

American Philanthropy, by Robert H. Bremner

(a) N.P.

93 A. V. Sherman

102 Leslie A. Fiedler

107 Henry Roth

110 Asher Brynes

118 Michael Harrington

125 Levvtis Yablonsky

131 Robert Brustein

139 Sidney Hook

150 Harold Rosenberg

157 Milton Himmelfarb

161 Oscar Handlin/
Jacob Robinson

164

168 Richard L. Schoenvvtald

171 George L. Mosse
173 Lewis A. Coser

175 Elmer Borklund
178 Marshall Cohen

180 Nathan Glazer

Editor: Norman podhoretz
M anaging Editor

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Assistant Editors

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170 COMMENTARY

deal with that growth. But given this be-
ginning, one can then ask, as the advcKates
of general education do not, whether the
real cause for concem should be the mere
fact of the growth of knowledge, or, instead,
the attitude taken toward that growth.
Might not the real problem be our feeling
that we must know everything — a feeling,
not a reasoned awareness, that we will be
bad or incomplete unless we make every
effort to know everything?

For men in the West knowledge has al-
ways had emotional aspects. The Garden of
Eden story suggests the terrifying and baffling
qualities of knowledge, and suggests a link
between knowing and eating: you have to
eat in order to live, and perhaps you also
have to know in order to live. But if know-
ing and eating are emotionally connected,
then various kinds of anxiety can begin to
nag: you may have had too much to eat
or to know and may not be able to get it all
down, keep it down, tum it into tissue, and
keep it forever; or eise you may not get
enough.

Arrangements connected with learning
often sound like those for feeding the
young : the young can be encouraged to stuff
themselves, as in the free elective System
with its provisions for majoring in a par-
ticular subject; or the young can be forced
to taste here and there, a procedure which
resembles general education. Teachers them-
selves often feel that they are feeding; they
even speak of spoon-feeding.

Here is the Situation according to this
volume's contributors : everybody who goes
to College — which may indeed come to mean
everybody — should eat a sizable amount of
everything. As Russell M. Cooper, de2in of
the College of Liberal Arts at the University
of South Florida, writes: "General educa-
tion . . . is designed for all people irrespec-
tive of prospective vocation. It draws its
material from all the academic disciplines,
wherever basic and relevant ideas can be
found. It is concemed with the student's
total development, his values and aesthetic
sensitivity as well as his purely intellectual
attributes, for all these aflfect his compre-
hension and mature response to the world
around him." (The italics are Dean Coop-
er's.)

Is this fantasy of total incorporation really

a sound basis for educational pollcy? Why
must a Student be caught up in it and made
to act as if he were dashing from counter to
counter in a candy störe? Even if he likes
candy, should we allow him to gorge? The
Greeks faced this problem: "Life is short,
the art long," runs the first Hippocratic
aphorism. One might try to swallow every-
thing, as the Sophists did, but one could also
seek a more balanced Solution by probing
the nature of knowing, as Plato did.

Putting the problem psychoanalytically
has some value. In the West, by and large,
it has been good to know and to find things
out. A Western superego demands that its
possessor investigate and leam (even though
some questions and answers may be for-
bidden). Man also appears to want all
knowledge instinctively, just as he wants all
food, all power, all sexual objects; or he
may refuse to make any effort to know any-
thing, carelessly content to do nothing that
takes any effort. How can the ego deal with
these threatening demands of superego and
id? Perhaps it cannot alter them, but it
might leam to take them less seriously if it
could command a ränge of responses wider
than a slavish running af ter all knowledge, a
pursuit doomed to be carried on endlessly,
exhaustingly, unsuccessfuUy.

At this point diagnosis must give way to
prescription. Several contributors to General
Education consider changed behavior or
changed individuals their most important
goal. Unquestionably they are right. But
courses and Colleges might do more chang-
ing by seeking, in a way, to do less. Cer-
tainly it is necessary to leam how to leam
about the major regions of man's endeavor,
but the habit of mind, the attitude toward
experience, matter as much as the specific
number of areas nibbled. Formal education
should try to help people change from being
passive objects who are enslaved by their
ignorance, their desues, and the fashions of
their time. Change to what? Perhaps into
individuals more ready for experience, more
ready to leam than when they began College.
American students have been saying, hesi-
tantly and softly: we want to leam new
ways of thinking and feeling, we want to
take sustenance from College and grow. Gen-
eral education has succeeded because it an-
swered some of these pleas; many students
still call out, and wait to be heard.

Documents of Nazism

Das Dritte Reich und Seine Denker,
560 pp. Das Dritte Reich und Seine
Diener, 540 pp. Das Dritte Reich und
DIE Juden, 457 pp. By Leon Poliakov
and Josef Wulf. Arani Verlag (West
Berlin).

Reviewed by George L. Müsse

These weighty volumes of documents show
US how little we have, as yet, penetrated to
the core of National Socialism. Historians
have concentrated on the political and so-
ciological side of the movement to the
Virtual exclusion of its ideology. Yet one
cannot read through these volumes without
being impressed by the all-j>ervasiveness of
the ideological appeal — exemplified by re-
ports from the Foreign Office as well as by
documents conceming the army — and with-
out seeing that the Jewish question was,
unmistakably, central to this ideology. In-
deed, the authors apologize for the fact
that even in those volumes not specifically
concemed with the Jews, so many docu-
ments seem to deal with their fate. But there
is no need for such an apology, the less so
since the majority of the documents deal
with the war years. What had always been
central to National Socialist thought then
became an obsession, not only in the mind
of Hitler but within the whole apparatus of
party and State. Racialism, discussed in these
volumes with an almost monotonous same-
ness, is the clue without which National
Socialism remains forever inexplicable.

This argument calls into question the
historians' concentration upon German
nationalism as the prime source of the
movement. Perhaps they choose to deal with
the familiär rather than tackle the morass
of racial mysticism. One important docu-
ment included here, however, shows the re-
lationship between nationalism and racial
doctrines. The head of the party office of
racial politics {Rassen politisches Amt) or-
dered that the phrase "German race" be
expunged from the vocabulary, for it im-
plied an environmentalism which stripped
the concept of its tme meaning; the terms
"Nordic" or "Dinaric" were to be sub-
stituted in order to universalize the su-
periority of the race. This argument is rem-

BOOKS IN REVIEW 171

iniscent of Hitler's own words: "We must
attract all the Nordic blood of the world to
US, and deprive our adversaries of it."

Another little explored facet of the Nazi
movement also dominates these pages. The
authors State that they found it necessary
to include materials on men who, in their
hearts, may have been members of the Op-
position. The involvement of so many
people on so many different levels of action
and thought is indeed puzzling, but an in-
tellectual, Professor Helmut Breve, provides
one answer: the National Socialist revolu-
tion once again gave meaning to life and
made it worthwhile. A kind of elation runs
through most of the intellectuals' work
presented in the first volume. The intellec-
tuals craved a meaningful existence ex-
pressed in ideological terms as much as did
any other class of the population. (Thus
Karl Mannheim's thesis — that the intel-
lectual can be particularly objective because
of his place in the social structure — is called
into question.)

Though the authors stress the factor of
conformism, many intellectuals seem to have
been genuinely committed to National So-
cialism; not just historians and philosophers
(though one wishes that more extracts from
prominent professional historians had been
included) but scientists as well — Nobel
laureates like Philip Lenard and Johannes
Stark with their "German physics." (Gon-
cerning Aryan science, however, even some
party members were dubious. By 1944 one
memorandum asked Alfred Rosenberg to
encourage German physicists to retum to
the theory of relativity, for they had fallen
behind the rest of the world.)

The moral failure of the intellectuals can
only be explained by explaining the at-
traction of the ideology itself. These volumes
make possible the beginning of such an
analysis, but they lack the documents which
show why intelligent men, searching for
life's meaning, could so easily accept the
mysticism of race. There should be one
more book of documents, starting perhaps
in the 19th Century — one learned professor
cited Adolf Hitler as the embodiment of
Hegel's world historical spirit — ^but, with
more justice, at the turn of the Century; it
should include not only Nietzsche and Wag-
ner, but expressions of that neo-romanti-

172 COMMENTARY

BOOKS IN REVIEW 173

cism which in Germany typified the revolt
against positivism and science that, in the
end, engulfed even the scientists themselves.
The urge to escape from industrial civili-
zation, to seek in nature a rootedness out-
side of material circumstances, is as im-
portant for an understanding of Germany
as is the much-discussed German urge
toward expansion. As a Hitler youth says in
one of these documents: "the National So-
cialist World view is based upon the Nordic
race which found its best support in a virile
German peasantry."

Such a viewj quite clearly not new by the
time Hitler took it up, resulted in the strug-
gle against the Jews. How many of the
men in these volumes had been members
of the youth movement permeated by this
ideology? How many had gone to country
boarding schools in which a similar spirit
mied long before Hitler? The authors con-
scientiously cite the writings and profes-
sions of the men whose works are repre-
sented, and answering these additional
questions is one way the collections should
be exploited. The Jewish stereotype cer-
tainly existed before the growth of racial
thought. The authors call Professor Rudolf
Flick a truly wise and dignified man be-
cause, in 1935, he publicly questioned the
scientific basis of the concept of race. At
the end of his lecture, however, he equated
Jews with a Standard stereotype of selfish-
ness, greed, and an unscrupulous quest for
fame. In order to understand the wide ac-
ceptance of National Socialist ideology, we
must realize that anti-Semitism was quite
possible without racism and that its per-
vasiveness did in fact make the acceptance
of racism all the easier.

Is it over? These volumes not only entomb
the past, but raise serious questions about
the present. Mathilde LudendorfF is in-
cluded, for example, with her mystical
Aryan and anti-Jewish thought, but when
the German magazine Der Spiegel recently
published an expose of her ideas, the read-
ers' colunms were subsequently fiUed with
letters deploring the article. Two intellec-
tuals who knelt in mystical adoration before
the "Fuehrer" and figure in these books are
now editors of German newspapers; many
more are active in teaching or professional
organizations. We can also read an extract

from Chancellor Adenauer's alter ego—
Hans Globke and his conunentary on the
Nuremberg racial laws (the Jews are
strangers in Germany through their blood
and feeling) — and another intellectual,
Giselher Wirsing, has passed on to the edi-
torship of Christ and the World. What does
it all mean? The possibility of a genuine
conversion cannot be excluded: conscience
can assert itself, however late. The failure
of an ideology is also a powerful factor for
discarding it.

But one can discard some without dis-
carding all. Secretary of State Weizsaecker,
whose guilt fills these pages, wrote his mem-
oirs after the war and at that time gave as
one reason for his collaboration with the
regime the fact that the Jews were too
powerful in Germany before 1933. This
argument indicates once more that anti-
Jewish ideas existed apart from racialism,
and that the repudiation of one does not
automatically mean the repudiation of the
other. Recent German anti-Semitism must
be viewed in this light.

Weizsaecker also used another old argu-
ment to justify himself: a sailor must not
desert the ship during a storm; several
documents, included by way of contrast,
make such an argument untenable. Bern-
hard Lösener wrote a commentary on the
Nuremberg laws of 1935 even more racist
than Globke's; yet, faced with the Jewish
massacres, officially resigned from the party
and lived to teil the tale. Professor Max
Bodenstein gave a speech in honor of the
Jewish scientist Fritz Haber the same year
Flick spoke — but without using the same
Jewish stereotypes. It could be done, and
it was done by honest and courageous men.
Those who remained loyal to the ideology
throughout the Jewish tragedy (fuUy docu-
mented in the third volume) share the guilt
for it whether or not they finally converted
and no matter how high a position they
may now have in either West or East Ger-
many. For them these volumes will resur-
rect a past they prefer to forget; for us they
raise the problem of whether those who
helped build National Socialist thought and
watched its progress without protesting
should today be accepted in silence for the
sake of political expediency.

The authors have not only provided
scholars with a gold mine of information

Dogmatism and Opinionation

The Open and Closed Mind. By Milton
RoKEACH. Basic Books, 447 pp., $7.50.

Reviewed by Lewis A. Coser

This thought-provoking book foUows the
tradition of such modern classics as Erich
Fromm's Escape from Freedom and The
Authoritarian Personality by T. W. Adorno,
et al. Investigating the psycholog>' of people
who hold dogmatic Systems of belief, Rok-
each seeks to develop criteria by which a
"closed" mind can be validly distinguished
from an "open" mind. One need hardly
stress the relevance of such research for
understanding the various forms of preju-
dice, the psychology of the True Believer,
and the history of cultural innovation.

A major point of departure for Rokeach's
studies were the investigations by Adorno
and his associates which culminated in the
publication of The Authoritarian Personal-
ity in 1950. This research, which began in
1943 when, for obvious reasons, anti-Semi-
tism had assumed a peculiar saliency for so-
cial scientists, gradually was broadened to
include other forms of intolerance as well.
As the research progressed, the study's well-
known F scale, originally designed to meas-
ure Personality traits underlying a fascist
outlook, was used to test authoritarianism in
general, and so those who scored high on
this Scale were hence dubbed "authoritar-
ian." The results showed that such people
tended to be ethnocentric, intolerant of
Negroes and Jews, and politically conserva-
tive. But the shift from measuring "fascism
in Personality" to measuring the "authori-
tarian Personality" led to some awkward
difficulties. As a number of critics pointed
out, the Scale did not in fact reveal authori-
tarianism per se, but only right-wing author-

itarianism. More particularly, the test items
were so worded that members of the Com-
munist party did not emerge as authoritar-
ian if they were measured by the F scale.

Rokeach argues that the change from
studying right-wing authoritarianism in the
40's to left-wing authoritarianism in the 50's
can be explained in terms of the fascist and
Communist threats during the respective pe-
riods. He maintains that the time has now
come to broaden the approach and to ask
whether it is not possible to distinguish be-
tween "open" and "closed" minds irrespec-
tive of particular ideologies. Rokeach urges
that we differentiate sharply between the
structure of ideological Systems and their
content: an individual, for example, may
accept all the traditional pieties of liberal
belief and yet hold them in a dogmatic way;
or, again, some belief Systems, undogmatic
in content but authoritarian in structure,
may advocate tolerance in an intolerant
way. Rokeach further argues that while we
know a great deal about ethnic intolerances,
we know comparatively little about intoler-
ance among Freudians, Unitarians, liberals,
literary critics, or professors of psychology.
His "Dogmatism" and "Opinionation" scales
— which have no reference to a thought's
content and allegedly are sensitive enough
to uncover dogmatic thought both within
the realm of politics and outside of it — are
designed to close these gaps in our knowl-
edge. The tests in which these scales were
applied reveal no clear-cut relation between
the content of political ideology and dog-
matism and opinionation (despite a slight
tendency for more people right of center
than left to be "closed") : a group of Eng-
lish Communists who scored low on The
Authoritarian Personalit/s F scale, scored
high on the Dogmatism scale, and rightist
American Catholics as well as American
leftists, who on the F scale scored at oppo-
site poles, both scored high on Dogmatism
and Opinionation.

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Leon Poliakov- Josef Wulf, Dae Dritte Reich und Seine Denker, Berlin,
Arani Verlag, 1959» 560 pages.

Leon Poliakov- Josef Wulf, Das Dritte Reich unf seine Diener, Berlin,
Aranl Verlag, 1956, 5^0 pages.

Leon Pollakob- Josef Wulf, Das Dritte Reich und die Juden, Berlin,
Aranl Verlag, 1955» ^57 pages.

These welghty volumes of documents show us how llttle we have, as yet,
penetrated to the core of National Soclallsm. Hlstorlans have concentrated
on the polltlcal and soclologlcal slde of the .novement to the Virtual
exclusion of its Ideology. Yet one cannot read through these voluraes
wlthout being impressed t^ the all-penrasiveness of the ideologlcal
appeal. Reports from the foreign offlce exeniplify this as well as docu-
ments concemlng the aray. Without a doubt, the Jewlsh question was
central to the whole ideology, Indeed, the autliors apolofeiae for the
fact that even in tnese volumes not specifically concerned with the Jews,
so ma^y doc\ißients seera to deal with their fate. There is no need for
such an apology, the oiore so as tlie (oajorit^ of the documents deal with
the war years« What had always been central in National Soc lallst thought
then becarae an Obsession, not only in Uie nilnd of Hitler but wlthln the
whole apparatus of party and State« Racial thought, repeated throughout
these volumes with an almost monotonous saräeness, Is the clue without
which National Soclallsm will forever remain inexplicable •

This calls into question the concentratlon of hlstorlans upon German
nationallsm as the prlme source of the movement» Perhaps they chose
rather to deal with tlie fauniliar than to tackle the morass of racial
rqysticism* However, one important document Included here shows the
relationship between nationallsm and racial doctrines« The head of the
party Office of racial politics (Rassenpolitisches Amt) ordered that the

phrase "German raoe" be expunged from the vocabulaiy for it implied an

environmentalism which stripped the conoept of it« true meaning. The

thus
terms "Nordic" or ••Dinario*' must be substituted, not restricting but

univeraalizing the superiority of the race. This is reminiscont of Hitler* s
own wordsi ^^iTe must attraot all the Nordic blood of the world to us, and
deprive our adversaries of it."

Not only raciem but another little explored facet of the movement dom-
inates these pages. The authore state that they found it necessary to
include materiais on men who, in their hearts, may nave been members of
the Opposition. The involvement of so many people on so maity different
levels of action and thought is indeed striking. To find out why this
should have occurred, one must read between the lines. An intellectual ,
Professor Helmut Breve, provides a clue: the National Sozialist revolu-
tion once again gave meaning to life and made it worthwaile. A kind of
elation runs through most of the vrorks of the intellectuals given in the
first volume. As much as apy other class of the population, they craved
a meaningful existence expressed in Ideological terms. Thus Karl Mannheim* s
thesls that the intellectual is particularly objective because of his
plaoe in the social structure collapses. Though the authors stress the
factor of conformism, there seems to have been a great deal of genuine
commitment. Relying upon conformism lets the intellectuals off much too
li^tly.

Not just historians and philosophers were involved, though one wishes
that more extracts from prominent professional historians had been in-
cluded. Sc lentis ts joined them — Nobel laureates like Philip Lenard and
Johannes Stark, with their "German physic«.»' About this Aryan science there
was, however, some doubt in party circlee. By 19Mi-, one memorandum asked
Alfred Rosenbarg to encourage Qerman physicists to retum to the theory
of relativity for they had fallen behind the rest of the world. The

'H-'<

>v';'(:; *iv.:f"A^frf''*?»:*r

Intellectuals failed, we all know thia; but their failure can only be
explained through the attraction of the ideology itself , and these vol-
umes will make such an analysls possible«

However, these present voluroee only partially enable na to accomplish
the task. What is lacking are docutnente which could ahow us why intelli-
gent men, searching for life*s meaning, oould so easily accept the rnysti-
cism of race. Another book of docuroents should be added which could
Start in the nineteenth Century, for one le&rned professor cited Adolf
Hitler as the embodlnent of Hegel 's world historical spirit. It might
with raore justice begin at the turn of the centuiy. Not only with
Nietzsche or Wagner, but with thiat neo-romanticism which in CJermany
typified the revolt against positivisra and science, a revolt which in the
end would engulf the scientists themselves. The urge to ascape fi^m in-
dustrial civilization, to seek in natura a rootedncss outside of material
circuffistances , is as laiportant for an understanding of Qermany as the
much discussed Gerraan urge towards Expansion • As a Hitler youth says in
one of the documeiits« •'the National Socialist xforld view is based upon
tlie Nol|dio race which found its best support in a virile German peasantry.
It is such a view which antailed the strug^le against the Jews, and it
was not new by the time Hitler took it up. How many of the men in these
voiataea had loeen raenbers of the youth moveiient wtes was per^ated by thi»
ideology? How many had gone to oountry boarding schools in which a sia-
ilar aplrit ruled long before Hitler? The authors conscientiously cita
the wrltings and professions of the Tien whose works are represented, It
would be asking too auch of a work well done to have such information but
this is one way in which the collections should be exploited.

Nor must it be forgotten that the Jewish stereotype existed even before
the growth of racial thought. The authors call Professor Rudolf Flick a

truly wlse and dignifi«d man becaiise, in 1935» he publlcly queetioned

the scientific basis of the concept of raoe« At the end of hi» lecture,

however, he eqiiated Jews with a Standard stereotype of selfishness,

greed, and an unscrupulous quest for faoie« In order to understand the

Wide acceptance of National Socialist ideology, we must realize that anti-

Semitism was possible without racism and that the pervasiveness of such

an attitude aade it all the easier for many men to accept racial ideas.

Is it all overT These volumes not only entomb the past, but raise

serio\is questions about the present. Mathilde Ludendorf f is included,

with her mystical Aryan and anti^ewish thought. When the Gennan magazine

Der Spiegel recently brought out an expos^ of her ideas, the readers*

colunms were subsequently filled with letters deploring the article. There

is a continuity between the past and the present among mary who f igure in

these v^;u»es. Two intellectuals who knelt in aystical adoration before

the Fuehrer are now editors of German newspapers; many more are active in

teaching or professional organizations . We can read an extract from

Chancellor Adenauer «s alter egos Hans Globke's Commentaxy on the Nurenberg

laws (the Jews are strangers in Germany through their blood and feeling);

Giselherr Wirsing, who is well represented, has passed on to the editor-

ship of "Christ and the World." What does it all loean? The possibility

of a genuine conversion cannot be excluded. Conscience can assert itself ,

if late, in the case of Germai^. Failure is a powerful factor in discard-

ing an ideology* Not necessarily all of it, however, Secretary of State

Weizsaecker, whose guilt fills these pages, wrote his memoire after the

war. In it he gave as one reason for his collaboration with the regime

the fact that the Jews were too powerf\il in Oennany before 1933. The

t4tr
necessary eonsequence of conversion is va rejection of anti-Semitism. Anti-

Jewlsh Ideas existed before racialisnit and the repudlation of one does not
automatically mean the repxidiation of the other« Recent German anti-Semitism
must be viewed in this light.

Weizaaecker also ueed an old argument to juatifir hinaelf i a sallor muat
not desert the ship duxlng a storm. But maniy never became so corapletely
involved in the first place, or if they did they made an honorable escape.
Several documents included l^ way of contrast make such an argument as

Weizsaecker's untenable« Bernhard Losener wrote a comraentaiy on the Nuren«
berg Trials more racist than Ctlobke's. Yet he resigned officially in the

face of the Jewish massacres and lived to teil the tale. Professor Max
Bodenstein gave a speech in honor of the Jewish scientist Fritz Haber in
the same year Flick gave his speech, but without any Jewish stereotypes.
It could be done and it was done by honest and courageous njen. Those who
retnained loyal to the ideology throughout the Jewish tragedy (fully doou-
mented in the third volume) share the guilt no matter if they finaHy con-
verted and no matter in how high a position they may now find themselves
both in West and East Germany. For them these volumes will resxirrect a
past they prefer to forget; for us they raise the problem of whether those
who helped build National Sooialist thought and watched its progress with-
out protesting should today be accepted in silence for the sake of poütical
expediency. The authors have not only pixjvided scholars with a gold mine
of Information but everyone with a new view of the power of demoniacal
ideology over men. The authors quote from the manifesto of the most cour-
ageous resistanoe group, that of the students of Manicht »^fty is the
Oerraan peojle so apathetic in the face of the most inhuman criraesT Nobody
gives them a thought. These facts are duly registered and filed." Thanks
to these volumes they are no longer filed but made public»

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50 (ins NftRCNfif!

ROGRESSIVE

THE FOUND GENERATION

Milton Mayer

THE STRUGGLE FOR MEDICAL GARE

Edward T. Chase

HUGO BLACK AT 75 Fred Rodell

NEW FRONTIERS IN AFRICA

Senator Frank E. Moss

dZkittu<>

TJere in THE United States, there are thousands of high
-•--■- school and College students who use The Progressive
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Haruhiro Fukui, of the Graduate Department of Amer-
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"It is not an exaggeration at all," said Mr. Fukui, "to
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•
Our most populär current reprint is Senator Stephen
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in its second printing. A close runner-up is Robert Sat-
ter's "How to Pass Your Law," a clear, concise guide for
Citizens interested in pushing legislation, particularly in
their home states. With State legislatures in füll swing,
the reprint is being bought and distributed in varying
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Copies of these reprints are available at ten cents each,
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VOLUME 25 NUMB» 9

FOUNDED IN 1909 BY ROBERT AA. LaKXLETTE,

MARCH, 1961

EDITOR

ASSOCIATE EDITOR

BUSINESS AAANAGER

OFFICE STAFF

MORRIS H. RUBIN

AAARY SHERIDAN

JOHN AAcGRATH

GORDON SINYKIN

ROSE L. REDISKE

HELEN KLEPPE, DOROTHY BEYLER

BEHY H AAARE, ELEANOR WIND

3 THE COUNTRY IS READY

Editorial

5 NOTES IN THE NEWS

9 THE FOUND GENERATION

Milton Mayer

12 MEDICAL CARE BECOMES A RIGHT

Edward T. Chase

16 THE PRESIDENT IN PERSON

Mary McGrory

18 A SPRIG OF LAUREL

FOR HUGO BLACK AT 75

Fred Rodel I

20 NEW FRONTIERS IN AFRICA

Senator Frank E. Moss

24 CHINA AND THE U.N.-

TIME FOR REAPPRAISAL

Sydney D. Bailey

26 OUR IMPERFECT ENCYCLOPEDIAS

Harvey Einbinder

31 AFRICA'S SOUTHWEST HELL

Sheridan Griswold

35 THE HIGH COST OF DYING

Ruth Mulvey Harmer

38 TRIUMPH AFTER DEATH

FOR MODIGLIANI

Alfred Werner

41 THE PEOPLE'S FORUM

46 BOOKS

The Progressive makes no attempt to exact complete con-
formity from its contributors, but rather welcomes a variety of
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therefore, do not necessarily represent the opinion of the man-
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~ 1

PROGRESSIVE

*Te SHALL KNOW THE TRUTH

AND THE TRUTH SHALL MAKE YOU

tn-

JS,

i$-

The Country h Ready

IN THis SPACE, last month, we at-
tempted a tentative assessment of
the beginnings of the Kennedy Ad-
ministration. It turned out to be
much more of an on-the-one-hand-
and-on-the-other editorial than we
had intended. Our enthusiasm was
greater than that. And it has grown.
We know how I. F. Stone, the crusad-
ing Washington commentator, must
have feit when he wrote in his Week-
ly that his enthusiasm was a bit em-
barrassing, that it was much like the
prophet Jeremiah being caught giv-
ing three lusty cheers. For our part,
we intend to maintain a critical vig-
ilance, but there is no doubt that our
chronic crankiness of the past decade
is melting rapidly in the glow of the
fine words and good deeds of Pres-
ident Kennedy and his associates.

We like the style and poise and
freshness with which the new Pres-
ident approaches Congress and the
country. We admire the sharpness of
his mind, the ränge of his interests,
the clarity of his speech, and, most of
all, his awareness of the nation's needs
and his commitment to affirmative ac-
tion. And we are pleased, too, to see
the English language restored to of-
ficial use.

We were especially impressed by
the swiftness and decisiveness with
which President Kennedy moved to
proclaim civilian supremacy in the
formulation of American foreign poli-
cy. That was the clear-cut purpose of
the White House decision to crack
down on the warlike utterances
planned by Admiral Arleigh E.
Burke, chief of Naval Operations.
The Admiral proposed to deliver an
address in which he would personally
take a stand for severing diplomatic
relations with the Russians, as he has
so many times before. His theme was
reported to be the total futility of ne-
gotiations with the Soviets.

The White House firmly put a stop

to this dangerous nonsense, serving
notice that the United States has a
unified foreign policy and will no
longer tolerate the confusion of coun-
sel that prevailed for so long under
Mr. Kennedy's predecessor. Curiously,
in acting as it did, the Kennedy Ad-
ministration showed that it was mind-
ful of the warning uttered by former
President Eisenhower in what was cer-
tainly one of his finest hours, his fare-
well address to the nation. Mr.
Eisenhower rose above partisan issues
and personal considerations, to speak
up, as a lifelong miiitary man, against
the perils of permitting the miiitary
to dominate the civil power of the
country.

Two Republican bitter-enders, Sen-
ators Styles Bridges of New Hamp-
shire and Barry Goldwater of Ari-
zona, raised feeble protests against
President Kennedy's "gag rule," but
most of the rest of the nation rejoiced
in the President's resolute insistence
that the miiitary brass must not be
permitted, through oratorical broad-

sides against countries with which we
are negotiating, to imperil the Pres-
ident's pursuit of peace.

As he went about the task of com-
pleting his official family, President
Kennedy made appointment after ap-
pointment that stirred new hope in
the hearts of American progressives.
Such an appointment, for example,
was that of Edward R. Murrow to
serve as director of the United States
Information Administration. Mur-
row, a distinguished newscaster and
analyst who won his liberal spurs in
a courageous struggle against Mc-
Carthyism, gave up a post that paid
more than $200,000 a year to serve
his country at less than one-tenth that
amount. His opening Statement —
"Whatever is done will have to stand
on a rugged basis of truth" — carried
the authentic Murrow ring.

Mauldln In The St. Louis i^ost-Dlspatdi

Killjoy

The team that Mr. Kennedy put
together in the critical field of for-
eign economic aid is süperb. George
Ball, Undersecretary pf State for Ec-
onomic Affairs, is a seasoned interna-
tional lawyer and close friend of
Adlai Stevenson. Henry Labouisse, di-
rector of the International Coopera-
tion Administration, is one of the
outstanding career civil servants of
our time. Frank Coffin, chosen to
head the Development Loan Fund,
was one of the rising stars in the
House of Representatives until he
left that body to wage a hopeless fight
for governor of Maine.

Other appointments that Struck our
fancy were those of Frank McCulloch,
longtime able assistant to Senator
Paul H. Douglas, to serve as chairman
of the National Labor Relations
Board; Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.,
Harvard historian, to a special post in
the White House; Norman Clapp,
once secretary to the late Robert M.
LaFollette, Jr., to head the Rural
Electrification Administration; Pro-
fessor William L. Gary of the Colum-

March« 1961

Wallace in 1948

Henry A. Wallace: Quixotic
Crusade 1948, by Karl M. Schmidt.
Syracuse University Press. 361 pp.
$5.50.

Reviewed by

Rüssel B. Nye

THE STORY of a third party always
makes fascinating reading for the
pK)litically-minded, and that of Henry
Wallace's Progressive Party of 1948 —
born in discontent, nurtured in dis-
sension, and dissolved in disillusion —
is no exception. The author, a pro-
fessor of political science at Syracuse
University, labeis it a "quixotic
Crusade," referring to the goals (if
not always the methods) of some of
its leaders. He has examined about
all the evidence one could, including
long Interviews with Henry Wallace,
Glen Taylor (the Vice Presidential
candidate), and other key figures in
the movement. The result is a neat,
incisive study, written with objectiv-
ity, skill, and insight.

Third parties in the United States,
as Professor William B. Hesseltine
explained more than a decade ago in
a shrewd little book about them, face
two sets of discouraging obstacles,
philosophical and practical. They
must have a broad philosophical base
from which to launch an appeal to
the widest possible electorate, and
they must be well-managed and well-
financed. The Wallace Progressives
of 1948 had neither. The party had
its origins in fairly widespread dissat-
isfaction — with American relations
with Russia, the peace problem, the
Truman Administration's apparent
drift away from Rooseveltian tradi-
tion, and domestic policies related
to labor and employment. Bat it

could never pull together all those
who disagreed.

Henry Wallace's New York speech
of September, 1946, in which he split
with Administration foreign policy,
served as a rallying point for a good
many of the dissatisfied. The Pro-
gressive Citizens of America, found-
ed in December of 1946 to "make
the Democratic Party out and out
progressive," soon organized the Pro-
gressive Party to compete in the 1948
elections. Americans for Democratic
Action, however, formed a few
months later, attracted most of the
important union elements away from
the PCA and robbed it of much of its
rank and file support. Nevertheless,
the "peace and abundance" platform
of the Progressives did have appeal
and attracted more attention than
some of its leaders had expected.

John Dewey was one of several old
liberal leaders who called the turn on
the new party in mid-1948. It offered
"no hope for progressives," he wrote
in The Neiu Leader, since it met none
of the three tests necessary for suc-
cess: "a genuinely new position in
the extension and enrichment of
democracy . . . ; responsible, compe-
tent, thoroughly democratic leader-
ship . . . ; and roots in the trade
Union movement." Author Karl
Schmidt's account of subsequent
events shows how accurate Dewey 's
predictions were. The Progressives
began their campaign without the
Support of any significant group from
labor, agriculture, or business. They
had no existing Organization and lit-
tle time to build one; there was more
work to do than manpower to do it.
In addition, times were good in 1948
(though inflation was beginning to
be a bit of a problem), and, most im-
portant of all, the first faint begin-

nings of the great Communist scare
to come made it a bad time for
dissenters.

The most difficult problem facing
the Wallace Progressives, and one to
which the author devotes an entire
chapter, was the nature and extent of
Communist participation. The Com-
munists probably claimed more in-
fluence in the party than they had;
at the same time, there were known
Communists in the party Councils,
and they did have influence. Prob-
ably the Wallace party 's most dam-
aging decision was its refusal to dis-
avow Communist support or partici-
pation, which left it wide open to
attack. Schmidt concludes, after ex-
amining the evidence, that it does
not seem likely that "Communists ex-
ercised any preponderant influence
on Henry Wallace's activities," or
upon basic matters of Progressive
Party policy. The greatest extent of
Communist activity seems to have
been in the sphere of Organization.

In 1948 The Progressive itself put
its finger on the fatal flaw in the
Wallace Organization. "No truly pro-
gressive movement," remarked Editor
Morris Rubin, "can be built as a
populär front, harboring believers in
freedom and devotees of dictatorship
under the same tent." One of the
book's photographs vividly illustrates
this point, showing Paul Robeson,
the New Deal 's Rexford Tugwell, and
Eimer Benson of Minnesota's Farm-
er-Labor Party, all smiling in Henry
Wallace's direction. How the poli-
tical ideas which motivated these
three men could ever be combined
in one party Organization or platform
is beyond conjecture — and, of course,
they could not. After the party's
crushing failure in the elections, and
after increasing trouble with the re-
maining left-wingers in the party
Councils, Wallace lost confidence in
the movement. When the National
Committee dragged its feet on the
Korean decision of 1950, he formally
resigned. After that the end came
swiftly.

Schmidt's analysis of Henry Wal-
lace's character and personal philoso-
phy is especially acute, Clearing away
much of the confusion which sur-
rounds his motives, and refuting

many of the misconceptions spread
by a hostile press. As a record of a
third party's rise and fall, the book
is a precise and carefully-researched
record. It is also the story of a
"quixotic Crusade" waged by some
sincere idealists for high goals, and of
quite another kind, steered by manip
ulators and cynics.

Fighting Liberal

Oswald Garrison Vili^rd. Liber-
al OF THE 1920's, by D. Joy Humes.
Syracuse University Press. $4.50.

Reviewed by

Norman Thomas

IN CUR noisy and tumultuous world,
men who have played a signifi-
cant role in it are soon forgotten and
we are poorer because we have neg-
lected our heritage. Oswald Garrison
Villard, the celebrated crusading lib-
eral editor, well deserved a biogra-
phy. He still does.

It is perhaps unfair to criticize D.
Joy Humes for not doing what in
her preface she says she did not in-
tend to do. She is not, she says, writ-
ing a biography or a complete study
of the entire period of Villard's activ-
ities. She is examining his life as "a
study of some of the principal Strands
of American liberalism in a peri-
od of cynicism, disillusionment, and
reaction."

In fairness to her hero, and to her
own avowed intention, I think she
should have done a more adequate
biographical job. Her method is
strictly topical. Thus, we have "The
American Liberal Tradition," "A
Liberal's Concern for Individual
Freedom," "Noblesse Oblige, a Lib-
eral Interpretation," and so on. Her
division is a bit arbitrary and plays
havoc with chronolog^. The reader
who might be interested in following
Villard's life grows dizzy by the back
and forth method of recording events
in it. One gets no real picture of the
man by this process or of the nature
of his human contacts. There is no
mention of his wife and family or of
the notable Company of associates he
gathered around him in his long edi-
torial career.

Miss Hume tries to set the stage for
her account of Villard's life by dis-
cussing briefly his family background
and "the American liberal tradition."

She returns to this business of relat-
ing the man to his time in the last
chapter entitled, "Last of the Liber-
ais?" Her analysis of American lib-
eralism is in general correct but lack-
ing in depth. She presents her subject
sympathetically, and she has made, I
gather, a careful use of her sources.
Her quotations are well chosen and
give some insight into the man and
his ideas. Her report of the nature
and variety of Villard's activities and
interests is informative. But Miss
Humes does little to help us under-
stand the man. She offers no serious
study of the relation of his pacifism
to his thinking on political matters.
This was for him of an importance
which forced him to agonizing ap-
praisals and reappraisals. She does
not discuss the sadness of his later
years during World War II when his
health greatly reduced his activities
and his pacifism cut him off from
some old friends.

Nevertheless, the book is easy to
read and contains useful Information.
I should, however, refer anyone
deeply interested to read Villard's
autobiography, published in 1939, en-
titled Fighting Years,

Dilemma in Germany

Germany Divided: The Lecacy of
THE Nazi Era, by Terence Prittie.
Little, Brown. 381 pp.

Reviewed by

George L. Mosse

HAS THE old German "restlessness"
been dissipated by a short decade
of good living? It is to this important
question that Terence Prittie ad-
dresses himself in this book; he an-
swers his own question in the nega-
tive. His analysis is illustrated by a
pithy and summary review of the
news stories emerging from postwar
Germany, a method which makes for
smooth and interesting reading.
Much Space is devoted to the failure
with which Germany digested the
lessons of the past (in 1953 an Ameri-
can survey found that forty-four per
Cent of the population saw more
good than bad in National Social-
ism), and to the rightist groups
which have had a continuing appeal
in Germany.

Prittie's book attempts to destroy
the myth that all is well in West Ger-

many, while it unhesitatingly accepts
the very worst that can be said about
the Communist East. Coexistence is
discounted; Khrushchev's espousal is
only a "facade" masking a desire for
World conquest. This requires Prittie
to accept the rearmament of West
Germany as a necessary response to
an East German rearmament.

The Portrait of Chanceller Aden-
auer best exemplifies the dilemma of
this book. All his features are clearly
delineated, particularly his rigidity
and authoritarianism. These failings
are overshadowed by the fact that he
finally found respectable allies for
Germany, which previous statesmen
had failed to achieve. Respectable al-
lies, for Prittie, mean allies in the
West rather than in the East.
Adenauer has been a good German,
working towards a civilized and free
World. Yet, further on, we are told
that the Chancellor's rigidity des-
troyed hopes for German unification
(and a Solution to the German ques-
tion) when unification could have
been had on mutually acceptable
terms in 1954. Was this a service to
the West or to Germany? Moreover,
Adenauer 's rigidity was based on a
view of the Communist East which
Prittie also shares. In this book Ger-
mans are accused of ignoring reali-
ties in their demand for lost eastern
territories, but it is the Adenauer gov-
ernment, committed to a free and
civilized world, which has supported
these demands for the sake of domes-
tic political expediency.

The chapter on Adenauer is
placed next to the chapter on neo-
Nazism. Perhaps this is coincidence,
or it may be a desire to underline the
fact that the Chancellor took four
former Nazis into his cabinet. On the
one band, Adenauer fights for free-
dom and civilization, on the other he
seems unable to cope with neo-
Nazism at home. This dilemma is
quite explicit in the book, and it is a
measure of its honest approach. Prittie
is led by his argument to accuse the
German neutralists of playing the
old Opportunist game of attempting
to ally Germany with the East. Yet
the Macmillan plan of thinning out
military strength in central Europe,
which he favors, points in a quite
similar direction. Prittie's hatred of
the East, indeed of socialism, enables
him only to illuminate the German
dilemma; he cannot advance a solu-

Th« PROGRESSIVE

March, 1961

tion. He ends with a vague hope
that a new idealism will develop out
of German freedom.

I£ Prittie had given the Social
Democrats some of their due, if he
had not underplayed the figure of
former President Theodore Heuss,
he might have been able to accom-
plish more. The Social Democrats
lack Adenauer 's authoritarianism and
that emphasis on electoral politics
which makes him seek the support of
the right — while the former Presi-
dent, with his honesty and simple
Swabian manners, became a truly
constructive force in the developing
German democracy. Moreover, Prit-
tie seems to fear a concentration of
economic power in the hands of the
Ruhr industrialists. This could, once
again, lead to the economic domina-
tion of Europe. One might remem-
ber what the industrialist, Hugo
Stinnes, told the head of a patriotic
organizatiton before World War I:
"Give me three or four years of peace
and I will quietly secure German
dominance in Europe." Since Prittie
rejects any kind of socialism, he has
no Solution either for this continuing
problem, except a hope that the
Krupps have reformed.

There is much that is good about
Prittie's book: the very dilemma it
portrays indicates the complexities of
a German problem made even more
difficult by a conviction in the West
that Communism aims at the con-
quest of all Europe by fair means or
foul. His emphasis on the rightist
groups in Germany is important read-
ing. Lunatic fringe groups, small and
cohesive at first, did become the
norm of German {X)litical life during
the great depression. History may not
repeat itself, but in the midst of post-
war German prosperity we cannot be
sure. For Prittie, Germany, with its
restlessness and undigested past, re-
mains an insoluble dilemma in the
heart of Europe, and we, he believes,
had better hope that her prosperity
is maintained at all costs, even that of
economic domination.

This would seem the only conclu-
sion to be drawn from this book, un-
less, of course, Prittie's inflexible
view of the Communist East could be
modified. Unless there is room for
negotiation with the Soviel Union or

East Germany (and Prittie thinks
there is not), Germany divided will
continue to be filled with a potential
"restlessness" which one day might
pose a threat of its own for the West.

Society without Aim

Growing Up Absurd, by Paul
Goodman. Random House. 296 pp.
$4.50.

Review ed by

Richard Schickel

THE FIRST thing that strikes the
reader of Paul Goodman's Grow-
ing Up Absurd is its remarkable style.
It is rare for the writer of social com-
mentary to eschew the middlebrow
journalese which is the conventional
diction of this increasingly populär
quasi-art form and to speak, like an
artist, in a voice that is uniquely his
own. I don't know how to describe,
precisely, the quality of Goodman's
writing, but it accurately reflects the
man, novelist, poet, psychologist and,
above all, independent urban intel-
lectual and all-around man of letters
he has been for many years. Thus, in
this book quotations from the classic
philosophers and the literature of
psychology rub Shoulders with the
argot of the street and of the literary
man. It is all somehow engaging, like
a late evening conversation with a
man who, although not a specialist,
suddenly decides to bring all the
knowledge of his maturity to bear on
a problem you never thought he cared
about and does it with passionate con-
cern, positing idealistic, perhaps uto-
pian answers and ultimately using the
problem as a metaphor for an exami-
nation of the condition of man in
our time.

The style, then, is prima facie evi-
dence that we are in the presence of
a man who is blessedly not a reporter
who must clothe his thought — or
rather, lack of it — in the style ap-
pioved by our journalistic Organiza-
tion in Order to lend it authority.
Further, it is evidence that the writer
is going to do something more than
the Vance Packards of the world
attempt.

Goodman is here ostensibly ad-
dressing himself to the plight of our
youth. Why, he asks, are the kids so
feckless, so lacking in goals and ambi-

tions, so withdrawn from the concems
that animate adult society? Why are
they causeless rebels? And why does
the conventional wisdom fail so dis-
mally in attempting to deal with their
malaise? He suggests, as an historical
approach, that our age is the product
of failed, or half-finished, revolutions
— social, sexual, political, economic,
religious. These aborted revolutions,
begun in a simpler day when a small
ruling class could impose liberal, hu-
mane, individualistic values on a
closed society which, for all its disloca-
tions, had a genuine sense of Commu-
nity, have left us a language which
Sounds noble when we discuss the
Problems of living, but which is ir-
relevant to the reality of our exis-
tence and is worse than useless when
we attempt to couch plans for action
in it. For the socio-economic-political
System which Orders our lives is in-
terested only in production and
profit, and ritualistically invokes the
old language only on State occasions
when it is trying to reassure everyone
that everything is still O.K. The
great mass of men don't, in their
hearts, believe this stuff. The evi-
dence of their eyes teils them it is
untrue. Human cogs, members of the
lonely crowd, lacking a feeling of
their own worth and therefore of
genuine Community spirit based on
mutual respect, shut off from the
realization of manly goals (and even
manly work) through which they
could express their true selves, they
find themselves isolated and rebel-
lious against the System they know^ —
however dimly — is the cause of their
trouble.

In a startling metaphor, Goodman
suggests that our society is a closed
room from which we cannot escape
and in which we seem to be doomed
• either to participate, griping, in the
rat race or condemned to watch it
proceed in a State of horrified
withdrawal.

Goodman's book is profoundly pes-
simistic. But he suggests there is a
glimmer of hope. It lies precisely
where the behavioral problem that so
exercises the system's spokesmen lies.
"All the recent doings of problematic
youth . . . have had the stamp of at
least partially springing from some
existent Situation, whatever it is, and
of responding with direct action,
rather than keeping up appearances
and engaging in phony role playing,"

The PROGRESSIVE

he says. Juvenile gangs, beat and
angry cabals all suggest an attempt to
organize new, small communities
existing outside the larger one, com-
munities in which men can again live
fully as human beings. By opting out
of the System they have sought, and
found, a new, healthier reality. Our
problem is not to encourage the re-
integration of these communities into
our present society but to encourage
more like them, communities cut to
the Scale of man, not of machines and
organizations.

When we have done that, it is pos-
sible that we will discover, just for
example, that "enjoyment is not a
goal, it is a feeling that accompanies
ongoing activity; pleasure . . . is al-
ways dependent on function." Since
man can function well only if he feels
that he, the individual, is important
and what he does is not absurd rou-
tine but vitally important to the
Community, this is an answer not just
to the Problems of juvenile delin-
quency but to the entire existential
problem of our production line
society.

Dour Sholokhov

Harvest on the Don, by Mikhail
Sholokhov. Knopf. 367 pp. $5.

Reviewed by

George Gibian

Two YEARS ago a French Journalist
questioned Mikhail Sholokhov
about his reputation as a very slow
writer. He answered, "You need speed
to catch lice, but not to write books.
It is true they criticized me at the
Union of Writers for publishing too
seldom, but I don't care. I write
slowly."

The lag between the first (1932)
and the second (1959) volumes of the
book known in Russian as Virgin
Soil Upturned may set some kind of
record of slowness in completing a
novel. Seeds of Tomorrow, as its
first part is called in English, was
written by Sholokhov as a digression
during his composition of the sprawl-
ing epic, The Quiet Don. It describes
the experiences of Davidov, a Com-
munist ex-sailor and ex-worker from
Leningrad, who has come to the Cos-
sack countryside in order to help in
the struggle for collectivization of
agriculture. The village where he

March, 1961

settles harbors Underground counter-
revolutionaries, against whom Davi-
dov and his allies struggle. The novel
describes the noble efforts of some
Communists, the excesses of others,
the recalcitrance of peasants, and the
amatory involvements of Davidov.
Its structure is not terminal, but
cyclical. It ends almost as it began,
with a revival of the anti-Bolshevik
conspiracy.

One thing which is certain about
the second volume, Harvest on the
Don, is that it completes the action
with a vengeance. It brings all the
main lines of development of the
first volume to an end with such
finality that nothing demands to be
continued.

Before the book was published in
Russia last year, there were reports
that Soviet authorities disapproved
of the ending, in which, it was said,
Davidov would be arrested and would
commit suicide in prison. There was
even the rumor that Khrushchev him-
self applied pressure to persuade Sho-
lokhov to keep Davidov alive and end
the novel more optimistically. It is
difficult to imagine how any set of
officials could succeed in making the
dour Cossack celebrity write or do
anything against his wishes. But the
whole basis for the conjectures may
have been spurious. True, Davidov
dies. Yet the ending is quite the
opposite of a defeatist, anti-Soviet
one.

Unlike some other recent Soviet
books, Harvest on the Don ends with
a complete victory of the Communist
cause. Davidov is not arrested. The
conspiracy is crushed, its leaders are
apprehended and confess ignomini-
ously. Davidov has shaken off Lushka
Nagulnova, the seductive slut, and
has become engaged to a virginal girl.
He dies a triumphant hero, a Soviet
martyr. In the village of Gremyachy
Log, Soviet power and collective
farming are firmly enthroned. What
more could even a Union of Writers
bureaucrat demand?

This is a robust book, but an un-
even one. It is a novel with several
subplots, lacking a main plot. The
Story of the conspiracy is told inter-
mittently. For chapters on end, it is
submerged under scenes describ-
ing agricultural problem-solving and
Party meetings considering new appli-
cations for membership. The novel
proceeds not with a march, nor even

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EUROPE SUMMER TOURS
255 Sequoia, Box P Pasadena, Calif.

TOUR FOR TEENS

TO EUROPE, July 9-August 24, 1961
FOR STUDENTS, AGES 16-19

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TOUR FOR TEENS
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LIBERALISM
IN TEXAS

• Texas is the source of much corro-
sive, reactionary wealth in American af-
fairs— but also of virile, original liberal
ism.

• THE TEXAS OBSERVER, called "an
eloquent voice of the Texas eggheads"
by The Reporter, has shaken up the whola
politics of the State during the last six
years— has broken State scandals of public
theft and of social neglect— and regularly
proposes reforms of national relevance.

• In addition it offers, on its back
pages, intelligent comment and insight
on "the provincial culture," including
East Texas and the South, and is thus "a
Window to the South."

• The Observer Needs New Subscrlb-
ers.

• Send $5 for one year of dedicated
literate liberalism from Texas to the Ob-
server, 504 West 24th St., Austin, Texas,
with your name and address.

Name ».

Address

City ^

TEARS OF LOVE

Martin Luther King, Jr

A SHIELD FOR THE SHOPPER

Senator Philip A. Hart

SUMMER RIPENESS

Hai Borland

WASHINerON BOARDING HOUSE Peggy Bebie Thomson

■ 'j:"'-**-":;t*?5^;7i''*M^

dlhOUu<>

Tn ONE of the letters in the current People's Forum com-
-■■ menting on George Kirstein's June issue article, "The
Myths of the Small Magazine," Irving Hollingshead of
New Jersey affirms the small magazine's usefulness in
giving readers "a depth of factual knowledge" not found
in mass circulation "populär" magazines.

Copies of "A Century of Struggle" are still available:
fifty Cents a single copy, $1 for three. Quantity rates
will be sent on request. With every new subscription, the
issue is a bonus.

•
"This is what I've been hoping for," said a friend and
long-time subscriber as he waggled a postcard under the
nose of the Editor. "Last year I sent a gift subscription of
The Progressive to the library of my alma mater. This
Card from the library says the university is continuing the
subscription on its own. Why don't you urge every sub-
scriber to send the magazine to bis alma mater?"

We are naturally enthusiastic about this constructive
Suggestion. The Progressive is already on the periodical
shelves of a considerable number of College and univer-
sity libraries. In that setting an impressive assortment of
regulär and lifetime readers were first introduced to the
magazine. "I began reading The Progressive when I was
an undergraduate," or "I found The Progressive useful
when I was doing graduate research and have subscribed
ever since," are familiaf lines in correspondence from
subscribers.

VOLUME 27 NUMBER 7

The

JULY, 1963

FOUNDED IN 1909 BY ROBERT M. LaFOLLETTE,

Sr.

EDITOR

ASSOCIATE EDITOR

BUSINESS MANAGER

OFFICE STAFF

MORRIS H. RUBIN

MARY SHERIDAN

JOHN McGRATH

ARNOLD SERWER

GORDON SINYKIN

ROSE L. REDISKE

HELEN KLEPPE, DOROTHY BEYLER

BETTY HAMRE, ELEANOR WIND

3 EDITORIALS

4 NOTES IN THE NEWS

9 TEARS OF LOVE

Martin Luther King, Jr.

13 A SHIELD FOR THE SHOPPER

Senator Philip A. Hart

15 SUMMER RIPENESS

Hai Borland

18 ADVICE WITHOUT DISSENT.

James A. Wechsler

19 WASHINGTON BOARDING HOUSE

Peggy Bebie Thomson

22 LETTER FROM LEOPOLDVILLE

Susan Brady

25 THE PEOPLE'S FORUM
28 BOOKS

THE PROGRESSIVE makes no attempt to exact complete con-
formlty from Its contributors, but rather welcomes a variety of
opinions consistent with its general policies. Signed articies,
therefore, do not necessarily represent the opinion of the man-
agement of the magazine.

THE PROGRESSIVE is published monthly. Copyright © 1963 by
The Progressive, Inc., 408 West Gorham Street, Madison 3, Wis-
consin. Second-class postage paid at Madison, and Waterloo,
Wisconsin.

SUBSCRIPTION PRICES: U.S. and foreign-One year $5; Two
years $9; Three years $12.

PROGRESSIVE

'Ye shall know the truth

and the truth shall make you free'

The North Is Next

"President Kennedy's decision to
•*- Sponsor — and, hopefully, even to
fight for — long overdue civil rights
legislation represents a heartening
departure from past policy. Confront-
ed with mounting crises that threat-
ened to run out of control and ex-
plode in revolution, Mr. Kennedy
sent Congress a package of civil rights
bills that would go part way toward
providing Negroes with something re-
sembling equality of opportunity on
this lOOth anniversary of the Eman-
cipation Proclamation.

Despite the shrieks of protest from
Southern demagogues and North-
ern tories, the President's program
was a moderate compromise, which
did not measure up to the promise
expressed in his landmark speech to
the nation the night of the crisis at
the University of Alabama. It does
not include Fair Employment Prac-
tices (FEPC) legislation as part of the
Administration's own package. It
iails to expand adequately the power
of the Attorney General to bring le-
gal action against all forms of unlaw-
ful discrimination. Its provisions in
the field of school desegregation are

Jüly, 1963

not nearly so comprehensive as liber-
als had urged.

More constructive and far-sighted
was the President's proposal to seek
alleviation of unemployment among
Negroes by broadening the Federal
Manpower Development and Train-
ing Program, expanding the pending
youth employment bill, and passage
of legislation to spur vocational edu-
cation, among other steps.

Herblock In The Washington Post

"Those Alabama stories are

sickening. Why can't they be

like US and find some nice, refined

way to keep the Negroes out?'

\ii

In contrast to the cool summons to
law and order that had characterized
most of his previous utterances on
race relations, Mr. Kennedy appealed
this time to the conscience of the
country as he emphasized the moral
nature of the crisis. "We are con-
fronted primarily with a moral issue,"
he said. "It is as old as the Scriptures
and is as clear as the American
Constitution."

It was inevitable, given the dra-
matic power of developments in
Dixie, that national attention would
be focused, as it was during the past
month or more, on the crisis in the

And yet social studies is not physics;
the area is broad and undefined; it
already has too many "experts," touches
too many sacred cows, and is the fief

The real question raised by this
Carnegie-sponsored book (with its
inane jacket endorsement from a
Carnegie officer) is what the founda-
tions are going to do — or indeed what
they should do. Back in the Thirties,
Carnegie laid an egg by financing a
massive social studies teaching outline
that no one seems to have followed,
and recently the Ford Foundation bit,
then escaped from the hooks of an am-
bitious but over-promoted project di-
rected at reform in all twelve years, be-
ginning with anthropology in the first
grade. Thus, the timidity of the foun-
dations is understandable. And yet, if
the many smaller projects now under-
way are not encouraged, a great oppor-
tunity will have been missed. Should
Mayer's book generate such encourage-
ixient — and that means money — then it
may turn out to be a most important
contribution to the teaching of social
studies.

Captive Eichmann

Eichmann in Jerusalem; a report
ON THE BANALiTY OF EViL, by Hannah
Arendt. The Viking Press. 275 pp.

15.50.

Reviewed by

George L. Mosse

And yet, a dimension of the Jewish
catastrophe is missing, and it is this
which has caused a storm of criticism.
Miss Arendt is theoretically right but
wrong in practice, especially in her
condemnation oi Jewish collaboration
with the Nazis. She is prone to disap-
prove of any contact between Nazi
and Jew, whether it be Zionist negoti-
ation for emigration or the position
of Jewish leadership in the face of
extinction. She often makes her point
through innuendo: For example, Jew-
ish officials "could be trusted" to
compile deportation lists, and so in-
deed they could. But this is hardly
the point, for what is omitted, and it
is a serious Omission, is a sense of the
extreme Situation in which these of-
ficials found themselves.

THE PROGRESSIVE

In a ''conspiracy case'' anything goes, so

TRY, TRY, AGAIN

IT'S LIKE SOMETHING OUT OF KAFKA . . . almost unreal, yet it's happening. Seven leaders of the Mine, Mill
and Smelter Workers union will be tried again — August 27 — for what? For allegedly "conspiring" sometime between
1949 and 1956 to violate a law that was repealed four years ago and in a case that has already been reversed by a higher
court. That in itself gives the whole thing an aura of unreality. Conspiracy? What conspiracy?

THE RECORD: In November 1956, 14 men
were indicted for conspiring to defraud the
government by filing false non-communistic
afFidavits under the Taft-Hartley law. The
crime allegedly took place between the
years 1949 to 1956. Three of the indicted
men had never even signed afFidavits.

tancy and strivings of labor itself." Norman Thomas wrote:
"It is difFicult to resist the conclusion that (in the Mine-Mill
case) the government was willing to do a little union-busting
in the name of anti-communism under the forms of law."

THEN GAME VINDIGATION . . . March 1962— the U.S. Court of Appeals dismissed charges against two of the
men and reversed the conviction of the remaining seven— on the grounds that the testimony of a professional govern-
ment witness was improperly admitted. Unionists and civil libertarians were positive that this was the end of years
of legal harassment. Surely, everyone thought, the government would not be interested in retrying such an old case,
based on charges involving a section of a law repealed four years earlier.

TRY, TRY, AGAIN

Now decent folk who care are astonished that the Department of Justice announced retrial of the seven remaining
defendants. For the past 12 years this union has been the target of continuous harassment by the government^ Since
1951 and each year since then, right up to the present, there has been some case, or trial, or decision, or other per-
secutive act by Te Justice Department or other govemme nt agency against Mine-Mill. How much longer?

Mine-Mill and its ofFicers, the courts without exception have
held these efForts to have been somehow in error." He
noted that the conspiracy element creates "emotionally-
tinged" charges, and closed by saying: "Our government
ought not to stand guilty of diminishing our political free-
doms by these indirect methods."

AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION Executive Director John
de J. Pemberton, Jr., last year wrote to Attorney General
Robert F. Kennedy, noting that the Court of Appeals in Den-
ver had earlier reversed the conviction, urging that the prose-
cution be abandoned. He said, "It is noteworthy that hard
as the government tries to exact damaging sanctions against

YOUR HELP IS NEEDED: You can help stop this persecution
of one of the oldest unions in America— a union that is cele-
brating its 70th Anniversary this year. At the same time, you
can ioin the fight to end use of the "conspiracy" charge as a
weapon against labor. Will you write or wire Attorney Genera
Robert Kennedy asking him to drop this case? Will you aid
this long-embattled union in its defense? Can we count on you
for help?

I
I
I
I

Enclosed find my contribution toward
Mine-Mill defense.

Name

Address.

I City State

■ Mail to:

■ MINE^ILL DEFENSE COMMIHEE
■941 East 17th Ave. Denver 18, Colo.

Fifteen international unions representing six million unionists have aslced the Attorney
General to stop this persecution! Won't you/

What she has to say about the trial
itself has also caused violent criti-
cism, but here one can rise to her
defense for she does understand Eich-
mann and his place in the whole
dreadful story. Gideon Hauser, the
prosecutor, did attempt to assign to
Eichmann the principal role in the
final Solution, to paint him as a Sad-
ist and monster. Through such an
unhistorical approach he missed the
most damning point of all, that Eich-
mann was "terrifyingly normal," that
he was indeed a new type of criminal
so captive to an ideology that quite
literally he did not know what he
was doing when judged by the ac-
cepted canons of civilized law. As
Miss Arendt also points out, the legal
formula of "intent of guilt" — action
taken with intention — is devoid of
meaning in this context. This is the
true terror represented by Eichmann
the man. His was a seif deception
which was shared by most of the
German nation. This latter point
was lost in the trial through the ef-

Put US in your
moving picture

before you move
please send us
your old address

as well as your new one

The Progressive

Madison, Wisconsin

fort to spare the sensibilities of the
Adenauer government, a point about
which Miss Arendt is rightfuUy

scornful.

How could Eichmann have been
tried differently? To this the book
gives an answer only in moral and
not in legal terms. We cannot be ex-
pected to share our small planet with
such men. If Eichmann was indeed
symbolic for the "new type" of man
living under modern totalitarianism,
then this is small comfort indeed,
for the modern trend towards allegi-
ance to national ideology rather than
universal Standards of thought sur-
vived his death. In giving us our
best understanding of Eichmann the
man, Miss Arendt has rendered a
distinct service, cutting through the
emotionalism of the trial, even though
she has failed to understand those
caught by the terror which he
served so well and without pangs of
conscience.

Washington Negroes

DusK AT THE MOUNTAIN, by Hayues
Johnson. Doubleday. 273 pp. $4.50

Reviewed by

Laurence Stern

"TT IS difficult," writes Haynes John-

son, "to write with objectivity
about the Negro, for in the end all
racial relationships are personal." Yet
what is so disturbing about this book
is its tone of virginal objectivity, its
failure to give birth to a point of view.
As a reporter, Johnson has done a
good-hearted, chaste, conscientious
Job of fact-gathering. An enormous
amount of personal interviewing,
reading, and patient legwork has gone
into the making of his book. The
bibliography attests to it. But he ends
up telling US what we should already
know if we have had our eyes and
ears open — that Negroes in Washing-
ton (or for that matter any major
city) are victims of double prices and
credit extortion whether in shoes or
shelter; that they are expropriated
rather than helped by urban renewal
projects intended to redeem their en-
vironment; that they are barred
from suburbia and middle class
employment.

Johnson teils us these things with
the thoroughness of a good reporter
who might have been sent out to
Cover a plane crash, a fire, or a mur-
der. He interviews the cops, the sur-
vivors, the eyewitnesses, and puts it
all down on his note päd. The reader
is given the benefit of Johnson's sü-
perb note-taking. What is missing is
the all-important interaction between
the brain and the viscera before the
fingers hit the keys. We might not
expect to find this quality in a news-
paper series, such as the one that in-
spired Diisk at the Mountain. But —
one way or the other — one does ex-
pect the author to lay it on the line
once freed of the meddlesome re-
straints of copy desks, editors, and
ever-twitching front-office counsel.

Many anonymous voices whisper

through the pages of this book on

Washington's Negroes— anonymous,

the author insists, so that his subjects

may speak out candidly. Hear the

frankly bigoted Dixiecrat who rules

Washington's legislative roost on

Capitol Hill. Listen to the mother of

seven illegitimate children on the

city welfare dole speak of casual forni-

cation. Meet the status-hungry, upper

crust Negro who lives in splendid

alienation from his own heritage and

the white world he covecs. Somehow

this mosaic of disembodied conversa-

tions never seems to pull together,

perhaps because the author's voice is

largely absent from the babel.

Spellbound

The Unicorn, by Iris Murdoch.
Viking. 311 pp. $5.

Reviewed by

Donald Emerson

MISS Murdoch's seventh novel re-
sembles A Severed Head in its
intricate pattern of personal relation-
ships and An Unofficial Rose in the
moral seriousness of its subject. But
for all the family traits, this latest

THE PROGRESSIVE

(ADVERTISEMENT)

"Tomorrow Well All Be Geniuses

f»

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own mind is the equal of the greatest minds of
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July, 1963

See why all new observations of fact have
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Observe and act! Enjoy to the füll the bene-
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You'll realize as you read this book why the
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f I

Germany Dlvlded! The Legacy of the Wazi Era, by Terenca Prittle, Llttle»
Brown and Company, Boston, 38 1 PP« $6.00.

Has the old German "restlessness*' been dlaslpated by a Short decade of
good llvlng? It is to thls Important question that Mr. Prittle addresaes
hlmself In thls book. Eis analysls Is lllustrate4 by a plthy and sutnmary re*
vlew of the news storles emerglng from post war Germany, a method maklng for
both Interestlng and smooth readlng. Prittle anawers hls own question In
the negative. Much space Is devoted to the Imperfectlon wlth whlch Germany
dlgested the lessons of the past (in I953 an American survey found that kki^
of the Population saw more good than bad In National Soclallsm), and to the
rlghtlst groups whlch have had a contlnulng appeal In Germany. Much of thls
Is attrlbuted an "anarchy of mlnd" still dlsorlented by past catastrophles.

Though the plcture he palnts of Germany is far from a rosy one, he con«
front s a dllemma falrly typlcal for hls approach to the German question. The
book attempts to destroy the myth that all Is well In West Germany, whlle
unhesltatlngly acceptlng the very worst that can be sald about the Communlst
East. Coexistence Is dlscounted; Kruschev^S espousal of It is only a "facade"
masklng a deslre for world conquest. Thus Prittle has to accept the rearm-
«Mnt of West Germany as a necessary response to an East German rearmanent
whlch is led by generals who once were Mazl sattelltes. Of course, western
generals llke Speldel and Heus Singer had qulte slmllar careers. If the menace
of Communlsm Is as presslng as Prittle belleves it i8| such cons Iderat Ions
should be beslde the point. The portralt of Adenauer best exempllfies the

dll

of the book. All the Chancellor's worst features are clearly dellneated.

partlcularly hls rlgldlty and authorltarlanism. These falllngs are overshadowed
by the fact that he flnally found respectable allles for Germany, somethlng
prevlous statesmen had falled to do. Respectable allles, for Prittle, means
allles In the West rather than In the East. Adenauer has been a good German,

worklng towards a civil Ized and free vor id. Yet^ further on, we are Cold
that tha Chancellor'a rigidity dastroyed hopes for German unification (and
« Solution to the German question) when unification could have been had on
mutually acceptable terms in 19^4. Was thls a Service to the West or to
Germany? Moreover, Adenauer 's rigidity was based on a view of the Comnunist
East vhich Prittie also shares. In this book Germans are accused of ignor-
ing realities (typically German, Prittie thinks) in their demand for lost
eastern territories, but it is the Adenauer government, committed to a free
and civilized world, which has supported these demands for the sake of a
dornest ic political expediency,

The chapter on Adenauer is placed right next to the chapter on neo-
Nazism. Perhaps this is coincidence or again it may be a desire to under*
line the fact that the Chancellor took four former Nazis into his cabinet.

On the one hand Adenauer fights for freedom and civilization, on the other
he seems unable to cope with neo^Nazism at home« This dilemma is quite
explicit in the book, and it is a measure of the book 's honest approach.
Prittie is led by his argument to accuse the German neutralista of playing
the old Opportunist game of attempting to ally Germany with the East. Yet
the McMillan plan of thinning out military strength in central Europa , which
he favorsy points in a quite similar direction« His hatred of the East»
indeed of social ism, (if the side coBiaants on the Labour party are any indi-
cation) enable the author only to illuminate the German dilemma; he cannot
advance a Solution. Prittie ends with a vague hope that a new ideal ism will
develop out of German freedom« citing one anti-climactic example of a socially
conscious German (there have aurely always been such).

If he had given the Social Democrats some of their due, if he had not
even underplayed the figure of former President Theodore Heuss, he might

have b«en able to do more. The Social Oomocrats l.ck Adanauer'« authorltarian-
In and that «mphasis on alectoral poUtlca whlch makea hia aeek the aupport
of the rlght-whHe the foraer »resident, wlth hl« honeaty and «imple Swablan
manner», became a truly constructlve force in the developlng German deaocracy.
Moreover, Prlttle seems to fear a concentratlon of economic power In the
band« of the Ruhr industrlallata. Thls could, once agaln, lead to the econo-
mic domlnatlon of Europe. One mlght remember what the Induatrlallat , Hugo
Stlnnes, told the head of a patrlotlc Organization before the flrst world war:
"Glve me three or four years of peace and I will quletly aecure German doml-
nance In Europe." Slnce Prlttle rejects any klnd of soclall.m he has no
Solution for thls contlnulng problem, except a hope that the Krupps have
reformed.

There Is much that Is good about the book: the very dllenma It portrays
Indlcatas the complexltles of a German problem made even more dlfflcult by
a convlctlon In the West that Communlsm aims at the conquest of all lurope
by fair means or foul. Hls emphasis on the rlghtist groups In Germany 1«
Important readlng. Lunatlc fr Inge groups, small and cohenslve at flrst, dld
become the norm of German polltlcal Ufe during the great depresslon. Hls-
tory may not repeat Itself , but In the mldst of post-war German prosperlty
we cannot be sure. For Prlttle Germany, wlth Its restlessness and undlgested
paat, remalns an Insoluble dlleoma In the heart of Europe and we had better
hope that her prosperlty Is maintalned at all costs. even that of economic
domlnatlon.

Thls would seem the only concluelon to be drawn from thls book, unless,
of course, Prlttle 's Inflexible vlew of the Connunlst East could be modlfled.
Onless there la room for negotlatlon wlth the Sovlet Union or East Germany
(and Prlttle thlnk« there Is not) Germany dlvlded will contlnue to be fllled
wlth a Potential "reatle.anea." which, one day, mlght pos« a threat of Its
own for the West.

|«J -^ t^-J>l

. ~*^^ ^.^— ^T

. - .<;^.. ,,

G«org« L. HoBBm

'I^TtilTi'titV'ltrrMft-rMirMiw

nany of the misconceptions spread
iy a hostile press. As a record of a
third party's rise and fall, the book
is a precise and carefully-researched
record. It is also the story of a
"quixotic Crusade" waged by some
sincere idealists for high goals, and of
quite another kind, steered by manip-
ulators and cynics.

Fighting Li

Oswald Garrison Villard. Liber-
al OF THE 1920's, by D. Joy Humes.
Syracuse University Press. $4.50.

/ Reviewed by

f^ Norman Thomas

In fairness to her hero, and to her
own avowed intention, I think she
should have done a more adequate
biographical job. Her method is
strictly topical. Thus, we have "The
American Liberal Tradition," "A
Liberal's Concern for Individual
Freedom," "Noblesse Oblige, a Lib-
eral Interpretation," and so on. Her
division is a bit arbitrary and plays
havoc with chronology. The reader
who might be interested in following
Villard's life grows dizzy by the back
and forth method of recording events
in it. One gets no real picture of the
man by this process or of the nature
of his human contacts. There is no
mention of his wife and family or of
the notable Company of associates he
gathered around him in his long edi-
torial career.

Miss Hume tries to set the stage for
her account of Villard's life by dis-
c^issing briefly his family background
and "the American liberal tradition."

March, 1961

Sh^ returns to this business of relat-'
ing the man to his time in the last
chapter entitled, "Last of the Liber-
ais?" Her analysis of American lib-
eralism is in general correct but lack-
ing in depth. She presents her subject
sympathetically, and she has made, I
gather, a careful use of her sources.
Her quotations are well chosen and
give some insight into the man and
his ideas. Her report of the nature
and variety of Villard's activities and
interests is informative. But Miss
Humes does little to help us under-
stand the man. She offers no serious
study of the relation of his pacifism
to his thinking on political matters.
This was for him of an importance
which forced him to agonizing ap-
praisals and reappraisals. She does
not discuss the sadness of his later
years during World War II when his
health greatly reduced his activities
and his pacifism cut him off from
som« old friends.

Nevertheless, the book is easy to
read and contains useful information.
I should, however, refer anyone
deeply interested to read Villard's
autobiography, published in 1939, en-
titled Fighting Years.

Dileinma in Germ^y

rERMANY Divided: The Lecacy^f
THE Nazi Era, by Terence Pritti^.
Little, Brown. 381 pp. |6.

Reviewed by

>sse

TT AS THE old German "resr.lessness"
-■--■- been dissipated by a short decade
of good living? It is to this important
question that Terence Prittie ad-
dresses himself in this book; he an-
swers his own question in the nega-
tive. His analysis is illustrated by a
pithy and summary review of the
news stories emerging from postwar
Germany, a method which makes for
smooth and interesting reading.
Much Space is devoted to the failure
with which Germany digested the
lessons of the past (in 1953 an Ameri-
jcan survey found that forty-four per
icent of the population saw more
Igood than bad in National Social-
ism), and to the rightist groups
Ivhich have had a continuing appeal
in Germany.

Prittie's book attempts to destroy
the myth that all is well in West Ger-

many, while it unhesitat
the very worst that can ^lu

the Communist East. Coexiste
discounted; Khrushchev's espouj.
only a "facade" masking a desire
World conquest. This jrequires Pn»
to accept the rearmament of We:»
Germany as a necessary response to
an East German rearmament.

The Portrait of Chanceller Aden-
auer best exemplifies the dilemma of
this book. All his features are clearly
delineated, particularly his rigidity
and authoritarianism. These failings
are overshadowed by the fact that he
finally found respectable allies for
Germany, which previous statesmen
had failed to achieve. Respectable al-
lies, for Prittie, mean allies in the
West rather than in the East.
Adenauer has been a good German,
working towards a civilized and free
World. Yet, further on, we are told
that the Chancellor's rigidity des-
troyed hopes for German unification
(and a Solution to the German ques-
tion) when unification could have
been had on mutually acceptable
terms in 1954. Was this a service to
the West or to Germany? Moreovci,
Adenauer's rigidity was based on a
\iew of the Communist East which
Prittie also shares. In this book Ger-
mans are accused of ignoring reali-
ties in their demand for lost eastern
territories, but it is the Adenauer gov-
ernment, committed to a free and
civilized world, which has supported
these demands for the sake of domes-
tic political expediency.

The chapter on Adenauer is
placed next to the chapter on neo-
Nazism. Perhaps this is coincidence,
or it may be a desire to underline the
fact that the Chancellor took four
former Nazis into his cabinet. On the
one hand, Adenauer fights for free-
dom and civilization, on the other he
seems unable to cope with neo-
Nazism at home. This dilemma is
quite explicit in the book, and it is a
measure of its honest approach. Prittie
is led by his argument to accuse the
German neutralists of playing the
old Opportunist game of attempting
to ally Germany with the East. Yet
the Macmillan plan of thinning out
military strength in central Europe,
which he favors, points in a quite
similar direction. Prittie's hatred of
the East, indeed of socialism, enables
him only to illuminate the German
dilemma; he cannot advance a solu-

ds with a vague hope
a»s^ lealism will develop out
rman freedom.

Prittie had given the Social
mocrats some of their due, i£ he
a not underplayed the figure of
-ormer President Theodore Heuss,
he mieht have been able to accom-
plish more. The Social Democrats
lack Adenauer 's authoritarianism and
that emphasis on electoral politics
which makes him seek the support of
the right — while the former Presi-
dent, with his honesty and simple
Swabian manners, became a truly
constructive force in the developing
German democracy. Moreover, Prit-
tie seems to fear a concentration of
economic power in the hands of the
Ruhr industrialists. This could, once
again, lead to the economic domina-
tion of Europe. One might remem-
ber what the industrialist, Hugo
Stinnes, told the head of a patriotic
prganizatiton before World War I:
I Give me three or four years of peace
fand I will quietly secure German
Idominance in Europe." Since Prittie
Jrejects any kind of socialism, he has
|»^.o Solution either for this continuing
ilproblem, except a hope that the
I Krupps have reformed.

There is much that is good about
Prittie's book: the very dilemma it
portrays indicates the complexities of
a German problem made even more
difficult by a conviction in the West
that Communism aims at the con-
quest of all Europe by fair means or
foul. His emphasis on the rightist
groups in Germany is important read-
ing. Lunatic fringe groups, small and
cohesive at first, did become the
norm of German jx)litical life during
the great depression. History may not
repeat itself, but in the midst of post-
war German prosperity we cannot be
sure. For Prittie, Germany, with its
restlessness and undigested past, re-
mains an insoluble dilemma in the
heart of Europe, and we, he believes,
had better hope that her prosp>erity
is maintained at all costs, even that of
economic domination.

*East Germany (and Prittie thinks
there is not), Germany divided will
continue to be filled with a potential
"restlessness" which one day might
pose a threat of its own for the West.

Society without Aim

Growing Up Absurd, by Paul
Goodman. Random House. 296 pp.
$4.50.

Reviewed by

Richard Schickel

n^HE FIRST thing that strikes the
■■- reader of Paul Goodman's Grow-
ing Up Absurd is its remarkable style.
It is rare for the writer of social com-
mentary to eschew the middlebrow
journalese which is the conventional
diction of this increasingly populär
quasi-art form and to speak, like an
artist, in a voice that is uniquely his
own. I don't know how to describe,
precisely, the quality of Goodman's
writing, but it accurately reflects the
man, novelist, poet, psychologist and,
above all, independent urban intel-
lectual and all-around man of letters
he has been for many years. Thus, in
this book quotations from the classic
philosophers and the literature of
psychology rub Shoulders with the
argot of the street and of the literary
man. It is all somehow engaging, like
a late evening conversation with a
man who, although not a specialist,
suddenly decides to bring all the
knowledge of his maturity to bear on
a problem you never thought he cared
about and does it with passionate con-
cern, positing idealistic, perhaps uto-
pian answers and ultimately using the
problem as a metaphor for an exami-
nation of the condition of man in
our time.

Goodman is here ostensibly ad-
dressing himself to the plight of our
youth. Why, he asks, are the kids so
feckless, so lacking in goals and ambi-

tions, so withdrawn from the concem
that animate adult society? Why ar
they causeless rebels? And why does
the conventional wisdom fail so dis-
mally in attempting to deal with their
malaise? He suggests, as an historical
approach, that our age is the product
of failed, or half-finished, revolutions
- — social, sexual, political, economic,
religious. These aborted revolutions,
begun in a simpler day when a small
ruling class could impose liberal, hu-
mane, individualistic values on a
closed society which, for all its disloca-
tions, had a genuine sense of Commu-
nity, have left us a language which
Sounds noble when we discuss the
Problems of living, but which is ir-
relevant to the reality of our exis-
tence and is worse than useless when
we attempt to couch plans for action
in it. For the socio-economic-political
System which Orders our lives is in-
terested only in production and
profit, and ritualistically invokes the
old language only on State occasions
when it is trying to reassure everyone
that everything is still O.K. The
great mass of men don't, in their
hearts, believe this stuff. The evi-
dence of their eyes teils them it is
untrue. Human cogs, members of the
lonely crowd, lacking a feeling of
their own worth and therefore of
genuine Community spirit based on
mutual respect, shut off from the
realization of manly goals (and even
manly work) through which they
could express their true selves, they
find themselves isolated and rebel-
lious against the System they know —
however dimly — is the cause of their
trouble.

In a startling metaphor, Goodman
suggests that our society is a closed
room from which we cannot escape
and in which we seem to be doomed
either to participate, griping, in the
rat race or condemned to watch it
proceed in a State of horrified
withdrawal.

Th« PROGRESSiVf

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THE ^''^' 50 CENTS DECEMBER 1960

PROGRESSIVE

Melvin Martin

CUBA'S COUNTER-REVOLUTION

James O'Connor

CIVIL DEFENSE:

BILLION DOLLAR BOONOOGGLE

Senator Stephen M. Young

dZI/Htau^

SANTA Claus came early to The Progressive this year, in
the person of the postman who in mid-November
delivered the contributions and pledges that put The
Progressive's Membership Campaign over the top. Con-
tributions on hand and pledges of early payments now
exceed the goal of $30,000 needed to assure uninterrupted
publication throughout 1961.

In past years, as in this one, the loyalty and generosity
of the readers and Members of The Progressive have,
without exception, enabled us to reach our goal. But
never before have we reached it so early. The response to
our appeal was so prompt and generous that our hard-
pressed staff was overwhelmed at times, and frequently
feil behind in acknowledging and recording Membership
contributions.

It says something of our contributors thät they have
established such a record in the midst of a momentous
election campaign in which many of them were spending
a great deal of time, effort — and money. Perhaps it was a
sense of the urgency of the times that prompted such an
immediate and generous outpouring of the financial aid
so vital to the magazine.

An urgent note was sounded in many of the heartwarm-
ing letters of encouragement and praise that accompanied
many contributions. A San Francisco subscriber, for in-
stance, wrote: "I've been saving for my retirement, several
years off, but I might as well share with you. If The Pro-
gressive were to go under, it might well be a sign in these
dangerous times that we would all go under. Keep up
the good work."

Another contributor wrote: "I am worried of the fu-
ture. If Kennedy wins, we shall need The Progressive to
keep him faithful to the platform. If Nixon wins, we
shall need The Progressive even more desperately as a
beacon light. My contribution is an investment in my
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But whatever lay behind the readers' prompt reply to
our Membership appeal, the Editors and the staff of The
Progressive deeply appreciate the generous response of
the many thousands of loyal Members who have pooled
their resources for a magnificent rescue mission.

To all those who are taking advantage of the special
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we address a friendly request: Please send Christmas gift
Orders as early as possible, so the staff will have time to
give your order the careful attention it deserves. There's
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VOLUME 24 NUMBER 12

The PROGRESSIVE

FOUNDED IN 1909 BY ROBERT M. LaFOLLETTE, Sr.

DECEMBER, 1960

EDITOR

ASSOCIATE EDITOR

BUSINESS MANAGER

OFFICE STAFF

MORRIS H. RUBIN

MARY SHERIDAN

JOHN McGRATH

GORDON SINYKIN

ROSE L. REDISKE

HELEN KLEPPE, DOROTHY BEYLER

BETTY HAMRE, ELEANOR WIND

3 THE NEXT FOUR MONTHS

Editorial

5 NOTES IN THE NEWS

8 CUBA'S COUNTER-REVOLUTION

James O'Connor

1 2 DID THE PRESS KILL CARYL CHESSMAN?

Melvin Martin

18 CIVIL DEFENSE:

BILLION DOLLAR BOONDOGGLE

Senator Stephen M. Young

21 THE FORCES BEHIND

THE GROWTH DEBATE

Edward T. Chase

24 HITLER IN NEW YORK

David AAcReynolds

27 LAUGHTER IN THE DARK

AAurray Kempten

29 COMING CONFLICT OVER

THE HOUSE RULES COMMITTEE

James A. Robinson

34 THE NEW NEGRO ON SCREEN

Martin S. Dworkin

36 THE PEOPLE'S FORUM

38 BOOKS

THE PROGRESSIVE is published nwnthly. Copyright 1960 by
The Progressive, Inc., 408 West Gorham Street, AAadison 3, Wis-
consin. Second-class postage paid at Madison, and Waterloo,
Wisconsin.

SUBSCRIPTION PRICES: U. S. and foreign-One year $5; Two
years $9; Three years $12. Trial subscription (for new subscribers
only)— Ten months $3.

^•^ ,1

'Ye shall know the truth

and the truth shall make you free'

The Next Four Months

THE NEXT four months will answer
some of the questions and re-
solve at least a few of the doubts of
those who voted for Senator John F.
Kennedy with hopeful hearts and
troubled minds. It will take much
longer than that, of course, to form a
considered judgment about the Ken-
nedy Administration. But there will
be helpful clues during the next thir-
ty days when he makes his major ap-
pointments, and thereafter during the
first one hundred days of his Admin-
istration when, by his own judgment,
he must, for the rest of the long road,
Chart the course and set the style of
his Presidency.

The pressures from the far Right
and the cautious moderates are tre-
mendous. They are contending that
the extraordinary closeness of the out-
come robs President-elect Kennedy of
a progressive mandate and demands
of him the formation of something
called a "national government" which
would freeze the Status quo for the
next four years.

We can conceive of no greater re-
jection of the platform on which he
ran than for Kennedy to succumb to
this kind of humbug, and we feel
reasonably confident he won't. The
heart of his victorious appeal to the
electorate was that we must "move
ahead" toward progressive goals. His
is now the power to lead in that di-
rection, however slim the margin of
victory, and it would be a bitter be-
trayal of the very forces in America
that did elect him if he should be
conned into believing and acting on
the notion that the nearly fifty per
Cent who voted for his Opponent were
opposed to the liberal program on
which Kennedy staked his candidacy.

No one, it seems to us, who has
read Vice President Nixon's campaign
Speeches, and more importantly, his
Position papers, can evade the con-

clusion that for weeks he edged and
then in the final days galloped toward
a progressive position designed to
close the ideological gap between
Kennedy and himself. Differences per-
sisted, to be sure, but on almost every
issue Nixon finally promised some-
thing almost as liberal as Kennedy
had. To argue that Nixon's strong
showing in second place represents a
nearly fifty per cent rejection by the
people of the liberal Democratic plat-
form ignores the readily demonstrable
fact that Nixon feit obliged to em-
brace a "me too, but — " position
on the progressive pledges of his
Opponent.

The fatal ambivalence of those who
insist that Kennedy's tight squeeze
means the country does not want a
liberal program was best illustrated
by one of our ablest and most honest
defenders of the Status quo, The Wall
Street Journal. A few days after the

election, the Journal asserted editori-
ally that "the narrowness of the vote
is the central fact of the election. It
says, in clear voice, that the package
of the New Deal-Fair Deal philosophy
. . . no longer has the power to sweep
the country." But two columns away
on the same page of the same issue,
the same paper acknowledged that if
the "New Deal-Fair Deal philosophy"
did not sweep the whole country with
Kennedy, it swept the rest of the
country with Nixon. "Conservatives
everywhere," said The Wall Street
Journal, "winced as he [Nixon] pro-
posed proposals to match every
liberal Kennedy program." (Emphasis
added.)

Herblock In The Washington Post

—And Now the Reports from Africa,

Asia, Latin America, and the

Middle East . . ."

Despite the loss of two Senate and
twenty-four House seats, the President
will command substantial Democratic
majorities in both Chambers. But the
casualty list includes some of the
most forward-looking freshmen in the
old House, including half the mem-
bers of the Liberal Project, estab-
lished to serve as a progressive
pressure force within the Democratic
Party. Two of the Project's ablest and
most articulate spokesmen for liberal-
ism at home and a more creative for-
eign policy abroad, Representatives
William Meyer of Vermont and By-
ron Johnson of Colorado, feil before
the Republican tide that ran heavily
in their states, although both ran well
ahead of Kennedy. Happily, however,
the chairman of the Liberal Project,
Wisconsin's Robert Kastenmeier, one
of the brightest stars on the freshman
team of 1958, won handsomely, more
than doubling his margin of two years
ago. Kastenmeier, who represents The
Progressive's home district, won de-
spite the Wisconsin trend toward Nix-
on and in the face of a vicious,
McCarthy-style Republican campaign
that sought to equate his vote against
conscription, his struggle for disarm-
ament, and his leadership in behalf

December, 1960

made research and discovery seem ex-
citing and adventurous, so much so
that they sold upwards of thirty mil-
lion copies over the three decades of
Tom's existence.

But even Tom Swift could not go
on forever. After Stratemeyer's death
there was an obvious falling-off in the
quality of the series, and the last few
were no more than weak science
fiction. Furthermore, new heroes
and new formulas appeared — Tarzan,
Bück Rogers, Terry and the Pirates,
and the dime-novel Western tradi-
tion, freshly laundered and made re-
spectable by Roy Rogers, Gene Autry,
and the Lone Ranger. Most of all,
there was not much left for Tom to
invent. Jet fiight, atomic research,
and the explorations of space were
simply too much for him. A victim
of technological unemployment, Tom
ended his career in a house trailer
(Tom Swift and His House on
Wheels), in rather inglorious contrast
to the speedy motorcycles and giant
planes of his youth. Worst of all, he
married Mary Nestor after thirty
years of courtship and sealed his own
fate. Boys will forgive many faults in
their heroes, but domesticity is not
one of them.

In 1954, Grossett and Dunlap,
Stratemeyer's original publishers,
Started a Tom Swift Junior series.
The youngster so far has invented,
among other things, Tomasite plastic
(to make casings for nuclear reactors),
a Swift Spectograph that analyzes any-
thing in an instant, and a Damon-
scope (Bless Mr. Damonl) that detects
fluorescence in space. But to those
who knew his father, there is some-
thing lacking that Tom and Ned and
their cohorts had — a directness, per-
haps, a comprehensibility and boyish-
ness that made them the reader's
friends and contemporaries.

Tom and Ned and Mr. Dämon
lived in a predictable, controllable
World of honest motors that used
piain gasoline and could be fixed
with baling wire when they broke
down during the big race. Tom
Junior moves with cold efficiency in
a World of thermocoupled audio-
philes, non-absorptive space filters,
and interstellar drives. It is a much
more complicated world than the one
Tom and we knew, and a little fright-
ening in its vastness and intricacy.
Our Tom's world is old hat, out-
moded, dead. Yet even after a half-

Century there is still a call to the
blood of this balding generation in
those electric words, " 'Stopl' cried
Ned. 'What is that mysterious flash-
ing red light?' " or " 'Look out,'
snarled Andy Foger in a vicious tone
of voice, 'or I'll run you downl' "

Hitler's Germany

The Rise and Fall of the Third
Reich. A History of Nazi Germany,
by William L. Shirer. Simon and
Schuster. 1245 pp.

Reviewed by

George L. Mosse

The detailed nature of this history
of the Third Reich necessarily
exercises a fascination over the
reader, for William L. Shirer writes
well and with conviction. Empha-
sizing the years after 1937, his book
describes the Coming of the war and
the war itself. Thus, foreign and mili-
tary policies bulk in the foreground.
The book is centered upon Adolf
Hitler's role as the guiding spirit of,
and the key to, the Third Reich, and
rightly so.

For the most part Shirer has widely
documented his text, though the
early chapters rely to a great extent
upon a history of the Nazi party writ-
ten in the Thirties. It is a scholarly
book, yet one füll of indignation;
Shirer obviously holds in abhorrence
everything about the Third Reich,
and he makes no bones about it. But
though thoroughly understandable,
the author's indignation does tend to
get in the way of his analyses, par-
ticularly when it is unfortunately
combined with a doubtful view of
German history.

Shirer places the blame for what
happened squarely on the Germans.
That might be acceptable, but it
leads him into attributing to them,
in distorted degree, such national
qualities as slavish obedience to the
State and clumsiness in diplomacy.
Such an approach, especially as it
tends to ignore the deep-running so-
cial and economic forces at work, is
not very helpful in explaining Na-
tional Socialism fifteen years after its
demise. Moreover, these national
characteristics are attributed to a his-
torical development in which Luther,
as well as Prussia, is said to have
played a leading role. The section on

the churches, for example, deals ex-
clusively with Protestantism but
makes no mention of the fact that the
first organized protest against the
National Socialism regime came from
the Prussian State church.

My criticism is not mere academic
pettiness; because of his approach
Shirer's discussion of National So-
cialism ignores an essential point
without which one cannot under-
stand the movement. No wonder that
in analyzing Hitler's ideas (exclu-
sively through Mein Kampf), he
Stands in indignation and bewilder-
ment before the fact that millions of
Germans embraced such a "hodge-
podge" of ideas, "concocted by a half-
baked neurotic." This seems fantastic
in the face of what he calls the "nor-
mal mind of the Twentieth Century."

This is the crux of the issue. For
Shirer, the normal mind of our Cen-
tury is one which combines love for
individual freedom with a belief in
the power of reason. Thus, Ger-
many's Third Reich can be explained
only by means of a peculiarly German
tradition of obedience to the State —
a belief in the supremacy of the State
that National Socialism actually re-
jected in favor of the supremacy of
the ideology. The word "German"
was expunged from "German Aryan"'
because it made the Nazi ideology too
provincial. Himmler dreamed of an
international elite of Aryan super-
men who would rule the world not
from Germany but from a revived
Burgundy.

What Shirer seems to forget is that
many Europeans in the postwar
world, hungry and alienated from a
rotting Society, were only too glad to
sacrifice individual freedom to the
sense of belonging and fulfillment
which in this case National Socialism
promised, however fraudulently. As
one eminent professor put it: "Na-
tional Socialism gave meaning once
more to life." It is incorrect to say,
as does Shirer, that Germany stressed
the State and not the individual per-
son. Nazi ideology saw itself as the
ultimate fulfillment of the individual
through his integration with a cause,
a higher purpose. This is far indeed
from Bismarck or Luther; it is, how-
ever, closely related to all of Fascism
in the Twentieth Century.

Neither moral indignation nor dis-
torted emphasis on national character
can be substituted for analysis. One

Th« PROGRESSIVE

must realize that such a view of the
individual is basic to that totalita-
rianism which has given its impress
to contemporary Europe. Many an
American like Shirer finds it diffi-
cult to grasp that the horror that
swept over Europe was not madness
at all in any clinical sense. The mil-
lions who espoused the Fascist cause
were neither misfits nor neurotics.
Undoubtedly, this is a frightening
fact; but it demonstrates just how
thin the veneer of rationalism and
individualism is in the Twentieth
Century. It cracked, in many parts
of Europe, under the first great crisis.
More to the point than Shirer's analy-
sis of German history is the fact that
few between the two wars defended
representative and parliamentary gov-
ernment anywhere in Europe. The
feeling was widespread that the
bourgeois era which this form of
government supposedly typified was
finished.

Those who are fascinated by this
narrative might well ponder these
facts; they go far to explain it. Per-
haps Shirer left himself too little
room in discussing the early history
of the movement. All these issues
were debated then, and it was only
by the narrowest of margins that Hit-
ler triumphed during these early
struggles for power and ideology. It
was at this time that he got his real
political training.

Obedience to the regime was always
accompanied by internal struggles
within the victorious party leader-
ship. In the absence of a working
parliament these struggles consti-
tuted the interplay of forces and
pressure groups within a totalitarian
regime. Even National Socialism,
dominated as it was by Adolf Hitler,
was never quite so monolithic as
Shirer makes it out to be. But this is
relatively minor compared with my
main point. The history of the Third
Reich has a deeper significance for us
than this skillful narrative of its
events would seem to indicate. Why,
in the period between the two world
wars, were the only alternatives for
so many of the best minds of Europe
either Marxism or Fascism? We still
need to know more about why this
should have been so, for the presence
of these alternatives, in the end, con-
stitutes the significance of the nearly
victorious Third Reich. It needs to
be explained; we must know what to

December, 1960

WILLIAM L. SHIRER calls this book:

ONE OF THE MOST FANTASTIC AND
EXCITING STORIES I HAVE EVER READ.

rvi

MINISTER OF DEATH

The Adolf Eithmann Story

by QUENTIN REYNOLDS

and Ephraim Katz and Zwy Aldouby

"It is a thriller. . . . Unlike at least one other book I have read on
Eichmann and his capture . . . this is a solid volume. It not only teils
the cops-and-robber story in great detail and with skill; it gives the
first extensive account I have seen of Eichmann's life and of his rise in
the madhouse world of the Nazis."

—WILLIAM L. SHIRER, N.Y. Times Book Review

Illustrated with many exclusive photographs

$5.00

THE VIKING PRESS, 625 Madison Ave., New York 22

EDWARD R. MURROW calls this book:

"THE BEST OF THOSE DONE
BY THE 'WRITING GENERALS/ "

THE MEMOIES of
GENERAL LORD ISMAY

With a Prefatory Note by SIR WINSTON CHURCHIU

"A vivid account of the war from within the heart and brain of the
British High Command. . . . Lord Ismay's book adds importantly to
the history of the war — but more, it gives a fascinating, colorful human
record of the life of a gallant British soldier."

— GOVERNOR AVERELL HARRIMAN

Frontispiece; maps

$6.75

guard against in a society which is
not yet immune from the same sick-
nesses which alienated men from it in
the recent past.

Beloved Wilderness

My Wilderness: The Pacific
West, by William O. Douglas.
Doubleday. 206 pp. $4.95.

Review ed by

Hai Borland

WILLIAM O. Douglas is not only
a wise and liberal justice on the
Supreme Court of the United States;
he is also one of the wisest and most
outspoken of our present day conser-
vationists. Moreover, he is one of the
few who speak from personal knowl-
edge and Observation, since he prob-
ably has walked more wilderness
miles, fished more wilderness waters,
ridden more wilderness trails, than
any of the professional. So what he

An explosive report

on the Cuban

revolutlon from the

Cuhans' point of view

One man's outspoken opinion about
what's teally going on in Cuba, as com-
pared to what the American press has
reported. C. Wright Mills presents the
Cubans' uncensored opinions of Ameri-
can "imperialism", American business
interests, Communist aid, the possibility
of a counter-revolution, our naval base
at Guantanamo, agrarian reform, Castro,
and many other central issues.

By C. WRIGHT MILLS

Author of The Power Ehte
Hardbound edition, $3.95, published by

McGRAW-HILL

Papcrbound edition, 50^, published by

BALLANTINE BOOKS

has to say in this book about the
wilderness areas of the Pacific North-
west and Alaska has special impor-
tance; and he says a good deal, with
cogency as well as color.

He Covers eleven areas, and each
chapter reads as though it were writ-
ten from extensive notes taken on the
spot. He Starts with the Brooks
Range in Alaska, the "last American
living wilderness," a place where man
"can experience a new reverence for
life that is outside his own and yet a
vital and joyous part of it." Then he
takes US on a hike along the shore
area of Pacific Beach at the northwest
tip of Washington, where there is
constant pressure for "a highway that
would turn it into another Atlantic
City or Coney Island," and he asks,
"Do roads have to go everywhere?
Can't we save one per cent of the
woods for those who love wildness?"

He takes us down the Middle Fork
of the Salmon, in Idaho, "one of the
finest fishing streams in America," an
area so rugged that the Forest Service
puts fire fighters in by parachute and
teils them to return to the river when
they have the fire under control; boats
pick them up, because "it's so rugged
that trails are not much use." Back
in Washington, Douglas reports,
plans are on file to put as many as
nineteen separate dams along the
Middle Fork to harness it for hydro-
electric power. "This," he says,
"would be the greatest indignity ever
inflicted on a sanctuary. The Middle
Fork — one of our finest wilderness
areas — must be preserved in per-
petuity."

From there he takes us to Hart
Mountain, a rugged upland in south-
eastern Oregon, with its notable herd
of pronghorn antelope. Then to
Mount Adams, Goat Rocks, and Goose
Prairie, interrupted by a chapter on
the Olympic Mountains. The Mount
Adams-Goose Prairie area is espe-
cially close to Justice Douglas' heart,
for he knew it well during his youth,
afoot and on horseback. There he
now finds the threat to the wilderness
made acute by the passion for build-
ing roads. "There is hardly a place
these days a jeep will not reach."
And as the roads multiply, the trails
are neglected; and those who would
know those areas should go by trail,
not by road. With the roads, of
course, is the threat poised by lum-
bering and by grazing.

Douglas loves the Mount Adams
area, but it seems to me that he is in
reverent awe and passionately de-
voted to the Olympic Mountains,
with their rain forests. His chapter
on that area glows and shimmers. It
is almost sacred ground to him, and
understandably so.

The last three chapters deal with
Glacier Peak, in northem Washing-
ton, the High Sierras in California,
and the Wallawas. And there again
he comes back to the road problem.
"This passion for roads is partial evi-
dence of our great decline as a people.
Without effort, struggle, and exer-
tion, even high rewards turn to ashes.
There is no possible way to open
roadless areas to cars and retain a
wilderness. . . . Once the interior is
tapped by roads, the wilderness is
gone forever. Lumbering and real
wilderness, motoring and real wilder-
ness, hoteis and real wilderness are
mutually exclusive. The choice must
be made."

All through this book Justice Doug-
las shows his broad knowledge of wild
life, both plant and animal. He also
shows his knowledge of ecology and
his fundamental belief in nature's
own ways. He can defend the wolves
in the Brooks Range, for instance —
"The sight of a wolf loping across a
hillside is as moving as a symphony"
— and insist that predators belong in
any wilderness area. He can teil how
he drifted down on an unsuspecting
bear on a stream in the Olympics, got
within three feet of him, slapped him
on the rump and laughed at the bear's
panic. He can exult over trout, and
saddle horses, and camp fare, and
even over a rain-wet bed.

But every chapter has his urgent
demand that the wilderness be cher-
ished and preserved. "Apart from
Alaska, there are few places left
where one can get more than ten
miles from any road. . . . A civiliza-
tion can be built around the machine.
But it is doubtful that a meaningful
life can be produced by it. . . . The
wilderness Stands as the true 'control'
plot for all experimentation in the
animal and vegetable worlds. Only
through knowledge of the norm can
an appraisal of the abnormal or dis-
eased be made. . . . The struggle of
our time is to maintain an economy
of plenty and yet keep man's freedom
intact. Roadless areas are one pledge
to freedom. With them intact, man

The PROGRESSIVE

need not become an automaton. . . .
Man sometimes seems to try to crowd
everything but himself out of the uni-
verse. Yet he cannot live a füll life
with the products of his own creation.
He needs a measure of the wilderness,
so that he may relax in the environ-
ment that God made for him."

Only about two per cent of this
country, around 55,000,000 acres, re-
mains a roadless wilderness. Most of
this is in the public domain, techni-
cally protected but actually at the
mercy of bureaucratic decision. So
we have about one-third of an acre
apiece, each of us, and as Justice
Douglas points out this is the abso-
lute minimum we must have. We
have none to lose to whimsical or
wasteful decision. Too few people,
especially people in a position to do
anything about it, seem to care.
Those of US who do care should insist
that this book be read and acted upon
by our Congressmen and, if such a
thing is possible, by those bureau
heads and Cabinet officers who have
the final say. Every acre of wilder-
ness lost will take at least a Century
to renew itself — if it ever gets that
Chance. But it can be destroyed by
the stroke of a pen. That is what
Justice Douglas is saying. And we
had better listen, every last one of us.

Land for Tomorrow

Land, Wood and Water, by Rob-
ert S. Kerr. Fleet Publishing Corp.
380 pp. $4.95.

Land for the Future, by Marion
Clawson, R. Burnell Held, and
Charles H. Stoddard. Johns Hopkins
Press. 570 pp. J8.50.

Reviewed by

George R. Hall

Natural resource development,
thanks to the recent Presidential
campaign, has been in the headlines.
Although it is a matter for rejoicing
that public attention has been di-
rected to the substantial public policy
issues in this area, one cannot help
regretting that public interest is spor-
adic. For this reason the books con-
sidered here are doubly welcome. The
authors have long made natural re-
source Problems their daily concern.
All of them have extensive experience
with the practical side of resource

Decomber, 1960

management and have also participat-
ed in the development and admin-
istration of governmental policies
towards natural resources. These
studies, therefore, are the result of
much thought and of wide knowledge
of managerial problems and the poli-
tical realities in this field. Neverthe-
less, both books leave the reader puz-
zled as to the most desirable course
of action to meet our responsibilities
to America's future Citizens. Neither
book presents a clear picture of what
our public policy should be towards
natural resources, the problems that
these policies will have to deal with,
and the rationale for preferring cer-
tain policies over other possible lines
of approach.

Senator Kerr's study is primarily
concerned with interpreting present
programs and problems in light of
the history of the conservation move-
ment and past policies. His analysis
is broad in scope. It begins with the
creation of the universe and ends
with the Kerr plan for the develop-
ment of the Arkansas River Basin. In
between he deals with multiple-pur-
pose river valley development, inter-
nal navigation, stream pollution, and
the Provision of water for drinking
purposes and other domestic uses.
There are personal reminiscences
about the Senator 's life and his fam-
ily, particularly their experiences in
the early days of the Oklahoma Ter-
ritory. There is a discussion of pres-
ent water development projects.
There are brief histories of some of
the pioneers of the conservation
movement. Finally there is a discus-
sion of some specific projects
Senator Kerr would like to see
undertaken.

The theme which ties together
these diverse parts is the importance
of water to civilization. Kerr reflects
on the water problems of the pioneers
of the West. He considers the advan-
tages of multiple-purpose dams such
as those in the TVA System. He points
out the growing difficulties of ob-
taining water for cities. He paints a
vivid and horrifying picture of the
increasing pollution of our rivers.
Through the whole narrative runs a
discussion of the work of the Select
Senate Committee on National Water
Development which Kerr heads.

This is an intensely personal book
reflecting Kerr's interest and career.
Its major contribution is the insight

The Process
of Education

By Jerome S. Bruner, New paths
of learning and teaching. "Like an
industrial diamond, it is a working

gem."— FRANK C. JENNINCS, SatUT-

day Review $2.75

The Conseience of
the Kevolution

By Robert Vincent Daniela,

Communist Opposition in Soviel
Russia during the cnicial years,
1917-1929. $10.00

The Economlcs
of Defense in
the Nuclear Age

By Charles /. Hitch and Roland
N, McKean, How we can select
defense policies that will make ef-
ficient use of our economic re-
sources. A RAND Corporation Re-
search Study. $9.50

The Diplomacy
of Eeonotttic
Development

By Eugene R, Black, Proposais
for immediate steps to increase the
effectiveness of economic aid to un-
derdeveloped nations. $3.00

industrtalism and
industrial iVf an

By Clark Kerr, John 7. Dun»
lop, Frederick H, Harbison, and
Charles A, Myers, A new view of
the industrial metamorphosis that
is everywhere diverting the lives of
men into new Channels. $6.00

The Export
Econon^ies

By Jonathan V, Levin, Patterns
of development in countries whose
economies depend on the export of
raw materials. $6.75

The Soviet
Industrialization
Dehate, 1924-28

By Alexander Erlich, A search-
ing Interpretation — with present
day value — of the controversy over
Russian industrialization. $6.00

The Transformation
of Russian Society

Edited by Cyril E, Black, An

analysis of developments since 1861
in fields from economies to philos-
ophy. $9.75

Higher Education in
the United States

THE ECONOMIC PROBLEMS
Edited by Seymour E, Harris,

The economic challenges that col-
leges must face in order to maintain
high educational Standards. $5.50

At all booksellers

ARVARD

UNIVERSITY PRESS

The other night I hesrd Williai:: Shirer cefend l.is toL:e
^^itler's 20th Century 3atir3''con fror, an attack "bj — Professor
Mossi, probably the only ran in.Ar.'rlca (l haven't read any
scholarly revlev/s) vrho disac-rees with Gerrr.any's inbred Rascist
thesis inherent in the book. Wisconsin ecuals dissent.

g. ^

»»» I

THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN

SOUTH HALL
MADISON 6. WISCONSIN

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

/3 ^Jm^^M l^'f

UtKf, ^2*tMy :

Ium

jC \U.

(MxUCAy

IjO^

<:*>.

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f^**>i^

LrUM^

Mary Sheridan
Associate Editor

THE p

OGRESSIVE

MADISON 3, WISCONSIN

October 14, 1960

ytüm George L. Messe
Department of History
üniversity of Wisconsin
Madison, Wisconsin

Dear George:

I have just read your review,
which arrived in the morning's inail*
It is thoughtful as well as readable,
and it makes me curious about the
reactions of other reviewers. I sus-
pect there may be a rash of cataloguing
heinous crimes.

We plan to publish the review in
the December issue, and please feel free
to send us a list of any people to whom
you would like to have a marked, com-
plimentary copy sent.

Cordially,

MS/bh

Mary Sheridan
Associate Editor

-,■■■<■■■:,*•■>■. i,H-

THE RI8E AHD FALL OF THE THIRD REICH
A Hlstory of Nazi Germany

The detalled nature of thts hlstory of the Third Reich necessarily
exerclses a fascinatlon over the reader, for Mr. Shirer writee well and
with conviction. Suphaeizing the years after I937, the book describes
the coÄäbing of the war and the war itself. Thus, foreign and military
policies bulk in the foreground. The book is centered upon Adolf Hitler 's
role as the guiding spirit of and the key to the Third Reich, and rightly
»o. For the most part Mr. Shirer has widely documented his text, thopgh
the early chapters rely to a great extent upon a history of the Nazi
party written in thirties. It is a scholarly book yet one füll of Indig-
nation; Mr. Shirer obviously holds in abhorence every part of the Third
Reich and he makes no bones about it. ^Though^'understandable, his moral
Indignation does get in the way of his analyses, particularly because
it is unfortunately combined with a very doubtful view of German history.

Mr. Shirer places the blame for what happened squarely on the Germans.
That might be acccptable but it leads him into attributing to them such
national qualities as slavish obedience to the State and clumsiness in
diplomacy. Such an approach^is not very helpful in explaining National
Socialism f ifteen years after its demise. Moreover these national charac-
teristics are attributed to a historical development in which Luther, as
well as Prussia, are said to have played a leading role. The section on
the churches^ for example, deals exclusively with Protestantism and makes
no mention of the fact that the first organlzed protest against the
National Socialiatf regime came from the Prussian State church, of all
places. This criticia« is not mere academic pettyness; beaause of his

?fi[S^Wf^>fpfifi3pF^^

W!"^-

approach Mr. Shlrar's dlacusalon of National Socialism ignores an essen-
tial polnt wtthout whtchVthe movement makaa 14 ttler-Ben»«. Mo wonder
that In analyzing Hitler 's ideas, (excluslvely through Mein Kampf),
he Stands In Indignation and bewllderment before the fact that mllllons
of Germans embraced such a "hodgepodge" of Ideas, "concocted by a half
backed neurot Ic." Ais seems fantastlc In the face of what he calls
the "normal raind of the twentleth Century."

Thls Is the crux of the Issue. For Mr. Shlrer, the normal mlnd
of our Century Is one which comblnes love for indlvldual freedom wlth
a belief in the power of reason. Thus Genaanjfs Third Reiqh can only
be explained by means of a peculiarly German tradltlon of obedience
to the State. B»t~^Lt-was prec4«*XyiMr^ Shlrer *s tiWentl^th ceututy-Tiiind
that rfei«ete<l-ti*-nrta%^ f0r-4^ iOi^hy^fT The word "German" was expunged
from "German aryan" bscause It made the Nazi ideology too provlnclal.
HiflBuler dreamt of an International eilte of aryan supermen who would
rule the world not from Germany but from a revived Burgundy. What Mr.
Shlrer seems to forget is that Europeans in the post war world, hungry
and alienated from a rotting society, wcre only too glad to sacriflce
Indlvldual freedom to the sense of belcnging and fulfillment which in
thls case National Socialism promised/'. As one eminent professor put
It: "National Socialism gave meanlng once more to llfe." It is
Incorrect to say, as does Mr. Shlrer, that Germany stressed the State

and not

the indlvldual person. Nazi Ideology saw Itself as the ultimate

fulfillment of th« indlvldual through hls Integration wlth a cause, a
higher purpose. Thls is far indeed from Bismarck or Luther; it is
however closely related to all of Fascism in the twentieth Century.
fifefT'^GA Moral lndignation^'or an'emphasis on national character cannot be sub-
stituted for thls analysis. One must reallse that such a vlew of the

ii^''"VJf-;~ > \^]^>-('y. -'^<'f'^..i^'.i>-;t^i:'^')}^i: '.^^v-,:»'' ■;.';' ^^''■:

n^i^^rnkm^

Indlvldual is baslc to that total itarlanism vhlch has glvan Its
ifflpress to contemporary Burope. Many an American like Mr. Shlrer
flnds It dlfflcult to grasp that the horror that swept over Europa was
not madness at all/ The mlllions who espoused the Faselst cause vere
neither misfits or neurot ics. ündoubtedly, this is a frightening fact;
it domonstrates however just how thin a veneer rationalism and indivi-
dualism 'WAS in the twentieth Century. It cracked, in may parts of
Burope, under the flrst great crlsis. More to the point than Mr,
Shirer's analysis of German history is the fact that few between the
two wars defended representative and parliamentary government anywhere
in Burope. The feeling that the bourgois era which this form of govern-
ment supposedly typif ied>iJa8 widespread,

Those who are fascinateH by this narrative might well ponder
these facts; they go far to explaln it. Perhaps Mr. Shirer left him-
self too little room in discussing the early history of the movement.
All these issues were debated then and it was only by the narrowest
of m&rgins that Hitler triumphed during these early struggles for
power and ideology. It was at this time that he got his real political
training. Obedience to the regime was always accompanied by internal
struggles wlthin the Victor ious party leadership. In the absence of
a working parliament these struggles constituted the interplay of forces
and pressure groups within a totalitarian regime. Bven National Social-
ism, dominated as it was by Adolf Hitler, was never quite as monolithic
as Mr. Shirer makes it out to be. But this is relatively minor compared
with my maln point. The history of the Third Reich has a deeper sig-
nificance for us chan this skillful narrative of its events would s
to indlcate. Why, in the interwar period were the only alternatives

for so Butny of the best mlnds of Europ«, «Ither Karxlsm or Pasclam?
W# still need to know more about why this should have been so, for
Xhla, in the end, .1« the slgnificance of the nearly vlctorlous Third
Reich, The^'-'^tttlaÄdish" philosophy of^_5i[hickJÄr.K--Shir*er^irpea^^ cannot
really be considered outlandish when milliott*-bot±riirißd~our~öf~-Oerii»
opted f^r the -^ev-oipder." It needs to be explained; we must know what
to guard against in a society which is not yet immune from the same
slcknesses which alienated men from it in the recent past«

'Mäm'y'-'»-^'-

made research and discovery seem ex-
citing and adventurous, so much so
that they sold upwards of thirty mil-
lion copies over the three decades of
Tom 's existence.

But even Tom Swift could not go
on forever. After Stratemeyer's death
there was an obvious falling-off in the
quality of the series, and the last few
were no more than weak science
fiction. Furthermore, new heroes
and new formulas appeared— Tarzan,
Bück Rogers, Terry and the Pirates,
and the dime-novel Western tradi-
tion, freshly laundered and made re-
spectable by Roy Rogers, Gene Autry,
and the Lone Ranger. Most of all,
there was not much left for Tom to
invent. Jet flight, aton^ic research,
and the explorations of space were
simply too much for him. A victim
of technological unemployment, Tom
ended his career in a house trailer
(Tom Swift and His House on
Wheels), in rather inglorious contrast
to the speedy motorcycles and giant
planes of his youth. Worst of all, he
married Mary Nestor after thirty
years of courtship and sealed his own
fate. Boys will forgive many faults in
their heroes, but domesticity is not
one of them.

In 1954, Grossett and Dunlap,
Stratemeyer's original publishers,
Started a Tom Swift Junior series.
The youngster so far has invented,
among other things, Tomasite plastic
(to make casings for nuclear reactors),
a Swift Spectograph that analyzes any-
thing in an instant, and a Damon-
scope (Bless Mr. DamonI) that detects
fluorescence in space. But to those
who knew his father, there is some-
thing lacking that Tom and Ned and
their cohorts had — a directness, per-
haps, a comprehensibility and boyish-
ness that made them the reader's
friends and contemporaries.

Century there is still a call to the
blood of this balding generation in
those electric words, " 'Stopl' cried
Ned. 'What is that mysterious flash-
ing red light?'" or '"Look out,'
snarled Andy Foger in a vicious tone
of voice, 'or I'll run you downl' "

Hitler's Germany

The Rise and Fall of the Third
Reich. A History of Nazi Germany,
by William L. Shirer. Simon and
Schuster. 1245 pp. $10.

Reviewed by

George L. Mosse

'T^HE detailed nature of this history
-■- of the Third Reich necessarily
exercises a fascination over the
reader, for William L. Shirer writes
well and with conviction. Empha-
sizing the years after 1937, his book
describes the Coming of the war and
the war itself. Thus, foreign and mili-
tary policies bulk in the foreground.
The book is centered upon Adolf
Hitler's role as the guiding spirit of,
and the key to, the Third Reich, and
rightly so.

tradition of obedience to the State

a belief in the supremacy of the State
that National Socialism actually re-
jected in favor of the supremacy of
the ideology. The word "German"
was expunged from "German Aryan"
because it made the Nazi ideology too
provincial. Himmler dreamed of an
international elite of Aryan super-
men who would rule the world not
from Germany but from a revived
Burgundy.

Neither moral indignation nor dis-
torted emphasis on national character
can be substituted for analysis. One

The PROGRESSIVE

W^wWSm^

c«

must realize that such a view of the
individual is basic to that totalita-
rianism which has given its impress
to contemporary Europe. Many an
American like Shirer finds it diffi-
cult to grasp that the horror that
swept over Europe was not madness
at all in any clinical sense. TTie mil-
lions who espoused the Fascist cause
were neither misfits nor neurotics.
Undoubtedly, this is a frightening
fact; but it demonstrates just how
thin the veneer of rationalism and
individualism is in the Twentieth
Century. It cracked, in many parts
of Europe, under the first great crisis.
More to the point than Shirer's analy-
sis of German history is the fact that
few between the two wars defended
representative and parliamentary gov-
ernment anywhere in Europe. The
feeling was widespread that the
bourgeois era which this form of
government supposedly typified was
finished.

December, 1960

WILUAM L. SHIRER calls this book:

"ONE OF THE MOST FANTASTK AND
EXCITING STORIES I HAVE EVER READ."

MINISTER OF DEATH

The Adolf Ckhmann Story

by QUENTIN REYNOLDS

and Ephraim Katz and Zwy Aldouby

"It is a thriller. . . . Unlike at least one other book I have read on
hichmann and his capture . . . this is a solid volume. It not only teils
the cops-and-robber story in great detail and with skill; it gives the
hrst extensive account I have seen of Eichmann's life and of his rise in
the madhouse world of the Nazis."

—WILLIAM L. SHIRER, N.Y. Times Book Review
Illustrated with many exclusive photographs

$5.00

THE VIKING PRESS, 625 Madison Ave., New York 22

EDWARD R. MURROW calls this book:

"THE BEST OF THOSE DONE
BY THE 'WRITING GENERALS/

THEMEMOIRSof
GENERAL LORD KMAY

With a Prefatory Not» by SIR WINSTON CHURCHIU

"A yivid account of the war from within the heart and brain of the
ßriush High Command. . . . Lord Ismay's book adds importantly to
the history of die war— but more. it gives a fascinating, colorful human
record of the life of a gallant British soldier."

—GOVERNOR AVERELL HARRIMAN

Frontispiece; maps

$6.75

guard against in a society which is
not yet immune from the same sick-
nesses which alienated men from it in
the recent past.

Beloved Wilderness

My Wilderness: The Pacific
West, by William O. Douglas.
Doubleday. 206 pp. $4.95.

Reviewed by

Hai Borland

TVTiLLiAM O. Douglas is not only
▼▼ a wise and liberal justice on the
Supreme Court of the United States;
he is also one of the wisest and most
outspoken of our present day conser-
vationists. Moreover, he is one of the
few who speak from personal knowl-
edge and Observation, since he prob-
ably has walked more wilderness
miles, fished more wilderness waters,
ridden more wilderness trails, than
any of the professional. So what he

An explosive report

on the Cuban

revolution from the

Cuhans' point of view

One man's outspoken opinion about
what's really going on in Cuba, as cora-
pared to what the American press has
reported. C. Wright Mills presents the
Cubans' uncensored opinions of Ameri-
can "imperialism", American business
interests, Communist aid, the possibility
of a counter-revolution, our naval base
at Cuantanamo, agrarian reform, Castro,
and many other central issues.

f C. WRIGHT MILir

Author of The Power Elite
Hardbound cdition, $3.95, published by

McGRAW-HILL

Paperbound edition, 50^, published by

BALLANTINE BOOKS

has to say in this book about the
wilderness areas of the Pacific North-
west and Alaska has special impor-
tance; and he says a good deal, with
cogency as well as color.

From there he takes us to Hart

Mountain, a rugged upland in south-

eastern Oregon, with its notable herd

of pronghorn antelope. Then to

Mount Adams, Goat Rocks, and Goose

Prairie, interrupted by a chapter on

the Olympic Mountains. The Mount

Adams-Goose Prairie area is espe-

cially close to Justice Douglas' heart,

for he knew it well during his youth,

afoot and on horseback. There he

now finds the threat to the wilderness

made acute by the passion for build-

ing roads. "There is hardly a place

these days a jeep will not reach."

And as the roads multiply, the trails

are neglected; and those who would

know those areas should go by trail,

not by road. With the roads, of

course, is the threat poised by lum-

bering and by grazing.

The last three chapters deal with
Glacier Peak, in northern Washing-
ton, the High Sierras in California,
and the Wallawas. And there again
he comes back to the road problem.
"This passion for roads is partial evi-
dence of our great decline as a people.
Without effort, struggle, and exer-
tion, even high rewards tum to ashes.
There is no possible way to open
roadless areas to cars and retain a
wilderness. . . . Once the interior is
tapped by roads, the wilderness is
gone forever. Lumbering and real
wilderness, motoring and real wilder-
ness, hoteis and real wilderness are
mutually exclusive. The choice must
be made."

The PROGRESSIVE

A'^ 2.^'2>lr

C^<^RCx^ l- ' Ao^^ coU-ec^io/^

A I^CAi \ V

^?^?57^^>^w^/l'*:'''5S-i?i'

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

M. A. FITZSIMONS Editor

FRANK O'MALLEV Associate Edltor

THOMAS T. McAVOy Managing Edltor

Book Reviews

William Rauch, Jr., John Gueguen, Leo R. Ward, Willis

D. NutHng, Jose Arsenio Torres, George L. Mosse, G. de

Bertier de Soüvigny, William M. Harrigan,

Peyton V. Lyon, Luis Beltranena, Robert H.

Ferren, William W. Combs.

Rcpnnted from

"THE REVIEW OF POLITICS
Vol. 25, No. 4, pp. 562-590, October, 1963

Uaivenity ot Notre Dame PreM
Nofere Dam«, Indiana

574

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

ciple of Organization of the anthology: Sigmund chose a geographic-
political principle, and for an anthological primer for the general
public, it has prima facie advantages. But perhaps an Organization on
the basis of the philosophic or the ideological pattems of thought,
specially with respect to the methods advanced for modemization,
methods that constitute so many types of conceptions of society and
of change — organic, atomistic, pragmatic, problematical — vvould
have proved more enlightening.

In the introduction, Sigmund appropriately differentiates ideology
from philosophy in general, as well as from outright propagandizing;
he opts for a definition which signifies "an emotional commitment
by the leadership and their followers . . . directed toward action —
development of a new society in a certain direction, in conformity
with certain goals." Yet, in advancing the theory that "all the de-
veloping nations are undergoing the same general experience, and
their reactions to it are similar in theoretical content and practical
application," he is engaging in a questionable reduction of the
varieties of methods, attitudes, and uses of ideological language or
modes of reasoning present in the new countries. One may ask, for
example, how far the Classification of the leadership of the developing
nations into three categories, traditionalists or conservatives, moderates,
and radical modemizers — negates the theory of "the same general
experience" and "the similar reactions" in "theoretical content and
practical application." It seems to this reviewer that both the theo-
retical and practical principles are more diverse in ideological dis-
course than the author's presentation suggests and the three cate-
gories of leadership attitudes are inadequate to exhaust the most
salient modes of reaction to the challenge of modemization. Gandhi,
for example, was no moderate modemizer, not even a conservative
one, he was no modernizer at all; and one cannot really accommodate
Nehm and Kasavubu in the same moderate group, for vast philo-
sophical and ideological diflferences separate each from the other and
from Gandhi and Ayub Khan. Yet the author's Classification lumps
them together in the same group of moderates. Surely personal phi-
losophy and the local circumstances in which leadership is exercised
must play a greater role in categorization.

The foregoing criticisms, however, should not obscure the merits
of Sigmund's excellent book which contributes to our acquaintance
with and understanding of the predicaments of the new, underde-
yeloped but developing world. Problems such as national versus
individual freedom (and the choice of the former as against the
latter), one-party politics, democratic centralism, education as a
national resource for unification and as an economic factor (against
old-fashioned humanistic and religious education), the continuum
and the contrast in the relations of elite-people-mass, socialism with-
out determinism or class struggle, central govemment planning
versus private investment in different areas (with the exception of
almost all of Latin America), regionalism versus unitary central

REVIEWS

575

government, traditional culture versus modemization, and neutralism,
nonalignment, and opportunism, are some of the topics under which
the problematic Syndrome of the new nations is discussed. The treat-
ment is necessarily compressed, but the analysis is thorough and
illuminating.

The author does not evaluate the merits and flaws of ideological
arguments originating in the various areas of the new nations and
with their diverse leaders. He keeps the level of exposition and In-
terpretation which evades condescension and gullibility, and seeks
to understand his subjects in their own terms. He seems to believe,
correctly I think, that what is important is not so much the present
Situation as the direction of movement and probable culmination of
the present political and ideological Organization and discourse. On
this score he does rather well in judging the men and ideas of the
four selected areas, with what seems to me one clear exception:
Ghana appears to have used up all the flexibility of the "democratic"
vocabulary of the old and of the new countries, and constitutes a
crude dictatorship of a not very enlightened variety. With respect
to it, it is not true to say that "thus far there is little evidence of
the characteristic totalitarian attempts at thought control, absolute
unanimity, and the establishment of the infallibility of the leader and

— Jose Arsenio Torres

REACTIONARIES AND FASCISM^

Slowly but surely historians are now beginning to reanalyze the
history of twentieth-century totalitarianism. Of this history the Action
Francaise was an important part as a reactionary rather than a fascist
movement. Both these books make this important distinction. Charles
Maurras desired both a king and a decentralized govemment, toyed
with corporatism, and supported the Church because it stood for
authority and tradition. Both Tannenbaum and Weber also agree
that Maurras' slogan "ideas first" meant a leadership oriented towards
theoretical speculation rather than towards the activism associated with
fascist movements. This orientation led the Organization to miss
opportunities for action, both in years of maximum influence (1923
to 1926) and, above all, on February 6, 1934, when France might
have had its revolution of the Right. In the end, the Action found
itself first repudiated by the Church and then by the pretender to
the throne. Under Vichy, Maurras regarded Petain as a Substitute

^ Edward R. Tannenbaum: The Action Francaise, Die-hard Reactionaries in
Twentieth-Century France. (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1962. Pp. viii,
316. $7.50.)

2 Eugen Weber: Action Francaise, Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth-
Century France. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962. Pp. xi, 594.
$10.00.)

576

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

king, whom he supported against the resistance and also, as seems
now clear, against some of the German demands.

Both books, however, do not end the story here. They prove that
the "formal history" of the Action Francaise is but one part of a
larger picture. Indeed it was through their very penchant for theo-
rizing that the ideas of Maurras and Leon Daudet cast their shadow
far beyond the organizational structure of the Action. Above all,
youth was attracted to the ideology: the Camelots du Roi possessed a
much more dynamic spirit than the leaders of the parent Organization
could stomach. The Camelots seem to have attempted to combine
ideology with activism, the formula of the true fascist movements
of the times. They, at least, did not view the Action as a die-hard
reactionary movement but saw Maurras as a revolutionary willing
to take risks; one who was able to uncover the enemy through his
unflagging and violent anti-Semitism.

Tannenbaum seems to depict the Action as too one-sidedly re-
actionary. In fact, he attempts to establish normative characteristics
and to present a "family portrait" of reactionaries. In so doing he
States some obvious psychological factors (the attractiveness of the
in-group) and some very questionable ones (the typical reactionary
avoids introspection). Weber, on the other band, makes a much
more significant efTort to establish the special reactionary characteristics
of Maurras and his friends. After all, these men did not live entirely
in the past for, as Weber puts it, they attempted to take populär
radicalism and harness it to authority and hierarchy. This, however,
was also their basic weakness. Although the Action took account of
twentieth-century radicalism and tried to utilize and direct it through
an activism and anti-Semitism, their continued emphasis on authority
and hierarchy in the end defeated this aim. If the Action had been
merely a die-hard movement, it would hardly have excited French
youth. Although it tried to be genuinely revolutionary, it was hampered
by its equally genuine fear of mass movements. Xavier Vallat, a man
close to the Action, reflects this attitude when he stated that the suc-
cessful mass meetings of the Croix de Feu were merely "American
style Publicity" (La Nez de Cleopätre, Paris, 1957, p. 136).

This dilemma is clearly reflected in Weber's book, and it could
have been reflected in a still stronger light if the Action had been
compared with similar movements in the rest of Europe. Maurras'
ideology, his corporatism, was an attempt to find a "third way"
between parliamentary democracy and socialism. This quest was
pursued with similar ardor on the other side of the Rhine. His
"ideas first" is not dissimilar to Moeller van den Bruck's cry that
Germany needs an "idea." Moeller made his plea in a book entitled
the Third Way, a title he later changed to the Third Reich. The
royalist element was, of course, lacking but both Tannenbaum and
Weber show how tenuous this element became for the Action bv the
1920's. ^

Within the larger picture of the first half of this Century, the

REVIEWS

577

Action Francaise, then, cannot fruitfully be described as merely re-
actionary. Weber's subtle and illuminating analysis is bome out, as
he depicts the movement's attempt to look backward and jump
forward at the same time. In Germany youth also flocked to the
banner of a quite similar ideology through many of the postwar youth
movements. Weber rightly indicates that this was bourgeois youth;
Tannenbaum by using the term "declasse" seems to have missed this
important point. For what he calls "declasse" were in reality the
embattled bourgeoisie, even if the "petty bourgeoisie" never formally
became attached to the movement. The point is that the Action Fran-
caise represents part of a general movement of the bourgeoisie which
overshadowed the first half of our Century, a search for diflferent and
in their term "new" forms of government and ideology which might
arrest their decline.

Maurras' hopes were echoed, independent of his influence, by
the "All Germans," a large part of the German conservative party
(DNVP), and German youth. They found their Petain in the feeble
von Papen, but in Germany they were swept away by the emergence
of a fascist mass party. This was a diflferent fate from that which
befell the Action, though it also continued to lose its more vigorous
members to more dynamic organizations. Because fascism never
triumphed in France, the Action Francaise came to play a much
greater role than its parallels in Germany. Weber has begun an exami-
nation (French Historical Studies, Spring, 1962, 273-307,) of the
failure of fascism in France, and that study should be read in con-
junction with his important book on the Action. Small wonder that
a true fascist like Robert Brasillach never joined with the Action and
came to believe that the true regeneration of France could only
come in conjunction with the elan provided by a foreign fascism.
Brasillach became an enthusiastic collaborator with Nazi Germany
v^hile Maurras held back — one more example of the important
distinction between a movement like the Action and fascism.

These two books, for all their similarity of interpretation, are dif-
ferent. Tannenbaum's is a good introduction to the movement, sys-
tematic, and well written. While Weber's book may at first appear to
be only a chronological account, in reality it is an analysis of the
whole French Right, illuminated with flashes of insight, and written
with great charm of style. It is indispensable for a deeper under-
standing of the general European thrust to the Right; a thrust which
was authoritarian if not necessarily fascist, but yet encompassed a long-
ing by the European bourgeoisie for a "third way" upon which much
of fascism could build. Historians must now begin to analyze the
total European setting for such movements, because such an analysis
will in turn modify and expand the purely national interpretations
which have dominated historical research.

— George L. Müsse

THE

REVIEW OF POLITICS

Vol. 25

OCTOBER, 1963

No. 4

TWENTY^FIFTH ANNIVER5ARY IS5UE

• A. Fitzsimons

Profile of Crisis: Tfce Review of Politics 1939-1963

Rev. Tliomos T. McAvoy, C.S.C.

Notre Dame, 1919-1922: The Burns Revolution

Frank O'Malley The Thinker ond the Church:

The Urgencies of Romono Guardini

John Nef Truth. Belief, ond Civilizotion:

Tocqueville ond Gobineau
Edward T. Gargan

Revolution ond Morole in the Formative

Thought of Albert Camus
Raymond J. Sontog

The Origins of the Second World War

Morvin Rintala A Generation in Politics: A Definition

Stephen D. Kertesz

The United Notions: A Hope ond its Prospeets

Vincent De Santis

American Politics in the Gilded Age

THE UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME
NOTRE DAME, INDIANA

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

M. A. FITZSIMONS.
FRANK OliCALLEY..

THOMAS T. McAVOY.

ROBERT BURNS, JOSEPH DUFFY. JOHN S. DÜNNE.
STEPHEN BERTESZ, PAUL MONTAVON

..Editor

.Assodcrte Editor

...Managing Editor

.Jidvisory Editors

Copyright, 1963, by the University of Notre Dame. Published quarterly ot the University
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574

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

ciple of Organization of the anthology: Sigmund chose a geographic-
pohtical principle, and for an anthological primer for the general
public, it has prima facie advantages. But perhaps an Organization on
the basis of the philoscphir. or the ideological pattems of thought,
specially with respect to the methods advanced for modemization'
methods that constitute so many types of conceptions of society and'
of change — organic, atomistic, pragmatic, problematical — would
have proved more enlightening.

In the introduction, Sigmund appropriately differentiates ideolögy
from philosophy in general, as well as from outright propagandizing ;
he opts for a definition which signifies "an emotional commitment
by the leadership and their followers . . . directed toward action —
development of a new society in a certain direction, in conformity
with certam goals." Yet, in advancing the theory that "all the de-
velopmg nations are undergoing the same general experience, and
their reactions to it are similar in theoretical content and practical
apphcation," he is engaging in a questionable reduction of the
varieües of methods, attitudes, and uses of ideological language or
modes of reasoning present in the new countries. One may ask for
example, how far the Classification of the leadership of the developin?
nations mto three categories, traditionalists or conservatives, moderates
and radical modernizers — negates the theory of "the same ffeneral
experience" and "the similar reactions" in "theoretical content and
practical application." It seems to this reviewer that both the theo-
retical and practical principles are more diverse in ideological dis-
course thaii the author's presentation suggests and the three cate-
gories of leadership attitudes are inadequate to exhaust the most
salient modes of reaction to the challenge of modemization. Gandhi
lor example, was no moderate modernizer, not even a conservative
one, he w^ no modernizer at all; and one cannot really accommodate
JNehru and Kasayubu in the same moderate group, for vast philo-
sophical and ideological differences separate each from the other and
from Gandhi and Ayub Khan. Yet the author's Classification lumps
them together m the same group of moderates. Surely personal phi-
losophy and the local circumstances in which leadership is exercised
must play a greater role in categorization.

The foregoing criticisms, however, should not obscure the merits
withTr /""f"^-* book which contributes to our acquaintance
with and understaiiding of the predicaments of the new, underde-
veloped but developing World. Problems such as national versus

latter) one-party pohtics, democratic centralism, education as a
l^lTt ""^'^T ^''' ."?^^^^^«" ^"d as an economic factor (against
aid ?h^7 . humanistic and religious education), the continuum
and the contrast m the relations of elite-people-mass, socialism with-
out determmism or class struggle, central govemment plannin^

Zo!t T f TT^^T ^^ 1^"^'^' ^^^^ (^i^h the exceptio« oi
almost all of Latin America), regionalism versus unitary central

REVIEWS

575

government, traditional culture versus modemization, and neutraUsm
nonalignment, and opportunism, are some of the topics under S
the problemaüc Syndrome of the new nations is discLed The Treat

Snati::r ' ""P^^"^' '^^ ^^^ ^^^'y^^ - thorough^d

The author does not evaluate the merits and flaws of ideological

arguments origmatmg m the various areas of the new nationsTnd

with their diverse leader.. He keeps the level of expositfon andTn

erpretation which evades condescension and gullibiHty, and seeks

"''fr??^^- u'' l^^J^'u ^" '^^^ °^" *^"«^- He seems to beHeve
correcdy I thmk that what is important is not so much the present
Situation as the direction of niovement and probable culminadon o
he presen political and ideological Organization and discourse On
his score h^ does rather well in judging the men and ideas of d^^
four selected areas, with what seems to me one clear exceptio«
Ghana appears to have used up all the flexibility of the "democratic"
vocabulary of the old and of the new countries, and constitutes a
cmde dictatorship of a not very enlightened variety. With respect
to it, it is not true to say that "thus far there is little evidence of
the characteristic totalitarian attempts at thought control, absolute
unanimity, and the establishment of the infallibility of the leader and
party.

— Jose Arsenio Torres

REACTIONARIES AND FASCISM^

Slowly but surely historians are now beginning to reanalyze the
history of twentieth-century totalitarianism. Of this history the Action
trancaise was an important part as a reactionary rather than a fascist
movement. Both these books make this important distinction. Charles
Maurras desired both a king and a decentralized govemment, toyed
with corporatism, and supported the Ghurch because it stood for
authority and tradition. Both Tannenbaum and Weber also agree
that Maurras' slogan "ideas first" meant a leadership oriented towards
theoretical speculation rather than towards the activism associated with
fascist movements. This orientation led the Organization to miss
opportunities for action, both in years of maximum influence (1923
to 1926) and, above all, on Febmary 6, 1934, when France might
have had its revolution of the Right. In the end, the Action found
itself first repudiated by the Ghurch and then by the pretender to
the throne. Under Vichy, Maurras regarded Petain as a Substitute

1 Edward R. Tannenbaum: The Action Francaise, Die-hard Reactionaries in
Twentieth-Century France. (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1962. Pp. viii
316. $7.50.)

2 Eugen Weber: Action Francaise, Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth-
Century France. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962. Pp. xi 594
$10.00.) '

576

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

king, whom he supported against the resistance and also, as seems
now cleaij against some of the Gennan demands.

Tannenbaum seems to depict the Action as too one-sidedly re-
actionary. In fact, he attempts to establish normative characteristics
and to present a "family portrait" of reactionaries. In so doing he
States some obvious psychological factors (the attractiveness of the
m-group) and some very questionable ones (the typical reactionary
avoids introspection). Weber, on the other band, makes a much
more significant effort to establish the special reactionary characteristics
of Maurras and his friends. After all, these men did not live entirely
m the past for, as Weber puts it, they attempted to take populär
radicahsm and harness it to authority and hierarchv. This, however,
was also their basic weakness. Although the Action took account of
twentieth-century radicalism and tried to utilize and direct it through
an activism and anti-Semitism, their continued emphasis on authority
and hierarchy in the end defeated this aim. If the Action had been
merely a die-hard movement, it would hardly have excited French
youth. Although it tried to be genuinely revolutionary, it was hampered
by its equally genuine fear of mass movements. Xavicr Vallat, a man
close to the Action, reflects this attitude when he stated that the suc-
cessful mass meetings of the Croix de Feu were merely "American
style Publicity" {La Nez de Cleopätre, Paris, 1957, p. 136).

This dilemma is clearly reflected in Weber's book, and it could
have been reflected in a still stronger light if the Action had been
compared with similar movements in the rest of Europe. Maurras'
ideology, his corporatism, was an attempt to find a "third way"
between parliamentary democracy and socialism. This quest was
pursued with similar ardor on the other side of the Rhine. His
"ideas first" is not dissimilar to Moeller van den Bruck's cry that
Germany needs an "idea." Moeller made his plea in a book entitled
the Third Way, a title he later changed to the Third Reich. The
royahst element was, of course, lacking but both Tannenbaum and
Weber show how tenuous this element became for the Action by the

Within the larger picture of the first half of this Century, the

REVIEWS

577

Action Francaise, then, cannot fruitfully be desciibed as merely re-
actionary. Weber's subtle and illuminating analysis is borne out as
he depicts the movement's attempt to look backward and Jump
forward at the same time. In Germany youth also flockcd to the
banner of a quite similar ideology through many of the postwar youth
movements. Weber rightly indicates that this was bourgeois youth-
Tannenbaum by using the term "declasse" seems to have missed this
important pomt. For what he calls "declasse" were in reality the
embattled bourgeoisie, even if the "petty bourgeoisie" never formally
became attached to the movement. The point is that the Action Fran-
caise represents part of a general movement of the bourgeoisie which
overshadowed the first half of our Century, a search for different and
in their term "new" forms of government and ideology which might
arrest their decline.

Maurras' hopes were echoed, independent of his influence, by
the "All Germans," a large part of the German conservative party
(DNVP), and German youth. They found their Petain in the feeble
von Papen, but in Germany they were swept away by the emergence
of a fascist mass party. This was a diflPerent fate from that which
befell the Action, though it also continued to lose its more vigorous
members to more dynamic organizations. Because fascism never
triumphed in France, the Action Francaise came to play a much
greater role than its parallels in Germany. Weber has begun an exami-
nation {French Historical Studies, Spring, 1962, 273-307,) of the
failure of fascism in France, and that study should be read in con-
junction with his important book on the Action. Small wonder that
a true fascist like Robert Brasillach never joined with the Action and
came to believe that the true regeneration of France could only
come in conjunction with the elan provided by a foreign fascism.
Brasillach became an enthusiastic collaborator with Nazi Germany
while Maurras held back — one more example of the important
distinction between a movement like the Action and fascism.

— Geop^ge L. Müsse

We gratefully acknowledge receipt of your book review submitted to
The Review of Politics.

Your review will be used in either the July or
October issues. Reprints will be sent to you.

The Editors

The Review of Politics

Box 4

Notre Dame, Indiana

ll^llPippMw^^

-^^ -

( THISSIDEOF^bl^üSi&'ISFOR ADDRESS )

Professor George L, Mosse
Department of History
University of Wisconsin

Madison, Wisconsin

:^7-v>"

Editor

M« A. Fitzsimons

AssociATE Editors
Frank O'Malley
John J, Kennedy

Managing Editor
Thomas T. McAvoy

THE REVIEW OF POLITICS

BOX 4, NOTRE DAME, INDIANA

April 16, 1963

ISSUED QUARTERLY

January, April« July
and October.

Professor George Mosse
Department öf History
167 Bas com Hall
University of Wisconsin
Madison 6, Wisconsin

Dear Professor Mosse:

Thank you for your review and letter. Your review is
certainly interesting, The Third Way was the inspiration
of many earlier corporatists. Corporatism was more
influential than the number of its supporters would
suggest. The Action tried to embrace corporatists, some
of whom were embarrassed by Maurras' integralism which
seemed to lead to another version of Caesarism, and by
his friendship for Latin fascism. At times, I am
tempted to say that the coiporatists are good examples
of impractical men appealing to tradition. They have
their eyes on abuses but their prescription seems hopeless
and is seriously discredited by being exploited by Oppor-
tunist totalitarians as well as authoritarian dictators.

Good luck at Stanford next fall. Your enterprise there sounds
exciting as well as not unhazardous. Trevor-Roper has no
genius for English Understatement and is a peculiarly
unGandhi figure.

Yours sincerely.

.-^.u

M. A. Fitzsimons

Editor

»p

NJ^F : JF

The Review of Politics is interested in the philosophical and histoncal approach to political realities.

II »f

THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN
MADISON 6, WISCONSIN

Department ol History

187 Bascom Hall

Api^ll 10, 1963

^ear Professor FitzsiniDiinsj

thinga in it i^liich I think very important and which, I hope, will make
it interesting# Tliia i5? really sn iiaportaiit mibjoct«
I cm ßoinc to Stanfird ne:cb fall for iAye tonTi to conduct an seminar in
tlie **iiitonect'Jial origins of National "^ocialisn** \ioTe ^iirorieans lik»
Ire vor «i^'^opör and Bracher vdll camrient» I hoi:e I sumäva»

All tlie best greötings.

Reactionaries and Fascism
Slowly but si^rely historians are now beginning to reanalyse the

history of twentieth Century totalitarianism. Of this history
the Action Francaise was an important part as a reactionary
rather then a fascist movement. Both these books make this im-
portant distinction. Charles I>Iaurras desired both a king and a
decentralised government, toyd with corporatism, and supported
the Ohiorch because it stood for authority and tradition» Both
Tanneba-uinValso agree that I^Iaurras' slogan "ideas first" meant
a leadership oriented towards theoretical speculation rather-
then towards the activism associated with fascist movements«
This orientation led the Organisation to miss opportunities
for action, both in years of raaximiun influence ( 19^3 to 1926)
and, above all, on Pebniary 6, 1934 when France might have had
it's revolution of the ftight* In the end, the Action ■ fcund
itself first repudiated by the Church and then by the pretender
to the frown» Undeo? Vichy, Ilaurras regarded Petain as a Substitute
King, whom he supported against the resistance and also, as seems
now clear, against some of the German demands.

Both boötas, however, do not end the story here. They proijve
that the " formal history" of the Action Francaise is but one
part of a larger picture» Indeed it was throiigh their very
penchant for theorising that the ideas of Maurras and Leon
Daudet cast their shadow far beyond the organisational structure
of the Action. Above all, youth was attracted to the ideology,
the Camelots du Roi posessed a much more dynamic spirit then
the leaders of the parent Organisation could stomach» '^h:f^r^
seem to have attempted to combine ideology with activism, the
formula of the true fracist movements of the times. They, at
least, did not view the Action as a die hard reactionary movement
but saw Maurras as a revolutionary willing to take kisks, aa^ who

was able to imcover the enem3^ through his unfäiagging and violent
antisemitism.

Tannenba"um seems to depict the Action as too onevsideci^eactionary,
in fact he attempts to establiJäfei normative characteristics and to
present a "farailly portait" of reactionaries. lÄ-i^ae*y-ke-ft%%em^%s
In so doing he stätes some obvious psychological factors ( the
attractivenes of the in-group) and some very questionable one*s
( the typical reactionary avoids introspection) . Weber, on the
other hand, makes a much more significant effort to establish
the special reactionary characteristics of M-bterras and his friends,
After all, these men did not live entirely in the past for, as
Weimer puts it, they attempted to take populär radicalism and har-
ness it to authority and hierarch^r. This however was also their
basic weakness, Although the Action took accoimt of twentj.eth
centi;iry1fan3M;ried to utili'^e and direct it through an activism
and antisemitism, their c^ntinuai^ emphasis on authority enäi
hierarohy in the end defeatcd tii^eir aim, If the Action had beeni
merely a die hard movement it would hardly have exited French
youth, T4w5i« Although it tried to be>Pevolutionary, it was hampered
by it's'^enuine fear of mass movement s# Xavier 7allat, a man close
"^o the Action reflects this attitude when he stated that the
successfUl mass meetings of the Groix de Feu were merely "American

This dileiimia is clearly reflected in Weber *s book, it could have
been reflected in still strenger light if the Action had been
compared with similar movement s in the rest of Europe» Maurras*
ideology, his corporatisra, was an attempt to find a "third way'*
between parliamentary democracy and socialisra. This quest was
pusrued with similar ardour at the other side of the Rhine. His

"ideas first" is not dissimilar to Moeller van der Brück 's cry that
Germany needs an "idea". Hoeller made his plea in book entitled the
Third Way, a title he later changed to the Third Reiche The royalist
element was, of course,laokin^ but both Tannebainn and V/eber show how
tenuous this element became for the Action i^ the I920ties. ^
Within the larger pictirre of the first half of this centiiry, the
Action Francais e, then, cannot fruitfully be described as merely
reactionary. Weber subtle and illmiinating analysis is born out, as
he depicts the movement 's attempt to look backward and j-ump forward
at the same time* In Germany youth also flocked to the banner of »tteh
an ideology through many of the post war youth moovements» Weber rightly

t^f

indicaWd that this was boi.rrgois youth; Tannebaum by using the term
**declasse" may-teve missed this important point. For what he calls
"declasse" were in reality the embattled bourgoisie, even if the

petty bourgoisie" neveiYb^came attached to the möoveii^TiHT^fhr Action
Francaise represents part of a general movement of the bourgoisie which
overshadowed the first half of ouj:» Century, a search for different and
in their term "new" forms of government and ideology which might arrest
their decline.

Plaurras» hopes were echoed , independent of his influence, by the
All Germans", a large part of theVüonservatice party (DKYP) anr)
German youth» They f oimd their Petain in the feeble von Papen/ but ^
t]%e9?e they were swept away by the emergence of a fascist mass party.
This was a different fate then that which befeil the Action, though
it also continued to loose it's more vigorous members to more dynamic
organisations. Because Fascism never triumphed in France, the Action
Francaise came to play a much greater role then it»s paralle3i in Germany.
Weber has begun an eEamination of the failure of fascism in France^, and

■ k^ - ••■ V

and that study should be read in conjunction with his i.mportant book
on the Action. Small wonder that a true fascist like Robert Brasi4ä:aGli
never joined with the Action and came to believe that the true regenera-
tion of France could only come in conjunction withVelan ©#' a f oreign
fascisra. Brasillacli became an enthusiatic collaborator with Nazi Germany
while Pxaurras held back - one more example of the iinportant disctinction
between a moveraent like the Action and fascism,

These two books , for all their similarity of intepretation, are different.
Tannibaum's is a good introduction to the movement, systematic and well
written. While Weber' s book may at first appear to be only a chronological
account, in reality it is an analysis of the whole Prench fcight, illiml-
nated with flashes of insight, and written with great charm of style.
It is indispensable for a deeper understanding of the general European
thrust to the Äight; a thrust which was authoritarian ^ not neccessaril-
ly fascist, but yet encompassed a longing by the European bo\irgoisie for
a "third way" upon which much of fascism could build. Historians must
now begin to analyse the total European setting for such movements,
because such an analysis will in twin modify and expand the purely
national Intepretations which have dominated historical research.

George L, Hosse

Univers ity of Wisconsin

Notes ( eventually at botton page)

1. kavier Vallat, IjeJiez^de^GleoEatre^ ( Paris, I957), 156

2. Eugen Weber, " iuitionalism, Cocialism, and l^tional-Socialism
in Prance", Rrencli Ilistorical Gtudi.., n m^, 3 (Spring, I9Ö2) ,
^■73 - 307

■«

Edward R. Sa^nnenbauin, ?he Action Prancalse. Dle-hard Reactlonaries
In Twentietj^ -Cent-ury Eraiice. Jolm V/iley & Sons, ilew York, 1962,
viii, 316; /Action Francaise. Royallsm and Reaction In Twentieth ■

Gehtury France, Stanford University Press, Stanford, xi, 594 ilO

fi/4^ry w^aefi

)

.ew^^ ^fu- ^'-^'

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