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•^ 1915-1925 
Ihe Second feneration 




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German Expressionism 1915-1925 
The Second Generation 

Los Angeles County Museum of Art 
October 9 -December 31, 1988 

Fort Worth Art Museum 

February 2 -April 9, 1989 

Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf 

May 18 -July 9, 1989 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, Halle 
August 9 -September 30, 1989 

German Expressionism 


The Second Generation 

Edited by 

Stephanie Barron 

With essays by 

Stephanie Barron, Peter W. Guenther, Friedrich Heckmanns, 
Fritz Loffler, Eberhard Roters, Stephan von Wiese 

Los Angeles County Museum of Art 

This book was published in conjunction with the exhibition "German Expressionism 1915 -1925 : 
The Second Generation" organized by Stephanie Barron, Curator of Twentieth-Century Art, Los Angeles County 

Museum of Art (October 9 -December 31, 1988). 

Also shown at; Fort Worth Art Museum, Texas (February 2-April 9, 1989), Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf, 

Federal Republic of Germany (May iS-July 9, 1989), Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, Halle, 

German Democratic Republic (August 9-September 30, 1989). 

This exhibition was made possible through the support of Mercedes-Benz. Additional assistance was received from 

the National Endowment for the Arts, an agency of the United States government, and the Federal Republic of 

Germany. Lufthansa German Airlines provided major support for the transportation. This exhibition 

is supported by an indemnity from the Federal Council on the Arts and Humanities. 

Copyright © 1988 by Museum Associates, Los Angeles County Museum of Art. All rights reserved. 

Copyright © of works illustrated by the artists, their heirs and assigns, except in the following cases: MaxBeckmann, 

Max Emst, Friednch Karl Gotsch, George Grosz, Kathe Kollwitz, Bemhard Kretzschmar, Anton Raderscheidt 

by VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn, 1988; Otto Dix by Dix Erben, Baden/Switzerland; Conrad Felixmiiller, Oskar Kokoschka, 

Karl Schmidt-Rottluff by COSMOPRESS, Geneva, 1988; Wilhelm Lehmbruck by Lehmbruck-Archiv, Stuttgart; 

Ludwig Meidner by Nachlass Ludwig Meidner, Darmstadt; Max Pechstein by Pechstein-Archiv, Hamburg. 

Copyright © of all other photographic documents, see Photo Credits, page 196 

Texts by Friedrich Heckmanns, Fritz Loffler, Eberhard Roters, 
and Stephan von Wiese were translated by David Bntt 

Front cover: Walter Jacob, Das fiingste Geiicht 
(The Last Judgment), 1920 (Cat. no, detail) 

Frontispiece : Conrad Felixmiiller, Der Tod des Dichters Walter Rheinei 
(Death of the Poet Walter Rheiner), 1925 (Cat. 58) 

The map "German Expressionism 1920" on pages 124/125 was designed by Astrid Fischer, Munich 

The Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 
5905 Wilshire Boulevard, Los Angeles, CA 90036 

Published by PRESTBL-VERLAG, 

Mandlstrasse 26, D-8000 Munich 40, 

Federal Republic of Germany 

Distributed in the USA and Canada by 
te Neues Publishing Company, 15 East 76 Street, New York, NY 10021 

Distributed in the United Kingdom, Ireland, and the rest of the world with 

the exception of continental Europe, USA, Canada, and Japan by 

Thames and Hudson Limited, 30-34 Bloomsbury Street, London WCiB 3QP, England 

Library of Congress Cataloging- in-Publication Data is available. 
Library of Congress number: 88-13170 

Typesetting by Fertigsatz GmbH, Munich, using 

'Trump-Medieval' by D. Stempel & Co., Frankfurt am Main 

Color separation by Brend'amour, Simhardt GmbH & Co., Munich 

Printing and Binding by Passavia GmbH, Passau 

Printed in the Federal Republic of Germany 

ISBN 3-7913-0874-2 (hardcover trade edition) 





Stephanie Barron 



Eberhard Roters 

Prewar, Wartime, and Postwar: 

Expressionism in Berlin from 19 12 to the Early 1920s 


Fritz Loffler 

Dresden from 191 3 and the Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 19 19 


Friediich Heckmanns 

Das Junge Rheinland in Dusseldorf 1919-1929 

The Summit of Mount Expressionism : A Beginning before the End 


Peter W. Guenther 
A Survey of Artists' Groups: Their Rise, Rhetoric, and Demise 


Stephan von Wiese 

A Tempest Sweeping This World : 

Expressionism as an International Movement 


Artists' Biographies 


Catalogue of Works Shown in the Exhibition 


Selected Bibliography 



Lenders List 

Stadtische Galerie Albstadt, Collection Walther Groz, 

Staatliches Lindenau-Museum, Altenburg, GDR 
Akademie der Kiinste der Deutschen Demokratischen 

Republik, Berlin (East), GDR 
Akademie der Kiinste, Berlin (West), FRG 
Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, National- 

galerie, Berlin (West), FRG 
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin (East), GDR 
Berlin Museum, Berlin (West), FRG 
Berlinische Galerie, Berlin (West), FRG 
Stadtisches Kunstmuseum Bonn, FRG 
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, GDR 
Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG 
Stadtmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG ,. 

Haus der Heimat, Freital, GDR 
Karl Ernst Osthaus Museum, Hagen, FRG 
Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, Halle, GDR 
Sprengel Museum Hannover, FRG 
The Heckscher Museum, Huntington, New York 
Otto Pankok Museum, Hiinxe-Drevenack, FRG 
Badisches Landesmuseum, Karlsruhe, FRG 
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Kassel, FRG 
Museum der bildenden Kiinste, Leipzig, GDR 
The Tate Gallery, London 
Los Angeles County Museum of Art 
Los Angeles County Museum of Art, The Robert Gore 

Rifkind Center for German Expressionist Studies 
The Minneapolis Institute of Arts 
Stadtisches Museum Miilheim an der Ruhr, FRG 
Yale University, Collection Societe Anonyme, 

New Haven 

The Museum of Modem Art, New York 
The State Jewish Museum, Prague, Czechoslovakia 
Museum Ostdeutsche Galerie Regensburg, FRG 
Kunsthalle Rostock, GDR 

Schleswig-Holsteinisches Landesmuseum, FRG 
Galerie der Stadt Stuttgart, FRG 

Hirshhom Museum and Sculpture Garden, Smithsonian 
Institution, Washington, D.C. 

Peter August Bockstiegel-Haus, Werther-Arrode 

Lorenz Bosken, Jr. 

Dr. and Mrs. David Edelbaum 

Fine Art Society, Los Angeles 

Marvin and Janet Fishman, Milwaukee 

Barry Friedman Ltd., New York 

Richard Horn, Halle 

Winnetou Kampmann, Berlin (West) 

Kicken Pauseback Galerie, Cologne 

James and Ilene Nathan 

Hans Peter Reisse 

Galerie Remmert &. Barth, Dusseldorf 

The Robert Gore Rifkind Collection, Beverly Hills 

The Robert Gore Rifkind Foundation, Beverly Hills 

Dr. and Mrs. Richard A. Simms 

Tabachnick Collection, Canada 

Thyssen-Bornemisza Collection, Lugano, Switzerland 

Galerie Valentien, Stuttgart 

Mr. and Mrs. Thomas E. Worrell, Jr. 

Private collection, Berlin (West) 

Private collection, FRG 

Several anonymous lenders 


In the years immediately following World War I and the 
November Revolution of 1918, dozens of artists' groups 
sprang up throughout Germany. Though short-lived, 
these groups represent an important chapter in the his- 
tory of modem German art, one that has often been 
omitted from survey exhibitions and books on the 
period. The title of our exhibition, German Expression- 
ism 191 s -192s: The Second Generation suggests that 
instead of ending with the war, the Expressionist period 
continued well into the 1920s with a vigorous second 
generation. The material contained here provides view- 
ers and readers with the first comprehensive study of 
this explosion of artistic activity. Some of the groups, 
like the Novembergruppe or the Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst in 
Berlin, are well documented in Germany but virtually 
unknown in America. Other groups in cities as diverse 
as Bielefeld, Darmstadt, Dresden, Dusseldorf, and 
Hanover may be unfamiliar today even to German audi- 

The Los Angeles County Museum of Art is proud to 
present this ground-breaking exhibition of second-gen- 
eration German Expressionism, which was organized by 
Stephanie Barron, curator of twentieth-century art. The 
exhibition and catalogue are the most recent in a series 
of projects that over the past decade have made the 
museum an important center for the study of German 

In the course of preparing the exhibition, the 
museum and Ms. Barron have been fortunate in receiv- 
ing excellent cooperation from museums and private 
collections in the United States, the Federal Republic of 
Germany, and the German Democratic Republic. 

We are especially pleased that this is the first major 
international exhibition containing loans from the 
United States, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the 
German Democratic Republic that it will be seen in 

each contributing country. After Los Angeles the exhi- 
bition travels to the Fort Worth Art Museum in Texas, 
the Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf in the Federal Republic of 
Germany, and the Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg in 
Halle, German Democratic Republic. 

The lenders to the exhibition, who are listed sepa- 
rately in this publication, agreed to part with their 
works for a full year. They have our sincere thanks. 
Without them it would not have been possible to mount 
this exhibition. 

Support for the project was received through grants 
from the National Endowment for the Arts and from 
cultural authorities in the Federal Republic of Germany. 
In addition, a generous contribution from Mercedes- 
Benz helped to make this important project a reality; 
I am extremely grateful to Timotheus Pohl, president, 
Daimler-Benz of North America Holding Company, and 
Dr. Edzard Renter, chairman of the board, Daimler-Benz 
Corporation, for their enthusiasm. The Goethe Institute 
provided additional funding for educational programs to 
accompany the exhibition. Lufthansa German Airlines 
provided major support with the transportation of the 
objects. Without this assistance an exhibition and publi- 
cation of this magnitude would have been impossible to 

On behalf of the directors of the museums participat- 
ing with us in this exhibition, E. A. Carmean, Jr., of the 
Fort Worth Art Museum, Dr. Hans Albert Peters of the 
Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf, and Dr. Peter Romanus of 
the Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, Halle, I thank our 
staffs and supporters who have contributed to bringing 
this project to fruition. 

Earl A. Powell m 


Los Angeles County Museum of Art 


During the three years of preparation for this exhibition 
I have been fortunate to receive encouragement and 
cooperation from museum colleagues in the Federal Re- 
public of Germany, the German Democratic Republic, 
and the United States. The sixty public and private 
lenders from whom we requested loans have been ex- 
tremely cooperative and generous; their continued in- 
terest in the project is very gratifying. I would like to 
express sincere thanks to Marvin and Janet Fishman, 
Sigi and Gesche Poppe, and Robert Gore Rifkind for 
their generosity in parting with many works from their 
collections for a full year. 

In particular, I would like to thank the Federal Re- 
public of Germany for the timely and much-needed 
grant in support of the exhibition. The advice and en- 
couragement of Prof. Dr. Wolf-Dieter Dube, director- 
general of the Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kultur- 
besitz, Berlin (West); Prof. Dr. Klaus Gallwitz, director 
of the Stadtische Galerie im Stadelschen Kunstinstitut, 
Frankfurt am Main; and Ambassador Giinther Jotze, 
former Consul General of the Federal Republic of Ger- 
many in Los Angeles was important in securing this 

In conjunction with the showing of the exhibition at 
the Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf, I enjoyed discussions 
and collaboration with curators Dr. Stephan von Wiese 
and Dr. Friedrich Heckmanns. 

In the German Democratic Republic the Minis- 
terium fiir Kultur, Berlin, responded with enthusiasm to 
my initial request for loans and the idea of the exhibi- 
tion's traveling to their country. The director of the 
Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg in Fialle, Dr. Peter 
Romanus, and his assistant Hans-Georg Sehrt, were 
most helpful in our two years of planning. 

Peter Guenther, Eberhard Roters, and Fritz Loffler as 
well as Friedrich Heckmanns and Stephan von Wiese 
have my sincere thanks for taking time to add signific- 
antly to this volume and for advising me on loans. It is 
with sadness that we learned of the passing of Fritz Loff- 
ler in the late spring of this year. Flis untiring efforts on 
behalf of many of the artists comprising the second gen- 
eration of German Expressionism as well as his numer- 
ous publications have been an inspiration. 

The Board of Trustees and the director of the Los 
Angeles County Museum of Art, Earl A. Powell III, have 
been supportive of this project since its inception. 

During the three years of travel, research, and prepa- 
ration, I have benefited from the advice and cooperation 
of many scholars, collectors, and colleagues. Dieter 
Schmidt, formerly of Dresden and now living in the Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany, was extremely generous with 
his knowledge of this period. In the Federal Republic of 
Germany, I am grateful to Gisela-Ingeborg Boldaun, Dr. 
Peter Lackner, Dr. Mario Andreas von Liittichau, Dr. 
J5m Merkert, Mr. and Mrs. Klaus Osterhof, Berlin; Wulf 
Herzogenrath, Dr. Evelyn Weiss, Cologne; Weiland 
Koenig, Dusseldorf; Hans Barlach, Titus Felixm tiller, 
Petra Kipphoff, Dr. Hans Leppien, Prof. Dr. Gerhard 
Wietek, Hamburg; Dr. Werner Timm, Regensburg; Prof. 
Dr. Heinz Spielman, Schleswig; Prof. Dr. Gunther 
Thiem, and Dr. Karin von Maur, Stuttgart. In the Ger- 
man Democratic Republic I received assistance from 
Jutta Penndorf, Altenberg; Aimegret Janda, Roland 
Marz, Berlin; Dr. Annaliese Meyer Meintschal, Dr. Joa- 
chim Menzhausen, Dr. Martin Raumschliissel, Dr. Wer- 
ner Schmidt, Dr. Horst Zimmerman, Dresden; Dieter 
Gleisberg, Leipzig. Werner Wolf in the Ministerium fiir 
Kultur of the German Democratic Republic has been 
most cooperative. In the United States Prof. Herschel 
Chipp, Berkeley; Dr. Peter Nisbet, Cambridge; Riva 
Castleman, New York; and Dr. Ida Katherine Rigby, San 
Diego have all been helpful. In Washington, D.C., Dr. 
Eleonore Lindsmeyer, Cultural Counselor of the Em- 
bassy of the Federal Republic of Germany, and Wolfram 
Bauer and Dr. Peter Vincenz of the Embassy of the Ger- 
man Democratic Republic have been enthusiastic in 
their support of this exhibition. In Los Angeles, Consul 
General Leopold Siefker and Klaus Ruprecht, deputy 
consul of the Federal Republic of Germany, and 
Reinhard Dinklemeyer, director of the Goethe Institute, 
have all taken a personal interest in the project. 

In the museum I have been fortunate to work with 
colleagues who have responded with enthusiasm and 
imagination during the course of planning this exhibi- 
tion and catalogue. To my colleagues in the Department 
of Twentieth-Century Art, who were supportive and en- 
couraging during the several years of planning this ex- 
hibition I owe my sincerest thanks. Research assistant 
Leslie Rubin has monitored carefully many of the myr- 
iad details connected with the loans and photographs for 
the catalogue. Curatorial secretary Eric Pals, who joined 
the department in the fall of T987, helped the catalogue 

Acknowledgments 9 

through its final stages and meticulously kept track of 
information for the catalogue checklist. He assumed 
these responsibilities from former secretary Lynn 
Yazouri. Associate Curator Carol Eliel contributed the 
artists' biographies, which in many cases represent the 
only information available in English, and worked with 
me on the installation of the exhibition in Los Angeles. 
Translation assistance was provided by Museum Ser- 
vice Council volunteer Crete Wolf, Ernestine Kahn, 
Jonathan Pitts, and Christoph Zuschlag. The staff of the 
Robert Gore Rifkind Center for German Expressionist 
Studies, Dr. Timothy O. Benson, Vicki Gambill, Susan 
Trauger, and Christine Vigiletti helped to make the cen- 
ter's rich resources available. 

Elizabeth Algermissen, chief. Exhibition Division, 
and John Passi, head. Exhibition Programs, were helpful 
in arranging the travel of the exhibition to Ft. Worth, 
Dusseldorf, and Halle. Registrar Renee Montgomery 
and Assistant Registrar Lisa Kalem carefully worked out 
the logistics of the first major loan exhibition to borrow 
works of art from United States, the Federal Republic of 
Germany, and the German Democratic Republic which 
then traveled to all three countries. Conservator Joe 
Fronek made two preliminary visits to Halle in order to 
secure the careful transit of the loans from the German 
Democratic Republic. 

The editing of the catalogue was coordinated with 
attention to detail by Mitch Tuchman, managing editor. 

Museum photographer Peter Brenner was responsible 
for taking hundreds of photographs for the catalogue and 
for contributing to the quality of this volume. In the 
Education Department William Lillys and Lisa Vihos 
responded imaginatively to the task of interpreting the 
material in the exhibition for museum visitors. I 
worked with designer Brent Saville on the installation, 
which was executed under the able management of Ar- 
thur Owens under the direction of Dr. James Peoples, 
assistant director for operations. 

Funds for the exhibition and catalogue were secured 
from a variety of sources both here and abroad. I was 
fortunate to be able to work with Julie Johnston and 
Jane Irwin of our Development Department in this 
regard. Pamela Jenkinson, press officer, and Sheila Pren- 
diville, assistant press officer, responded with excite- 
ment to the challenge of publicizing the exhibition in 
the American and the foreign press. 

In preparing this catalogue, I received excellent coop- 
eration from our publishers Prestel Verlag in Munich. 
Unless otherwise indicated, all translations were done 
by David Britt. 

Finally I wish to thank the National Endowment for 
the Arts and the museum for supporting my sabbatical, 
which enabled me to travel in Germany for several 
months in 1987 and to spend the necessary time to 
delve further into the stimulating area of German Ex- 
pressionist studies. 

Stephanie Barron 

List of Contributors 

Stephanie Barron 

Los Angeles County Museum of Art 

Peter Guenther 

University of Houston 

Fritz Loffler (deceased) 
Dresden, GDR 

Eberhard Roters 

Berlin (West), FRG 

Friedrich Heckmanns 
Kunstmuseum Dusseldorf, FRG 

Stephan von Wiese 
Kunstmuseum Dusseldorf, FRG 

tig, i ^oiirad Felixmiiller, Otto Dix malt (Otto Dix Painting), 1920 (Cat. 50) 

Stephanie Barron 


The notion that all the significant achievements of Ger- 
man Expressionism occurred before 1914 is a familiar 
one. Until recently most scholars and almost all exhibi- 
tions of German Expressionist work have drawn the line 
with the 191 3 dissolution of Die Briicke (The Bridge) in 
Berlin or the outbreak of the First World War in 19 14. 
Peter Selz's pioneering study German Expressionist 
Painting, published in 1957, favored 19 14 as a terminus 
as did Wolf-Dieter Dube's Expressionism, which 
appeared in 1977. 

It is true that by 19 14 personal differences had led the 
Briicke artists to dissolve their association, and Der 
Blaue Reiter (The Blue Rider) had disintegrated when 
Wassily Kandinsky returned from Munich to Russia and 
Franz Marc volunteered for war service. Other artists' 
associations also broke up when their members were 
drafted. Thus, the outbreak of the war has provided a 
convenient endpoint for many historians, who see the 
postwar artistic activities of Ernst Barlach, Max Beck- 
mann, Oskar Kokoschka, Kathe Kollwitz, and others as 
individual, not group responses and describe the r 92,0s 
as the period of developments at the Bauhaus in Weimar 
or of the growing popularity of Neue Sachlichkeit (New 
Objectivity). The years 1915-2,5 have been lost, or cer- 
tainly not adequately defined, as a coherent and potent, 
albeit brief, idealistic period in the evolution of German 

More recent scholarship, including Dube's Expres- 
sionists and Expressionism (1983) and Donald E.Gor- 
don's Expressionism: Art and Idea (1987), sees the 
movement as surviving into the 1920s. Gordon main- 
tains that a second generation of Expressionist literature 
has been recognized for years now, while similar recog- 
nition has not been accorded to the visual arts. He dates 
the visual side of German Expressionism along with the 
literary side from 1905 to about 1923.' 

This exhibition and its catalogue examine the in- 
tense artistic activity that emerged throughout Ger- 
many after the First World War, particularly in the wake 
of the 1918 November Revolution. This activity was 
not confined to one or two cities. Rather, it spread from 
the early centers, such as Berlin and Dresden, to Bar- 
men, Bielefeld, Cologne, Darmstadt, Dusseldorf, Halle, 
Hamburg, Hanover, Karlsruhe, Kiel, Magdeburg, and 
Munich. We shall attempt to reveal the intercon- 
nections among the short-lived groups of radical artists 

(some of which also had common members), examine 
contributions to art journals, and document the interest 
of the few museum directors, dealers, and critics who 
championed their work. These artists were for the most 
part outspoken political activists who sought in their 
work and in their associations to create a "new man" 
and a new society that would replace the one with 
which they had become so disillusioned. 

In German Expressionist art there is a recognizable 
difference between works created before the war and 
those created in the postwar period. The artists included 
in the present exhibition were for the most part ten 
years or so younger than the pioneer German Expres- 
sionists; most were in their late teens or early twenties 
when the war broke out. Not only did many of them 
have life-changing wartime experiences, but they came 
to maturity in a Germany considered a pariah among 
the nations of Western Europe. Compared with the 
work of the first generation, the art of the second gener- 
ation places more emphasis on content and addresses 
social and political issues with greater frequency. The 
artists were to discover however that an artistic revo- 
lution was not necessarily compatible with a political 

The concept of second-generation Expressionism im- 
plies a first generation: the artists of Die Briicke and Der 
Blaue Reiter, who emerged in Germany between 1905 
and 191 3. The first group to manifest itself in the his- 
tory of German Expressionism was Die Briicke, organ- 
ized by the young student of architecture Ernst Ludwig 
Kirchner and his associates Fritz Bleyl, Erich Heckel, 
and Karl Schmidt-Rottluff, who were also studying ar- 
chitecture in Dresden. They were soon joined by Cuno 
Amiet, Axel Gallen, Emil Nolde, and Max Pechstein. In 
Dresden, and after 191 1 in Berlin, they lived, worked, 
and exhibited together until the breakup of the group in 
191 3. Their manifesto of 1906 proclaimed their passion 
for art and a burning desire to free themselves from the 
constraints of social convention; they sought to estab- 
lish a "bridge" to the future. They were stimulated by 
the art of Africa and Oceania, which they saw in abun- 
dance at Dresden's Ethnographic Museum, and by the 
art of Paul Gauguin, Vincent van Gogh, and Edvard 
Munch, which could be seen in various gallery exhibi- 
tions. Many of their most daring experiments were in 
printmaking, especially the woodcut, which they re- 

12 Stephanie Banon 

vived after several centuries of unpopularity among art- 
ists. The second group, Dei Blaue Reitei, was founded 
in Munich by Wassily Kandinsky and Franz Marc, 
whose work was evolving toward nonobjectivity. Their 
1912 publication, the almanac Dei Blaue Reitei, was 
one of the most important books of modern art. This 
anthology included articles on art, music, and theater 
and was illustrated with photos of contemporary. Ren- 
aissance, and non-Western images. The second genera- 
tion of German Expressionists took for granted the 
break with traditional art that had already been 
achieved in Dresden, Berlin, and Munich, and they drew 
inspiration from these examples. They knew that their 
work would hardly find favor with the staid academic 
establishment or the bourgeois art public. 

The second generation suffered from war-induced 
disillusionment and were dissatisfied with postwar Ger- 
man society; they joined in with the cry for a new, class- 
less society. They saw the war as a liberating force that 
had purged the old era and set the stage for a new one in 
which artists would be prophets. Writer Friedrich Bur- 
schell remembered that in 1919 "for . . . friends and my- 
self and for millions of front-line soldiers the abdication 
of the German royal family and of the existing power 
structure meant not only the end of the senseless, mur- 
derous war, not merely salvation and liberation, but far, 
far more. It meant new hope, the assurance even that 
out of the chaos a new and better world would arise.'" 
Berlin poet Kinner von Dressier epitomized the mood in 

Fig. 2 Conrad Felixmiiller, Bildnis Franz Pfemfert (Portrait of 
Franz Pfemfert), 1923 (Cat. 55) 

1919: "The war. /End of a violent, lying, material 
epoch. /Decay of the transitory body./Rising of the 

In Germany the November Revolution, just one year 
after its Russian counterpart, was brought about by 
much the same disillusionment and unrest. Although 
not nearly as violent or as lengthy as the Bolshevik revo- 
lution, it bore similar fruit in the art world. Knowledge 
of artistic events in Russia reached Germany through a 
report in Das Kunstblatt (The Art Paper) in March 
1919.^ During the next years various artists' groups 
throughout Germany committed themselves to radical 
change and to the emergence of a new society. A 
number of interesting comparisons can be made be- 
tween German and Russian art of this period. In both 
countries there was a widespread surge of avant-garde 
artistic activity, seen by the artists as a panacea for the 
social problems all around them. In Russia between 
191 7 and 1 92 1 the artists were in alliance with Lenin's 
government. Anatoly Lunarcharsky, the new Soviet 
Minister for Enlightenment, used his office to support 
an astonishing array of avant-garde activities : theatrical 
performances, the establishment of museums of mod- 
ern art, and the design and erection of monuments. Art- 
ists, architects, writers, poets, and critics joined hands 
in the quest for a new society. Brief alliances were 
formed among artists, dramatists, and politicians. This 
heady artistic euphoria came to a halt in the mid- 1920s. 
Ultimately both the Russian avant-garde and the Ger- 
man Expressionists were overpowered by totalitarian 
systems that attempted to wipe out all vestiges of their 

German artists had not all been opposed to the war 
from the beginning; their changing attitude toward war 
can be traced by studying some of the periodicals of the 
time: Kiiegszeit (Wartime), Der Bildeimann (The Pic- 
ture Man), and Die Aktion (Action).^ Articles and illus- 
trations show how their initial enthusiasm gave way to 
a growing pessimism. 

Kiiegszeit was published between 19 14 and 19T6 by 
Paul Cassirer. Together with his artist friends, he sup- 
ported the war as a purifying nationalist and anticapital- 
ist force. Ernst Barlach contributed his famous litho- 
graph Dei heilige Kiieg (The Holy War) to a 1914 issue: 
it shows a German patriot surging forward larger than 
life, an invincible warrior ready for battle. As casualties 
began to mount, enthusiasm for the war waned, and the 
magazine ceased publication. A month later Cassirer 
launched Dei Bildeimann. Eighteen issues appeared 
from 1916101918, and they provide evidence of changes 
in the artists' attitudes. Their lithographs and poetry 
draw attention to the plight of homeless children and 
other consequences of war. Horror and disillusionment 
had set in. Franz Pfemfert's Die Aktion had appeared 
weekly since 1911. Like its publisher (Fig. 2) the journal 
was highly political. It reflected the changing views of 

Introduction 1 3 

Fig. 3 William Wauer, Heiwarth Walden, 1917, cast after 1945 
(Cat. 197) 

and directly reproduces the creative forces within him is 
one of us."' 

By contrast, the Novembergiuppe manifesto (1918) 
declares : 

We stand on the fertile soil of the revolution. Our slogan is : Lib- 
erty, Equality, and Fraternity! We are uniting because we have 
human and artistic convictions in common. 

We believe that our first duty is to dedicate all our energies to 
the moral regeneration of a young and free Germany 

We believe it is our special duty to gather together all signifi- 
cant artistic talent and dedicate it to the collective well-being of 
the nation We feel young, free, and pure.^ 

Herwarth Walden (Fig. 3) was one of the most important 
influences on the German art scene during the 1910s 
and 1920s. It was he who introduced much of the Euro- 
pean avant-garde to the German artists. His Galerie Der 
Sturm mounted shows of Futurism and Cubism, and 
showed work of the Russian avant-garde. His journal 
Der Sturm (The Storm), published weekly from 1912 
until 1929 and intermittently until 1932, contained in- 
fluential articles on art and theater and critical essays by 
and about European artists, as well as providing the 
opportunity for many of the artists to contribute origi- 
nal graphics. 


many of the second-generation Expressionists, who be- 
gan to protest against what was happening in their 
country and agitate for government action and reform. 
By 19 18 Die Aktion had become the major outlet for 
their political beliefs, and they contributed to it regu- 
larly. Along with poets, playwrights, and critics, most of 
the major Expressionist artists — Conrad Felixmiiller, 
George Grosz, Kirchner, Kokoschka, Marc, Ludwig 
Meidner, Egon Schiele, Schmidt-Rottluff — were fea- 

The artists of the second generation shared with the 
founding generation their sympathy for the poor (whose 
numbers grew following the famine of 19 16) and their 
attraction to the pulsating urban landscape as typified 
by Berlin. But it was the second generation who seemed 
filled with hope for a Utopian society in which art would 
play an important role. The groups they formed were 
not dissimilar to Die Briicke or Der Blaue Reiter, but 
instead of manifestos that spoke only of a break with 
the past, they spoke of revolution. Compare, for in- 
stance, Kirchner's words in the Briicke manifesto of 
1906 with those of the Novembergruppe (November 
Group) manifesto after the war. Kirchner wrote: "Put- 
ting our faith in a new generation of creators and art 
lovers, we call upon all youth to unite. We who possess 
the future shall create for ourselves physical and 
spiritual freedom opposed to the values of the comfort- 
ably established older generation. Anyone who honestly 

Berlin, home of both the Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst (Workers' 
Council for Art) and the Novembergruppe, and Dresden, 
home of the Dresdner Sezession Giuppe 1919 (Dresden 
Secession Group 19 19), were the most fertile centers of 
postwar art activity. Elsewhere in the catalogue Eber- 
hard Roters writes about developments in Berlin after 
the war, while Fritz Loffler discusses the Dresden Seces- 
sion, presenting much information not previously avail- 

The Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst. the first postwar artists' 
group in Germany to issue a call to all artists to unite, 
was a highly structured association. It held regular 
meetings, circulated minutes, issued manifestos, and 
organized exhibitions, and its members contributed to 
periodicals. Inspired by the Russian Soviets, or councils, 
the Aibeitsrat was under the leadership of the architects 
Adolf Behne, Walter Gropius, and Bruno Taut. The 
group included publishers, critics, dealers, collectors, 
and art historians among its members, many of whom 
were socialists. Several members — Heckel, Otto Muel- 
ler, Pechstein, and Schmidt-Rottluff - had been mem- 
bers of Die Briicke. 

In their first proclamation of artistic principles, the 
Arbeitsrat made six demands, the first four of which 
were directed against existing Wilhelmine art organiza- 
tions. They urged the dissolution of the royal acad- 
emies, the Prussian Provincial Art Commission, and the 
state museums. They demanded an end to state spon- 

14 Stephanie Banon 

Fig. 4 Erich Mendelsohn, Einstein Tuim (Einstein Tower), 191 9 

sorship of exhibitions. They rejected current city-plan- 
ning pohcies. They inveighed against monuments of no 
artistic merit in general, and against war monuments in 
particular. They called for the government to ensure 
that art would have a future in the new republic. 

The Aibeitszat distributed a questionnaire to 114 
painters, sculptors, architects, critics, and art histo- 
rians; the responses were widely publicized in 1919 in 
fa! Stimmen des Azbeitsiats fiii Kunst in Berlin (Yes! 
Voices of the Workers' Council for Art in Berlin). The 
questionnaire included queries about the relationship 
between the artist and the public and addressed reform 
in the teaching of art, state support for artists, and the 
potential influence of artists on urban design, architec- 
ture, and public housing. Many of the twenty-eight 
whose written responses were published found the tradi- 
tional academies stultifying and urged the establishment 
of an environment that would encourage greater spon- 
taneity. They wanted teachers to encourage children's 
expressive tendencies rather than "correct" formal 
achievements. For many, answering this questionnaire 
was their most political act of the revolutionary era. 

The first presentation of the Arbeitsiat was the Aus- 
stellung fiir unbekannte Architekten (Exhibition for 
Unknown Architects), which called for architecture to 
be the unifier of all the arts, destroying barriers between 
conventionally defined disciplines. Ultimately, these 
practices were put into effect most systematically at the 
Bauhaus school in Weimar. 

A direct outgrowth of the Aibeitsiat fiir Kunst was 
the association of architects formed by Paul Gosch, 
Wenzel Hablik, Wassili and Hans Luckhardt, Hans 
Scharoun, and Bruno and Max Taut, and known as Die 
Gldserne Kette (The Glass Chain). Due to the poor 
economic situation and the severe shortage of building 
materials, these architects were not receiving commis- 

sions. They were the most frustrated of the Expression- 
ists as they were unable to build their buildings. Instead, 
they produced a series of sketches and drawings for Uto- 
pian buildings, largely based on the symbol of the crys- 
tal, which they saw as the representation of innocence: 
for them an ideal building would have been constructed 
entirely of glass. Bruno Taut urged his associates to be 
imaginative architects,- he hoped that a new architec- 
ture would emerge, born of a spiritual revolution. This 
never happened : very few buildings actually survive from 
the Expressionist period. The Einstein Tower (Fig. 4) by 
Erich Mendelsohn (1919) was one of the most impres- 
sive Expressionist buildings actually constructed. 

The Novembergruppe was founded by Cesar IClein, 
Moriz Melzer, Pechstein, Heinrich Richter-Berlin, and 
Georg Tappert, Pechstein and Tappert being members of 
the first generation. Its emphasis was on the pictorial 
arts rather than architecture. Calling upon all Cubists, 
Futurists, and Expressionists, the Novembergruppe en- 
couraged writers, poets, painters, architects, and com- 
posers to join. They sponsored several exhibitions and 
spread their ideas through catalogues and such periodi- 
cals as Der Kunsttopf (The Artpot), Novembergruppe 
(Fig. 5), and Die Sclione Raritdt (The Beautiful Rarity). 
Initially the Novembergruppe supported official policy 
by creating posters for the Publicity Office of the Rat 
der Volksbeauftragten (Council of People's Delegates), 
as the new coalition government of Social Democrats 
and Independents called itself. Their strident graphics 
urged a return to work and public order and the conven- 
ing of a national assembly to realize the aims of the 
revolution." Some posters warned against strikes, others 
exhorted voters to go to the polls. 

~;^^57>^'M^5iMpr^r5^^'i ; 

=!^rrT .jK-sas'-frwiTK] 

Fig. 5 Moriz Melzer, 
En twurf November- 
gruppe (Design for the 
November Group), 
c. 1919 

Introduction 1 5 

Fig. 6 Max Pechstein, 
An alle Kiinstlei! (To All 
Artists!), 1919 (Cat. 160) 

In 191 9 the pamphlet An alle Kiinstlei! (To All Art- 
ists!; Fig. 6) was published by the Novembeigiuppe. 
Pechstein's cover lithograph depicts a man clutching his 
heart; behind him lies a city engulfed in flames, from 
which the new society is to arise. The pamphlet was a 
compilation of statements, poems, and prints by four- 
teen artists, including Lyonel Feininger, Klein, Meidner, 
and Tappert: Pechstein's article "Was Wir Wollen" 
(What We Want) was the central piece: "The revolution 
has given us the freedom to express and to realize 
wishes we have had for years. Our sense of duty tells us 
that work for us alone must be done by us alone. We 
demand this and we do this without ulterior motives, 
keeping our eyes only upon the ideal goal: the realiza- 
tion of our historic destiny to attain global awareness."' 
Pechstein argues against an academic attitude and 
maintains that the artists want to educate the populace 
to increase their sense of public-spiritedness. His article 
ends with the claim that a socialist republic might pro- 
vide the answer to the ills of society: 

We hope that a sociahst republic not only will make the situation 
in the art world healthy but will create a unified art epoch for our 
generation. The beginning of a new unity of people and art will be 
heralded on the basis of craft, with each artist working in his own 
fashion. Art will no longer be considered, as it has been in the 
past, an interesting and genteel occupation for the sons of wealthy 
loafers. On the contrary, the sons of common people must be 
given the opportunity, through the crafts, to become artists. Art is 
no game, but a duty to the people! It is i matter of public con- 

Meidner, whose involvement with the second genera- 
tion is discussed in Roter's essay, contributed a passion- 
ate plea "To All Artists, Poets, and Musicians." He 
writes: "We must decide in favor of socialism: for a 
universal and unceasing socialization of the means of 
production, which will give every man and woman 
work, leisure time, bread, a home, and the presentiment 
of a higher goal."" Meidner hoped the revolution would 
radically alter the economics of the art world, a hope 

shared by many of his fellow artists. He also urged that 
artists become involved in politics. 

The failure of the Novembeigiuppe to attain its re- 
volutionary goals became so obvious that a splinter 
group was formed by the artists Otto Dix, Grosz, Raoul 
Hausmann, Hannah Hoch, Rudolf Schlichter, Georg 
Scholz, and others, many of whom were also interested 
in Dadaism. They exhorted the Novembeigiuppe to re- 
member the ideals with which it had begun and urged a 
recommitment to the proletarian revolution. 

Although Grosz was a member of the Novembei- 
giuppe for a short time, the majority of his searing com- 
mentaries on Weimar society and its rampant corrup- 
tion were created outside the group framework. Like 
Dix, Grosz had enlisted for military service despite his 
marked antiwar sentiments. His experiences soon re- 
confirmed his horror of combat, and following an honor- 
able discharge in 191 5 he began chronicling his abhor- 
rence of Berlin society. His vocabulary of chaotic scenes 
of crime and passion, of obscene officers, injured sol- 
diers, and leering prostitutes in dark streets was in- 
creased and sharpened by his observations during the 
war and afterwards. He created a veritable cascade of 
paintings, prints, portfolios, illustrated books, and 
illustrations for radical periodicals, such as Die Aktion. 
A painting like Selbstmoid (Suicide; Fig. 7) probably re- 
flects the artist's state of mind following his release 
from the army. 

Fig. 7 George Grosz, Selbstmord (Suicide), 1916 (Cat. 84) 

1 6 Stephanie B anon 

Fig. 8 George Grosz, Metropolis, 1916-17 (Cat. 85) 

Introduction 17 

Fig. 9 George Grosz, Explosion, 1^17 (Cat. 86) 

An urban landscape like Metropolis (Fig. 8) or Explo- 
sion (Fig. 9) almost seems to explode before the viewer's 
eyes: the city becomes a teeming inferno with leering 
figures rushing wildly from place to place. Bathed in a 
red light, Grosz's Berlin is the epitome of the "big city 
landscape" of second-generation Expressionism. Metro- 
polis exemplifies the anarchy of postwar Germany. The 
scene is Friedrichstrasse, site of the Central Hotel, 
which Grosz had already depicted in lithographs: beg- 
gars, prostitutes, cigar-chomping profiteers, cripples, 
and convicts intimately glimpsed create a maelstrom of 
misery and depravity. This dynamism of the city owes 
much to the rhythms of Italian Futurism. 


After Berlin, the city most closely associated with sec- 
ond-generation Expressionism is Dresden, the birth- 
place of Expressionism. After the war a lively art scene 
revolved around the academy, Galerie Arnold, and 
Galerie Emil Richter. Fritz Loffler has noted that this 
second phase dates back to two exhibitions at the 
Galerie Arnold: the van Gogh show in 1912 and the 

presentation of artists from Galerie Der Sturm in 1 9 1 3 . ''' 
Dix and Felixmiiller became the pivotal figures; they 
were joined in 1916 by Kokoschka, who moved to Dres- 
den to teach at the academy. Kokoschka, however, had 
the status of a guest while he was in Dresden and never 
had the impact of either Dix or Felixmiiller. 

In 1916, under the leadership of the twenty-year-old 
Conrad Felixmiiller, a group of young Expressionist art- 
ists banded together to exhibit at the Galerie Arnold, 
which had been the venue of the early Briicke exhibi- 
tions. A year earlier Felixmiiller had traveled to Berlin, 
where through Meidner he had met the leading writers 
of the day: Johannes Becher, Wieland Herzfeld, Alfred 
Wolfenstein, and Willi Zierath. In his memoirs, Felix- 
miiller writes: "Through this circle, and above all 
through Raoul Fiausmann, I came to Franz Pfemf ert - it 
was an antimaterialistic group, revolutionary not for the 
sake of aesthetic questions but in a social and political 
sense.'"' Felixmiiller returned to Dresden and there 
worked with writer-architect Hugo Zehder to organize 
their fellow artists into a group that would be political 
like the Novembergruppe and the Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst 
in Berlin. The original Dresdner Kiinstlerschaft (Dres- 
den Council of Artists) represented a broad spectrum of 

1 8 Stephanie Barron 

the Dresden artistic world. Shortly thereafter the more 
radical artists broke away and again under Felixmiiller's 
leadership founded the Diesdner Sezession Giuppe 
1919. The membership and activities of the group are 
discussed fully by Loffler, who was associated with the 
art scene in Dresden for more than fifty years. What 
emerges is a picture of intense activity, particularly in 
the years 1919-21, led primarily by Dix and Felixmiil- 
ler, both of whom convinced many others to join with 
them (Fig. i). The attitude of the young artists is 
expressed by the poet Walter Rheiner in his introduc- 
tion to the catalogue of an exhibition the new group 
staged at the Galerie Emil Richter in 1919: "The pain- 
ters who now make their entrance are young. Heralds of 
a new world. They are the hunted, tormented, blissful, 

dithyrambic prophets of the Wonder of Wonders 

They call out to you Don't look for what your eye, 

your all-too-weary eye expects to see That world of 

yours is falling apart ! Can't you see ? . . . Turn from your 
blindness! School the eye! School the spirit! You are 
human and this is about you. '"* 

In 1 9 1 9 Behne insisted in an important essay on the 
revolutionary nature of Expressionism, notwithstand- 
ing that it was being increasingly accepted by the 
bourgeoisie. While the art of the Secession members 
covered the spectrum from Expressionist through Futur- 
ist to Dada, the underlying element was the struggle for 
an art that would contain within it the power of the 
newly awakened postwar spirit. Yet, unlike the two 
groups in Berlin, the Secession was not as precisely de- 
fined in its aim or as programmatic in its activities. The 
radical periodical Menschen (Mankind; Fig. 10), pub- 
lished by Heinar Schilling and Felix Stiemer, featured 
prints and poems by members; it also contained some 
important writings by leaders of the group, including 
the article by Behne. Felixmiiller's image of the "new 
man" first appeared as the logo of the periodical, 
founded partly as an alternative to Der Stuim and Die 
Aktion. Its policy was one of idealism, and the periodi- 
cal supported art, literature, graphics, music, and criti- 
cism. The first comprehensive essay on the new Dres- 
den group was written by Will Grohmann in 191 9 and 
appeared in the Dresden periodical Neue Bldttei fiii 
Kunst und Dichtung (New Journal of Art and Poetry), 
which was sponsored by the Galerie Emil Richter. 
Grohmann's essay was intended to draw attention to 
the new group - to introduce its members - and not to 
stress its planned reforms or revolutionary aims. 

Certainly the best-known member of the Dresdnei 
Sezession Giuppe 1919 was Otto Dix (Fig. r). Although 
he joined at Felixmiiller's urging, he did not share the 
latter's commitment to radical politics. Known today 
primarily for his Neue Sachlichkeit work from the years 
after 192,5, Dix created a significant group of paintings, 
drawings, and prints during the years 1915-25. These 
early years were of extreme importance in his coming to 

Introduction 19 

Fig. II OttoDix, Selbstbildnis als Soldat {Sell-Poitrsiit as Soldier], i9i4(Cat. 21 

20 Stephanie Barron 

Fig. 12 Otto Dix, Abendsonne (Ypern) (Setting Sun [Ypres]), 1918 
(Cat. 24) 

terms with his traumatic wartime experiences. Like 
many other German artists, Dix had at first had a posi- 
tive approach to the war, believing that the upheaval 
would sweep away the old order and usher in a new age 
(Fig. 11). Like Beckmann and Grosz he voluntarily en- 
listed in 19 14, subsequently serving at the front in 
Russia and France. These experiences are the basis for 
several hundred drawings he executed on the battle- 
fields (Fig. 12) and for much of his work in the subse- 
quent decades. On his return from the front, he began to 
depict his experiences in a new style, a fusion of Futur- 
ism and Expressionism, deploying powerful colors with 
bold strokes. But it was not until 1924 that he created 
his antiwar epic Der Krieg (War), a portfolio of fifty un- 
forgettable etchings and aquatints. With needle and acid 
he literally corroded the surface of the plate and con- 
veyed both the physical and the moral destruction that 
he had witnessed. Der Kheg stands today as one of the 
monuments to the horrors of modern war. 

Felixmiiller left Dresden after joining the Commun- 
ist party in 1919. In 1920 rather than use his recently 
won Saxon State Prize for its intended purpose, travel to 
Rome, he visited the Ruhr District and studied the life 
of the coal miners (Fig. 13). Shocked by the high unem- 
ployment he saw there, and feeling that he could contri- 
bute something worthwhile by making the miners' 
plight known, Felixmiiller executed several powerful 
paintings, drawings, and woodcuts in the early 1920s 
(Fig. 14). "To do this," he writes, "to show the toiling 
proletarian, I was reduced to the simplest forms, to re- 
producing simple, organic things that could be com- 
prehended in their natural, their human and their social 

context The violence of the situation permitted the 

forceful character of the woodcut."'^ These images were 

hailed as among the best work of the period. In one of 
the earliest monographic articles on Felixmiiller the 
playwright Carl Stemheim wrote in Dei Cicerone: 
"This Miiller . . . peeled the mask from the faces of his 
contemporaries . . . and in his paintings there appeared 
for the first time the proletariat, hitherto passed over in 
silence.""" Felixmiiller continued to draw on his Ruhr 
experiences for his illustrations for Die Aktion. But by 
the mid-twenties, he had turned his back on Expression- 
ism, and until his death in 1977 he created sweet, inti- 
mate portraits and landscapes. 

Other Artists' Groups 

After political differences among its members led to the 
dissolution of the Dresden Secession in 1925, several 
artists joined groups in Dusseldorf, Berlin, or Darm- 

Dix had established connections in Dusseldorf while 
visiting Felixmiiller, then painting in the Ruhr. Felix- 
miiller urged Dix to move to Dusseldorf and to continue 
his studies at the academy under Heinrich Nauen. In 
1922 Dix received an invitation from the art dealer 
Johanna Ey which made possible his move from Dres- 
den. "Mother Ey" ran a bohemian artists' club, through 
which she financially supported her artists, encouraged 
them to meet each other, and sold their paintings. Fier 

Fig. 13 Coniad Felixmiiller, Ruhrrevier (The Ruhr District), 1920 
(Cat. 51) 

Introduction 21 

Conrad Felixmiiller, Arbeiter auf dem Heimweg (Workers on the Way Home), 1921 (Cat. 52 

activities and the circle of artists in Dusseldorf known 
as Das funge Rheinland (The Young Rhineland) are dis- 
cussed fully in the essay by Friedrich Heckmanns. 

In another essay, Peter Guenther discusses many of 
the smaller artists' groups that were active in other Ger- 
man cities, including Berlin, Bielefeld, Darmstadt, 
Hamburg, and Munich. Much of this material is pub- 
lished here for the first time, and it shows us just how 
widespread the reactions to the war were. Whether gal- 
vanized by artists, architects, writers, dealers, or 
museum directors, each of these groups proclaimed in 
lofty terms that the world after the war had to be a 

different and a better place to live in, a place in which 
the arts would play a more significant role. What each of 
the groups found out, some more quickly than others, 
was that this idealism did not in fact bear up under the 
pressures of exhibitions, publications, and gatherings 
composed of such a diversity of artists. 

The War 

The war, whether experienced firsthand or not, inspired 
at least five graphic portfolios, each on a different aspect 

22 Stephanie Baiion 

of the conflict but all using the printed medium and the 
multiple images of the portfolio to convey a potent 
message. Dix's Der Kiieg (Fig. 15; Figs. 17-18, p. 92), ex- 
ecuted in 1924, represents an attitude different from 
that of his drawings done at the front in 1 9 1 5 - 1 6 . Appal- 
led by the renewed jingoist sentiments spreading 
throughout Weimar Germany, Dix offered his sobering, 
searing, and penetrating images, which stand as one of 
the most convincing antiwar statements, not unlike 
Goya's Los Desastres, to which they have often been 
compared. Dix spares no detail in conveying the unre- 
lenting physical nature of war. Images of mutilated 
bodies, decaying limbs, and men weighed down with 
equipment describe the combat; fleshy prostitutes pur- 
sued by sex-starved soldiers show another side of war; 
and bombed landscapes, moonlit minefields, and barren 
night scenes complete a cycle of images of the ravages of 
war. A second graphic cycle, Kiieg (War) by Kollwitz 

(Fig. 16), also done in the 1920s, consists of seven stark 
woodcuts. Inspired by the death of her youngest son 
Peter at the beginning of the war, she conveys in each 
print the pain and sense of loss felt by those at home: 
widows, mourning parents, mothers protecting their 
children from conscription or offering them forth; these 
are also the victims of war. A third portfolio is Pech- 
stein's Somme igi6 published in 1919. Pechstein en- 
listed in 19 1 6 and during his tour of duty saw some of 
the heaviest fighting, including the battles of the 
Somme and Ypres. His experiences there on the French 
front led to his group of eight lithographs, which show a 
German soldier grappling with a many-headed mythical 
beast, reacting to a bombing, carrying a wounded com- 
rade, and comforting a dying victim. The last image is of 
a crippled veteran awkwardly tilling his garden. In 
19 16 -17 Adolf Uzarski created his set of twelve litho- 
graphs Der Totentanz (The Dance of Death; Cat. 191), 

Fig. 1 5 Otto Dix, 4 plates from the portfolio Der Krieg (War), 
1924 (Cat. 36) 


Introduction 23 

Fig. 1 6 Kathe Kollwitz, 2 plates from the portfolio Sieben 
Holzschnitte zum Krieg (Seven Woodcuts about the War), 
1922-23 (Cat. 126) 

in which skeletons loom over the battlefield, are de- 
stroyed in a burst of fire, or engage in combat. A very 
different point of view is represented in the cycle Das 
Leiden dei Pfeide im Kiieg (The Suffering of Horses in 
the War; Fig. 16, p. 66) by Otto Schubert, who depicts 
war through the eyes of the cavalry horse. 

The war significantly affected the graphic and 
painted work of other artists as well. Gert Wollheim 
made a number of pencil sketches while in the trenches 
and in the 1910s and 1920s several paintings of trench 
warfare. His relationship to the activities in Dusseldorf 
are discussed fully in Heckmanns's essay. Wollheim's 
most ambitious work was his 19 19 triptych Der Vei- 
wundete (The Wounded Man; Fig. i, p. 80), of which 
only the central panel remains: blood spews forth from 
a gaping hole in the belly of a mortally wounded victim. 
Another painting, Dei Veiurteilte (The Condemned 
Man; Fig. 9, p. 87) shows a blindfolded man who awaits 
death barefoot and bound to a post. It is as somber in its 
implications as Dei Veiwundete is in its explicitness. 

Images by Otto Gleichmann, who had served on the 
fronts in France and Russia, share this mood. A reflec- 
tion of his wartime experiences, Dei Eistochene (Stab- 
bed Man; Cat. 71) depicts a casualty who appears en- 
veloped by the ground on which his already decaying 

body lies. A member of the Hannoveische Sezession 
(Hanover Secession), Gleichmarm also exhibited with 
Das Junge Rheinland in Dusseldorf. 

The impact of the war was not captured exclusively 
by those who served at the front. The sixty-nine-year- 
old Christian Rohlfs depicts an anonymous prisoner try- 
ing to escape from captivity in his woodcut Dei 
Gefangene (The Prisoner; Cat. i68)ofi9i8. 

The Revolution : 

Political Posters and Periodicals 

As the war drew to its bitter end, hunger and despair 
were rife throughout Germany. Military defeat and 
economic collapse were making themselves felt. De- 
serting soldiers roamed the streets and added to the 
chaos. The country was ripe for change. On November 
9, 19 1 8, Kaiser Wilhelm II fled to Holland, and a few 
days later armounced his abdication. The stage was set 
for a revolution that would replace the old regime with a 
system in which the leaders were to be responsible to 
parliament. A coalition government of the moderate So- 
cial Democratic party and the more radical Independent 
Social Democrats was set up. Elections were called for 
January 1919. In the intervening period many artists be- 

Fig. 17 Anonymous, Sofuhrt Euch Spaitakus! (That's How 
Spartacus Leads You!), c. 1919 (Cat. 209) 

24 Stephanie Bairon 

Fig. 1 8 Heinz Fuchs, Arbeitei! WoUt Ihi satt Werden t (Workers ! 
Do You Want Enough to Eat?), 1918-19 (Cat. 62) 

came politically active, some for the first time, trying to 
stimulate action, strengthen opinions, or alter the social 
conscience. Posters were the visual weapons in the 
struggle of the working class against the rich (Figs. 17- 
18). In marked contrast to the censorship that had been 
so strictly enforced during the kaiser's reign, German 
cities now became a riot of colors and slogans as strident 
messages covered every available wall space. 

Among the most traumatic events of the period were 
the brutal murders in Berlin of Karl Liebknecht and 
Rosa Luxemburg, leaders of the abortive Spartakus 
(communist) Revolution. Liebknecht was the son of the 
Social Democratic party founder Wilhelm Liebknecht; 
Luxemburg was a prominent Polish socialist. Lieb- 
knecht was shot while "trying to escape" from the 

police. Luxemburg was beaten to death; her corpse, 
thrown into the Landwehrkanal, was only recovered 
four months later. Kollwitz and Felixmiiller were 
moved to create memorials of very different types. In his 
191 9 lithograph Menschen iiber der Welt (Mankind 
above the World; Fig. 19) Felixmiiller sought to cele- 
brate the apotheosis of the two leaders as if they were a 
pair of ascending lovers. Kollwitz, who had been asked 
by Liebknecht's family to make a deathbed sketch, re- 
sponded instead to the communal grief of the numerous 
mourners who gathered for the funeral (Fig. 20). She 
worked the scene first as a drawing, then in lithography, 
and finally in her newly learned medium, the woodcut, 
with which she was able to convey most effectively her 
feelings about the intensity of the sorrow. With its em- 
phasis on the mourners, this print came to stand for the 
aspirations and desperation of the working class, to 
whom Kollwitz felt strong ties. 

Berlin, the capital of Prussia and the German empire, 
was the focal point of the most intense radical activity 
immediately following the November Revolution. A 
writer for the contemporary journal Das Plakat (The 
Poster), which was devoted to illustrations and descrip- 
tions of contemporary posters, describes the city scene 
in the months between November 19 18 and January 

1919: "The paper flood set in Berlin's streets were a 

riot of orgies of color, the houses exchanged their gray 

faces for an agitated mask The resourceful poster 

pasters advanced With brush and glue-pot, like 

ghosts in the night, they carefully pasted their posters so 
high that they could only be reached with mountaineer- 
ing equipment.'"^ The first wave of posters, many of 
which were created for the government's Publicity 

Fig. 19 Conrad Felixmiiller, Menschen 
iibei der Welt (Mankind above the World), 

Fig. 20 Kathe Kollwitz, Gedenkblatt fiii Kail Liebknecht (Memorial Sheet for Karl 
Liebknecht), 1919 (Cat. 125) 

Introduction 25 




'^T^rhungern Eute Kinder 

Fig. 21 Max Pechstein, Erwiirgt nicht die junge Freiheit 
(Don't Strangle Our Newborn Freedom), rgig (Cat. 161) 

Fig. 22 Rudi Feld, Die Gefahr des Bolschewismus (The Danger of 
Bolshevism), c. rgig (Cat. 43) 

Fig. 23 Max Pechstein, 
An die Lateine (To the 
Lamppost), tgig (Cat. r62) 

26 Stephanie Banon 

,^.: ::'i 

Fig. 24 Clockwise from top; Kiindung (Herald), 1921; Der Weg (The Way), 19 19; Die Sichei (The Sickle), ig2i ; Die Schone Rahtdt 
(The Beautiful Rarity), 1918; Das Junge Rheinland (The Young Rhineland), 1922; Neue Blatter fiir Kunst und Dichtung (New Journal 
for Art and Poetry), 191 8 -19; Das Tlrifaunai (The Tribunal), 19 19; MenscAen (Mankind), 1919 

Introduction 27 

Office, called for the creation of a national assembly to 
assure the revolution its due.'" Many artists involved 
wfith the Arbeitsiat far Kunst or the Novembergiuppe 
contributed posters to the cause. 

Pechstein's poster Erwiirgt nicht die junge Freiheit 
(Don't Strangle Our Newborn Freedom; Fig. 21), of 19 19 
for instance, is a rather straightforward plea for an end 
to civil war. His powerful color lithograph An die 
Laterne (To the Lamppost; Fig. 23) warns against an- 
archy and terrorism. The suggestion of violence in the 
print is emphasized by the blood-red flags and the red 
splashes surrounding the hanged man and in the fists of 
the demonstrators. 

Some of the most compelling posters were distrib- 
uted by the anti-Bolshevik groups. They used images of 
gorillas, skeletons, and vultures depicted in gaudy, 
horrific yellows and reds to frighten the public to atten- 
tion (Fig. 22). These artists sought a coalition, a united 
Germany, as illustrated in Klein's Arbeiter. Biiigei. 
Bauern. Soldaten (Workers. Citizens. Farmers. Soldiers; 
Cat. 123I. 

In addition to making posters, many artists created 
covers for widely circulated broadsheets, pamphlets, 
and periodicals. "Between 1918 and 1925, 122 different 
literary journals of varying longevity were published 
throughout Germany; most of these were liberal to radi- 

cal in bias. Of these 122, fifty-three were founded after 
1918 and folded before 1925."" The periodicals were 
able to respond instantly to current events. Their titles 
reflect the youth and vigor of their makers: Neue Bldt- 
tei fiii Kunst und Dichtung (New Journal for Art and 
Writing), Das Neue Pathos (The New Pathos), Neue 
Jugend (New Youth), Dei Neue Pan (The New Pan), 
Neues Deutschland (New Germany), Die Preude: Blat- 
ter einei Neuen Gesinnung (Joy: Journal of a New Dispo- 
sition), Das Junge Deutschland (The Young Germany), 
and Das Junge Rheinland (The Young Rhineland; 
Fig. 24). Guenther discusses many of the lesser-known 
journals in his essay. From Berlin, Bielefeld, Darmstadt, 
Dresden, Dusseldorf, Hamburg, Hanover, Heidelberg, 
Munich, and Saarbrucken came periodicals with titles 
such as Die Aktion, Dei Anbiuch (The New Beginning), 
Die Dachstube (The Attic Room), Feuei (Fire), Kiindung 
(Herald), Menschen, Die Rote Eide (The Red Earth), Die 
Sichel (The Sickle), Das Tribunal (The Tribunal), Der 
Wuif (The Venture), and Dei Ziegelbrenner (The Brick- 
maker). Together they form an important part of the 
history of postwar German Expressionism, for it was in 
these periodicals that the artists, writers, publishers, 
and poets were able to join together most effectively to 
sound their cry for a new society and for a new role for 
creative people. 

Fig.25 Will Kiipper, NacA dem i<Crieg (After the War), 1919 (Cat. 130) 

Fig. 26 Will Kiipper, Streichholzer, Stieichholzer {Matches, 
Matches), 1919 (Cat. 131) 

28 Stephanie Baiion 

Fig. 27 Otto Dix, Die Skatspielei (The Skat Players), 1920 (Cat. 34) 

Introduction 2,9 

Fig. 28 George Grosz, Sonnenfinsternis (Eclipse of the Sun), 1926 
(Cat. 87) 

Urban Problems after the War 

While for some artists the war was a major influence, for 
others the terrible situation prevailing in the cities 
afterwards provided the necessary spark. Postwar infla- 
tion caused the German mark to plummet from a pre- 
war exchange rate of 25 to the dollar to 162 to the dollar 
in June 1920. By 1923 the currency had collapsed com- 
pletely: in April a dollar was worth 10,000 marks; on 
July first, 160,000 marks; by August, 4.6 million marks. 
By November 20 the equivalent was 4.2 trillion marks! 
Unemployment was widespread, hunger and malnutri- 
tion rampant, the middle class virtually wiped out. 
Beggars and crippled veterans selling matches became 
familiar figures (Figs. 25 - 26). 

Dix's Die Skatspielei (The Skat Players; Fig. 27) of 
1920 shows three mutilated veterans, former officers, 
playing cards in a gaslit pub. So deformed are they by 
their injuries that they are forced to play with prodietic 
hands or with their mouths or feet. Little is left of these 
maimed figures, yet even the fragments - the Iron 
Cross, the carefully parted hair — recall an earlier world. 
Collaged elements, such as the newspapers on the walls, 
heighten the sense of realism. 

In 19 1 8 Beckmann returned, shattered by his ex- 
periences as a medic, to find misery and chaos in Berlin. 
In his monumental canvas Die Nacht (The Night; Fig. 6, 
p. 43) and in the portfolio Die Holle (Hell; Figs. 7-8, 

Fig. 29 Wilhelm Rudolph, Helft am Werk dei lAH (Help 
the Work of the lAH), 1924 (Cat. 169) 

Fig. 30 Conrad Felixmuller, Opfer der Not/Fiir das Hilfs- 
weik der I AH (Victim of Privation/For the Relief Organi- 
zation of the lAH), 1924 (Cat. 57) 

30 Stephanie Bairon 

Fig. 31 Walter Jacob, Das fiingste Gehcht [TheLastJudgment], 1920 (Cat. no) 

p. 44), also 1 919, he depicts disabled veterans, beggars, 
prostitutes, and profiteers, searing representations of 
Germany in 1919. 

The widespread famine of the early 1920s led in 192 1 
to the founding of the Internationale Arbeiterhilfe (In- 
ternational Workers' Aid), a nonpolitical program to end 
hunger. The lAH was founded by Willi Muenzenberg 
with the encouragement of Lenin to try to match the 
services offered by the Red Cross and the American Re- 
lief Administration, both of which had sent aid in the 
disastrous Russian famine of 1921. Grosz (Fig. 28), Al- 
bert Einstein, and George Bernard Shaw were among the 
sponsors of the lAH, whose headquarters were in Berlin. 

The organization reported directly to the Soviet Comin- 
tern. Many artists w^ere affiliated, encouraged by theater 
director Erwin Piscator, who served as secretary of the 
appeal to artists. Among those participating were Peter 
Bockstiegel, Felixmiiller (Fig. 30), Otto Griebel, Wil- 
helm Rudolph (Fig. 29), and Seiwert. For two years they 
supported the lAH through contributions of works for 
sale or poster designs. The lAH laid the groundwork for 
a network of communication between Germany and 
Russia. Other connections were established when an 
international committee of intellectuals was formed; 
exchange visits of German and Russian artists and writ- 
ers ensued.-" 

Introduction 3 1 

Fig. 32 Otto Dix, St. Sebastian, c. 1920 (Cat. 33) 

Turning to Religious Subjects 

In the late 1910s and early 1920s many artists seemed to 
abandon purely political subjects and turn to familiar 
religious imagery instead. These depictions were in- 
hised with the Expressionists' intensity of color and 
emotion, contemporary events often masqueraded as 
sacred subjects, and the artists used African and 
Oceanic motifs for additional effect. Certain religious 
images became metaphors for the sufferings of the Ger- 
man people. The mystical and ecstatic aspects of theol- 
ogy appealed to many of these artists, and they appropri- 
ated familiar symbols and iconography. The mocking of 
Christ, the Crucifixion, the Last Judgment, and St. Sebas- 
tian figure frequently in the repertoire of the second 
generation; rarely do we find images of redemption or of 
the Resurrection or Ascension. Das fiingste Gehcht 
(The Last Judgment; Fig. 31), as depicted by Dresden 
Secession artist Walter Jacob is a powerful contempo- 
rary updating of a traditional image, complete with a 
bold portrait of Dix on the left, yanking a woman by the 
hair as she resists being pulled into an abyss. The figure 
of St. Sebastian came to stand for the people of postwar 
Germany beset by the ceaseless travails of hunger, infla- 
tion, and political chaos. Karl Albiker represents the 
martyred saint in a powerful oak sculpture (Fig. 33I seen 

Fig. 33 Karl Albiker, Deiheilige Sebastian (St. Sebastian|, c. r920 
(Cat. 2| 

32 Stephanie Baiton 

Fig. 34 Max Pechstein, Das Vatei Unser (The Lord's Prayer), a portfolio of 12 fiandcolored woodcuts, 1921 (Cat. 164) 

Introduction 33 

in the round, his frail body pierced by a wooden arrow. 
Willy Jaeckel, Schubert, and Dix (Fig. 32) also turned to 
St. Sebastian as a figure emblematic of the times. These 
images are powerfully direct and often convey a loss of 
faith on the part of the artists. 

The artists frequently turned to wood, either in 
sculpture or woodblock, to convey their images of an- 
guish. Pechstein, for example, weary of politics by 1921, 
turned to the Lord's Prayer for an elaborate hand-colored 
portfolio of twelve woodcuts Das Voter Unser (The 
Lord's Prayer; Fig. 34). He returned to Gothic renditions 
of frontally aligned subjects depicted with angular lines. 
One can look at his depictions of "Give us this day our 
daily bread" and "Thy Kingdom come. Thy Will be 
done" and relate them to the widespread famine, the 
end of the war or the beginning of a new age; one feels 
that Pechstein has made a well-known religious tradi- 
tion more topical. 

One of the most potent graphic cycles is the series of 
woodcut illustrations by Dresden Secession artist Con- 
stantin von Mitschke-Collande for Walter Georg Flart- 
mann's allegorical book Dei begeisteite Weg (The In- 
spired Way; Fig. 35; also p. 63). Hartmann tells of a 
young soldier who experiences the beginnings of the 
revolution, the funeral of Liebknecht, and the outbreak 
of street violence, during which he is killed. Flis spirit 
does not die: it wanders through revolutionary Ger- 
many, observing. Mitschke-Collande focuses on the re- 
ligious salvation promised in Hartmann's text. He com- 
bines images from the Crucifixion and the Revelation of 
St. John (for instance, the horsemen of the Apocalypse) 

Fig. 35 Constantin von Mitschke-Collande, 3 woodcuts from the 
portfolio Dei begeisteite Weg (The kispired Way), 1919 (Cat. 144) 

to intertwine Expressionist religious imagery and a 
message about the revolution. The illustrations are a 
symbol of the political and spiritual awakening of the 
second-generation Expressionists. They reflect the 
crossroads that many artists felt they had reached. 

34 Stephanie Barron 

Fig. 37 Otto Lange, Verspottung Christi (The Mocking of Christ), 
1919 (Cat. 136) 

Fig. 36 Otto Lange, Christuskopf [Head of Christ), 1916 
(Cat. 132 

Fig. 38 Otto Lange, Kreuzabnahme (The Deposition from the 
Cross), i9i6(Cat. 134) 

Fig. 39 Otto Lange, Geisselung Christi (Flagellation of 
Christ), 1917 (Cat. 135) 

Introduction 3 5 

Mitschke-Collande's style also reflects that eclecticism 
of the second generation. 

Another powerful portfolio with religious subject 
matter was produced by Biiicke artist Schmidt-Rottluff 
after he returned from the war. In 1918 he executed 
a group of nine black-and-white woodcuts, Chiistus 
(Christ; Cat. 176), a series of ecstatic images of the life 
of Christ. One of the key pictures shows Christ with the 
legend 1st Euch nicht Chhstus erschienenl (Has Christ 
not appeared to you?) emblazoned across the bottom of 
the page. On his forehead is inscribed the year 1918, 
signifying a new beginning. Expressionist writer and 
Schmidt-Rottluff biographer Grohmann says of these re- 
ligious images: "The striving for the supernatural 
appeared to be the reverse side of radical socialism, the 
expression of a psychosis awakened through war and 

Other images of Christ's suffering were used by Otto 
Lange, a member of the Diesdner Sezession Gruppe 
1919. In a series of hand-colored woodcuts Lange cre- 
ated masklike faces carved from the woodblock with 
nervous, energetic strokes: the Mocking, the Deposi- 
tion, the Flagellation are portrayed in angular forms 
(Figs. 36-39). 

Abstract Expressionism 

In the same way that they turned to spiritual, religious, 
or mystical subjects, the second-generation artists were 
drawn increasingly to the depiction of states of mind. 
Walter Gramatte executed a series of illustrations for 
the novella Lenz by Georg Biichner, which tells the 
story of a young man in eighteenth-century Germany 
who is torn between his search for God and the unre- 
lenting suffering that thrusts him toward atheism. 
Gramatte's prints convey the sympathy that he and his 
fellow artists felt for this questing soul. 

Expressionism began to show an apocalyptic or ecsta- 
tic coloration in the work of several artists after the war. 
In 19 1 9 Johannes Molzahn published "Das Manifest des 
absoluten Expressionismus" (The Manifesto of Abso- 
lute Expressionism) in Der Stmm, in which, with highly 
charged language, he proclaimed the destruction of the 
old order and the rising of a new order in the aftermath 
of destruction (Fig. 40): "We want to pour oil onto the 
fire - fan the tiny glow into flame - span the earth - 
make it quiver — and beat more fiercely — living and 
pulsating cosmos - steaming universe. "^^ Molzahn pro- 
pounded the notion of "abstract Expressionism," and in 

Fig. 40 Johannes Molzahn, Neues Land (New Land), 1920 (Cat. 150) 

36 Stephanie Banon 

Fig. 41 Rudolf Belling, Dieiklang (Triad), 1919 (Cat. 6) 

his paintings and prints of 1919-20 he used a series of 
intersecting circular bands, reminiscent of both Robert 
Delaunay and the Futurists, whose work was also exhib- 
ited at the Galerie Der Sturm. 

In his essay Stephan von Wiese discusses the interna- 
tional nature of the Expressionist movement and its 
connections with other avant-garde art of the time. He 
argues that the abstract variant of Expressionism has 
long been overlooked, and that it is precisely this aspect 
that is of importance in viewing Expressionism in an 
international context. By the early 1920s several artists 
of the Novembergruppe had developed a style that com- 
bined the intensity of color of Expressionism with the 
forceful lines of Futurism and Cubism's fracturing of 
the surface plane. The closing words of the manifesto of 
the Novembergruppe were: "We send our fondest greet- 
ings to all those artists who have heard the call and feel 
responsible - Cubists, Futurists, and Expressionists. 
Join us!"^^ This new kind of Expressionism was infused 
with an awareness of international developments, ex- 
amples of which were regularly shown by Walden at 
Galerie Der Sturm. Otto Moller, Hans Siebert von Hei- 
ster, and Fritz Stuckenberg represent the tendency. 

Much of the sculpture of the second generation 
shares this attraction to abstract or emotive subject 
matter which evinces connections between Expression- 
ism and other international styles. In his 19 19 sculpture 
Dreiklang (Triad; Fig. 41), for instance, Rudolf Belling 
relies on Cubist principles of the breakup of space and 
the importance of voids. In 1919 Herbert Garbe created 
several sculptures with two abstracted figures repre- 
senting traditional themes, such as sleep, love, and 
death; in all these works a common element can be 

found in the adherence to Cubist principles of fracturing 
surface planes and in the emphasis on a single, clearly 
identified subject. His Gruppe des Todes I (Group of 
Death I; Cat. 67) of 19 19, which owes much to Wilhelm 
Lehmbruck's sculpture, is a successful attempt to com- 
bine exaggerated movement and Cubist geometry. The 
architectonic structure of the composition serves to em- 
phasize the emotional quality of the figures and to stress 
the allusion to the figure of Christ nailed to the cross. 
Garbe's figures display that unmistakable combination 
of Expressionism and Cubism that Roters has called 
"Cubo-Expressionism."^'* Richard Horn's sculpture Au/- 
bruch/Erwachen (Departure/Awakening; Fig. 2, p. loi) 
which owes much to Archipenko, creates in plastic 
terms a sense of exploding or emergence from a solid 
form, in much the same way as Oswald Herzog's sculp- 
tures Ekstase (Ecstasy) and Geniessen (Enjoyment; 
Fig. 2, p. 1 17) of 19 19. In Herzog's work the human form 
increasingly dissolves and individual characteristics be- 
come less and less defined; ultimately, the figurative 
world disappears altogether. He often draws his titles 
from the sphere of music: harmony, adagio, furioso. A 
sculpture such as Geniessen is a transformation of ar- 
chitectural elements into a composition that conveys 
emotion. ^^ 

The End of Expressionism 

By 1923 many of the artists who had joined the various 
groups had become frustrated with the prospects of their 
politically oriented activities ever bringing about a radi- 
cal change in society. They found that the working 
class, rather than supporting their efforts and joining 
with them, had in fact nothing but scorn for them. Al- 
though many artists continued to decry social injustice 
and the ineffectiveness of the new regime in remedying 
the most pressing problems, the concerted group efforts, 
which for a short time had been so intense, dissipated as 
the artists became disillusioned with politics. It became 
impossible to sustain the ecstatic, heady commitment 
and frenetic pace. The artists had come to the realiza- 
tion that organized activities were not going to effect 
the desired radical changes in society, and many of them 
chose to go their own way. What replaced this spent 
force of Expressionism was a new, more realistic style, 
Neue Sachlichkeit, which made its first public appear- 
ance in Mannheim at the Kunsthalle when Gustav 
Hartlaub organized a show in 1925. 

That year Felixmiiller, on hearing of the suicide of 
his friend, the poet Rheiner, painted Der Tod des Dich- 
ters Walther Rheiner (Death of the Poet Walther 
Rheiner; Fig. 42, frontispiece). The death of his friend 
caused Felixmiiller to return briefly but intensely to the 
Expressionism he had by then abandoned. Rheiner had 
been a member of the circle of poets and painters in 

Introduction 37 

Fig. 42 Conrad Felixmuller, Der Tod des Dichteis Walter 
Rheinei (Death of the Poet Walter Rheiner), 1925 (Cat. 58) 

Berlin and Dresden that included Becher, Felixmiiller, 
Hausmann, Herzfeld, Meidner, and Pfemfert. To evade 
conscription, Rheiner, like Becher, had taken cocaine,- 
his apparent addiction saved him from the draft. Felix- 
miiller later said of him: "Despairing at his lack of suc- 
cess, and in great financial difficulties, he had distanced 
himself from all his friends. Cocaine became his conso- 
lation.'"'' In 1918 Rheiner wrote Kokain (Cocaine), in 
which he described the life and suicide of an addict in 
Berlin. Rheiner, who was only thirty, jumped from the 
window of an apartment in Berlin, clutching his needle 
in his left fist. Felixmiiller captures the stark contrast 
between this wild gesture and the poet's rather pedes- 
trian surroundings, geranium-filled window boxes and 
lace curtains, which the poet pulls aside as he leaps into 
the pulsating urban nightscape of Berlin. Felixmuller 
portrays himself in the figure of Rheiner, as if to say a 
final farewell to an era that had passed. 


1 Donald E. Gordon, Expressionism: Art and Idea (New Haven 
and London: Yale University Press, 1987), pp. xvi, 217. 

2 Friedrich Burschell, "Revolution," from Memories (Munich, 
1918-19), cited in Paul Raabe, The Era of German Expression- 
ism (Nevvr York; The Overlook Press, 1974), p. 247. 

3 "Der Krieg./Ende einer gewaltigen, liigenhaften, materiellen 
Zeit./Verfall des verganglichen Korpers./Aufstieg der Seele." 
Kinner von Dressier, "Einfiihrung," Menschen 4, nos. 38-45 
(May II- June 29, 1919), p. 5. 

4 "Das Kunstprogramm des Komissariats fiir Volksaufklarung 
in Russland," Das Kunstblatt 3, no. 3 (March 1919), p. 91. 

5 For a thorough discussion of German periodicals of the era see 
Orrel P. Reed, Jr., German Expressionist Art: The Robert Gore 
Rifkind Collection (Los Angeles: University of California 
Press, 1 977 ), pp. 206 - 5 6. 

6 Victor Meisel, Voices of German Expressionism (Englewood 
Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1970), p. 13. 

7 Ibid., pp. 169-70. 

8 Joan Weinstein, "Art and the November Revolution in Ger- 
many 1918-1919," Ph.D. diss.. University of California, Los 
Angeles, 1986, p. 31. 

9 Meisel, Voices, pp. 179-80. 

10 Max Pechstein, "Was Wir WoUen," in An Alle Kiinstler! (Ber- 
lin, 1919), trans. Meisel, Voices, p. 179. 

1 1 An Alle Kiinstler!, p. 7. 

12 Private communication, November 1987. 

13 Conrad Felixmiiller, cited in Frank Whitford, Expressionist 
Portraits (London: Thames and Hudson, 1987), p. 136. 

14 Sezession Gruppe 1919 (Dresden: Verlag E. Richter, March 

15 Conrad Felixmuller, in Conrad Felixmiiller: Legenden 1912- 
1976 (Tiibingen: Ernst Wasmuth, 1977), p. 12. 

16 Carl Sternheim, Der Cicerone 15 (October 19, 1923). 

17 Ernst Carl Bauer, "Das politische Gesicht der Strasse," Das 
Plakat 10, no. 2 (March 1919I, p. 166. 

18 Weinstein, "Art," p. 31. The torch in the lower right-hand 
comer of many posters and pamphlets indicates that they 
were sponsored by the Publicity Office. For a fuller description 
of this period, and especially of its politics, see Weinstein's 

19 Ida Katherine Rigby, "Expressionism and Revolution 1918 to 
1922," in Reed, Jr., German Expressionist Art, p. 303. 

20 John Willett, Art and Politics in the Weimar Period (New 
York: Pantheon Books, 1978), pp. 71, 86, 97. 

21 Will Grohmann, Karl Schmidt-Rottluff (Stuttgart: W. Kohl- 
hammer, 1956), p. 90. 

22 Joharmes Molzahn. "Das Manifest des absoluten Expressionis- 
mus," Der Sturm 10, no. 6 (1919), pp. 90-91. For a discussion 
of this and Molzahn's abstract Expressionism see Rose-Carol 
Washton Long, "Expressionism, Abstraction, and the Search 
for Utopia in Germany," in The Spiritual in Art: Abstract 
Painting 1890-198$ (Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los 
Angeles, 1986), pp. 209-17. 

23 Meisel, Voices, p. 170. 

24 Eberhard Roters, Berlin 1910-193} (New York: Rizzoli, 1982], 
p. 109. 

25 Karin Breuer, "Herzog," in Stephanie Barron, ed., German Ex- 
pressionist Sculpture (Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 
Los Angeles, 1983), p. 100. 

26 Conrad Felixmiiller, as cited in Whitford, Expressionist Por- 
traits, p. 138. 

Fig. I Ludwig Meidner, Apokalypiischc Landschaft (Apocalyptic Landscape), 1913 (Cat. 140 

Ebeihard Roters 

Prewar, Wartime, and Postwar: 
Expressionism in Berlin from 19 12 to the Early 1920s 

The history of art constantly turns out to be a much 
more comphcated matter than the written accounts of 
it would have us believe, however intelligent and 
thorough those accounts may be. This applies not least 
to the art of our century. One reason for this is that 
perspectives in art shift with increasing distance — 
sometimes to our astonishment - and reveal phenom- 
ena and events previously hidden from view by inter- 
vening factors such as established interpretive systems. 

Max Beckmann and Ludwig Meidner are undeniably 
among the major figures in German Expressionist art, 
and yet both have only recently begun to receive the 
international recognition that is their due. Beckmann's 
work has long been appreciated inside Germany, but 
opinion elsewhere has been slow to follow suit. The 
outside world's discovery of Beckmann began in the 
United States, and the primary credit for this is due to 
Peter Selz.' Beckmann's recognition as an artist of world 
stature did not, however, become universal until after 
the exhibition of his triptychs in London in 1980.^ 
Meidner, by contrast, was rediscovered by his com- 
patriots not so long ago, primarily as a consequence of 
the interest taken in him abroad.' 

Why is this so? Were Meidner and Beckmarm 
thought of as backward-looking, retardative Expres- 
sionists? Did art historians and the art public have diffi- 
culty categorizing their work? They belonged to the sec- 
ond generation of German Expressionists, it is true, but 
not in a strictly chronological sense. Meidner and Beck- 
mann were contemporaries: both were born in 1884. 
But that was also the year in which Karl Schmidt-Rott- 
luff, one of the founders of Die Biiicke (The Bridge), was 
bom; and Ernst Ludwig Kirchner was only four years 
older. All these artists came from central and eastern 
Germany, the cradle of German Expressionism. 

The artists of Die Biiicke had given their group its 
name in 1905. From 1908 to 191 1 they moved, one by 
one, from Dresden to Berlin, and by 19 12 had gained 
some recognition for their work. Art historians there- 
fore rightly regard them as the inventors of the expres- 
sive gestural brush stroke and as the founders of Ger- 
man Expressionism although a period of seven years, 
from 1905 to 1 9 12, is a long time in terms of establish- 
ing stylistic priorities. 

The decisive breakthrough in Meidner's stylistic de- 
velopment took place in 19 12. It was then that he em- 

barked on his magnificent series of apocalyptic land- 
scapes. This was two years before Kirchner reached the 
culmination of his artistic career in the big-city Expres- 
sionism of his Berlin street scenes. Meidner — like Beck- 
mann, but unlike Kirchner - was an urban Expressionist 
from the very start; and this in itself reveals a wide 
divergence of mental attitudes. 

The crucial year in which Beckmann found his artis- 
tic and personal identity was 19 15, when, as a soldier on 
the Western Front in World War I, he suffered a 
psychosomatic breakdown. His path to artistic indi- 
viduality and expressive power thus began with a 
trauma. The lightning of inspiration struck, as it had for 
Meidner three years before. That brief, tense interval of 
three years had at its center one great external event: 
the outbreak of war in August 19 14. Meidner's work and 
Beckmann's combine to form, as it were, a narrow pass, 
an initiatory gateway: two pillars that flank the mo- 
ment of catastrophe. 

Meidner and Beckmann knew and respected each 
other. In 191 1 Beckmann, whose sophisticated style of 
painting, still wedded to the tradition of the Berlin Se- 
cession, had already won him recognition as an artist, 
was able to write Meidner a testimonial for a grant that 
saved him from penury." In 19 12 Beckmann visited 
Meidner in his studio and later acknowledged that the 
visit had been an inspiration to him.^ 

What was it that drew these two very different indi- 
viduals together: Meidner, asthenic, short, slight, ner- 
vous, restless, excitable; and Beckmann, athletic, sol- 
idly built, "German-looking," melancholic? What is it 
that links their modes of artistic expression, and what 
distinguishes this, in its turn, from that of Die Biiicke or 
Der Blaue Reitei (The Blue Rider) ? What strikes the eye 
first is their extensive and subtle use of the color black, 
of course, Die Biiicke Expressionists used black too, 
but primarily as an outline and a framework to hold the 
figures together, rather as medieval artists used black 
strips of lead in stained glass. In a remarkable number of 
Biiicke paintings black does not appear even in the con- 
tours, which are picked out in blue, red, purple, yellow, 
or other colors. Die Biiicke artists did not want black; 
they wanted festive colors, as a metaphor for joy and 
vitality. Meidner and Beckmann did want black. 

Black in Meidner's paintings, for all the artist's vo- 
racious visual appetite for color, adds a somber gleam to 

40 Ebethaid Roters 

the surface and represents the dark background of fate 
against which a raucous scenario of dechne and fall 
takes its explosive course: black is the shadow of life, 
Umbia Vitae (also the title of the first volume of verse, 
published in 1924, by the Berlin Expressionist poet 
Georg Heym). 

In Beckmann's paintings black clamps objects and 
figures together, forcing them into painful proximity 
and even interpenetration, shutting them in upon them- 
selves, and cramming their essence into an utterly ob- 
jectlike state of plasticity until the confinement seems 
to hurt. Black also issues from the openings in Beck- 
mann's world - from phonograph horns, for example - 
like an active, sucking antisubstancc; it wells up from 
the underworld, a manifestation of some primeval dark- 
ness hungry to devour the daylight. 

Both artists are conscious dreamers who remember 
their visions and bring reflections of them into their 
painted world. *■ What links the styles of Meidner and 
Beckmarm and sets them apart from the evocatory 
painting of the first-generation Expressionists can be ex- 
pressed by the term "apocalyptic Expressionism." 

Meidner, like most of his poet friends, loved to walk 
the streets of the city. He roamed the outlying suburbs 
of Berlin for hours on end and drew his inspiration from 

Fig. 2 Ludwig Meidner, Selbstbildnis (Self-Portrait), 1916, ink on 
paper, lyi/.sxis'/jin. (44x35 cm), Los Angeles County Museum 
of Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for German Expressionist 

Fig. 3 Ludwig Meidner, Selbstbildnis (Self-Portrait), 1923 
(Cat. 142I 

what he saw. At night, back in the dark, little attic room 
that served as his studio, he painted houses and streets 
that began to dance under his brush, as if the earth be- 
neath the city were shaking. From dancing houses it 
was only a step to blazing cities. In the summer of 19 12, 
that hot summer following a rainy April, that had such 
an invigorating impact on European art in general,' 
Meidner embarked on his apocalyptic landscapes, 
which he painted one after another in a sustained cre- 
ative frenzy (Fig. i). Most of them date from 19 12 or 
1913; the fiingstei Tag (The Last Day), which came in 
19 16, was a vision already overtaken by the reality of 
the war. Meidner, who came from Silesia, the country 
that had produced those utterly individual and unsec- 
tarian mystics, Angelus Silesius and lakob Bohme, was 
possessed of mediumistic powers. He had a clairvoyant 
premonition of the coming catastrophe. Meidner was a 
prophet, and the many figures of prophets who are to be 
seen fulminating in his drawings make it clear that this 
was how he saw himself (Figs. 2, 3). 

Although basically a wanderer and recluse, a retiring 
artist who really liked nothing better than to bury him- 
self in his studio with his paintings, Meidner had a re- 
markable gift for making friends and collecting people 
around him. From 19 12 onward all the leading bohe- 
mians of Berlin, the eccentrics and originals of the age, 

Prewar, Wartime, and Postwar 41 

Fig. 4 Conrad Felixmiiller, Bildnis Raoul Hausmann (Portrait of Raoul Hausmann), 1920 (Cat. 48) 

42 Eberhard Roters 

Fig. 5 William Wauer, Bildiiis Heiwaith Walden (Portrait of 
Herwarth Walden), 1921 (Cat. 199] 

gathered in his studio.' Avant-garde poets and writers 
were there in force, as were fellow visual artists; in 
many cases it was no easy matter to decide who was 
which. Beginning in 191 3 Meidner held open house ev- 
ery Wednesday evening.' The poet Jacob van Hoddis'° 
came, as did the writers Kurt Hiller" and Franz Jung" 
and two prominent members of the later Berlin Dada 
movement, Raoul Hausmann"' (Fig. 4) and Johannes 
Baader.''* From Dresden came the young painter Conrad 
Felixmiiller, who still called himself Felix Miiller or 
sometimes Miiller-Dresden. 

What happened in Meidner's studio was something 
new. Not only was there a direct exchange of ideas and 
opinions between artists and writers, but the ground 
was laid for the collective and individual identities of an 
entire generation of artists who stepped into the fore- 
front of public consciousness during and especially after 
the war. These were artists who handled their materials 
in a maimer totally different from that of the previous 
generation. Their work had acquired - as can be dis- 
cerned very clearly in some artists and faintly in others 
— a political dimension. Their approach was more ag- 
gressive, more insolent; their tone, peremptory, even 
cynical. This cynicism was the child of despair, and it 
foimd its most cogent postwar expression in Berlin 

The years 191 1, 1912,, and 191 3 are so important be- 
cause they were the incubation period for postwar art. 
There were meeting places like Meidner's studio all 
over Berlin. The artists who met there also saw each 
other and members of other groups at the Neopatheti- 
sches Cabaret and in the numerous cafes along the Kur- 
fiirstendamm, particularly the Cafe des Westens, 
known to the bourgeoisie as the "Cafe Grossenwahn" 
(Cafe Megalomania), which was supplanted in 191 5 by 
the Romanisches Cafe.'^ These intercommunicating 
contact points served as fast breeders to promote the 
fusion of artistic and literary ideas. It was an uncom- 
monly exciting time. 

There was another linking medium whose signifi- 
cance would be hard to overestimate: the cultural and 
political periodicals of the avant-garde, dominated in 
Berlin by two titles in particular. These were Dei Sturm 
(The Storm), founded by Herwarth Walden (Fig. 5) in 
1910, and Die Aktion (Action), founded by Franz Pfem- 
fert in 191 1. Both were broadly left-wing. Pfemfert, a 
committed pacifist, laid his emphasis on politics, re- 
garding artistic expression as an elevated means of com- 
municating political ideas; Walden's Der Stuim, pleas- 
antly liberal - but by no means unaggressive — in its left- 
wing sympathies, placed its principal emphasis on art 
and culture. In 1912 Walden opened his Galerie Der 
Sturm. The consequences of this event serve to make 
the years 19 12 and 1913, in a still deeper sense than that 
described hitherto, an incubation period for the "second 
phase" of Expressionism. 

The exhibition with which Walden opened the 
GalefiBiDer Sturm had the title Der Blaue Reiter, Oskar 
Kokoschka, Expressionisten (The Blue Rider, Oskar 
Kokoschka, Expressionists). The Italian Futurists fol- 
lowed in April 1912. The climax of the first run of 
Sturm exhibitions was the Erster Deutscher Herbst- 
salon (First German Fall Salon) of September 19 13. 
These exhibitions — aside, that is, from the excitement 
of the Futurist roadshow - aroused no very marked pub- 
lic response; but their impact on the Berlin avant-garde 
has still to receive its historical due. The visible influ- 
ence of the Futurist exhibition stretches from the Berlin 
street pictures of Kirchner to a major part of the work of 
the artists of the Novembergruppe (November Group). 

In the Erster Deutscher Herbstsalon Walden showed 
his own impressive, if highly personal, selection of the 
work of the European avant-garde for the first time. Um- 
berto Boccioni, Carlo Carra, Luigi Russolo, and Gino 
Severini — the Italian Futurists — were there; so were 
Alexei von Jawlensky, Wassily Kandinsky, Paul Klee, 
and Franz Marc - the artists of Der Blaue Reiter; Lyonel 
Feininger was featured along with Marc Chagall and 
Alexander Archipenko, the Russian Primitives and Ray- 
onists Natalia Goncharova and Mikhail Larionov, and 
the Paris artists Robert Delaunay, Sonia Delaunay-Terk, 
Albert Gleizes, Fernand Leger, and Louis Marcoussis. 

Prewar, Wartime, and Postwar 43 

(Pablo Picasso and Georges Braque were not included.) 
There were also representatives of the Czech and Hun- 
garian avant-garde, among them Emil Filla, Bela Kadar, 
and Otokar Kubin. 

The names alone show that Walden's exhibition had 
a wide ideological as well as geographical range. What 
interested him most was not the exact theoretical 
provenance of such stylistic terms as Cubism, Futur- 
ism, Expressionism, and Primitivism : matters to which 
he probably gave little thought. What it all added up to 
for him was the synoptic view, the stylistic synthesis. 
This continued to be apparent in his exhibition policy 
over the following years. Walden intuitively pursued a 
synthesis of the varied styles of the European avant- 
garde. His conception of the history of art was a unitary 
one, and to denote this overriding unity he unhesitat- 
ingly employed an all-embracing term: Expressionism. 

Expressionismus : Die Kunstwende (Expressionism: 
The Turning Point in Art) is the title of a pamphlet- 
manifesto published by Walden in 1918."" It had been 
preceded in 1917 by Einblick in Kunst: Expiessionis- 
mus, Futuiismus, Kubismus (Insight into Art: Expres- 
sionism, Futurism, Cubism), a slim volume in card- 
board covers that contains, as well as reproductions of 
works by Sturm artists, a collection of essays by Wal- 
den, some of which had already appeared in the periodi- 
cal Dei Stuim itself.'' In these, Walden, a brilliant jour- 
nalist with a vivid and expressive style, formulated his 
theory of art with great force and conciseness. 

In the essay "Zur Formulierung der neuen Kunst" 
(Toward a Formulation for the New Art) he asserts that 
"Cubism is a term that refers to the same artistic im- 
pulse [as that of Expressionism] in France." Here he de- 

fined the common factor that he found in Futurism, 
Expressionism, and Cubism: "The picture takes shape 
according to law except that the laws of art are not de- 
termined by the artist or by the theoretician but by the 
pictorial surface. Each movement is made visible by at 
least one countermovement. These rhythmic interac- 
tions are the life of the picture."'* The essay "Zur Ge- 
schichte der neuen Kunst" (On the History of the New 
Art) contains the essence of Walden's creed: 

Art is not receptivity to what is given; art is receptivity to what 
gives. Art does not render; it tenders 

The artist is there to paint a picture, not a forest Painting is 

the art of the surface. It is not there to represent bodies; it is there 
to shape surfaces .... 

Plane is circumscribed by color The formulas must not be 

objects; primarily and exclusively they must be forms, or else 
they must turn back into forms. It is not because a picture repre- 
sents objects that it is art; in fact, it ceases to be art when it 
represents on a surface objects that are not primarily and exclu- 
sively formal elements of the surface that is to be shaped 

The concepts of foreground and background have nothing to do 
with art. Painting is an art of surfaces. Any representation of a 
body on a surface is illusory; and illusion, including optical illu- 
sion, is not art because it violates the laws of art. 

The inner laws of art are those of the unity of form and the 
unity of materials. Every work of art carries its own laws within 
it. These laws can therefore not be determined in advance; they 
can only be recognized after the event. To call nonimitative forms 
"geometrical" is in itself a metaphor. However, the forms of 
geometry are closer to art than those of the imitation of Nature 
because geometrical forms are related to each other and not to 
something external to geometry." 

Some of these pronouncements may sound like 
platitudes to us today; but they were new and revolu- 
tionary then. Not only to the Berlin artists but to others 
who made the pilgrimage to Berlin, they came as a reve- 

Fig. 6 Max Beckmaim, Die Nac/it (Night), 19 18 -19, 
oil on canvas, 52y8x6oys in. (133 x 154 cm), Kunst- 
sammlung Nordrhein-Westfalen, Dusseldorf 

44 Ebezhard Raters 

Fig. 7 Max Beckmann, Die Holle (Hell), 1919, 
plate 3 (Cat. 4) 

lation on a par with that of the paintings on the walls of 
the Sturm gallery. 

It is clear from Walden's writings that his concept of 
Expressionism was considerably different from, and 
broader than, that which is prevalent today. At that 
time, however, the use of the term to refer to a wide- 
ranging stylistic synthesis — undoubtedly pioneered by 
Walden - was the norm among artists and all those who 
concerned themselves with art. The restricted applica- 
tion of the term to first-generation gestural Expression- 
ism in Germany is a product of art-historical hindsight. 
It is a usage that may well have served the interests of 
clarity, but it has also stood in the way of any historical 
awareness of the subsequent evolution of those forms of 
German avant-garde art that bore the common impress 
of Expressionism, Cubism, and Futurism. 

Anyone who studies French Cubism in its purest 
form soon becomes aware that the style is the transposi- 
tion of a theory of perception into pictorial syntax. The 
French Cubists are concerned, broadly speaking, with 
the visualization of Cartesian space. Daniel-Henry 
Kahnweiler, the Frankfurt-born dealer and writer who 
was the friend and mentor of the Cubists from the very 
start and who published the first basic account of Cub- 
ism in German, defines the basic geometrical forms that 
provide the structural framework of Cubist paintings, in 
terms of his native German, Kantian tradition, as "vis- 
ual categories" within our consciousness that predate 
all illusionistic perception.^" 

To German artists in Berlin and elsewhere these 
theories were a matter of total indifference, if, indeed, 
they ever heard of them. They did their thinking, as 

Fig. 8 Max Beckmann, Die Holle (Hell), 1919, 
plate 6 (Cat. 4) 

Prewar, Wartime, and Postwar 45 

artists should, with their eyes. In Futurism they were 
fascinated by the staccato visual rendering of motor ac- 
tivity; in Cubism, by the strict dialectic of verse-and- 
response in the structuring of the surface; in Delaunay's 
Orphism, by color as form; and in the art of Dei Blaue 
Reitei, by the way in which spiritual and psychic vibra- 
tions were made visible through harmonies of line and 
color. Behind all the local particularities of the various 
artistic regions of Europe they discerned a common 
basic stylistic concept. This can be reduced, after due 
allowance for all the diversity of individual expression, 
to a common formula: the interplay of line, plane, and 
color manifests an expressive rhythm that is constantly 
regenerated through the clash of contraries and thereby 
reveals a fundamental law of cosmic and human exist- 
ence and experience. 

The resulting stylistic free-for-all led in German art - 
and particularly in the art produced in, or influenced by, 
Berlin - to a crossover of stylistic resources whose prod- 
uct can be designated by the somewhat unwieldy term 
"Cubo-Futuro-Expressionism." This synthesis, which 
had its origins in 191 2- 13, bore fruit in the early postwar 
years. Its outstanding manifestation was the art of the 

The artistic revolution might well have remained in 
the sphere of pure form, and there might not have been 
even a gesture toward revolutionary political utterance, 
had it not been for that one catastrophic event of which 
many artists had had a premonition, and which many a 
bored member of a society jaded by the long years of 
peace had covertly or overtly longed for: the "Great 
Caesura" of World War I.^' 

Many a young artist who went into the war full of 
confidence - and perhaps partly impelled by the prewar 
sense of tedium - found that the profound shock of mass 
slaughter enabled him to express, with resources drawn 
from the depths of his being, the shattering impact of 
the encounter with his own undisguised self, no longer 
intact but marked forever by a rift, a split at the core. 

Beckmann bears witness to this. It is possible to trace 
from one print to the next in the etchings made between 
191 5 and 1917 how the inner break became visible and 
grew." In paint, his testimony to the crisis is the Selbst- 
bildnis rait lotem Schal (Self-Portrait with Red Scarf) of 
1917.-' In the same year he painted the Kreuzabnahme 
(Deposition from the Cross),'"' an image of torment and 
despondency that bears no hint of a coming Resurrec- 
tion. In the immediate postwar years, 1918 and 19 19, 
Beckmarm painted an image of inexorable, oppressive 
power, Die Nacht (Night).^^ Both of these motifs, the 
Kreuzabnahme and Die Nacht, were repeated in etch- 
ings, the Kreuzabnahme as a single sheet-*" and Die 
Nacht (Fig. 6) as part of the powerful sequence of prints. 
Die HoUe (Hell; Figs. 7-8),^' in which he laid the founda- 
tion of his future style, both in subject matter and in 
composition. If Meidner is the prophet, Beckmann is 

like the disciple at the empty tomb; he has intimations 
of a world beyond, from which he receives mysterious 
messages, but (as yet) he knows nothing of the Resurrec- 
tion. The existential shock of war, which must have 
struck him with the force of a thunderbolt, opened up a 
gaping chasm in his acutely observant and critical mind 
from which dreams emerged to mingle with the percep- 
tions of everyday life. His interiors, crammed to burst- 
ing with people and objects that rub and jostle against 
each other, are the antechambers of limbo, waiting 
rooms for those in quarantine between this world and 
the next. Later, when Beckmann was living in exile, 
moving from one hotel room to another, painting his 
triptychs, his life became an eerily exact counterpart of 
his art, a transposition of that spectral pictorial dimen- 
sion that lies between daylight and dream. 

Like Beckmann, a number of other young artists 
found an inner capacity for experience in the trauma of 
battle, which became a source of artistic creation. This 
process is exemplified in the early works of George 
Grosz and Otto Dix, produced between 1914 and 1919, 
such as Dix's Selbstbildnis als Mars (Self-Portrait as 
Mars; Fig. 9), of 1914, and Grosz's Widmung an Oskai 
Panizza (Dedication to Oskar Panizza; Fig. 10), of 1917. 
These works, like those of Meidner and Beckmann, are 
manifestations of apocalyptic Expressionism. 

The dates of all these works show that the period of 
World War I witnessed the production of a number of 

Fig. 9 Otto DLx, Selbstbildnis als Mars (Self-Portrait as Mars), 
19 1 5, oil on canvas, Haus der Heimat, Freital, GDR 

46 Eberhard Roters 

Fig. lo George Grosz, Widmung an Oskai Panizza (Homage to 
Oskar Panizza), 1917-18, oil on canvas, s^'Ax^yAi in. 
(140X no cm), Staatsgalerie, Stuttgart 

key works. This was a war that changed the world and 
marked a great historical divide. Felixmiiller from Dres- 
den, born in 1897, unfit for military service because of a 
heart condition, was a member of the circle that 
gathered and talked in Meidner's studio.^* He first came 
to Berlin in 19 14. In 1916 he exhibited at the Galerie 
Der Sturm. For Pfemfert's Die Aktion he did woodcuts 
that contained some references to political events. The 
cover woodcut for one issue of Die Aktion in 191 7 had 
the title Rettet Euch Menschen (Run for Your Lives, 
People; Fig. 11). This marked a decisive step. For the 
first time the style of the Expressionist woodcut had 
been harnessed to a political end. Many of the works of 
second-generation Expressionists are clearly differenti- 
ated from those of the first generation by this one fea- 
ture: their political and social motivation. 

What had begun in the works of the wartime period 
now matured in the postwar period. The works of Felix- 
miiller's Expressionist period are the classic instance of 
this. Nothing is left of the lyrical Expressionist celebra- 
tion of nature, as practiced by the artists of Die Briicke: 
no celebration of life in exuberant color; no delight in 
the big-city aesthetic, with its appeal to erotic and 
motor impulses alike. What then took over was a con- 
cern with the types, and the hardships, of the prole- 
tariat, presented in an aggressively discordant blare of 

Even after the Briicke artists moved from Dresden to 
Berlin, there were constant contacts between the two 
cities. The to and fro that went on marked an affinity 
between Dresden and Berlin which was an important 
relay in the electrical field from which the second gener- 
ation of Expressionist artists emerged. Grosz and Dix 
had studied at the Dresden academy under Richard Miil- 
ler. Meidner had spent a few months in Dresden in 
1 9 14, just before the outbreak of war. Hausmann occa- 
sionally made quick visits to Dresden. Felixmiiller trav- 
eled between Dresden and Berlin throughout the war, 
even though his dealer and print publisher were in Ber- 
lin. All these artists kept up a loose form of association, 
which survived into the early postwar years. Felixmiil- 
ler was one of the first to join the Novembeigiuppe in 
1918.^' The group that he and others formed in Dresden, 
the Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 1919 (The Dresden Se- 
cession Group 1919),'° was linked with the Novembei- 
giuppe in Berlin by reciprocal membership arrange- 
ments, by the participation of individual members in 
exhibitions, and in many other ways. 

The Novembeigiuppe was formed on December 3, 
1918 by the Berlin painters Moriz Melzer (Fig. 15), Max 


!MIA1J l-r;i. -Miili.i. On^itiil lliil,-i.;i:iiti ( hi. ;h;.iii) I, Irani: /ur KcgKluiifi Jtr zaiwIifniiicnKhlkhen AnEolcRtiilieiltn / 
Ik'rnul Ij.Mrv M. '\.v\ liji;uiiNi L'lJi.Uil r.j^iii.i urEKiiul-HoliMlinill ; Liidwi^ lUmiier: D«r Unlcrgaii,; ; H. Aiit^T: 
.\l,'v-i(;r;i |i'Ti,:iM. II";/^. In:a;l AiKTi l-,l;ri-iiM<-iii, .M^itlillos ; tjmill Hiiffnwiiin Ulijlu-ndc Landschaft / Uu>lav Schuk; 
l,ini:^ii.i Ij .■> n..; liiMui'li ' (;llrl^ll,lLl ScltaJ (Genlj: Apchcncad!- (Dtiniiial-Hclzsthnill) / Svcildscii: Sdiutti, Vtr- 

ania^';:. 1:^ -.ii 11. IU.iir;,-;i scIiuKt; Ans Alpi^iuir.Ti , W. Schiller HunJc (Holrschnili) / aeorg Orelor: Driet ails Ncu- 
iij;:,:i ii... , \i.- \ ,, i; -V. /iiniM lli'vllrr- Siudic ' liicodor I.c^5it>t: Ji'limincs ^licrr /urn liiindtrlslw ( iebuiutagi: ; 
I 1' l,;i MJiikiilf ilic Vxw .1U5: Kleiner Hridlusicii 



Fig. 1 1 Conrad Felixmiiller, Rettet Euch Menschen (Run for Your 
Lives, People), 1917, woodcut, Die Aktion, vol. 7, no. 39-40, Los 
Angeles County Museum of Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 
German Expressionist Studies 

Prewar, Wartime, and Postwar 47 

Fig. 13 Max Pechstein, SeibstbiZdnismit Tod (Self -Portrait with Death), 1920-21 (Cat. 163 

Pechstein (Fig. 12), Heinrich Richter, and Georg Tappert 
(Fig. 13). "Also present at the first meeting were the 
following artists: the painters Rudolf Bauer, Otto 
Freundlich (Fig. 20), Bernhard Hasler, Karl Jakob Hirsch, 
Richard Janthur, Bruno Krauskopf, and Wilhelm 
Schmid, the sculptor Rudolf Belling, and the architect 

Erich Mendelsohn. With a few exceptions these were 
also the members of the initial working parties of the 
Novembeigiuppe" (Fig. 14). ^' The name November- 
gruppe itself proclaimed a revolutionary mentality. The 
ambitions with which the group made its entrance on 
the scene were far-reaching. The Aufruf der November- 

48 Ebeihaid Roters 

Fig. 1 3 Georg Tappert, Alte Chansonette (Old Chansonette), 
1920 (Cat. 190) 

gruppe (November Group Appeal), dated December 13, 
1918, began as follows: "The future of art and the seri- 
ousness of the present hour force us, the revolutionaries 
of the spirit (Expressionists, Cubists, Futurists), to unite 
and join forces. We therefore urgently call upon all those 
artists who have broken the traditional mold of art to 
declare their adherence to the Novembergruppe.'"'^ The 
Manifest dei Novembhsten (Manifesto of the Novem- 

brists) asserted: "We stand on the fertile ground of Re- 
volution. Our slogan is: LBERTY, EQUALITY, FRATER- 
NITY! We have come together because we share the 
same human and artistic beliefs. We regard it as our 
noblest duty to dedicate our efforts to the moral task of 
building Germany young and free."" 

This "appeal" was prefaced with the words Sehr 
geehitei Heir! (Dear Sir). From today's vantage point the 
contrast between the sweeping rhetoric of the content 
and the conventional bourgeois form of address is not 
without its comic side. And even this tiny detail is a 
sign of a fundamental contradiction that beset the 
Novembergruppe from the very start and worked itself 
out in a long series of misconceptions, misunderstand- 
ings, and terminological muddles. The one misconcep- 
tion that underlay all the others consisted in the belief 
that a revolutionary political attitude could somehow 
bridge the gulf between the artist's lofty aspirations and 
the day-to-day squalor of his existence, that ideals and 
groceries, in other words, could somehow be reduced to 
a functional common denominator. The existential 
paradox inherent in this equation is impossible to re- 
solve because the two quantities involved are incom- 
mensurable. After the Novembeigruppe had oscillated 
for a while between the two poles of its own ambiva- 
lence, it sensibly opted to prolong its survival by chang- 
ing from a largely inarticulate revolutionary body into 
an exhibiting society. 

The wide variety of stylistic loyalties that the group 
ultimately embraced was not present at the beginning. 
In the early years the works of the Novembrists showed 
a broad unanimity that is easier to sense in terms of a 
shared climate and mood than it is to define. Pechstein, 
one of the founding members, and Meidner took part 

Fig. 14 Clockwise from left 
to right; Novembergruppe 
artists Melzer, Kepes, 
Moller, Tappert, Dungert, 
Herzog, Kampmann, Wetzel, 

Prewar, Wartime, and Postwar 49 

Fig. 1 5 Moriz Melzer, Biiicke-Stadt (Bridge Town), 1923 (Cat. 143) 

50 Ebeihard Roteis 

Fig. i6 Hans Siebert von Heister, Pietd, 1919 (Cat. 97 

Prewar, Wartime, and Postwar 5 1 

only in the inaugural exhibition, in 19 19, and then 
turned away from the group. The majority of the mem- 
bers bore the impress of Dei Stuim, either because they 
had shown at the Galerie Der Sturm and thus become 
"Sturm artists" - as they then proudly styled them- 
selves - or because their manner of seeing had been 
schooled in the Sturm exhibitions and they had thus 
consciously or intuitively made Walden's concept of an 
Expressionist stylistic synthesis into the guiding prin- 
ciple of their own work. Hence the way in which these 
artists (who included Max Dungert [Fig. 18], Hans Sie- 
bert von Heister [Fig. i6|, Walter Kampmann [Fig. 17I, 
Arthur Segal [Fig. 19I, and Otto Freundlich [Fig. 2,o[) 
chose to describe themselves: "the revolutionaries of 
the spirit (Expressionists, Cubists, Futurists)." 

German artists had grown up under the old mon- 
archy in a state of political naivete, for which they are to 
be pitied rather than blamed. For one instant the Rev- 
olution gave them an exhilarating sense of total free- 
dom, which raised their expectations far too high; they 
acquired a positively metaphysical conviction that all 
their problems were at an end. But this was, alas, a Ger- 
man revolution (and thus one of those that are popularly 
said to take place "indoors if wet"). And these were 
German artists. They were too diverse in their aims and 
in their methods to keep the ideals of bourgeois indi- 
vidualism, socialism, communism, and anarchism dis- 
tinct from each other, so they were tossed together and 

Fig. 17 Walter Kampmann, Der Feldheir (The Military Comman- 
der), 1922 (Cat. 117) 

Fig. 18 Max Dungert, Turm (Tower), 1922 (Cat. 38) 

labeled of course Weltanschauung. The result was utter 
confusion, a confusion that is reflected in the virulent 
controversies that arose within the Novembeigruppe. 

In order to stress their revolutionary credentials the 
Novembeigruppe artists referred to themselves as 
"workers of the spirit" and by analogy with the rev- 
olutionary system of Soviets, or workers' committees, 
they set up a workers' council for art (Aibeitsiat fiii 
Kunst).^^ It was supposedly that there they could com- 
mune in revolutionary fervor like worshippers in a 

52 Eberhard Roteis 

Fig. 19 Arthur Segal, Drei Figuien (Three Figures), 1922 (Cat. 183) 

church - the Cathedral of Socialism depicted in a wood- 
cut by Feininger. All this was basically nothing but 
cabala, or verbal conjuring. Anyone can call himself a 
worker, but that does not necessarily mean that he 
knows anything of alienation in the workplace. 

In 19 19 the Arbeitsiat published the book Ja! 
Stimmen des Aibeitsiates fiii Kunst in Berlin (Yes! 
Voices of the Workers' Council for Art in Berlin), edited 
by the Berlin art historian Adolf Behne, in which, 
"springing from the turmoil of the moment of Revolu- 
tion," a questionnaire was answered by twenty-eight 
distinguished architects, painters, and sculptors whose 
written responses were published. The ideas and propos- 
als put forward by these people are so many and varied, 
and in many cases so touchingly remote from reality, 
that the outcome of the survey is impossible to sum- 
marize. Behne, who was an intelligent man, soon gave 
up, and in May 1921 the Aibeitsi at was dissolved.'^ 

Among the principal ways in which the revolution- 
ary artists got their lines crossed was that they confused 
the artistic revolution, the destruction of traditional 
forms - which was their business, and something they 

knew how to handle - with the political revolution and 
its intention to transform society. It was some time be- 
fore it began to dawn on the artists that these are two 
fundamentally different things having nothing what- 
ever to do with each other. A draft written in 1922 by 
the painter and art teacher Otto Moller (Fig. 21) for a 
(possibly unsent) reply to a left-wing "Open Letter of the 
Novembergruppe Opposition" includes this passage: 
"The Opposition is well aware that the November- 
gTuppe has long since learned from practical experience 
that the pursuit of radical political objectives is a matter 
for each individual, and that the group as a collective 
body is there purely to pursue radical artistic objec- 
tives."^'' A truth that needed to be acknowledged. 

The open letter to which Moller was replying had 
been published in the periodical Dei Gegnei (The Oppo- 
nent) in 1920-21.'^ It is signed by the leading lights of 
Berlin Dada - Dix, Dungert, Grosz, Hausmaim, Hannah 
Hoch, Rudolf Schlichter, and Georg Scholz — among 
others. It mocks the Novembergruppe itself for the 
high-flown rhetoric of its initial statements and accuses 
it of bourgeois complacency leading to depoliticization. 

Prewar, Wartime, and Postwar 5 3 

The writers say of themselves : "We have a sense of the 
duty imposed on us by the struggle of the world's pro- 
letarians for a life imbued with pure spirit. We feel it our 
duty to go forward with the masses along the path that 
leads to the achievement of this common life."'* 

But these self-styled "radical left-wingers" were 
laboring under the same fundamental delusion as the 
bourgeois fellow artists whom they had singled out as 
their adversaries. Their own attitude to the proletariat 
was a sublimely sentimental one, as the literary bom- 
bast and fustian of their statements shows. They were 
all strong-willed individualists, anarchists with a mark- 
edly elitist view of their own position, and neurotically 
sensitive to criticism. From the point of view of Bol- 
shevik ideology, the bourgeois individualist is politi- 
cally neutral, but the anarchist individualist is the exact 
antithesis of a communist, in that the organization of 
society through Soviets requires the individual to iden- 
tify with the collective and submit to the rules of collec- 
tive action. This distinction, which many people still 
find hard to grasp, seems to have been totally beyond 
the ken of the "left-wing" artists of the early 1920s." 
Some of them became aware of it later; one of these was 
Grosz, who consequently, and logically, resigned from 
the German Communist party. ''° 

Grosz, Dix, Schlichter, and Scholz, all signatories of 
the open letter, were among the pioneers in the early 
1920s of the veristic version of Neue Sachlichkeit (New 
Objectivity). A new style, in keeping with a new form of 
consciousness and diametrically opposed to the rhetoric 

Fig.2o Otto Frermdlich, Die Mutter (The Mother), r92t(Cat.6i) 

Fig. 2 1 Otto Moller, Boot mit gelbem Segel (Boat with Yellow 
Sail), 1921 (Cat. 146) 

of Expressionism, was coming to the fore. Rhetoric 
takes plenty of breath, and if Expressionism had become 
rather short-winded over the years, its conflicts and con- 
tradictions were in no small measure responsible. 

The gestural style, one of the original hallmarks of 
German Expressionism, never disappeared entirely but 
withdrew into a less turbulent, more restrained kind of 
painting that ran parallel to the stylistic epochs sanc- 
tioned by art history and has remained comparatively 
little noticed to this day.^' 


1 Peter Selz, Max Beckmann (The Museum of Modem Art, New 
York, 1964); Max Beckmann, Sichtbares und Unsichtbares, 
ed. Peter Beckmann and Peter Selz (Stuttgart: Belser, r96s). In 
r964 Selz organized the exhibition Max Beckmann: Paintings, 
Drawings, Wateicolors, and Prints at The Museum of Modem 
Art, New York, with catalogue essays by Peter Selz, Harald 
Joachim, Perry T Rathbone, and Inga Forslund. The exhibi- 
tion was also shown in Boston, Chicago, Hamburg, Frankfurt 
am Main, and London. 

2 Max Beckmann: The Triptychs (Whitechapel Art Gallery, 
London, 1980, and Stadtische Galerie im Stadelschen Kunst- 
institut, Frankfurt am Main, tgSi). Catalogue essays by Klaus 
Gallwitz, Gert Schiff, Stephan Lackner, Clifford Amyx, and 
Claude Gandelmann. 

54 Eberhard Roters 

Fig. 22 Magnus Zeller, Dei Redaer 
(TheOratorl, 1919-20 (Cat. 2o6| 

3 The credit for the first full critical assessment of Meidner's 
work is due to Thomas Grochowiak, who was responsible for 
the first major exhibition and the first major monograph on 
the artist after World War II [Ludwig Meidnez [Kunsthalle, 
Recklinghausen, 1963; Haus am Waldsee, Berlin, and Kunst- 
halle, Darmstadt, 1964]; Thomas Grochowiak, Ludwig 
Meidnei | Recklinghausen: Aurel Bongers, 1966II. In Germany, 
the interest of a younger generation was aroused by the 
Meidner paintings shown in the exhibition German Art in the 
20th Century: Painting and Sculpture J905-19S5 (Royal 
Academy, London, 1985, and Staatsgalerie, Stuttgart, 1986). It 
seems that some artists who might seem to have long since 
earned their places in history are fated to be rediscovered gen- 
eration by generation. 

4 Grochowiak, Meidner, p. 25. 

5 Ibid., p. 38. 

6 Max Beckmann, "Uber meine Malerei," a talk given in the 
New Burlington Galleries, London, in 1938; "On my Paint- 
ing," Buchholz Galleries, New York, 1941; Beckmann, Sicht- 
bares, p. 2off. Subsequently reprinted several times. Meidner, 
diary entry for July 18, 1915, in Ludwig Meidner, Dichter, 
Maler und Cafes: Erinnerungen, ed. Ludwig Kunz (Zurich: 
Die Arche, 1973), p. 32. 

7 Grochowiak, Meidner. p. 66. 

8 In 19 1 3 Meidner lived at Wilhelmshoher Strasse 21, Berlin- 
Friedenau, and in November 19 14 he moved back to his 
former studio at Landauer Strasse 16, Berlin-Wilmersdorf. 
Meidner, Erinnerungen, pp. 11, 17. 

9 Meidner, Erinnerungen, p. 11. 

10 Jacob van Hoddis (Hans Davidsohn, bom Berlin 1887, died 
near Koblenz 1942) was an Expressionist lyric poet, who 
joined Kurt Hiller in founding the Neuer Club (New Club] in 
1909. From 1914 he was mentally incapacitated. The Neuer 
Club changed its name in 1910 to Neopathetisches Cabaret. 
The club, a circle of writers and artists, gave many young 
Expressionist poets their debuts. Georg Heym was one who 
read his poems there. The Neopathetisches Cabaret met at the 
Casino, on NoUendorfplatz, where the writers' club Die 
Kommenden (The Coming Ones) had been holding readings 
and lectures since 1900. 

11 Kurt Hiller (bom Berlin 1885, died Hamburg 1972) was a writ- 
er and journalist, a contributor to Die Aktion, and a critic who 
did much to promote Expressionist writing. 

12 Franz Jung (bom Neisse 1888, died Stuttgart 1963I, a business 
journalist, became an Expressionist writer in 19 12. He contri- 
buted to Die Aktion, joined Berlin Dada, and took part in the 
November Revolution of 1918-20. After 1933 he was active m 
the anti-Fascist resistance. He moved to the US in 1948 and 
returned to Germany in 1 960. 

13 Raoul Hausmann (bom Vienna 1886, died Limoges 1971), 
painter, photomontage artist, poet, art critic, was a con- 
tributor to Der Sturm and Die Aktion and in 1918 a founding 
member of the Berlin Dada movement. In 1933 he left Ger- 
many, moving to Paris and then to Ibiza. From 1944 he lived in 

14 Johannes Baader (born Stuttgart 1875, died Adldorf, Bavaria, 
1956) was an architect specializing in memorials when, in 
1906, he designed a "world temple" (unrealized) for an ecu- 
menical religious union of mankind. He was a founding 
member of Berlin Dada, with the title of Oberdada. 

15 The Cafe des Westens, the original meeting place of Berlin's 
literary bohemia, was at Kurfiirstendamm 18/19, on the 
comer of Joachimstaler Strasse, more or less diagonally oppo- 
site what is now Cafe Kranzler. In October 19 15 the Cafe des 
Westens moved further up the Kurfiirstendamm to a new 
building at No. 26. The new location and the new premises did 
not suit the artists, who missed the old, easy-going, smoky 
atmosphere. They moved on to the Romanisches Cafe in 
Budapester Strasse, which was opposite the Memorial Church, 
roughly on the site now occupied by the open space with the 
fountain in front of the Europa-Center. 

The architect Konrad Wachsmann relates the following 
anecdote in his memoirs: 

He [Wieland Herzfelde], Grosz, and I were sitting in the Romanisches Cafe 
one day when Herwarth Walden and Gottfried Benn [ex-husband and ex- 
lover respectively of the Jewish poet Else Lasker-Schiiler] walked in ahnost 
simtiltaneously. Someone at a table behind us said: "All we need now is the 
Star of Bethlehem." By this he of course meant Lasker-Schiiler. Herzfelde 
spun round on his chair and threatened to box the offender's ears. Grosz was 
ready to fight a duel on the spot. It was all highly dramatic. I have seldom 

Prewar, Wartime, and Postwar s 5 

seen either of them so hirious. I was angry too, of course, but I did not tfiink 
that the "Star of Bethlehem" remark was meant to be anti-Semitic, because 
one of the thiee young men at the table behind us was Fritz Jacobsohn, the 
brother of the editor of Die Wehbuhne [The World Stage], and he would 
hardly have been sharing a table with anti-Semites. The remark was an ugly 
one, even so, and Jacobsohn hastened to make peace. He got both of his 
companions to apologize, and they made a hasty departure. "You're lucky!" 
Herzfelde called after them. "I'd have organized an exodus from here too!" 

Grosz explained to me what he meant. Herzfelde had boxed the ears of 
the writer Kurt Hiller for making a derogatory remark about Lasker- 
Schiiler; that was m the Cafe des Westens. The proprietor told Herzfelde to 
leave and banned fiim from the premises, whereupon Lasker-Schiiler, 
Grosz, and Herzfelde walked out and transferred their custom to the 
Romanisches Cafe. The whole elite followed shortly afterwards, and Herz- 
felde believed that he was responsible for deprivmg the owner of the 
"Grossenwahn" of his famous customers. 

Michael Griining, Dei Architekt Konrad Wachsmann: 
EiinneTungen und Selbstauskiinfte (Vienna: Liicker, 1975), 
PP- 74-75- 

16 Herwarth Walden, Expressionismus : Die Kunstwende (Berlin; 
Verlag Der Sturm, 1918). 

17 Herwarth Walden, Einblick in Kunst: Expiessionismus, Futu- 
lismus, Kubismus (Berlin: Verlag Der Sturm, 1918). 

18 Ibid., pp. 123-24. 

19 Ibid., pp. 96-97. 

20 Daniel-Henry [Kahnweiler], Der Weg zum Kubismus 
(Munich: Delphin, 1920), p. 39. 

21 "Great Caesura" is the term coined by the Sturm artist and 
Berlin Constructivist Erich Buchholtz for his own experience 
of the cathartic impact of the war on the artistic conscious- 
ness (Erich Buchholtz, Die giosse Zdsui, published by the 
author [Berlin, 195 3I). See also Matthias Eberle, World War I 
and the Weimar Artists: Dix, Grosz, Beckmann, Schlemmer 
(New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1985). 

22 Alexander Diickers, Max Beckmann: Die HoUe, 1919 (Kupfer- 
stichkabinett, Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, 
Berlin, 1983), pp. 21-46. 

23 Max Beckmann, Selbstbildnis mil rotem Schal (Self-Portrait 
with Red Scarf), 19 17, oil on canvas, 80 x 60 cm. The Museum 
of Modern Art, New York. 

24 Max Beckmann, Kreuzabnahme (Deposition from the Cross), 
1917, oil on canvas, 151 x 129 cm. The Museum of Modem 
Art, New York. 

25 Max Beckmaim, Die Nacht (Night), 1918-19, oil on canvas, 
133 X 154 cm, Kunstsammlungen Nordrhein-Westfalen, Dus- 
seldorf. Matthias Eberle, Max Beckmann, Die Nacht: Passion 
ohne Erlosung (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch, 

26 Klaus Gallwitz, "Werkverzeichnis der Druckgraphik, " in Max 
Beckmann: Die Druckgraphik (Badischer Kunstverein, Karls- 
ruhe, 1962), cat. no. 102. 

27 Max Beckmarm, Die Holle (Hell), 1919. A suite of ten offset 
lithographs with a lithographic title page and a portfolio with 
a lithographic cover image (Berlin: Graphisches Kabinett I.B. 
Neumann, 1919). Gallwitz, "Werkverzeichnis," cat. nos. 113- 
23 {Die Nacht is cat. no. 117); Diickers, Beckmann, cat. 
nos. 66-77, ills. 97-134, p. 77ff. [Die Nacht is cat. no. 73, 
ill. 123, p. 99). 

28 Grochowiak, Meidner, p. 69: "An apocalyptic landscape of 
this sort, started in 191 3 and never completed, is to be found 
on the back of a portrait of Conrad Felixmiiller." In a letter of 
191 5 to Hannah Hoch in Gotha (tmpublished, Hannah Hoch 
archive, Berlinische Galerie, Berlin), Raoui Hausmann tells of 
his first meeting with Conrad Felixmiiller (then still known as 
Felix Miiller) in Meidner's studio. 

29 Helga Kliemann, Die Novembergruppe (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 
1969), p. II. 

30 Exhibition catalogue Dresdner Sezession 1919-192^ (Galleria 
del Levante, Milan and Munich, 1977). 

3 1 Kliemann, Novembergruppe, p. 1 1 . 

32 Ibid., p. 55. 

33 Ibid., p. 56. 

34 Exhibition catalogue Aibeitsiat fiir Kunst Berhn 1918-1921 
(Akademie der Kiinste, Berlin, 1980). 

3 5 Adolf Behne, draft of a press statement, on the back of a letter 
to Hans Poelzig dated June 4, 1 92 1 , in Arbeitsrat, p. 11 4. 

36 Kliemann, Novembergruppe, p. 64. 

37 "Offener Brief der Opposition der Novembergruppe," Der 
Gegner 2, nos. 8/9 (Berlin, 1920-21), p. 297ff.; Kliemarm, 
Novembergruppe, pp. 61-64. 

38 Kliemann, Novembergruppe, p. 63. 

39 Georg Tappert gave a telling account of the situation from his 
own point of view in a letter to Franz Pfemiert of November 
20, 1918, written while the recollection of a meeting of the 
"Workers' Council of the Spirit" was still fresh in his mind: 

I wish you had been there, in a way, because the mood of the gathering 
would have shown you how right I have been about this all along. Whether 
Spartacist or U.S. [Independent Social Democrats], these people want no- 
thing to do with you, or with us, and even the proletarian neckband does 
nothing to win us their confidence or comprehension. What we are doing is 
utterly alien to them. They have not the least desire to understand it; it is a 
matter of total indifference, as fat as they are concerned, and so it will be ten 
or fifteen years from now ! The young proletarians of 1 900 would have been 
a far more suitable target for . . . Die Aktion and its endeavors 

You will not take my word for it, quite rightly, and you will say that I 
judge matters as an artist, as the possessor of spiritual values. To this I 
would reply that as the son of a committed Socialist I grew up in the 
doctrines of Socialism, and that I know the life of the party in all its forms 
and the proletariat in all its heights and depths. From the moment I took the 
decision to become a painter, I was regarded as a renegade and a bourgeois. I 
could furnish you with dozens of instances in which organized comrades, 
who had worked their way up from artisan to artist by sheer force of in- 
tellect, have been hounded out of electoral organizations and trade unions 
in spite of the fact that they have played their part modestly and laid no 
claim to intellectual leadership. 

The comrade, the manual worker, simply does not recognize your politi- 
cal work in Die Aktion. You don't talk his language - nor does fung, nor 
does Baumer. You are at best tolerated, but not understood. The same will 
happen to you with the Spartacist group. You — we — are welcome enough 
now as fellow-travelers ; but come the Revolution, and they will smash your 
shutters, and as soon as they get into power they will dictate what you are 
allowed to publish .... The proletarian is under the mistaken impression 
that the whole of the new art is a product of bourgeois society, and he now 
demands to be the dictator who will tell artists what path the new (and of 
course Socialist) art will have to follow .... 

One might suppose that the art of Felix Miiller and others, who have 
something in them of the broadside woodcuts of the Reformation period, 
could be — or could become - expressive forms appropriate to this age; but I 
doubt it: the masses don't want it, never will want it, will reject like a 
foreign body any manifestation of an artist's psyche. 

Gerhard Wietck, Geoig Tappert: Ein Wegbereiter der deut- 
schen Modeine 1880-19S7 (Munich: Karl Thiemig, 1980), 
pp. 48-50. 

40 Uwe M. Schneede, ed., George Grosz: Leben und Werk (Stutt- 
gart: GerdHatje, 1975), p. 90. 

41 The works of Otto Gleichmann, Walter Gramatte, Willi 
Jaeckel, and Paul Kuhfuss come into this category. A first 
attempt to do justice to this line of evolution, which leaves 
much scope for further detailed research, is made by Rainer 
Zimmermann in his book Die verschoUene Generation: 
Deutsche Malerei des Expressionismus 192$ -197$ (Diisseldorf 
and Vienna: Econ, 1980). 

Fig. I Otto Dix, Kriegermit Pfeife (Soldier with Pipe), 1918 (Cat. 28 

Fritz Loffler 

Dresden from 19 13 and the Dresdner Sezession Giuppe 19 19 

The masters of first-generation Expressionism were rep- 
resented regularly in the annual exhibitions of the vari- 
ous artists' associations in Dresden, and of the Galerie 
Arnold and the Galerie Emil Richter. It was inevitable 
that a younger generation would want to make its con- 
tribution to the new style. And so in 1916 an Expres- 
sionist community was formed to embrace Expression- 
ist art in all its forms. That year, in a comprehensive 
exhibition of prints and drawings, Conrad Felixmiiller, 
his brother-in-law Peter August Bockstiegel, Otto Lan- 
ge, and Constantin von Mitschke-Collande - who were 
to exhibit together in the following year at the Galerie 
Emil Richter as the Giuppe 19 ij (1917 Group) - were 
represented along with many others. The only artists 
left out, it seems, were those who were prevented from 
submitting work because they were on active military 
duty. Felixmiiller, who was just twenty, had his first 
solo show that year, also at the Galerie Emil Richter. 

The decisive artistic breakthrough came with the 
end of the war in 19 18 and the formation of the Dresd- 
ner Sezession Gruppe 19 19 (Dresden Secession Group 
191 9; Fig. 2). It is impossible to be certain who took the 
initiative. With some justification Felixmiiller claimed 
most of the credit. Another major contribution was 
made by Hugo Zehder, a Baltic German who, as an ar- 
chitect in a city where there was nothing to build, spent 
his time writing. Zehder and Felixmiiller were united by 
political as well as artistic bonds. They were joined first 
by their friends from the Gruppe 1917: Bockstiegel, 
Lange, and Mitschke-Collande. Then came Lasar Segall, 
the Lithuanian. Felixmiiller recruited Otto Dix, who 
had returned to Dresden from his hometown of Gera at 
the beginning of 19 19. Other members of the group were 
Wilhelm Heckrott (from Hanover) and Otto Schubert. 
The only female member, Gela Forster from Berlin, was 
the daughter of a famous architect, Bruno Schmitz. The 
oldest member by far was Lange, who was forty; the 
youngest, Felixmiiller himself, was twenty-two. Oskar 
Kokoschka was declared a member, but his membership 
was purely honorary; it was armounced as a way of mak- 
ing clear the group's artistic allegiance. Kokoschka re- 
mained a member of the Kiinstlervereinigung (Artists' 
Association) and never exhibited with the Secession. 

Zehder's influence had been considerable since 19 17, 
as editor of the reviews Menschen (Mankind) and Neue 
Blatter fur Kunst und Dichtung (New Journal of Art and 

Poetry), published by Dresdner Verlag in 19 17, and of 
two anthologies of new poetry, Dichtung der Jiingsten 
(Poetry of the Youngest) and Das neue Gedicht (The 
New Poem), which went far beyond the specifically pic- 
torial concerns of the Secession. Other writers who be- 
longed to the inner circle were Will Grohmann, Heinar 
Schilling, and Paul Ferdinand Schmidt. Grohmann 
served as organizer until the group broke up after its 
1925 exhibition. He established his reputation as a 
champion of modern art by editing the Secession's first 
portfolio of prints. Schilling, the youngest son of the 
builder of the nationalistic Niederwald Monument, a 
figure of Germania on the Rhine, was a lyric poet and 

Fig. 2 Otto Dix, Gruppe 1919 (Group 1919) (Cat. 29 

Fiitz Loffler 

the proprietor of Dresdner Verlag. He edited subsequent 
portfolios by two members of the Secession, Dix and 
Lange, and also by a nonmember, Bemhard Kretzsch- 
mar. Schilling alternated with the dramatist Carl Stem- 
heim, and the poet Iwan GoU as editor of Menschen and 
Neue Blatter fiii Kunst und Dichtung. Both magazines 
had close ties to the Diesdner Sezession Gruppe 19 19 
but did not concentrate exclusively on events in Dres- 
den. Beginning late in 1918 they published poems, 
prose, dramatic scenes, essays, and criticism from all 
the German-speaking countries as well as texts trans- 
lated from French and Russian, insofar as these were 
sympathetic to Expressionism and their own political 
commitment. Worthy though both magazines were, 
neither could withstand the relentless pressure of infla- 
tion, and they ceased publication in 192 1. 

The first exhibition of the Diesdnei Sezession 
Gruppe 1 9 19 took place at the Galerie Emil Richter in 
April 1 9 19. It was followed only a month later by an 
exhibition at the Berliner Preie Sezession (Free Berlin 
Secession). In the catalogue of the Emil Richter exhibi- 
tion, the founding members of the group proclaimed 
their artistic objectives : 

The formation of tlie Diesdnei Sezession Giuppe 1919 comes as a 
natural consequence of the impulse, which has long been urgently 
alive within us, to turn our backs once and for all on old ways and 
old means. Working collectively but preserving the freedom of the 
individual, we intend to seek and to find a new expression for that 
personality and for the new world that is all around us. We have 
not come together by chance : what unites us is our compelling 
awareness of what such a union can do to make the evolution of 
art go our way. We know ourselves to be ready to lead the younger 
talents in this city along the path of artistic progress and toward 
the objectives of our group, and this has impelled us to the step we 
have taken; its significance is absolutely clear to us, and its conse- 
quences will become plain and manifest to all. 

The introduction was written by Rheiner. 

Young painters appear on the scene. Heralds of a new world, they 
are the hunted, tormented, blissful, dithyrambic prophets of the 
Wonder of Wonders : this roaring, rushing world, man tossed into 
heaven — And they call out to you or they sing and weep, full of 
the cosmos that forms within them, new with every day and every 

hour Don't look for what your eye, your all-too-weary eye, 

expects to see. You are not here to be entertained - or to be bored 
either — That world of yours is falling apart! Can't you see? 
. . . But — Life be upon you! . . . Color, Line, Plane, Space triumph 
elementally — Look! Shut your eyes and look! . . . Turn from your 
blindness! School the eye! School the spirit! You are human, and 
this is about you. 

The demands of the Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 19 19 
were stated by Rheiner in Menschen in 1 9 r 9 : 

Fortified and elevated by four years and more of a bloodbath that 
was the product of materialism, [the group] takes artistic, politi- 
cal, and practical action to oppose that materialism - in every 
variety, whether masked or unmasked - with its own fundamen- 
tal idealism, of whose ultimate victory it is convinced. This ideal- 
ism is called "Expressionism." It follows that Expressionism is 
not a purely technical or formal issue but above all a spiritual 

(epistemological, metaphysical, ethical| attitude that has been 
present in human history not just since this morning or yesterday 
but for thousands of years. In politics this idealism is the anti- 
nationalistic socialism that is now radically and unconditionally 
demanded, not only in the spirit but in the act ! 

The critic Felix Zimmermann took a more detached 
view of the enterprise, writing in the newspaper, the 
Dresdner Nachrichten, in April 1919: 

Everywhere people feel the urge to insult the bourgeoisie, to flout 
all conventions, but they also crave to find and wrest from Nature 
something, somewhere, that is absolutely new, something never 
seen before. For the moment the slogan of the 1919 Group is 
"Revolution," and its ultimate objective is a long way off ... . But 
there is no denying the strength and energy of this youthful move- 
ment, and there will be no holding it back. Its path will long be a 
stormy one. 

A second exhibition followed at the Galerie Emil Rich- 
ter a few months later. This time there were guest ex- 
hibitors: painters from outside Dresden, including 
George Grosz, Karl Schmidt-Rottluff, Kurt Schwitters, 
and the Dresden sculptors Ludwig Godenschweg and 
Eugen Hoffmann. 

In the early stages of the group's existence a stylistic 
affinity became apparent among its members, who de- 
scribed themselves as a "fraternal imion and fighting 
organization." The early days of Die Briicke (The Bridge) 
had been similarly marked by a stylistic affinity. In the 
Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 1919, however, this initial 
unity was even shorter-lived than it had been in Die 

Stylistically, the group's motivating force might be 
described as "ecstatic Expressionism," in which Cubist 
elements played a significant part. Felixmiiller even 
tried to suggest that this use of Cubism was the basis for 
a whole philosophical attitude, by proclaiming: "We are 
Cubists of Life." 

In 19 19, the first and most important year of the Se- 
cession's existence, its members produced variations on 
the discontinuous, zigzag forms used by the artists of 
Die Briicke in the period after 1910; the Cubism of 
Picasso and his fellows was also critical. All this is par- 
ticularly clear from the extensive output of prints and 
especially from those in the most frequently used 
medium, the woodcut, whose favored status was itself a 
legacy of Die Briicke. 

The initial auguries were favorable, but the life of the 
Dresdner Sezession Gruppe I9r9 was to be a brief one. 
This was first and foremost a consequence of political 
differences that led to the departure of some of the 
group's founders. Zehder left as early as August 1919 
"for personal reasons and on grounds of principle." Be- 
fore the third Secession exhibition in 1920 Felixmiiller, 
the prime mover, resigned, to be followed by 
Bockstiegel and Schubert. By then Felixmiiller had be- 
come a close and active collaborator of Franz Pfemfert, 
editor of Die Aktion (Action) and an adherent of radical 
communism, based on workers' Soviets, which was rep- 

Dresden from 1 9 1 3 


resented in Dresden by Otto Riihle. One of Felix- 
miiller's most valuable legacies to the group were the 
close ties he had established between it and sister or- 
ganizations such as the Rheinische Sezession (Rhenish 
Secession) and the Berlin Novembergruppe (November 

By the time the third exhibition opened, the founders 
were a dwindling band. Forster had met Alexander Ar- 
chipenko in Berlin in 19 19 and had returned to join him. 
Among the new members were Godenschweg, Hoff- 
mann, fellow sculptor Christoph Voll (Fig. 3), and the 
painter Walter Jacob. Painter Otto Griebel joined in 

In 1 92 1 the group held only a print exhibition at the 
Galerie Emil Richter, which then toured a number of 
German cities. It was not until May 1922 that it became 
possible to mount a third representative showing at the 
Galerie Arnold. The only original members still in the 
group were Dix, Heckrott, Lange, and Mitschke-Col- 
lande. New members represented were Griebel, Ko- 
koschka's student Hans Meyboden, and the painter 
Heinrich Barzinski, along with Hoffmann and Voll. Max 
Beckmann, Heinrich Campendonk, Lyonel Feininger, 
Paul Klee, and Schmidt-Rottluff were guest exhibitors. 
It has not been established whether there were exhibi- 
tions in 1923, the worst year of inflation, or in 1924. 

In 1925 Grohmann wrote once again to the members, 
including those who had left Dresden, inviting them to 
take part in a show under the auspices of another artists' 
association, the Dresdner Kunstgenossenschaft (Dres- 
den Art Community), on the premises of the Sdch- 
sischer Kunstverein (Saxon Art Society). His letter to 
Segall in Sao Paulo still exists in that artist's archive. 
Those who did take part in the 1925 exhibition included 
Griebel, Heckrott, and Mitschke-CoUande. Before Dix 
declined, the organizers had already borrowed his re- 
cently completed painting of the Glaser family. Other 
Dresden painters who were represented were Barzinski, 
Max Busyn, Franz Lenk, Fritz Skade, Walter Sperling, 
and Fritz Troger. Hans Grundig showed his famous 
Liebespaar (Loving Couple). Wassily Kandinsky and Os- 
kar Schlemmer submitted works as representatives of 
the Weimar Bauhaus. With this exhibition the Dresdner 
Sezession Gruppe 1919 came to an end.' 

Art history has yet to assign a satisfactory name to 
Expressionism's left wing. Dietrich Schubert has pro- 
posed Socialist Expressionism for the work of the first 
members of the Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 1919 and of 
certain other artists. 

By 1920 it was clear that in the Secession Expression- 
ism had already started to give way to something else. 
"A new force seems to have overtaken us," as one 
member put it. In painting and sculpture alike, this 
force was a new realism, foreshadowing Verism and 
Neue Sachlichkeit (New Objectivity), and it found its 
earliest and most powerful expression in Dresden. 

Fig. 3 Christoph Voll, Ecce Homo, 1924-25 (Cat. 196) 

6o Fritz Loffler 

Some of the reasons for the styUstic change were 
practical ones. When asked about his move in the direc- 
tion of more reahstic forms, Dix answered that Expres- 
sionist forms were no longer adequate to express his 
pictorial ideas. This applied particularly to the portrait, 
which has its own special requirements and was at that 
time acquiring new significance. Those who com- 
missioned portraits wanted likenesses. They wanted to 
be recorded, not distorted. And so the return to a realis- 
tic way of working, based on Nature, was a logical reac- 
tion against Expressionism, unless, that is, the artist 
went all the way to abstraction, and none of the mem- 
bers of the Secession did. The group's honorary presi- 
dent, Kokoschka, and Dix himself were among the most 
committed adversaries of abstract art and remained so 
to the end of their days. 

To assemble an adequate and convincing record of 
the group's work for exhibitions is impossible because 
so much has been lost, first by the confiscations ordered 
by the Nazis, then by the actions of many artists and 
owners who destroyed works out of fear, and finally by 
the destruction of studios in the bombing of Dresden on 
February 13-14, 1945. In addition, the artists them- 
selves not infrequently rejected their early works. Felix- 
miiller, for example, was still disowning them as late as 
the mid-1950s. 

Conrad Felixmiiller 

Although the youngest member of the Secession, Felix- 
miiller was unquestionably the most active, and with- 
out him there would have been no group. His resigna- 
tion at the end of the first year was thus something 
more than a symptom of stagnation. The critic and pub- 
lisher Rudolf Kaemmerer, reviewing the first exhibition 
in 19 19, called him the "leader of the group, the most 
lucid of them all, and the most aware." Zehder wrote of 
him that "For a good while, this youthful artist was the 
only logical and consistent Expressionist, dragging 
along in his wake the half -aw are weaker brethren." 

All the members of the Secession trained as artists in 
Dresden, either at the Kunstgewerbeschule (School of 
Applied Art) or the Akademie der Bildenden Kiinste 
(Academy of Visual Arts) on the Briihlsche Terrasse, and 
some of them at both. Felixmiiller studied at the 
academy under Ferdinand Dorsch before joining Carl 
Bantzer's master class. Born in 1897, he was considered 
something of a wunderkind, and was already well 
known at the age of twenty. Stemheim called him "For- 
tunate Miiller." His first sets of woodcuts, on the 
themes of Arnold Schoenberg's Pierrot Lunaire and Else 
Lasker-Schiiler's Hebrdische Balladen (Hebrew Ballads), 
appeared in 19 13 and 19 14 respectively. His first exhibi- 
tions came not long afterward. Between 1917 and 1926 
he was among the most prominent contributors to Die 

Aktion, which transformed itself after T918 from a liter- 
ary magazine into a forum for communist ideas. 

In 1919 Felixmiiller himself joined the Communist 
party. Stemheim commented in 1923 : "Just as van Gogh 
ripped the aesthetic mask from every landscape and re- 
vealed a Nature - of tree, flower, water, sky, moon, and 
earth - that had vanished from the bourgeois world, so 
this Miiller has unmasked the contemporary human 
face, and in his pictures the proletarian whom the 
bourgeoisie long smothered in a conspiracy of silence 
appears for the first time." 

Of all the works that Felixmiiller produced during his 
membership in the Secession, the most important are 
the double and group portraits. He had a special fascina- 
tion with private life, as represented by his own family 
(Fig. 4). One double portrait, Bei Tisch (At Table), and 
two triple portraits, Familie (Family) and Vater und 
Sohne (Father and Sons), display semiabstract Cubist 
forms within a color range, characteristic of Felix- 
miiller's work at this period, of green, yellow, blue, and 
pink. The step to a multifigure composition was taken 
when he painted the family portrait of the Mendelsohns. 

Fig. 4 Conrad Felixmullei, icli male meinen Sohn (I Paint My 
Son), 1923 (Cat. 56) 

Dresden from 1 9 1 3 61 

Fig. 5 Conrad Felixmiiller, Bildnis Otto Ritsdil (Portrait 
of Otto Ritsdil), 1920 (Cat. 49) 

Fig. 6 Conrad Felixmiiller, Der 
Schaubudenboxer auf der Vogel- 
wiese (The Exhibition Boxer at 
the Vogelwiese), 1921 (Cat. 54) 

62 Fritz Loffler 

Fig. 7 Conrad helixmiiller, Bildnis Felix Stiemei (Portrait of Felix 
Stiemerl, 1918 (Cat. 44I 

At the first Secession exhibition FeUxmiiller had his 
greatest success with the painting Schwangeie im 
Herbstwald (Pregnant Woman in an Autumn Wood). 
On the strength of this painting he was awarded the 
Rome Prize, a travel grant that he used, not to go to 
Rome, but to visit his brother in the industrial Ruhr 
district. There he painted the world of labor, and his 
theme made him the originator of revolutionary paint- 
ing in Dresden (Fig. 6). The coalfields became, not just 
background, but an important component of the social 
narrative. They positively dominate the resulting paint- 
ings, in which the laborer is reduced to an ancillary 
figure in the industrial world of proletarian life. 

Felixmiiller's most important Expressionist paint- 
ings - Otto Riihle sphcht (Otto Riihle Speaks) and Tod 
des Dichteis Walter Rheiner (Death of the Poet Walter 
Rheiner; frontispiece) - were both done after he left the 

Felixmiiller's output of prints and drawings was no 
less extensive, especially for Die Aktion. He supplied 
the journal with such drawings and woodcuts as Karl 
Liebknecht im Zuchthaus (Karl Liebknecht in Prison), 
which shows the Communist leader working at a table 
amid stark contrasts of black and white; Es lebe die 
Weltrevolution! (Long Live World Revolution!); and 
Stiirzender Demonstrant mit Pahne (Demonstator Fal- 

ling with His Banner). The most important political 
print of 19 1 9 was the large lithograph Menschen iiber 
der Welt (Mankind above the World; Fig. 19, p. 24), 
commemorating the murders of Rosa Luxemburg and 
Karl Liebknecht, showing their full-length figures soar- 
ing above the city. There was also a series of portraits of 
friends, including Felix Stiemer (Fig. 7), Raoul and El- 
friede Hausmann (Fig. 8), and Otto Ritsdil (Fig. 5). 
Another notable woodcut was the portrait Prau mit 
offenem Haar (Woman with Her Hair Down). His im- 
mense output of drawings can be mentioned only in 
passing. Here again, portraits predominate. 

With his departure from the Secession Felixmiiller's 
formal idiom began a gradual process of change in the 
direction of realism. A few years later he was to re- 
nounce political subject matter. In 1947 he wrote in a 
letter to the author: 

When, after tlie years of Sturm und Drang, my development began 
to emerge from the constricted world of Expressionism to em- 
brace the bewitching fullness of life itself in all its power, tender- 
ness, inwardness, and beauty - only then did my talent deploy its 
full artistic power. I came closer to reality. Understandably, many 
painters were strongly influenced by my motifs and my technical 
devices. It would be a falsification of artistic life in Dresden if you 
were to seek to reduce me to my brief period of Expressionism; all 

I'ig. 8 Conrad Felixmiiller, Bildnis Elfriede Hausmann (Portrait 
of Elfriede Hausmann), 1920 (Cat. 47) 

Dresden fromigis 63 

the more so because it was not through Expressionism but 
through my unfolding as a painter, my realism, that I became 
successful and well known. 

Constantin von Mitschke-CoUande 

"Apart from Mitschke-CoUande, I was the only one en- 
gaged in poHtical organization, movement, and strug- 
gle," Felixmiiller remembered. During Mitschke-Col- 
lande's membership in the Secession he pursued a form 
of pictorial dynamism that united elements of the late 
Brucke style and of Cubism. He had been the one who 
brought Cubist forms back from Paris, where he had 
studied under Maurice Denis and Femand Leger. But his 
political enthusiasm also evaporated when the Seces- 
sion dissolved and he went his own way. His work 
moved in the direction of a stylized realism, and soon 
nothing remained of his revolutionary beginnings. 

The outstanding political statement in his consider- 
able output of prints is a series of six woodcuts of 19 19, 
Der begeistezte Weg (The Inspired Way; Fig. 9; Fig. 35, 
p. 33). The title print is followed by a summons to self- 
less commitment, reinforced by a written message. Da 
habt Ihi mich (Now You Have Me), and followed by Zui 
Fieiheit (To Freedom). Other prints include colored 
illustrations to Klabund's Montezuma (1920), and Wal- 
ter Georg Hartmann's Die Tieie der Insel (The Animals 
of the Island, 1923; Figs. lo-iij, in which Mitschke-Col- 
lande turned away from contemporary issues to the 
then-fashionable world of romance. 

None of Mitschke-Collande's paintings of this period 
has survived, so nothing can be said about their color. 

Fig. 9 Constantin von Mitschke-CoUande, Der begeisterte Weg 
(The Inspired Way), 1919, plate 6 (Cat. 144) 

Not long afterward he embarked on the transition to a 
more realistic pictorial structure. This is exemplified by 
the print Selbstpoitrdt mit Hund und weiblichei Pigui 
(Self-Portrait with Dog and Female Figure) of about 
1922, which owes a thematic debt to Marc Chagall, and 

Fig. 10 Constantin von 
Die Tiere der Insel 
(The Animals of the 
Island), 1923, plate G 
(Cat. 145) 

Fig. 1 1 Constantin von 
Die Tiere der Insel 
(The Animals of the 
Island), 1923, plate B 
(Cat. 145) 

64 Fritz Lofflei 

the triple portrait Kinder voi einem Kasperletheatei 
(Children at a Puppet Show) of 1924. In the final Seces- 
sion exhibition Mitschke-Collande was represented by 
three tempera landscape paintings. 

Wilhelm Heckrott 

All the wedges, zigzags, and comb shapes of the later 
Briicke style reappear in Heckrott's 1919 painting 
Maikonigin (May Queen) in a manner that recalls Erich 
Meckel's work after 1910. Heckrott had come back from 
the war to resume his studies at the academy under 
Bantzer and Emanuel Hegenbarth. As a pupil of Hegen- 
barth, his pictorial ideas tended to revolve around ani- 
mals, especially horses and cattle. A second painting of 
the same year, Dei Hiite (The Shepherd), has an overall 
structure modeled on Chagall. Grohmann commended 
Heckrott for a painting entitled Zusammenklang von 
NatuT und Kieatuz (Harmony between Nature and 
Creature) and for his intense use of color. 

Heckrott's work as a printmaker also began in 19 19, 
with such woodcuts as Jagd (The Hunt), in the zigzag 
Briicke style. But the color woodcuts of the same year 
are looser in form, and there are already telltale signs of 

Fig 12 Otto Lange, Kreijzjgui2g /(Crucifixion I), 1916 (Cat 133) 

his close collaboration with his friend Lange. There 
followed drypoints, utterly simple in outline and frontal 
in presentation, including portraits, a number of figure 
compositions, and landscapes. Like other members of 
the Secession Heckrott also produced book illustra- 
tions, including in 1922 a suite of small etchings for 
Romain Rolland's novel Colas Breugnon, in a more 
markedly narrative pictorial style. 

Heckrott's paintings are underpinned by a sure sense 
of structure, reinforced by a dark, muted palette. The 
Atelierbild (Studio Picture) with self-portrait and semi- 
nude model is a characteristic example. The last Seces- 
sion exhibitions included some animal paintings by 
Heckrott, such as Kiihe am Waldrand (Cows at the Edge 
of a Wood) and a series of watercolors with the title 
Kuhweide (Cow Pasture), as well as some landscapes. 

The decorative element in his work subsequently 
came increasingly to the fore, and tapestry designs were 
to become the primary outlet for his creative impulses 
and talents. 

Otto Lange 

Lange was not exclusively a painter,- by the time the 
Secession was formed he had also worked as an interior 
designer and as an art historian. He was thus a man of 
exceptional versatility. Nevertheless, his work at the 
time was more consistent than that of any other 
member of the Secession. Bom in 1879, he belonged to 
the generation of Die Briicke. Accordingly he started 
out with a late Briicke style before developing the near- 
abstract manner of his barely decipherable painting 
Volkslied (Folksong) of 1919. 

During his membership in the Secession the focus of 
his activity lay in printmaking, both woodcut and dry- 
point. In his woodcuts he initially favored figure com- 
positions, while his drypoints include many highly indi- 
vidual urban scenes, spare and economical in the use of 
line. His Stddtische Industrielandschaft (Industrial 
Townscape) and Frankes Eisbahn (Franke's Skating 
Rink) represent landmarks in the development of his 
drypoint style. Religious themes were especially impor- 
tant in Lange's work during these years. Madonna and 
Kreuzigung I (Crucifixion I; Fig. 12), as well as Ver- 
spottung Christi (Christ Mocked; Fig. 37, p. 34), are 
marked by the artist's ability to concentrate on the es- 
sence of the action. In the latter Lange shows a mastery 
of the woodcut medium that is rare among modern 
printmakers. The surface of the block seems wrenched 
apart with extraordinary skill to give an unforgettable 
image of suffering. 

Another high point of Lange's work was reached in a 
succession of large woodcuts to which he added color 
and which include figure compositions, landscapes, and 
flower pieces. His watercolors and gouaches present the 

Dresden from 1 9 1 3 65 

same combination of sparse drawing and subtle color. 
Also during his Secession membership he made a port- 
folio of twenty-one colored woodcuts to illustrate 
Laurids Bruun's Van Zantens gliickliche Zeit (Van Zan- 
ten's Happy Time), which was his contribution to the 
contemporary cult of far-off places. In the last Secession 
exhibition he showed, among other works, an Italie- 
nische Landschaft (Italian Landscape) in a restrained Ex- 
pressionist maimer. 

Peter August Bockstiegel 

Bom in Westphalia in 1889, Bockstiegel moved to Dres- 
den in 19 1 3 to pursue his studies at the academy. Back 
from the war in 1919 he became a founding member of 
the Dresdner Sezession Giuppe 1919. His work shows 
him to have been a painter whose temperament kept 
him close to Nature. Basing his work on the central 
experience of his encounter with van Gogh, he used a 
heavy impasto and sweeping brush strokes to evoke the 
lush landscape and the looming figures of the people of 
Westphalia (Figs. 13-14). Whatever he touched - paint- 
ing, printmaking, or terra-cotta sculpture - bears wit- 
ness to the elemental vitality of his creative impulses. 
In his woodcuts he deployed a simple, powerful line. 

Bockstiegel divided his working time between West- 
phalia and Dresden. He remained close to the agricul- 
tural landscape all his life, and he was not enough of a 
townsman to succumb, during the one year he spent as a 

Fig. 1 3 Peter August Bockstiegel, Die Muttei (The Mother), 
c. 1915 (Cat. r5) 

Fig. 14 Peter August Bockstiegel, Aizszug der /iingiinge in denKheg, Studie (Departure of the Youngsters for War, Study), i9r4(Cat. 14) 

66 Fzitz Loffler 

member of the Secession, to the intellectual commun- 
ism of his brother-in-law Felixmiiller and his painter 
friends. Even so in 1921 he designed a poster for I AH 
(Internationale Arbeiterhilfe, International Workers' 
Aid), a body promoting solidarity with the cause of 

Only one work from 1919, done after Bockstiegel 
joined the Secession, is still known to us: a figure group 
titled Singende Kinder am Meei (Children Singing by 
the Sea), largely executed in the Secession style, with a 
background dominated by the moon and stars. A second 
painting, Offenbaiung (Revelation), is known only by 
its title. Also lost are woodcuts with the highly charac- 
teristic period titles of Die Wanderer des Lebens (The 
Wanderers of Life) and Klage der Frauen (The Women's 
Lament). His major graphic statements belong to the 
ensuing years. 

Otto Schubert 

When the Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 1919 formed, 
Schubert had just concluded his academic studies under 
Otto Gussmann, and in his one year with the group he 
was one of its weakest representatives. There is no sign 
of social comment in any of his work. The painting 
Nacht der Geburt (Birthnight) is filled with a chaotic 
jumble of forms. He gave other paintings the titles 
Mar zspazier gang (A Stroll in March), Ostern (Easter), 
and Der heilige Sebastian (Saint Sebastian; Fig. 15). 
Grohmann remarked of him: "His idiom does not yet 
correspond to entirely painterly techniques of represen- 

It was not long, however, before Julius Meier-Graefe 
discovered Schubert for his graphic circle, the Marees- 
Gesellschaft (Marees Society), and published a portfolio 
of prints. And indeed, Schubert's prints are more inter- 
esting on the whole than his paintings. A woodcut such 

Fig. 15 Otto Schubert, Dei heilige Sebastian jSt. Sebastian), 
c. 1918 (Cat. 179) 

Fig. 16 Otto Schubert, Das Leiden dei Pfeide im Kiieg (The 
Suffering of Horses in the War), 1919 (Cat. 178) 

Fig. 17 Otto Schubert, Ich Hebe Dich (I Love You), 19 19, wood- 
cut, 6'/i<.x6'/.6in. (16.3X 15.3 cm), Los Angeles County Museum of 
Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for German Expressionist 

Dresden £romi9i3 67 

as Ich Hebe Dich (I Love You; Fig. 17) is essentially more 
realistic and dispenses with the Cubist accents. Also 
during his Secession year he produced 24 Lithogiaphien 
vom Kheg im Westen (24 Lithographs of the War in the 
West) and Das Leiden dei Pfeide im Kiieg (The Suffer- 
ing of Horses in the War; Fig. 16). A series of ten wood- 
cuts on Heinrich von Kleist's comedy Dei zeibrochene 
Krug (The Broken Pitcher) followed in 1920. The etch- 
ings include Verkiindigung (Annunciation) and Lust- 
morder (Sex Murderer), the latter no doubt inspired by 
Dix's etching with the same title. In the years that 
followed, Schubert's work tended increasingly to evoke 
a Saxon bourgeois idyll. 

Lasar Segall 

In the midst of all these progressive and enlightened 
Saxons there appears the figure of Segall, bom in Vilna, 
Lithuania, in 1891, the son of a Torah scribe, steeped in 
immemorial piety, as fantastic a dreamer as Chagall, his 
spiritual kinsman from Vitebsk. In Vilna he found no 
one to teach him, so he moved to Berlin and then, in 
19 10, to Dresden to join Gotthardt Kuehl's master class. 
After traveling as far afield as Brazil, he returned to 
Dresden in 1913. Here he was overtaken by the out- 
break of war, with all the unpleasantness that that en- 
tailed for him as a Russian subject. In 19 19 he was a 
founding member of the Secession. 

Segall's prints, like his paintings, were very different 
from those of the other members of the Secession. His 
delicate, economical drawings, with their recurrent 
theme of forsaken, outcast humanity, evoke his home- 
land rather than the situation in Dresden and contrast 
with the massive black-and-white blocks of the other 
Secession artists. Outsize heads with startled eyes and 
diminutive bodies, most of them divorced from a spatial 
context, are typical of his drawing in the early Secession 
years. As befitted his artistic importance, Segall was 
represented in the first Secession portfolio by two 
prints, the lithograph Blindes Kind (Blind Child) and the 
woodcut Witwe mit Kind (Widow with Child). 

Theodor Daubler gave his interpretation of these 
prints in his own inimitable poetic form: "Very simple, 
stark and pallid, timid and tender, this young artist can 
lisp his warnings to us. In a few lines, a cosmic art." 

Segall's tendency to soften Expressionist forms in 
favor of a heightened realism is visible also in the two 
series of lithographs done in 1920 for Fyodor Dostoev- 
sky's Die Sanfte (The Gentle Soul) and David Bergel- 
son's fiddische Erzdhlungen (Yiddish Tales). 

"Everywhere and every day it is man, and man's utter 
dependence on others and on God, that impels him to 
self-torturing confrontations. Beggars, starvelings, emi- 
grants, persecuted Jews, the sick, the dying, the ex- 
hausted, all those who labor and are burdened down. 

Fig. 18 Lasar Segall, Paul Ferdinand Schmidt, 1921, oil on can- 
vas, 24V,x2o'A in. (62.8x52 cm), private collection 

once more become his companions." That is how Groh- 
mann summarized Segall's subject matter. 

The paintings are composed in much the same way 
as the drawings and prints, with the same outsize heads 
and diminutive bodies. All Segall's paintings of this 
period are marked by a dark palette dominated by gray 
and brown. Three paintings of 19 19 are particularly 
noteworthy: Totengebet (Prayer for the Dead), the 
three-figure Familie (Family), and Witwe (Widow). Paul 
F. Schmidt bought a large group composition, Ewige 
Wanderer (Eternal Wanderers), from the second Seces- 
sion exhibition for the Stadtmuseum in Dresden. It was 
confiscated, along with many drawings and prints, by 
the Nazis in 1937. 

In 1920 the paintings became more realistic. This is 
exemplified by Krankenstube (Sickroom) and above all 
by Witwe mit Sohn (Widow with Son), a painting that 
took up the theme of the 1919 print. Schmidt wrote that 
these new works were mature paintings in which 
Segall's steadfast tranquillity was once more coming to 
the fore. 

In 1 92 1 Segall painted a portrait of Schmidt himself, 
full length, with an empty picture frame in one hand 
and Segall's own painting Ewige Wanderer in the 
background (Fig. 18). In the same year Dix painted his 
portrait of Schmidt seated on a chair. In spite of the 
utterly contrasting personalities of the two artists, these 
frontal portraits are remarkably similar. 

Segall, who normally kept out of politics, wrote some 
instructions for the teaching of art in the Dresdner Ar- 
beiter-Kunstgemeinschaft (Dresden Workers' Art Asso- 
ciation) : "The basic idea in the teaching of the drawing 
school must be: everyone must transcend what is out- 
wardly true (interesting) in favor of what is necessary 
(inwardly true). Everyone should be encouraged to grasp 
only the essential within himself and express it in the 
form that is personally necessary to him." 

68 Fiitz Loffler 

Otto Dix 

The van Gogh and Sturm exhibitions at Galerie Arnold 
influenced the style of Dix, who had hitherto painted 
landscapes in an Impressionist manner, although his 
191 2 and 1 91 3 self-portraits were consciously modeled 
on the Italian old masters in the Gemaldegalerie in 
Dresden. The encounter with van Gogh transformed his 
style from 191 3 onward, both in the use of color and to 
some extent in subject matter. The composition Selbst- 
bildnis ah Rauchei (Self- Portrait as Smoker; Fig. 19) be- 
longs in this context although painted in 1912. In 1914 
van Gogh's influence became even more marked: the 
impasto became heavier, the compositions simpler and 
more specific, as in Ndchtliches Haus I, II (House at 
Night I, II) and above all in Gefdngnis in Dresden 
(Prison in Dresden) and Billardspielei (Billiard Players), 
with their effects of light. In the same year he painted a 
series of portraits of fellow students at the Kunstgewer- 
beschule (School of Arts and Crafts). Related works de- 
pict the head and hand of a nun, whom Dix places in a 
Gothic architectural setting, and the three-quarter- 
length figure of a working-class boy. 

At the end of 19 14 pure Futurist forms made a 
sudden appearance in Das Geschiitz (The Gun), to be 
followed in 19 15 by the Selbstbildnis als Mais (Self- 
Portrait as Mars,- Fig. 9, p. 45 ) and the Sterbendez Kiiegei 

Fig. 19 Otto Dix, Selbstbildnis als Rancher (Self- Portrait as 
Smoker), 1913, oil on paper, ly'/,* x 20'/i(; in. (70x56 cni|, private 
collection, FRG 

Fig. 20 Otto Dix, Leuchtkugel (Signal Flare), 1917, (Cat. 22) 

(Dying Warrior). These were the last pictures Dix 
painted before his years of military service, and their 
formal idiom reappears in the large quantity of figure 
drawings that he produced concurrently. 

A unique and self-contained chapter in Dix's artistic 
career is represented by his hundreds of war drawings, 
all in the same format and in a variety of media: pencil, 
ink, and above all wash. After realistic and essentially 
documentary beginnings, Dix adopted Expressionist and 
Futurist interpretations of events in 191 6. Even more 
notable than the drawings is the sequence of gouaches. 
Taken as a whole, this body of work constitutes the 
most significant of all artistic responses to World War I 
(Figs. 20-21). His Kriegei mit Pfeife (Soldier with Pipe; 
Fig. I ) is a highly charged, explosive portrait, bristling 
with an intensity fueled by the war. 

In January 191 9 Dix hastened to Dresden with a 
painting titled Sehnsucht (Longing; Fig. 23) imder his 
arm. It is to Felixm tiller's credit that he recruited Dix to 
the Diesdnei Sezession Giuppe 1919. Dix regularly sub- 
mitted paintings to its exhibitions until the fall of 1922, 
when he moved to Dusseldorf. Initially he continued 
painting in his Futuro-Expressionist vein. He was next 
influenced by the Russian Cubo-Futurists and then 
turned to Dada. But when he realized that these re- 
sources would never enable him to do what he wanted, 
he began to develop from 1920 onward into a great real- 
ist, one of the major representatives of Verism and Neue 
Sachlichkeit, which supplanted Expressionism in all its 

At first Dix's new works disconcerted even the other 
members of the Secession. In his foreword to the 19 19 
exhibition catalogue devoted to the group's prints 

Dresden from 1 9 1 3 69 

Fig. 21 Otto Dix, Der Krieg (War), 1914 (Cat. 20^ 

70 Fritz Lofflei 

Fig. 22 OttoDix, Leda, 1919 (Cat. 30) 

Dresden from 1 9 1 3 71 

Grohmann introduced Dix this way: "Otto Dix 
appeared at Easter with brutal force, and all sorts of 
expectations were aroused. At the moment he is laugh- 
ing heartily at himself, at art, and at us. Let us leave him 
to it; something will surely occur to him." 

Five paintings of 19 19 serve to define Dix's Expres- 
sionist period. Their titles are Leda (Fig. 22), Schwan- 
geres Weib (Pregnant Woman), Mondweib (Moon Wo- 
man), Aufeistehung des Fleisches (Resurrection of the 
Flesh), and Prometheus, a self-portrait. The first four 
convey erotic messages of enormous vehemence with 
"something cosmic about them." They were reproduced 
in Menschen. Grohmann, again, provided his interpreta- 
tion. They were, he said, "the ultimate distillation of 
his memories, not analyses, the delirium of life, the 
dancing bewitchment of color. You can turn his paint- 
ings upside down; they still work. That is how pure a 
representation of emotion his art is." Zehder takes up 
the description: "He swings the brush like an ax, and 
every stroke is a yell of color. The world to him is Chaos 
in the throes of giving birth." And that, indeed, is how 
Felixmiiller painted Dix in 1920 (Fig. i, p. 10). 

The same artistic attitude can be traced in Dix's 
earliest prints, which appeared in 19 19. Like the other 
members of the Secession, he began with woodcuts. 
Titles include Gebuitsstunde (The Hour of Birth), Der 
Kuss (The Kiss), Leben auf dei Strasse (Street Life), and 
Der Schrei (The Scream). They make up a number of 
portfolios, the earliest of which bears the significant ti- 
tle Werden (Becoming). Also dating from 1919 but not 
incorporated in a portfolio, is a Nietzschean self-por- 
trait, a head with the inscription Ich bin das A und das 
O (I Am the Alpha and the Omega). A second print has 
the simple title Ich (I). All the prints show signs of Ex- 
pressionist distortion, but they are stylistically quite 
distinct from those of the other members of the Seces- 
sion. Dix never used woodcut again. 

The last part of 1919 and the whole of 1920 consti- 
tuted Dix's "Dada year," a phase in which humor was a 
prime ingredient. 

Dix, the combat veteran, was preoccupied above all 
with the aftereffects of war. In 1920 he painted four 
large pictures, Kriegskriippel (War Cripples), Prager 
Strasse, Streichholzhdndler I (Matchsellerl), and Die 
Skatspieler (The Skat Players; Fig. 27, p. 28). The paint- 
ing Kriegskriippel, once again, incorporates a self-por- 
trait. Dix was already laying in the large painting Der 
Schiitzengraben (The Trench; Fig. 19, p. 93), which he 
did not complete until 1923, after the move to Dussel- 
dorf, and which, in contrast to the other works men- 
tioned, was painted in a heavy impasto. 

Dix's paintings of cripples were ill received, and the 
press was no less outraged by his paintings of whores 
and brothels. When Das Mddchen vor dem Spiegel (The 
Girl at the Mirror) was shown in Berlin, he was actually 
prosecuted for an offense against public morals. 

Fig. 23 Otto Dix, Sehnsucht (Longing), 1918 (Cat. 27) 

In 1 9 19 Dix had the worst press of any member of the 
Secession. His response, as reported by Felixmiiller, was 
to say: "If I can't be famous, I want at least to be infa- 

Alongside all these paintings and prints, Dix pro- 
duced hundreds of drawings, all exclusively figural in 
content. In those few years he grew into one of the su- 
preme German draftsmen of the twentieth century. In 
1920 he embarked on his huge output of watercolors, 
which reached its apogee in Dusseldorf in 1923 and 
comprises nearly five hundred works. Here he could 
give free rein to his imagination. What is more, this was 
a medium in which he could work fast enough to earn a 
living at a time when the value of money was con- 
stantly dwindling. 

Otto Griebel 

Griebel came from Meerane, a village near Gera, and his 
development followed a course very similar to that of 
Dix, who was his senior by four years. After serving an 
apprenticeship as a house painter, he went on to the 
Kunstgewerbeschule in Dresden and began to produce 
his first paintings. From 1915 to 1918 he was a soldier 
and returned to become a member of Robert Sterl's mas- 
ter class. Only after leaving Sterl in r922 did Griebel 
join the Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 1919. His first 
group show was at the Galerie Emil Richter in 1919. 

That year Griebel embarked on a series of works that 
echo the Expressionism of the Secession painters as well 
as their Cubism. This is exemplified by his few surviv- 
ing watercolors of that year, such as Nachtgang (Night 

72 Fiitz Lofflei 

- .t-tt-i^^ ^ft/ 

Fig.24 Walter Jacob, A/te frau (Old Woman), i92o(Cat. 108) 

Fig.25 Walter Jacob, Seibst (Self), i92o(Cat. 113) 

Walk), Blauei Ausgang (Blue Exit), and Pessimistische 
Sinfonie (Pessimistic Symphony), by a self-portrait 
drawing, and by Zehn Themen (Ten Themes), a port- 
folio of ten hand-colored lithographs that Griebel pro- 
duced in collaboration with the Prague composer Erwin 
Schulhof, a friend of Dix's who was at the time resident 
in Dresden. 

The year 1920 belonged to Griebel and Dix together. 
They were the leading representatives of Dada in Dres- 
den. Griebel made caustic, satirical collages, including 
his Dadaistisches Selbstbildnis (Dadaist Self-Portrait). 
The collage Hiawatha tanzt (Hiawatha Dances) is 
thematically akin to the painting An die Schonheit (To 
Beauty) by Dix; it was common for Dix, Griebel, 
Kretzschmar, and others to take up identical or related 
themes. But Griebel, unlike Dix, used Dada to make 
political propaganda statements, as in his Brotbild 
(Bread Picture), which depicts the misery of those years 
of inflation. 

Nineteen twenty also witnessed Griebel's adoption 
of a Veristic pictorial style, which he continued to use 
to convey social and political messages. The painting 
Vieite Klasse (Fourth Class), of which a Diesdner Nach- 
hchten reporter wrote that "the political content out- 
weighs the artistic value," was bought by the Saxon 
state government. From 1921 the watercolor began to 
dominate his work and by 1923 it had become com- 
pletely veristic. Also in 1923, Griebel painted a number 
of brothel scenes. 

Walter Jacob 

Jacob also returned from the war to study at the 
academy from 191 9 to 1921. He joined the Secession in 
1920, after the exodus of Felixmiiller and his friends. 
Jacob's prints of 1920, such as the woodcuts Alte Fiau 
(Old Woman; Fig. 24) and Selbst (Self; Fig.25), are com- 
pletely in keeping with the general formal tenor of Se- 
cession art. Such oil paintings as Das Jiingste Geiicht 
(The Last Judgment; Fig. 31, p. 30) of 1920 and water- 
colors such as Landschaft mil Tiirmen (Landscape with 
Towers) of 1924 reveal the influence of his studio neigh- 
bor, Kokoschka. 

Gela Forster 

Born Angelika Schmitz in Berlin, Forster was the only 
woman, and the only sculptor, among the founding 
members of the Secession. Nothing is known of her art- 
istic development before or after the two exhibitions of 
1919. In 1921 she participated in the hundredth exhibi- 
tion in the Galerie Der Sturm along with her future 
husband, Archipenko, with whom she moved to New 
York in 1923. 

Dresden from 1 9 1 3 73 

In the first Secession exhibition she was represented 
by three works: Empfdngnis (Conception; Fig. 26), Ei- 
wachen (Awakening; Fig. 27), and Der Mann (The Man; 
Fig. 28). hi the second exhibition she showed a sculp- 
ture, Pyramide (Pyramid), which seems to have depicted 
a man and a woman. Forster's sculptures belong to the 
late Dresden Expressionist style. Mostly anonymous 
torsos, these near-lifesize works in plaster reflect funda- 
mental categories of female experience and mark a re- 
volt "against all that is there" (Daubler). In their com- 
pressed forms and emphatic sculptural manner they are 
close to Dix's Mondweib of 19 19, and she "borrows the 
hardness of the sculptural formulations from Negro 
sculpture" (Joachim Heusinger von Waldegg). Daubler 
wrote of her works: "The whole figure culminates in a 

Another poet, Alfred Gunther, wrote an introduction 
to her work that includes the following passage: "This 
woman's sculptures demand the ultimate. They have 
ravished natural forms and transcended Nature. Gela 
Forster's daring is rewarded, because she is able to ani- 
mate her creations with the sensuality that surges 
within these forms." 

Kaemmerer, writing in Der Cicerone, was of the defi- 
nite opinion that Forster's works were among the most 
extraordinary sculptural achievements of her genera- 

Fig. 26 Gela Forster, Empfdngnis (Conception), stone, lost 

Fig. 27 Gela Forster, Erwachen (Awakening), stone, lost 

Fig. 28 Gela Forster, Der Mann (The Man), stone, lost 

74 Pritz Lofflei 

Fig. 29 Eugen Hoffmann, Kop/(Head), 1919, plate 4 (Cat. 104) Fig. 30 Eugen Hoffmann, Das Paai (The Couple), 1919 (Cat. 105) 

Eugen Hoffmann 

After the war Hoffmann returned to the academy to join 
Karl Albiker's master class, remaining a member until 
1923. He was a guest exhibitor at the second Secession 
exhibition with four untitled Expressionist woodcuts 
and a sculpture titled Mddchenkopf (Girl's Head). This 
was probably the Mddchen mit blauem Haar und roten 
Briisten (Girl with Blue Hair and Red Breasts), a work in 
colored plaster. At the same time he produced a small 
carving, Joseph und Potiphar (Joseph and Potiphar), 
which was also polychrome. In 1937 both works were to 
be prominently displayed in the Nazi exhibition Entar- 
tete Kunst (Degenerate Art). In these figures Hoffmann 
attempted, after Die Briicke, to restore color, as used in 
the Middle Ages, to sculpture. The woodcuts shown in 
1919 were heads, including a self-portrait in a few sharp- 
ly contrasting blocks of black and white (Figs. 29-30). 
One of these heads seems to have been inspired by 
Alexei Jawlensky, whose work was on show at the same 
time in the Sturm exhibition at the Galerie Arnold. Also 
in 19 19 Hoffmann supplied a cover woodcut for Die 
Aktion, titled Der Kiieg (The War), which is entirely in 
keeping with the zigzag Secession style. 

In 1920 Hoffmann became a member of the Seces- 
sion. In 1921 he had nine works in the Secession exhibi- 
tion that toured to Brno, Prague, and Kosice. He was 
represented not only in the 1923 Secession exhibition 
but also in the Erste AUgemeine Deutsche Kunstaus- 
stellung (First General German Art Exhibition) in Mos- 
cow in 1924. He also produced watercolors, one of 

which, a seminude figure of 1922 with the title O, stille 
meine Fein (Oh, Ease my Torment), is related to the 
works in this medium that Dix was doing at the same 

Before long, however, the influence of Hoffmann's 
teacher, Albiker, who worked in the tradition of Adolf 
von Hildebrandt, Auguste Rodin, and Aristide Maillol, 
asserted itself, and he reverted to a classical, realist 
idiom. His portrait busts are particularly clear indica- 
tions of this change to a classical version of Neue Sach- 

Christoph Voll 

Born in Munich in 1897, Voll was apprenticed to a 
sculptor there and did war service before coming to 
Dresden, like most of his fellow members of the Seces- 
sion, to spend three years studying at the academy. 
Academic instruction had nothing more to offer him, as 
it turned out, but at the academy he received encourage- 
ment and help from Albiker, Kokoschka, and Sterl. 

In 1 9 19 he produced a number of drypoints with a 
very simple linear structure. In his woodcuts, by con- 
trast, he gouged the lines from the block. A particularly 
noteworthy example from 19 19, Betende Dime (Praying 
Whore), shows a prostitute kneeling over a church. He 
produced a large number of drawings, many of them 
studies for sculpture. Several drawings by Voll, includ- 
ing a self-portrait, are to be found in the visitors' book of 
Dr. Fritz Glaser, in which the lawyer's guests had the 

Dresden from 1 9 1 3 75 

Fig. 3 1 Christoph Voll, Arbeiteifiau mit Kind (Working Woman 
with Child), 1923 (Cat. 195) 

Fig. 32 Christoph Voll, Arbeiter mit Kind (Worker with Child), 
c. 1922 (Cat. 194) 

pleasant custom of expressing their thanks for his hospi- 
tahty through collaborative, and often humorous, works 
of art. One of these is KoUektiv Kunstwerk (Collective 
Artwork), drawn in 192 1 by Voll and Dix. 

VoU's work as a sculptor includes portrait busts, full- 
length figures, and nudes. Children play a prominent 
part. The overall atmosphere is sad and wistful, with a 
marked element of social comment. Voll's wood sculp- 
tures were realistic from the start, although their ex- 
pressive power is in itself unmistakably Expressionist. 
Carved mostly of oak, the figures show the traces of the 
sculptor's hard work with the chisel. It is very rare for 
even a part of a figure to be polished, and this endows 
these mainly large works with something immediate, 
straightforward, even monumental. Arbeiter mit Kind 
(Worker with Child, c. 1922; Fig. 32), Arbeiterfrau mit 
Kind (Working Woman with Child; Fig. 31) and Adam 
und Eva (Adam and Eve), both 1923, and Ecce Homo 
(1924-25; Fig. 3, p. 59) are characteristic examples dat- 
ing from Voll's Dresden period. 

Ludwig Godenschweg 

Godenschweg was the third sculptor to join the Seces- 
sion in 1920. We do not know what he showed in any of 
the Secession exhibitions, and he missed the last one. 

Born in 1889, Godenschweg had studied under 
Robert Diez at the academy before leaving for military 
service. On his return he became Albiker's student. 
Schmidt called Godenschweg's contribution to the third 
Secession exhibition "competent and promising." Por- 
trait busts, such as Wilhelm Rudolph (terra-cotta, 
c. 1923) and Volkmar Glaser, and small-scale works, 
like the self-portrait Ziegenmelker (Man Milking a 
Goat), show him to be an artist schooled in the represen- 
tation of reality. He also created a number of etchings 
that show a decidedly Expressionist formal vocabulary. 

Bernhard Kretzschmar 

The Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 1919 might easily have 
included Kretzschmar, especially as at the time of its 
foundation he was friendly with Felixmiiller, and he and 
Bockstiegel remained lifelong friends. The obstacle to 
his joining was not artistic but political: it was Felix- 
miiller's work for the Communist party. The Expres- 
sionist period in Kretzschmar's work was no more than 
a brief episode, 1919-20, one to which he himself later 
attached little importance. Kretschmar's change of style 
in 19 1 9 was no doubt precipitated by a visit to Marburg, 
where he used lithography for the first time, painting 
woodcutlike blocks of color directly onto the stone. 

76 Fritz Lofflei 

Fig. 33 Bemhard Kretzschmar, Untitled [Bu\h), 1919(031.129) 

After this excursion into woodcut and lithography, 
Kretzschmar turned back to the etching medium, with 
which he had begun his artistic career and which he was 
to practice until the end of his life. A portfolio of four 
etchings titled Konfessionen (Confessions) appeared in 
1 92 1 with a foreword by Heinar Schilling, who also pub- 
lished the collective portfolio by Dix and the other 
members of the Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 1919. The 
most notable prints in Konfessionen are those with the 
titles Mein Leben (My Life), Flucbt (Flight), Hunger, and 
Piedigei (Preacher). These titles are very much of the 
period, but they are also reminiscent of Kretzschmar's 
childhood in the Saxon town of Doebeln. The dark areas 
are created by closely packed hatchings, and in contrast 
to the etchings of later years there are no firm outlines. 
The line seems agitated. 

In contrast to Kretzschmar's prints and drawings, the 
development of his painting in 1919-20 can be followed 
through only a few examples. On his return to Dresden 
in 19 T9 he painted two pictures that are unique in his 
entire output, both because they are the most abstract 
he ever painted and because they show a completely 

altered color range. The larger of the two he titled Ein 
fhscher Morgenwind (A Fresh Morning Wind); the other 
remained untitled, although it may represent birth 
(Fig. 33). It is surprisingly close to Dix's painting 
Schwangeres Weib, of the same year. Both works re- 
mained in Kretzschmar's possession until his death. 

Kretzschmar's 1920 paintings reveal a moderate form 
of Expressionism that corresponds to the style of his 
prints and drawings and also to the work of several 
members of the Diesdner Sezession Gruppe 1919. Two 
small paintings. Die Flucbt nacb Agypten (The Flight 
into Egypt) and the symbolic Werden - Vergehen (Be- 
coming — Passing Away), have survived quite by chance; 
they are presumably characteristic examples of the 
work of his Expressionist period, which Kretzschmar 
destroyed, according to his own account, because he felt 
it to be incompatible with his later development. In 
Kretzschmar's work after 1921 his rejection of Expres- 
sionism in favor of a new realism became total. 

Oskar Kokoschka 

Kokoschka cannot be counted as a member of the sec- 
ond generation of Dresden Expressionists. In spite of his 

Fig. 34 Oskar Kokoschka, Bildnis Walter Hasenclevei (Portrait 
of Walter Hasenclever), 19 18, lithograph, 24'Axi6'Ain. 
(62x41.3 cm), Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Robert Gore 
Rifkind Center for German Expressionist Studies 

Dresden from 1 9 1 3 77 

teaching post at the academy, he remained a guest and 
an outsider, an isolated phenomenon in the unfolding of 
Expressionism in Dresden. 

hi 19 1 6 Kokoschka turned his back on Vienna, where 
things were not going his way at all, and applied for a 
post as a professor at the academy in Dresden, with the 
idea that this would free him from further military ser- 
vice. In a letter of that year he asked the collector Ida 
Bienert to use her influence to this end. Her interven- 
tion was unsuccessful. Kokoschka went back to being a 
soldier in the Austrian army and did not arrive in Dres- 
den until 1 9 17, when he entered the Weisser Hirsch 
sanatorium to recuperate from his wounds. Soon after- 
ward he moved to the nearby Villa Felsenburg, where he 
surrounded himself with an extensive circle of friends, 
notably writers, including Walter Hasenclever and Ivar 
von Liicken, and actors. He worked on revising his one- 
act plays, and in 1917 he put on a performance of his 
dramatic poem Morder, Hoffnung dei Frauen (Murder, 
Hope of Women). 

Kokoschka obtained his professorship at the 
academy in 19 19 and kept it until 1924, when he left 
Dresden forever. The years in Dresden were, after those 
in Vienna, the most creative of Kokoschka's career. 
Never again did he produce such a large and technically 
diverse body of major works. 

His professorship at the academy was a momentous 
development in itself. As far as Dresden was concerned, 
he became and remained the prime representative of 
Expressionism and a teacher who taught his few stu- 

dents in a totally unacademic spirit. Three of these 
students whose work showed Expressionist features for 
a number of years as a result of Kokoschka's influence 
subsequently made names for themselves: Friedrich 
Karl Gotsch, Jochen Heuer, and Hans Meyboden. He 
also exerted a strong influence on two other Dresden 
painters : Jacob and Willi Kriegel. 

Kokoschka remained a unique phenomenon in Dres- 
den, but his five views of the city, painted from his 
studio overlooking the River Elbe, nevertheless have a 
place within a local tradition. In them he continued the 
work of the Impressionist Kuehl and of the Elbier- 
Gzuppe (Elbier Group). These views of Dresden led to 
the views of great European cities that made up a large 
part of his output in the years following his departure 
from Dresden in 1924. 

Along with the paintings, he produced a large body of 
drawings, mainly portraits, done in large formats and in 
varied techniques, including lithography. Outstanding 
examples are the portraits of the actress Kathe Richter, 
of Hasenclever (Fig. 34), and of Max Reinhardt. He also 
created a number of watercolors, mostly of nudes. 

Other Painters 

Carl Lohse made an individual contribution to Dresden 
Expressionism in the powerful contrasts of pure color 
that mark his series, Kopfe (Heads), begun in 1919, as 
well as in a monumental plaster sculpture, Monumen- 

Fig. 35 Carl Lohse, MonuTiientaier Kop/ (Monumental Head), 1919-20 (Cat. 138) 

78 Fritz Lofflei 

'■ Fig. 37 Edmund Resting, Kirche 
(Church), 1920 (Cat. 120) 

Dresden from 1 9 1 3 79 

talei Kopf (Monumental Head; Fig. 35). Fritz Winkler 
looked to the example of Edvard Munch, both in his 
brush drawings and in his oils and watercolors. He was 
one artist who retained an expressive element in his 
work after 1925, when the Expressionist period in Dres- 
den was a thing of the past. 

A succession of other Dresden painters returned from 
the war, with its enforced silence, to pay passing hom- 
age to the dominant trend represented by the new style. 
Among those who were later to play a part in the history 

of art in Dresden — but as representatives of quite dif- 
ferent styles — were Wilhelm Rudolph, who studied 
under Bantzer,- Paul Wilhelm, who studied under 
Kuehl; and Erich Fraass. 

One further name that should be mentioned in this 
connection is that of Edmund Resting, the first Dresden 
painter to make use of Constructivist elements in 
his work (Figs. 36-37). He founded a school of his own, 
Dei Weg (The Way), in emulation of Herwarth Walden's 
Dei Stuim (The Storm). 


I Expressionism's obituary was written by GoU, the last editor of 
Menschen, in 192 1 : 

What is being rumored, smirked at, guessed at, is true. Once more, an art is 
dying at the hands of the age that has betrayed it. Whether the art or the age is 
to blame is beside the point. If one wanted to be critical, however, it would be 
possible to show that Expressionism is dying of that same lousy revolution 
whose motherly oracle it wanted to be. And the latter aspect explains the 
former; that is to say, Expressionism as a whole was not an art form but an 
attitude. More of a worldview, rather than the object of an artistic need. 

It was not until 1977 that the group, which had played so central a 
role in the Dada and Expressionist art of the years that followed 
World War i, and indeed in the creation of a new realism, became 
the subject of a historical overview. This took the form of a travel- 
ing exhibition organized by Dr. Emilio Bertonati at the Galleria 
del Levante in Munich. It closed the following year at the Galleria 
del Levante in Milan, having succeeded in reestablishing the sig- 
nificance of Dresden's contribution to the history of German art 
in the first half of the twentieth century. 

Fig. I Gert Wollheim, Der Veiwundete (The Wounded Man), i y i y (Cat. 200) 

Friedhch Heckmanns 

Das Junge Rheinland in Dusseldorf 1919-1929 
The Summit of Mount Expressionism: A Beginning before the End 

The consciousness of the younger artists of the genera- 
tion of the first Expressionist decade bore the mark of a 
contradictory experience. Their passionate espousal of a 
new image of humanity, their visual grasp of a new sen- 
sibility attuned to life itself, had been followed by the 
experience of a world war predicated on total contempt 
for humanity. What is known as Modernism - the art 
which from the beginning of this century, in absolute 
contrast to the illusionism of the European tradition, 
acquired the capacity to give immediate expression 
through form and color to a spontaneous perception and 
emotion "right now" - could become truly modern only 
when artistic creation was brought into contact with 
the history, society, and politics of the age. 

In 1 9 19, in the foreword to his anthology 
Menschheitsddmmerung - Ein Dokument des Expres- 
sionismus (Twilight of Mankind: A Document of Ex- 
pressionism), Kurt Pinthus defined the purpose of 
Expressionist art: "Man as such, not his private con- 
cerns and feelings, but Humanity - that is the true 
theme." And in the second edition of the book in 1922 
he acknowledged the anticipatory value of an artistic 
consciousness that had been essentially subjective - 
"the world begins in Man" - rather than concerned with 
the reality of society : 

Let us therefore remember with respect [the apostles of a move- 
ment] who at least willed a great future and confidently believed 
[their movement] to be the vanguard of a new epoch of mankind. 
Let them not be mocked or blamed because they turned out to be 
only the rearguard of an old epoch, and who turned away from the 
twilight of downfall toward the glow of an imagined dawn, but 
whose strength failed them before they could march, purified, at 
the head of their contemporaries into the light.' 

The second generation replaced the "luxurious" and 
self-indulgent Expressionism of their fathers with new 
ideas that had been tested in the real world, in the cru- 
cible of the historical mission of a revolutionary social- 
ism. The formation of so many artists' organizations 
after 191 8 shows that these men and women were not 
loners, they wanted to demonstrate solidarity. Without 
exception these organizations proclaimed in their inau- 
gural statements that it was the function of art to trans- 
form society within the context of a new democratic 
ordering of cultural life. Every demand for a new demo- 
cratic and socialist society had to be carried out, using 
all the resources of revolutionary rhetoric to combat the 

resistance of existing power structures. Political reality 
at the end of World War 1, determined by the collapse of 
the economy and the establishment of a new, democra- 
tic social order, obeyed its own laws. From a present-day 
vantage point the attempt to make art a part of this 
process by striving for a greater integration of art and 
everyday life appears new, "modern." 

The idea of freeing art from the regimentation of cul- 
tural life by the state, and from the reactionary narrow- 
ness of the academies and other bourgeois cultural in- 
stitutions, never became a reality in a world governed 
by the rigors of power politics. But the new political 
consciousness did make it possible for this new freedom 
to be defined in terms of a democratic society and not 
only in terms of the artist's individual integrity. This 
social reorientation of Expressionist art - from "I" to 
"we" — was the essential objective of the younger, po- 
litically motivated Expressionist generation. 

It all began on November 13, 1918, with the artists, 
architects, and art historians who joined together in the 
Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst (Workers' Council for Art) in Ber- 
lin,- they included Adolf Behne, Walter Gropius, Kathe 
Kollwitz, and Karl Schmidt-Rottluff. They soon joined 
forces with Otto Dix, Lyonel Feininger, Otto Griebel, 
George Grosz, Otto Nagel, Max Pechstein, and others in 
the Novembergruppe (November Group). The group's 
name proclaims its solidarity with the November Rev- 
olution, which had forced the abdication of Kaiser 
Wilhelmll; its members announced: "We stand on the 
ground of the Revolution .... The Novembergruppe is 
an association of radical artists The November- 
gruppe seeks, through a united front of all likeminded 
creative talents, to gain a decisive influence in the set- 
tling of all issues concerning art."^ 

The Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 1919 (Dresden Se- 
cession Group 19 19) - which took over from an earlier 
Expressionistische Arbeitsgemeinschaft Dresden (Ex- 
pressionist Working Group Dresden), an "Expressionist 
Working Collective" of leftist artists and writers who 
met from 19 17 onward in the studio of Conrad Felix- 
miiller - subscribed to the same objectives, and com- 
bined its sociopolitical commitment with organized 
aid to the dependants of artists killed or disabled in the 

In Cologne, the Gesellschaft der Kiinste (G.D.K.), or 
"Arts Company," included among its leading members 

82 Friedrich Heckmanns 

Otto Freundlich, Alfred Gruenwald (J. T. Baargeld), 
Heinrich Hoerle, Anton Raderscheidt, F. W. Seiwert, 
and Max Ernst - whose wife, Luise Strauss-Ernst, was 
its business manager. The G.D.K. regarded itself as the 
"Rhineland Group" of the Berhn Arbeitsiat fiii Kunst. 
In any case, for all the conservatism of the group's ap- 
proach to art - which led to the formation of new, avant- 
garde groupings in Cologne - it formulated in its pro- 
gram a statement of sociopolitical intentions which in- 
cluded "the transformation of the teaching of art . . . 
establishment of a living contact between art and the 
people (from grade school onward)," and the highly radi- 
cal demand for "the purging from the museums of all 
works whose capacity for life is exhausted."' 

Dusseldorf Beginnings, 1 9 1 9 

The foundation of the artists' group Das funge Rhein- 
land (The Young Rhineland) in Dusseldorf took place in 
the context of a deep-seated provincial inferiority com- 
plex (Fig. 2). Since the early nineteenth century the re- 





9.U.10.HEFT, JUL1 1922 

Fig. 2 Cover of Das funge Rheinland (The Young Rhineland), 1921 

gion had had a Prussian administration which behaved 
more or less like an occupying power. The filling of 
posts in the administration of the arts with imported 
Prussian officials, which had led to a split between 
"Rhinelanders" and "Prussians" even in the heyday of 
the Dusseldorf Academy, had left such deep scars that 
the new body named as its principal objective the eman- 
cipation of the "Rhineland artistic community" from 
Prussian "paternalism and cliquishness," thus consider- 
ably diluting its revolutionary potential: 

[In order] to win for young Rhineland artists, at long last, the place 
in German artistic life that is their due, [the group] intends to 
organize collective touring exhibitions. This is not to lead to the 
one-sided promotion of any single tendency; the only require- 
ments shall be youth and creative sincerity. Youth, of course, is 
not a matter of years, but of strength and freshness of artistic 
endeavor. The cliquish system on which all exhibitions have been 
run hitherto must be dispensed with once and for all.^ 

There was good reason for all this. In the big summer 
exhibition in Dusseldorf in 1 9 1 7 there had been practi- 
cally no trace of what was then called Rhineland Expres- 
sionism. In 19 18, when the Grosse Berliner Kunst- 
ausstellung (Great Berlin Art Exhibition) was moved to 
Dusseldorf, the young painters of the Rhineland were 
still nowhere to be seen. They were, by contrast, present 
in force in the exhibition that was the source of the 
name Das funge Rheinland, held a little later at the 
Kunstverein in Cologne in 1 9 1 8, which set out to show 
"the evolution of the art of the younger generation in 
the Rhineland in recent years."' The centerpiece of this 
show was a group of thirty paintings by August Mackc; 
also featured were the older and younger artists of the 
Expressionist generation, Heinrich Campendonk, Ernst, 
Wilhelm Lehmbruck, Heinrich Nauen, Walter Ophey, 
and Christian Rohlfs. 

This event was the point of departure for a campaign 
to form a new association of artists. The title of the 
Cologne exhibition was adopted, and in March of 1 9 1 9, 
113 artists were represented in the Dusseldorf Kunst- 
halle at the group's first major show of "young" art from 
the Rhineland. 

The contradictions that emerged from this first 
Dusseldorf exhibition had to be explained away; and in 
his account of Das funge Rheinland, written to accom- 
pany its first exhibition, Karl Koetschau, director of the 
Dusseldorf Kunstmuseum and a member of the organi- 
zation's advisory board, was at some pains to do so. 
Still unable, after the collapse of the Reich, to bring 
himself to speak of Germany as a republic, let alone a 
"Free Republic," he reduced the prospects that faced the 
avant-garde to the proportions of a provincial idyll: 

When one thinks of Rhineland art one always thinks, first and 
foremost, of Dusseldorf, which is after all regarded as the princi- 
pal, and indeed the official, art center of the Rhineland. This does 
an injustice to all those who, in other cities on the Rhine, or even 
away from the Rhine, but with true Rhineland individualism. 

Das Junge Rheinland in Dusseldorf 1919-1929 83 

Fig. 3 Conrad Felixmiiller, Poitidt Di. Hans Koch (Portrait of Dr. 
Hans Koch), I9r 9, etching, la'^/isx 95/4 in. (32.5 x 24.7 cm), Kunst- 
museum Diisseldorf 

have been quietly working away on their own account; out there 
in the Reich people have only a very deficient idea of the cultural 
life of its western region.^ 

He then adds a word of caution to the young: "On every 
occasion nowadays, appropriate or not, we hear the 
word 'revolution.' Das Junge Rheinland does not want 
revolution. It wants evolution. Evolution, unhampered 
by the paternalism that is sustained by the rigid power 
of tradition, the fossilized remains of past reputation."' 

Such attempts to avoid confrontation, in the true 
noncommittal style of the Rhineland, only brought it 
nearer. The cultural signals were so slow to reach this 
self-proclaimed provincial backwater that there was a 
reluctance to speak even in terms of the (by then) estab- 
lished style of Impressionism, let alone the progressive 
style of Expressionism: "The decision was taken to refer 
to a 'moderate' and an 'extreme' tendency."' And so, in 
order to avoid any unpleasantness, the jury was divided 
into Painting I and II, and Printmaking I and II. 

The next exhibition after the March exhibition of 
Das Junge Rlieinland to be accompanied by a catalogue 
took place from June 22 to July 20, 1919, and presented a 
well-meant liberal assortment. In a review. Dr. Hans 
Koch (Fig. 3) - who had known Ernst as a student in 
Bonn from 1910 through 19 14 - an important collector, 

the owner of a print gallery (Graphisches Kabinett von 
Bergh 8k Co.), and a notable connoisseur and promoter of 
art in the Rhineland, pointed out the futility of the 
attempt to compromise in the presentation of contem- 
porary art : 

By and large, the exhibition exemplifies the Rhineland tempera- 
ment. This painting is, taking it all in all, decent. God-fearing, 
good-natured, by German standards fairly cultivated, a bit un- 
truthful, self-satisfied, and with obscure traditional antecedents. 
One thing is unfortunate: in this exhibition of the young artists of 
the Rhineland the artists who are most alive are two dead men: 
A|ugust| Macke and [Paul] Seehaus .... No such thing as a "radi- 
cal" is to be found in this exhibition.' 

So much for the "extreme" tendency. 

These criticisms refer to the beginnings of Das Junge 
Rlieinland and its first exhibition in Dusseldorf. It was 
precisely its experience of petty provincialism and cli- 
quishness that subsequently led the group, as it grew, to 
create a broader platform and achieve an openness that 
became its hallmark and that governed artistic life dur- 
ing the next years, contributing to the group's interna- 
tional impact. The appeal of February 24, 19 19, pub- 
lished in the catalogue of the Dusseldorf exhibition in 
June and July of that year ends with the words : "We hope 
and expect that these events will lead to a growth of 
interest in our regional art and above all establish a rally- 
ing point for new talents. Our artistic life urgently needs 
fertilization by new ideas and new creative forces." 

The Aktivistenbund 19 19 

"New ideas and new creative forces" were soon to 
emerge within an organization in which "the whole of 
the left came together: writers, journalists, actors, 
painters, and other intellectuals, not forgetting the 
lawyers who belonged to the left-wing parties."'" These 
people met in the home of a Dusseldorf chemist and 
photographer, Dr. Erwin Quedenfeld, and called them- 
selves the Aktivistenbund 1919 (Activist League 1919). 
And it is no wonder that the mostly Communist writ- 
ers, labor organizers, and intellectuals who met there 
were joined by those visual artists who formed the prg- 
gressive nucleus of Das Junge Rheinland. 

Political art was on the agenda. New themes were in 
the offing which would revitalize the existing formal 
repertoire of ecstatic, explosive gestures by introducing 
into art the experience of the war, the inner life of the 
human psyche, and the misery of the contemporary pro- 
letariat, all combined with an assault on the bourgeoisie 
and its cozy artistic consensus. 

In the guidelines the Aktivistenbund established 
there was no question of a provincial forum for the arts. 
On the contrary, "Its members are in an active state of 
hostility to the bourgeois tradition, which has petrified 
in soulless formalism, and which in spite of the Revolu- 

84 Fiiediich Heckmanns 

Fig. 4 Gert Wollheim, Dei zufdllige Tod des 
Bdienfiihieis (The Accidental Death of the Bear 
Trainer), woodcut, 7"/,6X 5"/,i in. (19.6X 14.8 cm), 
Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf 

Fig. 5 Hans Rilke, Gosse (Gutter), 1920, 
woodcut, 7 'Vis X 45/8 in. (20.2 x 11.8 cm), 
Kunstmuseum Dusseldorf 

Fig. 6 Adolf de Haer, Im Atelier 
(In the Studio), 1920, woodcut, 
io'/,«x 5'/8 in. (25. 6x 13.7 cm), 
Kunstmuseum Dusseldorf 

tion still holds sway in art and art appreciation, both on 
the individual level and in the press."" 

Buch Eins des Aktivistenbundes 1919 (Book One of 
the Activist League 1919), a large-format brochure, 
appeared in 1920, to be followed within the year by 
Buch Zwei (Book Two) and Buch Diei (Book Three)." 
These publications document the group's literary ac- 
tivities and, in their numerous lithographs and wood- 
cuts, give some idea of how the faceted planes of Cub- 
ism were giving way to linear and planar ciphers that 
seemed to surge from the unconscious, revealing a 
theme not only as a metaphor for an object but as a 
metaphor for visions mediated by feeling. Gert Woll- 
heim contributed woodcuts with titles like Althches 
Frdulein (Old Maid), Dostojewski im Totenhaus (Dos- 
toevsky in the House of the Dead), and Der zufdUige 
Tod des Bdienfiihieis (The Accidental Death of the Bear 
Trainer; Fig. 4). Otto Pankok describes in his auto- 
biographical notes the process by which his contribu- 
tions to the volumes developed out of the Expressionist 
experience: "191 9: Remels, East Friesland. Expression- 
ism collapses and war nerves erupt. 1920: The aforesaid 
explode."" Artists like Adolf de Haer (Fig.6) and Hans 
Rilke (Fig. 5) reached out toward a deeply felt, unem- 
bellished reality in a way that entirely sets them apart 
from the practiced formal schemas of the Expressionist 

The closeness of these artists' pictorial vision to a 
poetry that uses language to create disparate images of 
visionary emotion is apparent in the poems that Woll- 

heim and Pankok, alongside others, published in Buch 
Eins des Aktivistenbundes 1919. Pankok's poem on the 
murder of the leaders of the communist Spaitakisten- 
bund (Spartacus League), Rosa Luxemburg and Karl 
Liebknecht, by right-wing extremists in January 191 9 
exemplifies the political commitment of the group. 

To Rosa Luxemburg 

I wind roses in bloom 

Around your shattered temples 

And spring lilies 

Around your bleeding throat. 

With lilac I cover 

Your lacerated breast 

Frail little violets 

I will strew in your hair 

And shower your stiff hands 

With my kisses. 

Martyred, torn, dead. 

You, who are not I, who are strange 

To me, and yet such close 

and deeply rooted kin: 

I stretch out my hand to you 

Across the barrier of death. 
You, blowing in the wind, a man 
Wafted in mists, living your life 
In shadows that no light can ever 
Pierce through for me : 
You did not hear the wind 
That I heat; 

You did not see the lying sun 
That fooled me. 

Das funge Rheinland in Dusseldorf 1919-1929 85 

Nor all my sleepless fevered nights, 
You did not hear my dry, crazed sobs, 
Or the hoarseness of my croaking laugh. 
Dying away between cold prison walls. 
For we are beings 
Unmatched in loneliness 
Who bum for love 
And never meet.''' 

It is understandable that membership of an organization 
whose goal was to give a regional platform to a number 
of disparate interests provided the individual with less 
than did the association with like-minded artists whose 
thinking enabled a consensus — in this case, a political 
one - to be arrived at on the basis of shared experience. 
This left-wing circle formed the nucleus of an increas- 
ingly powerful tendency within Das Junge Rheinland, 
which blew its parochial world wide open and let in the 
full range of influences that shaped the modernism of 
the early 1920s. 

New Art : Frau Ey 

Neue Kunst Frau Ey (New Art: Frau Ey) - these were the 
words that ran above the twin showroom windows of 
the art gallery at No. 11, Hindenburgwall, in the city 
center of Dusseldorf, not far from the Academy of Art 
(Figs. 7-8, 12). It had all started in 1910, as Johanna Ey 
records in her memoirs: 

By chance, I came into the possession of a bakery store. And again 
it was by chance - but one that changed my entire life - that two 
academy students came in one afternoon and asked where they 
could get something to drink. I was happy to make them a cup of 
coffee, and then, when I said "Ten pfennigs," they said, "We'll 
come again." And that is how my cafe began, at No. 5, Ratinger 
Strasse, the house where the poet Immermann lived and died." 

Eventually the students from the academy - and their 
professors - started leaving paintings with her for sale. 

Fig. 7 Joharma Ey, 1926 

Apart from Frau Ey, there were other, established art 
dealers in Dusseldorf, with whom she could not com- 
pete. The Galerie Flechtheim showed works of interna- 
tional modernism in Dusseldorf from 1 9 1 3 and after the 
war reopened with a programmatic show Expressionis- 
mus. This gallery provided a forum for the older artists 
of Das lunge Rheinland, but when Alexei Jawlensky fell 
on hard times it was "Mutter Ey" who took him in; 
Neue Kunst Frau Ey became one of the most important 
artistic centers in Germany in the 1920s. 

Fig. 8 Galerie Neue Kunst Frau Ey (Frau Ey's 
Gallery for New Art), Dusseldorf 

86 Fnediich Heckmanns 

The firm run by Dr. Koch, Graphisches Kabinett von 
Bergh&Co., was a forum for the younger members of 
the avant-garde, progressives from Cologne such as 
Hoerle, Raderscheidt, and Seiwert, who maintained 
links with the Berlin group associated with Franz Pfem- 
fert's review Die Aktion (Action). Among the Dresden 
artists consistently represented in Koch's gallery was 
Felixmiiller. Before Dix moved to Dusseldorf his first 
contacts with the city were with this gallery, and it 
dealt in the graphic work of Pankok from 1 9 1 8 onward. 

It was through the friendship between Wollheim and 
Pankok and their move to Dusseldorf at the end of 19 19 
that Frau Ey began the most important phase of her 
work with those she called the "Modems." 

In January 19 19, Pankok made his debut on the 
Dusseldorf scene in a letter to a local paper, the Diissel- 
doifei Stadtanzeigei : 

While Dusseldorf art feels the gentle touch of the Impressionist 
breeze - or, as some would say, fails to detect it at all - in centers 
all over the rest of Europe the Expressionist hurricane has blown 
up to Force 12. Here the windows have been firmly closed ever 
since two works by Slevogt and Liebermarm wafted in a few years 
back; the effect here at the time was much the same as it was in 
Berlin a generation ago. But that was a generation ago, and there 
the windows were left open. 

Is this the way it will always be? Is Dusseldorf to remain a 
place where great artists stop over, a place of reaction and stagna- 
tion? Lovers and patrons of art, stop dithering! One thing is 
needed: Youth, Youth, Youth." 

Pankok had just concluded his formal education in 19 14 
when he found himself learning to hate war. Buried 
alive when a trench was bombed, he was discharged 
from a military hospital in 19 17. At the end of the war, 
in Vechta, Oldenburg, he produced handbills and wood- 
cuts as his contribution to the revolutionary debate and 
was run out of town. In Berlin he joined forces with 
Wollheim, whom he had known as a student. Woll- 
heim, who had been severely wounded in 19 17, used 
drawings he had done at the front as the basis for a series 
of large antiwar paintings that he began in Berlin in 
i9i8(Figs. 1,9). 

What both artists lacked, however, was a basis for 
their work, such as the older generation of Expres- 
sionists already possessed in their threefold discovery of 
an uninhibited experience of nature, big city themes, 
and a new way of depicting human beings. With a side- 
long look at the liberating potential of first-generation 
Expressionism, Pankok described the position from 
which his generation now set out: "Our energetic youth 
had been enslaved and worn down. We had been driven 
to despair, and every last spark had been knocked out of 
our skulls."'' 

At Remels in East Friesland in April 1919 Pankok 
and Wollheim produced landscapes and prints incor- 
porating the same unsparing depiction of war that 
marks Wollheim's painting Der Verwundete (The 
Woimded Man; Fig. i) of 19 19; and their work there set 

the tone for what they would do in Dusseldorf. Pankok 
was already a skilled and experienced maker of wood- 
cuts and etchings. They were able to work quickly and 
collaboratively. It is already evident, however, that 
within a shared style of ecstatic dissolution of form it 
was Wollheim who concentrated on evoking, and in- 
dicting, the horrors of war - even his landscapes are 
visions of a nature that is being blown apart — while 
Pankok sought to reconcile emotion and consciousness 
through contact with man and nature. This endeavor 
was to define his artistic position in the face of all the 
inhuman reality of the human condition, which com- 
plemented an increasingly single-minded commitment 
to social change and radical pacifism. 

Their plan to found a painters' colony at Remels, on 
the lines of the one at Worpswede founded in 1893, was 
quickly abandoned when reports of the activities of Das 
Junge Rheinland and the Aktivistenbund 1919 hinted at 
the possibility of a new start.'* 

At the end of 1919 there took place an encounter in 
Frau Ey's cafe and gallery which she was to recall in the 
knowledge that it marked the opening of a new chapter 
in the artistic life of the city: 

One day at noon, along came the two strangers. Big Otto Pankok: 
"Don't you know me, Frau Ey ? I used to drink coffee at your place 
when I was a student, in 1912. You don't sell coffee any more, I 
suppose?" I was delighted: "Just you come right through," and I 
was back in the kitchen making coffee. By the time I brought it, 
Pankok and Wollheim had a signed photograph right there on the 
table for me. I was really touched, all my resentment at Wollheim 
had melted away. So later I asked them whether they were paint- 
ing here, and what sort of pictures. They both laughed and looked 
at each other. I asked why they didn't show me something, and 
they laughed all the more. But the next day they came back, and 
Pankok said: "You'd better sit down first, or anything might 
happen." I saw a picture by Wollheim - Pankok's portrait it was; 
and a big drawing by Pankok - Wollheim playing the fiddle. I liked 
them both. To me it was something interesting, something you 
don't see every day, and I said, "If you want you can put them in 
the window." They both looked at me as if I were crazy, and so the 
pictures went up in the window the very next day. The effect was 
phenomenal. Within ten minutes nobody could get past the win- 
dow; the sidewalk was jammed. I could hear nothing but laughter, 
cursing, a crowd of people as if someone had just been murdered. 
On the Sunday morning I woke up to a chorus of catcalls and 
curses, so that for a moment I thought "What have I done?" So I 
made a decision: Now I'm going to show the Modems. So I said to 
the two of them, "From now on you can have one of my windows 
to yourselves to show your pictures.'"' 

Any accoimt of the friendship that began when these 
two artists moved to Dusseldorf should really begin, 
however, with the picture whose unsparing truthfulness 
encapsulates the brief years of their artistic collabora- 
tion; the triptych Dei Verwundete, of which only the 
central panel with its tormented, lacerated figure sur- 
vives, wound up in the possession of Frau Ey. The dealer 
Alfred Flechtheim was curious enough about the paint- 
ing to have it brought from Remels to Dusseldorf at the 
beginning of 1920, but when he saw it he indignantly 

Das lunge Rheinland in Dusseldorf 1919 -1929 87 

Fig. 9 Gert WoUheim, Dei Veruiteilte (The Condemned Man), 1921 (Cat. 202 

88 Fhedhch Heckmanns 

refused to show it in his gallery. When it was included 
in an exhibition of new purchases at the Dusseldorf 
Kunsthalle in February 1920, public protest forced its 
withdrawal; Wollheim replaced it with three drawings. 

The painting Dei Verwundete had meanwhile been stored in the 
cellars of the Kunsthalle. Wollheim tried to give it away: no one 
would have it. Over coffee, one afternoon, we were talking it over 
and Wollheim asked, turning to me: "Will you have the picture? 
I'll give it to you as a gift, but you must hang it here, in this 
room." I didn't know the picture, all the other artists were already 
saying yes on my behalf, so I had to go with him to the Kunsthalle 
to take a look at it, and when I saw the picture I was so over- 
whelmed I couldn't say a word, and a dozen hands picked up the 
picture and took it back to my home. It was hung over my bed. I 
didn't dare go to bed that night, and I spent three nights with my 
bedding on the floor, just to get accustomed to it gradually.'" 

The publication of the three Aktivistenbund books, the 
three issues of Das Ey (Figs. lo-i i - £y is a pun on the 
German word Ei, "egg") with the prints published in 
them, and the appearance of the periodical Das Junge 
Rheinland itself, beginning in October 192T, edited by 
Wollheim, marked the spread of the message beyond the 
boundaries of the city. At the same time the feud inten- 
sified between the artists who showed at Frau Ey's and 
the conservative wing of Das Junge Rheinland, which 
now aligned itself with the reactionary Malkasten 
(Paint Box) artists' club and with an art academy distin- 
guished mainly by the ineptitude of its representatives, 
led by the detested and despised director, one Fritz 

Things came to a head in the first issue of Das Junge 
Rheinland, with the battle over the appointment of 
Nauen, the group's chairman, as professor at the 

academy. This "betrayal" of the group's philosophy 
meant that no holds were barred from then on, and the 
barrage of slander and intrigue continued until the 
group itself ceased to exist. 

The periodical Das Junge Rheinland gives an insight 
into the successive campaigns of this petty war between 
the avant-garde and the Establishment with weapons 
that included prosecutions for immorality and porno- 
graphy, which were greeted with scornful laughter by 
the artists' friends and the press. The journal is a trea- 
sure-trove of information on the art of the period and 
the efforts to make it comprehensible to the public. 
However, even the "progressive" forces in the art world 
were capable of reactionary behavior on occasion, as we 
learn in a letter from Dix to Pankok, who had suggested 
that a one-man show of Dix's work in Mainz should 
travel to Dusseldorf: "By the time your letter arrived 
the Mainz people had already sent the pictures off to 
me. Did I mention to you that on 'moral grounds' the 
Mainz people never actually put the pictures on show ? 
Even the Novembeigruppe [!] has just rejected a per- 
fectly harmless picture of mine on moral grounds. I'll 
just pack together a few things for you and do a collec- 
tive exhibition for you instead." 

A few weeks later Dix wrote again, with a glance at 
the art critic and publisher Paul Westheim: "... for basi- 
cally, my dear Pankok, we should not imagine that we 
are the ones who make art "^' 

The profound moral sincerity and the uncompromis- 
ing commitment to an essential humanity, which jus- 
tify us in linking these artists with the Expressionist 
movement, are reflected in what they wrote for Das 

Fig. 10 Otto Pankok, 
Cover of Das Ey, no. i, 
1920 (Cat. 154) 

Fig. 1 1 Otto Pankok, 
Cover of Das Ey, no. 2, 
1920 (Cat. 154) 

DAS E V ■-: Dusseldorf, HindenJburg-wall II 

Das funge Rheinland in Dusseldorf 1919-1929 89 

Fig. 12 Otto Dix, Frdu Johanna Ey, 1924 (Cat. 35 

90 Friedrich Heckmanns 

Junge Rheinland, as Pankok did in a piece called "April 
Sermon" : 

Art can stand a rumpus, when the spirit moves - indeed why 
should it not; although art is not a rumpus. People look for paint- 
ing and not for truth. But truth is what matters, and then painting 
comes of its own accord. The thing to look for is the expression of 
truth, plain and devoid of pretense: this is the idea, the founda- 
tion, the building material. Our faith has gone, our knowledge has 
melted away. There is only one course open to us: to act, to go all 
out for truth. And whether it is beautiful or not: what is that to 

Conrad Felixmiiller 

Just twenty-one years old, Conrad Felixmiiller arrived in 
Wiesbaden in the late summer of 1918 for an exhibition 
of his work at the Nassauischer Kunstverein (Nassau 
Art Society). The collector Kirchoff had been supporting 
him during the war by paying him a monthly stipend of 
250 reichsmarks for first refusal on his paintings.^' As 
early as 1918, Dr. Koch had tried to get some works of 
Felixmtiller's to show at his gallery in Dusseldorf : 

A few days ago we saw your current exhibition at the Schames 
gallery |in Frankfurt). Herr Schames was of the opinion that you 
would readily agree to allow the Frankfurt exhibition to travel. 
We had planned to open an exhibition of "New Art in Dusseldorf 
Private Collections" on November i. But in such abnormal times 
it seems better to save such a major exhibition for less troubled 

times So initially we would be interested in your graphic 

work: drawings, lithographs, etchings, watercolors, etc. About a 
hundred items in all.^'* 

And so a number of Felixmiiller's works came to 
Dusseldorf, not only through Koch's mediation, but also 
through the offices of Frau Ey and Flechtheim. There 
followed a friendly interchange between the artists of 
the Diesdner Sezession Giuppe 1919, headed by Felix- 
miiller, and those of the Aktivistenbund, and in due 
course this also involved Frau Ey's artists and those of 
Das Junge Rheinland, Pankok and Wollheim above all. 
Frau Ey's memoirs give an idea of the heated con- 
troversy surrounding the work of Felixmiiller and 

I had an idea. Wollheim was to give a lecture on new art. Woll- 
heim first went to Roeber, the director of the Academy, and asked 
him for the use of a room; he was told no. Pankok and Wollheim 
had been banned from the Academy before. So the Wollheim lec- 
ture was announced by a placard in my window. The people 
packed not only the shop but the adjoining room, the yard, the 
window, and the street outside, as far as the Hindenburg Embank- 
ment. I had never heard Wollheim speak in public, and I was a bit 
nervous. Pankok said, full of pride: "Don't worry, he'll beat them 
all when it comes to talking," and I felt better. The interest inten- 
sified. My shop was too small. Later there were lectures in the 
Ibach Hall on various paintings by Klee and Felix Miiller [Felix- 
miiller] that we borrowed from Alfred Flechtheim 's gallery. The 
battle between the old school and the progressive artists was on in 
earnest. ^^ 

The influence of Felixmiiller's Expressionist prints on 
the young members of the Dusseldorf avant-garde is 

clearly detectable, and the artists were even more 
closely allied by their radical pacifism and their identifi- 
cation with the cause of the working class. Felixmiiller 
believed that no aesthetic detachment could keep art 
and life apart, and this belief bore fruit in 1920 in an 
extended visit to the Ruhr industrial area, undertaken in 
lieu of the study trip to Rome that was part of the Saxon 
State Prize. This was the year of the RuhTkampf (Battle 
of the Ruhr), the bloody civil war fought by the Red 
Ruhr Army against the regular army, the police, and the 
irregulars of the Freikorps, in which hundreds of strikers 
were shot and clubbed to death (Fig. 13). 

From Dusseldorf we traveled by way of Duisburg to Essen. The 
effect of seeing a coal mine in the middle of a town is something I 
find impossible to describe in a few words. My heart and my mind 
simply stood still; I could not make myself believe that human 
beings were really going down into the depths, right there, with 
picks and miners' lamps, to bring up coal, the black stuff that is so 
often and so thoughtlessly "thrown on the fire." That hundreds of 
human beings could go through that big red brick gateway on a 
beautiful summer day - and descend into the awesome depths of 
the earth - was inconceivable to me. Right there, in the midst of a 
sea of houses, so matter-of-factly, so mechanically! My hair stood 
on end, so I got myself a short haircut and a notebook. After the 
trip was over I had to confess that I had not had the heart to do any 
sketching .... At the same time, my heart still bleeds at the 
thought that in the last few months thousands of human beings 
have been shot, knifed, clubbed to death and locked up - because 
they were unselfishly fighting for the new society! Just go under- 
ground yourself, and listen to the good-luck greeting they ex- 

Fig. 13 Conrad Felixmiiller, Stieikposten (Pickets), 1921, 
drawing, 25»/,6X i9"/,6 in. (65 x 50 cm), private collection 

Dasfunge Rheinland in Dusseldorf 1919-1929 91 

Fig. 14 OttoDix, 
Liebespaai, 11)20 
(Lovers, 1920), 1919, 
woodcut, 9'/,6X7'y',6 
in. (23 X 19.9 cm), Los 
Angeles County 
Museum of Art, 
Robert Gore Rifkind 
Center for German 
Expressionist Studies 

change down there: Gliickauf! [Cheers!] - when you see a coal 
seam collapsing right next to an almost naked, sweating, slaving 
human being! - it is the most heartfelt thing a human being can 
ever say; they all say it, freely and openly; I believe they all say it 
in sheer gladness that they can still say it at all, that the ever- 
creaking rock has not yet collapsed and buried them. Believe you 
me: I was often close to tears of overwhelming emotion, and I was 
ashamed of my life of ease. Down there below ground I felt the 
force of Schiller's words, "All men become (are!) brothers" - and 
became increasingly aware that work is a holy thing. ^' 

In the period that followed this visit Felixmiiller's first- 
hand experience of the world of labor bore fruit in a large 
number of pen-and-wash drawings and prints, the con- 
tent of which was to define the subject matter of his 
work for the years that followed. The quest for total 
immediacy in the portrayal of the life of labor, its every- 
day events and its traumas, was also pursued by the 
young artists who surrounded Mutter Ey. This growing 
identification with the real world, the working up of 
new themes taken from real life, is the mark of the last 
phase of Expressionism. 

At the request of his Dusseldorf friends, Felixmiiller 
wrote a piece for the third number of Das Ey to intro- 
duce Dix, who contributed an original woodcut of 19 19, 
Liebespaar, 1920 (Lovers, 1920; Fig. 14). 

Otto Dix comes from Thuringia; it shows in his work, and his 

extraordinary technical skill reveals that he is a worker's son 

hi peacetime he painted spectral night scenes and visionary por- 
traits of great intuitive psychological insight. On military service, 
and eventually at the front, the men under his command helped to 
perform his duties while he unsparingly, with brutal relish, drew 
human beings as killers. More brutally and bestially than any man 
could draw who was inspired by the most callous militarism. . . . 
This is no Merz painting, no fooling either. The human creature 
in these works is abject, spent, his own worst enemy, in the grip of 
horror and despair, the sorrowful man of the machine age, the age 
of money-making, rackets, and profiteering. Shame is dead, and 
volition is dead. The power of instinct lives in delirium and dies 
in the belief in nothing. You have to have seen life from its worst 
side and been left all alone. Like OTTO DIX . . . OTTO DIX is lonely, 
despairing, and poor. He knows that no one is going to buy his 
pictures from him, for all their great artistic power.'' 

Dix had already sent in graphic works to Das Ey, prob- 
ably acting on a suggestion by Felixmiiller made during 
his stay in Dusseldorf. Such was his financial plight that 
even the proceeds of the drawings and prints sold at Frau 
Ey's and Dr. Koch's galleries would not have enabled 
him to come to Dusseldorf had not Felixmiiller, in his 
concern for his friend's career, proposed him - instead of 
himself — for a commission to paint Dr. Koch's portrait. 
Dix wrote to Pankok in February 1921: "I am glad to 
belong to your circle. If you put on any exhibitions, 
please send me the papers, etc. I hope to be able to greet 
my fellow artists in Dusseldorf in person before the year 
is out."^" 

In October 1921, Dix was as good as his word. At Dr. 
Koch's he met Ernst (Fig. 15), who had been drawn to 
Frau Ey's gallery from his native Cologne by the happen- 
ing-like activities of Wollheim at the time of the "mod- 
ern art" lecture.^' 

For a few brief years, Dusseldorf now became - 
thanks to Dix, Ernst, and their friends in Frau Ey's circle 
— the most exciting and perhaps the most progressive 
artistic center in Europe. And it was Felixmiiller whose 
early Expressionist work had given voice to an aspira- 
tion, and who by sheer force of personality had paved 
the way to the network of friendships that gave the art 
of the time in Dusseldorf both its high quality and its 
widespread influence. 

Fig. 1 5 Max Ernst, Ua.s Lcuen im Haus (Life in the Home), 1 9 1 9 
(Cat. 42) 

92 Fhedhch Heckmanns 

Otto Dix and Das Junge Rheinland 

Dix saw WoUheim's triptych Der Verwundete on his 
first visit to "The Ey" - as he called the gallery. He 
brought with him from Dresden his own unfinished 
painting Der Schiitzengraben (The Trench; Fig. 19), 
which he had been working on "in defiance of all 
economic sense" for months on end. Under the influ- 
ence of the work of his friends - he soon moved into a 
studio with Wollheim — he completed this work, an 
indictment of the militarism still very much alive in 
Germany. When it was finished, in 1923, Dix was fortu- 
nate enough to sell it to the Wallraf-Richartz Museum 
in Cologne for 10,000 reichsmarks, to be paid in install- 
ments. The subsequent fortunes of this work are symp- 
tomatic of the history of art in the two decades that 

The painting was soon being discussed in the reac- 
tionary press. For the art critic Julius Meier-Graefe, 
writing in the conservative nationalist newspaper, the 
Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung on July 3, 1924, "The 
brutality of this demonstration" was a "public affront"; 
the painting was "not just badly but atrociously painted, 

with an obtrusive fondness for detail Brains, blood, 

and guts can be so painted as to make one's mouth wa- 
ter — This Dix - forgive the harsh word - makes you 

This rebuff was followed by a demonstration of sol- 
idarity on the part of fellow artists, among them the 
aged Max Liebermann, who wrote in a letter to Dr. 
Seeker of the Wallraf-Richartz Museum: "I consider 
Dix's painting to be one of the most important works of 
the postwar period. Particular credit is due to you for 
acquiring Dix's painting for the museum, though I 
cannot help regretting that it did not find its rightful 
place in the Nationalgalerie in Berlin."'" 

In 1925, as a result of pressure from the Mayor of 
Cologne, Dr. Konrad Adenauer - as Dix was later to 

Fig. 16 Otto Dix, Schweier Gzanateinschlag (Heavy Shell Fire|, 
i9i8(Cat. 26) 

remind the world — the purchase was canceled and Dr. 
Seeker was dismissed. In 1930 the state collections in 
Saxony acquired the painting, and by 1933 it was hang- 
ing alongside paintings by Felixmiiller in the first, ma- 
lignant Nazi show, Spiegelbildei des Veifalls der Kunst 
(Images of the Decadence of Art), a forerunner of the 
notorious Entartete Kunst (Degenerate Art) exhibition. 

As a printmaker, Dix was still very inexperienced. 
He had made his first experiments in etching by work- 
ing on the plate of Felixmiiller's Otto Dix zeichnet 
(Otto Dix Draws) in Dresden in 1920. Pankok's and 
WoUheim's work was an effective stimulus and model. 
In return, his Dadaist wit began to influence the draw- 
ings, woodcuts, and etchings of his friends. He got what 
he could out of the academy, too, by enrolling as a mas- 
ter student under Wilhelm Herberholz. "After I had 

Fig. 17 Otto Dix, from the portfolio Der Kheg (War), 1924 (Cat. 36) 

Fig. 18 Otto Dix, from the portfolio Dei Krieg (War), 1924 
(Cat. 36) 

Das funge Rheinland in Dusseldorf 1919-1929 93 

Fig. 19 Otto Dix, Dei Schiitzengiaben 
(The Trench), 1920-23, destroyed 

tried out every possible technique with Herberholz, I 
suddenly became engrossed in etching. I had a lot to 
tell; I had a theme. "3" 

His theme was defined by Dei Schiitzengiaben. Like 
Wollheim, he found his material in the drawings he had 
made at the front, the gruesome documents of what to 
the bourgeois guardians of morality was still a heroic 
past (Fig. 16). Under Herberholz's tuition he discovered 
the pictorial possibilities of etching and, specifically, of 
aquatint. "Wash off the acid, apply the aquatint: in 
short, a wonderful technique that lets you work on the 
gradations as much as you like. The process suddenly 
becomes enormously interesting; when you etch, you 
become a pure alchemist."''' 

Dix's work in Dusseldorf ranks supreme within his 
entire life's work. Not only the material support he re- 
ceived - the painter Arthur Kaufmann bought his nude 
painting Kleines Mddchen (Little Girl) on his first visit 
to Dix's studio, and passed on his suits to him - not only 
his marriage to Dr. Koch's ex-wife, Mutzli, but also his 
faith in the intellectual and moral infallibility of his 
friends yielded a rich harvest. The numerous works 
from this period are also of particular interest because 
they document his progressive emergence from Expres- 
sionism into a more sachlich - sober, factual, objective 
- form of representation. However, as his friend Pankok 
remarked: "Otto Dix's Sachlichkeit [objectivity) is 
pretty Expressionistic, I'll be damned if it isn't."" 

After the fifth cycle of etchings Tod und Aufei- 
stehung (Death and Resurrection) of 1922 he embarked 
in the fall of 1923 on a sequence of fifty aquatints under 
the title Dei Kiieg (War; Figs. 17-18; Fig. 15, p. 22). This 
work, which is of a quality comparable only to Goya's 
Los Desasties of 18 10 -14, occupies a unique position in 
twentieth-century art: it represents the charnel house of 
a civilization that never learned the meaning of an exis- 
tence worthy of human beings. It created an interna- 
tional sensation; but of the edition of seventy sets only 
one was sold. A Berlin paper. Die Vossische Zeitung, 
proclaimed it "a document of the times of the highest 
quality, " while the critic of Beilinei Zeitung am Mittag 
wrote : "Anyone who sees these images and does not vow 
to oppose war with heart and soul can hardly be called 
human." In Stuttgart, the newspaper Das Neue Tage- 
blatt called for every major collection of modern graphic 
art to possess a set. And yet the history of the work is, to 
an exemplary degree, the history of its suppression. 

Contempoiahes : A Portrait of a Group 

Kaufmann's group portrait Zeitgenossen (Contem- 
poraries; Fig. 20), which he painted in 1925, assembles 
the major figures of Das Junge Rheinland from its 
foundation to its dissolution. Pankok is not there: by 
this time he was painting in Italy, and especially on 

94 Fnedhch Heckmanns 

Capri, in search of new and friendlier working environ- 
ments. There is also much affection in the painting, in 
which the artists are grouped round the central figure of 
Mutter Ey, but the group was by no means free from 
jealous discord, as is shown by the fact that Kaufmann 
had to paint over, with a female portrait, the figure next 
to Wollheim, that of an important member of Das Junge 
Rheinland, Adolf Uzarski. This was because Uzarski 
refused to stand next to Wollheim, even in a picture. 

The subsequent fate of Frau Ey is described by Anna 

In the mid 1920s, the mood at Frau Ey's changed. War and revolu- 
tion had been forgotten, and the French occupation of the Ruhr 
district, which had brought further hardships, was over. Every- 
where in Germany the combative spirit was waning, and in some 
respects the New Wave had prevailed. At Frau Ey's, the fiercest of 
the fighters were withdrawing from the fray; even the bitterest 
polemic must eventually be stilled. The war against the 
academies had gone on for many years, and there had been con- 
stant calls for their abolition; but now some of the old rebels were 
being appointed to teaching posts at those same academies. 
Feigler became a professor in Weimar, Dix in Dresden. Max 
Ernst's visits became less frequent. Wollheim went to Berlin. 
"The best horses had left the Ey stable and run their races," as 
Mutter Ey puts it in her handwritten memoirs. "I myself had now 
made it, I was one of the elite; that is, people no longer laughed at 
me the way they had before. I was highly respected. "''' 

The Congress of the Union of Progressive 
International Artists, Dusseldorf 1922 

The conflict within Das Junge Rheinland between 
parochial unwillingness to offend and the international 
ambitions of the Mutter Ey circle date from the be- 

ginnings of the organization in 19 19; it had one major 
consequence, the Congress of the Union of Progressive 
International Artists (Union fortschrittlichei inter- 
nationaler Kiinstler) in Dusseldorf in 1922,." This was 
in answer to an appeal voiced in the 1919 proclamation 
of the Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst in Berlin, which had other- 
wise borne no fruit: 

To all artists of all countries! Art has always been free of the 
fetters of nationality. We artists living in Germany have always 
been aware of the great value to us of our contacts with our friends 
beyond the borders. The war has done nothing to change this 
attitude on our part . . . from east and west hands have already 
been stretched out to us. We grasp them ... we must all come 
together . . . from every country to an international congress.'' 

For a few years Das Junge Rlieinland had participated as 
a group in the big annual art exhibitions in Dusseldorf, 
the Giosse Kunstausstellung (Great Art Exhibition); but 
when it came in 1921 to the preparations for the follow- 
ing year's exhibition, which was to be international in 
scope, there was a showdown between the moderates 
and the extremists. Das Junge Rlieinland withdrew 
from the organizing body and set up headquarters at 
Neue Kunst Frau Ey. It was from there that the initia- 
tive emerged which led to the formation in Weimar on 
March 11, 1922, of the Kartell fortschrittlicher Kiinst- 
lergruppen in Deutschland (Cartel of Progressive Art- 
ists' Groups in Germany), which embraced Das Junge 
Rheinland, the Berlin Novembergruppe, the Dresdner 
Sezession Gruppe 1919, the Darmstddter Sezession 
(Darmstadt Secession), the Kiinstlergruppe Halle an der 
Saale (Artists' Group Halle/Saale), and the Kiinstler- 
gruppe Miinchen des Kartells (The Cartel's Munich Art- 
ists' Group). 

Fig. 20 Arthur Kaufmann, Zeitgenossen 
(Contemporaries), 1925, oil on canvas, 
7iy'»X96'/,6in. (182x245 cm), 
Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf 

Das Junge Rheinland inDusseldorf 1919-1929 95 

Fig. 2 r Gert Wollheim, Abschied 
von Dusseldorf (Farewell from 
Dusseldorf), 1924(031.203) 

At the beginning of March 1922 the call went out for 
a boycott of the 1922 Giosse Kunstausstellung,^'' and 
the Dusseldorf organizing committee set to work at 
once on its own show, the Erste Internationale Kunst- 
ausstellung (First International Art Exhibition), which 
was to be held on the premises of the Tietz department 
store to coincide with the Congress of the Union of 
International Progressive Artists only three months la- 
ter. The show was to feature three hundred artists from 
Austria, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, Egypt, Finland, 
France, Germany, Holland, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Ja- 
pan, Poland, Romania, the Soviet Union, Spain, Sweden, 
Switzerland, and the United States. The exhibition 
opened on May 28, 1922. In his long review in Das 
Kunstblatt (The Art Paper), Alfred Samony drew atten- 
tion to the enormous organizational feat that this rep- 
resented: "In terms of orientation and coordination it 
represents an achievement that far excels anything that 
has been done on a comparable occasion. Expression- 
ism, that inadequate term for an art stimulated but not 
given by nature, is a long way from dead."'^ 

In Expressionism, a dream became reality, albeit 
briefly; this dream then fell victim to the rise of fas- 
cism; and today, near the end of the twentieth century, 
it is once more aspired to. In his preface to the exhibi- 
tion catalogue, Wassily Kandinsky speaks of this dream: 

We stand beneath the sign of synthesis. We - human beings on the 
globe. All the paths that we have hitherto trodden separately have 

now become one Path, which we tread in common - whether we 

like it or not Yesterday those realms of phenomena that we 

call art - without knowing what that is - were sharply distinct 
from each other; today they have blended into a single realm, 
marked off from other realms of human concern by boundaries 
that are themselves fast vanishing. The last ramparts are falling, 
and the last boundary markers are being eradicated." 

This aspiration to identify art with life, an idea that 
Kandinsky calls "synthesis," was not one that the first 
and last Congress of the Union of International Progres- 
sive Artists was able to fulfil. On the contrary, the vari- 
ous conceptions of what art could do in life, and how 
this was to be achieved, became more blatantly irrecon- 
cilable than ever. The international Constructivist 
caucus left after just one day, with an unequivocal state- 
ment: "The actions of this congress have shown that as 
a result of the preeminence of individualist attitudes no 
international, progressive solidarity can be formed from 
the elements present at this congress."'*" 

The outcome of this international gathering in 
Dusseldorf, which failed to achieve supranational sol- 
idarity among creative artists and yet left its mark in so 
many international organizations in the art world, was 
the collapse of the whole endeavor pioneered by Das 
Junge Rheinland. The group itself split up as a result of 
differences of opinion over an exhibition. The gulf be- 
tween the young artists, who were freeing themselves 
from the grip of the academy, and the other, established 
artists, had become fatal to any common initiative. The 

96 Fhedhch Heckmanns 

process by which some artists seceded from Das funge 
Rheinland to form their own Rheingiuppe (Rhine 
Group) was farcical."*' 

WoUheim painted a picture called Abschied von 
Diisseldoif (Farewell from Dusseldorf; Fig. 21) and 
moved to Berlin with Dix, who moved on again shortly 
afterward to become a professor at the academy in Dres- 
den. Others, including Pankok and Werner Gilles, re- 
charged their imaginations by traveling south. In 1927 
there was an attempt to refound Das funge Rheinland, 
and in 1929 the Rheinische Sezession (Rhenish Seces- 
sion) mounted a fubildumsausstellung (Jubilee Exhibi- 
tion) to commemorate the tenth anniversary of the 
founding of Das funge Rheinland. Uzarski, who with 
Herbert Eulenberg and Kaufmann had drafted the initial 
founding document, wrote the preface to the catalogue 
under the title Zehn Jahie Foitschiittliche Kunst am 
Rhein (Ten Years of Progressive Art on the Rhine). 

This was also the year in which Johanna Ey's sixty- 
fifth birthday was celebrated, with tributes from all 
sorts of prominent persons. What pleased her most was 
a hymn of praise wired from Berlin by Ernst: 

Great Ey, we praise and adore thee, 
O Ey, we laud thy might. 
The Rhineland bows before thee. 
And buys thy works cheap, on sight.''^ 

It was all to change soon enough. These artists, to 
whom the hatred of war and the cause of human dignity 
meant more than easy fame and recognition, and any- 
one who had been associated with them, were doomed 
to an ordeal for which the brown shirt battalions of fas- 
cism, the roughnecks on the public payroll, and all the 
little Hitlers in government service were already mak- 
ing their preparations. 

There were many for whom their identification with 
the cause of the weak and with the logical consequences 
of saying "No more war!" led to persecution, banish- 
ment, or murder. In the third number of Das Ey, WoU- 
heim made a profession of faith that makes the rele- 
vance of this art as evident now, near the end of the 
century, as it obviously was for their contemporaries: 
"Look, you'll understand our new art a lot better if you 
remember that we are totally consistent about living as 
we think." 


r Kurt Pinthus, ed., Die Menschheitsddmmerung: Bin Doku- 
ment des Expiessionismus (reprint, Hamburg: Rowohlt, 

1959), PP-i5, 35- 

2 Diether Schmidt, ed., Manifeste Manifeste i^os -1933, vol. i 
(Dresden: VEB Verlag der Kunst, 1965). 

3 On the art scene in Cologne, see Wulf Herzogenrath, ed., Max 
Ernst in Koln: Die rheinische Kunstszene bis 1922 (Cologne: 
Rheinland, 1980); Walter Vitt, ed., Bagage de Baargeld (Stam- 
berg: J. Keller, 1985), especially p. I2f£.: "Die Gesellschaft der 
Kiinste (Winter 1918/19)." 

4 "Aufruf an junge rheinische Kiinstler," 191 8, quoted in Ulrich 
Krempel, ed.. Das funge Rheinland: Zur Kunst- und Zeit- 
geschichte einer Region 1918-194$ (Dusseldorf: Claassen, 
1985), p. 19. The manuscript is owned by Galerie Remmert & 
Earth, Dusseldorf. 

5 P. A. Seehaus, "Das Junge Rhemland," Das Kunstblatt 2 
(1918), p. 120 £f. 

6 Karl Koetschau, "Das Junge Rheinland: Bin Begleitwort zu 
seiner ersten Ausstellung," Die Rheinlande 19, nos. 7-8 
(1919); quoted in Krempel, Das funge Rheinland, p. 20. 

7 Ibid. 

8 Ibid. 

9 Hans Koch, "Das 'Junge Rheinland' zu Diisseldorf, " West- 
deutsche Monatsschrift [Cologne] i (July 4 and 18, 19 19); quoted 
in exhibition catalogue Die rheinischen Expressionisten: Au- 
gust Macke und seine Malerfreunde (Stadtisches Museum, 
Bonn; Recklinghausen: Aurel Bongers, 1979), pp. 78-79. 

10 Report by Gert Arntz, quoted in Peter Barth, Johanna Ey und 
ihr Kiinstlerkreis (Galerie Remmert S. Barth, Dusseldorf, 
1984), p. 26. 

11 See "Aktivistenbund 191 9: Leitsatze," in Krempel, Das funge 
Rheinland, p. 22. 

12 Erwin Quedenfeld, ed.. Such Eins des Aktivistenbundes 1919 
(Dusseldorf: (Aktivistenbund), Rosenstrasse 28, 1920), with 

poems by Frohlen, Hannemann, Heuser, Pankok, Stoeffhase, 
and Wollheim, and lithographs by Bullinger, de Haer, Pankok, 
Rilke, Schelb, Stoeffhase, and Wollheim. 

Buch Zwei des Aktivistenbundes 1919 (Dusseldorf, 1920), 
with literary contributions and nine woodcuts by de Haer, 
Pankok, Schreiner, and Wollheim. 

Buch Drei des Aktivistenbundes 1919 (Dusseldorf, 1920), 
with poems by Hannemann and eleven woodcuts by de Haer, 
Pankok, Rilke, and Wollheim. 

13 Otto Pankok, handwritten text in the possession of Galerie 
Remmert &. Barth, reproduced in exhibition catalogue Otto 
Pankok, Zeichnungen, Druckgraphik, Plastiken 1914-1964 
(Galerie Remmert & Barth, Dusseldorf, 1986), p. 9. 

14 Otto Pankok's original text is as follows: 

An Rosa Luxemburg 

Ich winde dir bliihende Rosen 

Um deine zerschossene Schlafe 

Und Lenzlilien 

Um deine blutende Kehle. 

Mit Flieder bedecke 

Ich deine zerfetzte Brust, 

Kleine zarte Veilchen 

Will ich streuen in dein Haar 

Will deine starren Hande decken 

Mit mernen Kiissen. 

Gemartert, zerrissen, tot. 

Du Nicht-Ich, du Fremde mir 

Du, mir doch so nah 

Und tief verwandt 

Reich ich dir 

Uber den Tod meine Hand. 

Der du verhauchst, verschwebst 
In Nebcin du dein Schicksal lebst 

Das funge Rheinland in Dusseldorf 19 19 -1929 97 

In Dunkelheiten, die kein Licht 

Mir je durchbricht: 

Du hortest den Wind nicht wehen, 

Den ich horte 

Du hast nicht die liigende Sonne gesehen, 

Die mich betorte. 

Und auch nicht mein fiebrisches Wachen — 
Und mein Schluchzen trocken und toll 
Hortest du nicht und mein heiseres Lachen, 
Das vor kalten Kerkerwanden erscholl. 
Denn wir sind Wesen 
Einsam ohne Gleichen, 
Die in Liebe brennend 
Sich nie erreichen. 

15 Quoted in Heinrich Boll, "Mutter Ey: Versuch eines Denk- 
mals in Worten," in Aufsdtze, Khtiken, Reden, and ed. 
(Munich: dtv, 1982), vol. 2, p. 49. 

16 Otto Pankok, "Museum und junge Kunst," open letter, Janu- 
ary 27, 1919. Otto Pankok Archiv, Haus Esselt, Drevenack. 

17 Otto Pankok, Stern und Blume (Dusseldorf: Freihochschul- 
bund-Industrieverlag, 1930), p. 11. 

18 F. W. Heckmanns, "Freunde in Diisseldorf: Otto Pankok - 
Gert Wollheim - Otto Dix," in Krempel, Das Junge Rhein- 
land, p. 42 ff . 

19 Johanna Ey, "Das rote Malkastle," Das Kunstblatt 14 (1930), 
pp. 79-80. 

20 Ibid. 

21 Otto Dix, letters to Otto Pankok, June 3 and 27, 1921. Otto 
Pankok Archiv, Haus Esselt, Drevenack. 

22 Otto Pankok, "Die Aprilpredigt, " Das Junge Rlieinland, no. 7 
(April 1922), p. 8. 

23 Gerhard Sohn, ed., Conrad Felixmullei: von ilim - iiber iJin 
(Dusseldorf: Graphik-Salon, 1977), p. 255. 

24 Hans Koch, letter to Conrad Felixmiiller, January 27, 1918, 
in exhibition catalogue Conrad Felixmiiller: Werke und Do- 
kuniente (Archiv fiir Bildende Kunst, Germanisches National- 
museum, Nuremberg, 1981), p. 69. 

25 Ey, "rote Malkastle," p. 81. 

26 Conrad Felixmiiller, letter to Heinrich Kirchhoff, July 27, 
1920; see F. W. Heckmanns, ed., Conrad Felixmiiller: Das 
druckgraphiscJie Werk 1912-1976 (Kunstmuseum, Dussel- 
dorf, 1986), p. 52. 

27 Das Ey, no. 3 (fall 1920). 

28 Otto Dix, letter to Otto Pankok, January 5, 1921. Otto Pankok 
Archiv, Haus Esselt, Drevenack. 

29 Max Ernst had paintings shown at Neue Kunst Frau Ey from 
1920 onward. The artists associated with the gallery resisted 
the Dada influence from nearby Cologne with increasing vigor 
as the Naturalism debate proceeded (as reflected, for instance, 
in the pages of Paul Westheim's review Das Kunstblatt for 
1922), and as Expressionism gradually gave way to a calmer, 
more objective form of pictorial representation. In 1929, 
Ernst's painting La Belle Jardiniere, which was to disappear 
around 1939 in the Nazi terror campaign that accompanied 

the Entartete Kimst (Degenerate Art] exhibition, was bought 
from Frau Ey, through the intermediary of the Galerie Flecht- 
heim, by the Kunstmuseum in Dusseldorf for the sum of 2,200 
reichsmarks. In 1924 Frau Ey had accepted all Ernst's paint- 
ings currently in her hands as security for her financing of his 
trip from Paris to Indochina. 

30 Mannheimer Tageblatt, October 10, 1924. 

31 Quoted in Peter Barth, Otto Dix und die Diisseldorfer Kunst- 
szene (Dusseldorf, 1983), p. 46. 

32 Ibid. 

33 Otto Pankok, letter from Anacapri to Arthur Kaufmann, 
November 13, 1925. Otto Pankok Archiv, Haus Esselt, Dre- 

34 Anna Klapheck, Mutter Ey: Fine Diisseldorfer Kixnstler- 
legende (Dusseldorf: Droste, n. d.), p. 39. 

35 Stephan von Wiese, "Ein Meilenstein auf dem Weg in den 
Internationalismus," in Krempel, Das Junge Rheinland, 
p. 5 off. 

36 Statement by the Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin, in Der Cicerone 
II (1919), p. 264; quoted in exhibition catalogue Expression- 
isten, pp. 157-58. 

37 See the call for a boycott: "An die deutsche Ktinstlerschaft 
und die deutschen Kunstfreunde. Vorgetragen von: Christian 
Rohlfs, Arthur Kaufmann, Adolf Uzarski, Gert H. Wollheim, 
Wilhelm Brink, Walter Ophey, Hedwig Petermann, Josef En- 
seling, Ulrich Leman, Lothar Brieger, Max Burchartz, Kasimir 
Edschmid, Herbert Eulenberg, Alfred Flechtheim, Otto 
Gleichmarm, Hans Goltz, Walter Gropius, Dr. Hoff, Rudolf 
Levy, Poelzig, Dresdner Sezession, Dr. Reiche, Georg Tappert, 
Otto von Watjen, Dr. Viktor Wallerstein, Paul Westheim," 
Das Junge Rheinland, no. 6 (March 1922), p. 17. 

38 Alfred Salmony, in Das Kunstblatt 6 (1922), p. 353 ff. 

39 Wassily Kandinsky, "Vorwort," in exhibition catalogue Erste 
Internationale Kunstausstellung, organized by Das Junge 
Rheinland [Dusseldori, 1922). 

40 This "Statement of the International Constructivists" is 
signed by Theo van Doesburg, El Lissitzky, and Hans Richter. 
See Krempel, Das Junge Rheinland, p. 62. 

41 Arthur Kaufmann describes what happened in his article in 
Irene Markowitz and Rolf Andree, eds., exhibition catalogue 
Avantgarde Gestern, organized by the Kunstmuseum Diissel- 
dorf (Stadtische Kunsthalle Diisseldorf, 1970). Artists repre- 
sented in the first Rheingruppe exhibition were listed as 
follows: Jankel Adler, Amo Breker (who, as the youngest, did 
portraits of all the members of the group, including Adler, Dix, 
Kaufmann, Uzarski, and Wollheim), Theo Champion, F. C. 
Ciirten, Otto Dix, Arthur Erdle, G. Gottschalk, W. Heuser, 
Ten Hompel, Heinz Kamps, Arthur Kaufmann, H. May, Wal- 
ter Ophey, J. Riibsam, B. Sopher, Adolf Uzarski, and Otto von 

42 The German text is as follows : 
Grosses Ey, wir loben Dich, 
Ey, wir preisen Deine Starke, 
Vor Dir neigt das Rheinland sich, 
Kauft gem und billig Deine Werke. 

Fig.i PeterDromii:. i. /vevoiutionar ("Seibstiiiidnis mit WeirjgiasJ (The Revolutionary [Self-Portrait with Wineglass]), 

Peter W. Guenther 

A Survey of Artists' Groups: Their Rise, Rhetoric, and Demise 

The second-generation Expressionists were the true 
heirs of the founders of the movement: they grew up 
admiring those who had broken with the past. The 
poetry and pictures from the period before World War I 
were their inspiration, their icons, and they shared the 
concepts as they inherited the forms. Yet for them these 
earher examples were of necessity a part of the past. The 
war, which had brought hunger, deprivation, and 
depression into everyone's lives, required of this second 
generation different images, new ways of expressing 
novel experiences. For them the works of the founding 
generation lacked the social concern and political com- 
mitment that the war years had engendered. While both 
generations opposed the war (although some artists, 
along with much of the population, adopted an antiwar 
stance only after the hunger year of 1916), it was the 
second generation that began to express in ever more 
pronounced and aggressive forms the common hope for 
a change in man and society. A new, strongly political 
aspect was added to Expressionism. Love of humankind, 
sympathy for the downtrodden, yearning for release 
from the loneliness of big cities : all this was shared by 
both generations. 

The great anthologies of poetry that were published 
after the war contained those works that had appeared 
in small journals and magazines before the war; they are 
proof that these concerns were voiced before 19 14, al- 
though they lacked the urgency that made the artists of 
the second generation distinct. Prior to World War I art- 
ists, intellectuals, the aesthetically sensitive, and the 
few sympathetic critics were aware of the importance of 
Expressionism, yet they formed a small minority. The 
populace at large was uninterested and unable to come 
to terms with the new forms and ideas that the Expres- 
sionist poets and the visual artists were presenting. In 
this respect the reception of Expressionism before the 
war was similar to that accorded to most new artistic 
developments in the past. 

However, the Expressionists had their forceful 
mouthpieces: the journals Der Stuim (The Storm) and 
Die Aktion (Action) presented the new forms and ideas 
in both the graphic medium and poetry. There were a 
few galleries that exhibited the Expressionists, among 
which Arnold (Dresden), Cassirer (Berlin), Goltz 
(Munich), Gurlitt (Berlin), Richter (Dresden), Schames 
(Frankfurt) and Thannhauser (Munich) were the most 

daring. The Galerie Der Sturm in Berlin, associated with 
the periodical of the same name, was especially active. 
Among publishers, only Ernst Rowohlt (Leipzig and Ber- 
lin) and Kurt Wolff (Leipzig and Munich) could be 
counted on to give the new writers a chance. 

These activities were of necessity curtailed during 
the war by strict censorship and the lack of paints and 
paper, and the development of Expressionism slowed 
down. While the first-generation artists continued their 
work as circumstances permitted, many of the younger 
ones began to feel that the ideals articulated by their 
forerunners needed to be translated into action. Radical 
social change, revolution, determination to create a new 
world: once the pristine ideals of the first generation, 
they now became calls to action. 

With the proclamation of the German Republic their 
time seemed finally to have come. Freed from censor- 
ship, reinforced by the return of so many artists from 
military service, Expressionism surged like a mighty 
wave and initiated what came to be called the Expres- 
sionist movement. The most characteristic aspect of 
this movement was the almost frenetic formation of 
new artists' groups, associations, and councils which 
themselves stimulated the appearance of Expressionist 
periodicals all over the country, the opening of a large 
number of galleries that were willing to show the works 
of the second generation in innumerable exhibitions, 
the publication of a great number of graphic portfolios, 
the presentation of lectures and poetry readings, and the 
signing of new authors by publishers. Even the theaters 
changed their playbills and began to present daringly 
new plays in unconventional forms. 

This phenomenon of the multiplication of artists' 
groups had two sources. As in previous epochs artists 
felt the need to overcome their inherent isolation, but in 
this period, a dawning age of mass communication, 
there was the added recognition that only groups had a 
chance to be heard. While Berlin was the most promi- 
nent and vociferous center of the arts in Germany, the 
second-generation Expressionists were not limited to 
the capital but made their appearance in many cities. 
Beyond any doubt, the formation of the Arbeitsrat fiii 
Kunst (Workers' Cotincil for Art) in Berlin in December 
19 18 and, even more, the formation of the November- 
gruppe (November Group) at the same time, served as a 
signal to artists throughout Germany. 

loo Petei W. Guenther 

The Aibeitsiat fiii Kunst began its first publication 
with the simple statement: "Convinced that the politi- 
cal revolution must be used to free the arts from the 
decades of tutelage, a circle of like-minded artists and 
friends of the arts has come together in Berlin — Art 
and the people must form a unity. The arts shall no 
longer be the enjoyment of the few but the happiness 
and life of the masses. The goal is consolidation of the 
arts under the wings of a great architecture." 

This was no emotional appeal for common efforts 
among artists, like so many of those issued previously. 
Instead, the group presented six demands addressed to 
the new government : 

1 ) All further building activities should be considered to 
have a public character. One of the new tasks should be 
the building of Volkshauser (houses of the people) as 
places to bring all the arts closer to the people. Continu- 
ous experimentation in building should be encouraged. 

2) All academies of art should be disbanded and new 
schools formed on principles elaborated by productive 
artists. All restricted exhibitions should be changed into 
open ones. 

3) The state should no longer influence the teaching of 
architecture, sculpture, painting, and crafts. 

4) The museums should become educational institu- 
tions for the people, with regularly changing exhibitions 
accompanied by lectures and guided tours. A fair appor- 
tionment of funds must be ensured for the acquisition of 
old and of new works of art. 

5) Artistically insignificant memorials should be re- 
moved. The planning of war memorials without due 
deliberation should cease and there should be an end to 
all planning for war museums. 

6) A central authority should be established for the fos- 
tering of the arts. 

While many of its demands are only understandable 
in the context of prewar circumstances, the manifesto 
of the Novembezgmppe parallels these sentiments: 

I) The Novembeigruppe is the German association of radical 

n) The NovembergTuppe is not an economic interest group and 
not a mere exhibition group. 

m) The Novembeigiuppe wants to gain decisive power in all artis- 
tic questions by uniting all like-minded creative persons, 
rv) We demand influence and the right to collaborate: i) in all 
aspects of architecture in the public domain ... 2) in the reorgani- 
zation of the art schools and their syllabuses ... 3 ) in the changes 
to be effected in the museums ... 4) in the allocation of exhibition 
space ... 5 ) in legislation affecting the arts. 

The artists appeared to be willing to assist the newly 
established republic in changing society, while at the 
same time demanding a new role for the arts. We may 
justifiably speak of an Expressionist movement as a 
great many second-generation Expressionist artists in 
Germany subscribed to the ideas of the Aibeitszat and 
the Novembeigiuppe. The basis of this movement were 

the numerous artists' groups that developed in the post- 
war period. The artists belonging to them naturally had 
their individual styles, and differences of accentuation 
in their manifestos reflected local conditions, but in es- 
sence their goals were the same; these groups were the 
infrastructure of the Expressionist movement. 


The artists in the small city of Bielefeld, for instance, 
formed a group they ultimately called Dei Wuif (The 
Venture). On December 15, 19 19, Herbert Behrens- 
Hangeler, Hermann Freudenau, Heinz Lewerenz, and 
Erich Lossie issued a manifesto begirming with a call An 
AUe! (To Everybody!): "The artist . . . will free 'the dying 
soul of Europe.' The people and the arts shall form a 
unit The artists no longer confine themselves to de- 
picting parables or likenesses of nature Here nature, 

there art, both are creations." The artist should obey 
only one law: emotion. A flyer of 1920 proclaimed: "In 
economic terms the fellowship serves to guarantee its 
members the necessities of life." 

For a while there were plans to create a Wuif "crystal 
village" during the summer (living quarters and studios 
for the members in the countryside). At the same time 
they also declared: "People are getting the mistaken 
idea that Dei Wuif represents only what is currently 
called Expressionism. This is not so. We are working for 
all aspiring and creative human beings, whether they 
call themselves - or are called by others - Expression- 
ists, Dadaists, or anything else.' The name is nothing to 

us People and Ait must form a whole. Through his 

work, the artist will make loom for the infinite to bring 
renewal to his heart." 

A short time later Otto Griebel (from Dresden) and 
Carel Willink (from Amsterdam) joined Dei Wuif and in 
October 1920 participated in its first exhibition, which 
was so large that it had to be hung at three separate 
locations. The exhibition was preceded by a number of 
poetry readings by Behrens-Hangeler, who through his 
brother, Franz Richard Behrens, had close contacts with 
the Berlin Stuim. The first night's program was not a 
particularly suitable choice for Bielefeld: Behrens- 
Hangeler read poetry by August Stramm, the most radi- 
cal of the Stuim poets. In obvious reaction to the un- 
favorable response he scheduled works by more estab- 
lished poets for the next evenings, thus attempting to 
bridge the gap between what the group admired and 
what the public was willing to accept. (Behrens- 
Hangeler also read his own poetry at events organized 
by the Novembeigiuppe.) That these artists carefully 
watched developments elsewhere is demonstrated by 
their protest in defense of the Bauhaus in Weimar when 
it was attacked in the press. It is interesting to note that 
Dei Wuif dispersed as a community as early as 1921, 

A Survey of Artists' Groups loi 

Fig. 2 Richard Horn, Aufbiuch/Eiwachen (Departure/ Awaken- 
ing), 1919 (Cat. 106) 

retaining its name only for performances and exhibi- 
tions, such as the very successful international exhibi- 
tion of December 1924, in which forty-one artists were 
represented. The 1926 exhibition, however, received a 
rather lukewarm review in the local paper Volkswacht 
(December 10): 

Der Wuif was started in the years of ferment that followed the 
war. The small initial group consisted of revolutionary modern 
painters who had made a deliberate break with tradition, young 
artists who were looking for a field of action and a style of their 
own. The first exhibition of Dei Wuif caused something of a sen- 
sation in Bielefeld. The present show reveals that all those fire- 
brands of a few years ago have lost something of their Stuim und 
Diang, and that some have even retreated into "academicism." 

These and other activities were fruits of Behrens- 
Hangeler's commitment. It is typical that, although de- 
nounced as a "degenerate" artist by the Nazis, in 1936 
he still organized an exhibition of his own, now ab- 
stract, works and those of Johannes Molzahn in Berlin. 
Regardless of the close contacts that Dei Wuif had with 
the Novembeigiuppe in Berlin, without Behrens- 
Hangeler's drive the Bielefeld group would never have 
become a factor in the life of the small city.^ 


An obviously very different tone can be recognized in 
the bluntly stated manifesto of the Kiinstleigiuppe (Art- 
ists' Group) in Halle: "What do we demand of the new 
state ? We demand a secure material basis for indepen- 
dent artists and equality with other professions whose 
task it is to educate the people."' In Halle they too be- 
lieved in the Expressionist concept that art could 
change man and having changed man, society. Like the 
Novembeigiuppe and the Aibeitsiat fiii Kunst, the 
Kiinstleigiuppe demanded reform of the art schools, par- 
ticipation of artists in the cultural decisions of the state, 
and equality for modern art with so-called established 
art. "What do we intend to give the state in return ? We 
will assist the state in educating a mature, intellectually 

aware populace We want to mold the state's image, 

to enhance both its external and its internal prestige." 

There were others in Halle who tried to realize the 
ideals of the Kiinstleigiuppe. The architect Paul 
Thiersch, who in 19 15 had become director of the Hand- 
werker- und Kunstgewerbeschule (School of Arts and 
Crafts), had reorganized the school so that it could well 
be compared with the famous Bauhaus in Weimar 
founded in 1919.+ The modern artists and craftsmen in 
Halle had in him an influential and important spokes- 
man. Sculptor Richard Horn who today still lives in 
Halle was affiliated with the Kiinstleigiuppe (Fig. 2). 


The manifesto of the Veieinigung fiii Neue Kunst und 
Liteiatui (Association for New Art and Literature) in 
Magdeburg was couched in typically ecstatic language : 
"Once again art is becoming religion. No longer the 
occult lore of an esoteric coterie. No longer a hunted 
creature, cowering in some cave, far from the legal safe- 
guards of the beaten track Brother reaches out his 

hand to brother, across the battlefields of France and 
Russia. What politics has destroyed, art will repair . . . 
through the deliverer of us all: Art.'"^ Thus even foreign 
policy was claimed as a legitimate field of activity for 
artists. Magdeburg did not see an Expressionist exhibi- 
tion until 1926. The foreword for the catalogue was 
written by Kurt Pinthus, whose anthology Menschheits- 
ddmmeiung (Twilight of Mankind) was (and indeed still 
is) the most famous of all collections of Expressionist 

In 19 1 9 the group premiered Die Kugel, Zeitschiift 
fiii neue Kunst und Dichtung (The Sphere, Journal for 
New Art and Poetry), another of those short-lived Ex- 
pressionist publications; it began with an appeal to 
young poets and artists of the new republic to protect 
"the newborn freedom that still lies in a poor manger" 
and to work together in joyful spiritual community. 

102 Peter W. Guenther 

Fig. 3 Karl Volker, Umbruch (Upheaval), 1918 (Cat. 193 

The painter, graphic artist, and architect Karl Volker 
(Fig. 3) was the driving spirit of this group. His wood- 
cuts, as well as those by other members — Franz Jan 
Bartel, Bruno Beye (Fig. 4), Max Dungert (Fig. 18, p. 51), 
and Alfred John - are visual parallels to the exuberant 
texts in the journal. H. H. Stuckenschmidt, the influen- 
tial music critic, appealed for new music to be granted a 
chance to be heard and closed with the statement: "It is 
time that all the arts combined to work hand in hand. 
We must realize that all roads have only one goal: the 
great community of a better mankind." Robert Seitz, 
who later wrote libretti for Paul Hindemith, was also a 
member of the group. Like most of the other groups, 
they saw themselves as embracing all the arts. 


The Expressionistische Aibeitsgemeinschaft Kiel (Ex- 
pressionist Working Group of Kiel) was another such 
group, in which Peter Drommer (Fig. i), Werner Lange 
(Fig. 5), Adolph Meyer, and Peter Rohl were the out- 
standing painters. Like most groups of the second gen- 
eration, this one also included writers and poets among 

its members, organized lectures on modem art, and held 
poetry readings. The poet Gerhard Ausleger, also a 
member of the Dresden group of 19 17, Heinar Schilling, 
who, as editor of the Dresden journal Menschen (Man- 
kind), published a special issue for the group in July 
1920, and Richard Blunck, who published an important 
theoretical contribution to Expressionism, Der Impuls 
des Expiessionismus (The Impulse of Expressionism), 
belonged as well. They were, critic Gustav Friedmarm 
stated in Menschen, "as a working community seeking 
fresh ways for man and for the spirit in the light of the 
new ethics." 

According to the announcement of its formation on 
April 24, 19 19, the group saw its role as consolidating 
belief in the new movement in the arts and pledged to 
work against all officially sanctioned arts. It is typical 
that the group's first public evening organized just a 
month after its formation, was a lecture by Ausleger 
titled "Revolutionizing the Arts," and the following one 
a lecture by the famous playwright Walter Hasenclever, 
who read his own political poetry before specially in- 
vited workers. The group found support in the journal 
Die Schone Rahtdt, which had been appearing in Kiel 
since 19 17. Its name, "The Beautiful Rarity," is some- 
what misleading, for it was a monthly periodical for 
Expressionist poetry, prose, and original graphics. Spe- 
cial issues were devoted to Conrad Felixmiiller, 
Wilhelm Morgner, and Georg Tappert. Also in Kiel was 
the November-Verlag (Hans Jaquemar), which pub- 

Fig. 4 Bruno Beye, Selbstbildnis II (Self-Portrait II), 1921 (Cat. 10) 

A Survey of Artists' Groups 103 

I 1,1;. ^ WL-iiifi Lan>;c, frtH/i.^ijpofU't/if (Portrait of a Woman), i9Kjit..iL. i ^/] 

I04 Peter W. Guenthei 

lished under the name Der Schwarze Tuzm (The Black 
Tower) a series of small, inexpensive graphic books by 
artists of the second generation.'' 

ond generation had long since died away. It is hardly 
surprising that, except in the works of Martha Schrag, 
no Expressionist tendencies are to be found. 


In Barmen (today a part of the city of Wuppertal) the 
Expressionist group called Der Wupperkieis (The Wup- 
per Circle), and later simply Die Wupper (The Wupper), 
could count on two sources of support: Dr. Richard 
Reiche, director of the Kunstverein Barmen and curator 
of the Barmen Ruhmeshalle, and Professor Gustav 
Wiethuter and his students at the Kunstgewerbeschule 
(School of Applied Arts). Jankel Adler, the best known of 
the group, was frequently absent from Barmen, making 
Walter Gerber and Kurt Nantke the driving forces 
among the painters, who also included Richard Paling 
and Ferdinand Roentgen. As everywhere else, the battle 
for recognition was a hard one. But the group did arouse 
the attention of the public when all over the city they 
put up posters that in form and in color were more "rad- 
ical" than their own works. The shock worked well, for 
the opening of the exhibition at the Ruhmeshalle in 
1 9 19 was crowded. The group soon realized that Barmen 
would not be able to sustain all the members (and the 
other artists who had now joined) financially, and 
quickly established relations with galleries and other 
groups in Dusseldorf . Exhibitions there, however, found 
mixed critical response. The dissolution of the group 
was due to shifting interests and to some of the mem- 
bers' growing involvement in Rudolph Steiner's an- 
throposophy, which had gained many adherents during 
the war.* 


The Kiinstlergruppe fung-Erfurt (Artists' Group Young 
Erfurt), formed by Alfred Hanf, Robert Huth, the 
architect Theo Kellner, and others in early 1919, pub- 
lished a flyer calling for the strengthening of the new 
arts and held its first exhibition on December 17 of that 
year. This received mixed reviews, and not only in the 
local press. The group seems to have drifted apart rather 
quickly, although it had set up the Stierpresse (Bull 
Press) for the publication of its graphic work; the press 
also folded within a year. 


The only claim to fame of the Kiinstlergiuppe Chemnitz 
(Artists' Group Chemnitz) was in the form of a small 
book titled Kiinstlei am Wege (Artists at the Wayside), 
published in 1927, when the fuss surrounding the sec- 


Things were different in Lubeck, where the Oveibeck- 
Gesellschaft (Overbeck Society), founded in 191 8, tried 
to introduce modern art to a rather staid city of around 
100,000 inhabitants. There was already another artists' 
group active in the city, the Vereinigung Liibecker Bil- 
dender Kiinstlei (Lubeck Association of Visual Artists) 
which functioned primarily at a local level to protect 
the economic interests of its members. A battle ensued 
when the famous Carl Georg Heise (coeditor with Hans 
Mardersteig of the important yearbook Genius] became 
director of the local museum, St. Annen. An exhibition 
of Emil Nolde's well-known religious paintings, the 
suggestion that Ludwig Gies's crucifix should be used as 
a war memorial, and Heise's enthusiasm for the works 
of Karl Schmidt-Rottluff and the Expressionists in 
general angered many artists and were far too radical for 
the populace. Heise tried to give the new arts and the 
second generation more exposure by converting the 
brick Gothic church of St. Katharina into a center for 
arts (it had been used for trade exhibitions). His plan to 
have the niches on the facade filled with statues by 
Ernst Barlach remained unfulfilled. Only three works 
were completed by Barlach; the rest were added by 
Gerhard Marcks after World War II. 

While there was no typical second-generation group 
in Lubeck, the lines of battle over the Expressionist arts 
were clearly drawn. In this case, however, it was the 
museum director and the Overbeck-Gesellschaft (con- 
sisting of a few important individuals who supported 
the director and his far-sighted acquisitions policy) who 
had to fight both the general public and an archconser- 
vative artists' group. This was another way in which 
Expressionism had to fight for its acceptance.' 


Developments in Munster were less controversial. Al- 
though their programmatic statement sounded the 
same note as that of other groups. Die Schanze (The 
Rampart) was a kind of mild secession. 

"Be visible! Build a rampart toward the sunrise, in 
the midst of the life of these times and the world, as a 
sign of unity and of sharing the same fate. Close the 
gates to the hands of gold. Open the drawbridge to your 
friends " The language is typical, and the twenty- 
four-year-old painter Bernhard Peppinghege tried, to- 
gether with five friends, to achieve the same sort of 
impact as the other groups. 

A Survey of Artists' Groups 105 

On the occasion of the group's second exhibition, in 
1933, one critic noted approvingly that it lacked the 
surprises of the previous year's exhibition. "A year ago a 
few works were exhibited which were remarkable for 
their massive chromatic impact. The impetuousness 
has become milder, the first storm seems to have sub- 
sided." It was the large number of literary and musical 
evenings, rather than the exhibitions, that kept the 
young group in the forefront of the not always particu- 
larly sympathetic attention of the public. But its bal- 
anced and relatively liberal approach made Die Schanze 
one of the few groups to have survived to the present 


Quite different in its tempo and activities was Das 
funge Rheinland (The Young Rhineland), which was 
foimded in Dusseldorf on February 24, 19 19, by the 
painter and writer Adolph Uzarski and the writer Her- 
bert Eulenberg. Heinrich Nauen (Fig. 7), who became 
president for a short time. Carlo Mense, and others 
joined, and in June 19 19 the group hung its first exhibi- 
tion with works by more than one hundred artists, a 
sign that the group was not exclusively Expressionist. 
[The artists of Das funge Rheinland are discussed in 
detail in Friedrich Heckmanns's essay in this volume.] 

Problems with another, older exhibition organization 
led to the group's moving into a new gallery called Neue 
Kunst Frau Ey (New Art: Frau Ey). There a very different 
phase of the battle for the new art began. The group had 

Fig. 6 Rudolf Belling, Bildnis Alfred Flechtheim 
(Portrait of Alfred Flechtheim), 1927 (Cat. 7) 

Fig. 7 Heinrich Nauen, Bildnis WoUheim (Portrait of Wollheim), 
1924 (Cat. 153) 

vowed to "win for young Rhineland artists, at long last, 
the place in German artistic life that is their due, " and 
Johanna Ey was a formidable ally. At the core of Mother 
Ey's group was the aggressive and political Akti- 
vistenbund 1919 (Activist League 1919), where Otto 
Pankok, Franz W. Seiwert, Gert Wollheim (Fig. 8), and 
later Otto Dix, Werner Gilles, Adalbert Trillhase, and 
others met. 

Another center in Dusseldorf was also important for 
the arts: Alfred Flechtheim's gallery. Before the war 
Flechtheim (Fig. 6) had dealt primarily in works by mod- 

io6 Petei W. Guenthei 

Fig. 8 Gert WolLheim, Mannerkopf (Head of 
a Man), c. 1920 (Cat. 201) 

ern French artists, but later he provided exhibition space 
for Max Burchartz, Heinrich Campendonk, Otto Gleich- 
mann, Waher Ophey, and other members of Das Junge 
Rheinland, and published portfolios of graphic work by 
Burchartz and Gleichmann. In 19 19, however, Flecht- 
heim fiercely attacked the first issue of the Buch des 
Aktivistenbundes (Book of the Activist League) as "dis- 
gusting" and its graphics as unworthy of the name 
"art." Wollheim retaliated, declaring the gallery owner 
to be a jumping-jack who served no useful purpose and 
only had financial interests at heart. For the artists of 
Das Junge Rheinland further collaboration with Flecht- 
heim was now impossible. The dealer began to publish 
Dei Queischnitt (The Cross-section), a witty monthly 
journal with great snob appeal, in which, from the very 
first issue in January 1921, he fought a relentless battle 
against Expressionism in general and Das Junge Rliein- 
land in particular. In 1922 Der Querschnitt featured an 
editorial by Hermann von Wedderkop which declared: 
"Nobody wants the Expressionist proletariat-pictures or 
works by the worker-poets ; sooner Kaiser Wilhelm and 
his Ganghofer [nineteenth-century author of sentimen- 
tal novels] Art is an awkward topic for the Germans,- 

this has something to do with the nature of their genius 
... so organized by Nature as to unfurl great billowing 

banners of inanity over it Expressionism as a feature 

of the German temperament ought to survive only in 

folksong."" More tolerant was another journal appear- 
ing in Dusseldorf, Das Kunstfenstei (The Art Window), 
a critical weekly edited by Karl Roettger devoted, ac- 
cording to its subtitle, Diisseldoijei hihtische WocJten- 
schiijt Jul alle Kiinste (Dusseldorf Critical Weekly for 
all the Arts), to serving the interests of all art. Since the 
battlelines were so clearly drawn, its middle-of-the road 
stance found little acceptance, and it folded after seven 


One of the secessions that sprang up after the war was 
formed in 1919 in Darmstadt, where the battle for the 
new art was as harsh as everywhere else. Formed in 
19 1 8 the Hessischer Aibeitsiat fur Kunst (Hessian 
Workers' Council for Arts) was the local branch of the 
Berlin group, but before it could become effective, 
another group, the Vertietung der Bildenden Kiinstler 
Hessens (Representation of the Visual Artists of Hesse), 
had formed. Thus, here too the lines were sharply 

The Darmstddter Sezession was formed in 19 19, 
with Max Beckmann, Josef Eberz, Kasimir Edschmid, 
Ludwig Meidner, and Wilhelm Michel among its first 
members. They announced that the appalling standard 

A Survey of Artists' Groups 107 

of exhibitions being held at the time was a clear sign of 
the need for the foundation of such a group, especially as 
the bourgeoisie was likely to boycott the new art unless 
a vigorous opposition was mounted in its defense. 

The Secession was able to put together one of the most 
important exhibitions of the period in strained collabora- 
tion with the Stdndigei Rat zur Pflege der Kunst (Perma- 
nent Council for the Cultivation of Art) and the Veiband 
Bildender Kiinstler (Association of Visual Artists). Sub- 
sidized by the state of Hesse and the city, the endeavor 
brought 673 works to public view. The catalogue for this 
exhibition, entitled Deutscher Expressionismus 
Darmstadt (German Expressionism Darmstadt), began 
with an essay by Edschmid, then the president of the 
Secession, in which he bitterly attacked the "followers" 
of Expressionism in general. "I am against the Expres- 
sionism that today affords titillation and edification to 

clergymen's daughters and factory-owners' wives 

What once seemed a daring gesture has today become 
routine. The thrust forward of the day before yesterday 
became the gimmick of yesterday and the big yawn of 
today." This attack on the second-rate, the imitators, 
may indeed have been necessary, but it was of no help to 
the public: those who were against Expressionist forms 
and colors were elated, while those who were trying to 
come to terms with the movement felt bewildered. 

Darmstadt had heard such things before. In 191 5 a 
group of five high-school students, including Pepy 
Wiirth, had formed an idealistic society "for the further- 
ance of culture" and begun to publish Die Dachstube 
(The Attic) in the attic of the Wiirth family residence. 
Other members later included Theodor Haubach and 
Carlo Mierendorff (both to become important figures in 
the resistance against Hitler), Carl Gunschmann and 
Fritz Usinger. With advice and assistance from 
Edschmid and Michel they called upon the young to 
create a better life. They published sixty-five leaflets 
and small booklets, frequently with original graphics. In 
1919 they announced: 

Die Dachstube is done with. It served to gather, to sift, and to 
school us. Novif something more is wanted: to trace the outhne of 
the new world, and to fight for it. Silence is betrayal. A new public 
is on the march. The age affords us greater goals. We now set up 
Das Tribunal (The Tribunal). We stand for the New, against the 

Decaying Das Tribunal, a mouthpiece for all the young and 

radical minds of Hesse and Germany. Against prejudice, without 
compromise, for decision. 

The list of illustrators for the books and for Das Tri- 
bunal is a Who's Who of second-generation artists. It 
ceased publication in 1921, its goals unattained, its 
hopes unfulfilled. Times had changed." 


Karlsruhe saw similar developments after the war. The 
announcement of the official formation of the Kunst- 

und Kulturrat fiir Baden (Art and Cultural Council for 
Baden) appeared in December 19 18, the result of two 
very different initiatives. Dr. Hans Kampffmeyer, an ad- 
vocate of the garden city movement, had suggested 
forming a Rat Geistiger Arbeiter (Council of Intellec- 
tual Workers) following the Berlin example, which was 
to represent "cultural political ideals on a socialistic 
basis." These councils were intended to ensure that not 
only political issues but issues in all areas of public life 
were decided by the people. One of the roots of the 
demand for such councils was distrust of the govern- 
ment and the political parties as regards their concern 
for the arts. 

Not far away, however, in Heidelberg (also in the 
state of Baden), the literary historian Richard Benz, and 
the poet Alfred Mombert argued for a Kulturrat (Cul- 
tural Council) which would be less dictatorial, less 
modernistic, and more concerned with those forms of 
art to which the public could respond more readily: the 
paintings of Hans Thoma were cited as a positive exam- 
ple. The program contained the following statement: "It 
[the Kunst- und Kulturrat fiir Baden] demands an art 
that serves neither entertainment and luxury nor the 
one-sided cultivation of the senses and the intellect, 
but, as the expression of the highest spiritual values of 
the nation, will speak to the people as a whole." The 
conservatism and nationalism evident in statements of 
this nature make it clear that Expressionism in Karls- 
ruhe or Heidelberg did not have an easy time of it. 

A case in point was the 1919 exhibition of works by 
Rudolf Schlichter and Wladimir Zabotin (both living in 
Karlsruhe at the time) in the small Moos gallery. The 
critical response was so devastating that the art histo- 
rian Wilhelm Fraenger attempted to open the minds of 
the public with a number of lectures. He managed to 
persuade a few critics to adapt at least a semineutral 
position, but the general consensus remained negative. 

In reaction, seven artists formed a group to promote 
the new arts (Expressionism) and oppose the still 
predominant academic mode: Schlichter and Zabotin 
were joined by Walter Becker, Oskar Fischer, Egon Itta, 
Georg Scholz, and Eugen Segewitz. (Karl Hubbuch and 
Wilhelm Schnarrenberger were close friends of the 
group.) They called themselves Rih, the name of an arab 
stallion in the books of Karl May. This was more a group 
of friends than a typical Expressionist organization, al- 
though they claimed to be part of the Berlin November- 
gruppe, and their goals and hopes echoed those express- 
ed in other second-generation manifestos: 

To preserve . . . subjective freedom, in utter contrast to the dubi- 
ous ethics of society's art, with its subservience to commercial 
interests . . . freedom and autonomy of the individual .... It [the 
new art) seeks to overthrow convention, which means it must set 
itself apart. It is concerned with giving full recognition to the 
expressive forms proper to art that runs counter to society - the 
art of children and the sick - seeing these forms in accordance 

io8 Peter W. Guenthei 

with their own criteria: not as rational, conscious achievements 
but as an expressive idiom with laws of its own, which our cogni- 
tive equipment must be enabled to recognize and value."' 

When we consider the gulf between Zabotin's abstrac- 
tions and Scholz's more illustrative and aggressive 
works, and the early trend to Neue Sachlichkeit (New 
Objectivity), it is obvious that except for the common 
"No" to the academic past and the demand for indi- 
vidual freedom of expression, this was not a stylistically 
coherent group. The intolerance of the conservative 
forces must be noted; they had seriously suggested 
prohibiting such groups from ever exhibiting again. 
Only the strongly worded defense of freedom of expres- 
sion by the conservative painter Engelhardt ensured the 
rejection of this proposal. The Rih group held a number 
of exhibitions outside Karlsruhe (for instance in Frank- 
furt). Schlichter and Scholz addressed an open letter to 
the NovembergTuppe protesting the noticeable trend 
away from radicalism which they saw being favored in 
Berlin. They considered the recognition of "prominent 
unproletarian" artists a betrayal of the original program. 
Rih soon broke up. 


The conditions in Hamburg were quite different, as 
were the various forms of artists' associations. The 
Kunstverein (Art Society), founded in 1827, was the 
largest and most conservative, with approximately one 
thousand members. In 1919 Kidfte (Powers, Forces), a 
branch of the Berlin Novembergruppe, was formed by 
Kinner von Dresler, Alexander Friedrich, and Dr. T.-W. 
Danzel. A typical second-generation Expressionist 
group, Krdfte published three issues of an eponymous 
journal under Dresler's editorship. It was similar in 
style to Menschen and featured a number of woodcuts 
and literary contributions from Der Sturm. 

In his lyric poems, Willy Knobloch was influenced by 
August Stramm and Lothar Schreyer; the epigonal 
woodcuts of Peter Luksch, his fifteen-year-old son An- 
dreas, and those of F. Wuesten could have been created 
anywhere in Germany; and Danzel's essay "European 
Crisis, Oriental Form, Mythical Spirit" echoes many 
contemporary attempts to define Expressionism: 

But Expressionism is not the will of a few; it is destiny. And in the 
close affinity that links its works there lies a deeper meaning: not 
adherence to a school, or to some common "goal," but: "Art be- 
gins to emerge from the collective psyche," and the personal be- 
gins to recede and give place to "the great anonymity of a new 
universality," a collective emotion which creates connections be- 
tween man and things. ... A style is already defining itself with 
almost monumental, heraldic clarity; the soul-stirring strains of a 
new psalm evoke intimations of great cathedrals; and if certain 
barely detectable signs do not deceive us, a new doctrine of salva- 
tion and of the universe, far removed from all sectarian apologe- 
tics and dogmatic exegesis, is on the way. 

This ecstatic projection and its visual framework, typi- 
cal as it was, did not have the strength to make it artisti- 
cally important. 

The representative of the Berlin Sturm in Hamburg 
was Schreyer, who organized Sturm evenings with reci- 
tations, exhibitions of Sturm artists and, together with 
the Frauenbund zur Forderung Neuer Deutscher Kunst 
(Women's Association for the Promotion of New Ger- 
man Art), founded in 1916 by the art historian Rosa 
Schapire (Fig. 10), an exhibition of works by Lyonel 
Feininger, Wassily Kandinsky, and Paul Klee in the 
Hamburg Kunsthalle as early as 19 17. Schreyer was an 
outstanding theater reformer whose expressionistic 
Kampfbiihne (Stage Militant), opened in 1919, was an 
attempt to revolutionize form and structure in the thea- 
ter. These activities were interrupted when Schreyer 
joined the Bauhaus in 1 92 1 . 

The Hamburg Kiinstlerrat (Artists' Council), which 
was formed during the revolutionary days of 1918 and 
consisted of four painters, three sculptors, three ar- 
chitects, and two craftsmen did not influence artistic 
developments in Hamburg. Its task was to provide the 
city council with suggestions for assisting artists and 
the arts during this sometimes chaotic period. 

An artists' group that had a much stronger impact in 
Hamburg was the Hamburgische Sezession (Hamburg 



Fig. 9 Dorothea Maetzel-Johannsen, cover of Katalog der 
Zweiten Ausstellung der Hamburgischen Secession (Catalogue 
of the Second Exhibition of the Hamburg Secession), woodcut, 
1920, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Robert Gore Rifkind 
Center for German Expressionist Studies 

A Survey of Artists' Groups 109 

Fig. 10 Walter Gramatte, Bildnis Rosa Schapiie (Portrait ot Rosa Schapire), 1920 (Cat. 8o| 

Secession; Fig. 9), which Heinrich Steinhagen founded 
with the sculptor Friedrich Wield and with Alma del 
Banco, Willy Davidson, Erich Maetzel, Dorothea Maet- 
zel-Johannsen, Karl Prahl, William Tegtmeier, and 
others in the summer of 19 19. The foreword to the 
catalogue of their first exhibition in December 1919 
pointed out: "In the last twenty years the names even of 
small towns have sometimes gained a fine reputation 

because artists' associations have been formed in them. 
Hamburg's name has never been mentioned in this con- 
nection." The reason why so many gifted artists had left 
Hamburg was to be found in their need for a supportive 
milieu, which the city did not supply. Accordingly, 
young Hamburg artists combined to create such a 
milieu. "The name Hamburgische Sezession is not in- 
tended to announce that these artists want to appear 

1 10 Petei W. Guenthei 

Fig. 1 1 Karl 
Cover of Die Rote 
Eide (The Red 
Earth), vol. i, 
no. 8/10, 1920. 

with a new artistic program. But they would not be 
young if their will did not point to the future. The works 
in this first exhibition are evidence of tolerance toward 
any [stylistic] direction.'"'' They vowed intolerance only 
of "all spiritless handicraft." They did insist, however, 
in all following exhibitions that they be given more 
space than their numbers would have merited and de- 
manded that their group affiliation be mentioned in the 

These young artists could always count on the sup- 
port of a group of influential personalities who immedi- 
ately after the revolution had formed the Werkbund 
Geistiger Aibeitei (Working Association of Intellectual 
Workers).''^ Its chairman was Gustav Schiefler, a high- 
ranking judge, whose publications in support of Expres- 
sionism paralleled the activities of Schapire, who had 
steadfastly supported the work of Die Biiicke (The 
Bridge) in publications and lectures. 

Schapire was coeditor with Karl Lorenz of an out- 
standing Expressionist journal. Die Rote Erde (The Red 
Earth; Fig. 11). The tenor of its opening announcement 
is familiar: "Die Rote Erde cultivates with all means at 
its disposal the newest Expressionist art. Die Rote Erde 
is the only journal in the world that has set itself the 
task of preparing the earth for the great human race to 
come. All artists of our times who are of importance for 
this humanity-earth work contribute to Die Rote Erde." 
This journal, though well produced and with many orig- 
inal graphics, did not survive long. 

Another short-lived journal was Kiindung (Herald). 
It was edited by Wilhelm Niemeyer and Schapire and 
was the mouthpiece of the Kunstbund Hamburg (Art 
League Hamburg), another ephemeral Expressionist or- 
ganization. The luxuriously printed journal appeared for 
just one year, although it had a staunch supporter in the 
newly appointed director of the Museum fiir Kunst und 
Gewerbe (Museum for Art and Crafts), Max Sauerland. 

No less than three hundred works by contemporary art- 
ists were acquired by this important defender of Expres- 
sionism, whose progressive exhibitions were examples 
for many other museum directors. 


Hanover did not really need another second-generation 
artists' group such as the Kestner-Gesellschaft (Kestner 
Society), which was founded in 1 9 1 6 with the support of 
a group of well-established and respected citizens and 
provided exhibition opportunities for both the founder 
generation and the younger generation. Under the lead- 
ership of Dr. Paul Erich Kueppers the society also or- 
ganized all the other kinds of activities that the groups 
of the second generation in other cities employed to 
open the minds of the public: lectures, concerts, and 
theatrical performances. 

One artists' group, the Hannoversche Sezession 
(Hanover Secession,- Fig. 13), did form in 19 17 after a 
very large exhibition of Hanover artists made it obvious 
that the selection had not been based on quality. The 
founders of the Secession wanted to dissociate them- 
selves from the "painting trade that today calls itself art 
and from the simulated Expressionism of the semi-edu- 
cated." The group did not have a program, nor did it 
issue a manifesto, but the catalogue for its first exhibi- 
tion used the familiar terminology. "In our exhibition of 
Hanover art we intend to show that a new art is evolv- 
ing, in Hanover as elsewhere; and that in Hanover too 
there is a lofty, burning impulse to achieve the renewal, 
the purification, the liberation of art." There were ten- 
sions in the Secession, which became obvious when 
Bemhard Doerries, in the foreword of the catalogue to 
the third exhibition in 1920, called for a return to the 
lessons provided by the Old Masters: "Expressionism 
pinpoints the true extent of man's intellectual isolation 
and the complete absence of any all-embracing sense of 
community." Five of the members - Max Burchartz, 
Otto Gleichmann (Fig. 12) and his wife, Lotte Gleich- 
mann-Giese, Otto Hohlt, and Kurt Schwitters - pub- 
lished a protest: "For us, art is always a formalized 

expression of religious experience " The Secession 

took this protest seriously and continued to be a modem 
exhibition association, enjoying the support of Kueppers. 

Since Hanover later grew in political importance 
when Marshal Hindenburg became president of the 
Weimar Republic (the fact that he lived there was grist 
to the mill of the strong right-wing faction in the city), it 
should be mentioned that immediately after the revolu- 
tion, on November 16, 1918, a Rat Geistiger Arbeiter 
issued the following statement: "Convinced that the 
present change will bring a just order in which the spirit 
can develop freely and without bondage, the under- 
signed profess that they enthusiastically salute the 

ASurvey of Artists' Groups iii 

Fig. 12 Otto Gleichmann, Sitzendei Mddchenakt/Die Katze (Seated Nude Girl/The Cat), 1920 (Cat. 69) 

112 Peter W. Guenther 





1 Q 16 



"^ <r. Itenla 1 9t!)or», Qaim iiH 

Fig. 13 Wilhelm Pliinnecke, Hannoveische Sezession (Hanover 
Secession), 19 18 (Cat. 165 1 

dawn of a new era. We are witnessing the birth of a 
people's state and of the social republic." The sig- 
natories were the sculptor Otto Gothe, a member of the 
Hanover Secession, Dr. Ernst Kantorowitz, and Paul 
Steegemann, publisher of the avant-garde series Die Sil- 
beigdule (The Silver Horses). Up to 1922 over 150 issues 
appeared, including Heinrich Vogeler's Ubei den Ex- 
piessionismus der Liebe (Concerning the Expressionism 
of Love; no. 12), Schwitters's Anna Blume (38-39), and 
Richard Huelsenbeck's En avant DADA (50- 51). 

In Hanover, as elsewhere, journals sprang up to de- 
fend the new art. Das hohe Ufer (The High Shore; 
Fig. 14), edited by Hans Kaiser, appeared from 1919 
through 1920 and set itself the task of freeing Hanover 
from its provinciality. Der Zweemann, coedited by 
Christof Spengemann, F. W. Wagner, and from the 
fourth issue, by the poet Hans Schiebelhuth as well, had 
a fresher voice, proselytizing for Expressionist literature 
and art (with many original graphics); it also ceased pub- 
lication in 1920. 

F. Busack, Crete Juergens, Carl Thorn, and other 
members of the Secession later evolved in the direction 
of Neue Sachlichkeit, and Schwitters began to work on 
his "Merz Art" concept. Most of the Hanover artists, 
however, shared the fate of many of their generation: 
they were barely remembered in later years. "" 


Fig. 14 Title page of Das hohe Ufei (The High Shore), 
vol.2, 1920 


The small city of Hagen had become famous in 1902 
when Karl Ernst Osthaus founded the Folkwang 
Museum. The history of this establishment would re- 
quire a chapter to itself; for our purposes, it is interest- 
ing to note that Osthaus gathered round him a number 
of artists who belonged to the second generation. There 
were Willy Lammer, the sculptor; Johan Thorn Prikker, 
painter and glass artist; Christian Rohlfs, by far the old- 
est of the local Expressionists (Fig. 15); Max Schulze- 
Solde, painter, bohemian, and social reformer;'' Milly 
Steger, sculptress; and August Voswinkel, batik artist. 
All of these obtained commissions from or through Ost- 
haus. In the chaotic days at the end of the war Herwarth 
Walden, the poetess Else Lasker-Schiiler, and the 
anarchist Hugo Hartwig found a refuge in Hagen. Thus 
there existed an important circle of artists and intellec- 
tuals around the museum and its founder, but it disinte- 
grated shortly after Osthaus's death in 1922."' 


Another interesting phenomenon was the Uecht- 
Gruppe (Uecht Group) in Stuttgart, formed in 191 8 after 

A Survey of Artists' Groups 113 

an exhibition of works by Willi Baumeister and Oskar 
Schlemmer in the local Schaller gallery had caused pub- 
lic controversy. After his discharge from the armed 
forces Schlemmer had been elected spokesman for the 
students of the Stuttgart Academy and at the same time 
delegate to the Rat Geistiger Arbeiter, also formed in 
Stuttgart. When the greatly admired painter Adolf H61- 
zel resigned after a quarrel with the governors of the 
academy, Baumeister, Schlemmer, and their friends 
tried to have Klee appointed to his position. To add 
greater weight to their proposal and to a number of sug- 
gestions for the reform of the Academy, they formed, 
with Gottfried Graf, Edmund Daniel Kinzinger, Albert 
Mueller, and Hans Spiegel, the Uecht Giuppe. Whilst 
their proposal and suggestions were not accepted, these 
six students organized an impressive exhibition, the 
Herbstausstellung Neuer Kunst (Fall Exhibition of New 
Art), with seventy of their own works and a larger 
number of works from the Sturm gallery in Berlin. One 
room was devoted to works by Klee. The group held a 
second exhibition in the fall of 1920. Graf stated in the 
catalogue: "For the discerning the new art is no longer a 

point of controversy To understand the new art, 

however, one must understand the new language of 
form .... Here we are still only a few. Our second exhibi- 
tion shows the work of one year. It is one step further in the 
search for the way at the dawning of a new day." 

Fig. 1 5 Heinrich Nauen, Bildnis Christian Rohlfs (Portrait of 
Cliristian Rolilfs), 1919 (Cat. 151) 

In 1 92 1 Baumeister and Schlemmer left the group 
because their interests and artistic orientations were no 
longer compatible with those of the other members. 
The remaining members kept the group alive as an ex- 
hibition association until 1924. Although none of these 
artists could be considered bona fide Expressionists, 
they belonged to the new generation and shared many of 
the ideas expressed in the various manifestos." 


Next to Berlin, Munich had always been considered the 
second center of German art. The revolution had a dif- 
ferent aspect in Munich, since for a short time there 
actually was a revolutionary government there. The his- 
tory of this period is a bloody one of terror from both the 
left-wing, with its brief span of political power, and the 
ultimately victorious right. As nearly everywhere else, a 
Rat Bildender Kiinstler (Council of Visual Artists) was 
formed, here by twelve different organizations with ap- 
proximately two thousand members. In February 1919, 
at the beginning of the Munich revolution, an Aktions- 
ausschuss Revolutiondrer Kiinstler (Action Committee 
of Revolutionary Artists) was formed by the artists Walt 
Laurent, Theodor C. Pilartz, the Dadaist Hans Richter, 
Lessi Valeska Sachs, Fritz Schaefler, Georg Schrimpf, 
Stanislaus Stiickgold, and Aloys Wach (Aloys Ludwig 
Wachelmeier), the publishers H. F. S. Bachmair, Felix 
Stiemer, and Eduard Trautner (editor of the journal Der 
Weg [The Way]), and other writers and intellectuals. 

While a civil war was being fought in the streets, no 
important artistic activity could be expected, but a few 
second-generation artists did take an active part in the 
battle for a new order. Wach's political woodcuts were 
the first pictures ever printed by the main Munich 
newspaper, the Miinchner Neueste Nachiichten, which 
the Aktionsausschuss had taken over. These Expres- 
sionist works, with titles like Auferstehung (Resurrec- 
tion), Fieiheit (Freedom), and Eilosung (Redemption), 
and their accompanying texts such as "Long live the 
Soviet Republic [of Bavaria]!", "Proletarians and farmers 
unite ! " and "Brother workers ! The sun of our times has 
risen," were typical of the harsh, ecstatic creations of 
many second-generation artists. The proletarians, 
whom they were trying to win for the revolution, were 
shocked by these unfamiliar representations. Wach, 
however, sincerely believed that the people would have 
to learn to understand his works because his was the art 
that would dominate the new revolutionary state. He 
also made woodcuts for the masthead of a second paper, 
the Siiddeutscbe Freiheit, Zeitung fiii das Neue 
Deutschland (South German Freedom, Newspaper for 
the New Germany), and contributed graphics to Der 
Weg (ten issues appeared between January and the end 
of 1919). 

114 Peter W. Guenther 

Dr. L. W. Coellen, also a member of the Aktionsaus- 
schuss, wrote in the Miinchner Neueste Nachrichten 
(April 9, 19 1 9) about the new art: 

This is art that springs from the spirit of brotherhood and all- 
embracing fellowship, the spirit of the living mass movement that 
engenders its forms and shines through it. . . . Art today, now that 
there is a new culture to create, is an indispensable and essential 
means to the external and internal organization of social life. . . . 
Have a little patience and you will come to love these forms that 
now so disturb you; you will feel at home with them when they 
come to be the forms of your life. 

Art, which had never had a place in the life (or educa- 
tion) of the masses, was now called upon to help shape 
political consciousness. In 1919 Richter made the first 
roll-pictures as forerunners of the abstract films he later 
made with Viking Eggeling. After his experience in 
Munich he never again painted figurative works. 

Wach had long been forgotten when the Los Angeles 
County Museum of Art exhibited some of his works, 
which had by lucky chance survived. Laurent, the only 
strictly abstract painter of the group, is still awaiting 
rediscovery, as are so many others. Schrimpf later be- 
came one of the leaders of the Munich group of Neue 
Sachlichkeit artists (together with Heinrich Maria Dav- 
ringhausen, Alexander Kanoldt, and Carlo Mense). Once 
the revolution had reached its bloody end and the politi- 
cal right had triumphed, Bachmair, Sachs, and Trautner 
were imprisoned for their political activities, Schaefler, 
Stiemer, and Wach fled, Stiickgold went to France, and 
Richter to the United States."" 

This survey of a few groups of second-generation artists 
could easily be extended. The titles of journals founded 
or sponsored by similar groups between 1918 and 1925 
are illustrative of the ethos of the age: Der Anbruch 
(The Beginning), Die Eihebung (The Rising), Feuer 
(Fire), Die Fieude (Joy), Das funge Deutschland (The 
Young Germany), Dei Morgen (The Morning), Neue 
fugend (New Youth), Das Neue Pathos (The New 
Pathos), Revolution, Dei Ruf (The Call), Zeit-Echo 
(Echo of the Times). 

Why after just a few years of intense activity all over 
Germany did second-generation Expressionism vanish 
from the artistic scene almost as suddenly as it had 
appeared? The various groups did not publish manifes- 
tos to explain their dissolution; and it would be 
necessary to reconstruct the biography of each artist to 
find the time and place when Expressionism ceased to 
be the motivating force in his work. Obituaries for Ex- 
pressionism, however, began to appear as early as 1 920, 
and their number increased each year until the interest 

in Expressionism had faded by 1925. It would be tempt- 
ing to declare 1922 as the official end of Expressionism: 
in that year Paul Westheim launched an inquiry in the 
journal Das Kunstblatt (The Art Paper) as to whether a 
"new naturalism" could be observed in Germany. Three 
years later, in 1925, the great exhibition entitled Neue 
Sachlichkeit opened in the Kunsthalle Mannheim, em- 
bracing former Expressionists and those who had never 
been Expressionists at all. Expressionism, which had de- 
manded too much empathy from its public was replaced 
by a new formal concept characterized by an often 
frightening harshness, a critical sobriety, and a return to 
precise natural depictions. 

Since second-generation Expressionism had such 
strong social, political, and often religious undertones, 
the best explanations for its demise can be found in the 
newspapers of the time, not on the cultural pages, but in 
the economic and political sections. The revolution 
which was to have changed society never really took 
place. Hardship did not come to an end with the estab- 
lishment of the republic: reparations and payments in 
kind to the Allies kept living standards low, though of 
course there were a fair number who profited from the 
shortages, to the embitterment of the poor and often 
hungry masses. The middle class was almost wiped out 
by the devastating inflation of 1923-24. The "golden" 
twenties had their dark side and, while socially con- 
scious artists found a wealth of subject matter on their 
doorsteps, the conditions in which they were forced to 
live made a stark contrast to their idealistic visions. 
Some changed their approach and style, became land- 
scape and portrait artists, toned down their palettes, 
avoided stark deformations, and produced works that 
sold to a public weary of the emotional force of Expres- 

Hope, the chief ingredient of second-generation Ex- 
pressionism, had died. The fervent and rhapsodic prom- 
ise that the arts could and would change man and soci- 
ety had remained unfulfilled. The intolerance and 
apathy of the greater part of this society had not 
changed; the government still considered art a luxury. 
Since Expressionism had gained a limited popularity, it 
became suspect to those who had hoped for a truly rev- 
olutionary, proletarian art and even more suspect to 
those who saw in it a refutation of the decorative role of 
the arts. It is no accident that the Nazis declared Expres- 
sionism to be "degenerate art," since it lacked the 
heroic scenes, the chaste Nordic nudes, and the uplift- 
ing depictions of a Nature that would make a worthy 
home for the "master race." 

The attempt to make art into a sociopolitical weapon 
as well as a spiritually guiding light had failed. 


A Survey of Artists' Groups 115 

All translations by the author. 

This essay was made possible by the appointment as Scholar-in- 
Residence by the Robert Gore Rifkind Foundation and the Visit- 
ing Senior-Fellowship at the Center for Advanced Study in the 
Visual Arts, National Gallery of Art, Washington, D. C. Expres- 
sions of gratitude are also due to the Akademie der Kiinste, Berlin; 
the Sachsische Landesbibliothek Dresden; the Deutsche Biblio- 
thek, Leipzig; the Deutsches Literatur-Archiv Marbach; and the 
numerous friends who shared their knowledge freely. 

1 The other two important artistic movements of the period 
were Dadaism and Neue Sachlichkeit. The Dadaists, in 
Zurich from 19 16 and in Berlin from 191 8, were against Ex- 
pressionism, and their overwhelming "No" to all develop- 
ments in the arts and in politics made them outspoken 
enemies of the Expressionist groups. New Objectivity first 
began to make its mark around 1925 and thus entered the 
artistic discussion only after most of the Expressionist groups 
had dispersed. 

2 Herbert Behrens-Hangeler, exhibition catalogue no. 20 of the 
Galerie am Sachsenplatz, Leipzig (Leipzig, 1981); Hermann 
Freudenau and Heinz Lewerenz, catalogue of exhibition held 
at the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Bielefeld, in 1981. Grateful 
acknowledgment is made for information and documents re- 
ceived from Mrs. Dorothea Behrens, Fredersdorf, and Mrs. 
A. C. Willink, Amsterdam. 

3 Diether Schmidt, ed., Manifeste Manifeste i()os-i933, vol. i 
(Dresden: VEB Verlag der Kunst, 1965), pp. 179-80. 

4 Wilhelm Nauhaus, Die Burg Giebichenstein: Geschichte 
einei deutschen Kunstschule, 191 <, -1933 (Leipzig: Seemann, 

5 Schmidt, Manifeste, p. 180; Zehn fahre Novembeigiuppe, spe- 
cial issue of Kunst dei Zeit: Zeitschiift fiii Kunst und 
Liteiatui 1-3 (1928), pp. 23-24. 

6 Kurt Pinthus, Menschbeitsddmmerung: Symphonie jiingstei 
Dichtung (Berlin: Rowohlt, 1920). 

7 Friedrich Peter Drommer, Kielei Ktinstler in Aufbiuch und 
Umbiuch nach dem eisten Weltkheg: Aspekte der Zwanziger 
fahie, catalogue of exhibition held at the Kulturamt, Kiel, in 
1983; Deutsche Expressionisten aus dem Besitz dei Kunst- 
halle Kiel, catalogue of exhibition held at the Kunsthalle and 
the Schleswig-HolsteinischerKunstverein, Kiel, in 1977. 

8 Kunst an dei Wuppei: Di. Richard Reiche zum Geddchtnis, 
catalogue of exhibition held at the Kunst- und Museums- 
verein, Wuppertal, in 1966. Grateful acknowledgment is made 
for information received from Walter Gerber, Leverkusen, and 
the late Hans Schaarwachter, Cologne. 

9 Abram Enns, Kunst und Biiigertum: Die Kontioversen zwan- 
ziger fahre (Hamburg: Hans Christians, 1978); Carl Georg 
Heise, Liibecker Kunstpflege 1920-1933 (Liibeck: Vorsteher- 
schaft des Museums fiir Kunst- und Kulturgeschichte, 1934). 

10 Franz Klemens Gieseking, " $0 Jahre 'Schanze.' Eine Chronik," 

in Fiinfzig fahre Freie Kiinstlergemeinschaft Schanze 1919- 
1969, catalogue of exhibition held at the Landesmuseum, 
Munster, in 1969. 

11 Alfred Flechtheim: Sammler, Kunsthdndlei, Verleger, cata- 
logue of exhibition held at the Kimstmuseum Diisseldorf, in 
1988, p. 15. 

12 Neue Darmstddter Sezession: 21. fahresausstellung auf der 
Darmstddter Mathildenhohe, catalogue of exhibition held in 
Darmstadt in 1979 (includes partial reprint of the catalogue of 
the 1920 exhibition); Wilhelm Michel, Darmstadts Zukunft 
als Kunststadt (Darmstadt: Die Dachstube, 1919). 

1 3 Kunst in Karlsruhe, i goo- 19^0, catalogue of exhibition held at 
the Staatliche Kunsthalle, Karlsruhe, in 198 1. 

14 Hans W. Fischer, Hamburger Kulturbilderbogen (Munich: 
Rosl, 1923); Volker Detlef Heydom, Maler in Hamburg 1886- 
194s (Hamburg: Hans Christians, n. d.); idem, Engagierte 
Kunst in Hamburg 1848 -r9ji (Hamburg: Berufsverband Bil- 
dender Kiinstler, 1972); Edith Oppens, Der Mandrill: Ham- 
burger Zwanziger fahre (Hamburg: Seehafen, n. d.); Roland 
Jager and Cornelius Steckner, Zinnober: Kunstszene Ham- 
burg 1919-1933 (Hamburg: Szene, 1983). 

15 The program of the group was printed in the journal Der 
Freihafen: Blatter der Hamburger Kammerspiele i, no. i 

16 Zweeman, no. 6 (April 1920). 

17 Max Schulze-Sblde, Fin Mensch dieser Zeit (Florchheim: 
Urquell, 1930). 

18 August Hoff, et al., Karl Ernst Osthaus: Leben und Werk 
(Recklinghausen: Aurel Bongers, 1971); Werner Berber, "Die 
Hagener Boheme," in Hagener Heimatkalender 1974-1980 
and Heimatbuch Hagen und Mark 1986; Ulrich Linse, Bar- 
fiissige Propheten und Erloser der Zwanziger fahre (Berlin: 
Siedler, 1983). 

19 Karin von Maur, Oskar Schlemmer, catalogue of exhibition 
held at the Staatsgalerie, Stuttgart, in 1977; Tut Schlemmer, 
Oskar Schlemmer: Brief e und Tagebiicher (Stuttgart: Gerd 
Hatje, 1977); Karin von Maur, Oskar Schlemmer (Munich: 
Prestel, 1978); Arnold L. Lehman and Brenda Richardson, eds., 
Oskar Schlemmer, catalogue of exhibition held at the 
Museum of Art, Baltimore, in 1986; Uecht Gruppe, catalogue 
of exhibition held at Ludwig Schaller Kunsthandlung, Stutt- 
gart, in 1920. 

20 William Ludwig Bischoff, Artists, Intellectuals and Revolu- 
tion: Munich 1918-1919 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univer- 
sity Press, 1970); Dirk Halfbrodt and Wolfgang Kehr, "Miin- 
chen 1 919: Bildende Kimst und Fotografie der Revolutions- 
und Ratezeit" (seminar report) (Munich: Akademie der Bil- 
denden Kiinste, 1979); Oskar Maria Graf, Geldchter von Aus- 
sen: Aus meinem Leben 1918-1933 (Munich: Siiddeutscher 
Verlag, 1966); Wieland Schmied, Neue Sachlichkeit und 
Magischer Realismus in Deutschland 1918-1933 (Hanover: 
Fackeltrager Verlag Schmidt-Kiister, 1969). 

Fig. 1 Johannes Molzahn, Enexgie entspannt (Energy at Rest), 1919 (Cat. 148) 

Stephan von Wiese 

A Tempest Sweeping This World : 
Expressionism as an International Movement 

In modem art history specific stylistic trends are often 
given national labels: we speak of "French" Fauvism 
and Cubism, "Italian" Futurism, "German" Expression- 
ism, even "Russian" Constructivism. Not until the 
middle of World War I can v^^e identify an international 
movement in the sense that no single nation could ap- 
parently lay claim to it: Dadaism, which made its 
appearance in Zurich in 1916. This use of adjectives 
does not spring from the nature of the movements 
themselves; in most cases it represents a restrictive in- 
terpretation on the part of outside observers and com- 
mentators. This is all the more plausible when we bear 
in mind that the scope of the various designations was 
by no means categorically defined right from the start: 
it is well known, for instance, that the word Expression- 
ism started its career in Germany around 19 11 as a 
generic term that embraced a number of the avant-garde 
trends of the day, such as Cubism. 

What happened was that the word failed to become 
accepted in this sense outside Germany, and instead 
commentators were at pains to furnish Expressionism 
with an array of "Nordic" antecedents. It was just this 
"ethnic" interpretation of Expressionism, however, that 
blunted the progressive spearhead of the movement as a 
universalist critique of modern civilization; the Da- 

daists, in their meta-Expressionism, mercilessly ex- 
posed this. But the identification of Expressionism with 
"Gothic mysticism," or indeed with any other 
nationalistic element traceable to an assumed Ger- 
manic stylistic impulse, was the invention of the in- 
terpreters, not of the original Expressionist artists them- 

It was not until decades later that a partial and often 
neglected aspect of Expressionism, namely abstraction, 
enjoyed a revival as a term transcending nationality. 
This was Abstract Expressionism, a phrase coined as 
early as 19 19 by the sculptor and printmaker Oswald 
Herzog (Fig. 2) in the periodical Dei Stuim (The Storm). 
Equally, Johannes Molzahn's "Manifest des absoluten 
Expressionismus" (Manifesto of Absolute Expression- 
ism), published the same year in the same magazine, 
was filled - as Rose- Carol Washton Long has cogently 
demonstrated - with a mystical, Utopian impulse that 
was inherently forward-looking rather than directed to- 
ward some dim Germanic past (Fig. ij." 

The Expressionist movement in Germany embraces 
stylistic phenomena as disparate as the first abstract 
watercolors painted by Wassily Kandinsky around 19 10 
and the almost realist social criticism of the art of the 
Weimar period. One has only to think of Conrad Felix- 

Fig. 2 Oswald Herzog, Geniessen (Enjoyment), 
c. 1920 (Cat. loi) 

1 1 8 Stephan von Wiese 

Fig. 3 Conrad 
Felixmiiller, Der 
Arbeitei Max John 
(The Worker Max 
John), 1921 (Cat. 53) 

miiller (Fig. 3). This in itself shows that Expressionism 
was not just a national stylistic phenomenon. It was in 
fact a highly complex movement of cultural protest, 
which sought to overturn the prevailing aesthetic and 
social values on a universal scale. Its purely stylistic 
characteristics - however strong its predilection for 
sharp angles, distortions of form, or strong contrasts of 
color - remained secondary. The common features that 
can be identified within its enormous formal diversity 
are more a matter of content: specifically they spring 
from its critique of contemporary civilization.^ It was 
precisely when Expressionism began to use stereotyped 

formulas that its impulse began to wane, like that of a 
solidifying stream of lava. 

This brief survey is an attempt to highlight a few of 
the essential universal objectives of Expressionism and 
thus free the movement from the narrow confines of a 
national style. This is the only way to justify the Uto- 
pian promise inherent in Expressionism as it was 
reasserted in 1937, in refutation of various misinterpre- 
tations, by Ernst Bloch: "Even in its isolation the avant- 
garde of that period was primarily interested in Man. 
Man who was still wrapped in, or beginning to emerge 
from, his cocoon. Its concern was with the mystery of 

Expressionism as an International Movement 119 

being human. It expanded the world within Man and 
Man in the world far beyond the known resources of 

expression Expressionism ... is not disintegration for 

disintegration's sake, it is a tempest sweeping this 
world to make room for the images of a truer world."' 

The absurdity of restrictingExpressionism to a national 
German style becomes immediately apparent when we 
take a closer look at the goals proclaimed by the editors 
of Dei Blaue Reitei (The Blue Rider). The crux of the 
revolutionary philosophy behind Wassily Kandinsky's 
and Franz Marc's synthetic approach to art was the 
abolition of normative concepts of style. In the type- 
script preface (then unpublished) intended for the first 
Almanach des Blauen Reiters (The Blue Rider Almanac) 
they said: "And so we call upon those artists who feel 
our aims stirring within themselves to join us frater- 
nally. We feel justified in using this great word as our 
idea of necessity precludes any form of bureaucratic pro- 

Tilting at ossified social structures in the name of an 
international vanguard of artists united in liberty, 
equality, and fraternity, and paying homage to the ideals 
of the French Revolution, this preface closes, signifi- 
cantly, with an avowal of internationalism: "It ought to 
be unnecessary to underline further the fact that in our 
case the principle of internationalism is the only pos- 
sible one .... National identity, like personal identity, is 
reflected in every great work as a matter of course. In 
the final analysis, however, this coloring is a subsidiary 
factor. What we call art knows no frontiers or nations, 
only mankind."* 

A direct line can be traced from this preface written 
for the Almanach des Blauen Reiters to the preface that 
Kandinsky wrote in 1922 for the Erste Internationale 
Kunstausstellung (First International Art Exhibition) in 
Dusseldorf, held in conjunction with a congress of the 
Union fortschrittlicher internationaler Kiinstler (Union 
of Progressive International Artists): "Synthesis is the 
watchword that brings us together — human beings of 
this earth. All the paths that we have hitherto trodden 

separately have now become one path Gone are the 

walls that hid our fellow wayfarers from view. All is 
now revealed. Trembling, everything shows its inner 
face. What was dead awakens to life . . . and so the Age of 
Spiritual Greatness has dawned."' 

The "dawn of humanity," which became such a 
cliche of Expressionist lyric poetry, was first evoked in 
Utopian terms by the painters of Der Blaue Reiter. 

Their internationalism was not just theory. The 19 12 
almanac contained essays by Marc and David Burliuk 
on the Wilden ("savages" or "fauves") in Germany and 
Russia. (Henri Le Fauconnier was supposed to cover the 
French scene, but his contribution never arrived.) The 
internationalism of the artists was presented as the 
"great struggle for the new art," fought by "the unor- 
ganized against an old organized power" (Marc).' 

In the discussions of the images in the almanac — 
with their wholly unprecedented "synthetic compari- 
sons" (Felix Thiirlemann)* between works of art that 
had been created ages and continents apart but seemed 
spiritually united by the principle of "inner necessity" - 
every traditional concept of style was blown apart, just 
as Kandinsky had announced: "We shall put an Egyp- 
tian next to a Little Toe [ein kleiner Zeh, a reference to 
some drawings done by the children of the Munich ar- 
chitect August Zeh], a Chinese work of art next to 
Rousseau, an example of folk art next to Picasso, and so 
on and so on."' 

Not long after Alois Riegl had called the traditional 
notion of style in art into question by introducing his 
concept of the artistic "will," "impulse," or "intention" 
(KunstwoUen), here was a universal Musee Imaginaire 
that arranged its exhibits according to purely artistic 
criteria. Thiirlemann's analysis was valid when he said: 
"This egalitarian dialogue between all the pictorial crea- 
tions of all levels and areas of culture, as created for the 
very first time in highly concentrated form in the ideal 
setting of the Blaue Reiter almanac marked the end of 
clearly defined styles in Europe.'"" 

Without some understanding of this universalist sub- 
stratum of Expressionist art it is impossible to under- 
stand the concrete political role that the movement 

Fig. 4 Kathe KoUwitz, Me wieder Kiieg (War Nevermore), 1924 
(Cat. 127) 

120 Stephan von Wiese 

assumed during World War I. Expressionism became the 
one and only antiwar movement in the world of the 
artS; and this was so on an international plane, insofar 
as such a thing existed in a period of disrupted com- 
munications, censorship, and risk of prosecution (Fig. 4). 
The second phase of Expressionism shifted the Utopian 
artistic goals, as defined by Der Blaue Reitei and others, 
to the social level: an inherently impossible endeavor 
that was one of the major factors leading to the demise 
of Expressionism. 

A detailed account of this complex antiwar move- 
ment in the arts has still to be written." It manifested 
itself most clearly in those pacifist circles whose 
members were able to get away to Switzerland: Hans 
Arp, Hugo Ball, Leonhard Frank, Ferdinand Harde- 
kopf, Richard Hiilsenbeck, Ludwig Rubiner, and Rene 
Schickele, among others. The circle that surrounded 
Carl and Thea Sternheim in Brussels also played an im- 
portant part. In Germany itself this opposition could 
only make its views known in as concealed a manner as 
possible; only a few artistic and literary periodicals, 
such as Die Aktion (Action) and Neue fugend (New 
Youth), were available as outlets for their artfully coded 

In 1916, with the forming of the Spartakus-Giuppe 
(Spartacus Group), which under the name of Gruppe In- 
ternationale (International Group) had called for illegal 
antiwar demonstrations on May i of that year, the artis- 
tic antiwar movement acquired a political wing. It was 
only after the collapse of the kaiser's regime and the 
proclamation of the republic in 1918 that the second, or 
"late," phase of Expressionism got fully into its stride." 
This was the phase whose historical background had 
been described by Hermann Bahr in his book Der Ex- 
pressionismus (Expressionism): "Never has an age been 
shaken by such horror, such mortal fear .... The whole 
age becomes one single scream of anguish. Art joins in. 

screaming into the murky darkness, screaming for help, 
screaming for the Spirit. This is Expressionism."" 

The slogans of this opposition movement, this "in- 
ternationalist campaign within the war," which Rene 
Schickele was to define in retrospect in 1920 as "Expres- 
sionism's last and finest act," were "pacifism, the sol- 
idarity of all peoples, avowal of a humanely ordered 
world, the fight against the Beast in every situation of 
life.'"* Expressionist art saw itself as the motivating 
power in the realization of such objectives, in direct 
consequence of the Utopian idea that lay at its root. 
With the values of materialism totally discredited by 
the mass slaughter of the war, it seemed both possible 
and vitally necessary to usher in an epoch of true 
spirituality nurtured by the experience of suffering. 

An outstanding example of the way in which this 
experience affected the younger Expressionist artists 
can be found in the sculptures of Wilhelm Lehmbruck. 
loseph Beuys in his last speech. Dank an Wilhelm 
Lehmbruck (A Message of Thanks to Wilhelm Lehm- 
bruck), on the occasion of the presentation of the Lehm- 
bruck Prize in Duisburg, 1986, spoke of the intensified 
spiritual awareness that was a consequence of Lehm- 
bruck's basic pacifism : 

When I came to think of a kind of formal creation in sculpture 
that would deal not only with physical but also with psychic 
material, I was irresistibly driven to take up the idea of social 
sculpture. I consider this to be a message from Wilhelm Lehm- 
bruck; for one day I found in a dusty bookcase Rudolf Steiner's 
often-suppressed appeal of 19 19 to the German people and all 
civilized nations. In it he set out to rebuild the social organism on 
a completely new foundation. After the experiences of the war, in 
which Lehmbruck had suffered so grievously, one man stood up 
and saw that the reasons for the war lay in the impotence of the 
spiritual element." 

When Lehmbruck moved to Zurich in 19 16, he was 
finally able to escape from the threat of conscription 
into the war that he so passionately but ineffectually 

Fig. 5 Wilhelm Lehmbruck, Der Gestiiizte (The Fallen Man], c. 
Bayerische Staatsgemaldesammlungen, Munich 

191 5 -16, bronze 3o'/4X94'/eX 32-/8 m. (78x239x83 cm), 

Expressionism as an International Movement 121 

rejected. In 191 5 -16 he had created his first great expres- 
sive symbol of the age in the large Der Gestiirzte (The 
Fallen Man; Fig. 5) in Zurich he followed this with the 
Tiaueinde (Mourner). The slender, elongated Empor- 
steigender Jiingling (Ascending Youth, 191 3) had been 
the epitome of early Expressionist sculpture, full of the 
emotional rhetoric of spiritual uplift, whereas Der Ge- 
stiirzte is a compressed embodiment of suffering. This 
naked figure seems to have been hurled down onto the 
earth with tremendous force; he strains to rise in a 
bridgelike curve, like an animal arching its back. That 
in itself makes him into a universal symbol. The work 
heralds late Expressionism, not only in its generalized 
nature, its "reduction to a type," but in the spiritual 
quality, expressed through and yet transcending the 
physical, which Beuys described in his address. It was 
no coincidence, therefore, that Lehmbruck came to 
associate with the pacifist circles in Zurich that were 
led by Frank, Rubiner, and Fritz von Unruh. As Dietrich 
Schubert puts it: "In Lehmbruck's symbolic figures we 
have concrete expressions of the international antiwar 
movement of the war years.""' 

The circle of pacifist intellectuals, writers, and art- 
ists in Zurich did not rest content with the creation of 
symbolic embodiments of the spirit. Expressionism in 
Zurich performed a sort of mental somersault into the 
meta-rationality of Dadaism. Here, at last, the bourgeois 
system of values that the war had unmasked as inhu- 
man was shaken to its foundations. The demolition of 
forms and values to the point of unrecognizability of 
language, image, and gesture was a fundamental charac- 
teristic of Expressionism; and it was Dada that carried it 
to its most radical conclusion. 

The links with specific Expressionist principles are 
unmistakable. Ball's "phonetic poems," for instance, in 
which he anarchistically wrecks language, are directly 
analogous to Kandinsky's abstractions. Ball was actu- 
ally giving lectures on Kandinsky in Zurich; and he, 
Tristan Tzara, and Arp — whose own work expresses this 
conviction most clearly - were convinced that abstract 
painting was the only truly international modern paint- 
ing.'^ Direct connections with Expressionist art are ad- 
ditionally documented by the Sturm exhibitions that 
were held at the Galerie Dada in Zurich in 19 17. 

Dadaism radicalized Expressionism and at the same 
time superseded it; it was in Dadaism that Expression- 
ism at last became truly international. Ball concluded 
his introduction to the pamphlet Cabaret Voltaire, of 
19 1 6, with the statement that all Dadaist activities 
were intended "to draw attention, transcending both 
the war and the fatherlands, to the few independent 
souls who live for other ideals. The next objective of the 
artists assembled here is the creation of [switching to 
French:] an international review. The review will be 
published in Zurich and will bear the name 'DADA.' 
('Dada') Dada Dada Dada Dada. """ 





Fig. 6 [iuser Weg 19 1 9 (Our Way 191 9 

The call for international solidarity on the part of the 
"new human being" remained absolutely fundamental 
to Expressionism, all the more so during the upheavals 
that began in November 1918. It is characteristic, for 
instance, that in the anthology Unser Weg 1919 (Our 
Way 1 9 19; Fig. 6), published by the Paul Cassirer Verlag 
in Berlin, contributions from artists appeared alongside 
an essay by the socialist theoretician Eduard Bernstein, 
Die Weiterbildung des Volkerrechts (The Future De- 
velopment of International Law).'' The message was 
that war must become impossible and international law 
must become "supranational" law. In January 1919 the 
Dresden periodical Menschen (Mankind), in which 
Felixmiiller and Walter Rheiner were actively involved, 
proclaimed an "antinational socialism, which is un- 
conditionally and radically demanded."^" In the very 
same issue, however, the murders of Rosa Luxemburg 
(Fig. 7) and Karl Liebknecht (Fig. 8) were already casting 
a shadow of disillusionment: "The Beast triumphs over 
the spirit of socialism." 

A particularly impassioned Expressionist call to in- 
ternational action appeared in the Dresden review Neue 
Blatter fiir Kunst und Dichtung (New Journal for Art 
and Poetry) in March 1919, signed by Herbert Kiihn: 

We do not have socialism yet. We still face the common enemy, 
capital. But the time will come when the Spirit will go forward 

122 Stephan von Wiese 

Fig. 7 Anton Raderscheidt, Rosa Luxembuig from the portfolio 
Lebendige (The Living), 1919 (Cat. 167) 

(the Spirit cannot be conquered with bayonets), the time will 
come when the last bulwarks will fall, the time will come when, 
loud and clear, the clarion cry will reach every heart: Humanity ! 
We salute you, French brothers, comrades, allies - you, Barbusse, 
and you, Romain Rolland, you, J. -P. Jouve and Andre Gide, Henri 
Guilbeaux and Martinet, Duchamp, and all the others. We salute 
you, Italians, Czechs, Poles, Russians, Finns, Englishmen, and 
you Indians. Artists are ahead of their time; they prepare the 
ground, they plow the hearts, they sow the seed. You are all work- 
ing toward the same goal; what unites us is one Spirit, and one 
stream passes through us all - a stream that will encompass the 
whole world and transform it in all its fastnesses; a stream that 
aspires to the stars. We want a new world. A better world. We 
want Man !^' 

One may well ask how many of these high-flown Ex- 
pressionist rallying cries actually led to concrete inter- 
national collaboration among artists in the period after 
World War I. The Nazis' virulent propaganda against 
"international cultural bolshevism" in itself documents 
the survival of the internationalist impulse until 1933; 
and the successive stages in its development can be 
traced through the 1920s. 

In 1 9 19 the Aibeitsiat far Kunst (Workers' Council 
for Art) in Berlin issued a call "To All Artists in All 
Lands!" which contains the summons: "We must all 
come together . . . from every country to an interna- 
tional congress."" Such a congress (that of the Union 

Fig. 8 Franz Seiwart, Karl Liebknecht from the portfolio 
Lebendige (The Living), 1919 (Cat. 185) 

foTtschiittlicher internationaler Kiinstler] took place at 
the end of May 1922 in Dusseldorf, organized by the 
Expressionist group Das Junge Rheinland (The Young 
Rhineland). It was promptly riven by splinter groups, all 
of which were, however, international in themselves.^' 
In Weimar from 19 19, and even more in Dessau from 
1925, the Bauhaus exerted an influence that trans- 
cended national boundaries. Finally the Europa-Al- 
manach (European Almanac), edited by Carl Einstein 
and Paul Westheim, and published in Potsdam in 1925 
by Kiepenheuer, was a true anthology of the interna- 
tional avant-garde; it ranks to this day as perhaps one of 
the most genuine of all manifestations of international 
artistic cooperation. Here, however, the unifying factor 
was no longer a political persuasion but the deliberately 
nonideological slogan "The Europe Funfair" promul- 
gated in the foreword: "Roll up! Ballyhoo the Europe 
Funfair! Design the Ethereal Swings! Paint the 
Carousels! Hit the Bull's-eye! 'Dice-ign' What You 
Need! Simultaneity! Simultaneity!"^* 

Once the history of the avant-garde within Modem- 
ism is perceived in this way as a simultaneous process, 
Expressionism loses its national prefix. To label Expres- 
sionism "German" is misleading. It was through Ex- 
pressionism that German art gained access to the inter- 
national avant-garde. 


Expressionism as an International Movement 123 

1 Rose-Carol Washton Long, "Expressionism, Abstraction, and 
the Search for Utopia in Germany," in exhibition catalogue 
The Spihtual in Ait: Abstract Painting 1^90-19X5 (Los Ange- 
les County Museum of Art, Los Angeles, 1986). 

2 See my elaboration of this topic in Stephan von Wiese, 
Giaphik des Expressionismus (Stuttgart: Gerd Hatje, 1976). 

3 Ernst Bloch, "Der Expressionismus," Die neue Weltbiihne, 
no. 45 (October 14, 1937I; quoted from Ernst Bloch, Vom 
Hasaid zut Katastrophe: Politische Aufsdtze aus den fahren 
1934-1939 (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1972), p. 277. 

4 Quoted from Wassily Kandinsky and Franz Marc, eds., Dei 
Blaue Reitei, new documentary edition by Klaus Lankheit, 
6th ed. (Munich: Piper, 1987), p. 316. 

5 Ibid., p. 317. 

6 Republished in Ulrich Krempel, ed.. Am Anfang: Das lunge 
Rheinland. Zui Ktmst und Zeitgeschichte einei Region 1918- 
194s (Dusseldorf: Claassen, 1985), p. 51. 

7 Ibid., p. 5T. 

8 Felix Thiirlemann, "Tamose Gegenklange': Der Diskurs der 
Abbildungen im Almanach 'Der Blaue Reiter,'" in exhibition 
catalogue Dei Blaue Reitei (Kunstmuseum, Bern, 1987-88), 
p. 214. 

9 Kandinsky and Marc, eds., Dei Blaue Reitei, p. 259. 

10 Thiirlemann, "Famose Gegenklange," p. 221. 

11 See Eva Kolinsky, Engagieitei Expiessionismus : Politik und 
Liteiatui zwischen Weltkiieg und Weimaiei Republik (Stutt- 
gart: Metzler, 1970). On this topic see also Michael Ham- 
burger, Die Dialektik dei modeinen Lyiik (Munich: List, 

1972), Pi99ff- 

12 See Paul Raabe, exhibition catalogue Dei spate Expiessionis- 
mus 191S-1922 (Kleine Galerie, Biberach an der Riss, 1966), 

p. 5: "Late Expressionism: this is the last phase of the new 
tendency in literature that began in igio and led in the war to 
the pacifist 'O Man!' movement." See also the section on Ger- 
man woodcuts after Expressionism in Gunther Thiem, Dei 
deutsche Holzschnitt im 20. Jahihundeit (Stuttgart: Institut 
fiit Auslandsbeziehungen, 1984), p. 8ff. 

13 Hermann Bahr, Dei Expiessionismus (Munich: Delphin, 
1916), p. 123. 

14 Rene Schickele, "Wie verhalt es sich mit dem Expressionis- 
mus?" Die weifien Bldttei 7, no. 8 (August 1920), pp. 337-40; 
quoted from Paul Raabe, ed., Expiessionismus : Dei Kampfum 
eine liteiaiische Bewegting (Munich: dtv, 1965), p. 179. 

15 First published in Die Tageszeitung (Berlin), January 27, 1986. 

16 Dietrich Schubert, Die Kunst Lehmbiucks (Worms: Wer- 
nersche Veriagsbuchhandlung, 1981), p. 260. 

17 See William S.Rubin, Dada (Stuttgart: Gerd Hatje, 1968), 
p. 88. 

18 Ibid., p. 82. 

19 Unsei Weg 1919 (Berlin, December 1918), p. loff. 

20 Fritz Loffler, Emilio Bertonati, and Joachim Heusinger von 
Waldegg, exhibition catalogue Diesdnei Sezession 1919-192$ 
(Galleria del Levante, Milan and Munich, 1977). 

21 Herbert Kiihn, "Expressionismus und Sozialismus," 1919/20: 
Neue Bldttei fiii Kunst und Dichtung (Dresden) 2 (May 1919), 

22 "An alle Kiinstler aller Lander," de stijl 2, no. 9 (July 1919), 
pp. 104-5. 

23 Stephan von Wiese, "Ein Meilenstein auf dem Weg in den 
Intemationalismus," in Krempel, ed.. Am Anfang, p. soff. 

24 Carl Einstein and Paul Westheim, eds., Euiopa-Almanach 
(Potsdam, 1925), p. 6 ("Jahrmarkt Europa," signed: "Ks"). 

I Brussels 

E ^D E 

„4 S"^ 




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Amsterdam , 

(Expressionistische 1 

Arbeitsgemeinschaft Kiel)--' ^-^ 

Vereinigung Liibecker Bildender Kiinstler) 
(Kunstlerrat'Hamburgische Sezession, 
Werkbund Geistigw Arbeiter) 



• Bielefeld 

IDer Wurf) 

I - Barmen 

■N J '■ _ IDer Wupperkreisl 

'-'\ 'l >'• 

3 /'''DuSSELDORF (Dix. Pankok. Wollheim) 

f '■-*■ (Das Junge Rheinland, Aktivistenbund) 

^ '^ 'Cologne 




Magdeburg < 

(Vereinigung fur Neue Kuk 
und Literatur) 


Halle ^ 



y Erfurt « 

(Kimstlergruppe Jung-Erfurt) 


(Dix, FelixmiiHer, Giosz. KoUwitz 
Meidner. Pechstein, Tappert. Wollheim) 
( Arbeitsrat fiir Kxinst, Novembergruppe) 

^ N Y "-^? 


\Dix, Felixmullei. Grosz, Jacob. Pechstein) , 
Dresden .(DresdnerSezessionGmppe 1919) 

Mil in 



(Hessischer Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, 

Veitretung der Bildenden Kiinstler Hessens, 

Darmstadter Sezession) 

Chemnitz . ^''^'^-h'^^ ^2^/^' 

(Kiinstlergruppe Chemnitz) j^,--»' ) 

/,■ ^v 









. Berne 








S L O V E f 

O V 









(Der Wurf) 



(artists active there) 
(groups active there) 

lost to Germany 
borders in 1920 

100 km 

Expressionist Germany 1920 



Der Anbruch 

Die Aktion 

Der Sturm 

Das Kunstblatt 

Das Junge Deutschland 

Das Neue Pathos 

Neue Jugend 


Die Dachstube 
Das Tribunal 


Neue Blatter fiir Kunst und Dichtung 


Der Querschnitt 

Das Kunstfenster 

Das Junge Rheinland 

Das Ey 

Buch des Aktivistenbundes 



Die Rote Erde 



Das hohe Ufer 
Der Zweemann 


Die Schone Raritdt 
Der Schwarze Tuim 


Die Kugel 


Der Weg 
Die Sichel 

Artists' Biographies 

Exhibitions listed under the heading "Group Exhibitions" refer to those exhibitions held by or featuring the artists' groups 
discussed elsewhere in this catalogue (e. g. Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Novembergruppe, etc.). 

Peter Abelen 

Born 1884 Cologne 
Died 1962 Cologne 


Kunstgewerbesphule, Dusseldorf 
Akademie, Munich 


Die Progressiven, Cologne 


Akademie, Karlsruhe, 1898-99 
Academic Julian, Paris, 1899 -1900 
Ecole Rodin, Paris, 1 900 


Neue Miinchner Sezession, Munich 


Neue Miinchner Sezession, 19 14 


Albiker, Karl, KailAlbiker: Werkbuch, 
ed. City of Ettlingen (Karlsruhe: 
C.EMuller, 1978). 

St. Louis Art Museum, Max Beckmann 
Retrospective, eds. Carla Schulz-Hoff- 
mann and Judith C. Weiss (Munich: 
Prestel, 1984). 

Karl Albiker 

Bom 1878 Uhlingen 
Died 1 96 1 Ettlingen 

Max Beckmann 

Bom 1884 Leipzig 

Died 1950 New York City 


Akademie, Weimar, 1900- 1903 


Berliner Sezession, Berlin 
Neue Sezession, Berlin 
Dannstadter Sezession, Darmstadt 


Gopel, Erhard, and Barbara Gopel, Max 
Beckmann: Katalog der Gemalde, 
1 vols. (Berne: Komfeld, 1976). 

Rudolf Belling 

Bom 1886 Berlin 
Died 1972 Krailing 


Akademie, Berlin, 1 9 1 1 - 22 


Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 
Novembergruppe, Berlin 

Novembergruppe, 1919-26, 1929, 1931 


Nerdinger, Winfried, Rudolf Belling und 
die Kunststiomungen in Berlin 11)18-23 
(Berlin: Deutscher Verlag fiir Kunst- 
wissenschaft, c. 1981). 

Riidiger Berlit 

Bom 1883 Leipzig 
Died 1939 Leipzig 


Akademie ftir Graphische Kiinste und 

Buchgewerbe, Leipzig 
Akademie, Munich, 1909 

128 Artists' Biographies 


Verein fiir Leipziger Jahres-Ausstellungen 
(LJA), Leipzig 

Bruno Beye 

Bom 1895 Magdeburg 
Died 1976 Magdeburg 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Magdeburg, 1911-14 


Vereinigung fiir Neue Kunst und Literatur, 

Albert Birkle 

Bom 1900 Berlin 

Died 1986 Ostermunchen 


Akademie, Berlin, 1918-26 
Master pupil of Arthur Kampf, Berlin, 


P. A. Bockstiegel: A Centenary Retro- 
spective jMunster: 1989-90). 

See also Fritz Loffler in this catalogue, 
pp. 65-66 


Berliner Sezession, Berlin 


Kulturamt der Stadt Salzburg and Museum 
Caroline Augusteum, Salzburg, Albert 
Birkle: Olmaleiei und Pastell lioSo). 

Lorenz Bosken 

Bom 1 89 1 Geldem 
Died 1967 Dusseldorf 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Krefeld 
Akademie, Dusseldorf 


Das Junge Rhemland, Dusseldorf 


Stadtmuseum, Dusseldorf, Lorenz Bosken 

Peter August Bockstiegel 

Bom 1889 Arrode 
Died 1951 Arrode 


Fachschule fiir Malar, Bielefeld, 1903 -7 
Kunstgewerbeschule, Bielefeld, 1907-13 
Akademie, Dresden, 1 9 1 3 - 1 5 


Gruppe 1 917, Dresden 

Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 19 19, Dresden 


Koenig, Wieland, Petei August Bockstiegel 
(Karlsmhe: Miiller, 1978). 

Max Burchartz 

Born 1887 Elberfeld 
Died 1 96 1 Essen 

Artists' Biographies 129 


Akademie, Dusseldorf, 1906-8 


Hannoversche Sezession, Hanover 
Das Junge Rheinland, Dusseldorf 
De Stijl, Weimar 

Novembergruppe, 191 9, 1923 

Otto Dix 

Bom 1891 Untermhaus 
Died 1969 Hemmenhofen 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Dresden, 1909-14 
Akademie, Dresden, 1919-22 
Akademie, Dusseldorf, 1922-25 



Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 19 19, Dresden 
Das lunge Rheinland, Dusseldorf 
Aktivistenbund 19 19, Dusseldorf 
Rote Gruppe, Berlm 
Rheingruppe, Dusseldorf 


Gruppe 1919, 1920-21, 1929, 1931 
Novembergruppe, 1920-21, 1929, 1931 


Loffler, Fritz, Otto Dix: Leben und Werk, 
4th ed. (Dresden: VEB Verlag der Kunst, 

Museum Villa Stuck, Munich, Otto Dix: 
i8i)i-i<)69 (Munich: Hans Goltz, 1985). 

See also Fritz Loffler in this catalogue, 
pp. 67-71. 


Friedrich Peter Drommer 

Born 1889 Kiel 
Died 1968 Graf elf ing 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Kiel, 1909-12 
Hochschule fiir bildende Kunst, Weimar, 

Preussische Kunstakademie, Kassel, 



Expressionistische Arbeitsgemeinschait, 


Brunswiker Pavilion, Kiel, F. P. Drommer: 
Kieler Maler der zoer fahre fi 980). 

Kunstgewerbeschule, Magdeburg, 19 10- 18 
Akademie, Berlin, 1919-20 


Novembergruppe, Berlin 
Vereinigung fiir Neue Kunst und Literatur, 

Novembergruppe, 1919-31, except 1921 

Max Dungert 

Bom 1896 Magdeburg 
Died 1945 Berlin 

Heinrich Ehmsen 

Bom 1886 Kiel 

Died 1964 Berlin (East) 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Dusseldorf, 1906-9 
Academic des Beaux-Arts, Paris, 1909-10 

Novembergruppe, Berlin 


Novembergruppe, 1928-31 


Gemaldegalerie Neue Meister, Dresden, 

Heinrich Ehmsen (1977). 
Krull, Edith, Heinrich Ehmsen (Dresden: 

VEB Verlag der Kunst, 1958). 

Max Ernst 

Born 1891 Briihl 
Died 1976 Paris 


University of Bonn, 1908 or 1909 


Das funge Rheinland, Dusseldorf, 1918 
Founder of Cologne Dada Movement, 1919 

130 Artists ' Biographies 


Der Sturm, Berlin, 1916 
Das Junge Rheinland, igrS (?) 


Russell, John, Max Ernst: Life and Work 
(New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1967). 

Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, New 
York, Max Ernst: A Retrospective, ed. 
Diane Waldman (New York: Solomon 
R. Guggenheim Foundation, 1975). 

Spies, Werner, Max Ernst: Qiuvre-Katalog, 
3 vols. (Houston: Menil Foundation, 

Rudi Feld 

(dates and career information unknown) 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Dresden, 191 1 
Akademie, Dresden, I9r2-i5 


Gruppe 1 917, Dresden 

Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 1919, Dresden 

Novembergruppe, Berlin 

Novembergruppe, 1929 


Gleisberg, Dieter, Conrad Felixmiiller: 
Leben und Werk (Dresden: VEB Verlag 
der Kunst, 1982). 

Archiv fiir Bildende Kunst, Germanisches 
Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg, Conrad 
Felixmiiller: Weike and Dokumente 

See also Fritz Loffler in this catalogue, 
pp. 60-63. 

Conrad Felixmiiller 

Born 1897 Dresden 
Died 1977 Berlin (West) 

Hermann Finsterlin 

Born 1887 Berchtesgaden 
Died 1973 Stuttgart 


Akademie, Munich, I9i7-r8 


Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 


Unbekannte Architekten, Berlin, 19 19 
Neues Bauen, in the Kunsthaus Twardy, 
Berlin, 1920 


Kaiser Wilhelm Museum, Krefeld, 
Hermann Finsterlin: Ideenarchitectur 
1918-24, Entwiirfe fui eine bewohnbare 
Welt {1976). 

Staatsgalerie, Stuttgart, Hermann Finster- 
lin: Eine Anndherung. ed. Reinhard 

Otto Freundlich 

Bom 1878 Stolp, Pomerania 
Died 1943 Maidanek, Poland 


Studied art history in Berlin and Munich, 

Mai- und Modellierschule, Berlin, 1907- 8 
Studied with Lothar von Kunowski and 

Levis Corinth, Berlin, 1907-8 

Novembergruppe, Berlin 


Neue Sezession, Berlin, 1910-13 
Novembergruppe, 1919-21, 1931 


Aust, Giinter, Otto Freundlich (Cologne: 
M. Du Mont Schauberg, i960). 

Rheinisches Landesmuseum, Bonn, Otto 
Freundlich (1878-194}}: Monographie 
mit Dokumentation und Werkverzeich- 
nis (Cologne: Rheinland, 1978). 

Heinz Fuchs 

Born 1886 Berlin 
Died 1961 Berlin (West) 

Artists ' Biographies 131 


Akademie, Berlin 
Kunstschule, Weimar 

Novembergruppe, Berlin 

Novembergruppe, 1919-1926, 1931 

Paul Fuhrmann 

Bom 1893 Berlin 
Died 1952 Berlin (East) 


Unterrichtsanstalt des Kunstgewerbe- 
museums, Berlin, 1912-15 


Internationale Vereinigung der Expres- 
sionisten, Kubisten, Futuristen und 
Konstruktivisten, Berlin (later called 
Die Abstrakten) 

Die Zeitgemassen, Berlin 

Die Abstrakten, 1926-31 


Galerie am Sachsenplatz, Leipzig, Paul 
Fuhrmann (1976). 

Herbert Garbe 

Bom 1888 Berlin 

Died 1945 as prisoner of war in France 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Munich 
Akademie, Berlin 


Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 
Novembergruppe, Berlin 

Novembergruppe, 1919-21, 1929 


Barron, Stephanie, ed., German Expres- 
sionist Sculpture (Los Angeles; Los 
Angeles County Museum of Art, 1983), 
pp. 86-87. 

Galerie Curt Buchholz, Berlin, Herbert 
Garbe/Karl Rossing (1938). 

Otto Gleichmann 

Bom 1887 Mainz 
Died 1963 Hanover 


Akademie, Dusseldorf 
Kunstakademie, Wroclaw 
Akademie, Weimar 


Hannoversche Sezession, Hanover 


Sprengel Museum, Hanover, Otto Gleich- 
mann 18SJ-1963: Zum 100. Geburtstag 


Konigliche Kunstschule, Berlin 


The National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa, 
Walter Gramatte: 1S97-1929 (1966I. 

Friedrich Karl Gotsch 

Bom 1900 Pries 
Died 1984 Schleswig 


Akademie, Dresden, 1920-23 


Stadtische Galerie, Albstadt, Friedrich 
Karl Gotsch: igoo-1984 (1985). 

Walter Gramatte 

Bom 1897 Berlm 
Died 1929 Hamburg 

Born 1895 Meerane 
Died 1972 Dresden 


Konigliche Zeichenschule, Dresden, 

Kunstgewerbeschule, Dresden, 1 9 1 1 - 1 5 
Akademie, Dresden, 1919-22 


Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 19 19, Dresden 

Das Junge Rheinland, Dusseldorf 

Novembergruppe, Berlin 

Rote Gruppe, Berlin 

Assoziation Revolutionarer Bildender 

Kiinstler Deutschlands (ASSO), Dresden 


Novembergruppe, 1924, 1929 

132 Artists' Biographies 


Museum der bildenden Kiinste, Leipzig, 
Otto Giiebel: Maleiei, Zeichnung void 
Giaphik (1972). 

See also Fritz Loffler in this catalogue, 
pp. 71-72. 

George Grosz 

(bom Georg Ehrenfried Gross) 

Bom 1893 Berlin 
Died 1959 Berlin (West| 


Akademie, Dresden, 1909 -11 
Kunstgewerbeschule, Berlin, 191 2 -13 
Academie Colarossi, Paris, 191 3 


Berlin Dada 

Novembergruppe, Berlin (membership 

Rote Gruppe, Berlin 


Novembergruppe, 1929 

Assoziation Revolutionarer Bildender 

Kiinstler Deutschlands (ASSO), Dresden 



Kunstverein, Hamburg, George Grosz: 
Seine Kunst und seine Zeit (1975). 

Lewis, Beth Irwin, George Grosz: Art and 
Politics in the Weimar Republic 
(Madison, Milwaukee, and London: 
University of Wisconsin Press, 1971). 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Dusseldorf, 19 12 -14 
Private student of Adolf Holzel, Stuttgart, 


Das Junge Rheinland, Dusseldorf 
Aktivistenbund 19 19, Dusseldorf 


Exhibition at Neue Kunst Frau Ey, 


Galerie Remmert & Barth, Dusseldorf, 
Adolf de Haer: Friihe Werke 7913 -r^^s 

Adolf de Haer 

Bom 1892 Dusseldorf 
Died 1944 Osnabruck 

Josef Hegenbarth 

Bom 1884 Bohmisch-Kamnitz 
Died 1962 Dresden 


Akademie, Dresden, 1908-15 


Deutsche Kijnstlervereinigung, Dresden 


Grohmann, Will, Josef Hegenbarth: Kunst 
der Gegenwart, ed. Adolf Behne 
(Potsdam, 1948). 

Reichelt, J., Josef Hegenbarth. Charakter- 
bilder der neuen Kunst, 5 (Essen, 1925). 

Katharina Heise 

(pseudonym: Karl Luis Heinrich-Salze) 

Bom 1 89 1 Gross. Salze (today called 


Died 1964 Halle 

Kunstgewerbeschule, Magdeburg 


Berliner Bildhauer, Berlin 

Novembergruppe, Berlin, 1921 


Galerie erph., Erfurt, Katharina Heise 

Hans Siebert von Heister 

Born 1888 Dusseldorf 
Died 1967 Berlin (West) 


Studied under Lovis Corinth and Konrad 
von Kardorff, Berlin, 191 1-14 


Novembergruppe, Berlin 

Das Junge Rheinland, Dusseldorf 

Novembergruppe, 1919-27, 1929 

Artists' Biographies 133 

Akademie, Dresden 


Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 191 9, 

Assoziation Revolutionarer Bildender 

Kiinstler Deutschlands (ASSO), Dresden 

Rote Gruppe, Berhn 


Galerie del Levante, Munich, Diesdner 
Sezession (1977). 

See also Fritz Loff ler in this catalogue, 
PP- 73-74- 


Galerie Michael Pabst, Munich, Hans 
Siebeit von Heister (1985). 

Paul Rudolph Henning 

Born 1886 Berlin 
Died 1986 Berhn (West) 


Kunstgewerbeakademie, Dresden 
(architectural studies), 1905 


Artistes Radicaux, Zurich 
Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 


Barron, Stephanie, ed., Geiman Expies- 
sionist Sculpture (Los Angeles: Los 
Angeles County Museum of Art, 1983), 
pp. 98-99. 

Oswald Herzog 

Bom 1 88 1 Haynau 

Date and place of death unknown 


Kunstschule, Berlin 
Kunstgewerbeschule, Berlin 


Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 
Novembergruppe, Berlin 

Novembergruppe, 1919-31 


Barron, Stephanie, ed., German Expres- 
sionist Sculpture (Los Angeles: Los 
Angeles County Museum of Art, 1983), 
pp. lOO-I. 

Kuhn, Alfred, "Die Absolute Plastik 

Oswald Herzogs," Der Cicerone 13, no. 8 
(April 1 921), pp. 245 -52. 

Angelika Hoerle 

Born 1899 
Died 1923 


Eugen Hoffmann 

Born 1892 Dresden 
Died 1955 Dresden 

Bom 1898 Berlin 
Lives in Halle 

Handwerkerschule, Halle, 191 5 -16 


Hallische Kiinstlergruppe, Halle 
Reichsverband Bildender Kiinstler, Halle 


Hallische Kunstausstellung, 19 19 


Schulze, Ingrid, "Zum 85. Geburtstag des 
halleschen Kiinstlers Richard Horn," 
Galeriespiegel: Staatliche Galerie 
Moritzburg, Halle (January 1983). 

Walter Jacob 

Bom 1893 Altenburg 
Died 1964 Hindelang 

Akademie, Dresden 


Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 1919, Dresden 

134 Artists' Biographies 


Galerie del Levante, Munich, Diesdner 
Sezession (1977). 

See also Fritz Loffler in this catalogue, 
p. 72. 


Novembergruppe, Berlin 
Selektion, Berlin 


Novembergruppe, 1921-32 

Edmund Resting 

Willy Jaeckel 

Born i888Breslau 
Died 1944 Berlin 


Akademie, Wroclaw, 1906-8 
Akademie, Dresden, 1908-9 


Cohn-Wiener, Ernst, Willy faeckel (Leip- 
zig: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1920). 

Walter Kampmann 

Born i887Elberfeld 
Died 194s Berlin 

Kunstgewerbeschule, Elberfeld 

Born 1892 Dresden 
Died i97oBirkenwerder 


Akademie, Dresden, 1911-16, 1918-22 


Stadtische Kunstsammlungen, Karl-Marx- 
Stadt, Edmund Resting {11)62]. 

Cesar Klein 

Bom 1876 Hamburg 
Died 1954 Pansdorf 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Hamburg 
Akademie, Dusseldorf 
Unterrichtsanstalt des Kunstgewerbe- 
museums, Berlin 


Neue Sezession, Berlin 
Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 
Novembergruppe, Berlin 


Novembergruppe, 1919-22, 1924, 
1926-27, 1929, 1931 


Pfefferkom, Rudolf, C. Klein: CEuvre- 
Aataiog (Berlin, 1975). 

-^ -2J£2Htat 

Kathe KoUwitz 

Born 1867 Konigsberg 
Died 1945 Moritzburg 


Malerirmenschule Stauffer-Bern, Berlin, 

Kiinstlerinnenschule Hertench, Munich, 

Academic Julian, Paris, 1904 

Artists' Biographies 135 


Klipstein, August, Kdthe KoUwitz: 
Veizeichnis des graphischen Weikes 
(Bern: Klipstein & Co., 1955). 

Kollwitz, Kathe, Ich sah die Welt mit 
liebevoUen Blicken: Ein Leben in 
Selbstzeugnissen heiausgegeben von 
Hans Kollwitz (Hanover: Fackeltrager- 
Verlag Schmidt-Kuster, 1968). 

Nagel, Otto, Kdthe Kollwitz, trans. Stella 
Humphries (Greenwich, CT: New York 
Graphic Society, rg/r). 

Bernhard Kretzschmar 

Bom 1889 Dobeln 
Died 1972 Dresden 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Dresden, 1909-ri 
Akademie, Dresden, 1911-12, I9i3-r7 


Dresdner Kiinstlervereinigung, Dresden 

Aktion, Dresden 

Neue Dresdner Sezession, Dresden 


Loffler, Fritz, Beinhaid Kretzschmar 
(Dresden: VEB Verlag der Kunst, 1985). 

See also Fritz Loffler in this catalogue, 
pp. 75 -76. 

Will Kiipper 

Born r893 Bruhl 
Died 1972 Dusseldorf 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Cologne, r907-r3 
Akademie, Dusseldorf, rgrg, T922-26 
Akademie, Munich, 1920-21 


Rheinische Sezession, Dusseldorf 
Rheingruppe, Dusseldorf 


Stadtische Galerie, Albstadt, Otto Lange 
1 87c, -1944 [j^Si). 

See also Fritz Loffler in this catalogue, 
pp. 64-65. 


Griebitzsch, Herbert, Erich Heck, and 
Paul Loskill, Will Kiipper (Bruhl: Kate 
Ktipper, 1978). 

Werner Lange 

Bom 1888 
Died 1955 Kiel 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Kiel, 1907-9 
Landeskunstschule, Hamburg, 1 909 - 1 2 


Expressionistische Arbeitsgemeinschaft, 


Kieler Stadt- und Schiffahrtsmuseum, 
Kiel, Der Kieler Maler W. Lange (1978). 

Otto Lange 

Bom 1879 Dresden 
Died 1944 Dresden 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Dresden 
Akademie, Dresden 


Gruppe 19 1 7, Dresden 

Novembergruppe, Berlin 

Dresdner Sezession Gruppe rgrg, Dresden 


Novembergruppe, 1920, 1924, r927-28 
Gruppe r9i9, 1919-22, 1925 

Carl Lohse 

Bom 1895 Hamburg 
Died 1965 Bischofswerda 

136 Artists' Biographies 


Malschule Siebelist, Hamburg, 1910-12 
Akademie, Weimar, 1912-13 


Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, 
Gemaldegalerie Neue Meister, Dresden, 
Carl Lohse In. d.]. 

Ludwig Meidner 

Bom 1884 Bemstadt 
Died 1966 Darmstadt 


Kunstschule, Wroclaw, 1903-5 
Academie Julian, Paris, 1906-7 


Die Pathetiker, Berlin 
Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 
Novembergruppe, Berlin 
Darmstadter Sezession, Darmstadt 

Novembergruppe, 191 9 


Grochowiak, Thomas, Ludwig Meidner 
(Recklinghausen: Aurel Bongers, 1966). 

Moriz Melzer 

Born 1877 Abendorf, Bohemia 
Died 1966 Berlin (West) 


Kunstschule, Weimar 
Schule fiir freie und angewandte Kunst, 


Berliner Sezession, Berlin 
Neue Sezession, Berlin 

Berliner Freie Sezession, Berlin 
Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 
Novembergruppe, Berlin 


Novembergruppe, 1919, 1922, 1926-27, 
1929, 1931 


Berlin Museum, Berlin, Stadtbilder : Berlin 
in der Malerei vom ij. Jahrhundert bis 
zur Gegenwart (Berlin: Willmuth 
Arenhovel and Nicolaische Verlags- 
buchhandlung Beuermann, 1987). 

Constantin von 

Bom 1884 Collande 
Died 1956 Nuremberg 


Technische Hochschule, Munich, 1905-7 

(architectural studies) 
Akademie, Dresden, 1907-10, 1912-13 
Studied vvfith Fernand Leger and Maurice 

Denis, Paris 


Gruppe 1917, Dresden 

Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 19 19, Dresden 


Galerie del Levante, Munich, Dresdner 
Sezession (1977). 

See also Fritz Loffler in this catalogue, 
pp. 63 -64. 

Otto Moller 

Born 1883 Schmiedefeld 
Died 1964 Berlin (West) 


Kunstschule, Berlin, 1904-7 
Studied under Lovis Corinth, Berlin, 

Novembergruppe, Berlin 


Berliner Sezession, Berlin 
Novembergruppe, 1919-23, 1926-29, 1931 


Berlin Museum, Berlin, Stadtbilder: Berlin 
in der Malerei vom ij. Jahrhundert bis 
zur Gegenwart (Berlin: Willmuth 
Arenhovel and Nicolaische Verlags- 
buchhandlung Beuermann, 1987). 

Kunstamt, Wedding, Die November- 
gruppe: Teil r - Die Ma/er (1977). 

Pfefferkom, Rudolf, Otto Moller (Berlin: 
Stapt, 1974). 

Johannes Molzahn 

Bom 1892 Duisburg 
Died 1965 Munich 

Artists' Biographies 137 


Grossherzogliche Zeichenschule, Weimar 

Novembergruppe, Berlin 


Der Sturm, Berlm, 1917 
Novembergruppe, 1921, 1926, 1929 
Gruppe ZZ, Magdeburg, 1925 


Schade, Herbert, Johannes Molzahn: 
Einfiihrung in das Werk und die Kunst- 
theoiie des Maleis, (Munich and Zurich: 
Schnell und Steiner, 1972). 

Heinrich Nauen 

Born 1880 Krefeld 
Died i94oKalkar 


Akademie, Dusseldorf, 1896-99 

Private painting school of Heinrich Knirr, 

Munich, 1899 
Akademie, Stuttgart, 1899 -1902 


Das Junge Rheinland, Dusseldorf 
Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 


Marx, Eberhard, Heinrich Nauen (Reck- 
linghausen; Aurel Bongers, 1966). 

Otto Pankok 

Born 1893 Saam 
Died 1966 Wesel 


Akademie, Dusseldorf, 191 2 
Akademie, Weimar, 1 9 r 2 - 1 3 


Aktivistenbund 19 19, Dusseldorf 
Gruppe Johanna Ey, Dusseldorf 
Das Junge Rheinland, Dusseldorf 


Galerie Remmert & Barth, Dusseldorf, 
Otto Pankok: Zeichnungen, 
Druckgraphiken, Plastiken 11^14-64 

Kasseler Kunstverein e. V., Kassel, Otto 
Pankok: Zeichnungen, Holzschnitte, 
Radieiungen, Plastiken (1968). 

Zimmermann, Rainer, Otto Pankok: Das 
Weik des Maleis, Holzschneideis und 
Bildhaueis {Berlin: Rembrandt, 1972). 

Max Pechstein 

Bom 1 88 1 Eckersbach 
Died 1955 Berlin (West) 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Dresden, 1900 -1902 
Akademie, Dresden, r902-6 


Die Briicke, Dresden/Berlin 
Neue Sezession, Berlin 
Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 
Novembergruppe, Berlin 

Novembergruppe, 19 19 


Osbom, Max, Max Pechstein (Berlin: 
Propylaen, 1922). 

Pfalzgalerie, Kaiserslautem, Max Pech- 
stein (1982). 

Wilhelm Pliinnecke 

Bom 1894 Hanover 
Died 1954 Stuttgart 


Unterrichtsanstalt des Kunstgewerbe- 
museums, Berlin 

Hans Poelzig 

Born 1869 Berlin 
Died 1936 Berlin 

138 Artists' Biographies 


Technische Hochschule, Berlin, 1889-94 


Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 
Novembergruppe, Berlin 

Novembergruppe, 1924-25 


Heuss, Theodor, Hans Poelzig: Lebensbild 
eines deutschen Baumeisteis (Tubingen, 

Anton Raderscheidt 

Born 1892 Cologne 
Died 1970 Cologne 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Cologne, 1910-14 
Akademie, Dusseldorf 


Gruppe Stupid, Cologne 


Das Junge Rheinland, 1925 
Neue Sachlichkeit, 1925 


Richter, Horst, Anton Raderscheidt 
(Recklinghausen; Aurel Bongers, 

Christian Rohlfs 

Born 1849 Niendorf 
Died i938Hagen 


Akademie, Weimar, 1870-71, 1874- 


Neue Sezession, Berlin 
Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 


Vogt, Paul, Christian Rohlfs: CEuvie- 
Katalog der Gemdlde (Recklinghausen: 
Aurel Bongers, 1978). 


Technische Hochschule, Berlin, 19 12 -14 


Akademie der Kiinste, Berlin, Hans 

Scharoun (1967). 
Pehnt, Wolfgang, Die Architektur 

des Expressionismus (Teufen: 

Niggli, and Stuttgart: Gerd Hatje, 


Wilhelm Rudolph 

Bom 1889 Chemnitz 
Died 1982 Dresden? 


Akademie, Dresden, 1908-14, 1918-20 


Kiinstlervereinigung, Dresden 
Rote Gruppe, Berlin 


Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, National- 
galerie, Berlin (East), Wilhelm Rudolph 

Hans Scharoun 

Bom 1893 Bremen 
Died 1972 Berlin (West) 

Karl Schmidt-Rotluff 

Born 1884 Chemnitz 
Died 1976 Berlin (West) 


Technische Hochschule, Dresden (archi- 
tectural studies) 


Die Briicke 

Neue Sezession, Berlin 

Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 

Die Briicke, Dresden, 1906 

Aitists ' Biographies 139 


Grohmann, Will, Karl Schmidt-Rotluff 
(Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1956). 

Otto Schubert 

Bom 1892 Dresden 
Died 1970 Dresden 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Dresden, 1906-9 
Akademie, Dresden, 1913-14, 191 7- 18 


Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 19 19, Dresden 


See Fritz Loffler in this catalogue, p. 66 

Arthur Segal 

Bom 1875 lasi, Romania 
Died 1944 London 


Akademie, Berlin, 1892-96 
Akademie, Munich, 1896 -1902 


Neue Sezession, Berlin 
Novembergruppe, Berlin 


Novembergruppe, 1921-25, 1927-31 


K5lnischer Kunstverein, Cologne, AithuT 
SegaiiS75 -1944 (1987). 

Franz Wilhelm Seiwert 

Born 1894 Cologne 
Died 1933 Cologne 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Cologne, 1910 
School of the Rautenstrauch-Joest 
Museum, Cologne, 191 3 -15 


Gruppe Stupid, Cologne 
Die Progressiven, Cologne 


Kolnischer Kunstverein, Cologne, Franz 
W. Seiwert, i8<)4-i<)a: Leben und Werk 

Fritz Stuckenberg 

Bom 1 88 1 Munich 
Died 1944 Fussen 


Technische Hochschule, Braunschweig, 

1900 (architectural studies) 
Kunstgewerbeschule, Weimar, 1903-5 
Studied with Emil Nolde, Berlin or 

Dresden 1905 
Akademie, Munich, 1905-7 


Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 
Novembergruppe, Berlin 

Novembergruppe, 1920, 1922, t928-29 


Schreiner, Ludwig, Fritz Stuckenberg 
1881-1944: Bin Malei des Sturm und 
der Novembergruppe, Berlin. Nieder- 
deutsche Beitrage zur Kunstgeschichte, 
vol. 7 (Munich and Berlin : Deutscher 
Kunstverlag, 1968). 

Georg Tappert 

Bom 1880 Berlin 
Died 1957 Berlin (West) 


Akademie, Karlsruhe, 1900-1903 


Neue Sezession, Berlin 
Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst, Berlin 
Novembergruppe, Berlin 

140 Artists' Biographies 


Novembergruppe, 1919-22, 1927-29, 1931 


Wietek, Gerhard, Georg Tappert 1880- 
1957; Ein Wegbereiter der Deutschen 
Moderne (Munich: KarlThiemig, 1980). 

Adolf Uzarski 

Born 1885 Ruhrort am Rhein 
Died i97oDusseldorf 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Dusseldorf 
Akademie, Dusseldorf 


Das Junge Rheinland, Dusseldorf 
Rheingruppe, Dusseldorf 
Rheinische Sezession, Dusseldorf 


Handwerker- und Kunstgewerbeschule, 

Kunstgewerbeschule, Dresden, 1 912 -13 


Hallische Kiinstlergruppe, Halle 
Vereinigung fiir Neue Kunst und Literatur, 

Novembergruppe, 1919-21, 1924-26, 1929 


Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, Halle, Karl 
Volker. Leben und Werk (1976). 

js.aii Volker 

Bom 1889 Halle 
Died 1962 Weimar 

Christoph Voll 

Bom 1897 Munich 
Died 1939 Karlsruhe 


Kunstgewerbeschule, Dresden, 19 18 -19 

Akademie, Dresden, 1919-22 


Dresdner Sezession Gmppe 19 19, Dresden 


Galeria del Levante, Milan and Munich, 
Dei Bildhauei Christoph Voll (1975)- 

See also Fritz Loffler in this catalogue, 
PP- 74-75- 

William Wauer 

Bom 1866 Oberwiesenthal 
Died 1962 Berlin (West) 


Akademie, Dresden 
Akademie, Berlin 
Akademie, Munich 

Studied in United States, 1887-89? 
University of Leipzig (art historical and 
philosophical studies) 


Internationale Vereinigung der Expres- 
sionisten, Kubisten, Futuristen und 
Konstruktivisten, Berlin (later called 
Die Abstrakten) 


Lazlo, Carl, William Wauer (Basel: 
Editions Panderma Carl Laszlo, 1979). 

Gert (sometimes Gerd) Wollheim 

Born 1894 Loschwitz 
Died 1974 New York City 


Hochschule fiir bildende Kunst, Weimar, 


Das Junge Rheinland, Dusseldorf 
Aktivistenbund 19 19, Dusseldorf 

Artists' Biographies 141 


Novembergruppe, 1927, 1929, 1931 
Das junge Rheinland, 1925 


Galerie Remmert & Barth, Dusseldorf, 

Gen H. WoUheim: Die wilden Jahie, 

Fritz Zalisz 

Bom 1893 Gera 
Died 1971 Leipzig 


Akademie, Munich 
Akademie fiir Graphische Kiinste und 
Buchgewerbe, Leipzig, 19 14 -18 

Magnus Zeller 

Born 1888 Biesenrode 
Died 1972 Caputh 


Studied under Lovis Corinth, Berhn, 


Berhner Sezession, Berhn 
Novembergruppe, Berlin (membership 


Zweig, Arnold, and Lothar Lang, Magnus 
Zellei (Dresden; VLB Verlag der Kunst, 

Catalogue of Works Shown in the Exhibition 

Dimensions are given in inches and centimeters, height preceeding width. 

Unless otherwise stated, the dimensions given for prints are those of the sheet, 

not the image; the illustrations reproduce the image only. 

144 Catalogue of Works 

Peter Abelen, Angelika Hoerle, 
Anton Raderscheidt, 
Franz Wilhelm Seiwert 
Lebendige (The Living), 1919 
Portfolio of 7 woodcuts 

a) Anton Raderscheidt, title page 

b) A. Raderscheidt, Rosa 

c) F.W. Seiwert, Karl Liebknecht 

d) Angelika Hoerle, fean faures 

e) P. Abelcn, Kurt Eisner 

f) A. Hoerle, Eugen Levine 

g) F.W. Seiwert, Gustav Landauer 
h) A. Raderscheidt, colophon 
irVsx 9Vi6in. (29.5 x 23 cm) 
Private collection, FRG 

Karl Albiker 

Der heilige Sebastian 

(St. Sebastian), c. 1920 


H: 577(6 in. (145 cm) 

Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 

Dresden, GDR 


Catalogue of Works 145 

Max Beckmann 

5 studies for the painting 

Die Nacht (Tlie Night), 


Pencil and ink on paper 

a) 6'/2 X 7V4 in. (16.5 X 19.7 cm| 

b) 7'/8 X 8'/i in. I20 X 21.6 cm) 
cj 6V.6x8'/4 in. (16.1x21 cm) 
d)7V»x9VB in. (18.8x23.8 cm) 
e) 8'/.6XiiV8 in. (21.5x29.5 cm) 
Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG 

Max Beckmann 

Die Holle [Hell], 1919 

Portfolio of 1 1 transfer lithographs 

a) Plate 3 : Das Martyrium 

21'/. (, X 29V1 in. (54.5 x 75 cm) 

b) Plate 6; Die Nacht (The Night): 
2i'/8X27"/.6in. (55.6x70.3 cm) 
Stadtisches Museum 
Miilheim an der Ruhr, FRG 

146 Catalogue of Works 

Max Beckmann 

Das Maityiium (Martyrdom), 


Lithographic crayon on transfer 

paper with corrections on pasted 

tissue overlays 

Sheet: 2474X33'/! in. 

(61.6 X 85.1 cm) 

Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 

Lee M. Friedman Fund 

(Los Angeles and Ft. Worth only) 

Rudolf Belling 

Dreiklang [Tria.d], lyigcast 

after 1950 


35V16 X 33'/i6 X 30V16 in. 

(90x85 X 77 cm) 

Private collection 

Rudolf Belling 
Bildnis Alfred Flechtheim 
(Portrait of Alfred Flechtheim), 
1927, cast after World War II 

7V8X4V4X 5 78 in. 
(18. 7X 12x13 cm) 
I) The Minneapolis Institute of 

Arts, the lohn R. Van Derlip 

Fund (Los Angeles and Ft. Worth 

II) Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG 

(Dusseldorf and Halle only) 

Riidiger Berlit 

Noli me tangere, 1927 

Oil on canvas 

40V16X 35'/i(>in. {102 X 90 cm) 

Museum der bildenden Kunste, 

Leipzig, GDR 

Bruno Beye 

Selbstbildnis {SeU-Ponrnit], 


Oil on canvas 

22^/16 X i8'7i6in. (57 X 47.5 cm) 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 

Bruno Beye 

SeibstWiJnis // (Self- Portrait II), 



8'Vi<. X 7 Vio m. (22.7 X 18.2 cm) 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 

Catalogue of Works 147 

Bruno Beye 

Bildnis eines dlteren Herren 

beim Zeichnen (Portrait of an 

Old Man Drawing), 1926 

Pencil on paper 

i8'Vi6 X 12V16 in. (47.8 X 30.6 cm) 

Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 

Dresden, GDR 

Albert Birkle 
Revolution, 191 9 
Charcoal on paper 
19V16 X 3s^/i6 in. (49 X 90 cm) 
Stadtmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG 


Albert Birkle 

Strasse mit dent 

Schldchterwagen (Street with 

the Butcher-Wagon), 1922-23 

Oil on paper 

27^Vi6 X 39^/4 in. (71 X loi cm) 

Marvin and Janet Fishman, 



Peter August Bockstiegel 

Auszug der Jiinglinge in den 

Krieg, Studie (Departure of the 

Youngsters for War, Study), 


Oil on canvas 

38 X 66' Vi(. in. [96.5 X 170 cm) 

Peter August Bockstiegel-Haus, 

Werther-Arrode, FRG 

(Los Angeles, Dusseldorf, and Halle 


(also illustrated in color on p. 6 5 ) 

148 Catalogue of Works 


Peter August Bockstiegel 

Die Mutter (The Mother), 


Oil on canvas 

63'/8X46V4in. |l6i X 117.5 cm) 
Staatliche Kunstsaramlungen 
Dresden, GDR 
(also illustrated in color on p. 65) 

Peter August Bockstiegel 
Gefdhrten mit Tod (Dei Tod 
im Lazarett) (Companions 
with Death [Death in the 
Military Hospital]), igrg 

i4VaX ii'Vi6in. (36.8 X 30 cm) 
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 
Dresden, GDR 

Peter August Bockstiegel 
Hilfswerk dei I AH (Relief 
Organization of the lAH), 1921 
Lithograph poster 
26' Vi6 X 20"/r6 in. (68. s X 52.5 cm) 
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 
Dresden, GDR 


Lorenz Bosken 

Der Fahnentrdger (The Flag 

Bearer), 19 19 

Oil on canvas 

26 X 21 Vs in. (66 X 55 cm) 

Lorenz Bosken, )r. 


Max Burchartz 

Die Ddmonen I (The Devils I), 

c. 1919 

Plate I from a portfolio of 

8 lithographs 

Image: 7^/16 X4'Vi6 in. 

(t8.9X 12.2 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies, 

purchased with funds provided by 

Arma Bing Arnold, Museum 

Acquisition Fund, and Dcaccession 


(Los Angeles only) 

Catalogue of Works 149 

Otto Dix 

Der Krieg (War), 19 14 

Oil on paper 

SS'AxiyVsin. (98.5 X69.5 cm| 

Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG 

jDusseldorf only) 

(also illustrated in color on p. 69) 

Otto Dix 

Selbstbildnis als Soldat 
(Self-Portrait as Soldier), 1914 
and verso: a) Selbstbildnis 
mit Anilleriehelm (Self- 
Portrait with Artillery 
Helmet), 1914-15 
Oil on paper 

26V4X2iVi(,in. (68x53.5 cm) 
Galerie der Stadt Stuttgart, FRG 
(Los Angeles only) 
(also illustrated in color on p. 19) 

Otto Dix 

Leuchtkugel (Signal Flare), 


Gouache on paper 

t6Vi6X I5 7i in. (40.8 X 39.4 cm) 

Stadtische Galerie Albstadt, 

Collection WaltherGroz, FRG 

(Los Angeles, Ft. Worth, and 

Dusseldorf only) 

(also illustrated in color on p. 68) 

23 (illustration p. t5o) 

Otto Dix 

Zwei Schiitzen (Two 

Riflemen), 191 7 

Charcoal on paper 

iS'/i(, X t67»in. (39.5 X 41 cm) 

Galerie der Stadt Stuttgart, FRG 


Otto Dix 

Abendsonne (Ypern) 

(Setting Sun [Ypres]), 1918 


15^/16 x 16V4 in. (39.2 X4r. 3 cm) 

Stadtische Galerie Albstadt, 

Collection Walther Groz, FRG 

(Los Angeles, Ft. Worth, and 

Dusseldorf only) 

(also illustrated in color on p. 20) 

150 Catalogue of Works 


Otto Dix 

(Machine Gun), c. 191 8 
Charcoal on paper 
1 1'/8 X I I'/s in. I28.2 X 28.2 cm| 
Galerie der Stadt Stuttgart, FRG 


Otto Dix 

Schwerer Gianateinschlag 
(Heavy Shell Fire), 19 18 
Charcoal on paper 
II '/4X iiVi6in. (28.6 X 29 cm) 
Galerie der Stadt Stuttgart, FRG 


Otto Dix 

Sehnsucht (Longing), 1918 

Oil on canvas 

2lVi6X20'/an.(s3.5 xs2cm| 

Staatliche Kunstsamralungen 

Dresden, GDR 

[also illustrated in color on p, 7 1 } 


Otto Dix 

Kriegei mit Pfeife 

(Soldier with Pipe), 1918 


iS'/isxis'/sin. (39.5 X 39 era) 

Private collection, FRG 

(also illustrated ui color on p. s 6) 

Otto Dix 

Gruppe 1919 (Group 1919), 


Poster, lithograph 

34'/4X22V8in. (87x56.8 cm) 

Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 

Dresden, GDR 

Catalogue of Works 151 

30 (illustration p. 152) 

Otto Dix 

Leda, 19 19 

Oil on canvas 

40V4X 31' '/16 in. (103.5 X 80.5 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Alt, purchased with hands provided 

by Charles K. Feldraan, Mr. and 

Mrs. John C. Best, and B. Gerald 


(also illustrated in color on p. 70) 


Otto Dix 

Neun Holzschnitte (Nine 

Woodcuts], 1919-20 

Portfolio of 9 woodcuts 

a) Strasse (Street) 

b) Elekthsche (The Streetcar) 

c) Die Piominenten (Konstellation) 
(The Celebrities [Constellation]) 

d) Ldrm dei Strasse (Street Noise) 

e) Liebespaar [Loveis] 

f) Katzen{Cats] 

g) Mann und Weib (Ndchtliche 
Szene) [Man and Woman 
(Nocturnal ScenelJ 

h) Apotbeose (Apotheosis) 

i) Scherzo 

Plates a - b, sheet : 1 7 x 1 3 Vs in. 

(43.2x35.3 cm), each slightly 


Plates c-i, sheet: 16V4X i3Vi6in. 

[42.3 X 34.7 cm), each slightly 


Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies 

152 Catalogue of Works 


Otto Dix 

Bildnis Max John (Lesender 

Arbeiter) (Portrait of Max John 

[Worker Reading!), 1920 

Oil on canvas 

27^/16 X 2374 in. (70 X 59 cm) 

Haus der Heimat, Freital, GDR 


Otto Dix 

St. Sebastian, c. 1920 
Ink on paper 

23VKX iBVsin. (60x46.6 cm) 
Staatliclie Kunstsammlungen 
Dresden, GDR 


Otto Dix 

Die Skatspieler 

(Kartenspielende Kriippel) 

(The Skat Players [Cripples 

Playing Cards)), 1920 

Oil and collage on canvas 

43V16X 33^/i(;in. (rrox 85 cm) 

Private collection, FRG 

(Los Angeles and Ft. Worth only) 

(also illustrated in color on p. 28) 


Otto Dix 

Frau Johanna Ey (Johanna Ey), 


Oil on canvas 

5S'/sx 3sVi(. in. (r40X 90 cm) 

Private collection 

(Dusseldorf only) 

(also illustrated in color on p. 89) 

Catalogue of Works 153 


Otto Dix 

Der Kneg{W-dT], 1924 

50 etchings 

a) Fliehender Verwundetei, 
Sommeschlacht 1916 (Wounded 
Man Fleeing, Battle of the 
Somme 1916) 

7V4X s'/iin. (19.7 X 14.0 cm) 

b) Transplantation (Skin Graft) 
7^/ibX 5^/8 in. (19.9 X 14.9 cm) 

c) Toter (Saint- Clement) (Dead 
Man [Saint-Clement]) 

11V4X ro'A in. (29.9 X25.9 cm) 

d) Toter im Schlamm (Dead Man in 
the Mud) 

7V4X loVain. (19.5 x 25.8 cm) 

e) Verwundeter (Herbst 1916. 
Bapaume) (Wounded Man 
(Autumn 1916, Bapaume]) 
7V4X ii-Vs in. (19.7 x 29.0 cm) 

f ) Die Irrsinnige von Sainte-Marie- 
d-Py) [The Madwoman of Sainte- 
iiVi6X7V4in. (28.8 X 19.8 cm) 

g) Besuch bei Madame Germaine in 
Mericourt (Visit to Madame 
Gemiaine in Mericourt) 
ioV4X7V4in. (26.1 X 19.8 cm) 

h) Gesehen am Steilhang von Clery- 

sur-Somme (Seen on the 

Escarpment at Clery-sur-Somme) 

ioV4X7V4in. (26.0 X r9.8 cm) 
i) Pferdekadavcr (Horse Cadaver) 

5'7i6X7V4 in. (14.5 x 19.7 cm) 
j) Kantine in Haplincourt {Cantetn 


7Vt6X ioVi6in. (19.8 X2S.9 cm) 
Sheet: 13V3X iS'Vi^in. 
(35.3x47.5 cm) 
I) Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center 

for German Expressionist Studies 

[Los Angeles and Ft, Worth only) 
II) Kunstmuscum Diisseldorf, FRG 

[Dusscldorf and Halle only) 

154 Catalogue of Works 

Friedrich Peter Drommer 

Dei Revolutiondr 

(Selbstportidt mit Weinglas) 

(The Revolutionary [Self- 

Portrait with Wineglass]), 1919 

Oil on canvas 

39 X 31 Vi in. (99 X 80 cm) 


Landesmuseuni, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 98) 


Max Dungert 

Turm (Tower), 1922 

Oil on canvas 

70^/sx 3s^/i6in. (180 X 90 cm) 

Berlinische Galerie, Berlin, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 5 1 ) 


Heinrich Ehmsen 

Selbstbildnis (Self-Portrait), 


Oil on paper 

27^/16 X 2oVr6 in. (70 X 5 1 cm) 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 


Heinrich Ehmsen 

Inensaal (Unruhige Abteilung) 

(Hall for the Insane [Restless 

Ward]), 1925 

Oil on canvas 

50X39VHin. (127 x 100 cm) 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 


Max Ernst 

Der Familienausflug (The 

Family Outing), 1 9 1 9 

Oil on cardboard 

14V16 X iq'/4 in. (36 X 26 cm) 

The State Jewish Museum, Prague, 



Max Ernst 

Das Leben mi Haus (Life in the 

Home), 19 19 

Oil on cardboard 

14V16X 1 1 '/4 in. (36x28.5 cm) 

The State Jewish Museum, Prague, 


(also illustrated in color on p. 9 1 ) 

Catalogue of Works 155 


Rudi Feld 

Die Gefahr des Bolschewismus 

(The Danger of Bolsfievism), 

c. 1919 

Poster, litfiograpii 

Image: 37 x 27 Vih in. (94 x 69.3 cm) 

Tfie Robert Gore Rifkind 

Collection, Beverly Hills 

(also illustrated in color on p. 25) 


Conrad Felixmiiller 

Bildnis Felix Stiemei (Portrait 

of Felix Stiemer), 19 18 

Oil on canvas 

23V8X l7'Vi6in. (60x45 cm) 

Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, GDR 

(also illustrated in color on p. 62) 


Conrad Felixmiiller 
Menschen tibei dei Welt 
(Mankind above the World), 


27'Vi6X i9Vi6in. (71 X49 cm) 
I) Private Collection (Los Angeles, 

Fort Worth and Dusseldorf only) 
II) StaatlicheMuseenzuBerlin,GDR 

(Halle only) 


Conrad Felixmiiller 

Dei Revolutiondi (The 

Revolutionary), 19 19 


9^/16 X 6 Vs in. (24 X 16-8 cm) 

Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG 


Conrad Felixmiiller 

Bildnis Elfiiede Hausmann 

(Portrait of Elfriede 

Hausmann), 1920 

Oil on canvas 

3 1 Vs X 2 1 Ve in. (79 X 5 5 cm) 

Marvin and Janet Fishman, 


(also illustrated in color on p. 62) 


Conrad Felixmiiller 

Bildnis Raoul Hausmann 

(Portrait of Raoul Hausmann), 


Oil on canvas 

33V16 X 2CV8 in. (85 X 67 cm) 

Staatliches Lmdenau-Museum, 

Altenburg, GDR 

(also illustrated in color on p. 4 1 ) 

156 Catalogue of Works 


Conrad Felixmiiller 

Bildnis Otto Ritsdil (Portrait of 

Otto Ritsdil), 1920 

Oil on canvas 

33^/16 x29'/i in. (8s X75 cm) 

Marvin and Janet Fishman, 


(also illustrated in color on p. 6 1 ) 


Conrad Felixmiiller 

Otto Dixmalt (Otto Dix 

Painting], 1920 

Oil on canvas 

47'/4X 37^/h in. [120x95 cm) 

Staatliche Museen Preussischer 

Kulturbesitz, Berlin, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 10) 

Conrad Felixmiiller 

Ruhrrevier (The Ruhr District), 


Oil on canvas 

3l'/>x25''/i«in. (80x65 cm) 

Private collection, Berlin, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 20) 


Conrad Felixmiiller 

Arbeiter auf dem Heimweg 

(Workers on the Way Home), 


Oil on canvas 

37VS x 37V8 in. (95 X 95 cm) 

Private collection, Berlm, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 2 1 ) 


Conrad FelixmuUcr 

Der Arbeiter Max John (The 

Worker Max John), 1921 

Oil on canvas 

35V8X29V4 in. (90.5 X 75.5 cm) 

Staatliches Lindenau-Museum, 

Altenburg, GDR 

[also illustrated in color on p. 118) 


Conrad Felixmiiller 

Der Schaubudenboxer auf der 

Vogelwiese (The Exhibition 

Boxer at the Vogelwiese), 1921 

Oil on canvas 

37'/8X43Vnin.[95 x 110 cm) 

Berlinische Galerie, Berlin, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 61) 


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Catalogue of Works 157 


Conrad Felixmiiller 

Bildnis Franz Pfemfeit 

(Portrait of Franz Pfemfert), 


Oil on canvas 

26V4X23Vi(.in. (68 x 58.5 cm| 

Staatliclie Kunstsammlungen 

Kassel, FRG 

(Los Angeles only) 

(also illustrated in color on p. 12) 


Conrad Felixmiiller 

Ich male meinen Sohn (I Paint 

My Son), 1923 

Oil on canvas 

46'/i^X29'/iin. (117 X75 cm) 

Museum Ostdeutsche Galerie 

Regensburg, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 60) 


Conrad Felixmiiller 

Opfei der Not I Ftii das 

Hilfswerk der lAH (Victim of 

Privation / For the Relief 

Organization of the lAH), 1924 


277i6X igVHin. (70 x 49.8 cm) 

Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 

Dresden, GDR 


Conrad Felixmiiller 

Der Tod des Dichters Walter 

Rheiner (Death of the Poet 

Walter Rheiner), 1925 

Oil on canvas 

72'Vi6X 5iVi6Ln. (185 X 130cm) 

The Robert Gore Rifkind Collection 

and Foundation, Beverly Hills 

(also illustrated in color on 

frontispiece p. 2) 


Hermann Finsterlin 

Untitled, 1919 

Ink, watercolor, and pencil on paper 

15 Vmx ri'Vifein. (39 x 30 cm) 

Kicken Pauseback Galerie, 

Cologne, FRG 


Hermann Finsterlin 


Ink and watercolor on paper 

i3V4X9'Vifiin. (35 X 25 cm) 

Kicken Pauseback Galerie, 

Cologne, FRG 

— i!S!»- 

158 Catalogue of Works 


Otto Freundlich 

Die Mutter (The Mother!, 1921 

Oil on canvas 

47V4X39Vsm. (120X 100 cm) 

Berlinische Galerie, Berlin, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 53) 


Heinz Fuchs 

Arbeitei! WoUt Ihr satt 

werdeni (Workers! Do You 

Want Enough toEat?), 1918-19 

Poster, lithograph 

Image: 25 X33Vr6in. (63.5 X85 cm| 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Foundation, Beverly Hills 


Heinz Fuchs 

Arbeitei. Hunger. Todnaht 

(Workers. Hunger. Death 

Approaches), 1919 

Poster, lithograph 

Image: 26V16 x 35^/8 in. 

(66.8 X91.9 cm) 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Collection, Beverly Hills 


Paul Fuhrmann 

Freiheitsdichter (Poets of 

Freedom), 1921 


16 X I27i6in. {40.7 X 30.7 cm) 

Staathche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 


Paul Fuhrmann 

Schopfungstag (The Day of 

Creation), 1921 

Oil on canvas 

5874 X 52V4 in. (148 X 134 cm) 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 


Paul Fuhrmann 

Technokratie (Technocracy), 


Oil on canvas 

41V16X 31^/Hin. (105 X 81 cm) 

Staatliches Lindenau-Museum, 

Altenburg, GDR 

Catalogue of Works 159 


Herbert Garbe 

Gruppe des Todes I (Group of 

Death I), 1919 


H; 35Vjin. (including base} 

(90.8 cm| 

Yale University Art Galleiy, gift of 

Katharine S. Dreier for the 

Collection Societe Anonyme 


Otto Gleichmann 

Voi dunkler Landschaft (Before 

a Dark Landscape), 1920 

Oil on canvas 

4oVifiX 32'7i'> in. (102 x 83 cm) 

Sprengel Museum Hanover, FRG 

(Los Angeles only) 


Otto Gleichmann 

Sitzender Mddcbenakt/ Die 

Katze (Seated Nude Girl/The 

Cat), 1920 

Oil on canvas 

43V4X 29'Vih in. (109.9 X 76 cm) 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Foundation, Beverly Hills 

(also illustrated in color on p. in) 

Otto Gleichmann 
Strahlen-Sturzen (The Collapse 
of Hope), 1920 
Oil on canvas 

59Vi6X48'Vi6in. (150X 124 cm) 
Sprengel Museum Hanover, FRG 
(Los Angeles only) 


Otto Gleichmann 

Dei Eistochene (Stabbed Man), 


Watercolor, gouache, and ink on 


18^/4 X 25 in. (47.6 X 63.5 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies 











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1 6o Catalogue of Works 


Friedrich Karl Gotsch 

ifreuzigung (Crucifixion), 1919 


8V16 X 9' Vi6 in. (21.4 X 25 .2 cm) 

Stadtische Galerie Albstadt, 

Collection Waltlier Groz, FRG 


Friedrich Karl Gotsch 

Selbstbildnis (Self-Portrait), 



8"/i6X7^/i^ in. (22 X 18.3 cm) 

Stadtisclie Galerie Albstadt, 

Collection Walther Groz, FRG 


Friedrich Karl Gotsch 

Dei Tod des [linglings (The 

Death of the Young Man), 19 19 


8'*/i6X pVsin. (21.7 X 24.5 cm) 

Stadtische Galerie Albstadt, 

Collection Walther Groz, FRG 


Friedrich Karl Gotsch 

Todesmusik (Death Music), 



9V» X 7' V16 in. (24.7 X 20.1 cm) 

Stadtische Galerie Albstadt, 

Collection Walther Groz, FRG 


Friedrich Karl Gotsch 

Untitled, 1920 


9"/i6 X 8'/a in. (24.6 x 22.5 cm) 

Stadtische Galerie Albstadt, 

Collection Walther Groz, FRG 


Walter Gramatte 

Die Kakteendame (The Cactus 

Lady), 19 18 

Oil on canvas 

29V16X 23^^/16 in. (74.5 X 60.5 cm) 

Staatliche Museen zu Betlin, GDR 


Walter Gramatte 

Lenz: Ein Fragment von Georg 

Biichner mit zwolf 

Radierungen von Walter 

Gramatte (Lenz: A Fragment 

by George Biichner with 

Twelve Etchings by Walter 

Gramatte), c. 1919 


Plate 9: loVu.xjV.tin. 

(26.9 X 18.9 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies, 

purchased with funds provided by 

Anna Bing Arnold, Museum 

Acquisition Fund, and Deaccession 



Walter Gramatte 

Miide (Tired), 1919 


8V16X 678 in. (21.1 x 15.6 cm) 

Private collection, Canada 

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Wallmi w^^ //Jf A 


Catalogue of Works 1 6 1 


Walter Gramatte 

Bildnis Rosa Schapiie [Portrait 

of Rosa Schapire), 1920 

Oil on canvas 

29V8 X 26Vs in. (74 X 67 cm) 

Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, GDR 

(also illustrated in color on p. 109) 


Walter Gramatte 

Ennudender Kopf; 

Selbstportrdt (Tired Head; Self- 

Portrait), 1922 

Plate 3 from the portfolio of 9 

etchings Das Gesicht (The Face) 

24X 18 in. (61 X 45.7 cm) 
I) Los Angeles County Museum of 
Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center 
for German Expressionist Studies 
(Los Angeles and Ft. Worth only) 

n) Kunstmuseum Dusscldorf, FRG 
(Diisseldorf and Halle only) 


Otto Griebel 

Helft am Werk der lAH (Help 

the Efforts of the lAH) c. 1921 


27V16X iSVs m. (70 x 46 cm) 

Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 

Dresden, GDR 


George Grosz 

Cafe. I9r5 

Oil on canvas with charcoal 


24 x i5V«in. (61 X 40.3 cm) 

Hirshhom Museum and Sculpture 

Garden, Smithsonian Institution. 

Gift of Joseph H. Hirshhom 

Foundation, 1966 


George Grosz 

Seibstmord (Suicide), I9r6 

Oil on canvas 

39V8X 3o72 in. {100x77-5 cm) 

The Trustees of the Tate Gallery, 


(Los Angeles and Ft. Worth only) 

(also illustrated in color on p. 1 5 ) 


George Grosz 

Metropolis, 191 6 -17 

Oil on canvas 

39V3X4oVi*;in. (100 x 102 cm) 

Thyssen-Bomemisza Collection, 

Lugano, Switzerland 

(also illustrated in color on p. 16) 

1 62 Catalogue of Works 


George Grosz 

Explosion, 191 7 

Oil on composition board 

iSVs X 26^/e in. {46.8 X 68.2 cm) 

The Museum of Modem Ait, 

New York, 

gift of Mr, and Mrs. Irving 


(also illustrated in color on p. 17) 


George Grosz 

Sonnenfinsteinis (Eclipse of 

the Sun), 1926 

Oil on canvas 

85'-Vi6X74in. (218 x r88 cm) 

Heckscher Museum, Huntington, 

New York 

(Los Angeles and Ft. Worth only) 

(also illustrated in color on p. 29} 

Adolf de Haer 

Mddchen wit Blume (Girl with 

Flower), 1919 

Oil on canvas 

39V8X 26 V4 in. (100 X 68 cm) 

Galerie Remmert & Earth, 

Dusseldorf, FRG 

Josef Hegenbarth 

Der Faulenzer [The Idler), 1920 

Distemper on canvas 

27V16X 3i"/i6in. (70 X 80.5 cm) 
Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 
Halle, GDR 


Josef Hegenbarth 

Dei Fresser (The Glutton), 


Distemper on canvas 

24'Vi6X 28*'/i6in. (63 X72.5 cm) 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 

Catalogue of Works 163 

Katharina Heise 

Mddchen im Wind (Girl in the 

Wind), c. 1 9 1 8 


8^/16 X 8^/i6 in. (21.5 X 21.5 cm) 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 


Katharina Heise 

Tod and Mddchen (Death and 

Girl), c.iciiS 


6'/8X4'^/j6in. {15.5 X 12.2 cm) 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 


Katharina Heise 

Paar(Couple), c. igrS 


7X4"/i6Ln. (17.8 X 11.9 cm) 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 


Katharina Heise 

Harald Kreutzbeig, 1919-20 


H: i4'/i6in. I37 cm| 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 


Katharina Heise 

Tdnzeiin (Dancer), 1922 


H: 22'/i6in. (56 cm| 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 


Hans Siebert von Heister 

Liebespaai [Lovers], 1919 

Oil on canvas 

23'/4 X 21 V16 in. (59x53.5 cm) 

Dr. and Mrs. David Edelbaum 


Hans Siebert von Heister 

Pietd, 1919 

Oil on canvas 

i6'/8X is'/.-im. (41 X 34 cm) 
The Robert Gore Rifkmd 
Foundation, Beverly Hills 
(also illustrated in color on p. 50) 

1 64 Catalogue of Works 

Hans Siebert von Heister 

Zoin (Anger), 1919 

Oil on canvas 

24V16X 18^/8 in. (62 X48 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, Modem Art Acquisition Fund 


Hans Siebert von Heister 

Dxei Frauen (Three Women), 


Oil on canvas 

34V8X23V8in. (88x 58.7 cm) 

Fine Art Society of Los Angeles 


Paul Rudolph Henning 

Max Pech stein, c. 1918 


14V16 X 9*Vi6 X 6"/i6 in. 

(37x25x17 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, purchased with funds provided 

by Mr. and Mrs. John C. Best 


Oswald Herzog 

Geniessen (Enjoyment), c. 1920 


8V16X I5V16X 2V4 in. 

(20.5 X 38.5 X7 cm) 

Berlinische Galcrie, Berlin, FRG 

Angelika Hoerle 

Lebendige {The Living], 1919 

(see Cat. i) 


Eugen Hoffmann 

Klaviei spieler [Piano Player), 



i5"/i6X 13 "/.(.in. (39.8x34.8 cm) 

Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 

Dresden, GDR 

104 (illustration p. 165) 
Eugen Hoffmann 
iCop/(Head), 1919 
10 Woodcuts 

a) Plate 3 (image): i7'Vi6X 
iS'Vifiin. (45.5 X40.5 cm) 

b) Plate 4 (image): 17 Vex is^/^in. 
(44-7x40 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 
Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 
German Expressionist Studies 


Eugen Hoffmann 

Di3si^fl£3r (The Couple), 1919 


15V4 X 13VH in. (40X 34,6 cm) 

Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 

Dresden, GDR 

Catalogue of Works 165 


Richard Horn 

A u fbr u ch /Erwa ch en 

(Departure/ Awakening), 1919 


H: 39 in. (99 cm) 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 


Walter Jacob 

Adam und Eva (Adam and 

Eve), 1920 


Image: i3V4X9V8in. 

(34.9x25. icm) 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Foundation, Beverly Hills 

Walter Tacob 

Ahe Frau (Old Woman), 1920 


Image: 13V4X 9^/16 in. 

(34.9 X 24.3 cm), irregular 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Foundation, Beverly Hills 


Walter Jacob 

Frau am Feuer (Woman at the 

Fire), 1920 


Image: i9ViX2372in. 

(49.5x59.7 cm) 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Foimdation, Beverly Hills 

1 6 6 Catalogue of Works 


Walter Jacob 

Das Jiingste Gericht (The Last 

Judgment), 1920 

Oil on canvas 

45V8X477jin. |ii5-3 x 120.7 cm| 

The Robert Gore Rifkmd 

Foundation, Beverly Hills 

(also illustrated in color on p. 30I 


Walter Jacob 

Dei Kuss (The Kiss), 1920 


Image; rs'Z+x riV4in. 

(40 X 29.8 cm), irregular 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Foundation, Beverly Hills 


Walter Jacob and Eugen 


Plakat Kunstausstellung 

Galeiie Richter. Dresden 

(Poster of the exhibition at the 

Galerie Richter, Dresden), 1920 

Poster, lithograph 

36"/i6X23V8in. (93.2 x60 cm) 

Staatliches Lindenau-Museum, 

Altenburg, GDR 


Walter Jacob 

Selbst (Self), 1920 


Image: 24 x i8'/8in.|6i X46cm) 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Foundation, Beverly Hills 


Walter Jacob 

Rauchendei Mann 

fSelbstbildnis) (Man Smoking 

|Self-Portrait|), 1921 

Pencil on paper 

22'/ii,x i8'/s in. (56 x46 cm) 

StaatUches Lindenau-Museum, 

Altenburg, GDR 


Willy Jaeckel 

Russische Landschaft (Russian 

Landscape), 1919 

Oil on canvas 

47'/4X47'/2in. (120X 120.5 cm) 

Museum Ostdeutsche Galerie 

Regensburg, FRG 


Willy Jaeckel 

Deiheilige Sebastian (St. 

Sebastian), 1919 


Plate: 9V4 x 7'/e in. (24.8 x 20 cm) 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Foundation, Beverly Hills 

Catalogue of Works 1 67 


Walter Kampmann 

Der Feldheir (The Military 

Commander), 1922 

Oil on canvas 

24716x2074 in. [62 X 51.5 cm) 

Winnetou Kampmann, Berlin, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 5 1) 

Edmund Resting 
Aufeistehung (Resurrection), 

Ii'-Vitx 87i6in. [30 X 20.5 cm) 
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 
Dresden, GDR 


Edmund Resting 

Dorfmit Spinne [Village with 

Spider), 1920 

Oil on canvas 

i7'7i(>x 237a in. [45 x6ocm) 

Berlinische Galerie, Berlin, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 78) 


Edmund Resting 

Kirche {Church], 1920 

Oil on canvas 

13VSX I37i6in. (34 X 34.5 cm) 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 

(also illustrated in color on p. 78) 


Edmund Resting 

Miihlc [Mill], 1920 

Oil on canvas 

i5'7i6X 14 in. {40.5 X 35.5 cm) 

Private collection, FRG 


Edmund Resting 

Untitled, 1920 

Collage on paper 

ii'Vi6X9Vi6in. (30x24 cm) 

Berlinische Galerie, Berlin, FRG 

1 68 Catalogue of Works 


Cesar Klein 

Arbeiter, Biiigei, Bauern, 

Soldaten allei Stdmme 

Deutschlands. Veieinigt Euch 

zuT Nationalversammlung 

(Workers, Citizens, Farmers, 

Soldiers from all Areas of 

Germany. Unite for the 

National Assembly), 1919 

Poster, lithograph 

26 V4 X 38V16 in. (68 X 97 cm) 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Collection, Beverly Hills 


Kathe Kollwitz 

Gedenkblatt fiir Karl 

Liebknecht (Memorial Sheet 

for Karl Liebknecht), 19 19 


Image; is'Vi6 x 25^/ib in. 

(40.2 x6s cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies 


Kathe Kollwitz 
Gedenkblatt fiii Kail 
Liebknecht (Memorial Sheet 
for Karl Liebknecht), 1919 

14V16X l9V4in. (35.7 X so. 2 cm) 
Los Angeles County Museum of 
Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 
German Expressionist Studies 


' '-^Xj^ 

Catalogue of Works 169 


Kathe KoUwitz 

Sieben Holzschnitte zum Kiieg 

(Seven Woodcuts about the 

War), 1922-23 

7 woodcuts 

a) Das Opfei (The Sacrifice) 
Sheet: 18V1X2572 in. 
{47 X64.8 cm) 

b) Die FreiwiUigen (The Volunteers) 
Sheet: iSViXis'Ain. 

(47 x65.4 cm) 

c) Die Eltein (The Parents) 
Sheet: iS'/i x 25V4in. 
(47x65. 4 cm) 

d) Die Witwe 1 (The Widow I) 
Sheet: 26 x i87iin. (66 X47 cm) 

e) Die Witwe II (The Widow U) 
Sheet: iS'A x 2sV4in. 

(47 x65.4 cm) 

f) Die Miitter (The Mothers) 
Sheet: 18V2X 25 Viin. 
(47 X 64.8 cm), irregular 

g) Das Volk (The People) 
Sheet: 25 V^x i8'/i in. 
(64.8 X47 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 
Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 
German Expressionist Studies 

127 (illustration p. 168) 
Kathe Kollwitz 

Nie wieder Kneg (War 

Nevermore), 1924 


37 X 27V16 in. (94 X 70 cm) 

Collection of Dr. and Mrs. Richard 

A. Simms 

128 (illustration p. 168) 
Kathe Kollwitz 

Turm der MUtter (Tower of 

Mothers), 1937-38 /cast later 


loVsx lo^/ax II in. 

(27 X27.5 X28 cm) 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Collection, Beverly Hills 

lyo Catalogue of Works 


Bemhard Kretzschmar 

Untitled i^irth) 

Oil on canvas 

3SV4X iiVsin. (89.5 X 55 cm) 

Kunsthalie Rostock, GDR 

(also illustrated in color on p. 76} 


Will Kiipper 

Nach dem Krieg (After the 

War), 1 9 19 

Oil on canvas 

27Vi6X2iV8in. (70 X ss cm) 

Stadtmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 27) 


Will Kiipper 

Streichholzer, StreichholzeT 

(Matches, Matches), 1919 

Oil on canvas 

27V16 X 19V16 in [69 X 49 cm) 

Stadtmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 27) 

Catalogue of Works 1 7 1 

;' 133 


Otto Lange 

Chiistuskopf (Head of Christ), 


Color woodcut 

r4X9Viin. (35.6 X 24.2 cm) 

Stadtische Galerie Albstadt, 

Collection Walther Groz, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 34) 


Otto Lange 

Kzeuzigung / (Crucifixion I), 


Color woodcut 

l4'/8X9'/iin. (35.8 X 24.2 cm) 

Stadtische Galerie Albstadt, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 64) 


Otto Lange 

Kieuzabnahme (The 

Deposition from the Cross), 


Color woodcut 

r4'/8X9'/iin. (35.8 x 24,2 cm) 

Staatliches Lindenau-Museum, 

Altenburg, GDR 

(also illustrated in color on p. 34) 


Otto Lange 

Geisselung Christi 

(Flagellation of Christ), 1917 

Color woodcut 

24'/8X i6'/i(,in. (61.3 X 41. 8 cm) 

Staatliches Lindenau-Museum, 

Altenburg, GDR 

(also illustrated in color on p. 34) 


Otto Lange 

Veispottung Christi (The 

Mocking of Christ), 191 9 

Color woodcut 

Image: 2oVsx r8Vi6in. 

(52.4x46.2 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, Robert Gore Rifkmd Center for 

German Expressionist Studies 

(also illustrated in color on p. 34) 


Werner Lange 

Frauenpoitidt (Portrait of a 

Woman), 191 9 

Oil on canvas 

2iV»x i5Vi6in. (55 X38.5 cm) 


Landesmuseum, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 103) 

138 (illustration p. 170) 
Carl Lohse 
Monumentalei Kopf 
(Monumental Head), 1919-20 

H; 29'Vi6in. (76 cm) 
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 
Dresden, GDR 

1 39 (illustration p. 170) 
Carl Lohse 

Bildnis Buschbeck (Fabiikantj 
(Portrait of Buschbeck |Factory 
Owner]), c. 1920 
Oil on paper 

27'/i6X20'/4in. (70X 51. s cm) 
Staatliches Lindenau-Museum, 
Altenburg, GDR 

172 Catalogue of Works 


Ludwig Meidner 

Apokalyptische Landschaft 

(Apocalyptic Landscape), 191 3 

verso: Bildnis Willi Zierath 

(Portrait of Willi Zierath), 191 3 

Oil on canvas 

31V8X 37Vi(,in. (81 X94.5 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, gift of Mr. Clifford Odets 

(also illustrated in color on p. 38) 


Ludwig Meidner 

Bildnis des Dichters Johannes 

R. Becher (Portrait of the Poet 

Johannes R. Becher), 1916 

Oil on canvas 

25^/ih X 24 m. (6s X 61 cm) 

Alcademie der Kiinste der 

Deutsciien Demokratisctien 

Republik, Berlin, GDR 


Ludwig Meidner 

Selbstbildnis (Self-Portrait), 


Oil on canvas 

23'/jX i8'/sin. (59.1 X47 cm) 

Marvin and Janet Fishman, 


(also illustrated in color on p. 40) 


Moriz Melzer 

Briicke-Stadt (Bridge Town), 


Oil on canvas 

5i'/isx 38"/i6m. (131 X 98.3 cm) 

Berlin Museum, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 49) 

Catalogue of Works 173 


Constantin von Mitschke- 


Der begeisterte Weg (The 

Inspired Way), 1919 

Portfolio of 6 woodcuts 

a) Der begeisterte Weg (The 
Inspired Way} 

b) Da habt ihrmich (Here You Have 

c) Freiheit (Freedom) 

d) Duhast deinen Bruder getotet 
(You Have Killed Your Brother) 

e) Steh auf und verkiinde die Liebe. 
Erweckter (Get Up and Proclaim 
Love, Awakened One) 

f} Die Zeit ist reif {The Time Is 

Images: 13V1X iiVjin. 
[34.3 X 29.8 cm), each slightly 

Los Angeles County Museum of 
Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 
German Expressionist Studies 

145 (illustrations p. 172) 

Constantin von Mitschke- 


Die Tiere der Insel (The 

Animals of the Island), 1923 

Book with 1 1 color woodcuts 

a) Untitled (Nude Man with 


4V8X 3V8in. (n.i X 8.0 cm) 

4V16X 378 in. (11.0x8.0 cm) 
Book: 9 X 7 in. (22.9 x 17.8 cm) 
Los Angeles County Museum of 
Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 
German Expressionist Studies, 
purchased with funds provided by 
Anna Bing Arnold, Museum 
Acquisition Fund, and Deaccession 
(also illustrated in color on p. 63) 


174 Catalogue of Works 


Otto MoUer 

Boot wit gelbem Segel (Boat 

with Yellow Sail), 1921 

Oil on canvas 

27'Vi6 X 19^/8 in. (71 X 50.5 cm) 

Collection of Mr. and Mrs. Thomas 

E. Worrell, Jr. 

(also illustrated in color on p. 5 3) 


Otto Moller 

Sancho Panza, 1922 

Oil on canvas 

27V4X 19V8 in. (70.5 X 50.5 cm) 

Barry Friedman Ltd., New York 


Johannes Molzahn 

Energie entspannt (Energy at 

Rest), 19 19 

Oil on canvas 

27V16 X 26V4 in. (69 X 68 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Alt, promised gift of James and 

Ilene Nathan 

(also illustrated m color on p. 116) 


Johannes Molzahn 

Frauenmond II (Women's 

Moon II), 1920 

Oil on canvas 

jo^ViftX 33 in. (78.3 X83.7 cm} 

Private collection, on loan to the 

Museum Ostdeutsche Galerie 

Regensburg, FRG 


Johannes Molzahn 

Neues Land (New Land), 1920 

Oil and collage on canvas 

23 Vs X 287jin. (59.3 X 71.8 cm) 

Sammlung und Archiv fiir Kiinstler 

der Breslauer Akademie, Kassel- 

Wahlershausen, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 3 5 ) 

Catalogue of Works 175 


Heinrich Nauen 

Bildnis Christian Rohlfs 

(Portrait of Christian Rohlfs), 


Oil on canvas 

37V8 X 19-V« in. (95 X 74.6 cm| 

Karl Ernst Osthaus Museum, 

Hagen, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 113) 


Heinrich Nauen 

Der Cellospieler Polly 

Heckmann (The Cello Player 

Polly Heckmann), 1919 

Oil on canvas 

58"/r6X 39V4in. (149 X loi cm) 

Stadtisches Kunstmuseum Bonn, 



Heinrich Nauen 

Bildnis WoUheim (Portrait of 

WoUheim), 1924 

Tempera on paper on canvas 

77'/i6X 38Vi6in. (197x97 cm) 

Kunstmuseum Dusseldorf, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 105 ) 


Otto Pankok 

Das Ey, 1920 

Volumes i ■ 2 

Periodicals with woodcuts 

T2V8X 9'/i(, in. (31.5 X24cm) each 

Galerie Remmert &. Barth, 

Dusseldorf, FRG 

1/6 Catalogue of Works 


Otto Pankok 

Abendlicher Kopf (Evening 

Head), 1921 


23'/. X I97i6in. (59.7x49 cm| 

Otto Pankok Museum, Hunxe- 

Drevenack, FRG 


Otto Pankok 

Stiassenecke (Street Comer), 



13V8X ilVsin. (34 x32 cm) 

Otto Pankok Museum, Hunxe- 

Drevenack, FRG 


Otto Pankok 

MuWe//(MillII), 1922 


i7'Vi6X i3Vun. (45.5 X 35 cm) 

Otto Pankok Museiun, Hunxe- 

Drevenack, FRG 


Otto Pankok 

New York, 1922 


i8"/i6X2oin. (47.5 x 50.8 cm) 

Otto Pankok Museum, Hunxe- 

Drevenack, FRG 


Otto Pankok 

Krdhen [Crows], 1926 


I9'/8X25 in. (50.5 X 63. s cm) 

Otto Pankok Museum, Himxe- 

Drevenack, FRG 


Max Pechstein 

An alle Kiinstler! (To All 

Artists!), I9r9 

Pnlnr lithni^riiph 

7V8X 5'/;in. (20X 14 cm) ; 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies, 

purchased with funds provided by 

Anna Bing Arnold, Museum 

Acquisition Fund, and Deaccession 



Max Pechstein 

Erwiiigt nicht die junge 

Freiheit (Don't Strangle Our 

Newborn Freedom), c. 1919 

Poster, lithograph 

Image: 3874 x 25^/16 in. 

(97.1 X64.9 cm) 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Collection, Beverly Hills 

(also illustrated in color on p. 25) 


Max Pechstein 

An die Lateine (To the 

Lamppost), 1919 

Poster, lithograph 

Image; 27 x 3674 in. 

(68.6 X 92.1 cm), irregular 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Collection, Beverly Hills 

(also illustrated in color on p. 2 5 ) 


EfWUrgf-nichtdie '^U.-l 

__- .jun^ejreiiietr 

\ III '^^^h 
I JUnordnung 

"" ) und 


,„ ''^Herhungern Eure Kinder 

161 ** 

Catalogue of Works 177 

163 (illustration p. 176) 

Max Pechstein 

Selbstbildnis mit Tod (Self- 

Portrait with Death), 1920-21 

Oil on canvas 

31 ViX27Vi6in. (80x70 cm) 

Private collection, on loan to the 

Museum Ostdeutsche Galerie 

Regensburg, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 47] 


Max Pechstein 

Das Vater Unser [The Lord's 

Prayer), 1921 

Portfolio of 12 woodcuts, hand 

colored by the artist 

a| Das Vater Unser, Holzschnitte 

von H. M. Pechstein (The Lord's 

Prayer, Woodcuts by 

H. M. Pechstem) 

b) Vater Unser/Der Du bist/im 
Himmel (Our Father, Who Art in 

c) Geheiliget werde/Dein Name 
(Hallowed Be Thy Name) 

d) Dein Reich Komme/Dein Wille 
geschehe/Wie im Himmel also 
auch auf Erden (Thy Kingdom 
Come, Thy Will Be Done, on 
Earth as It Is in Heaven) 

e) Unser tdglich Brot/gieh uns 
heute (Give Us This Day Our 
Daily Bread) 

f) undvergieb/uns/UnsreSchuld 
(And Forgive Us Our Trespasses) 

g) Wie wir vergeben/unsern/ 
Schuldigern (As We Forgive 
Those Who Trespass against Us) 

h) und/fiihre/uns/nicht/in 

Versuchung (And Lead Us Not 

into Temptation) 
i) Sondern erlose uns/von dem 

Ubel (But Deliver Us hom Evil) 
j) Denn Dein/ist das Reich {¥ox 

Thme Is the Kingdom) 
k) Und die Kraft/und/Die 

Herrlichkeit (And the Power and 

the Glory) 
1) von Ewigkeit/zu Ewigkeit/Amen 

(For Ever and Ever, Amen) 
Sheet; 237= x i6Vein. 
(59.7x41-6 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 
Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 
German Expressionist Studies, 
purchased with funds provided by 
Anna Bing Arnold, Museum 
Acquisition Fund, and Deaccession 

(Los Angeles only) 
(also illustrated in color on p. 32) 

178 Catalogue of Works 


Wilhelm Pltinnecke 

Hannoveische Sezession 

(Hanover Secession), 1918 

Poster, lithograph 

Image: 22 x 14' Vi6 in. 


The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Foundation, Beverly Hills 


Hans Poelzig 

Modell fiir eine Wegkapelle 

(Model for a Way Chapel), 1921 


i6'/8X r3Vi6X 9'V[6in. 

(41 X 33.5 X25 cm) 

Badisches Landesmuseum, 

Karlsruhe, FRG 

(Los Angeles, Dusseldorf and Halle 



Anton Raderscheidt 
Lebendige [The Living], 1919 
(see Cat. i) 


Christian Rohlfs 

Der Gefangene (The Prisoner), 



24'/8X 1 8 Vs in. (61.2x46.6 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies 


Wilhelm Rudolph 

Helft am Werk der lAH (Help 

the Work of the lAH), 1924 


27^/16 X I9'7i6 in. (70 X 50 cm) 

Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 

Dresden, GDR 

170 (not illustrated) 

Hans Scharoun 

Durchdringung dei Form 

(Penetration of Form), n.d. 


14^/8 X lo'/ein. {37.8 X 27.6 cm) 

Akademie der Kiinste, Sammlung 

Baukunst, Berlin, FRG 

(Halle only) 


Hans Scharoun 

Stadtweiden (Transformation 

of the City), n. d. 

Watercolor, PA 37 

r4'/8 X lo'/s in. (37.8 X 27.6 cm) 

Akademie der Kiinste, Sammlung 

Baukunst, Berlin, FRG 

(Los Angeles only) 

172 (not illustrated) 

Hans Scharoun 

Untitled, n.d. 


r3'/i6X loVsin. (34.5 x 26.4 cm) 

Akademie der Kiinste, Sammlung 

Baukunst, Berlin, FRG 

(Dusseldorf only) 

Catalogue of Works 179 


173 (not illustrated) 
Hans Scharoun 
Untitled, n.d. 

12 X loVisin. (30.5 X25.5 cm) 
Akademie der Kiinstc, Sammlung 
Baukunst, Berlin, FRG 
(Dusseldorf only) 

174 (not illustrated) 
Hans Scharoun 
Untitled, n.d. 

12 X io7i6in. (30.5 X 2,5.5 cm) 
Akademie der Kiinste, Sammlung 
Baiikunst, Berlin, FRG 
(Halle only) 

175 (illustration p. 17S) 
Hans Scharoun 
Untitled, n.d. 

i8"/i6X i4Vi6in{47.5 x 36 cm) 
Akademie der Kiinste, Sammlung 
Baukunst, Berlin, FRG 
(Los Angeles only) 


Karl Schmidt-Rottluff 
p Holzschnitte (Christus) 
{9 Woodcuts iChrist]), 1918 
Portfolio of 10 woodcuts 

a) 9 Holzschnitte (9 Woodcuts) 

b) Kuss in Liebe (Kiss in Love) 

c) Kristus (Christ) 

d) Gangnach Emmaus (The Way to 

e) Petri Fischzug (Peter's Catch of 

f) Kristus und die Eh ebrechehn 
(Christ and the Adulteress) 
Kristus und Judas (Clirist and 

hj Kristus flucht dem Feigenbaum 
(Christ Curses the Fig Tree) 

i) Maria [Mary) 
fiinger [Disciple] 

Sheet: i9"/if,x isVsin. 

50x39.1 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, gift of Kurt Wolff 

(Los Angeles only) 


1 8o Catalogue of Works 


Karl Schmidt-Rottluff 

Reichswappen (Imperial Coat 

of Arms), 1919 


Image; i9'Vi6X i5'Vi6in. 

(50 X 39.8 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 

German Expressionist Studies 


Otto Schubert 

Das Leiden der Pferde im Kiieg 

(The Suffering of Horses in the 

War), c. 1917 

Portfolio of 12 lithographs 

a) Plate i : Arbeit (Labor) 

9V4X isVsin. (24.7x39.1 cm| 

b) Plate 2: Hunger (Hunger) 
ii'/iX i6'/4in. (29.2x41.2 cm) 

c) Plate 6: An^s! (Fearl 
ioVixi7'/4in. (26.7x43.7 cm) 

d) Plate 8: Im Granatfeuez (Under 
Shell Fire) 

I27ix is'/sin. (3 1.8x40.3 cm) 

e) Plate iir Verwundet (Wounded) 
9'/i6X i7'/sin. (24.3 X 44. s cm) 

Sheet.' 21V4X r5 in. (55.2 x 38.1 cm) 
Los Angeles County Museum of 
Art, Robert Gore Rifkind Center for 
German Expressionist Studies 


Otto Schubert 

Derheilige Sebastian 

(St. Sebastian), c. igi8 

Oil on canvas 

34'Vi6X25 in. (88.5 X63.S cm) 

Kunsthalle Rostock, GDR 

(also illustrated in color on p. 66) 


Otto Schubert 

Strassenkreuzung bei Ypern 

(Crossroads at Ypres), c. 1918 

Drawing on paper 

loVs X 14'/* in (26.3 X 37.8 cm) 

Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 

Dresden, GDR 


Catalogue of Works 1 8 1 

"i«^ ^mt^' 








■^■^^B 9B ^H! 


Arthur Segal 

Die Lasttrdgerinnen (Women 

Porters), 1919 

Oil on cardboard 

i8'/8X22V4in. I46 X 56.5 cm) 

Private collection, FRG 


Arthur Segal 

Kiinstlers Erdenwallen 

(The Artist's Earthly 

Pilgrimage), 1921 

Oil on canvas 

29'7if. X 37'Vi6 in. (76x96 cm) 

Berlinische Galerie, Berlin, FRG 


Arthur Segal 

Diei Figuren (Three Figures), 


Oil on canvas 

5iVi6x66'Vi6 in. (130X 170 cm) 

Private collection, FRG 

[also illustrated in color on p. 52) 


Arthur Segal 

Helgoland, 1923 

Oil on canvas 

39VjX 5iVi6in. (loi X 130 cm) 

Berlinische Galerie, Berlin, FRG 

Franz Wilhelm Seiwert 
Lebendige (The Living), 19 19 

(sec Cat. i) 

1 82, Catalogue of Works 


Franz Wilhelm Seiwert 

lAH (Hunger in Deutschland) 

(lAH [Hunger in Germany]), 


Oil on canvas 

i9"/i6X 25^/8 in. (50x64.5 cm) 

Private collection, FRG 


Fritz Stuckenberg 
ffitze(Heat), 1919 
Oil on canvas 

25'/i6X2i'/*in. (65 X54cm) 
Private collection, FRG 

Fritz Stuckenberg 

Mutter und Kind (Mother and 

Child), 1920 

Oil on canvas 

2 1 Vax 19 in. (53.7 X 48. 2 cm) 

Yale University Art Gallery, gift of 

the Societe Anonyme 

Georg Tappert 

Dame im Cafe (Woman in a 

Cafe), 1917 

Oil on canvas 

32Vi6X29'Vi6in. (82x76 cm) 

Marvin and Janet Fishman, 



Georg Tappert 

Alte Chansonette (Old 

Chansonette), 1920 

Oil on canvas 

25Vi6X2iV8in. (64X 55 cm) 

Private collection, FRG 

(also illustrated m color on p. 48) 

Catalogue of Works 183 


Adolf Uzarski 

Der Totentanz (The Dance of 

Death), 1916-17 

Portfolio of 12 lithographs 

a) Hunger (Hunger) 

b) Lazarett (Military Hospital) 

c) Der Sieger (Victor) 

d) Posten (Guard) 

e) Der Fhegertod (Death of the 

f) Die Aline (Mine) 

g) Revolution (Revolution) 
h) Pioniere (Sappers) 

i) Vo7itre/fer (Direct Hit) 

j) RiicAzug (Retreat) 

k) Gasanghff {Gas Attack) 

1) Maschinengewehr (Machine-gun) 

12V16X 1 6 Vain. (31 X41 cm) 

Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG 



i84 Catalogue of Works 


Karl Volker 

Pietd, rgiS 

Oil on paper 

21 Vs X 26 in. (5 5 X 66 cm) 

Richard Horn, Halle, GDR 


Karl Volker 

Umbruch (Upheaval), 191 8 

Oil on canvas 

3 1 Vi X 20^/8 in. (80 X 5 3 cm) 

Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 

Halle, GDR 

(also illustrated in color on p. 102) 


Christoph Voll 

Aibeiter mit Kind (Worker 

vtfith Child), c. 1922 


H; 3i78in. (79 cm) 

Galerie Valentien, Stuttgart, FRG 

[Dusseldorl and Halle only) 


Christoph Voll 

Arbeiterfrau mit Kind 

(Working Woman with Child), 



H: 3s'/i6in. (90 cm) 

Galerie Valentien, Stuttgart, FRG 

(Dusseldorf and Halle only) 


Christoph Voll 

Ecce Homo, 1924-25 


64^/4 X 14^/4 X i9'Vi6in. 

(164.5 X 37.5x50 cm) 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Collection, Beverly Hills 

(Los Angeles only) 

(also illustrated in color on p. 5 9) 

Catalogue of Works 185 


William Wauer 

Herwarth Walden, 19 17, cast 

after 1945 


H: 2oVain. [53 cm) 

Tabachnick Collection, Canada 

William Wauer 

Albert Basserman, 191 8 


aoVsxyVax y'/iin. 
(51. 1 X 18.7 X 19 cm) 
The Robert Gore Rifkind 
Foim.dation, Beverly Hills 


William Wauer 

Bildnis Herwarth Walden 

(Portrait of Herwarth Walden), 


Oil on canvas 

25V16X i9"/i6in. {65 X 50 cm) 

Private collection, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 42) 


Gert Wollheim 

Der Verwundete (The 

Wounded Man), 1919 

Oil on wood 

6iVi6X7oVi6in. (156 x 178 cm) 

Private collection, Berlin, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 80) 


Gert Wollheim 

Mdnnerkopf (Head of a Man), 

c. 1920 

Oil on canvas 

24 X 24 in. (61 X 61 cm) 

The Robert Gore Rifkmd 

Collection, Beverly Hills 

(also illustrated in color on p. 106) 

i86 Catalogue of Works 


Gcrt Wollheim 

Der Verurteilte |The 

Condemned Man), 1921 

Oil on canvas 

48''/i6X 39 in. (123 X99 cm) 

Private collection, Berlin, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 87) 


Cert Wollheim 

Abschied von Diisseldorf 

(Farewell from Dusseldorf ), 


Oil on canvas 

63 X 72^^/t6in. (160X 185 cm) 

Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG 

(also illustrated in color on p. 9 5 ) 


Gcrt Wollheim 

Selbstbildnis in der Dachstube 

(Self-Portrait in the Garret), 


Oil on canvas 

So'Viex 3674 in. (129 x 92 cm) 

Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG 


Fritz Zalisz 


(Self-Portrait), n.d. 

Oil on canvas 

32V16X 2o"/i6in. (82 X 52-s cm) 

Museum der bildenden Kiinste, 

Leipzig, GDR 

206 (illustration p. 187) 
Magnus Zeller 

Der Redner [The Orator), 


Oil on canvas 

59 X 79 Va in. (150.5 X 200 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, purchased with funds provided 

by Charles K. Feldman 

(also illustrated in color on p. 54) 

207 (illustration p. 187) 
Magnus Zeller 
Volksredner (Public Speaker), 

Plate I of a portfolio of 7 lithographs 

Image: i2^Vi6 x 14 in. 

(32. 6x 35.6 cm) 

Los Angeles County Museum of 

Art, gift of Janet and Marvin 


Magnus Zeller 

Zecher (Drunkards), 1920 

Oil on canvas 

51V16X 33VH. in. (130x85 cm) 
Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, 
Halle, GDR 

Catalogue of Works 187 



So fiihrt Euch Spartakus! 

(That's How Spartacus Leads 

You!), c. 1919 

Poster, lithograph 

Image; 36x26'Vi6 in. 

(91.4 X 68.5 cm), irregular 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Collection, Beverly Hills 

(also illustrated in color on p. 23) 



Fieie Secession (Free Secession) 

c. 1923 

Poster, lithograph 

Image: 24Vi(.x iSVk. in. 

(61.4 X 46.2 cm), irregular 

The Robert Gore Rifkind 

Foundation, Beverly Hills 


A selection of German periodicals containing original graphics will be included at each exhibition venue. 


Das Junge Deutschland: Monatsschrift 
fill Theater und Liteiatui. Ed. Franz 
Pfemfert. 1918-21. 

Das Kunstblatt. Ed. Paul Westheim. 

Das Neue Pathos. Eds. Hans Ehrenbaum- 

Degele, Robert R. Schmidt, Paul Zech. 

Dei Sturm. Ed. Herwarth Walden. 

Die Aktion : Wochenschrift fiiz Freiheit- 

Uche Pohtik und Literatur. Ed. Erich 

Reiss. 1911-32. 

Neue Jugend: Monatsschrift. Eds. Heinz 
Barger, Wieland Herzfelde. 1916-17. 


Das Tribunal: Hessische radikale Blatter. 

Ed. Carlo Mierendorff. 1 919 -21. 
Die Dachstube. Ed. F. C. Lehr, Joseph 

Wiirth. 1915 -18. 


Menschen. Eds. Felix Stiemer, Heinar 
Schilling, Walter Hasenclever, Iwan 
Coll. 1918-21. 

Neue Blatter fiir Kunst und Dichtung. Ed. 

Hugo Zehder. 1 9 1 8 - 2 1 . 
Sezession Gruppe 19 1 9, Ed. E.Richter 19 1 9. 


Das Buch des Aktivistenbundes. Eds. Gert 

Wollheim, etal. 1919-20. 
Das Ey. Ed. Otto Pankok. 1920. 
Das lunge Rheinland. Ed. Gert Wollheim. 

Das Kunstfenster. Ed. Karl Roettger. 1920. 
Der Querschnitt. Eds. Wilhelm Graf Kiel- 

mannsegg, Alfred Flechtheim, Hermann 

von Wedderkop. 1921-36. 

1 8 8 Catalogue of Works 

Die Rote Erde: Monatsschrift fur Kunst 
und Kukur. Eds. Karl Lorenz, 
Paul Schwemer, Rosa Schapire. 


Krdfte: Zeitschiift fui Dichtung. Musik, 

bildende Kunst. Eds. Kinner von 

Dresler, V. Fischer. 1919. 
Kiindung: Eine Zeitschrift fur Kunst. Eds. 

Wilhelm Niemeyer, Rosa Schapire. 



Das Hohe Ufer. Ed. Hans Kaiser. 1919-20. 

Der Zweemann : Monatshldtter fur Dich- 
tung und Kunst. Eds. Friedrich 
W. Wagner, Hans Schiebelhuth, Christof 
Spengemann. 1919-20. 


Der Schwarze Turm . 1 9 1 9 - 20. 
Die Schone Raritdt. Eds. Adolf Harms, 
Georg Tappert, G. Ausleger. 1917-19. 


Die Kugel. Eds. Robert Seitz, Franz Jahn 
Barrels. 1919-20. 


Der Sichel: Monatsschrift fiir Neue Kunst 
und Graphik. Eds. losef Achmann, 
Georg Brittmg. Regensburg, then 
Munich, 1919-21. 

Der Weg. Eds. Walther Blume, Hans 
Theodor Joel, E.Trautner. 19 19. 

Selected Bibliography 

Compiled by Susan Trauger and Timothy Benson 

Aibeitsiat fill Kunst i<)i8-i^2i. Exh. cat. 

Akademie der Kiinste, Berlin, 1980. 
"Ausstellungsbericht Gruppe 1919." Der 

Cicerone 11 (June 1919), p. 340. 

Bahr, Hermann. Der Expressionismus. 
Munich: Delphin, 1920. Trans, by R.T. 
Gribble, under the title Expressionism. 
London: Frank Henderson, 1925. 

Barron, Stephanie, ed. German Expression- 
ist Sculpture. Exh. cat. Los Angeles 
County Museum of Art, Los Angeles, 

Behne, Adolf. Die Wiederkehr der Kunst. 
Leipzig: Kurt Wolff, 19 19. 

Behne, Adolf, Paul Landau, and Herbert 
Lowing. Das politische Plakat. Berlin: 
Verlag Das Plakat, 1919. 

Blunck, Richard. Der Impuls des Expres- 
sionismus. Hamburg: A. Harms, 1921. 

Brinkmarm, Richard. Expressionismus: 
Internationale Forschung zu einem 
internationalen Phdnomen. Stuttgart: 
J. B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 

Buchheim, Lothar-Giinther. Deutsche 
Graphik des XX. lahrhunderts. Feld- 
afing: Buchheim, 1956. 

. The Graphic Art of German Ex- 
pressionism. New York: Universe, i960. 

Buchheim, Lothar-Giinther, and F. Bay. 
Graphik des deutschen Expressionis- 
mus. Feldafing: Buchheim, 1958. 

Buddensieg, Tilmann, ed. Berlin 1^00- 
1933: Architecture and Design. Exh. cat. 
Cooper-Hewitt Museum, Smithsonian 
Institution's National Museum of De- 
sign , New York. Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 

Dietrich, R. Adrian. Ftihrer durch die Ab- 
teilung der Novembergruppe, Kunstaus- 
stellung Berlin 1922. Exh. cat. Berlin, 

Dube, Wolf -Dieter. Expressionism. New 
York: Praeger, 1973. 

. Expressionists and Expres- 
sionism. Geneva; Skira, 1983. 

Edschmid, Kasimir. Lebendiger Expres- 
sionismus. Munich; Desch, 1961. 

Expressionisten, 1919. Exh. cat. Galerie 
Alfred Flechtheim, Berlin. Berlin-Pots- 
dam; Kiepenheuer, 19 19. 

Expressionisten: Die Avantgarde in 
Deutschland 1905 -1920. Exh. cat. Staat- 
liche Museen zu Berlin, Berlin (East), 

Fechter, Paul. Der Expressionismus. 
Munich: R. Piper, 19 14. 

Friedrich, Otto. Before the Deluge: A Por- 
trait of Berlin in the rt)2o's. New York; 
Harper and Row, 1972. 

Gay, Peter. Weimar Culture: The Outsider 
as Insider. New York: Harper and Row, 

Gehrig, Oskar. Plakatkunst und Revolu- 
tion. Berlin: Ernst Wasmuth, 1919. 

Goll, Ivan. "Der Expressionismus stirbt." 
Zenit I (1921), pp. 8-9. 

Gordon, Donald E. Expressionism: Art and 
Idea. New Haven and London: Yale Uni- 
versity Press, 1987. 

Grautoff, Otto. Die neue Kunst. Berlin, 

Grohmann, Will. "Dresdner Sezession 
Gruppe igig." Neue Blatter fiir Kunst 
und Dichtung i (March 1919I, pp. 257- 

. Untitled. Menschen 2 (November 

1919). [Sonderheft von Graphik der 
Gruppe 1 919 Dresden.) 

. Zehn fahre Novembergruppe. 

Kunst der Zeit i, nos. 1-3. [Berlin: J.J. 
Ottens], 1928. [Sonderheft.] 

. Bildende Kunst und Architektur 

zwischen beiden Kriegen. Vol. 3. Berlin: 
Suhrkamp, 1953. 

-. Expressionisten. Munich, 1956. 

Guenther, Peter. Deutscher Expressionis- 
mus; German Expressionism: Toward a 
New Humanism. Exh. cat. Sarah Camp- 
bell Blaif er Gallery, University of Hous- 
ton, Houston, 1977. 

Guttsman, Willi. Icon and Revolution: 
Political and Social Themes in German 
Art 1918-ICIJ}. Exh. cat. Sainsbury 
Centre for Visual Arts, University of 
East Anglia, Norwich, 1986. 

Hartlaub, Gustav Friedrich. Die neue deut- 
sche Graphik. Tribune der Kunst und 
Zeit, no. 14. Berlin: Erich Reiss, 1920. 

. Die Graphik des Expressionismus 

in Deutschland. Stuttgart; Gerd Hatje, 

Hausenstein, Wilhelm. Uber Expressionis- 
mus in der Malerei. Tribune der Kunst 
und Zeit, no. 2. Berlin: Erich Reiss, 1919. 

. Die Kunst in diesem Augenblick. 

Munich: Hyperion, 1920. 

Hausmann, Raoul. "Die neue Kunst." In 
Fiihrer durch die Abteilung der Novem- 
bergruppe, Kunstausstellung Berlin 
1921. Exh. cat. Berlin, 1921. 

Herbert, Robert L., Eleanore S. Apter, and 
Elise K. Kenney, eds. The Societe 
Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest at 
Yale University: A Catalogue Raisonne. 
New Haven and London: Yale Univer- 
sity Press, 1984. 

Hildebrandt, Hans. Der Expressionismus 
in der Malerei: Ein Vortrag zur Ein- 
fiihrungin das Schaffen der Gegenwart. 
Stuttgart and Berlin: Deutsche Verlags- 
Anstalt, 1919. 

Kliemann, Helga. Die Novembergruppe. 

Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1969. 
Kolinsky, Eva. Engagierter Expressionis- 
mus. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1970. 
Krempel, Ulrich, ed. Am Anfang: Das 

funge Rheinland. Exh. cat. Stadtische 

Kunsthalle Diisseldorf, 1985. 
Kunstausstellung Berlin 1919. Exh. cat. 

Glaspalast am Lehrter Bahnhof, Berlin, 

Kunst im Aufbruch : Dresden 1918-1933. 

Exh. cat. Staatliche Kunstsammlungen 

Dresden, Dresden, 1980. 

Lacquer, Walter. Weimar: A Cultural His- 
tory. New York: Putnam, 1974. 

Landauer, Gustav. Aufrufzum Sozialis- 
mus. 2nd ed. Berlin, 1919. 

Lang, Lothar. Expressionistische Buch- 
illustration in Deutschland 190J-1927. 
Lucerne and Frankfurt: C.J. Bucher, 
1975. Trans, by Janet Seligman, under 
the title Expressionist Book Illustration 
in Germany, 1907-1927. Greenwich; 
New York Graphic Society, 1976. 

Leu, Peter. Fiihrer durch die Abteilung der 
Novembergruppe Kunstausstellung 
Berlin 1920. Exh. cat. Berlin-Friedenau; 
Novembergruppe, 1920. 

Loffler, Fritz, Emilio Bertonati, and Joachim 
Heusinger von Waldegg. Dresdner 
Sezession 1919-192^. Exh. cat. Galleria 
del Levante, Milan and Munich, 1977. 


Selected Bibliography 

Miesel, Victor H., ed. Voices of German 
Expressionism. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: 
Prentice Hall, 1970. 

Myers, Bernard Samuel. The German Ex- 
pressionists. New York: Praeger, 1957. 

[Die Novembergruppe]. An alle Kiinstler! 

Berlin: [Kunstanstalt Willi Simon], 

Die Novembergruppe, Teil r : Die Maler. 

Exh. cat. Kunstamt Wedding, Berlin, 


Pauli, Gustav. Die Kunst und die Revolu- 
tion. Berlin, 1921. 

Pehnt, Wolfgang. Expressionist Architec- 
ture in Drawings. New York: Van 
Nostrand Rhemhold, 1985. 

Perkins, Geoffrey C. Expressionismus : Der 
Kampfum die neue Kunst 1910-192S. 
Zurich, 1 97 1. 

Pohtische Plakate der Weimarer Repu- 
blik: r<)r8-ic)^^. Exh. cat. Darmstadt: 
Hessisches Landesmuseum, 1980. 

Das pohtische Plakat der Welt. Exh. cat. 
Deutsches Plakat-Museum, Essen, 

Raabe, Paul. Der Ausgang des Expres- 
sionismus. Biberach an der Riss: Wege 
und Gestalten, 1966. 

. Der spate Expressionismus 191S- 

1922. Exh. cat. Kleine Galerie, Biberach 
an der Riss, 1966. 

Raabe, Paul, ed. Expressionismus: Auf- 
zeichnungen und Erinnerungen der 
Zeitgenossen. Olten and Freiburg: Wal- 
ter, 1965. Trans, by J.M. Ritchie, under 
the title The Era of German Expression- 
ism. Woodstock, N. Y. : Overlook Press, 

Rademacher, Helmut. Masters of German 
Poster Art. New York: Citadel, 1966. 

Reed, Orrel P., Jr. German Expressionist 
Art: The Robert Gore Rifkind Collec- 
tion. Exh. cat. Frederick S. Wight Art 
Gallery, University of California, Los 
Angeles, 1977. 

Revolution und Realism. Exh. cat. Staat- 
liche Museen zu Berlin, 1979. 

Rigby, Ida. An alle Kiinstler! War -Re- 
volution - Weimar. San Diego: San 
Diego State University Press, 1983. 

. "German Expressionist Political 

Posters 1918-1919: Art and Politics, a 
Failed Alliance." Art fournal 44 1 1984), 

PP- 33-39- 
Roters, Eberhard. Berlin i<)io-i<}3o. New 

York: Rizzoli, 1982. 
Roters, Eberhard, and Bemhard Schulz, 

eds. Ich und die Stadt. Exh. cat. Ber- 

linische Galerie, Berlin, 1987. 

Schapiro, Theda. Painters and Politics: 
The European Avant-Garde and Society, 
igoo-ii)2s. New York: Elsevier, 1976. 

Schmidt, Diether, ed. Manifeste Manifeste 
190S -1933. Dresden: VEB Verlag der 
Kunst, 1964. 

Schneider, Karl Ludwig. Zerbrochene For- 
men: Wort und Bild im Expressionis- 
mus. Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 

Schockel, Erwin. Das Pohtische Plakat: 
Eine psychologische Betrachtung. 
Munich: Franz Eher, 1939. 

Selz, Peter. German Expressionist Paint- 
ing. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univer- 
sity of California Press, 1957. 

Sydow, Eckart von. Die deutsche expres- 
sionistische Kultur und Malerei. Berlin: 
Furche, 1920. 

Vogt, Paul. Expressionismus: Deutsche 
Malerei zwischen 1905 und 1920. 
Cologne: DuMont, 1978. 

Walden, Herwarth. Einblick in Kunst: Ex- 
pressionismus, Futurismus, Kubismus. 

Berlin: Der Sturm, 19 18. 
. Expressionismus: Die Kunst- 

wende. Berlin: Der Sturm, 1918. 
Weinstein, Joan. Art and the November 

Revolution in Germany iprS-rgr^. 

Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 

In press. 
Westheim, Paul, ed. Die Welt als Vorstel- 

lung. Berlin-Potsdam: Kiepenheuer, 

Whitford, Frank. Expressionism. London: 

Hamlyn, 1970. 
. Expressionist Portraits. London : 

Thames and Hudson, 1987. 
Wiese, Stephan von. Graphik des Expres- 
sionismus. Stuttgart: GerdHatje, 1976. 
Willett, John. Expressionism. New York 

and Toronto: Macmillan, 1970. 
. Art and Politics in the Weimar 

Republic: The New Sobriety rgij-rgji. 

New York: Pantheon Books, 1978. 
Worringer, Wilhelm. Abstraktion und Ein- 

fiihlung: Ein Beitrag zur Stilpsychologie. 

Munich: R. Piper, 191 1. 
. Kiinstlerische Zeitfragen. 

Munich: Hugo Bruchmann, 1921. 
, Problematik der Gegenwarts- 

kunst. Munich: R. Piper, 1948. 

Die Zwanziger Jahre in Miinchen. Exh. 
cat. Stadtmuseum, Munich. Munich: 
Christoph Stolzl, 1979. 


Numerals in italics indicate illustrations 


Abelen, Peter 127,144 

Adenauer, Konrad 92 

Adler, Jankel 104 

Albiker, Karl 31,31,74,75,127,144 

Amiet, Cuno 1 1 

Angelus, Silesius 40 

Archipenko, Alexander 42, 59, 72 

Arp, Hans 120, 121 

Ausleger, Gerhard 102 

Baader, lohannes 42 

Baargeld, J.T. 82 

Bachmair, H. F. S. 113,114 

Bahr, Hermann 120 

Ball, Hugo 120, 121 

Banco, Alma del 109 

Bantzer, Carl Ludwig Noah 64, 79 

Barbusse, Henri 122 

Barlach, Ernst 11, 12, 104 

Barrel, Franz [an 102 

Barzinski, Hemrich 59 

Bassermann, Albert 1S5 

Bauer, Rudolf 47 

Baumeister, Willi 113 

Becher, Johannes 17,37,172 

Becker, Walter 107 

Beckmann, Max 11, 20, 29, 39, 40, 43, 44, 

45, 59, 106, 127, 145, 146 
Behne, Adolf 13, 18, 52, 81 
Behrens, Franz Richard 100 
Behrens-Hangeler, Herbert 100,101 
Belling, Rudolf 36, 36, 47, 105, 127, 146 
Benz, Richard 107 
Bergelson, David 67 
Berlit, Riidiger 127,146 
Bemstein, Eduard 121 
Bertonati, Emilio 79 
Beuys, Joseph 120, 121 
Beye, Bruno 102, 702, 128, 146, 146, 147 
Bienert, Ida 77 
Birkle, Albert 128,147 
Bleyl, Fritz 1 1 
Bloch, Ernst 118 
Blunck, Richard 102 
Boccioni, Umberto 42 
Bockstiegel, Peter August 30, S7, 58, 65, 65, 

66, 75, r28, 147, 148 
Bohme, Jakob 40 
Bosken, Lorenz 128,148 
Braque, Georges 43 
Bruun, Laurid 65 
Biichner, Georg 35 
Burchartz, Max ro6, no, 128, 148 
Burliuk, David 119 
Burschell, Friedrich 12 
Busack, F. 112 
Busyn, Max 59 

Campendonk, Heinrich 59, 82, 106 
Carra, Carlo 42 
Cassirer, Paul 12, 121 
Chagall, Marc 42, 63, 64, 67 
Coellen, L.W. 114 

Daubler, Theodor 67, 73 

Danzel, T.-W. 108 

Davidson, Willy 109 

Davringhausen, Heinrich Maria ir4 

Delaunay, Robert 36, 42, 45 

Delaunay-Terk, Sonia 42 

Denis, Maurice 63 

Diez, Robert 75 

Dix, Martha ("Mutzli") 93 

Dix, Otto 10, rj, 17, 18, 19, 20, 20, 22, 22, 
28, 29, 3r, 31, 33, 45, 4S, 46, 52, 53, 56, 57, 
57, 58-60, 67-71, 68-ji, 72, 73, 76, 8r, 86, 
88, 89, 9r-94, 91-93, 96, 105, 129, r4g, 

Doerries, Bemhard no 

Dorsch, Ferdinand 60 

Dostoevsky, Fyodor 67 

Dressier, Kinner von 12, to8 

Drommer, Friedrich Peter 9S, 102, 129, 154, 

Dube, Wolf-Dieter 1 1 

Duchamp, Marcel 122 

Dungert, Max 48, 51, 51, 52, 102, 129, 154 

Eberz, Josef 160 
Edschmied, Kasimir 106, 107 
Eggeling, Viking it4 
Ehmsen, Heinrich 129,154,154 
Einstein, Albert 30 
Einstein, Carl 122 
Eisner, Kurt 144 

Ernst, Max 82, 83, 91, 91, 94, 96, 129, 154 
Eulenberg, Herbert 96, 105 
Ey, Johanna 20, 85, S5, 86, 8^, 90, 91, 94, 96, 
105, -r52 

le Fauconnier, Henri 119 

Feigler, Fritz 94 

Feininger, Lyonel t5, 42, 52, 59, 81, 108 

Feld, Rudi 25, 130, 155 

Felixmiiller, Conrad 2, 4, 10, 12, 13, 17, 18, 
18, 20, 21, 24, 24, 29, 30, 36, 37, 37, 41, 42, 
46, 46, 57, 58, 59, 60-63, 60-62, 66, 68, 71, 
72, 75, 81, S3, 86, 90, 90, 91, 92, 102, 117, 
n8, 7iS, 121, 130, r55-i57 

Filla, Emil 43 

Finsterlin, Hermann 130, r 57 

Fischer, Oskar 107 

Flechtheim, Alfred 86, 90, 105, 105, 106 

Forster, Gela (geb. Schmitz) 57, 59, 72, 73, 

Fraass, Erich 79 
Fraenger, Wilhelm 107 
Frank, Leonhard r 20, 121 

Freudenau, Hermann 100 

Freundlich, Otto 47, 5t, s}. 82, 130, 158 

Friedmann, Gustav 102 

Friedrich, Alexander 108 

Fuchs, Heinz 24, 130, 158 

Fuhrmann, Paul 131, 158 

Gallen, Axel n 

Ganghofer, Ludwig 106 

Garbe, Herbert 36, 131, 759 

Gauguin, Paul 1 1 

Gerber, Walter 104 

Gide, Andre 122 

Gies, Ludwig 104 

Gilles, Werner 96, 105 

Glaser, Fritz 59, 75 

Gleichmann, Otto 23, 106, no, in, 131, 

Gleichmann-Giese, Lotte no 
Gleizes, Albert 42 
Godenschweg, Ludwig 58, 59, 75 
Gosch, Paul 14 

Gogh, Vincent van n, 17, 60, 65, 68 
GoU, Iwan 58,79 
Goncharova, Natalia 42 
Gordon, Donald E. n 
Gothe, Otto 112 

Gotsch, Friedrich Karl 77, 131, 160 
Goya, Francisco de 22, 93 
Graf, Gottfried 1 1 3 
Gramatte, Walter 35, log, 131, r6o, 161, 

Griebel, Otto 30, 59, 71, 72, 81, roo, 131, 

Grohmann, Will 18, 35, 57, 59, 64, 66, 67, 71 
Gropius, Walter 13,81 
Grosz, George 13, 15, 15, 16, r7, ij, 20, 29, 

30, 45, 46, 46, 52, 53, 58, 8r, 132, 161, 162 
Gruenwald, Alfred — > Baargeld, J.T. 
Grundig, Hans 59 
Gunther, Alfred 73 
Guilbeaux, Henri 122 
Gunschmann, Carl 107 
Gussmann, Otto 66 

Hablik, Wenzel 14 

de Haer, Adolf 84, 84, 132, 162 

Hanf, Alfred 104 

Hardekopf, Ferdinand 120 

Hartlaub, Gustav 36 

Hartmann, Walther Georg 33,63 

Hart wig, Hugo 112 

Hasenclever, Walter 76, 77, 102 

Hasler, Bernhard 46 

Haubach, Theodor 107 

Hausmann, Elfriede 62, 62, i^s 

Hausmann, Raoul 15, 17, 37,41, 42, 46, 52, 

62, I5J 
Heckel, Erich n, 13, 64 
Heckmann, Polly J75 

192 Index 

Heckrott, Wilhelm 57,59,64 

Hegenbarth, Emanuel 64 

Hegenbarth, Josef 132,162 

Heise, Carl Georg 104 

Heise, Katharina 132, 163 

Heister, Hans Siebert von 36, 50. 5 1, 132, 

163, 164 
Henning, Paul Rudolph 133, 164 
Henschke, Alfred -^ Klabund 
Herberholz, Wilhelm 92 
Herzfeld, Wieland 17,37 
Herzog, Oswald 36,4s, 117, 117, 133, 164 
Heuer, Jochen 77 
Heym, Georg 40 
Hildebrandt, Adolf von 74 
Hiller, Kurt 42 
Hindemith, Paul 102 
Hindenburg, Paul von no 
Hirsch, Karl Jakob 47 
Hitler, Adolf 96, 107 
Hoddis, Jacob von 42 
Hoch, Hannah 15,52 
Holzel, Adolf 113 
Hoerlc, Angelika 133,144,164 
Hoerle, Heinrich 82 
Hoffmann, Eugen 58, 59, 74, 74. 133, 164, 

Hohlt, Otto no 

Hom, Richard 36,101,101,133,165 
Hubbuch, Karl 107 
Huelsenbeck, Richard 112,120 
Huth, Robert 104 

Itta, Egon 107 

Jacob, Walter 30, 31, 59, 72, 72, 133, 165, 

Jaeckel, Willy 33,134,166 
Janthur, Richard 47 
Jaquemar, Hans 102 
Jaures, Jean 144 
Jawlensky, Alexei von 42, 74, 85 
John, Alfred 102 
John, Max 118. i$2, i$6 
Jouve, J.-P. 122 
Juergens, Grete 112 
Jung, Franz 42 

Kadar, Bela 43 

Kaemmerer, Rudolf 60, 73 

Kahnweiler, Daniel-Henry 44 

Kaiser, Hans 112 

Kampffmeyer, Hans 107 

Kampmann, Walter 48, 51, si. 134, 167 

Kandinsky, Wassily 12, 42, 59, 95, ro8, 117, 

119, 121 
Kanoldt, Alexander T14 
Kantorowitz, Ernst 112 
Kaufmann, Arthur 93,94,94,96 
Kellner, Theo 104 
Kepes, Gyorgy 48 
Resting, Edmund 78, 79, 134, 167 
Kinzinger, Edmund Daniel 113 
Kirchner, Ernst Ludwig 11, 13, 39, 42 
Kirchoff, Heinrich 90 
Klabund (Alfred Henschke) 63 
Klapheck, Anna 94 
Klee, Paul 42, 59, 90, 108, 113 
Klein, Cesar 14, 15, 27, 134, 168 
Kleist, Heinrich von 67 
Knobloch, Willy 108 
Koch, Hans 83,^3,86,90,91,93 
Koch, Martha ("Mutzli") -^ Dix, Martha 
Koetschau, Karl 82 

Kokoschka, Oskar 11, 13, 17, 42, 57, 59, 60, 

72, 75, 76, 76, 77 
KoUviritz, Kathe ir, 22, 23, 24, 2.4, 81, iig, 

134, 168, t69 
Krauskopf, Bruno 47 
Kreutzberg, Harald 163 
Kretzschmar, Bemhard 58, 72, 75, 76, 76, 

135, 170 
Kriegel, Jacob 77 
Kriegel, Willi 77 
Kubin, Otokar 43 

Kuehl, Gotthardt 67, 77, 79 
Kiihn, Herbert 1 2 1 
Kiipper, Will 27, 135, 170 
Kueppers, Paul Erich no 

Lammer, Willy 112 

Landauer, Gustav 144 

Lange, Otto }4, 35, 57, 58, 59, 64, 64. 65, 

135, 171 

Lange, Werner 102, loj, 135, 171 

Larionov, Mikhail 42 

Lasker-Schtiler, Else 60,112 

Laurent, Walt 113,114 

Leger, Femand 42, 63 

Lehmbruck, Wilhelm 36, 82, 120, 120 

Lenin, Wladimirlljitsch 12,30 

Lenk, Franz 5 9 

Levine, Eugen 144 

Lewerenz, Heinz 100 

Liebermann, Max 86, 92 

Liebknecht, Karl 24, 24, 33, 62, 84, I2r, 122, 

144, 168 
Liebknecht, Wilhelm 24 
Lohse, Carl 77,77,135,171 
Lorenz, Karl no 
Lossie, Erich 100 
Luckhardt, Wassili 14 
Luckhardt, Hans 14 
Liicken, Ivar von 77 
Luksch, Andreas 108 
Luksch, Peter 108 
Lunarcharsky, Anatoly 12 
Luxemburg, Rosa 24, 62, 84, 121, 122, 144 

Macke, August 82, 83 

Maetzel, Erich 109 

Maetzel-Johannsen, Dorothea 108, 109 

Maillol, Aristide 74 

Marc, Franz 12, 13, 42, 119 

Marcks, Gerhard 104 

Marcoussis, Louis 42 

Mardersteig, Hans 104 

Martmet, Louis 122 

May, Karl 107 

Meidner, Ludwig 13, 15, 17, 37, 3S, 39, 40, 

40, 42, 45, 46, 48, 106, 136, 172, 172 
Meier-Graefe, Julius 66, 92 
Melzer, Moriz 14, 14, 46, 48, 49, 136, 172 
Mendelsohn, Erich 14, 14, 47 
Mense, Carlo 105, 114 
Meyboden, Hans 59,77 
Meyer, Adolph 102 
Michel, Wilhelm 106,107 
Mierendorff, Carlo 107 
Mitschke-CoUande, Constantin von 33, 33, 

57,59,63,63.64, 136, 173 
MoUer, Otto 36,45,52,53,136,174 
Molzahn, Johannes 35, 35, loi, 116, 117, 

136, 174 
Mombert, Alfred 107 
Morgner, Wilhelm 102 
Mueller, Albert 113 

Mueller, Felix ^> Felixmiiller, Conrad 

Mueller, Otto 13 

Miiller, Richard 46 

Miiller-Dresden -^ Felixmiiller, Conrad 

Muenzenberg, Willi 30 

Munch, Edvard ir, 79 

Nagel, Otto 81 

Nantke, Kurt 104 

Nauen, Heinrich 20, 82, 88, 105, 105, J13, 

137, 175 
Niemeyer, Wilhelm no 
Nolde, Emil 11,104 

Ophey, Walter 82, :o6 
Osthaus, Karl Ernst 112 

Paling, Richard 104 

Pankok, Otto 84, 86, 88, 88, 90-93, 96, ro5, 

137, 175, 176 
Pechstein, Max n, 13, 14, 15, 15, 22, 25, 27, 

32, 33,47,47,48,81, 137, 164. 176, 176, 

177, ,^77 
Pfemfert, Franz 12, 12, 17, 37, 42, 46, 58, 86, 

Picasso, Pablo 43, 119 
Pilartz, Theodor C. 113 
Pinthus, Kurt 81, 10 1 
Piscator, Erwin 30 
Pliinnecke, Wilhelm 172,137,178 
Poelzig, Hans 137,178 
Prahl, Karl 109 

Quedenfeld, Erwin 83 

Radcrscheidt, Anton 82, 122, 138, 144, 167 

Reiche, Richard 104 

Reinhardt, Max 77 

Rheiner, Walter 2, 4, 18, 36, 37, 37, 58, 62, 

12:, IS7 
Richter, Hans 113,114 
Richter, Kathe 77 
Richter-Bcrlin, Heinrich 14,47 
Riegl, Alois 119 
Rilke, Hans 84, 84 
Ritsdil, Otto 61, 62, is6 
Rodin, Auguste 74 
Roeber, Fritz 88, 90 
Rohl, Peter 102 
Roentgen, Ferdinand 104 
Roettger, Karl 106 
Rohlfs, Christian 23, 82, it2, IJ3, r38, 775, 

RoUand, Romain 64,122 
Rousseau, Henri 119 
Rowohlt, Ernst 99 
Rubiner, Ludwig 1 20, 121 
Rudolph, Wilhelm 29,30,79,138,178 
Ruble, Otto, 59, 62 
Russolo, Luigi 42 

Sachs, Lessi Valeska n3, T14 
Samony, Alfred 95 
Sauerland, Max no 
Schaefler, Fritz 113,114 
Schapire, Rosa 108,109,110,161 
Scharoun, Hans 14, 138, 178, 179 
Schickele, Rene 120 
,Schiebelhuth, Hans 112 
Schiefler, Gustav no 
Schiele, Egon 13 
Schiller, Friedrich 9r 
Schilling, Heinar 18,57,76,102 
Schlemmer, Oskar 59,113 
Schlichter, Rudolf 15, 52, 53, 107, 108 

Index 193 

Schmid, Wilhelm 47 

Schmidt, Paul Ferdinand 57, 67, 67, 75 

Schmidt-Rottluff, Karl 11, 13, 35, 39, 58, 59, 

81, 104, no, 138, 179, 180 
Schmitz, Bruno 5 7 
Schnarrenberger, Wilhelm 107 
Schoenberg, Arnold 60 
Scholz, Georg 15,52,53,107,108 
Schrag, Martha 104 
Schreyer, Lothar 108 
Schrimpf, Georg 113,114 
Schubert, Dietrich 59, rir 
Schubert, Otto 23, 33, 57, 58, 66, 66, 67, 139, 

Schulhof, Erwin 72 
Schulze-Solde, Max 112 
Schwitters, Kurt 58, no, ri2 
Seeker, Hans Friedrich 92 
Seehaus, Paul 83 
Segal, Arthur 48, 51, s^, i39, 181 
Segall, Lasar 57, 59, 67, 67 
Segewitz, Eugen 107 
Seitz, Robert 102 
Seiwert, Franz Wilhelm 30, 82, 105, 122, 

139, 144, 181, 182 
Selz, Peter 11, 39 
Severini, Gino 42 
Shaw, George Bernhard 30 
Skade, Fritz 59 
Slevogt, Max 86 
Spengemann, Christof 112 
Sperling, Walter 59 
Spiegel, Hans 113 
Steegemann, Paul 112 
Steger, Milly 112 
Steiner, Rudolph 104, 120 

Steinhagen, Heinrich 109 
Sterl, Robert 71, 75 
Stemheim, Carl 20,58,60,120 
Stemheim, Thea 120 
Stiemer, Felix t8, 62, 62, 113, 114, i^s 
Stramm, August 100,108 
Strauss-Emst, Luise 82 
Stuckenberg, Fritz 36, 139, 182 
Stuckenschmidt, H.H. 102 
Stiickgold, Stanislaus 113,114 

Tappert, Georg 14, 15,47,4s, 102, 139, 182 

Taut, Bruno 13, r 4 

Taut, Max 14 

Tegtmeier, William 109 

Thiersch, Paul loi 

Thoma, Hans 107 

Thorn, Carl 112 

Thorn Prikker, Johann 112 

Thiirlemann, Felix 119 

Trautner, Eduard 113, 114 

Trillhase, Adalbert 105 

Troger, Fritz 59 

Tzara, Tristan 121 

Unruh, Fritz von 121 

Usinger, Fritz 107 

Uzarski, Adolf 22, 94, 96, 105, 140, 183 

Volker, Karl 102, 102, 140, 184 
Vogeler, Heinrich 112 
VoU, Christoph 59, 59, 74, 75, 75, 140, 184 
Voswinkel, August 1 12 

Wach, Alois (Alois Ludwig Wachel- 
meier) 113, 114 

Wagner, F. W. 112 

Waldegg, loachim Heusinger von 7 3 

Walden, Herwarth 13, 13, 36, 42, 42, 43, 44, 

51, 185 
Washton Long, Rose-Carol 117 
Wauer, William 13, 42, 140, 185 
Wedderkop, Heinrich von 106 
Westheim, Paul 114, 122 
Wetzel, Ines 48 
Wield, Friedrich 109 
Wiethuter, Gustav 104 
Wilhelm II., Kaiser von Deutschland 23, 81, 

Wilhelm, Paul 79 
Willink, Carel 100 
Winkler, Fritz 79 
Wolfenstein, Alfred 17 
Wolff, Kurt 99 
Wollheim, Gert 23, 80. 84, 84, 86, 87, 88, 

90-94, 95, 96, 105, 105, 106, 140, 175, 185, 

Wiirth, Pepy 107 
Wuesten, F. 108 

Zabotin, Wladimir 107,108 

Zalisz, Fritz 141,186 

Zeh, August 119 

Zehder, Hugo 17, 57, 58, 60, 71 

Zeller, Magnus 54, 141, 186 

Zierath, Willi 17 

Zimmermann, Felix 5 8 

Artists' Groups and Organizations 

Action Committee of Revolutionary Artists 
-^ Aktionsausschuss Revolutionarer 

Activist League 1919^ Aktivistenbund 

Aktionsausschuss Revolutionarer Kiinst- 
ler 113, 114 

Aktivistenbund 1919 83, 84, 86, 88, 90, 105 

Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst 7, 13, 14, 17, 27, 51, 52, 
81, 82, 94, 99, 100, loi, 122 

Art and Cultural Council for Baden — > Kunst- 
und Kulturreferat fiir Baden 

Artists' Association -^ Kiinstlervereinigung 

Artists' Council Hamburg ^ Kiinstlerrat 

Artists' Group Chemnitz ^> Kiinstlergruppe 

Artists' Group Halle/Saale ^> Kiinstlergruppe 
Halle an der Saale 

Artists' Group Young Erfurt — > Kiinstler- 
gruppe lung-Erfurt 

Art League Hamburgh Kiinstlerbund 

Arts Company-^ Gesellschaft der Kiinste 

Art Society (Hamburg] -^ Kunstverein 

Association for New Art and Literature -^ 
Vereinigung fiir Neue Kunst und Literatur 

Association of Visual Artists — > Verband 
Bildender Kiinstler 

Berliner Freie Sezession 58 

Der Blaue Reiter 11-13, 39, 42, 45, 119, 120 

The Blue Rider -^ Der Blaue Reiter 

The Bridge -^ Die Briicke 
Die Briicke 11, 13, 17, 39, 46, 58, 63, 64, 74, 

Cartel of Progressive Artists' Group in 
Germany -^ Kartell Fortschrittlicher 
Kiinstlergruppen in Deutschland 

Cartel's Munich Artists' Group -^ Kiinstler- 
gruppe Miinchen des Kartells 

Council of Intellectual Workers -^ Rat 
Geistiger Arbeiter 

Council of People's Delegates -^ Rat der 

Council of Visual Artists Munich -^ Rat 
Bildender Kiinstler Miinchen 

Cultural Council — ► Kulturrat 

Darmstadt Secession^* Darmstiidter 

Darmstadter Sezession 94, 106 

Dresden Art Community -^ Dresdner Kunst- 

Dresden Council of Artists -^ Dresdner 

Dresden Secession Group 1919^ Dresdner 
Sezession Gruppe 1919 

Dresden Workers' Art Association ^> Dresd- 
ner Arbeiter-Kunstgemeinsehaft 

Dresdner Arbeiter-Kunstgemeinsehaft 67 

Dresdner Kiinstlerschaft 17 

Dresdner Kunstgenossenschaft 5 9 

Dresdner Sezession Gruppe 1919 13,18,35, 
46, 57-79,81,90,94 

Elbier Group -^ Elbier-Gruppe 

Elbier-Gruppe 77 

Expressionistische Arbeitsgemeinsehaft 
Dresden 81 

Expressionistische Arbeitsgemeinsehaft 
Kiel 102 

Expressionist Working Group Dresden ^• 
Expressionistische Arbeitsgemeinsehaft 

Expressionist Working Group of Kiel — > Ex- 
pressionistische Arbeitsgemeinsehaft Kiel 

Frauenbund zur Forderung Neuer Deutscher 

Kunst 108 
Free Berlin Secession -h> Berliner Freie 


Gesellschaft der Kiinste 81,82 

Die Glaseme Kette 14 

The Glass Chain -^ Die Glaseme Kette 

Group 1 9 1 7 ^> Gruppe 1917 

Gruppe 1917 57 

Gruppe Internationale 120 

Hamburgische Sezession 108, 108, 109 
Hamburg Secession -* Hamburgische 

Hannoversche Sezession no, 112, 112 
Hanover Secession -^ Hannoversche 

Hessian Workers' Council for Arts -* Hessi- 

scher Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst 
Hessischer Arbeitsrat fiir Kunst 106 



Internationale Arbeiterhilfe 30, 66 
International Group ^i- Gruppe Internationale 
International Workers' Aid -^ Internationale 

Dasjunge Rheinland 21, 23, 82-97, S2, 105, 
106, 122 

Kampfbiihne 1 08 

Kartell Fortschrittlicher Kiinstlergruppen in 

Deutschland 94 
Kestner-Gesellschaft no 
Kestner Society ^> Kestner-Gesellschaft 
Krafte 108 

Kdnstlergruppe Chemnitz 104 
Kiinstlergruppc Halle an der Saale 94, loi 
Kunstlergruppe Jung-Erfurt 104 
Kiinstlergruppc Miinchen des Kartells 94 
Kiinstlerrat Hamburg 108 
Kiinstlervereinigung 57 
Kulturrat 107 
Kunstbund Hamburg no 
Kunst- und Kulturreferat fiir Baden 107 
Kunstverein (Hamburg) 108 

Lubeck Association of Visual Arts -^ Vereini- 
gung Liibecker Bildender Kiinstler 

Malkasten 88 

Marees-Gesellschaft 66 

Marees Society — ► Marees-Gesellschaft 

Nassau Art Society -^ Nassauischer Kunst- 
Nassauischer Kunstverein 90 
November Group — > Novembergruppe 

Novembergruppe 7, 13, 14, 14, 15, 17, 27, 
36, 42, 45-48, 4S, 51, 52, 59, 81, 94, 99, too, 
loi, ro7, ro8 

Ovcrbeck-Gesellschaft 104 

Overbeck Society — > Ovcrbeck-Gesellschaft 

Paint Box ^> Malkasten 

Permanent Council for the Cultivation of Art 

— > Standiger Rat zur Pflege der Kunst 
Das Plakat 24 
The Poster -^ Das Plakat 
Powers/Forces — > Krafte 

The Rampart ^- Die Schanze 

Rat Bildender Kiinstler Miinchen 113 

Rat der Volksbeauftragten 14 

Rat Geistiger Arbeiter 107,110,113 

Representation of the Creative Artists of 
Hesse ^> Vertretung der Bildenden Kiinst- 
ler Hessens 

Rhcingruppe 96 

Rheinische Sezession 59,96 

Rhenish Secession — ► Rheinische Sezession 

Rhine Group -^ Rhcingruppe 

Rib 107, 108 

Sachsischer Kunstverein 59 

Saxon Art Society —> Sachsischer Kunstverein 

Die Schanze 104, 105 

Spartacus Group — > Spartacus-Gruppe 

Spartacus League ^> Spartakistenbund 

Spartakistenbund 84 

Spartakus-Guppe 120 

Standiger Rat zur Pflege der Kunst 107 

Stage Militant -^ Kampfbiihne 

The Storm -^ Der Sturm 

DerSturm 51, 68, 72, 79, 100, 108, r2i 

Uecht Group -^ Uecht-Gruppe 

iJecht-Gruppe 122, 113 

Union Fortschrittlicher Intemationaler 

Kiinstler 119, 122 
Union of Progressive International Artists^ 

Union Fortschrittlicher Intemationaler 


The Venture -^ Der Wurf 
Verband Bildender Kiinstler 107 
Vereinigung fiir Neue Kunst und Lite- 

ratur lor 
Vereinigung Liibecker Bildender Kiinstler 1 04 
Vertretung der Bildenden Kiinstler 

Hessens 106 

The Way ^^ Der Weg 

DerWeg 79 

Werkbund Geistiger Arbeiter no 

Women's Association for the Promotion of 

New German Art -^ Frauenbund zur Forde- 

rung Neuer Dcutscher Kunst 
Workers' Council for Art ^> Arbeitsrat fiir 

Working Association of Intellectual Workers 

-^ Werkbund Geistiger Arbeiter 
The Wupper Circle (The Wupper) —>■ Der 

Der Wupperkreis (Die Wupper| 104 
Der Wurf 100, loi 

The Young Rhmeland - 

• Das Junge 

Periodicals and Manifestos 

Action -^ Die Aktion 

Die Aktion 12, 13, 15, 18, 20, 27, 42, 46, 58, 

60, 62, 74, 86, 99, 120 
Almanach des Blauen Reiters 119 
AnAUe! 100 
An alle Kiinstler! 15,15 
DerAnbruch 27,114 

Artists at the Wayside —» Kiinstler am Wege 
The Art Paper -^ Das Kunstblatt 
The Artpot -^ Der Kunsttopf 
The Art Window ^ Das Kunstfenster 
The Attic Room ^ Die Dachstube 
Aufruf an junge rheinische Kiinstler 82 
Aufruf der Novembergruppe 47, 48 

The Beautiful Rarity -^ Die Schone Raritat 
Der Bildermann 12 
The Black Tower — » Der Schwarze Turm 
The Blue Rider Almanac ^> Almanach des 

Blauen Reiters 
Book One of the Activist League 1919^ 

Buch Eins, Zwei und Drei des Aktivisten- 

bundes 1919 
The Brickmaker ^> Der Ziegelbrenner 
Buch Ems, Zwei und Drei des Aktivisten- 

bundes 1919 84, 88, 106 
Bull Press -^ Stierpresse 

The Call -^ Der Ruf 

Call to Young Artists of the Rhineland ^> 

Aufruf an junge rheinische Kiinstler 
Der Cicerone 20, 73 
The Cross-Section -^ Der Querschnitt 

Die Dachstube 27,107 

Dichtung der Jiingsten 5 7 

Diisseldorf Critical Weekly for All the Arts — * 

Diisseldorfer Kritische Wochenschrift fiir 

alle Kiinste 
Diisseldorfer Kritische Wochenschrift fiir alle 

Kiinste 106 

Echo of the Times — » Zeit-Echo 

Einblick in Kunst: Expressionismus, Futuris- 

mus, Kubismus 43 
Die Erhebung 114 
Europa Almanach 122 
European Almanac — > Europa Almanach 
Expressionism; The Turning Point in Art — > 

Expressionismus: Die Kunstwende 
Expressionismus: Die Kunst wende 43 
DasEy 88, «S, 91, 96 

Feuer 27, 114 
Fire ^> Feuer 

Die Freude: Blatter einer Neuen Gesin- 
nung 27, 114 

DerGegner 52 
Genius 104 

Herald — > Kundung 

The High Shore -^ Das Hohe Ufer 

Das Hohe Ufer X12 

Insight into Art: Expressionism, Futurism, 
Cubism -^ Einblick in Kunst : Expressio- 
nismus, Futurismus, Kubismus 

Ja! Stimmen des Arbeitsrats fiir Kunst in 

Berlin 14, 52 
Joy: Journal of a New Disposition — ► 

Die Freude: Blatter einer Neuen 

Das Junge Deutschland 27, 114 
Das Junge Rheinland 26,27, 82-97, S2 

Krafte 108 

Kriegszeit 12 

Kiindung 26,27,110 

Kiinstler am Wege 104 

Die Kugel, Zeitschrift fiir Neue Kunst und 

Dichtung loi 
Das Kunstblatt 12, 95, 114 
Das Kunstfenster 106 
Der Kunsttopf 14 

Manifest der Novembristen 48 

Das Manifest des Absoluten Expressio- 
nismus 35 

The Manifesto of Absolute Expressionism - 
Das Manifest des Absoluten Expressio- 

Manifesto of the Novembrists -^ Manifest 
der Novembristen 

Mankind -^ Menschen 

Menschen 18, 18. 26, 27, 57, 58, 71, 102, 
108, 121 

Menschheitsdiimmerung - Ein Dokument 
des Expressionismus 81, lox 

DerMorgen 114 

The Morning -^ Der Morgen 



Neue Blatter fiir Kunst und Dichtung 18, 26, 

27, 57, 58, 121 
Das Neue Gedicht 5 7 
Neuejugend 27,114,120 
Der Neue Pan 27 
Das Neue Pathos 27,114 
Neues Deutschland 27 
The New Beginning -* Der Anbruch 
New Germany -^ Neues Deutschland 
New Journal of Art and Poetry — > Neue 

Blatter fiir Kunst und Dichtung 
The New Pan — > Der Neue Pan 
The New Pathos —> Das Neue Pathos 
The New Poem -^ Das Neue Gedicht 
New Youth ^> Neue Jugend 
November Group Appeal -^ Aufruf der 

November Group -^ Novembergruppe 
Novembergruppe 14,14,15 
Novembergruppe Manifesto 13,36 

The Opponent - 
Our Way 1 9 1 9 - 

> Der Gegner 
■ Unser Weg 1 9 1 9 

The Picture Man -h> Der Bildermann 

Poetry of the Youngest -^ Poesie der Jiingsten 

Powers/Forces — > Kraf te 

Der Querschnitt 106 

The Red Earth -^ Die Rote Erde 
Revolution 114 
The Rising -* Die Erhebung 114 
Die Rote Erde 27,110,110 
Der Ruf 114 

Die Schone Raritat 14, 26, 102 

Der Schwarzc Turm 104 

Die Sichel 26, 27 

The Sickle — > Die Sichel 

Die Silbergaule 112 

The Silver Horses -* Die Silbergaule 

South German Freedom, Newspaper for the 

New Germany -^ Siiddeutsche Freiheit, 

Zeitung fiir das Neue Deutschland 
The Sphere, Journal for New Art and Poetry 

-^ Die Kugel, Zeitschrif t fiir Neue Kunst 

und Dichtung 
Stierpresse 104 
The Storm -^ Der Sturm 
Der Sturm 13, 18, 35, 42, 43, 99, 108, 117 
Siiddeutsche Freiheit, Zeitung fiir das Neue 

Deutschland 1 1 3 

To all Artists ! -^ An alle Kiinstler ! 

To Everybody ! -^ An Alle ! 

Das Tribunal 26,27,107 

The Tribunal -^ Das Tribunal 

Twilight of Mankind ; A Document of Expres- 
sionism -^ Menschheitsdammerung: Ein 
Dokument des Expressionismus 

Unser Weg 1919 121,721 

The Venture -^ Der Wurf 

Wartime -^ Kriegszeit 
The Way -* Der Weg 
Der Weg 26, 113 
Der Wurf 27 

Yes! Voices of the Workers' Council for Art 
in Berlin ^ Ja ! Stimmen des Arbeitsrats fiir 
Kunst in Berlin 

The Young Germany ^ Das Junge Deutsch- 

The Young Rhineland —> Das Junge Rhein- 

Zeit-Echo 114 

Der Ziegelbrenner 27 

Der Zweemann 112 

Photo Credits 

Unless otherwise indicated, all photographs are courtesy of Los Angeles County Museum of Art 

Stadtische Galerie Albstadt, FRG p. 20, 
fig. 12,- p. 34, fig. 36; p. 64, fig. 12; p. 68, 
fig. 20; cats. 22, 24, 72-75, 132, 133 

Staatliches Lindenau-Museum, Altenburg, 
GDR p. 34, fig. 38, fig. 39; cats. 48, 53, 66, 

134, 135 
Akademie der Kiinste, Berlin |West), FRG 

p. 14, fig. 4; cats. 171, 175 
Akademie der Kiinste, Berlin |East|, GDR 

cat. 141 
Jorg Anders, Berlin (West), FRG p. 20, fig. 13; 

p. 21; fig. 14; p. 80, fig. I; p. 87, fig. 9; 

cats. 51, 52, 200, 202 

Berlinische Galerie, Berlin (West), FRG p. 5 1, 
fig. 17, fig. 18; p. 53, fig. 20; p. 6i,fig. 6; 
p. 117, fig. 2; cats. 38, 54, 61, 119, 122, 
182, 184 

Berlin Museum, Berlin (West), FRG p. 49, 
fig. 15; cat. 143 

Peter Garbe, Berlin (East), GDR p. loi, 
fig. 2 ; p. 118, fig. 3 

Otto Nagel Haus, c/o Nationalgalerie, Staat- 
liche Museen zu Berlin (East), GDR 
cat. 32 

Nationalgalerie Berlin, Berlin (East), GDR 
p. 62, fig. 7; cats. 44, 77, 80 

Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, 
Berlm (West), FRG p. 10, fig. i ; cat. 50 

Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Berlin (East), 
GDR p. 24, fig. 19; cat. 45 

The Robert Gore Rifkind Collection/ Foun- 
dation, Beverly Hills/CA cats. 31 d, e, 43, 
58, 62, 63, 97, no, 116, 123, 126/IV, VII, 
128, 144/IV, 161, r62, 165, 196, 198, 201, 
209, 210 

Vincent Bockstiegel, Bielefeld, FRG p. 65, 
fig. 14 

Indian University Art Museum, Blooming- 
ton/Ind. cat. 197 

Stadtisches Kunstmuseum Bonn, FRG 
cat. 152 

Boston Museum of Fine Arts/Sophie Fried- 
man Fund cat. 5 

Kicken Pauseback, Cologne, FRG cats. 59, 60 

Kupferstich Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsamm- 
lungen, Dresden, GDR p. 29, fig. 29, 
% 30; p. 31, fig. 32; p. 57, fig. 2; P- 74, 
fig. 30; cats. II, 16, 17, 33, 57, 118, 180 

Skulptursammlung Dresden, GDR cat. 2 

Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Dresden, 

GDR p. 3 1, fig. 33 i P- 77, fig- 3 5 ; cats. 1 5, 
27, 29, 82, 103, 105, 138, 169 
Sonja Bockstiegel, on loan to Stadtmuseum 

Diisseldorf, FRG cat. 14 
Peter Bosken, on loan to Stadtmuseum Diis- 
seldorf, FRG cat. 18 
Walter Klein, Dusseldorf, FRG p. 94, fig. 20 
Galerie der Stadt Diisseldorf, FRG cat. 12 
Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG p. 43, fig. 6; 

p. 44, figs. 7, 8; p. 69, fig. 21; p. 82, fig. 2; 
p. 89, fig. 12; p. 90, fig. 13; p. 92, fig. 17, 

fig. 18; p. 95, fig. 21; p. 105, fig. 7; cats. 20, 

35,46, 153,191,203,204 
Landesbildstelle Rheinland, Dusseldorf, 

FRG p. 83, fig. 3; cats. 3, 4 
Otto Pankok Museum /Kunstmuseum Diis- 
seldorf, FRG cats. 155-159 
Galerie Remmert und Barth, Dusseldorf, 

FRG p. 84, fig. 4-6; p. 85, fig. 7, fig. 8; 

p. 88, fig. 10, fig. II; p. 91, fig. 14; cats. 88, 

Stadtmuseum Diisseldorf, FRG p. 27, fig. 25, 

fig. 26; cats. 130, 131 
Haus der Heimat, Feital, GDR p. 45, fig. 9 
Karl-Emst-Osthaus-Museum, Hagen, FRG 

cat. 151 
Foto Kiihla Werbefotografie, Hagen, FRG 

p. 113, fig. 15 
Michael Baum, Halle, GDR p. 102, fig. 4 
Staatliche Galerie Moritzburg, Halle, GDR 

p. 41, fig. 4; p. 65, fig. 13; p. 71, fig. 23; 

p. 76, fig. 33; p. 102, fig. 3; p. IQ9, fig. lO; 

cats. 9, 10, 39, 40, 64, 65, 89, 90, 95, 106, 

120, 192, 208 
Foto Studio Griinke, Hamburg, FRG p. 42, 

fig-S;PS6, fig. I 
Siegfried Poppe, Hamburg, FRG p. 52, fig. 19; 

cats. 28, 121, 181, 187, 199 
Gerhard Wietek, Hamburg, FRG p. 48, 

fig. 13; cats. 190 
Sprengel Museum, Hanover, FRG cats. 68, 70 
Dr. Richard Simms, Harbor City/CA 

cat. 127 
Badisches Landesmuseum, Karlsruhe, FRG 

cat. 166 
Hans-Peter Reisse, Kassel, FRG cat. 150 
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Kassel, Neue 

Galerie, Kassel, FRG p. 12, fig. 2; cat. 55 
Christoph Sandig, Leipzig, GDR cats. 112, 

114, 139 

Museum der bildenden Kiinste, Leipzig, GDR 

cats. 8, 205 
The Trustees of the Tate Gallery, London 

p. 15, fig. 7; cat. 84 
The Robert Gore Rifkind Center for German 

Expressionist Studies, Los Angeles 

County Museum of Art cats. 19, 31, 36, 

45, 71, 78, 104, 107-109, III, 113, 124- 

126, 136, 144, 145, 168, 177, 178 
Thyssen-Bomemisza Collection, Lugano, 

Switzerland p. 16, fig. 8; cat. 85 
Marvin and Janet Fishman, Milwaukee 

p. 62, fig. 8; cat. 189 
Dedra M. Walls, Milwaukee p. 40, fig. 3 ; 

p. 61, fig. 5; cats. 13, 47, 49, 142 
Minneapolis Institute of Arts, Minneapolis 

p. 105, fig. 6; cat. 7 
Europhot, Dietrich Freiherr von Werthem, 

Munich, FRG p. 75, fig. 31, fig. 32 
Rachel Adler Gallery, New York p. 122, 

figs. 7, 8; cat. I 
Barry Friedman Ltd, New York p. 5 3, fig. 2 1 ; 

cats. 146, 147 
Heckscher Museum, Huntington/New York 

p. 29, fig. 28; cat. 87 
Museum of Modem Art, New York p. 17, 

fig. 9; cat. 86 
Detlef Melke, Plauen, GDR cat. 193 
State Jewish Museum, Prague, Czech- 

Slovakia p. 91, fig. 15; cats. 41, 42 
Museum Ostdeutsche Galerie, Regensburg, 

FRG p. 47, fig. 12; p. 60, fig. 4; cats. 56, 

115, 163 
W. S. Meisterphoto, Regensburg, FRG p. 35, 

fig. 40; cat. 149 
Kunsthalle Rostock, GDR p. 66, fig. 1 5 ; 

cats. 129, 179 
Schleswig-Holsteinisches Landesmuseum, 

Schleswig, FRG p. 98, fig. i ; p. 103, fig. 5 ; 

cats. 37, 137 
Galerie der Stadt Stuttgart, FRG p. 1 9, fig. 1 1 ; 

p. 92, fig. 16; cats. 21, 23, 25, 26 
Galerie Valentien, Stuttgart, FRG cats. 194, 

Staatsgalerie Stuttgart, FRG p. 46, fig. 10 
Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpturegarden, 

Smithsonian Institution, Washington 

cat. 83 
Yale University Art Gallery, Societe 

Anonyme cats. 67, 188 

Photographs of the Artists 

Peter Abelen : Martin und Jo Scheeder, Lin- 

kenheim/ Hochstetten 
Max Beckmann : Hugo Erf urth 
Rudolf Belling, Max Dungert, Heinrich Ehm- 

sen, Georg Grosz, Gerd WoUheim ; The 

Robert Gore Rifkind Center for German 
Expressionist Studies, Los Angeles 
County Museum of Art 
Bruno Beye, Richard Horn: Staatliche Galerie 
Moritzburg, Halle, GDR 

Albert Birkle: Museum Caroline Augusteo, 
Salzburg, Austria 

P. A. Bockstiegel, Constantin von Mitschke- 
Collande, Otto Dix, Eugen Hoffmann, 
Walter Jacob, Edmund Resting, Otto 

Photo Credits 197 

Schubert, Christoph Vol! : Galleria del 

Levante, Munich, FRG 
Max Burchartz, Heinz Fuchs, Walter Kamp- 

mann, Cesar Klein, Moriz Melzer, Otto 

Moller, Johannes Molzahn, Fritz Stucken- 

berg, Georg Tappert : Kunstamt Wedding, 

Berlin (West), FRG 
Max Ernst : Kunstverein, Cologne, FRG 
Otto Gleichmann, Heinrich Nauen, Otto 

Pankok: Kunstmuseum Diisseldorf 
Walter Gramatte: Courtesy of Dr. Ferdinand 

Eckhardt, Winnipeg, Canada 
Otto Griebel, Adolf de Haer, Carl Lohse: 

Galerie Remmert & Barth, Dusseldorf, FRG 

Josef Hegenbarth : Galerie Wolfgang Ketterer, 

Munich, FRG 
Katharina Heise: Galerie Erph-Druck- 

graphik/Staatl. Kunsthandel der DDR, Bcr- 

hn (East), GDR 
Hans Siebert von Heister: Galerie Michael 

Papst, Munich, FRG 
Otto Lange: Stadtische Galerie Albstadt, 

Ludwig Meidner, Christian Rohlfs: Courtesy 

the Robert Gore Rifkind Collection, 

Beverley HiUs/CA 
Hans Poelzig: Bildarchiv Preussischer Kultur- 

besitz, Berlin (West), FRG 

Anton Raderscheidt, Franz Wilhelm Seiwert: 
Rachel Adler Gallery, New York 

Hans Scharoun: Fritz Eschen 

Karl Schmidt-Rottluff : Bnicke-Museum, Ber- 
lin (West), FRG 

Adolf Uzarski : Stadmuseum Dusseldorf, FRG 

Fritz Zalisz: Museum der bildenden Kiinste, 
Leipzig, GDR 

Magnus Zeller: Zeller-Nachlafi, Caputh, GDR 

Supervisors and Trustees 

County of Los Angeles 
Board of Supervisors, 1988 

Deane Dana, Chairman 

Michael D. Antonovich 

Edmund D. Edelman 

Kenneth Hahn 
Peter F. Schabarum 

Chief Administrative Officer and Director of Personnel 
Richard B. Dixon 

Los Angeles County Museum of Art 
Board of Trustees, Fiscal Year 19S8 - 89 

JuHan Ganz, Jr., Chairman 

Daniel N. Belin, President 

Mrs. E Daniel Frost, Chairman of the Executive Committee 

Charles E. Ducommun, Vice President 

Robert F. Maguire III, Vice President 

Eric Lidow, Treasurer 

Mrs. Barbara Pauley Pagan, Secretary 

Earl A. Powell III, Director 

Honorary Life Trustees 

Mrs. Anna Bing Arnold 

Mrs. Freeman Gates 

Mrs. Nasli Heeramaneck 

Joseph B. Koepfli 

Mrs. Rudolph Liebig 

Mrs. Lucille Ellis Simon 

John Walker 

Mrs. Herman Weiner 


Mrs. Howard Ahmanson 

William H. Ahmanson 

Howard P. Allen 

Robert O. Anderson 

R. Stanton Avery 

Norman Barker, Jr. 

Mrs. Lionel Bell 
Dr. George N. Boone 

Donald L.Bren 

Mrs. B. Gerald Cantor 

Edward W. Carter 

Hans Cohn 

David Geffen 

Arthur Gilbert 

Stanley Grinstein 

Dr. Armand Hammer 

Felix Juda 

Mrs. Howard B. Keck 

Mrs. Dwight M. Kendall 

Mrs. Harry Lenart 

Steve Martin 

Dr. Franklin D. Murphy 

Toshio Nagamura 

Sidney R. Petersen 

Joe D. Price 

Richard E. Sherwood 

Dr. Richard A. Simms 

Nathan Smooke 

Ray Stark 

Mrs. John Van de Kamp 

Frederick R. Weisman 

Walter L. Weisman 

Mrs. Harry Wetzel 

David L. Wolper 

James R. Young 

Julius L. Zelman