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FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY STUDIES
NUMBER SEVENTEEN
GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL
H^C
WESTERN STATESMAN
By
Weymouth T. Jordan
FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY
Tallahassee
1955
Copyright 1955 by The Florida State University
Printed and Bound in the United States of America
by the Florida Grower Press, Tampa, Florida
FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY STUDIES
NUMBER SEVENTEEN
The Florida State University
Tallahassee
1955
FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY STUDIES
Published under the Auspices
of
The Research Council
The Florida State University
EDITORIAL COMMITTEE
George Yost, Jr., Chairman
Winthrop Niles Kellogg Victor S. Mamatey
Claude A. Campbell Lyman Dorgan Toulmin, Jr.
Francis Redding Walton
EDITOR
Victor S. Mamatey
To
Robert S. Cotterill,
gentleman and scholar
CONTENTS
Preface viii
Chapter Page
I Early Life 1
II A Spokesman for the West 13
III The Sterling Republican 41
IV In Defense of the Embargo 69
V Warhawk 87
VI In the Cabinet . 111
VII Mission to Russia 137
VIII Solving a French Imbroglio 163
IX Private Life 179
Bibliography . 203
Index 211
GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL
OF TENNESSEE
WESTERN STATESMAN
PREFACE
So much emphasis has been placed upon the work of a few
outstanding leaders in public affairs of the United States dur-
ing the first quarter of the nineteenth century, that historians
have sometimes overlooked important services that were ren-
dered by numerous individuals who seldom occupied the center
of the political stage. Among such men, the public career of
George Washington Campbell of Tennessee may be consid-
ered as a fairly typical example. For the most part, biograph-
ers of early leaders of the Old Southwest, and of Tennessee
after it became a part of the New West, have limited their
studies to such colorful figures as John Sevier and Andrew
Jackson and the like, seemingly overlooking the fact that less
spectacular persons also warrant close attention. Campbell,
although much more active and important from a national
standpoint than most of his contemporary officeholders from
Tennessee and the West (1803-1820), has received little
notice. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to put together
for the first time a connected account of Campbell's activities
and contributions, and to rescue him from almost complete
oblivion. Relatively few materials concerning his private life
and actions have been located ; and for this reason the account
does not contain much information of a personal nature. The
study has necessarilj^ developed into one that is concerned pri-
marily with the subject's public activities and interests. The
book is related to Campbell more than to his times, although
an effort has been made to place Campbell in his proper setting.
Although a host of scholars have worked long and diligently
in the field of American history in the early national period,
few people seem to have heard of George Washington Camp-
bell. Thus, to write this biography has been both a challenge
and a privilege.
I wish to express my appreciation for their aid and patience
to the officials in charge of the following libraries and manu-
scripts collections : Tennessee State Library and Archives, Ten-
nessee Historical Society, Joint University Libraries, and the
Carnegie Public Library, Nashville, Tennessee ; University of
Tennessee Library and the Lawson McGhee Library, Knox-
ville, Tennessee; Florida State University Library, Tallahas-
see, Florida ; Alabama Polytechnic Institute Library, Auburn,
Alabama; Judson College, Marion, Alabama; North Carolina
Historical Commission and the Library of the State of North
Carolina, Raleigh, North Carolina; county officials in Meck-
lenburg County, North Carolina, and in Knox and Davidson
Counties, Tennessee; and the Library of Congress and the
Archives of the Departments of State, Treasury, and Army,
Washington. The biography could not have been written with-
out the manuscripts and kindness of Mrs. Susan M. Brown, of
Spring Hill, Tennessee, whose husband was a direct descend-
ant of Campbell. Publication of the study has been made pos-
sible by the Research Council and the Publications Committee
of Florida State University.
Members of the historical guild have furnished both aid
and comfort in the preparation of the study from its begin-
nings. Campbell was first called to my attention by the late
Carl Samuel Driver of Vanderbilt University, who during his
all-too-short life became a recognized authority in the history
of the Old Southwest. In its original form the biography was
written (at Vanderbilt University) under the direction of Wil-
liam C. Binkley, now of Tulane University; and I hope sin-
cerely that the printed book, nearly twenty years later, con-
tains some evidences of Professor Binkley's magnificent
insight. Frank L. Owsley of the University of Alabama and
Daniel M. Robison of the Tennessee State Library and
Archives also have made many valuable suggestions. Per-
tinent and very searching criticisms have been offered by
Stanley J. Folmsbee of the University of Tennessee, a leading
expert in the field and period with which the study is con-
cerned. Five of my colleagues at Florida State University,
Walter Blackstock, Claude A. Campbell, Robert S. Cotterill,
Charles S. Davis, and Victor S. Mamatey, have been kind
enough to help me overcome some of my pitfalls of writing
and interpretations. All of these authorities have given will-
ingly and unselfishly of their time, skill, knowledge, and advice
in helping me complete the book. In some respects the printed
study is as much theirs as mine, although the interpretations
and shortcomings are my own responsibility. My wife has
aided me in every possible way through the stages of research,
writing and re-writing, just talking about the subject, and
the pleasures in writing about Campbell.
Tallahassee, Florida Weymouth T. Jordan
June, 1954
Chapter I
EARLY LIFE
George Washington Campbell was a product of the North
Carolina and Tennessee frontiers. He was never concerned
actively with the problem of opening up new regions as a
frontiersman, but rather with the equally important task of
improving the economic and social conditions in a region
which had been shown to be desirable by earlier settlers. He
was twice pulled westward by the same forces that attracted
so many of his contemporaries, but both times he went west
as a townsman rather than as a backwoodsman. For most of
his life Knoxville and Nashville, Tennessee, were his legal
residences. And it was his fate to become a spokesman of a
region, Tennessee, which was one of the first in the West to
pass from a frontier stage of development to that of state-
hood. After demonstrating amply his abilities as a represen-
tative in Congress, he went on to several higher political posi-
tions ; and he became interested primarily in national affairs.
In the course of his long public career, of about twenty years,
he associated intimately with the social elite of two continents
and became one of the most cultured gentlemen in Tennessee
and the West. At his death he was probably the wealthiest
man in Tennessee.^
Throughout the first two decades of the nineteenth century,
Tennessee was exceptionally fortunate in its selection of men
to represent it in Congress. Of these individuals the more prom-
inent were Campbell, William Blount, Andrew Jackson, Wil-
liam C. C. Claiborne, Daniel Smith, Joseph Anderson, John
Sevier, John Rhea, and Felix Grundy. Most of this group were
Southerners by birth, but none of them were natives of Tennes-
see. As representatives of their state they were close followers
of the Republican party (the Jeffersonian party) , before and
after election. For the most part they were well educated, and
ISee Weymouth T. Jordan, "The Public Career of George Washington Camp-
bell," East Tennessee Historical Society's Publications, X (1938), 3-18, and his
"The Private Interests and Activities of George Washington Campbell," ibid.,
XIII (1941), 47-65.
2 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
several of them rose to places of importance in their political
party.
Campbell was outstanding during the period when he was
particularly active in politics, 1803-1820, and with few excep-
tions he held more important state and federal positions than
any of his contemporaries in Tennessee and the West.^ To the
present, however, very little has been known of his career.
His day was one when few politicians became popular heroes
merely through tenure of office. He lived at a time in the
development of his state — and of adjoining states — when a
premium was placed on military activity. Since he never was
an Indian fighter or even a member of any military organiza-
tion (as far as is known), he failed to captivate public imag-
ination as did two of his contemporaries, John Sevier and
Andrew Jackson. It is not at all surprising that a man of
Campbell's type, somewhat scholarly and methodical in his
ways and habits, has been outshone by these two more colorful
and picturesque figures who, like many of their contem-
poraries beyond the Appalachian Mountains, used their mili-
tary exploits against the Indians of their region as stepping
stones to political office. Campbell utilized the legal profession
as a means of gaining public attention and office. He was
elected as his state's representative in Congress in 1803. After
serving in that capacity for six years, he became, in succes-
sion, judge of the Tennessee Supreme Court of Errors and
Appeals; United States senator; secretary of the treasury of
the United States ; senator again ; minister from the United
States to Russia ; and finally a member of the French Spolia-
tion Claims Commission of 1832-1835. While holding these
various positions, discussions of which comprise the major
portions of this biography, he demonstrated repeatedly that
he was more than able to hold his own in the vicissitudes of
national politics and diplomacy.
2For pen pictures of some of Tennessee's early politicians, see Allen Johnson
and Dumas Malone, eds., Dictionary of American Biography, 21 vols, and in-
dex (New York, 1928-1945), I, 267-268, IV, 115-116, 255-256, XV, 524-525, XVI,
602-604, XVII, 254-255.
EARLY LIFE 3
George Campbell was born February 8, 1769, in the parish
of Tongue, Sutherlandshire, Scotland, and was the youngest
of a family of ten children.^ His father, Archibald Campbell,
of an old and noble Scotch family, was a country physician.
His mother was Elizabeth Mackay Campbell, formerly the wife
of Duncan Matheson who had also lived in Tongue. When
George was three years old the Campbell family moved to
America, settling in Mecklenburg County, North Carolina.*
That particular section of the colony had first been settled by
Scotch-Irish families who arrived there from western Penn-
sylvania and Virginia during the early decades of the eight-
eenth century. Taking up land, along with German families,
they had become the most enterprising settlers of western
North Carolina. Following the Scotch-Irish and Germans
were Englishmen, French Hugenots, and Swiss, the last of
these waves coming in by way of Charleston, South Carolina.
The region became so thickly settled that Mecklenburg County
was erected in 1762.5
It is very probable that immediate members of the Camp-
bell family or friends of the family resided in North Carolina
and that they or their descendents induced Archibald to follow
suit. Dr. Campbell adopted the usual method of making a liv-
ing in a region such as Mecklenburg County of his time. He
became a farmer, and his family worked a small tract of land
on a stream known as Crooked Creek,^ in the southeastern
section of the present citj^ of Charlotte. It may be assumed,
3The children were Alexander, Janet, Katherine, Colin, Donald, Duncan,
John, Elizabeth, Anne, and George. Their births are recorded in the Family
Bible of the L. M. Brown Family (in possession of Mrs. Susan M. Brown, Spring
Hill, Tennessee).
^Philip May Hamer, "George Washington Campbell," in Johnson and Ma-
lone, eds.. Dictionary of American Biography, III, 452; George Norbury Mac-
kensie. Colonial Families of the United States of America, 7 vols. (Baltimore,
1911-1920), II, 507.
5D. A. Tompkins, History of Mecklenburg County, 2 vols. (Charlotte, 1903),
I, 15. For an interesting description of the establishment of North Carolina
counties, see David Leroy Corbitt, The Formation of North Carolina Counties,
1663-1943 (Raleigh, 1950). See Hugh T. Lefler and Albert R. Newsome, North
Carolina, The History of a Southern State (Chapel Hill, 1954), 69-81, for a dis-
cussion of the coming of the Scotch-Irish, Scotch, and Germans to western North
Carolina.
^Family Bible of the L. M. Brown Family.
4 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
however, that Dr. Campbell continued to practice his profes-
sion, for that was certainly an added source of income — and
trained physicians were always both scarce and needed on the
American frontier. Moreover, his children were numerous
enough and some of them old enough to manage his farm
without his constant presence and aid. The little evidence con-
cerning the elder Campbell which is available indicates that
he probably gained only an ordinary living.
Unfortunately, very little material is to be found concern-
ing the childhood and formative period of young George. If
he lived the typical frontier or quasi-frontier life of such a
region as Mecklenburg County during his early years, which
presumably was the case, it is likely that he performed chores
around his home and accompanied his older brothers on hunt-
ing and fishing trips. Without question he was influenced by
his surroundings. He was probably impressed with the events
of the American Revolution more than any other happenings
during his childhood. He was of course too young to participate
actively in the war ; but, according to family tradition, he did
demonstrate where his own sentiments and those of his fam-
ily lay during the war by adding Washington to his name out
of respect for General George Washington. Thereafter he
was known as George Washington Campbell.
Although many of the backcountry Loyalists (supporters
of the British Crown) in the American Revolution were
Scotch-Irish, who had not been long in America, also included
in the racial group were many of the most ardent revolution-
ists.'^ North Carolina was noted for the large number of Loyal-
ists which it was supposed to contain, but there seems to have
been no difference of feeling among the immediate members of
the Campbell family. George's three older brothers enlisted
in the American patriot forces. Alexander, the oldest, was
killed in September, 1780, while fighting in the interior of
South Carolina. A second brother named Donald, while oppos-
ing Colonel Banastre Tarleton at Waxhaw, died from a shot
'See Henry Jones Ford, Scotch-Irish in America (Princeton, 1915), passim,
for an excellent accoBnt of the Scotch-Irish.
EARLY LIFE 5
through the head. Colin, the third brother to take part in the
war, returned home safely. But in 1782 there was another
death in the Campbell family. This time it was the father who,
according to his widow, "died at his own house on Crooked
Creek, McClenborough County, N. C."^ Dr. Campbell did not
bequeath much personal property to Mrs. Campbell and her
eight children. According to his will, his "lands, Gear & Goods"
were left to his widow, and each child was to receive the sum
of ten shillings,^
George W. Campbell had reached the age of fourteen years
when peace was concluded with England in 1783. His family
had suffered three deaths during the war, but it had a means
of earning a living by operating its farm. Dr. Campbell had
been quite well educated, and it is probable that before his
death he taught his children to read and write. Elizabeth
Campbell also could read and write and for her time seems to
have had a fair education.^" After her husband's death she
took over the instruction of her younger children. Tradition
has it that she was particularly interested in teaching her
youngest child, George, whom she is said to have considered the
quickest to learn. George also must have obtained some formal
education during his youth, for at the time the section of
North Carolina where he lived possessed a comparatively large
number of schools.^^
In his early twenties Campbell was teaching school, prob-
ably in his own county and near his home. At the age of
twenty-three, in 1792, following several years of teaching, he
entered the junior class of the College of New Jersey (now
Princeton University). Like the great majority of the sons
^Family Bible of the L. M. Brown Family.
SMecklenburg County, North Carolina, Records, Wills, 1749-1869, IV, 2
(Archives of the North Carolina Historical Commission, Raleigh) .
lODr. Campbell's will, drawn up by himself on March 8, 1782, contains his
and his wife's signatures. Each signature is written in a clear, distinct hand.
Ibid. G. W. Campbell's handwriting was very similar to his father's.
llFor information concerning schools in western North Carolina during the
early development of the colony, see W. L. Saunders and Walter Clark, eds.. The
Colonial Records of North Carolina, 30 vols. (Raleigh, 1886-1914), V, 1150, VIII,
749, X, 1012, Xm, 374, 382, XXV, 519.
6 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
of Scotch families who had moved into the backcountry reg-
ions earlier in the century, he probably selected that particu-
lar college because he was a member of the Presbyterian
Church. Indeed, the great portion of students then enrolled
in the school came from communities very much like Camp-
bell's. Despite having to work for part of his expenses while
attending college, Campbell took an active role in student
affairs on the campus. Forensics being his particular interest,
he became a member of the American Whig Society, a literary
and debating organization ; and during his last year at Prince-
ton he won the coveted Mathematical Oration medal. He was
graduated with high honors in 1794.12
Campbell again became a teacher after leaving Princeton,
this time at Trenton, New Jersey,i^ where he must have
obtained his position through the efforts of Princeton author-
ities in recognition of his student record. After one or two
years' teaching, during which time he began studying law, he
returned to his home in North Carolina, where he continued
his legal training. It is not known whether he attended a law
school or studied under some practicing lawyer, but since the
latter was the more common practice at the time it was prob-
ably the way he completed his studies. Within a short time
after returning to North Carolina he was admitted to the bar.
However, he did not practice law extensively, if at all, in North
Carolina. 1^ He saw better opportunities elsewhere, and either
in 1797 or in 1798 he moved to Knoxville, Tennessee, then a
bustling little town of about fifty houses.^^
l^Bethenia M. Oldham, Tennessee and Tennesseans (Clarksville, Tennessee,
1903), 104; Hamer, "George Washington Campbell," loc. cit.. Ill, 452; Alexander
Leitch, Secretary of Princeton University, to the author, January 22, 1936.
^^Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774-1927 (Washington,
1928), 781.
14John Trotwood Moore and Austin P. Foster, Tennessee, The Volunteer
State, 4 vols. (Nashville, 1923), II, 83; Mecklenburg County, North Carolina,
Court Minutes, 1796-1798 (Archives of the North Carolina Historical Commis-
sion).
ISHugh Lawson White to Lyman C. Draper, April 6, 1836, in the Tennessee
Papers of the Draper Collection of Manuscripts (photostat copies in the Lawson
McGhee Library, Knoxville). See also Goodspeed History of Tennessee, . . .
(Nashville, 1887), 927, and Philip May Hamer, Tennessee, A History, 1673-1932,
4 vols. (New York, 1933), 11, 777.
EARLY LIFE 7
Tennessee had attained statehood in 1796; Knoxville was
its capital; and in moving there Campbell very likely v^^as
impressed, as w^ere very many other settlers during the same
period, with the growing importance of the state and town.^^
According to a newcomer to Knoxville in November, 1795:
"To a person who observes the emigration to this country, it
appears that North and South Carolina and Georgia were
emptying themselves into it."^'^ Since Campbell had lived in
Mecklenburg County, only about two hundred miles from
Knoxville, he had no doubt heard accounts of the fast-growing
town and decided that it was a promising location for a young
lawj^er.^s He was merely following the common practice of his
time of moving westward to find a new life in a place which
seemed to oif er more opportunities for advancement than had
his old home. His reason for going to Tennessee seems to
have been just that simple.
On March 15, 1798, shortly after arriving in Knoxville,
Campbell received a commission from Governor John Sevier
to practice law in Tennessee.^^ He began his practice in Knox-
ville, and rapidly became a leading lawyer in the capital.
Within a few years his reputation spread throughout East
Tennessee.20 And he moved to Knoxville at an opportune time.
The little community was the trading center of the settled sec-
tions of East Tennessee, and business was booming.^i Few
16The first settler in the Knoxville area seems to have arrived there in 1775.
Samuel Cole Williams, Daivn of Tennessee Valley and Tennessee History (John-
son City, Tennessee, 1937), 321, 436.
l^Samuel Cole Williams, ed.. Early Travels in the Tennessee Country (John-
son City, Tennessee, 1928), 432. According to F. A. Michaux, Travels to the
Westward of the Allegany Mountains (London, 1805), 89, by the year 1802,
Knoxville had approximately 200 houses.
ISFor a sketch of developments in Knoxville from 1791 to 1802, see Stanley
J. Folmsbee and Lucile Deaderick, "The Founding of Knoxville," East Tennes-
see Historical Society's Publications, XIII (1941), 3-20.
l^See Tennessee Commission Book, April, 1796-June, 1801, p. 16 (Tennessee
State Library and Archives, Nashville), for a record of Campbell's commission.
Carl Samuel Driver, John Sevier, Pioneer of the Old Southwest (Chapel Hill,
1932), presents an excellent account of early Tennessee history.
20Mark Armstrong to Andrew Jackson, August 19, 1803, in Andrew Jackson
Papers (Library of Congress).
21For a reference to Tennessee's population in 1795, see Albert C. Holt, The
Economic and Social Beginnings of Tennessee (Nashville, 1923 >, 163.
8 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
of the people near Knoxville had clear titles to their land, three
or four parties claiming the same piece of property in many-
cases. As Knoxville had some of the leading courts and lawyers
in the state, there was continual litigation over land claims;
and Campbell got more than his share of cases, since he soon
proved himself to be a capable and hard-working lawyer.
From his arrival in Knoxville until October, 1801, he was
rarely without a client.22 At the later date he sought election
to Congress as a representative from Tennessee. The mere
fact that he attempted to gain the position indicates that he
had acquired a position of some importance. And this fact
takes on even more significance when one considers that
from its admission to the Union until the congressional elec-
tions of 1803, Tennessee was entitled to only one member in
the national House of Representatives.
In August, 1801, Tennessee's representative in Congress,
the well-known William C. C. Claiborne, was re-elected over
his opponent, John Rhea of Sullivan County.^^ During early
September of the same year, however, President Thomas
Jefferson offered Claiborne the governorship of the Missis-
sippi Territory, which had been established in 1798. Clai-
borne resigned from Congress, September 22, thus causing
Tennessee to have to hold a special election to fill the
vacancy created in Congress. A bill providing for the elec-
tion passed the Tennessee General Assembly; and was
announced in the Nashville Tennessee Gazette and other
state newspapers. This special election, held on October 29
and 30, afforded an opportunity for several young Tennessee
lawyers and politicians to seek Claiborne's seat in Con-
gress.24 Among the aspirants was G. W. Campbell, who at
22Knox County, Tennessee, Court Minutes, 1798-1801 (OflSce of the County
Clerk, Knox County Court House, Knoxville). Thomas Perkins Abernethy,
From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee (Chapel Hill, 1932), 44-63, 182-193,
describes some of the practices followed by early Tennesseans in taking up
land.
23Claiborne received 7,977 votes to Rhea's 1,261 in the election. Tennessee
House Journal, 1801, p. 9.
^^Ibid., 1801, p. 35; Tennessee Senate Journal, 1801, p. 31; Nashville Tennes-
see Gazette, May 13, August 12, October 7, 1801; Claiborne to John Sevier,
September 22, 1801, in Archibald Roane Papers, in the Tennessee Historical
Society Collection (Tennessee State Library and Archives).
EARLY LIFE 9
the time was thirty-two years old. Three other rather young
men, all of whom later played important roles in Tennessee
and national politics, also announced their candidacy. They
were John Rhea, who had opposed Claiborne in the regular
election; William Dickson, who at the time was Speaker of
the Tennessee House of Representatives; and John Cocke of
Hawkins County.^s
Not a great amount of information is available on the con-
duct of the campaign; thus the stands taken by the several
candidates cannot be determined definitely. Of the candi-
dates, Dickson had the best chance of winning, because of
his position in the General Assembly. He had at least
attracted some public attention before 1801. Of special
importance also was the support which he received from
Andrew Jackson, who even at this early date carried much
influence in Tennessee, and who on this occasion acted as
spokesman of his political faction in the state.^^ A week fol-
lowing the announcement of the special election, a letter writ-
ten by Jackson to Dickson, obviously meant for publication,
appeared in the Nashville Tennessee Gazette. Jackson
described Dickson "as a sincere friend in private life" and
one to whom the writer was "very much disposed to extend
his little political support. "^^ This letter undoubtedly helped
Dickson win the election. It may be assumed, however, that
Campbell and the two other candidates were active in the
campaign. Campbell had had extensive experience as a
speaker; and he must have made addresses in at least the
leading communities of East Tennessee. It may be assumed,
too, that all the candidates pledged their support to Presi-
dent Jefferson, for the Virginian was very popular with the
25Nashville Tennessee Gazette, October 7, 1801; see also Charles A. Miller,
The Official and Political Manual of the State of Tennessee (Nashville, 1890),
197.
26See John Spencer Bassett, The Life of Andrew Jackson, 2 vols. (New York,
1911), I, 15-36, for a concise and very considered account of Jackson's early
career in Tennessee. A. M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson (New York,
1945), contains a later interpretation of Jackson, but for an appraisal of the
latter book, see Bray Hammond, "Public Policy and National Banks," Journal
of Economic History, VI (May, 1946), 79-84.
27Nashville Tennessee Gazette, October 14, 1801.
10 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
transmontane people and had easily carried Tennessee's vote
in the presidential election of 1800.
Dickson continued to serve in the General Assembly until
it adjourned in November, and on December 7 he took his
seat in the Seventh Congress.^s Campbell, meanwhile,
resumed his law practice in Knoxville ; and for the next two
years continued as one of the most sought-after lawyers in
Tennessee. But he still aspired for public office, again
announcing for Congress in 1803.29 This time he had better
chances of success, for during the interval between the elec-
tions of 1801 and 1803, Tennessee was allotted two more
seats in the lower House of Congress as a result of an increase
in the population shown in the census of 1800, By August,
1803, when the elections were held, Tennessee had been
divided into three administrative districts, but not into con-
gressional districts.^'' The 1803 congressional elections,
therefore, took the form of a general election with the entire
voting population of the state selecting three of the four can-
didates who ran for office. The three congressional districts
as set up in 1803, as well as the counties which were added to
the original districts in the period 1803-1812, are shown in the
following table. After the districts were established, each of
the state's congressmen represented the district in which he
resided.
Congressional Districts in Tennessee, 1803-181231
Counties Year Erected
Washington District Carter 1796
Greene 1783
28Tennessee House Journal, 1801, p. 139; Annals of Congress, 7 Cong., 1 Sess.
(1801-1802), 309. This later item is cited hereafter as Annals.
29Mark Armstrong to Jackson, August 19, 1803, in Jackson Papers; Nashville
Tennessee Gazette and Mero District Advertiser, August 17, 1803.
^^Acts of Tennessee, 1803, p. 133. This Act provided: "That, in the future
elections for representatives in Congress, the state shall be laid off into three
divisions; ..."
SlMaterial for this table was furnished by R. T. Quarles, Recording Secretary
of the Tennessee Historical Society. New congressional districts were estab-
lished in 1812. See Holt, The Economic and Social Beginnings of Tennessee,
156, for a map showing the counties of the state in 1806.
EARLY LIFE
11
Congressional Districts in Tennessee,
1803-1812— (colli:.)
Counties
Year Erected
Washington District Hawkins
1786
Sullivan
1779
Washington
1777
Mero District Bedford
1807
Davidson
1783
Dickson
1803
Franklin
1807
Giles
1809
Hickman
1807
Humphreys
1809
Jackson
1801
Lincoln
1809
Maury-
1807
Montgomery
1796
Overton
1806
Robertson
1796
Rutherford
1803
Stewart
1803
Smith
1799
Sumner
1786
Warren
1807
White
1806
Williamson
1799
Wilson
1799
Hamilton District Anderson
1801
Blount
1795
Bledsoe
1807
Campbell
1806
Claiborne
1801
Cocke
1797
Grainger
1796
Jefferson
1792
Knox
1792
Rhea
1807
Roane
1801
Sevier
1794
12 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Dickson, Rhea and Cocke, the three candidates whom
Campbell opposed in the congressional election of 1801, again
sought office in 1803. In the latter campaign Campbell sup-
ported ex-Governor Sevier for election over the incumbent,
Archibald Roane,^^ j^ the gubernatorial contest which accom-
panied the general election of congressmen, and he gained
some votes because of the position he took on this issue.
Once more the candidates pledged, if elected, to champion
the policies of President Jefferson. Campbell also retained
the support of some of the voters who had backed him for
office in 1801, and his exceptional speaking abilities — at a
time when public speaking brought unusual pleasure to vot-
ers— must have influenced many people to vote for him.^^
Available returns of the election do not indicate the number
of votes the candidates received in each county. Campbell's
total, however, was only 167 votes less than Dickson's, who
had the advantage of a term in Congress. This result is at
least indicative of Campbell's popularity. He also received
more votes than any of the candidates except Dickson. He
received 9,515 votes, Dickson 9,682, Rhea 7,382, and Cocke
5,511. In the gubernatorial election Sevier defeated Roane
by a vote of 6,780 to 4,723. On October 17 the three congress-
men took their seats in the Eighth Congress.^^
32Roane polled 8,438 votes for the governorship in 1801, and was unopposed
for election. Tennessee Senate Journal, 1801, p. 9.
33Nashville Tennessee Gazette and Mero District Advertiser, August 17, 1803.
De Alva Stanwood Alexander, History and Procedure of the House of Represen-
tatives (Boston, 1916), 301, mentions that Campbell was a very able speaker.
34Tennessee Senate Journal, 1803, pp. 12-13; Annals, 8 Cong., 1 Sess. (1803-
1804), 368. It will be remembered that each voter cast a vote for a gubernatorial
candidate, as well as votes for three of the four candidates in the congressional
election.
Chapter II
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WEST
Throughout his career in Congress, Campbell supported
legislation sponsored by the Jeffersonian party. But he never
forgot his constituency, and at all times he was aware of
the problems and the desires of the people living in his state
and section of the West. Four days after entering the House
of Representatives he demonstrated this attitude when a spe-
cial message requesting an appropriation to execute the
Louisiana treaty was received from President Jefferson.^
Strong objections were oifered to the treaty by certain Fed-
eralist representatives, but Campbell and the other Wester-
ners offered none. On October 23, 1803, he voted in the
affirmative when $11,250,000 was appropriated for carry-
ing out the treaty.2 On this same day, Campbell wrote
Andrew Jackson that Congress had been busily engaged "on
the subject of Louisiana business." Tennessee, he said, could
expect many advantages because of its proximity to the new
territory: "... The Western States are naturally interested
in having immediate possession taken of that country —
doubts are suggested here of the constitutionality of our
admitting that country into the Union as a State — and many
appear opposed to admitting it to be populated, etc. — These
objections are likely to become more serious than at first
might be deemed — . ..." Campbell was sure that the Feder-
alists in Congress would attempt to block legislation concern-
ing the new territory, and that extended debates would take
place before the question was settled. He, nevertheless, would
support the interests of the western states in the matter and
iPaul Leicester Ford, ed., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, 10 vols. (New
York, 1892-1899) , VIII, 274.
^Annals, 8 Cong., 1 Sess. (1803-1804), 382. For an account of the actions of
Congress on the treaty and legislation concerning Louisiana, see Everett Somer-
ville Brown, The Constitutional History of the Louisiana Purchase, 1803-1812
(Berkeley, California, 1920) ; in this connection, J. A. Robertson, Louisiana
under the Rule of Spain, France and the United States, 1785-1807, 2 vols.
(Cleveland, 1911), is also very useful.
14 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
believed that other Westerners in Congress would follow the
same course.^
The immediate question to come before Congress for dis-
cussion after the Louisiana treaty was accepted and money
set aside for its execution was the newly acquired region's
relation to the federal government. This indeed proved a
problem for debate, since the territory did not come defin-
itely under the provisions laid down in the famous Ordinances
of 1785 and 1787. The Senate appointed a committee, Decem-
ber 5, headed by Senator John Breckinridge of Kentucky, to
report on a proposed government in Louisiana.* Breckin-
ridge soon recommended a bill which bears his name. The
measure as finally passed in the Senate on February 18, 1804,
after a month and a half of debate, divided the purchase into
two parts : that south of the thirty-third parallel to be known
as the Territory of Orleans; that north of the same parallel
to be designated as the District of Indiana. As provided by
this bill, the people living in the Territory of Orleans v/ere to
have no part in determining governmental policies in the
normal sense. All ofiicials, including a Legislative Council of
thirteen members, were to be appointed by the President of
the United States or by the Territorial governor. The right
of trial by jury was granted only in cases involving capital
crimes. Importation of slaves from abroad was prohibited.^
When the bill was received in the lower House on Feb-
ruary 24, it was immediately attacked both by Federalists and
by members representing the western states. Disapproval
was widespread, and by no means confined to members who
usually opposed the Administration. Those representatives
from the western states, all Jeffersonians, who opposed the
^Campbell to Jackson, October 29, 1803, in Jackson Papers. Arthur Preston
Whitaker, The Mississippi Question, 1795-1803 (New York, 1934), contains an
excellent discussion of the importance of the Mississippi River to Tennesseans
and to the residents of the other states which the River borders.
iAnnals, 8 Cong., 1 Sess. (1803-1804), 211.
5Ibid., 233. Ibid., Appendix, 1293-1300, contains the full text of the Breck-
inridge bill, as approved by Jefferson on March 26, 1804. For a survey of
Breckinridge's career, see Lowell H. Harrison, "John Breckinridge: Western
Statesman," Journal of Southern History, XVIII (May, 1952), 137-151.
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WEST 15
bill stated that it would establish an unwanted and autocratic
government in the new territory, and that it did not follow
the precepts outlined by the Ordinance of 1787. Michael Lieb
and Andrew Gregg, two anti-administration representatives
from Pennsylvania, objected to the Breckinridge proposal on
the ground that it conferred "royal powers" upon President
Jefferson.^ Campbell entered the debate on February 28, at
that time making his first speech in Congress. His address
was quite lengthy, showed much preparation, and was deliv-
ered in the stilted style followed by many of his contempor-
aries. He was extremely bitter in his denunciation of the bill,
particuiarlj^ of the form of government proposed for the
Orleans Territory.
Although Campbell was an avowed follower of Jefferson,
who approved the Breckinridge measure, his speech indicates
that he was willing to abandon party lines whenever he
believed that a proposed bill was detrimental to the interests
of the people of the West : "On examining the section [of the
bill concerning self-government in the Territory] it will
appear that it really establishes a complete despotism; that
it does not evince a single trait of liberty; that it does not
confer one single right to which they [the new citizens] are
entitled under the treaty ; that it does not extend to them the
benefits of the Federal Constitution or declare when here
after, they shall receive them." Campbell added, "I believe it
will, on investigation, be found difficult to separate liberty
from the right of self-government, and hence arises the ques-
tion, now to be decided, whether we will countenance the prin-
ciple of government by despotic systems of government, or
support the principle that they are entitled to be governed by
laws made by themselves, and to expect that they shall, in
due time, receive all the benefits of citizens of the United
States under the Constitution." This was a speech typical of
a Westerner. Campbell favored a territorial government
modeled after that which existed in the Territory of Missis-
6See Annals, 8 Cong., 1 Sess. (1803-1801), 977-1062, for a record of these very
partisan speeches.
16 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
sippi, under which citizens of the Territory, to a large extent,
determined their own form of government. His conclusion
was that the sooner the people in the Orleans Territory
gained self-government the better.'^
Discussion of the Breckinridge bill occupied much of the
House's time for the next few weeks.^ That section of the bill
providing for enactment of laws in the Orleans Territory by
the appointive Legislative Council was struck out by a vote
of 80 to 15. Campbell voted with the majority on this ques-
tion ; he also offered a substitute for the section stricken from
the original bill, suggesting instead that the governor and
judges of the Territory adopt such laws of the existing states
as were suitable for the exigencies of the situation. The gov-
ernor and judges, he said, should be allowed to enact neces-
sary laws, but before adoption those laws ought to be
approved by Congress, and they should remain in effect only
until a Territorial General Assembly was established. At the
latter time a complete set of laws should be enacted by the
representative group. The Territory ought to be divided into
counties for purposes of administration. The General Assem-
bly, when organized, should consist of a Legislative Council
and a House of Representatives. No property qualifications
ought to be required of the voters in the Territory.^ These
suggestions, which again point up the fact that Campbell was
indeed a Westerner in his attitudes toward government, show
that the speaker was definitely interested in and had made
an elaborate study of the Breckinridge bill, but they seem-
ingly were wasted when the House refused to accept any of
them.
Campbell was also a leading critic of that section of the
bill concerning judicial procedure in the Territory. He dis-
approved of the section because it failed to provide for jury
trial in cases other than those involving capital crimes, and
'^Ibid., 1063-1067, contains Campbell's complete speech.
8For references to Breckinridge's part in the Senate adoption of his bill, see
Harrison, "John Breckinridge: Western Statesman," loc. cit., 146-147.
^Annals, 8 Cong., 1 Sess. (1803-1804), 1078-1079.
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WEST 17
suggested that all trials be by jury in all civil cases above the
value of twenty dollars. Here he was obviously merely fol-
lowing Amendment VII of the United States Constitution.
He was also of the opinion that Congress did not have a con-
stitutional right to establish courts in any Territory any dif-
ferent from those in the states ; for, according to him, "When-
ever courts were established in the Territory, they must be
considered courts of the United States." But these sugges-
tions, offered in the form of an amendment to the bill, also
were not accepted. It would seem, therefore, that by this time
Campbell would have lost heart, but he was still obstinate in
his opposition to the measure, and later offered still another
amendment, which provided for the election of a Legislature
in the Territory in lieu of a Legislative Council appointed by
the President. Once more his amendment failed, and follow-
ing this last attempt to change the bill, he took no further
part in the discussion over it in the House.^o His attacks
throughout had arisen from a desire to establish a democratic
government in a region near his home, and a region which
was faced with the same problems that had been encountered
in Tennessee in 1792-1796,
Debate on the Breckinridge bill continued in the lower
House until March 17, 1804, at which time the bill was
returned to the Senate with two important amendments.
First, that section of the original proposal which had invested
legislative powers in a Council appointed by the President,
and which had been opposed so strongly by Campbell, was
struck out. In its place, a compromise was suggested under
which the Council was to operate for only one year ; after that
time the Council was to be replaced by an elective assembly.
Second, as a result of the general opposition to the bill, its
provisions were limited to two years. Campbell's criticism of
the original bill undoubtedly had some effect in bringing about
these two amendments, although he by no means should be
considered wholly responsible for them. The changes in the
bill made by the House led to a conference committee, in
mbid., 1129-1130.
18 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
which the Senate refused to accept the amendments. A later
conference agreed, however, that all provisions of the meas-
ure sliould be limited to one year. This final compromise was
accepted by both Houses, and, on March 26, the measure
was signed by President Jefferson. Some of the die-hard
House members refused to vote on the final passage of the
bill, and the final vote of 51 to 42 indicates a noticeable
decrease from votes previously cast on various sections of the
measure. Campbell, along with about twenty other members,
was among those absent when the bill was passed.^^
Another matter of a regional nature with which the new
representative from Tennessee concerned himself was con-
struction of a post road from Knoxville to New Orleans.^^ Not
long after entering Congress, he was placed on a House Com-
mittee to inquire into conditions of the federal postal service.
A road bill, which he presented December 4, 1804, provided
for a road to begin in Knoxville and connect that town with
Jellico, Tennessee ; from the latter place it was to proceed to
a settlement known as Hickory Ground, in the Creek Nation
near the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers; from
there to Fort St. Stephens on the Tombigbee River ; and
thence to New Orleans. The road, according to Campbell, had
three objectives : It would insure a direct route for the trans-
portation of the mail from Knoxville to New Orleans; it
would open intermediate points to communication with other
sections of the country, and this was especially desired for
the settlements around the Tombigbee ; and it would improve
^Ubid., 1199, 1206, 1208, 1229, 1300. In a letter to Albert Gallatin, Secretary
of the Treasury, written on November 3, 1803, Jefferson outlined what he con-
sidered to be a suitable government for Louisiana. Thomas Jefferson Papers
(Library of Congress.) The Breckinridge bill conformed to the President's
wishes. For an account of Senate action on the bill, see Everett S. Brown, ed.,
"The Senate Debate on the Breckinridge Bill for the Government of Louisiana,
1804," American Historical Review, XXII (January, 1917), 340-364.
12Holt, The Economic and Social Beginnings of Tennessee, 86-92, contains
some brief references to the postal system in Tennessee at this time.
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WEST 19
commercial contacts of the areas traversed with other reg-
ions of the United States.^^
As no debate or House action occurred when Campbell
introduced his road bill, he again brought up the subject for
discussion on February 6, 1805. Once more he was the only
member to speak on the subject, but expressed himself pre-
cisely as might be expected of a Westerner. He reiterated his
earlier reasons for support of such a road, adding that under
the existing system of roads in his region the mail was "...
carried by a circuitous route from Knoxville to Nashville,
two hundred miles, and thence to Natchez, at least five hun-
dred miles, and thence to New Orleans, three hundred
miles; . . . ," a total of about one thousand miles. He
observed, erroneously, that the new road would cut the dis-
tance to be covered in half. As to other advantages to be
expected from the road, he said, "The only mode by which
the people of that country [which the road would traverse]
can, at this time, convey their produce to the market, is by
boating it down the river Tennessee into the Ohio, then along
that [river] to the Mississippi, and down that river to New
Orleans." In behalf of his road bill, Campbell stated also
that, "The country through which the road from Knoxville
will pass, is ... a fine open country, generally dry without
being broken by mountains, a very few streams of any con-
siderable size to be crossed, and no large rivers until you
arrive at the Tombigbee. It will pass along the high lands
that lie between the waters falling into the Tennessee River,
and those that are discharged into the Coosa and Alabama
Rivers, and will require little expense . . . . "^^ But Congress
was in no mood to accept Campbell's bill just at this time.^^
^^Annah, 8 Cong., 2 Sess. (1804-1805), 680, 1185-1189. The community of
Jellico, mentioned by Campbell in his speech, is not to be confused with
present-day Jellico, Tennessee. See Stanley J. Folmsbee, Secdonalisni and
Internal Improvements in Tennessee, 1796-1845 (Knoxville, 1939), for a discus-
sion of the political aspects of the development of transportation facilities
during the early history of Tennessee.
^^Annals, 8 Cong., 2 Sess. (1804-1805), 1186-1188.
l^As Campbell wrote to Jackson: "... — very little business of real im-
portance has been transacted in the Session, referred to Committees — ...
and of course when the reports are made there will be too little or no timie
to discuss them — ." Campbell to Jackson, January 17, 1805, in Jackson Papers.
20 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
The members were too much interested in the impeachment
trial of Samuel Chase of the Supreme Court. Congress was
in a furor. Campbell was given leave to bring his proposal
before the House at some later date.^^
Campbell made no further efforts while in the Eighth Con-
gress to debate any matters of a strictly local nature. Leav-
ing the capital in March, 1805, he returned to Knoxville; and
shortly after his arrival home he reported on his stay in Wash-
ington to his constituency in the form of a Circular Letter to
the Citizens of Tennessee, which was published in the leading
newspapers of the state and in pamphlet form for distribution.
The Circular Letter was also a bid for re-election to the next
Congress. Campbell in later life prided himself on never hav-
ing sought a public office,^'' but after reading his Circular Let-
ter one must conclude that he was campaigning. Otherwise
he would not have informed the voters of Tennessee that he
was willing to stand on his record as a supporter of the Jeff er-
sonian party and as a representative working for their welfare.
His report began: "There have been but few subjects of
national importance brought before Congress during the pres-
ent session; and of those very few have been passed into
laws." A government had been established in Louisiana, and
citizens living along the Mississippi River could expect great
advantages from American possession of the new Territory.
Tennessee at last had an assured outlet for its products, and
no foreign power could rightfully question American control
of navigation of the river. Morever, he remarked, assurance
had come from President Jefferson that a treaty would
shortly be drawn up between the United States Government
and the Cherokee and Creek Indians for the purpose of extin-
guishing their claims to land within Tennessee. Campbell
stated also that he had tried to secure construction of
a post road between Knoxville, the Tombigbee settlements,
lejnraaZs, 8 Cong., 2 Sess. (1804-1805), 1183. See Chapter III, below, for the
part that Campbell, himself, played in the Chase trial.
I'^Campbell Brown to Anson Nelson, February 22, 1882, in Tennessee Histor-
ical Society Collection.
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WEST 21
and New Orleans. His efforts in this connection had failed,
"... but we expect to make such arrangements ... on the
subject, as will insure its ultimate success in a short time
.... "1^ This reference to the future indicates that Campbell
was indeed hoping for re-election.
Tennessee's congressmen were elected by voters in dis-
tricts for the first time in the elections of August, 1805, for as
provided by the Act of the General Assembly, passed Novem-
ber 1, 1803, the state was divided into three congressional
districts, Hamilton and Washington in East Tennessee and
Mero in Middle Tennessee. West Tennessee of course had
not yet been opened to settlement. The Hamilton district, in
which Campbell resided and which he represented while in
the lower house of Congress, included the following counties
in 1805: Anderson, Blount, Claiborne, Cocke, Grainger,
Jefferson, Knox, Roane, and Sevier.i^
As Campbell was not opposed for office in 1805, it was
unnecessary for him to carry on an active campaign. He was,
however, by this time a close political and personal friend of
Andrew Jackson, and aligned himself with the political group
in Tennessee with which Jackson was associated. This of
course meant that Campbell shifted his support from Gov-
ernor Sevier to the latter's opponent, Roane, in the guberna-
torial election of the same year. Campbell realized that he
could not retain the friendship and political backing of Jack-
son if he supported Sevier, whom Jackson opposed. Campbell,
therefore, deliberately attached himself to Jackson, the rising
star of Tennessee, and remained a supporter of Jackson for
the rest of his life. Sevier was the past, Jackson was the
future. To Campbell, it was politic to shift his support from
Sevier to Roane. Even so, he realized that Roane had little
chance of defeating Sevier. From Knoxville he wrote to
l^Nashville Tennessee Gazette and Mero District Advertiser, April 10, 1805.
See Robert S. Cotterill, The Old South (Glendale, California, 1936), 107-127, for
references to a treaty made with the Cherokee Indians in October, 1805, which
included provision for construction of a road similar to the one proposed by
Campbell. A road into the region was not constructed immediately after 1805,
however.
l^See the Table on page 22.
22 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Jackson, July 18, 1805, "... We have not anything here very
interesting with regard to elections — very little activity on
the subject — and it is thought not much change in the minds
of the people — except in a few settlements — where it is said
the former executive [Roane] has gained ground.''^^ That this
was a correct prediction is shown by the fact that the old
Indian fighter defeated Roane by the overwhelming vote of
10,733 to 5,909.21
Although Campbell had no opposition in the Hamilton
district, the official returns of the 1805 election are of inter-
est, particularly as they indicate his popularity. The follow-
ing table has been compiled from the written reports of the
election made to the Secretary of State by the sheriffs of the
counties in the district i^^
Official Returns of the Gubernatorial and
Congressional Elections in the Hamilton District,
Tennessee, August 2, 1805
Counties
Candidates
Campbell
Sevier
Roane
Anderson
1,902
(total vote
Knox
in the three
Roane
counties)
Claiborne
266
(Total vote in
Cocke
the two counties)
Sevier
595
Blount
768
545
228
Jefferson
621
487
140
Grainger
1,058
1,118
2,150
132
Total
5,210
502
20Campbell to Jackson, July 18, 1805, in Jackson Papers.
21Tennessee Senate Journal, 1805, p. 13.
22Material for this table is located in the Tennessee Secretary of State His-
torical Records (Tennessee State Library and Archives).
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WEST 23
Some, but only some, of the returns on the votes for Sevier
and Roane are included in the above table ; and a comparison
of those returns with Campbell's also indicates the latter's
support. In the same election the voters selected two other
congressmen: William Dickson and John Rhea, who had
served along with Campbell in the previous Congress. Rhea
was elected in the Washington district with a vote of 4,130,
Dickson in the Mero district with 6,006.^3
On December 19, 1805, soon after the Ninth Congress con-
\ened, Campbell resumed his activities in behalf of Tennessee
by proposing: "That a committee be appointed to inquire
whether any, and if any, what alterations are necessary to be
made to the act to regulate trade and intercourse with the
Indian tribes and to preserve peace on the frontiers ; and that
the committee have leave to report thereon by bill, or other-
wise."24 This resolution, which probably resulted from con-
tacts which Campbell had had back home, was approved by
the House, and Campbell was appointed chairman of the com-
mittee for which it provided. Immediately afterwards, he
became involved in other congressional matters, and if he
reported a bill it is unknown. However, President Jefferson
did approve a bill, in April, 1806, increasing the number of
Indian trading-houses throughout the United States ;25 and it
may be that since Campbell was serving on his committee to
handle such matters he was partially responsible for the bill.
Another problem of interest to Tennesseans with which
Campbell concerned himself at this time was the ownership
of territory located along the coast of Florida east of the Mis-
sissippi River. An ambiguous arrangement had been made
under the Louisiana treaty, and the territory in question was
claimed by both the United States and Spain. Clashes
occurred involving Americans, Spaniards, renegades, runaway
slaves and Indians in the disputed area, especially along the
Florida-Georgia border. Certain Americans, including Presi-
23Tennessee Senate Journal, 1805, p. 13.
^'^Annals, 9 Cong., 1 Sess. (1805-1806), 297-298.
25Ibid., 1287-1290.
24 GEOEGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
dent Jefferson and other inveterate expansionists, eagerly
desired the region ; and on December 3, 1805, Jefferson, in his
annual message to Congress, called attention to what he consid-
ered to be a very trying situation. The problem had become so
perplexing that war was believed to be imminent.^^ Following
discussions in the House, a committee of five members was
appointed, January 14, 1806, to bring in a bill providing for
the purchase of the disputed region, Campbell was named
a member of the committee, probably because of the interest
he had shown earlier in the Breckinridge bill. In fact. West-
erners were interested in West Florida for the same general
reasons they were interested in the Territory of Orleans. On
the day after its appointment, the committee presented a bill
in favor of purchasing West Florida ; and on the same day an
appropriation for the purchase was granted.^^ Campbell's
part in all this is unknown. However, most of the votes
against the bill were those of the representatives from the
Middle and New England states, who feared that their sec-
tions would not benefit from the purchase and that the West's
population someday would outnumber their own. Through-
out the votes cast on the bill, Campbell and other Westerners
supported it. But as is well known, the United States did not
gain Florida at this time.^s Campbell, as will be seen, did not
lose interest in Florida, and he continued, at least intermit-
tently, to work for acquisition of the region for the next fif-
teen years. In this activity, he was typical of the leaders of
the Old Southwest of his day.
In early March, 1806, Campbell brought before the
House a matter which was of even more special concern to
the people of his state. He had received a resolution from the
26 James D. Richardson, ed., A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of
the Presidents, 1789-1897, 10 vols. (Washington, 1899), I, 382-388. See also
Louis Houck, The Boundaries of the Louisiana Purchase (St. Louis, 1901) ;
Hubert Bruce Fuller, The Purchase of Florida, Its History and Diplomacy
(Cleveland, 1906) ; and Rembert W. Patrick, Florida Fiasco, Rampant Rebels
on the Georgia-Florida Border, 1810-1815 (Athens, Georgia, 1954), 22-28.
^^ Annals, 9 Cong., 1 Sess. (1805-1806), 1127-1133.
28See Isaac Joslin Cox, The West Florida Controversy, 1798-1813, . . . (Balti-
more, 1918).
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WEST 25
Tennessee General Assembly requesting "... that provision
ought to be made for opening and improving the navigation
of the river Tennessee, through the Muscle Shoals, in the
Mississippi Territory . . . "^ which then included present-
day Mississippi and Alabama. For commercial purposes the
merchants and people of East Tennessee desired to open up
the region and to use better the Tennessee River, and they
wanted the federal government to pay the bill. Campbell was
keenly aware of this fact, and a few days after receiving the
resolution he presented it to the House. The members were
not interested in the subject at the time, however, and they
referred it to a committee headed by Campbell. There the mat-
ter remained, and no definite action was taken on it, just as
in the case of many other resolutions on the same subject.
The problem has been like the poor: it has generally been
with Tennessee.^"^
On April 19, two days before the recess between the First
and Second sessions of the Ninth Congress, Campbell pre-
sented to his colleagues still another subject of importance to
his state. This time it concerned the Tennessee Indians. The
General Assembly had sent him another resolution, which he
was to forward to President Jefferson. The following letter,
written by Campbell and his Tennessee colleagues in Con-
gress to accompany the resolution, is self-explanatory: "At
present there are very few houses of accommodation on the
road from Nashville to Natchez — nor can these be established
without the assent of the Indians — with you alone rests the
power of obtaining their assent — The traveling on this road is
very great, [and] of course the sufferings of our fellow citizens
who have much communications with Natchez and Orleans
^^Annals, 9 Cong., 1 Sess. (1805-1806), 575. For an interesting discussion of
the practice of state legislatures memorializing, "instructing," and "request-
ing" members of Congress to take action on specific questions, see Clement
Eaton, "Southern Senators and the Right of Instruction, 1789-1860," Journal of
Southern History, XVIII (August, 1952), 303-319.
^^Annals, 9 Cong., 1 'Sess. (1805-1806), 575. Donald Davidson, The Tennes-
see: The Old River-Frontier to Secession (New York, 1946), and Gilbert E.
Govan and James W. Livingood, The Chattanooga Country, 1540-1951 (New
York, 1952), contain hundreds of references to the importance of the Tennessee
River in Tennessee's history.
26 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
must be in proportion — We are induced to hope with confi-
dence the success of our application — from your uniform
attention to their wants — and patronage of the interests, of
our western citizens — for which we take this occasion to
express — our sincere gratitude/'^i This letter was written
by Campbell and signed by himself, Representative Rhea,
and Senator Joseph Anderson; and although no immediate
result came from it, the plea does indicate that Campbell was
active in looking after the interests of the people of his state
and region. The letter also shows that Campbell did not hes-
itate to remind Jefferson that Westerners were followers of
the President's party and should receive consideration because
of that fact.
During the second session of the Ninth Congress, Camp-
bell interested himself in two important matters which may
be considered regional in nature. The first was brought on
by the Aaron Burr conspiracy, Campbell proposing that the
President be empowered to accept state militia for army
service, under army regulations, when they offered their
services in time of danger. Such a power should be granted
to the President, he said, because it would put in his hands
"a disposable force, which might be called out at a moment's
notice, whenever the exigency of affairs might require it."32
However, Campbell's suggestion was criticized by Represen-
tative Joseph Varnum of Massachusetts, a powerful and
polished speaker who, having the acts of Aaron Burr and
his associates in mind, intimated that frontier troops might
prove disloyal to the United States when called into service.
Campbell's rejoinder to what he considered a slap at himself
and his region was caustic: "If there were conspirators
against the peace of the country," he said, "you will find the
body of them . . . composed of men who have hitherto resided
in the old parts of the Confederacy. You will find few or
none of them on the frontiers ; and so far as I am acquainted
with the people of this country [and here he expressed an
31Campbell, John Rhea, and Joseph Anderson to Jefferson, April 19, 1806,
in Jefferson Papers.
^^Annals, 9 Cong., 2 Sess. (1806-1807), 205.
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WEST 27
opinion similar to Jefferson's], I believe there is no part of
them more attracted to the Government and the Union than
the Americans on the frontier settlements "^^ This
speech is of special import for several reasons. It shows that
Campbell was quite able to take care of himself in the rough-
and-tumble debate in which Congressmen so often become
involved, of which there was an excessive amount between
Jeffersonians and anti-Jeffersonians during the years Camp-
bell was in Congress. Campbell's flashing speech indicates
pointedly that he was ready to defend the West. Finally, it
may be taken as an example of the bitter feeling which some-
times flamed forth between the East and West. As for the
outcome of Campbell's resolution, it was referred to a select
committee empowered to return a bill carrying out its
provisions.
Campbell's next activity of a regional nature occurred in
January and February of 1807. A Senate bill establishing a
new judicial district in Tennessee, Kentucky, and Ohio was
received in the lower House and referred to a special commit-
tee headed by Campbell. On February 2 the Tennessean
reported favorably on it, and it was shortly thereafter
approved in the House.^^ One section of the bill provided for
an additional justice of the United States Supreme Court to
ride the circuit in the new district set up by the bill. Imme-
diately after the measure was adopted, a House caucus con-
sisting of representatives from Tennessee, Kentucky, and
Ohio met to name its choice of a person to fill the new posi-
tion; and among those considered were Campbell and several
Kentuckians, including James Hughes, Thomas Todd, and
John Boyle. The caucus selected Campbell as its choice and
recommended him to Jefferson. Since his nomination con-
flicted with the provision of the Constitution which prevents
a member of Congress from serving in an office created while
he is in that body, however, Jefferson refused to accept the
33/6id., 214-215.
34/6id., 426, 433, 486, 500.
28 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
caucus' recommendation.35 The following letter written by-
John Randolph of Roanoke, Virginia, to his friend, Joseph
Nicholson of Maryland, furnishes another interesting view-
point of the incident :
Bad as you suppose matters to be, they are even worse than
you apprehend. What think you of that Prince of Prigs & Pup-
pies, G. W. C. [Campbell] for a Judge of the Supreme Court of
the United States !!!... You must know that we have made a
new Circuit consisting of the three Western States, with an addi-
tional Associate Justice. A caucus (excuse the slang of politics)
was held, as I am informed, by the delegations of those states for
the purpose of recommending some character to the President.
Boyle was talked of, but the interest of C. [Campbell] finally pre-
vailed. This is 'Tom, Dick and Harry' with a vengeance. But,
to cap the climax, an attempt was made by the honorable aspir-
ant himself so to amend the bill as to get around the constitu-
tional barrier to his appointment. Can you conceive a more miser-
able or shameless prevarication than the following? An office
is created, but the Act made to take effect after the 3rd of March;
therefore, say those unblushing quibblers, not being created dur-
ing the time for which they were elected, but coming into exist-
ence subsequently, we are eligible! The proposed amendment
was, however, rejected, although strenuously pressed in the House
as well as in the Committee.36
If the contents of this letter are correct, as they may well
be, they supply a significant insight into the character of
Campbell, a man who claimed that he never sought an office.
However, an examination of the discussions of the bill as
recorded in the Annals of Congress shows only that "after
some time" the measure passed its third reading. Campbell's
part in the affair is not recorded. Amendments were made;
a House-Senate conference was held, indicating the existence
of a very definite difference of opinion on the question; but
again Campbell's role in the debate and passage of the bill
can not be determined on the basis of available information.
It is known, however, that he voted in the affirmative when
the bill was accepted.^^ Perhaps Campbell was one of the
35Charles Warren, The Supreme Court in United States History, 3 vols.
(Boston, 1913), I, 299-300.
36Randolph to Nicholson, February 17, 1807, in Joseph H. Nicholson Papers
(Library of Congress).
37See Annals, 9 Cong., 2 Sess. (1806-1807), 50, for the vote on the bill, which
passed 82 to 7. The following materials have been checked to verify Randolph's
version of Campbell's role in the passage of the bill, but they throw no light
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WEST 29
"Prigs & Puppies" of his day. As a final settlement of the
appointment to the new judgeship, on February 28, 1807,
Jefferson named Thomas Todd, a lawyer of Kentucky who had
been prominently mentioned in the caucus of the western
representatives, to the position.^^ Regardless of Campbell's
part in the whole affair, that he was first chosen as the fav-
orite by the caucus of his colleagues from Tennessee, Ken-
tucky, and Ohio is indicative of his growing importance and
popularity. In early 1807 he was certainly no longer unknown
as a Westerner in Congress.
In August, 1807, Campbell was again a candidate for elec-
tion to Congress; but, as usual, there is a scarcity of avail-
able material on the election, and little other than the result
can be mentioned. The Impartial Review, a Nashville news-
paper, is the only Tennessee newspaper published in 1807 that
has been located. It does not, however, contain any informa-
tion in regard to the congressional election of 1807. No priv-
ate letters of real value have been found which throw any
light on the subject. The Tennessee Senate Journal and House
Journal for the year 1807 also contain no material of value on
the subject, other than the statement that the state's three rep-
resentatives had been elected. Even returns for the election
have not been located. It is known at least that Campbell was
re-elected in the Hamilton district without opposition. John
Rhea was returned to Congress from the Washington district ;
William Dickson was not up for re-election, his place in Con-
gress being taken by a newcomer to national politics, Jesse
Wharton ; and Sevier was elected to his third successive term
as govemor.39
on the subject: William Plumer Autobiography, 1795-1844 (Library of Con-
gress) ; Charles Francis Adams, ed.. Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, Com^pris-
ing Portions of His Diary from 1795 to 1848, 12 vols. (Philadelphia, 1876) ;
Annals; George Washington Campbell Papers (one collection in the Library of
Congress, the other in possession of Mrs. Susan M. Brown, Spring Hill, Tennes-
see) ; and numerous other manuscripts collections and general works of history.
The matter is mentioned in Warren, The Supreme Court in United States
History, I, 300-301, and in Henry Adams, John Randolph (Boston, 1898), 210,
but these two books add nothing to the version presented here.
38Warren, The Supreme Court in United States History, I, 301.
39Tennessee Commission Book, May, 1807-October, 1815, p. 15 (Tennessee
State Library and Archives).
30 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
While in the Tenth Congress Campbell was named chair-
man of the most important committee in the House of Rep-
resentatives, that of Ways and Means, thus attaining a posi-
tion and honor which comes to relatively few Congressmen.
The greater part of his time was now given to legislation of
national and party significance rather than to local matters.**^
While he was serving as chairman of Ways and Means, most
questions of special concern to Tennesseans were introduced
in the House by his fellow representative, John Rhea, who
had also been in Congress for four years. Upon occasion, how-
ever, Campbell did press matters of particular interest to his
constituents;^^ and as a congressional leader his suggestions
along this line naturally received more attention than prev-
iously. During 1807-1809 Campbell was not a very active
spokesman on behalf of the peculiar interests of Tennesseans,
although he exerted influence by his mere presence and new
position of importance as well as by his reputation as a West-
erner. At least one of his endeavors in regard to Tennessee
in this period should be mentioned, however.
On November 12, 1807, Campbell once more brought up
the question of improving the navigability of the Muscle
Shoals, this time presenting to the House a Memorial that he
had received from settlers living near the Shoals. The Memo-
rial, a very interesting expression of Western sentiment,
indicated emphatically that Tennessee merchants suffered in
their transportation of goods down the river because of the
expensive and time-consuming portages which had to be made
around the Shoals. It was hoped that the federal govern-
ment would appropriate money to alleviate this condition.
The Memorial also requested that trading posts and roads be
established around the headwaters of the Tombigbee River
for the benefit of settlers in that region.*^ Campbell was thus
again pressing for several bills or problems in which he had
been interested previously. The House, after listening to the
40See Chapters III and IV, below, for references to Campbell's activities as
chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee.
41For example, see Annals, 10 Cong., 2 Sess. (1808-1809), 1041-1536, passim.
^Wilson's Knoxville Gazette, February 10, 1808.
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WE^ST 31
Memorial, referred it to a committee headed by Campbell
who, because of pressure of other business, failed to report a
bill on the subject. But he did not forget the Memorial. In
February, 1808, he wrote the Secretary of War, Henry Dear-
born, requesting information of the War Department as to
how the wishes of the memorialists could best be carried
out.43 Dearborn's answer was that before any action could be
taken it would first be necessary to obtain cessions of land
from the Cherokee and Choctaw Indians living near the Ten-
nessee and Tombigbee Rivers. Department of War agents,
he said, were just then investigating the problem and attempt-
ing to negotiate a treaty with the Indians. New informa-
tion on the subject would be forwarded to Campbell as it
became available;*^ and here the matter was allowed to rest
temporarily. As will be seen, Campbell, like many Western
congressmen of his time, was to become intimately involved
in settling Indian claims to land in his state. Indeed, it is,
perhaps, for this very reason that he should be particularly
remembered as a working spokesman of his region.
Upon his return to Knoxville in the spring of 1809, Camp-
bell announced that because of ill health he would not seek
re-election.^5 Yox the next eight months he held no public
office, but in November he accepted the position as judge of
the newly created Tennessee Supreme Court of Errors and
Appeals. After serving in that capacity until October, 1811,
he was selected by unanimous vote of the General Assembly
as United States senator to fill out the unexpired term of
elenkins Whitesides, who had resigned.^^ Campbell's private
correspondence during his term on the Court indicates
43Campbell to Dearborn, February 17, 1808, in Adjutant General's Office,
Old Records Division, Letters Received, 1808 (Archives of the Department of
War) . Cited hereafter as A. G. O., O. R. D. These records, as well as several
others utilized in this study, have been transferred to the United States Archives
since they were examined by the writer; consequently the writer retains in his
footnotes and bibliography the locations of the records as of the time when he
examined them.
44Dearborn to Campbell, February 22, 1808, in A. G. O., O. R. D.
45JFiZson's Knoxville Gazette, April 15, 1809.
'^^Ibid., September 23, October 7, 1811; Nashville Democratic Clarion and
Tennessee Gazette, October 1, 8, 1811.
32 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
emphatically, and even longingly, that his chief interest lay
in Washington. This, plus the fact that the position of sen-
ator was high in the political scale, was the reason for his
eagerness to return to Washington.
While in the Senate, between 1811 and 1818 (minus part
of the years 1814 and 1815),*^ Campbell was again active in
promoting the welfare of Tennessee. He continued to show
great interest in the problem of public lands; and while in
the Senate he was particularly eager to open to settlement the
so-called Congressional Reservation in Tennessee, which
included that part of the state located west of the Tennessee
River as well as a wide adjacent strip east of the river in the
south-central section of the state.^ In February, 1812, for
example, Campbell reported to the governor of Tennessee
that he was seeking to settle Indian claims in the Reservation :
. . . the Executive has been consulted and . . . assurances were
in return given by the proper Department [the War Department]
that due attention will continue to be paid [to our interests]. ... It
is believed the Government is well disposed to promote our wishes,
. . . But it must be admitted, that owing to the critical crisis in
our public affairs, and the more than usual mass of important busi-
ness of a general nature which at this moment necessarily occupies
the national counsels, the present is not the most favorable time
to claim successfully their attention, to objects however important
of a local nature —
It is however intended to embrace some more favourable
occasion when the pressure of public businss of a general nature
shall have become less urgent, which it is hoped may be the case
during the present session, to bring the business again, in a more
formal manner, before proper government authorities.49
In his hope that the subject of Tennessee lands could be
solved soon, Campbell was to be disappointed. A war with
England was expected ; preparation for the struggle demanded
nearly all the attention of Congress and of Campbell himself ;
and war was declared in June, 1812. Little time, therefore,
was available for much consideration of local matters. Never-
theless, on March 27, Campbell again asked the Senate to
47From February 12, 1814, until September 27, 1814, Campbell was Secre-
tary of the Treasury in President James Madison's cabinet.
^^American State Papers, Lands, I, 584-585.
49Campbell to Willie Blount, February 24, 1812, in Harriet Turner Deposit
(Library of Congress).
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WEST 33
appoint a committee to bring in a bill making final settlement
of Tennessee land grants in the Congressional Reservation.
His resolution was accepted and he was appointed chairman
of a committee to study the matter,^^ but it was not until late
in the year 1815, after the conclusion of the War of 1812, that
Campbell was again able to concentrate on the Tennessee land
question. Meanwhile he served a short time as Secretary of the
Treasury under President James Madison, resigned from that
position, and after a year in private life was elected to a full
term in the national Senate.^^ It was after his return to Wash-
ington, in December, 1815, that he played his major role in
untangling the complicated problem of Indian claims to cer-
tain lands in Tennessee.
On December 16, 1815, Campbell and his colleague in the
Senate, John Williams, were appointed by Governor Joseph
McMinn of their state as agents to negotiate a land treaty with
the Cherokee Indians of East Tennessee.52 McMinn had learned
that a deputation of Cherokee chiefs was planning to visit
Washington, and as Campbell and Williams were on the
ground, they were instructed to act as special agents in any
conversations which might take place on the question of Cher-
okee lands located in their state. The governor had also
received information that the Cherokee were interested in sell-
ing their lands "below the mouth of the Highwassey on the
mouth of the Tennessee River," a tract of approximately
1,000,000 acres. The tribe, on the other hand, had expressed an
unwillingness to dispose of any other lands, and desired espe-
cially to retain the Hiwassee District, consisting of about
2,250,000 acres lying between the Hiwassee and Little Tennes-
see Rivers. The governor also wrote that unless the chiefs who
came to Washington were empowered to sell all their land in
50Annals, 12 Cong., 1 Sess. (1811-1812), 181-182. Abernethy, From Frontier
to Plantation in Tennessee, 182-193, contains in part a discussion of this prob-
lem of the Congressional Reservation.
SlTennessee Senate Journal, 1815, pp. 96-97.
52McMinn succeeded Blount as governor in 1815 and served until 1821. For
numerous references to McMinn's interests in Indian affairs, see Robert S.
Cotterill, The Southern Indians, The Story of the Civilized Tribes before Re-
moval (Norman, Oidahoma, 1954).
34 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Tennessee, Campbell and Williams were to sign no treaty.
The state wanted all or nothing from the Cherokee.^^
The chiefs arrived in Washington early in 1816, but after
brief negotiations with them, it was learned that they had no
authority to dispose of any of their lands in Tennessee. Camp-
bell and Williams, thoroughly disappointed at this turn of
events, put the matter in the hands of the Secretary of War,
William H. Crawford, requesting him to ascertain if in the
future the Cherokee would be willing to part with any of their
lands. During the negotiations which followed between the
War Department and the chiefs, Crawford offered to pay the
Indians a perpetual annuity of $6,000 for their holdings lying
south of the Tennessee River and an annuity of the same
amount for their lands north of the river. But these offers
were rejected flatly. The only concession the chiefs would
make was an offer to negotiate over "several reserves in the
settled parts of Tennessee.''^*
On learning of the position taken by the chiefs, Campbell
and the other Tennesseans in Congress addressed a forceful
petition to President Madison, in which they complained not
only against the Cherokee for what was considered their stub-
bornness, but also against the Chickasaw Indians. The peti-
tion protested that the whole western part of Tennessee, from
the Mississippi to the Tennessee River, and the southern part
from the Tennessee to the Elk River, in all about 8,000,000
acres, were claimed by the Chickasaw. The southeastern area
of the state, from the settlements in the central section to the
Tennessee River, about 4,000,000 acres, was claimed by the
Cherokee. Thus, according to the petition, Indian tribes con-
sidered approximately one-half of the state's territory as their
own. Repeated efforts had been made to settle the claims, but
without success. Tennessee had not pushed the matter during
the late war with England, but now that peace was restored
53McMinn to Campbell and Williams, December 16, 1815, in "McMinn Corre-
spondence on the Subject of Indian Treaties in the Years 1815, 1816, and 1817,"
The American Historical Magazine, VIII (July, 1903), 377-379.
54Crawford to Campbell and Williams, April 4, 1814, in ibid., 380.
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WEST 35
the President ought to initiate treaties which would take over
the Indian lands in the state.^s The day after this petition was
sent to Madison, Campbell and Williams reported to Governor
McMinn that they had been unable to arrange a treaty with
the Cherokee ; it was hoped, however, that their negotiations
would lead to a speedy settlement of the question.^^
One of the probable results of the Tennesseans' petition to
President Madison was a request of the War Department that
the Chickasaw send chiefs to Washington on September 1,
1816, for the purpose of discussing the claims of that tribe to
land in Tennessee. But before the date of the meeting, it was
learned that both the Chickasaw and the Cherokee were claim-
ing the same land in the state "west of a line drawn due south
from that point of the Tennessee river intersected by the east-
ern boundary of Madison County."^^ This sort of situation,
when more than one tribe claimed the same land, played
directly into the hands of land-hungry white men ; and Secre-
tary of War Crawford requested Return J. Meigs, federal
agent to the Cherokee, to bring representatives of the Chero-
kee to Washington for a joint meeting with the Chickasaw on
September 1. Crawford informed Meigs that unless the
Indians' conflicting claims to land in Tennessee could be set-
tled, the United States would take it over "and . . . give them
a liberal price for the lands in dispute between them."^^ As
Crawford probably expected, each tribe refused to give up its
claims during their September meeting ; and the land in ques-
tion was taken over by the federal government, with the two
tribes receiving land west of the Mississippi River in return.^^
SSCampbell to Madison, April 17, 1816, in Miscellaneous Correspondence,
Indian Agents (United States Indian OflSce Archives). This letter was written
by Campbell.
56Campbell and Williams to McMinn, April 18, 1816, in "McMinn Corre-
spondence on the Subject of Indian Treaties . . . ," loc. cit., 379-380.
57Crawford to Return J. Meigs, June 24, 1816, in Miscellaneous Correspond-
ence, Indian Agents. Meigs is one of the persons emphasized in Cotterill, The
Southern Indians.
SSCrawford to Return J. Meigs, June 24, 1816, in Miscellaneous Correspond-
ence, Indian Agents.
59Jackson to Campbell, December 22, 1816, in A. G. O., O. R. D.; Nashville
Whig and Tennessee Advertiser, July 31, 1819.
36 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
The land in Tennessee which had been claimed by the Indians
was now in the possession of the United States.
Campbell's hope now was that Tennessee would immedi-
ately benefit from the settlement made by Crawford, but in
this hope he was to be disappointed. The ceded land was
located in the Congressional Reservation which, under an Act
of Congress of 1806, was reserved for federal government use.
Therefore, Tennessee, in its own right, still could not legally
open the land to settlers. In the interval between 1806 and
the Indian cession of 1816, numerous settlers, nevertheless,
had been squatting on the land in the Reservation. Senator
Campbell now concentrated on gaining governmental permis-
sion for those squatters to remain on their lands, and eventu-
ally he was successful in his efforts. His first step was to Intro-
duce to the Senate a bill, on January 8, 1817, providing that
Tennessee be given authority to issue grants to land in the
western part of the state. The next day the bill was referred
to the Committee on Public Lands, from which it was finally
reported and passed on February 28. The bill was sent to the
lower House, where it was referred to Committee of the Whole,
but it failed to pass before Congress adjourned on March 3.^*^
The simple fact is that the bill was lost in the usual legislative
jam which occurs so often at the close of sessions of Congress.
In the meantime, Campbell presented the case of the Res-
ervation squatters to the Department of War. On January 9,
just after introducing his land bill in the Senate, he sent a
Memorial, containing more than three hundred signatures of
Tennesseans, to the War Department, with the request that
the document be forwarded to President Madison. The mem-
orialists of course asked that they be allowed to remain on
their land. Campbell also informed the Secretary of War that
he had just introduced a bill in the Senate which would carry
out the wishes of the memorialists, but he did not know how
Congress would react to his measure, although he hoped that
the President would approve it. If his law were passed, he
eO^ranaZs, 14 Cong., 2 Sess. (1816-1817), 55, 57, 188, 1043-1044.
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WEST 37
said, Tennessee could issue grants to the land in question ; and
no preliminary action by President Madison would be neces-
sary.^ The day after forwarding the Memorial to the War
Department, Campbell received a letter from General Andrew
Jackson, describing the deplorable condition into which the
settlers would fall should they be ejected from the territory
that they were occupying.^^ jjg forwarded this letter to the
Secretary of War, and made another plea of his own in behalf
of the squatters. His letter was a magnificent expression of a
Westerner's attitude toward an age-old frontier situation :
. . . The numbers who have moved to that tract of country already
with their stocks are from information believed to be correct —
immense — To throw them back upon the sparse population of the
frontier counties of Tennessee where crops have been but indif-
ferent, would produce distress almost beyond description — not to
mention the inveterate hostility it would incite in that quarter
against the government, & all those concerned in the measure — It
is true these people have no legal right to settle on those lands ....
They have however gone there urged by an enterprising spirit,
the very same that peopled almost the whole United States, to
improve their situation — They set up no claim to the soil — Their
great object at present is the first crop — consisting of cane, grain
for their stocks, & — to explore the lands in order to be
enabled to purchase to advantage when they are brought into
market. These are it is presumed fair objects — .... Their set-
tling on those lands, & exploring them, will undoubtedly occasion
them to sell higher, when brought into market than they would
otherwise do. There is no reasonable ground for supposing they
will attempt to form any combinations to interrupt, or prevent
persons from bidding at the sales of those lands — and should any
abandoned individual — or individuals attempt such a measure, it
would be put down at once by the responsible, the orderly & well
disposed, who will always be suiRciently numerous to preserve an
entire control on those occasions — What valuable purpose then
may it be asked, can be answered by removing those people from
the lands in question, & plunging into distress many thousand
citizens, who certainly have committed no wilful crime . . . ?63
Despite all his efforts to settle land claims in his state,
Campbell had to return home empty-handed on this score
when Congress adjourned on March 3, 1817. But he was
back in Washington in December, more determined than ever
to bring about a final solution of a problem with which he
SlCampbell to George Graham, January 9, 1817, in A. G. C, O. R. D.
62jackson to Campbell, December 22, 1816, in ibid.
63Campbell to Graham, January 11, 1817, in ibid. A copy of this letter is
also included in the Campbell Papers (Library of Congress).
38 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
had been wrestling off and on since the year 1803. Success
was short and sweet. His main interest again was in opening
up the lands in the Congressional Reservation for the satis-
faction of military grants, some of which had been issued as
early as the year 1780 ; and on December 23, 1817, he intro-
duced a resolution to that effect in the Senate. Once more the
resolution was approved and referred to a select committee
headed by Campbell.^^ A short time later Campbell informed
the editor of the Nashville Clarion & Tennessee Gazette that
he was busy writing a bill to permit holders or purchasers of
North Carolina military warrants to take up land in the Con-
gressional Reservation, and that "no endeavor would be
spared" to bring the measure to a "favorable issue."^^ At last
he read his bill to the Senate on March 20 ; and six days later,
without debate, the bill was approved by both houses of Con-
gress. Thus, after many years of persistent efforts, Campbell
managed to open a vast region to the people of Tennessee and
other states, and to appease in part the insatiable desire for
land which characterized himself and his contemporaries.^^
Immediately after the passage of his bill, Campbell wrote
gleefully of his success to the editor of the Nashville Clarion
& Tennessee Gazette. On April 21, the newspaper carried a
long and glowing account of the advantages Tennessee could
expect from the bill which Campbell had put through Con-
gress. Entries would raise much revenue from the land,
"which heretofore being public property no tax was derived
from it ;" and it was predicted that land east of the Congres-
sional Reservation line would also "bring thousands of dol-
lars into the treasury," since that land also now belonged to
the state. The Chickasaw Indians still claimed portions of
the newly opened area, but, according to the editor, should a
treaty be made with them, "an immense extent of country
^*Annals, 15 Cong., 1 Sess. (1817-1818), 293, 1568.
65CampbeII to Editor, January 13, 1818, in Nashville Clarion & Tennessee
Gazette, February 3, 1818.
66See Gerald M. Capers, Jr., The Biography of a River Town, Memphis: Its
Heroic Age (Chapel Hill, 1939), 22-33, 75-76; and Cotterill, The Southern In-
dians, 154-155.
A SPOKESMAN FOR THE WEST 39
will be opened. "^'^ And indeed, later in the year, a treaty was
signed with the Chickasaw by which they gave up their lands
in the Reservation.^^
On May 5, 1818, the Clarion & Tennessee Gazette pub-
lished a notice that Senator Campbell had been appointed as
minister of the United States in Russia. The editor was of
the opinion: "Go where he may, he has the good wishes of
many of his fellow-citizens here. He has been long a zealous
and faithful public servant, and has rendered many very
important services, and last though not least, has effected an
object of the first importance to the people he represented."^^
This "object of first importance" was, of course, the land law
v/hich Campbell sponsored through Congress. For his law
he gained the respect and thanks of politicians, of the many
speculators who became active as a result of opportunities
afforded in Middle and West Tennessee, and of squatters and
other settlers. The interest of education in the state had also
been greatly enhanced by the benefits of the law. Campbell,
too, derived certain personal benefits, when later he acquired
large land holdings in the Congressional Reservation. More
immediately, in May, while in Nashville preparing for his
journey to Russia, he was publicly recognized as the orig-
inator of the congressional act from which Tennessee
expected a great many benefits. In appreciation of his serv-
ices and in honor of the new position to which he had been
appointed, a dinner was given him in Nashville on May 26,
upon which occasion he received the following tribute, "This
day a dinner is given him by the citizens of Nashville, and
tomorrow he starts for the city of Washington. To his agency
is ascribed the passage of a law of the last Congress, appro-
67Nashville Clarion & Tennessee Gazette, April 21, 1818.
68See Abernethy, From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee, 251-252; and
Samuel Cole Williams, Beginnings of West Tennessee, in the Land of the
Chickasaws, 1541-1841 (Johnson City, Tennessee, 1930), 84-93. For a map show-
ing the various Indian cessions of land in Tennessee, from 1770 to 1835, see
Holt, The Economic and Social Beginnings of Tennessee, 37.
69Nashville Clarion & Tennessee Gazette, May 5, 1818.
40 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
priating the lands in the western district to satisfy the unlo-
cated warrants of N. C. & as a means of testifying the public
approval of his conduct as a faithful servant, a subscription
dinner is given, by those who best know him as a citizen and
a public agent. "'^^
mbid.. May 26, 1818.
Chapter III
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN
Not the least significant evidence that Campbell was a
staunch Republican was the support that he gave to Jefferson
in the President's well-known fight with the federal judi-
ciary.i This struggle had started before Campbell arrived in
Washington, of course, and it was definitely placed in the
hands of Congress on March 3, 1803, when the House of Rep-
resentatives brought impeachment charges against Judge
John Pickering of New Hampshire. The judge was charged
v/ith having neglected his duties for several years. How-
ever, no further action was taken against the judge until
January 2, 1804, when Campbell and ten other House mem-
bers were appointed by the Speaker, Nathaniel Macon of
North Carolina, to prosecute the trial in the Senate. Suffice it
to say that proceedings were concluded in March, 1804, and
Pickering was removed from office. For the most part the
prosecution was carried on by John Randolph, who was chair-
man of the House Ways and Means Committee at the time.
Campbell took no active part in the trial.^
The Pickering trial was actually merely a preliminary
step to the impeachment proceedings against Samuel Chase
of the United States Supreme Court, and of an effort to lessen
the power and prestige of the Supreme Court itself.^ Chase
was an old-line Federalist, who, for political reasons, was
almost as obnoxious to the members of the Republican party
as John Marshall, chief justice of the Supreme Court and one
IQn July 4, 1808, Campbell attended a Fourth of July celebration in Knox-
ville, at which time he was toasted as "G. W. Campbell — The sterling Repub-
lican." Wilson's Knoxville Gazette, July 6, 1808.
^Annals, 7 Cong., 2 Sess. (1802-1803), 267; ibid., 8 Cong., 1 Sess. (1803-1804),
315-367, 759.
3For references to Chase's activities in enforcing the Alien and Sedition
Acts of 1798, which Jefferson opposed, and to the Justice's partisanship, see
Charles Grove Haines, The Role of the Supreme Court in American Govern-
ment and Politics, 1789-1835 (Berkeley, California, 1944), 160, 162, 260, 176-177;
and James Morton Smith, "Sedition in the Old Dominion: James T. Callender
and The Prospect Before Us," Journal of Southern History, XX (May, 1954),
157-182. See also William O. Lynch, Fifty Years of Party Warfare, 1789-1837
(Indianapolis, 1931), 169-176.
42 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
of the arch-enemies of the Jefferson group. On one occasion,
v^hile conducting a case in Baltimore, Chase vented his polit-
ical views as follows: "The independence of the national
judiciary is already shaken to its foundation, and the virtue
of the people alone can restore it ... . Our republican Con-
stitution will sink [soon] into a mobocracy, — .... The mod-
ern doctrines of our late reformers [members of the Repub-
lican party] . . . have brought this misfortune upon us ; and
I fear that it will rapidly progress until peace and order,
freedom and property shall be destroyed."* Although no
immediate action was taken by the Republican party against
Chase, this remark and his other actions could not be over-
looked. Therefore, on January 5, 1804, three days after man-
agers were appointed to conduct the Pickering trial, the
matter of Chase's conduct and attitudes was brought before
the House by John Randolph, who at this time was a follower
of Jefferson. Representative Randolph asked for Chase's
impeachment.^
Several of the less impulsive Republican House members,
including Campbell, argued that they did not think sufficient
evidence existed to warrant proceedings of such a serious
nature against Chase. The young representative from Ten-
nessee said, moreover, that the House acted only as a grand
jury in such cases ; it was not the business of the House to
gather evidence, as had been requested by Randolph, but only
to demand that existing evidence be brought before the House
for examination. This much, Campbell said, he was willing
to do ; but he showed his cautiousness by remarking :"...!
am against the adoption of a measure which may throw cen-
sure on a character invested by the United States with high
authority, until I am convinced we have sufficient ground for
doing so .... It is not my wish to decide on the propriety of
the conduct of the judge until the facts are before us."^ His
opposition to hasty action had little effect on the Republican
^Annals, 8 Cong., 2 Sess. (1804-1805), 673-676.
^Ibid., 805. See W. C. Bruce, John Randolph of Roanoke, 1773-1833, 2 vols.
(New York, 1922), for a discussion of the fantastic Randolph.
^Annals, 8 Cong., 1 Sess. (1803-1804), 816-817.
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN 43
House members, however, and on January 7, by a party vote
of 81 to 40, Campbell not voting, a committee was appointed
to investigate Chase's conduct. The committee performed its
task, and on March 4, Randolph rendered a scathing and very
partisan report on the judge's actions, demanding again that
he be impeached. Several days later, by a vote of 73 to 32,
this time with Campbell approving and with not one Repub-
lican disapproving, Randolph's report was accepted by the
House. Randolph appeared in the Senate on March 13, the
day following Pickering's removal from office, and announced
that charges of impeachment would be brought against Chase
as soon as possible.'^
Shortly after the second session of the Eighth Congress
convened, seven managers from the House were selected to
conduct the Chase trial in the Senate. Campbell was one of
the managers, despite the fact that he had not yet gained a
position of importance either in the House or in his political
party. In the balloting for managers, he received only a
plurality in the vote. The six other managers received clear
majorities, but by a special ruling by Speaker Macon, Camp-
bell was declared elected. This small vote received by Camp-
bell may probably be considered as an indication that the
Administration forces in the House looked with some distaste
on his speech of January 5, in which he had stated that he
was opposed to taking drastic actions against Chase until the
facts were in.^
The Chase trial is one of the best known incidents in
American history ; therefore, no need exists to review it fully.
Even so, Campbell's role in the trial needs to be emphasized,
that is, at least mentioned. The trial was finally opened in
the Senate on January 2, 1805, but was postponed at the
'llbid., 272, 875, 876, 1180, 1181. The committee which investigated Chase
consisted of Randolph, Joseph H. Nicholson of Maryland, Joseph Clay of
Pennsylvania, Peter Early of Georgia, Roger Griswold of Connecticut, Benja-
min Huger of South Carolina, and John Boyle of Kentucky.
8/6iU, 8 Cong., 2 Sess. (1804-1805), 762. The managers were Randolph,
Campbell, Nicholson, Early, Boyle, Caesar Rodney of Delaware, and Roger
Nelson of Maryland. See also Edward Channing, The Jeffersonian System,
1801-1811 (New York, 1906), 120-122.
44 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
request of Chase, who asked for more time to prepare his
defense. The House forced the accused to stand trial on Feb-
ruary 4, however, and on that date the proceedings began.
Suffice it to say that Chase had as his counsel several of the
leading lawyers of the day, while the prosecutors were either
of inferior ability or haphazard in their conduct of the trial.
The House managers were not consistent in their arguments,
and none of them, including Campbell, proved themselves to
be outstanding prosecutors. All of them went into political
harangues and spilled partisan invectives against the defend-
ant, but they had little effect on the outcome of the trial. On
March 1, when judgment was passed by the Senate, only
nineteen votes were recorded in favor of removing Chase
from office.^
Campbell's part in the trial was especially mediocre. On
February 20, he spoke against Chase; and his argument
shows that he had accepted his party's line of attack, although
he did insist, along with most of his colleagues, that impeach-
ment was more of a civil than a criminal investigation.^" If
the testimony of William Plumer, the crotchety Federalist
senator from New Hampshire who was present throughout
the trial, can be accepted, Campbell was decidedly not at his
best on the occasion. Plumer's account of the Tennessean's
speech of February 20 is anything but complimentary:
"George Washington Campbell was a representative from
Tennessee. He was a lawyer, but not eminent in his profes-
sion. His dress & manner were those of a gentleman. He
had made much preparation for a long argument, but was so
much embarrassed and confused, that on the day in which
he commenced his speech, after drinking much water &
attempting in vain to proceed, he requested as a favor, the
Senate to postpone the trial to [the] next day, which was
^Annals, 8 Cong., 2 Sess. (1804-1805), 29, 668; Haines, The Role of the
Supreme Court in American Government and Politics, 261-264; Rogei' Foster,
Com,m,entaries on the Constitution of the United States (Boston, 1895), 535-537;
Nathan Schachner, Thomas Jefferson, A Biography, 2 vols. (New York, 1951),
n, 774-780.
10 JranaZs, 8 Cong., 2 Sess. (1804-1805), 329-344.
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN 45
granted. "11 According to John Quincy Adams, who was then
United States senator from Massachusetts, Campbell spoke
for one hour and a half, and "... as he found himself indis-
posed . . . ," requested a short interval of rest. Returning a
half-hour later, he stated that he was unable to finish his
speech; and as none of his fellow-managers were prepared
to speak that day, the Senate adjourned.^^
Next day Campbell resumed his speech, emphasizing that
it was not necessary to prove Chase guilty of any crime
known to law, but adding that he laid "it down as a settled
rule of decision that when a man violates or commits a man-
ifest breach of his duty, an evil intent or corrupt motive must
be presumed to have actuated his conduct. "^^ On the basis of
such reasoning, which of course fitted in with the intent of
the Republican party, Campbell concluded that Chase should
be convicted and removed from office. To rely again on John
Quincy Adams for an account of Campbell's second speech,
his last one of the trial, he spoke with such fervor that he
exhausted himself and again had to cease speaking before
completing his remarks.!^ If such were the case, his whole
part in the trial was ignoble. To say the least, Campbell's
role in the Chase trial was not one of the high spots in his
career.
The case for the defense was opened by an accomplished
speaker, Joseph Hopkinson, of Pennsylvania.^^ He and his
colleagues who followed him concentrated for the most part
on trying to force the prosecutors to remain within the law
in their arguments. In this way they embarrassed the prose-
cutors repeatedly. They showed without question that num-
erous technical errors were made by the House managers in
their conduct of the trial; that as a group the Jeffersonians
11 William Plumer Autobiography, 14.
l^Adams, ed., Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, I, 355.
13See Annals, 8 Cong., 2 Sess. (1804-1805), 344-353, for Campbell's second
speech.
l^Adams, ed., Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, I, 356.
ISThe speeches of the defense counsel are printed in Annals, 8 Cong., 2 Sess.
(1804-1805), 394-541, 542, 559.
46 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
were not consistent in their speeches; and that Chase was
not guilty of any crime known to law, the latter fact even
being admitted by Campbell, one of the prosecutors. Chase's
acquittal took a rather peculiar turn, that is, Randolph lost
much face with the members of his party because of the way
he had directed the prosecution. In fact, it was partially
because of Randolph's failure to convict Chase that he lost
the leadership of his party in the House. There were many
other reasons, of course. In an effort to salvage something
from the fiasco, however, Randolph returned to the House on
the day Chase was acquitted, and proposed an amendment to
the United States Constitution providing for the removal of
Supreme Court justices on a joint resolution of Congress.
Perhaps the proposal would have been adopted if it had been
made before the Chase trial ; but afterwards it was too late,
and Randolph's suggestion was referred to the next session
of Congress.16 During the remainder of Jefferson's time as
President, suggestions of the same sort were made time after
time, but nothing definite ever came of them.
Campbell himself became involved in at least one of the
efforts to change the procedure of impeaching judges, in the
course of his association with the case of the United States v.
Burr. In the fall of 1806 the Administration was of the opin-
ion that Aaron Burr, former vice-president under Jefferson,
was attempting to bring on a war between the United States
and Spain or that the New Yorker was perhaps trying to set
up an independent government in the West. On January 16,
1807, Randolph requested Jefferson to lay all available infor-
mation on the subject before the House for its consideration.
Campbell and several other members of the House believed,
however, that action should not be taken too hastily on the
matter. Campbell, for example, claimed that the newspapers
of the country were playing up Burr's activities to an extent
greater than was warranted by events, and he was not yet
ready to brand the former statesman a traitor. He favored a
16/6 i<i., 1213. See Lynch, Fifty Years of Party Warfare, 176-178; and Ralph
V. Harlow, The History of Legislative Methods in the Period before 1825 (New
Haven, 1917), 170-172, 178-179.
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN 47
cautious procedure and wished more information on Burr's
activities, and believed that the Administration should not
proceed against Burr until all the facts were at hand. Thus,
although he differed somewhat in his approach to the subject,
Campbell favored Randolph's resolution and supported it when
it was passed by the House.^'^
Campbell took no active part in the trial of Burr and the
latter's associates, but he showed a rather absorbing interest
in the question of the use of the habeas corpus in the whole
affair. In December, 1806, General James Wilkinson of the
United States Army arrested two of Burr's associates, and
refused them the right of the writ of habeas corpus?^ The
two men were then conducted to Washington for trial. On
February 7, 1807, a resolution was introduced in the House
stating that some further provision ought to be made for
securing the use of the writ by persons in custody of the
United States; and on February 18 Representative James
Elliot of Vermont made a fervent speech in its favor. He
was answered by Campbell, who maintained that "The State
sovereignties ought to be preserved inviolate, and should not
be encroached upon by this House legislating on subjects that
properly belong to the state authorities. "^^ Furthermore, he
said, the whole Burr affair, out of which had grown the dis-
cussion over the habeas corpus, would arouse even more pub-
lic opinion if Elliott continued to declaim on the matter.
Campbell also argued that the state laws had made excellent
provisions for upholding the writ in all cases, and he knew
of no defects in the systems prevailing on the states. In con-
clusion, he blasted Representative Elliot: "he trusted in God
that the Constitution did not depend on the effervescence of an
enthusiastic imagination, discharging without argument its
ebullations in such a style as was often heard in the House;
'^1 Annals, 9 Cong., 2 Sess. (1806-1807), 336, 347, 357, 358, 379; Haines, The
Supreme Court in American Government and Politics, 279-287. Thomas Perkins
Abernethy, The Burr Conspiracy (New York, 1954), traces the conspiracy from
its inception to Burr's trial in 1807.
ISjefferson agreed to this refusal of the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus. Annals, 9 Cong., 2 Sess. (1806-1807), 379.
mbid., 546.
48 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
..." He himself would "never come forward as the champion
of the Constitution and laws merely to declaim and make a
noise
"20
Elliot tore into Campbell the next day: "From the
extreme difficulty with which the gentleman managed his
metaphor, it was obvious to us all that he was no great pro-
ficient in the art. And yet he is unquestionably the very best
painter of the school to which he happens to belong [the
Republican party]. There is more animation in his figures,
there is more grace in his coloring than are to be found in the
best productions of his associate artists.''^! Following this
diatribe, consideration of the resolution under discussion was
postponed to an indefinite date.22 Meanwhile, another factor
entered into the question of the use of the habeas corpus,
namely: the decision of the United States Supreme Court
that it possessed the power to issue the writ. On February
18, the Court began trial of two of Burr's associates on the
charge of treason. The story of their trial and Burr's is well
known : they were indicted, tried, and acquitted.^^
The outcome was considered by Jeffersonians as another
deliberate attack on the Administration; and for more than
six months after the trial was concluded on September 3,
1807, Republican newspapers charged that Federalist judges
had aided "traitors" to escape "just punishment. "^4 On Jan-
uary 30, 1808, Campbell added his bit to the attack, when he
made a speech in the House which is so nearly in keeping with
his political outlook as a Republican, that it is quoted in its
entirety :
mbid., 553.
2l/6id., 578.
22/6i<i., 590.
23 An excellent contemporary account of the Burr trial is to be found in David
Robertson, Reports of the Trial of Colonel Aaron Burr (Philadelphia, 1808) .
See also James W. Silver, Edmund Pendleton Gaines: Frontier General (Baton
Rouge, 1949) .
24Warren, The Supreme Court in United States History, I, 302-315. For one
of Jefferson's statements about the affair, see Bernard Mayo, ed., Jefferson Him-
self, The Personal Narrative of a Many-Sided American (New York, 1942),
264-267.
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN 49
It has always been my opinion that in a free Government like
ours, every department ought to be responsible for its conduct.
The Constitution of the United States was evidently framed on
this principle, and the preservation and security of the rights and
liberties of the citizens and the due execution of the laws will be
found to rest, in a great degree, on rendering public agents suffi-
ciently and practicably responsible for their conduct to the nation.
That this is not the case has been proved by experience. Your
judges once appointed are independent of the Executive, the
Legislature, and the people, and may be said to hold their office
for life. They are removable only by impeachment of high crimes
and misdemeanors, and this mode of proceeding has been found in
practice totally inefficient, and not to answer the purpose for
which it was intended — that of rendering your judges responsible
for their conduct. They may therefore be considered as inde-
pendent of the rest of the nation (and thej'' seem to think so them-
selves,) as if this provision in the Constitution, relative to im-
peachment did not exist. No matter how erroneous their opin-
ions— how dangerous to the public weal — how subversive of the
interests of the people — ^how directly opposed to the laws of your
country; yet, as it is neither a high crime or misdemeanor to hold
erroneous opinions, which they seem conscientiously to believe,
they cannot be removed by impeachment — they are independent
of the rest of the nation.25
Campbell remarked, furthermore, that several state leg-
islatures, including Tennessee's, had recently passed resolu-
tions favoring an amendment to the Federal Constitution ren-
dering justices responsible for their actions. He offered the
following amendment to the Constitution : " . . . That, . . . the
Judges of both the Supreme and the Superior Courts of the
United States, shall, after the day of , be
removed from office by the President of the United States, on
the joint address of both Houses of Congress requesting the
same, three-fifths of each House concurring in such address.''^^
The proposed amendment was referred to Committee of the
Whole for action; but similar to other previous suggestions
of the same type, which had been offered intermittently since
the year 1804, it was never brought up for discussion.^"^ Camp-
bell showed no further interest in the matter. He had spoken
his piece ; he was a "sterling Republican."
Campbell was also especially notable for the support that
he gave to the Jeffersonian party on the questions of non-
^^Annals, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 1525.
^Hhid.; Herman V. Ames, Proposed Amendments to the Constitution of the
United States during the First Century of its History (Washington, 1897), 322.
27See Annals, 9 Cong., 1 Sess. (1805-1806), passim.
50 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
importation, the embargo, and military preparation. Dur-
ing his first term in Congress he developed an avid interest
in foreign affairs, an interest which he maintained for many
years. As has been mentioned in another connection, he pub-
lished a Circular Letter to the Citizens of Tennessee in April,
1805, shortly after his return to Knoxville from the Eighth
Congress. In reporting to his followers on foreign affairs, he
wrote that the government was on friendly terms "... with all
nations on earth, the petty state of Tripoli alone excepted . . . ,"
and although that state had not been brought to terms concern-
ing its attack on American shipping, "well founded hopes are
entertained that so soon as the season will permit, our force in
that quarter, which has been greatly augmented . . . ,
will be able effectually to compel the Bey to release our
citizens and make peace on fair and honorable terms." Con-
cerning the recently renewed Napoleonic war in Europe, he
stated, "Though we must deplore the effusion of human blood
which this event will probably occasion, there is great reason
to believe it will facilitate our negotiations regarding to the
acquisition of the Floridas — , as the only probable means by
which Spain can prevent Great Britain from seizing that
country into her possessions, will be by throwing it into our
hands. And there can be no injustice in our embracing any
advantage that may accrue to us from a state of things which
we were not instrumental in producing .... "28 This oppor-
tunistic statement was of great interest to its readers, since
Tennesseans at the time hoped to gain possession of Florida
for commercial and sectional reasons. Campbell, an astute
politician, was well aware of the hopes of his constituents.^
When Campbell wrote his Circular Letter in April, 1805,
American foreign affairs did seem serene, but on his return
to Washington in December a situation had developed which
had not been foreseen. On December 3 the main theme of
Jefferson's annual message to Congress was the threat of war
with England. The English attacks on American shipping,
28Nashville Tennessee Gazette & Mero District Advertiser, April 10, 1805.
29Channing, The Jeffersonian System, 151-153, refers to Jefferson's Florida
policy.
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN 51
which were later to play such an important part in bringing
on the War of 1812, had increased as a result of the renewal
of the war between England and France. Jefferson stated
that these attacks by "private armed vessels" had changed
considerably the aspect of the country's foreign relations.
The injuries could perhaps be remedied peaceably, Jeffer-
son thought, but some of them could be met by force alone,
and possibly all of them might lead to force.^o The President
was uncertain.
The "private armed vessels," to which Jefferson referred
in his message, were English ships engaged in seizing Amer-
ican vessels under pretext of an old English decree, the Rule
of the War of 1756, which England was now enforcing
stringently since her victory at the naval battle of Trafalgar
(October, 1805). As claimed by the Rule, a neutral power
was forbidden to trade with a country or colony during war-
time unless that trade had existed during peacetime ;^i and
the Rule quite definitely effected the United States, which
was now trading with the West Indian islands. Since the
beginning of the war between England and France in 1793,
the shipping interests of the United States had profited
immensely because of their neutral carrier trade with Europe
and the West Indies.^^ j^ 1804, however, after the renewal
of the Anglo-French war, the British ministry authorized
English sea captains to seize American vessels engaged in
trade with Europe and the West Indies.^^ It was because of
the increase of these seizures in 1805 that Jefferson men-
tioned them so emphatically in his annual message. Accord-
ing to him, the English depredations on American vessels, if
30Richardson, ed., Messages and Papers of the Presidents, I, 382-388.
31A. L. Burt, The United States, Great Britain and British North America
[1775-1818] (New Haven, 1940), 216-217; Channing, The Jeffersonian System,
174-177.
32Henry Adams, History of the United States, 9 vols. (New York, 1921), 11,
324-332.
33For an excellent account of the maritime war between England and France,
see Eli F. Heckscher, The Continental System, An Economic Interpretation
(London, 1922).
52 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
allowed to continue, could very easily lead to war; and he
advised Congress to act on the matter without delay.^^
But despite Jefferson's fears, the House of Representa-
tives took no immediate action on the subject. English attacks
continued, and during the winter two suggestions to meet
the situation were made. On January 29, 1806, Representa-
tive Andrew Gregg of Pennsylvania, introduced a resolution
calling for a complete non-importation of British goods into
the United States until stoppage of American vessels on the
high seas ceased. On February 10, a less forceful resolution,
providing for non-importation of a limited number of Eng-
lish goods, was offered by Joseph H. Nicholson of Maryland.
On March 5, the House began discussing the Gregg resolu-
tion, and for the next two weeks it and the Nicholson resolu-
tion were almost the sole topics of debate.^^
On March 11, Campbell made the first of many speeches
in Congress on the subject of non-importation of English
goods. He opposed non-importation as provided in the Gregg
plan, he said. He could not understand, why "thousands of
innocent persons [in the United States] should suffer distress
and ruin, for the benefit of a few individuals — a few mer-
chants ;...." The Gregg resolution, he declared, if accepted
by Congress, would cause the agricultural sections of the
United States to suffer; people other than merchants of the
American seaboard should be considered : "The people whom
I have the honor to represent are chiefly agriculturists, and
it will always be my wish and pride, to support their inter-
ests, and to cherish and promote the agricultural interests
of the country in general, so far as it may lie in my power."
Despite the interests of his own constituency, however, he,
as an American, was not "... prepared to see the nation
suffer, without resistance to every indignity with which
Great Britain may choose to treat her, and submit patiently to
every aggression and outrage her cruisers, under her
authority, may choose to commit on our citizens and com-
34Richardson, ed.. Messages and Papers of the Presidents, I, 282-288.
^^Annals, 9 Cong., 1 Sess. (1805-1806), 412413; Schachner, Thomas Jefferson,
II, 808-811.
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN 53
merce. I conceive it our duty," said Campbell, who should
be rightfully considered as one of the earliest "warhawks"
in American history, "to take measures as will prove to the
world a determination on our part to resist injuries and
maintain our rights."^^ Since the United States was rapidly
becoming a commercial power, she should protect her com-
merce. Even so, he did not agree with certain other members
of the House in the belief that the Gregg resolution, if enacted,
would lead to war with England, because it was not to Eng-
land's interest to go to war with the United States.^^
Speaking of the probable effects which non-importation
might have on American shipping, he thought that the
United States would suffer very little, since "... there are
few articles now gotten from the dominions of Great Britain,
which are necessary for our consumption, that may not be
obtained from other markets." As for the possible effects of
non-importation on England's cotton supply, Campbell held
to what later became the Southern "King Cotton" opinion
that England was dependent on the South for that staple:
"Her [England's] manufactures cannot be carried on with-
out raw materials, and she cannot procure this article [cot-
ton] from any other quarter. "^^ He was definitely opposed to
the Gregg resolution because it would be disadvantageous to
Southern farmers, whose shipments of cotton to England
would be curtailed in retaliation as soon as the provisions of
the resolution became effective. But, since the United States
should not allow England to continue her attacks, some
restrictive measure ought to be taken. Therefore, he sug-
gested the following procedure : first, a high tariff should be
placed on all English goods coming into the United States;
second, if tariffs failed to force England to relent in her dep-
redations on American shipping, an act providing for non-
36 jnnaZs, 9 Cong., 1 Sess. (1805-1806), 706.
37/6id., 715.
^^Ihid., 716, 717. This attitude of the South, as here expressed by Campbell,
later became something of an obsession, and was partially responsible for the
South's willingness to enter the Civil War in 1861. See Frank L. Owsley, King
Cotton Diplomacy; Foreign Relations of the Confederate States of America
(Chicago, 1931), 15-25.
54 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
importation of certain English goods should be passed by
Congress; third, if partial non-importation failed to bring
about the desired result, complete non-intercourse with all
English possessions should be established. To Campbell, these
were the stages through which the United States should pro-
ceed in its relations with England.^^
A majority of the House members agreed with Campbell
that the Gregg resolution was too drastic ; and on March 13
it was dropped from consideration. The House, however, did
not take to Campbell's proposal of tariff discrimination ; and
turned instead to a consideration of the Nicholson resolution,
which would exclude certain English goods from the United
States. This was essentially Campbell's second alternative,
which he had advanced in his speech of March 11. The bill
was debated at great length, and Campbell, along with a
majority of the House, supported it. On March 26, it was
passed by the House; shortly afterwards it was accepted by
the Senate ; Jefferson approved the plan ; and it became effec-
tive November 16, 1806.^0
Meanwhile, Campbell also showed his approval of a more
adequate military defense. His interest in this subject began
in 1805, and continued throughout his service in the House
and later in the Senate. Early in the Ninth Congress a reso-
lution providing for the expenditure of $150,000 for the for-
tification of American ports and harbors was introduced in
the House. Debate on the question began on January 23,
1806, and at that time Campbell made a long speech in its
favor, arguing that some type of protection was needed not
only against England but against all marauders. Later in
the session, in April, after intermittent debate during which
Campbell reiterated his support of the appropriation, the
amount requested was granted. In order to extend further
the program of national defense, an additional $250,000 was
appropriated for the construction of fifty gunboats. This was
^Unnals, 9 Cong., 1 Sess. (1805-1806), 706-724.
mbid., 796, 824, 878, 1268.
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN 55
an Administration measure, dear to Jefferson's heart, and as
a matter of course Campbell supported it.^^
In the spring of 1806, Jefferson appointed William Pink-
ney of Maryland and James Monroe of Virginia as commis-
sioners to settle all matters of difference between the United
States and England. In particular they were to negotiate the
questions of impressment and colonial trade.*^ They met with
British commissioners; they reported to Jefferson in August
that they had obtained a promise that impressments of Amer-
ican sailors would cease, but that no agreement could be
reached concerning American trade with English colonies.
Since non-impressment was better than nothing, Jefferson
recommended to Congress that the non-importation act of
April 18, 1806, be suspended ; and on December 6, 1806, John
Randolph, chairman of Ways and Means, offered a resolution
that non-importation be suspended for one year. A majority
of the House members, however, including Campbell and other
Westerners, opposed such a long suspension, agreeing instead
to suspend the act only until July 1, 1807. Campbell took
no active part in this debate except to offer a few remarks
favoring suspension, and when the vote was taken he cast
his in the affirmative. But when the bill was sent to the Sen-
ate, that body, with its closer association with the conduct of
foreign affairs, and believing that Congress should co-operate
with Monroe and Pinkney in the negotiations they were still
conducting in regard to trade relations with England, returned
a bill to the House suspending non-importation until the end
of 1807. Campbell, along with many other representatives
who usually followed the Administration, switched his vote
to accept the Senate bill, which was actually very similar to
what Randolph had asked for in the first place.^^
4l/6id., 387-388, 1287.
42Schachner, Thomas Jefferson, II, 812-814.
^^Annals, 9 Cong., 2 Sess. (1806-1807), 119, 138, 140, 158. On December 31,
1806, Monroe and Pinkney signed a treaty with England. As it contained no
agreement concerning American trade with the West Indies and nothing on
impressment, Jefferson refused to sign it. American State Papers, Foreign Rela^
lions. III, 119, 138, 140, 147-151, 153, 156.
56 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
After the suspension of the non-importation act, a gen-
eral feeling of security seems to have developed among the
members of the House. Campbell's opposition to a Senate
bill, introduced in the House on January 19, 1807, providing
for an increase in the country's peace-time army, perhaps
illustrates his feelings on security. Opposing the bill, he con-
tended that there v^as no need for an increase, and that under
existing conditions the militia of the various states could
handle any trouble that might arise. The bill w^as referred to
Committee,^ but was allowed to die there.
House action on another subject, that of construction of
additional gunboats for the navy, indicates both lethargy and
Federalist opposition to Jefferson. In February, a measure
providing for $150,000 for the building of additional gun-
boats was introduced. Knowing that Jefferson approved the
bill,^5 Campbell sanctioned it on the grounds that gunboats
were the cheapest and the most effective defense for the long
coast line of the United States. Because of their mobility, he
said, gunboats were ideally suited for cruising along the
coast. He admitted that he knew little of the subject, but
since both the President and the Secretary of the Navy
approved the appropriation, he was willing to grant it. Other
members of the House were not such staunch, or blind fol-
lowers of the President, however, and the only concession
they made was to ask Jefferson why he preferred gunboats
to frigates. A few days later Jefferson submitted such an
explanation to the House, but his message was laid on the
table, where, just as the military bill, it remained during the
rest of the session.^^
In June, 1807, an event occurred which finally forced both
Congress and the general public to realize that England was
^Annals, 9 Cong., 2 Sess. (1806-1807), 432.
45Jefferson was never a "big navy" man. He was opposed to large war
vessels (frigates), also; and while President he favored limiting naval expendi-
tures "in every possible way." A large navy, he believed, might cause the
United States to become involved in disputes with other countries. Channing,
The Jeffersonian System, 37.
i^Annals, 9 Cong., 2 Sess. (1806-1807), 462, 469, 470, 478.
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN 57
determined to continue her policy of impressment; and Con-
gress became very willing to provide for additional defenses.
A government vessel, the American frigate Chesapeake, was
stopped by an English frigate, the Leopard, and several sail-
ors were removed from the American vessel. This act was
looked on as a particularly flagrant violation of American
neutrality and honor, and immediately there was a general
demand for war with England. In answer to the popular
clamor, Jefferson called a special session of Congress. When
the Tenth Congress convened on October 26, however, cooler
heads, including Jefferson's, had taken control; and instead
of an immediate declaration of war they turned their efforts
to a peaceable settlement of affairs with England.*^ The first
action taken by the House was to increase navy appropria-
tions for the year 1807. In the passage of this bill, Campbell
took the leading role in his capacity as chairman of the Ways
and Means Committee, to which he was appointed when the
Tenth Congress convened.
When the Tenth Congress met, a new group of represen-
tatives, led by Joseph B. Varnum of Massachusetts, came into
control of the House, replacing the group which had furnished
the leadership for six years. The old group had looked to
Nathaniel Macon of North Carolina and John Randolph of
Roanoke for guidance.*^ Varnum was named Speaker of the
House by a majority of one vote, his selection being brought
about by a combination of representatives from the New
England, western, and middle states. Varnum received fifty-
nine votes for the speakership, whereas ten favorite sons
4'70f the Chesapeake-Leopard affair, Jefferson said, "Never since the battle
of Lexington have I seen this country in such a state of exasperation as at the
present, and even that did not produce such unanimity." Mayo, ed., Jefferson
Himself, 276, Heckscher, The Continental System, 129, states that the affair and
the whole subject of impressment "gave rise to a very pretty diplomatic con-
flict." See also James Fulton Zimmerman, Impressment of American Seamen
(New York, 1925); Francis F. Beirne, The War of 1812 (New York, 1949),
33-38; Channing, The Jeffersonian System, 170-173; and Lynch, Fifty Years of
Party Warfare, 184.
48For appraisals of Macon, see William E. Dodd, The Life of Nathaniel
Macon (Raleigh, 1903) ; Lefler and Newsome, North Carolina, The History of
a Southern State, 288, 310-311; and Lynch, Fifty Years of Party Warfare, 91,
176-177.
58 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
gathered a total of only fifty-eight votes. In the appointment
of chairmen of the various House committees, Varnum
selected his appointees entirely from those states which had
supported him for the speakership. And Campbell, a West-
erner, was appointed chairman of Ways and Means, replac-
ing John Randolph.^^
This was one of the first times that a Westerner was
placed in such a high-ranking position in Congress. Having
served as a House member for only two terms, Campbell was
now in a position of firsts-rate importance ; and it seems espe-
cially significant that he took Randolph's place on the com-
mittee. That he was selected indicates, moreover, that he was
considered as one of the most prominent representatives from
his region. He had stuck by his party and this was his
reward. His appointment was looked on as something of a
dangerous precedent in some circles, however. For example,
after learning of his appointment, Albert Gallatin, Secretarj?"
of the Treasury, wrote as follows to a friend : "Varnum has,
much against my wishes, removed Randolph from Ways and
Means, and appointed Campbell of Tennessee .... It was
improper as related to public business, and will give me addi-
tional labor."so What Randolph thought of being replaced by
the man whom he had earlier in the year called a "Prince of
Prigs & Puppies" is unknown.
Despite the low opinion held of him by Gallatin and
undoubtedly by others, Campbell began his activities as chair-
man of Ways and Means with a show of confidence. He might
not know much about financial matters, with which he was to
deal as chairman of Ways and Means, but during his short four
years in Congress he had learned much about practical politics.
On November 5 he presented a measure to the House providing
for an increase in navy appropriations for the year 1807.
The bill was read twice and referred to Committee of the
Whole on the day after its introduction, at which time a spir-
i^Annals, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 792, 794.
SOQallatin to Unknown, October ?, 1807, quoted in Adams, John Randolph,
222.223.
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN 59
ited debate began. Campbell as sponsor of the bill spoke first,
recommending that $1,517,050.47 be appropriated.^^
He was attacked immediately by Joseph Quincy of Mass-
achusetts,s2 -^^q accused him of asking for a general appro-
priation with the intention of using part of it for the con-
struction of a number of gunboats, which Quincy opposed.
Campbell's reply was that he had conferred with the Secre-
tary of Navy on this score. The timber which had been pur-
chased could indeed be used in constructing gunboats, he said,
but he had also been informed that the timber "... had been
so selected that it could be appropriated to other purposes if
necessary." Quincy rejoined by inquiring if the articles men-
tioned in the bill under discussion had already been purchased
and paid for, or only contracted for ; and if the materials had
been purchased, he wanted to know what House appropria-
tion had been used to pay for them. These were indeed
embarrassing questions from Campbell's standpoint. The
questions were answered by Representative John W. Eppes of
Virginia, who was serving with Campbell on the Ways and
Means Committee, and who was a close friend of the Ten-
nessean both in public and private life. Eppes explained that
certain extraordinary expenses had arisen during the sum-
mer of 1807 as a result of the Chesapeake-Leopard affair,
and Jefferson, believing it his executive privilege and duty to
inaugurate defense measures against England, had done so
during a time when Congress was not in session. No expenses
other than those made necessary by the exigency of the situ-
ation had been incurred; and one section of the bill before
the House provided for payment of those expenses.^s
Quincy, anxious to make political capital, again demanded
whether the goods had been paid for, and by whom. He was
not attempting, he stated, to cast any blame for incurring
5UnnaZs, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 804, 818.
52Quincy was bitterly opposed to the Jeffersonian party and to the War of
1812. See, for example, James Truslow Adams, New England and the Republic,
1776-1850 (Boston, 1927), 268-275.
5iAnnals, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 818, 819-820.
60 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
expenses; but if he could not obtain information on the sub-
ject on the floor of the House, he would be forced to try some
other method. Campbell flung the following rejoinder at him :
"The President had declared that he deemed it necessary to
procure those materials, because appearances indicated an
approaching rupture [with England] ; . . . The materials were
stored; the Secretary of the Navy had said they were pur-
chased. He [Campbell] conceived it immaterial whether the
money was actually paid in one way or another .... Even
had the Secretary appropriated money to this exigency which
had been otherwise appropriated, it was the customary meas-
ure [in such cases]. There was a time when this doctrine
was advocated by the very gentleman who now seemed to
oppose it."54
Campbell's sharp and somewhat unthinking words were
followed by a f ev/ equally caustic remarks from Randolph, the
ousted chairman of Ways and Means, who accused his suc-
cessor of advocating a practice "which had not been hereto-
fore considered as the true old Whig doctrine, the true Repub-
lican or Democratic doctrine" when he proposed expending
money for one purpose after it had been appropriated for
another. If Campbell was supported on the present bill, "an
alarming — a damning heresy on the subject of politics was
likely to become prevalent in this body," he said.^s Quincy
and Randolph thus forced Campbell into a very untenable
position; and he replied that he had not meant to give the
impression that it was immaterial where money came from
in payment of the supplies, but that it was immaterial
whether they had been paid for. Campbell was, of course,
not consistent with his earlier remarks, but he maneuvered
out of his predicament by appealing to the House to support
the bill as a party measure. His request was granted on
November 10, when the navy appropriation bill, as origin-
ally drawn up, was approved by a vote of 124 to 2.^^ Thus,
54/6id., 821.
55/6td., 822.
56/6id., 829-830, 852-853.
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN 61
despite the heckling of Quincy and Randolph, the first bill
presented and discussed by Campbell in his new capacity as
chairman of Ways and Means was passed. Campbell learned
quite definitely that he must be more careful and precise in
his future sponsorship of bills.
Soon thereafter the House once more became involved
over the question of construction of gunboats, when, on
December 7, it received from the Senate a bill to increase the
number of the vessels. Among the House members opposing
the bill were several representatives who had diifered with
Campbell on other issues, Randolph, Elliot, and Quincy; of
the members supporting the measure the most outspoken were
Campbell and Jacob Crowninshield of Massachusetts. Elliot
summed up the opposition argument on the first day of
debate : "Nothing effectual, it is certain, can be done by gun-
boats. They have never been of use but as auxiliaries to the
more extensive and substantial establishments [frigates of
74 guns] ; and they have always been of so little comparative
use as to render it impossible to ascertain the amount of serv-
ice they have rendered."^? Elliot was so bitter and passionate
in his opposition to gunboats, and talked so long and hard
that his voice weakened, and he could be heard only by those
members of the House sitting near him.^^
After other members of the House expounded on the sub-
ject, Campbell concluded the argument for the bill. Indeed,
this seems to have been his policy while serving as chairman
of Ways and Means: to make his speeches in support of
Administration measures on the last day on which the meas-
ures were debated, and sum up favorable arguments and
appeal to the Republican representatives for their support.
Such was the case on the gunboat bill. And this particular
speech also shows that he did not shrink from the common
practice in Congress of dealing in personalities. He denied
that construction of additional gunboats would "drain the
^^Ibid., 1109. See also ibid., 1066-1172, for the House debates on the gun-
boat bill.
58/6id., 1121.
62 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Treasury of the United States for a system of defense that
would prove inefficient — for a mere useless experiment."
Very few members of the House knew much about the tech-
nicalities of the bill, and even less of the use of gunboats, he
said. Everyone agreed that the country was facing a crisis
with England, and that some type of protection was neces-
sary. Some of the representatives wanted only to arm the
state militia, but what was to happen to coast towns, he
asked.59
Continuing, he reminded his listeners that it was not the
policy of the United States to build a large navy,^** and if it
were, the younger country could not hope to compete suc-
cessfully with England in a naval race, especially in the con-
struction of gunboats, since they were less expensive to build.
But the United States needed some kind of naval defense
immediately, and at least two years would be required to con-
struct a substantial number of frigates. An adequate num-
ber of gunboats, on the other hand, could be built in a few
months. The Secretary of the Navy had recently estimated
the cost of constructing a gunboat at about $5,000, and the
annual expenses of such a vessel at $11,000. In a Report of
1805, however, the Secretary had estimated the cost of build-
ing a 74-gun frigate at $328,888, and the service expenses at
$192,500. Assuming a more personal approach to Elliot's
criticisms, Campbell threw off all restraints: "It will not be
supposed that the weight of this evidence is diminished by
the little criticisms of the gentleman from Vermont; no man
who had heard them will think so. They do not merit, nor will
they, I presume, receive any notice on this floor ; but they will
sink into obscurity, as the mere ephemeral effusions of embit-
tered invective, unsupported by facts or reasoning. "^^ Here
Campbell perhaps added to an earlier charge, on another mat-
ter, that Elliot's manner of speech was merely the "effer-
vescence of an enthusiastic imagination, discharging with-
590n December 5, 1807, the House had passed a bill providing for arming
the state militia in case of foreign attacks. Ibid., 1055.
60See, for example, Channing, The Jeffersonian System, 30, 36-39, 44.
^^Annals, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 1163.
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN 63
out argument its ebullations in such a style as was often
heard in the House."
But this was not all Campbell had to say. In opposing
the bill Elliot had damned Jefferson for advocating the con-
struction of gunboats, and in the course of his diatribe
remarked that because the President looked with favor on
the bill that was being discussed, the members of the House
would follow blindly in his footsteps and accept it. This
remark was pounced upon by Campbell, and made the excuse
for a longspun and interesting eulogy of Jefferson :
... I do not stand up in this House to vindicate the conduct of
the Executive on this occasion. That is altogether unnecessary.
His conduct will speak for itself and defy the attempts of his
enemies to impeach its correctness. Nor am I to be considered, in
the remarks I have made on this occasion, as defending the Execu-
tive ; he stands in no need of defense. His well known faithful and
unremitted exertions, for more than thirty years, in support of
the rights and liberties of the American people, will be his sure,
his best defense, and will vindicate his character against the
malevolent shafts of vindictive malice. So long as virtue, wisdom,
and patriotism, continue to be revered in the world, so long will
his character remain a distinguished monument of the triumph of
liberty and the rights of man over despotism and aristocracy,
around which the sons of freedom will rejoice to rally; when the
memory of those who attempt to defame him will have been for-
gotten, having vanquished and become obscured by the superior
lustre of his well-earned fame, like the feeble gleam of the glow-
worm before the splendid glory of the noon-day sun.62
Perhaps Elliot was correct in February, 1807, when, in
speaking of Campbell, he said, "There is more animation in
his figures, there is more grace in his coloring than are to be
found in the best productions of his associate artists." Be
that as it may, Campbell took his seat after delivering his
philippic; and almost immediately, after listening to short
speeches by Quincy and Randolph in opposition to the gun-
boat bill, the House accepted the measure by the overwhelm-
ing vote of 111 to 19.63 Again Campbell was instrumental in
putting an Administration bill through the House.
62J6id., 1165.
63The bill provided for the construction of 188 gunboats. Ibid., 1172. For a
critical appraisal of Jefferson's gunboats, see John T. Morse, Jr., Thomas
Jefferson (Boston, 1898), 259.
e4 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Within the next week, Jefferson learned of the latest of
a series of Orders-in-Council issued by England: establish-
ment, on November 11, 1807, of an absolute blockade of all
European ports under French control.^* Every vessel, includ-
ing American ones, which attempted to trade with the Con-
tinent, was now subject to search by English ships. Jeffer-
son's answer to this Order was to request Congress to place
an embargo on all American commerce, and to ask that all
American ships be forbidden to depart for foreign ports. The
President's plan of action, essentially, coincided with the
third step in a plan of procedure in regard to relations with
England which Campbell had offered in the House on March
11, 1806, when he had discussed the earlier non-importation
Act passed by Congress. Presumably, at that time Campbell
had been speaking for the President.
Jefferson's request was approved by the Senate.^^ The
House, on the other hand, debated the question for three days
in secret session, and after a few minor changes also complied
with the President's proposal. Although Campbell's full part
in the House discussion is unknown, he did support and vote
for the embargo bill.^^ It will also be remembered that non-
importation of certain English goods had been established
on April 18, and that on December 19, of 1806, non-impor-
tation had been suspended for one year. Shortly after the
Chesapeake-Leopard affair, a group of Philadelphia mer-
chants had sent a Memorial to the lower House of Congress
demanding that the bill be repealed. At the time, Campbell,
in speaking of the Memorial, had described it "as little less
than an insult .... If not direct, at least an indirect insult
on their [the members of the House] dignity."^^ From this
and from many other remarks made by him there is no doubt
that he was a strong supporter of the embargo when it was
debated in the House. Another bit of pertinent evidence is a
^American State Papers, Foreign Relations, III, 269.
65Channing, The Jeffersonian System, 211-213; Lynch, Fifty Years of Party
Warfare, 187-190.
^^Annals, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 1222.
67See ibid., 961-982, for the House discussion of the Memorial.
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN 65
letter he wrote to the editor of a Knoxville newspaper on the
day the embargo passed Congress: "... — our differences
with G. Britain still present a gloomy aspect — .... At pres-
ent we are proceeding with open doors to make all prepara-
tions in our power for the defense of our country. If we shall
be able to preserve peace, it will be by preparing for war."^^
That Campbell played a major role in putting the embargo
act through Congress seems true beyond any reasonable
doubt, particularly since he was chairman of one of the most
important committees in the House. After the embargo was
put into effect, he was one of its persistent advocates.
From the passage of the embargo act in December, 1807,
until April 25, 1808, when the Tenth Congress recessed, the
important topics of discussion in the House were the embargo
and the increase in the army and navy; and Campbell was
unusually active in the debates on these subjects. On January
27, 1808, he presented a bill providing for an increase in the
country's military establishment, contending that the follow-
ing units should be added to the army : one battalion each of
riflemen and cavalry and one regiment of infantry, with the
number of men in each company of those units already exist-
ing in the army to be increased from fifty to one hundred.
His proposal was not satisfactory to some of the military-
minded Congressmen, however, Roger Nelson of Maryland
stating, for example, that the increases suggested would be
"but a drop of water in the ocean." After a somewhat desultory
debate, the bill was referred to a select committee, but was
never reported for discussion. The next important military
measure to be considered was one containing practically the
same provisions, which came from the Senate and was intro-
duced in the House by Campbell.^^
68Campbell to Editor, December 22, 1807, in Wilson's Knoxville Gazette,
January 6, 1808, For Richard M. Johnson's support of the embargo, as ex-
pressed in a letter printed in the Frankfort Palladium, January 28, 1808, see
Leland Winfield Meyer, The Life and Times of Colonel Richard M. Johnson
(New York, 1932), 62-63.
^^Annals, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 1512-1514. On December 16, 1807,
the House appropriated $1,000,000 for the defense of ports and harbors. Ibid.,
1204.
66 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
The Senate bill, which was read on February 17, pro-
vided that the President should have power to raise one reg-
iment of infantry and one battalion each of cavalry and rifle-
men. If war came, the number of men in each company of
all branches of the army was to be increased from fifty to
one hundred. Campbell stated, however, that some House
members wanted even more men. As for himself, he said, he
was more than willing at any time to consider "a measure
calculated to prepare for war."^o But the House was unwill-
ing even to accept the bill under debate. Campbell, now an
avowed militarist, was not to be denied. During the next
week he put through an appropriation of $300,000 for pur-
chasing arms for future use by the army. In April he car-
ried his militaristic inclinations still further by supporting
the Administration on a measure calling for an increase of
six thousand troops in the army, that is, five regiments of
infantry and one each of riflemen, light artillery, and light
dragoons to be enlisted for a five-year period.
Campbell was outspoken in his support of this army bill.
England and France were both committing depredations
against American shipping, he said, and national honor
demanded preparation for future attacks. The United States
had no assurance that one or both of the European powers
might not turn on her at any moment, and it was the patrio-
tic duty of the members of the House to prepare for such an
emergency. His wishes were granted, the army bill passed,
and the United States was launched into a program, albeit
not a large one, of military preparation."^! Campbell had fav-
ored this program, as well as all other major military and
naval measures adopted during the winter of 1807-1808 ; and
by the spring of 1808, he was one of the leading militarists
in Washington. In every way he was a forerunner of the
70/feid., 1633.
71/6id., 1620-1621, 1639, 2006-2021, 2849-2852. The United States was, indeed,
poorly prepared for war in 1812. See, for example, William Wood, The War
with the United States, A Chronicle of 1812 (Toronto, 1921), 20-29; and Beirne,
The War of 1812. Leonard D. White, The Jeffersonians, A Study in Admin-
istrative History (New York, 1951), is very useful on this point.
THE STERLING REPUBLICAN 67
"warhawks," or the members of Congress who spoke out for
war with England in the period 1811-1812.
Intermingled with the discussion during January to April,
1807, on increasing the size of the army was another debate
concerning the navy; and here again Campbell was a chief
participant. On December 11, 1807, a bill had passed the
House appropriating funds for construction of 185 additional
gunboats. Now in January of the next year, Congress
received a request from the Secretary of the Navy for an
increase in navy personnel. This request was approved, and
the number of sailors was increased from 1,425 to 2,697. In
April, 1807, however, Campbell once more acted as Adminis-
tration spokesman in opposition to the construction of frig-
ates. He reminded his listeners that he had favored num-
erous other measures for defense, but stated that he could
see no need for additional frigates. As chairman of Ways
and Means, he was opposed to appropriating any additional
funds for defense, especially since the Tenth Congress had
already set aside between three and four million dollars fwr
that purpose. At his suggestion the House postponed the
frigate matter indefinitely.'^^ Campbell was indeed a faithful
follower of Thomas Jefferson.
Campbell should by no means be considered as the most
important member of the Jefferson party in the House of
Representatives in the year 1807. On the other hand, he did
attain a significant position in that body, for no congressman
becomes chairman of a committee as powerful as Ways and
Means unless he is a recognized member of the political party
in power. Campbell rose rapidly in Jeffersonian party circles
from 1803 to 1807. He supported the party on most issues, he
proved to be an outstanding speaker and debater, he repre-
sented an area, the West, that was strongly Jeffersonian, and
his party rewarded him for all these reasons. If John Randolph
was important as a member of the party, so was Campbell.
This was the case despite the fact that the two men were
^^Annals, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 1507, 2267, 2271.
68 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
extraordinarily different in their backgrounds, habits, and
actions. Randolph, for various reasons, turned away from the
party; Campbell supported the party; and the Tennessean
replaced the Virginian as one of the leading Jeffersonian
spokesmen in Congress. Campbell was a "sterling Republican"
at home and in Washington.
Chapter IV
IN DEFENSE OF THE EMBARGO
A public issue in which Campbell was peculiarly inter-
ested was Jefferson's embargo ;i and his attitude toward it
may be stated quite simply : he favored the embargo when it
was enacted; he was thoroughly outraged when shipowners
refused to abide by it ; he supported the various bills aimed at
strengthening it ; he argued consistently and vehemently that
it should be retained; and he refused adamantly to vote for
its repeal in 1809, He even fought a duel over the embargo.
On January 8, 1808, Jefferson's adherents in Congress
passed a law requiring shipowners to give bond that they
would not violate the embargo.^ This law raised a storm of
criticism in New England, where the embargo was never
popular and never altogether adhered to. Some shipowners
continued to risk voyages of their vessels, because of the enor-
mous profits to be made if they could slip by English cruis-
ers; and many merchants of the northeastern states in gen-
eral, in protest of the requirement of giving bond, stepped
up their shipment of goods into Canada, from where trans-
shipments were made to Europe. This latter practice became
so pronounced that on February 20, 1808, a bill was intro-
duced in the House prohibiting it, too.^ When this last meas-
ure was brought up for consideration, congressional leaders
from New England and the middle states tried to block its
passage as well as to repeal the law of January 8. The first
House member to speak against the bill was Barent Gard-
enier, who represented an upstate region of New York, which
was carrying on a very profitable trade with Canada in oppo-
sition to the embargo :
IHeckscher, The Continental System, 127-148, presents an excellent survey
account of the embargo and the various non-intercourse acts of the United States.
^Annals, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 79. See also Jefferson to Albert
Gallatin, December 24, 1807, in the Library Edition of The Writings of Thomas
Jefferson, the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association, 20 vols. (Washington,
1903-1904), XI, 407; and White, The Jeffersonians, 427-428.
^Annals, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 1649-1650; Adams, New England and
the Republic, 253-254; Samuel Eliot Morison, The Maritime History of Massa-
chusetts, 1783-1860 (Boston, 1941), 173-186.
70 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Why we passed the embargo law itself, I have always been
unable to tell. Why we have passed the subsequent laws for the
purpose of rendering the original evil more perfect and more
universal, God only knows. It does appear to me, sir, [Gardenier is
here addressing Speaker Varnum] that we are led on, step by
step, by an unseen hand. We are urged forward by a sort of
spell, the ruin of our country .... The more the original measure
develops itself, the more I am satisfied that my first view of it was
correct; that it is a sly, cunning measure. That its real object
was not merely to prevent our vessels from going out, but to
effect non-intercourse. Are the nation prepared for this? If you
wish to try whether they are, tell them at once what is your
object — tell what you mean — tell them you mean to take part
with the Grand Pacificator; or else stop your present course. Do
not go on forging chains to fasten us to the car of the Imperial
Conqueror.4
In his closing remarks, Gardenier expressed what seems to
have been his real motive, an accusation which was common
among Jefferson's opponents, that of charging the presiden-
tial party with catering to France and Napoleon Bonaparte
and against England in its embargo policy.^ The New Yorker
thereby created a distinct commotion in the House of
Representatives.
While Gardenier still had the floor, several Jeffersonians,
including Campbell, jumped to their feet to call him to order.
Speaker Varnum also requested Gardenier to keep within
the rules of propriety, and to cease his incriminations.
Gardenier rejoined by demanding the Speaker to keep order
and asking that Campbell and his cohorts be made to take
their seats. When order was finally restored, Gardenier
added, "If the gentlemen have composed themselves, and are
in a condition to hear I will proceed. I wish first, however, to
put them at ease on one point. They are not of sufMcient
importance to have been the objects at whom I would level
an5i;hing. I assure the gentlemen I did not mean them."^
^Annals. 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 1653-1654.
SJohn Randolph made a similar charge in the debate in Congress in Decem-
ber, 1807, when the embargo act was passed. Channing, The Jeffersonian Sys-
tem, 212-213. See also Samuel Eliot Morison, The Life and Letters of Harrison
Gray Otis, Federalist, 1765-1848, 2 vols. (Boston, 1913), II, 41-42. Excellent dis-
cussions of the partisanship arising in the United States over the embargo may
be found in Adams, New England and the Republic, 255-280; and Charles War-
ren, Jacobin and Junto, or Early American Politics as Viewed in the Diary of
Dr. Nathaniel Ames, 1758-1822 (Cambridge, 1931), 183-244.
^Annals, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 1654.
IN DEFENSE OF THE EMBARGO 71
Gardenier was spoiling for a fight, and his cutting remarks
were not to be forgotten. He was allowed, however, to have
his say against the embargo : it had stopped legal trade with
Europe; if the embargo was strengthened as contemplated,
trade with Canada would be prohibited absolutely; as a rep-
resentative from a commercial state, he was opposed to any
more restrictions on American commerce, he contended.''^
After Representative Ezekiel Bacon of Massachusetts
reprimanded Gardenier for his ungentlemanly speech, John
Montgomery of Maryland asked that debate on the subject
be continued the next day and that Gardenier be forced either
to prove his insinuations or suffer the consequences. Mont-
gomery's request was granted, and the next day Jefferson's
more gallant followers almost stumbled over each other in
their efforts to insult Gardenier. Most of these speakers were
from the West. Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky, speaking
directly to the New Yorker, accused him of slander. John-
son was followed by Campbell, who branded Gardenier's
accusations as "infamous, groundless falsehoods." Campbell
shouted also that Gardenier should be considered " . . . as the
mere conduit used by those behind the screen to convey these
groundless slanders to the public — ^the common trumpeter,
who gives no importance to what he makes public, except
what is derived merely from the place he occupies, or the
duties assigned to him to perform. It is not therefore appre-
hended that what has been said on this occasion by that
member will make any other or stronger impression on the
public mind, than was made by the same tale, when handed
to the public through the medium of party or hireling news-
papers."^ These, too, were harsh words, and they were not
to be the last ones on the subject.
Final debate on the bill to close off trade with Canada
took place on February 28, and Gardenier was again one of
^Ibid., 1657.
Hhid., 1667-1673, contains Campbell's complete speech. See also ibid., 1657-
1658, 1661. For a classic speech of January 5, 1813, in which Josiah Quincy
attacked the Republican party, as Campbell here attacked Gardenier, see Har-
low, The History of Legislative Methods in the Period before 1825, pp. 208-209.
72 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
its leading critics. Following Gardenier's speech, however,
Campbell employed his old tactic of summing up the reasons
why Republicans should support the bill. It would, he said,
keep citizens, commerce, and merchandize at home. The pur-
pose of the original embargo was to make foreign countries,
especially England, realize the need of trade with the United
States. But the desired result had not been forthcoming
because of the refusal of certain groups, that is. New Eng-
land merchants, to obey the law. Goods were being carried
to Canada, and on to England. Unless all sections of the
United States were made to abide by the law, it could never
be effective. On his part, Campbell said, he was willing to
permit the entry of goods to the United States, but goods
should not be exported. Since these were also the President's
wishes, he hoped the bill under debate would pass. The next
day the bill did pass; Jefferson's embargo policy was
strengthened; it was now against the law for Americans to
trade with Canada.*'
In the meantime Campbell became involved in a bitter
personal dispute with Gardenier over the remarks which had
passed between them during the debate of the bill. On Feb-
ruary 23, Gardenier demanded that Campbell retract the
statements Campbell had made about him. Campbell
refused. Gardenier then wrote to Campbell : "I am therefore
under the necessity of repeating the request contained in my
note this morning for the last time."^o Campbell's answer to
this, the next day, was to send his friend, John Eppes of
Virginia, to seek satisfaction from Gardenier. The latter
replied that he was willing to satisfy, fight a duel, v/henever
Campbell wished. A duel was arranged to take place on Feb-
ruary 28, but the first effort of the two principals to shoot it
out took a rather ridiculous turn. On arriving at the place
selected for the duel on the appointed day, such a crowd of
9The bill also passed the Senate. Annals, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 17,
1707-1709, 1712. This and other extensions of the embargo are mentioned in
Adams, New England and the Republic, 249-250.
lOThe complete correspondence between Campbell and Gardenier leading
to their duel is printed in Wilson's Knoxville Gazette, March 30, 1808.
IN DEFENSE OF THE EMBARGO 73
curious onlookers had assembled "to see the fun" that the
encounter was postponed. On March 2, however, the duel
was held without benefit of spectators ; and Campbell shot his
opponent through the chest.^i In this affair the Tennessean
not only demonstrated his personal courage and his willing-
ness to endanger his life for his honor and his politics, but,
according to one source of information, he met his future wife
as a result of the encounter. After the duel Gardenier was
carried to the nearby home of a relative of Benjamin Stod-
dert, who had been Secretary of the Navy in John Adams'
cabinet. Campbell, as was becoming of a gentleman duellist,
visited his fallen foe while the latter was recovering from his
wound ; and his interest was whetted in a direction other than
paying a courtesy call on an adversary: he met and courted
Harriet Stoddert, Benjamin Stoddert's daughter, whom he
married in July, 1812.^ As far as is known, this chain of
events — a spirited debate in Congress, a duel, and a court-
ship and marriage — was the most colorful aspect of Camp-
bell's life.
After his duel with Gardenier, Campbell returned to the
House as if nothing particularly noteworthy had happened,^^
and during the remainder of the first session of the Tenth
Congress continued his activities in support of the Adminis-
tration. On April 8 he wanted to know what was to be the
policy of his Government should England revoke her Orders-
in-Council during the forthcoming recess of Congress.^*
Seeking an answer to this very important question, he sought
to empower Jefferson to suspend the embargo during the
summer of 1808 if developments should warrant such a sus-
pension. His resolution to this effect was referred to Com-
llAdams, ed.. Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, I, 355; Irving Brant, James
Madison, Secretary of State, 1800-1809 (Indianapolis, 1953), 441; Bernard Mayo,
Henry Clay, Spokesman of the New West (Boston, 1937), 321.
12Family Bible of the L. M. Brown Family; Will T. Hale and Dixon L. Mer-
rill, A History of Tennessee and Tennesseenns, 8 vols. (Chicago, 1913), II, 372.
13 Adams, ed.. Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, I, 512.
l^For an excellent chronological table of the commercial war between Eng-
land and France, including English Orders-in-Councils, French Decrees, and
United Stales retaliatory legislation, see Heckscher, The Continental System,
xiv-xvi.
74 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
mittee of the Whole and became the main topic of discussion
in the House for about ten days. Various efforts were made
to kill his proposal, however, with Randolph and Quincy
leading the attack. Randolph, for instance, tried to cloud the
issue by debating the question of arming the state militia of
the various states; an attempt was next made to consider a
bill on the construction of post roads, which also failed; and
on April 11, Quincy consumed most of the day reading peti-
tions from numerous Massachusetts towns demanding that
the embargo be repealed.^^ On April 12, after Randolph again
tried vainly to side-track the issue by speaking on the sub-
ject of frauds in land warrants, by a vote of 55 to 20 the
House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole for dis-
cussion of Campbell's resolution.^^
The Tennessean defended his proposal by arguing that it
was of great importance to people living near the seacoast,
for if commercial relations between the United States and
Europe improved, those people would wish, as everyone knew,
to resume shipping activities as soon as possible. Congress,
he said, should not have to be called into special session to
handle a situation which, although not necessarily likely,
could be foreseen. As chairman of Ways and Means, he was
positive that the Government ought not to have to bear the
expense of a special session. Jefferson's critics were opposed
to granting him any more powers, that was true, but —
despite their objections to Campbell's proposal — ^they were
able only to stall proceedings for a few days; and on April
16, the House dispensed with Campbell's resolution in order
to consider a similar one from the Senate. The Senate meas-
ure was accepted, and was approved by Jefferson. On April
25, Congress recessed until the first Monday in November."
ISSee Sidney Howard Gay, James Madison (Boston, 1884), 280.
i^Annals, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 2066-2067, 2070-2080, 2083. For ad-
ditional discussions of the resistance to the embargo and the failure to enforce
it, see Brant, James Madison, Secretary of State, 473-480, and White, The Jeffer-
sonians, 443-473.
i^Annals, 10 Cong., 1 Sess. (1807-1808), 2087-2172, 2189, 2241-2245, 2260, 2284;
Adams, New England and the Republic, 248-265 ; A. T. Mahan, The Influence of
Sea Power upon the French Revolution and the Empire, 1793-1812, 2 vols. (New
York, 1892), II, 291-292.
IN DEFENSE OF THE EMBARGO 75
About three weeks afterwards, one of Campbell's num-
erous Circular Letters, addressed to the people of Tennessee,
and which was his customary practice at the close of a session
of Congress, was published by the newspapers of his state.
This particular Letter concerned American relations with
England and France. Campbell was confident that the
embargo should be continued. "So soon as they revoke their
orders and decrees in regard to us," he maintained, "it will
then no doubt be considered proper to remove the embargo
— ."1^ Should war come, he would be the first to support it,
but he hoped that war would be avoided. He believed, how-
ever, that the best way to prevent war was to continue to
prepare for it, since no country, he said, would attack the
United States if she were fully prepared to defend herself.
He did not think that any new taxes would be levied if war
came, at least not at the beginning of the war. He trusted
that Tennessee would support a war if it came.^^
On November 7, 1808, Campbell was back in the capital
for the meeting of the second session of the Tenth Congress ;
and he was again selected chairman of the Ways and Means
Committee,2° in which capacity he continued to support the
policies of President Jefferson. Once more he interested him-
self especially in the problems of the embargo and non-inter-
course, and he again assumed a leading role in the House.
And although absent from the House a great part of the time
because of illness, he was instrumental in putting through
several important measures advocated by the President.
Throughout the session he continued to support a strong for-
eign policy; and time after time he made extremely militar-
istic speeches. He was not only a sort of political work-
horse, but in the truest possible sense he was one of the first
"warhawks" in Congress.
'^Wilson's Knoxville Gazette, May 18, 1808.
l^Despite Campbell's opinion on the subject of taxes, it was not long after
war was declared against England before Congress resorted to a direct tax and
to internal duties. Campbell appealed to Tennesseans to support tbese new
levies in a Circular Letter, dated August 16, 1813. Tennessee Historical Society
Collection.
^OAnnals, 10 Cong., 2 Sess. (1808-1809), 472.
76 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
A good part of Jefferson's annual message to Congress
bad to do with England and France and their policies toward
American shipping. The President favored a continuation
of the embargo, but concluded that a decision on the matter
should be left to Congress. Three days after the annual mes-
sage was presented, that part of the message having to do
with the embargo was referred to a select House committee,
of which Campbell was named chairman.^i It is worthy of
note, too, that from about this time until the end of the Tenth
Congress (except when absent because of illness), Campbell
not only served as Ways and Means chairman but also as
head of the House Committee on Foreign Relations. There
is absolutely no question that he thus was one of the most
important and influential members of Congress.
It is common knowledge among American historians that
Albert Gallatin helped prepare a Report on the question of
continuing the embargo. More precisely, it should be said
that Gallatin and perhaps others prepared the Report; that
the Report was made to Congress ; and that the document is,
and was, known as "Campbell's Report," and was read by
Campbell in the House on November 22, I8O8.22 The Report
recited in clear and compact form the injuries inflicted on the
United States and France since the year 1804. In regard to
the embargo, the Report maintained, "There is no other alter-
native but war with both nations [France and England], or
a continuation of the present system. For war with one of
the belligerents only, would be submission to the edicts and
will of the other; and a repeal in whole or in part of the
embargo must necessarily be war or submission. A general
^Hhid., 483; Richardson, ed., Messages and Papers of the Presidents, I, 451-
456.
22Henry Adams credits Gallatin with "drafting" the Campbell Report, and
calls the Report "probably the best statement ever made of the American
argument against the British government and the orders in council." Henry
Adams, The Life of Albert Gallatin (Philadelphia, 1879; reprinted New York,
1943), 378. Irving Brant, James Madison, Secretary of State, 471, remarks that
the Report "contained the views of the incoming administration. The report
was prepared by Gallatin, . . . but the historical survey was so completely based
on Madison's writings and oral arguments as to indicate joint authorship. It
even drew on his [Madison's] private correspondence."
IN DEFENSE OF THE EMBARGO 77
repeal without arming, would be submission to both nations.
A general repeal and arming of our merchant vessels, would
be war with both, and war of the worse kind; suffering our
enemies to plunder us without retaliation upon them. A par-
tial repeal, must from the situation of Europe, necessarily be
actual submission to one of the aggressors, and war with the
other."23 This was a very realistic statement of a serious sit-
uation; and, despite who wrote it, the Report was consistent
with Campbell's ideas and past actions. The Tennessean
should have some credit for the Report, it would seem.
Continuing the Report, Campbell argued that the aggres-
sions of England and France against American commerce were
"to all intents and purposes, a maritime war waged by both
nations against the United States."^* if England and France
persisted in their policies, he said, the only effectual method
the United States had of resisting them was war. He and his
committee should like, he concluded, to present three resolu-
tions for House approval. By accepting the committee's plan
of action the House members would demonstrate that they,
too, were no longer willing to stand for coercion by the two
warring European countries. The resolutions, which resem-
bled proposals of a similar nature later supported by the
"warhawks" of 1811-1812, were : first the United States could
not, "without a sacrifice of their rights, honor, and indepen-
dence," submit to the edicts of England and France; second,
in the future, no English or French vessel, under any condi-
tion, was to call at an American port; and third, "measures
ought to be immediately taken for placing the country in a
more complete state of defense." When Campbell finished
presenting the Report, the House indicated the importance of
the document by ordering five thousand copies printed for
distribution.25
On November 28, the first of Campbell's three resolutions
was brought up for discussion, and until it was accepted two
23 JnnaZs, 10 Cong., 2 Sess. (1808-1809), 519. For the complete Report, see
ibid., 514-521.
mbid., 520.
25/6Jd., 519, 521.
78 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
weeks later it was almost the sole topic before the House.
And from the beginning the Report was attacked viciously
by the Federalists. Quincy of Massachusetts flamed: "The
course advocated in that report is . . . loathsome ; the spirit it
breathes disgraceful ; the temper it is likely to inspire neither
calculated to regain the rights we have lost, nor preserve
those which remain to us.''^^ Several other unalterable oppo-
nents of Jefferson followed Quincy, all of them arguing
against the resolution on the usual grounds offered month in
and month out by the commercial interests of the country.
In their minds, the embargo was entirely objectionable.
Opposition to the Report also came from some rather sur-
prising sources. Some of the more prominent Republicans,
even some of those who later gained renown as "warhawks,"
including Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky and John J. Jack-
son, the latter a brother-in-law of James Madison himself,
were verbose in their opposition. In truth, after a careful
study of the speeches of these Republicans and of the Fed-
eralists, one must conclude that many of the former feared
war and that the latter merely expressed their usual antip-
athy for the embargo. The gist of the matter is that excited
speaker after speaker consumed an excessive amount of time
listing the insults which the United States had received from
England and France, but most of them were opposed to
acceptance of the resolution.^^ But Campbell spoke as might
be expected; and the considered opinion of one famous his-
torian, Henry Adams, is that of all those who participated in
the debate, only Campbell "took a tone which might be called
courageous. "28 This is high praise indeed.
During the extended discussion on the first resolution of
his Report, Campbell spoke three times. On November 28,
he placed the resolution before the House, and in a short
statement expressed the hope that it would be adopted. In
mbid., 524.
2'^See, for example, ibid., 581-590, 634-659, for speeches by Johnson and
Jackson.
28Adams, History of the United States, IV, 380.
IN DEFENSE OF THE EMBARGO 79
his second speech on the subject, on December 6, he reminded
his listeners that some of the congressmen had drifted away
from the subject at hand during the course of the debate;
and he thought it "high time to bring our minds back to the
real question, which we are about to decide.''^^ Why so much
time was being utilized in debate was beyond him, he said,
for if the House members were indeed patriotic Americans,
they would cease the extended discussion and accept the reso-
lution. All of them had admitted in their speeches that for-
eign aggressions on American commerce had occurred. He
believed, however, that he should restate the purposes for
which the Report had been made. Moreover, since the oppo-
sition had charged that American commerce had been ruined
by the embargo, he thought that he also ought to consider
that matter.
According to his argument, there was no permanent trade
between the United States and England and her colonies, for
England "never opens the ports of her colonies to your ships,
except when forced by necessity to do so." When the
embargo was laid, he said, American commerce was prohib-
ited from every European country, Sweden excepted; and
when American ships attempted to trade with Europe under
these conditions they were liable to confiscation, if captured.
President Jefferson, however, had sought to prevent such a
consequence by the imposition of the embargo. Beneficial
effects of the embargo outweighed any possible drawbacks:
"When your trade was in this situation, . . . the embargo was
laid, and like a shield intervened and saved it from certain
destruction. Yes, sir, I venture to affirm, without the hazard
of contradiction from any well informed merchant of candor,
as my information is derived from the most responsible
authority, that the embargo has saved the American people
more than $100,000,000, that would, if it had not been laid,
most undoubtedly have fallen into the hands of the belligerent
^Annals, 10 Cong., 2 Sess. (1808-1809) , 530-531, 714.
80 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Powers. "^° As if this were not praise enough, the next day
Campbell reiterated his belief — long held and previously
expressed — ^that it was the British Orders-in-Council and
French Decrees, not the embargo, which had disrupted
American commerce.^^ There was no question that shipping
had fallen off, but the embargo was the result rather than
the cause of this development : "This is a truth supported by
facts that cannot be denied; remove the embargo, and you
expose your trade, naked and defenceless, to certain destruc-
tion— the same that would have taken place if it had not been
laid .... Will gentlemen say that this would be a more desir-
able situation than you are in at present? ... Is it not better
and much more honorable for this country that your produce
should even rot in your warehouses, than it should be enjoyed
by your enemies, and used by them for your destruction ?"32
Having thus warmed up to his subject, Campbell also
rendered a partisan vindication of the embargo as an Admin-
istration measure. He had learned his political lessons well.
When the embargo was established, he said, it was the gen-
eral belief of members of the Republican party that France
and England would revoke their Orders and Decrees when
they realized that their own subjects were suffering from a
lack of indispensable goods which could be imported only
from the United States. He argued now, as he had argued
before, that even though the expected result had not come
about, the Administration could not be held responsible.
Only England and France were responsible for permitting
their people to suffer. The President's party was not "cul-
pable for anticipating such events." For all these reasons,
30/6icJ., 729; ibid., 714-730 contains the speech made December 6. Channing,
The Jeffersonian System, 216-219, concludes that the embargo did not ruin
American business and that the embargo was both supported in Virginia and
opposed in New England mainly for political reasons.
31Robert G. Albion, The Rise of New York Port, 1815-1860 (New York,
1939), 166-167, refers to the increase of trade with Spanish America as a result
of the embargo. See also Morison, The Maritime History of Massachusetts,
187-195; W. W. Jennings, The American Embargo, 1807-1809 (Iowa City, 1921) ;
and A. C. Clauder, American Commerce as Affected by the Wars of the French
Revolution and Napoleon, 1793-1812 (Philadelphia, 1932).
^^Annals, 10 Cong., 2 Sess. (1808-1809), 730; see also ibid., 730-753.
IN DEFENSE OF THE EMBARGO 81
Campbell concluded, he hoped that his Report would be
accepted. But if the other members of the House did not con-
sider the Report forceful enough, he was ready and willing
to begin preparations for war. If the House wanted war, it
should pass a resolution to that effect. He would vote for
war, because the time "had come to unite the people of Amer-
ica; we join issue with the gentlemen as to temporizing
policy; we are for decisive measures; we have not, we will
not, now temporize. We say there is no middle course. We
are, in the first place, for cutting off all intercourse with
those Powers who trample upon our rights. If that will not
prove effectual we say take the last alternative, war, with
all its calamities, rather than submission or national degra-
dation."33
Thus, once more Campbell gave his full support to the
embargo, speaking both as a Republican with strong mili-
taristic leanings and as a man of courage. At the time, he
was the only House member to speak out boldly and unequiv-
ocally for war unless England and France ceased their dep-
redations on American shipping. Long before the other mem-
bers favored war, he was willing to resort to it. And, invet-
erate politician that he was, he appealed to the Republicans
to vote for the first resolution of his Report for party reasons.
Several other partisan speeches were also made during the
closing debates; and on December 13 his resolution was
accepted by an overwhelming vote. A few days later the two
other resolutions which he had introduced were also adopted,
and at the same time referred to select committees. The sec-
ond resolution, having to do with commercial relations with
England and France, was referred to the House Foreign
Relations Committee, headed by Campbell. The third reso-
lution of the Report, providing for a more adequate defense,
was referred to the Military Committee.^*
On December 26, the two committees returned reports to
the House. The resolution brought in by the Military Com-
33/6id., 747, 753.
mbid^ 855, 894, 895, 910.
V
82 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
mittee was a forceful one: enlistment of 50,000 volunteers,
to serve in the army for two years ; but it went too far for the
timid members. The resolution was adopted, but never passed
the third reading after being drawn up as a bill. And, as it
happens, the measure which Campbell introduced as chair-
man of the Foreign Relations Committee probably was the
important factor in turning the House away from the mili-
tary bill. The House simply would not go along with Camp-
bell in his efforts toward forceful action. A declaration that
the United States would not be insulted was one thing — and
this had been expressed in the first resolution of Campbell's
Report, and had been approved by the House on December 13
— ^but complete non-intercourse with England and France,
which Campbell proposed through his Foreign Relations
Committee, was another thing. According to Campbell, the
United States should establish a complete non-intercourse
with the two countries, and no goods from England and
France should be imported until their Orders and Councils
were revoked or modified. Furthermore, his committee sug-
gested that when the two European countries ceased their
attacks on American commerce, Jefferson was to give public
notice by proclamation that both the embargo and the non-
intercourse acts were repealed.^^
In making these proposals, Campbell thought that he was
carrying out the wishes of the majority of the House, but
such was decidedly not the case. After Campbell's non-inter-
course bill passed two readings, it, like the military bill, was
not approved. The House simply was not ready to go much
beyond adopting a statement that it was comprised of hon-
orable men, which was proclaimed when the first resolution
of Campbell's Report was approved. But the House was not
alone in its unwillingness to take drastic action. Jefferson,
himself, was questioning the further usefulness of the
embargo. A contributing factor, although certainly not the
decisive factor, to House action on the non-intercourse bill
was Campbell's absence from Congress, because of sickness.
35/feid., 910-912, 1167-1170.
IN DEFENSE OF THE EMBARGO 83
during a large part of the two months after he introduced the
bill.36 In his absence, his place as chairman of the House
Ways and Means Committee and as head of the House Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations was filled by Carey Wilson
Nichols of Virginia, whom Jefferson looked on as his special
spokesman in the House after John Randolph was removed
from the chairmanship of the Ways and Means Committee.^^
What would have been the outcome on Campbell's non-inter-
course measure had he been present in Congress throughout
the winter of 1809 can not, of course, be answered. The story
would surely have been somewhat different, but the end result
most likely would have been the same. Many Congressmen
and other influential people of the United States, particularly
Easterners who were anxious to resume the commerce that
had been interrupted in 1807, agreed that the embargo should
be repealed. Neither one man nor a small minority could hope
to stem the implacable tide of opinion against the embargo in
1809, of course. Campbell tried, but he failed. The House
was not yet in the hands of the "warhawks;" although, on
January 9, 1809, Congress did pass an Enforcement Act,
aimed at halting trade with Nova Scotia and the West Indies.^^
Numerous Federalist petitions against the embargo were
presented in Congress in January, 1809.^^ On January 30,
both because of this pressure and heavy sentiment elsewhere
in opposition to the embargo,^" Representative Nichols called
up for consideration a resolution providing for termination
of the embargo on June 1, 1809. Except for those sections
related to trade with England and France, the embargo was
to be repealed on March 4, 1809 ; after that date, on May 20,
a complete non-importation of English and French goods
36Campbell to Thomas Corry, January 24, 1809, in Campbell Papers (in
possession of Mrs. Susan M. Brown).
^''Annals, 10 Cong., 2 Sess. (1808-1809), 1432; Harlow, The History of Legisla-
tive Methods in the Period before 1825, p. 173; George Tucker, The Life of
Thomas Jefferson, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1837), II, 220.
38Heckscher, The Continental System, 132-133.
^^Annals, 10 Cong., 2 Sess. (1808-1809), 1188, 1240, 1351, 1375, 1777.
40See Patrick, Florida Fiasco, 4349, for references to smuggling from St.
Mary's, Georgia, and Fernandina, Florida, at this period.
84 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
into the United States was to be enforced; and all armed
vessels were to be excluded from American waters after
March 4A^ As is well known, Jefferson gave his reluctant con-
sent to this act of Nicholas,^^ ^^t his friend and admirer,
Campbell, still believed in the usefulness of the embargo. If
Campbell had been present, it is quite likely that he would
have opposed even the introduction of such a resolution. Be
that as it may, debate began on the Nicholas proposal on Feb-
ruary 15 and continued for the rest of the month.
Campbell made his only extended speech on repeal of the
embargo and enactment of the non-intercourse measure on
February 20. He was surprised, he said, to see the House
members taking such a remarkably different stand on the
embargo from the one "a few weeks ago." He shamed his
colleagues for their inconsistency and irresponsibility, and
beseeched Southerners and Westerners to hold out for the
embargo, warning them that if non-intercourse was estab-
lished New England would have no foreign competition, and
would therefore be able to furnish the rest of the country
with its manufactured goods at its own prices.*^ No adequate
substitute for the embargo had been proposed; and he laid
his position squarely before Congress. Moreover, in view of
his recognized position as a leader in the House, he had a full
right to speak:
I am in favor of the non-intercourse law before you, and
always have been, as connected with the embargo; believing those
combined measures would operate most powerfully on the interests
of your adversaries, and maintain the rights, the character, and
honor, of your covintry. But I am opposed to a repeal of the
embargo, either wholly or partially, unless you take a measure at
least equally strong in its place. This was my opinion since the
commencement of the session, and I had fondly indulged the hope
until very lately it was the opinion of a large majority of the
House. It is my opinion that, under existing circumstances, the
best interests of the nation, as well as its honor and character
abroad, require the embargo to be continued until the time ar-
4UnnaZ5, 10 Cong., 2 Sess. (1808-1809), 1232.
42Adrienne Koch, Jefferson and Madison, The Great Collaboration (New
York, 1950), 249-250; Mayo, ed., Jefferson Himself, 282-283; Schachner, Thomas
Jefferson, II, 876-886.
i^Annals, 10 Cong., 2 Sess. (1808-1809), 1475-1487, 1499, contains Campbell's
two speeches on the non-intercourse bill.
IN DEFENSE OF THE EMBARGO 85
rives, at which it will be necessary and proper to take, in its place,
a stronger ground, a more efficient measure of resistance, which
in my view, must be war alone. 44
He would, he concluded, accept the other sections of the bill,
but he would not vote to repeal the embargo. Here again, as
Henry Adams would say, Campbell was a man of courage. It
is, also, more than likely, although it can not be proved
beyond a shadow of a doubt, that George Washington Camp-
bell, by his speeches and his reputation among the voters of
the West, had a great deal to do with building up those senti-
ments in the West which swept the "warhawks" into Con-
gress during 1810 and 1811. It is a certainty that his attitude
toward England in 1808-1809 was strikingly similar to the
"warhawk" attitude in 1810-1812.
Campbell's efforts to hold up repeal of the embargo was
a cry in the wilderness, however, and, on February 22, 1809,
the House laid aside its own non-intercourse measure to con-
sider one which the Senate had passed.*^ Five days later, this
bill, which contained practically the same provisions as had
the House bill, was accepted by the House.^^ Campbell was
not present when the bill was approved. He had, however,
made his position plain : embargo or war. Maybe he was
absent because of sickness ; maybe he stayed away because he
was sick at heart over what he considered the unfaithfulness
of the members of his party.*'' If he was to remain consistent
with his many speeches and private letters, he had to support
the embargo. On more than one occasion he had predicted
that war would result between the United States and Eng-
land if the restrictions on American commerce with Europe
were removed. He realized that if American merchants were
not restrained, they would renew their foreign commerce, thus
44/61U, 1476-1477.
45Early in February, 1809, a majority caucus, Campbell presumably not
attending, decided by a vote of 61 to 2 to repeal the embargo. Harlow, The
History of Legislative Methods in the Period before 1825, p. 195.
46JranaZs, 10 Cong., 2 Sess. (1808-1809), 1504, 1541; Brant, James Madison,
Secretary of State, 452, 469-477.
47Jefferson had long realised that the embargo could not be maintained in-
definitely. Jefferson to Thomas Leib, June 23, 1808, in The Writings of Thomas
Jefferson, Library Edition, XII, 77.
86 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
again opening their vessels to attack by England. He believed
that such attacks were certain to occur, and that they would
arouse public opinion in the United States to such a pitch
that another general demand for war would result.*^ Next
time war would come. That he was entirely correct on this
score is borne out by later events. And, it should be reiter-
ated that Campbell ought to be credited with being one of the
more bellicose forerunners of the "warhawks" of the War of
1812. Indeed, it is quite possible that Campbell of Tennessee
was the original "warhawk" of the West.^^ There is not much
doubt that he refused to run for re-election to Congress in 1809
because he was disgusted at the repeal of the embargo. He
left Washington, but he could not stay away; and he even-
tually had the pleasure of voting for the war which he wanted
with England.
^^For Richard M. Johnson's expression of this same belief, see Meyer, The
Life and Times of Richard M. Johnson, 70. Campbell was by no means by
himself in making this prediction.
49Beirne, in "The War Hawks Swoop Down," a chapter in his The War of
1812, pp. 64-67, discusses fluently the activities of the better-known "warhawks"
such as Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, Felix Grundy, and Richard M. Johnson,
but as is the custom with most writers on the subject, Beirne does not mention
Campbell.
Chapter V
WARHAWK
In April, 1809, Campbell announced that he would not
seek re-election to Congress. Both his health and his private
affairs were in poor condition, he said, and he wished to use
all his time improving them.^ For six months he held no pub-
lic office, but in the latter part of November he became judge
of the newly created Tennessee Supreme Court of Errors and
Appeals. He was elected to the position by unanimous vote
of the State Legislature ; he received his commission of office
on November 24.^
The Tennessee Supreme Court of Errors and Appeals, as
set up by an Act of November 16, 1809, existed for only a
short time. Campbell, himself, was a member of the Court
for less than two years. In general, the Court may be con-
sidered as an experiment, or as an effort to settle the rela-
tively undesirable judicial system of Tennessee at the time.
Shortly after Tennessee was organized as a state, the powers
of the Superior Court of Law and Equity and of the County
Courts of Pleas and Sessions were defined, but no provisions
were made for a court of final jurisdiction. Three judges sat
on the Superior Court, and one of their important duties was
to travel about the state and sit with the judges of the var-
ious county courts. While adjudicating cases in collabora-
tion with a county judge, the three Superior Court judges and
the county judge comprised the highest court in Tennessee.
But these men did not serve as a supreme court of appeals,
and the result was that in many cases decisions were rendered
in one county which did not coincide with those handed down
in another county. By the year 1807, this practice was car-
ried to such an incongruous point that there developed a gen-
eral demand in the state for a reform of the judicial system.
^Wilson's Knoxville Gazette, April 15, 1809.
^Tennessee Commission Book, May, 1807-October, 1815, p. 185; Tennessee
Senate Journal, 1809, p. 187. See Edward Scott, ed., Laws of the State of Ten-
nessee, Including Those of North Carolina, . . . from the Year 1775 to the Year
1820 Inclusive, 2 vols. (Knoxville, 1821), I, 1148-1156.
88 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
A supreme court was wanted in particular. No changes were
made in the system in 1807, however, other than to increase
the number of judges on the Superior Court from three to
four. The stipulation was also made by the General Assembly
that at least three of the four judges were to attend every sit-
ting of the Superior Court. It was hoped that in this way
there would be more harmony in the decisions of the Court.^
But the palliative of increasing the personnel of the Super-
ior Court failed to improve the deplorable condition into
which judicial affairs in Tennessee had evolved, and contra-
dictory opinions continued to be handed down. Accordingly,
by the summer of 1809 there developed another general
demand in the state for a supreme court. Tennessee was
expanding rapidly in wealth, population, and commerce, and
of importance also was the demand for a court which could
adjudicate the many conflicting land claims throughout the
state. The concensus of opinion was that only a supreme court
could untangle the many complicated legal questions with
which the people of the state were faced.^ One of the leaders
in the movement for a supreme court was Thomas Hart Ben-
ton, who was a member of the General Assembly.
It was in answer to this widespread demand that an Act
establishing a Supreme Court of Errors and Appeals was
passed, November 16, 1809, by the State Legislature. The
Court, according to the law, was to have final jurisdiction
over all legal questions arising in the state, and was to begin
its duties on January 1, 1810. To improve further the judicial
system, Tennessee was divided into five districts, each hav-
ing a circuit court. The counties included in each district and
the judges serving on the circuit courts during the years 1810
and 1811, when Campbell was a member of the Supreme
Court, are shown in the following table :^
Hhid., 546-547; Nashville Impartial Review, August-September, 1807; En-
rolled Acts of Tennessee (Tennessee Land Office and Archives, Nashville).
^Wilson^s Knoxville Gazette, June- July, 1809; Samuel Cole Williams, "The
Genesis of the Tennessee Supreme Court," Tennessee Law Review, VI (Febru-
ary, 1928), 80-82.
^Tennessee Senate Journal, 1809, p. 186; Wilson's Knoxville Gazette, Novem-
ber 4, 1809.
WARHAWK
89
Circuit Court Districts and Judges in Tennessee,
1810-1811
Counties
Districts
First
Second
Third
Fourth
Fifth
Campbell
Carter
Claiborne
Grainger
Greene
Hawkins
Sullivan
Washington
Anderson
Bledsoe
Blount
Cocke
Jefferson
Knox
Rhea
Roane
Sevier
Franklin
Jackson
Overton
Smith
Warren
White
Bedford
Davidson
Maury
Rutherford
Sumner
Williamson
Wilson
Dickson
Hickman
Humphreys
Montgomery
Robertson
Stewart
Judges
William Cocke
Samuel Powell
James Trimble
David Campbell
Nathaniel Williams
Thomas Stuart
Parry W. Humphreys
90 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
As provided by the Act, the Supreme Court was to consist
of two judges, each receiving a salary of $1500 a year. The
two judges were to sit annually with the Circuit Court judges
in Jonesborough, Knoxville, Carthage, Nashville, and Clarks-
ville, the important population centers of the time. When
sitting thus, they were to make up the highest court of appeal
in the state, and the Court's decisions were to be final.^
Campbell's tenure of office as a member of the Court was
too short to enable him to establish a reputation as a jurist.
It may be also that he was not particularly suited for the posi-
tion, and it is certain that his heart and interests were in
Washington rather than in the affairs of the Court. Although
the materials on his service on the Court are either limited
or unavailable, enough information does exist to reach some
conclusions as to his ability as a judge and of the amount of
work which he accomplished. During the first six months of
1810, he and his colleague on the Supreme Court bench, Hugh
Lawson White, who earlier had been Governor Willie Blount's
X>rivate secretary and who in the year 1836 gained some
national prominence as a presidential candidate of the Whig
party, tried no cases. On June 1, 1810, at Carthage, in the
Circuit Court of the Third District, the Supreme Court heard
its first case, one involving the ownership of a small piece of
property near Carthage. From Carthage the two judges pro-
ceeded to sittings held in the other four districts. Although
neither Campbell nor White had been designated as chief
justice. White served in that capacity in the trials which they
attended. This was actually a very sensible solution of the
problem, for White had gained much practical experience in
inferior local and state courts, whereas Campbell had seldom
entered a court since the year 1803.'^
^Tennessee Senate Journal, 1809, pp. 173, 183. Thomas Hart Benton was a
member of the Tennessee Senate at this time, and he is credited with the spon-
sorship of the bill that created the Supreme Court of Errors and Appeals.
"William N. Chambers, "Thomas Hart Benton in Tennessee, 1801-1812," Tennes-
see Historical Quarterly, VIII (December, 1949), 319-320.
'^Minute Book, Tennessee Supreme Court of Errors and Appeals, 1810-1811,
p. 1 (Tennessee State Library and Archives). See also L. Paul Gresham, "The
Public Career of Hugh Lawson White," Tennessee Historical Quarterly, III
WARHAWK 91
A great majority of the cases heard by Campbell and
White were concerned with the ownership of land, and while
on the bench they were never called upon to render any deci-
sions of a policy making nature. After Washington, Camp-
bell was undoubtedly bored with his new position. He was
very conscientious in attending to his duties as a judge, how-
ever, and was present at every sitting of the Court until June,
1811.^ According to reports he was extremely patient while
cases were under discussion, and it was the opinion of the
members of the Nashville bar, in their obituary of Campbell
dated February 19, 1848, that "... so far as any of his deci-
sions have come to our notice . . . we consider them as being
fully equal to any of his day." The obituary added candidly,
however, that while serving as judge he failed to build up
"... a judicial character of great eminence. "^ This appraisal
of Judge Campbell by his contemporaries still seems to be the
correct one.
An examination of the decisions rendered by Campbell
shows that in every case he and White were in agreement.
But after June, 1811, Campbell sat in on none of the cases
heard by the Court.^o The reason for this seems to be that he
could not resist his interests in affairs in Washington. Indeed,
he never lost interest in national affairs while he was a mem-
ber of the Tennessee Supreme Court ; and as early as the sum-
mer of 1809 he was corresponding with his friends in Wash-
ington, requesting information on the subject of relations
with England. Among his correspondents was his old friend
Joseph B. Varnum, who had been Speaker of the House of
Representatives while Campbell was chairman of the Ways
and Means Committee. On October 1, 1811, when the mem-
(December, 1944), 291-318, and the same author's "Hugh Lawson White, Fron-
tiersman, Lawyer, and Judge," East Tennessee Historical Society's Publications,
XIX (1947), 3-24.
^Minute Book, Tennessee Supreme Court of Errors and Appeals, 1810-1811,
passim.
^Reports of the Supreme Court of Tennessee, 1847-1848, xviii.
lOMinute Book, Tennessee Supreme Court of Errors and Appeals, 1810-1811.
Original decisions, written by Campbell and White, are on deposit in the Ten-
nessee State Library and Archives.
92 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
bers of the State Legislature elected Campbell to fill the
vacancy in the United States Senate caused by the resigna-
tion of Tennessee's Senator Jenkins Whiteside, he eagerly
accepted the position.ii His service as a member of the Ten-
nessee Supreme Court was indeed little more than an inter-
lude in his long career in national politics. His place on the
Supreme Court was taken by John Overton who, like Hugh
Lawson White, was a close follower of Governor Blount.
Within two months after Campbell left the Court, it was set
up as an equity court, sitting permanently at Knoxville ; and
at the same time ten circuit courts were established in the
state to replace the five circuit courts which had been erected
in 1809.12 Campbell hurried back to Washington, which, in
view of his interests and inclinations for war with England,
he should not have left in the first place.
If Campbell had remained in Congress after the repeal
of the embargo in the spring of 1809, he very likely would
have continued to advocate strong actions against England.
If that had been his course, instead of retiring from the House
and sitting on the Tennessee Court of Errors and Appeals
during 1810-1811, he would have been in the House upon the
arrival there of Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, and the other
well-known "warhawks.''^^ Since Campbell had been a "war-
hawk" before the arrival of Clay and Calhoun in the House,
he undoubtedly would have been very intimately associated
with them if he had remained in their branch of Congress.
He might even have become something of an "elder states-
man" to the younger "warhawks," and he thus might have
obtained a larger place in American history. From a repu-
tation standpoint, he was absent from Washington, 1809-
1811, at a very unfortunate time. More than that, he has
received scant attention for his patriotic actions in the years
llMemorandum, written by Campbell, October 2, 1811 (in possession of Mrs.
Susan M. Brown).
12Nashville Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, October 8, November
19, 26, 1811.
13Channing, The Jeffersonian System, 263-265, 267, discusses the "war party,"
including Clay, Calhoun, Felix Grundy, Peter B. Porter, William Lowndes, and
Langdon Cheves. See also Mayo, Henry Clay, 385-426.
WARHAWK 93
1805-1809. It should be stated, however, that he paved the
way, in Tennessee and perhaps elsewhere in the West, for the
younger "warhawks." When he stepped aside temporarily in
1809, the young "warhawks", magnificent patriotic speci-
mens of the contemporary nationalist and expansionist move-
ments that they were, moved spectacularly and lastingly into
the main stream of American history. What they had to say
in 1810-1812, it should be reiterated, Campbell had said many
times already. And when Campbell returned to Congress, he
merely resumed his earlier stand against England.
On November 4, 1811, Campbell began his duties as sena-
tor from Tennessee ;i^ and he remained in that office until
February, 1814, when he resigned in order to become Secre-
tary of the Treasury in President James Madison's cabinet.
It has been seen that during his time in the lower House,
1803-1809, he became a leading advocate of the embargo and
of military and naval preparations for possible war with Eng-
land and France. When the embargo was repealed just before
he quit the House in 1809, he favored war with England
rather than the imposition of a non-intercourse act in place
of the embargo, and said so emphatically. Upon his return to
Washington as a senator his main desire seems to have been
war with England. He was without any question a "war-
hawk." In 1811-1812, as in 1805-1809, he fulfills all the
requirements of a definition of a "warhawk;" and he was
recognized as such by Representatives Clay and Calhoun.^^
During his first session in the Senate, however, Campbell
largely confined his activities to routine matters. Although
in his speeches on war questions he again stated definitely
that he favored war, and he voted for the laws which first
made Clay and Calhoun famous, his continued support of war
was shown best by the correspondence that he carried on with
^^Annals, 12 Cong,, 1 Sess. (1811-1812), 9. For a comparison of Campbell
with the other senators from his state, see Kenneth McKellar, Tennessee Sen-
Mors As Seen by One of Their Successors (Kingsport, Tennessee, 1942).
15Mayo, Henry Clay, 402. Two other Senators who cooperated with the
"warhawks" of the House of Representatives during 1811-1812 were William H.
Crawford of Georgia and George M. Bibb of Kentucky. Ibid.
94 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
friends in Tennessee. Many of his letters were printed in
local newspapers, and nearly every one of them demonstrates
that he was a "warhawk." He was outspoken for annexation
of English territory in North America. Similar to other
"warhawks," such active young men as Henry Clay and John
C. Calhoun who had stormed into Washington and gained con-
trol of the national House of Representatives, he wanted Can-
ada and said so. Unlike some of the other expansionists he
publicly and privately seems to have confined his imperialis-
tic inclinations to Canada.^^ No available material indicates
that he showed any great desire to take over Florida from
Spain, although earlier in his career, particularly in a Cir-
cular Letter of April, 1805, to the people of Tennessee, he
had been quite interested in acquiring Florida. That he did
not give voice to this ambition, an urge that was common
among his Western colleagues and Southern cohorts during
the War of 1812 era, is surprising and difficult to understand.!^
When Campbell entered the Senate, he believed that war
would certainly result between the United States and Eng-
land unless England ceased both her depredations against
American shipping and her "impressment" of American sail-
ors. Writing a Circular Letter of November 16, 1811, which
was published in the leading newspapers of Tennessee, he
said, "... The prospect before us, so far as regards Great
16Julius W. Pratt, Expansionists of 1812 (New York, 1925), contains a gen-
eral discussion of the "warhawks" and, in part, an account of their interest in
Florida. Pratt neglects Campbell, however. See also "The Approach of War,"
in Allen Johnson, Union and Democracy (Boston, 1915), 197-210. Burt, The
United States, Great Britain and British North America, 207-316, especially
305-310, differs emphatically from Pratt as to both the causes of the War of
1812 and the significance of the "warhawks." Pratt emphasized the "warhawks,"
whereas Burt believes that the United States went to war because British vessels
attacked American vessels and that the United States fought to defend its honor.
Canada, Burt says, was not especially desired by the United States, but was
attacked as a way of "getting back" at Great Britain. It is interesting to note
that Campbell fits in nicely to the thesis of both Pratt and Burt. An interesting
study of the causes of the War of 1812 is W. H. Goodman, "The Origins of the
War of 1812: A Survey of Changing Interpretations," Mississippi Valley His-
torical Review, XXVIII (September, 1941), 171-186, which appeared about a
year after Burt's study.
17 An excellent discussion of the efforts of agents of President Madison to
usurp Spanish control in Florida during the War of 1812 may be found in
Patrick, Florida Fiasco.
WARHAWK 95
Britain, seems evidently to darken, and the storm to be rap-
idly aproaching; whether it can be passed away without our
feeling its utmost fury, is yet uncertain ; some of its ravages
in the capture and condemnation of our vessels we already
feel; and there appears at present no reason to expect that
their outrages will be voluntarily discontinued — ^what will be
done cannot at present be ascertained — But that some firm
and energetic measure calculated to vindicate the rights and
maintain the honor of the nation, ought to be adopted and
preserved in, cannot, it would seem be even doubted by any
friend of this country."!^
As early as the first month following his return to Con-
gress Campbell complained bitterly that Congress was fail-
ing to adopt energetic measures against England. As he
remonstrated near the close of November, 1811, to both the
editor of a Nashville newspaper and Willie Blount, governor
of Tennessee, Congress had been in session for nearly four
weeks, "and not one measure of importance respecting our
foreign affairs had been brought forward by either house ! !"
He hoped, albeit impatiently, that Congress would soon take
such actions "as may arouse the nation from the state of
apathy (though not without some doubt) into which, it
appears to have been lulled by the nerveless measures that
have been adopted and relied upon, for some years past.''^^
To Governor Blount, Campbell wrote : " — The present crisis
seems to require, and imperiously demand, that decisive meas-
ures of energy and vigor should be adopted — we have suf-
fered national degradation too long, and indured insult and
injury with too much patience." He hoped that the American
military force would be increased to at least twenty thousand
troops, that additional state militia would be organized, and
that all American merchant vessels would be armed. If such
policies were adopted, he maintained, they would either allow
the United States to exercise her rights as a neutral, "or afford
the nation an opportunity to do itself justice; and relieve
l^Nashville Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, December 9, 1811.
^Campbell to Editor, November 29, 1811, in ibid., December 24, 1811.
96 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
[sici its lost character, by washing off the stains on its honor
in the blood of its enemies."2o
"Warhawking" before the Senate on December 11, Camp-
bell again expressed his desire for war preparations. He
proposed a resolution providing that a bounty as well as a
land warrant for 160 acres of western land be given to per-
sons enlisting in the United States army for a period of five
years. His resolution was rejected by a vote of 23 to 10, how-
ever.2i A week later he made his only long speech during the
first session of the Twelfth Congress, and argued as usual for
war with England. He favored not only war, but also an
immediate attack on Canada. He disapproved of the military
bill providing for the enlistment of 25,000 troops, on which
he happened to be speaking, however, claiming that it called
for the enlistment of too many men. A force of only 10,000
men was needed for the capture of Canada, he said. The
United States should not raise too many troops at the begin-
ning of the Canadian invasion : "It would be the worst policy
we could pursue, and prove most injurious to the nation, to
call into actual service, at the commencement of a war, a
force so greatly beyond what the occasion demanded, and
thereby waste your strength and exhaust your resources
before the crisis arrived that might require the exertion of all
3^our energies." To raise and discipline 25,000 men would,
moreover, consume more time than "ought to elapse before
you act, if you are determined to act with effect." Ten thou-
sand men could be raised quickly and Canada could be
attacked unexpectedly and successfully, he concluded. After
England entered the war, the United States could raise addi-
tional troops.22
Although he opposed the military bill in debate, Campbell
voted for it on December 20, when it passed the Senate by an
20Campbell to Blount, November 29, 1811, in Wilson's Knoxville Gazette,
December 16, 1811.
i^Annals, 12 Cong. 1 Sess. (1811-1812), 34, 35.
22See ibid., 68-84, particularly page 83.
WARHAWK 97
overwhelming majority.^s Writing to Andrew Jackson a few
days later, he explained,
. . . We are raising large regular armies — and making prepa-
ration for war — and talking a great deal about taking Canada,
etc. — .... From the present appearances it is extremely difficult
to perceive, how war can be avoided, without degrading the na-
tional character, still lower, than it now is — .... There is no
doubt, at present, but the regular military force will be increased,
to 25,000 men, or more — authority will also be given to raise vol-
unteers— call out the militia, etc. — probably merchant vessels will
be permitted to arm — and our present naval force fitted out &
prepared for service — but what will be the final result of all this
cannot, at present, be determined — many, who vote for armies —
a navy, & all other expenditures that are proposed will vote
against war with England!! — time alone will develop their
views — 24
After passing the military bill, Congress turned seriously
to the problem of supplying the new troops. Campbell took
no part in the debates on this question, but he voted for the
various expenditures as they were authorized.^s On February
24, 1812, he brought Governor Blount up to date on the actions
of Congress. He now thought that public opinion had been
aroused to such an extent over English impressment of
American seamen that war was inevitable. The only way war
could be averted, he said, was repeal of the English Orders-
in-Council, and this was unlikely. When war came, Congress
must raise money for its conduct. The matter of taxes, Camp-
bell continued, would require "mature consideration however
unpalatable & will no doubt be duly attended to by those
guardians of the people's rights in both houses who are
instructed by the people to guard their interests as well as to
protect their rights with sentiments of great weight, "^e In this
ponderous phrase, Campbell named what was to be one of the
most trying problems of the War of 1812 : how to finance it.
At no time during the winter of 1811-1812 and the early
spring of 1812 did he shrink from war, however.
23/6id., 85. This bill was approved by the House and signed By President
Madison on January 11, 1812. Ibid., 2234.
24CanipbeU to Jackson, December 24, 1811, in Jackson Papers.
25See, for example, Annals, 12 Cong., 1 Sess. (1811-1812), 99.
26Gampbell to Blount, February 24, 1812, in Harriet Turner Deposit.
.98 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
On April 1, a confidential message, proposing a general
embargo on all vessels in American ports, was received in
the Senate from President Madison. On the same day Camp-
bell, whose sentiments on embargo questions had long been
known, was named chairman of a select committee to report
on the desirability of adopting the President's proposal.
Before he could render a report, which surely would have
been favorable, a House bill of a similar nature was received
in the Senate, and on April 3 was accepted by the latter
body.2^ A week later Campbell reported to Jackson that the
embargo had been laid. The embargo, he said, was a pre-
cursor of war ; and since England was not expected to change
her basic policies toward American shipping, the United
States should continue to prepare for war. Concerning war,
he added, "... It appears unavoidable — unless indeed there
shall be found among us too many whose fears & appreheji-
sions will overcome their resolution & judgment; and make
them shrink from the contest, when the last step is to be
taken, the important question of war, . . . — whether this will
be the case or not, time alone can tell — For the honor of our
country — & of human nature, I should hope it would notT'^s
On April 18, Campbell repeated, in a letter to the editor of
the Nashville Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, his
belief that the embargo would result in war: it was ''alto-
gether uncertain what hour or moment, some of our towns
may feel the effects of British treachery — or British venge-
OMce." The President, in preparation for possible attack, had
been authorized to raise 15,000 of the 25,000 troops provided
for in the recent military bill.^^
From the date of the passage of the embargo act until the
first week in June, Campbell took a minor role in the debates
in the Senate. During this period, however, he received a
27Richardson, ed., Messages and Papers of the Presidents, I, 499; Annals, 12
Cong., 1 Sess. (1811-1812), 187, 190, 2264. The embargo was approved by
Madison on April 4.
^Campbell to Jackson, April 10, 1812, in Jackson Papers.
29Campbell to Editor, April 18, 1812, in Nashville Democratic Clarion and
Tennessee Gazette, May 6, 1812.
WARHAWK 99
signal compliment from the editor of the Nashville Demo-
cratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette. Vice-President George
Clinton had died ; and Campbell's hometown newspaper recom-
mended that either he or Henry Clay be nominated as the
next vice-president. Referring to Campbell, the editor wrote :
"Possessing a correct judgment, great powers of reasoning,
indefatigably attentive to the duties of his station, and never
stooping for a moment from a high and dignified sense of his
country's rights, he is indisputably one of the pillars of the
republic. His abilities and incorruptible integrity has made
him the organ of the administration ; the confidence of which
he enjoys in the most ample manner."3o Nothing came of this
recommendation, of course, but to be recommended for the
position and to be put in the same class with Henry Clay by
a western newspaper was a noteworthy compliment at this
particular time.^i
The declaration of war with England was the chief topic
of debate in the Senate during the first two weeks of June,
1812.32 The discussion occurred behind closed doors, and no
material has been located which refers to Campbell's
speeches. It was his nature to talk, however. Since he had
wanted to take a strong stand against England for several
years, it is highly probable that he was now one of the out-
spoken advocates of war; and it would be incomprehensible
to reach any other conclusion. On June 17, when the Senate
voted for war, he voted in the afl[irmative.33 About the middle
of June he had informed the editor of the Nashville Demo-
mhid.. May 12, 1812.
SlSee Mayo, Henry Clay, 385-525, and Glyndon G. Van Deusen, The Life of
Henry Clay (Boston, 1937), 77-88, for discussions of Clay's spectacular rise to a
position of national importance in the period November, 1811, to June, 1812.
32For surveys of the steps leading to war, see Johnson, Union and Democ-
racy, 197-210, and Sydney Howard Gay, James Madison (Boston, 1884), 301-320.
"Opposing claims" of the United States and Great Britain, which led to war in
1812, are discussed in Wood, The War with the United States, 1-19. See also
Samuel Flagg Bemis, John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American
Foreign Policy (New York, 1949), and Richard Beale Davis, ed., Jeffersonian
America, Notes on the United States of America Collected in the Years 1805-6-7
and 11-12 by Sir Augustus John Foster, Bart. (San Marino, California, 1954) .
^Annals, 12 Cong., 1 Sess. (1811-1812), 297, 2323. See also Beirne, The War
of 1812, pp. 87-95.
100 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
cratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette that Congress was ready
to consider a declaration of war. On the day after war was
declared, he wrote Governor Blount that Congress had had
no choice on the matter. The United States, he said, either
had to fight or submit ignominiously to England. As for him-
self, he was happy that war had at last been chosen rather
than submission.^*
Campbell played a very important part — although an inef-
fective part, along with other members of Congress — in try-
ing to finance the War of 1812. And he was involved in the
consideration of war finances from the very beginning of the
war. On June 19, a bill authorizing the issuance of $5,000,000
in treasury notes was referred to a committee of which he
was named chairman. Three days later he reported the bill,
and after a minor debate it was accepted by the Senate. The
lower House also approved the bill, and on July 1 it was
signed by President Madison. On June 24, Campbell was
placed on another committee to work out a bill laying addi-
tional duties on all goods brought into the United States, and
six days later, upon his committee's recommendation, the bill
was approved by the Senate. On July 6, he joined a majority
of the Senate in sanctioning a Government loan bill of
$11,000,000. Other war measures were rushed through on
the same day, and Congress adjourned.^^
Although active in war-time financial legislation, one of
Campbell's important contributions to the war effort, inef-
fective as it was — and here he should be praised or censored
equally with the other members of Congress — had to do with
34Campbell to Editor, June ?, 1812, in Nashville Democratic Clarion and
Tennessee Gazette, June 30, 1812; Campbell to Blount, June 18, 1812, in Wil-
son's Knoxville Gazette, July 13, 1812. A. W. Putnam, History of Middle Ten-
nessee; or, Life and Times of Gen. James Robertson (Nashville, 1859), 597, says
of Tennessee's attitude toward the declaration of war: "Nowhere was there a
more general approval of the declaration, and a greater readiness to engage in
its prosecution. It pervaded all classes."
^^Annals, 12 Cong., 1 Sess. (1811-1812), 298, 301, 303, 306, 311, 320, 326, 1509,
1510, 1586, 2338. For accounts of John C. Calhoun's role in the activities of the
House of Representatives in the period November, 1811-June, 1812, see Charles
M. Wiltse, John C. Calhoun, Nationalist, 1782-1828 (Indianapolis, 1944), 53-66,
and Margaret L. Coit, John C. Calhoun, American Patriot (Boston, 1950), 67-81.
WARHAWK 101
military legislation. In November, 1812, when Congress
reconvened, he was named to the chairmanship of the Senate
Committee on Military Affairs; and during the session he
centered his interests around army matters. He had a long
way to go in promoting an effective army, and he — and Con-
gress— did not go far enough. Immediately after his appoint-
ment to the military committee, he inquired of the Depart-
ment of War about the number of troops then under arms in
the United States. The answer to this vital question, accord-
ing to the War Department on November 14, was that only
a few troops were armed. The War Department recognized
that the whole army was badly in need of reorganization, and
expressed the hope that Congress would aid in revitalizing
the army.^^
For the next month Campbell and his committee consid-
ered a bill for reorganizing the army ; and not being particu-
larly familiar with military affairs Campbell sought advice
from the Secretary of War, and to the best of his ability he
tried consistently to execute the wishes of the War Depart-
ment. On December 21, 1812, for example, he inquired if any
changes should be made in the staff organization of the army.
He was particularly interested, he said, in improving the
quarter-master corps, for he believed that soldiers would fight
better if well-supplied. He also wished, he added, to make
all subordinates in the army accountable to some higher
officer. Also, unless more discipline were instilled into the
army, he believed that the United States would lose the war.
Moreover, he hoped that the War Department would suggest
some more effective law respecting volunteers, "so as to ren-
der the force to be obtained from that source, more certain
as well as more efficient." He also asked to what extent the
regular army should be increased.^^
36War Department to Campbell, November 14, 1812, Reports to Congress,
No. 1, War Office, February 3, ISOS-April 13, 1818, in Adjutant General's Office,
Old Files Division (Archives of the Department of War) , Cited hereafter as
A. G. O., O. F. D.
S^Campbell to Department of War, December 21, 1812, in A G. O., O. R. D.
102 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Two days later the War Department informed Campbell
that "the exposed parts of our Country claim a primary
attention." Boston, Newport, New York, Philadelphia, Nor-
folk, and Charleston particularly needed protection. Troops
should be sent immediately to Georgia to protect that state
against both the English and the Creek Indians. New Orleans,
Natchitoches, Detroit, and Maiden were other places in need
of additional defenses. It was believed, said the War Depart-
ment, that all of these localities could be defended by 9,350
regular troops. The remaining men in service, numbering
16,000, should be employed for offensive war against Niagara,
Kingston, Montreal, Halifax, and lower Canada. In order to
oppose the British troops in America, estimated at 19,000 to
21,000 men, the United States ought to have a force of at
least 20,000 regulars and 10,000 reserves. Positive victory
could be assured by raising 20,000 troops "in addition to the
legal complement of 35,000." Thus it was necessary to raise
a total of 55,000 troops to win the war.^^
Campbell was also told that the only desirable method of
obtaining the necessary troops was for the President to com-
mission officers and give them authority to raise regiments.
Every soldier who enlisted in the army should be given a
bounty of at least $40, and for every recruit brought in an
officer should receive $5. The war should be brought to a
speedy close, for "If a lingering war is maintained, the annual
disbursements will be enormous. Economy requires that it
be brought to a termination with the least possible delay. If
a strong army is led to the field early in the spring, the British
power on this continent, must sink before it ; . . . But if delay
takes place, reinforcements may be expected, and the war will
be prolonged."39 This lengthy letter indicated something of
the plans of the War Department. It was concerned primarily
with defense and recruitment, saying nothing whatever about
the staff organization, the quartermaster corps, and discipline
in the army. The War Department, therefore, did not answer
38War Department to Campbell, December 23, 1812, in A. G. C, O. F. D.
mbid.
WARHAWK 103
the questions raised by Campbell's letter of December 21.
Campbell had sensed some of the real weaknesses in the
army, but he got no satisfaction from the War Department
as to how to solve those weaknesses at this time.
During the early months of 1813, Campbell introduced
in the Senate several bills which he believed would improve
conditions in the army. Some of them carried out the wishes
of the Department of War in connection with recruitment;
some were his own ideas. In early January, he reported a
bill providing for the reorganization of the army which, after
intermittent debate, was accepted on January 13. Accord-
ing to his proposal, one additional major was to be appointed
in each army regiment of light dragoons, light artillery,
infantry, and rifles. A third lieutenant and one sergeant were
to be added to each troop or company. After February 1,
1813, every person enlisting as an ordinary soldier for the
duration of the war was to receive an advance in pay of $24
and a bounty of 160 acres of land. Commissioned officers were
to receive $4 for each soldier they recruited. At any time,
members of state militia would be permitted to transfer to
the regular army.^^
On January 19, Campbell reported a bill calling for the
recruitment of additional soldiers, and after four days debate
this bill was also accepted. It provided that the President
could raise as many as 20 regiments of infantry, to be enlisted
for one year. No person under the age of 21 years was to be
accepted for military service; commissioned officers were to
receive $2 for each soldier recruited; each recruit was to be
given a bounty of $16; dependents of persons killed in service
were to be placed on the pension list of the United States, and
receive half the deceased man's pay for a period of five years.
When these new policies became effective, February 1, 1813,
volunteer troops were to be treated as regular troops, under
i^Annals, 12 Cong., 2 Sess. (1812-1813), 40, 45, 1318-1319. This bill was ac-
cepted by the House of Representatives and on January 20 was approved by
President Madison.
104 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
the sole authority of the United States. No control over the
volunteers was to be vested in the states.^^
On February 11, Campbell placed before the Senate a mat-
ter in which he was deeply interested: "Resolved, That the
Secretary for the Department of War be, and hereby is,
directed to prepare and report to the Senate such system of
military discipline for the army and militia of the United
States as may be approved by him, and which in his opinion,
ought to receive the sanction of law,"^ The Senate failed to
accept the resolution, however, and it was not brought up for
discussion again. But Campbell went ahead with other legis-
lation. One of his bills, presented on February 23 and
approved a few days later, provided for appointment by the
President of a superintendent-general and six assistant sup-
erintendents, who, under the immediate direction of the Sec-
retary of War, were to supervise the purchase and distribu-
tion of all army supplies. On February 24, Campbell
reported a bill which, in general, provided for the appoint-
ment of additional high ranking army officers. In particular.
It expanded the activities of the quartermaster corps and com-
missary department, and it aimed at a better distribution of
supplies among common soldiers, in whom Campbell was
much concerned.42 Even if Campbell knew very little about
technical aspects of military affairs, all of his suggestions
seem to be sound. His main failing, perhaps, and here again
he was quite typical of his contemporaries, was that he did
not go far enough. Whatever conclusion one might reach
about the conduct of a war, however, he should remember
one thing : legislating a war and winning a war on the battle
field are two quite different aspects of the same endeavor.
This thought seems to be peculiarly applicable to the War of
1812, a war which never had the support of all Americans.
Campbell was thoroughly aware of this latter fact; and it is
41/6id., 54, 63, 1322-1325. As approved by Madison, each regiment was to
contain 10 companies which, in addition to commissioned and non-commissioned
officers, was to consist of 90 privates.
4276iU, 81.
43/6id., 101, 104, 111, 117, 1346-1351.
WARHAWK 105
probable that he thought that he went to the limit in spon-
soring war-time legislation during January and February of
1813.
On March 3, the second session of the Twelfth Congress
adjourned sine die. During the session, Campbell worked on
legislation with which he was unfamiliar, but he showed judg-
ment in requesting recommendations from the War Depart-
ment, and most bills which he wrote or introduced complied
with those recommendations. And that the various military
bills which he helped put through the Senate met with Mad-
ison's approval was indicated in a presidential message to
Congress, when a special session was called in May, 1813:
"The events of the campaign in upper Canada, so far as they
are known to us, furnish matter of congratulation, and show
that, under a wise organization and efficient direction, the
Army is destined to a glory not less brilliant than that which
already encircles the Navy. . . . The provisions last made for
filling the ranks, and enlarging the staff of the Army, have
had the best effects."*^
During the special session, from May 24 until August 2,
Campbell's place as chairman of the Senate Committee on
Military Affairs was taken by his fellow senator from Ten-
nessee, Joseph Anderson. Campbell was named to the chair-
manship of the Committee on Foreign Relations. During the
session he proposed only one bill worthy of note, however,
and that failed to pass. On June 28, he asked the Senate to
declare it treason for any person to carry on trade with Eng-
land or English possessions; if any American citizen was
found guilty of such act he was to be imprisoned for two
years and fined not less than $500. His bill was introduced,
passed two readings, but was never brought up again for con-
sideration. Later in the session, however, a bill containing
the same provisions passed the House of Representatives.
This bill was sent to the Senate on July 23, and referred to
Campbell's committee. He reported it the next day, and for
44Richardson, ed., Messages and Papers of the Presidents, I, 526-530.
106 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
three days it was debated, but was rejected by a vote of 18
to 16.45 This defeat undoubtedly stung Campbell : it was a con-
tinuation of his unsuccessful effort of 1807-1809 to enforce
compliance with the embargo. And as will be remembered,
he once fought a duel as a result of a debate over this very
subject.
On August 2, shortly after the extra session of Congress
adjourned, Campbell followed his standard practice of writ-^^
ing a Circular Letter for publication in the newspapers of
Tennessee. In the Letter, he appealed to the people of Ten-
nessee for their continued support of the war. The United
States had been forced reluctantly into the war, he said, but
". . . Our national rights had been for so long a time, so
repeatedly violated with impunity by Great Britain, that she
appears to have concluded we were prepared to indure any
privations, however great, and bear any insults however
degrading to our honor, rather than resort to war for redress ;
and the conduct of some of our citizens in certain sections of
the Union was calculated to confirm her in this opinion." As
for England, he added, "For more than twenty years she has
been in the constant practice of disregarding the commer-
cial rights of its [the United States'] citizens, whenever
prompted thereto by interest or ambition. . . . Her objects in
regard to us have been to check the progress of commercial
enterprise, and prevent a rival in the commerce of the world
from acquiring strength and arriving at maturity." War
with England was the only honorable course the United States
could follow, "and posterity will be astonished, that a nation
of freemen should so long have endured such unprovoked and
flagrant violations of their rights. "4''
Continuing his Letter, Campbell reported that Congress
had imposed a direct tax, which he hoped Tennesseans would
support. Turning to a consideration of the conduct of the
war, he wrote briefly and to the point, "In consequence of not
having had the command of the lakes Erie and Ontario, the
45^/maZs, 13 Cong., 1 Sess. (1813), 36, 37, 99-102.
46Nashville Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, September 21, 1813.
WAKHAWK 107
operation of our armies in those quarters have been for some
time suspended. Having now obtained the superiority on
those lakes, the war will again be prosecuted with vigor, and
there is good ground to expect with success. . . . There is at
present little ground to expect a speedy termination to the
war. . . . Engaged on our part, in a just cause, nothing is
necessary to ensure success but a proper management and
skillful direction of the resources and physical force of our
country, which are fully competent to effect all the objects
of the war, . . ." Campbell concluded, "The people of America
can never consent to abandon any one of their just rights,
or have their destinies directed or controlled by the ambi-
tious views of another power ; few among them will be found
so dastardly, the great majority will on so important an occa-
sion divest themselves of party and local considerations and
combine their united efforts to maintain inviolate the integ-
rity of the nation, the liberty of the citizens, and the honor
of the nation."*^ Thus spoke a "warhawk."
By December, 1813, when Campbell returned to Washing-
ton for the second session of the Thirteenth Congress, he was
quite definitely one of the leaders of the Administration party
in the Senate. On his arrival he was named to Anderson's
place on the Committee on Military Affairs, on which he had
previously been very active at the beginning of the war.^^
During the session he followed the same practice that he had
begun during his earlier service on the committee : he usually
asked for and received the approval of the Department of War
before recommending a military bill to the Senate. On Decem-
ber 31, for example, he inquired of John Armstrong, Secre-
tary of War, concerning the number of troops in the army,
where they were stationed, and for what terms of service
they were enlisted. He was aware, he said, of the deplor-
able condition of the army, but hoped that provisions could
be made for filling the depleted ranks. He was positive that
some method could be devised to induce persons to enlist, but
i^Annals, 13 Cong., 2 Sess. (1813-1814), 545.
108 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
believed that unless an attractive inducement were offered
shortly the United States might lose the v^ar.^^ pour days
later, Armstrong submitted two considerations to Campbell.
First, the Secretary insisted, fourteen regiments of infan-
try should be immediately enlisted for terms of five years, or
for the duration of the war ; second, three regiments of rifle-
men should be raised for the same period of service.^" Camp-
bell at once prepared and presented bills to the Senate in
keeping with Armstrong's recommendations. On January 10,
he reported a measure authorizing the enlistment of the
fourteen infantry regiments, and two days later the proposal
was accepted by the Senate. The bill went to the House, where
it was adopted, and on January 28 it was approved by Madi-
son. Shortly afterward a bill embodying the second of Arm-
strong's suggestions was also passed by Congress.^^
Campbell also became interested in setting up some new
regulations for the recruitment of state militia,^^ ^ut he left
the Senate before he could draw up and present a bill con-
taining his wishes in this respect. The last bill which he
reported in the Senate, before resigning on February 12 in
order to become Secretary of the Treasury, provided for an
increase in the bounty paid to men enlisting in the army. His
proposal was introduced on January 12, debated intermit-
tently for about a week, and recommitted, and seemed to be
lost until a few days later when a military bill was received
from the House of Representatives. The House bill was
referred to Campbell's committee, and in rendering a report
on it shortly afterward, he added to it an amendment pro-
viding for payment of a bounty of $100 to every man enlist-
ing in the army after February 1, 1814. A recruit was to
receive $25 upon enlistment, $25 when he began his service,
and $50 when he was mustered out of the army. The amend-
ment was accepted by the Senate, but when the amended mili-
*9Campbell to Armstrong, December 31, 1813, in A. G. 0., O. R. D.
50 Armstrong to Campbell, January 4, 1814, in A. G. 0., O. F. D.
^^Annals, 13 Cong., 2 Sess. (1813-1814), 279, 571, 573, 2791.
52Campbell to Armstrong, January 20, 1814, in A. G. 0., O. R. D.
WARHAWK 109
tary bill was returned to the lower House, it was rejected.
The Senate insisted that Campbell's amendment be included
in the bill, however, and requested a conference with the
House. A conference committee, on which Campbell sat, was
appointed and drew up a measure acceptable to both Houses.
As finally passed, the military bill called for the payment of
a bounty of $124 to every able bodied man who enlisted in
the army. On enlistment he was to receive $50 ; on entering
the army, an additional $50; and when discharged, $24.^^
After the passage of the bill, Campbell hoped, as he wrote in
a letter to General Jackson, that the United States would have
no more trouble in filling the ranks of the army.^^ The fact
that his expectations were not fulfilled is quite another matter.
Although historians' interpretations as to the importance
of the "warhawks" have, perhaps, changed in recent years,
Campbell fits quite precisely into the definition of a "war-
hawk." Moreover, there is still little doubt that the "war-
hawks" had a great deal to do with the encouraging the United
States to go to war with England in 1812, for in their varying
ways they supported the major reasons for going to war:
impressment, attacks on American shipping, the English naval
policies, outspoken militarism, nationalism, and the urge to
acquire Canada and Florida. Campbell wanted war for all of
these reasons. He favored strong action against England as
early as 1805 ; he demonstrated his urge for war and "defense
of American honor" while he was chairman of Ways and
Means in the House and while chairman of both the committee
on Military Affairs and Foreign Relations in the Senate ; and
^^Annals, 13 Cong., 2 Sess. (1813-1814), 573-594, 599, 601, 629, 2789-2790. See
ibid., 12 Cong., 1 Sess. (1811-1812), 34-35, for a bounty bill introduced by Camp-
bell on December 11, 1811, which was rejected.
54Campbell to Jackson, January 28, 1814, in Campbell Papers (in possession
of Mrs. Susan M. Brown).
110 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
he supported war preparations, voted for war, and sponsored
war-time legislation. He also exerted some influence in the
development of a "war spirit" in Tennessee and elsewhere in
the West. Campbell was not only one of the more active
"warhawks," but, as has been mentioned, he was one of the
first "warhawks."
Chapter VI
IN THE CABINET
Shortly after the outbreak of the War of 1812, mediation
between the United States and England was offered by Russia.
This overture was accepted by President Madison, who chose
as special envoys to Russia Albert Gallatin, Secretary of the
Treasury, and James A. Bayard, an outstanding statesman
from Delaware. Gallatin tried to resign from his post in the
Treasury, but opponents of the Administration in the Senate
refused to accept his resignation or to confirm his appoint-
ment as special envoy. Despite the Senate's action, he left
the United States for St. Petersburg in May, 1813, thus creat-
ing a peculiar situation in the Treasury Department and in
his diplomatic mission. In effect, he remained Secretary de
jure, although he was envoy de facto}
At Gallatin's departure for Europe, it was rumored that
Richard Rush, Comptroller-General of the Treasury, would
become Gallatin's successor. However, Madison appointed
William Jones, Secretary of the Navy, to act as Secretary of
the Treasury during Gallatin's absence. In February, 1814,
Gallatin, who was still in Europe, was appointed as one of a
group of commissioners to proceed to Ghent, where the com-
mission was to negotiate a peace treaty with England. Galla-
tin's position in the cabinet having been vacant for six
months, he was now eligible under the law for appointment
to his new position, and the Senate acquiesced in his nomi-
nation.2 When Gallatin's nomination was confirmed, Madi-
son had to appoint a permanent Secretary of the Treasury.
^Nashville Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, June 8, 1813; Samuel
Perkins, A History of the Political and Military Events of the Late War be-
tween the United States and Great Britain (New Haven, 1825), 274. Gallatin
was sent to Russia at his own request. Among his motives for going was: "finan-
cial collapse and domestic treason were becoming mere questions of time."
Adams, The Life of Albert Gallatin, 478.
^Nashville Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, May 11, 1813; Perkins,
War bettveen the United States and Great Britain, 274-277; Albert Bushnell
Hart, Formation of the Union (New York, 1895), 237; Frank A. Updyke, The
Diplomacy of the War of 1812 (Baltimore, 1915), 168-169.
112 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
The President's first choice for the position as Secretary
was Alexander James Dallas of Pennsylvania. Dallas was
one of Gallatin's closer friends; he was an old Republican
leader ; he had served as federal district-attorney in his state ;
and he was a lawyer of exceptional ability. In February, 1814,
he commanded little support in Pennsylvania, however, and
had he been nominated to the post, his nomination would
probably have been blocked by the two senators from his home
state, Michael Lieb and Abner Lacock, who were opponents
of Madison.^ These facts were known to the President, who,
realizing that enough bickering had already occurred in the
Senate over his nominations, offered the position to Richard
Rush, a staunch Jeffersonian. Rush was probably the most
eligible person available for the secretaryship, but he refused
the position. When Rush turned down the place in the cab-
inet, Madison offered it to Campbell, who accepted it. Camp-
bell thus became the second man from west of the mountains
to serve in a president's cabinet, the first cabinet officer from
that region being John Breckinridge of Kentucky, who in
1805-1807 was Thomas Jefferson's attorney-general.*
Certain historians have been extremely harsh in their cri-
ticism of Madison for his selection of Campbell as Secretary of
the Treasury. Albert Bushnell Hart, for example, in writing of
Gallatin's appointment to the peace commission, states : "The
immediate effect was to take Gallatin out of the Treasury,
and he was followed for a few months by Secretary Camp-
bell, to whose incompetence the financial impotence of the war
is partly due." Another opinion, which is also open to ques-
tion, is the one offered by Henry Adams in his History of the
United States, the oft-quoted account of the United States
during the interval between the presidencies of Henry Adams'
forebears, John Adams and John Quincy Adams. Secretary
^President Madison was warned that the Senate would not confirm Dallas'
nomination. Wiltse, John C. Calhoun, Nationalist, 88. See also William M.
Meigs, "Pennsylvania Politics Early in This Century," Pennsylvania Magazine
of History and Biography, XVII (1893), 462490.
^Adams, History of the United States, VII, 396-397; Harrison, "John Breck-
inridge: Western Statesman," loc. cit., 149; Kendric Charles Babcock, The Rise
of American Nationality, 1811-1819 (New York, 1906), 216.
IN THE CABINET 113
Campbell, says Henry Adams, "brought no strength to the
Administration, and rather weakened its character among
capitalists." The Dictionary of American Biography sums up
Campbell's actions in the Treasury Department as follows,
and is much closer to the truth : "He served a brief and inef-
fective administration and brought no improvement to the
badly organized finances of the government. "^
As a matter of fact, Madison's appointment of Campbell
to his cabinet was not altogether unwarranted. The Tennes-
sean was surely not the best qualified man for the position,
but next to Dallas and Rush, he was one of the more logical
persons to fill the vacancy. He had been chairman of the
House Ways and Means Committee during two sessions of
Congress, and in that capacity palpably acquired some bene-
ficial experiences with government finances. He was a West-
erner, and it would seem that in view of western support of
both Madison and the war with England, his region deserved
representation in the President's cabinet. After entering the
Senate in 1811, he was unquestionably one of the most
dependable supporters of the Madison Administration in Con-
gress; and when William H. Crawford, of Georgia, left the
Senate in 1813 to go to Paris as American minister, Campbell
was recognized, in some circles, as the Administration leader
in the Senate. After the outbreak of the war with England
he served as chairman of two of the more important Senate
committees: military affairs and foreign affairs. From the
standpoint of practical politics and experience, Campbell, it
would seem, was a logical cabinet appointee. Ex-President
Jefferson, himself, wrote to Campbell that ". . . it is always a
gratification to me to see the public offices confided to those I
know to come into them with a singleness of view to the pub-
lic good."^
SHart, Formation of the Union, 237; Adams, History of the United States,
VII, 397; Hamer, "George Washington Campbell," loc. cit., 452. See also
Wiltse, John C. Calhoun, Nationalist, 88-89.
6JefFerson to Campbell, May 18, 1814, in Jefferson Papers. See also Adams,
History of the United States, VII, 398.
114 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Campbell's party associates and sympathizers believed
that he was thoroughly capable of handling his new duties.
Their chief regret, indeed, seems to have been that he was
leaving the Senate. Perhaps a letter from Nathaniel Macon
to Joseph H. Nicholson, a North Carolinian to a Marylander,
best indicates their feelings about Campbell's appointment
to the cabinet: "G. W. Campbell is nominated Secretary of
the Treasury. He will be much missed in the Senate,"
lamented Macon. "Indeed," he added, "I am at a loss to guess,
who now will be the defender of the administration in the
Senate : Crawford sent to France, Campbell to the Treasury.
1 do not complain that Campbell is unfit [thus indicating that
criticism of the appointment existed] & indeed if the choice
of the secretary must be made out of Cong. I do not know
that a better could be made, really it seems as if Congress
was to be robbed by the executive of its best friends and pro-
tectors. . . . Campbell, removed must make the majority less
certain in the Senate."^
An even more interesting contemporary comment about
Campbell's appointment to the cabinet was made by Mrs.
Margaret Bayard Smith, the wife of Samuel Harrison Smith,
who had been editor (1800-1810) of the Washington National
Intelligencer and who in 1813 had become United States Com-
missioner of Revenue. Writing a letter of February 13, 1814,
to a close friend, Mrs. Smith made the following significant
and thought-provoking statement in regard to Campbell: **8
years ago G. W. Campbell addressed Eliza Bell [?], who
rejected him. She was very ambitious and he then an obscure
member of Congress. Mr. S. [Samuel Harrison Smith] then
said, 'If it is greatness she desires, she will regret her refusal,
for I predict that G. W. C. will attain great eminence, and one
day may be our President.' This he said from an intimate
knowledge of his talents. He has ever since silently but surely
been adding to his influence and usefulness and has for some
^Macon to Nicholson, February 12, 1814, in "Letters Bearing on the War of
1812," The John P. Branch Historical Papers of Randolph-Macon College (Ash-
land, Virginia, June, 1902), 143-144.
IN THE CABINET 115
time been looked up to as the head of the republican party in
the senate."^
Madison's own reasons for appointing Campbell as his
Secretary of the Treasury are explained in the following let-
ter, written a number of years after the event; and internal
evidence leads to the conclusion that Madison remembered
exceedingly well the conditions under which he selected
Campbell.
Mr. Campbell was the only member of the Cabinet from the
West whose claims to representation in it were not unworthy of
attention under existing circumstances. It was not, indeed, the
quarter most likely to furnish fiscal qualifications [here Madison
seems to be referring to the West rather than to Campbell], but
it is certain he had turned his thoughts that way whilst in public
office more than appears to have been generally known. He was
a man, moreover, of sound sense, of pure integrity, and of great
application. He held the office at a period when the difficulties
were of a sort scarcely manageable by the ablest hands, and when
the ablest hands were least willing to encounter them. [By
italicizing this remark, Madison may have been referring to Gal-
latin, as well as Dallas and Rush]. It happened, also, that soon
after he entered his task his ill health commenced, and continued
to increase till it compelled him to leave the Department.^
Madison thus does not seem to have regretted his selection
of Campbell, and, indeed, came to his defense many years
afterwards. The truth of the matter, of Campbell's service
as Secretary of the Treasury, is that he was a victim of cir-
cumstances beyond his control.
Campbell entered the cabinet when monetary matters
were very trying. Financial conditions, which were prosper-
ous during most of Jefferson's administration, due in part to
the Virginian's various economy measures, were unsettled by
the war. In most of the decade before the war the currency
had been fairly stable, the country was expanding, and trade
was increasing. Moreover, the United States Bank, whose
charter expired in 1811, had served as a stabilizing force on
the economy of the entire country. New England, in particu-
^Mrs. Margaret Bayard Smith, Forty Years of Washington Society, edited by
Gaillard Hunt (London, 1906), 93.
^Madison to Henry Lee, February ?, 1827, in Letters and Other Writings of
James Madison, 4 vols. (Philadelphia, 1867), III, 593.
116 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
lar, had prospered. During the early months of the war with
England, Treasury affairs had not seemed troublesome. In
his fourth message, presented to Congress on November 12,
1812, Madison reported that government receipts had
increased appreciably, from $13,500,000 to $16,500,000, since
November of the preceding year. Madison was not optimistic,^"
however, and his outlook proved to be the correct one. During
the winter of 1812-1813, military and naval expenditures
increased so rapidly that they required the issuance of large
amounts of government bonds and treasury notes.^^ On Febru-
ary 8, 1813, for example. Congress authorized a government
loan of $16,000,000, but the loan was only taken up after the
Government agreed to sell its bonds for eighty-eight dollars
on the hundred! On April 1, President Madison appealed to
the people of the country to purchase bonds which would be
issued in the future. He also sent a special message to Con-
gress, urging "the necessity of providing more adequately
for the future supplies of the Treasury."^ But the Govern-
ment— the President, the Treasury Department under Galla-
tin, and Congress — failed to establish a broad tax system,
relying instead (as had been the case during the American
Revolution) on its credit. Heavy public expenditures — in
peace or in war — also were fundamentally opposed by Jeff er-
sonians, and this attitude of mind and habit worked a definite
hardship on the financial conduct of the War of 1812.^^
There is no question that the United States Government
was pressed for hard money and credit during the war. The
following table showing expenditures of the army and navy
lOGaillard Hunt, ed., The Writings of James Madison, 9 vols. (New York,
1900-1910), Vni, 229; Babcock, The Rise of American Nationality, 216-218.
llDuring the War of 1812, Congress authorized treasury notes to the amount
of $30,500,000; of this sum, $10,600,000 was outstanding on January 1, 1815.
William J. Shultz and M. R. Caine, Financial Development of the United States
(New York, 1937), 145.
^Annals, 13 Cong., 1 Sess. (1813), 128; Hunt, ed., The Writings of James
Madison, VHI, 247-248.
13For an excellent statement of Jeffersonian economy, see Mayo, Henry Clay,
284-286.
IN THE CABINET
117
from 1812 through 1815, for example, is indicative of the
abnormal financial demands caused by the war i^^
EXPENDITURES OF THE ARMY AND NAVY, 1812-1815
Purpose
payment of soldiers, recruiting, bounties,
clothing, equipment
arming and equipping the militia
payment of the militia
payment of volunteers
payment of sailors, recruiting, repairs to
vessels, ordinance
fortifying ports and harbors
construction on six 74-gun ships, complet-
ing navy yards, docks, and wharves
payment of soldiers, recruiting, bounties,
clothing, equipment
arming and equipping the militia
payment of the militia
payment of volunteers
payment of sailors, recruiting, repairs to
vessels, ordinance
fortifjring ports and harbors
construction on six 74-gun ships, complet-
ing navy yards, docks, and wharves
transferred from army appropriation to
navy
payment of soldiers, recruiting, bounties,
clothing, equipment
arming and equipping the militia
payment of sailors, recruiting, repairs to
vessels, ordinance
coast defense
payment of soldiers, recruiting, bounties,
clothing, equipment
arming and equipping the militia
payment of sailors, recruiting, repairs to
vessels, ordinance
total
At the very time when the government needed money so
desperately, as shown by the above table of army and navy
expenditures, few people were willing to buy bonds. Not only
were taxes unpopular, but people refused to back the war and
the government by purchasing bonds. The end result, some-
what reminiscent of the American Revolution period, was
Year Amount
1812 $ 9,512,106.49
100,000.00
1,600,000.00
460,000.00
3,854,490.40
370,000.00
106,000.00
1813 17,931,669.70
120,000.00
400,000.00
540,000.00
6,358,100.10
761,046.30
90,000.00
561,046.30
1814 19,802,906.86
480,000,00
7,311,290.60
200,000.00
1815 14,889,016.71
320,000.00
8,660,000.25
$94,437,673.71
I'^An Account of the Receipts & Expenditures of the United States for the
Year 1812, pp. 73-76; for the Year 1813, pp. 73-75; for the Year 1814, p. 106; for
the Year 1815, pp. 115-116 (Division of Bookkeeping and Warrants, Treasury
Department, Washington). See also Shultz and Caine, Financial Development
of the United States, 139.
118 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
financial turmoil as far as the government was concerned.
Available cash for the purchase of bonds practically disap-
peared by the year 1814, and it is likely that all ready money
in the hands of strong supporters of the w^ar was used for
that purpose shortly after the war began. By the year 1814
many people lost confidence in the Administration, however,
and most of the persons who could afford to buy government
securities were bankers, successful business men, and others,
who for the most part lived in the northeastern section of
the country, which was the section where the war was most
unpopular. When those investors bought government paper
they struck hard bargains; when they purchased bonds they
seem not to have been motivated by patriotism. The Govern-
ment, sorely pressed for ready cash, was compelled to meet
their terms. It would seem that they rather than the Treas-
ury Department and the various Secretaries of the Treas-
ury should be blamed, at least in part, for the "financial
impotence of the war."^^
Despite the empty condition of the Treasury in Febru-
ary, 1814, when he began his duties in that Department,
Campbell took over his new office with a show of confidence;
and with the good wishes of friends in Tennessee.^*' In Jan-
uary, shortly before leaving office, acting Secretary Jones
estimated the revenue receipts of the Treasury for the year
1814 at $10,100,000. Campbell, in a private letter of March
24 to John W. Eppes, his old friend who was now chairman
of the House Ways and Means Committee, increased the esti-
mate to $10,950,000. In this letter, which was read to the
members of the House on March 28, Campbell recommended
15/6itf., 143, states in regard to the Government's credit by the year 1814:
"The financiers of the country regarded the Federal Government as helpless prey
to be despoiled for their personal profit." See Channing, The Jeffersonian Sys-
tem, 265-267, for a discussion of Gallatin's difficulties as Secretary of the Treas-
ury. Wiltse, John C. Calhoun, Nationalist, 67-91, describes New England's
obstruction to the war effort.
16When informed of Campbell's appointment to the Department of the
Treasury, a Tennessee newspaper stated: "We entertain no doubt but his
conduct will secure the approbation of all good citizens, and be a blessing to
the country." Nashville Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, March 8,
1814.
IN THE CABINET 119
that Congress raise the tariff rates on all goods coming into
the United States from the West Indies and that all direct
taxes be strictly enforced. He also hoped that the recent
indirect tax levied on the sale of whiskey would add to the
Government's revenue. Large amounts of money were needed
for operating the Government and conducting the war, he
said, but they could be raised from the sale of bonds.^'^
On March 3, Congress authorized a loan of $25,000,000,
and the bill was approved by Madison on March 24. The
bonds were to bear an interest rate of 6% and were to be
redeemed not later than December 31, 1828.1^ On April 2,
shortly after entering the cabinet, Campbell announced that
bonds to the amount of $10,000,000 would be open for pub-
lic purchase until May 2. He announced, in the leading news-
papers of the country, that no amount of stock less than
$25,000 would be sold; the yearly interest rate of 6% would
be paid in quarterly installments until the stocks matured
in December, 1826. Campbell also wrote to various bankers
throughout the United States requesting them to subscribe to
the bond issue.^^ On May 4, after some harrowing experiences
for a man in his position, he informed President Madison that
all the bonds had been taken up.^o
Campbell advertised for sale only $10,000,000 worth of
the $25,000,000 bond issue which Congress had authorized on
March 3. Even so, he had great difficulty in completing the
sale of the smaller amount, and in selling the bonds he was
quite entirely at the mercy of the buyers.^i The whole issue
IWiZes' Weekly Register, VI (April 6, 1814), 105-106. This reliance upon
bonds was a cominon attitude among the members of Jefferson's party.
i^Annals, 13 Cong., 2 Sess. (1813-1814), 1798, 2811, 2812.
l^This was the same method as followed by Gallatin when he was Secretary
of the Treasury. For example, in March, 1812, Gallatin advertised a loan of
$11,000,000. Books were opened to the public on May 1, and subscriptions were
received at sixteen banks located in Portsmouth, New Hampshire; Boston;
Providence; Hartford; New York City; Philadelphia; Baltimore; Washington;
Richmond; and Charleston. The subscriptions were handled by the banks.
Niles' Weekly Register, II (April 11, 1812), 91.
20Campbell to Madison, May 4, 1814, in Hunt, ed.. The Writings of James
Madison, VIII, 276; "Annual Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, Septem-
ber 26, 1814," in State Papers, 13 Cong., 3 Sess. (1814-1815), 18.
21See, for example, Morison, Harrison Gray Otis, II, 66-67, 71-77.
120 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
of $10,000,000 was sold at eighty-eight dollars on the hundred,
plus six percent interest. The terms of this loan were iden-
tical with the bond issue of $16,000,000 of February, 1813,
which had been floated while Albert Gallatin was Secretary
of the Treasury. Even on these low terms, however, only
one-half of the new $10,000,000 issue was sold by May 1, when
the sale was supposed to close. On that day Campbell received
the following letter from Jacob Barker, a prominent banker
of New York City : "Respected Friend : I will loan the Gov-
ernment of the United States five Million dollars, receiving
one hundred dollars six percent stock for each eighty-eight
dollars paid." Patriotism had taken a holiday. The next day,
because of circumstances beyond his control, Campbell was
forced to notify the shrewd and grasping New Yorker that
his terms were acceptable.22
Barker was not the only person to gouge the Government
in the course of the $10,000,000 bond issue, although some
subscribers were surely patriotic in their efforts to aid the
Government at this time. Of the forty-three persons or firms
purchasing the bonds issued in this particular case, all except
seven lived or operated businesses in Maine, New Hampshire,
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Penn-
£iylvania, Maryland, or Washington, D. C. Two purchases
were made by persons living in Virginia, four in South Car-
olina, and one in Kentucky. No one in Tennessee bought any
of the bonds. Indeed, in reply to a letter addressed to the
president of the Nashville bank, Campbell was informed
rather curtly that the bank could not afford to take up any of
the bonds, "for few have money to spare, and those who have
can employ it more advantageously. "^s The following table lists
the purchasers of the bonds i^*
22Finance Report, 1790-1814, Secretary of the Treasury, 536 (Division of
Bookkeeping and Warrants, Treasury Department).
23John Dickson to Campbell, May 4, 1814, in Campbell Papers (Library of
Congress).
24"Annual Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, September 26, 1814,"
loc. ciu, 19-20.
IN THE CABINET
121
TEN MILLION DOLLAR BOND ISSUE OF THE UNITED
STATES GOVERNMENT, ADVERTISED ON APRIL 4, 1814
Purchaser Residence of Purchaser Amount Purchased
Pelleg Tallman
Levi Cutler
John Woodman
Henry S. Langdon
John W. Treadwell
Thomas Perkins
William Gray
Samuel Dana
Jesse Putman
Amos Binney
Nathan Waterman
James D. Wolf
John R. Sherman
Elisha Tracy
Michael Shephard
Abraham Bishop
John Taylor
Alanson Douglas
Smith and Nicoll
Harman Hendricks
G. B. Vroom
Samuel Flewelling
Jacob Barker
Whitehead Fish
Guy Bryan
Thomas Newman
Samuel Carswell
Paul Beck
William Patterson, Sons
George T. Dunbar
James Cox
Dennis A. Smith
Samuel Eliot, Jr.
Alexander Kerr
William Jones (for Navy
and privateer pension
fund)
William Whann
Anthony C. Cazenove
Robert C. Jennings
Charles B. Cochran
David Alexander
John Lukens
Thomas W. Bacot
James Taylor
$9,985,056
This table is very interesting and enlightening for both its
contents and its omissions. Bonds were obviously hard to sell
in the year 1814. The issue was completed only because of the
purchase of half of the bonds by one purchaser, at the close of
Bath, Maine $
25,000
Portland, Maine
94,000
Portland, Maine
50,000
Portsmouth, New Hampshire
40,000
Salem, Massachusetts
416,156
Salem, Massachusetts
25,000
Boston, Massachusetts
197,000
Boston, Massachusetts
25,000
Boston, Massachusetts
67,900
Boston, Massachusetts
35,000
Providence, Rhode Island
35,300
Bristol, Rhode Island
100,000
Newport, Rhode Island
35,000
Norwich, Connecticut
30,000
Hartford, Connecticut
25,000
New Haven, Connecticut
25,000
Albany, New York
150,000
Troy, New York
50,000
New York City
80,000
New York City
42,000
New York City
500,000
New York City
257,300
New York City
5,000,000
New York City
250,000
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
50,000
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
108,000
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
28,000
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
50,000
Baltimore, Maryland
50,000
Baltimore, Maryland
191,000
Baltimore, Maryland
71,900
Baltimore, Maryland
200,000
Washington, D. C.
100,000
Washington, D. C.
33,000
Washington, D. C.
200,000
Washington, D. C.
432,500
Alexandria, Virginia
30,000
Richmond, Virginia
176,000
Charleston, South Carolina
250,000
Charleston, South Carolina
60,000
Charleston, South Carolina
70,000
Charleston, South Carolina
115,000
Newport, Kentucky
25,000
122 GEOEGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
the sale. New Englanders, who opposed the war, were willing
to invest, at a high rate of interest, in a government under-
taking of which they disapproved violently. Southerners failed
as a group to support the bond issue. Westerners were the
loudest supporters of the war, but did not buy bonds. All of
the purchasers, despite the defeatism which prevailed during
the war, must have thought that they were investing in a
cause which would benefit them financially.
On May 7, three days after Campbell notified Madison of
the completion of the loan the President wrote him that "The
lenders ought to have afforded us better terms, yet under all
circumstances of the moment, the loan has been obtained on
terms equal to public expectation, and will have a favorable
influence on our affairs. . . . Having secured a livelihood of
our war for a few months, we shall have time to deliberate on
further experiment, and with prospect of receiving from
abroad information that may enlighten our calculations. "^s
Madison was of course expecting favorable news from his
peace commissioners in Europe, but as negotiations were not
begun at Ghent until August 8,^6 his immediate financial diffi-
culties were helped in no way. There was little hope for a
quick suspension of hostilities with England. The deplorable
condition of Government finances continued, Congress was
unwilling to pay for the war through collection of extremely
high taxes, and the President and Campbell began prepara-
tions for another loan.
Campbell wrote friends, capitalists, and bankers, asking
them to buy up the next bond issue when it was placed on the
market. One of his letters, written to General Jackson, who
at the time was in Nashville, warrants particular notice : "The
loan of ten millions, we have been able to effect, on as favor-
able terms, as could, under existing circumstances, have been
expected, notwithstanding all the efforts of the opposition to
prevent it. — .... The terms are favorable to the lenders ; and
25Madison to Campbell, May 7, 1814, in Hunt, ed., The Writings of James
Madison, VIII, 276-277.
^^American State Papers, Foreign Affairs, HI, 707.
IN THE CABINET 123
it is somewhat surprising that Banks in the Western States
do not take more of the loans & become holders of more of the
stock of the U. States — They could lend as much money
at least as is expended within the States in which they are
respectively, ..." On a more personal note, Campbell added,
"The Nashville Branch would consult its own interest & that
of the State, by loaning to the government at least $100,000
— .... It is next to certain little or none of it would be
taken out of the State, but paid in discharging the expendi-
tures of the late campaign; I notice these circumstances to
you, knowing you feel interested in the successful operation
of the Bank, and will give these remarks that weight only to
which they are entitled ;...." The letter concluded, "being
myself also some what interested in the Bank, it will not be
supposed, I would suggest to it the propriety of taking a step,
by which, I had reason to believe, it would finally be injured
. . . . "^
Although both Madison and Campbell were fully aware
of the Treasury's strained condition, they refused, because
of the unfavorable terms on which the sales of a new bond
issue would have to be concluded, to place any more bonds on
the market for several months after the $10,000,000 debacle.
They began preparations for a new loan, but decided to wait
as long as possible before floating it.^s Unforeseen events
were to prove, however, that their timing was very bad.
In May, Campbell turned his thoughts toward a European
loan. When this information became known, John J. Astor,
the entrepreneur and fur magnate of New York City, offered
to handle the bond issue. But Campbell refused to give Astor
power to sell the bonds, reporting instead to Madison that no
action would be taken on the matter until he learned what
price was being received for American bonds on the Euro-
pean market. Campbell also informed James Monroe, Sec-
retary of State, that Astor and Company could probably float
27Cainpbell to Jackson, May 15, 1814, in Jackson Papers.
28Madison to Campbell, May 25, 1814, in Hunt, ed., The Writings of James
Madison, III, 278-279.
124 GEOUGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
a loan in Europe "for five, or even ten millions, on the terms
of the last loan, giving them credit for the payments. "^^ In
effect this vv^ould be no better than a loan at home.'° On May
24, Astor wrote Monroe that he had consulted with his part-
ners and that they would handle a European loan for the
United States Government, if a safe method could be
arranged. But no action was taken on Astor's offer, and when
in the same week it was learned that United States bonds were
selling at par in Europe, the Government dropped all con-
sideration of the financier's offer. ^^ Astor, as far as is known,
made no further offers. The Government, on its part, failed
to carry through with its efforts to float a loan in Europe, and
abandoned the project.^^
The depressed financial condition of the Treasury continued
during the late spring and early summer of 1814. The country
was indeed not impoverished, but the Government was unable
to tap its resources at home. Several of the New England
states, which were soon to furnish delegates to the Hartford
Convention, continued to refuse to support the war and the
Madison administration financially.^^ Since much of the cap-
ital of the country was centered in that region, Campbell
therefore reached an impasse, or a situation with which he
was unable to cope. Many people refused to pay taxes; and
in spite of the great wealth of the country the Government
was practically bankrupt. Still no encouraging news came
from the peace commissioners in Europe, and it seemed that
the war and the commissioners' sojourn at Ghent would drag
on indefinitely. Despairingly, on June 27, at a cabinet meet-
29Cainpbell to James Monroe, May 13, 1814, in James Monroe Papers
(Library of Congress).
SOMonroe to Madison, May 14, 1814, in Stanislaus Murray Hamilton, ed..
The Writings of James Monroe, 7 vols. (New York, 1898-1903), VI, 281, 282.
31 Astor to Monroe, May 24, 1814, in Monroe Papers; Niles' Weekly Register,
VI (May 28, 1814), 210. For the role of Astor, David Parrish, and Stephen
Girard in connection with the $16,000,000 loan floated by Gallatin in February,
1813, see Theodore J. Grayson, Leaders and Periods of American Finance
(New York, 1932), 106-108.
32Madison to Campbell, May 25, 1814, in Campbell Papers (in possession of
Mrs. Susan M. Brown),
33See Morison, Maritime History of Massachusetts, 209-212.
IN THE CABINET 125
ing the decision was reached that Madison should authorize
a treaty with England even if the treaty remained silent on
the question of British impressment of American seamen.^*
Since impressment had been the ostensible reason (at least
the propaganda approach to why the United States should
fight) for declaring war in the first place, the cabinet's action
indicates that the Government was at last agreed that the
war should be given up as a bad job, perhaps ill conceived
and certainly poorly conducted.
During the first week of July, 1814, financial affairs came
to a crisis. No money was left in the Treasury. Congress
was not in session, and the Government had to float another
loan. On July 3, Campbell called on Madison to confer about
the loan's issuance. At the interview the President showed
Campbell a paper he had written for publication in the Wash-
ington National Intelligencer. In the paper the President
expressed unofficially his sentiments about the deplorable con-
dition of the Treasury, and begged the public to support the
Administration and the war by subscribing to the loan which
was being planned. Campbell was shocked at the President's
approach to the problem. On reading the paper, he advised
strongly that such a depressing picture would surely defeat
any loan attempted by the Government, and on his suggestion
Madison agreed not to publish his entreaty. At the interview
it was decided to float a loan of $6,000,000 of the $25,000,000
issue authorized by Congress on March 24, 1814. Carrying
out this plan, Campbell advertised a Government loan of
$6,000,000 on July 25. The bonds would remain on the market
until August 22, and would bear an interest rate of six per-
cent, redeemable on December 31, 1826.^5
But this loan met with even less success than the earlier
one floated by Campbell, and only a few sales were made by
August 22, the day on which the issue was closed to the pub-
34HuBt, ed., The Writings of James Madison, III, 281.
35Madison to Unknown [probably Monroe], July 3, 1814, in Hamilton, ed..
The Writings of James Monroe, V, 284-287. See also Finance Report, 1790-1814,
Secretary of the Treasury, 538, 539; and "Annual Report of the Secretary of the
Treasury, September 26, 1814," loc. cit., 21, 22.
126 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
lie. Those people who had money to invest again played a
waiting game. The classic example was that of Dennis A.
Smith, a banker of Baltimore, who, on the day after the sale
closed, offered to purchase $1,800,000 worth of the bonds.
Smith was a sharp trader indeed: according to his letter to
Campbell, he was willing to pay only eighty dollars on the
hundred and also expected to receive the usual six percent
interest.36 Patriotism was dead as far as he was concerned.
Campbell refused Smith's outrageous terms, but on August
24 an event occurred which left him little choice : Washing-
ton was captured by British troops. The enemy rushed into
the capital, burned the White House and several public build-
ings, and then evacuated the city. The war effort thereby
reached its lowest ebb, and the American people were filled
with despair.3'^ From Nashville, Tennessee, for example, it
was reported: "With mingled emotions of shame and indig-
nation we announce to our readers, that the British have taken
the city of Washington. "^^
The day after the capture of the capital, Madison and
his cabinet returned to the city, from which they had fled.
Financial affairs of the Government, the chief concern of
Campbell, now reached their lowest state during the war.
Specie payment was suspended entirely; and in this develop-
ment the Government was the greatest sufferer, since it had
large amounts of treasury notes deposited in the numerous
banks about the country which closed their doors. Army con-
tractors, security holders, and soldiers and sailors went
unpaid. The Treasury was bankrupt, and had to borrow small
sums of money to operate on from day to day.^^ Qn August 31,^''
Campbell accepted Dennis A. Smith's offer of the loan of
36Smith to Campbell, August 22, 1814, in "Annual Report of the Secretary of
the Treasury, September 26, 1814," loc. cit., 22.
37Beirne, The War of 1812, pp. 264-288; Perkins, War between the United
States and Great Britain, 316-320; Edward Channing, A History of the United
States, 6 vols. (New York, 1905-1925), IV, 507-510.
38Nashville Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, September 13, 1814.
39See, for example, Davis Rich Dewey, Financial History of the United
States (New York, 1902), 145; and Coit, John C. Calhoun, 94.
40Campbell to Smith, August 31, 1814, in "Annual Report of the Secretary
of the Treasury, September 26, 1814," loc. cit., 22-23.
IN THE CABINET 127
$1,800,000. At such a low cost it was believed that the orig-
inal bond issue of $6,000,000 would be taken up quickly. Such
favorable rates on government bonds, from the purchaser's
standpoint, had not been offered since the establishment of
the United States. On the same day on which Campbell agreed
to Smith's terms, he re-opened the $6,000,000 loan of July
25, which up to the last of August had been a miserable
failure.
Despite the new favorable terms on which bonds could
be bought, few purchasers came forward to aid their gov-
ernment or to benefit from the Government's excellent terms
to bond holders. Campbell, therefore, was unable to carry
through the new loan. By the middle of September, only
$2,930,000, or less than half, of the entire issue was taken up,
the few sales being concluded on the same exhorbitant terms
as the one with Smith of Baltimore.^! Again the purchasers
struck hard bargains. Eight of the seventeen persons who
finally subscribed to the loan were the same who speculated
in the bond issue of April, 1814, and again the purchasers
for the most part resided in the northeastern section of the
country. One purchase was made by George M. Deaderick,
a banker of Nashville, Tennessee. When Campbell began his
fi.rst loan in April he did so with the intention of selling no
less than $25,000 worth of bonds to each purchaser, but on
this second loan he accepted any order for bonds regardless
of the amount. The persons who took up the loan are listed
in the following table :^^
SIX MILLION DOLLAR BOND ISSUE OF THE UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT, ADVERTISED ON JULY 25 AND AUGUST 31, 1814
Purchaser Residence of Purchaser Amount Purchased
William Rice Portsmouth, New Hampshire $ 43,000
Henry S. Langdon , Portsmouth, New Hampshire 35,000
Amasa Stetson Boston, Massachusetts 37,000
Jesse Putman Boston, Massachusetts 15,000
Nathan Waterman Providence, Rhode Island 10,000
41Finance Report, 1790-1814, Secretary of the Treasury, 540-541.
42"Aiinual Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, September 26, 1814,"
loc. cit., 23.
128 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
John S. Sherman
Newport, Rhode Island
25,000
John Savage
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
480,000
William W. Smith
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
200,000
William Patterson, Sons
Baltimore, Maryland
140,000
Dennis A. Smith
Baltimore, Maryland
1,800,000
George T. Dunbar
Baltimore, Maryland
120,000
James L. Hawkins
Baltimore, Maryland
15,000
John P. Van Ness
and others
Washington, D. C.
201,000
David English
Georgetown, D. C.
35,000
Clement Smith
Georgetown, D. C.
37,000
John Lukens
Charleston, South Carolina
47,300
George M. Deaderick
Nashville, Tennessee
50,000
$3,340,300
On his return to Washington after the British capture
and evacuation of the city, President Madison called a special
session of Congress. Among his reasons for the special ses-
sion, as he put the case, was for Congress to insure "any
inadequacy in the existing provisions for the wants of the
Treasury ... as that no delay might happen in providing for
the result of the negotiations on foot with Great Britain [at
Ghent]. "43 g^t when the Congressmen gathered in Washing-
ton in September, they were a bewildered and disillusioned
lot. Confidence in the Government had all but disappeared,
perhaps more so than at any time in United States history.
There was very little hope of organizing an efficient army at
this late date. Party and sectional strife had helped to disrupt
the efforts of the Administration, including the cabinet offi-
cers, toward a successful conclusion of the war. And in his
annual message to Congress, on September 20, Madison par-
ticularly emphasized the needs of the Treasury : "The moneys
received into the Treasury during the nine months ending
the 30th of June last amounted to $32,000,000, of which near
eleven millions were the proceeds of the public revenue and
the remainder derived from loans. The disbursements for pub-
lic expenditures during the same period exceeded $32,000,000,
and left on the first day of June near $5,000,000. The demands
during the remainder of the present year authorized by Con-
43Hnnt, ed., The Writings of James Madison, VIII, 306.
IN THE CABINET 129
gress and the expenses incident to any extension of operatives
of war will render it necessary that large sums should be
provided to meet them."^
Candidly speaking, Campbell failed to come up with
recommendations which would solve the problems of his
department. A few days after Congress convened, he sub-
mitted a very discouraging Report on the finances of the Gov-
ernment. Nearly $20,000,000 had been paid into the Treas-
ury between January and July, 1814, he said, but an addi-
tional $27,000,000 was necessary for use before January, 1815.
At least as much money as had been spent in 1814 would be
needed during 1815, he added. If the Government was to meet
its obligations, Congress had to raise about $74,000,000. Only
the small sum of $13,822,000 could be considered as being on
hand, and this included what was expected to be collected
during the remainder of the year. The sum of $8,200,000
possibly would come in as revenue during the year 1815.
Thus, aproximately $22,000,000 was the extent of the Treas-
ury's resources, as he saw the situation. Fifty-two million
dollars was needed merely to carry on the ordinary operations
of the Government. Some other method than bond issues
ought to be followed by the Government in raising money.
Since entering the cabinet, he had floated two bond issues, he
said, but each issue had been sold at very low rates. He
deplored the unwillingness of a wealthy people to come to the
aid of its government, and recommended that new and extra-
ordinary methods should be adopted to raise money. He
hoped to raise about $10,000,000 by the issuance of treasury
notes. From all sources, however, he could see only about
$24,000,000 of the $74,000,000 needed. He was quite dis-
couraged at the outlook, he concluded, and hoped that Con-
gress would adopt methods to remedy the evils of the currency
and the suspension of specie payment.^^
^Ibid., Ill, 310-311. See also Babcock, The Rise of American Nationality,
150-167, and Allen Johnson, Jefferson and His Colleagues (New Haven, 1921),
230-232, for references to the condition of national affairs at this time.
45Finance Report, 1790-1814, Secretary of the Treasury, 523-532; Niles' Week-
ly Register, VII (October 26, 1814), 57-60. In 1830, the Ways and Means Com-
mittee of the national House of Representatives estimated that beween 1812
130 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Three days after his dismal Report to Congress, disheart-
ened and in ill health (probably ulcers, or maybe what is now
known as hypertension), Campbell resigned his post in the
cabinet.^^ His letter of resignation to President Madison was
as follows :
The very impaired state of my health and the little probabil-
ity of its speedy restoration without a change of air, & the bene-
fit of exercise render it indispensible that I should for the present,
withdraw from public duties. I have therefore, thought it my
duty, in order to prevent public interests from certain inconven-
iences thereby, to resign my appointment as Secretary of the
Treasury; which accordingly, I hereby do.
At this eventful crisis in our affairs nothing but necessity
imposed by causes not within my own conti"ol would have induced
me to take this step. . . . The regret I felt on the accession is di-
minished by the consideration that little difficulty will be experi-
enced in filling the vacancy v/ith advantage to the public service. —
I cannot, however dissolve the tie by which I have been connected
with your administration, without tendering to you, Sir, my warm-
est acknowledgments for the distinguished confidence & friend-
ship with which you have pleased to honor me; and expressing my
ardent toleration for your individual happiness & prosperity. . . . ^"^
Campbell probably had more difficulty composing this letter
than any letter he ever wrote. He had gone high up the polit-
ical ladder, but now he stepped down. On September 27, Mad-
ison accepted the resignation:
I have received your letter of the 26th resigning your office of
Secretary of the Treasury. The considerations both personal &
public which induced my desire that you should become a member
of the Executive family, being undiminished, I cannot but deeply
react the want which separates you from it, and more especially
the imperious cause which imposed such an ultimatum. With my
sincerest wishes that your valuable health may be soon & com-
pletely re-established I pray you to accept my great esteem and my
friendly respects.48
A few days after quitting his office, Campbell left Washing-
ton for Sulphur Springs, Virginia, where he rested for sev-
and 1816 the Federal Government contracted loans of over $80,000,000, receiv-
ing only $34,000,000 as measured in specie. Dewey, Financial History of the
United States, 134; Harvey E. Fisk, Our Public Debt, An Historical Sketch with
a Description of United States Securities (New York, 1919), 14-19.
46Perkins, War between the United States and Great Britain, 460-462.
^^Campbell to Madison, September 26, 1814, in Campbell Papers (in posses-
sion of Mrs. Susan M. Brown) ; Nashville Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, Octo-
ber 21, 1817.
48Madison to Campbell, September 27, 1814, in ibid.
IN THE CABINET 131
eral weeks; and from the latter place he went to Nashville,
where he arrived during the first week of November.^^
Immediately after Campbell's resignation as Secretary of
the Treasury, President Madison again requested Alexander
James Dallas to accept the position. Dallas agreed, his name
v/as sent to the Senate, and now even his political enemies in
Pennsylvania were willing to give him a try in the Treasury
Department. While his appointment was being considered,
one of his long-time opponents. Senator Lacock, is supposed
to have remarked to Madison's private secretary: "Tell Dr.
Madison that we are now willing to submit to his Philadelphia
lawyer for the head of the Treasury. The public patient is so
very sick that we must swallow anything, however nau-
seous.''^*^ The nomination was approved ; on October 14, Dallas
entered ofRce.^i Twenty years later, Niles National Register
of Baltimore, while promoting George Mifflin Dallas, the son
of Alexander James Dallas, for the office of Vice-president,
had the following interesting comment to make about the try-
ing circumstances under which the elder Dallas became Sec-
retary of the Treasury. It is noteworthy, and perhaps a trav-
esty on the study of American history, that Niles Register
overlooked the fact that Campbell had ever been a cabinet
officer, but it is in this way, in part, that certain men have
become lost in our history: "No one who was then [1814]
upon the stage of action will ever forget the circumstances
under which this appointment of the elder Dallas was made.
It was the darkest period of our history, immediately after the
sacking of Washington, when treason was holding its convo-
cations at noonday [the Hartford Convention], when the
credit of the country was annihilated, its flag trampled on,
and all but hope and honor seemed buried under the ashes of
49CampbeII to Madison, December 5, 1814, in Campbell Papers (in possession
of Mrs. Susan M. Brown) .
SOQuoted in Adams, History of the United States, VIII, 242-243.
SlHunt, ed., The Writings of James Madison, III, 347. In the interval be-
tween Campbell's resignation and October 14, Samuel H. Harrison, the United
States Commissioner of Revenue, acted as Secretary. "Letter from the Secretary
of the Treasury to Congress, October 15, 1814," in State Papers, 13 Cong., 3
Sees. (1814-1815), 1.
132 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
the capitol. [Dallas was] called unexpectedly to a post, from
which the most experienced financier of the time [Albert Gal-
latin] had retired in dismay, . . . "^^
After Campbell left the capital, discussion of his services
while Secretary of the Treasury went on apace. His activities
were criticized harshly and bitterly by opponents of the
Administration, and attempts were made to blame him
entirely for the Treasury's deplorable condition. Represen-
tative George Bradbury of Massachusetts, for example, in
attacking Campbell, deprecatingly remarked, "... that if the
individuals who took the last loans had been permitted to
devise a bill for their particular advantage, they could not
have drawn one to suit them better."^^ Campbell, on the other
hand, was not without defenders. In reply to Bradbury's
invective. Representative Joseph H. Hawkins of Kentucky
made a statement, which, considering the evidence, seems
more nearly correct: "The government had gone on relying
on the public credit alone to support its loans, until terms on
Vvhich they could be obtained had fallen from par to 88, from
88 to 80. The government had been compelled to have money
and had bought it as low as they could. As to the terms of the
ten million loan, on which so much has been said it was only
an adaption of the loan by Mr. Campbell to the terms of which
Mr. Gallatin had, without censure, obtained the sixteen mil-
lion dollar loan, ... ; so that the blame thrown on him was
imputable not to the terms of the late loan, but to the inability
of the government to borrow. . . . "^^ Hawkins thus stated a
fact that can not be denied.^^ ^igo worthy of note in
52iViZes' National Register, LXVI (June 22, 1844), 263. For discussions of
Dallas' appointment, his difficulties as Secretary of the Treasury, and his plans
to improve finances, see Babcock, The Rise of American Nationality, 220-224;
Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 132-137; and Perkins, War be-
tween the United States and Great Britain, 458-470.
53Nashville Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, December 24, 1814.
5mid.
55The actions of Harrison Gray Otis serves as an example of the Federalists'
attitude toward the war loans during the War of 1812. Otis, according to one
of his friends, refused to subscribe to the Government loans of 1814 because "he
preferred his party to his Country." Morison, Harrison Gray Otis, H, 76. Otis
also was very active in the work of the Hartford Convention. Ibid., 101, 110-116,
125-148.
IN THE CABINET 133
connection with Campbell's work in the cabinet is a state-
ment made by Samuel Perkins in his historical account of
the War of 1812, published in 1825. Perkins, in writing of
the Department of the Treasury, concluded knowingly, "This
department suffered much by frequent changes of its prin-
cipal officer [Gallatin, Jones, Campbell, Harrison, Dallas] , dur-
ing a period when uniformity and efficiency of operation were
most essential. "^^
Conclusions similar to those of Hawkins and Perkins are
those of the historian, James Truslow Adams, in his New
England in the Republic, 1776-1850, in which he writes of two
bond issues floated while Campbell was Secretary of the Treas-
ury. Of the April, 1814, issue of $10,000,000, Adams con-
cludes : "The loan was largely a failure. New England being
responsible for that result, and the position of the govern-
ment became desperate." Concerning the $6,000,000 issue of
the summer of 1814, Adams says : "In August came the cap-
ture and burning of Washing-ton by the British, which sent
a panic through the nation. Practically all the banks outside
of New England suspended payment, the New England banks
alone remaining solvent by means of the specie which they
had drained from the rest of the country. New England, how-
ever, would afford no help to the administration, and the
rest of the states had now become unable to do so."^''
The fact that the Government was indeed desperately
pressed during the War of 1812 is borne out by the excessive
amounts of money which it was forced to borrow ;5^ and the
56Perkins, War between the United States and Great Britain, 462. Madison's
cabinet from 1809 to 1817 was indeed an unstable one: 6 Secretaries of the
Treasury (including two acting, Jones and Harrison), 4 of War, 4 of Navy, 3
Attorneys General, and 2 of State. See White, The Jeffersonians, 80.
S^Adams, New England in the Republic, 285.
580ne of the ridiculous aspects of the war-time government loan program
is mentioned in Paul Studenski and Herman E. Krooss, Financial History of
the United States (New York, 1952), 78; "[In the interval between Gallatin's
and Dallas' terms of office], the business of negotiating loans was turned over
to the chief clerk of the Treasury, who was opposed to the war. By refusing
to issue stock to subscribers until the full price had been paid, he succeeded
for a while in obstructing the progress of the war by discouraging individuals
from buying government securities."
134 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
following table shows that not Campbell alone, but all of the
Secretaries of the Treasury during the War, encountered a
problem which was not solved i^^
MONEY RECEIVED BY THE UNITED STATES TREASURY
THROUGH LOANS, 1812-1815
Authorization
On loan of $11,000,000 by act
of March 14, 1812
Treasury notes issued by act
of June 30, 1812
On loan of $11,000,000 by act
of March 14, 1812
On loan of $16,000,000 by act
of February 6, 1813
On loan of $7,500,000 by act
of August 2, 1813
Treasury notes issued by act
of June 30, 1812
Treasury notes issued by act
of February 25, 1813
On loan of $7,500,000 by act
of August 2, 1813
On loan of $10,000,000 by act
of March 24, 1814
On loan of $6,000,000 by act
of March 24, 1814
On loan of $3,000,000 by act
of November 15, 1814
Treasury notes issued by act
of February 25, 1813
Treasury notes issued by act
of March 4, 1814
On loan of $11,000,000 by act
of March 24, 1814
On loan of $6,000,000 by act
of March 24, 1814
On loan of $25,000,000 by act
of March 24, 1814
On loan of $3,000,000 by act
of November 15, 1814
On loan of $18,452,000 by act
of March 3, 1815
Treasury notes issued by act
of March 4, 1814
Treasury notes issued by act
of December 25, 1814
total
59 An Account of the Receipts & Expenditures of the United States for the
Year 1812, pp. 15-16; for the Year 1813, pp. 14-16; for the Year 1814, pp. 10-15;
for the Year 1815, pp. 12-15. See also'Shultz and Caine, Financial Development
of the United States, 140.
Year
Amount
1812
$10,002,400.00
2,835,500.00
1813
182,300.00
16,000,000.00
3,907,335.00
2,164,500.00
3,930,000.00
1814
3,592,665.00
7,935,581.00
3,452,300.00
50,000.00
1,070,000.00
7,227,280,00
1815
50,000.00
1,123,230.12
74,590.75
1,300,000.00
11,934,602.53
2,772,720.00
8,318,400.00
$87,923,404.30
IN THE CABINET - 135
Although some groups in the country tried to make Camp-
bell a scapegoat for his work in the Treasury Department, he
still retained the support of friends in Tennessee. Shortly
after he left the Treasury Department, the Attorney-General
also resigned. A few days later Joseph Anderson, United
States Senator from Tennessee, and a long-time associate of
Campbell, recommended his fellow-Tennessean to President
Madison as a suitable person to fill the vacancy. Anderson
believed that some public figure from the West should be
named to the cabinet, and that Campbell was the logical per-
son. Anderson wrote that it was his
• . . humble opinion, and that of many of our most influential
Republican friends — absolutely necessary — that in the present
critical times — the attorney general should be taken from our
firmest Republican ranks. I have been intimately acquainted with
him for about Sixteen years — and in addition to what I have al-
ready said — that Mr. Campbell is a man of most exemplary morals,
and indefatigable industry — and universally esteemed in the
western country — and from the standing which he is held in Con-
gress, to which you are no stranger — I think I might venture to
say — from the general estimation, in which I know he is held (by
gentlemen of the most respectable Character and standing from
different parts of the Union) for his talents, integrity, and sound
republicanism — that his appointment to the office of Attorney
General — would give to the Republicans — in every section of
the Union — the most entire Satisfaction.60
Campbell did not become Attorney-General, but his friends
continued to promote him in other ways, and after a little
more than a year in private life, he returned to Washington,
once more as a member of the Senate. Neither his actions
while Secretary of the Treasury nor the Government's ina-
bility to borrow money while he was in the cabinet caused
Mm to lose popularity among his political friends and sup-
porters, both at home and in Washington.
Jeffersonians hesitated both to issue Treasury certificates
and increase taxes, relying instead to a great extent on loans
to conduct the Second War with England. But money was
tight, and most of the men who had money refused to lend it
to the Government by purchasing bonds. James Truslow
SOAnderson to Madison, November ?, 1814, in James Madison Papers (Li-
brary of Congress).
136 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Adams has best described the situation: Government loans
failed; New England had money, but would not lend it; and
those states who would have loaned money to the Government
had none to lend. Secretary of the Treasury Campbell, like
his counterparts, was faced, therefore, with a problem that
was not solved during the War of 1812.
Chapter VII
MISSION TO RUSSIA
When Campbell resigned from the cabinet and returned to
Nashville, he fully intended to remain out of politics for sev-
eral years.i But when Senator Joseph Anderson of Tennessee
was appointed Comptroller-General of the federal Depart-
ment of the Treasury in March, 1815, there began a move-
ment in Tennessee to induce Campbell to accept Anderson's
vacated position. Campbell refused the senatorship, however,
and explained his reasons as follows to Anderson : "Since my
arrival in the State, I have been much solicited by the best
characters on both sides of the mountain, to consent to accept
that situation ; (or indeed any other the state can offer) ....
But I incline, at present, to believe, that independent of all
other considerations, it would not, at this time accord with
the situation of my private affairs; to which, after being
neglected the greater part of 12 years, I ought to pay some
attention. "2
Campbell did remain out of office, for about fourteen
months, and, as will be seen later, he paid close attention to
his private affairs, but he continued his insatiable interest in
national affairs. To Anderson, for example, he wrote know-
ingly of the treaty which was concluded between the United
States and England. He was certain that less favorable terms
would not have been acceptable to the American public, but,
at the same time, general conditions in the country had become
so deplorable that "it would not have been advisable to con-
tinue the war, situated as we were, in order to obtain such as
would be considered more so. For brave as our armies, as well
as the navy, fought," he said, "yet it is probable the peace
was immediately in a great degree produced by the complex-
ICampbell to John Norvelle, January 19, 1815, in Campbell Papers
(Library of Congress).
^Campbell to Anderson, April 22, 1815, in Miscellaneous Correspondence,
Received, 1800-1852, Secretary of the Treasury Files (Treasury Department
Archives, Washington).
138 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
ion of affairs at Vienna. "^ England was too involved in Euro-
pean matters to continue her second-rate war with her former
colonies in America. On May 16, in a very suggestive letter
to Anderson, Campbell again expressed his views of foreign
affairs, particularly about Napoleon's return to power in
France: "The Bourbon dynasty could not long sustain them-
selves in power — . . . they possessed neither talents nor
energy to govern a people raised under the guidance of a gen-
ius like that of Bonaparte ; and would soon by their imbecility
as well as corruption sink into contempt. [But] , may not the
causes that produced our late contest again exist, . . . and if
so, may we not again be drawn into the vortex of the League
of Nations, & be forced to enter the lists with our former
antagonist? I sincerely hope that such may not be the result."*
With such an avid interest in national and foreign affairs,
and because of his political ambitions, it is not surprising
that Campbell accepted the position as United States Senator,
despite his earlier denial of any great interest in holding
office, when it was offered to him on October 15 by the Ten-
nessee General Assembly.^ He returned to the Senate on
December 5, 1815, and continued his services there until April
18, 1818. While in the Senate he was appointed to several
important committees, the most influential being the Finance
Committee, of which he was chairman. Throughout this, his
second term in the Senate, Campbell, as has been seen, was
particularly active in sponsoring land legislation favorable
to Tennessee. He also was consistent in his support of meas-
ures advanced by Presidents Madison and Monroe, who were
his close personal friends.^ He supported especially the series
of nationalistic laws passed by Congress in the period just
Hhid, When it learned that peace with England had been declared, the
Nashville Whig, March 1, 1815, reported: "An express arrived here on Friday
evening last bringing the glorious intelligence that PEACE has been concluded
between the United States and Great Britain— ON HONORABLE TERMS."
^Campbell to Anderson, May 16, 1815, in Letters Received, 1815, A. G. O., 0.
F. D.
STennessee Senate Journal, 1815, pp. 96-97.
^While a member of the cabinet Campbell lived in the same house with
Monroe, who at the time was Secretary of State. A. C. Clark, Life and Letters
of Dolly Madison (Washington, 1914), 170.
MISSION TO RUSSIA 139
after the War of 1812, that is, the ones establishing the Sec-
ond Bank of the United States, a protective tariff, federal
grants for internal improvements, and the increase in the size
of the army and navy.^ On April 11, 1818, his long and con-
tinuous support of the administrations of Jefferson, Madison,
and Monroe was further rewarded when Monroe offered him
the appointment as successor to William Pinkney as American
minister to Russia.^
In May, 1817, Pinkney had requested his recall from Rus-
sia due to the poor health of himself and his family. As the
year advanced his health grew worse, and in February, 1818,
having obtained his recall, he left St. Petersburg, turning over
the American legation to a charge d'affaires, his son Charles.^
On April 4, John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, called
on President Monroe to discuss the matter of the elder Pink-
ney's successor. Monroe wanted to name a man from the
West, and first mentioned Generals Andrew Jackson and Wil-
liam H. Harrison as suitable nominees ; but stated that neither
had claims to the position equal to those of Campbell. Mass-
achusetts, the President said, had its share of the recent
appointments to diplomatic positions ; New York, he believed,
had no prominent public character other than Rufus King,
who had had his quota of foreign missions; Pennsylvania
already had two missions; and he did not wish, he said, to
appoint a Virginian. He concluded that the new minister
should come either from the South or the West, and his first
choice for the job was Campbell, who should be rewarded for
his party regularity.!*^
But Adams thought little of Campbell (previously, at this
time, or later) , and offered the name of William Lowndes, of
^Annals, 14 Cong., 1 Sess. (1815-1816)— 15 Cong., 1 Sess. (1817-1818), passim.
See also Coit, John C. Calhoun, 101-119; and Lynch, Fifty Years of Party War-
fare, 1789-1837, pp. 246-248.
^Monroe to Campbell, April 11, 1818, in Campbell Papers (Library of Con-
gress) ; Annals, 15 Cong., 1 Sess. (1817-1818), 385.
9John C. Hildt, "Early Diplomatic Negotiations of the United States with
Russia," Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science,
Series XXIV, No. 5, 6 (Baltimore, 1906), 117.
lOAdams, ed., Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, IV, 72-73.
140 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
South Carolina, who at the time was the chairman of the
Ways and Means Committee in the House of Representatives.
After some discussion, Monroe agreed with Adams, and the
next day, April 5, the post was offered to Lowndes. The South
Carolinian refused the position, however; and Monroe
returned to his first choice, Campbell. When Lowndes refused
the appointment, Adams again called on Monroe to discuss
the matter and again objected to Campbell's appointment.
But the President informed Adams that several very prom-
inent figures in national politics, including William H. Craw-
ford of Georgia and John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, had
approached him in behalf of Campbell and that all of them
agreed that the Tennessean was an exceedingly suitable choice
for the post. After this conversation Adams withdrew his
voiced objections to Campbell, and on April 11 the place was
offered to the western senator.!^ Monroe's letter to Campbell
was as follows : "Mr. Pinkney having obtained his recall from
Russia, it becomes necessary to supply his place, by an imme-
diate appointment, of his successor. The confidence I repose
in your abilites & integrity, induces me to offer to your accept-
ance, this trust. You will have the goodness to give me, as
early an answer, as in your power." Campbell's answer
was to accept the position and resign from the Senate. He
had advanced a long way from the position of an immigrant
child in the backwoods of colonial North Carolina. Now he
was returning to Europe as minister in one of the leading
powers of the world. There were only a few higher political
or diplomatic positions that his country could offer him.
Adams did not block Campbell's appointment as minister,
as indeed he could not do,i2 since the President and the Senate
have the final say-so on such matters, but he was not pleased
v/ith it ; and he never truly welcomed Campbell as an associate
with the State Department. Adams was never overly
ll/6id., 76-78.
l^Bemis, John Quincy Adams, 262, states that Adams "had relatively little
to do Avith appointments in the foreign service. . . . President Monroe ... al-
ready had filled up most of the legations abroad by the time the Adams reached
Washington. He continued personally to attend to the vacancies that occurred
until Adam's own election to the Presidency."
MISSION TO RUSSIA 141
impressed with Campbell or with many other Westerners,^^
and he was not about to change his snobbish attitude now.
In a letter written shortly afterward to a close friend, he
expressed his innermost thoughts toward such appointments
as Campbell's: "I am no friend," he snapped, "to the pro-
fusion for the payment of public service. . . . Men of affluent
fortunes may be willing to accept as a salary for a year that
which will little more than defray their necessary expenses
for a quarter; but throughout the United States how many
men are there able by their private resources to be laid under
this contribution? And of that number, small as it is, how
many possess talents suited to represent the nation with honor
and to execute the trust of its most important interests which
must be confided to them?"i^
Immediately after his appointment, Campbell called on
Adams for preliminary instructions, and then went to Nash-
ville to prepare for his trip to Russia. He was in Nashville
until May 26, on which date he began his return trip to
Washington, and he then remained in the capital until July
3.15 jje conferred several times with Adams about his new
post. The Secretary of State impressed on him that his duties
would be of great importance, for with the downfall of Napo-
leon the Russian Government had become a leading diplomatic
power in Europe. Through the person of Alexander I the
country was dominating the Holy Alliance, impotent as it
was, and was an active member of the Quadruple Alliance
(Russia, Prussia, Austria, England). Because of the Tsar's
preeminent position, the American Department of State was
especially interested in his attitude toward relations between
ISAdams, ed., Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, IV, 67-68.
l^Adams to William Plumer, July 6, 1818, in Worthington Chauncey Ford,
ed., Writings of John Quincy Adams, 7 vols. (New York, 1913-1917), VI, 382-383.
l^Adams, ed., Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, IV, 80; Nashville Clarion &
Tennessee Gazette, May 12, 26, 1818; and G. W. Campbell Diary during My
Ministry to Russia, July 3, 1818 — October 31, 1820 (in possession of Mrs. Susan
M. Brown, Spring Hill, Tennessee) . This Diary is cited hereafter as Campbell
Diary. See Weymouth T. Jordan, ed., "Excerpts from the Diary of a Tennessean
at the Court of the Tsar, 1812-1820," East Tennessee Historical Society's Publi-
cations, XV (1943), 104-109, and his "Diary of George Washington Campbell,
American Minister to Russia, 1818-1820," Tennessee Historical Quarterly, VII
(June, September, 1948), 152-170, 259-280.
142 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Spain and the Spanish colonies in South America. The colo-
nies were seeking their independence, which many influential
Americans, led by Adams and Henry Clay, wished to recog-
nize. On several occasions Tsar Alexander had suggested
the use of the power and prestige of the Concert of Europe
to force the colonies to renew their allegiance with Spain.^^
J'or example, in May, just after Campbell's appointment,
Adams was informed by the Portuguese minister in the United
States that the Holy Alliance was determined to support Spain
in her efforts to regain the wayward colonies. Russia, added
the Portuguese, was to be rewarded for her co-operation in
the project with a grant of Spanish territory on the American
continent.i^ Adams reminded Campbell that if such a pro-
gram were allowed to materialize, it would be detrimental to
the interests of the United States, particularly in the nego-
tiations then on foot with Spain for the purchase of Florida.^^
It was evident, said Adams, that the maintenance of friendly
relations with Russia was one of the paramount interests of
the United States.
On June 28, Campbell received two letters of instruction
from Adams. The first letter had to do with several duties
Campbell was to perform in route to Russia. During his jour-
ney he would have occasion to stop off for a short time at
Elseneur (Helsingor), Denmark, where he was to deliver a
treaty which had been ratified by the United States and Swe-
den. The treaty, said Adams, was to be turned over to an
agent who would deliver it to Jonathan Russell, the American
minister at Stockholm. Campbell's next stop-over after
Elseneur would be Copenhagen, where he was to request of
16For Russia's attitude toward Latin America at this period, see Benjamin
Piatt Thomas, "Russo-American Relations, 1815-1867," Johns Hopkins Uni
versity Studies in Historical and Political Science, Series XLVIH, No. 2 (Bait
more, 1930) ; "Correspondence of the Russian Ministers in Washington, 1818
1825," American Historical Review, XVH (January, 1913), 309-345, and ibid.
XVIII (April, 1913), 537-562; Dexter Perkins, "Russia and the Spanish Colonies
1817-1818," ibid., XXVIII (July, 1923), 656-672; and William Spence Robertson
"Russia and the Emancipation of Spanish America, 1816-1826," The Hispanic
American Historical Review, XXI (May, 1941), 196-221.
17 Adams, ed., Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, IV, 86.
ISSee Bemis, John Quincy Adams, 300-340.
MISSION TO RUSSIA 143
the Danish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rosenkrantz, that
an American consul be allowed to proceed to the Danish island
of St. Thomas to replace the consul who had recently become
involved in difficulties over custom duties with the Danish
Governor-general and who had been removed at the Governor-
general's request. During his talk with Rosenkrantz, Camp-
bell was also to inform him that the American Government
had no intention of abandoning certain claims, long due, of
its citizens against Denmark. Referring to what was to be
one of Campbell's major duties while in Russia, Adams wrote,
"They [the major European powers] have not yet agreed
upon any concert of operations with regard to Spain and
South America. It will be acceptable to learn as early as pos-
sible whatever determination, and even what deliberations,
occur between them on the subject, as well as any others to
which the course of events may give rise.''^^
Adams' second letter of instruction was concerned
entirely with the new minister's duties after his arrival in
Russia. Campbell, wrote Adams, should press, but not too
vigorously, for a commercial treaty with Russia. Three for-
mer American ministers in St. Petersburg, including Adams
himself, had tried to conclude such a treaty, but with no suc-
cess. The United States, went on Adams, enjoyed the same
commercial privileges in Russia as all other countries, and
since relations were favorable at the time, it was not abso-
lutely essential to conclude a treaty. Campbell was to insist,
however, that the Russian Government continue to treat
American merchants on the same basis as other merchants
who were trading in Russia. Anything less than "most-
favored-nation" treatment was unacceptable to the United
States Government.2o
l^Adams to Campbell, June 28, 1818, in United States Ministers, Instructions,
Department of State, VIII, 205-214, 214-220 (Archives of the Department of
State, Washington) . See also Ford, ed., Writings of John Quincy Adams, VI,
352-366; and William R. Manning, ed., Diplomatic Correspondence of the United
States Concerning the Independence of the Latin-American Nations, 3 vols.
(New York, 1925-1926) , I, 71-74. This latter work includes a number of excerpts
from the Adams-Campbell correspondence of 1818-1820.
20 Adams to Campbell, June 28, 1818, in United States Ministers, Instructions,
VIII, 205-206.
144 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Another subject mentioned in the instructions was that of
Russian interests in the northwest coast of the United States.
Adams informed Campbell that the Tsar was concentrating
on the erection of a large army, rather than a navy, and that
without an efficient navy Russia was not to be feared. It was
likely, Adams concluded on this score, that her movements
on the northwest coast would "never form a subject of ser-
ious difference, or jarring interest between that empire and
the United States.''^! Of much more vital concern to the
United States, Adams said, was Russia's attitude and action
toward the conflict between Spain and her South American
colonies. Recently the Portuguese Government of Brazil had
taken Montevideo and the eastern bank of the La Plata River
from both Spain and the revolutionists. In an attempted set-
tlement of the affair the Tsar had sided with Spain, and now
he seemed to have "taken the same bias against the colonies."
If at all possible, while in Russia Campbell was to ascertain
Alexander's policy in any further disputes arising over thi^
question. On his arrival in St. Petersburg, moreover, Camp-
bell was to question government authorities concerning the
action taken at the conference of European monarchs then
going on at Aix-la-Chapelle. More specifically, he was to learn
of the exact attitude, so far as possible, of the members of the
Holy Alliance toward the whole South American question. In
his first interview with the Tsar he was to inform the Russian
Government that the United States was deeply concerned with
affairs in South America, and that it wished to co-operate
with the Allied Nations of Europe, "but we will not partici-
pate in, and cannot approve any interposition of other Powers,
unless it be to promote total Independence, political and com-
mercial, of the Colonies."22 This statement of Adams' to
Campbell indicates quite pointedly that the Secretary of State
21See ibid., 205-214. This matter of Russian interest in North America was,
however, important enough for Monroe and Adams to include a reference to the
subject in the Monroe Doctrine in 1823. See Bemis, John Quincy Adams, 384-
388.
22Adams to Campbell, June 28. 1818, in United States Ministers, Instructions,
VIII, 205-206.
MISSION TO RUSSIA 145
was working toward a policy which was to culminate several
years later (1823) in the Monroe Doctrine.
Concluding his instructions, Adams referred to General
Andrew Jackson's recent spectacular pursuit of Indians into
Spanish Florida. The irrepressible General's actions were
exceedingly embarrassing to the State Department, said
Adams. Campbell was requested to make it known as soon as
possible to the Russian Tsar that Jackson's foray had not been
sanctioned by the American Government and that the United
States was willing to adjust any differences arising over the
matter, if Spain were willing. Adams also pointed out to
Campbell that one of his important duties was to observe any
negotiations being carried on between the principal European
Powers. He should correspond freely with other American
ministers stationed in Europe, maintain a friendly inter-
course with other ministers and ambassadors accredited to
the Russian court, notice particularly if any agreements were
made concerning South American affairs, and report his
observations as soon and regularly as possible. On the lat-
ter subject, he was to report all conversations as well as agree-
ments, Adams concluded.^^
Early in July, Campbell left Washington for Boston, where
he was to embark on board the frigate, Guerriere, for Europe.
Stopping in Baltimore for one day, he took in several of the
important sights, including the "Hospital in the environs of
the town, and particularly the anatomical Cabinet, exhibit-
ing very exact representations of ail parts of the human body ;
prepared in wax-work by Doctor Joseff Chiapi, an Italian."
He also visited "Peal's museum, lately established there, con-
taining a considerable variety of natural curiosities." Mov-
ing on to Philadelphia, he and Mrs. Campbell visited the
Atheneum; "Wests celebrated painting of Christ healing the
Sick ;" the Academy of Fine Arts ; "Peak's museum, contain-
ing the most general, & probably the greatest collection of
natural curiosities to be Seen in America;" "Delaplains Gal-
'^ibid.
146 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
lery of Portraits of distinguished Americans ;" the Hospital ;
and the Library. From Philadelphia he proceeded to New
York City, where he was particularly impressed with the
masterpieces on deposit in the American Academy of Fine
Arts. From July 15 to July 24, he was in Boston, where he
visited various places of interest and was entertained by
prominent persons in and near the city, the persons includ-
ing the Governor of Massachusetts, ex-President John Adams,
Benjamin Crowninshield the Secretary of Navy, William Gray,
"& a number of distinguished gentlemen."^* He was so
impressed with his reception in New York and Boston that
he wrote General Jackson about it; and Jackson replied as
follows : "It affords me much pleasure to see the polite atten-
tion of the Eastern people toward you — This shows a spirit
of harmony towards the southern and western people that I
hope will grow into permanent harmony between the two
interests, and that party spirit & bickering will cease to exist
in our happy country.''^^
On July 24, Campbell set sail from Boston for Elseneur.
Arriving at Elseneur on August 31, after an uneventful cross-
ing except for a severe case of seasickness of Mrs. Campbell,
who was expecting a child, Campbell proceeded with the
instructions he had received from Adams. The Swedish treaty
which he had in his possession was given to an agent of the
American State Department, with orders to deliver it to Min-
ister Russell at Stockholm. The next day Campbell's ship
sailed for Copenhagen, and on arriving there he obtained an
interview with Rosenkrantz, the minister of Foreign Affairs.
Campbell expressed the good wishes of the United States
toward Denmark, and brought up the subject of stationing an
American consul on the island of St. Thomas.^^ While in Co-
penhagen, the Campbell family visited numerous palaces, art
galleries, museums, "went to see the Kings horses exercised — .
. . . Saw the King riding on horse-back," and "Dined with Mr.
24Campbell Diary, July 3-21, 1818.
25Jackson to Campbell, October 5, 1818, in Campbell Papers (in possession
of Mrs. Susan M. Brown) .
26Campbell Diary, July 24-September 4, 1818.
MISSION TO RUSSIA 147
Rosenkrantz — Minister of Foreign affairs — a very intelligent
— well informed Gentleman — and a number of High officers
of the Court, & Foreign Ministers — among them the Minister
of Finance of Denmark — Admiral Tenns — the Spanish Min-
ister— the Swedish Minister — etc etc. — "2'' On September 7
the Campbell entourage got under way on the last part of the
journey to St. Petersburg, and after stopping at several little
ports for sight-seeing adventures, reached St. Petersburg on
September 17, putting up temporarily at the Hotel de I'Europe,
which, according to Campbell, "was a very Splendid build-
ing, like a palace. "^^
While traveling from Copenhagen to St. Petersburg,
Campbell wrote Adams about his interview with Rosenkrantz.
He reported that he had asked that an American consul be
allowed on St. Thomas, but the Danish minister had refused
the request for fear that other nations would demand the same
privilege. But, Campbell reported, Rosenkrantz had made a
special concession to the United States, promising that an
American agent might be appointed "to yerform the duties
of vice-consul at St. Thomas, but not to be officially acknowl-
edged as such by the Danish Government, nor indeed, he said,
would they wish to see it announced in the newspapers." In
the same report, Campbell also informed Adams that he had
talked with the Spanish minister at the Danish court, and
had learned that the subject of Spain's relations with her
South American colonies, in which Adams was so interested,
would be discussed by the crowned heads at Aix-la-Chapelle.^^
When Campbell arrived in St. Petersburg, the Tsar and
his minister of Foreign Affairs, Count Nesselrode, were
attending the conference then going on at Aix-la-Chapelle.
Campbell therefore presented his credentials to the acting
minister of Foreign Affairs, D'Oubril, who informed him
that he could not be officially recognized as Amer-
^Ibid., September 4, 1818.
^Ibid., September 7-17, 1818.
29Campbell to Adams, September 15, 1818, in Russia, George W. Campbell,
July 21, 1818— September 12, 1820, Department of State (Archives of the De-
partment of State). Cited hereafter as Russia, G. W. Campbell.
148 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
ican minister until the emperor's return, which was
expected during the early part of November; meanwhile,
D'Oubril said, he could proceed with ordinary business. In
the interval before the emperor's return to St. Petersburg,
Campbell's time was fully occupied. He appointed Charles
Pinkney as both his official and private secretary ; he attend-
ed to several personal matters such as renting a house,
engaging a carriage, and hiring several Negro servants; and
he made himself known to all the members of the diplomatic
corps at the Russian court. Of the diplomats he was partic-
ularly impressed with Count Laval of FrancCj^" with whom
he spent much of his time during his stay in Russia. Since
French was the official language of the Russian court, Camp-
bell set about to learn it and perhaps received some instruc-
tion from Laval. During the first few months of his minis-
try, his Diary, which he kept while he was minister, was
filled with easy French phrases. After about a year he became
quite adept with the language.
His first dispatch to Adams contained some rather inter-
esting information. He had dined with Count Laval, who
was thoroughly shocked when he heard of Andrew Jackson's
recent military actions in Florida. Laval hoped, Campbell
said, that the United States would not countenance the
General's actions, and he believed that the Tsar would feel
the same way. Campbell also remarked in his dispatch that
the ministers at the Russian court were extremely reticent
in their conversation : "I need not tell you that no one speaks
freely here, if at all, on matters of state." He would, he
reminded Adams, keep the State Department posted on every
subject that he thought would be of any interest or value.^^
On October 31, Campbell forwarded to Adams some infor-
mation concerning the Aix-la-Chapelle conference. It was a
confirmed fact, he said, that Spain had insisted that no final
30Campbell Diary, Sepember 18 — December 31, 1818. See also William
Pinkney to Campbell, July 21, 1818, in Campbell Papers (in possession of Mrs.
Susan M. Brown) .
31Campbell to Adams, September 25, 1818, in Russia, G. W. Campbell.
MISSION TO RUSSIA 149
action be taken by the conference in regard to Spanish inter-
ests in Latin America. He thought that Spain had made this
demand because she had not been invited to send delegates
to the conference. From his same source of information he
had learned that England had offered her services as media-
tor in the disputes between Spain and her colonies. England,
he added, was not willing to use force to carry out any course
which might be decided by mediation. This fact that Eng-
land had offered to mediate the disputes was not new to
Adams, but undoubtedly he was glad to have it confirmed by
Campbell or by any other source, for it represented a rift
within the ranks of the Quadruple Alliance, which was all to
the good as far as the promotion of independence of the South
American colonies was concerned.^^
Adams was greatly concerned at this time over what atti-
tude Russia, as leader of the Holy Alliance, might take on
the whole Latin American question. In regard to Latin Amer-
ican affairs he was now contemplating a specific course of
action, which he called to Campbell's attention in a letter of
instructions dated August 20, 1818: "Referring to your
instructions on the subject of South- American affairs, I am
now directed to enquire what part you think the Russian
Government will take in regard to the dispute between Spain
and her Colonies, and in what light they will view an acknowl-
edgement of the Independence of the Colonies by the United
States? Whether they will view it as an act of hostility to
Spain, and in case Spain should declare war against us, in
consequence, whether Russia will take part with her in it.''^^
When Campbell received this significant inquiry, his reply
was that in his opinion Alexander would use all his influence
to aid Spain regain her colonies. And as for Russia's attitude
toward American recognition of the independence of the South
American colonies, he reported:
^^Ibid. to ibid., October 31, 1818, in ibid. See also Benjamin Rush to Adams,
July 25, August 3, 1818, in Manning, ed.. Diplomatic Correspondence of the
United States, III, 1443-1449.
33Adams to Campbell, August 20, 1818, in United States Ministers, Instruc-
tions, VIII, 247.
150 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
... he [Alexander] would view in an unfavorable light an
acknowledgement of the independence of the Colonies by our
Government, and would in such event be inclined to induce the
Allied Powers to interpose if there was a prospect of success, to
prevent the establishment of such extensive independent states
and the consequent spread of republican principles; but he would
not separately unite with Spain in a war against the United States.
For though his military is enormous, estimated at more than a
million of the best disciplined troops in Europe, yet the better
opinion seems to be, that his true character is that of a calculating
politician, that he does not possess in a distinguished degree mili-
tary talents, and is not inclined to engage in war. It is therefore
most probable he will use his great personal influence (for his
manner is said to be very prepossessing) as well as that derived
from the immense physical force he could command to accomplish
his views by over-awing the councils of Europe, without hazarding
his present high standing, by engaging single-handed in any great
contest.
... in the meantime I shall not fail to pursue the enquiries
on this subject, aided by such new lights as the return of the
court and my presentation to the emperor may put it in my pow-
er to obtain, . . .
Campbell also, in this same report, reminded Adams that in
determining its policy toward the South American colonies,
the United States should never forget the importance of
Alexander's position in Europe, for, according to Campbell,
the Tsar was "at present without doubt the great arbiter of
the politics of Europe;" and the new Quintuple Alliance
(Russia, Prussia, Austria, England, and France) just formed
at Aix-la-Chapelle, would, he concluded, "for some time,
greatly influence if not control the conduct of all the powers
of Europe."34
On January 8, 1819, Alexander finally returned to St.
Petersburg, and shortly afterward Campbell, after being in
Russia for more than three months, was officially accredited
as American minister. On February 7, he was presented to
the emperor, and within the next few days to the empress,
the empress mother, and the Grand Duke Nicholas and the
Duchess. He was especially impressed with the Grand
Duchess, whom he described as "a very fine handsome woman
— rather tall — fair complexion — delicate in her form, & Soft
&. elegant in her manners." Of the Grand Duke, Campbell
34CampbeIl to Adams, December 22, 1818, in Russia, G. W. Campbell.
MISSION TO RUSSIA 151
wrote in his Diary : "The Duke himself is a very good-looking
man — a plain & tolerably intelligent face — & a pleasant
countenance. "35 in giving to Adams an account of the pre-
sentation to the emperor, Campbell reiterated his earlier opin-
ion on Alexander's probable attitude toward American rec-
ognition of the former Spanish American colonies. Now,
Campbell reported, the emperor had stated quite emphat-
ically that he would not countenance United States recogni-
tion of the colonies. The Tsar had added, however, that he
would give military aid to Spain only in conjunction with the
other European countries. The Aix-la-Chapeile conference
had proposed to the king of Spain that Lord Wellington of
England be appointed to mediate between Spain and her colo-
nies, but Alexander believed, Campbell wrote, that Spain was
unwilling to come to terms. Even so, Russia would be forced,
with the aid of others, "to maintain the cause of legitimacy,
& prevent the establishment of such powerful Independent
States, as might by giving a wider spread to free principles,
tend to endanger its stability.''^^
In a private letter written to President Monroe more than
a month after his reception with the Tsar, Campbell gave
a more personal account of his meeting with Alexander. He
believed, he said, that "the imperial family possesses more
of what is termed good breeding than any other Royal family
in Europe." In describing the emperor, Campbell wrote his
old friend that Alexander did not seem to have a "great
mind" and "His real character is no doubt that of a calcu-
lating politician, rather cautious than enterprising, and not
ashamed to use flattery." However, the emperor was, it
seemed to him after meeting and talking with him, deter-
mined to maintain the commanding position that he held
among the great powers of Europe.^'^
Campbell thus was busily engaged in St. Petersburg, but
all was not well with him from a personal standpoint. Dur-
35Campbell Diary, February 28, 1819.
36Campbell to Adams, February 18, 1819, in Russia, G. W. Campbell.
37Campbell to Monroe, March 20, 1819, in Monroe Papers.
152 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
ing his first winter in Russia a calamity occurred in his fam-
ily from which he never fully recovered: the death of three
of his children. All of them succumbed to the same disease,
typhus fever, and all three were buried in the English church
in St. Petersburg. The first death, that of his second son,
Benjamin, occurred on April 10, 1819. Two days later the
oldest child in the family, George, died; and on April 14,
Elizabeth McKay also succumbed. A fourth child, born after
the Campbells arrival in Russia, was the only one to sur-
vive.^s These deaths were tragic indeed, and took much of the
joy out of the Campbells' sojourn in Russia. After the chil-
drens' deaths, Campbell received numerous messages of con-
dolence from the members of the imperial family and from
his fellow-members of the diplomatic corps, and during the
rest of his stay in Russia he received much personal atten-
tion from the emperor himself. The loss to his family was
almost more than he and Mrs. Campbell could bear, however.
It was not until more than a month after the heart-rendering
event that Campbell recovered sufficiently to resume his
normal activities as minister. After April, 1819, his greatest
desire, and one which he persistently placed before Adams
and Monroe, was to leave Russia, which had brought him an
irreparable loss.^^
In a dispatch to Adams, of May 3, Campbell informed
the Secretary of State of the deaths of his children. He also
included some more welcomed news, probably the most import-
ant information he sent to Washington while he was in
Russia :
The struggle in South America for Independence, will, there
is now reason to believe, be allowed to progress without interrup-
SSCampbell Diary, March 30 — April 19, 1820. George was born on Septem-
ber 1, 1813, in Georgetown, Maryland; Benjamin was born January 8, 1815, in
Nashville; and Elizabeth on October 8, 1815, in Nashville. After the death of
his three children, Campbell gave the name of George to his remaining son.
Two children were born later: Elizabeth, also known as Lyzinka, and Benja-
min. Thus the names of George, Benjamin, and Elizabeth were used twice
among the Campbell children. The second George and Lyzinka were the only
children to survive Campbell. Family Bible of the L. M. Brown Family.
39Campbell to Adams, May 14, June 5, 26, 1819, in Russia, G. W. Campbell;
Campbell Diary, April 14— May 14, 1819.
MISSION TO RUSSIA 153
tion from this quarter. The conduct of old Spain, has not, it is
presumed, been such as to induce, on the part of the Emperor, a
Disposition in her favor. The events there appear to be viewed
with a less lively interest than formerly.
There is reason to believe that about the close of the Congress
at Aix-la-Chapelle instructions were given on the part of this
government to put in a state of preparation for active service at
the opening of the Spring twelve ships of the line, besides other
vessels.
This step, it is understood, was taken with the view of being
prepared to cooperate with Spain, should it become necessary, in
enforcing such measures relating to her revolted Colonies as might
be in accordance with the recommendation of the allied sovereigns;
and under an impression that she would acquiesce in the course
proposed by them, of mediation, .... Not long after the return of
the Emperor, however, to the capital, the foregoing instructions
were, it is said, countermanded, and the usual number only of
vessels of war were directed to be prepared for service; in conse-
quence, it is believed, of information received by this court, that
Spain was not disposed to pursue the course suggested to her by
the crowned heads at Aix-la-Chapelle; and since that time, it
would seem, a less lively interest is manifested here in relation to
the affairs of South America.40
To Adams, this was welcomed news indeed, although it
is probable that he had already been informed that Spain
had refused to accept the mediation offered at Aix-la-Chapelle.
But this first-hand information from Campbell on the shift
of the Russian attitude was naturally of great value in work-
ing out a policy toward South America. For the time being,
at least, the United States would not have to worry excess-
ively about Russian interference in South American affairs.*^
And probably of more significance, to Adams' way of think-
ing, was the fact that his Department could infer from Camp-
bell's dispatch that Russia would also not interpose with the
ratification of the treaty which had recently been drawn up
between Spain and the United States over the disposition of
Florida. Campbell indeed sent home some good news.*^
40Campbell to Adams, May 3, 1819, in Russia, G. W. Campbell.
41See Foster Rhea Dulles, The Road to Teheran, The Story of Russia and
America, 1781-1945 (Princeton, 1945), 38-46. W. P. Cresson, The Holy Alliance,
The European Background of the Monroe Doctrine (New York, 1922), 88-91,
quotes from and sums up the importance of some of Campbell's dispatches to
Adams.
42The Florida treaty was signed in February, 1819, and was ratified two
years later, after much bickering.
154 GEOEGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
By the early spring of 1819, Campbell was anxious to
leave Russia, and on May 14, one month after the death of
his children, he asked Adams for his recall. He desired, he
said, to return to the United States as soon as propriety would
allow, and the latest he could possibly remain in Russia was
the spring of 1820. If absolutely necessary, he would agree
to remain in Russia until 1820, but he hoped that he could
go home sooner.^^ In a letter to President Monroe, dated
May 15, he stated that there was very little business of
importance to transact with the Russian Government. He
had made several attempts to conclude a commercial treaty,
he told Monroe, but so far his efforts had not been rewarded.
He wanted to continue serving the United States, but he
desired both a more pleasant climate and a location where
he could obtain more frequent news about affairs at home.^*
During the summer of 1819 the Campbells turned to a
round of sight-seeing, giving parties, attending balls, visit-
ing various towns near St. Petersburg, visiting art galleries,
reviewing troops, and observing sham battles. The high point
of the summer for Campbell socially was a court dinner,
August 20, at Pavlovsky, where he sat at the same table as
the empress and the empress mother. He recorded in his
Diary that the empress "attracted much attention & general
admiration — Her modest aspect & demeanor, add much to
the effect produced by her other engaging qualities — Her face
is rather interesting than striking — plain — & though not
handsome, the features are fairly drawn, & well arranged.
The old Empress, more masculine — with strong traits of
character — more pompous — and less loved by the people. "^^
During this period, Campbell had few official duties to
perform, for the court was away from St. Petersburg dur-
ing the greater part of the spring and early summer of 1819,
43Campbell to Adams, May 14, 1819, in Russia, G. W. Campbell.
44Campbell to Monroe, May 15, 1819, in Monroe Papers. Campbell also
complained bitterly throughout his Diary of his lack of information about
American affairs while he was in Russia.
45Campbell Diary, August 20, May 24— July 15, 1819.
MISSION TO RUSSIA 155
and, as he often wrote in his Diary, he received few instruc-
tions from Adams. In June, he made another effort to obtain
a commercial treaty with Russia, but again Nesselrode evaded
the question.*^ He did, however, continue his conversations
with the other diplomats at St. Petersburg, and whenever
possible tried to sound them out on the Florida treaty, which
now had become one of the more important objectives of the
American State Department. In July, he reported to Adams
that every minister to whom he had talked seemed satisfied that
Florida was to fall into the hands of the United States rather
than England, as many of them had expected.^^ A short time
later he also received a letter from the American minister
in England, Richard Rush, informing him that England had
promised openly not to interfere in the ratification of the
treaty, "and does not intend to give us any trouble on this
head."48
Russia's attitude toward the treaty took a very different
turn, however. During the summer Tsar Alexander once
more caused Adams much concern. On June 3, Adams wrote
Campbell that M. P. de Politica, Russian minister to the
United States, had informed him that the Russian Govern-
ment was still unwilling to sanction United States recogni-
tion of the revolted Spanish colonies in South America; and,
moreover, if American recognition occurred it would be
looked on " — as an act of hostility against Spain the Emper-
or's ally." As a result of this information, although Adams
knew what England's policy would be in connection with the
Florida treaty, now of primary importance to him, he still
was uncertain about Russia. He urged Campbell to suggest
to the Tsar that Russia stay out of the matter.*^
By August, the question of the ratification of the Florida
treaty was the paramount consideration of the Department
46/6id., June 19, 1819.
47Campbell to Adams, July 20, 1819, in Russia, G. W. Campbell.
48Rush to Campbell, Jnly 24, 1819, in Campbell Papers (in possession of Mrs.
Susan M. Brown) .
49Adams to Campbell, June 3, 1819, in United States Ministers, Instructions,
VIII, 340.
156 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
of State, and Adams sent out a circular on the subject to
the American ministers in Russia, England, and France. The
United States, said Adams, and he presumably was bluffing,
was willing to accept ratification of the treaty within the
next six months, but the latest date at which it would accept
was the first Monday in December, 1819. At that time, he
reminded the three ministers, Congress would convene, and
if the ratified treaty was not then in the hands of the State
Department, the whole matter would be placed before Con-
gress for settlement. There was no way of ascertaining what
action might be taken by an unpredictable Congress, and all
consequences would rest entirely on Spain for not having
ratified the treaty. President Monroe, concluded Adams, was
determined to take possession of two towns in Florida, Pen-
sacola and St. Augustine, even if the Spanish king failed to
ratify the treaty, for he believed that since an agreement
had been made Spain ought to honor it. Campbell was asked
to forward this information to the Tsar.^o
Campbell now had something to do, and he set about it
eagerly. The Russian court became quite excited when Nessel-
rode was informed of the action contemplated by President
Monroe. Campbell was questioned closely on the subject by both
the Tsar and Nesselrode, but, as he reported to Adams, he
still did not believe that Alexander would intervene in behalf
of Spain. "The influence of the Emperor with Ferdinand had
declined (perhaps occassioned [sic] by the result of the con-
tract respecting the Russian ships of war), and the same
cordiality did not now exist between the two countries as for-
merly," reiterated CampbelL^^ This dispatch was written on
October 13, 1819 ; and Campbell pressed the advantages which
the United States held over Spain, Later, on November 1,
Campbell informed Nesselrode that Spain was planning to
send a special minister to the United States to sound out the
sentiments of the State Department on the Florida treaty.
This move on the part of Spain, said Campbell to Nesselrode,
50/6id. to ibid., August 23, 1819, in ibid., 358-360.
SlCampbell to Adams, October 13, 1819, in Russia, G. W. Campbell.
MISSION TO RUSSIA 157
was an unforgivable breach of faith, since the treaty had
been drawn up by ministers with full powers. Spain, argued
Campbell, was trying to back down on its agreement. Nessel-
rode admitted that the Spanish should go ahead with the
treaty, and that President Monroe was within his rights in
demanding possession of Pensacola and St. Augustine. In
reporting on this interview, Campbell also wrote: "From M.
Nesselrode's manner as well as from what he said, I was
under the impression that he felt a degree of chagrin as well
as regret at the conduct of Spain on this occasion, not unac-
companied with some anxiety for the consequences that might
result therefrom. "S2 This sort of information was precisely
what Adams wanted, of course.
That the Russian Government was indeed anxiously con-
cerned over Spain's refusal to ratify the Florida treaty was
demonstrated shortly afterward when Nesselrode instructed
the Russian minister in Washington to implore the United
States not to go to war with Spain over the matter.^^ That
guch anxiety would result had of course been the aim of Mon-
roe and Adams in announcing their ultimatum. Their course
of action was a means of testing the support which Spain
could expect from those European courts, including Russia,
which had supported her in the past. That Alexander I
backed down from his previous threatening position was
gratifying.
After having pointedly called Nesselrode's attention to
Monroe's proposed course in regard to the Florida treaty,
Campbell again turned to the social life of St. Petersburg.
On November 21, 1819, Mrs. Campbell was finally presented
to the royal family, and, according to Campbell, "She was
recvd. in the kindest manner, by the Empress as well as the
Emperor, who were together in the Same room into which
she was ushered — They requested her to sit on the Same
52/6id!. to ibid., November 1, 1819, in ibid. See also the Nashville Whig,
April 6, 1820, for a portion of this dispatch.
53See Hildt, "Early Diplomatic Negotiations of the United States with Rus-
sia," loc. cit~ 135-142.
158 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Sofa with the Empress — who sat beside her, & the Emperor
in a chair near her, & in front — both conversed with her in
the kindest manner, & Shewed every attention, they could
have done to a relative, — ^treating her more like a friend &
relation, than as a Stranger — "^'^ During the latter part of
November Campbell spent much of his time calling on var-
ious ministers, all of whom were much interested in the
probable outcome of the dispute between the United States
and Spain over the Florida treaty, and this bit of information
he sent to Adams.^s On November 28, he received notice from
Adams that President Monroe had granted his request for
recall from Russia "at such time as may suit your wishes;
but ... he hopes you will remain, until the ensuing spring —
on taking your departure you will leave the affairs of the
Legation in the charge of Mr. Pinkney." Campbell's imme-
diate reply was that he would leave in the spring, "as early
as the circumstances will permit.''^**
At a meeting with Nesselrode, December 10, Campbell
again discussed the subject of Spanish ratification of the
Florida treaty. He informed Nesselrode that although he was
unaware of what action had been taken by Spain, he believed
that President Monroe would carry out the procedure already
decided upon : if the treaty had not yet been ratified, it was
now very likely in the hands of Congress, he said. Nessel-
rode on this occasion brought up another subject of much
interest to Campbell, namely: commercial relations between
their two countries and a new tariff which the Russian min-
ister said would be advantageous to the United States. As
Campbell wrote later to Adams, the tariff allowed admission
of all American goods into Russia, except a few with which
Russian manufacturers did not wish to compete. Many
duties, particularly on clothes, were to be reduced, while the
rate on refined sugar was appreciably increased. Rates on
raw sugar, on the other hand, were to be greatly reduced,
54Campbell Diary, November 21, 1819.
SSCampbell to Adams, November 28, 1819, in Russia, G. W. Campbell.
^Hhid.; Adams to Campbell, August 23, 1819, in United States Ministers, In-
structions, VIII, 360-361; Campbell Diary, November 28, 1819.
MISSION TO RUSSIA 159
and this would be especially favorable to American mer-
chants because most raw sugar imported by Russia came
from the West Indies and the greater part of it was shipped
in American bottoms. To Campbell it seemed that certain
sections of the Russian tariff had been written especially
for the benefit of the United States, and he reported Nessel-
rode as remarking that he, too, thought it "highly favorable
to the trade of the United States with this country.''^^ Camp-
bell's conclusion was that the new tariff was very likely the
best arrangement that could be made with Russia, for he
did not believe that Nesselrode wished to enter into commer-
cial agreements with any foreign government. His reason
for this, said Campbell, was the desire to protect Russian
manufacturing, and he wanted no written stipulations with
other countries which might harm home industry.^s Campbell
had reason to be pleased with this Russian tariff. He very
probably had nothing to do with bringing about the tariff,
but it was arranged while he was in Russia, and at least that
was more than could be said for three previous ministers in
Russia.
During the last six months of his ministry in Russia,
Campbell carried on little official business, again utilizing
most of his time in attending court balls, parades, dining
with other ministers, traveling near St. Petersburg, and in
having his portrait pamted.^^ On one occasion, March 4, 1820,
he attended a public examination of a young girls' school in
St. Petersburg. He was pleased with everything except the
dancing of the girls. They knew something about natural
history, electricity, and music, he said, but their dancing
"resembled that of the Chevalier Guards or a military regi-
ment going through their military exercises. "^^ One of his
letters written during this period should be noted, however,
for in it Campbell summed up his opinion of Alexander and
57Campbell to Adams, December 22, 1819, in Russia, G. W. Campbell;
Campbell Diary, December 10, 1819.
S^Campbell to Adams, February 28, 1820, in Russia, G. W. Campbell.
59Campbell Diary, January — June, 1820.
mbid., March 4, 1820.
160 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Russia. He wrote Monroe, on January 30, 1820, that it was
the general belief at the Russian court that the United States
and Spain would adjust their differences "without resort to
actual hostilities," The Tsar was much interested in main-
taining the status quo in Europe, "so as to guard at least
against any innovations calculated to endanger or in any man-
ner weaken the cause of legitimacy." Alexander, said Camp-
bell, was meddling in all affairs of the world, and under his
leadership Russia was offering her services to settle disputes
between other countries, but "when such differences assume
a serious aspect, and she is called on to avow herself and take
a decided part towards their adjustment, she at once holds
herself aloof." He believed that his first impression of the
Tsar was correct, and still considered him as "a calculating,
designing, and some would say, cunning politician. "^^ This
diagnosis of Alexander has become the generally accepted
one, and it was particularly borne out, as were other of
Campbell's opinions of Russia, when Alexander and the rest
of Spain's former friends deserted that unhappy country
and she was forced into a ratification of the Florida treaty.®^
In March, 1820, Adams received several dispatches from
Campbell emphasizing the fact that Russia hoped for a peace-
ful settlement of the ratification of the Florida treaty. Both
the Tsar and Nesselrode, he said, begged that the United
States would not take measures of self-satisfaction against
Spain because of that country's refusal to ratify the treaty.^
Campbell had now indeed sent some welcomed news to Wash-
ington. The Russian entreaty was considered of such import-
ance that it was incorporated into President Monroe's mes-
sage of March 27 to Congress, in which he emphasized the
great interest Alexander had shown in the whole affair.
Because of the Tsar's concern, and more particularly because
filCampbell to Monroe, January 30, 1820, in Monroe Papers.
62Maurice Paleologue, The Enigmatic Czar, The Life of Alexander I of
Russia (New York, 1938), 318, concludes that Alexander has "remained a rid-
dle." See also Leonid I. Strakhovsky, Alexander I, The Man who Defeated
Napoleon (New York, 1947), 7-9, 250-252, 275-279.
63Adams, ed., Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, V, 24.
MISSION TO RUSSIA 161
a new Spanish minister, with full power to ratify the treaty,
was expected to arrive soon in Washington, Monroe recom-
mended to Congress that the ratification question be post-
poned until the next session of Congress.^ After this recom-
mendation was made and acceded to, Russia showed little fur-
ther interest in the Florida treaty.
On May 17, 1820, Campbell informed Nesselrode of his
proposed departure for the United States; and on July 3 he
presented Charles Pinkney to Nesselrode as the official rep-
resentative of his country in Russia until a new minister
should arrive. On July 7 he had a farewell interview with
the Tsar, at which time Alexander emphasized that he was
v/ell pleased with the new developments in the Florida situa-
tion.65 The next day, Campbell and his family, "with our
baggage — & our servants — four in number — ^two females —
and two men — went on board the Steam-boat engaged of
Baird for use alone to take us to Cornstadt." That evening
the entourage embarked at Cornstadt for Gravesend, Eng-
land. On arriving at the latter place, it went by post chaise
to London, where it arrived on August 2.^^
Campbell remained in London for several weeks, attend-
ing theaters, visiting numerous places of interest, including
Parliament, then traveled for a short time in France and
back to England. Finally he arrived in New York City on
October 29, went to Washington to report to Monroe and
Adams, and proceeded to Nashville, where he arrived on Jan-
uary 7, 1821. In Nashville he was the man of the hour, for
he had now held more important political offices than any
other man in his state. Shortly after his return to Nashville
he was honored at a public dinner given him by the most
prominent citizens of Middle Tennessee. On January 16,
according to a newspaper account of the affair, "a large and
64Richardson, ed.. Messages and Papers of the Presidents, II, 69.
esCampbell to Adams, May 17, July 7, 1820, in Russia, G. W. Campbell;
Campbell Diary, June 24, July 3, 1820. Campbell was on the payroll officially
as minister from April 18, 1818, to July, 1820; the expenses of his ministry
amounted to $35,733.89. Niles' Weekly Register, XXIII (October 19, 1822), 110.
66Campbell Diary, July 8— August 2, 1820.
162 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
respectable assembly sat down at a handsome dinner, pre-
pared by Capt. Kingsley [proprietor of a Nashville inn] for
the occasion, at which Major Gen. Andrew Jackson pre-
sided," in honor of Campbell.^'^
67Nashville Whig, January 24, 1821. See also ibid., January 10, 1821; Camp-
bell Diary, August 3 — October 29, 1820; Jenkins Whiteside and others to Camp-
bell, January 12, 1821, in Campbell Papers (in possession of Mrs. Susan M.
Brown).
Chapter VIII
SOLVING A FRENCH IMBROGLIO
In the years following his return to the United States
from Russia, Campbell held only one more position of a pub-
lic nature: On July 14, 1832, he was appointed by President
Andrew Jackson to serve as one of three commissioners to
carry out certain provisions of the Rives treaty with France,
which was concluded in 1831. ^
The Rives treaty was an important accomplishment in
American diplomacy.^ In the period 1800-1830 the governments
of the United States and France were confronted with some
perplexing problems, of which the most complicated was the
claims held by Americans against France for spoliations on
American commerce between the years 1806 and 1814. Over
these spoliations, there developed one of the most entangled
controversies in the diplomatic history of the United States.
Before the controversy was brought to a successful close the
disputants verged on war, and armed conflict was averted
possibly for two major reasons : the hard-fisted, blunt, "shirt-
sleeve" diplomacy (an innovation for the United States) of
President Jackson and the exceedingly embarrassing turn
which both domestic and continental affairs took for France
in the 1830's. Here the main concern is the American aspect
of the execution of the Rives treaty.
The spoliations in question occurred during the period
Napoleon Bonaparte was attempting to enforce his Conti-
nental System, in the course of which a series of Decrees was
IJackson to Campbell, July 14, 1832, in Journal of the Claims Commission
under the Convention between the United States and France, Concluded July
4, 1831, Department of State, September 17, 1832 (Archives of the Department of
State, Washington) . Cited hereafter as Official Journal, Claims Commission.
2For the text of the treaty see, for example, William M. Malloy, ed., Treaties,
Conventions, International Acts, Protocols, and Agreements between the United
States of America and Other Powers, 1776-1909, 2 vols. (Washington, 1910), I,
523. See also Hunter Miller, ed., Treaties and Other International Acts of the
United States of America, 8 vols. (Washington, 1931-1948), III, 641-651; and
John Bassett Moore, History and Digest of the International Arbitrations to
Which the United States Has Been a Party, 6 vols. (Washington, 1898), V,
4447-4485.
164 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
issued ordering French sea captains and port officials to seize
neutral ships and cargoes.^ As a result of the Decrees as well
as of British Orders-in-Council of the same period, Amer-
ican shipping suffered severely. Despite American protests,
French seizures continued until Napoleon's temporary over-
throw in 1814. During those years, as well as after Napo-
leon's well-known Hundred Days and the return of the Bour-
bon family to the throne, the United States Government per-
sisted in its demands for indemnity payments. For nearly
two decades much of the diplomatic correspondence between
France and the United States was concerned with the ques-
tion of spoliation payments.
Until the year 1831, American ministers in Paris failed
miserably in their efforts to solve the outstanding contro-
versies with France.^ Finally, on July 4, 1831, William Cabell
Rives of Virginia, who was American minister to France,
managed to conclude a treaty providing both for settlement
of the spoliations and the problem of duties to be placed on
certain goods (cotton to France and wines to the United
States) shipped between his country and France. Financial
arrangements specified in the treaty were: the United States
was to pay 1,500,000 francs to France arising from commer-
cial clauses of the treaty for the cession of Louisiana in 1803 ;
as indemnity for spoliations during the Napoleonic era France
should pay 25,000,000 francs to the United States. The
United States agreed also to distribute the 25,000,000 francs
"Among those entitled, in the manner and according to the
rules which it shall determine."^ Ratifications of the treaty
were exchanged at Washington, February 2, 1832 ; the treaty
SThe important Decrees were the Berlin, November, 1806; Milan, November,
1807; Bayonne, April, 1808; Vienna, August, 1809; and Rambouillet, March,
1810.
4See Richard Aubrey McLemore, Franco-American Diplomatic Relations,
1816-1836 (Baton Rouge, 1941). This book does not contain a discussion of
the material included here. See also William B. Hatcher, Edward Livingston,
Jeffersonian Republican and Jacksonian Democrat (Baton Rouge, 1941), 420-
457; and G. A. King, "The French Spoliations Claims," American Journal of
International Law, VI (April, July, October, 1912), 359-380, 629-649, 830-857.
SMalloy, ed., Treaties, I, 523; Miller, ed.. Treaties, III, 641, 642; Register of
Debates, 22 Cong., 1 Sess. (1831-1832), 1201.
SOLVING A FRENCH IMBROGLIO 165
was proclaimed July 13, 1832; and on the latter date the
Senate passed an Act establishing a Commission to adjudi-
cate spoliation claims held by Americans against France.^
It was through this Commission that Campbell was asso-
ciated with the spoliations question.
In naming the three Commissioners to perform the tre-
mendous task of distributing claims to Americans, President
Jackson acted as might be expected : only staunch Democrats
were appointed, and Campbell was included among the three
members. Since Jackson followed a policy of putting his
friends and fellow-Tennesseans on important commissions
and in government positions, it was quite natural for him to
turn to Campbell, his friend and neighbor and long-time
correspondent, as a member of the Board. A more practical
reason for Campbell's appointment was the fact that he was
a member of Congress during the greater part of the very
period when France made its attacks on American ships.
Moreover, while in Congress he was particularly interested
in the foreign affairs of the United States. And of special
importance, in his famous Report to Congress, of November
22, 1808, he rendered a detailed account of French seizures
of American vessels between 1804 and 1808 ; and as a result
of his connection with the Report it is quite likely that Jack-
son could not have found a more suitable person for mem-
bership on the Commission. It is entirely probable that
Campbell was as well acquainted, in the year 1832, with for-
eign attacks on American owned ships between 1804 and 1812
as any person then living in the United States. President
Jackson showed good judgment in selecting him as a mem-
ber of the Board.
According to the congressional act establishing the Claims
Commission, Campbell and his colleagues, John K. Kane of
Pennsylvania and Thomas W. Williams of Mississippi, were
to begin their duties in Washington on August 6, 1832. On
that date, however, only Kane was present, Campbell and
SMiller, ed.. Treaties, III, 641; Register of Debates, 22 Cong., 1 Sess. (1831-
1832), 1201; 4 Statutes at Large, 574-576.
166 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Williams not having reached Washington since receiving their
letters of appointment. Nevertheless, Kane took his oath of
office, and on the part of the Commission set up office in a
room in the Department of State Building, in which the Board
of Commissioners was to perform its work. On his own
authority, Kane called the next meeting of the Board for
September 17. On the latter date Campbell and Williams
were present, and at that time were sworn into office.'^
The next day the Commission drew up its formal plan of
procedure. For the time being no chairman was to be selected
and it was agreed that all questions brought before the Board
for consideration should be decided by majority vote. In the
presentation of memorials for claims, it was agreed that all
persons having claims against France under the Rives treaty
should file their memorials with the secretary of the Com-
mission. Because such a long time had elapsed since the dep-
redations had occurred on which claims were to be settled, it
was decided that persons presenting claims should designate
precisely for whom the claim was being preferred. Each
memorial, the Commissioners decided, should also state
whether the claimant had been a citizen of the United States
at the time he first presented his claim. Every memorial was
to be verified by an affidavit. Having established these essen-
tial procedures, the Commission adjourned until December
17. A notice was placed in the chief Washington newspaper,
the Daily National Intelligencer, informing the public of the
preliminary work done by the Commission, and requesting
claimants to file their memorials properly and at an early
date. The Board, it said, wished to get along with its work as
soon as possible.^
'^Official Journal, Claims Commission, August 6, September 17, 1832 ; G. W.
Campbell, Journal of the French Spoliation Claims Commission, 1 (Library of
Congress). See also Weymouth T. Jordan, ed., "George Washington Campbell's
Journal of the French Spoliations Claims Commission, 1832-1835," East Ten-
nessee Historical Society's Publications, XIX (1947), 98-109; and John H. Fred-
erick, "John Kintzing Kane," in Johnson and Malone, eds., Dictionary of Amer-
ican Biography, X, 257-258.
^Washington Daily National Intelligencer, September 20, 1832 ; Official Jour-
nal, Claims Commission, September 18, 1832.
SOLVING A FRENCH IMBROGLIO 167
Pursuant to its adjournment the Board met again on
December 17, 1832, and remained in session until March 5,
1833. From December 28 until March 3 it met every day,
except holidays, and during that time received 721 memor-
ials. Few decisions v^ere rendered on the validity of the claims
presented, however; and according to a rule adopted by the
Commission, no money was to be awarded until the last session
of the body, that is, until after all the memorials presented had
been examined and passed on. It was also decided that if a
memorial was drawn up and placed before the Board accord-
ing to the Board's specifications it was to be accepted for
examination; if not, the memorial was to be rejected. As it
happened, a majority of the memorials presented to Campbell
and his colleagues at this session did not conform to the rules
laid down, and thus they were rejected outright. On March
5, 1833, the Commission had examined all memorials which
had been received. It therefore adjourned until June 10, to
await the presentation of additional claims. Before recess-
ing, the Commissioners ordered that in the future all
memorials should be filed before the date of the Commission's
next meeting; the examination of petitions received during
a sitting of the Board would be postponed, they said, until
the following sitting. Memorialists were promised, however,
that their claims would be examined at least within six months
after being placed in the hands of the Commission.^
During the second session of the full Commission many
very complicated questions of international law arose on which
it was impossible to hand down a decision, the reason being
that international law in regard to the questions to be settled
had not been determined by any agency at the time the Board
was created. The Board, therefore, had to render its own
opinion of international law in some instances. The Rives
treaty, itself, had stated, of course, that the 25,000,000 francs
SQflBcial Journal, Claims Commission, December 17, 1832 — March 9, 1833;
Campbell Journal, Claims Commission, 10. See also the Report of the Board
of Commissioners Organized under the Convention between the United States
and France, for the Settlement of Claims, Concluded July 4, 1831 (Archives of
the Department of State, Washington) . Cited hereafter as Report of the
Commission.
168 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
received from France should be distributed by the United
States "in the manner and according to the rules which it
shall determine." Realizing the complexity of some of the
problems with which it was faced, in an effort to help reach
a decision on many of the claims being presented, the Board
urged claimants to engage a lawyer to draw up their peti-
tions. In this connection, according to Campbell, 'The Board
having during this session suspended its decision, as to some
memorials which have been filed, in order to allow itself time
for considering more deliberately & maturely, the several
difficult and important questions growing out of them, it was
determined on the application of the memorials by their
agents, that arguments would be received on such questions,
provided the same were in writing; . . . and in the case of
every memorial that should thereafter be received, in which
the claimant intended to submit an argument, such argument
should be filed with the Secretary, before or on the day, his
memorial should be set down for examination. "i°
Shortly after the adjournment of the Commission on
March 5, 1833, Williams resigned from the Commission, his
place being taken by Romulus M. Saunders of North Caro-
lina. Saunders was appointed on May 1, and arrived in
Washington in time to sit in on the busiest session of the
Board. During this session, which lasted from June 10 until
July 13, 1833, a total of 1,314 memorials was received and
examined.ii With such an overwhelming number of persons
attempting to benefit from the Rives treaty, most of their
petitions, as might be expected, were rejected. Two types of
claims in particular were turned down at this session of the
Commission : those based on the questions of ransom and com-
mission. Many claimants stated, for example, that since the
French Government had forced them to pay large sums of
money for the return of their captured vessels, which in their
belief had been a form of ransom, they therefore deserved
reimbursement. In rendering its decision on this problem,
lOCampbell Journal, Claims Commission, 3.
llOfficial Journal, Claims Commission, June 10 — July 13, 1833.
SOLVING A FRENCH IMBROGLIO 169
however, the Board concluded that a captor, an agent of
France in this case, could "legally sell the thing captured to
the former owner for such a sum as may be agreed upon,"
when the country of the captor and that of the person whose
property was captured were not in a state of war. The Board
said that this was the correct decision because the American
Government had at the time of the seizures forbidden its
citizens to carry on trade with certain foreign countries,
including France. Since the United States and France were
not at war when the money was paid for the return of Amer-
ican vessels, the Board therefore had no legal power to grant
an award on a claim for ransom. In effect, the Board
reminded these claimants that they had broken the law when
they traded with France, and that they were not under the
protection of American law at the time. The decision on the
other type of rejected claim, involving commissions, was less
complicated: owners of a cargo "would seem bound," said
the Board, "to pay him [the captain of a vessel] according
to the contract, out of the sum allowed as indemnity for the
cargo," but no commission was due the captain of a vessel
who had delivered his cargo, if the carrier vessel had been
captured on her return voyage to the United States.^^
Two other varieties of claims which had earlier been
rejected were now declared valid by the Commission. These
types are mentioned in the following newspaper article pub-
lished in Washington shortly after the Board recessed on
July 13: "The Board have been, we understand, very labor-
iously engaged, having acted upon more than two thousand
memorials [since its establishment]. It may be interesting
to those who are at a distance, to know that those cases which
have been suspended on the question of salvage, have been
duly examined; and after mature deliberation, have been or-
dered to be received — . . . ; and likewise those cases which were
suspended on the question of compromise, were ordered to be
received — . . . . "^^ The newspaper article also stated that
l^Campbell Journal, Claims Commission, 5, 11.
13Washington Daily National Intelligencer, July 17, 1833; Washington Globe,
July 16, 1833.
170 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
persons having claims should file their memorials before
October 21, the date set for the next meeting of the Com-
mission. In the future, the announcement concluded, the
Board would hear claims three months after they were
received. Claims had previously been heard within six months
after receipt, but it was hoped that business could be expe-
dited under the new plan of procedure, and thus allow the
Commission to complete its work.^^
The third business session of the Commission convened
on October 21, 1833, and sat until February 19, 1834. Again
memorials poured in, and the three Commissioners performed
an enormous amount of tedious work. This session received
556 new memorials for examination. Also, 230 petitions, most
of them claims for salvage and compromise, which had prev-
iously been rejected, were now re-examined and accepted as
valid. In an effort to be as fair as possible, an undue amount
of time was expended in investigating claims which seemed
invalid, and over 200 such claims were thrown out.^^ Further-
more, after much deliberation, the Board arrived at two new
decisions during the session ; and Campbell must have shown
special interest in these two decisions.
First, the Board declared that all claims were invalid if
the seizure presented as proof of the claim had occurred
before the conclusion of the treaty with France of Septem-
ber 30, 1800.16 Writing of such claims, Niles' National Regis-
ter several years later (February 6, 1841), explained the
reason for this decision : "When the commissioners sat here
some years ago, to distribute the fund received from France,
these petitioners applied, among others, for indemnity out of
that fund. But they were told, and properly told, that they
could receive nothing, as their claims had been formally and
solemnly relinquished and surrendered to France by our own
14/6irf. ; Official Journal, Claims Commission, July 13, 1833.
ISQfficial Journal, Claims Commission, October 21, 1833 — February 19, 1834;
Campbell Journal, Claims Commission, 4.
l^Campbell Journal, Claims Commission, 17. See House Executive Document,
No. 309, 50 Cong., 1 Sess. (1887-1888), for a complete list of American ships
attacked by the French before July 1, 1801.
SOLVING A FRENCH IMBROGLIO 171
government, by the treaty of 1800. Other claimants, there-
fore, divided the whole fund among themselves, and these
claimants got nothing."!'^ The other decision, mentioned
above, was that claims arising from seizures under the Berlin
and Milan Decrees were valid, since neither of the Decrees
could be accepted as legal by the United States Government.
According to Campbell, and this decision must have brought
him much pleasure in view of his earlier objections to both
Decrees and Orders-in-Council, such acts as the Berlin and
Milan Decrees, "made by a single nation, can be viewed only
as municipal regulations, and binding only ... on her own
citizens or subjects."!^
When the Commission had examined all the memorials
received, it adjourned again, this time until May 5. Once
again notices were printed in the Washington newspapers
that the Board had recessed. The request was repeated that
all claimants send in their memorials as soon as possible.
According to the public notice, however, no claim would be
accepted for examination after May 5, 1834, except on urgent
demand. The Board was bringing its work to a close. In
order to hasten even further the completion of its activities,
it would at its next meeting, it announced, examine all mem-
orials within one month after they were received.^^
Little business was accomplished during the session of
the Commission from May 5 to June 26. The Board met every
day, but on twenty-nine of those days adjourned for a lack of
claims to examine. On a number of days only one or two
memorials were presented, and during the entire session
only 171 new claims were placed before the Commission. In
addition, about 100 which had been presented earlier were
re-examined and accepted as valid. On June 26, having no
IWiZes' National Register, LIX (February 6, 1841), 357.
ISCampbell Journal, Claims Commission, 19.
l^Washington Daily National Intelligencer, February 25, 1834; Washington
Globe, February 26, 1834. See also Official Journal, Claims Commission, Febru-
ary 19, 1834.
172 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
more petitions to consider, the Board recessed again, on this
occasion until October IIP
Before adjourning, the Commission made its first report
to the Senate, informing that body that since its first meet-
ing it had recognized as valid 2,140 memorials, most of
which claimed damages for ships or cargoes destroyed by
the French after 1810. The total damages requested in these
petitions, the Board stated, amounted to $41,640,838.35,
including $24,574,920.99 in interest! Seventy-six memorials,
most of which demanded settlements for claims arising
before the year 1803, had been rejected outright, because
the Rives treaty made no provision for payment of such
claims. These early claims had been settled, as far as Camp-
bell and his fellow-Commissioners were concerned, by the
French treaty of September 30, 1800, and the Louisiana
Cession treaty of April 30, 1803.^1 The principal on these
earlier claims amounted only to $618,258.72, the interest to
$1,001,579.12! Five hundred and forty-eight memorials on
damages sustained between 1803 and the announcement of
the Berlin Decree in November, 1806, had also been sus-
pended for further study. These claims came to $8,573,-
493.96, of which $5,301,168.02 was interest. Altogether, up
to June 7, 1834, it was reported to the Senate, the Commis-
sion had looked over 2,764 memorials, involving both valid
and suspended claims to the amount of $50,214,332.31.^2 The
report was an amazing thing. It was obvious that few claim-
ants, probably none, could receive the entire amounts which
they were demanding. Only about $10,000,000 had been
promised to the United States for distribution by the Rives
treaty.
mUd., May 5— June 26, 1834.
21As is generally known, the United States in 1803 paid 115,000,000 to
France for Louisiana, reserving $3,750,000 of this sum to be paid to citizens to
the United States who at the time held claims against France. See, for ex-
ample, Carl Russell Fish, The Development of American Nationality (New
York, 1929), 97.
22See Senate Document, No. 417, 23 Cong., 1 Sess. (1833-1834), passim, for
this report.
SOLVING A FRENCH IMBROGLIO 173
On October 27, 1834, the Commission began its longest
and most difficult session. From that date it met every day,
with few exceptions, until July 2, 1835. Although only 256
memorials were added to those on hand, the Commission was
overwhelmed with work. Hundreds of petitions which had
earlier been rejected or suspended were re-appraised, many
of them now being declared valid under the new rules.^^
Also, during this session Campbell and his colleagues began
drawing up rules which they planned to follow in deter-
mining the amount of money to be paid on each valid claim.
According to Campbell, the Board members decided "...
to regard the fund provided by the convention as assigned
only to indemnify claimants for actual losses sustained —
(which it is presumed, must have been the object of those
who framed it) — which are to be ascertained according to
the 'principle of equity & justice' as prescribed in the law
under which they [the Commissioners] act; and not to pay
for the loss of expected profits, which might never have been
realized; and in pursuance of this view to consider the
original cost of the property lost as the ground upon which
to estimate the actual loss sustained. "2*
On January 31, 1835, the Board reached a decision on
another matter from which numerous claims had arisen: the
question of the legality of trade with Santo Domingo between
the years 1806 and 1814. It was during this period that the
various Decrees of Napoleon were in force and that the
United States, itself, was trying to enforce its various
embargoes and non-importation and non-intercourse acts.
Campbell was positive that Americans had traded at their
own risk. He had said so at the time, and he believed so now.
And according to the Commission, any vessel which had
engaged in trade with Santo Domingo during the period
under question "are considered as having been engaged in
an illicit trade & their cargo liable to capture & condemna-
tion. ..." This was precisely the sentiments of strong Jeffer-
230fficial Journal, Claims Commission, October 27, 1834 — July 2, 1835.
24Campbell Journal, Claims Commission, 9.
174 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
sonians during the years 1806 to 1814, including Campbell.
The Commission rejected memorials demanding damages for
ships captured and cargoes seized while conducting trade
with Santo Domingo.^s
On October 5, 1835, the Commission began its last ses-
sion,26 during which was decided the amount of indemnity-
each petitioner who had a valid claim was to receive.
Although a few new memorials were presented and consid-
ered during the session, much of the time of the Commis-
sioners was occupied with the consideration of new argu-
ments on claims which had earlier been suspended or rejected.
On the basis of the various rules and interpretations already
set up, however, most petitions were again rejected as
invalid. On December 31, 1835, the Commission adjourned
sine die, bringing its work to a close. According to an unoffi-
cial report of the Commission's accomplishments, the awards
were "equivalent to about 53^2 cents on each dollar awarded,
without calculating the interest already due on the original
indemnity agreed on, and which would increase the dividend
about ten per cent. . . . Upwards of one million dollars were
awarded on claims not allowed until within forty-eight hours
of the expiration of the commission, and which before that
period were considered as rejected claims."^^
During its existence the Commission performed the
enormous task of adjudicating 3,148 claims involving 883
alleged illegal attacks on American shipping. The total
claims of damages by the memorialists amounted to $51,834,-
170.15. Obviously all of the claims could not be recognized,
for the Board had less than $10,000,000 to distribute. In its
last session, the Board declared 1,567 petitions involving 361
spoliations as valid, and made them the basis of awards
amounting to $9,352,193. 47.^8 The Board examined each peti-
25Z6id„ 27, 32.
26The last recess of the Board occurred between July 2 and October 5, 1835.
Official Journal, Claims Commission, October 5, 1835.
^Niles' Weekly Register, XLIV (January 9, 1836), 315-316.
280fficial Journal, Claims Commission, December 30, 1835; Report of the
Commission.
SOLVING A FRENCH IMBROGLIO 175
tion placed before it, and brought to a close one phase of a
controversy which had plagued American and French diplo-
mats for more than thirty years. The controversy carried
on between President Jackson and the French Government
over France's reluctancy in transferring the money provided
for in the Rives treaty is quite another story, and one which
had little bearing on the work of Campbell and the other
Board members.^^ The Board's work is summarized in the
following table :^^
REPORTS OF THE FRENCH SPOLIATION CLAIMS COMMISSION,
1832-1835
Session Memorials Received
Spoliations
August 6, 1832
September 17-18, 1832
December 17, 1832-March 5, 1833
721
June 10-July 13, 1833
1,314
October 21, 1833-February 19, 1834
556
May 5-June 26, 1834
171
October 27, 1834-July 2, 1835
256
October 5-December 31, 1835
130
total
3,148
883
Report of June 7, 1834, to the Senate
Session Memorials Received Damages Requested
August 6, 1832-June 7, 1834 Valid 2,140 $41,640,838.35
Rejected 76 1,619,837.84
Suspended 558 8,573,493.96
total 2,764 $51,834,170.15
Awards
Session Memorials
Declared Spoliations Amount
Valid Recognized Awarded
October 5-December 31, 1835 1,567 361 $9,352,193.47
29See McLemore, Franco- American Diplomatic Relations, 1816-1836.
30Report of the Commission; Senate Document, No. 417, 23 Cong., 1 Sess.
(1833-1834).
176 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
On December 31, 1835, the Commissioners submitted a
report of their work to the Secretary of State, explaining
in detail the rules they had followed in arriving at their
decisions on the memorials placed before them:
The questions which arose in the progress of their examina-
tions were numerous and many of them novel, complicated and
difficult, ... It was held that the relief provided for under the
Convention could be awarded only to American Citizens, for in-
juries to American property, and where the right to indemnity had
never been transferred to the subject of a foreign Government;
that to constitute a valid claim, the owner of the property must
have been entitled at the time of the spoliation to the protection
and aid of the United States; that the Act complained of, was
clearly authorized by France, or directly sanctioned by those
acting under her authority, either judicial, civil or military; that
it was plainly unlawful; in violation of the Law of Nations or of
Treaty Stipulations between France and the United States; that
the injury was not the loss of expected gains but substantial and
susceptible of pecuniary indemnity and that the claim remained
unimpaired, and in full force against France at the date of the
Convention of 1831 — such was the general character of the recla-
mations which have been recognized by the Board and which con-
stitute the basis of their awards. To establish them, the claimant
was uniformily required to produce the higher evidence which
was accessible to him; the record of condemnation where any
existed, certified in legal form and when that did not exist or
could not be had, some original document exhibiting the facts and
circumstances and whose authenticity admitted no doubt. Where
the original records had been mislaid, or destroyed or the claim-
ants efforts to produce copies of them had failed or where from the
nature of the act it was not susceptible of verification by records,
secondary evidence was admitted with the greatest caution ... .31
Shortly after the Commission made its lengthy and
necessarily detailed Report, Campbell left Washington for
his home in Nashville.32 In serving on the Commission, his
last public office, he showed his ability to work diligently at
a difficult and a rather thankless task. The Official Journal
of the Claims Commission does not indicate the part taken
by each member in the deliberations, but it is known that
Campbell was the most conscientious member. This fact is
shown throughout the Journal. Only on rare occasions was
he absent from the meetings, and when he was not present
the other two members usually refrained from conducting
SlReport of the Commission.
32Campbell to Jackson, February 21, 1836, in Campbell Papers (in possession
of Mrs. Susan M. Brown).
SOLVING A FRENCH IMBROGLIO 177
business. This was especially true during the last session
of the Commission. On the other hand, whenever Campbell
v/as present with one of his colleagues, business was carried
on. Throughout the Official Journal Campbell's signature
always appears first when the members of the Commission
approved the minutes of the day's work.^s Of course this
may have resulted from respect for his age, for at the time
the Commission was organized he had reached the age of
sixty-three years. During those years, however, he had had
a most eventful and useful public career and many exper-
iences. He, because of his long service as a member of Con-
gress and as a cabinet officer and a diplomat, more than any
other member of the Board was well qualified for the tasks
faced by the Commission. If a chairman of the Commission
was selected he was probably the member who served in that
capacity. However that may be, he brought an eventful
public career to a close in the year 1835. At that time he
returned to his private life, which was also interesting and
productive.
Campbell's public career was indeed a full one : congress-
man, judge, senator, cabinet member, diplomat, and spoliations
claims commissioner. Except for short intervals, he held some
oflSce of public importance from 1803 to 1820 and again for
three years during the 1830's. He was a follower of Jefferson
and of Jackson and was a staunch supporter of these two
presidents as well as Madison and Monroe. He never gained
much public acclaim in the sense of a Clay, Clahoun, or Jack-
son. Rather, he was a loyal and active member of the upper
echelons of the Jefferson party, which he served quite con-
sistently. Few of his contemporaries held as many important
offices as the "sterling Republican" from Tennessee. And in
each of his positions, except the one as secretary of the
treasury, he performed his duties in a manner that was satis-
factory to the leaders of his party. That this was indeed the
case is shown by the fact that he was honored by Presidents
330flScial Journal, Claims Commission.
178 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Jackson. Historians have,
perhaps, found Campbell wanting, but the same can not be
said truthfully about the top leaders of his political party and
about his contemporary Tennesseans during the early nine-
teenth century. When Campbell completed his work as a
member of French Spoliations Claims Commission he also
brought to a close a very productive public career.
Chapter IX
PRIVATE LIFE
Because of his activities and successes in promoting the
interests of the West, Campbell became one of the most
important early spokesmen of his region. Of significance,
also, was his personal interest in the social advance of his
section and state, which he demonstrated repeatedly both
by his consistent support of legislation which he believed
would be beneficial to Tennessee and by his activities as a
private citizen. Publicly and privately, his interests were
typical of many leaders in the Old Southwest who moved
westward as the frontier advanced. His own rise to political
importance and to a first-rate social position was accomplished,
first, by acquiring a reputation as an excellent lawyer; sec-
ond, by proving himself an efficient office-holder; and third,
by amassing a personal fortune which, according to tradition
and several extant sources of information, was unequalled
in Tennessee at the time of his death in 1848.^
After graduating, in 1784, from the College of New
Jersey, Campbell continued his interests in education and
cultural pursuits. While living in Knoxville he became a
trustee of the East Tennessee College, located in that city,
and after moving to Nashville in 1810 he was named to the
same position in connection with the University of Nash-
ville.2 Throughout his life he was particularly interested in
history, geography, art, and music. He also spoke and read
French.^ Whether he was one of the Nashville intellectuals
who induced various stock companies to begin making their
short stands in the city during the 1820*s is not known, but
IDavidson County, Tennessee, Will Book, 1846-1851, pp. 209-213 (Office of
the County Clerk, Davidson County Court House, Nashville, Tennessee) .
^Wilson's Knoxville Gazette, August 17, 1808; Nashville City and Business
Directory, 1860-1861 (Nashville, 1861), 16. Putnam, History of Middle Tennes-
see, 639-652, presents the early history, to the year 1813, of the University of
Nashville.
^Campbell Diary, passim. Mrs. Susan M. Brown of Spring Hill, Tennessee,
has in her possession a number of books on history, geography, and art which
were owned by Campbell.
180 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
it is very probable that he was and that he attended the per-
formances when they came to town. His wife, the former
Harriet Stoddert, came from a prominent and highly cul-
tured Maryland family; and if he had no taste for the stage
and music before his marriage in 1812, he probably acquired
such tastes through his wife's influence. He must have been
present at some of the musical entertainments in Washing-
ton from 1803 to 1818. While serving as minister of the
United States to Russia he regularly attended stage per-
formances in St. Petersburg. While in England, where he
stopped on his return trip to the United States from Russia, he
went to the opera every night.^ After his retirement from pub-
lic life in 1820, he continued as one of the leading citizens
of Nashville and took an active role in the social life of the
town. During this, the latter part of his life, he also showed
much interest in horse-racing and cock-fighting, as was the
case with many other men of the wealthier class. ^
From his arrival in Tennessee until his death in 1848,
Campbell carried on one of the most lucrative law practices
in the state. From 1798 until 1803 he practiced almost con-
tinuously. In the years 1803-1822, however, he neglected
his profession because of the pressure of public duties,
although he did occasionally take a case.^ In January, 1822,
shortly after his return to Nashville from Russia, he re-
opened a law office, notifying the public with the following
advertisement: "The undersigned having determined to
resume the practice of LAW, will attend the Courts of the
United States, the Supreme Court of Errors and Appeals of this
State, held in Nashville, where he resides ; and also the latter
4For excellent accounts of social life in Nashville and in Tennessee during
the pre-Civil War period, see F. Garvin Davenport, "Culture Versus Frontier in
Tennessee, 1825-1850," Journal of Southern History, V (February, 1939), 18-33,
and his Cultural Life in Nashville on the Eve of the Civil War (Chapel Hill,
1941), Campbell's Diary is the best source available concerning his interests
in art, music, drama, literature, museums, and the like.
^Nashville Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, March 15, 1811; Na-
tional Banner and Nashville Whig, June 21, 1826.
^Nashville Impartial Review, June 6, 1807; Campbell to LeRoy de Chau-
mont, February 7, 1812, in Harriet Turner Deposit.
PRIVATE LIFE 181
court held in Columbia. G. W. Campbell."^ In this notice Camp-
bell intimated that he would practice only in the higher
courts of the state. Very likely this meant that because of
his earlier reputation as a lawyer, as well as his success in
national politics and as a diplomat in Russia, he expected his
time to be fully occupied with major cases. Presumably he
was busy with his practice. No detailed study has been
attempted of his later activities as a lawyer, but it is known
that he practiced law from 1822 until his death, and that at
his death he was considered one of the leading lawyers in
Tennessee.^
After his retirement from public life, Campbell took a
very active part in Nashville civic affairs, and was present
at many gatherings of local importance. For example, on
November 21, 1821, he officiated as president of a public
dinner given in Nashville in honor of General Andrew Jack-
son. During the dinner he gave the following toast: "The
true policy of nations; few wars, free trade, and a pure and
prompt administration of justice."^ If he happened to be
hinting at his availability for some political position, he was
doomed to disappointment. Tennessee now had a figure who
overshadowed all others: Jackson. Again, on April 16, 1825,
Jackson was feted by about one hundred persons from
Middle Tennessee, and once more Campbell acted as presi-
dent of the affair. This dinner was probably the first public
gathering attended by Jackson in Nashville after his defeat
for the presidency in 1824, and Campbell extended himself
with a toast to the General's famous victory at New Orleans :
"The 8th of January 1815 — Distinguished in the annals of
fame, as that day on which the American Eagle took his
boldest flight, while the Sons of Liberty, guided by the Hero
"^Nashville Whig, January 23, 1822.
^Campbell Brown to Anson Nelson, February 22, 1882, in Tennessee Histor-
ical Society Collection; National Banner and Nashville Whig, January 13,
1826; Nashville Daily Union, February 18, 1848.
9NashviIIe Whig, November 24, 1821. Joseph H. Parks, ed., "Letters from
Aaron V. Brown to Alfred O. P. Nicholson, 1844-1850," Tennessee Historical
Quarterly, III (June, 1944), 174, refers to Campbell's reputation in Tennessee
after his return from Russia.
182 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
of the West, triumphed over the champions of Tyranny."^*'
In the presidential campaign of 1828, Campbell was an
active supporter of Jackson as a member of a committee of
eighteen, headed by John Overton, which prepared and dis-
tributed circulars and newspaper articles in Jackson's
behalf.ii
That Campbell continued to be considered as a civic
leader is indicated by a request that he preside at a Fourth
of July celebration in 1831 at the Vauxhall Hotel, a favorite
gathering place for the people of Nashville. This time his
toast was a particularly interesting one, indicating a very
noticeable change in attitude in the interval since his service
in the national House of Representatives in 1803-1809. His
toast was: "Agriculture, Commerce and Manufacturing —
Hand maids in the forward march of our national prosper-
ity, let them receive equal encouragement from the public
authorities, but no hot-heads at the public expense to force
the premature growth of either.''^^ These were different
words indeed for a man who had once been so out-spoken in
seeking special legislation for agriculturists of the West,
although not different from his sentiments as a Senator in
3816-1818. In October, 1841, Campbell again presided at a
public dinner in Nashville. This time the affair was in honor
of James K. Polk, who had just been defeated in the Ten-
nessee gubernatorial campaign by James C. ("Slim Jimmy")
Jones, the Whig candidate, a "flea-picking" and joke-telling
demagogue of the first order.^^
But presiding at public gatherings was only a minor
activity with Campbell. In the same month that he resumed
lONashville Whig, April 23, 1825.
llSee Gabriel L. Lowe, Jr., "John H. Eaton, Jackson's Campaign Manager,"
Tennessee Historical Quarterly, XI (June, 1952), 99-147. See also Arda S.
Walker, "Andrew Jackson: Frontier Democrat," East Tennessee Historical So-
ciety's Publications, XVIII (1946), 71.
lONashville Republican & State Gazette, July 5, 1831.
13See Powell Moore, "James K. Polk and Tennessee Politics, 1839-1841," East
Tennessee Historical Society's Publications, IX (1937), 31-53; Ray Gregg Os-
borne, "Political Career of James Chamberlain Jones, 1840-1857," Tennessee
Historical Quarterly, VII (September, December, 1948), 195-228, 322-334; and
Williams, Beginnings of West Tennessee, 271-279.
PRIVATE LIFE 183
his law practice in Nashville, Governor Joseph McMinn
appointed him as first vice-president of the Bank of the State
of Tennessee, which had been established to provide relief
from the economic distress brought on in Tennessee by the
Panic of 1819. Campbell was associated with the bank, whose
headquarters were in Nashville, until 1831, when the insti-
tution went out of business.^^ He was also an active promoter
in a movement to persuade Nicholas Biddle, president of the
Second Bank of the United States, to establish a branch of
the federal institution in Nashville. On January 22, 1827, a
petition signed by more than two hundred Nashville citizens
was forwarded by Governor William Carroll to Biddle ask-
ing for a branch. At the top of the list was the signature of
Campbell, former strict constructionist of the Jefferson era
and a close personal friend of President Andrew Jackson.^^
Six months later the branch was set up as requested; and
in July, 1831, Campbell became one of its directors. He
continued as an active director of the branch until the sum-
mer of 1832, when he left Nashville for Washington, D. C,
to begin his duties as a member of the French Spoliations
Claims Commission.i^
A few months before becoming a director of the Nash-
ville branch of the United States Bank, Campbell wrote to
Jackson concerning the President's proposals to abolish the
institution. Although Campbell had always been a member
of the Jeffersonian and Democratic parties, he was now a
supporter of the bank despite Jackson's insistence that it be
abandoned :
In regard to the suggestions in the message [Jackson's
message of December 6, 1830, to Congress] on the subject of a
national Bank, or an institution to manage Treasury concerns, I
I'^A branch was also established in Knoxville. Joseph H. Parks, "Felix
Grundy and the Depression of 1819 in Tennessee," East Tennessee Historical
Society's Publications, X (1938), 19-43.
ISSereafe Reports, 23 Cong., 2 Sess. (1834-1835), I, 225-243.
ISNashville Whig, January 9, 1822, July 4, 1843; Nashville Republican &
State Gazette, July 7, 1831 ; National Banner & Nashville Daily Advertiser,
February 4, 1833. See also Claude A. Campbell, "Branch Banking in Tennes-
see Prior to the Civil War," East Tennessee Historical Society's Publications, XI
(1939), 34-46.
184 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
would take the liberty to remark, that the plan proposed as a
substitute for the present United States Bank is a new one, not
hitherto much investigated by the public; and whose merits it
would be difficult to estimate without knowing the details. I
would, however, venture to suggest to your consideration whether
the measure ought to be pressed at the present in the face of the
coming presidential election.
I was not, myself, originally an advocate for the United States
Bank — ; and entertain strong doubts of its original constitutional-
ity. But one having been so long sanctioned by the public opinion
of the nation, under the administration of the Republican, as well
as federal [Federalist] party, I brought myself to vote for the
present one, having become convinced, by some experience, while
serving as Secretary of the Treasury that the pecuniary concerns
of the nation could not be successfully managed without the aid
of an institution, whose operations could be co-extensive with the
limits of the union; and over which the general government had
some control. I feel assured, Sir, you will consider these observa-
tions, as they are intended, as merely suggesting the views I enter-
tain, after some reflection, on the subject, and submitted, from
the best motives, for your own eye & consideration alone ... .1'^
This letter is an important document in the study of
Campbell's career, but it does not mean that he was break-
ing with the Jackson political party over the question of the
bank. Campbell had become quite wealthy and was living in
the city which was to become the stronghold of the Whig
party in Tennessee,i^ but he allowed neither his wealth nor
his support of the bank to influence his close, life-long connec-
tion with the Democratic (earlier with the Jeffersonian)
party. While serving as Secretary of the Treasury during
the War of 1812, he saw, and suffered politically from, the
straits the United States Government fell into during the
years between the dissolution of the First United States Bank
and the establishment of the Second. It was for this reason,
and because of the political dangers involved for Jackson,
that he wanted the President to cease attacking the Bank.
Jackson paid no attention to Campbell, and went ahead to
kill the Bank and win re-election to the Presidency in 1832.
It is of interest, too, that Jackson accepted Campbell's
letter in the spirit in which it was written : an expression of
l^Campbell to Jackson, January 14, 1831, in Jackson Papers.
ISOfficial election returns in Tennessee in 1840, 1841, 1843, 1844, 1845, 1847,
1848, and 1849, respectively, may be found in Nashville Whig, November 30,
1840, October 11, 1841, October 12, 1843, November 23, 1844, October 18, 1845,
Nashville Daily Union, October 11, 1847, Nashville Whig, November 25,
1848, and Nashville Daily Union, October 12, 1849.
PRIVATE LIFE 185
a personal opinion on a very controversial question. That
the President did not allow the difference of opinion on the
subject to affect his friendship for Campbell is indicated by
his appointment of Campbell to the French Spoliations
Claims Commission little more than a year later. It seems,
however, that while Campbell was in Washington, from 1832
to 1835, serving on the Commission, he came around to Jack-
son's point of view on the bank question. Whether or not
this is so, a few years later, when President Martin Van
Buren publicized his sub-treasury plan, Campbell was one of
its most outspoken advocates in Tennessee.^^ This may not
be conclusive evidence, but it does indicate a change in opin-
ion. And Campbell was active in banking in still one more
way. In January, 1840, he was appointed a director of the
main bank of the Bank of Tennessee, located in Nashville.
This bank was established in 1838, and Campbell served on
its board until January, 1842, when he was removed by J. C.
Jones, the recently elected Whig governor of the state.^o For
the remainder of his life he took no active part, except as an
investor, in the affairs of the banks of Nashville.
A very important phase of Campbell's life was his activ-
ities as a land speculator and land owner. When he went
from North Carolina to Tennessee he was part of an exten-
sive exodus from the seaboard states to the frontier. After
living in Knoxville for about thirteen years, he participated
in another significant westward movement, this time from
East to Middle Tennessee, and it is rather certain that after
he gained his land holdings in the central section of the state
he wished to establish his residence nearby in order to look
after his holdings. He possessed the usual insatiable desire
for land which was always prevalent in a frontier region,
and which was especially manifested in Tennessee during its
l^Campbell to Van Buren, December 25, 1837, in Martin Van Buren Papers
(Library of Congress).
20Nashville Republican Sentinel, January 28, 1840; Nashville Republican
Banner, January 31, 1842. See Claude A. Campbell, "Banking and Finance in
Tennessee during the Depression of 1837," East Tennessee Historical Society's
Publications, IX (1937), 19-30, for information on the banking situation in
Tennessee during this period.
186 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OP TENNESSEE
early stages of development. It was part of Campbell's
nature to strive for wealth, as well as for political office, and
since land was the chief form of wealth in Tennessee, as well
as in the entire West, during the greater part of his life, his
desire for land is easily understood.^^ In obtaining possession
of his holdings he followed the common methods of his time :
he bought numerous certificates for land which had been
granted by the state of North Carolina to persons in return
for military service in the American Revolution and in
Indian wars; he received land grants and pieces of property
as payment for legal services rendered to his clients; and,
in some cases, he made outright purchases, usually of land
adjacent to that which he already owned. His rise from a
position of very moderate means to a position of wealth is
associated very definitely with his land operations. At the
same time, he must have received large sums from his law
practice through the years ; and it is possible that he gained
some wealth through his marriage. But his land dealings
were most important; and he was a self-made man of
substance.
While living in North Carolina he owned no land in his
home county,22 and presumably no where else. As far as can
be ascertained, his activities as a land owner began in April,
1799, when one of his clients deeded him a small lot in Knox-
ville in payment for legal advice. From this beginning he
developed into one of the largest private landowners in Ten-
nessee. By September, 1800, he owned the entire block in
which his original lot in Knoxville was located, and for the
various lots paid a total price of $240. On February 2, 1803,
he concluded the purchase of his first extensive tract of land
in Tennessee, paying $100 for half interest in a 5,000 tract
located near Knoxville, beginning at the mouth of Turkey
Creek, extending up the Clinch River to Hickory Creek,
21Abernethy, Front Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee, is based almost en-
tirely upon a discussion of the importance of land in the development of Ten-
nessee from 1763 to 1861.
22Mecklenburg County, North Carolina, Records, 1796-1799 (Office of the
County Clerk, Mecklenburg County Court House, Charlotte, North Carolina).
PRIVATE LIFE 187
from the latter point to the Tennessee River, down that
stream to a point parallel with the mouth of Turkey Creek,
and back to the beginning point.^^ And it was with this piece
of land that he began his activities as a land speculator. For
the next six years, however, he spent most of his time in
Congress, and, as he put it, his "landed interests suffered"
during this period.^^ By the summer of 1808 he sold only 173
acres of his original purchase of 2,500 acres. Therefore, in
August, 1808, he gave the power of attorney to Patrick
Campbell, the person from whom he had made his purchase,
in the hope that sales would speed up. In the next four
years, two of which G. W. Campbell spent as a member of
the Tennessee Supreme Court of Errors and Appeals, the
entire tract between the Tennessee and Clinch Rivers, except
isy2 acres, was sold. In all, 18 sales were made, and by April
11, 1812, a profit of $2,416, minus meager taxes, was realized
on an original investment of $100.2^
In June, 1807, Campbell obtained his first piece of land
in Middle Tennessee, purchasing a North Carolina military
warrant which entitled him to 300 acres on the southern bank
of the Cumberland River, near Carthage, in Smith County.^^
From this date until his death, all of his land transactions,
except those by which he sold oflf his East Tennessee hold-
ings, were confined to land located in the central and western
parts of the state. He transferred his activities from East
to Middle and West Tennessee for a very definite reason,
namely, the temporary settlement by the United States Con-
gress in 1806 of a dispute between Tennessee, North Caro-
lina, and the United States which had been going on for
many years over the ownership of certain lands located in
Tennessee. The dispute had one of its beginnings in 1783
23Kjiox County, Tennessee, Records, I, Book G, 54, 141; Book N, 352 (Office
of the County Clerk, Knox County Court House, Knoxville) . See also ibid^
Book L, 61, 62.
24Campbell to Joseph Anderson, April 22, 1815, in Miscellaneous Corre-
spondence, Received, 1800-1852, in Secretary of the Treasury Files.
25Knox County, Records, Books G, I, L, N, O, Q.
26 Jenkins Whiteside to Campbell, December 21, 1807, in Campbell Papers
(Library of Congress).
188 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
when North Carolina established a so-called Military Reser-
vation in what is now Middle Tennessee. At that time most
of the territory which became the state of Tennessee was part
of North Carolina, Persons who held North Carolina mili-
tary warrants given for service in the American Revolution
were allowed to take up land within the Reservation. In 1789,
when North Carolina became a state, it ceded outright its
transmontane lands to the federal government, with the
understanding that military warrants could continue to be
satisfied within the Military District.^^ In 1796, Tennessee
was admitted as a state, and from that date until the con-
gressional act of 1806, a three cornered dispute between the
federal government. North Carolina, and Tennessee raged
over the ownership and control of land in the state.
As provided by the settlement of 1806, certain rights of
each of the three disputants were recognized. First, the
right of holders of North Carolina military warrants to take
up land in the Military Reservation was acknowledged; sec-
ond, the Congressional Reservation, consisting of what is
at present West Tennessee and the southwestern section of
Middle Tennessee, was set aside for use by the federal gov-
ernment ; and third, Tennessee was given authority to satisfy
North Carolina claims. In addition, and of special import-
ance in the immediate speculation in land and the settle-
ment of Middle Tennessee which resulted, this so-called
Compact of 1806 also provided, in keeping with the North
Carolina Cession Act of 1789, that in case all military grants
could not be satisfied within the original Military Reserva-
tion, land could be taken up elsewhere in the state outside of
the Congressional Reservation established by the Compact.
Specifically provided, however, was the condition that war-
rants could not be satisfied in that section of southeastern
Tennessee which had been set aside for use by the Cherokee
Indians in 1783 when the Military Reservation was estab-
lished. Finally, the Compact of 1806 also permitted individ-
Si'Saunders and Clark, eds., Colonial Records of North Carolina, XXIV, 482-
485, XXV, 4-6; American State Papers, Public Lands, I, 108-110.
PRIVATE LIFE 189
uals to obtain land titles through the ownership of warrants
which had been issued by the North Carolina government.^^
In conjunction with this Compact of 1806, the question
of Indian claims to land in Middle Tennessee was also par-
tially settled, thereby encouraging speculators and settlers
to become active in the region. In 1805, the Cherokee
relinquished their claims to north central Tennessee ; in 1806,
to south central Tennessee. The stipulation was made, how-
ever, that no entries were to be made in the south central
region until the year 1808. And, as was to be expected and
as was customary in such cases of Indian cessions, specula-
tors and holders of claims rushed into the area during the
first six months of 1808.^9 Among those who became active
was Campbell, although he was not a speculator on a large
scale. He realized that here was an opportunity to gain pos-
session of some good land, and like so many others he was
not averse to taking advantage of the situation. Later events
also indicate that at this time he was probably interested in
setting up a plantation in Middle Tennessee. Since much of
the newly opened land was available to persons who possessed
military warrants, he purchased as many of them as he could
afford.
On April 22, 1808, Campbell bought a warrant for 1,280
acres in Maury County, on the "North Side of Duck River."
Two weeks later he obtained two more warrants: one for
730 acres, located in Williamson County, "on the South Side
of Elk River;" the other for 1,000 acres, "lying in William-
son County ... on McCullock's Creek, a branch of Elk River."
In August, he secured another warrant for 274 acres in the
Elk River region. During 1809 two more warrants were
bought, one in June for 640 acres "on the west fork of Mul-
berry Creek, a north branch of Elk River," and about two
months later one which gave him 4741/^ acres, "lying in
28Abernethy, From, Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee, 182-193.
^^Ihid., 185, 188; Folmsbee, Sectionalism and Internal Improvements in
Tennessee, 1796-1845, pp. 20-23; Cotterill, The Southern Indians. For maps
showing the establishment of counties in Middle Tennessee from 1806 to 1816,
see Holt, Economic and Social Beginnings of Tennessee, 156.
190 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Rutherford and Bedford counties ... on the waters of the
westfork of Stones' river."3o Having made these purchases,
Campbell turned to a practice which was common among
land speculators, big and little, during his period : he adver-
tised his newly acquired land for sale or lease, in order to
raise more money to buy more grants. On November 12,
1809, he ran the following advertisement in the leading
Nashville newspaper :
The undersigned would lease in small tracts, for a term of
years proportioned to the quantity of acres that each lessee en-
gage to clear and put under good fence, 5,000 acres of land of the
first quality, abounding with fine springs, lying on both sides of
richland creek of Elk river, including the mouth of Robertson's
creek — also other tracts of first rate land, well watered, lying on
Norris' creek and Mulberry creek of Elk river — one tract on the
west fork of Stone's River — and one on Duck river, with several
other tracts, all well watered, and land of good quality — for terms
apply to Capt. John Coffee, near Jefferson — to Vance Greer Esq. in
Bedford County, who will give leases, etc., or to the undersigTied,
who will be at Nashville for some time, and who will also sell sev-
eral of the above described tracts on good terms. G. W. Campbell.^i
He had little success in selling or renting his lands, but on
January 4, 1810, he bought still another military warrant
for an additional 640 acres adjoining his tract on Norris'
Creek in Bedford County.'^^
In January, 1810, Campbell moved from Knoxville to
Nashville, and shortly afterward began buying up lots in
Nashville, on which he later constructed a mansion. On
March 30, 1810, John Overton, one of the wealthiest men in
Middle Tennessee, gave him an option to one-third of two
lots on Cedar Knob, where the present capitol of Tennessee
is located. The sale was conducted in July, and for the prop-
erty Campbell paid Overton the sum of $400.^3 At the same
time Campbell also obtained parts of two other lots on the
SOTennessee Land Grants, September 4, 1807— March 3, 1846, Book A, 258,
259, 274, 437; ibid.. May 2, 1809— January 29, 1810, Book B, 244, 577 (Tennessee
Land Office and Archives, Nashville).
SlNashville Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, January 19, 1810.
32Tennessee Land Grants, January 29, 1810— January 1, 1811, Book C, 551.
33Davidson County, Tennessee, Register, July 26, 1810 — February 25, 1813,
I, 3 (Office of the County Clerk, Davidson County Court House, Nashville).
Cited hereafter as Davidson County Records. The option that Overton gave to
Campbell is in the possession of Mrs. Susan M. Brown, Spring Hill, Tennessee.
PRIVATE LIFE 191
Knob from Roger B. Sappington, a Nashville merchant, pay-
ing $400 for them also. For the price of $7,000 Campbell
purchased three more lots on the Knob in December, 1812.
All of these lots were located between Gay and Cedar
streets.^^ There is a local tradition in Nashville that the price
once paid for the Knob property on which the capitol is
located consisted of a gun and a cow, but if such a deal were
made, Campbell was not involved in it.
The advertisement which Campbell published in Novem-
ber, 1809, resulted in few sales, for on October 13, 1810, he
again advertised nearly all of the same tracts for sale or
rent.^s Shortly thereafter, he entered into a new enter-
prise: the establishment of a plantation on his land in the
Elk River region. He did not plan, however, to live on the
place, but wished to find some responsible person to act as
his manager. He failed to locate a suitable person; there-
fore, during the summer of 1811 he decided on another plan,
that is, to form a partnership with someone who could aid
in improving his holdings. In December, 1811, he wrote an
old friend, Major P. H. Porter, of Knoxville, outlining his
plans :
I have intended for some time to engage some person to carry
on business for me on the plan I shall herein propose, or some other
plan similar to it — .... I own several valuable tracts of land of
good quality on the waters of Elk river — and particularly one tract
of 5,000 acres on Richland creek of Elk river [in Giles County] —
first rate land & well watered — heavy cane land & hills & grassy
range in its neighborhood — a number of persons have taken tracts
upon it, but I have reserved a very fine, large favourite Spring,
in a healthy situation, at which I propose to have a settlement
made & a farm opened on a tolerably extensive scale — To have
from ten to 20 hands according to circumstances employed there-
in, first opening & then cultivating a farm — raising such crops
besides grain — probably cotton — hemp & tobacco as might suit
the market — In the meantime to have such a stock of horses, cattle,
hogs, etc kept on the place, & raised as might be found most con-
venient & profitable — To which might be added — a distillery — as
I have engaged a person to erect a grist mill, within a little more
than a mile from the place, down the same creek — which is fin-
34Davidson County Records, I, 4, 380-381.
35Nashville Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, October 26, 1810;
Wilson's Knoxville Gazette, November 17, 1810.
192 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
ished & grinding before this time — That the surpluses of such
farm should be sold at the best market.36
This letter is interesting for several reasons. By 1811,
Middle Tennessee was becoming a grain producing area.
With the production of grain crops as the main objective on
his farm, Campbell planned later to extend his activities to
the production of other money crops. His primary interest,
since he was to be an absentee owner, was profits. He showed
no interest in directing the actual work himself, but wished
that to be done by his partner. Farming activities were sec-
ondary to his other activities. He owned a few slaves, but
hoped that Porter would furnish additional ones in return for
the partnership being offered to him.^'^ Porter, said Camp-
bell, was to act as superintendent of the plantation, and if
he thought it necessary was to engage an overseer as an
assistant. The two partners were to divide all profits from
sales of their farm produce in proportion to the investment
each made in the undertaking. Concluding his letter, Camp-
bell wrote, "Should the plan meet with your approbation &
be likely to succeed, my intention is to purchase such a num-
ber of hands in addition to those I now have [the number
is unknown] as might be deemed advisable, so soon as prop-
erty can be disposed of for that purpose — I might require
your aid & attention to effect this also — I had supposed that
during the ensuing summer or fall the business might be
commenced — ^this would however, depend on circumstances,
but the sooner the better. . . . "^^
Although it is not known whether Porter accepted Camp-
bell's plan for the establishment of the plantation in Giles
County, it is known that by the summer of 1814 the prop-
erty there increased in value to about $25,000, and this may
mean that the plan was carried out. In 1844, moreover, when
Campbell drew up his will, he described the plantation in
36Campbell to Porter, December 11, 1811, in Harriet Turner Deposit.
^^Ibid. See Wilson's Knoxville Gazette, July 28, 1810, for an advertisement
of a slave who ran away from Campbell. The slave, Harry, was a "tall, slim
made fellow."
38Campbell to Porter, December 11, 1811, in Harriet Turner Deposit.
PRIVATE LIFE 193
some detail, and from that description it is believed that most
of his plan materialized.^^ Furthermore, an advertisement
which he published in June, 1817, for the sale of certain
tracts of his land may also be taken as a probable indication
that he was satisfied with the progress being made on his
Giles County place. The advertisement did not mention his
plantation: "The undersigned will sell 860 acres in Bedford
County, on the headwaters of Sinking and Sugar creeks,
about 6 or 7 miles from Shelbyville — well watered, and a
considerable part of which is first rate land — 1280 acres
adjoining Gordon's ferry, tract on Duck River — 300 acres
on Robinson's creek, Lincoln county — also 4741/^ acres in
Rutherford county, on the west fork of Stone's river — . . . .
G. W. Campbell. "40 It is known, then, that Campbell oper-
ated a plantation, and also that he owned about twenty slaves
during his lifetime.^ But there is no evidence available to
show that he was ever primarily interested or engaged in
agriculture. When he bought land he usually did so for spec-
ulative purposes. Another matter of interest is that his cor-
respondence and papers at no point show that he ever took
an active part, privately or publicly, in the controversy over
slavery which raged during his lifetime.
When Campbell left the United States in 1818 to go to
Russia, he placed his Giles County plantation under the
direction of Alexander Esselman, whose brother, John N.
Esselman, had married Campbell's sister Ann.*^ The extent
to which his business interests had grown by this date is par-
tially reflected in the power of attorney which he granted to
John Mclver, a lawyer of Fairfax County, Virginia : Mclver,
according to Campbell's instructions was "... to transact and
39CainpbelI to ?, July 2, 1814, in Campbell Papers (Library of Congress) ;
Davidson County, Will Book, 1846-1851, pp. 209-213.
40Nashville Clarion and Tennessee Gazette, July 15, 1817. On September 8,
1817, Campbell also bought 640 acres in Humphreys County. Tennessee Land
Grants, September 4, 1807— March 3, 1848, Book N, 350.
41See, for example, Campbell Diary, July 7, 1820, and Davidson County
Records, Book T, 79; III, 185; IV, 460; VI, 45, 160; VII, 432; VIII, 109.
42Family Bible of the L. M. Brown Family; Nashville Whig, December 25,
1822.
194 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
conduct my business in the Nashville Bank and in the Branch
Bank of the State of Tennessee at Nashville and to rent or
lease out from year to year or for a longer term, my Houses,
Lots and Land in and near Nashville and to hire or caused
to be hired and taken care of, my slaves left there. . . . "*^
Presumably his business affairs were handled satisfactorily
while he was in Russia, for on his return to Nashville he
began buying more land in Middle and West Tennessee in
the old Congressional Reservation, which had been opened
up to settlement by the act of Congress, on March 26, 1818,
to holders of North Carolina military warrants which were
still unsatisfied.
Campbell, himself, while serving in the Senate from 1815
to 1818, was largely responsible for pushing to passage the
congressional measure under which he now made a number
of purchases. Only conjectures can be made as to the amount
of land he might have bought if he had been in Tennessee
just after the Reservation was opened. If he had put through
the bill for personal benefits he would have rushed into the
newly opened region like other speculators. As it was, he
left the country shortly after the bill was passed, and his
next purchases of land in western Tennessee were made on
June 22, 1822.^4 There seems little likelihood, therefore, that
in pushing through Congress his bill he followed the more
common practice of certain legislators of his period when
they sponsored land legislation for personal gain.
Campbell's land bill, as it happens, was drawn up on the
demand of the people of Tennessee, particularly Middle Ten-
nesseans who wished to gain access to the region between
the Tennessee and Mississippi Rivers. In taking advantage
of the provisions of the bill after its passage, Campbell was
no better and no worse than hundreds of others who did the
same thing. It should be reiterated that he always had a
reputation for personal honesty. For example, a letter he
43Davidson County Records, Book H, 340-341.
44Tennessee Land Grants, Book T, 620; Nashville Clarion and Tennessee
Gazette, May 5, 26, 1818.
PRIVATE LIFE 195
wrote to General Jackson about one year after the passage
of his land bill of 1818 is of some interest in this respect.
The subject referred to in the letter is unknown, but even so
the letter is worthy of special note: "I felt confident, Sir,"
Campbell stated to Jackson, "you would not mistake my
motive in declining to engage at a stipulated price as agent
to procure the passage of a law, on which it might become my
duty to vote — and certainly I did not misconceive yours [a
letter of Jackson's] in applying to me on the subject. — I trust
we shall be disposed to duly appreciate the motives of each
other ; notwithstanding there may be shades of differences in
the opinions we entertain on the same subject — . . . . "^^ jt
is regrettable that no more is known about this suggestive
letter.
During the 1820's Campbell bought several large tracts
of land in Middle and West Tennessee. In June, 1822, he
obtained two grants issued by the West Tennessee Land Com-
missioners, who had charge of issuing grants in the regions
in which he was interested. One grant gave him possession
of 1,240 acres "in Stewart County on the Waters of the north
fork of Forked Deer river;" by the other grant he gained
640 acres, on each side of Lost Creek, in Perry County. In
July he bought another military warrant for 2,500 acres,
"lying ... in Stewart County on the north side of Obion
river on Richland creek. ..." Three months later he obtained
40 acres near the first tract purchased in Perry County.*^
After making these various purchases, he once again fell back
on the practice of offering his newly acquired lands for sale,
and in December, 1822, offered to sell all his land, except his
Giles County plantation, on what he described as "accommo-
dating Terms."^'' No records are available of any sales which
he made, but somehow he acquired funds to buy additional
land. By the year 1829 he also owned large tracts in Henry,
45Cainpbell to Jackson, February 18, 1819, in Campbell Papers (in posses-
sion of Mrs. Susan M. Brown) .
46Tennessee Land Grants, Book T, 471, 620, 823; Book U, 341.
47Nashville Whig, December 25, 1822.
196 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Gibson, Weakley, and Shelby Counties.*^ Possession of his
various tracts made him one of the largest land owners in
the state.
Campbell's personal financial interests were by no means
confined to the purchase and sale of land, however. As early
as February, 1815, he was the owner of 48 shares of stock
at $100 each of a bank operating in Nashville.*^ Shortly after
his marriage he subscribed to 20 shares in the Washington
Pontine Company, a bridge construction company whose
headquarters were in the capital city. In the same period he
also bought a few shares in another Washington enterprise,
the Anacostia Bridge Company.^o In the late 1830's he bought
stock in Nashville's two leading hotels, the Washington and
the City.51 During the latter part of his life he became inter-
ested in a number of turnpike companies operating out of
Nashville, and obtained large stock holdings in several of
them. His largest purchase of turnpike stock was made in
October, 1837, when he acquired 432 shares at $25 each in
the Franklin Turnpike Company. It is not known whether
he showed any interest in investing in Tennessee railroad
stock.s2
On December 11, 1843, Campbell concluded what was
very probably the most profitable single sale of land during
i^National Banner & Nashville Whig, September 29, 1829.
49Thomas Corry to Campbell, February 4, 1815, in Campbell Papers (Library
of Congress) .
SOCampbell to Robert P. Dunlop, May 31, 1825, in Robert P. Dunlop Papers
(Library of Congress).
SlThe following interesting letter, written by the editor of the Knoxville
Post, appeared in the Nashville Whig, October 26, 1843: "Speaking of the
Hotels, I must not omit to mention, for the especial benefit of persons coming to
Nashville, that the City Hotel, is one of the best, if not the very best public
house in the Western country. It is a large and commodious building, situated
on the Square, . . . and immediately in the center of business. . . . The rear of
the building commands a fine view of the Cumberland, which flows almost
beneath it. Every delicacy that an abundant market affords, graces the table,
and all the reasonable wants of the guests are anticipated and amply applied
for."
52A receipt for Campbell's purchase of the stock in the Franklin Turnpike
Company is in possession of Mrs. Susan M. Brown. For a discussion of the
turnpike era in Tennessee, see Stanley J. Folmsbee, "The Turnpike Phase of
Tennessee's Internal Improvement System of 1836-1838," Journal of Southern
History, III (November, 1937), 453-477.
PRIVATE LIFE 197
his life, namely, the sale to the city of Nashville of the plot
of ground earlier known as Cedar Knob on which his home
was located. By the year 1820, he controlled nearly all the
lots on the Knob, which by that date was known as "Camp-
bell's Hill." A mansion, one of the show places of the town,
had been built on the "Hill," and Campbell's residence was
there in 1843 when he sold four of his lots to Nashville.^^
The city of Nashville had just been selected as the state's
capital, and was especially anxious at the time to obtain pos-
session of a suitable location for a new capitol building, and
in choosing a site the city officials preferred Campbell's.
Civic leaders were anxious to present a desirable site to the
state of Tennessee on which a capitol could be constructed,
and made such a promise to the General Assembly when
Nashville was selected as the permanent capital in 1843.^
"Campbell's Hill" was considered such an ideal spot for the
building that the city of Nashville paid its owner $30,000,
in three annual installments of $10,000 each, for four lots.
The lots were "Bounded on the North by an alley on the East
by High Street on the South by Cedar Street and on the West
by Vine Street . . . containing by estimation four acres more
or less. . . . "5^
On May 11, 1844, Campbell, being at the time seventy-
five years of age, drew up his will. And the document shows
without doubt that his financial interests were widely scat-
53NashviIle Whig, September 26, 1820; Davidson County Records, VI, 622.
54The original capital of Tennessee was JCnoxville; in 1812 it was moved to
Nashville, where it remained until 1817, when it was returned to Knoxville;
from 1819 until 1825 it was at Murfreeslioro ; it was returned to Nashville in
1825, and Nashville was selected as the permanent capital in 1843. Abernethy,
From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee, 226.
55The number of the lots were 108, 109, 120, and 121. Campbell bought lots
108, 109, and 121 on December 8, 1812, paying $7,000 for them. The record of
his purchase of lot 120 has not been located. Davidson County Records, I, 3, 4,
380, 381; VI, 622. In payment of the "Hill," Campbell received the personal
check of the mayor of Nashville, William Nicol. Nell Savage Mahoney, "Wil-
liam Strickland and the Building of Tennessee's Capitol, 1845-1954," Tennessee
Historical Quarterly, IV (Jime, 1945), 102. See also J. W. Denis, "The Nash-
ville Cemetery," in ibid., II (March, 1943), 35. The three annual payments to
Campbell were made as agreed upon. Davidson County, Will Book, 1846-1851,
pp. 265-267.
198 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
tered, and that he indeed was a wealthy man. He had
started construction of a new home after selling his old place
on the "Hill." When completed the new place was to be the
property of his wife as long as she lived. His wife also was
to receive the following: $10,800 worth of stock in the
Franklin Turnpike Company; $1,250 in stock in the Frank-
lin and Columbia Turnpike Company; $500 in the Nashville
and Charlotte Turnpike Company; and $11,003 in stock in
the City Hotel Company. Dividends from these stocks, the
will stated, were to be used by his widow to keep his family
"in a manner suitable to their situation & standing in
society." Mrs, Campbell was also to have charge of the "slaves
at the mansion, coachman & footman and other servants."
At her death whatever goods she still possessed was to be
divided equally between her two children.^e
To his only living son, George, Campbell willed the fol-
lowing: his plantation in Giles County, consisting of 5,000
acres, and all the slaves, horses, mules, cattle, hogs, sheep,
and farming implements on the place, thus indicating that
Campbell's plan of 1811 to have a "farm opened on a toler-
ably extensive scale" had materialized. At his mother's death
George was to receive the Nashville "mansion;" 2,500 acres
of land in Obion County, valued at $20,000 ; a tract of 1,851
acres in Haywood County, valued at $5,000 ; one lot on Vine
Street, Nashville, worth $2,500; and five acres of land, near
Nashville, on the Nashville and Charlotte Turnpike, valued
at $1,500.
To his daughter, Lyzinka, the widow of a former Nash-
villian, James P. Brown, Campbell left a tract of 3,000 acres
in Maury and Williamson Counties, near the present town
of Spring Hill, valued at $40,000 ;5'^ a farm of 144 acres in
Maury County, worth $2,000 ; another tract of 1,841 acres in
^^Ibid., 209-213, contains Campbell's will. It will be remembered that three
of Campbell's children died in Russia. A fourth child was born in Russia;
two more were born later. Only George and Lyzinka were alive in 1844, how-
ever. Family Bible of the L. M. Brown Family.
S'i'Part of this tract is still in the possession of the Brown family of Spring
Hill, Tennessee.
PRIVATE LIFE 199
Dyer County, near Dyersburg, estimated at $5,000 ; and two
lots in Nashville, one on Gay Street and the other on College
Street, valued at a total of $2,000. A gift of 640 acres in
Lincoln County, estimated at $10,000, which Campbell had
made to his daughter before her marriage, and 193 acres
presented to her after her marriage, were confirmed by the
will. Finally, Campbell also conferred a gift of a slave named
Tilla to his sister, Ann Esselman. His sister was also to
receive 60 acres of land near the Giles County plantation,
and until her death was to be provided by the estate with an
annual sum of $200.
On February 17, 1848, Campbell died at the advanced age
of seventy-nine; and two days later, the following announce-
ment of his death, which includes a brief summary of his
public career, was published in the Tri-Weekly Nashville
Union :
Judge Campbell emigrated to this State, from North Carolina,
at an early day, and was soon called into public service, in which
he contributed much to that share of influence which Tennessee
has ever since maintained in the councils of the Union. He has
occupied seats in each House of Congress, was chairman of the
most important committees in the House during Mr. Jefferson's
administration, and was chairman of the committee on Military
Affairs in the Senate when war was declared. He was also Secre-
tary of the Treasury under Mr. Madison, and was afterwards ap-
pointed Minister to Russia by Mr. Monroe. He was a patriot who
secured the confidence of the country — laborious in his investiga-
tions— accurate in his information — steadfast in opinion — upright
in purpose — successful in his pursuits, kind and benevolent to all
and generous to the needy. He has left a bereaved family — with
a wide circle of friends, and none with cause of enmity.
What manner of man was Campbell? Physically, his car-
riage was erect and his stature impressive, and he presented
a commanding personality. He always aspired to improve
himself, and he had a long distance to climb from the back-
woods of North Carolina. Through his many contacts with
polite society in Tennessee, in Washington and in Europe
(and in this connection his wife must have been of great aid) ,
he transformed the usual roughness of a frontier boy into
the habits of a polished gentleman. In his later life he was
considered one of the best informed men in Tennessee. After
his return from Russia in 1820, he acquired wide acres
200 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
throughout Middle and West Tennessee, slaves, a beautiful
home in Nashville, and his economic position was secure.
Few people ever got more out of their physical frame. Camp-
bell enjoyed a full life. He participated in two westward
movements of importance, from western North Carolina to
East Tennessee and from the latter region to Middle Ten-
nessee. In private life he rose from the obscure position of
a typical frontier boy to that of first-rate importance in the
state of his adoption.
Using the law profession as a stepping-stone, he entered
public life. He had the habit of close study, and through his
ability as a speaker he was able to express his ideas and con-
victions with great force. In Tennessee political history, he
should be classed with William Blount, John Sevier, Felix
Grundy, Andrew Jackson, James K. Polk, Andrew Johnson,
and John Bell as the leading politicians in the years before
the Civil War. As a reward for his long support, as well as
for his qualifications and application, the Jeffersonian party
maintained him in important political positions for nearly
two decades. He was a friend of every President from Jeffer-
son through Polk, with the exception of John Quincy Adams.
Campbell acquired an outstanding reputation in public life
and was one of the very first Westerners to rise above an
ordinary position in national politics. Throughout his life he
m.ade valuable contributions in the development of legisla-
tive, executive, financial, and diplomatic policies of the fed-
eral government. He was one of the most active and prom-
inent Western participants in national politics during the
first decade of the nineteenth century. Next to Henry Clay
he was perhaps the best-known practicing politician of the
West in national affairs during the entire Jeffersonian per-
iod. Indeed, as Secretary of the Treasury, there were only
three positions higher in the political scale than he reached:
Secretary of State, Vice-president, and President. Clay was
the first Westerner (as Secretary of State in 1825) to
attain a higher national political position than Campbell.
Thus, during the period from 1792, when Kentucky became
the first state west of the mountains, until 1825, when Clay
PRIVATE LIFE 201
began his service in John Quincy Adam's cabinet, unless Clay's
earlier tenure as Speaker of the House is considered, Camp-
bell had the distinction of rising to the highest political posi-
tion of all men in the New West. Campbell was unquestion-
ably an important, although surely not the most important,
early spokesman and officeholder of his region. He does not
deserve the obscurity that has been his lot.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Manuscripts
A large portion of the subject matter of this study has been combed from
manuscripts collections on deposit in Washington, D. C. Particularly useful
have been the following materials in the Library of Congress : the G. W. Camp-
bell Journal of the French Spoliations Claims Commission, George Washington
Campbell Papers, and Harriet Turner Deposit. Other valuable manuscripts are
the William Plumer Autobiography, 1795-1844, and the Papers of Robert P. Dun-
lop, Andrew Jackson, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe, James
H. Nicholson, and Martin Van Buren.
Valuable information was also found in the Archives of the Department of
State: Journal of the Claims Commission under the Convention between the
United States and France, Concluded July 4, 1831; Report of the Board of
Commissioners Organized under the Convention between the United States and
France, for the Settlement of Claims, Concluded July 4, 1831; Russia, George
Washington Campbell, July 21, 1818 — September 12, 1820; and the United States
Ministers, Instructions, VIII.
Other materials, now on deposit in the National Archives, were found in the
Archives of the Departments of War and the Treasury and the Indian OflSce.
War Department manuscripts utilized included Letters Received, 1811-1815,
Adjutant General's Office, Old Files Division; Letters Received, 1808-1817,
Adjutant General's Office, Old Records Division; and Reports to Congress,
February 3, 1803— April 13, 1818, Adjutant General's Office, Old Files Division.
Pertinent also were the Miscellaneous Correspondence, Indian Agents, 1816,
in the Indian Office Archives, and the following mass of materials in the
Archives of the Treasury Department: An Account of the Receipts and Ex-
penditures of the United States, for the Years 1812, 1813, 1814, and 1815;
Finance Report, 1790-1814; and Miscellaneous Correspondence, Received, 1800-
1852.
Important manuscripts collections concerning the state of Tennessee were
found in the Tennessee State Library and Archives, Nashville, namely, Minute
Book, Tennessee Supreme Court of Errors and Appeals, 1810-1811; Archibald
Roane Papers; and Tennessee Commission Books, 1796 to 1817. In the Tennes-
see Land Office and Archives, Nashville, are to be found Enrolled Acts of Ten-
nessee and Tennessee Land Grants, 1807 to 1846. The Tennessee Papers of the
Lyman C. Draper Collection of Manuscripts are included among the holdings of
the Lawson McGhee Library, Knoxville.
County records examined were as follows: Court Minutes, 1796-1798, and
Records and Wills, 1749-1869, Mecklenburg County, North Carolina, in the
Archives of the North Carolina Historical Commission, Raleigh, and Records,
1796-1799, Mecklenburg County, in the County Court House, Mecklenburg
County, Charlotte; Court Minutes, 1798-1801, and Records, 1800-1812, Knox
County, Tennessee, in the County Court House, Knoxville; and Records, 1810-
204 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
1848, Register, 1810-1813, and Will Book, 1848-1851, Davidson County, Tennes-
see, in the County Court House, Nashville.
A particularly valuable collection of original manuscripts presumably used
only by the present author, belongs to Mrs. Susan M. Brown, of Spring Hill,
Tennessee. The collection includes the Family Bible of the L. M. Brown Fam-
ily; George Washington Campbell Papers; and G. W. Campbell Diary during
My Ministry to Russia, July 3, 1818 — October 31, 1820. The present study could
not have been written without the use of these materials.
Newspapers
The following newspapers, on deposit in the Library of Congress, the Nash-
ville Public Library, and the Lawson McGhee Library of Knoxville, have sup-
plied much material in the study of Campbell and have perhaps added some-
thing to an understanding of his times; unless indicated otherwise the newspa-
pers were published in Nashville: Clarion & Tennessee Gazette (1817-1818) ;
Daily Union (1848) ; Democratic Clarion and Tennessee Gazette (1810-1814) ;
Impartial Review (1806-1808) ; National Banner and Literary, Political, and Com-
mercial Gazette (1826) ; Republican and State Gazette (1830-1831) ; Republican
Banner (1842, 1848) ; Tennessee Gazette (1801-1803) Tennessee Gazette and
Mero-District Advertiser (1803-1805) ; Union (1841) ; Whig (1815, 1819-1822,
1825-1826, 1843) ; Whig & Tennessee Advertiser (1818-1819) ; National Banner
and Nashville Daily Advertiser (1833) ; National Banner and Nashville Whig
(1826, 1829-1830) ; Niles' Weekly Register (Baltimore, 1811-1850) ; Tri-Weekly
Nashville Union (1848) ; Washington Daily National Intelligencer (1832-1835) ;
Washington Globe (1833-1835) ; and Wilson's Knoxville Gazette (1808-1812).
Public Documents
A prime source of information has been the following documents of the
United States: American State Papers, Annals of Congress, House Executive
Documents, Register of Debates in Congress, Senate Documents, Senate Reports,
State Papers, and Statutes at Large. Pertinent also were certain edited docu'
ments: William M. Malloy, Treaties, Conventions, International Acts, ProtO'
cols, and Agreements between the United States of America and Other Powers.
1776-1909, 2 vols. (Washington, 1910) ; William R. Manning, Diplomatic Corre
spondence of the United States Concerning the Independence of the Latin'
American Nations, 3 vols. (New York, 1925-1926) ; Hunter Miller, Treaties and
Other International Acts of the United States of America, 8 vols. (Washington,
1931-1948) ; and James D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages and
Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1897, 10 vols. (Washington, 1899).
State documents of value were W. L. Saunders and Walter Clark, eds.. The
Colonial Records of North Carolina, 30 vols. (Raleigh, 1886-1914) ; Edward
Scott, ed.. Laws of the State of Tennessee, Including Those of North Carolina,
. . . from the Year 1715 to the Year 1820 Inclusive, 2 vols. (Knoxville, 1821) ;
and the following records of the work of the Tennessee General Assembly: Acts,
1803, House Journal, 1801, 1807, and Senate Journal, 1801-1809, 1815.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 205
Miscellaneous Printed Sources
Printed letters, diaries, memoirs, reminiscences and contemporary records
have been examined and found very helpful. Sources of these types which have
been printed in book form were as follows: Charles Francis Adams, ed..
Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, Comprising Portions of His Diary from 1795 to
1848, 12 vols. (Philadelphia, 1876) ; Richard Beale Davis, ed., Jeffersonian
America, Notes on the United States of America Collected in the Years 1805-6-7
and 11-12 by Sir Augustus John Foster, Bart. (San Marino, California, 1954) ;
Paul Leicester Ford, ed,, The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, 10 vols. (New York,
1892-1899) ; Worthington Chauncey Ford, ed.. The Writings of John Quincy
Adams, 7 vols. (New York, 1913-1917) ; Stanislaus Murray Hamilton, ed.. The
Writings of James Monroe, 7 vols. (New York, 1898-1903) ; Gaillard Hunt, ed..
The Writings of James Madison, 9 vols. (New York, 1900-1910) ; Letters and
Other Writings of James Madison, 4 vols. (Philadelphia, 1867) ; Bernard Mayo,
ed., Jefferson Himself, The Personal Narrative of a Many-Sided American (New
York, (1942) ; F. A. Michaux, Travels to the Westward of the Allegany Moun-
tains (London, 1805) ; Samuel Eliot Morison, The Life and Letters of Harrison
Gray Otis, Federalist, 1765-1848, 2 vols. (Boston, 1913) ; Nashville City and
Business Directory, 1860-1861 (Nashville, 1861) ; Samuel Perkins, A History of
the Political and Military Events of the Late War between the United States and
Great Britain (New Haven, 1825) ; A. W. Putnam, History of Middle Tennessee;
or. Life and Times of Gen. James Robertson (Nashville, 1859) ; David Robert-
son, Reports of the Trial of Colonel Aaron Burr (Philadelphia, 1808) ; Mrs.
Margaret Bayard Smith, Forty Years of Washington Society, edited by Gaillard
Hunt (London, 1906) ; Charles Warren, Jacobin and Junto, or Early American
Politics As Viewed in the Diary of Dr. Nathaniel Ames, 1758-1822 (Cambridge,
1931) ; Samuel Cole Williams, ed.. Early Travels in the Tennessee Country
(Johnson City, Tennessee, 1928) ; and The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, 20
vols., Library Edition, issued by the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Association
(Washington, 1903-1904).
Printed sources which have been published in monographic form and ex-
amined were Everett S. Brown, ed., "The Senate Debate on the Breckinridge
Bill for the Government of Louisiana, 1804," American Historical Review, XXII
(January, 1917), 340-364 ;"Correspondence of the Russian Ministers in Washing-
ton, 1818-1825," ibid., XVII (January, 1913), 309-345, and ibid., XVIII (April,
1913), 537-562; Weymouth T. Jordan, ed., "George Washington Campbell's
Journal of the French Spoliations Claims Commission, 1832-1835," East Ten-
nessee Historical Society's Publications, XIX (1947), 98-109, his "Excerpts from
the Diary of a Tennessean at the Court of the Tsar, 1818-1820," ibid., XV (1943),
104-109, and his "Diary of George Washington Campbell, American Minister to
Russia, 1818-1820," Tennessee Historical Quarterly, VII (June, September,
1948), 152-170, 259-280; "Letters Bearing on the War of 1812," The John P.
Branch Historical Papers of Randolph-Macon College (June, 1902), 139-146;
and "McMirm Correspondence on the Subject of Indian Treaties in the Years
1815, 1816, and 1817," American Historical Magazine, VIII (July, 1903), 337-394.
206 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
Secondary Materials
The period in which Campbell lived is one of ihe most written about periods
ill American history. To list all the books, monographs, biographies and spe-
cial studies examined in connection with this study would not be an endless
affair, but it would be misleading to say the least. Numerous materials have
been used solely for what might be termed background material; and only the
more significant of these types are listed hereinafter. It is worthy of note, too,
that Campbell was not mentioned in many of the books and other publications
that have been examined. Some items have been more pertinent to Campbell
and his period than others. It is these items that are cited here.
Biographies and biographical collections that proved especially informative
were Henry Adams, The Life of Albert Gallatin (Philadelphia, 1879; reprinted
New York, 1943) ; Henry Adams, John Randolph (Boston, 1898) ; John Spencer
Bassett, The Life of Andrew Jackson, 2 vols. (New York, 1911) ; Samuel Flagg
Bemis, John Quincy Adams and the Foundations of American Foreign Policy
(New York, 1949) ; Irving Brant, James Madison, Secretary of State, 1800-1809
(Indianapolis, 1953) ; W. C. Bruce, John Randolph of Roanoke, 1773-1833, 2
vols. (New York, 1922) ; A. C. Clark, Life and Letters of Dolly Madison
(Washington, 1914) ; Margaret L. Coit, John C. Calhoun, American Patriot
(Boston, 1950) ; William E. Dodd, The Life of Nathaniel Macon (Raleigh,
1903) ; Carl Samuel Driver, John Sevier, Pioneer of the Old Southwest (Chapel
Hill, 1932) ; Sydney Howard Gay, James Madison (Boston, 1884) ; James L,
Harrison, ed.. Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774-1927
(Washington, 1928) ; Allen Johnson, Jefferson and His Colleagues (New Haven,
1921) ; Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds.. Dictionary of American Biog-
raphy, 21 vols, and index (New York, 1928-1945) ; Adrienne Koch, Jefferson
and Madison, The Great Collaboration (New York, 1950) ; George Norbury
Mackensie, Colonial Families of the United States of America, 7 vols. (Balti-
more, 1911-1920) ; Bernard Mayo, Henry Clay, Spokesman of the New West
(Boston, 1937) ; Leland W. Meyer, The Life and Times of Colojiel Richard M.
Johnson (New York, 1932) ; John T. Morse, Jr., Thomas Jefferson (Boston,
1898) ; Maurice Paleologue, The Enigmatic Czar, The Life of Alexander I of
Russia (New York, 1938) ; Nathan Schachner, Thomas Jefferson, A Biography,
2 vols. (New York, 1951) ; A. M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson (New
York, 1945) ; James W. Silver, Edmund Pendleton Gaines: Frontier General
(Baton Rouge, 1949) ; Leonid I. Strakhovsky, Alexander I, The Man Who De-
feated Napoleon (New York, 1947) ; George Tucker, The Life of Thomas Jef-
ferson, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1837) ; Glyndon G. Van Deusen, The Life of Henry
Clay (Boston, 1937) ; and Charles M. Wiltse, John C. Calhoun, Nationalist,
1782-1828 (Indianapolis, 1944).
General works and broad special studies include Henry Adams, History of
the United States, 9 vols. (New York, 1921) ; James Truslow Adams, New Eng-
land and the Republic, 1776-1850 (Boston, 1927) ; Kendric C. Babcock, The
Rise of American Nationality, 1811-1819 (New York, 1906) ; Edward Chan-
ning, A History of the United States, 6 vols. (New York, 1905-1925), and his
BIBLIOGRAPHY 207
The Jeffersonian System, 1801-1811 (New York, 1906) ; Robert S. Cotterill,
The Old South (Glendale, California, 1936) ; Davis Rich Dewey, Financial His-
tory of the United States (New York, 1902) ; Carl Russell Fish, The Develop-
ment of American Nationality (New York, 1929) ; Harvey E. Fisk, Our Public
Debt, An Historical Sketch with a Description of United States Securities (New
York, 1919) ; Theodore J. Grayson, Leaders and Periods of American Finance
(New York, 1932) ; Albert Bushnell Hart, Formation of the Union (New York,
1895) ; William J. Shultz and M. R. Caine, Financial Development of the
United States (New York, 1937) ; Paul Studenski and Herman E. Krooss, Fi-
nancial History of the United States (New York, 1952) ; Charles Warren, The
Supreme Court in United States History, 3 vols. (Boston, 1913) ; and Leonard
D. White, The Jeffersonians, A Study in Administrative History (New York,
1951).
Other special studies were Thomas Perkins Abernethy, The Burr Conspiracy
(New York, 1954) ; Robert G. Albion, The Rise of New York Port, 1815-1860
(New York, 1939) ; De Alva Stanwood Alexander, History and Procedure of the
House of Representatives (Boston, 1916) ; Herman V. Ames, Proposed Amend-
ments to the Constitution of the United States during the First Century of Its
History (Washington, 1897); Francis F. Beirne, The War of 1812 (New York,
1949) ; Everett Somerville Brown, The Constitutional History of the Louisiana
Purchase, 1803-1812 (Berkeley, California, 1920) ; David L. Corbitt, The Forma-
tion of North Carolina Counties, 1663-1943 (Raleigh, 1950) ; Robert S. Cotterill,
The Southern Indians, The Story of the Civilized Tribes before Removal (Nor-
man, Oklahoma, 1954) ; Henry Jones Ford, Scotch-Irish in America (Princeton,
1915) ; Roger Foster, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States
(Boston, 1895) ; Charles Grove Haines, The Role of the Supreme Court in
American Government and Politics, 1789-1835 (Berkeley, California, 1944) ;
Ralph V. Harlow, The History of Legislative Methods in the Period before 1825
(New Haven, 1917) ; Allen Johnson, Union and Democracy (Boston, 1915) ;
Hugh T. Lefier and Albert R. Newsome, North Carolina, The History of a
Southern State (Chapel Hill, 1954) ; William O. Lynch, Fifty Years of Party
Warfare, 1789-1837 (Indianapolis, 1931) ; Samuel Eliot Morison, The Maritime
History of Massachusetts, 1783-1860 (Boston, 1941) ; Rembert W. Patrick, Flor-
ida Fiasco, Rampant Rebels on the Georgia-Florida Border, 1810-1815 (Athens,
Georgia, 1954) ; D. A. Tompkins, History of Mecklenburg County, 2 vols.
(Charlotte, North Carolina, 1903) ; and William Wood, The War with the United
States, A Chronicle of 1812 (Toronto, 1921).
Special studies found to be particularly helpful on the subject of the rela-
tions of the United States with foreign powers were A. L. Burt, The United
States, Great Britain and British North America (New Haven, 1940) ; A. C
Clauder, American Commerce as Affected by the Wars of the French Revolution
and Napoleon, 1793-1812 (Philadelphia, 1932) ; Isaac Joslin Cox, The West
Florida Controversy, 1798-1813, . . . (Baltimore, 1918) ; W. P. Cresson, The Holy
Alliance, The European Background of the Monroe Doctrine (New York, 1922) ;
Foster Rhea Dulles, The Road to Teheran, The Story of Russia and America,
1781-1945 (Princeton, 1945) ; Hubert Bruce Fuller, The Purchase of Florida, Its
208 GEORGE WASHINGTON CAMPBELL OF TENNESSEE
History and Diplomacy (Cleveland, 1906) ; Eli F. Heckscher, The Continental
System, An Economic Interpretation (London, 1922) ; John C. Hildt, "Early
Diplomatic Negotiations of the United States with Russia," Johns Hopkins
University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Series XXIV, No. 5, 6
(Baltimore, 1906) ; Louis Houck, The Boundaries of the Louisiana Purchase
(St. Louis, 1901) ; W. W. Jennings, The American Embargo, 1807-1809 (Iowa
City, 1921) ; Richard Aubrey McLemore, Franco-American Diplomatic Rela-
tions, 1816-1836 (Baton Rouge, 1941) ; A. T. Mahan, The Influence of Sea Power
upon the French Revolution and the Empire, 1793-1812, 2 vols. (New York,
1892) ; John Bassett Moore, History and Digest of the International Arbitrations
to Which the United States Has Been a Party, 6 vols. (Washington, 1898) ;
Frank L. Owsley, King Cotton Diplomacy; Foreign Relations of the Confed-
erate States (Chicago, 1931) ; J. A. Robertson, Louisiana under the Rule of
Spain, France and the United States, 2 vols. (Cleveland, 1911) ; Benjamin Piatt
Thomas, "Russo-American Relations, 1815-1867," Johns Hopkins University
Studies in Historical and Political Science, Series XLVIII, No. 2 (Baltimore,
1930) ; Frank A. Updyke, The Diplomacy of the War of 1812 (Bahimore, 1915) ;
Arthur P. Whitaker, The Mississippi Question, 1795-1803 (New York, 1934) ;
and James Fulton Zimmerman, Impressment of American Seamen (New York,
1925). Of the special studies of various types used in the present author's book,
the most useful was Julius William Pratt, Expansionists of 1812 (New York,
1925).
Valuable histories of Tennessee and Tennesseans are: Thomas Perkins
Abernethy, From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee (Chapel Hill, 1932) ;
Gerald M. Capers, The Biography of a River Town, Memphis: Its Heroic Age
(Chapel Hill, 1939) ; F. Garvin Davenport, Cultural Life in Nashville on the
Eve of the Civil War (Chapel Hill, 1941) ; Donald Davidson, The Tennessee:
The Old River — Frontier to Secession (New York, 1946) ; Stanley J. Folmsbee,
Sectionalism and Internal Improvements in Tennessee, 1796-1845 (Knoxville,
1939) ; Goodspeed History of Tennessee, . . . (Nashville, 1887) ; Gilbert E.
Govan and James W. Livingood, The Chattanooga Country, 1540-1951 (New
York, 1952) ; Will T. Hale and Dixon L. Merritt, A History of Tennessee and
Tennesseans, 8 vols. (Chicago, 1913) ; Philip May Hamer, Tennessee, A History,
1673-1932, 4 vols. (New York, 1933) ; Albert C. Holt, The Economic and Social
Beginnings of Tennessee (Nashville, 1923) ; Kenneth McKellar, Tennessee Sen-
ators As Seen by One of Their Successors (Kingsport, Tennessee, 1942) ;
Charles A. Miller, The Official and Political Manual of the State of Tennessee
(Nashville, 1890) ; John Trotwood Moore and Austin P. Foster, Tennessee, The
Volunteer State, 4 vols. (Nashville, 1923) ; Samuel Cole Williams, Beginnings
of West Tennessee, in the Land of the Chickasaws (Johnson City, Tennessee,
1930), and the same author's Dawn of Tennessee Valley and Tennessee History
(Johnson City, 1937).
Among the periodical materials examined, the following in the East Tennes-
see Historical Society's Publications have proved very pertinent: Claude A.
Campbell, "Banking and Finance in Tennessee during the Depression of 1837,"
IX (1937), 19-30, and his "Branch Banking in Tennessee Prior to the Civil War,"
BIBLIOGRAPHY 209
XI (1939), 34-46; Stanley J. Folmsbee and Lucile Deaderick, "The Founding of
Knoxville," XIII (1941), 3-20; L. Paul Gresham, "Hugh Lawson White, Fron-
tiersman, Lawyer, and Judge," XIX (1947), 3-24; Weymouth T. Jordan, "The
Private Interests and Activities of George Washington Campbell," XIII (1941),
47-65, and his "The Public Career of George Washington Campbell," X (1938),
3-18; Powell Moore, "James K. Polk and Tennessee Politics, 1839-1841," IX
(1937), 31-53; Joseph H. Parks, "Felix Grundy and the Depression of 1819 in
Teimessee," X (1938), 19-43; and Arda S. Walker, "Andrew Jackson: Frontier
Democrat," XVIII (1946), 59-86.
Certain articles in the Tennessee Historical Quarterly were also very useful:
William N. Chambers, "Thomas Hart Benton in Tennessee, 1801-1812," VIII
(December, 1949), 291-331; J. W. Denis, "The Nashville Cemetery," II (March,
1943), 31-42; L. Paul Gresham, "The Public Career of Hugh Lawson White,"
III (December, 1944), 291-318; Gabriel L. Lowe, Jr., "John H. Eaton, Jackson's
Campaign Manager," XI (June, 1952), 99-147; Nell Savage Mahoney, "William
Strickland and the Building of Tennessee's Capitol, 1845-1854," IV (June, 1945),
99-153; Ray Gregg Osborne, "Political Career of James Chamberlain Jones,
1840-1857," VII (September, December, 1948), 195-228, 322-334. Of value also
was Samuel Cole Williams, "The Genesis of the Tennessee Supreme Court,"
Tennessee Law Review, VI (February, 1928), 75-85.
Cited in footnotes were several articles from the Journal of Southern His-
tory: F. Garvin Davenport, "Culture Versus Frontier in Tennessee, 1825-1850,"
V (February, 1939), 18-33; Clement Eaton, "Southern Senators and the Right
of Instruction, 1789-1860," XVIII (August, 1952), 303-319; Stanley J. Folmsbee,
"The Turnpike Phase of Tennessee's Internal Improvement System of 1836-
1838," III (November, 1937), 453-477; and Lowell H. Harrison, "John Breckin-
ridge: Western Statesman," XVIII (May, 1952), 137-151.
The following articles also furnished excellent information: W. H. Good-
man, "The Origins of the War of 1812: A Survey of Changing Interpretations,"
Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXVIII (September, 1941), 171-186; Bray
Hammond, "Public Policy and National Banks," Journal of Economic History,
VI (May, 1946), 79-84; G. A. King, "The French Spoliations Claims," American
Journal of International Law, VI (April, July, October, 1912), 359-380, 629-649,
830-857; William M. Meigs, "Pennsylvania Politics Early in This Century,"
Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, XVII (1893), 462-490; Dexter
Perkins, "Russia and the Spanish Colonies, 1817-1818," American Historical
Review, XXVIII (July, 1923), 656-672; and William Spence Robertson, "Russia
and the Emancipation of Spanish America, 1816-1826," Hispanic American His-
torical Review, XXI (May, 1941), 196-221.
210
INDEX
Adams, Henry, 78, 85; his History of
the United States, 112-113
Adams, James Truslow, 133, 135
Adams, John, 112 146
Adams, John Quincy, 112, 148, 150,
152, 153, 154, 160, 161, 200, 201;
describes Campbell's role in Chase
trial, 45; Secretary of State, 139;
opinion of Campbell, 139, 140-141;
instructions to Campbell, 142-145,
149, 155, 156, 158; dispatches from
Campbell, 147-161.
Aix-la-Chapelle Conference, 144, 147,
148, 150, 151, 153
Alabama, River, 19; state of, 25
Alexander I, Tsar of Russia, 141, 151,
158, 159; interest in Latin American
affairs, 142, 144, 149, 150, 155; con-
cern with Florida Treaty, 156-157
160-161
American Revolution, 4; Loyalists of,
4, 117
Anacostia Bridge Company, 196
Anderson, Joseph, 1, 26, 105, 107, 138;
recommends Campbell as Attorney-
General, 135; becomes Comptroller-
General, 137
Annals of Congress, 28
Armstrong, John, 107, 108
Army and Navy expenditures, 117
Astor, John Jacob, 123, 124
Astor and Company, 123
Bacon, Ezekial, 71
Baltimore, Md., 42, 145
Bank of Tennessee, 183, 185, 193
Barker, Jacob, 120
Bayard, James A., Ill
Bell, Eliza, 114
Bell, John, 200
Benton, Thomas Hart, 88
Berlin Decree, 171, 172
Biddle, Nicholas, 183
Blount, William, 1, 200
Blount, Willie, 90, 92, 95, 97, 100
Bonaparte, Napoleon, 70; Campbell's
opinion of, 138, 141, 163, 164
Boston, Mass., 102, 145, 146
Boyle, 27, 28
Bradbury, George, 132
Breckinridge, 14, 112; his government
for Louisiana bill, 14-18, 24
Burr, Aaron, 26, 46-48
Calhoun, John C, 177; as a "war-
hawk," 92, 93, 94; recommends
Campbell as minister to Russia, 140
Campbell, Alexander, brother of G.
W. Campbell, 4
Campbell, Archibald, father of G. W.
Campbell, 3, 4, 5; children of, 3
Campbell, Colin, brother of G. W.
Campbell, 5
Campbell, David, 89
Campbell, Donald, brother of G. W.
Campbell, 4
Campbell, Elizabeth "Lyzinka," daugh-
ter of G. W. Campbell, 152, 198, 199
Campbell, Elizabeth Mackay, mother
of G. W. Campbell, 3, 4, 5
Campbell, George, son of G. W.
Campbell, 152, 198
Campbell, George Washington, sum-
mary of career of, 1, 2, 177-178, 200-
201; birth of, in Scotland, 3; early
life of, in North Carolina, 3-5; adds
Washington to his name, 4; educa-
tion of, 5-6; church membership of,
6; moves to Tennessee, 6; as a
lawyer, 7-8, 10, 180-181; seeks elec-
tion to Congress, 8-9; elected to
Congress, 10-12, 21-23, 29; and
Louisiana government bill, 13-18;
favors road bill, 18-19; Circular Let-
ters to the Citizens of Tennessee,
20, 50, 75, 94, 106; and West Florida,
23-24; and Muscle Shoals, 25, 30-31;
on patriotism of frontiersmen, 26-27;
seeks United States Supreme Court
judgeship, 27-29; growing reputation
of, 29; and Indian lands in Ten-
nessee, 32-40, 194; opposes United
States Supreme Court, 41-49; and
Burr trial, 46-48; and non-importa-
tion, 49-54; as a militarist, 54-67,
96-97, 101-109; as chairman of Ways
and Means, 57-58, 67, 76; eulogizes
Jefferson, 63; favors embargo, 64,
69-86; as a Jeffersonian, 67-68; argu-
ment and duel with Barent Gard-
enier, 69-73; his marriage, 73; as a
"warhawk," 67, 75, 77, 85-110; chair-
man of House Committee on Foreign
Affairs, 76; his "Report" on em-
bargo, 76-82, 165 ; his illnesses, 82-
83; as member of Tennessee
Supreme Court of Errors and
Appeals, 87-92; obituaries, 91, 199;
suggested for Vice-Presidency, 99;
named chairman Senate Committee
on Military Affairs, 101, 107; as
chairman Senate Committee on
Foreign Relations, 105; appointed
Secretary of the Treasury, 1 12-115;
mentioned for Presidency, 114; as
Secretary of the Treasury, 118-136;
INDEX
211
resigns cabinet post, 130; appraised
as Secretary of the Treasury, 132-
135; as United States senator, 137-
139; his opinion of Bourbons, 138;
chairman of Senate Finance Com-
mittee, 138; appointment and in-
structions as minister to Russia, 139-
145; as sight-seer, in Baltimore, 145,
in Philadelphia, 145-146, in New
York, 146, in Boston, 146, in Copen-
hagen, 146, in Russia, 154, 159, in
England, 161, in France, 161 ; as
minister to Russia, 147-161; opinion
of Alexander I, 150, 151, 156, 159-
160; deaths of his children, Benja-
min, George, Elizabeth McKay, 152 ;
requests recall from Russia, 154;
returns from Russia, 161-162; French
Spoliations Claims Commission,
appointment to, 163, 165, and activi-
ties on, 166-177; cultural interests,
179-180; life of, in Nashville, 179-
199; his wealth, 179, 193, 196-199;
toasts at meetings, 181-182; supports
Jackson, 182; his banking activities,
183-185; attitude toward Second
United States Bank, 183-185; as
landholder and investor, 185-187, 189-
199 ; as planter and slave o^vner, 191-
194; sells capitol site, 196-197;
estate of, 197-199; death of, 199;
appraisal of, 199-201
Campbell, Harriet Stoddert, wife of G,
W. Campbell, 73, 146, 152, 157-158,
180, 198
Campbell, Patrick, 187
Campbell's Hill, Nashville home of
G. W. Campbell, 197, 198
Canada, interest in, 94, 96
Carroll, William, 183
Carthage, Tenn., 90, 187
Charleston, S. C, 3, 102
Charlotte, N. C, 3
Chase, Samuel, 20; and his trial, 41-46
Chesapeake-Leopard affair, 56-57, 59, 64
Claiborne, W. C. C, 1, 8
Clarksville, Tenn., 90
Clay, Henry, 142, 178, 200; as a "war-
hawk," 92, 93, 94; mentioned for
Vice-Presidency, 99
Clinch River, 186
Clinton, George, 99
Cocke, John, 9, 12
Cocke, William, 89
Coffee, John, 190
College of New Jersey, 5
Columbia, Tenn., 181
Compact of 1806, on Tennessee lands,
187-189
Concert of Europe, 142
Congressional Reservation, in Tennes-
see, 32, 33, 36, 38, 39, 188, 194
Continental System, 163
Coosa River, 18, 19
Cornstadt, Russia, 161
Crawford, William H., 34, 35, 36, 113,
114; recommends Campbell as min-
ister to Russia, 140
Creek Nation, 18
Crooked Creek, boyhood homeplace of
Campbell, 3
Crownshield, Jacob, 61, 146
Cumberland River, 187
Dallas, Alexander James, 112, 113;
becomes Secretary of the Treasury,
131-133
Dallas, George Mifflin, 131
Deaderick, George M., 127
Dearborn, Henry, 31
Detroit, Mich., 102
Dickson, William, 10, 12, 23, 29;
defeats Campbell for Congress, 9
Dictionary of American Biography, 113
District of Indiana, 14
D'Oubril, Russian acting minister of
Foreign Affairs, 147, 148
Duck River, 189, 193
Dyersburg, Tenn., 199
East Tennessee College, 179
Elk River, 34, 189, 191
Elliot, James, 47, 61 ; as political
antagonist of Campbell, 48, 62, 63
Elseneur, Denmark, 142, 146
Embargo, 68-86; proposed by Jeffer-
son, 64; repealed, 83-86; supported
by Campbell, 69-86
Enforcement Act, 83
Eppes, John W., 59, 72, 118
Esselman, Alexander, 193
Esselman, Ann Campbell, sister of G.
W. Campbell, 193, 199
Esselman, John N., 193
Florida, acquisition of, 23-24, 50, 94,
142, 153, 155-157, 158, 160-161
Forked Deer River, 195
Fort St. Stephens, 18
Franklin Turnpike Company, 196, 198
French Spoliations Claims Commis-
sion, creation of, 165 ; members, 165,
168; procedures, 166, 168-171, 173-
174, 176; accomplishments, 167, 168,
169-175
212
INDEX
Gallatin, Albert, 133; his opinion of
Campbell, 58; his embargo Report,
76-82; leaves Treasury Department,
111, 112; as Secretary of the Trea-
sury, 116, 120, 132
Gardenier, Barent, argument and duel
with Campbell, 69-73
Ghent, Belgium, 111, 122, 124; Treaty
of, 137
Government loans, 121, 127-128, 132,
133, 134
Gravesend, England, 161
Gray, William, 146
Gregg, Andrew, 15; resolution on non-
importation, 52~54
Grundy, Felix, 1, 200
Gunboats, 54-56, 58-63, 67
Hamilton District, Tenn., 11, 29
Harrison, Samuel H., 133
Harrison, William Henry, 139
Hart, Albert Bushnell, 112
Hartford Convention, 124, 131
Hawkins, Joseph H., 132, 133
Hickory Ground, 18
Hiwassee River, 33
Holy Alliance, 141, 142, 144, 149
Hopkinson, Joseph, 45
Hughes, James, 27
Humphreys, Parry W., 89
Indians, Cherokee, 20, 31, 33-36, 189;
Chickasaw, 34-35, 38, 39; Choctaw,
31; Creek, 20, 102; trading houses,
23
Jackson, Andrew, 1, 2, 21, 139, 162,
163, 175, 177, 178, 181, 200; supports
William Dickson for Congress, 9;
Campbell's correspondence with, 13,
22, 37, 97, 98, 109, 122, 146, 195; his
foray into Florida, 145, 148; ap-
points Campbell to French Spolia-
tions Claims Commission, 165; sup-
ported by Campbell for Presidency,
182 ; and Second United States Bank,
183, 184, 185
Jackson, John J., 78
Jefferson, Thomas, 8, 18, 25, 27, 29,
46, 63, 112, 115, 200; popularity in
Tennessee, 9-10, 12, 26, 26; sup-
ported by Campbell, 13, 75, 139,
177, 178, 183; and Indians, 20, 23;
and West Florida, 24; and the
Courts, 41, 42; and England, 50-52,
54, 55, 57, 59; his gunboat policy,
54-56; and the embargo, 64, 69, 73,
74, 76, 78, 84; on Campbell's appoint-
ment to cabinet, 113
Jellico, Tenn., 18
Johnson, Andrew, 200
Johnson, Richard, M., 71, 78
Jones, James C, 182, 185
Jones, William, 111, 118, 133
Jonesborough, Tenn., 90
Kane, John K. 165, 166
King, Rufus, 139
"King Cotton," 53
Kingsley, Captain, a Nashville inn-
keeper, 162
Knoxville, Tenn., 1, 6, 7, 8, 18, 20, 21,
31, 50, 90, 179, 185, 186, 190, 191
Lacock. Abner, 112, 131
Latin American colonies, independence
of, 142, 144-145, 149-150, 151, 152-
153, 155
Laval, Count, French minister to
Russia, 148
Lieb, Michael, 15, 112
Little Tennessee River, 33
Louisiana, 20 ; Territory of, 20 ; Treaty
13, 23, 164, 174
Lowndes, William, 139, 140
Mclver, John, 193
McMinn, Joseph, 33, 35, 183
Macon, Nathaniel, 41, 43, 57, 114
Madison, James, 78, 93, 98, 124, 131,
178; and Tennessee Indians, 33, 34,
35, 37; his financial program, 100,
116, 119, 122, 123, 125, 126, 128; and
military legislation, 108; and Camp-
bell in his cabinet, 112, 113, 115,
130; and impressment, 125; opinion
of Campbell, 135; supported by
Campbell, 138, 139
Maiden, Mass., 102
Marshall, John, 41
Matheson, Duncan, 3
Mecklenburg County, N. C, boyhood
home of Campbell. 3, 4, 7
Meigs, Return J., 35
Mero District, Tenn., 11
Milan Decree, 171
Military Reservation, in Tennessee,
188
Mississippi River, 19, 20, 34; state of,
25; the Territory, 15-16, 25
Monroe, .James, 55, 138, 178; corres-
pondence with Campbell, 123, 151,
152, 154; appoints Campbell minis-
ter to Russia, 139, 140; and Florida,
156, 157, 158, 160, 161
Monroe Doctrine, 145
Montgomery, John 71
Muscle Shoals, 24-25, 30-31
INDEX
213
Nashville and Charlotte Turnpike
Company, 198
Nashville Clarion & Tennessee Ga-
zette, 38, 39
Nashville Democratic Clarion and
Tennessee Gazette, 98, 99
Nashville Impartial Review, 29
Nashville, Tenn., 1, 19, 25, 39, 90, 120,
122, 126, 127, 131, 141, 160, 161, 176,
179, 180, 181, 183, 185, 190, 191, 194,
199; University of, 179; hotels of,
182, 196, 198; Bank of, 193
Nashville Tennessee Gazette, 8, 9
Natchez, Miss., 25
Natchez Trace, travel on, 25-26
Natchitoches, La., 102
Nelson, Roger, 65
Nesselrode. Count, Russian minister
of Foreign Affairs, 147, 155, 156, 157,
158, 159, 160, 161
Netv England in the Republic, 133
New Orleans, La., 18, 19, 21, 25, 102
Newport, R. I.. 102
New York, N. Y., 102, 161
Nicholas, Grand Duke of Russia, and
his wife, 150-151
Nichols, Carey Wilson, 83, 84
Nicholson, Joseph H., and non-
importation, 52, 54; his opinion of
Campbell, 114
Niles' National Register, 131, 170
Non-importation, 49-54, 64
Norfolk, Va., 102
Ohio River, 19
Orders-in-Council, 64, 73, 80, 97, 164,
171
Ordinances, of 1785, 14; of 1787, 14, 15
Overton, John, 92, 182, 190
Panic of 1819, 183
Pavlovsky, Russia, 154
Pensacola, Fla., 156, 157
Perkins, Samuel, 133
Philadelphia, Pa., 102
Pickering, John, 41, 42, 43
Pinkney, Charles, 139, 148, 158, 161
Pinkney, William, 55, 139, 140
Plumer, William, opinion of Campbell,
44
Politica, M. P. de, 155, 157
Polk, James K., 182, 200
Porter, P. H., 191, 192
Powell, Samuel, 89
Quadruple Alliance, 141, 149
Quincy, Josiah, opposes Campbell on
gunboat bill, 59-61, on embargo, 74,
78
Quintuple Alliance, 150
Randolph, John, of Roanoke, 68; cri-
ticizes Campbell, 28, 60, 61; and
the Chase trial, 41-43, 46; favors
non-importation, 55; ousted as chair-
man of Ways and Means, 57, 58, 83;
opposes gunboat bill, 63; opposes
embargo, 74
Rhea, John, 1, 8, 9, 12, 23, 26, 29, 30
Rives, William Cabell, 164
Rives Treaty, 163-165, 166, 167, 168,
172, 175
Roane, Archibald, 12, 21, 22, 23
Rosenkrantz, Danish minister of For-
eign Affairs, 143, 146, 147
Rush, Richard, 111, 112, 113, 155
Russell, Jonathan, 142, 146
St. Augustine, Fla., 156, 157
St. Petersburg, Russia, 111, 139, 147,
154, 159, 180
Sappington, Roger B., 191
Sevier, John, 1, 2, 7, 12, 21, 23, 29, 200
Smith, Daniel, 1
Smith, Dennis A., 126, 127
Smith, Margaret Bayard, 114
Smith, Samuel Harrison, 114
Spring Hill, Tenn., 198
Stockholm, Sweden, 142
Stoddert, Benjamin, father-in-law of
Campbell, 73
Stones' River, 190, 193
Stuart, Thomas, 89
Sulphur Springs, Va., 130
Tallapoosa River, 18
Tarleton, Banastre, 4
Tennessee, attains statehood, 7; emi-
gration to, 7; elections, 8-12, 21-23
29; congressional districts, 10-11, 21
River, 19, 25, 30-31, 32, 33, 34, 187
General Assembly, 25, 31, 138
House Journal, 29; Senate Journal,
29; Supreme Court of Errors and
Appeals, 87-92, 189; Circuit Courts,
districts and judges, 89
Tenns, Admiral, 147
Territory of Orleans, 14, 24
Todd, Thomas, 27, 29
Tombigbee River, 18, 30, 31; settle-
ments, 20
Tongue, Sutherlandshire, Scotland,
birthplace of Campbell, 3
Trafalgar, battle of, 51
TriWeekly Nashville Union, 199
Trenton, N. J., 6
Trimble, James, 89
Tripoli, 50
214
INDEX
United States Bank, 115; approved by
Campbell, 139, 183-185; opposed by
Jackson, 183-184
United States v. Burr, 46
Varnum, Joseph, 26, 70; speaker of
the House, 57 ; appoints Campbell
chairman of Ways and Means, 58;
corresponds with Campbell, 91
Van Buren, Martin, 185
War of 1812, declaration of, 99;
finances of, 100, 115-134; reasons for,
109-110, 125
War of 1756, Rule of, 51
"Warhawks," 77, 92-93
Washington District, Tenn., 11, 29
Washington, D. C, capture of by
British, 126, 133
Washington Fontaine Company, 196
Washington National Intelligencer,
114, 125, 166
Waxliaw, S. C, 4
Wellington, Lord, 151
West Florida, 23-24
West Tennessee Land Commissioners,
195
Wharton, Jesse, 29
White, Hugh Lawson, 90-92
Whitesides, Jenkins, 31, 92
Wilkinson, James, 47
Williams, John, 33, 34-35
Williams, Nathaniel, 89
Williams, Thomas W., 165, 166, 168
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