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By R. G. LATHAM, M.D., F.R.S., 









L ^S' 



Printed b/ Savuel BnrrLiT and Co., 
Bangor House, Shoe Lane. 




The methods of ethnological investigation in the 
present volume are best collected from the text. 

The result is a Germany of very different magni- 
tude from that of the usual commentators. 

If this be unsatisfactory, there is still some gain to 
the cause of scholarship. 

The extent to which migrations may be unneces- 
sarily assumed, or reasonably dispensed with, is mea- 
sured ; so that, to draw a comparison from the exact 
sciences, an ethnological work without great migra- 
tions is like a geometry without axioms. 

The extent of the difiiculties and assumptions of the 
existing belief as to the magnitude of ancient Ger- 
many may also be measured. 

The value I put upon the great writers of Germany 
on the same subject — Zeuss, Grimm, Niebuhr — is not 
thus measured. 

I rarely mention except to differ with them. 

As a set-off to this, I may add that, it is almost 
wholly by means of their own weapons that they are 

Whether the present work took its present form, or 

a 2 




that of a translation of Zeu8s's learaed and indispen- 
sable work,* with an elaborate ^jommentary, was a 
mere question of convenience. 

To it I am under the same obligations as the 
learner of a language is to his grammar, his lexicon, 
or his text-book ; and it is not saying too much to 
add that nineteen out of twenty of the references and 
quotations are Zeuss's. 

What applies to Zeuss applies, in a less degree, to 
Grimm and Niebuhr. 

Nevertheless, though the materials are the same, 
the structure is as difFerent as a ship is from a barn, or 
vice versdf both built from the same forest. 

That the present results have taken a completely 
definite and systematic form is more than I think. 

Everytbing in ethnology is a balance between con- 
flicting difficulties, and I can only hope that I have 
approached a full and complete exhibition of the 
ethnology of ancient Germany. 

Perhaps, too, the work is rather a commentary upon 
the geographical part of the Germania^ than on the 
Germania itself — the purely descriptive part relating 
to the customs of the early Germans being passed 
over almost sicco pede. 

The real difficulties lay in the geography, and the 
classificational portion of the ethnology ; besides which 
it is there where I worked with the most confidence. 

The chief texts are given in fuU. To have fol- 

* Die Deutichen und Die Nachbnrstdmme* 
The Deutsche Mythologie, of Grimin, is quotcd as D. M. 
The Deutsche Sprache as D. S. 



lowed them up with the same amount of commeutary 
as is attached to the text of Tacitus, would have 
trebled the size of the work. In the case of Jomandes 
and t^aulus Diaconus there has been an additional 
reason for giving the chief passages at large. The 
evidently heterogeneous character of their notices 
and remarks is intended to exhibit, in a practical 
point of view, their value as authorities. 

In one respect I may appeai' to have understated 
the case that can be made out by the advocates of 
what may be called the German theory in its broadest 
form. One of the strong arms of their argument is, 
the et^rmological deduction of names like Stieviy Lygiiy 
&c., from supposed German roots. Specimens of 
these derivations may be found incidentally through- 
out the work. In the eyes of such readers as they 
satisfy, I have done less than justice to the views of 
their devisers. But, if the samples* in question be 
(as they are believed to be) fair specimens of the 
whole, I have but little fear that the neglect of them 
will lay me open to the charge of keeping back any 
very valid arguments on the opposite side. 

It should be added that the order in which 
the difTerent geographical and national names of the 
Epilegomena are taken is what may be called logicaly 
i.e.9 those populations which illustrate each other, and 
which are subject to the same lines of criticism, are 
grouped together, sometimes (but not often) to the 
violation of geographical proximity, and ethnological 

* In the words Sasony Frank, Duigibiniy Nuithones, and others. 



affinity. Thus the Juthungi and Jutes^ the Franks 
and Varangi are noticed in succession. This is not 
because they are really connected, but because they 
are most conveniently considered when thrown in 
such groups. 

Being unwilling that it should appear to be Tacitus, 
rather than his commentators, whose authority I im- 
pugn, I must remind the reader, that the question is 
not whether certain nations of the Germania are 
rightly placed therein, but whether Tacitus's test of 
Grermanism was the same as ours ; and whether, if 
different, more correct. Two populations who, ac- 
cording to his own showing, would not be Grerman 
in the eyes of a modem ethnologist, are especially 
stated to have been so in his — viz.^ the Osi and the 
j^stiiy and I only urge the probability of the L^/gii 
and others being in the same predicament. 




§ I. Present distribution of families and nations descended from, or 

allied to, the Germans of Tacitus .... i 

§ II. Different etages of the different langnages of the &milies and 

nations descended from, or allied to, the Germans of Tacitus . iii 
§ III. On the classification of the preceding forms of speech. — The 

term Gothio ...... vi 

§ lY. On the yalue of language as a test of Ethnological relation- 

ship ........ IX 

§ T. Present distribution and classification of families and nations 

descended from, or allied to, the Sarmatse of Tacitus . xi 

§ Ti. On the date of the difFiision of the Russian language over 

Russia ........ xiv 

§ VII. Distnbution of the fiaimlies and nations descended &om, or 

allied to, the Sarmatee of Tacitus in the ninth century . xv 

§ vin. On the assumptions necessary to reconcile the usual interpre- 

tations of Tacitus with the state of things in the seventh, eighth, 

ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries .... xxv 
§ IX. Ethnological classification of the remaining European popu- 

lations ....... xxxvi 

§ X. Valuation of Ethnological groups by the writers of antiquity . xxxvii 
§ XI. On certain isolated members of the Gkrman family — reul or 

supposed ....... xxxix 

§ XII. On the military and other colonies of the Germanic and non- 

Germanic areas ....... xliii 

§ XIII. Germanic area of Tacitus .... xlv 

§ XIV. Certain modem additions to the Germanic area of Tacitus . xlvi 
§ XV. On native and foreign names .... xlviii 

§ XVI. Limitations in the way of Etymology . . . li 

§ XVII. On the term Marcomanni .... liii 

§ xviii. Irregularity of size of Ethnological areas . . Ivi 

§ XIX. Cffisar^s notices of the Germans .... Ivii 

§ XX. Arminius and Maroboduus ..... Ixxxix 

§ XXI. 8trabo's notice of Germany .... cxviii 

§ XXII. Notice of Germany from Pomponius Mela . . cxxvi 

§ xxiii. Pliny^s notice of Germany .... cxxvii 

• • • 

VI u 





V. Text .... 




I. Text . 

. 1 

Notes .... 


Notes . 


Silvis horrida 




Ea ope» sunt . 


Omnis — sqtaratur 


Serratos, Bigatosgue . 


Gallis . 

. 6 


VI. Text .... 




Notes .... 



. 11 

Nejerrum guidem superest 


Rheno . 





. 14 

Nomen et honor 


Fhtminilms . 



VII. Text .... 



. 16 

Notes .... 



Dacis . 


Reges ex nobilitate 



. 17 

Duces .... 






Abnoha . 

. 18 

FamiUm et propinquitates 


Plures populos . 



VIII. Text .... 




11. Text 

. 19 

Note .... 



Notes . 




Nec terrd olimy SfC. . 

. 19 


IX. Text .... 


Carminihus . 


Notcs .... 



. 24 





Humanis — hostiis 



. 26 



Hermiones , 





. 27 

Pars Suevorum — Isidi sa- 





Gambrivios . 

. 27 

Cohibere parietibus deos 





X. Text .... 



. 27 

Note .... 


Germania vocabulun 

1 recens 27 

Auspicia sortesgue, Sfc, 


Herculem . 



XI. Text .... 



in. Text 

. 28 

Notes .... 


Notes . 


Principes . 



. 28 

PUbcm .... 


AlKinYPnON . 





IV. Text 

. 31 


XII. Tcxt .... 


Note . 


Notes .... 


Habitus — corponun 

. 31 








Licet apudconcilium accusare 60 

Pamarum ... 60 

PartmuUa . . .60 

CerUenir—comitei . . 60 

§ xm. Text .... 62 

Note .... 63 

Comitattu^comites 63 

§ XIV. Text .... 63 

Note . . .• . 64 

Civitat ... 64 

§ XV. Text .... 64 

Note .... 65 

Venutihm . . .65 

§ XVI. Tcxt .... 65 

Note .... 66 

Nulla»—urbe$ . . 66 

§ XVII. Text .... 66 

Note . ... 66 

Ferarum peUes . 66 

§ xviii. Text ... 67 

Note .... 68 

Severa — matrimonia . 68 

§ XIX. Text .... 68 

Note .... 69 

Literarum secreta — ignorantG9 

§ XX. Text .... 69 

Note . . . .70 

Serajuvenum Venus . 70 

§ XXI. Text .... 70 

Note .... 71 

Suscipere — inimicUias . 71 

§ XXII. Text ... 71 

Note . . . .72 

Lavantur ... 72 

§ xxin. Text ... 72 

Note .... 72 

Humor ex hordeo aut fru-- 

mento — corruptus 72 

§xxiv. Text ... 72 

Note .... 73 

Voluntariam servitutem 73 

§ XXV. Text . . . .73 

Notes .... 73 

Suam quisque sedem . 73 

Libertini ... 74 


§ XXVI. Text ... 74 

Notes . . .75 

Fenus agitare . . 75 

Pro numero cuUorum — per 

vices . . . . 75 

§ xxvii. Text ... 78 

Note .... 78 

Crementur ... 78 

§ xxviii. Text . . . .78 

Notes .... 79 

ValidioresoUmGaUorumres 79 

Eelvetii ... 84 

Igitur inter — Boiemi no- 

men . . 90 

Aravisci . . . .95 
Osis, Germanorum natione 95 
Aravisci — ab Osis, Osi ab 

Aravitcis . . .96 

Treviri ... 98 

Nervii . . .99 

Vangiones ... 99 

rrt^i .... 99 

Nemetes ... 99 

UbU . . .100 

§ XXIX. Text ... 100 

Notes . . .101 

Batavi ... 101 

Mattiacorum . . 102 

Decumates agros . . 102 

LimUe acto . . . 104 

§ XXX. Text .... 104 

Notes .... 105 

Cluitti ... 105 

Hercynio saUu . 107 

§ XXXI. Text ... 108 

Note 109 

Crinem barbamque summU- 

tere . 109 

§ xxxii. Text .... 110 

Notes .... 110 

Usipii . . . .110 

Tencteri . . .110 

§ xxxiii. Text . . • .111 

Notes .... 111 

Bructeri .111 





Cfiamavoi . 
Angrivarios . 
§ XXXIV. Text 

A. tergo Dulgibini et Cha- 

suari . . 115 

Dulgibini .115 

Chasuari . .116 

Frisii . . . .116 

Majoribui minoributque 125 

§ XXXV. Text . . .126 

Note .... 126 

Chaucorum gem .126 

§ XXXVI. Text ... 128 

Notes .... 129 

Cherutci ... 129 

Fosi . .132 

§ XXXVII. Text ... 132 

Notes .... 133 

Cimbri . . . .133 

Veterit fumdt — vestigia 135 

§ xxxvni. Text . . .136 

Note . . . .136 

Suevis, . . . 136 

§ XXXIX. Text . . . .137 

Note .... 137 

Semnones . . 137 

§ XL. Text .... 138 

Notes . . . .139 

Langobardos . . 139 

Reudigni . . 142 

Aviones . . . 142 

Angli .... 143 

Varini ... 143 

Eudotet .... 144 

Suardones . . . 144 

Nuithone» . . 144 

Herthum, id est Terram 

matrem . . 145 

Insuld . . 145 

Ocfxino .... 145 

§ XLi. Text .... 148 

Notes . . . .148 

Hermundurorum civitas 148 


In Hermunduris Albis ori- 
tur .... 148 

§ xLii. Text .... 149 
Notes . . .149 

Hermunduros 149 

Nurisci .... 151 
Marcomanni . 153 

Quadi .... 154 

§ XLiii. ^ext . 154 

Notes .... 155 

Marsigni . • 155 

Gothini .... 156 
GaUica — lingua . 156 

0« . . . . 157 
Burii .... 157 
Ltfgiorum nomen . . 158 
Arii — ManUni — Elysii 160 
Helveconas .160 

Naharvalos . . . 160 
Muliebri omatu .161 

Interpretatione Romand 161 
Castorem PoUucemque . 161 
Alcu .... 161 
Gothones . .162 

lUigii. ... 162 
Lemovii .... 162 

§ XLiv. Text ... 163 

Note 164 

Suionum . . . 164 

§ XLV. Text . . . .164 
Notes .... 166 
Aliud mare pigrum . . 166 
Radios capitis . 166 

Suevici maris . . . 166 
Mstiorum gentes . 166 

Lingua Britannica propior 171 
Sitonum^femina domina- 
tur , . , . 174 

§ xLvi. Text . . .175 
Notes .... 176 
Peudni — Bastamas 176 

Venedi . . . .178 
Fennosque . . .178 
HeUusios et Oxionas . 179 





§ f . The date of the Germania, as compared with tlie other works of 
Tacitus. — Germauic populations mentioned in the Annals and 
History, but not in the Germania 

§ II. The Dea Tacfana . 

§ III. The Dba Hlcdana 

§ IV. The notice of Germany in Ptolemy 

§ T. Extracts from Jomandes de Rebus Geticis 

§ VI. Extract from Paulus Diaconus de Gestis Longobardorum 

§ VII. The Traveller'8 Song . 

§ VIII. The Goths 

§ IX. The Visigoths . 

§ X. The Ostrogoths 

§ XI. The Alemanni 

§ XII. The Buigundians . 

§ XIII. The Burgundiones of Pliny . 

§ XIV. The Franks 

§ XV. The Salii 

§ XVI. The Ripuarii 

§ XVII. The Varangians 

§ xviu. The Russi (Ms) 

§ XIX. The Cbattuarii 

§ XX. The Suevi 

§ XXI. The Ciuuari . 

§ XXII. Tbe Armalausi . 

§ XXIII. The Lentienses and Brisgavi 

§ XXIV. Tbe Buccinobantes 

§ XXV. The Brigonenses 

§ XXVI. The Obii 

§ XXVII. The Langobardi of Lombardy 

§ XXVIII. The Gepidee . 

§ XXIX. The ThaifalfiB 

§ XXX. The Vandals 

§ XXXI. The Rugii . 

§ XXXII. The Heruli 

§ XXXIII. The Brenti 

§ XXXIV. The Turcilingi 

§ XXXV. The Sciri . 

§ XXXVI. Tbe Alani 

§ XXXVII. The Huns 

§ XXXVIII, The Szeklers, Siculi, or Syssele (?) 




• • • 




• • • 





§ XXXIX. The Rugii, Heruli, Turcilingi, and Sciri 
§ XL. The Varni .... 

§ XLi. The Angli of Thuringia 
§ XLii. The Werini of Thuringia 
§ XLiii. Tlie Yrabre 
§ XLIY. The Teutones and Teutonarii 
§ XLV. The Jutes .... 
§ XLvi. The Nordalbingians 
§ xLvii. The Juthungi 
§ XLViii. The Saxons 
§ XLix. The Angli . 
§ L. The Danes • 
§ Li. The Harudes . 
§ Lii. The Sedusii 

' § Liii. The Cobandi, Phundusii, Sigulones, Sabalingii 
§ Liv. The Pharodini 
§ Lv. The Phireesi {^ipauroi) 
§ Lvi. The Danduti, Nertereanes, Curiones, Intuergi 

Landi ..... 

§ Lvii. The Batti and Subatti 
§ Lviii. The Sturii, Marsaci, and Frisiabones 
§ Lix. The Parrasseampi and Adrabaecampi . 
§ LX. The Teracatri» and RacatsB 
§ Lxi. Thc Carini 
§ LxiK The Vispi 
§ LXiu. The Novo-ftyrcf 

§ LXiv. The yiavCoi, KoovKkoi, KaOvkKoif Kafi^^lnaMol 
§ Lxv. The AayKoaapyoi 

§ Lxvi. The TeyK€poi, *lypi»¥€s, Kapinfol, and Tot/p«»i 
§ Lxvii. On the relations of the QetCD to India 
§ Lxviii. On the Quasi-Gennanic Oauls . 

,and Chali 

. cxviii 
. cxxvii 
. cxxix 
. cxxx 
Vargiones, and 


. cxxxii 






. cxxxv 


. cxxxvi 

MM cxxxvii 



, 'A/Aifrayoi 


Appendix I. Translation of Extract from Alfred . . . cli 

Appendix II. Translation of the Travbller'8 Sono . . cli 

Appendix III. On the Connection between the Teutonesand Cimbri 

and the Chersonesus Cimbrica . . . . . clv 

• • • 


In one point, however, the order is natural. It repre- 

sents the rdatiomhip^ affinity^ or affiUatian between the six 

/brms o/ speech ; so that the Norse dialects are the most 

like the Frisian, the Frisian the EngHsh, the English the 

Dutch and Low Gennan, and the Low German the High. 


Some of the tongues just enumerated were rediiced to 
writing many centuries ago. In this case we have specimens 
of them in an earlier stage of their growth ; the difierence 
between the older and the newer forms of speech being, in 
manj instances, sufficient to constitute a fresh language. 
Thus the English, in its oldest known form, is Anglo-Saxon ; 
yet the Anglo-Saxon is so difierent from the present English 
as to be unintelligible to the unleamed reader. ^ 

Again ; certain dialects, which were once cultivated, may 
have ceased to be spoken — have become extinct. In this case, 
we have an ancient tongue without any modern representa- 
tive; whereas, in certain provincial dialects, which have 
never been written at all, we have a modern form of speech, 
without any specimen of it during its earlier growth. AII 
this introduces fresh objects of consideration, viz. : — the notice 
of the difierent stages of language, or the descent of one form 
of speech from another. 

When Tacitus mentions such nations as the Ghauci and 
Gherusci, we are induced to ask whether any of the present 
populations may be their representatives or descendants ; and 
80 on with the others. Or we may change the form of the 
inquiry, and, afber enumerating such modem divisions as the 
English, the Dutch^ or the ffigh-German, may investigate 
their parentage, and ask what they each were at some earlier 
period of their respective histories. 

The descent of the Swedish, Norwegian, and Danish is 
from a language somewhat difficult to designate. It is the 
mother^tongue of the present IceUmdic ; which, in the ninth 
century, seems to have been spoken, with but little variation, 

B 2 



over the whole of Scandinavia. Ghanges, however, set in. 
In the three kingdoms they went on so as for two,^ or more, 
new languages to have been evolved. In Iceland, however, the 
contrary took place. The changes were so inconsiderable as 
to leave the present Icelandic nearlj in the same state in 
which it was (irst introduced into the island ; a iact which 
has engendered the somewhat lax statement of the Icelandic 
being the fnother-tonpue o/ the present Danish and Stoedish. 
The truer statement would be that the Icdandic is the 
nnaltered representative o/a mother-tongue common to Iceland^ 
the Faroe IsleSy Nortoay^ Stoeden^ and Denmark, 

The descent of the present Frisian is from the Old 
Frisian ; a langnage of which we have specimens as early 
as the thirteenth century. 

The descent of the present English is from the Anglo- 
Saxon ; a language of which we have specimens as old as 
the eighth century. 

The descent of the present Dutch of HoUand is irom the 
Old Dutch ; a language of which the oldest specimen is no 
older than the thirteenth century. 

The descent of the present Platt-Deutsch is from the old 
dialects of the Lower Bhine ; the oldest specimens of which 
are no older than the thirteenth century. 

The descent of the present High Glerman is from the old 
dialects of Hesse, Baden, Wurtemburg, and Bavaria; the 
oldest specimens of which are as old as the eighth century. 

With these preliminaries, we find that out of the existing 
languages the majority can be traced upwards to a certain 
point; the Old High G^rman further than the Low, the 
Frisian as far as the Dutch, and the English iurther 
than the Frisian ; a fact which leads us to speak of the 
Old Frisian as opposed to the Middle Frisian, and the 
Middle Frisian as opposed to the Neto; and so on through- 
out. But as this distinction is of snbordinate importance in 
ethnologj, it wiU not be further illustrated. 

Instead of pursuing it any longer let us see what follows 

* The present DaDish and Swedish, togcther with the numerous unwrit- 
ten dialects. 



from takiDg up the question at the other end, beginuing witb 
a language at the earliest period of its history, inverting the 
previous process, and tracing its progress downwards from its 

\ first appearanee in historj to the present time. 

m We get, by this means, more than one additional Gothic 

language. First and foremost comes — 

1. TAe McBSo-Gothic, — The tribes who spoke this were the 
Goths who conquered MoBsia; the date of its existence, as a 
written language, being the fourth century. The Moeso- 
Gothic has no living representatiye, that is, none of the 
present dialects of G^rmany are directly and unequivocally 
descended firom it; although the Thuringian is, probably, 
descended from some dialect originally allied to it. From 
the fact of its being the oldest GU>thic dialect of which we 
have any specimen, the philological importance of the Moeso- 
Gothic is very great. 

\, 2. The Jlemamic. — This is the present literary German as 

it was written in the eighth, ninth, tenth, and eleventh cen- 
turies, and as it was spoken on the Upper Rhine, — in Baden, 
Wurtemburg, Switzerland, and Bavaria. 

3. TAe Frandc. — This is G^rman of the middle Rhine, as 
it was written in the ninth and tenth centuries. 

4. The Old Dutch, Flemish^ or Batavian. — This is the pre- 
sent Dutch of Holland in its oldest form. It departs from 
the Francic much as the Francic departs firom the Alemannic. 
Hence the Dutch of HoIIand, and the Bavarian of Bavaria, 
may be considered as the two extreme forms of one and the 
same* group. AU the present Platt-Deutsch dialects of 
Germany are either exactly derived firom the Francic, or 
firom some form intermediate to the Frandc and Batavian : 
a view which will be noticed in the sequel. 

5. The ScLxon. — This falls into two divisions, the Old- 
Saxon of Westphalia, and the Anglo-Saxon of Hanover, 
afterwards transplanted to Great Britain. The Saxon lan- 
guage is extinct in Germany, being replaced by the Platt- 
Deutsch derivatives of the Frandc, or Franco-Batavian. 
This circumstance supplies us with a principle of classifica- 
tion» the Platt-Deutsch dialect falling into two divisions — 

♦ Viz., the German Proper, — See p. ix. 


a, the Platt-Deutsch dialect of the original Platt-Deutsch 
area — i, the Platt-Deutsch dialects of the originallj Saxon 
area. It was Charlemagne who extended the Frank Ger- 
mans at the expense of the Saxons, otherwise the present 
dialects of Westphalia and Hanover would be EngUsh^ or at 
least Anglican or AngUfortn. 

6. The Old Frisian. — The old language of Friesland is 
known to us through the Old Frisian laws; chiefly repre- 
senting the language of East Friesland. Of the Middle 
Frisian we have specimens in the writings of Gysbert Japicx, 
a poet of the seventeenth century. 

The older the stage of the Frisian, the more closely it 
approaches the Anglo-Saxon and the Old Saxon. 

Of the three divisions of the languages of Germany, it 
is the Hanoverian which most closely approaches the more 
northem tongues of Scandinavia. 

7. Old Norse^ Old Scandinafna/n^ or Icelandic. — This is the 
well-known language of a rich literature, consisting chiefly 
in the alliterative poems of the Skaldsy and the prose narra- 
tives — fictional, historical, or domestic— of the Sagamen. 



The great and important class which comprises these 
divisions, is called Gothic ; because it was under the 
name of Goths that some of tbe most important of the G^r- 
manic populations were known to the Bomans. It was 
the O^to-Goths of Alaric and Theodoric, and the Ym-Goths 
of Euric and others, who insulted the declining majestj of 
Bome, and founded the Gothic kingdoms of Italy, Spain, 
and southem Gaul ; and although other tribes of equal im- 
portance contributed to the down&U of the Westem Empire, 
the term in question is, on the whole, not very inconvenient. 

The classification of the GU>thic tongues is of two sorts. 

We may take the leading characteristics of certain groups, 
such as difierences of grammatical structure, difierences in 
the way of their vocabulary, or difierences in respect to their 
system of sounds, and so make out the necessary number 


of classes. We maj eyen admit the consideration of cert^iin 
eztemal circumstances, such as literary development, and 
political separation. This makes the arrangement more or 
less artificial. 

Be this, however, as it may, the following is a classi- 
fication of the kind in question. 

a. The Danish, Swedish, and Norwegian dialects (written 
and unwritten), the Faroic and the Icelandic, form the 
Scandinavian branch of the Gothic stock. 

J. The Frisian, Old-Saxon, Anglo-Saxon, English, Low- 
land Scotch, Dutch of HoIIand, Platt-Deutsch, and High 
German, form the Teutonic branch of the same. 

Of course these again fall into subdivisiona, according to 
the date of the specimen, e.g.^ there is the Old Frisian, 
Middle Frisian, and New Frisian ; Semi-Saxon, Old English, 
Middle English, and Modem English ; the Mceso-Gothic, 
Alemannic, &c. 

The disadvantage of this method is that, in attempting 
to draw definite lines of demarcation between the difierent 
divisions, it disturbs the historj of the languages, and dis- 
guises the order of their evolution. Thus the Frisian, a 
member of the Teutonic branch, is undoubtedly more like 
certain Scandinavian dialects than it is to the more extreme 
members of its own division. 

Such being the case, a fresh view is required, and this is 
best given bj placing the tongues in a linear series according 
to their afiSnities, and treating them as if (as is really the 
case) thej passed into each other by insensible degrees. 

Hence, the more convenient, as well as the more natural 
series, is that of the first chapter, viz. 

1. Norse. 2. Frisian. 3. Old Saxon. 4. Anglo-Saxon. 
5, 6. Platt-Deutsch and the Dutch of HoIIand. 7. High 
German. 8. Moeso-Gothic. 

The general characteristics of these divisions and subdivi- 
sions of the Gothic tongues, in respect to the difierences of 
their systraifl of elementary sounds, their grammatical stmc- 
ture, and tbeir vocabularies, are in the department of philology. 
One or two isolated points, however, have a practical bearing 
upon certain ethnological details. 


1. The use of p and k for b and g respectively is High 
Gennan rather than Low, and of the High German dialects 
more particularly Bavarian. 





... p\lk 

HiU {herg). 


... Paiem 



... Plin^ 


Gott ... 

... JTott 



... JTe^irib-i ... 

Bange of hills^ kc 

2. The use of -t or -U for -« or -m is Low Grerman, in 
opposition to High ; 





... Wawer ... 

... Water. 

Sw^ ... 

... Schwei«8... 

... Sweat 

n6v ... ... ... jiw ... ... X.C 

And, on the strength of the assumption which this letter- 
change allows : — 


Ca^ ... ... ... HeMe, ko. 

What applies to the Platt-Deutsch, generally, applies a 
/ortiori to the Sazon, Frisian, and Norse. 

3. The Frisian chiefly difiers from the Old Saxon and 
Anglo-Saxon in the forms of the plural noun and in the ter- 
mination of the infinitive mood. 

The plurals which in Anglo-Saxon and Old Saxon end in 
-«, in Frisian end in -r. 

The infinitives, which in Anglo-Saxon and Old Saxon end 
in -an, in Frisian end in -a. 


Cjning-a« ... Eening-ar ... ... EiDg-«. 

BflBm-a9i ... BsBm-a ... ... Bum. 

4. In Norse the preference for the sound of -r to -«, and 
of -a to -an is carried further than even in Frisian. 

5« But the great characteristics of the Norse tongues, as 
opposed to the Frisian, and, aforiior% to all the others, are, 


the 80 called passive voice, and the 8o-called po«^-positiye 

a. The reflective proDonn 8ik=8e = 8el/ coalesces with 
the yerbf and so forms a reflective termination. In tfae later 
stages this reflective (or middle) becomes passive in power. 
KaUa^cally and 8ig=^8elf. Hence come kalla eig^ kaUaec, 
kalkut, kaUae; so that in the modem Swedish jag kallae^ 
I €m called^ivoear. 

h. The definite article in Norse not ovAy followe its sub- 
stantiye, but amalgamates with it; ^.^., bord=iahlej hit= 
ihe or that ; hord-et=the tahle (hoard). 

If higher groups than those already suggested be required, 
we may say that — 

1. The Norse branch contains the Danish, Swedish, Nor- 
wegian, Faroic, and Icelandic. 

2. The Saxon branch, the Old Frisian, the Old Saxon, the 
Anglo-Saxon, and their respective descendants. 

3. The German Proper^ the Platt-Deutsch (and Dutch of 
Holland), the High Oerman, and the Moeso-Gothic. 

The paramount fact, however, is, the transitional character 
of the Frisian in respect to the Norse. 



Such prominence has been given to the phenomena of 
language and dialect in the preceding pages, tfaat it maj not 
be superfluous to justify the exclusive attention which has 
been directed to them ; and in doing this a qualification of 
their value as tests of relationship will be added. 

It would be an undue exaggeration of the importance of 
the philological method to say, that it should supersede all 
others» and that the degrees of similarity in language exactlj 
coincided with the degrees of ethnologieal relationship. 
They are primd facie evidence of this — strong^'9nd fade 
evidence — but nothing more. 

Taking the world at large, there are numerous well-known 
and extreme instances of a native language having been 
unleamed, and a foreign one adopted in its stead ; e.g.^ the 


Blacks of St. Domingo speak French and Spanish. But, not 
to go 80 far, no man belieyes tfaat every infaabitant of the 
British Principalitj who speaks Englisfa, to the ezclnsion of 
Welsh, is as Anglo-Saxon in blood and pedigree as he is in 
tongue. Neither does he think this in respect to his Scotch 
and Irish fellow-citizens. Indeed, everj man who, being bom 
of parents of difierent nations, speaks only one language, is 
more national in his speech than he is in his origin. 

Within the limits of Oerman j itself this distinction is not 
onlj well iilustrated, but it must necessarily be bome in 

What is the history of our own language ? Throughout 
the whole length and breadth of continental Germany there 
is not only no dialect that can be called English, but — un- 
deniably as our Anglo-Saxon mother-tongue was German 
in origin — there is no dialect which can be said to have 
originated in the same source ; no descendant of the Angle 
form of speech. 

The same applies to the allied dialect of the Old Saxons. 
Where that was once spoken, Platt-Deutsch and High 
Oerman are now the exclusive idioms ; no descendants from 
anything Saxon, but descendants firom members of the 
Proper Oerman groups. 

Extinct as are these two dialects, it is by no means 
reasonable to imagine a similar extinction of Anglo-Saxon 
and Old Saxon blood. Difficult as the traces of it are to 
detect, they may fairly be supposed to exist. 

What applies to the Anglo-Saxon and the Old-Saxon 
applies to the Moeso-Oothic also. 

Though no existing dialect can be traced to it, it cannot 
be doubted but that the blood of the ancestors of the Ostro- 
Ooths and Visi-Ooths must mn in the veins of some southem 
Oermans — ^few or many as the case may be. 

Hence the evidence of language is primd fade evidence 

Such is the measure of its ahsolute value — a measure which 
subtracts from its importance. 

But what if language be the anly test we have ; or, if not 
the only one, the one whose value transcends that of all the 



resst put together. In such a case, it regains its importance ; 
its relative value being thus heightened. 

And such is the fact. No difTerences of physical appear- 
ance, intellectual habits, or moral characteristics will give us 
the same elements of classification that we find in the study 
of the Grermanic languages and dialects. They may, perhaps, 
haye done so once, when there was a variety of Pagan creeds 
and several self-evolved and, consequentlj, characteristic 
laws. But thej do not do so now. A value they have, but 
that value is a subordinate one. 


OP TAcnus. 

The three great recognized families from which Tacitus 
separates the Germans, and with which he contrasts them, are 
—1. The Gauls or Kelts— 2. TheFinns— 3. The Sarmatians : 
this last term being used, bj the present writer, in a more defi- 
nite sense than the one which it bore with the ancients. Here 
it comprises the Slavonians of Bohemia, Silesia, Poland, Oal- 
licia, Bussia, Servia, Croatia, Camiola, Hungary, Prussia, and 
Bulgaria, and something more. It comprises the Lithua- 
nians, Courlanders, Livonians, and Old Prussians as well. 

The Sarmatians, Finns, and Oauls are the three great 
recognized families firom which Tacitus separates, and with 
which he contrasts, the Germans. But are they not the only 
ones ! He notices the Dadans^ the Pannonians^ and the 
Bhaiiana as well. It is only, however, the Sarmatians that 
at present require a special preliminarj investigation. 

The two primarj divisions into which the great Sarmatian 
stock falls are — 1. The Slavonic — 2. The Lithnanic. 

The details of the Lithuanic branch will be found in the 

The details of the Slavonic branch are numerous, compli- 
cated, and important. 

First and foremost comes the notice of their present geo- 
graphical distribution. 

GeographicaUtf^ they fall into two large divisions, separated 


from each other — one of which lies wholly to the norih^ the 
other, wholly to the sotUh of the Danube. 

North of the Danube^ reckoning from west to east, come — 

A. 1. The Tshekhs, or Bohemians of Bohemia. 

2. The Morayians, or the Tshekhs of Morayia, nearly 
identicai with the Bohemians — the two languages being but 
sub-dialects of the common Tshekh tongue. 

3. The Slovaks of Upper Hungary, difiering more from the 
Bohemians and Moravians than those two nations do irom 
each other, but still belonging to the great Tshekh or Bo- 
hemian division. The dialects and sub-dialects of the Slovak 
language are as numerous as the Slovak villages ; a fact firom 
which some inferences will be drawn in the sequel. 

The Tshekh division is limited to Bohemia, Moravia, and 
Upper Hungary. Both northwards and eastwards, the 
character of the language changes. 

B. Silesia, even at the present moment, is not wholly Ger- 
man. The Serkie of Lower and the Srbie of Upper Lusatia 
are Slavonic. They do not, however, belong to the Tshekh 
so much as to the Lekh, or Polish branch. Hence their 
affinities are with their north-eastem rather than with their 
sottth-western neighbours. 

1, 2. The Serke aud Serbs are the most sonth-westem 
members now in existence; of the Lekh branch of the Slavonic 
stock ; a division which takes the form of a separate substan- 
tive nationality with — 

3. The Poles of Poland, Posen, parts of Gallicia, parts of 
Lithuania, and parts of Pomerania. 

G. Bussian. A modified form of the Eussian^ called Bus- 
uiak, or Buthenian — occurs as far west as Grallicia, where 
it is in contact with the Slovak of Upper Hungary and the 
Polish of Poland. Further to the north it is bounded by the 
Lithuanian of Lithuania, Courland, and Livonia, and by the 
Esthonian of Esthonia — this last being a Finnic language. 
Vast as is the area eovered by the Bussiau language, its 
dialects are remarkably few ; a fact which should be con- 
trasted with the multiplicity of dialects in the Slovak. 

And here the north-SIavonic area ends; an area which 
we may, if we choose, call TVan^-Danubian, since all the 





countries which it comprises He on the north side of that 

Sauth o/ the Danuhe^ reckoning from west to east, come — 

1. The Slavonians of Carinthia, Camiola, Styria, and 
sonth-westem Hungary. Differing but slightly from — 

2. The Croatians — themselves the speakers of a language 
which extends, with but few variations of dialect, irom the 
Adriatic to the Euxine — ^the language of the Montenegrino 
mountaineers on the frontier of Albania, the Dalmatians, the 
Herzegovinians, the Bosniacs, the Servians, the southern 
Hungarians, the Slavonians of Slavonia at the junction of the 
Save and Danube, and the Bulgarians. 

The Slavonic languages, like the Germanic, must be studied 
in respect to their history as well as their geographical 
distribution — in respect to time as well as place. In this 
respect, the fact which has the most important application is 
connected with the southem division of them. It was in a 
Servian, Croatian, or Dalmatian, dialect that Christianity was 
first preached, and the first scriptural translations made. 
Hence, the so-called old Slavonic has the sauie importance in 
Bussian and Servian philology as the Moeso-Oothic has in 

The northem irontier of the south-Slavonic area is formed 
by a line mnning through Styria, Southem Hungary, and the 
northem part of Bulgaria; the southem frontier of the 
northera by Bohemia, Moravia, Gallicia, Volhynia, and Podo- 
lia ; the intermediate nem-Slavonic countries beidg Hungary, 
Wallachia, and Moldavia. 

The Hungarians, or Majiars, are of Finnic origin, and 
constitute an intrasive population, the date of their intrasion 
being the tenth century. 

The Wallachians, Moldavians, and Bessarabians are par- 
tially at least of Latin origin, and, so far as they are so, 
they constitute, like the Majiars, an intrasive population, 
the date of their intrasion being the second century, i,e.^ the 
time of Trajan the conqueror of Dacia. 

We have seen that, in respect to their geographical dis- 
tribution, the Buasians, Poles, and Bohemians, belong to 
one division, the Servians and Slavonians to another. Is 



this the case in ethnology! No. The Bussian language, 
although northern in localitj, is southem in structure, being 
niore akin to the Servian, with which it is mt in contact, 
than the Polish with which it is. Nay, more, the older 
the specimens of the language the more it approaches the 
Old Church-language, or the Old Slavonic. 



This is by no means an irrelevant question even in German 
ethnologj. For that of southem Europe and Asia it is all- 

The greater the area we give to the Germans of Tacitus, 
the less room we leave for the numerous Sarmatian popula- 
tions now in existence ; and the less room we leave for these, 
the greater the difficulty of accounting for their wide difiusion. 
^F By supposing, however, that they originated in so large 

a country as Bnssia we meet this difficulty, since we thereby 
allow ourselves a vast tract of land to draw upon for the 
several migrations necessary to account for the present 
presence of Poles in Poland, Serbs in Silesia, Tsheks in 
Bohemia, Slovaks in Hungary, and Garinthians, Groatians, 
and Dalmatians, elsewhere. 

But what if the interaal evidence derived from the paucity 
of Bussian dialects, or (changing the expression) the uni- 
formity of that tongue over a vast area indicate — as such 
phenomena do indicate — a recent introduction and a rapid 
diffusion! In this case, the difficulty remains as before, 
and we must not only exclude a great number of Slavonians 
from the countries of the west, but from the valley of the 
Dnieper also. 

Now, from all that I collect from the language of the 
best Slavonic scholars, the Bussian tongue in Bussia seems 
frillas newas the Anglo-Saxon is in England; in other words, 
its dialects are fewer and less marked than those of the 
English of Great Britain. 

On the other hand, it is in the south and west that such 
differences are the most marked and the most numerous. 


As far, tben, as this goes we are UDable to draw upon 
Bussia as the source of the Sarmatian populations of the 
countries in question; a fact which should open our ejes 
to tbe difficulties amongst which we place ourselves bj too 
implicitly believing that the ancient Oermans originall j ex- 
tended indefinitely far eastwards. 

Neither can we go too far norih for the parent country of 
the Slavonians — since, as late as the tenth century, we have 
historical evidence in favour of the Finnic stock having 
extended as far soutb as the Valdai mountains, between 
Petersburg and Moscow. 


To understand the import of this chapter, it is necessary, 
in the first place, to bear in mind the distinction between 
first-hand and second-hand evidence ; and, in the second, to 
appreciate the Aill import of the palaontological character of 
ethnological reasoning — the palseontological method meaning 
the method of reasoning from efiect to cadse, rather than irom 
cause to efiect. The geologist imderstands this at once. 
The historian requires it to be pointed out. 

Now, such information as we coUect from Tacitus concem- 
ing the Cherusci, Ghauci, Frisii, and the other nations of 
the Lower Bhine and Weser, is of very difierent value from 
his statement concerning the Semnones, Lemovii, and the 
nations beyond the Elbe. The former was collected, either 
directly or indirectly, from men who visited the localities 
described, fought in them, marched in them, sailed up their 
rivers, and acted as pioneers across their fens. The latter 
are based upon such information as the people of the parts 
which were known could supply concerning the unknown 
parts beyond them. As time advanced, however, the more 
remote countries beyond the Elbe, beyond the Weser, and 
beyond the Vistula, became known even as the terri- 
tories of the Catti and Cherusci were known ; so that in- 
formation conceming Pomerania, or Prussia, became as definite 



and tnistworthy as the earlier informatioD aboat Hesse and 

The period when the parts beyond the Elbe, dimly sketched 
by Tacitus, first beeome known in definite detail, and from 
personal knowledge, is the reign of Gharlemagne — some, 
indeed, earlier, some later ; but still the reign of Gharlemagne 
is a convenient era, and an era sufficiently accurate for all 
present purposes. 

Advancing from the dim twilight of a fragmentary and 
secoud-hand history to the fuU light derived from the personal 
knowledge of oontemporary witnesses, the first questiou which 
we ask is the extent to which our new knowledge confirms or 
invalidates our previous accounts. It may do either one or 
the other. If it confirm them, well and good. If it oppose, 
a conflict of difficulties arises. In either case, the existing 
state of thinffs at the time when our in/ormatian first becomes 
mexceptionable is the primary and fundamental &ct with 
the ethnologist ; indeed, it is his primum mobile ; an instru- 
ment of criticism which the historian, who is more accus- 
tomed to rely upon testimony than to venture upon ela- 
borate trains of reasoning, is not unwilling to accuse him 
of over-valuing ; the* ethnologist, on the other hand, imputing 
to the historian an undue deference to fallible and indistinct 

Such are the preliminarj observations which prepare the 
reader for the statement thai nearly the whole of that portion 
ofthe Germania of Tacitus tohich lies east of the Elbe^ as toell 
as certain portions of it west of that river^ are^ at the be- 
ginning of the proper historical period^ not Germanic but 

That they are more or less Slavonic in the present centurj, 
has been shown alreadj ; but that thej were so as early as 
the ninth, eighth, and seventh centuries, is a fact not 
sufficiently appreciated. 

The following is a sketch of the details : — 

Livoniay Courland^ East and West Prussia. — Here the 
definite history begins with the twelfth century, when the 
Pagan Lithuanians were converted by the Knights of the 
Teutonic Order. At that time the whole of the area was 


unequivocally Sarmatian, witbout trace or vestige of any )pre- 
vious Germanic population — no German names for the rivers 
or mountains, and no Germanic strongholds in any of the 
impervious forests and impracticable fens, — no traditions on 
the part of the Sarmatians of their own comparatively recent- 
arrival in the country. That any portion of the present Ger- 
manic population of the countries in question is descended from 
an ancestrj earlier than a.d. 800, is what no one has ever 
ventured to assert, so evidently is it of recent origin, and so 
totally has any older population — if such ever existed — died 
off without leaving trace, or shadow of a trace, of its 

Pomeraniaj East of ihe Oder. — Adam of Bremen first 
mentions these Pomeranians, and he mentions them as Slavo- 
nians, the Oder being their boundary to the west. On the 
east they were conterminous with the Prussians. Their name 
is Slavonic, po^on and more-^sea^^coastmen. AII their 
antiquities and traditions are equally so ; in other words there 
is neither evidence, nor shadow of evidence, of their ever 
having dispossessed an older Germanic population. Nor are 
they wholly extinct at the present moment. On the promon- 
tories which project into the Gulf of Bantzig we find the 
Slavonic Kassub^ Cassubita^ or Kaszeb. Their language 
approaches the Polish. 

Pomerania^ toest of the Oder^ and the eastempart of Meck- 
lenburg. — No definite notices of these parts occur before the 
time of Gharlemagne. From that time downwards, however, 
they are numerous. The only Germans that they recognize are 
the conquering invaders. On the other hand, the Slavonic 
populations are carefully enumerated, and so thoroughly do 
they fill up the whole area that there is neither nook nor 
cranny for any thing G^rman. The chief nation is that of 
the Wilzi, Welatabi, or Liutici, falling into the minor divi- 
sions of the Chizzini^ near the present town of Bostock, the 
Cirdpani^ on the coast opposite the Isle of Rugeu, the To- 
lenzi, on the ToIIensee, and the Rethrarii of the civitas Bethre. 
Now, whatever the others may have been, these last were no 
new-comers, since the town was preeminent for its antiquity, 
and the temple which it contained celebrated for its sanctity. 


The Island o/ Bnffen. — Like the town of Betbre, the Isle 
of Bagen was at one and the same time Slavonic, and 
sacred ; its sacro-sanctitnde implying the antiquity of the 
rites practised in it. 

• Cocktt o/ Mecilenburg, — Nothing is known of Meeklenburg 
older than tbe pre-eminently Slayonic Obodrites^ separated by 
the river Warnow from the Wilzi, and by the Trave from 
tbe Slavonians of — 

Holstein. — Here, for the first time, do we meet with a true 
SlavoDo-Oermanic frontier. A Hne drawn from tbe Trave to 
tbe bead-waters of tbe Eyder forms it. North of tbe Eyder, 
in the time of Alfred, were the Danes ; west of the Trave, 
the Saxous ; between those rivers and the sea, the Slavouic 
Woffri. The city of Altenburg was Wagrian, and so was 
the Isle of Femern. 

Lauenhurg. — This was the locality of the Polabi, or Slavo- 
nians of the Elbe from po = on and Laha^Elie. 

Uckermark. — Here dwelt, at the end of tbe tenth century, 
the Slavonic Ucri or Wucri. 

Interior o/ Mecklenhurg and Mittelmark, — The country 
between the Hevel and the Muritz-See, a vast wood, requiring 
five days to traverse it, was the land of the Slavonic Murizzi 
or Morizani ; westwards of these, and extending as far as the 
Elbe, were the Wamahi — Slavonic also. 

Brandenhurg. — Brandenburg is more tban sufficiently 
covered by Slavonic tribes ; since, tbe Hevelli or Slavonians 
of the Hevel, tbe Stoderani, the Brizani, the Linones, the 
Smeldingi, the Dossani, and tbe Bethenici, although the exact 
localities have yet to be investigated, are quite enough to fill 
tbe tract between Slavonic Altmark on the north-west, 
and — 

Lusatia on the south-east ; Lusatia, wbich is, at the pre~ 
sent moment, Semi-SIavonic, and wbich was originally wholly 
80, Lower Lusatia being the country of the Milcieni, Upper 
Lusatia of the Lusici. 

Silesia, — Now, and from the dawn of the historical period, 
Silesia has been in the same category with Lusatiar— i .0., essen- 
tially Slavonic. 

The Slavonians of Lusatia and Silesia formerly extended 


as far into the present countrj of Germany as the river 
Werra, and as the head-waters of the Maine. 

Bohemia mih parU of Moravia and Upper Hwigary. — 
These conntries have never been known to be more German 
than at present, and at present they are Slavonic. At the 
same time, I believe that there are traditions among the pre- 
sent Tshekhs, which refer to their conquest of the country and 
the usurpation of their ancestors. The yalue of these depends 
upon their nationality. This may be absolute. It may, on 
the other hand, be of the same yalue as the traditions about 
Brtnt being the patriarch of the Britons, or, in other words, 
the legend may be more due to the influence of a medieval 
Latin literature, than the truly native traditions. 

Having thus enumerated the countries which were as much 
(or more) Slavonic a thousand years ago as they are now, I 
subjoin some of the chief extracts that prove their having been 
80— all of them being taken from Zeuss, and those only being 
selected which the date accompanies, and where there is, 
besides this, the special statement that the population in ques- 
tion was Slavonic. 

The latest notices come first. They are chiefly from Adam 
of Bremen and Helmoldus, and apply to the Slavonians of 
the northem frontier. 

The twelfih and eleventh centuries. — For the parts on the 
Lotoer Elbe and Oder. — The most important of the notices 
here apply to the Isle of Rugen, and bear, amongst other 
questions, upon the note in v. Rugii : — '' Insula contra Wilzos 
posita, quam Bani vel Runi possident, fortissima Slavorum 
gens, extra quorum sententiam de publicis rebus nihil agi lex 
est, ita illi metuuntur propter familiaritatem deorum, vel potius 
daemonum, quos majori cultu ceteris venerantur/^ — Ad. Brem. 
de situ Dan. c. 226. ^^ Supervenit exercitus Rupianorum sive 
Ranorum. . . Sunt autem Ranij qui ab aliis Runi appellantur, 
populi crudeles, habitantes in corde maris, idololatrise supra 
modum dediti, primatum pra/erentee in omni Slavorum na- 
tume^ habentes regem et &num celeberrimum. (Jnde etiam 
propter specialem fani illius cultum primum venerationis locum 
obtinenty et cum multis jugum imponant, ipsi nullius jugum 

patiuntur, eo quod inaccessibiles sint propter difficultatem 

c 2 


locorum.^ — Helm. iv. 36. *' De omnibus quoque provlnciis 
Slavorum Illic responsa peiuntur ei saerificiorum exhibeniur 
annuae soluiiones. — c. 6. ^^ Eiiam nosira adhuc seiaie non 
solum Wagirensis ierra, sed ei omnes Slavorum provincise illuc 
tribuia annuatim iransmittebani, illum (Zuanievii) Deum 
Deorum esse profiientes.'' — Id. li. 42. 

For ihe Slaves of ihe coniinent ihe following exiracis give 
us ihe occupanis of ihe Lower Oder, — " Oddora vergens in 
boream per medios Winulorum iransit populos.^' — Adam Bre- 
mens. Hisi. Eccl. c. 66. ^' Ulira Leuiicos, qui alio nomine 
Wilzi dicuniur, Oddora flumen occurrit.'" — Ibid. "Cum multi 
suni Winulorum populi fortitudine celebres, soli quaiuor 
suni, qui ab illis Wilzi^ a nobis vero Leuticii dicuntur, inier 
quos de nobilitaie poientiaque conienditur. Hi sunt scilicet 
Chizzini et Circipaniy qui habiiant citra Panim fluvium, 
Thosolantes et Rheteri, qui ulira Panim degunt.^ — Ibid. c. 1 40. 

In the following exiract irom Helmoldus,* mark the su- 
perlative antiquissimam^ — ^'De fortiiudine et poientia valida 
oria esi conientio. Siquidem Riaduri sive Tholenzi propter 
antiquissimam urbem et celeberrimum illud fanum, in quo 
simulaerum Radigasi osiendiiur, regnare volebant, adscri- 
bentes sibi singularem nobiliiatis honorem, eo quod ab omnibus 
populis Slavorum frequeniarentur, propter responsa ct annuas 
sacrlficiorum Impensiones. Porro Circipani aique Kycini 
servire deirectabani, Imo libertatem suam armis defendere 
siaiuerunt.'^ — Helm. iv. 21. 

More saiisfaciory, however, than the accumulaiion of 
isolated passages is ihe following general view, — "Populi igiiur 
Slavorum sunt mulii, quorum prlmi ab oecidenie confiues 
Transalblanis sunt Waigri (al. Vagri)^ eorum civiias Alden- 
burg maritlma. Deinde sequuniur Obodritiy qui aliero nomine 
Eeregi vocaniur, et civlias eorum Magnopolis. Item versus 
nos Polahingi^ quorum civitas Racisburg. Ultra quos Lin- 
gones [Linones] sunt et Wamahi. Mox habitani Chizzini et 
Circipaniy quos a Tholosantibm et Retharie fluvius Panis 
separai, et civitas Dimine. Ibi est ierminus Hammaburgensis 
parochise. Suni ei alii Slavorum populi, qui Inter Albiam 
ei Odderam deguni, sicut Heveldi^ qui juxta Hallolam [Ha- 
bolam] fluviuni, ei Doxani^ Liubuzzi^ Wilini ei Stoderani 


cum moltis aliis. luter quos medii et poteutissimi omnium 
sunt Betharii^ ciyitas eorum vulgatissima Rethre, sedes 
idololatrise.'*' — Ad. Brem. c. 64. 

The ninth eentury. — Earlier tban Adam of Breroen, tbe 
notices are fragmentary. However, "a.d. 808. Filius impera- 
toris Earlus Albiam ponte junxit, et exercitum cui prseerat 
in Linones et Smeldingos . . . transposuit.^ — Annal. Egeuh. 
ad annum. — Pertz i. 195. To wbich add, as proof of the 
Linones being Slavonic, — " Sclavi illi dicti sunt Lini sive 
Linoges!^ — Helmold. i. 37. Witb tbe Linones, tbe Smel- 
dingi and Bethenici are generally associated, and never once 
considered as otber tbaa Slavonic; thougb, at tbe same 
time, Smeld-tTk^r is a German form. 

The eighth century. For the parts on the Upper Elbe and 
Saale. — "a.d. 782. Sorabi Sclavi, qui campos inter Albim 
et Salam interjacentes incolunt in fines Tburingorum et 
Saxonnm qui erant eis contermini, preedandi causa ingressi.^ 
' — Annal. Einb. ad an. Pertz i. 163. 

In the seventh cemtury. — " a.d. 623. Anno xl. regni Gblotharii 
bomo qnidam, nomine Samo, natione Francus de pago Sen- 
nonago, plures secum negotiantes adscivit, ad exercendum 
negotinm in Sclavos cognomento Winidas perrexit.'" — Fre- 
degar, c. 48.. 

Tbe continuation of Samo^s bistory sbows tbat tbe Vinida 
here named were tbe Wends of Bobemia, at least, if not of 
Bobemia, of the parts still more toest^ — *' Multis postbaec 
vicibus Winidi in Thoringiam et reliquos vastando pagos in 
Francorum regnum irruunt. Etiam et Dervanus dux geutis 
Urbiorum (Surbiorum) qui ex genere Slavonorum erant, 
et ad regnum Francorum jam olim adspexerant, se ad regnum 
Samoni cum suis tradidit.*" — Fredegar, c. 68. 

Tbe evidence tbat there were Slavonians on the Saale in 
tbe reign of Dagobert is abundant. — 

^^ Anno X. regni Dagoberti cum ei nuntiatum fxiisset exerci- 
tum Winidorum Tboringiam fuisse ingressum.'*' — c. 74. 

*'*' Anno XI. regni Dagoberti cum Winidi jussu Samonis for- 
titer sa^virent, et ssepe transcenso eorum limite regnum 
Francomm vastandum Tboringiam et reliquos pagos ingre- 
direntur.*" — 75. 


Three other extracts beariog on the early distribution of the 
Slayonic natioos are of snfficient importance to have particu- 
lar prominence given to them. 

1. The Miinich library contains a MS. of the eleventh 
centnry, written in the monastery of St. Emmeram» in 
Bavaria, from which the following is an extract. It may 
conyeniently be called either the St. Emmeram MS., or the 
Descriptio Ciyitatum. 

^^ Descriptio civitcUum et regimwn ad septentrianalem plagam 
Danubii. Isti sunt qui propinquiores resident finibus Dana- 
orum quos yocant Nortabtrezi, ubi regio in qua sunt civitates 
Liii., per duces suos partitse. Uuilci, in qua ciyitates xcv., et 
regiones un. Linaa, est populus qui habet civitates vii. 
Prope illis resident quos vocant Bethenici, et Smeldingon, et 
Morizani, qui habent civitates xi. Juxta illos sunt qui vocantur 
Hehfeldi, qui habent civitates viii. Juxta illos regio quse 
vocatur Surbi, in qua regione plures sunt quse habent civitates 
L. Juxta illos sunt quos vocant Talaminzi, qui habent civi- 
tates xiiii. Beheimare, iu qua sunt civitates xv. Marharii, 
habent civitates xi. Uulgarii, regio est immensa et populus 
multus habens civitates v., eo quod multitudo magna ex eis 
sit [vaga !] et non sit eis opus civitates habere. Est populus 
quem vocant Merehanos, ipsi habent civitates xxx. Istse sunt 
regiones qua^ terminant in finibus nostris. 

^* Isti sunt qui juxta istorum fines resident. Osterab- 
trezi, in qua civitates plusquam c. sunt. Miloxi, in qua 
civitates lxvii. Phesnuzi, habent civitates lxx. Thadesi^ 
plusquam cc. urbes habent. Glopeani, in qua civitates occc. 
aut eo amplius. Zuireani, habent civitates cocxxv. Busani, 
habent civitates ccxxxi. Sittici, regio immensa populis et 
urbibus munitissimis. Stadici, in qua civitates dxvi., popu- 
lusque infinitus. Sebbirozi, habent civitates xc. Unlizi, 
populus multus, civitates Gccxvm. Neriuani, habent civitates 
Lxxviu. Attorozi, habent cxlvui., populus ferocissimus. 
Eptaradici, habent civitates cclxui. Uuillerozi, habent civi- 
tates cLxxx. Zabrozi, habent civitates ccxii. Znetalici, 
habent civitates lxxiiii. Aturezani, habent civitates oiiii. 
Ghozirozi, habent civitates ccl. Lendizi, habent civitates 
xcvui. Thainezi, habent civitates cclvii. Zeriuani, quod 


tantam est regnum nt ex eo cnnctse gentes Sclanornm exortse 
sint et originem sicnt affirmant ducant. Prissani, civitates 
Lxx. Uelunzani, ciyitates lxx. Bruzi, plus est undique, 
qnam de Enisa ad Rhenum. Unizunbeire, Gaziri, civitates c. 

^*' Ruzzi. Forsderen liudi. Fresiti. Serauici. Lucolane. 
Ungare. Uuislane. Sleenzane, civitates xv. Lunsizi, civitates 
XXX. Dadosesani, civitates xx. Milzane, ciyitates xxx. 
Besunzane, ciyitates u. Uerizane, civitates x. Fraganeo, 
civitates xl. Lupiglaa, civitates xxx. Opolini, civitates xx. 
Golensizi, civitates v.'"' 

2. Nearlj contemporary with this is the account of the 
oldest Bussian chronicler, and the father of Slavonic history, — 
Nestor, a monk of Kiov, in the beginning of the twelfth 
centnry. The names are given in the Slavonic forms for the 
sake of showing the frequency of the termination -ne ; and 
the reader'*^ attention is also directed to the extent to which 
the Scriptural view of the general dispersion of mankind is 
connected with the particular history of the Slavonians — '' Of 
these seventy-two populations, the Slovenian was one ; also 
from the families of Japhet, named Illyrian (Ilurici), which 
are Slovenian (Slouyjene). 

'^ And after many years the Slovenians settled on the 
Danube, where now the Ungarian (Ugor^^skaja) and Bulgarian 
lands (Ugor^skaja — ^Bolgar^^skaja Zemlja) are. From these 
Slovenians the race spread itself over the earth, and they gave 
their names in the places where they settled. So their pos- 
terity, which settled on the river Morawa, named themselves 
Moravians (Morava), and others Tshekhs (Gzesi) ; and such 
are these Slovenians, the white Groatians (Chorwati Vjelii), 
the Serbs (Serb^) as the Garinthians (Gharunt-ane). 

" When the Vallachians (Voloch) made an inroad on the 
Slovenians of the Danube, and conquered them, and con- 
strained them, the Slovenians went forth, and settled on the 
Vistnla (Vislje), and called themselves Lekhs (Ljachove). 
And some of these people were named Poles (Pol-jane), and 
others Lekhs, others Lusatians (Luticzi) others Masovians 
(MazovRzane), others Pomoranians (Po-mor-jane). 

" Thns came those Slovenians who settled on the Dnieper, 
and were called Poles. Others were called Derevlians (Dere- 


wljane), because thej settled in the woods. Others settled 
between the Dwina, and Prepecz, and called themselves 
Dregovitshians (Dregoviczi). Others, too, fixed themselves 
on the Dwina, and became called Polotsfaians (Polocz-ane), 
irom the name of a river which fiows into the Dwina. 

'' Other Slovenians, descendants of those on the Danube, 
settled on Lake Ilmin (jezero Ilmena), and kept their name, 
and built a city, and named it Novogorod. And others 
settled on the Desna, and on the Sem, and on the Suna, and 
called themselves Severians (Sjevera). 

^' And so the Slovenian tongue spread itself abroad, from 
which came the Slovenian writing.'* — This is from Zeuss, 
translation, pp. 597 — 599. 

3. Earlier than either of these, though less full, is the foU 
lowing passage from Alfred^s Orosius.* 

^^ Be norSan Eald-Seaxum is Apdrede, and east nor^ is 
Vylte, the man Aefeldan hset, and be eastan him is Vineda 
land, the man hset Syssyle^f and east su^ ofer summe dsl 
Maroaro, and hi Maroaro habba^ be vestan him Thyringas, 
and Behemas, and Bseg^vare healfe, and be su6an him on 
o^re healfe Donua thsere ea is thset land Garendre. Su^ o^ 
tha beorgas, the man Alpis hset, to thsem ilcan beorgan 
licga^ Bfieg^vara land gemsere, and Svsefa, and thonne be 
eastan Garendran lande, begeondan thaem vestenne, is Pulgara 
land, and be eastan thaem is Greca land, and be eastan Maroaro 
lande is Visle land, and be eastan thsem sind Datia, tha the 
in vseron Gottan. Be nor^an eastan Maroara sindon Dala- 
mensan, and be eastan Dalamensam sindon Horithi, and 
be noi^an Dalamensam sindon Surpe, and be vestan him 
sindon Sysele. Be nor^an Horiti is Mseg^aland, and be 
noi^an Mseg^and is Sermende o% tha beorgas Biffin.^ 

* For the translation of this, sce Appendix I. 

t Tbe italics mean that the word will be noticed in the Epikgontena, 



It cannot be denied that the contrast between the evidence 
of Tacitus, who wrote from what he heard in the second, 
and the evidence of the authors of the time of Charlemagne, 
who wrote from what they knetOy in the ninth, is remark- 
able. What are we to say \ 

1. That the evidence of Tacitus must be impugned. 

2. That the evidence of Tacitus must be limited. 

3. Or, that a vast system of migrations and displacements 
must be assumed, in order to reconcile the first accurately 
known state of things with the testimony of a writer whom 
we are unwilling to take exceptions to ? 

Whichever of these views be adopted, our decision ought 
to be made after a very careful and mature deliberation. 
There are complications on both sides, and the whole ques- 
tion is a balance of conflicting difficulties. 

The occupation of the tract of country between the Vistula 
and the Elbe in the tenth century by Slavonians is primd 
/acie evidence of a similar occupancy in the second, 

The term Germaniay applied to the same by Taeitus, is 
primd/acie evidence the other way. To decide in favour of 
a Slavonic population on the strength of the former fact, 
irrespective of the conflicting testimony of Tacitus, is illegi- 
timate ; but it is equally so to take that testimony without 
doubt, qualification, or scrutiny. To place evidence opposed 
to the a priori probabilities upon the same level with evi- 
dence supported by them is imscientific in the extreme; 
indeed the writer who does it places all evidence on the 
same level, and requires the same amount of testimouy for 
probabilities and improbabilities, for the barely possible and 
for the morally certain. 

Of all the populations east of the Elbe which Tacitus, in 
the second century, called Germany no single vestige appeartii 
in the tenth. How is this! Was the original statement 




erroneons, or has subsequent change taken place i No general 
answer can be given to the question. It depends upon the 
credibility of the author on the one side, and the likelihood 
of the changes assumed, on the other. If the changes are pro- 
bable and the author unexceptlonable, the decision is in favour 
of the change. If the author, however, be exceptionable and 
the changes such as have never been previously known, the 
converse is the case. Between these extremes there is every 
intermediate degree. The changes may be of average magni- 
tude, and the author of medium credibility. AII this, how- 
ever, merely shows that the balance between the conflicting 
difficulties is easily struck in some cases, tbat in some it is 
difficult, and in others almost impossible. 

I am not, just at present, prepared to decide upou the 
particular case in hand, or to determine whether Tacitus has 
been, at one and the same time, accurate in all his state- 
ments, and rightly interpreted by his commentators, or 
whether he has not confounded Slavonians and Lithuanians 
with Germans. This will come in due time ; at present it 
is sufficient to take an exception against the uncritical spirit 
in which his evldence has been treated. Two distinctions of 
paramount importance have been neglected. 

1. The extmt to which his statements are at variance with 
the first inotim state of things subsequent to his time, has 
been overlooked. 

2. The value of his evidence for the, parts which could 
only be known, to even his best informants, by hearsay only, 
has been placed on the same level with the value of his 
evidence respecting the parts personally known to his con- 

How different, for instance, were his means of describing a 
Frisian or a Gheruscan, irom his data for Poland and Silesia. 
Yet Poland and Silesia are parts of the Germania of Tacitus, 
and Friesland and Osnaburg are no more. The legionary of 
Drusus or Tiberius might describe, from personal knowledge, 
the populations of Ems, or Weser; but, whoever described the 
tribes of the Oder or Vistula, would describe them from hear- 
say accounts, — ^hearsay accounts, which I have no wish to 
undervalue, — hearsay accounts which can often be satisfac- 



torily confinned, — hearsay accouDts, however, which have 
just the same relation to the descriptioDS of the parts visited 
by the BomaD armies, as the data for the geography of 
Central Ainca have to the survejs of the coloDies of Natal, 
the Cape, or ADgoIa. 

This leads ns to a new series of preliminary points of 

A certain amonnt of migration and displacement is neces- 
sary. If Germans were the original occupants of the parts 
in qnestion, the Slavonians mast have superseded them 
in it. 

The likelihood or unlikelihood of this must be tested in 
several ways. 

First, in respect to its extent — The assumed migration must 
have been unsurpassed, perhaps unequally, by any other within 
the historical period. When the Germans of Charlemagne, 
and his successors, conquered (or re-conquered) Transalbian 
G^rmany, there was neither trace nor record of any previous 
G^rmanic occupancy. Yet such previous occupancy rarely 
occurs without leaving signs of its existence. Sometimes 
there are fragments of the primitive population safe in the 
protecting fastnesses of some mountain, forest, or fen, whose 
savage independenee testifies their original claim on the soil. 
In this way the Welsh of Wales, and the Basques of the 
Pyrenees, are monuments of that aboriginal population which 
held possession of Spain and Britain, long before the begin- 
ning of history, and which partially holds possession of them 
now. Yet there is no want of natural strongholds in the 
country in question. The Saxon Switzerland, the Bohemian 
range, the forests of Lithuania might well have been to the 
Germans of Tacitus, what Snowdon was to the Britons of 
Agricola, or the Pyrenees to the old Iberians ; in which case 
the presmt Germans of those countries would be the oldest 
inhabitants of them, — ^not the newest, as they are. 

Another way in which a primitive, but displaced population 
escapes annihilation, is, by taking upon itself the character of 
a servile population. In this way the Helots of Sparta, 
represent the older inhabitants of LaConia, as well as the 
conquered Messenians. Upon this principle Niebuhr argues 


that the circnmstance of certain Greek towns of Southern 
Italj, calling their slavesP^^^', indicates a previoos Pelasgic 
population. fiy a not illegitimate extension of this view, 
the existence of the system of castes ia supposed to betoken a 
duality of race, — the conquered and the conquerors. But a 
servile class of conquered aborigines, was as much wanting in 
the Slavonian portions of the Germania^ when it was first 
known otherwise than by hearsay, as the analogues of the 
Welsh or Biscayans. The signs of a primitive population, 
shown as they show themselves in Britain or Spain ; shown 
as they showed themselves in Greece or Italy ; or shown as 
they showed themselves in Hiudostan, were equally nou- 

Neither were there any traditions. No lays celebrated 
either the Arthur which defended, or the Ida which ravaged 
the soil. The supposed conquerors knew of no indigemt 
which they replaced. No indigena complained of the 
stranger who dispossessed them. 

Lastly, Saxon as is England, the oldest geographical terms 

are Keltic; some of the original names of the rivers and 

• mountains remaining unchanged. The converse is the case 

in Transalbingian Germany. The older the name the more 

surely is it Slavonic. 

So much for the extent of the assumed displacement. It 
must have been the greatest and the most absolute of any 
recorded in history. 

It must also have taken place with unparalleled rapidity. 
By supposing that the assumed changes set in immediately 
afler the time of Tacitus, and that as soon as that writer had 
recorded the fact that Poland, Bohemia, and Gourland were 
parts of Germania^ the transformation of these previously 
Teutonic areas into Slavonic ones, began, we have a con- 
dition as favourable for a great amount of changes as can 
fairly be demanded. Still it may be improved. The last 
traces of the older population may be supposed to have died 
out only just before the time when the difierent areas became 
kuown as exclusively Slavonic ; an assumption which allows 
the advocate of the German theory to say that, had our in- 
formation been a little earlier, we should have found what we 


want in the way of vestiges, fragments, and effects of the 
antecedent non-Slavonic aborigines. Be it so. Still the time 
is short. Bobemia — as we have seen — appears as an exclu- 
sivelj Slavonic country as early as a.d. 625. Is the differ- 
ences between these areas and the time of Tacitus suffi- 

Undoubtedly a great deal in the way of migration and 
displacement may be done in five hundred years, and still 
more in seven hundred ; yet it may be safely said that, under 
no circumstances whatever, within the historical period, has 
any known migration equalled the rapidity and magnitude of 
the one assumed, and that under no circumstances has the 
obliteration of all signs of an earlier population been so 

ffoto could the displacement inferred from this utter obliter- 
ation, have taken place i Was it by a process of ejection, so 
that the presumed immigrant Slavanians conquered and ex- 
pelled the original Goths f The chances of war, when we get 
to the historical period, run the other way; and the first 
fact which we know concerning those self-same Slavonians, 
who are supposed to have dispossessed the Germans in the 
third and fourth centuries, is that, in the ninth, the Germans 
dispossessed them. But, perhaps, the Germans were more 
warlike in the time of Charlemagne than before. Not so ; 
witness the names of Alaric, Euric, Theodoric, Clovis, &c. 

If this view will not snffice, let us try another. Let us 
ask if it may not be the case, that, when those Germans, who 
are admitted to have left their country in great numbers, 
migrated southwards, they left vast gaps in the population of 
their original areas, which the Slavonians from behind filled 
up, even by the force of pressure ; since geography abhors a 
vacuum as much as nature is said to do. 

I will not say that this view is wholly unsupported by in- 
duction. Something of the kind may be found amongst the 
Indians of North America, where a hunting-ground abandoned 
by one tribe is appropriated by another. The magnitude, 
however, of such vacuities is trifling compared with the one 
in question ; besides w^ich, the Indian migrations are those 
of a pastoral people, who take their wives and children with 


them, and, consequently, leaye bebind tbem no means of pre- 
serving traces of tbeir previous existence. 

Historj only tells us of Grerman artnie» baving advanced 
sontbwards. Tbe conversion of tbese armies into natianal 
migrations is gratuitous. 

But if tbe area of tbe dispossessed Germans was tbus 
remarkable, tbat of tbose wbo beld tbeir ground was not 
less 80. 

Along tbe Danube there was, at tbe time of Tacitus, a 
real existence of Grermans to tbe south of Bobemia and 
Morayia, and it extended so far eastwards as to come witbin 
tbe same degree of longitude as tbe supposed Ootbs of tbe 
Baltic. Tbe Germans of tbe Danube were tbe Marcomanni ; 
perbaps the Quadi ; and aJmost certainly, some of tbe ances- 
tors and vaunt-couriers of tbe Gotbs of Moesia in tbe tbird 

Now tbese kept tbeir ground, being tbe only ones tbat are 
admitted to have done so. Thej did more ; tbey encroacbed 
permanently on their neigbbours to tbe east. Strange, tbat 
tbe fact of lying soutb of a given degree of latitude, should 
thus have preserved tbose Germans of tbe Danube against 
tbose fierce Slavontans wbo (if we suppose tbe Lygii to bave 
been Germans, and tbe Marcomanni to have occupied all 
Bobemia) so tboroughly exterminated tbeir bretbren to the 
nortb. It looks as if tbe fact of tbeir having been personally 
engaged in warfare against Bome, bad so sbarpened tbeir 
swords as to have endowed tbem witb powers of resistance 
unknown nortb of tbe Bobemian frontier. Everywbere else 
tbe Germans retired; between Bobemia and the Danube 
tbey encroacbed. 

Yet it was not for want of enemies tbat tbey tbus kept 
their ground. Tbeirs was no locality especially favoured by 
peace. Tbey bad tbe same Slavonians to contend with tbat 
extinguished tbe supposed Germans of tbe Oder and Vistula, 
and tbey had the Bomans as well. It is not strange tbat tbe 
ancestors of tbe Ostrogotbs and Visigotbs sbould have beld 
out against these odds. It is strange tbat tbey should have 
been the only Germans wbo did so. Surely tbis is a page 
in history whicb may be read differently ; and instead of 


supposing them to have been thus exceptional to thelr countiy- 
men, they may be considered as the only Germans of whose 
existence in the tlme of Tacitus we are sure. 

It was as little for the want of actual wars and migratlons 
as for the paucity of hostile neighbours, that these exceptional 
Germans of the Danube are found, in the fourth, iifth, sixth, 
seventh, and eighth centuries, in the locality assigned to them 
by Tacitus in the second. 

There was much of each. This we know to have been 
the case. Of similar wars and similar migrations, on the 
Oder and Vistula, we know nothing ; we only assume them 
for the sake of accounting for a supposed change of popula- 

Now it is certainly unscientific to attribute so much, in 
the way of displacement, to the wars and migrations of which 
we know nothing, when those which we do know are known 
to haye done but Ilttle. On the real theatre of action, the 
Middle Danube, what is it that we find in the time of 
Tacitus? Bomans, Germans, Slavonlans, all on the Rhsetian 
and Pannonian frontier, the Bomans having the lion^s share 
of country. What in the time of Theodoric? Germans, 
Bomans, and Slavonians, the Germans possessing much of 
what the Bomans had lost. This is what we see on the 
poiuts illuminated by the clear light of history; and the 
changes implied are but moderate, In the parts beyond, 
however, everything increases its dimensions. The wars are 
more exterminating, and the migratlons longer, the displace- 
ments greater than anything known elsewhere. Is this the 
Tiew which we get from tbat cautiousinduction which measures 
the unknown by the known, or is it a mere sketch of the 
imagination, where all things show larger In the twilight, and 
where anything may be assumed, because, though there is 
nothing to support an hypothesis, there is nothing to con- 
tradict it ! 

Needum finitus Orestes. — The list of improbabilities agalnst 
the doctrine of the double migration, are named legion. The 
inroad which so obliterated the eastem Germans of the 
Germania of Tacltus» was not exclusively Slavonic ; it was 
Lithuanic as well. Neither was the whole area which, in 


the ninth centnry, was undoubtedlj divided between these 
Lithuanians and Slavonians, ahsolutely German even in the 
eyes of Tacitus. At the mouth of the Vistula the ^styii 
spoke a language like the British. 

Let these ^styians, on the strength of their sermo BH" 
tannica propior^ be called the 9^7»-6ermanic portion of the 
so-called original Germanic area ; and — 

Let the Prussians, on the strength of their Lithuanic 
tongue, be called the 9»<m-Slavonic portion of the same area as 
it appears in the 12th centurj. 

It will be found that the relation of the non-SIavouic 
portion of the Slavonian period, was exactly that of the non- 
Germanic portion during the Germanic period— i.e^., both the 
^styians and Prussians occupied the same locality. 

Hence, the displacement of these Britanno-Germanic popu- 
lations (and the statement of Tacitus is as valid for the 
jEstyians speaking a language like the British as for any 
single fact connected with these parts) must have been accom- 
panied with a remarkable act of discrimination — since the 
parts occupied by the populations like the British became 
Lithuanic and not Slavonic, the remainder Slavonic and 
not Lithuanic. This nice appropriation of different parts of 
the dificrent areas cannot be said to add to the probability 
of the migration which must be assumed. Such a migration, 
annihilating the population, traditions, and local names, and 
all the substantial realities of a vast district, and, yet, pre- 
serving the form of its ethaological area, is, to say the least, 
a very remarkable one ; since it gives us a phenomenon 
which is better ascertained in chemistry than in history, i,e,j 
the phenomenon o/ replacement and substitution, 

A further consideration of the probabilities herein involved 
will be found in the notes on the word jEstifii. 

But it may be urged that the language of Tacitus respect- 
ing the lingua Britannica propior must not be taken too 
closely! Granted. But what statement is more explicit. 
If we doubt or qualify this, why not doubt or qualify much 
more ; e.g.^ the Germanic position of the Lygii. This is what 
should be done. AII that is required is consistency. 
Butstrange as istheaccident, tfaat thePrussian conquest should 


exactly coincide with the area of the British language, it is 
not an isolated instance. 

In the time of Tacitus the parts between Moravia, Gal- 
licia, and Hungarj were occupied by nations speaking three 
different languages — the G^erman, the Pannomca lingua of 
Tacitus, and the GalUca Ungua of Tacitus. 

At the present time three tongues meet in the same parts 
— the German> the Slovak, and the Polish of Gallicia, the 
Majiar of Hungarj being a fourth ; but that is of late intro- 

Now if we assume much migration for these parts, the 
migration must have been of the peculiar kind just indicated, 
a chemical migration, so to say, a migration pltus substi- 
tution and replacement ; a migration which, whatever it did 
in the way of an indiscriminate abolition of all nationalitj, at 
least left the boundaries of three different languages, and 
their geographicai relations to each other, much as it found 

Gertain writers, however (as already stated), adopt the view 
of a Gtsrman migration from the parts between the Elbe and 
Vistula sufficiently exhaustive of the original population to 
leave the countrj in a state of emptiness for the Slavonians of 
the parts farther eastwards to fill up. These, as thej borrow 
their notion of a vacmm from the science of phjsics, may 
take their theory of replacement and substitution from the 
chemist. Valeat quanttm. 

Such the displacement. Whence came those who effected 
it i Not from the country east of the Guttones. There were 
no such Slavonians there. East of the Guttones (the supposed 
frontier people of Germanj)^ the populations were wholly 
either Lithuanic or Finnic until the last few centuries, and 
are nearly so now. This, then, is no birthplace for the 
Slavonians of Mecklenburg and Pomerania. 

Did they come from the south — Le.j from Bohemia ! No ! 
Bohemia, according to the hypothesis, was German, besides 
which, their language was, probably, less like the Bohemian 
than the Polish. 

Then they came from Poland! Not even this. Poland 
was occupied by Lygian Germans. 



They can be brought from no point nearer than the water- 
system of the Dnieper. Yet the water-system of the Dnieper 
wiU not give ns the phenomenon reqnired. The language of 
that river is eminentiy homogeneons (Bnssian); whilst the lan- 
gnages of Saxony, Silesia, Bohemia, Poland, Pomerania, and 
Brandenburg,. although all Slavonic, are spoken in nume- 
rous dialects and sub-dialects. To derive all this from the 
Dnieper is to deduce the whoie from the part^ the old from 
the new. 

We have now taken a measure of some of the improbabili- 
ties involved in the doctrine of a Slavonic migration to the 
Transalbian portion of the Germania^ between the times of 
Tacitus and Charlemagne ; and thongh they are undeniably 
great, their magnitude is only relative ; and a certain degree of 
evidence may overbalance them. Difficult as it is to believe 
that Poland was ever Qermanic, there is, nevertheless, an 
amount of testimony which would make it credible. Had an 
observer like Caesar visited the country in person^ and known 
it as well as he knew Gaul, his dictum would, probably, have 
outweighed all other difficulties. On the other hand, had a 
writer of no character whatever classed it amongst the coun- 
tries of Germany, I should have troubled the reader with but 
few reasons for objecting to him, and have disposed of his 
evidence in a summary manner, by treating his statement as 
an error. 

The authority of Tacitus is intermediate to these two 

Implicit and uncritical belief is not always the highest tri- 
bute of respect. So far from finding any morbid feeling of 
pleasure in taking exceptions to the statements of a great 
writer like Tacitus, I have no hesitation in saying, that the 
more I have criticised the more I have found to admire. So 
numerous are the cases where an unscrutinizing adoption of 
his statements only mystifies us ! Whereas the admission of 
the slightest amount of fallibility gives us an important fact. 
Such, amongst others, is the statement concerning the lan- 
guage of the ^Estyii, and of the Gothini (vid. Twtt, in vv.) 

More than this^the very latitude given to the term Germaniaj 
though wrong as far as the facts which it implies arc con- 


cerned, is scientifically correct. What Tacitus hnew of the 
Gennans of the soath was, that they extended as far down 
the Danuhe as the frontier of Pannonia (say, the parts ahont 
Pesth) ; and he had no reason to imagine that their southem 
extension went one hairVhreadth iiirther in an easterly 
direction than did their northem one ; or vice versd. Hence, 
the extension of their area, as far along the Baltic as it was 
known to reach along the Danube, was legitimate: subject, 
of course, to correction from further investigation ; and 
equally legitimate was the assumption that the Ligii and 
other populations of the intervening parts were German — since 
the reasoning ran thus — 

a. The southem Germans mn thus far eastwards. 

h. The northem do the same. 

c. So do the parts interjacent. Subject, I say, to correction 
from absolute investigation this a priori view was strictly 
scientific ; and who shall say that Tacitus put it forth uncon- 
ditionally ! 

Again — had the Baltic been even less German than it 
actually was, it was only through Germans that it was known 
to the Greeks and Bomans : what, then, was more natural 
than that the extent of the German searboard upon it should 
be over-valued ? Like the present Danes with their occupancy 
of the Sound, their prominence exceeded their occupancy. 

These and similar considerations show that such inaccu* 
racies as we find in Tacitus are, so far from subtracting irom 
his value as an authority, or from the respect due to his tes- 
timony, that they enhance his credit. Such as occur could 
hardly have been avoided ; and the only wonder is that there 
are so few of them. 

If, however, we deny this reasonable amount of inaccuracy, 

the thoroughly hypothetical character of the migrations in 

question eannot be too strongly stated, or too prominently 

exhibited. They are referable to one head, and to one head 

only, mz.f the facts which they will explain. In and of 

themselves they are wholly unsupported — ^unsupported with- 

out, however, lying beyond the pale of observation. The 

countries to which they appertain were known (at least) 

well enough for Tacitus and others to write about. The 

d 2 


Germans had their ancient songs that served as records. 
And what event so important as the previous loss and sub- 
sequent re-conquest of two-thirds of their indigenous soil ? 

In short, the migrations in question must come under the 
foUowing conditions : — 

a. They must be of unparalleled magnitude and com- 
pleteness — 

i. Of unparalleled rapidity — 

c. Unrecorded in any history — 

d. Unrepresented by any tradition — 

e. Accompanied by the strange phenomenon of replacement 
and substitution ; and — 

/. Effected by improbable agents.* 



The third chapter has served to illustrate the principles of 
ethnological classification ; since it has shown that nations as 
different as the Icelander and the Swiss may be comprized 
in one general division ; in other words that a sfock comprises 
populations as different from each other as the Bavarians, the 
Dutch, the Swedes, the Faroe Islanders and the Americans 
of the United States. Hence the Gothic stock is one of the 
stocks of which we have a pretty clear idea. 

Another such a stock is the Classical. This comprises the 
Latins and Greeks — ancient and modern. Besides which it, 
to a certain extent, comprises the Spaniards, the Portu- 
guese, the French, certain Swiss populations, and the Wal- 
lachians ; in all of which countries the language is deri ved from 
the Latin ; the population being mixed, $ .^., partly consisting 
of Boman, partly of aboriginal blood. Now, recognising the 
great Glassical stock as an ethnological e<)uivalent to the 
Gothic, and comparing the extent to which a Wallachian 
differs from an Italian or a modern Greek of the other, we 
have a convenient measure of the import of the word gtock ; 
since we see the amount of difference implied by it. 

♦ Viz. by that division of thc European populations which, tvithin thc hi<;- 
torical penod, hai» retreatcd bcfore thc Germanic rathcr than cncroachcd on it. 


Besides the Olassical and Gothic, there are five other stoeks 
in Europe ; or, changing the expression, the whole indigenauB 
population of Europe may be thrown into seven groups. 
Three of these have already been mentioned — the Gx)thic, the 
Sarmatian, the Glassical. 

The faurihy the KeUic^ comprises the ancient Gauls of 
Gallia, and the ancient Britons of England, as well as the 
present Bretons of Brittany, Welsh of Wales, Manxmen of 
the Isle of Man, and Gaels of Ireland and Scotland. 

The Ugrians, or Finns, make WiQfifth group ; and a large 
group it is. Besides which it is the only one common to 
Europe and Asia. Lapland, Finland, Esthonia, and Hun- 
gary, are the present Finn or Ugrian areas in Europe. In 
Hungary, however, the Finn population is of recent intro- 
duction, the present Ugrian incUffena: being the Lapps, Fin- 
landers, and Esthonians. 

The Basques of the Pyrenees, the only remnants of the old 
Iberian population of Spain, form the sixth stock. 

The Albanians of Albania the seventh, 

The Turks of Turkey, and the Maltese, are not enumerated ; 
not being indigenous. 



It is not enough to know how a modem writer classifies 
the varieties of his species. The reader of Tacitus must try 
to ascertain the view that the ancients took of them. We 
must not be surprised to find it less scientific than our own. 

Of the Classical stock they had a clear notion ; t.^., they 
put at its full value the difierences between the group to which 
they themselves belonged, and the groups to which the so- 
called Barbarians belonged. But this notion was clear in 
oue direction only. It only comprehended the points of 
difierence. The resemblances which brought the Slavonians 
and Goths into the same group with themselves — the group 
called Indo-European — were unknown. 

Between a Goth, a Kelt, and a Sarmatian, in their more 
extreme forms, they also drew a clear distinction ; although 


their way of denotiDg it was less precise than our own, and 
not always expressed in the same terms. 

Of the Ugrians they knew little. Nevertheles^, Tacitus 
and others distinguish between the Finns and the Germans. 

The Albanians, I think, were distinguished from the Greeks 
clearly ; but from the nations on their northem frontier in- 
distiuctly. The term lUyrian comprises the Albanians^ and 
Bomething more. 

The Iberians were clearly distinguished from all other 
stocks but the Keltic — from that indistinctly. 

Upon the whole, the ancients may be said to have over- 
valued the difference between themselves and the other six 
stocks, and to have mdervalned the dificrence between the 
other groups of Europe ; and this is just what the Spaniards 
and English did and do with the present American abori- 

These observations have been made upon the assumption 
that the only point which required illustration was the extent 
to which the ancients and modems differed in their views of 
the same phenomena ; an assumption which supposes that the 
number of stocks at the beginning of the historical period was 
neither more nor less than it is at present, and that tbeir 
mutual relations were the same. This, however, may not 
have been the case. Stocks may have become extinct ; or, 
instead of the broad and trenchant lines of demarcation which 
now separate the great groups from each other, there may 
have been a series of imperceptible transitions. In either of 
these cases it would be incorrect to say that the modem view 
is more scientific than the ancient. The latter, instead of 
seeing the same things in a different light, may have seen a 
different state of things. 




The connexion of the American with the Englishman is 
clear. Nearly as clear is tKat between the Englishman and 
the German. In either case there has been a continuoos 
extension of the original population ; and that within the 
period of clear and authentic historj. 

But what if we found Englishmen in countries which no 
Englishman was known to have invaded i isolated English- 
men ! Englishmen cut off from the rest of their nation and 
langnage ! In this case we should have a trulj ethnological 
fact ; since historyy properly 8o called, would be silent. 

Or what if we found apart from the other Germam^ simi- 
larly isolated populations, whose language was indeed German, 
but of an uncertain aflinity— connected with the Dutch as 
much as the English, the Norse as much as the Frisian. 

What if the language were lost, and nothing but similarity 
of manners, or some yague tradition connected them with the 
assumed parent stock ! 

The problem would become still more complicated. 

Now such problems really exist. There are Goths beyond 
the pale of England, America, Germany, and Scandinavia. 
They require notice. 

1. The Germans o/ the Viceniine. — Two (perhaps more) 
passages mention the reception, on the part of Theodoric the 
Ostro-Goth, of certain Alemannic Germans, within the 
boundaries of Italy. One is a letter of his own to Clovis :— ^ 
" Motus vestros in fessas reliquias temperate : quia jure 
gratise merentur evadere, quos ad parentum vestrorum defen- 
sionem respicitis confugim. Estote illis remissi, qui nostris 
finihus celantur exterriti.'*'* — Cassiod. Variar. ii. 41. 

The other is from the Panegyric of Ennodius : — " Quid 
quod a te Alamannice generalitas intra Italia terminos sine 
detrimento Bomanse possessionis inclusa est? cui evenit ha- 
bere regem, postquam meruit perdidisse. Facta est Latiaris 
custos imperii semper nostrorum populatione grassata. Cui 


feliciter cessit fiigisse patriam suam, nam sic adepta est soli 
nostri opulentiam;' 

At the present moment the Sette communi near Verona, 
and the Trediee eommuni near Vicenza, are inhabited by an 
isolated population, whose language is a peculiar, and insuf- 
ficientlj studied, dialect of the German — apparentl j of the 
High-German division. The Alemanni of the time of Theo- 
doric are the Germans, whom this settlement is most generally 
supposed to represent. 

2. The Germans o/ ihe Crimea. — Procopius mentions 
under the name of rorOoi Terpa^rai, a small Qothic po- 
pulation on the Palus Mseotis — 'H Mai&ri^ KaXovfiinf \{fiv7f 

€9 rffv aKTtjv irovTOv rov Ev^elvov rci,^ iK^oT^^ iroi^eirai . • 
irapiL Sk Tov xoipov avrov, SOev 17 ttj^ Xifivrf^ iK€o\rf ap- 
X^rai, TotOoc oi Terpa^Tai KoKovfievoi ^KVfVTai,, ov iroTCKol 
8vT€<:. — Bell. Goth. iv. 4. 

He praises the bravery with which they withstood the 

In the following extract the ^ASatryoi are the Oircassians 
with whom these Goths came more in contact than any other 
Europeans :— E?Te Bk Trj^ ^Apeiov 80^179 iyivovTo ttotc oi 
FoTdot oSrot, &(r7r€p Kal Tct, oKKa TotBckA S0vrf, e?T€ Kal 
aXXo Tt afi<f)l Ttf Bo^ avTol<; ffaKVfTOi ovk ^x® eiireiv, iirel 
ovBk airrol taaaiv, aXV d<f>€\€ia t€ Tavvv koI airparffioavvri 
TToXKff TLfjL&ai Tifv Bo^av. OiToc 6\iy<p irpoTepov (X^o) Bk, 
rfviKa irp&Tov t€ Kal eiKooTov iro^ ^lovaTtvtavo^ ^aaCKeif^ 
Tifv avTOKpaTOpa elx^v apxv^) irpiaSeL^ TCTTapa^ €9 Bvfav- 
TM>v hr€fi/^aVf iiriaKoirov a<f)iac Tiva Beofievoi Bovvat' i^rct 
00TA9 fJ^h avTot^ t€/3e^9 ^v, T€T€X€VTi;ice* ov TToW^ TrpoT^pov^ 
"EyvcDaav Bk (09 Kal ^ASaayoi^ iepia /3aai\€if^ errefiy^e, Kal 
avTOi^ irpoOvfioTaTa ^lovaTivtavb^ /3aai,\€v^ iiriTcXrf iroi^rfaa^ 
TTfv Birfaiv aTreTrifi^aTO* — Bell. Gx)th. iv. 4. 

In the eighth century thej withstand the Khazars:— 
OSto9 6 i<rM>9 TraTTfp rffi&v 'la)am;9 irriaKoiro^ 9fv ToT0la^ 
irrl KcDvoTavTivov Koi AiovTO^ t&v fiaaCKifov, 6pfJuofjL€V0^ iK 
TTJq TTcpaTtKtf^ T&v TovpoaKvd&v yff^, Trj^ vwo Tifv %(opav 
t&v r6T0a>v T€\ovarf<;, ifiiropiov \€yofJLivov Tiap0€VLT&Vi 

♦ Probably allied to the Huns, 


AiovTo^ Kol 4>ft)Tetv^9 vio^ yeyovd^ . , • 6 Bk 5(rt09 oiro^ iirL- 
(Ttcoiro^ *l(odvyrj^ fierh ravra yxera rov IBiov \aov rol^ apxovai 
T&v Xa^dpoav i^eSodrf, Sia to avaradijvai airr^ tw Kvpltp 
ToT0ia^, Kot T0Z9 apxovacv airrov Kai iravTl t^ Xo^S, irpo^ 
t6 fiif KaTaKvpi€vaai rrj^ X^P^^ ain&v tov^ elprjfjiivov^ 
Xa^a/30t;9< ^AiroaTetka^ y^p 6 Xarydvo^ irapiXaSe to Kdarpov 
avT&v to Xeyo^evov Aopo^, Sifievo^ iv ain& ^vkaKa^; 
TofaTov9# 069 Kal i^cBlto^ev 6 elprffiivo^ Saio^ iirUrKoiro^ 
fieriL Tov \aov avTov, koX Tti^ j^Xrfo-ovpa^ iKpdTrja-ev. — Vit. 
S. Joannis, ex God. Vatic. ap. Boll. Jud. 5, 190, 191. 

A.D. 1265, they spoke G^erman : — " II y a des grands pro- 
montoires on caps snr cette mer depuis Kersona jusqu^^aux 
embouchures du Tanais et environ quarante chateaux entre 
Kersona et Soldaia, dont chacun a sa langue particuli^re. II 
y a aussi plusieurs Gothsj qui retimnent encore la langue 
Allemander — ^Beis. Bubruquis. 

So they did in 1436: — " Dritto delP isola di Capha 
d** intomo, ch** ^ su '1 mar maggiore, si truoua la Gothia^ e poi 
r Alania, laqual v^ per Tisola verso Moncastro . . Gothipar^ 
lano in Todesco. So questo, perche havendo un famiglio 
Todesco con me, parlauano insieroe et intendeuansi assai 
ragioneuolmente, cosi come sMntenderia un Furlano con un 
Fiorentino.'' — Josafa Barbaro. 

A.D. 1557 — 1564, Busbequius describes the appearance of 
one of them as '^ procerior, toto ore ingenuam quandam sim- 
plicitatem prse se ferens, ut Flander yideretur aut Batavus.'^ 
He further leamed — ^' gentem esse bellicosam, qusa complures 
pagos hodieque incoleret, ex quibus Tartarorum regulus, cum 
expediret, octingentos pedites sclopetarios scriberet, prsecipuum 
suarum copiamm firmamentum: primarias eoram urbes alteram 
Mancup vocari, alteram Sciuarinr 

Finally, he gives a short vocabulary of their language.— 
See Legatio Turcica. 

The nearest representatives of the proper Goths of the Lower 
Danube are these Goths of the Orimea, whose language is now 
said to be extinct, but who require further investigation. 

The Germans of both the Vicentine and the Crimeaare well 
authenticated, and unequivocally Germauic populations. This 
is not the case with — 


3. The Germans (?) of Camiola. — In Zeuss we have the 
following extract — one from an old, the other from a modem 
writer : — * 

a. Procop. Bell. Goth. i. 16, '^TTrepO^ S^ avr&v (Beyc- 
tIcdv) ^ia-Kiol T€ Kal ^ovdSot, {ov)^ ol ^pdyycjv KaTrjKooi, 
aXKa irapd, tovtov^ Srepoi) x^P^ '''^^ fJLcaoyeiov l^xpvin,, 
Kol virkp TOVTOv^ Kdpviol t€ koX NovpiKol tBpvrrai. 

b. Lazius de Migratione Gentinm : — ^' Quse declarant, 
Justiniano adhuc imperante Suevos ditionem in Libumia 
habuisse, interque Dravum Savumque amnes et Istriam 
rerum fnisse potitos. Imo adhuc nostra tempestate et reli- 
quias et posteritatem superesse constat, etsi a Slavinis in 
angustias redactam, locoque arcto ac nemoroso Gotschee con^ 
clmam^ nbi oppidulnm cum paucis castris, multisque pagis 
manet, quorum incolse in medio Slavinorum non solum Ger- 
manicam sonant, yemm etiam Suevicam pronunciationem prse- 
ferunt.''— P. 363. 

The name Gotsehee is mentioned bj Constantinus Porphyro- 
genita — Kal i Bodvo^ ain&v KpaT€t t^v KpiSaaav, t^v 
AtT^av, Kal T^v TovT^rjKa, — De Administ. Imp. c. 30. 

The term Gotechee is sufficiently like Gath to indicate 
an et jmology in that quarter ; but upon this Zeuss remarks 
that, '' this is no reason for so deriving it, since the form 
Goduscani * admits of another etymology, viz,, G6de8ca from 
g6d^ Jonw.'*''— ^" Der Name hat Anklang mit dem der Gothen, 
gibt aber darum noch keinen Grund zur Ableitung der Gotscheer 
aus diesem Volke, da die Schreibung Godttscani noch andere 
Etjmiologie {GSdisca aus g6d^ bonus) zulasst.^ — Zeuss, 691. 

It is more important to verify the statement of Lazius 
than to speculate on it; but it is so doubtiiil whether this 
can be done, that it is only because the Gotschee population 
has been recognized bj good writers as Germans, that it 
finds a place at all in the present volume. The following 
&cts stand against the extract from Lazius : — 

1. The absence of any other testimony to the previous 
existence of Gx)ths in Oamiola. 

2. The absence of any traces of them at present. 

♦ The Latin forro of the word. 


3. The likelihood of Procopius haviDg meant, by ^ovdSoi, 
the SlaTonians of the river Save ; whilst the similarity of 
tbe word to Suevi misled Lazins. 

4. The coDJunction of the Ootscheer^ as Goduscani^ with 
the Slavonic Ohotrites of the Danube (so-called), and the 
equally Slavonic Timociani^ in an embassj to Louis in 
A.D. 818, as well as in other Slavonic alliances. 



The firontier between the Germanic Thuringians, and the 
Slavonic Sorabians, or Sorbs, at the beginning of the his- 
torical period, was the river Saale. 

Yet there were Slavoniau populations west of this — even 
on the Upper Majne and Neckar, and in other quarters 
equallj Oermanic. 

Thus — " De possessionibus S. Bonfatii martjris praescrip- 
tus venerabilis Abbas Vuerinharius pari mutuatione con- 
cambii dedit in jus et proprietatem S. Mauritii martyris 
quicquid in Frekenleba, et Scekkensteti, Arneri, Lembeki et 
Faderesrod, Eerlingorod, Mannesfeld, Duddondorf, Bodon- 
vualli, Menstedi, Purtin et Elesleiba aliisque villis villa- 
rumqne partibus quas Slamtanica famUue inhabitant . . • 
visus est habere.'' — Docum, a.d. 973. 

And, again, earlier still, in a.d. 846. — " Qualiter 

donmus Earolus .... episcopis prsecepisset, ut in terra 
Sclavorum, qui sedent inter Moinum et B*adantiam fluvios, 
qui vocantur Moinurwinidi et Ratanz-winidi.^ 

Taken hy themselves^ these passages suggest the notion that, 
great as are the limitations placed by the present writer upon 
the accredited Germanic area of Tacitus, thej are still insuffi- 
cient ; in other words, that the Slavonic frontier sbould be 
brought even fnrther westward. 

Similar passages also occur in respect to the parts about 
the Hartz which {taken hy themsehes) lead to the same con- 

They must not, however, be taken by themselves. The 
system of military colonies, or, if not military colonies, of the 


forcible removal of conquered populations, which we find io 
have been practised bj the Eings of Persia and Assjria, was 
also practised bj the later Boman Emperors. It was also 
practised by more than one Germanic conqueror — though the 
exact time when the system began is difficult to ascertain. 
A sjstem, however, it was — ** Decem millia hominum ex his, 
qui utrasque ripas Albis fluminis incolebant, cum uxoribus et 
parvulis sublatos transtulit, et huc atque illuc per Galliam et 
Germaniam multimoda divisione distribuit.^^ 

This is related by Eginhard of the great enemj of the 
Saxons — Charlemagne. 

Again — ** Misit imperator (Gharlemagne also) scaras suas 
in Wimodia et in Hostingabi et in Bosogavi, ut illam gentem 
foras patriam transduceret ; nec non et illos Saxones, qui 
ultra Albiam erant, transduxit foras, et divisit eos in reg- 
num suum ubi voluit/^ — Ohronicon Moissiac. ad an. 804. 
(Pertz i. 307.) 

The following is a double removal : — ** ^state in Saxoniam 
ducto exercitu, omnes qui trans Albiam et in Wihmuodi 
habitabant Saxones cum mulieribus et infantibus transtulit in 
Franciam, et pagos transalbianos Abotridis dedit.^^ — Annal. 
Einhard. ad an. 804. (Pertz i. 191.) 

Lastly — ^' In diebus illis surrexerunt de populo Holzatorum 
amplius quam sexcentss familiao, transmissoque amne abierunt 
via longissima, quserentes sibi sedes opportunas, ubi fervorem 
persecutionis declinarent. Veneruntque in monles Harticos^ 
et manserunt ibi, ipsi et filii et nepotes eorum usque in hodier- 
num diem "— Helm. Ghron. Slav. i. 26. 

The Frisians, Dutch, and Saxons seem to have been the 
chief colonists of this kind : — ^^ Neque illse fraudes locorum, 
nec . . perfugia silvarum barbaros tegere potuerunt, quominus 
ditioni tuse divinitatis omnes sese dedere cogerentur, et cum 
conjugiis ac liberis, ceteroque examine necessitudi/num ac rerum 
suarum ad loca olim deserta transirent^ ut quse fortasse ipsi 
quondam deprsedando vastaverant, culta redderent serviendo : 
arat ergo nunc mihi Chamavus et Frisius et ille vagus, ille 
prsedator exercitio squalidus operatur et frequentat nundinas 
meas pecore venali, et cultor barbarus laxat annonam.^^ — 
Eumenii Panegyr. in Maxim. cc. 8, 9. 


For the particular colony of the Warasci, see note in v. 

In the same neighbourhood (t.^., on the Doubs) were 
several pagi of — 

a. The Commamy Amavi^ taking aa a later form, the name 
pagus Ammaus^ Emaus^ and AmausenM — 

l. The Athoariiy Attoarii^ Hatuarii^ or Hatoarii. 

There can be little doubt but that these were Chamavi 
and CAattuarii remoVed from their original localities. 

The detail of such colonies is a point of minute ethnology . 
They are mentioned here, however, for the sake of showing 
that the preseuce of certain populations in certain localities, 
is to be taken with caution. They may exist without the 
parts about them being similarly occupied. In which case 
the population is sporadic. 

Now, in order to constitute a true ethnological area, a 
population must not be isolated, unconnected, or sporadic^ but 


The Germany of Tacitus extends from the Bhine to the 
parts about the amber-country of Courland on the north, and 
as far as Gallicia on the south : to each of which conntries 
we have special allusions. 

For the intermediate portion of Europe, the frontier is 
carried at least as far as the most eastem of these points ; and 
possibly farther — ^possibly farther, because the central nation 
of the Lygii^ whose country coincides with the modern king- 
dom of Poland, is described as a large one. 

Wjth these limits it includes Mecklenburg, Brandenburg, 
Pomerania, East and West Prussia, Saxony, Silesia, Bohemia, 
and Poland. 

By the Germany of Tacitus, I mean Tacitus according to 
the usual interpretation ; without either affirming or denying 
that his text reqnires this extent of country to verify it. 




It by no means follows that, becanse the Germania of 
Tacitiis constitutes a very large tract of country, the whole of 
the area occapied by the Germanic stock was therefore known 
to that anthor. 

He writes that it was separated from Dacia and Sarmatia 
montihus aut mutuo metu, 

This is not the language of a preciee geographer — ^indeed, 
precise geography for the parts in question was in Tacitus^s 
time an impossibility. 

Hence, any writer who may hold that there was a Germany 
or Germans, either to the north or to the east of the limits 
ascribed in the Germania^ holds nothing unreasonable. The 
Dacians and Sarmatians might only have interrupfed the out- 
line of that area ; in which case Germans might re^ppear on 
the Lower Danube, or in Westem Bussia, Germans of whom 
Tacitus knew nothing, and of whom he had lost sight on 
reaching the Dacian and Sarmatian frontier. 

There is nothing unreasonable in all this ; and the likelihood 
of the Germanic area of Taeitus being smaller^ is just as open 
a question as the likelihood of its being larger^ than the real 
one. ludividually, I believe it to be too wide ;* but that is 
no reason why others should not consider it too narrow. 

This has been done. The greatest authority of Germany 
has expended much learning and ingenuity (language more 
favourable than this cannot be applied to even the arguments 
of the great author of the Deutsche Grammatik) on what 
may be called the Getic hypothem. 

Let it be admitted that the chances against the name of a 
locality reached by a body of emigrants, invaders, or con- 
querors, being identical with that of the locality from which 
those emigrants, invaders, or conquerors started, are almost 

Thus, the chances are almost infinite against the native 
New Zealand name of the locality of the present settlement 

* Though only in its easttrn dircction. Its northem arca was too small. 


of Ganterburj, being Ganterbnry also. Nor yet any name 
very similar to it, snch as Cankrherg^ Kentbury^ 8ec. 

Though this is an extreme case, it illustrates the points of 
qnestion — ^it being assumed, of course, that the similarity is 
wholly accidental. If Englishmen had been there previously, 
the case would be different. The similarity would then be 
other than accidental ; and a connexion of some sort or other 
between the district in which the settlement took place, and the 
district Arom which thesettlers originated would account for it. 

No one imagines Boston in Massachusets to be a native 
Indian name. Yet why should it not be so ! Not because 
the combination was either impossible or improbable for an 
Indlan ; but because it is the name of a town in England — 
from whenee some of the settlers came, or upon which they 
had their eye. Such is the fact ; and it is a fact which 
we should have been nearly as sure of, if the details of the 
foundation of Boston of Massachusets were unknown, as we 
are now. 

The presence of Englishmen in the two Bostons would 
have been conclusive ; the chances against a people con- 
nected with one Boston £EdIing in accidewtaily with another 
BostoD ready-made (as it were) in respect to name, being 
incalculably great. 

But what if the Boston in Massachusets were the older 
name of the two ! Diffieulties wonld arise. We could not 
then derive it from the Boston in Lincolnshire. 

It is not necessary to carry this hypothetical illustration 
fjEirther : mutatis mutcmdisj the argument which it involves 
applies to the Goths and the Geta. 

a. The names are alike : indeed by the later writers Get^e 
is used as equivalent to Gothic ; and in Pliny we find Gauda 
by the side of Gette. 

6. The supposed country of the Goths is Germany : the 
undoubted couutry of the Geta is the Lower Danube. 

c. Of the two names that of the Geta is the older. 

In this case we really hav^j^ie,.5)ifficulty so lately indicated. 

Emigrants, with the name Gothi, leave Germany ; and, of 
all the countries in the world, settle in one belonging to a 
people with a name so like their own as tliat of the Geta acci- 


dentally. It may safely be said, that if this has happened at 
alU it has happened against great odds. 

Yet the solution is obscure ; we cannot well suppose the 
Cfothi to have migrated from the land of the Geta ; whilst 
the notion that the Geta came firom the GotAi^ is set aside by 
the greater antiquity of the former name (Geta). 

Is there any other explanation i 

In what may be called the Getic hypothesis, it is held that 
the Goths were 6et®, and the Getae Gt^ths, Jram the le^ 
giwning ; in other words, the second of the assumed facts is 
deniedy mz.^ the origin of the Goths in Germany, and the mi- 
gration from that country. There was no migration at all. The 
Goths were on the Lower Danube firom the beginning, and they 
were known to the earlier Greek and Latin writers as G^t®. 

Such the doctrine. Now, as there is the evidence of more 
than one good writer of antiquity, as to the Thracians being in 
the same category with the Getse, the Thracians must have 
been Gothic as well. Hence the questions involved in the 
hypothesis in question are of considerable magnitude. 

Such is the point of view firom which the views developed 
in Grimm^^s History of the German Language, must be 
seen in the first instance. The details by which it is sup- 
ported are elaborate, but eminently unsatisfactory. Beasons 
for thinking them unnecessary are given in the sequel,* where 
the difficulty arising firom the similarity of name is admitted, 
but differently explained. 



The natives of the British Principality are called by the 
English Wehh. They call themselves Kymry. 

The natives of the rest of South Britain call themselves 
English, Their Welsh (Kymry) neighbours call them Sasee- 
fiaeh = Saxons, So do the Scotch and Irish Gaels. So do 
the Manksmen of the Isle of Man. 

The Germans call themselves Deuteche, The English cail 
no one but the people of Holland Dutch^ They call the 
other allied families Germans. 

* Epilcgomena, in § on thc Gotht. 


The people of Finland call themselves Quains. Most of 
their neighbours eall them Finns, 

The Laplanders call themselves Salme (Sdme), The Nor- 
wegians call them Finns. Finm&vk means Zo^mark. 

The hill-tribes of India have no collective name at all. 
Eaeh tribe has its separate denomination. The colleetive 
names Khmd^ Bhily SUr^ &c., are all Hindu. 

The Slavonians vary the name with the nation. The 
Germans they call Niemcy^ the Finns Tshud. 

The Germans eall all Slavonians Wends. No Slavonian 
calls himself so. 

This list of the difference between native and foreign 
designations might be greatly extended. The present in- 
stances merely illustrate the extent^ to which the difference 

In ancient writers we are seldom sure of the name applied 
to a given population being native. We should rather look 
for it in the language of the population that supplied the 

From which it follows that we can rarely assume that any 
name belongs to the language of the population to which 
it applies; and this creates a difficulty too often overlooked. 

I never aUow myself to assume this indigenous origin of a 
national name, except under the following circumstances:-^ 

1. When the information conceming a nation is known to 
be drawn from the nation itself at first*hand. — Thus, all that 
Casar writes concerning the Germans I attribute to Gallic 
sonrces ; and, consequently, assume the names to be Gallic 
also. They may be German as well ; but this is an accident. 
He may also in certain exceptional cases have taken the 
German designation. The general rule, however, is, that 
the name belongs to the language of the informants. 

2. When the name has a meaning in the language to 
which it applies. — Thus, Maro-o-^manni is so truly German 
that, even in Gsesar, I believe it to be native. How oflen it 
may be safe to assume such a meaning is another question. 

3. When the name is one out of two or many. — Believ- 
ing (as, with many better judges, I do) that the words 
Catti and Suevi are different names for the same people, and 



also believing that, next to the Gauls, the Germans them- 
selves supplied the Bomans mth information conceming 
Germany, I consider it more likely that one of the two 
should be German and native, than that either the Germans 
or the Gauls should have used two synonymous designations. 

4. When the name of the nation is the same as that of 
some national hero. — Thus, the fact that the Greeks recog- 
nized Hellm as the patriarch of their stock would, even if it 
stood alone, be good reason for considering the name HeUenes 
to be indigenous. 

5. When the name contains a sound found in the language 
to which it applies, but not found in the language of the 
most likely iuformauts — E.g,^ I believe the word Thule to 
have beeu taken direct from some Norse informant, because 
it contains the Norse sound of ]> {th)^ a sound too rare to be 
supposed to haye come from another language. 

6. When the name is very particular and specifie The 

names that one nation gives another are mostly generie and 
eollective. They have seldom a vocabulary sufficiently iull 
for the divisions and subdivisions of any family but their 
own. Ou the other hand, a very generic and collective 
power is primd facie evidence of the name to which it i» 
attached not being native. 

Writers, from whom it is unsafe to diffeiv-as far as they 
go on any principles at all, and exercise any doubt whatever 
upon the subject — will possibly add another characteristic of 
indigenous use. They may consider that the general and 
undoubted vemacular use of a given name at one period may 
be a conclusive argument in favour of its vemacular use 
originally. The natural reluctance of a whole nation to take 
to itself a designation given it by another, may be urged in 
favour of this view. I submit, that this is entirely a ques- 
tion of degree ; and that it depends on the relative influence 
and importance of the two nations involved. The modera 
name Belgiwn is, undoubtedly, anything but native, «.«., in 
its immediate application. It is a Boman word, in a Boman 
form, and all that can be said in favour of its Belgic character 
is, that the country to which it applies supplied the Latin 
language with the most essential part of it. Nevertheless, it 


18 a word of Roman make ; one which never has been deve- 
loped in the country itself. 

That it is foreign we know ; and we know it becanse it 
has been assigned within the memorj of man. But what if 
it had been assigned in the obscure days of the third and 
fourth centuries! It would undoubtedly have passed for 

At the same time I admit that, in order for one nation to 
adopt the name by which it is known to another, there 
must be a verj favourable combination of circumstances ; 
e.g. — 

a. There must be a considerable difference in the power 
of the two populations; the weaker taking the name from 
the stronger only when the fact of its relative weakness 
is evident. 

h, Or there must be intermixture. 

c. Or there must be more than one nation to use the 
foreign term, whilst only one upholds the native. 

Gontrary to many, I am dissatisfied with the evidence which 
makes two very important words native and G^rman — 
Suabia (Suevi) and Saxon. I think each of these was di- 
rectly Boman^ and remotely Kdtic. Hence, to the objection 
against their n(m-Germanic character, founded upon their 
undoubted adoption by undoubted Oerman populations, I 
suggest the fact that their adoption was favoured by the 
support of two languages (the Boman and the Keltic) against 
the German single-handed. 

More specific reasons will be found in the sequel.* At 
present I merely illustrate a line of criticism. 


The etymology of national names is generally considered 
a powerful instrument in ethnological research. 

It is doubtful, however, whether much has been done by it. 

Few writers admit any one's etjrmologies but their own. 
This is a proof of the arbitrary method in which the practice 
is carried out. 

* EpUegomena, § Suevi. 

€ 2 


In the name Cherusci some of the best writers of G^rmany 
find the root heru = 8tDord. Hence, the Gherusci are swords, 
and, by extension, swords-men. 

But there is another nation mentioned by Tacitus, cailed 
Suardrones. Suard^^sword; and, henee, Cherusci^Suard- 
oneSj and vice versd. 

Thirdly, ss sahs^dagger ; dagger^eunyrd^ the Saxons are 
the men of the sahs. Hence, Saxon^Suardones^Cherueci^ 
and the three tribes are the same. 

I give tbis as an illustration of an investigation ; valuable, 
if true. But the truth is doubtiiil. 

In most investigations of this sort, two series of facts are 

1. The language to which the derivational process is 
applied. — How many have sought for a German meaning 
to the word Germani^ without submitting it to the previous 
inquiry as to whether the name were German at all. 

2. The likelihood of the name itself. — I will not deny 
that nations may be found who give themselves such names 
as Sword^ Dagger^ Knife^ &c. I only argue that the induction 
by which such names can be shown fitting to an unknown 
case, has yet to be made. 

A fact that eminently invalidates this kind of criticism, 
is the habit of numerous nations themselves. Many of them 
are so far from supposing that their name has an intelligible 
origin, that they exhibit an unconscious confession of their 
ignorance. The Greeks (for instance) and many Oriental 
nations explain their name by supposing that it is that of 
the patriarch of their stock — their eponymus. Thus the 
ffellenes derive themselves from Bellen^ the Turks ftom 
Turk^ &c. They would not do this if, in the full command 
of their own tongue, and in a period comparatively near 
the origin of their name, there was some custom or attri- 
bute oonnected with themselves which would explain it 

I think the etymology of simple uncompounded national 
names dangerous and unscientific. In a few cases it is admis- 
sible — ^but only in a few, In the present volume I adopt the 
accredited meaning of three simple uncompotmded names only 


— Franis,* jEsiyijf Jazjfge8.\ With eompaunds and deri- 
vativeSy it is different. One part of the word helps to verify 
another, and so error gets gnarded against. 

In campound words, then, only — such as Marc^-manni^ 
and Bai(hAemum (with the three exceptions given above) 
shall I allow myself to argue from the etjmology to anj 
olterior conclusion. 


In respect to its form, Marc-o-manni is one of the most 
satisfactory words of antiquity. 

It first appears in Ga3sar's notice of the subjects and 
allies of Ariovistus. The &ct of Gsesar''^ informants being 
Oauls, and the greater part of his nomenclature being Gallic, 
18 the only difficulty that accompanies the notion of the 
G^rman being the langnage in which its meaning is to be 

But this is only the shadow of a shade ; inasmuch as the 
undoubtedly G^rman authorities, in which it afterwards 
occurs, do away with all doubt as to the tongue to which it 

Nevertheless, why this should be Grerman, when Csesar^s 
other names are Gallic, is not so easy to say. 

Its form is ftiU and perfect. There are the two elements 
which make it a compound (mark + man) and the copula 
(-0-) which connects them. 

Mark=marehi and mann^man^ so that Marc-o-manni 
ssmen o/ihe marches. 

From this derivation I draw three points of great im- 
portance in the practice of ethnological criticism, points 
which, so fiEU* as I am aware, have never been sufficieutly 
attended to ; at any rate, they have never been made the 
basis of so much inference as they will be in the foUowing 


1. The first of these is the possibility of the number of 
Marc-o-manni being numerous ; as numerous as the number 

* See ^iUgomemy § Fraftks. t Sce Notc ad, voc, 

t See Page 16. 


of the marches. Something of the klDd has been admitted; 
and Marehmenj over and above thoee of Ariovistus and tlie 
Marcomannic war, have been recognised. But not to the 
extent necessary to do away with the difficulties of the 
question. The Gtdlic march, on the confines of Germany and 
Gaul — the Slavonic march, falling into different divisions 
according to the different parts of the lengthy frontier — the 
Boman march, on the confines of those parts of Vindelicia, 
and the Decumates Agri which acknowledged the supremacy 
of the empire — and the Northem march, on the side of the 
unascertained firontier of Sleswick-Hobtein — each, or any of 
these, maj have supplied the name Marc-o-mcmni. I do not 
say that they all have done so. I only say that such may 
have been the case. If so, how hasty it is to assume tbat 
the Marc-iHnanni of different times and different localities are 
one and the same representatives of a separate substantive 
nation as truly as Gberusci or Ghamavi are — locomotive, 
migratory, and well-nigh ubiquitous. No one in England 
imagines that the history of the Welsh Marehmeny is that 
of the Marchmen of the Scottish border, and that the fi*ont- 
agers which we find in Shropshire and Ghester, are descend- 
ants of those of Westmoreland and Gumberland; bodily 
moved from one area to another by migration — or, vice f^ersd. 
No ! There were as many Marchmen as MarcheSy and as 
many Marches as firontiers. I do not, at present, say that 
the Marcomanni of Ariovistus and the Marcomanni of Maro- 
boduus belonged to different sections of the Germanic stock ; 
since what is written, at present, is meant as an illustration 
rather than an argument. I only say that it is likely that 
they did so — the one being the Marcbmen of the Gallic, the 
other the Marchmen of the Bhieto-Vindelican, or Bhaeto- 
Pannonian march; possibly as different firom each other as 
the retainers of the ancient lords of the marches of Alnwick 
and Ludlow respectively. 

2. The next is the strong likelihood of the great majority 
of the marches of the ancient Marc(manni coinciding with 
the boundaries of different Btocks^ races^ varieties^ or whatever 
we call those great divisions of the human species which we 
designate by tlie terms Gothic, Slavonic, and Keltic. I say 


greai likeUhoody because I am unwilling to overstate tbe case. 
Marks of minor magnitude may have existed — marks between 
different members of the same stock ; between, for instance, 
the Gatti and Ghemsci, the Cherusci and Ghauci, &c. This, 
again, is what we find at home. The Welsh marches sepa- 
rated the Saxon from the Eelt : the Scottish, the southron 
Saxon from the northem. Still I think that the existence of 
a march, sufficiently important to be mentioned by the Boman 
historians, is primd /acie evidenee of the existence of an 
ethnological difference of considerable magnitude. 

3. The third is the linear character of the dimensions of a 
march. A boundary which separates one area from another 
is surely narrower than either of the areas which it separates. 
A march as broad as it is long is no march at all. To this, 
however, there is an objection. One nation may so encroach 
npon another that the march, or line of boundaries, is con- 
tinually advancing. Now if the name be retained whilst the 
line becomes protraded, the hreadth of a march may become 
as notable as its length. Thus, if the North American 
settlers had called each county which abutted on the Indian 
frontier the march^ and if those counties had retained their 
names, there would now be a series of areas, so named, 
reaching from the Atlantic to the Bocky Mountains. And 
this is really the case in Germany, where we have the oldest 
line of frontier between the Slavonians and Germans, called 
AU-mark (the oJ^march) ; the next, MitteUmark (the middle 
march) ; and the third, Ucker-mark the march of the Ucrii 
(a Slavonic population so-called). 

4. There is also another element of uncertainty. Suppose 
the Humber was called the river March, The people on it 
might be called Marchmen^ though not on a march. In such 
a case, certain Yorkshiremen would appear to form the fron- 
tier, when, really, they did not do so. By this, the writer 
who argued from the name only would imagine that the 
non-English area began at HuII instead of at Boxburgh ; 
and the English area would lose all Yorkshire, Durham, and 

Now, reverse this supposition, and let the Spey be called 
the March, In this case, the men on its banks would appear 


to fonn the frontier, when, really, it was on the Tweed. By 
this, the writer, who argued from the name only, would ima- 
gine that the non-English area was at Gromarty instead of 
Boxborgh, and the English area would lose all Fife, Aber- 
deen, and the Lothians. 

Now Maros^ a word not unlike March^ is the name of the 
river of Moravia, and Moravia is in the neighboarhood of the 

Notwithstanding these objections, I shall nse the term 
Marc-o-manni as an instrument of criticism, and (to antici- 
pate) Bohemia b the country in which it will most especially 
be applied. 


It is probable that I may appear too careless about the 
size I give to certain ethnological areas, e.ff.^ the Frisian, the 
Slavonic, and others ; so as to look like a writer who finds 
his Frisians, his Slavonians, or his any other equally-favoured 
nation everywhere. 

To anticipate tbis, I remark, that not only are large areas 
— areas far larger than any given to any population in the 
following pages — the commonest of ethnological phenomena, 
but that they generally stand in the neighbourhood of small 
ones ; so that the contrast between a multiplicity of ethno- 
logical difierences within a small area, and great ethnological 
uniformity over a large one, is the normal condition of the 
world. Thus — 

a. In Asia — the vast Turk, Mongol, Ghinese, and Persian 
areas, are contrasted witb the small ones of the Caucasian, 
Himalayan, and Siberian populations. 

i. In Africa — the Berber and Kafire are similarly great ; 
the Felup, Sapi, Nalu, &c., similarly small. 

e. In America — the Eskimo, Athabaskans, Algonkins, and 
Guarani take up half of the contineut. On the lower Missis- 
sippi there are eight or ten mutually unintelligible tongues 
within an area the size of Yorkshire. 




Of 80 much more importance than the remarks of all other 
writers npon G^rmany are those of Caesar, that the chief 
extracts from the Bellum Gallicum bearing upon that countrj 
will be given in extenso. They require, however, certain 
preliminary remarks. 

First comes the distinction between what Csesar observed 
for himself and what he learned firom others. Of these latter, 
his chief informants were Gauls, and chief amongst the Gauls, 
most probably, Divitiacus the ^duan. The parts of Ger- 
many which an ^duan would best understand would be 
those of the Middle Bhine — Hesse, Franconia, and the 
northem parts of Suabia. The name by which these Ger- 
mans were known was Suevi. 

Another point to notice, is the likelihood of the Grermans 
thus described having spoken Gallic to the Gauls, instead of 
the Gauls having leamed German : inasmuch as there is the 
special statement that Ariovistus spoke the language of the 
country he had invaded ; and that it was in Gallic that he 
made himself intelligible to the Bomans. There is no evi- 
dence of any Gaul speaking German. 

Hence, it will not be surprising if many of the names in 
Ceesar are as little German as the name Wehh is Cambrian. 
Without, at present, saying how far such is the case, it is 
enough to remark that, amongst the German populations of 
Csesar, there is only one whereof the name is unequivocally 
German, as tested by its stmcture and etymology. This 
word is Marcomanni^ Marchmen^ or men o/ the boundaries. 

Of the Germans of Ariovistus, Csesar'*^ knowledge was 
personal; but these were intrusive emigrants rather tban 
trae Germans, «.tf., Germans in a Gallic locality, and (proba- 
bly for that reason) partially Gallicised. Tbe Germans for 
the parts between Bonn and Nimeguen, were also similarly 

Lastly, he speaks from his study of previous writers, 
quotiug Eratosthenes for the extent and name of the 
Hercynian forest. 


Tbat Gsesar was tlie chief first-band authority for the 
main details coDcemiDg early Germany, is evident ; at the 
same time it is Dot in Gsesar that the classification into 
Inga^vones, Istsevones, &c., is to be found. Neither is it in 
Gsesar that the parts which were not visited nntil after his 
time are described. The broad distinction between Gttnl and 
German is his ; the Graul being taken as the type. 

The extent to which the names in Gsesar differ from 
those of Tacitus creates certain slight diffienlties. His no- 
mention of the Catti is a most remarkable instance of this. 
That Gsesar^s names are chiefly Gallic, whilst Tacitus^s are 
Germanic, is, in the mind of the present writer, the chief 
explanation here. 

The greatest difficulty lies in the second and third ex- 
tracts, wherein certain Belgian populations are made G^r- 
man. I can only reconcile this with the great preponderance 
of evidence in favour of the Belgse being CrauU^ by consider- 
ing the term Belgie in the book of Gaesar to be political 
rather than ethnological ; in other words, to denote a con^ 
federaiion rather than a homogeneous nation. At the same 
time we may admit both intermixture * and intrusion. 

These preliminaries precede the foUowing extracts; the 
criticism of which will find its place in different parts of the 
body of the book. 


XXX. Bello Helvetiorum confecto, totius fere Gallise 
legati, principes civitatum, ad Gsesarem gratulatuw conve- 
nerunt: "intelligere sese, tametsi, pro veteribus Helvetiorum 
injuriis populi Bomani, ab iis pcenas bello repetisset, tamen 
eam rem non minus ex usu terrse Gallise, quam populi Bo- 
raani accidisse , propterea quod eo consilio florentissimis rebus 
domos suas Helvetii reliquissent, uti toti Gallise bellum in- 
ferrent, imperioque potirentur, locumque domicilio ex magna 
copia deligerent, quem ex omni Gallia opportunissimum ac 
fructuosissimum judicassent, reliquasque civitates stipen- 
diarias haberent.'*" Petierunt, '' uti sibi concilium totius Gallise 
in diem certam indicere, idque Csesaris vohmtate facere 

* Sce Epilegomenu, § on the Quuii-Gcrmank populatiom. 




liceret : sese habere quasdam res, quas ex commuiii consensu 
ab eo petere yellent.''^ Ea re pennissa, diem concilio con- 
stituerunt et jurejurando, ne quis enunciaret, nisi quibus 
communi consilio mandatum esset, inter se sanxerunt. 

XXXI. Eo conciiio dimisso, iidem principes civitatum, 
qui ante fuerant ad Gffisarem, reverterunt petieruntque, 
uti sibi secreto in occulto de sua omniumque salijte cum eo 
agere licer^t. Ea re impetrata, sese omnes flentes Csesari ad 
pedes projecerunt : ^^ non minus se id contendere et laborare, 
ne ea, quse dixissent, enunciarentur, quam uti ea, qu» vellent, 
impetrarent, propterea quod, si enunciatum esset^ summum 
in cruciatum se Tenturos viderent.'*^ Locutus est pro his 
Divitiacus ^duus : ^^ GalliaQ totius factiones esse duas ; 
harum alterius principatum tenere ^duos, alterius Aryemos. 
Hi quum tantopere de potentatu inter se multos annos conten- 
derent, &ctum esse, uti ab Arvernis Sequanisque Germani 
mercede arcesserentur. Horum primo circiter mima xv. 
Bhenum transisse : posteaquam agros et cultum et eopias 
Gallorum homines feri ac barbari adamassent, transductos 
plures ; nunc esse in Grallia ad c. et xx. millium numerum : 
cum his ^duos eorumque clientes semel atque iterum armis 
contendisse : magnam calamitatem pulsos accepisse, omnenx 
nobilitatem, omnem senatum, omnem equitatum amisisse. 
Quibus proeliis calamitatibusque fractos, qui et sua virtute, et 
populi Bomani hospitio atque amicitia plurimum ante in 
Grallia potuissent, coactos esse Sequanis obsides dare, nobi- 
lissimos ciyitatis, et jurejurando ciyitatem obstringere, sese 
neque obsides repetituros, neque auxilium a populo Bomano 
imploraturos, neque recusaturos, quo minus perpetuo sub 
illorum ditione atque imperio essent. (Jnum se esse ex omni 
civitate ^duorum, qui adduci non potuerit, ut juraret, aut 
liberos suos obsides daret. Ob eam rem se ex civitate pro- 
fugisse et Bomam ad senatum venisse, auxilium postulatum, 
quod solus neque jurejurando neque obsidibus teneretu];^ Sed 
pejus victoribus Sequanis, quam ^duis victis, accidisse, prop- 
terea quod Ariovistus, rex Germanorum, in eorum finibus 
consedisset tertiamque partem agri Sequoni, qui esset pptimus 
totius Grallise, occupavisset et nunc de altera parte tertia 
Sequanos decedere juberet, propterea quod paucis mensibus 


ante ffarudum^ millia hominum xxiv. ad eum veuissent, 
quibus locus ac sedes pararentur. Futurum esse paucis 
annis, uti omnes ex Gallise finibus pellerentur atque onmes 
Oermani Bhenum transirent : neque enim conferendum esse 
Gallicum cum Germanorum agro, neque hanc consuetudinem 
victus cum illa comparandam. Ariovistum autem, ut semel 
Gallorum copias proelio vicerit, quod proelium factum sit ad 
Magetobriam, superbe et crudeliter imperare, obaides nobi- 
lissimi cujusque liberos poscere et in eos omnia exempla 
cruciatusque edere, si qua res non ad nutum aut ad volun- 
tatem ejus facta sit: hominem esse barbarum, iracundum, 
temerarium : non posse ejus imperia diutius sustineri. Nisi si 
quid in Gsesare populoque Bomano sit auxilii, omnibus GbXWs 
idem esse faciundum, quod HelTetii fecerint, ut domo 
emigrent, aliud domicilium, alias sedes, remotas a Germanis 
petant fortunamque, qusecumque accidat, experiantur. Hsec 
si enunciata ArioTisto sint, non dubitare, quin de omnibus 
obsidibus, qui apud eum sint, gravissimum supplicium sumat. 
Gsesarem vel auctoritate sua atque exercitus, vel recenti 
victoria, vel nomine populi Bomani deterrere posse, ne major 
multitudo Germanorum Bhenum transducatur ; Galliamque 
omnem ab Ariovisti injuria posse defendere.^ 

XXXII. Hac oratione ab Divitiaco habito, omnes, qui 
aderant, magno fletu auxilium a Gaesare petere coeperunt. 
Animadvertit Gsesar, unos ex omnibus Sequanos nihil earum 
rerum facere, quas ceteri facerent, sed tristes, capite demisso, 
terram intueri. Ejus rei caussa qu» esset miratus ex ipsis 
qusesiit. Nihil Sequani respondere, sed in eadem tristitia 
taciti permanere. Quum ab iis ssepius queereret, neque ullam 
omnino vocem exprimere posset, idem Divitiacus ^duus 
respondit : ^' Hoc esse miseriorem gravioremque fortunam 
Sequanorum prse reliquorum, quod soli ne in occulto quidem 
queri, neque auxilium implorare auderent, absentisque Ario- 
visti crudelitatem, velut si coram adesset, horrerent : prop- 
terea quod reliquis tamen fugse &culta8 daretur ; Sequanis 
vero, qui intra fines suos Ariovistum recepisseut, quorum 
oppida omnia in potestate ejus essent, onmes cruciatus essent 

* When a name is printed in Italics, it will bc noticed in thc EpUegomena, 


XXXIII. His rebas cognltis, Csesar Gallorum animos 
verbis confirmavit, polHcitusque est, sibi eam rem euras 
itituram : magnam se habere spem, et beneficio suo, et auc- 
toritate adductum Ariovistum finem injuriis facturum. Hac 
oratione habita, concilium dimisit, et secundum ea multce res 
eum hortabantur, quare sibi rem cogitandam et suscipiendam 
putaret ; imprimis quod ^duos, firatres consanguineosque 
ssepenumero a senatu adpellatos, in servitute atque in ditione 
videbat Germanorum teneri, eorumque obsides esse apud 
Ariovistum ac Sequanos intelligebat : quod in tanto imperio 
populi Bomani turpissimum sibi et reipublicffi esse arbitra- 
batur. Paullatim autem Germanos consuescere Bhenum 
transire ; et in Gralliam magnam eorum multitudinem venire, 
populo Bomano periculosum videbat : neque sibi homines 
feros ac barbaros, temperaturos existimabat, quin, quum 
omnem Gralliam occupassent, nt ante Gimbri Teutonique 
fecissent, in provinciam exirent atque inde in Italiam conten- 
derent ; prsesertim quum Sequanos a provincia nostra Bhoda- 
nus divideret. Quibus rebus quam maturime occurrendum 
putabat. Ipse autem Ariovistus tantos sibi spiritus, tantam 
adrogantiam sumserat, ut ferendus non videretur. 

XXXIV. Quamobrem placuit ei, ut ad Ariovistum 
legatos mitteret, qui ab eo postularent, uti aliquem locum 
medium utriusque coUoquio diceret ; velle sese de republica 
et summis utriusque rebus cum eo agere. Ei legationi Ario- 
vistus respondit : ^^ Si quid ipsi a Gsesare opus esset, sese ad 
eum venturum fuisse ; si quid ille se velit, illum ad se venire 
oportere. Prseterea se neque sine exercitu in eas partes 
Gallise venire audere, qnas Gsesar possideret ; neque exercitum 
sine magno oommeatu atque emolimento in unum locum 
contrahere posse : sibi autem mirum videri, quid in sua 
Gkdlia, quam bello vicisset, aut Gsesari, aut omnino populo 
Bomano negotii esset.'^ 

XXXV. His responsis ad Gsesarem relatis, iterum ad 
eum Gsesar legatos cum his mandatis mittit : ^^ Quoniam tanto 
suo populique Bomani beneficio adfectus, quum in consulatu 
suo rex atque amicus a senatu adpellatus esset, hanc sibi 
populoque Bomano gratiam referret, ut in colloquium venire 
invitatus gravaretur, neque de communi re dicendum sibi et 


cognoscendam putaret ; hasc esse, qase ab eo postalaret ; 
primam, ne qaam hominam maltitadinem amplias trans 
Bhenam in Galliam transdaceret : deinde obsides, qaos 
haberet ab iSduis, redderet Seqaanisqae permitteret, at, qaos 
illi haberent, voluntate ejus reddere illis liceret ; neve .^klaos 
in jaria lacesseret, neve his sociisve eornm bellum inferret : si 
id ita fecissit, sibi popaloque Bomano perpetnam gratiam 
atqae amicitiam cam eo Aitaram : si non impetraret, sese, 
quoniam M. Messala, M. Pisone Goss. senatus censuisset, ati, 
quicomqae Gralliam provinciam obtineret, quod commodo 
reipublica) facere posset, iBduos ceterosque amicos popoli Bo- 
mani defenderet, sese ^duorum injurias non neglecturum.^^ 

XXXVI. Ad hsec Ariovistus respondit : " Jus esse 
belli, ut, qui vicissent, iis, quos vicissent, quemadmodum 
vellent, imperarent : item populum Bomanum victis non ad 
alterius prsescriptum, sed ad suum arbitrium imperare con* 
suesse. Si ipse populo Bomanp non prsescriberet, quemad- 
modum suo jure uteretur; non oportere sese a populo 
Bomano In suo jnre impediri. iSduos sibi, quoniam belli 
fortunam tentassent et armis congressi ac superati essent, 
stipendiarios esse factos. Magnam Gsesarem injuriam facere, 
qui suo adventu vectigalia sibi deteriora faceret. iSduis se 
obsides redditurum non esse, neque iis, neque eorum sociis 
injuria bellum illaturum, si in eo manerent, quod convenisset, 
stipendiumque quotannis penderent ; si id non fecissent, 
longe iis fratemum nomen populi Bomani afuturum. Quod 
sibi Gsesar denunciaret, se iSduorum injurias non neglectumm ; 
neminem secum sine sua pernicie contendisse. Quum vellet, 
eongrederetur ; intellecturum, quid invicti Germani exercita- 
tissimi in armis, qui inter annos quatuordecim tectum non 
subissent virtute possent.'^ 

XXXVII. Heec eodem tempore Gsesari mandata refere- 
bantur, et legati ab iSduis et a Treviris veniebant : JEdm 
questum, quod Harudes, qui nuper in Galliam transportati 
essent, fines eorum popularentur ; sese ne obsidibus quidem 
datis pacem Ariovisti redimere potuisse : Treviri autem, 
pagos centum Suevorum ad ripas Bheni' consedisse, qui 
Bhenum transire conarentur; iis prseesse Nasuam et Gim- 
berium fratres. Quibus rebus Caesar vehementer conmiotus. 


matarandam sibi existimavit, ne^ si noya manns Saeyornm 
cnm veteribns eopiis Ariovisti sese conjunxisset, minus facile 
resisti posset. Itaque re frumentaria, quam celerrime potuit, 
comparata, magnis itineribus ad Arioyistum contendit. 

XXXVIII. Quum tridui viam processisset, nunciatum 
est ei, Ariovistum cum suis omnibus copiis ad occupandum 
Vesontionem, quod edt oppidum maximum Sequanorum, con- 
tendere, triduique viam a suis finibus processisse. Id ne acci- 
deret, magno opere sibi preecayendum Csesar existimabat : 
naroque omnium renim, quse ad bellum usui erant, summa 
erat in eo oppido facultas ; idque natura loci sic muniebatur, 
ut magnam ad ducendum bellum daret facultatem, propterea 
quod fiumen Dubis, ut circino, circumductum, psene totum 
oppidum cingit : reliquum spatium, quod est non amplius 
pedum Dc., qua fiumen intermittit, mons continet magna 
altitudine, ita ut radices montis ex utraque parte ripae fiumi- 
nis contingant. Hunc murus circumdatus arcem eflicit et cum 
oppido conjungit. Huc Gaesar magnis noctumis diurnisque 
itineribus contendit, occupatoque oppido, ibi praesidium coljocat. 

XXXIX. Dum paucos dies ad Vesontionem rei fru- 
mentarise commeatusque caussa moratur, ex percunctatione 
nostrorum yocibusque Gallomm ac mercatomm, qui ingenti 
magnitudine corporum Germanos, incredibili virtute atque 
exercitatione in armis esse prsedicabant, ssepenumero sese 
cum eis congressos ne yultum quidem atque aciem oculomm 
ferre potuisse, tantus subito timor omnem exercitum occupayit, 
ut non mediocriter omnium mentes animosque perturbaret. 
Hic primum ortus est a tribunis militum, prsefectis reliquisque, 
qui, ex urbe amicitise caussa Caesarem secuti, non magnum in 
re militari usum habebant : quorum alius, alia caussa illata, 
quam sibi ad proficiscendum n^cessariam esse dicerent, pete- 
bant, ut ejus yoluntate discedere liceret: nonnulli, pudore 
adducti, ut timoris suspicionem yitarent, remanebant. Hi 
neque yultum fingere, neque interdum lacrimas tenere pote- 
rant : abditi in tabernaculis aut suum fatum querebantur, aut 
cum &miliaribus suis commune periculum miserabantur. 
Vulgo totis castris testamenta obsignabantur. Horum yoci- 
bus ac timore pauUatim etiam ii, qui magnum in castris usum 
habebant, milites centu^onesque, quique equitatu prseerant. 


perturbabantur. Qui se ex his miuua timidos existimari 
volebant, non se hostem vereri, sed angustias itineris et 
magnitudinem silvarum, quse intercederent inter ipsos atque 
Ariovistum, aut rem frumentariam, ut satis commode suppor- 
tari posset, timere dicebant. Nonnulli etiam Gsesari renun- 
ciabant, quum castra moveri ac signa ferri jussisset, non fore 
dicto audientes milites, neque propter timorem signa laturos. 
XL. Hsec quum animadvertisset, convocato consilio, 
omniumque ordinum ad id consilium adhibitis centurionibus, 
vebementer eos incusavit : ^ primum, quod, aut quam in 
partem, aut quo concilio ducerentur, sibi queerendum aut 
cogitandum putarent. Ariovistum, se consule, cupidissime 
populi Romani amicitiam adpetisse ; cur hunc tam temere 
quisquam ab officio discessurum judicaret i Sibi quidem per- 
suaderi, cognitis suis postulatis atque sequitate conditionum 
perspecta, eum neque suam, neque populi Bomani gratiam 
repudiaturum. Quod si Airore atque amentia impulsus bellum 
intulisset, quid tandem vererentur ! aut cur de sua virtute, 
aut de ipsius diligentia desperarent ? Factum ejus hostis 
periculum patrum nostrorum memoria, quum, Oimbris et 
Teutonis a G. Mario pulsis, non minorem laudem exercitus, 
quam ipse imperator, meritus videbatur : factum etiam nuper 
in Italia servili tumultu, quos tamen aliquid usus ac disciplina 
quam a nobis accepissent, sublevarent. Ex quo judicari 
posset, quantum haberet in se boni constantia ; propterea 
quod, quos aliquamdiu inermos sine caussa timuissent, hos 
postea armatos ac victores superassent. Denique hos esse 
eosdem, quibuscum ssepenumero Helvetii congressi, non solum 
in suis, sed etiam in illorum finibus, plerumque superarint, qui 
tamen pares esse nostro exercitui non potuerint. Si quos 
adversum proelium et Aiga Gallorum commoveret, hos, si 
qusererent, reperire posse, diutumitate belli defatigatis Gallis, 
Ariovistum, quum multos menses castris se ac paludibus 
tenuisset, neque sui potestatem fecisset, desperantes jam de 
pugna et dispersos subito adortum, magis ratione et consilio, 
quam virtute, vicisse. Gui rationi contra homines barbaros 
atque imperitos locus fiiisset, hac ne ipsum quidem sperare 
nostros exercitus capi posse. Qui suum timorem in rei fru- 
mentaria; simulationem angustiasque itinerum conferrent, 


&cere adroganter, qnnm aut de officio imperatoris desperare 
aut prsescribere viderentur. Hsec sibi esse cnrse ; frumentnm 
Sequanos, Leucos, Lingonas subministrare ; jamque esse in 
agris frumenta matnra ; de itinere ipsos brevi tempore judi- 
caturos. Quod non fore dicto audientes milites, neque signa 
laturi dicantur, nibil se ea re commoveri : scire enim, qnibus-* 
cumque exercitus dicto audiens non iuerit, aut, male re gesta, 
fortunam defuisse; aut, aiiquo facinore comperto, avaritiam 
esse oonvictam. Suam innocentiam perpetua vita, felicitatem 
Helvetiorum bello esse perspectam. Itaque se, quod in lon- 
giorem diem collaturus esset, reprcesentatumm et proxima 
nocte de quarta vigilia castra moturum, ut quam primum 
intelligere posset, utrum apud eos pudor atque officium, an 
timor valeret. Quod si prseterea nemo sequatur, tamen se 
cum sola decima legione iturum, de qua non dubitaret ; sibi- 
que eam prsetoriam cohortem futuram.'^ Huic legioni Gsesar 
et indulserat praecipue, et propter virtutem confidebat 

XLL Hac oratione habita, mirum in modum conversse 
sunt omnium mentes, summaque alacritas et cupiditas belli 
gerendi innata est, princepsque decima legio per tribunos 
militum ei gratias egit, quod de se optimum judicium fecisset, 
seque esse ad bellum gerendum paratissimam confirmavit. 
Deinde reliquse legiones per tribunos militum et primomm 
ordinum centuriones egerunt, uti Csesari satisiacerent : se 
neque umquam dubitasse, neque timuisse, neque de summa 
belli suum judicium, sed imperatoris esse, existimavisse. 
Eorum satisfactione accepta et itinere exquisito per Divitia- 
cum, quod ex aliis ei maximam fidem habebat, ut millium 
amplius quinquaginta circuitu locis apertis exercitnm duceret 
de quarta vigilia, ut dixerat, profectus est. Septimo die, 
quum iter non intermitteret, ab exploratoribus certior factus 
est, Ariovisti copias a nostris millibus passuum quatuor et 
viginti abesse. 

XLIL Cognito Gaesaris adventu, Ariovistus legatos ad 
eum mittit: quod antea de colloquio postulasset, id per se 
fieri licere, quoniam propius accessisset : seque id sine peri- 
culo facere posse existimare. Non respuit conditionem 
Cffisar: jamque eum ad sanitatem reverti arbitrabatur, 



qunm id, quod antea petenti denegasset, ultro polliceretur; 
magnamque in spem yeniebat, pro suis tantis popullque 
Bomani in eum beneficiis, cognitis suis postulatis, fore, uti 
pertinacia desisteret. Dies coUoquio dictus est, ex eo die 
quintus. Interim quum esepe ultro citroque legati Inter eos 
mitterentur, Ariovistus postulavit, ne quem peditem ad col- 
loquium Gffisar adduceret : vereri se, ne per insidlas ab eo 
circumveniretur : uterque cum equitatu yeniret ; alla ratione 
se non esse venturum. Geesar, quod neque colloquium Inter- 
posita caussa tolli volebat, neque salutem suam GUIorum 
equitatui commlttere audebat, commodissimum esse statuit, 
onmlbus equls Gkdlls equitibus detractis, eo legionarlos milites 
leglonis declmse, cui quam maxime confidebat, imponere, ut 
prsdsidlum quam amicissimum, si quod opus fttcto esset, 
haberet. Quod quum fieret, non irridlcule quldam ex mili-' 
tibus decImsD leglonis dixit : ^^plus, quam pollicltus esset^ 
Gaesarem ei facere : pollicltum, se in cohortis prsetorl» loco 
decimam leglonem habiturum, nunc ad equum rescribere.^* 

XLIII. Plauicles erat magna, et in ea tumulus terrenus 
satls grandls. Hic locus sequo fere spatlo ab castrls utrisque 
aberat. Eo, ut enit dlctnm, ad colloquium venerunt. Le- 
glonem Gsesar, quam equis devexerat, passibus ducentls ab 
eo tumulo constltuit. Item equites Arlovlsti pari intervallo 
constiterunt. Arlovistus, ex equls et oolloquerentur et, 
prseter se, denos ut ad colloquium adducerent, postulavlt. 
Ubi eo ventum est, Gaesar initlo orationis sua senatusque 
in eum beneficia commemoravit, ^^ quod rex adpellatus esset 
a senatu, quod amicus, quod munera amplisslma missa: 
quam rem et paucis contiglsse, et pro magnls homlnum 
officlis consuesse tribui ''^ docebat : ^^ illum, quum neque adi- 
tum, neque caussam postulandi justam haberet, beneficlo ac 
liberalitate sua ac senatus ea prsemia consecntum.*^ Docebat 
etiam, ^^quam yeteres, quamque justse caussse necessltudlnls 
Ipsls cum ^duls intercederent, quse senatus consulta, quoties, 
quamque honorifica in eos facta essent: ut onmi tempore 
totlus Galllse prlnclpatum ^dui tenulsent, prius etlam, quam 
nostram amlcitlam adpetissent ; popnll Bomani hanc esse 
consuetudlnem, ut soclos atque amlcos non modo sui nlhll 
deperdere, sed gratla, dignitate, honore anctlores velit esse : 


quod yero ad amicitiain populi Bomaai adtnlissent, id iis 
eripi, quis pati posset!^ Postalavit deinde eadem, qusa 
legatis in mandatis dederat, ** ne aut ^duis, aut eorum sociis 
bellnm inferret; obsides redderet; si nnllam partem Ger- 
manorum domum remittere posset, at ne quos ampiius 
Bhenam transire pateretur/^ 

XLIV. Ariovistus ad postulata Osesaris pauca respondit: 
de suifi yirtutibus multa pr»dicayit : ^^ Transisse Rlienum 
sese, non sua sponte, sed rogatum et arcessitum a Galiis ; 
non sine magna spe magnisque prsemiis domum propinquos- 
que reliquisse ; sedes habere in Gallia, ab ipsis concessas ; 
obsides ipsorum yoluntate datos ; stipendium capere jure belli 
quod yictores victis imponere consuerint ; non sese Gallis, sed 
Gallos sibi bellum intulisse ; omnes GUIi» civitates ad se 
oppugnandum yenisse, ac contra se castra habuisse ; eas 
omnes copias a se uno proelio fiisas ac superatas esse; si 
iterum ezperiri yelint, iterum paratum sese decertare ; si pace 
nti yelint, iniquum esse, de stipendio recusare, quod sua 
yoluntate ad id tempus dependerint. Amicitiam populi 
Bomani sibi ornamento et prsesidio, non detrimento, esse 
oportere, idque se ea spe petisse. Si per populum Bomanum 
stipendium remittatur et dedititii subtrahantur, non minus 
libenter sese recusaturum populi Bomani amicitiam, quam 
adpetierit. Quod multitudinem G^rmanomm in Oalliam 
transducat, id se sui muniendi, non Gallia) impugnand» 
caussa facere : ejus rei testimonium esse, quod, nisi rogatus, 
non yenerity et quod bellum non intulerit» sed defenderit. Se 
prius in Galliam venisse, quam populum Bomanum. Num- 
quam ante hoc tempus exercitum populi Bomani GallisB pro- 
yinci» fines egressum. Quid sibi yellet! Our in suas 
possessiones yeniret ! Proyinciam suam hanc esse Gkdliam, 
sicut illam nostram. Ut ipsi concedi non oporteret, si in 
nostros fines impetum faceret : sic item nos esse iniquos, qui 
in 800 jure se interpellaremus. Quod firatres a senatu ^Sduos 
adpellatos diceret, non se tam barbarum, neque tam im- 
peritum esse remm, ut non sciret, neque bello Allobrogum 
proximo ^duos Bomanis auxilium tulisse, neque ipsos in his 
contentionibus, quas .^^ui secum et cum Sequanis habuis- 
sent^ auxilio populi Bomani usos esse. Debere se suspicar^ 



simolata Gaesarem amicitla, quod exercitum in Grallia 
habeat, sui opprimendi caossa habere. Qai nisi decedat 
atqae exercitum dedacat ex bis regionibns, sese illum non 
pro amico, sed pro hoste habituiiim : quod si eum inter- 
fecerit, multis sese nobilibus principibusque populi Bomani 
gratum esse facturum: id se ab ipsis per eorum nuncios 
compertum habere, quorum omnium gratiam atque amici- 
tiam ejus morte redimere posset. Qnod si decessisset et 
liberam possessionem Grallise sibi tradidisset, magno se 
illum prsemio remuneratumm et, qusecumque bella geri vellet, 
sine ullo ejus labore et periculo confecturum.^ 

XLY. Multa ab Gaesare in eam sententiam dicta sunt, 
quare negotio desistere non posset, et ^' neque suam, neque 
populi Bomani consuetudinem pati, uti optime meritos socios 
desereret : neque se judicare, Galliam potius esse Arioyisti, 
quam populi Romani. Bello superatos esse Aryemos et Butenos 
ab Q. Fabio Maximo, quibus populus Bomanus ignovisset, 
neque in provinciam redegisset, neque stipendium imposuisset. 
Quod si antiquissimum quodque tempus spectari oporteret, 
populi Bomani justissimum esse in Gtdlia imperium : si judi- 
cium senatus observari opotteret, liberam debere esse Galliam, 
quam bello victam suis legibus uti voluisset.'^ 

XLVI. Dum hsec in colloquio gerantur, Gsesari nun- 
ciatum est, equites Ariovisti propius tumulum accedere et 
ad nostros adequitare, lapides telaque in nostros conjicere. 
Gffisar loquendi finem fecit seque ad suos recepit suisque im- 
peravit, ne quod onmino telum in hostes rejicerent. Nam 
etsi sine ullo periculo legionis delect» cum equitatu proelium 
fore videbat ; tamen committendum non putabat, ut, pulsis 
hostibus, dici posset, eos ab se per fidem in colloquio circum- 
yentos. Posteaqnam in yulgus militum elatum est, qua 
adrogantia in coUoquio Ariovistus usus omni Gallia Romanis 
interdixisset, impetumque in nostros ejus equltis fecissent 
eaque res coUoquium ut dlremisset: multo major alacritas 
studiumque pugnandi majus exercitu injectum est. 

XLYIL Biduo post Ariovlstus ad Gsesarem legatos 
mittit, velle se de his rebus, qu» inter eos agi coeptse, neque 
perfectse essent, agere cum eo: uti aut iteram colloquio diem 
^nstitueret ; aut, si id minus veUet, ex suis legatis aliquem 


ad 86 mitteret. Colloquendi Gsesari canssa visa nou est, et 
eo magis, qaod pridie ejus diei Grermani retineri non poterant, 
qoin in nostros tela conjicerent. Legatum ex suis sese magno 
cum periculo ad eum missurum, et bominibus feris objec- 
turum ezistimabat. Commodissimum yisum est» G. Va- 
lerium Procillum, G. Valerii Gaburi filium, summa virtute et 
humanitate adoiescentem (cujus pater a G. Valerio Flacco 
civitate donatus erat), et propter fidem, et propter lingu® 
Gallicffi scientiam, qua multa jam Ariovistus longinqua con- 
suetudine utebatur, et quod in eo peccandi Germanis caussa 
non esset, ad eum mittere, et M. Mettium, qui hospitio 
Ariovisti usus erat. His mandavit, ut, quse diceret Ariovistus, 
cognoscerent et ad se referrent. Quos quum apud se in 
castris Ariovistus couspexisset, exercitu suo prsesente, con-' 
clamavit: ^^Qnid ad se venirent! An speculandi caussa!^ 
Conantis dicere probibuit et in catenas conjecit. 

XLVIII. Eodem die castra promovit et millibus pas-» 
suum sex a Gsesaris castris sub monte consedit. Postridie 
ejus diei prseter castra Csesaris suas copias transduxit et 
millibus passuum duobus ultra eum castra fecit, eo consilio, 
uti frumento commeatuque, qui ex Sequanis et iSduis sup* 
portaretur, Gsesarem intercluderet. Ex eo die dies continuos 
quinque Caesar pro castris suas copias produxit et aciem 
instructam babuit, ut, si vellet Ariovistus proelio contendere, 
ei potestas non deesset. Ariovistus bis omnibus diebus exer- 
citum castris continuit; equestri proelio quotidie contendit. 
Oenus hoc erat pugnae, quo se Germani exercuerant. Equitum 
millia erant sex : totidem numero pedites velocissimi ac 
fortissimi ; quos ex omni copia singuli singulos, suse salutis 
caussa, delegerant. Gum his in proeliis versabantur, ad hos 
86 equites recipiebant : hi, si quid erat durius, concurrebant : 
si qui, graviore vulnere accepto, equo deciderat, circumsiste- 
bant: si quo erat longius prodeundum, aut celerius recipi- 
endum, tanta erat horum exercitatione celeritas, ut, jubis 
equorum sublevati, cursum adsequarent, 

XLIX. Ubi eum castris se tenere Csesar intellexit, ne 
diutius commeatu prohiberetur, ultra eum locum, quo iu 
loco Germani consederant, circiter passus sexcentos ab eis, 
castris idoneum locum delegit, acieque triplici instructa, ad 


enm locnm yenit. Primam et secnndam aciem in armis esse, 
tertiam castra mnnire jussit. Hic locns ab hoste circiter 
passns sexcentos, nti dictnm est, aberat. Eo circiter hominnm 
nnmero xvi. millia expedita cnm omni eqnitatn Ariovistns 
misit, quse copise nostros perterrerent et mnnitione prohiberent. 
Nibilo secins Gsesar, nt ante constitnerat, dnas acies hostem 
propnlsare, tertiam opns perficere jnssit. Mnnitis castris, 
dnas ibi legiones reliqnit et partem anxiliomm ; qnatnor reli- 
qnas in castra majora rednxit. 

L. Proximo die, institnto sno, Gaesar e castris ntrisqne 
copias snas ednxit ; pauUnmqne a majoribns progressns 
aciem instmxit hostibusqne pngnandi potestatem fecit. Ubi 
ne tnm qnidem eos prodire intellexit, circiter meridiem exer- 
citnm in castra rednxit. Tum demnm Ariovistus partem 
snaram copiamm, qnse castra minora oppugnaret, misit: 
acriter utrimqne usque ad yespemm pugnatum est. Solis 
occasu suas copias Arioyistns, multis et illatis et acceptis 
Tulneribns, in castra reduxit. Quum ex captivis qneereret 
Gsesar, quam ob rem Arioyistns proelio uon decertaret ; hanc 
reperiebat caussam, quod apud Germanos ea consnetudo esset, 
nt matres famili» eomm sortibus et vaticinationibns declara- 
rent, utrnm proelium committi ex usu esset, nec ne : eas ita 
dicere: ^'Non esse fas, Germanos superare, si ante novam 
lunam proelio contendissent.^^ 

LI. Postridie ejus diei Gsesar prsesidio ntrisqne castris, 
quod satis esse visnm est, reliquit, omnis alarios in conspectu 
hostinm pro castris minoribus constituit, quod minus multi- 
tudine miUtum legionariomm pro hostinm nnmero valebat, 
nt ad speciem alariis uteretnr. Ipse, triplici instmcta acie, 
usque ad castra hostinm accessit. Tum demum necessario 
Germani suas copias castris eduxemnt, generatimqne con- 
stituemnt paribusque intervallis Hamdes, Marcomannos, Tri- 
boccos, Vangiones, Nemetes, Sedums^ Suevos, omnemqne 
aciem suam rhedis et carris circumdedemnt, ne qua spes in 
ftiga relinqueretnr. Eo mnlieres imposnemnt, qnse in proelinm 
proficiscentes milites passis criuibus flentes implorabant, ne se 
in servitutem Bomanis traderent. 

LII. Gsesar singnlis legionibns singnlos legatos et quses- 
torem prsefecit, uti eos testis snae qnisque virtutis haberet. 


Ipse a dextro cornu, quod eam partem minime finnam hostium 
esse animum adverteret, proelium commisit. Ita nostri acriter 
in hostes, signo dato, impetum fecerunt itaque hostes repente 
ceieriterque procurrerunt, ut spatium pila in hostes conjiciendi 
non daretur. Bejectis pilis, comminus gladiis pugnatum 
est : at Germani, celeriter ex consuetudine sua pbalange facta, 
impetus gladiorum exceperunt. Beperti sunt complures 
nostri milites, qui in pbalangas insilirent et scuta manibus 
revellerent et desuper vulnerarent. Quum hostium acies a 
sinistro cornu pulsa atque in fugam conversa esset, a dextro 
comu vehementer multitudine suorum nostram aciem preme- 
bant. Id quum animadvertisset P. Crassus adolescens, qui 
equitatu prseerat, quod expeditior erat, quam hi, qui inter 
aciem versabaatur, tertiam aciem laborantibus nostris subsidio 

LIII. Ita proelium restitutum est, atque omnes hostes 
terga verterunt, neque prius fugere destiterunt, quam ad 
flumen Rhenum millia passuum ex eo loco circiter quinqua- 
ginta pervenerunt. Ibi perpauci aut viribus confisi transnatare 
contenderunt, aut lintribus inventis sibi salutem repererunt. 
In his fuit Ariovistus, qui, naviculam deligatam ad ripam 
nactus, ea proiugit: reliquos onmes consecuti equites nostri 
interfecerunt. Duse fuerunt Ariovisti uxores, una Sueva 
natione, quam ab domo secum eduxerat ; altera Norica, regis 
Vocionis soror, quam in Qallia duxerat, a fratre missam: 
ntrseque in ea fuga perierunt. Duae filise harum, altera oc- 
cisa, altera capta est. G. Valerius Procillus, quum a custo- 
dibus in fuga trinis catenis vinctus traheretur, in ipsum 
Csesarem, hostis equitatu persequentem, incidit. Quse quidem 
res Gaesari non minorem, quam ipsa victoria, voluptatem 
adtulit, quod hominem honestissimum provincise Gallise, suum 
fistmiliarem et hospitem, ereptum e manibus hostium, sibi 
restitutum videbat, neque ejus calamitate de tanta voluptate 
et gratulatione quidquam fortuna deminuerat. Is, se prsesente, 
de se ter sortibus consultum dicebat, utrum igni statim neca- 
retur, an in aliud tempus reservaretur ; sortium beneficio se 
esse incolumem. Item M. Mettius repertus et ad eum 
reductus est. 

LIV. Hoc proelio trans Bhenum nunciato, Suevi, qui ad 


ripas Bheni yenerant, domnm reverti coepemnt : quos Ubii^ 
qui proximi Rhenum incolunt, perterritos insecuti, magnum 
ex his numerum occiderunt. Gffisar, nna sestate duobus max- 
imis bellis confectis, maturius paullo, quam tempus anni postu- 
labat, in hiberna in Sequanos exercitum deduxit : hibernis 
Labienum prseposuit : ipse in citeriorem Oalliam ad conventus 
agendos profectus est. 

CiES. BBLL. GALL. 11. 

lY. Quum ab his quaereret, quae civitates, quantseque 
in arrais essent, et quid in bello possent, sic reperiebat : ple- 
rosque Belgas esse ortos ah Germanis ; Bhenumque antiquitus 
transductos, propter loci fertilitatem ibi consedisse, Gallosque, 
qui ea loca incolerent, expulisse ; solosque esse, qui, patrum 
nostromm memoria, omni Gkllia vexata, Teutonos Gimbrosque 
intra fines suos ingredi prohibuerint. Qua ex re fieri, uti 
earum remm memoria magnam sibi auctoritatem magnosque 
spiritus in re militari snmerent. De nnmero eomm omnia 
se habere explorata, Bemi dicebant, propterea quod propin- 
quitatibus adfinitatibnsque conjnncti, quantam quisque multi- 
tudinem iu commnni Belgamm concilio ad id bellum pollicitus 
sit, cognoverint. Plurimum inter eos Bellovaoos et virtnte, 
et auctoritate, et bominum numero valere : hos posse conficere 
armata millia centum : pollicitos ex eo numero electa xl., 
totiusque belli imperium sibi postulare. Suessiones suos esse 
finitimos, latissimos feracissimosque agros possidere. Apud 
eos fuisse regem nostra etiam memoria Divitiacnm, totius 
Grallise potentissimum, qui quum magnsD partis hamm regionum, 
tum etiam Britanniae imperium obtinuerit : nunc esse regem 
Galbam: ad hunc, propter justitiam pmdentiamque, totius 
belli summam omnium voluntate deferri : oppida habere 
numero xii., pollicere millia armata quinquaginta ; totidem 
Nervios, qni maxime feri inter ipsos habeantur longissimeque 
absint : xv. millia Atrebates : Ambianos x. millia : Morinos 
xxv. millia: Menapios ix. millia: Galetos x. millia: 
Yelpcasses et Veromanduos totidem : Adnatucos xxix. 
millia, Gondmsos, Eburones, Gseraesos, Pasmanos, qui wm 
nomine Germani adpeUantur^ arbitrari ad xl. millia. 



XV. Eoram fines Nervii adtingebant : quomm de natnra 
moribusque Gsesar quum qusereret, sic reperiebat : ^^ NuIIum 
aditum esse ad eos mercatoribus : nihil pati vini reliqua^ 
rumque rerum, ad luxuriam pertinentium, inferri, quod iis 
rebus relanguescere animos et remitti virtntem existimarent : 
esse homines feros magnseque virtutis: increpitare atqne in- 
cusare rellquos Belgas, qui se populo Bomano dedidissent 
patriamque virtutem projecissent : confirmare, sese neque 
legatos missuros, neque uUam conditionem pacis acceptu- 



I. Ea, qnse. secuta est, hieme, qni fuit annns Gn. 
Pompeio, M. Grasso Goss.y Usipetes Germani et item Tench* 
iheri magna cum multitudine hominum fiumen Bhenum 
transierunt, non longe a mari, quo Bhenns influit. Gaussa 
transenndi fuit, quod ab Suevis complures annos exagitati 
bello premebantnr et agricultura prohibebantur. Suevorum 
gens est longe maxima et bellicosissima Germanorum onmiumt 
Hi centum pagos habere dicuntur, ex quibus quotannis sin^ 
gula millia armatomm bellandi canssa ex finibus educunt. 
Beliqm', qui domi manserint, se atque illos alunt. Hi rarsus 
in vicem anno post in armis sunt; illi domi remanent. Sio 
neque agricultnra, nec ratio atque usus belli intermittitnr. 
Sed privati ac separati agri apud eos nihil est, neque longius 
anno remanere uno in loco incolendi caussa licet. Neque 
multum frumento, sed maximam partem lacte atque pecore 
vivunt multumque sunt in venationibns : quse res et cibi 
genere, et quotidiana exercitatione, et libertate vitse (quod, a 
pueris nullo ofiicio aut disciplina adsuefacti, nihil omnino 
contra voluntatem fiaciant) et vires alit, et immani corpomm 
magnitudine homines efiicit. Atque in eam se consuetudinem 
adduxerant, ut locis frigidissimis, neque vestitus, prseter pellis, 
habeant quidquam (quarum propter exiguitatem magna est 
corporis pars aperta), et laventur in fiuminibus. 

II. Mercatoribus est ad eos aditus magis eo, nt, quse bello 
ceperint, quibus vendant, habeant, quam quo ullam rem ad se 
importari desiderent: quin etiam jumentis, quibus maxime 


Oallia delectatur, quseque impenso parant pretio, C^rmani 
importatitiis non utuntur : sed qu» sunt apud eos nata, prava 
atque deformia, hsec quotidiana exercitatione, summi ut sint 
laboris, efficiunt. Equestribus proBliis ssepe ex equis desiliunt 
ftc pedibus proeliantur; equosque eodem remanere vestigio 
adsuefaciunt ; ad quos se celeriter, quum usus est, recipiunt : 
neqne eorum moribus turpius quidquam aut inertius habetur, 
quam ephippiis uti. Itaque ad quemvis numerum ephippia- 
torum equitum, quamvis pauci, adire audent* Vinum ad se 
omnino importari non sinunt, quod ea re ad laborem ferendum 
remoUescere homines atque effeminari arbitrantur. 

IIL Publice maximam putant esse laudem, quam latis- 
sime a suis finibus vacare agros : hac re significari, magnum 
numerum civitatum suam vim sustinere non posse. Itaque 
una ex parte a Suevis circiter miUia passuum dc. agri vacare 
dicuntur. Ad alteram partem succedunt Ubii (quorum fuit 
civitas ampla atque fiorens, ut est captus Grermanorum), et 
paullo, quam sunt ejusdem generis, et ceteris humaniores, 
propterea quod Bhenum adtingunt multumque ad eos mer- 
catores ventitant et ipsi propter propinquitatem Ghdlicis sunt 
moribus adsuefacti. Hos quum Suevi, multis ssepe bellit 
experti propter amplitudinem gravitatemque civitatia, finibus 
expellere non potuissent, tamen vectigales mbi fecerunt ac 
multo humiliores infirmioresque redegemnt. 

lY. In eadem cauasa fiierunt Usipetes et Tenchthen, 
quos supra diximus, qui complures annos Suevomm vim sus- 
tinaemnt ; ad extremum tamen agris expulsi et multis Ger-» 
mani» locis triennium vagati ad Bhenum pervenerunt : quas 
regiones Menapii incolebant et ad utramque ripam fluminis 
agros, sedificia vicosque habebant ; sed tantae multitudinis aditu 
perterriti, ex his sedificiis, quse trans flumen habuerant, demi- 
gravemnt et, cis Bhenum dispositis prsesidiis, Germanos 
transire prohibebant. lUi, omnia experti, quum neque vi 
eontendere propter inopiam navium, neque clam transire 
propter custodias Menapiomm possent, reverti se in suas 
sedes regionesque simulaverunt : et tridui viam progressi, 
mrsus revertemnt atque, omni hoc itinere una nocte equi- 
tatu confecto, inscios inopinantesque Menapios oppresserant, 
qui, de Germauomm discessu per exploratores certiores 


iacti, sine meta trans Bhenum in snos yicos remigraverant. 
His interfectis navibusque eorum occupatis, priusquam ea 
pars Menapiorum, qu» citra Bbenum quieta in suis sedibus 
erat, certior fieret, flumen transierunt atque, omnibus eorum 
ffidificiis occupatis, reliquam partem hiemis se eomm copiis 

y. His de rebus Gaesar certior factus, et infirmitatem 
Ghdlorum veritus, quod sunt in consiliis capiendis mobiles 
et novis plerumque rebus student, nihil his conmiittendum 
existimavit. Est autem hoc Gallicse consuetudinis, uti et 
yiatores, etiam invitos, consistere cogant et, quod quisque 
eorum de quaque re audierit aut cognoyerit, quaerant et 
mercatores in oppidis vulgus circumsistat, quibusque ex re- 
gionibus veniant, quasque ibi res cognoverint, pronunciare 
cogant. His rumoribus atque auditionibus permoti, de 
summis ssepe rebus consilia ineunt, quorum eos e yestigio 
poenitere necesse est, quum incertis rumoribus serviant et 
plerique ad voluntatem eorum ficta respondeant. 

VI. Qua consuetudine cognita, Csesar, ne graviori bello 
occurreret, maturius, quam consuerat, ad exercitum profi- 
ciscitur. Eo quum venisset, ea, quae fore suspicatus erat, 
fiicta cognoyit, missas legationes ab nonnullis civitatibus 
ad Ctermanos, inyitatosque eos, uti ab Bheno discederent; 
onmiaque quse postulassent, ab se fore parata. Qua spe 
adducti Germani latius jam yagabantur et in finis Eburonum 
et Gondrusorum, qui sunt Treyirorum clientes, peryenerant. 
Principibus Galliae eyocatis, Geesar ea, quse cognoverat, 
dissimulanda sibi existimayit, eorumque animis permnlsis et 
confirmatis equitatuque imperato, bellum cum Gennains 
gerere constituit. 

VII. Ee frumentaria comparata equitibusque delectis, 
iter in ea loca hcere coepit, quibus in locis esse Germanos 
audiebat. A quibus quum paucorum dierum iter abesset, 
legati ab his yenerunt, quorum hsec fuit oratio : ^^ Germanos 
neque priores populo Bomano bellum inferre, neque tamen 
recusare, si lacessantur, quin armis contendant; quod 6er- 
manorum consuetudo haec sit a majoribus tradita, quicum- 
que bellum inferant, resistere, neque deprecari: heec tamen 
dicere, yenisse invitos, ejectos domo. Si suam gratiam 


Bomam Telint, posse eis utiles esse amicos: vel sibi agros 
attribaaDt, vel patiantur eos tenere, qaos armis possederint. 
Sese unis Suevis concedere» quibus ne dii quidem immor- 
tales pares esse possint : reliquum quidem in terris esse nemi- 
nem, quem non superare possint/^ 

VIII. Ad heec Gsesar, quse visum est, respondit; jed exi- 
tus fuit orationis: ^^Sibi nullam cum his amicitiam esse posse, 
si iu Gallia remauerent: neque verum essc, qui suos fines 
tueri non potuerint, alienos occupare : neque ullos in Gallia 
vacare agros, qui dari tantsB prsesertim multitudini, sine 
injuria possint. Sed licere, se velint, in Ubiorum finibus 
considere, quorum sint legati apud se et de Suevorum in- 
juriis querantur et a se auxilium petant; hoc se ab iis 

IX. Legati haec se ad suos relaturos dixerunt et, re 
deliberata, post diem tertium ad Gsesarem reversuros: interea 
ne propius se castra moveret, petierunt. ^' Ne id quidem 
Gsesar ab se impetrari posse "^ dixit ; cognoverat enim, mag- 
nam partem equitatus ab iis aliquot diebus ante praedandi 
frumentandique caussa ad Ambivaritos trans Mosam missam. 
Hos exspectari equites atque ejus rei caussa moram interponi, 

X. Mosa profluit ex monte Vosego, qui est in finibus 
Lingonum, et, parte quadam ex Rheno recepta, quae adpel- 
latur Vahalis insulamque efficit Batavorum, in Oceanum 
influit, neque longius ab Oceano millibus passuum lxxx. 
in Bhenum transit. Bhenus autem oritur ex Lepontiis, qui 
Alpes inoolunt, et longo spatio per fines Nantuatium, Helve- 
tiorum, Sequanorum, Mediomatricorum, Tribucorum, Trevi- 
rorum citatus fertur et, ubi Oceano adpropinquat, in plures 
diffluit partes, multis ingentibusque insulis effectis, quarum 
pars magna a feris barbarisque nationibus tncolitur (ex quibus 
sunt, qui piscibus atque ovls avium vivere existimantur) 
multisipie capitibus in Oceanum influit. 

XI. Gaesar quum ab hoste non amplius passuum xii. 
millibus abesset, ut erat constitutum, ad eum legati rever-t 
tuntur: qui, in itinere congressi, magnopere, ne longius 
progrederetur, orabant. Quum id non impetrassent, pete- 
bant, uti ad eos equites, qui agmen antecessissent^ praemit- 


teret, eosqne pugna prohiberet; sibique uti potestatem 
faeeret, in Ubios legatos mittendi: quorum si principes ac 
senatus sibi jurejurando fidem fecissent, ea conditione, qu» 
a Gsesare ferretur, se usnros ostendebant : ad has res con- 
ficiendas sibi tridui spatium daret. Hsec omnia Gsesar eodem 
illo pertinere arbitrabatnr, ut, tridui mora interposita, equites 
eorum, qui abessent, reverterentur : tamen sese non longius 
millibus passuum quatuor aquationis caussa processurum eo 
die dixit : huc postero die quam frequentissimi convenirent, 
ut de eorum postulatis cognosceret. Interim ad prsefectos, 
qui cum omni equitatu antecesserant, mittit, qui nunciarent, 
ne hostes proelio lacesserent et, si ipsi lacesserentur, susti- 
nerent, quoad ipse cum exercitu propius accessisset. 

XII. At hostes, ubi primum nostros equites conspexe- 
runt, quorum erat quinque millium numerus, quum ipsi non 
amplius dgoc. equites haberent, quod ii, qui frumentandi 
caussa ierant trans Mosam, nondum redierant, nihil timen- 
tibus nostrls, quod legati eorum paullo ante a Csesare disces- 
serant, atque is dies induciis erat ab eis petitus, impetu facto, 
celeriter nostros perturbaverunt. Bursus resistentibus nostris, 
consuetudine sua ad pedes desiluerunt, subfossisque equis 
xsompluribusque nostris dejectis, reliquos in fugam conjecerunt 
atque ita perterritos egerunt, ut non prias fuga desisterent, 
quam in conspectum agminis nostri venissent. In eo proelio 
ex equitibus nostris interficiuntur quatuor et septuaginta, in 
his vir fortissimus, Piso, Aquitanus, amplissimo genere natus, 
cujus avus in civitate sua regnum obtinuerat, amicus ab 
senatu nostro adpellatus. Hic quum fratri intercluso ab 
hostibus auxilium ferret, illum ex periculo eripuit : ipse equo 
Yulnerato dejectus, quoad potuit, fortissime restitit. Quum 
circumventus, multis yulneribus acceptis, cecidisset, atque id 
frater, qui jam proelio excesserat, procul animum advertisset, 
incitato equo se hostibus obtulit atque interfectus est. 

XIII. Hoc facto proelio, Gsesar neque jam sibi legatos 
audiendos, neque conditiones accipiendas arbitrabatur ab his, 
qui per dolum atque insidias, petita pace, ultro bellum intulis- 
sent : exspectare yero, dum hostium copise augerentur equita- 
tusque reverteretur, summse dementise esse judicabat et, cognita 
Gallorum infirmitate,. quantum jam apud eos hostes uno proe- 


lio auctoritatis essent coDsecuti, fitentiebat : quibus ad consilia 
capienda nihil spatii dandum existimabat. His constitutis 
rebus et consilio cum legatis et qusestore communicato, ne 
quem diem pugnse prsdtermitteret, opportunissima res accidit, 
quod postridie ejus diei mane eadem et perfidia et simulatione 
usi Germani, frequentes, omnibus principibus majoribusque 
natu adhibitis, ad eum in castra venerunt ; simul, ut dioe« 
batur, sui purgandi caussa, quod contra, atque esset dictum et 
ipsi petissent, proelium pridie commisissent ; simul ut, si quid 
possent, de induciis fidlendo impetrarent. Quos sibi Gaesar 
oblatos gavisus, illos retineri jussit ; ipse omnes copias castris 
eduxit, equitatumque, quod recenti proelio perterritum esse 
existimabat, agmen subsequi jussit. 

XIV. Acie triplici instituta, et celeriter vni. miUium 
itinere confecto, prius ad hostium castra penrenit, quam, quid 
ageretur, Germani sentire possent. Qui, omnibus rebus 
subito perterriti, et celeritate adventus nostri, et discessu 
suorum, neque consilii habendi, neque arma capiendi spatio 
dato, perturbantur, copiasne adversus hostem educere, an 
castra defendere, an fuga salutem petere, prsestaret. Quorum 
timor quum firemitu et concursu significaretur, milites nostri, 
pristini diei perfidia incitati, in castra irruperunt. Quorum 
qui celeriter arma capere potuerunt, paullisper nostris restite- 
runt atque inter carros impedimentaque proBlium commise« 
runt : at reliqua multitudo puerorum mulierumque (nam cum 
omnibus suis domo excesserant Bhenumque transierant) pas- 
sim fngere coepit; ad quos consectandos Gsosar equitatum 

XV. Oermani, post tergum clamore audito, quum suos 
interfici yiderent, armis abjectis signisque militaribus relictis, 
se ex castris ejecerunt : et, quum ad confluentem Mos» et 
Bheni pervenissent, reliqua fuga desperata, magno numero 
interfecto, reliqui se in flumen prsecipitaverunt atque ibi 
timore, lassitudine, yi fluminis oppressi perierunt. Nostri ad 
unum omnes incolumes, perpaucis vulneratis, ex tanti belU 
timore, quum hostium numerus capitum ccccxxx. millium 
fuisset, se in castra recepemnt. Gaesar his, quos in castris 
retinuerat, discedendi potestatem fecit : illi supplicia crucia- 
tusque Oallorum veriti, quorum agros vexayerant, remanere 


86 apnd enm yelle dlxenmt. His Gsesar libertatem con- 

XVI. Oermanico bello confecto, mnltis de caussis Gaesar 
statnit, sibi Bhennm esse transenndnm : qnamm illa fnit 
jnstissima, qnod, qnnm Tideret, Oermanos tam fecile impelli, 
nt in Galliam venirent, snis qnoqne rebns eos timere yolnit, 
qnnm intelligerent, et posse et audere popnli Bomani exerci- 
tnm Bhennm transire. Accessit etiam, qnod illa pars equi- 
tatns Usipetnm et Tenchtheromm, quam snpra commemorayi 
prsedandi fimmentandique caussa Mosam transisse, neqne 
pnelio interfnisse, post fngam snomm se trans Bhenum in 
fines Sigambrorum receperat neque cnm iis conjunxerat. Ad 
quos qunm Csesar nnncios misisset, qui postnlarent, eos, qni 
sibi Galliseqne bellum intulissent, sibi dederent, respondemnt : 
^* Popnli Bomani imperium Bhenum finire : si, se inyito Ger- 
manos in Gralliam transire, non seqnum existimaret, cur sui 
qnidqnam esse imperii aut potestatis trans Bhenum postn- 
laret!^^ Ubii autem, qui nni ex transrhenanis ad Gsesarem 
legatos miserant, amicitiam fecerant, obsides dederant, magno- 
pere orabant, ^^ ut sibi auxilinm ferret, quod grayiter ab Sneyis 
premerentur; yel, si id facere occnpationibns reipnblicse 
prohiberetur, exercitnm modo Bhennm transportaret : id sibi 
ad auxilinm spemque reliqui temporis satis fatumm : tantnm 
esse nomen atque opinionem ejns exercitns, Arioyisto pulso et 
hoc noyissimo proelio facto, etiam ad nltimas Germanomm 
nationes, uti opinione et amicitia popnli Bomani tuti esse 
possint.^^ Nayium magnam copiam ad transportandnm exer- 
citnm pollicebantur. 

XVII. Gsesar his de canssis, quas commemorayi, Bhe- 
nnm transire decreyerat; sed nayibus transire, neque satis 
tutum esse arbitrabatnr, neqne suse neque populi Bomani 
dignitatis esse statnebat. Itaque, etsi summa difBcnltas 
facinndi pontis proponebatur propter latitndinem, rapiditatem 
altitndinemqne fluminis, tamen id sibi contendendum, ant 
aliter non transdncendum exercitimi, existimabat. Bationem 
pontis faanc instituit. Tigna bina sesqnipedalia, paullum ab 
imo prseacnta, dimensa ad altitndinem flnminis, interyallo 
pedum duornm inter se jungebat. Hsec qnnm machinatio- 
nibns immiHsa in flnmen defixerat fistncisque adegerat, non 


sublicse modo derecta ad perpendiculum, sed prona ac fasti- 
gata, ut secundum naturam fluminis procumberent : iis item 
contraria duo, ad eumdem modum juncta, intervallo pedum 
quadragenum, ab inferiore parte, contra yim atque impetum 
fluminis conversa statuebat. Hsec utraque insuper bipeda* 
libus trabibus immissis, quantum eorum tignorum junctura 
distabat, binis utriumque fibulis ab extrema parte, distine- 
bantur : quibus disclusis atque in contrariam partem revinctis, 
tanta erat operis firmitudo atque ea rerum natura, ut, quo 
major vis aquse se incitavisset, hoc artius illigata tenerentur. 
Haec derecta materie injecta contexebantur et longuriis crati- 
busque consternebantur ; ac nihilo secius sublic» et ad inferi- 
orem partem fluminis oblique agebantur, quse, pro pariete 
subject» et cum omni opere conjunctse, vim fluminis excipe- 
rent : et alise item supra pontem mediocri spatio, ut, si 
arborum trunci sive naves dejiciendi operis essent a barbaris 
missse, his defensoribus earum rerum vis minueretur, neu 
ponti nocerent. 

XVIIL Diebus decem, quibus materia coepta erat com* 
portari, onmi opere efiecto, exercitus transducitur. Gsesar, 
ad utramque partem pontis firmo prsesidio relicto, in fines 
Sigambrorum contendit. Interim a compluribus civitatibus 
ad eum legati veniunt, quibus pacem atque amicitiam peten* 
tibus liberaliter respondit obsidesque ad se adduci jubet. At 
Sigambri ex eo tempore, quo pons institui coeptus est, fuga 
comparata, hortantibus iis, quos ex Tenchtheris atque Usipe- 
tibus apud se habebant, finibus suis excesserant, suaque 
omnia exportaverant, seque in solitudinem ac silvas abdi» 

XIX. Gsesar, paucos dies in eorum finibus moratus, 
omnibus vicis sedificiisque incensis frumentisque succisis, se 
in fines Ubiorum recepit ; atque iis auxilium suum pollicitus, 
si ab Suevis premerentur, hsec ab iis cognovit : Suevos, post* 
eaquam per exploratores pontem fieri comperissent, more suo 
concilio habito, nuncios in omnes partes dimisisse, uti de 
oppidis demigrarent, liberos, uxores, suaque omnia in silvas 
deponerent atque omnes, qui arma ferre possent, unum in 
locum convenirent : hunc esse delectum medium fere re- 
gionum earum, quas Suevi obtinerent: hic Bomanorum 


adventnm exspectare atque ibi deeertare constituisse« Qnod 
nbi Cffisar comperit, omnibus his rebus confectis, quarum 
rerum canssa transducere exercitum constituerat, nt G^r- 
manis metum injiceret, ut Sigambros ulcisceretur, ut Ubios 
obsidione liberaret, diebns omnino x. et viu. trans Bhenum 
consumtis, satis et ad landem et ad utilitatem profectum 
arbitratus, se in Gbilliam recepit pontemque rescidit. 


IX. Gffisar, postqnam ex Menapiis in Treviros venit, 
duabns de canssis Bhenum transire constituit: quarum erat 
altera, quod anxilia contra se Treviris miserant; altera, ne 
Ambiorix ad eos receptnm haberet. His constitntis rebns, 
panllum snpra eum locum, quo ante exercitnm transduxerat, 
facere pontem instituit. Nota atque instituta ratione, magno 
militum studio, pancis diebns opus efficitur. Firmo in Tre- 
▼iris prssidio ad pontem relicto, ne quis ab iis subito motus 
oriretur, reliqnas copias equitatumque transdncit. Ubii, qui 
ante obsides dederant atque in deditionem venerant, purgandi 
sui caussa ad eum legatos mittunt, qui doceant, ^' neque ex 
sna civitate auxilia in Treviros missa, neque ab se fidem 
laesam -J*^ petunt atque orant, '^ ut sibi parcat, ne commnni 
odio Gcrmanomm innocentes pro nocentibus pcenas pendant :^ 
si amplius obsidum velit, dare pollicentur. Gognita Gaesar 
caussa reperit, ab Snevis auxilia missa esse, Ubiorum satis« 
fectionem accepit, aditns viasqne in Suevos perquirit. 

X. Interim paucis post diebus fit ab Ubiis certior, 
Suevos omnes nnum in locum copias cogere atque iis na- 
tionibus, quse sub eomm sint imperio, denunciare, uti auxilia 
peditatns equitatusque mittant. His cognitis rebus, rem 
frumentariam providet, castris idoneum locum deligit, Ubiis 
imperat, nt pecora dedncant suaque omnia ex agris in oppida 
conferant, sperans, barbaros atque imperitos homines, inopia 
cibariomm adductos, ad iniquam pugnandi conditionem posse 
deduci: mandat, nt crebros exploratores in Suevos mittant, 
quseque apud eos gerantur, cognoscant. Illi imperata faciunt 
et paucis diebus intermissis refemnt, '^ Suevos omnes, post* 
eaquam certiores nnncii de exercitu Bomanomm venerint, cum 
omnibns suis sociommque copiis, quas coegissent, penitus ad 



extremos fines sese recepisse : silvam esse ibi infinita magnitu- 
dine, quse adpellatur Bacenis, hane longe introrsos pertinere et, 
pro nativo muro objectam, Cheruscos ab Suevis, Suevosque ab 
Gheruscis, injuriis incursionibusque prohibere : ad ejus initium 
silvfie Suevos adventum Bomanorum exspectare constituisse.'*^ 

XI. Quoniam ad hunc locum perventum est, non alienum 
esse videtur, de Gallise GermaniaQque moribus, et quo dif- 
ferant hse nationes inter sese, proponere. In Gallia non 
solum in omnibus civitatibus atque in omnibus pagis par- 
tibusque, sed psene etiam in singulis domibus factiones sunt : 
earumque factionum principes sunt, qui summam auctorita^ 
tem eorum judicio habere existimantur, quorum ad arbitrium 
judiciumque summa onmium rerum consiliorumque redeat. 
Idque ejus rei caussa antiquitus institutum videtur, ne quis 
ex plebe coutra potentiorem auxilii egeret : suos enim quisque 
opprimi et circumveniri non patitur, neque, aliter si faciant, 
ullam inter suos habent auctoritatem. Hsec eadem ratio est 
in suomia totius Gtdlise : namque omnes civitates in partes 
dlvisae sunt duas. 

XII. Quum Gsesar in Galliam venit, alterius factionis 
principes erant iSdui, alterius Sequani. Hi quum per se 
minus valerent, quod summa auctoritas antiquitus erat 
in j^duis, magnaeque eorum erant clientelse. Germanos 
atque Ariovistum sibi adjunxerant eosque ad se magnis 
jacturis pollicitationibusque perduxerant. Proeliis vero com- 
pluribus factis secundis, atque omni nobilitate j^dnorum 
interfecta, tantum potentia antecesserant, ut magnam partem 
clientiimi ab ^Sdnis ad se transducerent obsidesque ab iis 
principum filios acciperent et publice jurare cogerent, nihil 
se contra Sequanos consilii inituros ; et partem finitimi agri, 
per vim occupatam, possiderent Galliseque totius principatum 
obtinerent. Qua necessitate adductus Divitiacus, auxilii 
petendi caussa Bomam ad senatum profectus, infecta re 
redierat. Adventu Gsesaris facta commutatione rerum, obsi- 
dibus iSduis redditis, veteribus clientelis restitutis, novis 
per Gsesarem comparatis (quod hi, qui se ad eorum ami- 
citiam adgregaverant, meliore conditione atque sequiore im- 
perio se uti videbant), reliquis rebus eorum) gratia, dignitate 
amplificata, Sequani principatum dimiserant. In eorum 


locum Reini successerant ; quos quod ada^quare apud Gx- 

sarem gratia intelligebatur, ii, qui propter veteres inimicitias 

nullo modo cum .^Muis conjungi poterant, 8e Bemis in cli- 

entelam dicabant. Hos illi diligenter tuebantur. Ita et 

novam et repente coUectam auctoritatem tenebant. Eo tum 

statu res erat, ut longe principes haberentur iSdui, secundum 

locum dignitatis Bemi obtinerent. 

XIII. In omni Grallia eorum hominum, qui aliquo sunt 

numero atque honore, genera sunt duo: nam plebes paene 

servorum habetur loco, quse per se nihil audet et nullo 

adhibetur consilio. Plerique, quum aut sere alieno, aut 

magnitudine tributorum, aut injuria potentiorum prementur, 

sese in servitutem dicant nobilibus, in hos eadem omnia sunt 

jura, qusB dominis in servos. Sed de his duobus generibus 

alterum est Druidum, alterum equitum. Illi rebus divinis 

intersunt, sacrificia publica ac privata procurant, religiones 

interpretantur. Ad hos magnus adolescentium numerus 

disciplinae caussa concurrit, magnoque ii sunt apud eos 

honore. Nam fere de omnibus controversiis publicis pri- 

vatisque constituunt; et, si quod est admissum facinus, si 

Cffides facta, si de hsereditate, si de finibus controversia est, 

iidem decemunt ; prsemia posnasque constituunt : si qui aut 

privatus aut publicus eorum decreto non stetit, sacrificiis 

interdicunt. Hsec pcena apud eos est gravissima. Quibus 

ita est interdictum, ii numero impiorum ac sceleratorum 

habentur; iis omnes decedunt, aditum eorum sermonemque 

defugiunt, ne quid ex contagione incommodi accipiant : neque 

iis petentibus jus redditur, neque honos ullus communicatur. 

His autem omnibus Druidibus prseest unus, qui summam 

inter eos habet auctoritatem. Hoc mortuo, si qui ex reliquis 

excellit dignitate succedit : at, si sunt plures pares, sufiVagio 

Druidum adlegitur, uonnumquam etiam armis de principatu 

contendunt. Hi certo anni tempore in finibus Garnutum, 

quae regio totius Gallise media habetur, considunt in loco 

consecrato. Huc onmes undique, qui controversias habent, 

conveniunt eorumque decretis judiciisque parent. Disciplina 

in Britannia reperta atque inde in Oalliam translata esse 

existimatur : et nunc, qui diligentius eam rem cognoscere 

volunt, plerumque illo discendi caussa proficiscuntur. 



XIV. Dniides a bello abesse consuenint, neqne tributa 
una cum reliquis pendunt ; militise yacationem omniumque 
rerum habeat immunitatem. Tantis excitati prsemiis, et 
sua sponte multi in diseiplinam conveniunt, et a parentibus 
propinquisque mittuntur. Magnum ibi numerum versuum 
ediscere dicuntur : itaque annos nonnulli vicenos in disciplina 
permanent. Neque fas esse existimant, ea litteris mandare, 
quum in reliquis fere rebus, publicis privatisque rationibus, 
Grsecis utantur litteris. Id mihi duabus de caussis instituisse 
videntur ; quod neque in vulgum disciplinam efierri velint, 
neque eos, qui discant, litteris confisos, minus memoriae 
studere; quod fere plerisque accidit, ut prasidio litterarum 
diligentiam in perdiscendo ac memoriam remittant. In 
primis hoc volunt persuadere, non interire animas, sed ab 
aliis post mortem transire ad alios : atque hoc maxime ad 
virtutem excitari putant, metu mortis neglecto. Multa prse- 
terea de sideribus atque eorum motu, de mundi ac terrarum 
magnitudine, de rerum natura, de deorum immortalium vi ac 
potestate disputant et juventuti transdant. 

XV. Alterum genus est equitum. Hi, quum est usus, 
atque aliquod bellum incidit (quod ante Gsesaris adventum 
fere quotannis accidere solebat, uti aut ipsi injurias inferrent, 
aut illatas propulsarent), omnes in bello versantur: atque 
eorum ut quisque est genere copiisque amplissimus, ita plurimos 
circum se ambactos clientesque habent. Hanc unam gratiam 
potentiamque noverunt. 

XVI. Natio est omnis Gallorum admodum dedita reli- 
gionibus ; atque ob eam caussam, qui sunt adfecti gravioribus 
morbis, quique in proeliis periculisque versantur, aut pro 
victimis homines immolant, aut se immolaturos vovent ad- 
ministrisque ad ea sacrificia Druidibus utuntur; quod, pro 
vita hominis nisi hominis vita reddatur, non posse aliter 
deorum immortalium numen placari arbitrantur : publiceque 
ejusdem generis habent instituta sacrificia. Alii immani 
magnitudine simulacra habent, quorum contexta viminibus 
membra vivis hominibns complent, quibus succensis, circum- 
venti fiamma exauimantur homines. Supplicia eorum, qui 
in furto, aut in latrocinio, aut aliqua noxa sint comprehensi, 
gratiora diis immortalibus esse arbitrantur ; sed, quum ejus 


generis copia deficit, etiam ad innocentiuin supplicia descen- 

XVII. Deum maxime Mercurium colunt : hujus snnt 
plurima simulacra, hunc omnium inventorem artium ferunt, 
hunc viarum atque itinerum ducem, hunc ad quaestus pecunise 
mercaturasque habere vim maximam arbitrantur. Post hunc, 
Apollinem et Martem et Jovem et Minervam : de his eamdem 
fere, quam reliqusB gentes, habent opinionem ; ApoIIinem 
morbos depellere, Minervam operum atque artificiorum initia 
transdere ; Jovem imperium caelestium tenere ; Martem bella 
r^gere. Huic, quum proelio dimicare constituerunt, ea, quse 
bello ceperint, plerumque devovent. Quae superaverint, ani- 
malia capta immolant ; reliquas res in unum locum conferunt. 
Multis in civitatibus harum rerum exstructos tumulos locis 
consecratis conspicari licet : neque saepe accidit, ut, neglecta 
quispiam religione, aut capta apud se occultare, aut posita 
tollere auderet ; gravissimumque ei rei supplicium cum cru- 
ciatu constitutum est. 

XVIII. Galli se omnes ab Dite patre prognatos pra?- 
dicant, idque ab Druidibus proditum dicunt. Ob eam caussam 
spatia omnis temporis non numero dierum, sed noctium 
finiunt; dies natales et mensium et annorum initia sic ob- 
servant, ut noctem dies subsequatur. In reliquis vitse insti- 
tutis hoc fere ab reliquis difierunt, quod suos liberos, nisi 
quum adoleverint, ut munus militiae sustinere possint, palam 
ad se adire non patiuntur, filiumque puerili setate in publico, 
in conspectu patris, adsistere, turpe ducunt. 

XIX. Viri, quantas pecunias ab uxoribus dotis nomine 
acceperunt, tantas ex suis bonis, sestimatione facta, cum 
dotibus communicant. Hujus omnis pecunise conjunctim 
ratio habetur, fructusque servantur : uter eorum vita superarit, 
ad eum pars utriusque cum fructibus superiorum temporum 
pervenit. Viri in uxores, sicuti in liberos, vitce necisque 
habent potestatem: et, quum pater familiae, illustriore loco 
natus, decessit, ejus propinqui conveniunt et, de morte si res 
in suspicionem venit, de uxoribus in servilem modum quse- 
stionem habent et, si compertum est, igni atque omnibus 
tormentis excrutiatas interficiunt. . Funera sunt pro cultu 
Crallorum magnifica et sumptuosa ; omniaque, quse vivis cordi 


fuisse arbitrantar, in ignem inferunt, etiam animalia ; ac panllo 
supra hanc memoriam servi et elientes, quos ab iis dilectos 
esse constabat, justis funeribus confectis, una cremabantur. 

XX. Qute civitates commodius suam rem publicam admi- 
nistrare existimantur, habent legibus sanctum, si quis quid 
de re publica a finitimis rumore ac fama acceperit, uti ad 
magistratum deferat, neve cum quo alio communicet : quod 
ssDpe homines temerarios atque imperitos falsis rumoribus 
terreri et ad facinus impelli et de summis rebus consilium 
capere cognitum est. Magistratus, quae visa sunt, occultant ; 
quseque esse ex usu judicaverint, multitudini produnt. De re 
publica nisi per concilium loqui non conceditur. 

XXI. Germani multum ab hac consuetudine differunt : 
nam neque Druides habent, qui rebus divinis prsesint, neque 
sacrificiis student. Deorum numero eos solos ducunt, quos 
cernunt et quorum aperte opibus juvantur, Solem et Vulcanum 
et Lunam : reliquos ne fama quidem acceperunt. Vita omnis 
in venationibus atque in studiis rei militaris consistit: ab 
parvulis labori ac duritise student. Qui diutissime impuberes 
permanserunt, maximam inter suos ferunt laudem: hoc ali 
staturam, ali hoc vires nervosque confirmari putant. Intra 
annum vero vicesimum feminse notitiam habuisse, in turpissimis 
habent rebus ; cujus rei nulla est occultatio, quod et promiscue 
in fluminibus perluuntur, et pellibus aut parvis rhenonum 
tegimentis utuntur, magna corporis parte nuda. 

XXII. Agriculturse non student; majorque pars victus 
eorum in lacte, caseo, came consistit : neque quisquam agri 
modum certum aut fines habet proprios : sed magistratus ac 
principes in annos singulos gentibus cognationibusque homi- 
num, qui una coierint, quantum, et quo loco visum est» agri 
adtribuunt atque anno post alio transire cogunt. Ejus rei 
multas adferunt caussas; ne, adsidua consuetudine capti, 
studiimi belli gerundi agricultura commutent ; ne latos fines 
parare studeant potentioresque humiliores possessionibus ex- 
pellant ; ne adcuratius ad frigora atque sestus vitandos 
sedificent ; ne qua oriatur pecunise cupiditas, qua ex re 
factiones dissensionesque nascuntur; ut animi sequitate ple- 
bem contineant, quum suas quisque opes cum potcntissimis 
sequari videat. 


XXIII. Clvitatibus maxima laus est, quam latissimas 
circum se vastatis finibus solitudiues liabere. Hoc proprium 
virtutis existimant, expulsos agris finitimos cedere, neque 
quemquam prope audere consistere : simul hoc se fore tutiores 
arbitrantur, repentinse incursionis timore sublato. Quum 
bellum civitas aut illatum defendit, aut infert : magistratus, 
qui ei bello praesint, ut vitse necisque habeant potestatem, 
deliguntur. In pace nullus est communis magistratus, sed 
principes regionum atque pagorum inter suos jus dicunt, 
controversiasque minuunt. Latrocinia nullam habent in&mi- 
am, quse extra fines cujusque civitatis fiunt ; atque ea juven- 
tutis exercendse ac desidiae minuendse caussa fieri prsedicant. 
Atque, ubi quis ex principibus in concilio dixit, " se ducem 
fore; qui sequi velint, profiteantur,'^ consurgunt ii, qui et 
caussam et hominem probant, suumque auxilium pollicentur 
atque ab multitudine collaudantur : qui ex iis secuti non 
sunt, in desertorum ac proditorum numero ducuntur omni- 
umque iis rerum postea fides derogatur. Hospites violare, fas 
non putant ; qui quaque de caussa ad eos venerint, ab injuria 
prohibent sanctosque habent; iis omnium domus patent, 
victusque communicatur. 

XXIV. Ac fuit antea tempus, quum Grermanos Galli 
virtute superarent, ultro bella inferrent, propter hominum 
multitudinem agrique inopiam trans Bhenum colonias mitte- 
rent. Itaque ea, quse fertilissima sunt, Germanise loca circum 
Hercyniam silvam (quam Eratostheni et quibusdam Ghrsecis 
fama notam esse video, quam illi Orcyniam adpellant), Volcse 
Tectosages occupaverunt atque ibi consederunt. Quss gens 
ad hoc tempus iis sedibus sese continet summamque habet 
justitiae et bellicse laudis opinionem : nunc quoque in eadem 
inopia, egestate, patientia, qua Germani, permanent eodem 
victu et cultu corporis utuntur ; Grallis autem provincise 
propinquitas, et transmarinarum rerum notitia, multa ad 
copiam atque usus largitur. PauIIatim adsuefacti superari, 
multisque victi proeliis, ne se quidem ipsi cum illis virtute 

XXV. Hujus Hercyni» sUva), qua supra demonstrata 
est, latitudo novem dierum iter expedito patet: non enim 
aliter finiri potest, neque mensuras itinerum noverunt. Oritur 


ab Helvetionim et Nemetum et Baoracoram finibus, rectaque 
fluminis Danubii regione pertinet ad fines Dacorum et 
Anartium: hinc se flectit sinistrorsus, diversis ab flumine 
regionibus, multorumque gentium fines propter magnitudinem 
adtingit; neque quisquam est hujus Gkrmanise, qui se aut 
adisse ad initium ejus silvse dicat, quum dierum iter lx. pro- 
cesserit, aut quo ex loco oriatur, acceperit. Multa in ea 
genera ferarum nasci constat, quse reliquis in locis visa non 
sint : ex quibus quse maxime differant ab ceteris et memori» 
prodenda videantur, hsec sunt. 

XXVI. Est bos cervi figura, cujus a media fronte inter 
aures unum comu exsistit, excelsius magisque directum his, 
quse nobis nota sunt, comibus. Ab ejus summo, sicut palmse, 
rami quam late difiunduntur. Eadem est feminsd marisque 
natura, eadem forma magnitudoque comuum. 

XXVII. Sunt item, quse adpellantur alces. Haram 
est consimilis capreis figura et varietas pellium; sed mag- 
nitudine pauUo antecedunt mutilseque sunt comibus et crara 
sine nodis articulisque habent ; neque quietis caussa procum- 
bunt, neque, si quo adflictse casu conciderint, erigere sese aut 
sublevare possunt. His sunt arbores pro cubilibus : ad eas 
se adplicant, atque ita, paullum modo reclinatse, quietem 
capiunt : quaram ex vestigiis quum est animadversum a 
venatoribus, quo se recipere consuerint, omnes eo loco aut ab 
radicibus subraunt, aut accidunt arbores tantum, ut summa 
species earam stantium relinquatur. Huc quum se consue* 
tudine reclinaverint, infirmas arbores pondere adfligunt atque 
una ipssD concidunt. 

XXVIII. Tertium est genus eoram, qui uri adpellantur. 
Hi sunt magnitudine paullo infira elephantos ; specie et colore 
et figura tauri. Magna vis eoram et magna velocitas : 
neque homini, neque ferse, quam conspexerint, parcunt. Hos 
studiose fovels captos interficiunt. Hoc se labore durant 
homines adolescentes atque hoc genere venationis exercent; 
et, qui plurimos ex his interfecerant, relatis in publicum 
comibus, quse sint testimonio, magnam ferant laudem. Sed 
adsuescere ad homines et mansuefieri, ne parvuli quidem 
excepti, possunt. Amplitudo comuum et figura et species 
multum a nostrorum boum cornibus differt. Hsec studiose 


conquisita ab labris argento circumcladunt atque in amplissi- 
mis epulis pro poculis utuutur. 


After Ariovistus in point of time, but before him in promi- 
nence and importance, come the two great Germans, Armi- 
nius and Maroboduus; conceming whom the chief texts 
are from Velleius Paterculus and Tacitus himself. I shali 
append to these Niebuhr^s account of the same events, as it 
stands in Dr. Schmitz''^ edition of his Lectures, such being 
the best way to compare the evidence in its crude and its 
systematized form. The criticism upon the whole will be 
found in the bodj of the work. 


CVIII. Nihil erat jam in Oermania, quod yinci posset, 
preeter gentem Marcomannorum ; quse, Maroboduo duce 
excita sedibus suis, atque in interiora refugiens, iucinctos 
Hercynia silva campos incolebat. NuUa festinatio hujus viri 
mentionem transgredi debet. Maroboduus, genere nobilis, 
corpore prsevalens, animo ferox, natione magis quam*ratione 
barbarus, non tumultuarium, neque fortuitum, neque mobilem 
et ex Yoluntate parentium constantem inter suos occupavit 
principatum ; sed, certum imperium vimque regiam com- 
plexus animo, statuit, avocata procul a Bomanis gente sua, eo 
progredi, ubi, cum propter potentiora arma refngisset, sua 
faceret potentissima. 

GIX. Occupatis igitur, quos prsediximus, locis» finitimos 
omnes aut bello domuit, aut conditionibus juris sui fecit: 
corpus suum custodia munivit : imperium, perpetuis armorum 
exercitiis (exercitu) psene ad Romansd disciplinse formam 
redacto, brevi in eminens et nostro quoque imperio timendum 
perduxit fastigium; gerebatque se ita adversus Bomanos, 
ut neque bello nos lacesseret, et, si lacesseretur, super- 
esse sibi vim ac voluntatem resistendi (ostenderet). Le- 
gati, quos mittebat ad Gaesares» interdum ut supplicem 
commendabant, interdum ut pro pari loquebantur. Oen- 
tibus hominibusque a nobis desciscentibus erat apud eum 


perftigium ; totnsque ex male dissimnlato agebat aemulum ; 
exereitumque, quem lxx. millium peditum, quatuor equi- 
tum, fecerat, assiduis adversus finitimos bellis exercendo, 
majori, quam quod habebat, operi prceparabat. Eratque 
etiam eo timendus, quod, cum Germaniam ad laevam et in 
fronte, Pannoniam ad dextram, a tergo sedinm suarum habe- 
ret Noricos, tamquam in omnes semper yenturus, ab omni- 
bus timebatur. Nec securam incrementi sui patiebatur esse 
Italiam : qulppe cum a snmmis Alpium jugis, quse finem 
Italiffi terminant, initium ejus finium haud multo plus cc. 
millibus passuum abesset. Hunc virum et hanc regionem 
proximo anno diversis e partibus Tib. Csesar aggredi statuit. 
Sentio Satumino mandatum, ut per Oattos, excisis continen- 
tibus Hercynise silvis, legiones Boiohoemum (id regioni, quam 
incolebat Maroboduus, nomen est) duceret ; ipse a Camunto, 
qui locus Norici regni proximus ab hac parte erat, exercitum, 
qui in lUjrrico merebat, ducere in Marcomannos orsus est. 


CXVII. Tantum quod ultimam imposuerat Pannonico ac 
Delmatico bello Csesar manum, cum, intra quinque con- 
summati tanti operis dies, funestse ex Germania epistolee, 
csesi Vari, tmcidatarumque legionum trium totidemque alaram, 
et sex cohortium: velut in hoc saltem tantunmiodo indul- 
gente nobis Fortuna, ne occupato duce. Sed causa et per- 
sona moram exigit. Varus Quinctilius, nobili magis, quam 
illustri ortus fiamilia, vir ingenio mitis, moribus quietus, ut 
corpore, ita animo immobilior, otio magis castromm, quam 
bellicse assuetus militise : pecunise vero quam non contemtor, 
Syria, cui prsefuerat, declaravit ; quam pauper divitem ingres- 
sus, dives pauperem reliquit. Is cum exercitui, qui erat in 
Germania, prseesset, concepit esse homines, qui nihil prseter vo- 
cem membraque haberent hominum ; quique gladiis domari non 
poterant, posse jure mulceri. Quo proposito mediam ingres- 
sus Germaniam, velut inter viros pacis gaudentes dulcedine, ju* 
risdictionibus, agendoque pro tribunali ordine, trahebat sestiva. 

GXVIII. At illi, quod nisi expertus vix credat, in summa 
feritate versutissimi, natumque mendacio genus, simulantes 
fictas litium series, et nunc provocantes alter alterum bju- 



ria, nunc agentes gratias, quod ea Bomana jostitia finiret, 
feritasque sua novitate incognitsB disciplinse mitesceret, et 
solita armis descemi jure terminarentur, in summam socordiam 
perduxere Quinctilium; usque eo, ut se prsetorem urbanum 
in foro jus dicere, non in mediis OermanisB finibus exercitui 
prseesse crederet. Tum juvenis genere nobilis, manu fortis, 
sensu celer, ultra barbarum promtus ingenio, uomine Arminius, 
Sigimeri principis gentis ejus fiiius, ardorem animi yultu 
oculisque prseferens, assiduus militiffi nostras prioris comes, 
(cum) jure etiam civitates Bomanse jus equestris consequens 
gradus, segnitia ducis in occasionem sceleris usus est, haud 
imprudenter speculatus, neminem celerius opprimi, quam qui 
nikil timeret; et firequentissimum initium esse calamitatis, 
securitatem. Primo igitur paucos, mox plures in socie- 
tatem consilii recipit: opprimi posse Bomanos, et dicit, et 
persuadet ; decretis fiu^ta jungit ; tempus insidiarum consti- 
tuit. Id Varo per virum ejus gentis fidelem clarique no- 
minis Segesten indicatur. Sed obstabant jam fata consiliis, 
omnemque animi ejus aciem prsestrinxerant. Quippe ita se 
res habet, ut plerumque [qui] fortunam mutatums Deus, con- 
silia corrumpat, efficiatque, quod miserrimum est, ut, quod 
accidit, id etiam merito accidisse videatur, et casus in culpam 
transeat. Negat itaque se credere, spemque in se bene- 
volentise ex merito sestimare profitetur. Nec diutius, post 
primum indicem, secnndo relictus locus. 

GXIX. Ordinem atrocissimsD calamitatis, qua nulla, post 
Orassi in Parthis danmum, in extemis gentibus gravior Ro- 
manis ftdt, justis voluminibus, ut alii, ita nos conabimur 
exponere. Nunc summa deflenda est. Exercitus omnium 
fortissimus, disciplina, manu, experientiaque belloram inter 
Bomanos milites princeps, marcore ducis, perfidia hostis, 
iniquitate fortunse circumventus (cum ne pugnandi quidem 
ant egrediendi occasio iis, in quantum voluerant, data esset 
impune; castigatis etiam quibusdam gravi poena, quia Bo- 
manis et armis et animis usi fuissent), indusus silvis, palu- 
dibus, insidiis, ab eo hoste ad intemecionem tracidatus est, 
quem semper ita more pecudum tracidaverat, ut vitam aut 
mortem ejus nnnc ira, nunc venia temperaret. Duci plus 
ad moriendum, quam ad pugnandnm, animi fiiit. Qnippe 


patemi avitique exempli successor se ipse iransfixit. At 
e praefectis castrorum duobus, quam clarum exemplum L. 
Eggius, tam turpe (C.) Geionius prodidit: qui, cum longe 
maximam partem absumsisset acies, auctor deditionis, sup- 
plicio quam proelio mori maluit. At Vala Numonius, 
legatus Vari, cetera quietus ac probus, diri auctor exempli, 
spoliatum equite peditem relinquens, fuga cum alis Bhenum 
petere ingressus est. Quod factum ejus fortuna ulta est: 
non enim desertis superfiiit, sed desertor occidit. Vari 
corpus semiustum hostilis laceraverat feritas ; caput ejus 
abscissum, latumque ad Maroboduum, et ab eo missum ad 
Gsesarem, gentilitii tandem tumuli sepultura honoratum est. 

CXX. His auditis revolat ad patrem Gsesar; perpetuus 
patronus Bomani imperii, assuetam sibi causam suscipit. 
t Mittitur ad Germaniam» Gtillias confirmat, disponit exercitus, 
prsesidia munit; se magnitudine sua, non fiducia (ducis) 
metiens, qui Gimbricam Teutonicamque militiam Italise mina- 
batur, ultro Bhenum cum exercitu transgreditur. Arma 
infert genti, quam arcuisse pater et patria contenti erant; 
penetrat interius, aperit limites, vastat agros, urit domos, 
fundit obvios; maximaque cum gloria, incolumi omuium, 
quos transduxerat, numero, in hiberna revertitur. Bed- 
datur verum L. Asprenati testimonium ; qui legatus sub 
avunculo suo Varo militans, nava virilique opera duarum 
legionum, quibus prseerat, exercitum immunem tanta cala- 
mitate servavit ; matureque ad inferiora hibema descendendo, 
vacillantes jam cis Bhenum sitamm gentium animos con- 
firmavit. Sunt tamen, qui, ut vivos ab eo vindicatos, ita 
jugulatorum sub Varo occupata crediderint patrimonia, here- 
ditatemque excisi exercitus, in quantum voluerit, ab eo adi- 
tam. Lucii etiam Csedicii, prsefecti castromm, eorumque qui * 
una circumdati Alisone immensis Germanomm copiis obside- 
bantur, laudanda virtus est; qui, omnibus diOScuItatibus 
superatisy quas inopia remm intolerabiles, vis hostium faciebat 
inexsuperabiles, nec temerario consilio, nec segni providentia 
usi, speculatique opportunitatem, ferro sibi ad suos peperere 
reditum. Ex quo apparet Vamm, sane gravem et bonie 
voluntatis virum, magis imperatoris defectum consilio, quam 
virtute destitutum militum, se magnificentfssimumque perdi- 



disse exercitum. Gum in captivos s^viretur a Germanis, prse- 
clari facinoris auctor fuit Caldus Coelius, adolescens vetustate 
familisB suse dignissimus : qui, complexus catenarum, quibus 
yinctus erat, seriem, ita illas illisit capiti [suo], ut protinus 
pariter sanguinis cerebrique influvio exspiraret. 

GXXI. Eadem et virtus et fortuna subsequenti tempore 
[ingressa animum] imperatoris Tiberii fuit, quse initio fuerat. 
Qui, contusis hostium viribus, classicis peditumque expedi- 
tionibus, cum res Galliarum maximse molis, accensasque ple- 
bis Viennensium dissensiones, coercitione magis quam poena 
mollisset ; et senatus popnlusque Bomanus, postulante patre 
ejus, ut sequuni ei jus in omnibus provinciis exercitibusque 
esset [quam erat ipsi], decreto complexus esset. (Etenim 
absurdum erat, non esse sub illo, quse ab illo yindicabantur ; 
et qui ad opem ferendam primus erat, ad vindicandum 
honorem non judicare parem) : in Urbem reversus, jam 
pridem debitum, sed continuatione bellorum dilatum, ex Pan- 
noniis Delmatisque egit triumphum. Gujus magnificentiam 
quis miretur in Gsesare ! Fortunae vero quis non miretur 
indulgentiam ? quippe omnes eminentissimos hostium duces, 
non occisos fama narravit, sed vinctos triumphus ostendit. 
Quem mihi, fratrique meo, inter prsecipuos prsecipuisque 
donis adornatos viros comitari contigit. 

GXXII. Quis non inter reliqua, quibus singularis mode- 
ratio Tib. Gaesaris elucet atque eminet, hoc quoque miretur, 
quod, cum sine ulla dubitatione septem triumphos memerit, 
tribus contentus fuerit! Quis* enim dubitare potest, quin 
ex Armenia recepta, et ex rege ei praeposito, cujus capiti 
insigne regium sua manu imposuerat, ordinatisque rebus 
Orientis, ovans triumphare debuerit ! et, Vindelicorum Bhse- 
torumque victor, curru urbem ingredi! Fractis deinde post 
adoptionem continua triennii militia Germanise viribus, idem 
illi honor et deferendus et recipiendus fuerit! et post cla- 
dem sub Varo acceptam, ocius prosperrimo rerum eventu 
eadem excisa Germania triumphum summi ducis adomare 
debuerit! Sed in hoc viro nescias, utrum magis mireris, 
quod laborum periculorumque semper excessit modum, an, 
quod honorem temperavit. 




LV. Drnso Csssare, C Norbano consulibns, decemitnr 
Germanico trinmphns, manente bello; quod quamquam in 
sestatem snmma ope parabat, initio veris, et repentino in 
Gattos excursu, prsecepit : nam spes incesserat dissidere hos- 
tem in Armininm ac Segestem, insignem utmmque perfidia 
in nos, aut fide. Arminius turbator Oermania): Segestes, 
^^ parari rebellionem '^ saepe alias, et supremo conviyio, post 
quod in arma itum, apemit : suasitque Varo, '' ut se, et 
Arminium, et ceteros proceres vinciret : nihil ausuram 
plebem, principibns amotis; atque ipsi tempus fore, quo 
crimina, et innoxios disceraeret : "" sed Varas £Eito, et vi 
Arminii cecidit. Segestes, quamquam consensu gentis in 
bellum tractns, discors manebat, auctis privatim odiis, quod 
Arminius filiam ejus, alii pactam, rapuerat; gener invisus, 
inimici soceri ; quseque apud concordes vincula caritatis, in- 
citamenta iraram apud infensos erant. 

LVI. Igitur G^rmanicus quatuor legiones, qninque anxi* 
liarium millia, et tumultuarias catervas Grermanoram cis 
Rhenum colentium, Gsacinse tradit: totidem legiones, du- 
plicem socioram numeram ipse ducit ; positoque castello super 
vestigia paterai prsesidii in monte Tauno, expeditum exercitum 
in Gattos rapit ; L. Apronio ad mnnitiones viarnm et flumi- 
nnm relicto* Nam, raram illi ccelo, siccitate, et amnibus 
modicis inofiensum iter properaverat ; imbresque et fluminnm 
anctus regredienti metuebatur. Sed Gattis adeo improvisus 
advenit, ut quod imbecillnm setate ac sexu, statim captum, 
aut tracidatum sit. Juventus finmen Adranam nando tra- 
miserat, Bomanosque pontem coeptantes arcebant : dein tor- 
mentis sagittisque pulsi, tentatis frastra conditionibus pacis, 
cum quidam ad Germanicum perfugissent, reUqni, omissis 
pagis vicisque, in silvas disperguntur. Gsesar incenso Mattio 
(id genti caput) aperta populatus, vertit ad Bhenum : non 
auso hoste terga abeuntium lacessere, quod illi moris, quotiens 
astu magis, quam per formidinem cessit. Fnerat animus 
Gheruscis juvare Gattos, sed exterrait Gsecina huc illuc ferens 
arma ; et Marsos congredi ausos, prospero prcelio cohibuit. 

LVII. Neque multo post legati a Segeste venerunt, auxi- 
lium orantes adversus vim popularium, a quis circumsede- 


batur ; validiore apad eos Arminio, quando bellum suadebat. 
Nam barbaris, quanto quis audacia promptus, tanto magis 
fidus, rebusque motis potior babetur. Addiderat Segestes 
legatis filium, nomine Segimundum : sed juvenis conscientia 
cunctabatur : quippe anno, quo Germanise descivere, sacerdos 
apud Aram Ubiorum creatus, ruperat vittas, profugus ad 
rebelles. Adductus tamen in spem clementiss Bomanas, per- 
tulit patris mandata, benigneque exceptus cum prsesidio 
Gallicam in ripam missus est. Oermanico pretium fuit, con- 
vertere agmen : pugnatumque in obsidentes, et ereptus 
Segestes magna cum propinquorum et clientium manu. In- 
erant feminsB nobiles, inter quas uxor Arminii, eademque filia 
Segestis, mariti magis quam parentis animo, neque victa in 
lacrimas, neque voce supplex,. compressis intra sinum manibus, 
gravidum uterum intuens. Ferebantur et spolia Varianse 
cladis, plerisque eorum, qui tum in deditionem veniebant, 
prsedse data. Simul Segestes ipse ingens visu, et memoria 
bonse societatis impavidus : verba ejus in hunc modum Aiere. 
LVIII. ^^ Non hic mibi primus erga populum Bomanum 
fidei et constantise dies : ex quo a divo Augusto civitate 
donatus 9um, amicos inimicosque ex vestris utilitatibus delegi : 
neque odio patrise (quippe proditores, etiam iis quos ante- 
ponunt, invisi sunt), verum quia Bomanis Germanisque idem 
conducere ; et pacem, quam bellum probabam. Ergo rapto- 
rem filisB mese, violatorem foederis vestri Arminium, apud 
Varum, qui tum exercitui prsesidebat, reum feci: dilatus 
segnitia ducis, quia parum prsesidii in legibus erat, ut me, et 
Arminium, et conscios vinciret, flagitavi. Testis illa nox, 
mihi utinam potius novissima ! Quse secuta sunt, defleri 
magis, quam defendi possunt : ceterum et injeci catenas 
Arminio, et a factione ejus injectas perpessus sum. Atque 
ubi primum tui copia, vetera novis, et quieta turbidis ante- 
habeo : neque ob prsemium, sed ut me perfidia exsolvam ; 
simul genti Germanorum idoneus conciliator, si poenitentiam 
quam pemiciem maluerit. Pro juventa et errore filii veniam 
precor : filiam necessitate huc adductam fateor : tuum erit 
consultare, utrum praevaleat, quod ex Arminio concepit, an 
quod ex me genita est.^ Csesar, clementi responso, liberis 
propinquisque ejus incolumitatem, ipsi sedem Vetera, in pro- 


vincia, pollicetnr. Exercitum rednxit, nomenque imperatoris 
auctore Tiberio accepit. Arminii uxor, virilis sexus stirpem 
edidit : educatus Bavennse puer, quo mox ludibrio conflictatus 
sit, in tempore memorabo. 

LIX. Fama dediti benigneque excepti Segestis vulgata, 
ut quibusque bellum invitis aut cupientibus erat, spe vel 
dolore accipitur. Arminiura, super insitam violentiam, rapta 
uxor, subjectus servitio uxoris uterus, vecordem agebant : 
volitabatque per Gheruscos, aiona in Segestem, arma in 
Csesarem poscens: neque probris temperabat. '^Egregium 
patrem ! magnum imperatorem ! fortem exercitum ! quorum 
tot manus unam mulierculam avexerint. Sibi tres legiones, 
totidem legatos procubuisse. Non enim se proditioncy neque 
adversus feminas gravidas, sed palam adversus armatos bellum 
tractare : cemi adhuc Germanorum in lucis signa Bomana, 
quse diis patriis suspenderit : coleret Segestes victam ripam ; 
redderet filio sacerdotium : bominem Germanos numqnam 
satis excusaturos, quod inter Albim et Bhenum virgas, et 
secures, et togam viderint. Aliis gentibus, ignorantia im- 
perii Bomani, inexperta esse supplicia, nescia tributa: quse 
quando exuerint, inritusque discesserit ille inter numina dica^ 
tus Augustus, ille delectus Tiberius, ne imperitum adolescen- 
tulum, ne seditiosum exercitum pavescerent. Si patriam, 
parentes, antiqua mallent, qxxkm dominos, et colonias novas ; 
Arminium potius glorise ac libertatis, quam Segcstem flagi- 
tiossd servitutis ducem sequerentur.^^ 

LX. Conciti per ha^c non modo Cherusci, sed contermin» 
gentes; tractusque in partes Inguiomerus Arminii patruus, 
veteri apud Bomanos auctoritate : unde major Csesari metus : 
et ne bellum mole una ingrueret, Csecinam cum quadraginta 
cohortibus Romanis, distrahendo hosti, per Bructeros ad 
flumen Amisiam mittit : equitem Pedo prsefectus, finibus 
Frisiorum ducit : ipse impositas navibus quatuor legiones per 
lacus vexit : simulque pedes, eques, classis, apud praedictum 
amnem convenere. Chauci cum auxilia poUicerentur, in com- 
militium adsciti sunt. Bructeros sua urentes, expedita cum 
manu L. Stertinius, missu Germanici fudit, interque csedem et 
prsedam reperit undevicesimee legionis aquilam cum Varo 
amissam. Ductum inde agmen ad ultimos Bructerorum : 


quantumque Amisiam et Luppiam amnes inter, vastatum; 
baud procul Teutoburgiensi saltu, in quo reliquise Vari legi- 
onumque insepultse dicebantur. 

LXI. Igitur cnpido Csesarem invadit solvendi suprema 
militibus, ducique ; permoto ad miserationem onmi, qui ad- 
erat, exercitu, ob propinquos, amicos, denique ob casus bel- 
lorum et sortem hominum. Praemisso Csecina, ut occnlta 
saltuum scrutaretur, pontesque et aggeres bumido paludum et 
fallacibus campis imponeret, incedunt moestos locos, visuque ac 
memoria deformes. Prima Vari castra, lato ambitu, et di- 
mensis principiis, trium legionum manus ostentabant : dein 
semiruto vallo, humili fossa, acciss» jam reliquiae consedisse 
intelligebantur : medio campi albentia ossa, ut fugerant, ut 
restiterant, dbjecta vel aggerata: adjacebant fragmina 
telorum, equorumque artus, simul truncis arborum antefixa 
ora; lucis propinquis barbarse arse, apud quas tribunos, ac 
primorum ordinum centuriones mactaverant : et cladis ejus 
superstites pugnam aut vincula elapsi, referebant, '' hic ceci- 
disse legatos ; illic raptas aquilas ; primum ubi vulnus Varo 
adactum ; ubi infelici dextra, et suo ictu mortem invenerit : 
quo tribunali concionatus Arminius ; quot patibula captivis, 
quse scrobes ; utque signis et aquilis per superbiam inluserit.'*^ 

LXII. Igitur Bomanus, qui aderat, exercitus, sextum 
post cladis annum, trium legionum ossa, nullo noscente alienas 
rehquias an suorum humo tegeret, omnes ut conjunctos, ut 
consanguineos, aucta in hostem ira, moesti simul et infensi 
condebant. Primum exstruendo tumulo cespitem Caesar 
posuit, gratissimo munere in defunctos, et prsesentibus doloris 
socius. Quod Tiberio haud probatum ; seu cuncta Germanici 
in deterius trahenti ; sive exercitum imagine caesorum inse- 
pultorumque tardatum ad proelia, et formidolosiorem hostium 
credebat : '' neque imperatorem auguratu et vetustissimis 
cserimoniis prseditum, adtrectare feralia debuisse.'*^ 

LXIII. Sed Germanicus cedentem in avia Arminium 
secutus, ubi primum copia fiiit, evehi equites, campumque, 
quem hostis insederat, eripi jubet, Arminins colligi suos, et 
propinquare silvis monitos, vertit repente ; mox signum pro- 
rumpendi dedit iis, quos per saltus oCcultaverat. Tunc nova 
acie torbatus eques» missseque subsidiarise cohortes, et fugien- 



tium agmine impnlsse, auxerant consternationem : tradeban- 
turque in paludem gnaram vincentibus, iniquam nesciis, ni 
Gsesar productas legiones instruxisset : inde bostibus terror, 
fiducia militi : et manibus sequis abscessum. Mox reducto ad 
Amisiam exercitu, legiones classe, ut advexerat, reportat. 
Pars equitum litore Oceani petere Bbenum jussa. Gaecina, 
qui suum militem ducebat, monitus, quamquam notis itineribus 
regrederetur, pontes longos quam maturrime superare. An- 
gustus is trames, vastas inter paludes, et quondam a L. 
Domitio aggeratus: cetera limosa, tenacia gravi cceno, aut 
rivis incerta erant: circum silvsB paullatim adclives; quas 
tum Arminius implevit, compendiis viarum, et cito agmine, 
onustum sarcinis armisque militem cum antevenisset. Gse- 
cinse, dubitanti quonam modo ruptos vetustate pontes repo- 
neret, simulque propulsaret bostem, castrametari in loco 
placuit ; ut opus, et alii proelium inciperent. 

LXIV. Barbari perinngere stationes, seque inferre muni- 
toribus nisi, lacessunt, circumgrediuntur, occursant : miscetur 
operantium bellantiumque clamor : et cuncta pariter Bomanis 
adversa; locus uligine profunda, idem ad gradum instabiUs» 
procedentibus lubricus ; corpora gravia loricis, neque librare 
pila inter undas poterant. Gontra Gheruscis sueta apud 
paludes prcelia, procera membra, hastse ingentes ad vulnera 
&cienda, quamvis procul : nox demum inclinantes tum legiones 
adversse pugnse exemit. Germani ob prospera indefessi, ne 
tum quidem sumpta quiete, quantum aquarum circumsurgen- 
tibus jugis oritur, vertere in subjecta: mersaque Immo, et 
obruto quod effectum operis, duplicatus militi labor. Quadra- 
gesimum id stipendium Gsecina parendi aut imperitandi 
habebat : secundarum ambiguarumque rerum sciens, eoque 
interritus. Igitur futura volvens, non aliud reperit, quam 
ut hostem silvis coerceret, donec saucii, quantumque gravioris 
agminis, anteirent : nam medio montium et paludum porrige- 
batur planicies, quse tenuem aciem pateretur. Deliguntur 
legiones, quinta dextro lateri ; unaetvicesima in Isevum ; pri- 
mani ducendum ad agmen ; yicesimanus adversum secuturos. 

LXV. Nox per diversa inquies : cum barbari festis epulis, 
Iseto cantu, aut truci sonore subjecta vallium ac resultantes 
saltus complerent ; apud Bomanos invalidi ignes, interruptse 


Yocesy atque ipsi passim adjacerent vallo, oberrarent tentoriis, 
insomnes magis quam pervigiles. Ducemque terruit dira 
quies: nam Quinctilium Varum sanguine oblitum, et palu- 
dibus emersum, cernere et audire yisus est, yelut vocantem, 
non tamen obsecutus, et manum intendentis repulisse. 
Goepta luce, missse in latera legiones metu, an contumacia, 
locum deseruere: capto propere campo, humentia ultra. 
Neque tamen Arminius, quamquam libero incursu, statim 
prorupit : sed ut bsesere cceno fossisque impedimenta, turbati 
circum milites, incertus signorum ordo, utque tali in tempore 
sibi quisque properus, et lentsD adversum imperia aures, ir- 
rumpere Oermanos jubet, clamitans, ^' En Varus, et eodem 
iterum &to victse legiones ! ^^ Simul haec ; et cum delectis 
scindit agmen, equisque maxime vulnera ingerit : illi sanguine 
sno, et lubrico paludum lapsentes, excussis rectoribus disjicere 
obvios, proterere jacentes : plurimus circa aquilas labor, quse 
neque adversum ferri ingruentia tela, neque figi limosa humo 
poterant. Csecina dum sustentat aciem, sufibsso equo dela- 
psus circumveniebatur, ni prima legio sese opposuisset : juvit 
hostium aviditas, omissa csede, pnedam sectantium ; enisseque 
legiones, vesperascente die, iu aperta et solida : neque is 
miseriarum finis : struendum vaUum, petendus agger : amissa 
magna ex parte, per quse egeritur humus, aut exciditur 
cespes : non tentoria manipulis, non fomenta sauciis : infectos 
coeno aut cruore cibos dividentes, iunestas tenebras, et tot 
hominum miUibus unum jam reliquum diem lamentabantur. 

LXVI. Forte equus abruptis vinculis vagus, et clamore 
territus, quosdam occurrentium obturbavit : tanta inde con- 
stematio inrupisse Germanos credentium, ut cuncti ruerent ad 
portas ; quarum Decumana maxime petebatur, aversa hosti, 
et iugientibus tutior. Gaecina, comperto vanam esse formi- 
dinem, cum tamen neque auctoritate, neque precibus, ne 
manu quidem obsistere, aut retinere militem quiret ; projectus 
in limine portse, miseratione demum, quia per corpus legati 
eundum erat, clausit viam : simul tribuni et centuriones 
falsum pavorem docuerunt. 

LXVII. Tunc contractos in principia, jussosque dicta 

cum silentio accipere, temporis ac necessitatis monet. '^ Unam 

in armis saluteoF, sed ea consUio temperanda : manendumque 

h 2 


intra yallum, donec expagnandi hostes spe, propius succede- 
rent : mox nndique emmpendnm : illa emptione ad Bhennm 
perveniri : quod si fiigerent, plures silvas, proinndas magis 
paludes, ssevitiam hostium superesse: at yictoribus decus, 
gloriam : quse domi cara, quee in castris honesta,^ memorat : 
reticnit de adversis. Equos dehinc, orsus a suis, legatomm 
tribunommque nulla ambitione, fortissimo cuique bellatori 
tradit, ut hi, mox pedes, in hostem invaderent. 

LXVIII. Haud minus inquies Germanus, spe, cupidine, 
et diversb ducum sententiis agebat: Arminio, '^sinerent 
egredi, egressosque mrsum per humida et impedita circum- 
venirent,^^ suadente : atrociora Inguiomero, et laeta barbaris, 
^' utvallumarmis ambirent : promptam expugnationem, plures 
captivos, incormptam prsedam fore.^^ Igitnr orta die, pro- 
runnt fossas, injiciunt crates, summa valli prensant, raro super 
milite, et quasi ob metum defixo. Postqnam haesere muni- 
mentis, datur cohortibns signum, corouaque ac tubse con- 
cinuere : exin clamore et impetu tergis Germanomm circum- 
funduntur exprobrantes, ^^non hic silvas, nec palndes, sed 
ffiquis locis sequos deos.'^ Hosti, facile excidium, et paucos et 
semermos cogitanti, sonns tubamm, Ailgor armorum, quanto 
inopina, tanto majora offundnntur; cadebantque, nt rebus 
secundis avidi, ita adversis incauti. Arminius integer, Inguio- 
merus post grave vulnus, pugnam desemere ; vulgus tmci- 
datum est, donec ira et dies permansit. Nocte demum 
reversae legiones, quamvis plus vulnemm, eadem cibomm 
egestas fatigaret, vim, sanitatem, copias, cuncta in victoria 

LXIX. Pervaserat interim " circumventi exercitus*' fama, 
et " infesto Germanomm agmine Grallias peti : ^** ac ni Agrip- 
pina impositum Bheno pontem solvi prohibuisset, erant qui 
id flagitium formidine anderent: sed femina ingens animi, 
mnnia ducis per eos dies induit, militibusque ut quis inops, 
aut sancius, vestem et fomenta dilargita est. Tradit G. 
Plinins, Germanicorum bellomm scriptor, stetisse apud prin- 
cipium pontis, laudes et grates reversis legionibus habentem. 
Id Tiberii animnm altius penetravit. " Non enim simplices 
eas cnras : nec adversus exteroos militem quseri : nihil re- 
lictum imperatoribus, ubi feminsl manipulos intervisat, signa 


adeat, largitionem tentet, tamqnam param ambitiose filium 
ducis gregali habitu eircumferat. Gsesaremque Cab*gulam ap- 
pellari velit. Potiorem jam apud exercitus Agrippinam, 
quam legatos, quam duces : compressam a muliere seditionem, 
cui nomen principis obsistere non quiverit.^^ Accendebat haec 
onerabatque Sejanus, peritia morum Tiberii, odia in longum 
jaciens, quas reconderet, auctaque promeret. 

LXX. At Oermanicus legionum, quas navibus vexerat, 
secundam et quartamdecimam itinere terrestri P« Vitellio 
ducendas tradit, quo leyior classis vadoso mari innaret, vel 
reciproco sideret. Vitellius primum iter sicca humo, ant 
modice adlabente sestu, quietum habuit. Mox impulsu aqui- 
lonis, simul sidere sequinoctii, quo maxime tumescit Oceanus, 
rapi agique agmen : et opplebantur terrse : eadem freto, litori, 
campis &cies: neque discerni poterant incerta ab solidis, 
brevia a profundis. Sternuntur fluctibus, hauriuntur gurgi- 
tibus: jumenta, sarcinse, corpora exanima interfluunt, occur- 
sant : permiscentur inter se manipuli, modo pectore, modo 
ore tenus exstantes, aliquando subtracto solo disjecti aut 
obrati : non vox, et mutui hortatus juvabant, adversante 
unda : nihil strenuus ab ignavo, sapiens ab imprudenti, con« 
silia a casu difierre : cuncta pari violentia involvebantur. 
Tandem Vitellius in editiora enisus, eodem agmen subduxit : 
peraoctavere sine utensilibus, sine igni, magna pars nudo aut 
mulcato corpore, haud minus miserabiles, quam quos hostis 
circumsidet : quippe illis etiam honestae mortis usus, his in- 
glorium exitium : lux reddidit terram ; penetratumque ad 
amnem Unsingin, quo Csesar classe contenderat : impositse 
deinde legiones, vagante fama submersas; nec fides salutis, 
antequam Csesarem exercitumque reducem videre. 

LXXI. Jam Stertinius ad accipiendum in deditionem 
Segimerum fratrem Segestis prsemissus, ipsum et filium ejua 
in civitatem Ubioram perduxerat: data utrique venia, facile 
Segimero, cunctantius filio: quia Qumctilii Vari corpus in- 
lusisse dicebatur. Ceteram ad supplenda exercitus damna 
certavere Gkillise, Hispanise, Italia; quod cuique promptum, 
arma, equos, aurum ofierentes : quoram laudato studio G^r- 
manicus, armis modo et equis ad bellum sumptis, propria 
pecunia militem juvit. Utque cladis memoriam etiam comi- 


tate leniret, circumire sancios ; &cta siDgulorum extoUere ; 
Yuluera intuenSy alium spe, alium gloria» cunctos alloquio et 
cura, sibique et proelio firmabat. 


V. Oeterum Tiberio haud ingratum accidit turbari res 
Orientis, ut ea specie Germanicum suetis legionibus abstra- 
heret ; novisque provinciis impositum, dolo simul et casibus 
objectaret. At ille, quanto acriora in eum studia militum, et 
aversa patrui voluntas, celerandse victoriaB intentior, tractare 
prcBliorum yias, et quse sibi tertium jam annum belligeranti 
saeva vel prospera evenissent : " fundi G^rmanos acie et justis 
locis ; juvari silvis, paludibus, brevi sestate, et prsematura 
hieme : suum militem haud perinde vulneribus, quam spatiis 
itinerum, danmo armorum adfici : fessas Gallias ministrandis 
equis: longum impedimentorum agmen, opportunum ad in- 
sidias, defensantibus iniquum. At si mare intretur, prom- 
ptam ipsis possessionem, et hostibus ignotam : simul bellum 
maturius incipi, legionesque et commeatus pariter vehi : in- 
tegrum equitem, equosque, per ora et alveos fluminum media 
in Germania fore." 

VI. Igitur huc intendit: missis ad census Galliarum, 
P. Vitellio et 0. Antio ; Silius, et Anteius, et Oaecina fiibri- 
candse classi prseponuntur. Mille naves sufficere visse, pro- 
peratseque : alise breves, angusta puppi proraque, et lato utero, 
quo fiicilius fluctos tolerarent : qusedam planse carinis, ut sine 
noxa siderent: plures, adpositis utrimque gubemaculis, con- 
verso ut repente remigio, hinc vel illinc adpellerent : multae 
pontibus stratse, super quas tormenta veherentur, simul aptse 
ferendis equis aut commeatui, velis habiles, citse remis, auge- 
bantur alacritate militum in speciem ac terrorem. Insula 
Batavorum in quam convenirent prsedicta, ob fiEU^iles adpulsus, 
accipiendisque copiis, et transmittendum ad bellum opportuna. 
Nam Bhenus uno alveo continuus, aut modicas insulas cir- 
cumveniens, apud principium agri Batavi, velut in duos amnes 
dividitur, servatque nomen et violentiam cursus, qua Ger- 
maniam prsevehitur, donec Oceano misceatur: ad Ghillicam 
ripam latior et placidior adfluens, verso cognomento Vahalem 
accolse dicunt : mox id quoque vocabulum mutat Mosa 


flumine, ejosqae immenso ore emidem in Oceanum effnn- 

VII. Sed Gsesar, dmn adigontar navesy Silium legatum 
cum expedita manu inruptionem m Cattos facere jubet : ipse, 
audito castellum Luppise flumini adpositum obsideri, sex 
legiones eo duxit. Neque Siiio ob subitos imbres aliud 
actum, quam ut modicam prsedam, et Arpi principis Gattorum 
conjugem filiamque raperet: neque Gsesari copiam pugnae 
obsessores fecere, ad famam adventus ejus dilapsi. Tumulum 
tamen nuper Varianis legionibus structum, et veterem aram 
Druso sitam disjecerant : restituit aram ; bonorique patris 
princeps ipse cum legionibus decucurrit. Tumulum iterare 
haud visum : et cuncta inter castellum Alisonem, ac Bhenum, 
novis limitibus, aggeribusque permunita. 

VIII. Jamque classis advenerat, cum prsemisso commeatu, 
et distributis in legiones ac socios navibus, fossam, cui Drusianse 
nomen, ingressus, precatusque Drusum patrem, '' ut se eadem 
ausum, libens placatusque exemplo ac memoria consiliorum 
atque opemm juvaret : ^^ lacus inde et Oceanum usque ad 
Amisiam flumen secunda navigatione pervehitur : classis 
Amisiae relicta, Isevo amne; erratumque in eo, quod non 
subvexit : transposuit militem dextras in terras iturum : ita 
plures dies efficiendis pontibus absumpti. Et eques quidem 
ac legiones pnma sestuaria, nondum adcrescente unda, intre- 
pidi transiere: postremum auxiliorum agmen, Batavique in 
parte ea, dum insultant aquis, artemque nandi ostentant, tur- 
bati, et quidam hausti sunt. Metanti castra Gaesari Angriva- 
riorum defectio a tergo nuntiatur: missus illico Stertinius 
cum equite et armatura levi, igne et csedibus perfidiam ultus 

IX. Flumen Visurgis Bomanos Gheruscosque interflnebat : 
ejus in ripa cum ceteris primoribus Arminius adstitit, quaesi- 
toque '^ an Gsesar vemsset l ^ postquam ^^ adesse ^^ responsum 
est, ^* ut liceret cum fratre conloqui ^^ oravit. Erat is in exer- 
citu cognomento Flavius, insignis fide, et amisso per vulnus 
oculo paucis ante aunis, duce Tiberio : tam permissum ; pro- 
gressusque salutatur ab Arminio: qui amotis stipatoribus ; 
^' ut sagittarii nostra pro ripa dispositi abscederent,^ postulat ; 
et postquam digressi, ^'undeea deformitas oris!'^ interrogat 


fratrem : illo locam, et prcBlium referente, ^' qaodnam praemiam 
recepisset ^ exqairit. Flavias ^^ aacta stipendia, torquem, et 
coronam, aliaqae militaria dona ^^ memorat, inridente Arminio 
yilia servitii pretia. 

X. Exin diversi ordiantar: bic '^ magnitudinem Boma- 
nam, opes Csesaris, et victis graves poenas; in deditionem 
venienti paratam clementiam ; neqae conjagem et filiam ejas 
hostiliter haberi.'*^ Ille " fas patriae, libertatem avitam, pene- 
trales Germanise deos, matrem precam sociam ; ne propin- 
qaoram et adfiniam, deniqae gentis suae desertor et proditor, 
qaam imperator esse mallet.'^ Paallatim inde ad jargia pro- 
lapsi, qaominus pngnam conscrerent, ne flamine qaidem inter- 
jecto cohibebantar ; ue Stertinius adcurrens, plenum irse, 
" armaque et equum ^ poscentem Flavium attinuisset. Cerne- 
batur contra minitabundus Arminius, proeliumque denuntians : 
nam pleraque Latino sermone interjaciebat, ut qui Bomanis in 
castris ductor popularium meruisset. 

XI. Postero die, Grermanorum acies trans Visurgim 
stetit. Csasar, nisi pontibus prsesidiisque impositis, dare in 
discrimen legiones haud imperatorium ratus, equitem vado 
tramittit : prsefuere Stertinius, et e numero primipilarium 
uSmilius, distantibus locis invecti, ut hostem diducerent. 
Qua celerrimus amnis, Cariovalda dux Batavorum erupit: 
eum Cherusci fugam simulantes, in planitiem saltibus circum- 
jectam traxere: dein coorti, et undique effiisi trudunt ad- 
versos, instant cedentibus, collectosque in orbem, pars con- 
gressi, quidam eminus proturbant. Cariovalda, dia sustentata 
hostium ssevitia, hortatus suos ut ingruentes catervas globo 
frangerent, atque ipse in densissimos inrumpens, congestis telis 
et suffosso equo labitur, ac multi nobilium circa : ceteros vis 
8ua, aiit equites cum Stertinio iSmilioque subvenientes, peri- 
culo exemere. 

XII. Csesar transgressus Visurgim, indicio perfugfie cog- 
noscit, ** delectum ab Arminio locum pugnse ; convenisse et 
alias nationes in silvam Herculi sacram, ausurosque nocturnam 
castrorum oppugnationem.^^ Habita indici fides, et ceme- 
bantur ignes ; suggressique propius speculatores " audiri fre- 
mitum equorum, immensique et inconditi agminis murmur ^^ 
attulere. Igitur propinquo snmmae rei discrimine, explo- 


randos militum animos ratus, quonam id modo incomiptum 
foret, secum agitabat : ^^ Tribuuos et centuriones Iseta saepius 
quam comperta nuntiare ; libertorum servilia ingenia ; amicis 
inesse adulationem : si concio vocetur» illic quoque, qu8& pauci 
incipiant, reliquos adstrepere : penitus noscendas mentes, cum 
secreti et incustoditi, inter militares cibos, spem aut metum 

XIII. Nocte ccepta, egressus augurali» per occulta et 
vigilibus ignara, comite uno, contectus humeros ferina pelle, 
adit castrorum vias, adsistit tabernaculis, fruiturque fama sui : 
cum hic " nobilitatem ducis," " decorem ^^ alius, plurimi " pa- 
tientiam, comitatem, per seria, per jocos eumdem animum,'^ 
laudibusferrent : '' reddendamque gratiam in acie^'' faterentur : 
simul ''*' perfidos et ruptores pacis, ultioni et gloriss mactandos.*^ 
Inter quse unus hostium Latinse linguse sciens, acto ad vallum 
equo, voce magna, '^ conjuges, et agros, et stipendii in dies, 
donec bellaretur, sestertios centenos, si quis transfugisset,^^ 
Arminii nomine pollicetur. Incendit ea contumelia legionum 
iras : *' veniret dies, daretur pugna : sumpturum militem 
Germanorum agros, tracturum conjuges : accipere omen, et 
matrimonia ac pecunias hostium praedse destinar^**** Tertia 
ferme vigilia adsultatum est castris, sine conjectu teli, post- 
quam crebras pro munimentis cohortes, et nihil remissum 

XIV. Nox eadem laetam G^rmanico quietem tulit, vidit- 
que se operatum, et sanguine sacro respersa prsetexta, pul- 
chriorem aliam manibus aviae Augustse accepisse. Auctus 
omine, addicentibus auspiciis, vocat concionem, et quse sapi- 
entia prsevisa, aptaque imminenti pugnee, disserit. '^ Non 
compos modo militi Bomano ad proelium bonos, sed si ratio 
adsit, silvas et saltus : nec enim immensa barbarorum scuta, 
enormes hastas, inter truncos arborum, et enata humo vir- 
gulta, perinde haberi quam pila, et gladios, et hserentia 
corpori tegmina : densarent ictus, ora mucronibus qusererent : 
non loricam G^rmano, non galeam ; ne scuta quidem ferro 
nervove firmata, sed viminum textus, vel tenues et fucatas 
colore tabulas: primam utcumque aciem hastatam; ceteris, 
prseusta aut brevia tela : jam corpus, ut visu torvum, et ad 
brevem impetum validum, sic nulla vulnerum patientia : sine 


pudore flagitii, sine cura dncam, abire, fiigere ; pavidos ad- 
versis ; inter secunda, non divini, non bumani juris memores. 
Si tsedio viarum ac maris finem cupiant, bac acie parari : 
propiorem jam Albim, quam Bbenum : neque bellum ultra, 
modo se patris patruique vestigia prementem, iisdem in terris 
victorem sisterent.'^ Orationem ducis secutus militum ardor ; 
signumque pugnae datum. 

XV. Nec Arminius, aut ceteri Grermanorum proceres 
omittebant suos quisque testari : '^ Hos esse Bomanos Variaui 
exercitus Aigacissimos, qui ne bellum tolerarent, seditionem 
induerint : quorum pars onusta vulneribus ter^m, pars fluc- 
tibus et procellis fractos artus, infensis rursum bostibus, 
adversis diis, objiciant, nulla boni spe. Glassem quippe et avia 
Oceani qusesita, ne quis venientibus occurreret, ne pulsos 
premeret: sed ubi miscuerint manus» inane victis ventorum 
remorumque subsidium. Meminissent modo avaritiee, crudeli- 
tatis, superbise : aliud sibi reliquum, quam tenere libertatem, 
aut mori ante servitium ! ^ 

XVI. Sic accensos et proelium poscentes in campum, cui 
Idistaviso nomen, deducunt: is medius inter Visur^m et 
colles, ut^ripse fluminis cedunt, aut prominentia montium 
resistunt, insequaliter sinuatur : pone tergum insurgebat silva, 
editis in altum ramis, et pura humo inter arborum truncos. 
Gampum et prima silvarum, barbara acies tenuit : soli Che- 
rusci juga insedere» ut proeliantibus Bomanis desuper incurre- 
rent. Noster exercitus sic incessit: auxiliares Galli, G^r- 
manique in fronte : post quos pedites sagittarii : dein quatuor 
legiones, et cum duabus prsetoriis cohortibus, ac delecto 
equite Csesar : exin totidem aliee legiones, et levis armatura 
cum equite sagittario, ceterseque sociorum cohortes. Intentus 
paratusque miles, ut ordo agminis in aciem adsisteret. 

XVII. Visis Cheruscorum catervis, quae per ferociam 
proruperant, validissimos equitum incurrere latus, Stertinium 
cum ceteris turmis circumgredi, tergaque invadere jubet, ipse 
in tempore adiuturus. Interea pulcherrimum augurium, octo 
aquilae petere silvas, et intrare visse, imperatorem advertere : 
exclamat, '^ Irent, sequerentur Bomanas aves, propria legio- 
num numina.^ Simul pedestris acies infertur ; et prsemissus 
eques, postremos ac latera impulit. Mirumque dictu, duo 


hostiam agmina diversa ftiga, qoi silvam tenuerant, in aperta, 
qoi campis adstiterant, in silyam mebant : medii inter hos 
Cherosci, coUibos detmdebantur : inter quos insignis Armi- 
nius manu, voce, yulnere, sustentabat pugnam : incubuerat- 
que sagittariis, illa mpturus, ni Bhsetomm Vindelicommque, 
et Gkdlic» cohortes signa objecissent : nisu tamen corporis, et 
impetu equi pervasit, oblitus feciem suo cmore, ne nosceretur : 
quidam ^^ agnitum a Ghaucis inter auxilia Bomana agentibus, 
emissumque ''^ tradidemnt. Virtus, seu fraus eadem, Inguio- 
mero efiugium dedit : ceteri passim tmcidati. Et plerosque 
tranare Visurgim conantes, injecta tela aut yis fluminis post- 
remo moles mentium, et incidentes ripss, opemere. Quidam 
turpi ftiga in summa arborum nisi, ramisque se occultantes, 
admotis sagittariis per ludibrium figebantur: alios promt» 
arbores adfiixere. Magna ea yictoria, neque cmenta nobis 

XVIII. Quinta ab hora diei ad noctem csesi hostes, 
decem millia passuum cadaveribus atque armis oppleyere ; 
repertis inter spolia eomm catenis, quas in Bomanos, ut non 
dubio eyentu, portayerant. Miles in loco proelii, Tiberium 
Imperatorem salutayit, struzitque aggerem, et in modum 
trophffiomm arma, subscriptis yictamm gentium nominibus, 

XIX. Haud perinde Grermanos yulnera, luctus, ezcidia, 
quam ea species dolore et ira adfecit : qui modo abire sedi- 
bus, trans Albim concedere parabant, pugnam yolunt, arma 
rapiunt : plebes, primores, juyentus, senes, agmeu Bomanum 
repente incursant, turbant : postremo deligunt locum, fiumine 
et silyis clausum, arcta intus planitie, et humida : silyas 
quoque proftinda palus ambibat, nisi quod latus unum Angri- 
yarii lato aggere extulerant, quo a Ohemscis dirimerentur : 
hic pedes adstitit; equitem propinquis lucis texere, ut in- 
gressis silyam legionibus a tergo foret. 

XX. Nihil ex iis Gsesari incognitum: consilia, locos, 
prompta, occulta noyerat, astusque hostium in pemiciem ipsis 
yertebat. Seio Tuberoni legato tradit equitem, campumque : 
peditum aciem ita instmxit, ut pars sequo in silyam aditu 
incederet, pars objectum aggerem eniteretur : quod arduum, 
sibi ; cetera legatis permisit. Quibus plana eyeneraut, facile 


inrupere : quis impugnandus agger, ut si ihurum succederent, 
gravibus superne ictibus conflictabantur. Sensit dux impa- 
rem cominus pugnam, remotisque paullum legionibus, fundi- 
tores libratoresque excutere tela, et proturbare hostem jubet : 
missse e tormentis hastse, quantoque conspicui magis propu- 
gnatores, tanto pluribus yuhieribus dejecti. Primus Gsesar 
cum prsetoriis cohortibus, capto yallo, dedit impetum in 
silvas : conlato illic gradu certatum : hostem a tergo palus, 
Bomanos flumen aut montes claudebant : utrisque necessitas 
in loco, spes in virtute, salus ex victoria. 

XXI. Nec minor Oermanis animus, sed genere pugnae 
et armorum superabantur ; cum ingens multitudo, arctis locis, 
prselongas hastas non protenderet, non colligeret, neque 
adsultibus et velocitate corporum uteretur, coacta stabile ad 
proelium : contra miles, cui scutum pectori adpressum, et in- 
sidens capulo manus, latos barbarorum artus, nuda ora foderet, 
viamque strage hostium aperiret : imprompto jam Arminio, 
ob continua pericula, sive illum recens acceptum vulnus tar- 
daverat. Quin et Inguiomerum tota volitantem acie, fortuna 
magis quam virtus deserebat : - et Germanicus, quo magis 
adgnosceretur, detraxerat tegimen capiti, orabatque ^^ in^ 
sisterent csedibus, nil opus captivis, solam intemecionem 
gentis finem bello fore.^ Jamque sero diei subducit ex acie 
legionem, faciendis castris : ceterse ad noctem cruore bos- 
tium satiatse sunt : equites ambigue certavere. 

XXII. Laudatis pro concione victoribus, Gaesar con- 
geriem armorum struxit, superbo cum titulo: dbbbllatis 


nihil addidit, metu invidise, an ratus conscientiam fisictis satis 
esse. Mox bellum in Angrivarios Stertinio mandat, ni 
deditionem properavissent : atque illi supplices, nihil ab- 
nuendo, veniam omnium accepere. 

XXIII. Sed sestate jam adulta, legionum alise itinere 
terrestri in hibemacula remissse : plures Gaesar classi impo- 
sitas per flumen Amisiam Oceano invexit. Ac primo pla- 
cidum sequor mille navium remis strepere, aut velis impelli : 
mox atro nubium globo efiusa grando : simul variis undique 
procellis, incerti fluctus prospectum adimere, regimen impe- 


dire : milesque pavidos, et casuum maris ignarus, dum turbat 
nautas, vel intempestive juvat, officia prudentium corrumpe- 
bat : omne dehinc coelum, et mare omne in austrum cessit, 
<]ui tumidis Oermaniae terris, proiundis amnibus, immenso 
nubium tractu validus, et rigore yicini septemtrionis horri- 
dior, rapuit disjecitque naves in aperta Oceani, aut insulas 
saxis abruptis, vel per occulta vada infestas. Quibus paul- 
lum segreque vitatis, postquam mutabat aestus, eodemque 
quo ventus ferebat; non adhserere anchoris, non ezhaurire 
inrumpentes undas poterant : equi, jumenta, sarcinse, etiam 
arma prsecipitantur, quo levarentur alvei manantes per latera, 
et fluctu superurgente. 

XXIV. Quauto violentior cetero mari Oceanus, et tru- 
culentia coeli prsestat G^rmania, tantum illa clades noyitate 
et magnitudine excessit, hostilibus circum litoribus, aut ita 
vasto et proiundo, ut credatur novissimum ac sine terris 
mare : pars navium haustse sunt ; plures, apud insulas longius 
sitas ejectae : milesque nullo illic hominum cultu, fame ab- 
sumptus, nisi quos corpora equorum eodem elisa tolerave- 
rant. Sola Oermanici triremis Chaucorum terram adpulit; 
quem per omnes illos dies noctesque, apud scopulos et pro- 
minentes oras, cum ^^ se tanti exitii reum ^^ clamitaret, vix 
cohibuere amici, quominus eodem mari oppeteret. Tandem 
relabente sestu, et secimdante vento, claudse naves, raro 
remigio, aut intentis vestibus, et qusedam a validioribus 
tractse, revertere : quas raptim refectas misit, ut scrutarentur 
insulas : collecti ea cura plerique : multos Angrivarii nuper 
in fidem accepti, redemptos ab interioribus reddidere : quidam 
in Britanniam rapti, et remissi a regulis. Ut quis ex longin- 
quo revenerat, " miracula " narrabant, " vim turbiuum, et 
inauditas volucres, monstra maris, ambiguas hominum et 
belluamm forroas :'' visa, sive ex metu credita. 

XXV. Sed fama classis amissse, ut Germanos ad spem 
belli, ita Oaesarem ad coercendum erexit. 0. Silio cum 
triginta peditum, tribus equitum millibus ire in Cattos im- 
perat : ipse majoribus copiis Marsos inrumpit : quorum dux 
Malovendus nuper in deditionem acceptus, ^^ propinquo luco 
defossam Varianse legionis aquilam modico prsesidio servari "^ 
indicat. Missa extemplo manus, quae hostem a fronte eli- 


ceret, alii qui terga circamgressi recluderent humam : et 
utrisque adfuit fortuna. Eo promptior Gaesar pergit in- 
trorsus, populatur, ezscindit non ausum congredi hostem : 
aut sicubi restiterat, statim pulsum, nec umquam magis, ut 
ex captiyis cognitum est, paventem. Quippe ^* invictos et 
nnllis casibus superabiles Bomanos ^ prsedicabant, '^ qui perdita 
classe, amissis armis, post constrata equorum yirorumque 
corporibus litora, eadem virtute, pari ferocia, et veluti aucti 
numero inrupissent.'*^ 

XXVI. Beductus inde in hibema miles, Isetus animi, 
quod adversa maris, expeditione prospera pensavisset: ad- 
didit munificentiam Gsesar, quantum quis damni professus 
erat, exsolvendo. Nec dubium habebatur, labare hostes, 
petendseque pacis consilia sumere, et si proxima sestas ad- 
jiceretur, posse bellum patrari : sed crebris epistolis Tiberius 
monebat, ^^ rediret ad decretum triumphum : satis jam even- 
tuum, satis casuum: prospera illi et magna proelia: eorum 
quoque meminisset, quse venti et fluctus, uulla ducis culpa, 
gravia tamen et sseva danma intulissent: se novies a divo 
Augusto in Grermaniam missum, plura consilio quam vi per- 
fecisse. Sic Sugambros in deditionem acceptos, sic Suevos, 
regemque Maroboduum, pace obstrictum : posse et Gheru- 
scos, ceterasque rebellium gentes, quando Bomanse ultioni 
cousultum esset, internis discordiis relinqui.'*'* Precante Ger- 
manico annum efficiendis coeptis, acrius modestiam ejus ad- 
greditur, alterum consulatum offerendo, cujus munia prsesens 
obiret : simul adnectebat, ^^ si foret adhuc bellanduii), relin- 
queret materiem Drusi fratris glorise, qui nullo tum alio 
boste, nonnisi apud Oermanias adsequi nomen imperatorium, 
et deportare lauream posset."*^ Haud cunctatus est ultra 
Germanicus, quamquam fingi ea seque per invidiam parto 
jam decori abstrahi intelligeret. 

TAC. ANN. u. 

XLIV. Nec multo post Drusus in Illyricum missns est, 
nt suesceret militise, studiaque exercitus pararet ; simul juve- 
nem urbano luxu lascivientem melius in castris haberi Ti- 
berius, seque tutiorem rebatur, utroque filio legiones obti- 
nente. Sed Suevi prsetendebantur, auxilium adversus Ghe- 


roscos orantes : nam discessu Bomanorum, ac vacui extemo 
metn, gentis adsuetudine, tum et semulatione gloriae, arma 
in se verterant: yis nationum, virtus ducimi in sequo: sed 
Macpboduum regis nomen invisum apud populares; Armi* 
nium pro libertate bellantem favor habebat. 

XLV. Igitur non modo Gherusei sociique eorum, vetus 
Arminii miles, sumpsere bellum: sed e regno etiam Maro- 
bodui Suevse gentes, Semnones ac Langobardi, defecere ad 
eum : quibus additis prsepollebat, ni Inguiomerus cum manu 
clientium ad Maroboduum perfiigisset ; non aliam ob causam, 
quam- quia fratris filio juveni, patruus senex parere dedig- 
nabatur. Diriguntur acies pari utrimque spe, nec ut olim 
apud Germanos vagis incursibus, aut disjectas per catervas : 
quippe longa adversum nos militia, insueverant sequi signa, 
subsidiis firmari, dicta imperatorum accipere. At tunc Ar- 
minius equo conlustrans cuncta, ut quosque advectus erat: 
^^ Beciperatam libertatem, trucidatas legiones, spolia adhuc 
et tela Bomanis derepta, in manibus multorum ^' ostentabat : 
contra ^^ ftigacem Maroboduum ^ appellans, ^' proeliorum ex- 
pertem, Hercyniae latebris defensum, ac mox per dona et 
legationes petivisse foedus, proditorem patrise, satellitem 
Cssaris, haud minus infensis animis exturbandum, quam 
Varum Quinctilium interfecerint : meminissent modo tot prce- 
liorum, quorum eventu, et ad postremum ejectis Bomanis, 
satis probatum, penes utros summa belli fuerit.^ 

XLVI. Neque Maroboduus jactantia sui, aut probris in 
hostem abstinebat : sed Inguiomerum tenens, ^^ IIIo in corpore 
decus omne Gheruscorum, Ulius consiliis gesta, qu» prospere 
ceciderint,^' testabatur : *^ vecordem Arminium, et rerum ne- 
scium, alienam gloriam in se trahere, quoniam tres vacuas 
legiones et ducem fraudis ignarum perfidia deceperit, magna 
cum clade Germanise, et ignominia sua, cum conjunx, cum 
filius ejus, servitium adhuc tolerent. At se duodecim legi- 
onibus petitum duce Tiberio, illibatam Germanorum gloriam 
servavisse : mox conditionibus sequis discessum : neque poeni- 
tere quod ipsorum in manu sit, integrum adversus Bomanos 
bellum, an pacem incruentam malint.^ His vocibus instinctos 
exercitus, proprise quoque causse stimulabant: cum a Ghe- 
ruscis Langobardisque, pro antiquo decore, aut recenti liber- 


tate ; et contra, augendea domiDationi certaretur. Non alias 
majore mole concursum, neque ambiguo magis eventu, fusis 
utrimque deztris comibus. Sperabaturque rursum pugna, 
ni Maroboduus castra in colles subduxisset. Id signum 
perculsi fuit : et transfiigis paullatim nudatus, in Marcoman- 
nos concessit, misitque legatos ad Tiberium oraturos auxilia. 
Besponsum est, ^^ non jure eum adversus Gberuscos arma 
Bomana invocare, qui pugnantes in eumdem hostem Bo- 
manos nulla ope juvisset.'" Missus tamen Drusus, ut retu- 
limus, pacis firmator. 


LXXXVIII. Beperio apud scriptores senatoresque eo- 
rumdem temporum, Adgandestrii, principis Gattorum, lectas 
in senatu literas, quibus ^^ mortem Arminii ^' promittebat, ^^ si 
patrand» neci venenum mittereturf responsumque esse, 
^^ non fraude, neque occultis, sed palam et armatum populum 
Bomanum hostes suos ulcisci f ^ qua gloria sequabat se Ti- 
berius priscis imperatoribus, qui venenum in Pyrrhum regem 
vetuerant, prodiderantque. Geterum Arminius, abscedenti- 
bus Bomauis, et pulso Maroboduo, regnum adfectans, liber- 
tatem popularium adversam habuit : petitusque armis, cum 
varia fortuna certaret, dolo propinquorum cecidit: liberator 
haud dubie Germanise, et qui non primordia populi Romani, 
sicut alii reges ducesque, sed florentissimum imperium laces- 
sierit : proeliis ambiguus, bello non victus : septem et triginta 
annos vitse, duodecim potentise explevit: caniturque adhuc 
barbaras apud gentes ; Graecorum anualibus ignotus, qui sua 
tantum mirantur : Bomanis baud perinde celebris, dum ve- 
tera extollimus, recentium iucuriosi. 

Additional data may be collected frora Uio Gassius 
(lvi. 18 — 24) ; but the extracts have already been so lengthy 
as to leave room only for the remarks of Niebuhr. 


The G^rman wars, which commenced in 740, were the 
consequence of the conquests in the AIps. Tihe Sigambri 
seem before this time to have invaded the left bauk of the 
Bhine in our neighbourhood ; but they had been repelled hy 


tbe Bomaos, who adyanced as far as the westward, though 
they did not make any conquests. In 740 the Bomans 
attacked the Germans both on the Danube and on the Lower 
Bhine. The fact that such attacks were never made on the 
Upper Bhine» as &r down as the river Lahn, shows that 
Suabia was not then a Grerman country ; it did not become 
one until the Alemanni settled there. All we know about 
this war is vague and indefinite, and the account in Dion 
Gassius is unfortunately mutilated. It may have been in 
these campaigns that, as my friend Both conjectures, Domi- 
tius Ahenobarbus penetrated into Germany across the Elbe 
in Bohemia ; for, in the subsequent invasions, we mostlj find 
the Bomans marching towards the Elbe from the Lower 
Bhine. The war was conducted by Tiberius** younger 
brother, Nero Glaudius Drusus, in three campaigns. He 
advanced from the Lower Bhine across the Weser, as far as 
the Elbe, and subdued the Bructeri, Sigambri (who were 
then very renowned), CheruHci, and other tribes. The 
details of his campaign are not known, and localities are 
scarcely ever mentioned. Since the Germans had no towns, 
their only protection was the impassable nature of their 
country; for they had no fortified places; and, when they 
met the Bomans in the open field, they were usually beaten, 
being imable to resist the military skill of the Bomans. 
Their country was nowravaged; women and children were 
carried off into slavery, and the men were put to death like 
wild beasts ; for, although Drusus was otherwise of a mild 
disposition, considering what the Bomans then were, yet he 
was, like Varus, a great sinner (akiriipio^) towards the 
Germans. He died in his camp, not without a snspicion 
of Tiberius having caused his death ; but this may have been 
believed only on account of the hatred which Tiberius enter- 
tained against the family of his brother, especially against 
Germanicus. AII that Tiberius could have feared was, that 
Drusus, like Germanicus, might indulge in the fair dream of 
restoring the republic. 

In 745, after the death of Drusus, Tiberius took the 
conmiand ; and his triumph over the Germans was followed 
by his withdrawal to Bhodes. During the seven years of 


his absence, few important events occarred, except that the 
Bructeri defeated the legate, M. Lollius, destroyed his legion, 
and captured the standards. After the return of Tiberius, 
be receired the command in Graul, to complete the subju- 
gation of Germany ; he penetrated as far as the Elbe, and 
reduced the Sigambri, Bructeri, and Cherusci, to obedience. 
Ou the Eibe, he was joined by the Boman fleet, which had 
been fitted out on the river Ems, or had come from the 
Bhine to the Ems. How it got up the Elbe cannot be ex- 
plained ; it may have gone up as far as Magdeburg ; and 
yet the Boman galleys could not sail against the current, 
like steam-boats. After this campaign, Tiberius left Ger- 
many, as his predecessors had done, and as many of his 
successors did after him; for the intention of the Bomans 
was merely to crush the Germans, not to put themselves 
in possessioD of their country, which they can hardly have 
thought worth the trouble of occupying. 

While the Germans, north of the Thiiringer Wald and 
about the Harz Mountains, were thus visited by the Bomans, 
there existed in Bohemia the great kingdom of Maroboduus, 
who is a strange and mysterious phenomenon in the early 
history of Germany. It is expressly stated that he had 
a large town (Boviasmum) for his capital, a regular army 
of sQventy thousand men, and four thousand horsemen, a 
body-guard, and definite political institutions. Justus Moser 
is perfectly right in saying that the G^rmans, in the descrip- 
tions of the Bomans, must not be conceived of as more un- 
civilized than the modem peasants of Westphalia, or Lower 
Saxony. 'Jlieir dwelling-houses, one thousand eight hundred 
years ago, were, I believe, not different from the more com- 
mon ones in our own days, and the habitations of their 
chiefs were the same as the buildings of the middle ages. 
The notion that the ancient Germans were savages is com- 
pletely false ; they were neither more nor less than uncul- 
tivated country-people, to whom life in towns is altogether 

Vecantius Fortunatus, in his poem to Badagunda, speaks 
of the ruined magnificence of her father's empire, and the 
brass-CDvered palaces of her ancestors, the kings of Thuringia. 


Moser has shown clearly that there is no ground whatever for 

seeking information respecting our forefathers in the forests 

of North America, or the islands of the South Sea, and yet 

people seem at present again inch'ned to go back to their 

notions. I do not mean to say that the habitations of the 

ancient Germans were the same in every respect as those 

of the present time, for in winter, ^.^., they were, no doubt, 

obliged to have lights in the day-time, all the openings of 

the house being closed with boards, as they had no glass 

windows ; but this was the case in Bome itself ; and similar 

bouses still exist at Bome. I cannot, indeed, see why our 

ancestors of the fourteenth century should have been much 

more civilized than they were in the time of Augustus. Ma- 

roboduus, bowever, seems to have had a kingdom which was 

really in a state of civilization, with feudal institutions which 

had arisen out of his conquest of Bohemia ; for that country 

had before been inhabited by Boians; that is, Eelts. Ti- 

berius intended to attack him on two sides ; he himself 

assembled his troops in Noricum and Vindelicia, and his 

legate, Sentius Satnminus, was to advance from the Bhine 

through the Hercynian and Thuringian forests. The Bomans 

made great preparations, in constructing their roads through 

Germany. In this campaign we meet with the first traces 

of the unhappy divisions which characterize the whole* his- 

tory of the Germans ; the northem tribes would not assist 

Marobodnus, because he had not assisted them ; he had 

aUowed their power to be broken, so that, in fact, they 

hardly conld assist him ; they also mistrusted him, because 

they beUeved that it was his intention to make hiraself 

master over them, as he had over the Marcomanni. * ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Maroboduus bad done nothing during the insurrection of 

the Pannonians and Dalmatians, although he must have 

known that preparations had been making against him. 

The whole of that part of Germany which lies between the 

Elbe, the Bhine, and the Westerwald, recognised the supre- 

macy of Bome, as early as the year 760 ; the Ghauci, and 

other tribes on the coast of East Friesland and Oldenburg, 

were as much subjects of Bome as the Bmcteri and Che- 

rusci in Westphalia. Quintilius Varus, who was descended 

i 2 


from an ancient and illustrious patrician family, for his 
ancestors are mentioned in the earliest period of the republicy 
was a man of great ability, but of insatiable avarice. When 
he had the command of the army in Germany, he conducted 
himself completely as if he had been govemor in a Boraan 
province, which knew only compulsion and fear ; but Armi- 
nius, the Cheruscan, who had already distinguished himself 
in the Boman armies, probably in the Pannonian war, 
devised a skilful plan for entrapping him. As the Grermans 
had no fortified towns, it was exceedingly difficult to keep 
off the Romans, or to prevent their crossing the frontiers. 
The German horses were bad, but their riders were superior 
to the Bomans ; they were, however, excelled by the Grauls, 
on account of the better horses and armour of the latter, 
who were such excellent horsemen, that henceforth they 
formed the flower of the Boman armies, and most of the 
technical terms in horsemanship were borrowed from them. 
Gunuing employed against tyranny is not wrong, so that I 
cannot despise the stratagem of Arminius, for the Germans 
had been attacked by the Bomans in the most unjust manner. 
Arminius had served with German horsemen in the Boman 
armies; he was quite master of the Latin language, he 
had obtained the Boman franchise, and the rank of an eques. 
By dint of the greatest perseverance, he and his comrades 
had succeeded in gaining the unlimited confidence of Varus, 
and contrived to lull him into security. Varus had his sta- 
tiouary camp, in which he administered justice like a Boman 
govemor in his province, and he made his judicial ftinctions 
subservient to the purpose of enriching himself. His conduct 
was like that of the wicked govemors in Switzerland. The 
Germans kept Vams engaged by fictitious quarrels among 
themselves, and made him believe that they felt very happy 
at the dawn of civilisation among them. The most profound 
peace seemed to be established, and many of the Boman 
sokliers were away from the camp on leave of absence. 
While Varus was indulging in this feeling of security, the 
tribes of Lower Saxony revolted, according to a preconcerted 
plan. Varus was induced to march towards the country of 
the insurgents, into which he penetrated a considerable dis- 


tance. There were several limites, or wooden causeways, 
through the forests and marshes, runniDg from the Rhine as 
&r as the river Lippe, and through Westphalia, to the river 
Weser. These roads were similar to the one between St. 
Petersburg and Novgorod, and Moscow. Varus was led 
by the conspirators to abandon these straight roads, and as 
he ventured deeper into the country, the revolt became gene- 
ral, and the Bomans found themsel^es outwitted. Varus 
tried to retreat and reach the causeway, probably with a 
view of defending himself in the fortress of Aliso on the Lippe. 

The question about the ezact spot where the battle of 
Varus was fought, is one of those which, in my opiuion, can 
never be satisfactorily answered. The only sensible and prac- 
tical mode of investigating the matter, would be to examine 
from what point a Boman road may have been made into 
the country of the Germans, and I imagine that Gologne was 
a convenient point to start from, but the difficulties were 
pretty nearly the same everywhere. It is infinitely more 
difficult to determine anything upon this point, than to trace 
Hannibal^s passage over the AIps. 

On the first day, Varus was attacked on all sides, and at 
once lost a great part of his baggage. It was with the 
greatest difficulty that he formed a camp for the night, and 
fortified himself. On the following day, he was pressed still 
harder, but he continued his march. The terror and con- 
fnsion in his columns were so great, that in the evening, when 
they were about to pitch their camp, the soldiers could 
hardly resist the attack. Varus was at last quite overcome 
by the consciousness of his hopeless situation and his respon- 
sibility ; and he had several of his officers put an end to their 
lives. It was probably at that moment that Numonius Vala 
(apparently the person to whom Horace addressed his epistle) 
separated the cavalry firom the infantry, and endeavoured, but 
unsuccessfully, to escape with his three squadrons alone. They 
too were overwhelmed, just as they deserved to be, for 
having abandoned their companions. On the third day, the 
whole of the Boman army was annibilated, only a few escap- 
ing with their lives. The Germans tpok awful vengeauce 
upon their oppressors : many of the Boman prisoners were 

• • • 


sacrificed to the gods of the Germans, who offered human 
sacrifices for the purpose of ascertaining the fiiture. Three 
legions, with as many alse, and ten cohorts» were cut to 
pieces ; but, owing to the unfortunate divisions among the 
Germans, they were unable to make that use of their victory 
which Arminius would otherwise have undoubtedly have 
made. Many of the Boman castella, however, were taken 
and destroyed ; and much else may have been done, which 
the Boman accounts of this catastrophe passed over in 


The details in Strabo are fewer than we expect. 

They are also those of a €rreek ; and it must be remem- 
bered that it was only through the Bomans that the Greeks 
knew much of Germany ; in other words, their knowledge 
was second-hand. 

Hence, the distinction between a Gaul and a German^ so 
clear to a Boman, was far from being equally clear to a Greek. 
This remark has been made by Grimm, but without being 
acted on. Yet the practical bearing of it is important. 

Even such a writer as Gsesar does not wholly coniine his 
account of Germany to what he had himself observed. On 
the contrary, he quotes Eratosthenes, and indicates the 
opinions of other Greeks. Pliny'*^ account is pre-eminently 
Greek, whilst Tacitus has evidently, in raore places than one, 
allowed his reading to stand in the place of first-hand investi- 
gation. Yet the Greeks were no safe guides ; not because 
they had no powers of observation, but because it was impos- 
sible for them to know such a country as Germany without 
coming in contact with G^rmans. Still they knew something 
of it. They knew that it was the land of a certain stock, 
family, or nation that came under certain negative conditions. 

The German was not a Scythian^ in the way that the 
natives of the Don were. 

Nor an IUyrian^ as a Taulantian was. 

Nor a Sarmatian^ as the Jazyges were. 

♦ Fuller details for the personal career of Arminius may be found in 
Professor Creasy'8 Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World. 


Nor KelHc or Oallic^ like a Gaul firom the parts about 

Nor yet Iheric^ Hke a Spaniard. 

Nevertheless, he was referable to some great class. 

In many eases I believe this class to have been deemed 
Germany purely on some such negative trains of reasoning 
as the preceding; for instance: — I imagine that certain 
differentiee between the Bastamse on one side, and the Sar- 
matians, Thracians, Galatse, and Illyrians on the other, made 
them pass as Germans, in the eyes of such inquiring but 
imperfectly informed Greeks, as knew that there was an 
ethnological class called German^ without knowing accurately 
what it was. Such a process, mutatis mutandis^ is by no 
means uncommon, even in modern investigations. Ethnology, 
eyen in the hands of Prichard, has its class called AUophyUan^ 
the contents being whatever is, at one and the same time, 
European or Asiatic without being what is called Indo- 

It is safe, too, to say that the Greeks were such authorities 
in the eyes of a Boman, that, except where their errors were 
palpable, they were rarely contradicted. Something of this 
sort is to be found in the intellectual relatious between 
England and Germany at the present moment. How many 
points are there in such a question, as {e.g.) the ethnology of 
British India, where the English inquirer, altbough trusting 
to himself for particulars lying withiu the pale of a well- 
known area, puts his faith in some German for the more 
general questions that arise, as well as for those results in 
which book-Ieaming and speculation take a part! And 
how often is he wrong in doing so ? 

According to this view, both the Greek and the Boman 
evidence respecting Germany fall into two parts : — 
1. The Greeks — 

a. Where they foUowed the Bomans, the only first-hand 
inqulrers, are accurate and trustworthy. But then their 
evidence is often either superfluous, or else only confirmatory 
of what we learn from Csesar and Tacitus. 

b. Where their information is not of Boman origin, they are 
indistinct and inaccurate — indistinct and inaccurate, for the 


same reason tbat an Englkhman is indistinct and inaccorate 
in the geography of Gentral Africa or the interior of Brazil, 
want of access. 

2. On the other hand, the Bomans — 

a. Where thej speak from actual knowledge, have no 
occasion to refer to the Greeks. 

h. Where, for want of this, they do so, they follow unsafe 

The ethnologj to which this applies most especially, is 
that of the Bastarme and Peucini^ the Cimbri and TeuUmes. 

With these preliminaries, we may say of the text of Strabo— 

a. That where he follows the historians of Drusus and 
Tiberius, he is unexceptionable. 

i. That where he foUows Posidonius, and such writers 
as could but haye writteu from what they in/erred^ rather 
than what they knew, he is exceptionable. 

What applies to the text of Strabo, as we find it in Strabo 
himself, applies to those statements in subsequent writers, 
for which he is the authority. 

They give us an obaervation where his evidence is of 
Boman, and speculation or an in/erence^ where it is of Greek 

Observe, — Those proper names which appear in a difierent 
type (^ovSaTToi)j will be the subject of notice in thesequel. 


I. EvOif^ Tolvw T<i iripav tov 'PiJvoi; /xer<i tov9 KcXToi'? irpo^ 
T^v 60) K€K\i/iiva Tepfiavol vi/iovTai, fiiKpov i^aWaTTOVTe^ 
Tov KekTiKOv (l>v\ov, T^ T€ wXeova^fJL^ T^9 arfpUiTriTO^ Koi 
Tov /leyidov^:, xal Trj<; ^avOoTf^TO^ • T&KXa 8k wapairKi](not koI 
/lop^aif;, Kal f/deai, KaX filoi^ 6vt€9, otov^ elpi^KafjLev Toi^ 
RcXtov?* Ato SiKaid /loi, SoKOvai '^(Ofiaiot tovto avroi^ 
Siadai Tovvo/ia, c&9 &v yvrjalov^ TakaTa^ <l>pd^€iv fiovXo^ 
/levoi* yvi]acoi yap oi Tep/iavol KaTCL t^v ^VtD/iaioiv Scd' 


"EcTTt 8^ T& /ih wp&Ta /lipt) ttj^ X^P^^ TavTtj^ t& wpo^ 
Tfjri 'Pijvfti /^ixP^ 'roiv iK€o\&v airo Trj^ 'mjyrj^ ap^a/iivoi^ • 
ax^Bov hi Tot Kal tovto iari to kairipiov T179 X^/>a9 


TrKdro^, 17 wora/iCa iraaa. TavTfj^ Se tA /liv eh rfiv KeX- 
TiKtjv fi€Tqyarfov *¥(Ofialoi, ra S' S4>^ff fieTa^ardvTa el^ Ttfv 
iv fidOei x<»pav, Kaddirep Mapaol* XoiTTol 8* ettrlv 6\ljoi 
leal T&v ^ovydfiSpwv fiipo^. Merd Sk tov^ TrapawoTafiiov^, 
T aXKa ^cttIf iOvTf tA fiera^v tov 'P^vov Kal tov "AXfto^ 
woTafMov * S9 TrapaWi^Xo? tto)? iicelvfp /Se? Trpo^ tov 'Xl^eavov, 
ovK iKdTTfo ;^(opav £t€f iciiv» ^cp iKelvo^. Ettrl S^ fiCTa^v Kal 
aXXoi TTOTafMol ttXcotoI (a>v ^v t^ ^Afuialf Apovao^ BpovKTe» 
pov^ KaT€vavfmj(7fa€) f>€0VT€^ &aavTO}^ diri votov irpo^ fiop- 
pav Kal Tov 'Xl^eavov. 'E^^pTat ydp 17 %(opa 7rpo9 votov, /cal 
o-wc;^ 'AXTTeo-t 7roi€i fidj^iv Tivd, irpo^ ft» T€Tafiivf)v, «9 &v 
fiipo^ oSaav t&v 'AXttccov /cal S^ /val dire^vavTO Ttv€9 
o5t(»9, 8ta T€ T^v XeyOelaav Siaiv, Kal Sid to t^v avT^v 
i\f)v iK<f>ip€iv ov fiifv iirX ToaovTov y€ 5^09 dviaj(€i Ta 
TavTff^ fiipff. ^EvTavda S' ^o-tI Kal 6 ^EpKvvio^ Spvfio^y Kai 
Ta T&v 2oi7)3a»v eOvfj, Ta fiev oiKovvTa ivTO^ toO Spvfiov, 
Kaddirov Ta t&v KoXSovwv iv oU iaTi, Koi to Bovtatfiov, 
To Tov MapoSovSov fiaat\€iov, 6(9 hv €/v6tvo9 tottov, aXXot;^ 
T€ fi€TaviaTffa€ wKeCov^, Kal Sif tov9 6/irO€dv€l9 €a%n& Map- 
KOfifmvov^, *EfriaTff ydp toU Trpdr/fiaatv ovto^ i^ ISmTov, 
fierd T^v iK ^Vo^fiff^ iirdvoSov* vio^ ydp ^v ivOdSe, Kal 
€v€py€T€lTO VTTO Tov ^^SaaTov ' ^TTav^X^cbv Si iSvvdaT€vae 
KaX KaT€KTriaaTO, irpo^ 0I9 elirov, Aoviov^ t€, fiiya iOvo^, 
Kal Zovfiov^, Kal BovTOva^, Kal Movyi\(ova<;, Kal ^iStvov^, 
Kal, To TcSv ^oijSwv avT&y fi&^a SOvo^, ^ifivwva^. UXtfv 
Ta y€ T&v 2oi7^a»v^ W9 €^v, idvfj, Ta fiev €vto9 ^k€1, Td Si 

€#CT09 TOV SpVflOV, OflOpa T0t9 FcTat^* Mi^tOTOV fiiv TO 

T&v 2o?;f«v c^vo9 ' Si^qKet ydp diro tov 'PiJvov fJiixp'' tov 
"AXffto^ • fiipo^ Si TL avT&p, Kal iripav tov !^X^t09 vifi€Tat, 
KaOdirep ^EpfiovSopoi koX AayKSaapyot^ vvv Si Kal T€\i(o^ 
€49 T^v irepaiav oJfTol ye iKirefTTc^Kaai, <l>€vyovT€9. Kotvov 
S' ^otIv ^Trao-t T0Z9 Tavrp, to irepl Ta9 fieTavaoTaaei^ 
evfjuiphf Sid T^v XtTOTi^Ta tov fiiov, leal Sid to fiif yeoipyelv, 
fj/i)Si 3fjaavpi^€iv, dXX' €v Ka\vSioi^ oiKelv i<l>iifi€pov eypvat 
irapaaKevriv' Tpo<l>i) S' aTro t&v ^pefifidTfov 1} ir^eianf, 
KaOdirov T0i9 No/tdo*tv * &aT iKeivov^ fiifiovfievoi, Ta olKeia 
Tai^ dpfAafid^ai^ iirfpavTe^, oiroi, &v Sofy, TpiirovTat fierd 
T&v fioaKfffAdTODV. "AXXa S' ivSeiarepd i<mv eOvfj Tepfui» 


vi/cit>, XffpovaKol T€ Kol XaTTOi, Kol TafiaSptovioi, koI XaT- 
Tovdptof 7rpo9 8e T^*Q.Keav^ ^ovya/jbSpoi tc, Ka\ XavSoi, 
Ka\ BpovKTcpoi, Ka\ KifjbSpot, KavKoi tc koI Kaov\Koi, Ka\ 
Kafjby^iavol, Ka\ aWoc TrXe/ot;?. * EttI TavTa Sk t& ^fia^iq, 
^epovTai,, Biaovpyi^ tc, Ka\ Aowrla^ iroTafjbo^, Si€x<ov 
'Fi]vov 7rep\ k^aKoaiov^ arahiov^i, picav Sia BpovKTcpwv t&v 
ikaTTOvcDV. "EoTi Sk Ka\ ^d\a^ TroTafJLO^, oi fiCTa^if Ka\ 
Tov 'Piyvoi; iroXefi&v, Ka\ KaTopd&v Apovao^ eTeKevTrjaev 6 
TepfjLaviKO^. ^Ej^eipfixraTO S* oif fwvov t&v idv&v Ta irKeiara, 
aXXA Ka\ tA? iv t^ 7rapd7r\<p vi]aov<:, &v eorl Kai 1} Bovpxo^ 
VI 9) f^v €K 7ro\copKia^ etXe. 

Tvdpifjba Sk TavTa KaTkaTfj Ta eOvrjt 7ro\efiovvTa Trpo^ 
'VoffjLaiov^, elT ivSiSovTa, Koi 7rd\iv d<f>iaTdfjbeva, fj koI 
KaTa\ei7rovTa tA^ KaTOtKia^ • Kav 7r\ei<o Se yv&pifia vTrrjp^ev, 
eli^riTpeTre toU aTparrfyoi^ 6 '2eSaaT6<$,SiaSaiveiv tov^A^Siv, 
fieTiovai tov^ iKelae i^ravi^aTafjbivov^. Ni/vl S' einropd}Tepov 
V7ri\afie OTpaTffyeiv tov iv X^P^^ 7r6\efjbov, ei t&v If cd toO 
^A\/3io^ Ka0* ffavxif^^ 6vt<ov dirixotTo, Koi fiif Trapo^vvoc 7rpb^ 
Tifv Kotvfoviav ttj^ ix^P^^* "Hpf avTO Sk tov 7ro\ifjbov Soi;- 
yafifipoc 7r\f}aiov oiKovvTe^ tov 'Vtjvov, MeXa>m exovTe^ 
rjyefiova • KaKel^ev rjSrf Sielxov aXXoT* a\\oi, SvvaaTevovTe^ 
Ka\ KaTa\v6fievoi, 7rd\iv 8' d(f>ujTdfievoi, 7rpoSiS6vTe^ Ka\ 
Ta ofirjpa xal tA? ^rioTei^, ITpo^ 0&9 17 fJbkv dTnaria, fiiya 
S(f>e\o^' oi Si TnaTevdivTe^, tA fjbiyiara Kori^iKa^^av, 
Kadd^rep oi XrjpovaKot, kol oi tovtodv xmrjKOOL' 7rap 0I9 tA 
Tpia TorffJLaTa ^VtofjLaitav fJLerd tov arpaTrjyov Ovdpov Kovlv- 
TiXiov TrapaaTTovSrjdivTa, d7r<o\eT0 i^ iviSpa^. "ETi^aav Si 
SiKa^ arravTe^, Ka\ irapiaxov t& ve<aTip<p TepfiavLK^ 
\afi7rp6TaT0v SpiafiSov, iv <^ idpiafiSevdrj t&v im^aveaTan 
T<av dvSp&v a<ofjLaTa Ka\ yvvaiK&v, Se/it^ouvTo^ t€ '2,erfiaT0v 
vio^, XrjpovaK<ov rjyefioiv, Ka\ dSe\<f)rj avTOV, -yvvrj S* X/o- 
fieviov, Tov 7ro\efjLapxvaavTO<: iv T049 XrjpovaKoi^ iv Ty 
7rp6^ Ovapov KovivTi\iov 7rapaa7rovSrjaei, Ka\ vvv iTi avvi- 
XOVTO^ Tov 7r6\efJLOv, ovofjLa &ovavi\Sa, Ka\ vio^ TpieT^i; 
Govfie\iK6<: * en Sk ^eaiOaKo^ ^aiyifiijpov vio^ t&v Xepov^ 
aK<ov rjyefJL^vo^, Ka\ fj ywij tovtov 'Pa/il9, OvKpofivpov Svyd- 
''^pi vy^M^yo^ BaTT&v, Ka\ AevS^pi^ BaATop4T09 tov MeXo)- 
V09 dSe\xf}ov 1/109 ^ovyafjLSpo<:. '2aiyi<rTrjf; Se 6 7revdepo^ tov 


^kpfieviov Koi i^ o.pyri^ Siea-Tfj tt/jo? t^v yvdfjbfjv avrov, koI 
\afia)v Kcupbv fjvT0fi6\fj<T€, Kal t^ ^pidfiSq> Traprjv t&v 
<f>i\TdT{»v, iv Tifjb^ dyofievo^ • iirofiTrevae Bi Kot Aififj^ t&v 
XdTTcav iepeb^, Kal a\\a 8e a-dfiaTa iTrofiirevdr) ix t&v 
Tretropdfffjbivtov iOv&v, Kadv\K<ov Ka\ \fiy^dv<ov, BpovKri- 
p<av, Nov<TlTr<ov, Xf]povaK<ov, XdTT<DV, XaTTOvapl<ov, Aav- 
B&v, 2ov)3aTTia>v. Ati;^et Be tov "AX^Sto? o 'P^vo9 vepl 
Tpia-xt\iov<: <rraBiov^y el ti^ evdviropowa^ e)(jei, Ta^ oBov^* 
vvvX Bi Bid <TKo\ui^ Kal €\<i)Bov^y Kal Bpvfi&v, KVK\o7rop€lv 

'O Se 'EpKvvio^ SpvfJLo^ TrvKVOTepo^ t€ i^rri, koI fieyaKo- 
BevBpo^ iv ;^a>/}/ot9 ipvfivoh, kvk\ov irepCKafiSdvtov fiiyav 
iv fi€a<p Bi TBptnai x^P^ Ka\&^ otK€ia0at Bvvafiivrj, irepX ^9 
elpriKafiev, "Eort Bi Tr\rf<Tiov axnri^ ff t€ tov ''laTpov Tnfyrf, 
KaX ff Toif '^rfvov, Kal f} fjb€Ta^v dfKfyolv \ifjLvr), koI Ta iKrj ra 
iK Tov 'P17V01; Smx^ofjbeva, "Eort 5* 1} \ifjLvr) t^v fikv Trepi- 
fjLCTpov <JTaBi<av Tr\€L6v<ov fj t , Biapfia Bi iyyv^ a\ "E^et 8^ 
KoX vr\aov, ^ i^^^prfaaTO opfirfTqpitp TiSipio^ vavfjiax&v Trpo^ 
OvlvB€\tKov^, NoTi<oT€pa 8' ^o-tI t&v Tov^l^rrpov irffy&v Ka\ 
aiTff, Kal 'EpKvvio^ Bpvfjbb^, &aT dv<i/yKr) t^ €#c t^9 K€\TiKrj^ 
cttI tov *EpKvviov Bpvfiov lovTi, Trp&TOV fi€v BiaTrepdaa^ Ttfv 
\ifjLVf)V, hreiTa tov "'l^rrpov, elT HBr) Bi^ €VTr€T€aT€p(ov 'xjtopUov 
iirX Tov BpvfJLOV Ta9 TrpoSdaei^ TroulaOai BC opoTreBioiv. 
'llfjL€pi]aiov Bi aTTo t^9 \ifJLvr)9 Trpo€\0a>v oBbv TiSipLO^, elBe 
Ta9 Tov^^laTpov Trrffd^. YlpoadTrrovTai Be ttj^ \ifivr)^ iir 
6\iryov fiiv oi 'PatTol, to 8^ TfKeov 'EXoviJxTAOt KaX OvtvSeX^- 
KoX, KaX f) ^ot<ov iprffiia. Mixpt^ Havvovicav 7ravT€9, to 
TrXeov B* 'E\oxfi]TTioi koX OvivB€\iKoX oiKovaiv 6poTriBui, 
'PatTol 8^ KaX "SoypiKoX fJLe-xpi t&v \\Tr€i<ov vTr€pSo\&v 
dviaxovai, koX 7rpo9 Tr)v ^lTa\iav Trepivevovaiv, oi fiev 'Iv- 
aovSpoi^ avvdnTovTe^, oi Be K<ipvoL^, KaX toI^ TrepX t^v 
\Kv\f)tav xiopioL^. "EoTt Be KaX aXKr) v\r) fieydKr) FaSprJTa* 
hreiTa Bi tA t&v ^oi]S<i}v • iTreKeiva 8' o 'EpKvvio^ BpvfjL6<$ • 

ljf€Tat Bi K^KcivO^ VTT aifT&v. 

II. Ilepl Bi KifjLSp<ov Td fiiv ovk eS \iyeTat, Ta 8* ej^et 
Tri0av6Tr)Ta^ ov fieTpla^. Oi!T€ ydp Ti)v TOtatmjv aiTiav tov 
Tr\dvr)Ta^ y€via0ai koX \f)<rTpiKoif^ dTroBi^aiT av ta9» OTt, 
X€p^6vr)aov oiKovvTe^, fieyd\r) Tr\f)fifivpiBi i^€\aa0€i€v ix 


T&v TOTTwv ' Koi yup vvv Sj(pv<Tt T^fv yonpav, fjv elxov irpO' 
T€pov, Kol hrep/y^av t^ 26 aoTat S&pov, tov Upd^TaTOV irap 
aifToh \iSr)Ta, alTOVfievoi, <f>i\lav, Koi dfiVTjoTlav t&v utt- 
ffpyfiivcDV • Ti;;fovT€9 Sk, &v fj^iovv, air^pav • ffekolov hk t^ 
<f>vai,K&, Ka\ ai(ovl<p irddei,, SI9 €KdaT7)<: Tifiipa^ avfiSalvovTi, 
irapopyiaOivTa^ d^rreXOeiv iK tov tottov. '^Eoikc Bk TrXo- 
afiaTt, To avfiSrjval ttotc irkfjfifjbvplBa inrepSdWovaav • iiri' 
Tdaei^ fiiv ydp Kal dviaei^ Bix^Tai Terarffiiva^ Bk Ka\ Tre- 
pioBi^ovaa^ 6 'Hiceavo? iv T0Z9 to^ovtoa9 TrdOeaiv. Ovk e3 
S' ovB* 6 (fyqaa^ OTrXa atpeaOai irpb^ Ta9 irKfjfjbfivplBa^ tov^ 
KlfjbSpov^, ovS" Stv dit>oSlav oi KcXtoI ao'/coJ}vTe99 KaTa' 
K\v^ea0ai Ta^ oiKia^ inrofiivovaiv, cIt dvoiBofjLOvai, koX OTt 
irkeicDV avToU avfiSaivei, ^dopo<; ef i;SaT09, ff TroXifiov, Svep 
"Eif^opo^ ifyrfaiv. 'H ydp Taf A9 iJ t&v irKfjfifivpiSav, Koi to 
Tifv ifTiKXv^ofjbivfjv x^P^^ elvac yvd>pifjbov, ovk SfieWe TavTa^ 
Ta9 dTOiria^ frapi^eiv* AI9 ydp eKdanj^ '^fiipa^ tovtov 
avfjbSaivovTO^, to fj/rfB^ aira^ aiaOdveadai <f>vaiKrfv oiaav rrfv 
TmKippoubv Ka\ dSXaSrj, Ka\ ov fjb6voi<: tovtoi<: avfiSaivovaav, 
dWd T049 irapcDKeaviTat^ iraai, ir&^ ovk diridavov ; OvBk 
KXeiTapxp^ ei • <f>f}a\ ydp tou9 imria^ iBovTa^ Tffv €<f>oBov 
Tov ireXdryov^ d<f>imrdaaa0ai, Ka\ if>evyovTa^ iyyv^ yeviadai, 
Tov 7r€piKaTa\ffif>0rjvau Oirre Se Toaointp Td^^c Tfjv iiri' 
Saatv opoDfiivffV iaTopovfiev, dWd \e\ff06T<o^ vpoatovaav 
Tifv Sd\aTTav • oirre to Kaff* fjfiipav yiyv6fi€Vov Ka\ iroLaiv 
€vav\av 17817 6v to2<: fr\f}aui^eiv fieWovai, Trp\v fj ^edaa^dai, 
ToaovT^v €fie\\€ irape^eadai if>6Sov, &aT€ if>evyeiv, d><$ &v el 
i^ dBo/i^Tov frpoaiireae. 

Taiha B^ BiKaioD^ eirvTifjb^ T0Z9 avyypaif>evai> UoaeiS&vio^, 
Ka\ ov KaK&^ eiKd^ei, Sti, \ffaTpiKo\ Svt€^ koI ir\dvffTe<i ol 
KifjbSpoi, Ka\ fJbixp'' '''&y 'Tep^ ttjv Mai&Tiv irotrfaaiVTO aTpa^ 
Teiav dir iKeivtov Bk Ka\ 6 Ktfifiipio^i K\ff0eiff /36aTropo^, 
otov KyfjbSpiKo^, Kififiepiov<: tov^ KifiSpov^ ovofjboadvTCDV t&v 
*E\\i]v<oVm ^a\ Bi Ka\ Botdv^ tov 'EpKVViov Bpvfiov olKeiv 
irp^Tepov* T0^9 Bk KifjbSpov^ opfii^aavTa^ ^ttI tov tottov 
toOtov, diroKpovaOivTa^ inrb t&v Bot<ov eTrl tov "Iot/oov, Ka\ 
T0U9 '2,KopBiaKov<i Ta\dTa^ KaTaSrjvai' efr' iir^ TavpiaTa^ 
Ka\ TavpiaKOV^, Ka\ tovtov^; Ta\dTa^ • elT* ifri 'E\oirrfTTiov<:, 
iro^vxpvaov^ fi^v avBpa^, eiprfvaiov<: Bi • op&vTa^ Bi tov iK 


T&y \r}aT7jpl<oy ir\ovTOv, inrepSdWoyra rov irap kamol^y 
Toif^ 'EXovtjttIov^ iTrapOrjvai, /laXiaTa 8* avT&y Tiyvpi]yov^ 
T€ Koi Tfovyevov^, &aT€ koI avy^^opfirjaau IlavTc? /lev toi, 
KaT€\v07j<Tay irrrb t&v 'Ptofialoiv, ainol t€ oi KifjbSoi,, Kal oi 
awapdfi€yoi, TovTOi^, oi fiiv v7r€pSdXKoyT€^ Td^ ^'AKir^i^ ci^ 
Tfjy ^lTaXiav, oi 8' If « t&v ^^AKtt^cdv, 

"EOo^ 84 Ti T&y KlfjbSpw SirfyoiJVTai toiovtov, Ztv Tal^ 
jwai^ly axn&y <TvtTTpaT€vov<Ta^^, 7rapffKo\ov0ovy ^rpofidv- 
T€^9 iip€iai 7ro\i6Tpix^^f \€ir)^€ifioy€^, Kap^raaiva^ i<f>a7rTiha^ 
irn/rreTropTnffiiyai,, ^&afia yaXKovv i^xpvaav, yvfivo^roSe^' 
Toi^ oSv aij(fia\&Toi>^ SiA tov aTpaT07riSov avyrivT<oy ^i<f>ij' 
p€t9 • KaTcuTTiy^curai 8* avT0U9 ^iyoy i^rl Kparfjpa j^aKf^ovv 
iaov dfKf>opi<oy etKoai,* ^lj^pv Si dvaSddpav, ffv dvaSaaa 
v7r€p7r€Tr]^ tov \iSrfTO^ i\aifiOT6fi€i iKa^rrov fier€<opvadiyTa* 
iK Si Tov ^rpox^ofiivov aifiaTo^ €t9 tov Kpaiijpa, fiavTeiav Tvvd 
i^rotovvTO • aXKai Sk Siaaxiaaaai, €a7r\<vYj(y€voy dya^derf- 
y6fi€yac viKTfv T0t9 oiK^ioi^. 'Ev 8^ T0Z9 dfy&ai^v Stv^ttov Ta9 
fivpaa^ Td^ 7r€piT€Tafiiya^ T0Z9 yippoi^ t&v dpfiafia^&v, &<tt 
d7roT€\€la3ai y^^^ov i^aiaiov. 

T&v Si r€pfiay&y, «9 ^Ittov, oi fiiv TrpoadpKTioi ^raprj^ 
Kovav T^ *Q,K€ay^ TvoDpl^ovTai, 8' dTTo t&v iKSo\&y tov 
^PiJroi; Xa^6vT€9 ti^v dpyj^v, fiixp^ toi) "AXff^o^. TovT<oy 8' 
eial yvcDpifKOTaTOi, ^ovyafiSpoi t€ Ka\ KifiSpoi, Td Si 
Tripav Tov "A^Sio^, Ta 7rpo9 t& *Q.K€av^ 7rayTa7ra<ny ayy<0' 
<TTa f]fuy iaTiy. Ovt€ ydp t&v 7rpoTip<oy ovSiva^ tafi€V tov 
7rapd7r\ow tovtov 7r€7roifjfjbiyov^ Trpb^ Ta ia^dtvd fiiprf, 
Td fiixp^ '^ov <TT6fiaT0^ T^9 Kao^^9 .5a\aTTi;9, ovS* oi 
*Fa)fiaiot 7rporj\66y 7r<o €/9 Ta 7r€paiTip<o tov "AKSio^ • C09 8' 
a£Ta>9 ovSi 7r€^ol 7rap<oS€VKaaty ov8€V€9. AXX' 8ti fiiv 
KaTd firJKO^ iovaiv i^rl t^v &>, tA Ka^d tov Bopvadivrf koI 
tA 7rph^ /Sop^av fiipv ^ov ITovtoi; x^P^ d^ravTo, SrjKov ix 
T&v K\ifidT<oy Kal t&v 7rapa\\i]\<oy SuuTTfffidT^ov. Ti 8* 
€<rTl Tripav t^9 Tcpfiavia^, koI t/ Tciv aXXa>v t&v i^^, €tT€ 
BaoTa/9va9 XP^ \iy€i,y, &^ oi 7r\€iov^ tnrovoovaiv, €?t* 
aXXou9 fi€Ta^i>, fj *Iaf 1/7^9, ^ 'Pfi)foX^voi;9, ff Tvva^ aXXot;9 
T&v *AfJLa^oiK<oy, ov j^^Si^ov ^l^r^Zv ovS^ €1 fJf^ixP^ '^ov ^Q.K€ayov 
^raprfKOvai, ^rapd^rav t6 firjKO^, €? i^rri Ti doiKTjTOv inrb y^vxo^^» 
rj aWrf^ aiTia^, ff €i Kal yivo^ dvdpiiyiroDV dWo SiaSix^Tai 


fiera^ t^9 ^aXamy^ ical r&v eciwv Tepfiav&v iSpvfJbevov 
TovTO Bk TO avTo arfvorifia Kal irepl r&v aW(ov r&v i<f>€^f: 
irpofrapKTioDV eXeyev. Ovre yap tov9 Baardpva^, ovre rov^ 
Xavpofjbdra^, koI d7rX«9 Toi>9 virkp rov IIovtov oiKovvTa^ 
i<Tfi€V, OV0* owoaov aTrixovai t^9 'AT\avTiKrj<: SaXdTTfj^, ovr 
ei avvdiTTovaiv iv avry, 


IL Rhenus, ab Alpibus decidens, prope a capite duos lacus 
efficit, Venetum et Acronium. Mox diu solidus, et certo 
alveo lapsus, haud procul a mari huc et illuc dispergitur ; sed 
ad sinistram amnis etiam tum, et donec effluat, Rhenus ; ad 
dextram primo angustus et sui similis, post ripis longe ac 
late recendentibus, jam non amnis sed ingens lacus, ubi cam- 
pos implevit, Flevo dicitur: ejusdemque nominis insulam 
amplexus, fit iterum arctior, iterumque fluvius emittitur. 

III. Germania hinc ripis ejus usque ad Alpes, a meridie 
ipsis Alpibus, ab oriente Sarmaticarum confinio gentium, qua 
septentrionem spectat, oceanico litore obducta est. Qui 
habitant, immanes sunt animis atque corporibus, et ad insitam 
feritatem vaste utraque exercent, bellando animos, corpora ad 
consuetudinem laborum, maxime frigoris. Nudi agunt, ante- 
quum puberes sint ; et longissima apud eos pueritia est : viri 
sagis velantur, aut libris arborum, quamvis sseva hieme. 
Nandi non patientia tantum illis, studium etiam est. Bella 
cum finitimis geront: causas eorum ex libidine arcessunt; 
neque imperitandi prolatandique, quae possident (nam ne illa 
quidem enixe colunt), sed ut, circa ipsos quae jacent, vasta 
sint. Jus in viribus habent, adeo ut ne latrocinii quidem 
pudeat ; tantum hospitibus boni, mitesque supph*cibu8 : victu 
ita asperi incultique, ut cruda etiam carne vescantur, aut 
recenti, aut cum rigentem in ipsis pecudum ferarumque 
coriis, manibus pedibusque subigendo, renovarunt. Terra 
ipsa multis impedita fluminibus, multis montibus aspera, et 
magna ex parte silvis ac paludibus invia. Paludum, Suesia, 
Estia, et Melsiagum, maximae : sil varum, Hercynia, et aliquot 
sunt, quae nomen habent : sed illa dierum sexaginta iter oc- 
cupans, ut major aliis, ita et notior. Montium altissimi 


Taanus et Bhetico ; nisi quorum nomina vix est eloqui ore 
Bomano. Amnium in alias gentes exeuntium, Danubius et 
Bhodanus ; in Bhenum, Moenis et Lupia ; in Oceanum, 
Amisius, Visurgis et Albis clarissimi. Super Albim Codanus 
ingens sinus magnis parvisque insuiis refertus est. Hac re 
mare, quod gremio iitorum accipitur, nusquam late patet, nec 
usquam mari simile, verum, aquis passim interfluentibus ac 
ssepe transgressis, vagum atque diffusum, faeie amnium, spar- 
gitur: qua litora attingit, ripis contentum insularum non 
longe distantibus, et ubique psene tantundem, it angustum et 
par freto; curvansque se subinde, longo supercilio inflexum 
est. In eo sunt Gimbri et Teutoni : ultra, ultimi Germanise 

§ xxiu. pliny''^ notice of gebmany. 

Pliny^s account of Germany is much more Greek, and much 
less Latin, than we are prepared to expect from an author 
writing in the language of Gsesar, and subsequent to him. 


XXVn. Incipit inde clarior aperiri fama ab gente Ingse- 
vonum, quse est prima inde Germani^. Sevo mons ibi im- 
mensus, nec Biphseis jugis minor, immanem ad Gimbrorum 
usque promontorium efficit sinum, qui Godanus vocatur, re- 
fertus insulis: quarum clarissima Scandinavia est, incompertse 
magnitudinis, portionem tantum ejus, quod sit notum, Hillevi- 
onum gente d. incolente pagis, quse alterum orbem terrarum 
eam appellat. Nec est minor opinione Eningia. Quidam 
hsec habitari ad Vistulam usque fluvium a Sarmatis, Yenedis, 
Sciris, Hirris tradunt. Sinum Oylipenum vocari : et in 
ostio ejus insulam Latrin. Mox alterum sinum Lagnum, 
conterminum Gimbris. Promontorium Gimbrorum excurrens 
in maria longe peninsulam efficit, quse Gartris appellatur. 
Tres et viginti inde insulse Bomanorum armis cognitse. 
Earum nobilissimse, Burchana, Fabaria nostris dicta, a irugis 
similitudine sponte provenientis. Item Glessaria, a succino 
militise appellata : a barbaris Austrania, prseterque Actania. 

XXVIII. Toto autem hoc mari ad Scaldim usque fluvium, 


GermanicsB accolunt gentes haud explicabili mensura : tam 
immodica prodentium discordia est. Grseci et quidam nostri, 
yicies quinquies centena millia passuum oram G^rmanias tra- 
diderunt. Agrippa cum Bhsetia et Norico longitudinem 
DCLxxxxvi. millia passuum, latitudinem cxlviii. M. Bhstise 
prope unius majore latitudine, sane circa excessum ejus 
subact». Nam G^rmania multis postea annis, nec tota, 
percognita est. Si conjectare permittitur, haud multum orse 
deerit Grsecorum opinione, et longitudini ab Agrippa proditae. 
Germanorum genera quinque : Vindili ; quorum pars Bur- 
gundiones : Varini, Carini^ Guttones. Alterum genus, Ingse- 
Tones ; quorum pars Gimbri, Teutoni, ac Ghaucorum gentes. 
Proximi autem Bheno Istsevones ; quorum pars Gimbri m^di* 
terranei: Hermiones; quorum Suevi, Hermunduri, Ghatti, 
Gherusci. Quinta pars Peucini, Bastemse, supradictis con- 
termini Dacis. Amnes clari in Oceanum defluunt, Guttalus, 
Vistillus sive Vistula, Albis, Visurgis, Amisius, Bhenus, 
Mosa. Introrsus vero, nullo inferius nobilitate, Hercynium 
jugum prsetenditur. 

XXIX. In Bheno ipso, prope centum m. pass. in longi- 
tudinem, nobilissima Batavorum insula, et Gannenifatum : et 
alise Frisiorum, Ghaucorum, Frisuj^ontmy Stunorum^ Mar- 
Mciorum^ quse stemuntur inter Helium ac Flevum. Ita 
appellantur ostia, in quse efiusus Bhenus, ab septemtrione in 
lacus, ab occidente in amnem Mosam se spargit : medio inter 
hsec ore» modicum nomini suo custodiens alveum. 

The next author in point of time is Tacitus himself. 





§ I. Germania* omnis* a Gallis' Rhsetisque* et Pan- 
noniis/ Rheno^ et Danubio^ fluminibus,® a Sarmatis^ 
Dacisque,'^ mutuo metu aut montibus^* separatur. Ce- 
tera Oceanus ambit, latos sinus et insularum immensa 
spatia eomplectens, nuper cognitis quibusdam gentibus, 
ac regibus, quos beiium aperuit. Rhenus Rhseticarum 
Alpium^* inaccesso ac prcecipiti vertice ortus, modico 
flexu in Occidentem yersiis, septemtrionali Oceano 
miscetur. Danubius, moUi et clementer edito montis 
Abnobse" jugo effusus, plures populos** adit, donec in 
Ponticum mare sex meatibus erumpat: septimum 
enim os paludibus hauritur. 


1 Germania,] — The English word Germany is the translation of 
the Latin word Germania. 

A tmism so eyident, apparentlj, requires no pointing out; 
nevertheless^ the series of considerations to which it giyes rise are 
of importance. 

In the first place, Gtrmany is not the name hj which the Gtrman 
designates his own country. He calls himself Deuische, and his 
cotmtry DeuUch4and. 


Neither is it the name bj which a Frenchman designates Gtrmany, 
He calls it AUemagne, 

Whence the difierence? The different languages take the dif- 
ferent names for one and the same countrj from different sources. 

The Qerman term Devisch is an adjective ; the earlier form of the 
word being diiUise. Here the -isc is the same as the -dsh tn words 
like Belf'iik, DitU, on the other hand, means people, or ncUion, 
Hence, ditU-isc is to diut, as poptdaris is to poptUus, This adjective 
was first applied to the language ; and served to distinguish the 
poptUar, ncUioTial, ncUive, or vulgar tongue of the populations to 
which it belonged from the Latin. It first appears in documents of 
the ninth centurj, ''Ut quilibet episcopus homilias apertd trans- 
ferre studeat in rusticam Komanam linguam aut theotiscam, quo 
tandem cuncti possint int^lligere qusa dicantur." — Synodus Tu- 
ronensis, a.d. 813. 

As to the different forms in which either the root or the adjective 
appears, the most important of them are as foUows : — 

1. In Moeso-Qothic, ^itujliskd = iSvtKac — Qalatians ii. 14 ; a 
form which implies the substantive }^ivda=^tBvoQ, 

2. In Old High Qerman, diot=zpopulu8, gives the adjective diiU- 
isc ^popul-aris, 

3. In Anglo-Saxon we have ^eod and ^eddisc, 

Sometimes this adjective means hecUhen; in which case it applies 
to religion and is opposed to Christian. 

Oftener it means intelligible, or vemacular, and applies to lan- 
guage; in which case it is opposed to LcUin, 

The particular Gh>thic dialect to which it was first applied, was 
the Qerman of the Middle Rhine. Here the forms are various : — 
theodisca, thiudisca, theudisca, teudisca, teutisca. When we reach 
parts less in contact with the Latin language of Rome, its use is 
rarer. Even the Qermans of the Rhme frequentlj use the equi- 
valent term Alemannic, and Frandc; whilst the Saxons and 
Scandinavians never seem to have recognized the word at all. 

Hence it is onlj the Qermans of Germany that are Theot^isci, or 

We of England, on the other hand, apply it onlj to the Dut-<h of 

Hitherto the term is, to a certain degree, one of disparagement ; 
meaning non-Boman, or vulgar. It soon, however, changes its 
character ; and in an Old High Qerman gloss — uncadiuti {ungideuti) 


^un-DiU4^, is explained bj barbarus, AU that is not German, has 
now become in the ejes of the Devt-sche, what all that was other than 
Roman was before. The standard has changed. Barbarism is 
measured bj its departure from what is DtU-sch ; in other words, 
the term has become so little derogatorj as to have become nationaL 
Nevertheless, originally Devische=vulgares. 
From the two facts of Oermania being no native name, and Deutr- 
9che being one of late origin, we arriye at an inference of great prac- 
tical importance in ethnological criticism, viz., that, although the 
Bomans and the Ghiuls knew the popuktions bejond the Rhine bj 
a common coUective term, no such common coUective term seems to 
have been used bj the Gbrmans themselves. They had no7ie, Each 
tribe had its own designation ; or, at most, each kingdom or con- 
federation. Onlj when the questiou as to what was common to 
the whole countrj, in opposition to what was Roman or GcUlic, 
became a great practical fact, did a general ethnological term arise ; 
and this was not Gertnan, but DtUch, 

This is a common phenomenon. In Hindostan we hear of the 
wilder mountaineers of Orissa and the Mahratta countrj under the 
names of E61 and Ehond ; and this is a collective term. But it is 
onlj this in the mouth of a Hindu, or Englbhman. Amongst 
themselves the separate names of the different tribes is all that 
is current 

From this it follows that, Germania being a non*Germanic term, 
its claims to absolute ethnological accuracj are reduced. It is like 
the term Gallia ; which was so far from containing nothing but Gallic 
Eelts (or, changing the expression, Eeltic Gauls), that it included the 
Iberic populations of Aquitania, which were as unlike the true Gaul 
as a Basque of the Pjrenees is unlike a Welshman. Hence, when- 
ever we are disposed to doubt whether so valuable a writer as 
Tacitus could have committed the error of making anj particular 
non-Germanic tribe Ckrman, we must remember that so well-in- 
formed an observer as Csesar makes the Aquitani, Gallic 

It is also important to remember that, like high as opposed to 
lotff, rich to pooTy &c., the word Deut^ch was originallj a corre- 
lative term, t,e., it denoted something which was poptdar, vulgar, 
national, unleamed, to something which was not. Hence, it could 
have had no existence until the relations between the learned and 
lettered language of Rome, and the comparativelj unleamed and 
unlettered vtdgar tongue of the Franks and Alemanni had developed 

B 2 


some notable points of contrast. BetU-sche as a name for Germans, 
in the sense in which it occurs in the ninih century, was an impos- 
sibilitj in the Jlrst, or second. This is not sufficientlj considered. 
Manj believe that the Teui-, in TetU-ones, is the detU', in cUiU-sch, 
To be this exacdy is impossible. Anj German tribe that called 
itself }^euda, Diot, or DtfoC in the first century must have given a 
different meaning to the word ; and, so doing, have called them- 
selves homineSy heroes, or by some term equally complimentary ; — 
certainly not by any word meaning speakers of the vulgar ton^ue. 

This is to prepare the reader for some fiirther criticism, which 
will occur in the «equel. 

Allemagne and Lamagna are merely modemized forms of the 
name of a particular section of the Germans, the Alemanni, 

The English name, as already stated, is a translation of the 
Roman one. 

Germani, then^ is a name given by the Romans to the populations 
who aflerwards called themselves Deutsche ; and Germania is the 
Roman equivalent to Deutschland ; whilst German and Germant/ are 
English forms of the Roman designation. 

It by no means, however, foUows, that because the Romans called 
a certain people by a certain name, that that name was Roman ; 
although reasons have been given* for considering that it is the 
Latin word germani. 

I believe, for my own part, that the word was Keltic ; in other 
words, that whilst the Germans themselves had no coUective name 
at all, the Romans called them what they were called by the Gkiuls. 
The meaning of this Gallic designation is a matter of legitimate 
speculation. At present, it is sufficient to fix the language in which 
the etymology is to be sought. 

The date of the first mention of the name German is more curious 
than important. A distinction, however, connected with the inves- 
tigation of it is necessary. 

The earliest date assigned to an event in German history is one 
thing ; the earliest historian who mentions such an event is another. 
A very early event may be recorded by a very late historian. 

The word semi-Germanis was applied to the nations who, as early 
as the second Carthaginian war, came across Hannibal in his passage 
of the Alps. But, early as this is for the fact itself, the historian 
who records it is late — Livy. 

♦ See extract from Strabo, Prolegomena, § xxi. 


The same applies to certam statements concerniDg tlie part taken 
by the Bastamoe in the Macedonian war. — See not. in v. Bastamas, 

In the Fasti Oapitolini for b.o. 222, occurs the foUowing 
entrj : — m. cLAnnius m. f. m. n. maboellus an. dxxxi. cos. de oal- 


TUUT DUOB uostium viB((iomaro ad Cla)ffnj>(ium interfectoy — 
Gnev. Thes. Antt. Rom. ii. p. 227. 

This is a notice of some pretension. Polybius, however, calls the 
allies of the Insubrian Gkiuls not Germans but Gcesatas, 

More than this — the record itself is not above suspicion. The 
part of the stone which contains the letters eb, has been repaired, 
and (the extract is firom Niebuhr) whether eb " was put in at ran- 
dom, or whether it was so on the original stone, I can neither assert 
nor denj. I have oflen seen the stone, but although a friend of 
mine wished me particularlj to ascertain the truth, I was never able 
to convince mjself whether the comer containing the sjllable is part 
of the original stone or not. It is evident that the name cannot 
have been Cenomanis, since thej were allied with the Romans, and 
the^isquite distinct. Gonomani does not occur among the Romans. 
If the author of these Fasti actuallj wrote Gennanis, the nation is 
mentioned. The thing is not at all impossible. At the time of 
Julius Csesar, it is true, the G^rmans did not live further south than 
the river Maine, driven back bj the Gauls. The Germans in the 
Wallis,* of whom Livy (xxi. 38) speaks, were the remnants of an 
earlier German population which had been expelled by the Gauls.' 
— Lecture lviii. Dr. L. Schmitz's edition. 

Of German glosses the words Thtde, and the di£ferent forms of 
the root Est- (see not in v. jEstt/ii) are probably the oldest. Thej 
are referable to the date of the vojage of Pytheas, and must have 
been collected from really Germanic informants. 

Of Ckrman atUhorities Csdsar, for all practical purposes, is the 

Of the name Germani, bejond the probable German area, there 
are some remarkable instances. 

a. In Spain we have " Oretani qui et Germmii cognominantur." — 
Pliny, iii. 4. 

h, In Persia Yon Hammer has traced the name Dzhurman, 

Writers have not been wanting who have connected these names 
with that of the Germani of Germany. I do not say that it cannot 

* Thcsc orc thc supposed Gennans of notc 3. 


be done legitimatelj : at the same time the occurrence of similar 
namesy although unlikely to be accidental within a amaU area, gains 
in probability as the area enlarges. 

^ Omnis — deparatur,] — Does this mean that within the area 
called Germania there were nothing biit Germans 1 

Or does it mean that bejond the area called Germania there were 
no Germans ? 

Does it exclude all Gauls, Rhsetians, Pannonians, Sarmatians and 
Dacians from Germany, or does it exclude aU Germans from Gaul, 
Rhsetia, Pannonia, Sarmatia, and Dacia? 

Both questions require investigation. 

That there were non-Germanic populations within the Germania 
of Tacitus, probably consisting of Gauls, and certainly consisting of 
Slayonians^ Lithuanians, and Finns, is one of the main theorems of 
the present volume ; a theorem for which the reasons may be found 
in notes as well as in the preliminary observations. 

The complementary question as to absence or presence of German 
populations in Gaul, Rhsetia, Pannonia, Sarmatia^ and Dacia will 
form part of the subject of the next three notes. 

^ Gallis.^ — Here the question arises as to whether the Gauls formed 
what may be called an ethnological unity : i,e,, first, whether the whole 
of the Gallic stock was contained within the area of Gallia ; and, 
secondly, whether that area contained nothing but (hllic populations. 

1. The whole of the Gallic stock was not contained within the 
area of Gaul.— The Britons of England and Wales, the Picts and 
Scots of Scotland, and the numerous tribes of Ireland were all mem- 
bers of the great Gallic stock — a stock also called Keltic. 

2. Populations other than those of the Gallic stock existed in 
Gaul. — Between the Aquitanians to the south and the Gauls to the 
north of the Loire, there was a greater ethnological difierence than 
between the Gauls north of the Loire, and the Britons ; or even the 
Caledonian and Hibemian tribes. The Aquitanians belonged to 
the Iberic stock ; represented at present by the Basques of the 
Pyrenees. The rest were Kelts, 

Such are the general answers to the general question. The parti" 
cular inquiry as to whether there were Germans in Gaul, the inquiry 
indicated in the preceding note, still stands over. 

That there were some Germans iu Gaul is undoubted. We can 


scarcelj expect that the Rhine should have been as absolute a fron- 
tier in historj as it is in geographj. Each nation transgressed it, 
80 that there were Gauls in Ckrmanj, and Germans in Gaul. 

But comparativelj recent migrations — mere changes in the line 
of frontier — are not the matters before us. There are Englishmen 
in India ; but that does not make India English. Was so notable a 
proportion of Gaul occupied bj indi^enotis Germans as to justifj us in 
calling Gkul a part of the Germanic area, or the Germans a part of the 
population of Gaull Were there G^rmans in Gaul in the same 
way that there were Iberians in the time of Osesar, or Bretons now 1 
Were there Germans in Gaul as there are Welshmen in England 1 

The present writer belieyes that, in the time of TacilWf there were 
none such. 

Were there before the time of Tacitus 1 Zeuss and others believe 
that there were. The evidence in fevour of these early Gallo-Ger- 
mans consists chieflj, if not exclusivelj, in an extract from Livy, 
and in the forms of certain words. 

The extract from Livy (forming the extemal evidence) is as 
follows. Speaking of the passage of Hannibal» he writes^ '^ea — 
itinera — qusd ad Peninum* ferunt, obsepta gentibus semi-Germanii 
fuissent.*' — xxi. 38. 

The intemal evidence, consisting of the real or supposed names of 
the tribes in question, is got at through a considerable amount of 
assumption. Avienus, who is supposed to follow an older autho- 
rity, writes — 

Meat amnis t autem fonte per Tylangios, 
Per Dalitemos, per Chabilcorum sata, 
Tem>enicum et agrum (dura sat vocabula 
Auremque primam cuncta vulnerantia ; 
Sed non silenda tibimet ob studium tuum 
Nostramque curam). Panditur porro in decem 
Passus recursu gurgitum stagnum grave. 
Plerique tradunt, inserit semet dehinc 
Vastam in paludem, quem vetus mos Grsecis 
Vocavit Accron. — Ora Maritima, ii. 666, <fec. 

Now Zeuss, who believes these to be the oldest German names 
extant, and who thinks that they stand for tribes who occupied the 

♦ Thia is what Niebuhr calls thc fVallu (t.e., the fVales, Welthy foreign 
or non-German couDtry) in note 1. t The Rhonc. 


Pennine Alps anterior to the Eeltic migrations towards Italy, sug- 
gests the foUowing etjmologies and parallels. 

a. TylangiL — The same as the Tvlmgi of Cffisar, with the a 
changed into i^ hj the Greek authority of AyienuSi so that the 
word hecomes TvXoyyioi, instead of TvX/7^101. The -tn^ (-*yy) is 
the usual German deriyational affix, and the 7W-, the root of the 
first part of the compoond word Tovkl^vp^oy (a G^rman town 
mentioned hy Ptolemy), and tH-, a root signifjing tt8eful,JU. 

b. DaliUmL — Agreeing in its termination with the words Bas^enuF, 
and Guhmit, and in its heginning with the root dal=vallty, dale. 

c. ChabUci. — The KaovXicoi of Straho, the KaXovKwvec of Ptolemj 
and the Calucones o£ Plinj. 

The objections that lie against all this are — 

1. The identitj between the tribes named bj Ayienus and those 
indicated by Livj is not made out. 

2. The tribes with whom the Tjlangii and Chabilci are compared 
are not themselyes unequiyocallj Germanic. 

3. Csdsar, describing the same localitj, calls the population 
GcUlic; especiallj mentioning one of the tribes named bj Liyj the 

It maj fairlj be said that all this creates difficulties, and justifies 
the statement that the literal yerification of the passage in liyj 
inyolyes a considerable amount of assumption. 

Besides this, in order to reconcile Liyj with Csesar, Zeuss supposed 
an intermixture of Gallic immigrants and G«rman aborigines. This 
introduces greater difficulties than it remoyes. 

In the first place, the G^rmans in question, if aboriginal, were 
disconnected from their nearest congeners bj the whole of Helyetia, 
a localitj confessedlj ChtUic. 

Secondlj, a mountain-fastness like the Mons Penninus was not 
likelj to be a spot from which Gbiuls would displace G^rmans. 

No remark has been made upon the et jmologies themselyes. Thej 
are deriyations which certain readers wiU be as slow to abandon, as 
others are to admit. Neither is the undoubted GaUic form of the 
word Veragri insisted on ; since, although a GttUic word, it might 
be the designation of a German nation— just as Welsh is in our 
language, a name appUed to Welshmen, but not a Welsh word. 

On the other hand, it maj be urged, that the Yeragri maj haye 
been semi-German without Csesar^s knowing it^ or that Caesar maj 
haye known them to be semi-Germans without thinking it necessarj 


to call them sa There is no conclasiye answer to this objection. 
It is not, however, one which the careful reader of Csasar, unbiassed 
bj derman predilections, is likelj to take. How clearlj does he 
recognise the Germanic elements of the character of the Nenrii and 
others, and how carefal he is to notify them ! 

Surelj^ it is not too much to saj that in (7<tesa/« time the Pennine 
population was whollj Gkdlic, and not half-Qerman. 

Now if we do this, Liyj's credit must be saved bj either supposing 
that he used the word German with a considerable d^ree of latitude^ 
or else that his statement applies to the time he wrote about rather 
than his own. 

I believe the former to have been the case^ and answer the ques- 
tion raised in the beginning of the present note, bj asserting mj 
belief that, as the Tylangiiy ko,, were non-Germanic, there were no 
Germans, as integral elements of the population of Gallia, either 
when Tacitus wrote or when Hannibal marched across the Alps. 

^ RhoBtis.l — The countries south of the Danube were first subdued 
under Augustus ; when thej were formed into the following pro- 
vinces. 1. Bhrotia. 2. Yindelicia. 3. Noricum. 4. Pannonia Superior. 
5. Pannonia Inferior. 

Bhsetia, the modem Tjrol, was bounded bj Helvetia on the west, 
bj Yindelicia on the north, and bj Noricum on the east. From 
Noricum it was divided bj the Biver Inn (iElnus). 

Yindelicia ooincides with the southem half of Bayaria^ or that 
portion of Bavaria which lies south of the Danube, and part of 
Wurtemburg. It was bounded on the north-west bj the Decumates 
Agri=Baden^ and part of Wurtemberg. 

Noricamy the modem Salzburg, and IJpper Austria, extended 
from the Inn (^nus) to the Eahlenberg (Mons Cetius). 

The Pannonias were bounded bj the Eahlenberg, the Danube^ 
and the Save, and coincide with the south-westem part of Hungarj, 
and Lower Austria. 

Now of these four names for five provinces, Tacitus mentions onlj 
two^ — Bhsetia and Pannonia. Of Yindelicia and Noricum he sajs 
nothing, — although each reached to the Danube; which Bhaetia, 
in the strict sense of the word, did not. 

Vindelicia, then, he evidentlj indudes in the area of the Bheeti. 
What, however, he considered Noricum to be, is doubtful. Did he 
count it as part of Pannonia on the east, or as part of Bhsetia on the 


east^ or did he give a part to the one proyinoe, and a part to the 

There is a difficultj herc, which is increased hj the fact of the 
Danuhe forming hut partiallj the Bhaeto-Germanic frontier. A 
oonsiderahle portion of the Bheetia of Tacitus reached the Danuhe 
as its northem limit, without, therefore, reaching the southem fron- 
tier of Germany. The Decumates Agri laj north of the Danuhe^ 
hetween Vindelicia, Gaul, and Germanj. Tet it is hj no means 
certain, that the Decumates Agri were German. — See not. in voa 

Perhaps a more minute investigation than the present writer has 
had the opportunitj of making, into the earlj historj of the Danuhian 
provinces just enumerated, would account for the omission of the 
names Vindelicia and Noricum, and at the same time to inform us 
how the Norican population was to he distrihuted. At presenti 
however, I consider that Tacitus^ in mentioning the Rhceti and 
Fannonii * onlj, recognized the ethnological rather than the political 
division, and thought of the natural division of an area into its 
nationalities rather than of the artificial distinction of proyinoes. 

If so, we have an instmment of criticism ; since we maj infer that 
the Yindelici were in the same oategorj with the Bhaeti, and that 
the Norici were either Bheetian or Pannonian, or else divided he- 
tween the two. 

The ethnological position of the Bhsetians, the extent to which 
thej consisted of one or several stocks, and their relations to the 
population of Noricum, are difficult and complicated questions. 
Neither are thej tme portions of German ethnologj. 

Henoe the present note will contain little hejond the notice of 
the countrj and its occupants in their present state. 

Politicallj speaking, Bheetia with Vindelicia, comprises the fol- 
lowing oountries and districts. — 1. The Yorarlherg. 2. The Gri- 
sons^ or Grauhriindten. 3. The Valteline. 4. The Tessino. 5. The 
Tjrol. 6. Part of Lomhardj. These form Bhaetia proper. The 
Bouthem part of Barariay the south-eastem part of Wurtemhurg, 
and a small portion of Badto constitute Yindelicia. 

Geographicallj yiewed, this area emhraces a portion of two water- 
sjstems, and a water-shed, viz,, the southem feeders of the Upper 
Danuhe, and the northem feeders of the Po ; the water-shed hetween 
them heing formed hj the Alps. Besides these the head-waters of 
the Bhine helong to Bhaetia. 

* Or the Rhitti and Pannonia, 


The Bayarian side of the great Alpine chain consists of an 
elevated table-land, the Italian of a series of mountain-yallejs, 
which change in character as we approach the alluvial plain of 
Lombardj; and as these change, we pass from Rhastia to Italj, 
from the Tyrol and Switzerland to Lombardy. 

At the present moment the population of this area is referable to 
two diyisions. A German dialect of the Alemannic tjpe is spoken 
in Bayaria, Wurtemburg, Baden, the Vorarlberg, and greater part 
of the TyroL The remaining dialects are derivatives from the Latin. 
It is necessarj to know that these last fall into two divisions ; the 
Italian of Lombardj, the Yalteline, and Tessino, and the Eomance 
of the Grisons or Graubriindten. It is the Grison or Graubriindten 
countrj which is pre-eminently and typically Bhsetian ; the Grison 
mountains are the Rhastian Alps, and the Grison form of speech 
is ofben called the Rhoetian language. 

If, from the Lake of Constance, we follow up the Rhine towards 
its source, we find that river and the Inn rise on different sides of 
the same range of mountains. Now the valleys of the IJpper Rhine 
and the IJpper Inn constitute the Grison country, where the Bo- 
manoe language is spoken, and where it fEills into two chief dialects, 
ooinciding with the two river-systems. The proper Romanoe is the 
language of the hills and valleys on the Upper Bhine ; the Ladino, 
or Latin, that of those on the Upper Inn. Then sub-dialects occur ; 
the Ladino &lliDg into the Upper Engadino, and the Lower Enga- 
dino ; the Romance into several similar ones. 

Such is the present philological ethnography of the Bhaetias. 
But as both classes of languages have been introduced into the 
oountry within the historical period — ^the German in the fiflh and 
sixth centuries, and the Boman in the time of Augustus — neither 
throws much light upon the character of the original population. 

Were there any Germans in Bhsetia ? €krmans might have been 
found in the northem point of Vindelician Bhaetia, just as there 
were Germans in Gaul ; i.f ., as intrusive emigrants, but not as inte- 
gral portions of the original Bhseto-Vindelician population. 

^ PannoniU^ — Laying aside the question as to the distribution 
of the populations of Noricum, the portion of the Danube which 
separated Pannonia Proper from the Germany of Tacitus, was that 
part which lies between the northern extremity of the Eahlenberg 
{Mons Cetius), and the continuation of the Bakonyer Wald {Fan' 


nonitu Afons) into the Medves Range (SarmcUici Afontes) ; from the 
west to Yienna, to the east of the Oran. A little beyond this the 
Danube takee its great bend southwards, and separates the eastem 
Pannonians from the Jazjges. The parts of the Germania of Tacitus 
which reach the Pannonian part of the Danube, coincide with the 
present countrj of Upper Hungarj, or the yallejs of the Oran and 

The languages here spoken are, at the present moment referable 
to three £unilies, — 1. Oerman in Lower Austria, and on the side 
of Lower Austria. 2. Slavonic on the side of StTria, Croatia, and 
Slavonia. 3. Majiar, or Proper Hungarian in the central parts. 

The present population of Pannonia cannot but be extremelj 
mized, since, over and above the present occupants, there have been 
successive invasions of Bomans, Ooths, Huns, Avars, Cumanians, and 
Oepidffi. AU this complicates the inquiry as to the ethnological 
position of the original ante-Boman Pannonians. 

At the same time, by eliminating those elements, which we know 
to have been of recent introduction, we approach the question. 

Of these two have occurred within the historical period. 

The Gkrmans of Lower Austria are the Oermans of Upper Austria 
advanced eastwards, and the Oermans of Upper Austria are the 
Oermans of Bayaria similarlj protruded. Their language is refer- 
able to the Alemannic tjpe ; their original ancestors were probablj 
Alemanni, and the date of their occupancy is uot earlier than the 
fourth century. 

The Majiars are even of later introduction, and their advent even 
more within the range of history. It took place in the tenth century. 

The Ooths, Huns, Avars, Cumanians, have all occupied parts of 
Pannonia — ^but all within the historical period, or nearly so. The 
aborigines preceded all these. 

The original population of Pannonia must be arrived at by the ex- 
dusive method, t.e., the elimination of all hnown recent popuhitions. 

Now the population that remains after this is that of the Slovaks 
of Upper Hungary, who are Slavonians. 

The ethnology of those parts of Pannonia which was not Oerman 
is no part of the present work. Many reasons, however, beyond 
the existence of the Slovaks could be given for making it Sla- 

At the same time, there is but little doubt that the banks of the 
Danube were occupied by intrusive Oermans at an early period. 


6 Eheno,] — The Rkine, is a name by which the same river is 
known to both the French of its western^ and the Qermans of its 
eastem bank. This is not always the case in the frontier rivers ; 
since thej maj bear one name in one language, and another in another. 
It is far from certain that this was not the case with the Rhine 

The French and Germans know it bj the same name, not because 
their ancestors did, but because each has taken their appellation 
from the Bomans ; the word Rhenus is in the same category with 

From whom did the Bomans take it ? To what ancient language 
is it referable ? Almost certainlj to the Eeltic of Gaul ; in which 
the Gtiuls originaUd, but the Bomans diffused the name. It nUgkt 
of course have been German as well ; though I think it unlikelj, the 
original German name being probably lost. 

Neither is it certain that the name Rhine was persistent through- 
out the whole course of the river. The Lower Khine might have had 
one name, the Upper Rhine another, just as the Lower Danube was 
called Ister, and the IJpper, Danubius. It is not likelj that the 
Batavians of HoIIand, and the Helvetians of Switzerland gave the 
same name to the verj different parts of their common river. Names 
of rivers only become genend where there is one homogeneous popu- 
lation along their whole course ; or, what is the same thing, when a 
second partj perceives the unity of the whole water-system. This 
was what was done bj the Bomans, and that is the reason for believ- 
ing that, originallj, the name Rhine was a partial one. 

Is this term, or one like it, applied to anj other Eeltic rivers^ so 
that there maj be several Rhines in France, just as there are several 
Outes and Avons in England ? The bearing of this question is of 
importance. As the question stands at present, the word is a Eeltic 
gloss of no great value, though of some. It is onlj a proper name. 
If, however, it reappears as the designation of other rivers, the chances 
are that it is no proper name, but a common term ; no word, like 
John or Thomas, but a word like waier, river, stream, Glosses of 
this kind are more valuable than the others. 

Rhen is probably the same root as Rhodan ; so that Rhine and 
Rhone are the same word in different dialects. The disappearance 
of the d creates no difficultj. The verj word Rhone, as compared 
^ with Rhodanus, illustrates it. 

It is also, probablj, the same word with E-ridan-tu ; the ejection 


of the 'd, being of the same kind as that of the d in Eho-d^nus as 
opposed to Rhone. The Eridanus of Herodotus (iii. 115) was a riyer 
in the extreme west of Earope, which fell into the northem sea. 

The form Ehmus was first diffused bj Cadsar. 

The £Ekct of rein in Gkrman meaning clear, and the possibilit j of 
the Rheinflusi = ihe clear river, is the onlj reason that has ever 
been given for considering the word of German origin. Even Zeuss 
lajs no stress on this. 

The Eeltic origin of the name of the great frontier river is gener- 
aUj admitted. So is the Eeltic origin of the names of most of its 
westem tributaries, the Nava and the Mosa. The riyer Obringa, 
^KtpUKaQy ^0€p(yyac, is probablj Eeltic. The Mosella seems a 
Roman diminutive of Mosa. 

Of the eastem feedersi the Msnus and Luppia are of uncertain 
origin. So are the Nicer and Logana. The Rura and Sigana ar^ 
perhaps, Qerman. 

7 Danvbio^ — ^The extent to which the root Danub- approaches that 
of Dnap-, in the undoubtedly Slavonic Dnapai^is, or Dnieper, is an 
argument, as far it goes, for the word being of Slavonic origin. 

The extent to which the root D-n, as in Don and Doon occurs in 
the name of Eeltic rivers, is an argument, as &r as it goes, for the 
word being of Eeltic origin. 

The fact of its changing its name to Ister, for the lower portion of 
its course, is an argument, as far as it goes, in favour of the population 
of the banks being other than homogeneous, Le,, of one kind, at the 
head-waters, of another towards the mouth. 

8 Fluminibusi] — Let the direction of river from north to south, 
or vice versd, be called a latitudinal or a vertical direction ; and a 
direction from east to west, or vice versd^ a longitudinal or horl- 
zontal one. 

This distinction gives rise to the consideration of some points of 
general ethnologj. 

The more vertical the direction of a river — other things being 
equal — the less homogeneous its population. 

The more horizontal the direction of a river — other things being 
equal — the more homogeneous its population. 

A little consideration explains this. Difference of latitude is a . 
great ethnological influence ; and as the character of a population 


changes as we proceed eitber northwards or southwards more than it 
does in a direction from east to west, or from west to east, the con- 
trast hetween the population of the head-waters, and the population 
of the emhouchures of long rivers is greater where the difference of 
latitude is greatest, and least where it is least — other things, as said 
before, heing equaL 

The great vertical rivers of Northem Asia have the conquering 
Mongol and Turks on their sources, the stunted Samoeids on the 

The great vertical rivers of Southern Asia have Tibetan moun- 
tains, between the thirtieth and thirtj-fiflh degrees of north latitude, 
and Siamese and Cambojians in latitude ten. 

The Nile has Negroes in its extreme vallejs, Abjssinians on its 
table-land, and ^gjptians on its great vallej and Delta. 

The northemmost Mississippi Indians approach the tjpe of the 
Eskimo, the southemmost that of the Mexicans. 

Most of the great rivers of the world are vertical ; the chief hori- 
zontal directions being those of the Amazon in America, the Sene- 
gal in Africa, the Hoang-ho and Kiang-ku in Asia, and the Danvhe 
in Europe. 

The horizontal direction of the two great Chinese rivers undoubt- 
edlj does much towards determining the homogeneous character of 
the Chinese civilization. At the same time thej help to aocount 
for its isolation. 

The direction then is one of difference between the Danube as 
boundarj to Germania and the Rhine. 

The course of the Danube determined the migration eastward, 
those of the Rhine (and still more of the Weser and Elbe) north- 

Another difierence between the two rivers is the character of their 
water-sjstem. Contrasted with the Danube the Rhine has but few 
feeders ; indeed it has but few feeders compared with anj river of 
equal magnitude, unless it be the Bio Grande of Texas. The Rhine 
is supported as the reservoir of the Lake of Constance rather than 
mpplied hy its tribtUanes, From this it follows that the basin or 
valley-sjstem of the Rhine is preeminentlj small ; so that its allu- 
vial plains sink into insignificance when compared with those of the 
Danube, or even the Elbe, Oder, and Vistula. Whatever we subtract 
from the area of the vallejs of a river, brings the hill-ranges in 
closer approximation to the stream, in which we have a mountain- 


barrier, as well as a water-barrier. In the particular instance before 
U8, the Ehine is a GkJlo-Germanic frontier, but it is a frontier 
strengthened in its npper part, at least, bj the ranges of the Bkck- 
forest, the Odenwald, and the Yosges. In its lower portion, as the 
mountains either recede or diminish, and the alluyial plains extend 
themselves, it ceases to be a frontier. 

Again — the facilities of a migration down the Danube are greater 
than those down the Bhine ; a circumstance to which the directions 
of the two rivers, as well as the difference of their water-sjstem con- 

^SamuUis.'] — It is not necessarj to exhibit in full the different 
senses in which this word occurs in the classical writers. It is a term 
less wide in its application than ScythcBf but, like Scythas, it is 
applied to the northem moieties of the ancient world; the most 
southem limit of Sarmatia being the Danube. On the west it 
becomes confounded with Germania, on the east with Asiatic 

Geographically^ it chieflj applies to Eastem Europe ; Scythia 
being chieflj referable to Westem Asicu 

EthnohgicaUyf it embraces nearly all the Slavonic areas^ and few 
or none of the nofi-Slayonic. 

This justifies its application, bj 4he present writer, to the dass 
which contains the Lithuanic as well as the Slavonic tongues. 

The Sannatse of the present text — the Sarmatee of the G^rmanic 
frontier — are the original occupants of the countrj between the 
Upper Thiess {Tibiscus) and the Medves Range {Montes SamuUici). 
These were the northem JcKyyes, or the old Slavonic populations of 
Middle Hungarj. 

That either these Jazyges themselYes, or else their neighbours to 
the east, west, or south were Slayonians, is a &ct which is supported bj 
intemal evidence of the most conclusiye kind ; and as the undoubted 
presence of a Slavonic population in the parts occupied bj them, is 
of great importance in the investigation of the ethnologj of Pan- 
nonia and Dacia, due prominence is given to it bj mentioning it at 
the present time. 

The term gaiyh (yazyh) is a Slavonic form. 

It means language or speech, 

But is it also used, bj extension, to mean nation,family, or populor 
tion f So tmlj is this the case, that the Slavonic of the first line of 


the quotation from Nestor * rum, *' Ot sichzke Ixx i dwn jazyhu 
byst jazyh Slovenesky^s From snch Izx and two ionyties is the 
Slovenian Umgue. 

The Bohemians and Morayians call themselves Czechshy Gazyh 
and Moravsky Gazyh respectivelj. 

As this maj f safelj be considered to be the Jazyg^ in Jazyg^^ it 
is a sound inference to presume the existence of a Slavonic popula- 
tion whenever that name occurs. 

^^ DacU,'\ — Ancient Dacia oomprises the modem principalities of 
Wallachia and Moldavia ; and it is these two countries which more 
stronglj remind us of the Dacia of Trajan and Decebalus. Here it 
is where the language of the Bomans still remains ; so that the pre- 
sent Eamany of the Lower Danube belongs to the same philological 
^vision with the French, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, and Grison ; 
in other words, it is one of the daughters of the great Latin tongue. 

But ancient Dacia comprised something more than Wallachia 
and Moldavia. All Transylvania, at least half the Banat, and at 
least half the rest of Hungarj, belonged to it. Half-waj between 
the Thiess and the Transjlvanian boundarj, runs a line of supposed 
Boman remains, and these most probablj separated the Boman pro- 
vince of Dacia from the independent Jazjges Metanastso of the Thiess* 

Now this was a polUical division ; but the political division does 
not reach far enough west. In order to bring Dacia in contact 
with (Jermania, we must make an ethnological frontier, and seek 
for Dacians bejond the provinoe of Dacia. This is easilj done, 
since the name was one of a widelj-spread and onlj partiallj-con- 
quered popuktion. The Daci of the text— the Daci of the Germanic 
frontier — were what Zeuss calls the independent Dacians {freie 
Dahen), and their localitj was the Gallician side of Hungarj. Thej 
are said bj Plin j to have originallj occupied the vallej of the 
Tibiscus, £rom which thej were expelled bj the Jazjges. 

^^ Montibus,] — This means the Medves Bange and the northem 
continuation of the Bakon jer Wald, the frontier being that of the Ger- 
mans and DadanSf rather than that of the Germans and SarmaUe, 

^^Alpium.] — Yarieties of form— ''AX^ca, Stephanus Bjzantinus; 
^'OX^co, Phavorinus ; SaXiria, Ljcophron. 

* Prolegom,^ p. xxiii. f For a shade pf doabt on the point, eee EpUsgom^ § Sieulu 


Origin of the word, Eeltic — ^the root being the root of the word 
A Jhainn ss A Ibion == hilli/ land = ScoUand = Great BrUain — " GW- 
lorum lingua Alpes montes alti appellantur." — ^lsid. Hisp., Or. xiv. 8. 

^^ Abnoba.] — This name is perhaps KeltiCf ^ihen-^abht^head of 
ihe waten, The etjmologj^ however, is but a guess, and nothing 
dependB upon it. 

One of the names of the forest of the Mons Abnoba was SUva 
Marcianay the foreit of the Afarchj a name very illustrative of the 
extent to which the agri Decunuxtes was a debatahle laiid, 

^^ Plures populos,'] — In the ejes of the cotemporaries of Tacitus, 
the groups of population along the line of the Danube were — ^begin- 
ning at its source — as follows : 

1. The occupanta of the Decumates agri, on both sides. 

2. The Vindelicians or Northem Rhati, on the south. On the 
north, the Southem Germans. 

3. iTortcttm ssUpper and Lower Austria, on the south. On the 
north, certain Maroomanni (?). 

4. Fannonia, on the south ; on the north, the country of the 
Quadi, The direction now changes, as we have reached the great 
bend, so that instead of sajing the north and south, it is conyenient 
to say the right and left banks. 

5. Pannonia continued, on the right ; the country of the Jazyges 
and weetem Daci, on the left. 

6. 7. The Mcesias (Superior and Inferior), on the right ; Dada, 
on the lefl. 

These coincide with the present countries of 

1. Baden and Wurtemburg=the Decumates agri. 

2. Bayaria=Vindelicia and South Qermania. 

3. IJpper and Lower Austria=:Norioum. 

4. 5. Upper HungaryssPannonia and the country of the Quadi 
and Jazjges. 

6, 7. Servia and Bulgaria=the Moesias; Wallachia, Moldayia, 
and Bessarabia (?)s=Dacia. 

Ethnologicallj, I belieye, the whole riyer to haye been unequallj 
diyided between the three great stocks so ofben mentioned alreadj — 
the Eelts, the Germans, and the Sarmatians, with a few Turks and 
Ugrians towards its mouth. But the proof of this, as well as the 
details, are to be coUected from the Notes in generaL 


II. Ipsos Germanos indigeoas crediderim, mininie- 
que aliarum gentium adventibus et hospitiis mixtos : 
quia nec terr^ olim, sed classibus advehebantur, qui 
mutare sedes quserebant ; ^ et immensus nltr^, utque | 
sic dixerim, adversus Oceanus raris ab orbe nostrol 
navibus aditur. Quis porro, praeter periculum hor- 
ridi et ignoti maris, Asia aut Africa aut Italia relicta, 
Germaniam peteret? infotmem terris, asperam ccelo, 
tristem cultu aspectuque, nisi si patria sit. Celebrant 
carminibus ^ antiquis (quod unum apud illos memorisD et 
annalium genus est) " Tuistonem^ deum terra editum, et 
filium Mannum/ originem gentis conditoresque. Manno 
tres filios adsignant, e quorum nominibus proximi Oce- 
ano Ingaevones,* medii Hermiones,^ ceteri Istsevones^ 
vocentur." Quidam autem licentia vetustatis, " plures 
deo ortos, pluresque gentis appellationes, Marsos,® Gam- 
hrivios,^ Suevos,*^ Vandalios " adfirmant : " eaque vera 
et antiqua nomina. Ceterum Germanise vocabulum 
recens '^ et nuper additum : quoniam qui primi Rbenum 
transgressi Gallos expulerint, ac nunc Tungri, tunc 
Germani vocati sint : ita nationis nomen, non gentis 
evaluisse paullatim, ut omnes primum a victore ob me- 
tum, mox a seipsis invento nomine, Germani voca- 
rentur." " Fuis«e apud eos et Herculem" ^' memorant, 
primumque omnium virorum fortium ituri in proelia 


* Nec terrd olim, sed dasstbus advehd>antur, qui mutare sedes quasre- 
bant,'\ — This appears at first to be the remark of a Greek rather than 
of a Boman writer ; the induction upon which it rests being sap- 
plied from the maritime enterprises of the Greeks and Carthaginians. 
But, in truth, it is a statement of great import and generalitj ; of 
an import and generalitj probablj scarcelj appreciated bj Taci- 
tos himself, and oertainlj unappreciated bj the majoritj of his 



commentators, as well as by writers bn historj and ethnology in 

Far too manj inquirers either adopt or acquiesce in the current 
notion that mi^atioru are phenomena, which we maj assume to anj 
extent required^ not only on account of the facts demanding explana- 
tion, but in order to sustain the accuracj of even indifferent authors. 
To such, it is as easj to bring . a population from the Baltio to the 
Mediterranean, across a whole series of hostile countries^ as to moye 
a knight across a chess-board. The great name of Niebuhr justifies 
this gratuitous prodigalitj of locomotion. Naj more, it seems so 
philosophic to trace a so-called national movement to its primary 
cause, that a known invasion in one quarter is oflen supposed to 
justifj the assumption of an unknown one elsewhere — so that 
nations press each other forwards^ themselves being pressed upon. 
This doctrine, with metaphors and illustrations to match, is plausible 
enough to be widely recognised. 

It means, in its naked form, that a attacks b, because he cannot 
support himself against o, o being similarly situated in respect to 
D, and so on ; a view which makes the great qualification for the 
attack of another nation*s country^ the inability to defend one's 

This doctrine we would gladly believe to be true. It would 
diminish by nine-tenths the crimes of the warlike part of the human 
species. It would reduce all but the first primary movements to a 
matter of necessity, and so justify them. The motives for aggres- 
sion would not be envy, cruelty, and cupidity» but the unpleasant 
necessity of choosing between reparation for what has been lost to 
yourself by the appropriation of what belongs to another, and death 
or bondage. 

A little analysis, and a few distinctions, will show that^ instead of 
migrations being thus common, they are eminently rare. 

A migrcUion is different from a mere extension of frontier. No 
one says, that when the whole American population presses west- 
wards, at the rate of (say) twelve miles a year, there is a migration. 
The frontier has been advanced ; the advancing population being 
wntinuom with the stationary, and no separation of one portion of 
the American population from another having taken plaoe. The 
Eussians are gradually encroaching upon the Siberians; and the 
English on the Welsh ; yet none of these are instances of migration. 

A migrcUion is different from a retum, or re-migration. No 


one would call the retreat of the ten thousand Greeks a miffration 
in the usual sense of the term. 

In order to even approach the idea of a true migration, there 
jnust be a /resh country ; and there must be a discorUinuUy of area 
as well. In other words, a migration implies the occupation of one 
area bj the inhabitants of another, combined with the nonroccupaticn 
of the iniervening parts. Without this latter element, it is a mere 
extension of frontier. To apply an illustration alreadj made, a 
migration is like the hnighCs move at chess. 

If these irdervening parts be portions of the ocean, or a river, their 
non-occupation is a matter of course ; and hence, migrations by 
water are common. If, however, they be bj land, thej are so rare 
that, throughout the whole history of the German stock, I know no 
unexceptionahle instance ofone. 

Alsatia, Franche-Comte, Burgundj, Switzerland, and France (so 
fox as- it is German), became Germanized bj extension qffrontier, 

Bj extension offrontier the Slavonic tribes were displaced. 

Theodoric*s conquest of Bome was as little a migration as the 
seizure of the empire bj the hands of anj commander in Pan- 
nonia would have b^n. It was a mere militarj occupation. 

The Anglo-Saxon migration was bj sea; and that the Gothic. 
invasions of Alaric and others were the same^ is highlj pro- 
bable. The Goths themselves, probablj, reached Moesia bj navigat* 
ing the Danube. 

For a migration to be unexceptionabley the evidence of its occur- 
rence must be unexceptionahle also ; i,e,, it must be referable to 
contemporarj testimonj. This is because migration was as favorite 
a mode of accounting for the more irregular distributions of popula- 
tion with ancient writers as it is with modem. 

The difference between migrations and great militarj movements 
is difficult to draw. If, however, we choose to distinguish between 
an armj with a number of camp-followers^ and a migration properlj 
80-caIIed, bj considering that the presence of females, aged men, 
and children, is necessarj to constitute the latter (making it a move- 
ment, iray^rifjLti) the raritj of this presumedlj common phenomenon 
is indefinitelj enhanced— so much so, that a land migration (as 
distinguished from one bj water), a migration with separation from 
the original area (as distinguished from mere advance of frontier), a 
migration to a fresh land (as distinguished from a retum), and 
a migration icavlri^tl (as distinguished from a multitudinous armj) 


is an occurrence of which ihe whole range of hisiory ^yes os no 
undonbted instance. 

Even the approaches to this are not numerous ; the most remarkable 
of these being the Helvetic, as described bj Csasar, and the Majiary 
of the ninth centurj, by which Hungary was peopled bj Ugrian& 
Neyertheless, the former, as £Etr as we follow it, was a mere ad?ance 
of frontier, and the latter a militaiy conquest. 

^ Carminihus,] — The earliest yerses in anj Gbthic languages are the 
older poems of the Anglo-Saxons ; indeed, with the exception of the 
Oospels of Ulphihts^ and a few other fragments of the Moeso-Gbthic, 
referable to the fourth and fifth centuries, the oldest specimens of 
any Oothic tongue, in any shape wbatever — ^prose or verse — are to 
be found in that dialect. In the Moeso-Oothic, nothing is extant 
but prose. 

These poems must be considered in respect to their /(^rm and 
their subject. 

o. The/orm, — Judging from the earliest poems that have come 
down to us, poems which there is no good reason for believing were 
essentially different from those of the time of Tacitus, the metre 
was aUUerative. There was accent, and there was the recurrenee of 
eimilar sounds mthin certain periods ; but there was no quamJl^^ as 
in the Latin and Oreek, and no rhyme, as in the English, Oerman» 
and French. The rule was that within the space of one long or two 
short lines^ two or more accented initial syllables should b^in with 
the same letter. 

All the vowels were considered as identical ; so that three words 
beginning with a^ e, or u respectively, would all be considered as 
beginning with a, and stand in alliteration to each other. The fol- 
lowing extract is from the beginning of Beowulf, a poem of consi- 
derable antiquity^ and known as the longest specimen of the Anglo- 
Saxon heroic narrative. The alliterative syllables are in Italics. 

HwiBT we 6rir-Dena What we of OHr-Danes 

in ^ear-dagum, In yore-days, 

)>e6d-cyninga, Of people-kings 

frym ge-frunon — Olory have heard — 

hu t$a cp)>elingas How the ^thelings 

cUen fremedon — Power advanced — 

ofb iScyld /S^cefing, Of Scyld Scefing. 


«oea))6n(a) )>reatiim, To ihe hosts of enemies (scathers). 

inon^u miBdgyxim, To many tribes, 

meodo-setla of-te^ — The mead-settle puUed (them) off. 

^sode «orl — The earl terrified, 

sj^SiSan ^rest wearS Sinoe he first was 

fek-Bces^ yunden ; An outcast found. 

he )^ fr6fre ge-b4(d), He therefore jojful abided, 

tpe6x under ecrolcnum, Waxed under welkin^ 

moi^mjndum )4h; With worth-memorials throve. 

oS f him ^e^g-hwlyc Till him each 

y&n ^b-sittendra, Of them around-sitting 

ofer Aron-r^e, Over the whale-road, 

Ayran scolde, Hear should^ 

^mban ^ldan— Tribute pay. 

6. The subfecL — In the early poems alluded to, the subject is what 
the present statement of Tacitus leads us to expect The deeds of 
great warriors are narrated, and the poems approach the character of 
epics. Beowulfy the poem last quoted, contains upwards of seven 
thousand lines. Its hero is an Angle j whose exploits are battles 
against both men and monsters, involving no small amount of super- 
natural agency. Hence, it is mythological rather than historicaL 
The chief localities are the fen-districts of Hanover and Sleswick- 
Holstein, on the Saxon, Frisian, and Danish frontiers. Of England 
there is no mention* Hence, although the dialect is Anglo-Saxon, 
it must be considered as exhibiting those Hanoverian Saxons who 
took no part in the English migration. Again — although, in the 
form in which it has come down to us, there are several passages 
which prove the latest transcriber to have been a Ghristian, the 
nudeuB of the poem is referable to the times of German paganism. 
Lastly ; it contains several so-called episodes. Of course, these may 
be looked upon as integral parts of the original poem — just like the 
episode of Sin and Death in the Paradise Lost. Nevertheless, the 
more probable view is that they are smaller poems, out of which 
the longer epic has been subsequently constructed — rhapsodically. 

The Battle of Finnesburh is a firagment, and has the appear- 
ance of referring to a real historical event more than Beowul£ This 
is also, to all appearances, Hanoverian. 

In the Anglo-Saxon Ghronicle, the entry under a.d. 937, in- 
stead of being a statement in prose is a poem of considerable length, 


known under the title of The Battle of Brunanburg. Manj other 
such poetical extracts could be added from either the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle, or from the Heimskringla of Snorro Sturleson, in Icelandic. 
Sometimes thej stand as authorities : someiimes thej replace the 
prose narrative. 

Such are some of the poems whose form and contents most help us 
to realize the nature of those older records to which Tacitus alludes. 

But there are other sources besides. After the great and per- 
manent conquests of such sovereigns as Theodoric and Alboin, 
Gothic historians who wrote in Latin, investigated the old poems 
and traditions of their nation ; and, although these poems and tra- 
ditions in their original forms are lost, the matter of them maj be 
found in more than one writer of the sixth, seventh, and eighth 
centuries. Of these the most famous are Jomandes and Fatdtu 
DiaconuSf one for the Goths of the East in the sixth, the other for 
the Lombards in the eighth centuries. — See EpUegomena, 

Again — in the old laws traces of metrical expression maj be 

Lastlj, the numerous poetical narratives of the twelfth and thir- 
teenth centuries contain^ amongst manj other heterogeneous ele- 
ments, both in the waj of tradition and mjthologj, much that 
is both indigenous and ancient. 

Nevertheless^ the difficultj of reconstructing the traditions of the 
time of Tacitus are great and, perhaps, insuperable. We are fortu- 
nate in approaching a distinct conception of them so nearlj as we do. 

^ Tuistonem.] — AIl the statements that I can make conceming 
the deitj are negative. 

He appears in a definite, unequivocal shape nowhere amongst anj 
of the Germanic or Saxon forms of heathendom : nor jet in the 

So exclusivelj does the notice of him b^n and end with Tacitus, 
that it looks as if either the German creeds had changed between 
the second and fifth centuries, or as if the Germans of Tacitus were 
not the Germans of subsequent historj. I do not saj that either of 
these alternatives was the case. I make the remark chiefij for 
the sake of showing the difierence between what we leam firom 
Tacitus and what we leam elsewhere, in the waj of Gothic mj- 

Anothcr reading is Tuisco, Perhaps it is the best. It certainlj 


gives us a more Gennanic form ; since, bj supposing the ^isk iohe 
the adjectiyal ending preserred down to our own times in words 
like self-ish, we have a truly Gothic termiuation. Yet this is but 
little. Ttb-isco, if dealt with as an adjective deriyed irom a simpler 
form Tu', would still leaye a difficultj : since it is not likelj that 
the name of a deitj would be giyen in an adjectiyal form — %,e., as 
an epithet rather than as substantiye name. Who eyer heard of the 
Greeks worshipping "Apecoc (instead ofApviQ), or of the Romans 
considering MarUalis (rather than Jfars) as their foundex^s £Either f 
Preoiselj the same is the unlikelihood of Tuis*c^ being an ad- 

For this reading, howeyer, Zeuss argues stronglj ; and I draw 
attention to his reasoning for the sake of objecting to it. It is clear, 
thaty when we saj that such or such a form is the right reading, 
because it giyes us certain results, and then that those results are 
to be admitted because such or such a reading is to be found, we 
argue in a circle. The reading must stand on its own proper 
groundsy ue,, the yalue and number of the MSS. wherein it occurs. 
To correct it on the strength of anything inferred irom the correc- 
tion itself is illegitimate. Yet this is nearlj always the case with 
the commentators on the Germanta, e.g,^ in the case of the word 
in question, Zeuss writes thus : *' Tuisco (Tuisto is the wrong read- 
^^%)i which is better with the yowel transposed (Tiusco)^ is in 
respect to its deriyation like Chervrsd, and is in the same relation 
to Tiu (s= deus) as the later form mannitcOf mennisoo or mensch is 
to the older mannJ" — P. 72. 

Surelj, instead of this bare statement, the collation of the HSS. 
should haye been laid before the reader. 

To such high authorities then as Zeuss, the adjectiyal form of a 
deitj^s name is no objection. Neither does it seem to be so to 
Grimm, who, consequentlj, takes Tui-^co as the reading, and Ty- as 
the root. This latter is thus declined in the Norse of the Edda. 

Nom. Ty-r. Gkn. Ty^. Acc. Ty. 

The Old High German form is Ziu, and the Anglo-Saxon Tiw. 
This is the deitj that giyes its name to Tue-s-day, 

Bj carrjing out this yiew we make Ziu^Tiu^Tiv^Div, the 
root in div^us; thus connecting the classical and G^thic mjthologies. 
— D. M. ad voc. 

^ Mannuufi,'] — AU that applies to the word Tuisto (or Tuisco), 


applies to the root Mannr, also. It belongs to tbe Qennan mytho- 
Iog7, as explained to the infonnants of Tacitas. It is foreign to it 
in all it8 later and more specific forms. 

At the same time, the criticism which gets over the difficultiespre- 
sented bj the one name grapples with thoee that attend ihe other. 
Hencey Manntussmanf and denotes humanitj ; erm as Ty=zTivs^ 
Difh denotes cUihinUy, 

^lngcBwmes^ — In theAnglo-8aau>n poem of Beowulf wefind these 
lines — 

Ing W8D8 araest Ing. was first (erst) 

Hid Ea8t<lennm With (the) East-Dene 

Qese wen sec^am ; Seen men ; 

OtS he siStSan east Until he afcerwards(since)eastward 

Ofer T8Bg geyat. Oyer (the) wave went. 

Dm Heardingas Thus (the) Heardings 

Done hsele nemdon. The man named. 

a 779—787. 
Again — FrcTr, one of the Eddaic deities, is called Ingvi-YrejT. 
Thirdlj — the root re-appears in seyeral proper names ; e,g, in 
Ing-uiomerrUf—ihe older form of Hincmar, 

Lastlj — one of the heroic rojal familiee of Sweden is Yng-Iing-ar^ 
or deicendants of Ingvi ; ar being the sign of the plural numbery 
and ing, like •liriQ in Ghreeky a patronjmic form. 

Bejond this, nothing in anj later writer or record illustrates the 
term Ing^oBvonee, 

^ Hermionee.l — In numerous Old German and Norse compounds 
the element -rm-n is found as a prefiz ; its power being to conyej the 
notion of vaslnets, antiquUg, or some similar reyerential idea. Thus 
Irminrdiot^the kumankind; lormundradr^tke great serpent, 

More £unous still was the IrminrM of the Old Saxons of West- 
phalia ; a pillar or column embodjing to the last the superstitions 
of the nation, and, finaUj, destrojed by Charlemagne. 

Again — the word Hermunduriy as applied to certain Qermans of 
the south-easty is a similar compound. 

Lastlj — the names Arminius=sHerman contain the same funda- 
mental sounds. 

Beyond this nothing in any later writer illustrates the term 


f IstamneB.'] — Here the reading is doubtfuly liCiBwmei being 
another form. 

Tbe existence of an beroic (or semi-beroic) ^Eunilj oalled AsUngSf 
giyes U8 tbe nearest approacb to tbe illustration for tbe former ; tbe 
root Askf in Atcipurgium, for tbe latter. See nU. ad 9, 

It maj safelj be said tbat tbe carmina anUqua tbat explain any 
part of tbe mjtbology in a satis&ctoiy form, are as tboroogblj loet 
as tbe mytbology wbicb suggested tbe carmina anHqua. 

^ Jfar«os.]^Tbe locality of tbe Marsi was tbe oountiy abont Esaen, 
in Westpbalia. — See EpiUgomena^ § ChaUuarii. 

9 Oambrivios^ — Wbat applies to tbe Harsi applies to tbe QambriTii 
also ; to wbicb it maj be added, tbat tbe Gambr' in tbis latter word 
is, in tbe opinion of Zeoss, tbe 'gambr' in Si^mbr4, 

For furtber notice, see EpUegamena y. SicambrL 

^^ Suevoa.^ — See JSpilegomena in y, 
^^ Vandalio8,'\ — See FptUgomena in y. 

^ Oermanice vocabulum recens.'] — Tbis and note L 1. are oomple- 
mentarj to eacb otber. 

Notwitbstanding tbe words a mpms invento nomine, I belieye tbat 
tbe word Oerman was as foreign to tbe ancient Gkrmans, as tbe 
word Welsh is to a Oambro-Briton. Tbe natiyes of tbe principality^ 
as is well known, call tbemselyes Cumraig. WeUh, is wbat tbey 
are called by tbeir neigbbours. 

From Tacitu8's own eyidence, tbe name is new. Tbis, wbicb is 
primd facie eyidence of its not being natiye, is conclusiye as to tbe 
fact of tbeir baying originaUy bad no collectiye designation. 

Tbe particular portion of tbe Gkrmanic population wbicb crossed 
tbe Bbine, bad two names, — Tungri and Oermani. Tacitus ex- 
plains tbis by assuming a difference of <ffii<y— one appellation being 
old, tbe otber recent. I know no instance of sucb a cbange. Tbe 
real fcust seems to baye been, tbat Tungri was tbe naHve, Oermani 
tbe Oallic name for one and tbe same people, — just like Welsh and 
Cumroiig, Englishman and SaBsenach. 

Tbe extension of tbe designation of a particular tribe, family, or 
nation, to a wbole stock, is well illustrated by tbe word Orcecia. 


Small and unimportanty^possiblj eren non-Hellenic — as tbe little 
Epirote tribe of tbe Grasci was, it was tbej wbo gave tbe Boman 
name to HeUaa, 

** HercuUm^ — See Notes, ix. 3. 

III. Sunt illis bsec quoque carmina, quorum relatu, 
quem Barditum^ vocant, accendunt animos» futurseque 
pugnse fortunam ipso cantu augurantur ; terrent enim, 
trepidantve, prout sonuit acies. Nec tam voces ilise, 
quam virtutis concentus yidentur : adfectatur prsecipue 
asperitas soni, et iractum murmur, objectis ad os scutis, 
quo plenior et gravior vox repercussu intumescat. 
Ceterilm et " Ulixem" quidam opinantur, " longo illo et 
fabuloso errore in bunc Oceanum delatum, adisse Ger- 
manise terras, Asciburgiumque, quod in ripa Bheni 
situm» bodieque incolitur, ab illo constitutum, no- 
minatumque ASKIflTPrOIN.* Aram quinetiam 
Ulixi consecratam, adjecto Laertse patris nomine» 
eodem loco, olim repertam: monumentaque, et tu- 
mulos quosdam, Grsecis literis inscriptos, in confinio 
Germaniffi Bhsetiaeque adbuc exstare/' quse neque 
confirmare argumentis, neque refellere in animo est : 
ex ingenio suo quisque demat vel addat fidem. 


1 Barditum!\ — ^Tbe asual name of tbe poel in tbe Gkrmanic tongues 
was 9c6p ; in tbe Scandinayian dcald. No sucb root as hard 
occors ; and no derivatiTes of it are known. 

It is to tbe Keltic languages tbat it belongs, and is so foreign to all 
tbe Gh)tbic tbat, notwitbstanding tbe words hardUum vocant, I can- 
not belieye tbat anj Gkrman eyer so designated eitber bis national 
songs, or bis national music. Tbat tbey bad mucb in common witb 


those of tbe Gkiuls is credible ; but tbat tbe name was tbe same is 
unlikelj. In tbe present case, tben, Tacitus describes a Gennan 
custom bj a Gallic name. Tbat bis error goes tbus far I believe. 
I do not, bowever, believe tbat it goes fartber ; in otber words, I do 
not tbink tbat tbe practice wbicb be describes is so Gallic as not to 
be Germanic also ; or tbat be bas confused tbe custom as well as 
misapplied tbe term. 

At tbe same time tbere is anotber view wbicb maj be taken. It 
is just possible tbat Ghdlic bards migbt bave formed part of tbe 
retinue of certain German cbiefs ; in wbicb case tbej maj baye been 
called bj tbeir emplojers bj tbe name tbej bore at bome. However^ 
tbe national cbaracter of tbeir functions, consisting as it did of tbe 
recital of native poems, is against tbis. 

Lastly — if a reasonable interpretation of tbe root b-rd', can be 
obtained from anj Gotbic tongue, all objections against tbe present 
statement falls to tbe ground. 

At present, bowever, it is best explained bj assuming tbe falli- 
bilitj of tbe autbor in wbicb it occurs. 

Lucan's notice of tbe bardic poetry and doctrine is as follows : — 

Yos quoque qui fortes animas, belloque peremptas 

Laudibus in longum vates dimittitis ssyum, 

Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi. 

Et Yos barbaricos ritus, moremque sinistrum 

Sacrorum Druidss positis repetistis ab armis. ^ 

Solis n6sse deos, et coeli numina Yobis, 

Aut solis nescire datum est ; nemora alta remotis 

Incolitis lucis : Yobis auctoribus, umbrse 

Non tacitas Erebi sedes, Ditisque profundi 

Pallida regna petunt ; regit idem spiritus artus 

Orbe alio ; longse, canitis si cognita, yitss 

Hors media est. Certe populi quos despicit Arctos, 

Felices errore suo, quos ille timorum 

Maximus, baud urget leti metus ; inde ruendi 

In ferrum mens prona Yiris, animseque capaces 

Mortis, et ignaYum rediturse parcere Yitee. 

Pbarsal. i. 447—462. 

In Litbuanic tbe root b-rt appears witb tbe meaning of Her^ or 


« ASKlHYPriON. — ^ln Gennan 6ur^=<0MW, hergs^hiUy geMrg-e 

As ihe reading here is IlYPr- (a reading which we mast take as 
we find it) the first of these three meanings must he the one admit- 
ted in ihe first instance. 

Askj on the other hand, is the English word cuhy a prefiz which 
applies hetter to a hM than to a town, This modifies our yiew, and 
supplies a reason for helieving that IlEPr- would have heen the 
truer affix. Perhaps the analogy of irvpyoc misled the classical 

That the notion that 'purg stands for what would more correctlj 
haye heen -pergj is hj no means gratuitous, is shown hj the follow- 
ing cases: — 

a. The wooded range of the Westphalian hills is called Saltus 
Teubo\)\xTf^enBUi not 7VutohergteYm«. 

h, A similarlj wooded range on the east side of Bohemia (the 
Eiesegdnrge) is called by Ptolemy 'AvKiiovpylov opo^. 

The use oip for 6 is a Bayarianism, and suggests the likelihood of 
the form in question being of Alemannic origin. 

Probably the true name was ABk-hipirhi^Ashriree MourUcUns. 

The comparatiye absence of towns in Germany ^EtYours the idea of 
the u being incorrect 

A long list of wdrds in Zeuss shows the extent to which the ash 
entered into the names of topographical localities — Askri^unoy Aso- 
OrhrunnOf Asc-fddy Aschra^hach, &c. 

In the Eddaio mythology too it is important. 

o. According to one account Ash and JElm (Askr and Embla) 
were the first human beings. 

6. The great tree which stood central to the uniyerse was the Afh 
Ygdrasil — the tree of Time^ at the root of which gnawed the serpent 
Nidhogg, whilst up and down ran the squirrel Ratatoska. 

Such are the unconnected elements of one interpretation — ele- 
ments to which no one hitherto has giyen coheeion. 

Another series lies in the word Asgard. 

In the Eddaic mythology th& Abos are the dii majores : whilst 
gard means house ssgaard in Danish. Hence As-gard = the habi' 
tation of the Asas; a Scandinayian Olympus opposed to Middan' 
gard the Middle^gore, or the home ofman, 

It has been thought that the As- in Askipurgion is the As' in 


As-gard; meaniiig, consequentlj, Asas. If so, ASKIQYPnON is 
Ihe toum of ihe gods, 

Tlie reader will probablj prefer tbe pbjsical to tbe mytbologioal 
interpretation — even if be be dissatisfied witb botb. 

Upon tbe namee Ulixes and Jkiertes, I can tbrow no ligbt and 
snggest notbing satis&ctorj. 

IV. Ipse eorum opinionibus accedo, qui " Germaniae 
populos nuUis aliis aliarum nationum connubiis in- 
fectos, propriam et sinceram et tantum sut similem 
gentem exstitisse " arbitrantur. Unde habitus quoque 
corporum,^ quamquam in tanto bominum numero, idem 
omnibus : truces et cserulei oculi, rutilse comse, magna 
corpora, et tantum ad impetum yalida ; laboris atque 
operum non eadem patientia : minimeque sitim sestum- 
que tolerare, frigora atque inediam coelo solove adsue- 


^ HabUus — corporum,'] — Tbis uniformitj of pbjsical appearance 
bj no means cbaracterizes tbe present Oermans. Tbat tbe ayerage 
beigbt is greater tban tbat of tbe Italians, tbat extremelj black 
bair and ejes is rarer tban in tbe soutb of Eorope, and tbat red 
bair and freckles, and a ruddj complexion witb blue or grej ejes, 
and flaxen bair are also commoner, is as mucb as can safelj be said* 

Tbese are in difierent proportions in different parts of tbe 
Qermanic (or Gotbic) area. In Friesland and Sweden tbej are, 
perbaps, tbe most common. 

At tbe same time, tbe description of Tacitus is no over-statement ; 
since we must not onlj remember tbat be wrote as an Italian, 
accustomed to dark skins and black bair, but tbat, since bis time, 
tbree important influences baye been at work upon tbe (}ermanic 

o. Increased ciyilization. 

b. Increased intermixture witb foreign nations. 


c* Exiension of area firom Germanj to Britain, from Britain io 
America : io saj nothing of the minor exiensions within the iimiis 
of Europe. 

Lastlj, it should be added that the Gkrmans of ihe Lower Rhine, 
and Westphalia, the Frisians, and Oheniscans, were the sections of 
the populaiion which Tacitus has described most in deiail. Now 
these, to judge from ihe present oocupants of the paris in question, 
were amongst the most tjpical of iheir stock. 

y. Terra, etsi aliquanto specie differt» m umversum 
tamen aut silvis borrida aut paludibus foeda:^ bumidior 
qua Gallias, ventosior qua Noricum ac Pannoniam 
aspicit: satis ferax, frugiferarum arborum impatiens, 
pecorum fecunda, sed plerumque improcera: ne armen- 
tis quidem suus honor, aut gloria frontis : numero gau- 
dent : eaeque solse et gratissimse^ opes sunt. Argentum 
et aurum propitil an irati dii negaverint, dubito. Nec 
tamen adfirmaverim, nullam Germanise venam argen- 
tum aurumve gignere: quis enim scrutatus est ? posses- 
sione et usu haud perinde adficiuntur. Est videre 
apud illos argentea vasa, legatis et principibus eorum 
muneri data, non in alia vilitate, quam quss humo fin- 
guntur: quamquam pVoximi ob usum commerciorum 
aurum et argentum in pretio habent, formasque quas- 
dam nostrse pecunise agnoscunt, atque eligunt : inte- 
riores simplicius et antiquius permutatione mercium 
utuntur. Pecuniam probant veterem et diu notam, 
iSerratos, Bigatosque.^ Argentum quoque magis quam 
aurum sequuntur, nulla affectione animi, sed quia nu- 
merus argenteorum facilior usui est promiscua ac vilia 


^ SUvithorrida aut paludibiufceda»] — The ethnological distribation 
of the Oermanic population oyer these two diyisions of country was — 

o. For the forest districts — the ancestors of the Moeso-Goths and 
the High Qermans ; their area being Thuringia, Suabia, Franconia, 

b. For the fenrdisiricts — the Frbians proper and the OhaucL 

c Diyided between the two — the Old Saxons and some of the 
LowQermans; the Westerwald («a^^us TetUoburgiensis) being within 
their limits. 

Of the two representatiyes of these two physical diyisions, the 
extreme tjpes were, perhaps, the Franconians and Frieslanders. 

An important modification of the countrj, howeyer, is not com- 
prehended within these two denominations, ue, the sandy heaths and 
barrens of Hanoyer ; indeed^ as thej laj bejond the area habituallj 
trayersed bj the Bomans, thej were, probablj, unknown to Tacitus. 
These, when thej attain their maximum of eleyation and sterilitj — 
as is the case with the Liineburg Heath — haye been allowed to con- 
stitute the nearest approach to be found in Europe of the Steppe, 
80 characteristic of Oentral and Northem Asia. 

The population that most closelj coincided with this diyision, as 
far as it was Gkrman at aU (and not Slayonic), was the Anglo-Saxon. 

' Ea opes sunt»'] — That the German cattle was almost whoUj 
kine and oxen (to the comparatiye exclusion of skeep) is the na- 
tural inference from the absence of the word gregesy and the pro- 
minenoe giyen to armeniis ; an inference strengthened bj the notice 
of the German dress, the materials of which were either flaxen or 
leatkem; no mention being made of toool, 

Again, it is a remark of Mr. Gametfs, that, in the present Eng- 
lish, the words connected with the arts of vteaving and spinning are 
Keltic rather than Germanic ; e.g,, 

EnGLisfl. Wblbh. 

Clout Clwt. 

Qussett Cwysed. 

Dam Dam. 

Welt Gwald. 

Gown Gwn. 

Mesh Masg. 

Rug Rhuwch. 



' SerratoSy Bigatosque.'] — The terrated margin of the ancient 
coins ensured them against being clipped, and showed the extent 
to which they had been worn. 

Anj coin might be serrattis. On the other hand^ those which 
were marked with the biga (or quadriga) were exclusively silver — so 
that serratus applies to the pattern of the coinage, higaius to the 
materiaL — See Facciolat. in w. 

VI. Ne ferrum quidem superest,^ sicut ex genere 
telorum colligitur. Rari gladiis, aut majoribus lanceis 
utuntur: hastas, vel ipsorum vocabulo frameas* gerunt, 
angusto et brevi ferro ; set ita acri et ad usum babili, 
ut eodem telo, prout ratio poscit, vel cominus vel emi- 
nus pugnent : et eques quidem scuto frameaque conten- 
tus est : pedites et missilia spargunt, pluraque singuli, 
atque in immensum vibrant, nudi aut sagulo leves : 
nulla cultus jactatio : scuta tantum lectissimis colo- 
ribus distinguunt : paucis loricse : vix uni alterive cassis, 
aut galea. Equi non form^, non velocitate conspicui : 
sed nec variare gyros, in morem nostrum, docentur. In 
rectum aut uno flexu dextros agunt, ita conjuncto orbe, 
ut nemo posterior sit. In universum sestimanti, plus 
penes peditem roboris : eoque mixti proeliantur, apta et 
congruente ad equestrem pugnam velocitate peditum, 
quos ex omni juventute delectos ante aciem locant. 
Definitur et numerus : centeni ex singulis pagis sunt : 
idque ipsum inter suos vocantur : et quod primo nu- 
merus fuit, jam nomen et honor' est. Acies per cuneos 
componitur. Cedere loco, dummodo rursus instes, con- 
silii quam formidinis arbitrantur. Corpora suorum 
etiam in dubiis proeliis referunt. Scutum reliquisse 
prsecipuum flagitium : nec aut sacris adesse, aut con- 



cilium inire ignominioso faa : multique superstites bel- 
lorum, infamiam laqueo finierunt. 


* Nefmnrum quidem mperest,'] — The statement as to the rarity of 
metal must be limited to being evidence only to the non-existence 
of mining habits and the metallurgic arts, in ancient Germanj. 
Grimm, who has given the foUowing table of the names of the 
metals in different languages, remarks that the names for gold and 
silver agree in the German and Slavonic tongu^, but not in the 
Eeltic. This latter coinciding with the Latin. 

For irass and iron the German and Latin agree. 

The XJgrian tongues, where they haye not borrowed from the 
so-called Indo-European languages, haye a whollj different set of 










































































































Old ffigh German 





M» High German 















• AIso raudus. 

D 2 






















• •• 



























To verifj the doctrine tliat the coincidences in the names of the 
metals are as thej are stated to be, a few considerable, but bj no 
means unreasonable, letteiMshanges are assumed. Thus — 

1. JEs, aie, dr, ort and etV are the same words ; the change from 
« to r being yerified bj the oblique cases of the Latin language 
itself— Nom. cw, Qen. asr-is, 

2. The identification of the Slavonic root z-l-t with the Gh)thic 
g4'd is also legitimate ; since the change from ^ or iS; to a sibilant 
is usual — tcapS'S=heari=sszird-, in Lithuanic. 

3. The Spanish hierro explains the loss of the/^ in ferrum, as 
compared vfiihjem and tron. 

Copper seems to be an exclusiyelj German root ; and copper is 
the metal which^ from being earliest worked, is earliest used. 

In Gothic archffiologj it is well known that the so-called metaUic 
age is separated from the so-called ante-vMtaUic bj a broad line of 
demarcation ; the series of fitcts upon which the distinction rests 
being as foUows : — 

o. In certain graves, tumtdi or barrows, the implements found 
along with the bodj, are of hone or stone, wood or leather, to the ex- 
dusion of metal of anj kind. 

b. In others, thej are of ^ld or sUver, to the exclusion of iron or 

c In others, of iron or bronze, as well as the more precious metals. 

The general doctrine is, that the third class of graves are the 
newest, the first the oldest; and, upon this doctrine, a considerable 
number of archseological and ethnological generalizations have been 
founded ; the civilization (or want of civilization) of the period 
anterior /to the practice of metallurgy being contrasted with that 
which arose out of the introduction of that art. One of the more 
important hjpotheses connected with this distinction has been so 

* Alto vatU, 

f Also tMWit, 


generallj adopted, and so elaboratelj worked out bj the geologists, 
naturalists, and philologists of Scandinavia — Eschricht^ NilBon, 
Retzios, Eejser, and others — as to haye become almost character- 
istic of their school. It rests upon the belief that the shdls of the 
tkeUUrM of the oldest burial-places, approach in form those of the 
Lapps, Finns, and Ugrians in general : those of the newer ones onlj 
agreeing with those of the present Germans. Assuming the truth 
of this view (and, without adopting it implicitlj, I am not prepared 
to denj it) we haye a means of ascertaining the character of the 
earliest populations, not onlj of Germanj and Scandinayia, but of 
manj other countries besides— the reasoning running thus — 

1. The antiquitj of the graye maj be ascertained bj the nature of 
the implements and omaments interred along with the skeleton. 

2. To the antiquity of the grave the skull of the person buried 
has a oertain relation. 

3. The osteological differenoes thus implied are best accounted for 
bj the assumption of a change in the stock^ family, or race of the 
occupants of the countrj. 

Of the different elements in the inference drawn from this line of 
criticism, the latter is the most exceptionable. The iafe position is 
simply the faci that the oldest skuUs are the smallest in capacitj. 
Such, at least, is the yiew from the following Table ; taken firom a 
fuller one in Mr. D. Wilson*s yaluable ArchsDology and Prehistoric 
Annals of Scotland. It shows the relatiye proportions of a series of 
skulls of very great^ with those of a series of moderate antiquitj. 




i-H O iO» W rH -*« i-H O 
0« 05 i-H 1-» » f-1 (N .t^^r^ »OCif~t Cp^ , i-l W . 

«f^oobosww : « '^j (N w w (N (N (N :w«3 : 

COCOCOO^CNCOCO cocococococococo coo 


Hn -*«-♦»• o O O i-H pH 

ance to root 
of noae. 

O i-H T|< CO p CO Cp . Oi » IjJ 05 » i-H CO 50 i-H l^ -^ 05 
(>) ,14 Ai Ai 04 (yi(>) : Ai ^ (N 09 (>) (N (N CN 09 (N T}« C3 

frontal arch. 

O pH 

05 O -^ ^ pH (X; CO » O^ «O » 05 Oi *0 -««< (X) .»'^»0 

co ^ Tf co co 'Tt Tf« *o ^ *o '^ Tf <Tt 'Tt Tf Tf« :"^»io 

Ditto from 
upper root 
tic proccas. 

HttO^^O^ H«0 

00 f-H (X) i-H (x> o i-i co o -^ co 05 :co» : ^«'^p-i 
Tf '^ «^ «^ '^ lO T|« lO »o «o »o "^ • »o »o • • »o »o »o 



•4N -^ i-H i-H HOI 

;o ph : ph ^-^t^ : 00 o ph ph o ph co : :t>.o : 

• • • *•• *••••••• **•• * 

eoTf •'^ •'^co • co "^ co co -^ "^ -^ • • -^ -««< • 

arch from 
upper root 

»o oo '^ C0O5 ocoaSco"^ co o p- Ti« .oocoo 

* • •^ *• ■••••••••• «••• 

,-H ,-H 09 ph pH ph (N <N ph f-1 pH 09 <N (N -H <5^ : pH CO O^ 


•-H ,-H «^ 

pH 09 .Opq^COCO .OOSOpiO PH00050 .'^l^ . 

coco '.nco-^rn : rt rt -^ rt -^ -^ 'hf ih : '^ «o : 

VerUcal dia- 

o «^ -«• 

<^io»o>o^»o»o *'^»0(o»o»o»o*o»o •»o*o • 

Frontal dia- 

«^ -H i-H •♦•O f*» HW 


• *.•••••••••••••. •••■ 








•p[0 ii9\ 'pio XpjDJdpop^ 


^ Frameas.] — This is a true Qennan gloss. It means a stabbing 
rather than a cutHng instnunent ; its present power being pfricm^ 
punck, awl, hodkin. The furte is called pfriemen-YTWii ; the broonif 
pfriemm^holtz ; and the Nardus structct, Ffriemen-gnia. 

Isidorus Hbpalensis wronglj deriyes it from ferramentum; 
"Framea gladius est ex utraque parte acutus, quam vulgo spatham 
Yocant. Framea autem dicta quia /errea est, nam sicut ferramen' 
tum sic framea dicitur, ao proinde omnis gladius framea.^* — Origg. 
xyiii. 6, 3. 

It is difficult to imagine anj objections to the connexion between 
Jramea and pfrieme, exoept such as arise out of the possibilitj of the 
modem word haying been derived from the gloss in Tacitus — a not 
unreasonable doctrine. This, however, is set aside bj the extent to 
which the word is shown bj its compound, to be trulj German. It 
is also set aside bj the extent to which it appears throughout the 
€k>thic languages — Dutch priem, Anglo-Saxon preon, Icekndic 

Objections, however, have been raised. The p is not exactlj the 
sound which, in the eyes of the strict believers in the uniformitj of 
letter-changes^ grows out of /. Neither is the diphthong exactlj what 
would be developed out of a. Neither is the sense exactlj the same 
— *' The diphthong yaries, and the sense does so still more— der diph- 
thong aber abweicht, und der begrif noch mehr.** — ^D. S. i. 515. 

There is no objection to this minute criticism ; indeed, in and of 
itself, it is good. The change from fr- topfr- is not of the most 
usual sort ; perhaps it b unique. 

Again — ^the a mframea is short, as shown bj a line of Juyenal — 

Per Solis radios, Tarpeiaque fulmina jurat, 

Et Martis /r^m^am, et Oirrhsei spicula vatis. — Sat. xiii. 78. 

And a short vowel is not the best origin to a long diphthong. 

Then, as a sword cutt, whereas a framea stabs, the " sense is dif- 

All this is good, iftahen alone. It is good against an etjmologist 
who asserts that the connexion between pfrieme and /ramea is so 
undoubted and undeniable that no sane philologist can demur to it. 

It is also good against any other etymologj equally exoeptionable 
or unexceptionable. 

But it is not good against such an etjmology as the following, 
foUowed up by the forthcoming inferences. 


a. Framea is either a clerical error, or a mistake iorfranca. 

h. Franca was a weapon used bj the Frofnkiy from whom it took 
its name. ' 

I will laj before the reader all that can be said in favour of this yiew. 

a. As admitted, the change from /r- to ffr- is not of a common 

6. In the old nncial MS. NO and M are often confosed. 

c. Fra/nce in Anglo-Saxon, and /roibta in Norses/at^m. 

d, The Spaniards called axeafrancisccB after the Franks — "secures 
— quas et Hispani ab usu Francorum, per derivationem Franciseas 
Yocant.'* — Isid. Hispal. xviii. 6, 3. 

Observe, that in this last case, the writer who finds an awl, bodkin, 
as too unlike a dagger to connect pfrieme with /ramea, finds no dif- 
ficultj in connecting an oav with Ajavelin, 

Observe, too, that francisca, as an adjective, can, at best, but 
mean the Frankish weapon. 

Of the Anglo-Saxon and Norse forms, france and frdkka, I bj no 
means undervalue the importance. 

Now let us look to the assumptions requisite for this yiew. 

In Juvenal the word occurs, throughout the MSS., tafram^a, 

In Tacitus it oocurs seven times, and, throughout the MSS., as 

Surelj the likelihood of the M becoming NO, as opposed to this, 
is onlj a presumption against a fact. 

But the first Boman writer who, bj using the word, introduced 
it into Bome, maj have written framea for franca, and so the error 
have been propagated. This, I submit, is onlj valid against some- 
thing else equallj hypothetical. It is not enough to saj that an 
author maj blunder. K it were so, anj man might believe or 
disbelieve what he chooses. The particular likelihood of each 
blunder must be shown. 

Still the assumption maj possiblj be legitimate ; since it is pos- 
sible that the hjpothesis, which arises out of them, maj clear awaj 
numerous and considerable difficulties, do awaj with numerous and 
considerable improbabilities, and so gain credence on the strength of 
the phenomena for wkich it will account. 

Let us see what is done in this waj. 

It does just the contrarj to what it ought. 

The Franks, under the name of Frank, appear in history, for 
the first time, in the second century — no earlier. 


To haye giyen, howeyer, tbe name to a weapon, mentioned bj 
Tacitos and Jayenal, tbej most baye existed nnder tbat name 
in tbe /rs^— existed, as it were» in a latent state^ and nnknown as 
Franks to tbe legions and Qpmmanders' who oonqnered tbem. I 
scarcelj think that tbis strengtbens the case. 

Still the deriyation maj be both yalid and yaluable. It maj 
teach os to look for tbe Franks more closelj, and, consequentlj, to 
find tbem earlier tban is supposed. 

It has done this in the case of its chief supporter. Ptolemj 
mentions a people called, *AvapTo^paKroi, in Fannonia — and tbese 
are considered to be ^paKrol, or ^payKol* 

But Pannonia is a long waj from tbe Frank country. Not 
too &r for an etjmologist. Thej came from tbe East> as, in the 
ejes of the etjmologist^ all populations do. 

Sigebertus Ghmblacensis writes, '' Francis post Friamum, Friami 
filius Marcomerus et Sunno filius Antenoris principantur annis 
zxxyi., quorum ducatu Franci Sicambria egressi consedere secus 
Rbenum in oppidis Germanisd.** 

Here tbe force of etjmology stops, for it bas not hitherto gone so 
far as to connect^am^ witb Eing Friam, 

But, tbough all this maj be wrong, there was reallj a relationship 
between tbe Franks and tbe Fannonians. Yes ; Augustus planted 
a Sicamhrian* l^on in Hungaiy. No such Sicambrian colonj^ 
howeyer, will make *AyaprofpaKroi Franks, or deduoe the subjects 
of Cloyis from tbe Danube, anj more than our Indian possessions 
will make London a colonj of Oalcutta. 

Now tbe preyious doctrine is not the fruit of tbe old empirical 
etjmologj, wbicb took no account of consonants, and looked upon 
yowels as nothing, but the result of tbose so-called iron-bound 
laws of letter-cbange, wbich lead their supporters to demur to 
deducing p/rieme fromframea, 

There are certain tbings less l^timately assumed than an un- 
manageable lette^cbange ; and a migration wbich connects tbe 
Franks to ^Avapro^paKroi is one of them. 

Tbe doctrine exbibited above is James Grimm*8. — ^D. S. i. 512 

But tbe cbange firom /r-, to pfr-, is by no means a serious dif- 
ficulty ; since tbere is no proof of its eyer haying taken place. 

* See BpUtgomenay $ Sieambru 


Who shall saj that, although Tacitus wroU framea, the 90und was 
not that of pfram f The combination of an aspirate with its own 
lene, although found in the classical writers, where two syUables 
meet, as in VoTdot and Sc^x-^f^, is an ^possible combination at the 
heginning of a word. Hence, if the combination which thej h^rd 
ien speech, were ever so much pfr', their mode of representing it, 
or spelling, would be either pr- oryr-, as the case might be. 

.^ Nomen et hanor.] — Viz. the word hundred, — See Notes, xii. 5. 

VII. Reges exnobllitate;' duces* ex virtute sumunt. 
Nec regibus infinita aut libera potestas: et duces 
exemplo potiiis quam imperio : si prompti, si con* 
spicui, si ante aciem agant, admiratione prsBSunt. 
Ceterum, neque animadvertere, neque yincire» ne 
verberare quidem, nisi sacerdotibus' permissum: non 
quasi in poenam, nec ducis jussu, sed velut deo im- 
perante, quem adesse bellantibus credunt : effigiesque, 
et signa qusedam, detracta lucis, in prcelium ferunt. 
Quodque prsecipuum fortitudinis incitamentum est, 
non casus, nec fortuita conglobatio turmam aut cu- 
neum facit, sed familise et propinquitates : ^ et in 
proximo pignora: unde feminarum ululatus audiri, 
unde vagitus infantium : bi cuique sanctissimi testes, 
hi maximi laudatores. Ad matres, ad conjuges vul- 
nera ferunt: nec illse numerare, aut exigere plagas 
pavent. Cibosque et bortamina pugnantibus gestant. 


1 Eeges ex nobilitate,] — The best measure of the eztent to which the 
highest executiye power was hereditary, is to be found in the fact of 
the Cherusci, after the extinction of all the rojal familj ivithin the 
couniry, sending to Italy for a Romanized Oheruscan — a sort of 
Edgar Atheling, whose descent more than counterbalanced his ex- 



patriation. — ^' Eodem anno Cheruscoram gens r^m Bom& petiyit, 
amissis per intema bella nobilibus, et uno reliquo stirpis regisd, qui 
apud Urbem habebatur, nomine lUdicm. Patemum buic genus e 
Flavio, fratre Arminii; mater ex Oatumero, principe Ohattomm 
eraf — Ann. xi. 16. Even if we refer a great part of this to Boman 
intrigue — a probable assumption — the evidenoe that the recognition 
of the great element of kinglj power — cUscent — was as tme a charac- 
teristic of iome of the early Germans, as the sense of personal libertj, 
is unexceptionable. 

At the same time, it is possible that, in the more fennj and inac- 
cessible parts of Frieshtnd, parts less surrounded bj conterminous 
nations, the approach to either a republican or a patriarchal govem- 
ment maj have been closer ; the East Frisians, of all the Germans, at 
the beginning of the period of undoubted history, being republican. 

The name Italicus (and, besides this, there are several other in- 
stances of Gkrmans with a Roman name) shows the extent to which 
certain indiyiduals, at least, of the Germanic nation were Bomanized. 

The German equivalent of what Tacitus renders rtx (or rather the 
German word to which Tacitus uses rear as an equivalent) was pro- 
bablj cyning in Anglo-Saxon, huninc Old High Ckrman. How 
far, howeyer, this was a derivatiye from the word cyne^genrus {Jdn) 
is uncertain. The best authorities haye connected the two. 

< Duces,] — The Ckrman word to which dux stands in the same 
relation as rex does to cyning is uncertain. At the beginning of the 
literarj period we find Anglo-Saxon heretoga^ and Old High German 
herizzoho the equiyalents to dux ; and at the present daj her-zog-ihum 
in High German, and her^tug^dom in Danish mean duke^dom, 
Whether, howeyer, the combination h^-r-^-t-g was as old as the time 
of Tacitus is uncertain. 

Perhaps the oldest form of our word earl (eorl Anglo-Saxon, jarl 
Norse) has a better claim — at least for the Saxons and Scandinayians. 

The fact that makes the compound h-r + t-g doubtful is the pos- 
sibilitj of the German word 'tog haying originated out of the Latin 
dux (du>C'8), 

SupposiDg, howeyer, the two words to haye existed, it is probable 
that the heri^toga found his dutj on the marches, the eorl in the more 
centnd parts of the countrj. 

3 Sacerdotilmi,] — The pagan name to what Tacitus considered sacer- 


do8 ihe equiyalent^ is difficult to ascertaiiL The word to which I most 
incline is some composition of the root hht^litare; perhaps hlot' 
frum. A Borgandian gloss sinittussstaeerdos has come down to us. 

^ FamiluE et propinquitates^^QwSiX^s term is cognaivmes. 

The probable name for this was fMBg-sceaft^mate-^ip, or sib- 

The fEunilj itself was ma^ ; each member a maga ; plural mt^^as. 
The ftimily-bond was maig-burh. 

In Beowulf the warriors who desert their chief are told that 
" thenceforth thej have forfeited the rights of citizenship, 

Folcrihtes sceal 
t$8ore m^gburge 
monna ^gwhilc 
idel hweorfan* 

not, each ofyou indwidually, but each and enery man of your lan, 
cognation, or msBgsceaft shall be depriyed of his rights of citisen- 
ship ; from which we must infer that the misconduct of one person 
might compromise his relatiyesy who are held responsible for his 
actions.** — Eemble, Sazons in England, i. 235. 

VIII. Memorise proditur, quasdani acies inclinatas 
jam et labantes a feminis restitutas, constantia pre* 
cum, et objectu pectorum» et monstrata cominus capti- 
vitate, quam long^ impatientius feminarum suarum 
nomine timent : adeo ut ef&cacius obligentur animi 
civitatum» quibus inter obsides puellss quoque nobiles 
imperantur. Inesse quinetiam sanctum aliquid et 
providum putant : nec aut consilia earum aspemantur, 
aut responsa negligunt. Vidimus, sub divo Vespa- 
siano, Veledam,^ diu apud plerosque numinis loco 
habitam. Sed et olim Auriniam, et complures alias 
venerati sunt, non adulatione, nec tamquam fiEicerent 



1 VeUdani] — ^^ Ea yirgo nationis BructersB^ latd imperitabat, yetere 
apud Germanos more, qao plerasque feminarom fatidicas, et auge- 
scente superstitione, arbitrantur deaa. Tuncque VelecUe auctoritas 
adolevit ; nam * prosperas Germanis res, et excidium l^onum ' prse- 
dixerat.** — Tac. Hist. iy. 61. This was during the war against 
Givilisy in whose &your the influence of Yeleda was exerted. 

Dio Oassius associates her with a yiigin named Ganna, placing 
each in the Keliic countrj : — Mc/ovo^ dc, 6 "i€fiy6viav jiaaiXtvgf Kal 
Vdvva vdpOtvoQ (ijv ^e/icrot r^v BeXiiiav iv KeXriKy ^iid(ovaa) ^XOov 
wpbt Tov ^fHTiavovf xai TifiiJQ wap* ahTOv rvxc^Krec» dvtKOfiloBrioav, 
— Lib. Ixyi. 5. 

This passage is yaluable because it shows the probable authoritj 
upon which the notice of the cnstoms of the Semnones (see not. 
in y.) is founded, vk : that of Masjus himself. 

Of Aurinia no other mention is made. 

IX. Deonim maxime Mercurium^ colunt, cui certis 
diebuSy humanis quoque hostiis^ litare fas habent. Her- 
culem^ ac Martem^ concessis animalibus placant : pars 
Suevorum et Isidi sacrificat.^ Unde causa et origo 
peregrino sacro, parum comperi, nisi quod signum 
ipsum in modum iibumas figuratum, docet advectam 
religionem. Ceterum, nec cohibere parietibus deos, 
neque in ullam humani oris speciem adsimulare, ex 
magnitudine coelestium arbitrantur ; lucos ac nemora 
consecrant, deorumque nominibus appellant secretum 
illud, quod sola reverentia vident. 


^ Mermritm,] — The Latin name for the fourth dajin the week is 
dies Mereurii ; the English Wednes^day, 

Wednes-dajfss Wodens-day. Of the Anglo*Saxon Wodenj Wuotan 
was the High German, Opinn the Norse form. 



From the great importance of Woden in all tbe Gothic mythologies 
wherein he appears, and from the extent to which he appears in all 
that are at all known, it is likely that Woden was Tacitas*8 Mercuty, 

With Matthew of Westminster, and Geofirey of Monmouth thi^ 
was certainlj the yiew — '' Oolimus maxime Mercurium, quem W6den 
lingu4 nostrd appellamus.^ This is» probablj, from Tacitus. 

As both writers, however, lived subsequentlj to the name of 
Wednesdaj being given to the fourth daj of the week» they scarcelj 
pass for independent eyidence. 

" Who invented letters 1 " is one of the questions in the Anglo- 
Saxon dialogue of Solomon and Satum : the answer being — *' Mer- 
cury the giant ; that is Woden the God.** 

A metrical homilj (all this is from Mr. Eemble) sajs : — 

Sum man was geh^ten 
Mercurius on life, 
se was 8wit$e f^nful 
and swicol on daedum, 
and lufode eic stala 
and le^ brednjsse ; 
i$one macodon t$a hset^enan 
him t6 mseran gode, 
and set w^ gelsetum 
him 16c afirodon, 
and t6 he%um beorgum 
him br6hton onsseghnysse. 
Dm god wses £rwurt$a 
betwuz eallum hseSenum, 
and he is 0|K>n gehiten, 
6t$rum naman on Denisc 
£)one feor5an dseg 
hl sealdon him t6 fr6fre 
iS&m foressdan Mercurie 
heora mseran gode. 

A man there was, called 

Mercury during life, 

who was very fraudulent 

and deceitful in deeds, 

and eke loved thefis 

and deception : 

him the heathen made 

a powerful god for themselves, 

and by the road-sides 

made him offerings, 

and upon high hills 

brought him sacrifice. 

This god was honourable 

among aU the heathen, 

and he is called Odin, 

by another name in Danish. 

The fourth day 

they gave for their advantage 

to the aforesaid Mercury 

their great god. 

Ocher points of resemblance may — and have been — added between 
Woden and Mercury. Were these in existence when Tacitus wrote ? 
If in existence, did they determine his identification ? This is dif- 
ficult to say. All that can safely be stated is^ that, if Woden were 
not his analogue of Mercury, no known deity was. That this is not 
absolutely conclusiTe is admitted by Mr. Eemble, who writes : " Why 


the interpretatio Romana fixed upon Woden as tbe corresponding 
god to Mercurj, we do not clearlj see ; but we are not acquainted 
witb tbe rites and legends wbicb maj bave made tbis perfectlj clear 
to tbe Romans.'' — Saxons in England, vol. i. 338. Otber hcts 
deepen the sbade of tbis difficultj. Adam of Bremen, in bis de- 
scription of the temple at Upsala, writes : '* Wodanem vero sculpunt 
armatum, sicuti nostri Martem sculpere solent" 

Nevertbeless, if some known god must be the analogue of Tacitus^s 
Mercurj, and if — besides tbis — ^it must be bis aUribxtUB that deter- 
mine tbe correspondence, Woden*s claim — as aforesaid — ^is tbe best. 

But anotber series of facts make it possible tbat tbe correspond- 
enoe was determined less by the attribvies tban tbe name, 

In more tban one of tbe Gotbic languages we baye a dialogue in 
wbich one of the interlocutors is Solomon. Solomon exhibits bis 
wisdom in a series of answers put to him by a gibing ironist — wbo, in 
tbe Anglo-Saxon dialogue, is called Satumtu, but in several of the 
Frencb ones Marcou, tbe fuller and older form of whicb is Marcolf. 
Mr. Eemble, in bis edition of tbe Anglo-Saxon work for the MVtnc 
Societj, bas giyen elaborate reasons for belieying tbat tbe Marcolf is 
Satumus, and vice vend, Tbe sort of fiction is a common one. 
Sbrewd common-sense on one side, yiewing all tbings in a practical 
ligbt, and tincturing all tbings witb a caustic ironj, is brougbt into 
coUision with tbe bigber wisdom of a true sage; and, upon tbe 
ground of a fool being able to ask more questions in an bour tban a 
wise man can answer in a day^ succeeds in puzzling tbe bigber wis- 
dom of bis opponent. 

Now Marcclf is a German name ; and altbougb tbe Marcolf of 
the dialogue may baye grown out of tbe Mercuriu» of tbe Olassics, 
afler being introduced on German ground» be may also baye bad an 
independent origin, and baye been German from tbe beginning. 

If so, tbis origin maj baye been as old as tbe time of Tacitus, so 
that tbat writer's analogue of his own Mercurj maj haye been what^ 
subsequentlj, became Marcolfor ifaroau —tbe name being like, and 
tbe attributes not unlike. 

Again — tbere is anotber yiew wbich maj be taken. 

Tbe reasoning which bas applied to tbe German analogue of Mars 
may, possiblj, applj bere also. Tbere may baye been a name similar 
to tbe Greek Ermes ; in wbich case tbe process of a Olassical writer 
would be^ first to identify the deitj witb a Greek god, and tben to 
giye tbe result in a Latin denomination. 


At anj rate, the root -ri7i~(8imilar to that of the Greek 'Epfifjc) 
occurs in the following notices — *' Ha&c eadem ^r^burg est corrupto 
Tocabulo dicta, quam et Julius Osesar Romano Imperio subegit, 
quando et Arispolis nomen habei ab eo qui Aris Grseca designatione 
et Mars ipse dictus est Latino sermone. Duobus quidem idolis hsec 
dedita fuit> id est Arts, qui urbis modnibus insertus, quasi dominator 
dominantium, et Ermis qui et Mercurius mercimoniis insistentibus 
colebatur in forensibus." — Anuales Oorvienses, ad ann. 1145. 

But it is in the famous word IrminsiU that this root appears with 
the greatest prominence. Svl^columna ; so that Irmin-sul is a com- 
pound word ; just like Eoland-seul, Tkors-seiU, and jEtheUtan-sul. 

The Old High-German glosses explain it bj pyramis, or similar 
wordsj e:^^ irmin-siCdi^pyramides ; irman^stU^iColossus, aUissima 

Vf einir yrmensMe 

Stuont ein Abgott ungeheure 

Den hiezen sie ir Koufmaiu 

On an IrminsiU 
Stood a monstrous idol 
Which thej call Qiigkt) merchant (ckapman). 

When Oharlemagne conquered the Old (Oheruscan) Saxons of 
Westphalia, the demolition of these heathen IrminsiUs was one of his 
chief objects. His operations are thus described bj the contemporary 
historians — ** Domnus rex Earolus perrexit in Saxoniam et conqui- 
siyit Erisburgo et perrenit ad locum qui dicitur ErminsM et succen- 
dit ea loca.** — Annal. Petayienses. — *' Fuit rex Oarlus hostiliter in 
Saxonid et destruxit £iinum eorum quod yocatur IrminnU,** — 
Annales Laurisham. 

Quotations of this kind can be multiplied. Thej maj all be 
found in the D. M., pp. 105, 106. 

A measure of the yitalitj of the remnants of the /rmm-cult we 
find in the following verses still current amongst the common people 
of Westphalia : — 

*' ffermen, sla dermen 
Sla pipen, sla trummen, 
De Eaiser wil kummen 
Met hamer und stangen 
Wil Hermin uphangen." 


" Hermen^ strike 

Strike pipes, strike drums. 
The Eaiser will come 
With hammer and tongs 
Will Hermin up-hang,*' 

referring to the demolition of the Irmmsul hj Oharlemagne (Kaiser), 
The Irmin here meant maj be the hero Arminitis deified. His 
attributes, however (trulj Mercurial), complicate this view : and the 
fact of an Irmin-cuUtis in Westphalia is, to a certain extent (I do not 
saj how far), a ground for believing that the name Irm» maj have 
suggested to Tacitus (or rather to OaBsar, who iirst mentions the 
German Mercury) the parallel of the text. 

Of the previous views I cannot definitely saj which is the least 

2 Humanis — hostiis.] — The extent to which this was the custom 
maj be measured bj the following extracts, chiefij taken from the 
D. M. — *' Lucis propinquis barbarsd arae, apud quas tribunos et pri- 
morum ordinum centuriones mactaverunt.'* — Tac. Ann. i. 61. " Sed 
bellum Hermunduris prosperum, Ohattis exitiosius fuit, quia victores 
diversam aciem Marti ac Mercurio sacravere, quo voto, equi, viri, 
cuncta victa occidioni dantur.*" — Ann. xiii. 57. "Quorum unus 
Radagaisus. . . . Italiam belli feritate aggreditur, promittens san- 
guinem Ohristianorum deis suis litare, si vinceret.'* — Isidor. Chron. 
Goth. A.D. 446. '' Quem Martem Gothi semper asperrima placavere 
cultura ; nam victimse ejus mortes fuere capitorum, opinantes bel- 
lorum prssulem aptius humani sanguinis effusione placandum." — 
Jomandes, c. 5. " Mos est remeaturis decimum quemque captorum 
per sequales et cruciarias poenas, plus ob hoc tristi quod superstitioso 
ritu necare.** — Sidon. Apollin. viii. 6. " Si quis hominem diabolo sacri- 
ficaverit^ et in hostiam, more paganorum, dsemonibus obtulerit, <jl^c.'* 
— Oapitul. de pag. Saxon. 9. '' Hoc quoque inter alia crimina agi 
in partibus illis dixisti, quod quidam ex fidelibus ad immolandum 
paganis suis venundent mancipia.'* — Epistolse Bonifacii, 25. 

That the KeUs did the same is well known. 

So did the Liihuanians. — <<Dracones adorant cum volucribus, 
quibus etiam vivos litant homines, quos a mercatoribus emunt, 
diligenter omnino probatos, ne mactdam in corpore habeant.** — 
Adam of Bremen, De Situ Daniae, c. 24. Here we find the import- 



ance of the offering being without blemish as definitelj recognized 
as in the Levitical Law. 

So did the Hum and others. — " At Scjthiani properaut et quan- 
toseunque prius in ingressu Scjrtharum habuere lUavere victori»." — 
Jom. 25. '^ Apud Cjpri Salamlnem humanam hostiam Jovi Teucrus 
immolavit ; idque sacrificium posteris tradidit^ quod est nuper, 
Hadriano imperante, sublatum. Erat apud Tauros, inhumanam ac 
feram gentem, ut Diansa hospites immolarent, et id sacrificium 
multis temporibus celebratum est. Galli Esum et Teutatem humano 
cruore litabant Ne Latini quidem hujus immanitatis expertes 
fuerunt. Siquidem Latialis Jupiter etiam nunc sanguine colitur 
humano.** — Lactant. De Fals. Kelig. lib. i. c. 21. 

^ HercuUm^l — No known German deitj has a name sufficiently 
like HerctUes to suggest the reasoning that was suggested bj the 
name Marcolf in a preoeding note, reasoning which will reappear 
in the note that comes next. Hence, it must have been the aUributes 
onlj which determined the identification. 

Continuing the assumption that the analogue of Tacitu8*s Hercules 
is to be found in the later mjthologj, it maj safelj be said that — 
attribute for attribute — Thor is, at least, as like the son of Alcmena 
as Woden was to Mercurj. The hammer of Thor might well have 
suggested the club of Hercules. 

Add to this the extent and universalitj of the belief in Thor : 
both of which implj antiquitj. 

* Martem.] — ^ln a well-known Anglo-Saxon poem in the Runic 
characters we find the foUowing lines : — 

Ear bi^ egle 

Eorla gehwjlcum, 

t$onne fbstlioe 

FlsBsc onginnet$ 

Hrd colian, 

Hrusan ce6san 

Blic t6 gebeddan. 

Blaeda gedreosa^, 

Wjnna gewitaS, 

Wera geswicaS. 
" Ear is a terror to everj man, when fast the flesh, the corpse 
beginneth to become cold and pale, to seek the earth for a consort. 
Joj faileth, pleasure departeth, engagements cease.*' 


Mr. Kemble, to whom I owe the whole of the contents of tbis 
note, tnilj remarks that if ear^sptcoy arida, an ear of com, we get 
but an indifferent sense. On the contrarj, if ear mean the God of 
War, the force of the passage is manifest. But can ear mean thb ? 
The following &cts speak in the affirmatiye. 

Tite-^-day=idies Martis; a &ct which, as far as it goes, makes 
Tiw the analogue of the Roman Mars, 

In some parts of South Germanj, howeyer, the third daj of the 
week is not called Zistag (Tuesday) but Er-tag, Eri4agy Erich-tag 
instead. Whence Ersr^TiwssMars. 

In Saxon Westphalia, an undeniablj heathen spot, now called 
Mersberg, Mons Martis, was originally called Eres-burg. — Saxons in 
England, voL i. 253. 

Such is the light thrown upon the text of Tacitus by subsequent 
records ; faint but cheering ; cheering but not satisfactory. 

Ear is so like the Greek *Af>i}c> that when Tacitus tells us that 
the Germans worshipped Mars, we maj reasonably suppose that the 
name rather than the aUributes led him to the identification. But 
then, whj write Mars instead o£ Ares ? 

On the other hand, if he looked to the aUrihtUes rather than the 
name, Tiw, the undoubted analogue of Mars, in the word Tue-s^day 
( szdies Martis), would be his divinitj. 

The exact truth is bejond our reach : indeed, it is very likelj 
that his Mars was neither one nor the other. Neyertheless, if the 
choice has to be made between Tiw and Er, it is the latter which 
commands the preference. Tiw has the aUributes of Mars onlj : Er 
has both the attributes and an approach to his (Greek) name as well. 

* Pars Suevorum — Isidi sacr%ficat,'\ — I believe that the goddess 
here noticed was identified with the ^gyptian on the strength of 
her name only. 

A goddess named Ziza, was worshipped bj the inhabitants of the 
parts about Augsburg ; and either bj means of tradition, history, or 
fragments of her cuUus, her name was known to KUchlin, an Augs- 
burg poet of the fourteenth centurj, a.d. 1373—1391. 

*' Sie bawten einen tempel gross darein 
Zu eren Zise der abgottin, 
Die sie nach haidnischer sitten 
Anbetten zu denselben zeiten. 



Die stat ward genennt auch ZisarU* 
Nach der abgottin, das was der pris. 
Der tempel ab lang stuond unversert 
Bis im Yon alter was der val beschert. 
Und da er von alter abgieng 
Der berg namen von im empfieng ; 
Baruf gestanden was das werck» 
Und haist noch hiit der ^isenberck.^ 

" Thej built a great temple therein, 
To the honour of Zise the heathen goddess 
Whom thej after heathen customs 
Worshipped at that time ; 
The citj was named eke Zisaris 
After the heathen goddess, that was its glory. 
The temple long stood entire 
Until its fall was caused bj age. 
And when it from age went-off 
The hill took the name from it ; 
Whereon the work stood, 
And still hight Zisenhergr 

Oonfirmatorj of this is an extract from the Augsburg Chronicley 
and, of equal value, is a fragment preserved in two MSS., one from 
Munich, and one from the monasterj of St. Emmeram, wherein we 
find a passage, accompanied bj marginal notes, headed " Excerpta 
ex Gallica Historia.** 

These are too lengthy for quotation ; besides which, they are to 
be found in full in the D. M. pp. 260^272. 

Thej agree, however, in containing, amongst much inaccurate 
and distorted history, the special statement that the parts in 
question were the head-quarters of the cuUus of the Dea Cisa^ 
" Quam religiosissime colebant, cuju3 templum quoque ex lignis 
barbarico ritu constructum, postquam eo colonia Bomana deducta 
est, inyiolatum permansit, ac yetustate collapsum nomen colli ser- 
yayit. Quinquagesimo nono die, qua eo yentum est, cum is dies 
Dea Oiz€B, apud barbaros celeberrimus, ludum ac lasciyiam magis 
quam formidinem ostentaret,'' &c. 

• Qu. Zix4B ar«— Griram. 


One of the marginal notes is the foUowing couplet. — 

'' Quem modo polluerat cultura nefaria dudum 
Gallus monticulum hunc tibi Ciza tulit,** 

which, in the Augsburg Ohronicle, appears in the body of the 

It maj, then, be safely said that, in the thirteenth centurj, the 
memorj of a local goddess, named ZtBa^ was preserved in the neigh- 
bourhood of Augsburg; and, although the parts about that citj 
were, strictlj speaking, Vinddician rather than Suevic, it may fairlj 
be supposed that the ctUttu extended into the true Suevic area. 

The following hci diminishes the difficulties inyolved in the 
difference of form between Itis and Ziza. 

o. Meisterlin, who wrote about a.d. 1456, has the form with 
the final -«, " Cizais — der gottinn Cim^ die auch genent wird CizaisJ* 
This accounts for the final s. 

h. The form Eyten occurs. Grinmi quotes the expression, '^ der 
amazonischen Augspurger japetisch fraw Eysen,^^ 

At the same time, it should be remembered that the writers who 
speak of Frau Eyaen, maj haye been disposed to the adoption 
of that form from the name Isis in Tacitus. Henoe the evidence 
in favour of the omission of the initial C or Z, is not unexcep- 

That the present text infiuenced the views of the later writers 
conceming the Augsburg goddess, is certain ; such a phenomenon 
being by no means unusual ; sinoe numerous instances could be 
adduced to show that an inaccurate account of a superstition in an 
influential writer, has acted upon the superstition itself— just as 
certain prophecies fulfil their own accomplishment. 

At anj rate, in the sixteenth centurj, we find Frau Isis with 
certain attributes, which may &irly be considered as foreign, and 
superadded to those of Ciza, Some of these are deducible from the 
notice of Tacitus ; others referable to other sources of confusion. 
Thus, Jean le Maire, writing a.d. 1512, sajs, " Au temps duquel 
la deesse Isie, rojne d*.^!g7pte, yient en Allemaigne et montra au 
rude peuple Tusaige de mouldre la fanne et faire du pain." 

Ayentin (about a.d. 1522) says that it was from Fraw Eysen, that 
iivn (German eisen) took its name, adding an account of her cuUtu^ 
wherein mention is made of the skip, and Hercules is said to have 
been her faiher. — See D. M. i. 244. 


Instead, then, of doubtfully suggesting the identity of Ciza and 
hisj name for name, as is done by Grimm, I have no hesitation in 
assenting to it. 

Whether traces of the characteristic navigium can be found 
in an equallj satisfactory form, is another question. A long 
quotation from Rodolfs Chronicle of the Abbey of St. Trudo, 
is to be found in D. M. i. pp. 237 — 241. It tells us that, a.b. 
1133, the countrj-people of the neighbourhood made a ship, put it 
on wheels, rolled it about from town to town, and attended it with 
song and dance from Tongres to Louvain. 

This was done to annoj the weayers. It also annojed the 
clergy. So much so, that such expressions as navim infausto omine 
compactam — •gerUUitati^ studium — profanas simtUacri excuhias — hov' 
tahantur ut comburalur — mxiligni spiritus qui in illa fsr^nttir — 
infausti ominis monstrum, &c., occur in the account. 

I agree with Grimm in thinking this particular procession, 
although mentioned as a single instance, to haye been but the last 
of many preyious ones — ^in other words, a rcvival of an old custom. 

I also belieye its origin to haye been pagan. 

But I am not satisfied that it has anjthing to do with either 
Isis or Ziza. 

a. The localitj of the procession was the parts about the Lower 
Rhine and Moselle, that of Ziza, Bayaria, and that of eyen the Isis 
of Tacitus the country of only pars Sueyorum ; so that whilst the 
deity is pre-eminently local, the custom is spread oyer a yast 

b. Processions of the kind in question are oommon, without being 
connected with one another. The celebration of the breaking-up of 
the ice, and the beginning of the season for nayigation might easily 
be celebrated on the Danube and on the Rhine with a similar cere- 
monial, without the necessity of supposing the one to haye borrowed 
the custom from the other. 

Something of this kind I imagine to haye been the case with the 
supposed analogue of the navigium Isidis in G^rmany, boats being 
wheeled about at the beginning of the sailing season, just as on the 
9th of January, or P/ot^^A-Monday, the labouring men of some parts 
of England go about as Flough-hoySf or P/o«^A-bullocks. 

That either the Isis of Tacitus, or the Ziza * of the Augsburgers 

* Supposing them (as I do not) to be different deities. 


should be other than Gkrman, is considered utterly improbable by 
the great writer from whom I have taken all the quotations and 
references of the present note. 

That she was Slavonic is the opinion of the present inquirer. 
But the most important fact connected with her cuUtu, is that of its 
being, at one and the same time — 

0. Suevicj as we leam from the text of Tacitus ; and — 
6. Vindilician, as we infer from her temple at Augsburg. 

* Cohibere parictibu» deos,'\ — This absence of temples is partly 
bome out by what we find in later writers, partly subjected to modi- 

A. It is partly bome out by the fact of no German tongue oontain- 
ing a simple term equivalent to the Latin iemplum (delubrum, csdes), 
of which both the significaiion and the noHve origin are beyond 

1. In Ulfilas, Up6v (Joh. xviii. 20) is translated by Ovd-hus^ 
Ood*8 house. This word, however, occurs but once, and is a com- 

2. The usual word=va($c is alhs. 

The reasons for belieying this word to be native (the view sup- 
ported by the authority of Grimm) are as foUows :-^ 

a. The genitiye case is alhs, and the dative alh, instead of alhais 
and alhai; irr^ularity (so-called) being primdfacie evidence of the 
word in which it occurs being natiye. 

b, In Anglo-Saxon and Old Saxon, the word is of the masculine 

c It may be the word Alces of § 43. 

d, It occurs as an element of several oompound proper names, 
both of men and places— ui^hol^ ii^o-dorp, <feo. 
Against it lie 

a. Its likeness to the Latin word aula. 
h. Its being, in Moeso-Gothic, of the feminine gender. 

c. Its absence in all the Norse languages. 

d, Its power of palace or royal dwcUing, a meaning quite as 
usual as that of holi/ edifice, 

It is safe then to say that the natiye origin of alh^templum is 
not beyond doubt. 

3. V-g is the third root with a meaning allied to that of templum, 
enumerated in the chapter of the D; M. referred to. 


Its chief forms are wih, weoh, wig, and ve* It is trulj Gothic in 
origin, hut, in meaning, fluctuates hetween grove, idol, and holy 
huilding, the latter power heing the most uncertain. 

4. H-r-h is in the same predicament. Its chief forms are haruCj 
hara, hearg, Kcyrg^ and, although it sometimes=^mp^tim^ its primary 
meaning is lucu&^ or rather (perhaps) the Greek riiiivo^* 

B. The chief text which modifies the belief in the utter absenoe of 
iemples amongst the Germans is Adam of Bremen's notice of the 
temple at Sigtuna — " Nobilissimum illa gens templum habet, quod 
XJpsula Tocatur, non longe positum a Sigtuna civitate vel Birka. In 
hoc templo, quod totum ex auro paratum est^ statuas trium deorum 
veneratur populus, ita ut potentissimus eorum Thor in medio solium 
habeat triclinio. Hinc et inde locum possident Wodan et Fricco.'* 
— De Sit. Dan. c 233. 

On the other hand, the sacro-sanctitude of trees and groyes is 
bejond doubt. It was trulj German. At the same time it must be 
remembered that it was Slavonic as well. 

X. Auspicia, sortesque/ ut qui maxime, observant. 
Sortium consuetudo simplex : virgam, frugiferse arbori 
decisam, in surculos amputant, eosque, notis quibusdam 
discretos, super candidam vestem temere ac fortuito 
spargunt : mox, si publice consuletur, sacerdos civitatis, 
sin privatim, ipse paterfamiliae, precatus deos, ccelum- 
que suspiciens, ter singulos tollit, sublatos, secundum 
impressam ante notam, interpretatur. Si prohibue- 
runt, nulla, de eadem re, in eumdem diem, consultatio : 
sin permissum, auspiciorum adhuc iides exigitur. Et 
illud quidem etiam hic notum, avium voces, volatusque 
interrogare. Proprium gentis, equorum quoque pr»- 
sagia ac monitus experiri : public^ aluntur iisdem 
nemoribus ac lucis, candidi, et nuilo mortali opere 
contacti, quos pressos sacro curru sacerdos, ac rex, vel 
princeps civitatis, comitantur, hinnitusque ac fremitus 
observant. Nec ulli auspicio major fides, non solum 


apud plebem, sed apud proceres, apud sacerdotes. Se 
enim ministros deorum, illos conscios putant. Est et 
alia observatio auspiciorum, qua gravium beliorum 
eventus explorant. Ejus gentis, cum qua bellum est, 
captivum quoquo modo interceptum, cum electo popu- 
larium suorum, patriis quemque armis committunt : 
victoria hujus, vel illius, pro prcejudicio accipitur. 


^ Auspicia sortesque, ikc.] — ^Tbe use "of lots as connected with 
heathendom, that is, as a means of looking into futuritj, continued 
in Yogue among the Saxons till a late period, in spite of the efforts 
of the clergy. This is evident from the manj allusions in the Poeni- 
tentials, and the prohibitions of the secuUr law. The augurj bj 
horses does not appear to haye been used in England, from anj 
allusion at least which still suryiyes; but it was still current in 
Qermsjij in the seyenth centurj, and with less change of adjuncts 
than we usuallj find in the adoption of heathen forms bj Christian 
saints. It was lefl to the decision of horses to determine where the 
mortal remains of St Gall should rest. The saint would not moye 
tiU certain unbroken horses were brought and charged with his 
coffin ; then, afber prajers, we are told, ' Elevato igitur a pontifice 
necnon a saoerdote feretro et equis superposito, ait episcopus. 
'^ Tollite frena de capitibus eorum/et pergant ubi Dominus voluerit.'' 
Vexillum ergo crucis cum luminaribus adsumebatur, et psallentes, 
equis prsBcedentibus, via incipiebatur.' " — Anon. Vita Sanct. Ghdl., 
Pertz Monum. ii. 17. — From The Sazons in Engknd, vol. i. p. 429. 

XI. De minoribus rebus principes^ consultant, de 
majoribus omnes : ita tamen, ut ea quoque, quorum 
penes plebem* arbitrium est, apud principes pertra- 
ctentur. Coeunt, nisi quid fortuitum et subitum inci- 
derit, certis diebus, cum aut inchoatur luna, aut imple- 
tur: nam agendis rebus hoc auspicatissimum initium 


credunt. Nec dierum numerum, ut nos, sed noctium* 
computant. Sic constituunt, sic condicunt: nox du- 
cere diem videtur. IUud ex iibertate vitium, quod 
non simul, nec ut jussi conveniunt, sed et alter, et 
tertius dies cunctatione coeuntium absumitur. Ut 
turba3 placuit, considunt armati. Silentium per sacer- 
dotes, quibus tum et coercendi jus est, imperatur. 
Mox rex, vel princeps, prout SBtas cuique, prout nobi- 
litas, prout decus bellorum, prout facundia est, audiun- 
tur, auctoritate suadendi magis, quam jubendi potestate. 
Si displicuit sententia, fremitu aspernantur : sin placuit, 
frameas concutiunt. Honoratissimum assensus genus 
est, armis laudare. 


1 Frincipes,] — The office of tlie princeps was eUctive (the election 
taking place at the folc-mdt), and probablj annxial, or for a limited 
period onlj. His duties were judicial, and the authoritj extended 
oyer ten iMhingsz^one hundred. This sufficiently distinguishes him 
from. the dux, The most probable German word thus rendered was 

In the historical period the court of the ealdorman of the hun- 
dred was held once a month. Arbitration, and the consideration of 
the extent to which the peace had been kept or broken^ was the 
business here— 1.«., the prevention rather than the punishment of 

The higher matters belonged to the concUium {folc-mot). 

^Plehem.'] — This, a term far less definite than it was in the eyes 
of a Roman, means all who were, at one and the same time, ahove 
the rank of &ervus or litertus (^-b^r, lcet-a or feov), below the rank 
of ingenuus {cepele), and resident on the land. 

Such are the probable limits ; because it is not likely that it ap* 
plied to the ge-eipas, or personal retainers of the chief, nor yet to the 
duces, or the order {cepelas) out of which they were chosen. 

^ Noctium,] — Of jthe length of the minor divisions of the month, 


in the time of Tacitus, we know nothing : neither can we speculate 
as to the nature of the events on which they were hased. 

That the periods, however, found in the text hefore us (like 
the present word seven-nigktf se^n-night) which we suppose to have 
been designated by some compound of the word -nigkt^ were shorter 
than those of the morUhs, is nearlj certain. 

Month is so trulj a word of German origin, &nd so definitelj 
connected with moon, that we maj safelj believe that the natural 
period of twenty-eight days was always recognised, and always called, 
as at present. In other words, it is unlikely that the name for 
month should have been the compound, or combination, of the root 
n^ in question. 

StiU less is it likely that the compound in question was applied 
to a longer period than that of the month. 

That the month then was divided into smaller periods is the fair 
inference from the present passage, — and that the quarters of the 
moon were the phenomena which determined their length, is also 

Still the German equivalent to the Roman nundine^ and the 
Ohristian week, is a point which has stiU to be investigated. 

That such prominence should be given to the reckoning by nigktSy 
if it merely meant that where a Eoman said so many days a Grerman 
said so many nights, is unlikely. There was, surely, some period of 
time designated by the root night-i-eiiheT a num^aloT some similar 
compositional element 

J2 — /) ;. .• / ( 

XII. Licet apud concilium^ accusare* quoque, et 
discrimen capitis intendere. Distinctio poeuarum^ ex 
delicto : proditores et transfugas arboribus suspendunt : 
ignavos, et imbelles, et corpore infames, cceno ac 
palude, injecta insuper crate, mergunt. Diversitas 
supplicii illuc respicit, tamquam scelera ostendi opor- 
teat, dum puniuntur, flagitia abscondi. Sed et levi- 
oribus delictis, pro modo, poena : equorum pecorumque 
numero convicti multantur : pars multae* regi, vel civi- 
tati, pars ipsi qui vindicatur, vel propinquis ejus exsol- 


vitur. Eliguntur in iisdem conciliis et principes, qui 
jura per pagos vicosque reddunt. Centeni singulis ex 
plebe comites,^ consilium simul et auctoritas, adsunt. 


^ ConcUium.] — The probable name of this was in the Saxon dis- 
tricts, at least some compound ofmdtssmeetin^, e^.fffe^mdtfOrfolc-mdt, 

Further north it maj haye been ■Dinff=concilium^ In Scandi- 
navia the word is existing at the present moment in the name of 
the Norwegian parliament, or Stor^tin^^igretLt councU. 

* Licet apud concilium accumre,'] — The concilium here is the 
folcmdt, the question being one not of preyention, or arbitration, but 
of punishment. As such it lay bejond the jurisdiction of the smaller 
court of the hundred, 

In many cases this accuMtio was likelj to haye been made bj 
the princeps and his comites, in their capacitj of representatiyes of 
the hundred : indeed, unless we suppose this to haye been the case, 
ihefoehi^e, or right of priyate revenge, would leave but little in the 
waj of criminal jurisdiction to the concilium (folcmote). 

' Famarum,'] — The absence of anj punishments severer thBJiJlnes 
for eyen homicide in the Anglo-Saxon laws has engendered the 
belief that the German laws were mild. 

The horrible crueltj of manj of their punishments maj be seen 
in Grimm'8 Deutsche Bechts Alterthiimer. 

^ Fars multce.'] — Of the two parts into which the penalty fell, that 
which accrued to the state was the wUe, that which accrued to the 
indiyidual the wehre, When, over and aboTe the priyate /eud, the 
state interfered, it is likelj that the ufUe beoame increased. In this 
case the term fr^=:peace and han=han, or proclamation, came 
into use. 

^ Centeni — comites,] — The organization here is exactlj the opposite 
of that which gives us the masg-hurh {famitias et propinquitaies). 

Instead of the indefinitude inyolyed in the word ib'n, the number 
here is fixed=100. 

Neighbourhood, too, and localitj stand in place of blood and 
descent as the bond. 


Of these two elements that of number was the first to become 
obsolete, so that tithings came to contain more or less than 100, as 
the case might be. The second, that of neighbonrhood and localitj, 
exists at the present time. 

In the courUry, it would be the area which would haye the 
greater tendencj to remain fixed and permanent as the character- 
istic element of the tithing and hundred ; in tovms it would be the 
number of individuals. 

Hence, in the tenth centurj we find the following account of the 
munidpal equiyalent to the hundred : — " This is the ordinance which 
the bishops and the reeyes belonging to London haye obtained, and 
confirmed with pledges^ among our fri^gyldi^ as well eorlisk as 
ceorlish, in addition to the doomes which were fixed at Greatlej, at 
Exeter, and at Thundersfield. 

" Besolyed : that we count eyerj ten men together^ and the chief one 
to direct the nine in each of those duties which we have all ordained, 
and afterwards the hjndens of them together, and one hjmden man 
who shall admonish the ten for our oommon benefit ; and let these 
eleven hold the money of the hjmden, and decide that thej shall 
disburse, when aught is to pay, and what thej shall receive, should 
monej accrue to us at our common suit. . . . 

" That we gather to us once in eyerj month, if we can, and haye 
leisure, the hjnden-men, and those who direct the tithings^ as well 
with butt-filling, or as else maj please us, and know what of our 
agreement has been executed. And let these twelye men haye their 
refection together, and feed themselyes as thej themselyes think 
right, and deal the remains of the meal for love of God." 

XJpon this, the writer from whom the notice is taken, con- 
tinues : " As this valuable record mentions also territorial tithings, 
containing difierent amounts of population, it seems to me to fumish 
important confirmation of the conclusion that the gegyldan of Ini 
and wSlfred, the members of the London tithings or fritSgylds of ten, 
and the York tenm^ntale, are in truth identical. And it is further 
in favour of this view that the citizens called the members of such 
gildshipSf gegyldan : — 

" And we haye also ordained, respecting eyerj man who has giyen 
his pledge in our gjldships, that should he die, each gjld-brother 
(gegjlda) shall give a gesufel-Ioaf for his soul, and sing a fiftj 
(psalms), or cause the same to be sung within xxx dajs."" — Ju- 
dicia Oiyitatis Londinensis, from Remble*s Saxons in England, toI. i. 


The foUowing extracfc illustrates this still further : — " And 
another peace, the greatest of all, there is, wherebj all are main- 
tained in firmer state, to wit, in the establishment of a guarantee, 
which the English call a Fri^horgds, with the exception of the men 
of York, who call it Tenmannetale, that is, the number of ten men. 
And it consists in this, that in all the yills throughout the kingdom, 
all men are bound to be in a guarantee bj tens, so that if one of the 
ten men offend, the other nine maj hold him to right. But if he 
should flee, and thej allege that thej could not have him to right, 
then should be given them, by the king's justice, a spaoe of at least 
thirtj dajs and one ; and if they could find him thej might bring 
him to justice. But for himself, let him out of his own restore the 
damage he has done, or^ if the oBTence be so grave, let justice be done 
upon his bodj. But if within the aforesaid term he could not be 
found, since in eyerj friSborh there was one headman should take 
two of the best men of his fri^borh, and the headman of each of the 
three firitSborgs most nearly neighbourin^ to his own, and likewise 
two of the best in each, if he can haye them ; and so with the eleyen 
others he shaU, if he can, clear both himself and his fri^borh, both 
of the offence and flight of the aforesaid malefactor. Which, if he 
cannot do, he shall restore the damage done out of the propertj of 
the doer, so long as this shall last, and out of his own, and that of 
his/rt56orA; and they shaJl make amends to the justice according 
as' it shall be by law adjudged them. And, moreover, the oath 
which thej could not complete with the venue.^ the nine themselves 
shall make, viz^, they that had no part in the offence. And if at 
anj time thej can recoyer him, they shall bring him to the justice, 
if they can, or tell the justice where he is." — Ibid. 

XIII. Nihil autem neque publicae neque privatae 
rei, nisi armati agunt. Sed arma sumere non ante 
cuiquam moris, quam civitas suffecturum probaverit. 
Tum in ipso concilio, vel principum aliquis, vel pater, 
vel propinquus scuto frameaque juvenem ornant : haec 
apud illos toga, hic primus juventaa honos : ante hoc 


domus pars videntur, mox reipublicse. Insignis no- 
bilitas, aut magna patrum merita, principis dignati- 
onem etiam adolescentulis adsignant. Ceterijfrobusti- cl 
oribus ac jampridem probatis aggregantur : nec rubor ' 
inter comites aspici. Gradus quinetiam et ipse comi- 
tatus habet, judicio ejus, quem sectantur: magnaque 
et comitum semulatio, quibus primus apud principem 
suum locus; et principum, cui plurimi et acerrimi 
comites.* Ha;c dignitas, hee vires, magno semper 
electorum juvenum globo circumdari, in pace decus, 
in bello prasidium. Nec solum in sua gente cuique, 
sed apud finitimas quoque civitates id nomen, ea gloria 
est, si numero ac virtute comitatus emineat : expe- 
tuntur enim legationibus, et muneribus omantur, et 
ipsa plerumque fama bella profligant. 


1 ComUatus — Comites.] — ^The German of this translation was pro- 
bablj some older form of the xinglo-Saxon gesi^y plural, ge-s{r^as=i 

XIV. Cum ventum in aciem, turpe principi virtute 
vinci ; turpe comitatui, virtutem principis non adse- 
quare. Jam verd infame in omnem vitam ac probro- 
sum, superstitem principi suo ex acie recessisse. Illum 
defendere, tueri, sua quoque fortia facta glorise ejus 
adsignare, pr»cipuum sacramentum est. Principes 
pro victoria pugnant : comites pro principe. Si civitas* 
in qua orti sunt^ longa pace et otio torpeat : plerique 
nobilium adolescentium petunt ultro eas nationes, quse 
tum*bellum aliquod gerunt; quia et ingrata genti 




quies, et facilius inter ancipitia clarescunt, magnumque 
comitatum non nisi vi belloque tueare : exigunt enim 
principis sui liberalitate illum bellatorem equum, illam 
cruentam victricemque frameam. Nam epulse, et 
quamquam incompti, largi tamen apparatus pro sti- 
pendio cedunt. Materia munificentise per bella et 
raptus. Nec arare terram, aut exspectare annum, tam 
facil^ persuaseris, quam vocare hostes et vulnera me- 
reri : pigrum quinimmo et iners videtur sudore adqui- 
rere, quod possis sanguine parare. 


^ Civitas,] — The likeliest name for tbe community thus designated, 
is ge-land, the occupants of the same ge-land being ge4andan. 

Manj g€'lande might make a ric=hingd<m, 

The most probable name for the smaller districts, such as Fosiy 
Chas-ttarii, kc, was ge-land: the larger ones, like that of the 
Oherusci, being a rtc. 

There is no reason to believe that ihesefree companies (for such 
thej reallj were) limited their offers of service to members of the 
Germanic familj onlj. The utmost in the waj of restrictions in 
this respect, which we can suppose them to have laid upon them- 
selves is, that thej should not fight against members of the alliance 
to which thej belonged, whilst on their own soil. 

The bearing of this upon many questions is important, since it 
invalidates the notion that a German name for a chief is a sufficient 
reason for believing his followers to be Germans. 

XV. Quotiens bella non ineunt, non multum veju^- 
tibus ; ^ plus per otium transigunt, dediti somno, cibo- 
que. Fortissimus quisque ac bellicosissimus nihil 
agens, delegat^ domus et penatium et agrorum cur& 
feminis senibusque, et infirmissimo cuique ex famili^, 




ipsi hebent: mir& diversitate naturse, cum iidem ho- 
mines sic ament inertiam, et oderint quietem. Mos 
est civitatibus ultro ac viritim conferre principibus vel 
armentorum vel frugum, quod pro honore acceptum, 
etiam necessitatibus subvenit. Gaudent prsecipue fini- 
timarum gentium denis, quae non modo a singulis, sed 
public^ mittuntur : electi equi, magna arma, phalerse, 
torquesque. Jam et pecuniam accipere docuimus. 


* Venatibu8.'\ — This is a measifre of the extent to which the Ger- 
maus were exclusivelj agricultural — at least agricultural as opposed 
to populations in the hunter-state. 

Probablj, except in thc Markst there was less game in Germany 
in the time of Tacitus than there is now. 

XVI. Nullas Germanorum populis urbes* habitari, 
satis notum est, ne pati quidem inter se junctas sedes. 
Colunt discreti ac diversi, ut fons, ut campus, ut nemus 
placuit. Vicos locant, non in nostrum morem, con- 
nexis et coheerentibus sedificiis : suam quisque domum 
spatio circumdat, sive adversus casus ignis remedium, 
sive inscitia sedificandi. Ne csementorum quidem 
apud illos aut tegularum usus; materia ad omnia 
utuntur informi, et citra speciem aut delectationem. 
Qusedam loca diligentius illinunt terra ita pura ac 
splendente, ut picturam ac lineamenta colorum imi- 
tetur. Solent et subterraneos specus aperire, eosque 
multo insuper fimo onerant, sufiiigium hiemi et re- 
ceptaculum fi-ugibus : quia rigorem frigorum ejusmodi 
locis molliunt: et si quando hostis advenit, aperta 
populatur: abdita autem et defossa, aut ignorantur, 
aut eo ipso fallunt, quod quserenda sunt. 




> NtiUas — urhes^ — Exceptions must be made to this statement, if 
we give much importance to the assertion that numerous nations on 
the Gallic side of the Rhine were (jermans — cg,^ the Nemeles, Van- 
giones, Triboci, Treviri, &c. In all the districts belonging to these 
80-called Germans, there were considerable towns. Of course^ these 
maj haye been Gallic, whilst the countrj was German. 

As for the text itself, it must be looked upon as having reference 
to the well-known passage in Gassar^ rather than as % piece of separate 
and independent evidence. 

The intercourse with the Hermundorum civiias (§41) bj no 
means implies the existence of a town or citj. A periodical fair on 
the Banube will give us all the phenomena implied bj the passage 
in question. 

XVII. Tegumen omnibus sagum, iibula, aut, si desit, 
spina consertum: cetera intecti, totos dies juxta focum 
atque ignem agunt. Locupletissimi veste distinguuntur, 
non fluitante, sicut Sarmatse ac Parthi, sed stricta et 
singulos artus exprimente. Gerunt et ferarum pelles,* 
proximi ripae negligenter, ulteriores exquisitius, ut 
quibus nulius per commercia cultus. Eligunt feras, 
et detracta velamina spargunt maculis pellibusque 
belluarum, quas exterior Oceanus, atque ignotum mare 
gignit. Nec alius feminis quam viris babitus, nisi 
quod feminse ssepius lineis amictibus yelantur, eosque 
purpura variant, partemque vestitus superioris in ma- 
nicas non extendunt, nudae brachia ac lacertos : sed et 
proxima pars pectoris patet. 


1 Ferarum pelles.l — Whether the word leather be of Gennanic 
x>r Eeltic origin is uncertain. 


The oldest exhomations haye presented a bodj wrapped in skin, 
in a rude, coffin-shaped, rough-hewed tree. The dress, as described 
in the present passage, consists of hides ; both as leather and fur&. 
For the latter^ Scandinavia was famous in the seventh centurj. 
" Alia yero gens ibi moratur Suethans, qusa yelut Thuringi, equis 
utuntur eximiis. Hi quoque sunt, qui in usus Bomanorum Saphi- 
rinas pelles commercio interveniente per alias innumeras gentes 
transmittunt, famosi pellium decora nigredine. Hi quum inopes 
▼iyunt, ditissime yestiuntur.** — Jomand. De Beb. Qet. c. 3. 

The long flowing dresses of the Sarmatians were chiefly made bj 
the process of feUinfff those of the Parthians, bj that of weavmg ; 
ufool being the chief material of the former, tpool^ coUon, and eyen sUk 
of the latter. 

XVIII. Quamquam severa illic matrimonia : * nec 
ullam morum partem magis laudaveris: nam prope 
soli barbarorum singulis uxoribus contenti sunt: ex- 
ceptis admodum paucis, qui non libidine, sed ob nobi- 
litatem plurimis nuptiis ambiuntur. Dotem non Hxor 
marito, sed uxori maritus offert. Intersunt parentes 
et propinquiy ac munera probant : munera non ad deli- 
cias muliebres qusesita, neo quibus nova nupta comatur; 
sed boves et irenatum equum, et scutum cum framea 
gladioque. In hsec munera uxor accipitur: atque 
invicem ipsa armorum aliquid viro affert: hoc maxi- 
mum vinculum, hsec arcana sacra, hos conjugales deos 
arbitrantur. Ne se mulier extra virtutum cogitati- 
ones, extraque bellorum casus putet, ipsis incipientis 
matrimonii auspiciis admonetur, venire se laborum 
periculorumque sociam, idem in pace, idem in proelio 
passuram ausuramque ; hoc juncti boves, hoc paratus 
equus, hoc data arma denuntiant. Sic vivendum, sic 
pereundum : accipere se qu£& liberis inviolata ac 

F 2 


digna reddat, qua3 nurus accipiant, rursusque ad nepotes 


* Severa — matrimonia,] — A measure of the consideration in which 
females were held, maj he found in the Godex Diplomaticus. 

A widow had the power of deyising her land. A son having 
hrought an action against his mother in the Anglo-Saxon Countj 
Court, was^ upon the latter receiving notification thereof, disinherited 
by her on the spot, and that in the following words : — " Here sitteth 
Le6fl8dd my kinswoman, unto whom I grant both mj land and mj 
gold, and gown, and dress, and all that I own, after mj daj 
(death)." " Her sit Ledflsdd min maege, t$e ic ge-ann cegtSer ge mines 
landes, ge mines goldes, ge hrtegles, ge re^fes, ge ealles t$e ic kh, 
sdfler minon dsege." 

Nay more, there was one sort of property, ai least, which a mar- 
ried woman might bequeath even during the life-time of her husband. 
This was the moming-gift (rnorgengifu)^ presented to her bj her 
husband, the moming after the consummation of her marriage. *' In 
several wills, the husband carefuUy points out the lands to which 
his wife has this claim ; and, in several cases, women appeal to it as 
their title to hinds which they are desirous of alienating.^ — Kemble, 
Codex Diplomaticus, voL 1, cix., cx. 

XIX. Ergo septa pudicitia agunt, nullis spectacu- 
lorum inlecebris, nullis conviviorum inritationibus 
corruptae. Literarum secreta viri pariter ac feminae 
ignorant.^ Paucissima in tam numerosa gente adul- 
teria, quorum poena prsesens, et maritis permissa. 
Accisis crinibus, nudatam, coram propinquis, expeilit 
domo maritus, ac per omnem vicum verbere agit: 
pubiicatse enim pudicitise nulla venia: non form^, 
non aetate, non opibus maritum invenerit. Nemo 
enim illic vitia ridet : nec corrumpere et corrumpi, 
saDculum vocatur. Melius quidem adliuc ese civi- 


tateSy in quibus tantum virgines nubunt, et cum spe 
votoque uxoris semel transigitur. Sic unum acci- 
piunt maritum, quo modo unum corpus, unamque 
vitam, ne ulla cogitatio ultra, ne longior cupiditas, 
ne tamquam maritum, sed tamquam matrimonium 
ament. Numerum liberorum finire, aut quemquam 
ex agnatis necare, flagitium habetur: plusque ibi boni 
mores valent, quam alibi bonae leges. 


* LiUrarum secreta — ^orani.] — The Mceso-Gothic alphabet of 
the Goths of the third century was formed upon the Greek. 

The Anglo-Saxon alphabet, the next in point of antiquitj, was 
Roman in ongin. 

It is onlj by exaggerating the antiquity of the inscriptions called 
Eunic, that anj exception can be taken to the literal interpretation 
of the passage. Yet the oldest Runic inscription is subsequent to 
the year a.d. 800. 

Eiin=fvicus=furrcw; and this interpretation well explains their 
nature. The Runic letters were fitted for being cvt on wood or stone 
— not vrriUen. Consequently, they were available only for com- 
parativelj short inscriptions. 

But rdn=^my8terium=9ecret as well. I imagine this to be a 
power deduced from the earlier significationsZ^^er, the earliest 

XX. In omni domo nudi ac sordidi, in hos artus, in 
haec corpora, quse miramur, excrescunt. Sua quemque 
mater uberibus alit, nec ancillis ac nutricibus delegan- 
tur. Dominum ac servum nuUis educationis deliciis 
dignoscas. Inter eadem pecora, in eadem humo 
degunt, donec aetas separet ingenuos, virtus agnoscat. 
Sera juvenum Venus;^ eoque inexhausta pubertas: 


nec virgines festinantur; eadem juventa, similis pro- 
ceritas : pares validsBque miscentur : ac robora paren- 
tum liberi referunt. Sororum filiis idem apud avun- 
culum, qui apud patrem honor. Quidam sanctiorem 
arctioremque hunc nexum sanguinis arbitrantur, et in 
accipiendis obsidibus magis exigunt ; tamquam ii, et 
animum firmius, et domum latius teneant. Heredes 
tamen successoresque sui cuique liberi: et nuUum 
testamentum. Si liberi non sunt, proximus gradus in 
possessione fratres» patrui, avunculi. Quanto plus 
propinquorum, quo major adfinium numerus, tanto 
gratiosior senectus: nec ulla orbitatis pretia. 


* Sera juvenum Venu^,] — Whatever may have been tlie age of 
pubertj, that of infancy (in the legal senae of the term) ended with 
the Anglo-Saxon at 12. 

At that time the youth was mwndigy i,e., his own master, or at 
least responsible. 

XXI. Suscipere tam inimicitias,^ seu patris, seu pro- 
pinqui, quam amicitias necesse est : nec implacabiles 
durant. Luitur enim etiam homicidium certo armen- 
torum ac pecorum numero, recipitque satisfactionem 
universa domus : utiliter in publicum ; quia periculo- 
siores sunt inimicitide juxta libertatem. Convictibus 
et hospitiis non alia gens efiusiiis indulget. Quem- 
cumque mortalium arcere tecto, nefas habetur: pro 
fortuna quisque apparatis epulis excipit. Gum defe- 
cere, qui modo hospes fuerat, monstrator hospitii et 
comes, proximam domum non invitati adeunt: nec 
interest: pari humanitate accipiuntur. Notum igno- 


tumque» quantum ad jus hospitii, nemo discernit. 
Abeunti, si quid poposcerit, concedere moris: et 
poscendi invicem eadem facilitas. Gaudent muneri- 
bus : sed nec data imputant, nec acceptis obligantur. 


1 Suscipere — inimiciiias,] — The liability of private quarrels, and, 
perhaps, even the recognition of the right of private warfare in- 
volved in this custom, appears at the beginning of the legal period 
under some form of the root/-t$. 

In the Frisian Laws (xi. 2), the form ib /cBk!6e=:/eud. 

FflehtSe itself is a derivation of fd:=/oe, — Saxons in England 
chap. X. 

XXII. Victus inter hospites comis. Statim e so- 
mnOy quem plerumque in diem extrahunt, lavantur,^ 
ssepius calida» ut apud quos plurimum hiems occupat. 
Lautiy cibum capiunt : separatee singulis sedes, et sua 
cuique mensa. Tum ad negotia, nec minus ssepe ad 
convivia procedunt armati. Diem noctemque con- 
tinuare potando, nuUi probrum. Crebrse, ut inter 
Tinolentos rixse, raro conyiciis, ssepius Cflede et vulne- 
ribus transiguntur. Sed et de reconciliandis inyicem 
inimicis, et jungendis adfinitatibus, et adsciscendis 
principibus, de pace denique ac bello plerumque in 
conviviis consultant: tamquam nuUo magis tempore 
aut ad simplices cogitationes pateat animus, aut ad 
magnas incalescat. Grens non astuta, nec callida, 
f^rit adhuc secreta pectoris, licentia joci. Ergo de- 
tecta et nuda omnium mens, postera die retractatur ; 
et salva utriusque temporis ratio est. Deliberant, 
dum fingere nesciunt: constituunt, dum errare non 



^ ;.tn<*«#Mr.l — The use of the hath is recognised throoghoat the 

XXIII. Potui humor ex hordeo aut frumento, in 
o^mmdam similitudinem vini corruptus.* Proximi ripae 
^i vinum mercantur. Cibi simplices : agrestia poma, 
n^oons fera, aut lac concretum. Sine apparatu, sine 
blandimentis expellunt famem. Adversils sitim, non 
tnidem temperantia. Si indulseris ebrietati, sugge- 
rt^ndo quantum concupiscunt, haud miniis facil^ vitiis, 
qu&m armis vincentur. 


> fftmar ex hordeo aut frufMnto — oorrwptuB^ — ^Both the words 
qU and heer are of Germanic origin. The Eeltic term, on the other 
hand, is cwrrw^ceremiay from the Latin. 

XXIV. Genus spectaculorum unum, atque in omni 
coetu idem. Nudi juvenes, quibus id ludicrum est, 
inter gladios se, atque infestas frameas, saltu jaciunt. 
Exercitatio artem paravit, ars decorem : non in quae- 
stum tamen, aut mercedem : quamvis audacis lascivise 
pretium est, voluptas spectantium. Aleam (quod mi- 
rere) sobrii inter seria exercent, tanta lucrandi per- 
dendive temeritate, ut, ciim omnia defecerunt, ex- 
tremo ac novissimo jactu de libertate et de corpore 
contendant. Victus voluntariam servitutem* adit: 
quamvis junior, quamvis robustior, alligari se ac venire 


patitur. Ea est in re prava pervieacia: ipsi fidem 
vocant. Servos conditionis hujus per commercia tra- 
dunt, ut se quoque pudore victoriae exsolvant. 


^ Voluntariam servittUem,] — This must have been senritude applied 
to offices attached to the pei^son not to the land—2X least if the sug- 
gestion of the next note be correct. 

XXV. Ceteris servis, non, in nostrum morem, de- 
scriptis per familiam ministeriis, utuntur. Suam quis- 
que sedem,^ suos penates regit. Frumenti modum 
dominus, aut pecoris, aut vestis, ut colono, injungit: 
et servus hactenus paret. Cetera domus officia uxor 
ac liberi exsequuntur. Verberare servum ac vincuh'8 
et opere coercere, rarum. Occidere solent, non disci- 
plina et severitate, sed impetu et ira, ut inimicum, 
nisi quod impun^. Libertini^ non multum supra ser- 
vos sunt, raro aliquod momentum in domo, numquam 
in civitate, exceptis dumtaxat iis gentibus, quse re- 
gnantur. Ibi enim et super ingenuos et super nobiles 
ascendunt: apud ceteros^ impares libertini libertatis 
argumentum sunt. 


* Suam quisque sedem,'] — Qudsque, i.e., servus, — This was, in 
reality, an adscriptio glebce ; the shtye helonging to the land, and, 
hy a paritj of reasoning, not sufficiently recognized hj the generalitj 
of writers on the suhject, the land (to a certain degree) helonged to 
the slaye. 

Unless we suppose the smallest free cultiyator to haye had slayes 
under him (as unlikelj a doctrine as that the smallest freehold 
&rmer in England has a regular set of lahourers attached to his 



land), the sjstem of land cultiyated for a landlord who took no 

part in the work, and the sjstem of land cultiyated bj the holders i 

themselves must have been in the inverse ratio to each other. 

Probably, the land of the latter sort was commonest in the coun- 
tries which had been independent from the first ; the latter in those 
wherein conquests had occurred — the servi, in the sense of the pre- 
sent section, being the original owners. 

At anj rate, an inordinate proportion of land thus cultivated bj 
servi for an idle^ and probably non-resident class (of, perhaps, fight- 
ing men), is incompatible with the evolution of free institutions. 

Slavery then, I think, was an exceptionable case in Germanj. 

The probable name for the servus of the section was ge4)ur=zhauer 

< Zf^bertini,] — It is true that manumission occurs in the earliest 
Anglo-Saxon charters. 

But it is also true that the earliest of these are later than the 
introduction of Ghristianitj. 

I cannot, then, think that libertus=manumiUed slave, 

More probablj, the servus of Tacitus, was a dependent attached 
to the land {pra^ial)*, the liherius one attached to the person 

The name maj haye been lat, PL Ust^a^ = leute in Modem 

Of these — the younger individuab maj haye been knav-as^ 
knap-as, knedU-s =i knaves =^ hnigkts ; the humbler in point of 
occupation, )^v<u=thieves. 

XXVI. Fenus agitare/ et in usuras extendere, 
ignotum : ideoque magis servatur qu&m si vetitum es- 
set. Agri, pro numero cultorum, ab universis per viees ' 
occupantur, quos mox inter se secundum dignationem 
partiuntur: facilitatem partiendi camporum spatia 
prsestant. Arva per annos mutant ; et superest ager : 
nec enim cum ubertate et amplitudine soli labore 


contendutit, ut pomaiia conserant» et prata separent, 
et hortos rigent: sola terrse seges imperatur. Unde 
annum quoque ipsum non in totidem digerunt spe- 
cies : hiems, et ver, et sestas intellectum ac vocabula 
habent : autumni perinde nomen ac bona ignorantur. 


* Feniu agitare.'] — The extent to which the aathor of Oermania 
made its ethnologj secondarj to the moral effect of contrasting 
simple and hardj G^rmanj with utificial and lnxarioos Rome maj 
he measared hj the passage. No mere geographer, or ethnologist, 
woald devote a chapter to saying there was no asarj, when he had 
preyioasly said there was no monej. / 

The last sentence of § 19, comes ander the remark. 

Each is a negative statement, which woold not he made except a 
contrast were intended with some coantrj where the castoms were 
hat too common. 

« Pro numero cuttorum — ^per vices^ — It is only by fresh diyisions 
that land, once apportioned amongst a certain namber of caltiyators, 
can remain in any permanent relation to the namber of those cal- 

Again : it is only by an increase of either land, or the prodact of 
land, proportionate to the increase of population, that the respective 
competences of the caltiyators can remain the same. 

Hence the words pro num>eiy> cuUorum create a difficalty, which is 
enhanced by the words per vices, 

Mox. — ^This is the most difiBcalt word of the section. Fer vices 
implies change from one set of holders to another ; and mjox—par- 
tiuntur does more. It denotes a change from a system of periodical 
transfers to one of permanent appropriation. 

First comes a season when land shifts from owner to owner ; next 
one wherein it passes to a permanent state of indiyidaal or joint 

Agri, — This, I think, has a doable import, according to its relation. 

o. As opposed to arva it means land in grass, wood, or fen, in 
contradistinction to land ander the ploagh. 

h. As opposed to land which has been divided and apportioned, it 
means land tinapportioned or tmdivided. 


Agri pro numero, <kc. — The proper oommentator upon this diffi- 
cult sectioQ is some conyejancer leamed in ethnology, rather than a 
simple ethnologist. 

The separate toords, however^ must first be considered. 

Arva. — Arable land. 

Per annos, — Annuallj j every year. 

MtUant, — From a crop to a fallow; not from one holder to 

Superest. — Standsover to spare; is abundant — as neferrumqui- 
dem superest (§ ^)^There is no excess even qfiron. 

Sola — seges, — Com (wheat and barley, § 23), to the exclusion of 
green crops, pulse, and vegetables. 

Hiem^y et ver, et asstas. — Winterj spring (/or-aar Danish, fruh- 
jahr German =/or-year), and summ^r. Such are the onlj Qermanic 
names of the seasons, even in the present English ; autumn being of 
liatin origin. FaU (in America), hack-end (in more than one pro- 
yincial dialect), and harvest are all — though of native origin — recent 

I cannot realize the nature of the tenure here notioed. The 
limited tenure expressed bj per vices cannot well have consisted in a 
certain allotment as priyate property, accompanied hj a certain 
share in an undivided common ; though such has been the view of 
careful writers. 

The word m^MS complicates this view. For the occupation in the 
first instance {pro numero cuUorum, ah universis per vices) we find 
no trace of individual possession ; for that in the second (partitio 
secundiim dignitatem) none of joint ownership. Tet mox implies 
that the two forms were successive rather than simultaneous. 

That there was much Joint occupancy, except on the Marches, I 
am slow to believe. The house, at least, was permanent. So must 
the farms occupied bj the servi of § 25 have been. The whole 
tenor of German historj goes the same waj. 

It is safe, then, to hold with Mr. Eemble, that when the Germans 
*' changed the arable jear to year, there was land to spare," that is, 
for commons, " and pasture ; but it does not amount to a proof that 
settled property in land was not part of the Teutonic scheme ; it 
implies no more than this, that within the Mark, which was the 
property of all, what was this year one man's comland might the 
next be another man's fallow ; a process very intelligible to those 
who know anything of the system of cultivation, yet prevalent in / 


parts of QerxDBXkjf or have eyer had interest in what we call Lammas 

This even seems too much — to say nothing about the difficultj 
attached to the words another tnan's /cUloto. What could such a 
fallow be? Not for com ; since the land had been cropped bj the 
preyious owner. Not for a green crop ; since there were none such 
known. Not for the herbage, i.f., the weeds and after-growth of the 
harvest, which, in some parts, of England, is worth from two to 
three shillings per acre. The harvests of Germanj are too late for 

I thiuk that the sentence of Tacitus has so little to do with the 
tenure of land at all, that it must be taken with what follows rather 
than with what precedes; in which case it applies to the huubandry 
onlj — not to the laws of landed property. 

Nothing but ccm was grown. This was new to an Italian : who 
had seen vetches, flaz, and so manj other products taken off the 
same land in either succession or rotation. As a oonsequence of 
this — 

There was no such thing as a second crop on the same land with- 
out an intervaL 

This was also new to an Italian. The abundance of land, how- 
ever, allows it. 

As far, then^ as the present passage goes, the arvum, which has 
just bome a crop^ although left to nature, is as much the propertj 
of the original owner^ in the intervab between two tilths, as it was 
during the seedHime and harvest 

The difficulties connected with the tenure of the land it neither 
removes nor increases. 

Bj considering the statement as one for which Coesar rather 
than Tacitus is responsible, and hj limiting the account in CaBsar to 
the occupancj of the lands of the Sequani^ dispossessed hj Ariovistus, 
we approach a solution. 

We are, then, at libertj to consider an occupation which is at one 
and the same time imperfect, and temporary, in the light of abnor- 
mal tenure, adapted to the country of a conquered enemj onlj. Yet, 
even then, the details are remarkable. Was the occupatio per tnces, 
a mere quartering of mccemve bodies of warriors (warriors onlj) 
upon recently invaded, and imperfectlj subdued districts, and the 
subsequent partitioy the distribution of the land of such districts 
after the conquest had become complete, the possession assured» and 




the oonYersion of chieftains and captains into comparativelj peace- 
able settlers had become practicable? Such a view would best 
reconcile Csesar^s statement with probabilitj. 

XXVIL Funerum nulla ambitio: id solum ob- 
servatur» ut corpora clarorum virorum certis lignis 
crementur.' Struem rogl nec vestibus, nec odoribus 
cumulant : sua cuique arma, quorumdam igni et equus 
adjicitur. Sepulcrum cespes erigit. Monumentorum 
arduum et operosum honorem, ut gravem defunctis, 
aspemantur. Lamenta ac lacrimas cito, dolorem et 
tristitiam tarde ponunt. Feminis lugere honestum 
est : viris meminisse. 


^ Crementur.] — The classification of the modem archsBologists, 
founded upon that of the early Icelandic historians, divides hj a 
pretty broad line of demarcation two periods. 

a. In one the dead were bumed. 

h, In the other the dead were huried* 

That the buming-time came down as late as the time of Tacitus 
is shown hj the present passage. 

XXVIIL Hffic in commune de omnium Germano- 
rum origine ac moribus accepimus. Nunc singularum 
gentium instituta, ritusque, quatenus diiferant, quse 
nationes e Germania in Gallias commigraverint, expe- 
diam. Validiores olim^ Gallorum res fuisse summus 
auctorum divus Julius tradit: eoque credibile est, 
etiam (rallos in Germaniam transgressos. Quantulum 
enim amnis obstabat, quominus, ut quseque gens eva- 


lueraty occuparet pennutaretque sedes promiscuas ad- 
huc, et nulla regnorum potentia divisas ? Igitur inter 
Hercyniam silvam, Rhenumque et Moenum amnes, 
Helvetii,^ ulteriora Boii, Gallica utraque gens, tenuere. 
Manet adhuc Boiemi nomen,^ significatque loci ve- 
terem memoriam, quamvis mntatis cultoribus. Sed 
utrum Aravisci* in Pannoniam ab Osis, Germanorum 
natione,* an Osi ab Araviscis^ in Germaniam commi- 
graverint, cum eodera adhuc sermone, institutis, mo- 
ribus utantur, incertum est: quia pari olim inopia 
ac libertate, eadem utriusque ripse bona malaque 
erant. Treviri ^ et Nervii® circa affectationem Germa- 
nicse originis ultro ambitiosi sunt, tamquam per hanc 
gloriam sanguinis, a similitudine et inertia Gallorum 
separentur. Ipsam Rheni ripam haud dubie Germa- 
norum populi colunt, Vangiones,^ Triboci,*^ Nemetes." 
Ne Ubii'* quidem, quamquam Romana colonia esse 
menierint, ac libentius Agrippinenses conditoris sui 
nomine vocentur, origine erubescunt, trangressi olim, 
et experimento fidei super ipsam Rheni ripam col- 
locati, ut arcerent, non ut cnstodirentur. 


* Validiores olim, «fec.] — The chief passage in Csesar is to be 
found in p. Izxxyii {ProUgamena) — acfuit anUa tempus, &c. 

Oriticism of the passage will separate the statement for which 
Csesar, speaking upon his own knowledge, is responsible, from 
those which must be referred to his Gallio informants — ^these kst 
speaking perhaps from history, perhaps from tradition, perhaps from 
inference, perhaps on no grounds at all bejond the wish to contrast 
their present inferioritj to the Qermans, with some more glorious 
epoch, when Ckiul was the powerful, and Germanj the weak coun- 
try, when the Gauls encroached, and the Gkrmans retreated. 
Such ,a time may have been a realitj. It maj also haye been a 


That there was, at least, one bodj of Gauls on the German side 
of the Bhine, is a &ct to which we have Osesar as a witness. His 
language respecting the V olcse Tectosages^ is that of a man speaking 
to what he knows at first-hand. 

For the localitj of such Trans-Rhenane Ckuls, in the time of 
Osesar, no district has a better claim than Baden and Wurtem- 
burg — the agri BecumcUes of Tacitus. We come to this con- 
clusion hy the exclusive method. It was not Switzerland^ for 
that was Helvetian ; nor jet the Middle Rhine, since^ in those 
parts, there seems to have beeu Germans of the Alemannic 

The import of the name Volcce Tectomges is bj no means clear. 
Of the two words composing it, the former ( Volca) was generic, the 
latter {Tectomges) specific j since, besides the division in question^ 
there was a second — the Volcas Arecomici. 

The area of the Yolcee of Ckul in general seems to have been the 
parts between the Rhone and the Pjrenees ; but as the name was 
probablj coUective rather than special, the history of the Volcte of 
Gaul is obscure. Osesar mentions them only incidentally. 

How the Gauls bejond the Rhine came thither is another ques- 
tion. Thej may have done so bj simple intrusion, i,e.f just aa 
Oeesar was told thej did. This intrusion maj have been either 
earlj or late — as late as the times approaching those of Ocesar 
himself, or earlier than the well-known migration — real or sup- 
posed — described hj JAvj, and referred to the reign of Tarquinius 
Priscus. — Lib. v. 34, 35. 

" De transitu in Italiam Gbllorum haec accepimus. Prisco Tar- 
quinio Romse regnante, Oeltarum, quse pars Gbllise tertia est, penes 
Bituriges summa imperii fuit : ii regem Oeltico dabant. Ambi- 
gatus is fuit, virtute fortunaque cum sua, tum publica, preepollens, 
quod imperio ejus Gallia adeo frugum hominumque fertilis fuit, ut 
abundans mhltitudo vix regi videretur posse. Hic magno natu 
ipse jam, exonerare prsegravante turba regnum cupiens, Bellovesum 
ac Sigovesum, sororis filios, impigros juvenes, missurum se esse, in 
quas dii dedissent auguriis sedes, ostendit. Quantum ipsi vellent, 
numerum hominum excirent, ne qua gens arcere advenientes posset. 
Tum Sigoveso sortibus dati Hercjnii saltus : Belloveso haud pauUo 
Isetiorem in Italiam viam dii dabant. 

*^ Is, quod ejus ex populis abundabat, Bituriges, Arvemos, 
Senones, ^duos, Ambarros, Oarnutes, Aulercos, cxcivit. Prolectus» 


iDgentibas peditum eqaitumqae copiis, in Tricastinos yenit. Per 
Taurinos saltusque inYios Alpes transcenderunt : fusisque acie Tuscis 
faaud procul Ticino flumine, quum^ in quo consederant, agrum 
Insubrium appellari audissent cognomine Insubribus pago ^duorum, 
ibi, omen sequentes loci, condidere urbem : Mediolanum appellarunt. 

" Alia subinde manus Oenomanorum, Elitovio duce, yestigia 
priorum secuta, eodem saltu, favente BelloYeso, quum transcendisset 
Alpes, ubi nunc Brixia ac Verona urbes sunt (locos tenuere Libui) 

** Posi hos SalluYii prope antiquam gentem Lsbyos Ligures, in- 
oolentes circa Ticinum amnem. 

^ Penino deinde Boii Lingonesque transgressi, quum jam inter 
Padum atque Alpes omnia tenerentur, Pado ratibus trajecto, non 
Etruscos modo, sed etiam Umbros agro pellunt : intra Apenninum 
tamen sese tenuere. 

« Tum Senones, recentissimi adYenarum, ab XJtente flumine 
usque ad iESsim fines habuere. Hanc gentem Olusium, Bomamque 
inde, Yenisse comperio." 

To this add the following passage from Polybius :— 

Tavrd ye ra fre^/a ro iraXaioy tvifiovro Tvpptivoi, . o\q ein^c 
yvvfiivoi Kara r^v irapddetnv KeXroc, ral irtp) ro cdXXoc r^c X^P^^ 
S^daXfAtdffavre^, eic fHKpac Tpo^vetaQ fieydXy OTparc^ 9rapa^o£ci»c 
eTe\06vTeCf e^taXov e*r riJQ nepi rov lldSov xufpaQ Tv^^tfvovg koI 
Karea\ov avrol ra ireBia, Ta fiiv ovv wpiira Kal wepl rac 6.varo\dQ 
rov Ud^ov Keifuva Adoi Kal Ac^eVioc, ftird ie rovrovc "laofAtpec 
KarfKrftrav, o fieytarov eOvoQ Jjv avrHv, ^£^c ^c rovrocc vapd rov 
worafwv Kevofidvoi' rd ^ vpoc rov ^Alpiav ffZtf vpoaifKovra yeV&c 
oKKo vdw iraXacoy itaKariffj^e, irpoaayopevovrai di Ohiveroi . • Td 
Be Tfpav rov TLdhov rd irep^ roi' 'Kirevvivov wp^rot fiiv "Avavec, fierd 
ii roirrovc Bococ KarfKTfaav* elflc ^e roifrttv c^c ^poc rov *AZpiav 
Aiywvec* rcJ 5e reXevrala irpoc SaXa'rry ^ifviavec — Polyb. ii. 17. 

Assuming all this to be not onlj historj, but ihe history of what maj 
be called the Fir$t Gallic Migration, the Trans-Bhenane Ckuls are 
accounted for. Thej are the descendants of the Gauls of Sigoyesus. 

But neither Polybius' nor LiYy's account can well be considered 
historicaL Where were the records for the time in question ? The 
most ihat can be done in the waj of connecting the Trans-Bhenane 
Ghkuls of Ctesar with the Gauls of SigOYesus, is to admit the oommon 
character of the tradition that applied to them. 

But what if the Ghiuls of the right bank of the Bhine were no 



intruders at alll What if tbey represented an originally Keltio 
population of south-weBtem (Jennany ? What if the Germans had 
been the ^croachers ? In this case our yiew changes ; and thej are 
the fragments of an old, rather than the rudiments of a new popula. 
tion, and the aocount of their migration is no tradUum but an 
ir\ference ; an inference drawn fipom their eocentric localitj, an infer- 
ence which accounts for their outljing positiony an inferenoe in- 
correct, in fact^ but an inferenoe natural to imperfect speculators 
in ethnology. 

I giye no opinion as to how £ur this is likelj to haye been ihe 
case ; the question it inyolyee being one of great oompass and subtilty ; 
resting, as it does, upon some of the highest generalizations of the 
phenomena of human distribution and human migration. 

The history — real or supposed — of these Tedoeages is curious. 
The foUowing aocount is in the words of Niebuhr. 

'' In the spring of the year afier this, On. Manlius Yulso, the suc- 
cessor of L. Comelius Scipio^ anxious for an opportunitj to undertake 
something fipom which he might deriye £une and wealth — a deeire 
which is henceforward the prevailing characteristic of the Eoman 
generals — made a campaign against the Galatians, or Qallo-GrBdci, 
in Phrygia. In the time of Pjrrhus, these Ghkuls had penetrated 
through Macedonia into Qreecey as fe^ as Delphi ; afterwards they 
went eastward to Thrace; but whether thej were» as the Cfreeks 
relate, induced to do so bj fearful natural phenomena, or were 
attracted by reports about the delightful oountries of Asia, is un- 
certain. Manj remained in Thrace, and ruled oyer the oountry ; 
but others, twentj thousand in number, crossed oyer into Asia, in 
two divisions, the one going across the Hellespont, and the other 
across the Bospoms, and their enterprise was &cilitated bj the feuds 
of the Asiatic princes. There they settled on the northem ooast, in 
the territory about Ancyra, in Phrygia, just as, at a later period^ the 
Normans did in Neustria. They inhabited thirty-three towns, in a 
country which, though it seems to haye been destined by Proyidenoe 
to be one of the most flourishing and happy in the world, is now, 
under the despotism of barbarians, like an acoursed deeert. They 
consisted of three tribes, bearing the strange names of Trocmi, 
Tolistoboii, and Tectosagsa. The first two seem to haye been foimed 
during their wanderings, for they are not mentioned elsewhere. 
They united with the Bithynians, where two small kingdoms were 
growing up. The Bithynians were Thracians settled between Nico- 


media and Heraolea ; during the time of the Persian dominion they 
were goTomed by natiye princes, and after the dissolution of the 
Persian and Macedonian empires, the latter of which had always 
been least oonBolidated in Asia Minor, thej extended themsekes, 
and acquired considerable importance. Nicomedes, then king, took 
those Gauls into his paj, there being then only ten thousand armed 
men among them, defeated his riyal, and founded the Bithynian 
state, which graduallj became Hellenised. From that time, the 
Cbtuls sold their services to anj one who might seek them, and made 
the whole of westem Asia tributary to themselves. Their historj is 
jet in great confusion ; but it can be cleared up, manj materials 
existing for it. Thej were defeated bj Antiochus Soter, whereupon 
thej withdrew into the mountains, whence they afterwards burst 
forth wheneyer circumstances allowed them, and all the neighbour- 
ing nations paid tribute, to escape their devastations. But when 
the war between Ptolemj Euergetes and Seleucus Callinicus, and 
afterwards that between the former and Antiochus Hierax broke 
out, thej showed themselves thoroughly faithless, selling themselves 
sometimes to the one, sometimes to the other, and were the scourge 
of all Asia, until, to the amazement of every bodj, Attalus of Per- 
gamus refused to paj tribute, attacked and defeated them, a fistct 
which can be accounted for onlj on the supposition, that through 
idleness thej had become quite effeminate and unwarlike, like the 
Goths whom Belisarius found in Italj. Thej never entirelj re- 
ooTered from this blow, though thej still continued to exercise 
oonsiderable influence, for Asia was alwajs divided ; and although 
Antiochus was stajing in those countries, he was too much occupied 
to tum his attention to them, and would not, moreoTer, haTe been 
able to protect that part of Phrjgia bordering on the district inha- 
bited bj the Gauls. Hence thej still leTied tribute &r and wide, 
and after the &11 of Antiochus^ the Asiatic nations dreaded lest thej 
should be unable to defend themselTes. This gaTe On. Manlius an 
opportunitj of undertaking a campaign against them, and to come 
forward as the protector of the Asiatics against the Galatiana His 
demand that thej should submit had been answered bj those bar- 
barians with a Btolida ferocia, and he accordinglj marched through 
Phrjgia, and sttacked them in their mountains, without, howeTer, 
extirpating them. Thej continued in those districts, and presenred 
their Celtic knguage fbr a remarkablj long period. We find it 
eren in the time of Augustus ; but thej, too, became Hellenised, 



and in this condition we find them at tbe time of St. Paul. The 
campaign of Manlius Vulso against them was most desirable to the 
inhabitants of Asia Minor, but on the part of the Bomans, it was 
verj unjust^ for Manlius Vulso undertook it contrarj to the express 
will of the decem legati who followed him to Asia. The war was 
brought to a close in two campaigns, but the Eomans deriyed no 
advantages from it, ezcept the bootj, and perhaps a sum of monej 
which was paid to them ; for the countries between Westem Asia 
and the districts of the Gktlatians were not subject to the Bomans, 
but onlj allied with them. The Galatians suffered so seyere a de- 
feat, that from this time forward thej continued to live in quiet 
obedience to the Eomans." 

To the existence of GdUi, GcUatce, or GaUo-Grceci in Phrygia, I 
take no exceptions. The following Livj contains the 
Yerj name in question : — *' Non plus ex yiginti millibus hominum, 
quam decem armata erant. Tamen tantum terroris omnibus, qus cb 
Taurum incolunt, gentibus injecerunt, ut, quas adissent quasque non 
adissent, pariter ultimee propinquis, imperio parerent. Postremo, 
quum tres essent gentes, Tolistobaii, Trocmi, TectoMgi, in tres partes, 
qua cuique populorum suorum vectigalis Asia esset» diyiserunt. 
Trocmis Hellesponti ora data; Tolistoboii ^olida atque loniam; 
Tectosagi mediterranea Asi» sortiti sunt, et stipendium tota cis 
Taurum Asia exigebant. Sedem autem ipsi sibi circa Haljn flumen 
ceperuntj tantusque terror eorum nominis erat^ multitudine etiam 
magna sobole aucta, ut Sjri» quoque ad postremum reges stipendium 
dare non abnuerent Primus Asiam incolentium abnuit Attalus» 
pater regis Eumenis.'* 

Further notice of this obscure question is taken in not. ad y. 

^ Hdvetii,] — Much as is said about ruxtional migrations, as 
opposed to the mere moyements of great armies, containing only the 
male portion of the populalion, there are but few, yerj few, for 
which we haye the unexceptionable eyidenoe of contemporary wit- 
nesses, and fewer still where we haye an account of the detaiis. 

Of the absolute eyacuation of the original countrj there is no 
recorded instance — except in the case of habituallj migratorj tribes, 
to whom agriculture is unknown. 

Indeed, it is doubtful whether anj moyement of the kind in 
question, bejond that of a yast army with a proportionate number 


of oamp-foUowers (thos inyolying the presenoe of a certain number 
of women and children) has ever been reoorded. The nearest 
recorded approach to such^ in modem times, is the retum of the 
Ealmuk Mongols^ from the parts between the Don and Volga, to their 
original home in Westem Mongolia. Here, old and joung, male 
'and female, joined the migration, and the original localitj was well- 
nigh emptied of its Mongolians. Yet this was under peculiar cir- 
cumstances. The population which thus set itself in movement was 
not seeking a new seat (novas sedes), but retuming to the countrj 
from whence it originallj came^ and to which it naturally be- 
longed. The search after a fresh localitj is part and parcel of our 
ideas of a mi^ation. If the Jews from all parts of the world were 
to retum and re-people Palestine, we might, perhaps, coin the term 
r«-migration^ but I do not think we should talk of the Jeunsh 
migraiion. If such be the case^ the retum of the Ealmuks is onlj 
an approach to a migration of the kind so often assumed. 
I give C896ar*s account of the HelTetic migration in full. 


II. Apud Helvetios longe nobilissimus et ditissimus fuit Orge* 
toriz. Is M. Messala et M. Pisone Coss. r^i cupiditate inductus, 
conjurationem nobilitatis fecit et ciyitati persuasit, ut de finibus 
suis cum omnibus copiis exirent : perfEtcile esse, quum virtute omni- 
bus prsestarent^ totius Ghdlise imperio potiri. Id hoc facilius eis 
persuasit, quod undique loci natura Helyetii continentur : una ex 
parte flumine Rheno, latissimo atque altissimo, qui agmm Helyetium 
a Germanis diyidit ; altera ex parte monte Jura altissimo, qui est 
inter Sequanos et Helyetios ; tertia lacu Lemanno et flumine 
Rhodano, qui proyinciam nostram ab Helyetiis diyidit. His rebus 
fiebal ut et minus late yagarentur^ et minus Btcile finitimis bellum 
infenS» possent : qua de caussa homines bellandi cupidi magno dolore 
adficiebantur. Pro multitudine autem hominum, et pro gloria belli 
atque fortitudinis, angustos se fines habere arbitrabantur^ qui in lon- 
gitudinem millia passuum ooxl., in latitudinem clxxx. patebant. 

III. His rebus adducti, et auctoritate Orgetorigis permoti^ con- 
stituerunt, ea, qu» ad profiscendum pertinerent, comparare ; jumein* 
tomm et carroram quam maximum numemm coemere ; sementes 
quam maximas &cere, ut in itinere copia frumenti suppeteret ; cum 
proximis ciyitatibus pacem et amicitiam confirmare. Ad eas res 
conficiendas biennium sibi satis esse duxerant ; in tertium annum 


profectionem lege oonfinnaDt. Ad eas res conficiendas Orgetorix 
deligitur. Js, ubi legationem ad ciyitates suscepit, in eo itinere 
persuadet Castico, Catamantaledis filio, Sequano, cujus pater r^um 
in Sequanis multos annos obtinuerat, et a senatu populi Romani 
amicus adpellatus erat, ut regnum in ciyitate sua occuparet, quod 
pater ante habuerat: itemque Dumnorigi iBduo, fratri Diyitiaci, 
qui eo tempore principatum in civitate obtinebat ac maxime plebi 
acoeptus erat, ut idem conaretur, persuadet, eique filiam suam in 
matrimonium dat. Perfacile fisustu esse, illis probat, conata perficere, 
propterea quod ipse su» oivitatis imperium obtenturus esset : non 
esse dubium^ quin totius Qallisd plurimum Helvetii possent : se suis 
copiis suoque exercitu illis regna conciliaturum, confirmat. Hac 
oratione adducti^ inter se fidem et jusjurandum dant et, regno occu- 
pato, per tres potentissimos ao firmissimos populos totius Qalli» sese 
potiri posse sperant. 

IV. Ea res ut est Helvetiis per indicium enunoiata, moribus suis 
Orgetorigem ex yinculis caussam dicere coegerunt: damnatum 
poenam sequi oportebat, ut igni cremaretur. Die constituta causs» 
dictionisy Orgetorix ad judicium omnem suam familiam, ad bominum 
miUia decem, undique coegit et omnes clientes obeeratosque suoe, 
quorum magnum numerum habebat^ eodem conduxit : per eos, ne 
caussam diceret, se eripuit. Quum ciyitas, ob eam rem incitata 
armis jus suum exsequi conaretur multitudinemque hominum ex 
agris magistratus cogerent, Orgetorix mortuus est: neque abest 
suspicio, ut Helvetii arbitrantur, quin ipse sibi mortem oonsciyerit. 

y. Post ejus mortem nihilo minus Helyetii id, quod consti- 
tuerant, facere conantur^ ut e finibus suis exeant. Ubi jam se 
ad eam rem paratos esse arbitrati sunt, oppida sua omnia^ 
numero ad duodecim, yicos ad quadringentos, reliqua priyata 
sddificia inoendunt, frumentum omne, prseter quod secum portaturi 
erant^ comburunt, ut, domum reditionis spe sublata, paratiores ad 
omnia pericula subeunda essent : trium mensium molita cibaria sibi 
quemque domo efferre jubent. Persuadent Rauracis et Tulingis et 
Latobrigis finitimis, uti, eodem usi oonsilio, oppidis suis yicisque 
exustis, una cum iis proficiscantur : Boiosque, qui trans Rhenum 
incoluerant et in agrum Noricum transierant Noreiamque oppu- 
gnarant, receptos ad se socios sibi adsciscunt. 

VI. Erant omnino itinera duo, quibus itineribus domo exire 
possent : unum per Sequanos, angustum, et difficile, inter montem 
Juram et flum^ Rhodanum) yix qua singuli carri ducerentur ; mons 


autem altissimus impendebat, nt faoile perpauci prohibere pos- 
8ent : alterum per proyinciam nostram, multo fEicilius atque 
expeditius^ propterea quod Helyetiorum inter fines et Allobrogum, 
qui nuper pacati erant^ Rhodanus fluit^ isque nonnuUis locis vado 
transitur. Eztremum oppidum Allobrogum est proximumque Hel- 
vetiorum finibus^ Qeneva. Ex eo oppido pons ad Helvetios pertinet. 
AUobrogibus sese vel persuasuros, quod nondum bono animo in 
populum Bomanum viderentur^ existimabant ; vel vi coacturos, ut 
per suos fines eos ire paterentur. Omnibus rebus ad profectionem 
comparatis, diem dicunt^ qua die ad ripam Rbodani omnes con- 
Teniant : is dies erat a. d. Y. KaL Apr. L. Pisone, A. Gktbinio Coss. 

YII. CflBsari quum id nunciatum esset, eos per proyinciam 
nostram iter flEMsere conari, maturat ab urbe proficisci ; et, quam 
maximis potest itineribus, in GkJliam ulteriorem contendit et ad 
Oenevam pervenit : proyincisB toti quam maximum potest militum 
numerum imperat (erat omnino in Gkllia ulteriore legio una) : pon- 
tem, qui erat ad Gknevam, jubet rescindi. Ubi de ejus adventu 
HelTetii certiores fiicti sunt, legatos ad eum mittunt, nobilissimos 
civitatis, cujus l^tionis Nameius et Yerudoctius principem locum 
obtinebant^ qui dioerent " sibi esse in animo, sine ullo maleficio itei 
per proyinciam &cere, propterea quod aliud iter haberent nullum : 
rogare, ut ejus voluntate id sibi fiicere liceat.'' Ceesar, quod memoria 
tenebat, L. Cassium consulem occisum, exercitumque ejus ab Hel- 
vetiis pulsum et sub jugum missum, concedendum non putabat : 
neque homines inimico animo, data &oultate per provinciam itineris 
£Mdundi, temperaturos ab injuria et maleficio existimabat. Tamen, 
ut spatium intercedere posset, dum milites, quos imperaverat, con- 
venirent, legatis respondit, ** diem se ad deliberandum sumturum ; si 
quid vellent, a. d. Idus Apr. reverterentur." 

YIII. Interea ea legione, quam seoum habebat, militibusquey 
qui ex provincia convenerant, a laou Lemannoy qui in flumen Bho- 
danum influit, ad montem Juram, qui fines Sequanorum ab Helvetiis 
dividit, millia passuum decem novem murum, in altitudinem pedum 
sedecim^ fossamque perducit Eo opere perfecto, prsssidia disponit^ 
oastella communit, quo &cilius, si se invito transire conarentur^ pro- 
hibere poesit XJbi ea dies, quam constituerat cum l^tis, venit^ et 
l^ti ad eum reverterunt, n^t, ** se more et exemplo populi Romani 
posse iter uUi per provinciam dare ; et^ si vim fitcere conentur, prohi- 
biturum " ostendit. Helvetii, ea spe dcjeotiy navibus junctis ratibusque 
compluribus fiustis^ alii vadis Rhodani^ qua mininui altitudo fluminis 


eraty nonnunquam interdin^ saBpius nootUy si perrumpere possent» 
conati, operis munitione et militum conoursu et telis repuLdy hoc 
conatu destiterunt 

IX. Belinquebatur una per Sequanos via, qua, Sequanis invitis, 
propter angustias ire non poterant His quum sua sponte persuadere 
non possent, legatos ad Dumnorigem iEiduum mittunt, ut eo depre- 
catore a Sequanis impetrarent. Dumnoriz gratia et largitione apud 
Sequanos plurimum poterat et Helvetiis erat amicus, quod ez ea 
civitate Orgetorigis filiam in matrimonium duzerat» et cupiditate 
r^i adductus noyis rebus studebat et quam plurimas ciyitates suo 
sibi beneficio habere obstrictas volebat. Itaque rem suscipit et a 
Sequanis impetraty ut per fines suos ire Helvetios patiantur, qbsides- 
que uti inter sese dent, perficit : Sequani, ne itinere Helvetios prohi- 
beant ; Helvetii, ut sine maleficio et injuria transeant. 

X. Oeesari renuntiatur, Helvetiis esse in animo, per agrum 
Sequanorum et ^duorum iter in Santonum fines hcere, qui non 
loDge a Tolosatium finibus absunt, qusB ciyitas est in proyincia. Id 
si fieret, iutelligebat, magno cum periculo proyincise futurum, ut 
homines bellicosos, populi Eomani inimicos, locis patentibus mazi- 
meque frumentariis finitimos haberet. Ob eas caussas ei munitioni, 
quam fecerat, T. Labienum legatum pnefecit : ipse in Italiam magnis 
itineribus contendit, duasque ibi legiones conscribit et tres, quae 
circum Aquileiam hiemabant^ ez hibemis educit et, qua prozimum 
iter in ulteriorem Qalliam per Alpes erat, cum his quinque legio- 
nibus ire contendit. Ibi Oentrones et Graioceli et Oaturiges^ locis 
superioribus occupatis^ itinere ezercitum prohibere oonantur. Oom- 
pluribus his proeliis pulsis, ab Ocelo, quod est citerioris proTincisa 
eztremumy in fines Yocontiorum ulterioris provinciee die septimo 
pervenit : inde in AUobrogum fines, ab Allobrogibus in Segusianos 
ezercitum ducit. Hi sunt eztra provinciam trans Bhodanum primL 

XI. Helvetii jam per angustias et fines Sequanorum suas oopias 
transduzerant et in ^duorum fines peryenerant eorumque agros 
populabantur. ^dui, quum se suaque ab iis defendere non possent, 
I^tos ad Osdsarem mittunt rogatum auzilium : '' ita se onmi tempore 
de populo Bomano meritos esse, ut paene in conspectu ezercitus nostri 
agri yastari, liberi eorum in servitutem abduci, oppida ezpugnari non 
debuerint.** Eodem tempore Ambarri, necessarii et consanguinei 
^duorum, Osesarem certiorem faciunt, sese, depopulatis agris, non 
facile ab oppidis rim hostium prohibere : item Allobroges, qui trans 
Rhodanum vicos possessionesque habebant, fuga se ad OsBsarem 


recipiuut et demoustrant, sibi prseter agri solum uihil esse reliquL 
Quibus rebus adductus CsDsar, non exspectandum sibi statuit, dum, 
omnibus fortunis sociorum consumtis, in Santonos Helyetii per- 

XI L Flumen est Arar, quod per fines ^duorum et Sequanorum 
in Rhodanum influit incredibili lenitate, ita ut oculis^ in utram 
partem fluat^ judicari non possit. Id Helvetii ratibus ac lintribus 
junctis transibant. Ubi per exploratores Osesar certior factus est, tres 
jam copiarum partes Helyetios id flumen transduxisse, quartam 
vero partem citra flumen Ararim reliquam esse : de tertia vigilia 
cum legionibus tribus e castris profectus, ad eam partem perrenit, 
quie nondum flumen transierat Eos impeditos et inopinantes 
adgressus, magnam eorum partem concidit : reliqui fugso sese man- 
darunt atque in proximas silvas abdiderunt. Is pagus adpellabatur 
Tigurinus : nam omnis civitas HeWetia in quatuor pagos divisa est 
Hic pagus unus, quum domo exisset, patrum nostrorum memoria 
L. Cassium consulem interfecerat et ejus exercitum sub jugum 
miserat Ita, sive casu, sive consilio deorum immortalium, qusa 
pars ciritatis Helyeti» insignem calamitatem populo Bomano intu- 
lerat, ea priuceps poenas persolvit. 

XXYII. Helyetii, omnium rerum inopia adducti, l^tos de 
deditione ad eum miserunt Qui quum eum in itinere conyenissent 
seque ad pedes projecissent suppliciterque locuti flentes pacem 
petissent^ atque eos in eo loco, quo tum essent, suum adyentum 
exspectare jussisset, paruerunt. Eo postquam Csesar pervenit, obsides, 
arma, seryos, qui ad eos perfugissent, poposcit Dum ea conqui- 
runtur et conferuntur, nocte intermissa, circiter hominum millia 
yi. ejus pagi^ qui Yerbigenus adpellatur, siye timore perterriti, ne 
armis traditis supplicio adficerentur, siye spe salutis inducti, quod^ 
in tanta multitudine dedititiorum, suam fugam aut occultari, aut 
omnino ignorari posse existimarent, prima nocte e castris Helye- 
tiorum egressi, ad Rhenum finesque Germanorum contenderunt 

XXyill. Quod ubi Caesar resciit, quorum per fines ierant, his, 
uti conquirerent et reducerent, si sibi purgati esse yellent, imperayit : 
reductos in hoetium numero habuit : reliquos omnes, obsidibus, 
armis, perfugis traditis, in deditionem accepit Helyetioe, Tulingos, 
Latobrigos in fines suos, unde erant profecti, reyerti jussit ; et quod, 
omnibus fructibus amissisi domi nihil erat» quo famem tolerarenty 


Allobrogibos imperavit, ut iis fimmenti oopiam &oeient: ipsos 
oppida Ticosque, quos inoenderant, restituere jussit. Id ea maxime 
ratione fecit, quod noluit, eum locum, unde Helvetii disoesserant, 
vacare ; ne propter bonitatem agrorum Qermani, qui trans Rhenum 
inoolunt, e suis finibus in Helyetiorum fines transirent, et finitimi 
Qallia provincia Allobrogibusque essent. BoioB, petentibus .fiduis, 
quod egregia virtute erant cogniti, ut in finibus suis oollocarent, 
ooncessit : quibus iUi agros dederunt, quosque postea in parem juriB 
libertatisque oonditionemi atque ipsi erant, receperunt. 

XXIX. In castris Helyetiorum tabula repertse sunt, litteris 
QrsDcis confectasy et ad CsBsarem relat»^ quibus in tabulis nominatim 
ratio oonfeota erat, qui numerus domo exisset eorum, qui arma ferre 
possent : et item separatim puerii senes, mulieresque. Quarum 
omnium rerum summa erat, capitum Helvetiorum millia oolxiil, 
TuUngorum millia xzxti., Latobrigorum xi?., Bauraoorum xxni., 
Boiorum xxxn. : ex his, qui arma ferre possent, ad miUia xcn. 
Summa omnium fuerunt ad miUia oooLXYm. Eorum, qui domum 
redierunt, censu babito, ut CsBsar imperaverat, repertus est numerus 
miUium o. et x. 

The Deserta Bdvetiorum I beUeve to have been, not ihe waste 
tract left bj anj emigrant Helvetii, but the waste tract left as a 
March on the Helyeto-Qermanic frontier ; a waste, most probablj, 
of Qerman rather than QaUic making. 

' Boiemi nomen^ &c.] — Zeuss considers that the present pas- 
sage in Tacitus is ihe complement to the statement of CsBsar ; and 
that the former fiUs up the holes left bj the latter, <' Erst Tacitus^ 
die Liicken, die CsBsar gelassen hat, ausfuUend berichtet dariibery 
validhres, &c.'' (p. 171.) 

I do not ihink this. Tacitus merelj assents to the reasonableness 
of CaB8ar's opinion as to the Qauls haying once encroached upon 
the Qennans, instead of (as in his time) retiring before them, and 
confirms it with the fresh instanoe inToIyed in the name Baiohem, 
He also justifies us in cairjing the Qauls of (^ermanj as fiur north 
as the Maine. 

But the important word is the oompound J9ot-o-Am-tim. 

It was a name weU known to the Bomans; and this aUows 
Tacitus to bestow little more than a passing aUusion to it. 

The writers who first use it are Pateroulus and Strabo. See 


It is irulj and aneqHiyocallj Qerman — a Qerman gloss. The 
-hem = oceupation, retidefnce, being the same word as the 'heim 
in Mann-heim in High Qerman ; the 'kem in Am-hem in Dutch ; 
the -um in Dokk-um in Frisian; ihe ^ham in Threking-ham 
in English. Hence Bm-o-hem-um^ihe home of the Boiu A» a 
gloss, its unequiTocal character is on the same high level with the 
compound Maro-<hmann%. No one, however much oppoeed to etj- 
mological guew-work, has ever objected to either. 

Word for word, and element for element, Boiohemum is the same 
as Bohemia. 

Some of the other compounds of the root J9of- are interesting. 

Be-^iemrorey a triple compound, or a decomposite, combines the 
elements of both Borvaria and Bo-hem-ia^ and stands for Be-heim' 
toaressthe oceupante of the home o/the Boiu 

Boe-mannissthe Boian men. 

Beo-winidi^the Boian Wends, <Mr SlaTonians. 

With the exception of the compound Maro-^inannif no Qerman 
glo68 was more current in Rome than the word in question. Strabo 
has it» '£^1 ical ro Boinai/ioy ro rov TAapoMiov paoCKnoy, t\Q ty 
iKuyoq r6woy ^XXovc t€ lAtrayiariioe irXc/ovc, koX A) rovc hfioedyiic 
iavrf Mapco/ifto^vovc*— Strabo, Tii« 1. 

Ptolemj'8 form is BatyoxaifAai ; a form taken firom some dialect 
where the k was pronounced as a stronger guttural than elsewhere. 

Word for word, and element for element, Boiohemum=iBohemia ; 
but whether the localitiee coincide as doselj as the forms of the name^ 
is another question. It has been too readilj assumed that thej do. 

It cannot be denied that identitj of name is primd /acie eTidence 
of idratitj of plaoe. But it is not more. Hence, although it would 
be likelj enough, if the question were whollj unoomplicated, that 
the Boiohemum of Paterculus were the Bohemia of the present centurj, 
doubts arise as soon as the name and the description disagree, and 
thej increase when the identification of either the Boii, or iheir 
Qerman iuTaders, with the inhabitants of Bohemia leads to ethno- 
logical and ge(^;raphical difficulties. 

All this is reallj the case. 

The disagreement between the name Bouhhem and the position 
of ihe present countrj of Bchemia meets us in the Terj passage 
before us. The former lies between ihe Maine, ihe Bhine, and the 
Hercjnian Forest. No part of Bohemia is ihus bounded. 

As to the historj of ihe Bwi, it is one of great prominenoe and 


imporfcance. But what is that of the geographical area now called 
Bohemia ? So unknown was that remarkable countrj to the Oreeks 
and Bomans, that its obscuritj was that of the central parts of Africa 
in our own time. There was a reason for this. Its natural moun- 
tain-rampart would preserre it from invasion. 

Those same mountain-ramparts, however^ which would thus tend 
to keep the country inviolate^ in the case of a war, could hardlj 
escape notice and description. Yet no such notices and descrip- 
tions exist. Of the present Bohemia^ we find no unequivocal ac- 
count whatever in anj Boman writer. Equivocal accounts we do 
find : but these are got at bj assuming the Marcomannic kingdom 
of Maroboduus to have lain within Bohemia, and as thej applj to 
this Marcomannic kingdom onlj, thej cease to be Bohemian as soon 
as the Marcomanni are pkced elsewhere. 

It maj simplify the question to anticipate. 

I belieye the Boiro-hem-um of Tacitus to have been, not Bohemiay 
but Bavaria, 

Bavaria and Bohemia are nearlj the same words. 

a, The first element in each is the proper name Boii. In the 
sixth and seventh centuries the fuller form of Bavaria is Bofo-aria, 
Bai'Varia, Bajo-aria, Baiu-varU, &c. 

5. The second element is equivalent in power, though not infomiy 
to the second element in Bo-hemia* It is the word ware^inhabitanU 
or occupanU in the Anglo-Saxon form, CanLware^peopU ofKent, 

Hence ^oAmia = the Boian occvpancy ; Bavaria^the occupant 

This leads us to the &ct that however much we may pkce the 
Boii in Bo^henUa, we cannot do so eocdusively. As far as the name 
goes, there were Boii in Bavaria as well ; Boii, too, who gave their 
name to their land. 

But this is not enough. We require substantive proof beyond 
the inference arising from the similaritj of name for thia latter fact. 
At present the argument stands thus : — 

Boiohem, in the time-of Tacitus, meant Bavaricu Not so, maj be 
the answer. It is granted that onlj one localitj maj be intended 
bj the two names, but whj maj not Bavaria originallj have meant 
Bohemia ? The answer to this must rest on its own grounds. 

It is no small argument in favour of the original single power 
of the two names^ to find that the altematiTe just indicated is a 
real one. Zeuss expends much leaming upon it, giying reasons 


for believiDg not that the Boii of Bayaria were one people, whilst 
the Boii of Bohemia were another, nor jet that that name Bohemia 
originallj meant Bavaria, but that Bavaria = Bohemia. 

I reyerse Zeuss^s yiew, believing that Boihemis^iBavaria* The 
Boio-hemum of Tacitus (as alreadj stated) is oertainlj more Bavarian 
than Bohemian. 

So is that of Strabo ; every association of the Boii of the fol- 
lowing passage is with the populations so &r south, as to make 
Bayaria a more likely localitj for them than Bohemia. 

"Boipetitnrit . • Boiovg ical dplriv ii^dvivi tovq vvo Kpcraa/p^, 
icac TavfiltTKovQ, — Str. viL p. 304. Td *lWvptKd . . dpidfieva aVo r^c 
XlfjLvtic TTig Kard rovg Ohiv^iKiKov^ Kai *Pacroi/c icac Tocvcovc. MipoQ 
ptv ifi rc r^c X^P^^ ravnyc ripiifAwaav oi Aacoc KarawoktfiiiffavTec 
Boiovc Kal TavpltTKovct tOvri KeXuKdy rd inro KpiTOirip^, — Id. p. 313. 

Again — 

M^ycffra iv r&v KcXrcdy iBvri Boioi^ Ka\ "Ivaov^poi, Kal oi rijv 
'Ptopaikfv w6\iv e£ i<p6^ov KaTa\at6vTec XcVaivec p^rd TaiaaTwv^ 
TovTOvc piv ovv iiii<pdeipav vaT€f>ov reXeoic ' P(tf/iaIoc Tovc ^e Botovc 
€ifi\atrav tK tu»v Tovtav' fAfraaTavTtc ^' «^C rovc rripi tov "Itrrpov 
ToirovCi fitrd HavpitrKiav fKovV xoXe/iovvrec irpbc AaKac, twc iivw' 
\ovTO wavBdvd' Tijv ^e '^(ufpav oitrav Tfjc 'IXXvpc^oc pri\6€oTOv roic 
ircpcocicovo^c icareXcxo»'. — V. p. 242,243. 'Eiroc roi; IIa&>v • . rarec^^ov 
^e Botoc Kal A/yvec, Kal Z^yctfyecy Kal VaitrdTai, ro xXeov* rciiv Be 
Boitifv eiekadivThfVf dtpavurOivTwv ^e Kal t£jv TaiffaTdVf Kal ^evwvtaVf 
XecTerac rd Acyvorcica ^i/Xa) Kal rwv *Fiapaiwvai a*9rocWac. — p. 216. 

Again — 

Kar^X^^^' ^^ ^^^ i^op\iav (llavvoviav rrjv &vw)f ev fiev rocc 
vphc apKTOvc fUpetriv/ A^dkoi fiev SvtrpiKWTepoi, Kvrvoi S' dvaro" 
\iKW7epoC iv Se rocc petrtiptpivolc, Aard^cicoc fiiv, vvo to SwpiKov, 
OhapKiavol ie rd Tpoc dvaTo\dc' iv it rocc peraiv, Boiol fiev vpoQ 
ivtrpdCf i^o\ VT ai^ovc, KoXercavo/. 'laVo^coc ^e irpoc dvaTo\dc, Kal 
vw avToict ^OtrepidTec* — Ptolem. Geog. ii. 14. 

Karex^^vo-c ^e Kal avrriv rijv iwap\iav (Uavvoviav rijv KdTw), iv 
fuv rocc SvtrpiKoXc fUpetnv, ^AfiavTivol dpKTiKwrepoc v^' ovc 'Epicov 
y^caVec» elro 'Av^caWec^ elra BpevKoi' iv de roic ovoroXcicoic, cLpKTiKW' 
roroc peVf ^ApatitrKoe fietrtip€piPwTepoi Se ^KOpBitrKot, — Ib. ii. 15. 

In the reference to Posidonius we have an older authoritj than 
that of either Strabo himself, or Caesar. 

^rial de Kal (6 HotreiCwvioc) Bocovc rov '^pKvviov Bpvpov oiKeiv 
wp^repov' Tovc ^e Kifitpovc opfA^travrac M rov r^wov tovtov, 


dwoKpwoBiyraQ hird rtiy Bottay iirl roy^lirrpoy . . . arara^^yac — Str. 
vii. 1. 

G896ar'8 evidence goes the same waj. His JBohenUa joined Nori- 
cum, which our JBohemia does not — " Boioeque, qui trans Rhenum 
incoluerant» et in agrum Noricum transierant» Noreiamque oppu- 
gnarant, receptos ad se socios sibi adsciscunt." — BelL GhdL L 5. 

So does that of the foUowing inscription : — l. yoloatio q. f. yel. 


We maj now trace the name Bavaria* In the geographer of 
BAvenna is the foUowing corrupt passage : — ^* Est patria qua di- 
citur Albis ungani (1) montuosa per longum, quee ad orientem 
multum extenditur, cujus aUqua pars Baias dicitur.'* 

It is in the same geographer that the name Bauhvarii first occurs. 

Zeuss^s reasoning is that Baias^Bohemia ; that the Baio-varii 
came from thence, and that changing their places they changed the 
form of their name also. '^ The Baiovariiy Faiffira, Baiern are firom 
the country Baia. This population changed its localitj with its 
name.'*=I>ie Baiovarii» Paigira, Baiem sind die aus dem lande Baia. 
Mit seinem namen andert das Yolk auch seine Sitze." — pp. 367, 

No one need admit more freelj than Zeuss, that aU evidence of 
this migration of the Baians from Bohemia is ¥ranting; as well 
as that there is no evidence of Bohemia having ever heen caUed 

I coUect, too, from his numerous and yaluable quotations, that — 

1. The eyidence of the present countrj of Bavaria being caUed 
bj a oompound of Boio-^-ware, begins as earlj as the sixth centurj. 

2. That ihe evidence of the present oountrj oi BokenUa being 
caUed bj a compound of Boio-^-heim is no earUer than the eleventh. 

I also coUect from the same data, that, though the Bavarians of 
Bayaria are caUed Boii as late as the eleventh centurj, there is no 
instanoe of the BohemioM being so caUed— save and ezcept in the 
equivocal case of the Baia of the geographer of BAvenna. 

This reduces the evidence of the old ^oto<hemum being Bo-hemia 
to two focts — 

1. The name Baia; supposed to mean Bohemia, from the fact of 
its being on the water-sjstem of the Elbe. But Albis here maj 
mean the Saale. See not. in v. Hermunduri, 

2. The present name Bo^hemia. 


Bat, this is — 

a. Becent in origin. 

h, Oerman rather than TshM, or true Bohemiany and not origi- 
nallj eren Qermany but OaUic, 

c Mutilated in form — eince, thongh we in EngLind saj Bohemia 
from Bouhheinif the Qerman name is Bohr^nrenszBo^hem-ians. 

The arguments founded on this are, surelj, by themBdves, weak. 
Grant^d. But we must take ihem along with the facts inTolved in 
the B<^emian empire of Maroboduus, and Bohemian Marcomanni. 
Tee. But all this is also ezceptionable. 

The onlj tin-exceptionable series of &ct8 b that which connects 
the home of the BoU with Bavaria=ithe Boian occupants. 

This justifies us in thinking Bohemia is a modem name, even as 
Bdgium is; from which it differs in degree onlj; ix. in being 
eight hundred jears earlier. 

That it as little grew direeUy and cowtinuously out of the Boii as 
Bdgium did firom the Bdgce^ is nearlj certain. 

The Deeerta Boiorum I believe to have been, not the waste tract 
left bj anj emigrant Boii, but the waste tract lefl as a March on 
ihe Boio-Germanic frontier; a waste, most probablj, of G^erman 
rather than Gallic makiug. 

* Aravisci.] — ^Their localitj was the most north-eaetem part of Pan- 
nonia. The termination -eci is oommon in these parts for some dis- 
tance southwards, e.g., in ihe names Scord-MC^ Taur-tacs &o. 

^ Oiisy Oermanorum ?ia<tone.]— If we took these words bjthemselTes 
we should saj^ at once, that the Osi were Germans in respect to their 
ethnological position. That thej are not so, is shown bj § 43. 
See also not in v. Osu Yet Tacitus calls them Oermanorum natio, 
on the strength of their geographical position onlj. This should 
caution us against considering his term Oermania to be more ethno- 
logical than it reallj is. In the case of the Osi, we have a qualifying 
statement ; and it was required— since, without it, we should have 
considered both them and ihe Arayisci Germans. But^ as it is fiur 
from certain that such qualifjing statements are given in ail cases, 
without ezception^ we must remember the possibilitj of certain 
nanrOermanic populations being called Oermani, just as the Osi are 
here ; whilst the data for correcting the natural inference from such 
a passage, are non-ezistent 


^ Aravi»ci^-ah OsU, Osi ab ilratrtacw.]— This inTolyes the question 
of the relationship between the two. 

Bj admitting the omission of an initial guttural (ch or hh), a 
change justified bj the form iittuarii as opposed to CAattuarii, and 
bj considering the -isc to represent a SlaTonic oompound sibilant 
(t^ or ishUh) we get at some such form as KharavaUh ; a form 
which maj fiurlj be supposed to be no unlikelj name for that im- 
portant branch of the SlaTonic nation which appears in Herodptus as 
KrcbyZ'i, at the present time^ as Croattans. 

As earlj as the tenth centuiy the name appears in the more un- 
exceptionable form Khorvatri (Nestor), in Oreek XfHatdroi (Oonstant. 
Porphyrog.) XoptAroi (Cedrenus). 

That the undoubted Groatian area was discontinuous, or, at least, 
that the population fell, like that of the Osi and AraTisci^ into two 
diTisions, is inferred from two expressions. One of these is altera, 
e.^,, in Oosmas of Prague (a.d. 1086) in the following notice : '* Ad 
aquilonalem hi sunt termini : Psouane, GhrouaU, et cUtera Chrouatia, 
Zlasane, Trebouane, Bobarane." The other epithet is more impor- 
tant. Nestor calls his Croatians Khorvati hjeliirswhite Croatiaru, 
The Turks trandated this epithet bj a^r. 

'Ori oi Xpwtaroi ol iig ra AcX^arcac vvv KaroiKovyTit f*ip^9 dvo 
rStv dtamlaTiav Xpwt&rwv xai tu»v '^Atnrpufv iirovofiaCofUvuv rard- 
yovrai' otriviQ TovpKtaf fiiv iKeWtv, ^payylac Bi wXfialov icaTOiKovat, 
Koi avvopovin SkXc^oic ro<c dtairrifrroic Scp^oic' to Be Xf^wtdrot rp 
Tuv ^\d€tM>v ^iaXiKTf ipfAfiviviTai, TOvriaTi, ol rifv iroXXi^i^ xupar 
corexoiT€c« — Const. Porphjrog. De Admin. Imp. c. 31, ed. Par. p. 97. 
Oi ^e Xputdroi KaT^KOVv njKucavra iKiXdev Bayttapila^, evBa iiirtv 
QpTimti BeXoxpwtdTOt, fila ii yeKca iiaxuptffdilffa e^ ahT&v, ^yovy 
diekt^l TcivTe, 6, re RXovcdc f^al 6 A6te\os Kal 6 Ko9ivT(rig Kal d 
Movx^<>^* "^^^ ^ Xf>te»^aroc> Kal a*^eX0ai ivo, ri Tovya Kal ^ Bovya, fierd 
rov Xaov aifTQv ^\dov eig AcX/iar/av. . . ot ^^ XoitoI XpcotaTot Ifuivav 
vpot ^payylav Kai \iyovrat dpTiuc, BcXoxfH^^c^roi, liyovv "AoTrpoi 
XfHtttdrot, e\ovTet tov \htov apypvra* vicoKetvTat ^e^Ary r^ MeyiiX^ 
^Jiyl ^payyiac r^c f^oL 2aCiac> Ka\ dtdirrtfrrot rvyyavovat, trvfiwev 
Qepiaq fxerd rovc Tovpcovc Ka\ dydiraQ e\ovTii, — C. 30, ed. Par. p. 
95. *Ori 4 fiiyd\ff Xptatarla Kai ii^^Aawpri iirovofia(ofiivri dtdirrurTOc 
rvy\dvet fu%pt rov oiifiepov, KaditQ Kal oi T\rifftd(ovTeg avrr^v 
Sc/o^Xoi* 6\ty6Tipov KataWaptKov iKtclXkovatv 6/ioimc Kal ire(iK6v 

* Probably, the epor^i of the Lygii and Mugilortes, 


Topd Tily PawTiafiiyriy Xpuitariay, mc trvvtyifnipoy irpaihtv^fityoi 
irapd TC Twy ^pay^wv, iccu TovpKuv^ rcu Ilarfcvcurcrwv. *A\X* ovt€ 
ffayfivac KiKTriVTO^,, ovt€ KovhovpajQf ovTt ipfropevTiKct irXoia, i^c piiKoQiv 
ovtniQ r^c ^oXc^o^o^iyc* dvb ydp twv iKiivt IJ^XP^ "^^^ ^oKciaariQ o^oq 
itrrtv iiptpiav \'' fi ^i ^dXaaaa, elg fjv ^cd tuv fifAfpiifV X KaTip\ovTaif 
itnXv fi Xiyofxivn ScorecK^.— 0. 31, ed. Paris, p. 99 ; 13, p. 63. Oi U 
\puitdTOi icpoQ Tti opri To7g Tovprocc TrapdKuvTOA* ^loTiov &ri oi 
^pz^oi diro T&v dtairriaTtav ^ptXuv, Tdtv KaX "KtfTcpiav ivovop,a(o' 
fiivbfVf KaTdyovTOit tuv Tijg TovpKlaQ iKtidtv KaTOiKovvTU)v icc tov nap* 
avTolg BoiKi t6vov ivovofiaZSfiivov^ iv olc irXi^ffcafcc Kal ff ^payyia^ 
bfioiwQ KoX ff fjLiydXri XputaTia fi dtdvTiffTOQf fi Kat" A<nrpri irpoaoyopiV' 
ofiivri* iKtiae olv Kai ovToi oi 'ZiptKoi t6 aV* c^x^^ KaT^Kovv. — 
0. xzxii. p. 99. 

Now what if this division of the Croatians be as old as the time of 
Tacitusl and what if tlie Germans trandated thename in early times, 
eyen as the Turks did afterwards? In this case the name Oii repre- 
sents the German Wein^ Wkiie, and the Osi are the White CrocUians 
uhder their German name» and fTw-berg {Oviatoipyioi of Ptolemy) 
Is TTAi^-hill {pr toum), and even the mjsterious Aik-ihurgius Mons 
is Weiss-^>erg, 

No objections against this lie in the current notion that the Sla- 
Yonians of the Danube did not make their appearance in history till 
the sixth centurj — the notion itself being not onlj objectionable, 
but almost certainlj incorrect. All that we fairlj get from the evi- 
dence of Procopius and others is, that it was the sixth centurj when 
the populations of the Lower Danube became known as Slavonians; 
just as it was the third when the Westphalian and Hanoverian 
G^rmans became known as Saxons, or those of the Lower Rhine as 
Franks, and just as three populations out of four throughout the 
world are known at different periods of their history hj different 
names. The reasonable suggestion of Zeuss that the Aravisci 
are the population of the Raab, is a real complication. So is 
the name of the river Ctutis in the probable territory of the 

The complement to this note is not. in v. Osi in the sequel. 

That Os= Weis is, perhaps, hy iiself, unlikelj. 

That Aravisc ssHharavitsh is also, perhaps, 6y itsel/y unlikely. 

But that a part of the Aravisci called Osi, should = Weisse Hhara- 
vische is not unlikely — the evidence being of the sort called cumulor 
tive, where two small probabilities make one great one. 



7 Tremri,] — The lower third of the Moselle maj be taken as the 
area of the Treyiri ; extending (there or thereabouts) from Treves 
(Augusta Trevirorum) to Coblentz {ConfluenUs), 

The chief nations with which thej were conterminous on the 
side of Gaul were the Condrusi, Eburones, and Remi — all Belgce. 

The Treyiri, like the Tencteri^ were pre-eminentlj strong in 
cayaby. — Cfesar, Bell. (Jall. ii. 24, v. 3. 

They were also but slowly conquered. — " Treviri liberi antea,*' <fec. 
— PHn. iv. 17. 

The name Treviri is most probably Gallic. The Tre-, is the 2V< 
in such words as Tre^-casses in ancient Gaul, and TregoneU in Com- 
wall ; the Keltic tressplaee, a root ezceedingly common in Keltic 
geographical terms. The constitution was GalliCi the Condrusi and 
Eburones being dientes of the Treviri. 

The language of the Tre-viri is important. 

In most cases it would be hypercritical to suppose that there 
was any difference between the language of the town of Treves and 
the language of the Treviri, In the present question, however, it is 
not so. The area under consideration is the area of either a mixed 
population, or the area of mixed ethnological characteristics — at 
least, such is the htnguage of both CsBsar and Tacitus. Hence, the 
dialect of the country and the dialect of the town may differ. All, 
then, that can be said is, that a statement as to the language of the 
town of Treves probably applies to that of the Treviri, and viee versd 
— probably, but not certainly. 

Now St Jerome has the foUowing passage (Prol^men. lib. ii. ad 
Epist. ad Galat.) — "Unum est quod inferimus et promissum in 
exordio reddimus, OalaUu exoepto sermone Qneco, quo omnis Oriens 
loquitur, propriam linguam eandem pene habere quam Treviri, nec 
referre si aliqua exinde corruperint ; quum et Airi Phocnicum lin- 
guam nonnuUa ex parte mutaverint ; et ipsa Latinitas et r^onibus 
quotidie mutetur et tempore." 

I think that this language was that of the Tolistoboiif Trocmiy and 
Tectosagas, t.^., of those Oalatce who gave their name to Galatia. 

Niebuhr^ however, denies that it was Ghdatian that St Jerome 
heard; and, afier noticing the campaign of the Romans against 
them, he adds in a note that ** St. Jerome says that he heard 
the same language in Phrygia as at Trcves; but this cannot be 
referred to the Ghdatians, and St. Jerome probably saw Germans who 
had settled in Phrygia at different times, especiaUy Goths, in the 


leign of Theodosius. It maj be looked upon as an establbhed fact 
th&t Treves wa^Gemian, and it is not likely that the Gallic language 
maintained itself in Asia down to so late a period.** Why notl 
What are the very conclusive reasonf? which make Treves so Ger- 
man ? This is considered in the sequel.* 

® i^Temi.]— Belgians of the valley of the Sambre (SahU) and the 
brayest Q^uls of Gallia. Their opposition was the most obstinate Caasar 
met with ; and their extermination cdmost, but not whollt/^ complete.^ 

Strabo makes them conterminous with the Treviri ; and, considered 
politically, they probably were so. The smaller populations, who 
stood in the relation of clients to either^one or the other of these 
two great nations, probably filled up the whole tract from the sea, 
between Dunkirk and Ostend, to the Rhine about Coblentz. 

North-east of the Nervii lay the Aduatici ; a people not men- 
tioned by Tacitus, nor, indeed, by any writer but Caesar, who con- 
sidered them the descendants of the Teutones and CimbrL 

Now Appian applies what Caesar says of the Aduatici to the 
Nervii, i<r(xy ^i (Nep^ioi) ra»v Kifji€p<ifv Kal TevrSvwv dvoyovoi, 

It is not difficult to conceive how such yictories as that of Armi- 
nius and other Germans being known to the Gauls, the name of 
G^erman might become a matter of pride along the whole Belgic 
firontier, especially if there were an intermixture of German blood 
as welL This might take place even while the language, the consti- 
tution, and the religion remained Gallic. 

5 Tangiones,'] — Their locality wae the parts about Worms— 5or6eto- 
magtts, afterwards Wonnatia; to which Ammianus uses Civitas 
Vangionum as a synonym. 

The Yangiones are mentioned by Csesar as forming part of the 
army of Ariovistus. 

*o Trihoci.] — In the parts about Strasbourg. 
The name seems Eeltic ; Tre- being a Eeltic prefix. 
The TVi-boci are mentioned by Csesar as forming part of the 
army of Ariovistus. 

11 Ifemetes.] — Their locality was the parts about Spiers, originally 

* See Epilegomenaf § 2'he Quask-Germanie Gauls. 



Tlie Nemetes are mentioned by Osesar as forming part of tlie army 
of Arioyistus. 

Tlie words haud dvbi^ applied to ihese three nations show thatj 
in the mind of Tacitus, at least, thej were not exactly in the same 
categorj. The evidence of their (}ermanic character was stronger 
in the one case than in the other. However clear the case might 
be with the Treviri and Neryii, it was clearer with the Yangiones, 
Nemetes, and Triboci. 

'* Uhii.l — In the time of Csesar, the Ubii were bounded by the 
Rhine, the countrj of the Suevi, and the countrj of the Sigambri. 
These two last lines of demarcation are indefinite. 

Thej belonged, however, then to the German side of the Bhine ; 
" Ubii, qui proximi aocolunt, Rhenum attingunt." 

Thej were encroached on bj their neighboursi and had conse- 
quently lost^ rather than gained, power. 

Thej once constituted a civitas, " ciyitas ampla atque florens.** — 

Agrippa, in the reign of Augustus, transpbuited them to form the 
Colonia Agrippinenm^Cologne, TLipdv It ficovv Kard tovtov rov 
T^Toy Oitioi^ ovc fi€Tfiyayey "Aypifnrag ix^vTa^ tl^ ri^v ivTOQ tov 
'Viivov. — Strabo, iv. p. 194. 

The complement to the last six notes is Epilegomena^ § The Quaei- 
Oermanic Gauls. 

XXIX. Omnium barum gentium Tirtute prsccipui 
BataTiy^ non multum ex ripa, sed insulam Rheni amnis 
colunt, Chattorum quondam populus, et seditione do- 
mestiea in eas sedes transgressus, in quibus pars Ro- 
mani imperii fierent. Manet bonos, et antiquse so- 
cietatis insigne: nam nec tributis contemnuntur, nec 
publicanus atterit: exempti oneribus et coUationibus, 
et tantum in usum prceliorum sepositi, Telut tela atque 
arma, bellis reservantur. Est in eodem obsequio et 
Mattiacorum* gens. Protulit enim magnitudo populi 
Romani ultra Rhenum, ultraque yeteres terminos, 
imperii reverentiam. Ita sede finibusque in sua ripa. 

I ^ b 


mente animoque nobiscum agunt» eetera similes Ba- 
taviSy nisi quod ipso adhuc terrse suse solo et coelo 
acrius animantur. Non numerayerim inter Germanise 
populos, quamquam trans Rbenum Danubiumque con- 
sederinty eos, qui Decumates agros* exercent. Le- 
yissimus quisque Gallorum, et inopid audax, dubise 
possessionis solum occupavere. Mox limite acto,* pro- 
motisque prsesidiis, sinus imperii, et pars provincise 


^ Batavi.l — Ceesar places the Batayi in the iAland formed bj the 
Maas, Yhaal, and Rhine, " Mosa, parte quadam ex Kheno reoepta, 
qu» appellatur Yahalis, insulam efficitBatayorum.'* — Bell.Gall. iy. 10. 

The Over-Betum and Neder-Betuwe still presenre the name. 
Probablj, thej also fix the localitj. 

This is considerablj distant from Hesse, the centre of the Chatti. 
Nevertheless, the origin ascribed to the Batavi by Tacitus must be 
taken as we find it. 

Upon the principle of considering all migrations along a navi- 
gable water-course, where the population of the intermediate parts 
difiers from that of the extremities, ta Jluviatile, I oonsider that the 
Batavi came from the countrj of the ChaUi in boats. Still, Hesse is 
on the Weser rather than on the Khine. 

Hitherto there are but few complications. 

A slight difficultj arises from certain passages in Dion. He 
speaks of the merits and numbers of the Batayian cavalry. This 
is not what we expect from the oocupants of a small island. 

A greater arises when we try to reconcile the statement of Tacitus 
with the present state of the Dutch language. The Dutch of 
Holland is a Platt-Deutsch dialect, nowhere more so than in Over 
fCnd Neder Betuwe. 

The language of the Hessians (or modem Chatti) is High Oerman. 

Again — the name Batavi extended farther than the intula {in- 
mUB) Batavorum, at least as earlj as the time of Ptolemj ; since 
that writer mentions Leyden=Aovy6iurov BaTa^wf. Now Aovyo- 
ieiroy {Lu^dunum) is not onlj Eeltic in respect to its termination 
'dunum, but was also the name of the unequivocallj Ghdlic town 
Lyons (Lug^unum), 


Lastly — although we can, bj considering the Batayian Ohatti 
to have been an inconsiderable and intnisive population, get over 
the difficultj arising out of the High-German dialect of the Ohatti, 
and the Platt-Deutsch of the present people of Holland, we are not 
at libertj to do so. According to Tacitus, the Batavi were so far 
from standing alone, that the Caninefates were in the same category^ 
— " Oaninefates, • . • . ea gens partem insulce oolit, origine, lingu&y 
virtute par Batavis, numero superantur." — Hist. iv. 15. 

For a further notice of the Batavi, see Epilegamena, § BaUi and 

« Mattiacarum,] — The mention of the warm baths of the MaUiaci — 
" Mattiaci in Germania/on/es calidi trans Rhenum ** (Plinj, xxxi. 2), 
-— fixes them in the neighbourhood of Wisbaden. This is Zeuss^s 
inference ; and there seems no good reason for refining on it. The 
fact of a mixed army of ChaUi, Uaipii, and MaUiaci, besieging 
Mayence confirms this view. '^ Maguntiaci obsessores mixtus ex 
Ohattis^Usipiis, Mattiacisexercitus."— Tac.Hi8t.iv.37. — Zeuss,p. 99. 

* DecumaUs agros.] — The Decumates agri were, in the time of 
Caesar, a dehatabU iand between the Gkiuls and the Germans. 
By the tirae of Tacitus it had been appropriated by Rome. 

Niebuhr expresslj states that, in the reigns of Augustus and 
Tiberius, Suabia was not yet subject to Rome; his reason being 
that no mention is made of anj attacks upon Germanj south of 
the Lahn. Although thb view rests upon negative evidence, and 
is qualified bj the statement that all that is known about this war 
18 vague and indefinite, the a priori probabilities are in favour of 
it, and it would be hypercritical to refine upon it. 

Domitian'8 actions in Germany are, probablj, undervalued. 
Niebuhr mentions his war with the Ohatti about the Maine. He 
also admits the evidence of medals as to the title of Grermanicus 
bome bj Domitian ; but he demurs to the evidence of Martial as to 
its being de^rved ; adding that " the historians are unanimous that 
those victories were not realities, though thej cannot be whoUj 
fictitious." lu the subsequent lecture, he supplies the additional 
statement that the " Arm Flavice, the name of a place on the military 
road from the Maine to Augsburg, proves that, probably under Domi- 
tian, the Romans had alreadj taken possession of that sintu imperU.'" 
He adds, in a note, that Frontinus (Strateg. i. 3, 10) expresslj 


aacribes the constraction of the limet Bomantu to Domitian. WI17 
tlien use sucli epitbets as probably f Nine-tenths of the admitted 
facts in hifltory, is less supported bj eyidenoe than the reduction of 
the Decumates agri, anterior to the reign of Nerva. This is a 
point to which eyen the present passage bears testimonj. 

Under Nerva there was a ** little war in Suabia, the onlj trace of 
which exists in an inscription, in which mention is made of a iric- 
toria SuevuxL^* This was in 97 or 89, a.d. — Niebuhr'8 Lectures. 

Under Trajan and Adrian, the relations between Rome and Ger- 
manj were peacefuL — Ditto. 

In the reign of Antoninus Pius ^we hear of a defensive war 
against the Chatti." — Ditto. 

The great Marcomannic war characterized the reign of Aurelius 
Antoninus. In this, the tribes on the Decumatian frontier took 
some, but not the main, part This was chieflj in the hands of the 
Ckrmans of the SlaYonic Marches — the agri Decumates being a 
Cbdlic or Romano-Gallic one. 

Commodus purchased an absence from hostilities, and Seyerus, 
probablj, oyerawed them. At anj rate^ we hear nothing of (Jerman 
wars in his reign. 

One of the titles of Caracalla presents us, for the first time, with 
the important epithet Aleniannicus, How it was eamed we leam 
from the following extract — ^ Autoninus, Caracalla dictus .... 
AUmannos, gentem populosum, ex equo mirifioe pugnantem, prope 
MsBnum amnem deyicit."— Aur. Yictor, de Csbs. c. 21. 

This is the first time the important name Alemanni occurs, and 
for that reason the notice of the agri Decumates has been brought 
down thus low (a.d. 215) ; since the agri Decumates, and the parts 
to the north and east of them, form the great Alemannic area. 

Further notice of these Germans will be found in Epilegomma, 
§ Alemanni. 

In sajing that " in the time of Tacitus the agri Decumates had 
been appropriated bj Rome/' I mean not that it was settled, or 
organized, but that it was kept as a March or miliUiry frontier. A 
debatable land of this kind is the Sueyic Waste, as described bj 
Csesar. I belieye that at the present moment a portion of the 
Austrian and Ottoman firontier is in this condition, — t^., Turkish 
Croatia, between Austrian Croatia, Herzegoyina, Bosnia, and 

Politically, the Decumates agri coincide with the modem Duchj of 


Baden, three-fourths of Wurtemburg, Hohenzollem, and a small 
comer of Bayaria. 

Physicallj, they form the diitrict of the Black Forest and the 
Rauhe Alpe, and consist of a table-knd, oontaining the head-waters 
of the Neckar. 

♦ Limite acto!] — ^Was this limes a ditch, wall, or rampart, or was 
it a phjsical boundarj ; in other words, does limjes mean an artificial 
or a natural line of demarcation % The reference to Frontinus in 
the previous note partiaUy answers this. The Umes was an artificial 

Between the bend of the Neckar and the upper part of the river 
Altmuhl, in the neighbourhood of Ohringen, are the remains of a 
fortified ditch. On the Upper Altmuhl thej can be traced afresh ; 
and thej re-appear on the Danube, between Pforing and Kelheim. 
Part or the whole of this is called the Teufelsmauery or DeviVs Wall. 
The inference that it is of B.oman origin is unexceptionable. The 
exact line, howeyer, has not, I believe, been worked out. Neither 
has its connection or Tum-connection with the Ffahl-Chaben. 

The Ffahl-Graben is a similar line, mnning at nearly right angles 
with the riyer Lahn, between Giessen and Ortenburg. 

For practical purposes, a rough oonyentional line will do as well 
as.a real one. This maj be drawn so as to make the limes run from 
the Maine to Kelheim, f.e., from the junction of the Maine and Rhine, 
to the junction of-the Altmuhl and Danube. This giyes to the 
Romans rather more than Zeuss, and rather less than Niebuhr allows 

XXX. Ultra hos Chatti* initium sedis ab Hercynio 
saltu^ inchoant, non ita effusis ac pahistribus locls, 
ut ceterae civitates, in quas Germania patescit : durant 
siquidem coUes, paullatimque rarescunt : et Chattos 
suos saltus Hercynius prosequitur simul atque de- 
ponit. Duriora genti corpora, stricti artus, minax 
vultus, et major animi vigor. Multum (ut inter Ger- 
manos) rationis ac solertise : prseponere electos, audire 
prsepositos, nosse ordines, intelligere occasiones, dif- 


ferre impetus, disponere diem» yallare noctem, for- 
tunam inter dubia, virtutem inter certa numerare : 
quodque rarissimum, nec nisi ratione disciplinse con- 
cessum, plus reponere in duce, qu^m in exercitu. 
Omne robur in pedite, quem super arma ferramentis 
quoque et copiis onerant. Alios ad proelium ire videas, 
Chattos ad bellum : rari excursus et fortuita pugna. 
Equestrium sane virium id proprium, cito parare 
victoriam^ cito cedere. Velocitas juxta formidinem, 
cunctatio propior constantise est. 


^ ChaUi.] — The two chief ethnological facts connected with this 
name are : — 

1. That Chatti and Hesse are one and the same word. 

2. That the ChaUi of Tacitus are the Suevi of Csdsar. 

The propriety of spelling the word with an -^, and of writing 
Chatti rather than Catti, is indicated bj the Greek forms, Xcirroi, 
and \dTTai, KcIttoi or Karrat being nowhere found, though 
in some of the newer and more inferior MSS. of Pliny and Tacitus 
Catti is the reading. 

Just as the ch in Chauci becomes in Oerman the h in Hocin^, so 
does the ch in Chatti become the h in Hesse, 

The change trom tto sis the same that occurs in the High German 
form wasser as opposed to the Low German wcUef. 

AU this is a matter which has been generallj received bj those 
who first worked it out, viz., the German philologbts, Zeuss, Grimm, 
and others. Whether, however, the real nature of the change has 
been explained, or rather whether anj change at all has taken place, 
is uncertain. As far as I can ascertain the yiews of the writers in 
question, their opinion seems to be that those Hessians of Hesse who 
coincided with the ancient Chatti, called themselves hj that name 
(ChaUt), Jf so, the old form has changed into the new one, and 
the word which was now Hesse was once ChaUi, the change having 
taken place on Hessian ground, and under the influence of time 

This is not the yiew which the present writer adopts. He sees 
no grounds for believing that the Hessians ever used, as their own 


designation, anj other form than the one in h- and «-. Henoe to 
say that Hesie came from Chatti is like sajing that wasser came firom 
waier ; the truth being that the one was the Eigh, the other the 
Low German form. 

Admitting this, we gain something more thalT a barren fact. We 
infer that, in the particular case of the Ohatti, at least, the aathori- 
ties of Tacitus were Low Germans ; a view confirmed not only bj 
the a priori probabilities of the case, but bj several other similar 
points of intemal evidence. 

That the Ohatti of Tacitus are the Sueyi of Oaesar, is grounded 
upon the — 

a. Absence of the name ChaUi in the Bellum GaUicum : though 
thej were the people most immediatelj in contact with Gaul. 

6. The historj of the war with Ariovistus. 

c. The magnitude of the two populations; each requiring too 
large an area to be in juxtaposition with one another within the 
assignable limits. 

d, The absence of the evidence of any considerable movements in 
the way of conquest or migration between the times of Osesar and 
Strabo, this latter writer mentioning the Ohatti. 

Grimm, who, as a Hessian, has entered upon the minute ethnology 
of his native country can amore, has added to these reasons^ and 
found confirmations of their identity in the local l^ends of Hesse. 
No reader acquainted with the yitalitj of old bje-words, and with 
the metamorphoses of popuhtr stories^ will think the foUowing points 
of evidence unworthy of record. 

o. Let the word ChaUi, originallj Low German, but now Roman» 
give rise to a nickname {Schimpf-woTi), applicable to the Hessians. 
Let them be called dogs or whelpsy according to the translation of 
the root of cat-id-xiB» Let such a name apply to both the Hessians 
and the Suabians. As far as this goes, it goes towards the connec- 
tion of the two bj means of the common name CaUi, 

Now a nickname {Schimpfwort) of the Hessians is Hwnd-Hessen or 
Dog Hessians (Hound Hessians) : and a nickname {Schimpfwort) of 
the Suabians is blinde Schwah^oi hlind Sitahian — even as puppies 
are blind at birth. 

Everything in ethnologj is a conflict of difficulties; and it 
must not be concealed that a grave objection lies against the 
identification of the Obatti and Suevi, in the fact that with the 
ancient writers subsequent to Ocesar, there is a mention of the Suevi 


as well as tbe Chattiy and in modern geographj, there is a Suabia as 
well as a Hesse, 

I believe that the difficultj is diminished bj the § on the ^t^m in 
the EpiUgomena. 

To the question, wbj did Oeesar call the Catti Sueyi? the 
answers are of two kinds. 

1. It may be said that the name had changed in the interval ; 
either bj the preponderance of a different branch of the Confedera- 
tion, or by some other means. 

2. It maj be said that the two names belonged to different 
languages, and that Suev- was the name bj which the Chatti were 
known to Csesar^s informants, tbe Qauls ; just as the Kymry are 
known to the English bj the name of Welsh. 

The latter yiew is the one adopted by the present writer. 
That Suevi was the Gallic name of the Oermans of the Middle 
Rhine, I feel certain. Whether it was exclusivelj Gallic, i.c., 
foreign to these same Germans themselves, will be considered in 
the § just referred to. 

* Hercynio saltui] — The language from whence the first notice of 
the Hercynian range (whether of mountains or woods) was taken, 
is probablj the Keltic ; at least no derivation is so probable as the 
one indicated bj Zeuss — erchynn=elev(Ued, erchyneddszelevatums. 

If 80, the portion of the range to which it applied would be the 
westem, rather than the eastem extremity ; a matter of some im- 
portance, since the fact of its having been first used bj Greeks 
would suggest the oontrarj notion. As it is, howeyer, we must 
suppose that the term reached Aristotle or his informants just as 
the words Alp, KeU, or Gaul (raXarai) did. 

The Hercynian forest, as delineated bj Csssar, onlj partiallj 
foUows the line of the Danube. There is, however, a tract in phjsi- 
cal geographj with which it coincides entirelj. This is the sjstem 
of highlands or mountains, which forms the northem boundary 
of the Tallej of the Danube. Hence, from west to east, the line 
of the southem limit of the tract in question mns from Baden 
{Eauraci), where the river-system is that of the Rhine, along the 
highlands of Wurtemburg (DecumcUes agri), Franconia, Bohemia, 
Moravia, and Upper Hungarj. Here the bend to the left (north) 
takes place ; in other words, we have the long fiat vallej of the 
Theiss {Tihiscus) intervening between the mountain-range and the 


Danube, instead of the smaller and more elevated ones of the Naab 
(in Bayaria), the March (in Moravia), and the Waag and Oran 
(in Upper Hungarj). Afiber this, howeyer, a second bend, not known 
to Csesar, takes place, and the forest-range, after encircling Hungarj, 
re-approaches the Danube in Transylyania. 

Now tbe sjstem of mountains which has taken us through 
the countries enumerated, is as foUows : — The highlands of the 
Black Forest, the Bauhe Alpe (Abnoba mana), their oontinuation 
to the Fichtel-Oebirge, the Bohmerwald (}ebirge (Ghhreta silva), 
the Wilde Oebirge {Hercynii montes), the Yablunka Oebirge (Luna 
sUva), the Carpathian mountains (AddburgirM monB)^ their southem 
offset to the Danube (Sarmatici montes), Here the tum occurs ; 
and the forestfollows the eastem direction of the Carpathians, which, 
afber taking in the ancient maps the name of Alpes Bastamic», 
approach the Danube, and diyide Transjlyania from WaUachia. 

XXXI. Et alils Germanoruin populis usurpatum 
rara et privata cujusque audentia, apud Chattos in 
consensum vertit, ut primum adoleverint, crinem bar- 
bamque summittere,* nec, nisi hoste cseso, exuere vo- 
tivum obligatumque virtuti oris habitum. Super 
sanguinem et spolia, revelant frontem, seque *^ tum 
demum pretia nascendi retulisse, dignosque patria ac 
parentibus'' ferunt. Ignavis et imbellibus manet 
squalor. Fortissimus quisque ferreum insuper anulum 
(ignominiosum id genti) velut vinculum gestat, donec 
se csede hostis absolvat. Plurimis Cbattorum hic placet 
habitus. Jamque canent insignes, et hostibus siraul 
suisque monstrati : omnium penes hos initia pugna- 
rum : hsec prima semper acies, visu nova. Nam ne 
in pace quidem vultu mitiore mansuescunt. NuIIi 
domus, aut ager, aut aliqua cura : prout ad quemque 
ven^re, aluntur : prodigi alieni, contemptores sui : 
donec exsanguis senectus tam durse virtuti impares 



1 Crinem harbamque summittere,'] — The whole eyidence of aDti- 
quitj is to the abundant locks of the Germans, and to their jellow 
hue. From the customs of some of the Frisian or Norse popu- 
lation, especiallj that of the supposed Norse settlements of Mol- 
querum and Hindelopen in Friesland, as thej appear in the 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries» it is probablj that this golden or 
flaxen hue was artificiallj heightened, t.^., bj alkaline washes of 
Boda or potash lej. The likelihood of this must be borne in 
mind when we consider the extent to which the present prepon- 
derance of dark or brown hair amongst manj Germanic popula- 
tions is referable to a real change of colour; inasmuch as it 
possiblj maj be accounted for by the disuse of the habit of blanch- 
ing it 

In all ethnological questions connected with the colour and 
texture of the hair, the customs of the countrj, in respect to the 
dressing of it, should be carefuUj attended to. Thus amongst the 
islanders of more than one part of the South Sea and Indian 
Ocean, where the hair is naturallj jet-black, there is the practice 
of washing the head in ash, or lime-water — ^which gives it a red 
tinge. Hair, thus discoloured, has been described bj excellent- 
writers as being red. 

The popuktion wherein reallj, and naturallj, red hair prepon- 
derates, is not (}erman, but Ugrian ; the Yotiak, and other Finns 
of the Volga, being pre-eminentlj irvp^ ; and, I think it likelj 
that when we hear of Germans being thus distinguished (i.f., as 
red rather than ye^^-haired), these alkaline washes maj have 
had something to do with the epithet. Such are common. Silius 
Italicus calls the Batavian " rufus Batavus." — iii. 608. More ex- 
press still is the following extract from Gkden : — O^wc yovv riyis 
6yofid(ov<ri rovg Vipfiayovg iqvOovg, KoX to( ye ovr ovroc {av6oi;c, idv 
QKpit&Q tXq ideXoi KoXelv, dXKd wvppovQ. 

'That long hair was generallj an honourable omament, we infer 
from its being amongst the Franks a sign of being a freeman ; 
whereas, to haye the hair clipped, was a degrading punishment. At 
the same time, as this verj passage implies, the German modes of 
wearing it were \arious. Herodian mentions the Kovpd twv Vep- 
IxavHv (iv. 7) ; and Seneca the rufm crinis et coadm in nodum apud 
Germanos, — De Ira, c. 26. 


XXXII. Proximi Chattis certum jam alveo Rhe- 
num, quique terminusesse suffieiat, Usipii* ac Tencteri* 
colunt. Tencteri super solitum bellorum decus eque- 
stris disciplinse arte praecellunt. Nec major apud 
Chattos peditum laus, quam Tencteris equitum. Sic 
instituere majores, posteri imitantur. Hi lusus in- 
iantium, hsec juvenum semulatio, perseverant senes: 
inter familiam, et penates, et jura successionum, equi 
traduntur: excipit filius, non, ut cetera, maximus 
natu, sed prout ferox bello et melior. 


* Usipii.] — Another form of the word is Usip-et-^s. 

1 quite agree with Zeuss in his su^estion, that this -et, is the 
Keltic sign of the plural, and that this is the reason whj it occurs in 
Caesar throughout, whilst in Tacitus^ it is the prevalent reading onlj 
onoe (Ann. i. 51). 

Cacsar*s notice of the Usipii takes precedence of all others. He 
places them on the Lower Rhine, making them conterminous (or 
nearlj so) with the Suevi, Sicamhri, Tencteri, XJhii, and BructerL 

The graver compiications hegin with the notice of Ptolemj. A 
population with a name so like Usipii as Ohi<rvol, is plaoed bj that 
writer as hr south as the frontier of the Helvetian Desert — that is, 
we identifj the two names. The necessitj, however, for doing so is 
doubtful. The name is, probablj, Gallic. 

2 Tencteri.] — The history of the Tencteri is nearly that of the 
Usipii, and ifice versd, 

Pressed bj the Suevi (Chatti) they crossed the Rhine ; were defei^ted 
bj Csesar near the junction of the Maas ; and escaped, as a renmant, 
by retracing their steps, and re-passing the Ehine to the countrj 
of the Sigambri. A line drawn due east of Cologne, would pass 
through the original country of the Ubii, Tencteri, and UsipiL 
They were G^rmans (t.e., of the High German, or of the Platt- 
Deutsch division) rather than Saxons or Frisians. 

According to Dion and Florus, Drusus conquered the Tencteri 
and Usipii on his way to the Chatti; the latter being on the northern 
bank of the river Lippe. The complement to these two notes is 
to be found in the Epilegomena, § Vispi, 


XXXIII. Juxta Tencteros Brueteri* olim oceur- 
rebant : nunc Chamavos* et Angrivarios* immigrasse 
narratur, pulsis Bructeris ac penitus excisis, vici- 
narum consensu nationum, seu superbise odio, seu 
prsedse dulcediue, seu favore quodam erga nos deo- 
rum : nam ne spectaculo quidem proelii invid^re ; 
super LX. millia, non armis telisque Romanis, sed, 
quod magnificentius est, oblectationi oculisque cecide- 
runt. Maneat quseso, duretque gentibus, si non amor 
nostrt, at certe odium sui : quando, urgentibus imperii 
fatis, nihil jam prsestare fortuna majus potest, quam 
hostium discordiam. 


* J5rucferi.] —Probable German forms of this word would be, in 
Anglo-Saxon Breochtware, in Old Saxon Briuchtuuaj^ in Frisian 

Mj reason for believing tbat tbe sjUable -en, represents tbe second 
element in a compound word, and tbat tbat word was -waresszinha' 
bitants (as in Cantware^inhabitants of Kent) lies in the following 
extract from Beda — *' Sunt autem Fresones, Rugini, Dani, Huni, 
antiqui Saxones, Boructuarii, sunt etiam alii perplures iisdem in 
partibus populi, paganis adbuc ritibus servientes." — Hist. Ecclesiast. 
y. 10. The same writer repeats tbe name more than once. 

Perbaps tbe same maj have been tbe case with the form 
Tencteri^Tendware, Be tbis as it maj, notwithstanding tbe 
oontraction, the e in Bruct^ is sbort. It is written with e in 
Greek (B/oovrrcpoi), whilst in Latin we bave tbe foUowing lines of 
Sidonius ApoUinaris — 


BructeruSf uWosa vel quem Nicer alluit unda 
Prorumpit Francus. — Oarm. vii. 324. 

The utter excision (penittts excisis) of the Bructeri, is an over- 
statement. Neither was tbeir expulsion complete ; on the contrarj, 
it was very partiaL This we leam from the subsequent notices of 
tbe Bructeri, wbo are so far from being exterminated tbat thej are 
mentioned more than most other German tribes. 


Ptolemy diyidos tbem into the Bruderi Majores, and Bructeri 
minores (BovffaKripoi fui^ovig and BovaaKripoi iXdrroyes or fiiKpoi) ; 
tbe Ems dividing them. 

In Nazarius* panegyric to Oonstantine, in the beginning of the 
fourth centurj, thej are mentioned along with the Chamayi and 
Cherusciy as nations whom it was glorious to have conquered. 

Lastlj, in the ninth and tenth centuries, we meet notices of the 
pagtu Borahtra — pagua Bortergo — pagua Borotra — pagus Boractronj 
and pagus Boratre, all meaning the same localitj. 

The foUowing passage fixes it still closer — '"Bruno magnus 
satrapa Saxonum cum nobili comitatu in provincia BorucCuariorum 
pemoctans in vico Eatingen.,; in quadam Boructuariorum vHla 
VeUenberg nomine.'* — Vita S. Swiberti ap. Leibn. i. 20, 21. 

A line drawn from Munster to Cologne would pass through part 
of the country of the Bructeri ; a countrj of which the outline seems 
to have been very irregular. 

Thej are on the confines of the Frisian, Old Saxon, and Platt- 
Deutsch areas, and it is difficult to saj to which thej belonged. I 
think the Old-Saxon places in um (if such there be) occur within 
their area. 

* Chamavos.] — ^Ptolemy's form is Xalfxai. 

The present town of Ham, in Westphalia, probablj preserves the 
name and fixes the original localitj of the Chamavi. 

But either the name or the people spread as far as the Rhine and 
Ysel; and the Chamavian and Salian Franks become mentioned 
together. That the extension was real — i,e,, that of the people, and 
not merelj of the import of the name — ^is probable. They have 
alreadj encroached on the Bruct-eri. 

In the Tabnla Feutingeriana we find ohamavi qui elpkanci. 
Zeuss, reasonably, considers this to mean bt phbanoi. 

A tract of land^ at the present daj, extending down the Ysel to 
the neighbourhood of Deventer, is called ffame-land; and it is men- 
tioned in earlj documents as " pagus Saxonise ffamcUant — in Sutfeno 
(South FensZutphen) in pago ffameland — in Duisburg in pago 
ffameland — in Dauindre (Deventer) in eodem pago ffameland — 
abbatiam Altene juxta Ehenum flumen in pago ffamalandr 

This implies a great dispkcement of Bructeri. 

It had taken phice before the reign of the Emperor Julian. — 
\au.dtbtv y^pfifi PovXofjLtybty dilfyaTov iari r^y rijc BpirarviKfj^ vfitrov 


ffiToirofJiTriav ivi rd 'Pta^ouKd ^povpia hiairipicBaBai. — ^'Yirc^cfd/ifyv fikv 
fiolpav Tov %iK(tav tdvovc, \ap,dtovQ ^i ilfiXatra. — ^Eunap. in ExcLeg. 
Ausonius makes the middle sjUable long : 

Accedent vires, quas Francia, quasque Chamaves 
Germanique tremunt. — Mosella, 434. 

The branch of the Germanic population to which the original 
OhamaTi belonged, was almost certainly the Old Saxon. 

Amongst the obscurest of the traditionary heroes of the Westpha- 
lian and Hanoverian Germans is Hamy whose Latinized name is 
Ammius. This Ammius may, or maj not, hare been the eponymtis 
of the C7Aam-avi. 

A shade is thrown over the common origin of the different Cham- 
avi bj the possibilitj of chamr being a geographical term ; in which 
case it might apply to different populations, irrespectiye of ethnolo- 
gical identitj. 

Ptolemj hasy in the parts between the Danube and Thuringia, not 
onlj a population called Uappai-Kclpvoh but one called *ABpa€ai' 
Kapiroi also — a sure sign of the words being compound. 

Now Zeuss tells us that he finds — and from the context his re- 
mark either applies, or should applj, to this locality — in old docu- 
ments not onlj a place called Cham, but Marcha Chamhe* — p. 121. 

Add to this the root Ham- in jETam-burg. For the Chamxmi as 
colonists, see EpUegom^ena^ § ChaMuarii, 

* Angrivarios,] — This is a compound name ; the latter elements 
being the ware in Cantware= occupanto, inhahitants, 

The present town of Engem, near Herford, in Westphalia, the 
supposed scene of Varus's defeat, probably preserves the name, and 
fixes the localitj of the Angri-variu But the area was a wide one. 

That this identity is not taken up on light grounds is shown by 
the following extracts. 

Generalis habet populos divisio ternos, 
Insignita quibus Saxonia floruit olim ; 
Nomina nunc remanent, virtus antiqua recessit. 
Denique Westfalos vocitant in parte manentes 
Occidua, quorum non longe terminus amne 
A Rheno distat : regionem solis ad ortum 
Inhabitant Osterliudi, quos nomine quidam 
* See EpilegomenQy § Parmacampi. 



Ostvaios alio vocitanty confinia quorum 
Infestant conjuncta suis gens perfida Sclavi.''^ 
Inter prsDdictos media regione morantur 
Angariif populus Saxonum tertius ; horum 
Patria Francorum terris sociatur ab austro, 
Oceanoque eadem conjungitur ex aquilone. 

Poeta Saxo ad an. 772. 

The Ang-an'» separated the JSast- and West-phaliaa, 

Or, the Oster-liudi from the We8ter4iudi, 

Or, the East-Saxom from the West^Saxons, a German E-ssex from 
a German We-ssex; the Angrarii being, in reality, a German 

"Rex amne (Wisura) trajecto cum parte exercitus ad Ovacrum 
fiuvium contendit, ubi ei Hessi, unus e primoribus Saxonum cum 
omnibus Ostfalais occurrens, et obsides, quos rex imperaverat, dedit 
et sacramentum fidelitatis juravit. Inde regresso, cum in pagum 
qui Bucki vocatur pervenisset, Angrarii cum suis primoribus occur- 
rerunt, et sicut Ostfalaiy juxta quod imperaverat, obsides ac sacra- 
menta dederunt . . . Tum demum Westfalaorum obsidibus acceptis, 
ad hiemandum in Francia revertitur.** — Annal. Einhardi ad an. 775, 
Pertz i. 155. " Tunc domnus Carolus . . . perrexit usque Obacrum 
fiuyium. Ibi omnes Atistreleudi Saxones venientes cum Hassione, 
et dederunt obsides . . . yenerunt Angrarii (al. Angarit) in pago 
qui dicitur Bucki una cum Brunone et reliquis optimatibus eorum 
et dederunt ibi obsides, sicut Austrasii . . . Stragem ex eis fecit, et 
prsedam midtam conquisivit super Westfalaos, et obsides dederunt, 
sicut et alii Saxones." — Annal. Lauriss. ad an. 775, Pertz i. 144. 

The following forms approach the supposed modem equivalent 
(Engem) closelj ; ^'Angeri in orientali regione — Angaria occiden- 
talis — Angari in pago Logni — Angeri in occidentali regione — An- 
gafid occidentali in pago Nithega — Angari in pago Leri.'* They 
also prove the magnitude of the area. 

Thej also verify the origin of the form Bruct-m out of ihe more 
manifest compound Bruct-tc^r^ / as well as the supposed origin of 
Tenct-^ out of Tenct-warc. 

The identity of the Angrivarian locality with Engem being a 
point upon which much tums, these details have been given in fuU. 

* Obscrvc the early noticc of the Westem Slayonians. 


XXXIV. Angrivarios et Cbamayos a tergo* Dul- 
gibini^ et Chasuari^ cludunt, aliseque gentes baud 
perinde memoratse. A fronte Frisii * excipiunt. " Ma- 
joribus minoribusque* Frisiis" vocabulum est, exmodo 
virium : utraeque nationes usque ad Oceanum Rheno 
prsetexuntur, ambiuntque immensos insuper lacus, et 
Romanis classibus navigatos. Ipsum quinetiam Ocea- 
num illa tentavimus: et superesse adhuc Herculis 
columnas fama vulgavit : sive adiit Hercules, seu quid- 
quid ubique magnificum est, in claritatem ejus referre 
consensimus. Nec defuit audentia Druso Germanico : 
sed obstitit Oceanus in se simul atque in Herculeni 
inquiri. Mox nemo tentavit : sanctiusque ac reve- 
rentius visum, de actis deorum credere, quam scire. 


* A tergo Didgibini et Chasuari.'] — This miist mean north (and, 
perhaps, a little north-t^es^) rather than due east or north. 

A /ronte FrisiL — This must mean west (or north-west) ; and 
to do this there must be a considerable irregularitj and extension of 
frontier on either one side or the other. This is rather forcing the 

At the same time it is all that is required ; and when we con- 
sider that bj allowing this we get — 

a. The Angri-y^jnx in Engem, 

6. The ChamrSLYi in Hammy 

c. The Dulg-vXAiii in Dulm-en ; and — 

d. The (7Aa«-uari on the ffasey it cannot well be considered too 

^Dulgibini. — ^ln Ptolemy, AovXyov/iycoc. The word is, probably, a 
compound ; although no satisfactory explanation of its elements has 
been given. Zeuss suggests that the dulg'=the Icelandic dolgr=: 
enemy, dolg=struggley Anglo-Saxon dolg, Old High German tolc; 
whilst the gtbin is from the same root as the guher- in Guber-ni^ 
gamhar=.hold, the m being lost in the same way that the n of 
standan is loet in studan. 

I 2 


In respect to their localitj, Ptolemj places them next to the 

Mj own belief is that their name is preserred, and their localitj 
fixed bj the present Westphalian town called Dulmm — a form suf- 
ficiently near Ptolemj^s AovXyoufiyioc to be admitted. 

3 Cha8uari!\ — Like Angrirvarii a compoond name, and, probablj, 
that of the occupants of the banks of the river Hase^ especiallj the 
parts about Hase-lunde, 

Now there is another name so near that of the Chas-uari that, 
although not mentioned bj Tacitus, it requires notice. It is that oi 
the Chatt-uarii, 

The German form of this (a real and known form) was H<Et-vjare 
=occupants of the country of Chatti. 

Strabo and Patercidus alone mention this people — Strabo as 
XaTTov-dpioi, Paterculus as AUuHtrii, 

For a fuUer notice of this question, and for the ^tt-uarian colonies 
see EpUegomena, § ChaUuarii, 

* /mit.— Except political importance, the Frisians have all the 
elements of ethnological interest. 

To the Dutchman and German thej are desenring of attention, 
because thej represent the native Germanic tjpe in its purest and 
least modified form. Their fen localities have kept them from 
intermixture of blood : thej have also preserved for them, through 
a long series of vicissitudes, a considerable amount of political in- 

The Scandinavian sees in the Frisian language, the Germanic 
tongue most allied to his own ; the descendant of that Gothic 
language out of which the Icelandic, or Old Norse, was developed. 

To the Englishman thej are of pre-eminent interest. The Fri- 
sians of Heligoland are British subjects. But, besides this, there 
is another series of facts. 

a. The mother-tongue of the present English, the Anglo-Saxon, 
is extinct on the Continent. It has been whollj replaced bj a 
High German dialect as the literary language, and bj the Platt- 
Deutsch as the speech of the country-people. 

6. The sister-tongue to the Anglo-Saxon — the Old Saxon of 
Westphalia — is simibirlj lost, and simibirlj replaoed. 

c The tongue next to thesey in the order of affinitj^ is the Friaiany 


« fonn of the €h>thic speech nearer our own language than either 
the Dutch of Holland, the Scandinaylan dialects, or the High German. 

In another new and peculiar point of view, the Frisians claim 
notioe. Their history is, to a certain extent, a phytical history. 
Manj hranches of the stem to which they helong have heen lopped 
off hj the hand of man, hj war, hj famine, hj oppression hravelj 
withstood. But others have given way to a stronger and more 
unconquerahle power — that of Nature. It is the Frisian area that 
most of the great inundations of the North Sea have hroken in 
upon. What Yesuyius has heen to Campania, iBtna to Sicilj, Hecla 
to Iceland, the Ocean has heen to Frisia. 

The proper complement to the ethnologj of this hranch, would 
be the phjsical history of the North Sea ; and this is what Cle- 
mens, the best inyestigator of the least known part of the familj 
— ^the North Frisians — has sketched. 

The Frisians have ever been the people of a retiring frontiery 
ue,, whilst others have encroached on their occupancies, they have 
never, within the historical period, been successful invaders and 
permanent aggressors elsewhere. Not, at least, bj land. Bj sea, 
the case maj have been different ; so different, that in our own 
island much that passes for Anglo-Saxon in origin maj be Frisian ; 
a matter to which a special notice has been dedicated.* 

On the weet the Ocean ; on the north the Danes and Low Ger- 
mans ; on the south the Low G^rmans have been the encroachers. 

The &ct of the Frisians having thus suffered from encroach- 
ment, rather than gained bj aggression, has a practical bearing. 

Frisian occupancj maj be inferred from certain characteristics, 
hereafter to be iUustrated : and these characteristics we find in 
localities far bejond the present Frisian area. Now, had the 
Frisians been a familj of conquerors, the inference would be that 
the introduction was recent, and that, upon some earlier occupancj, 
Frisian elements might have been engrafbed. But as the truth is 
the reverse of this ; as the Frisians have habituallj retreated rather 
than advancedy the conclusion is different ; and as Frisiann ames of 
geographical localities — ^for of this sort are the characteristics in 
question — maj reasonably be assumed to denote Frisian occupancy 
anterior to that of the present dominant population. 

Of all the ancient names of German populations, the term Frini 
has been the most permanent Less altered in form than Chatti, as 

• In thc third edition of thc English Languagc of thc prcsent writer. 


compared to Hessey and applied to the population of its origioal area, 
it denotes the Frisii of Tacitus, the present Frieslanders of Friesland, 
with a minimum amount of alteration. 

As to whether the name itself be German, it would be an unne- 
cessary refinement to doubt it. Nevertheless, the criticism which 
applies to the word Stievi is applicable to Frisii also. It is applicor 
ble ; but, although applicable, it bj no means foUows that it should 
be applied. Bj considering the term as Keltic a few difficulties re- 
specting the connection between the Frisii and Ghauci might, per^ 
haps, be removed. On the other hand, we have Pliny's word Frisia- 
bones ; a compound almost certainlj German. 

The shadow of uncertaintj that rests over the language to which 
the root Fri»- belongs, is created bj the &ct of the Frisii being 
mentioned by Csdsar, under the name now before us : for C89sar*8 
informants were Gauls, and, I am inclined to think that, os a gene- 
ral rtde, the Ghtllic name of a Germanic population was different 
from the native one. 

Again ; the name of the national hero is so often the name of the 
people who are addicted to his cuUus — in other words, the national 
hero is so oflen an eponymu» to the nation — that when this is not 
the case, a slight presumption is raised against the name being 
indigenous, native, and vemacular. This is the case here. The 
great mythological Frisian is Finn, We shoidd expect some such 
name as Fris, 

Thus, in the Traveller*s Song, we have — 

« Fin Folc-walding 
[Weold] Fresna cynne — " 

" Finn, the son of Folcwalda 
(Ruled) the race of Frisians.** 

AU this, however, may be, and probably is, over-refinement. 

The later form which the word Frisii takes is one in -n-, the so- 
caUed weak form of the Gothic grammarians. Hence, whilst Tacitus, 
Pliny, Ptolemy, and Dion, write Frisii^ ^phinoi, and ^ptiaioi, Proco- 
pius has ^piatjovtQ. 

The Anglo-Saxon writers also use the form in -an ; e.g,, Fresones 
in Beda, and Frisan in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. 

The form Frisia-bon-eSf in Pliny, has been already noticed. It is 
clearly a compound. The power and original form of the second 


element is not so clear. Oonsidering the nature of the Frisian 
habikUs, I believe it to represent the word veen^zfen. This, however, 
is but a guess. 

The Frisian characteristic alluded to above is — 

1. The great preponderance of compound words, ending in the 
equivalent to the English -Aam, and German -A«w, — e.g,, Threeking- 
ham, Oppen-Aeim. 

2. The peculiar form this element^takes. 

This is 'Um, the h being omitted, and the vowel being u, 

In Frieslund itself so abundant are these compounds of -um, that 
two out of three (sixteen out of twenty-four) of the places noted in 
the map within a few miles of Leeuwarden, end in that element. * 

Zeeland, — Here but few words are compounded of the equivalent 
to 'ham and 'hevm at all ; perhaps none except the word RittAm ; 
which is in A and e. 

Thus we have the two extremes ; t.e., the Frisian topography at 
its maximum in Friesland, and at its minimum in Zeeland. 

Between these two extremes thefollowing is theorder of transition. 

Gronvngeru — Here the Frisian compound predominates, and that 
with the Frisian form. In the arrondissemeTit of Appingadam only, 
we have eighteen names in -um. 

In Qroningen, however, we find occasion to mention another 
Frisian characteristic — the omission of -n and -m at the end of 
words. Hence, all true Frisian compounds of -man end in -ma / as 
Hette-^TUZ and Halberts-ma ; whilst the numerous words that, in a 
fen-countrj, are compounded of '•dam, take such forms as the follow- 
ing words in the arrondissement of Winschoten — Holwier-c^a (not 
-dam), TJtyfieT-da, <kc. 

Now in Winschoten, although the Frisian characteristic of the 
final -a be carried to a great extent, the forms in 'Um are few. In 
the next province — 

Drenthe — thej do not occur at all. But Drenthe, like Winschoten, 
seems to be reclaimed land, and as such, the hahitat of a popidation 
less aboriginal than that of Friesland and Groningen. 

OheriJ8$el,^-a, ArrondisseTnent of ZwoUe, — Here we have three 
compounds of h^m, viz, : Blanken-Aam, Wmdea-heim, and Wils-t^m 
— all three different ; one Saxon, one Oerman, and one Frisian. 

* The map referred to is Van Langenheuzen's, a.d. 1843 ; the scale being 
a small quarto page to each Province. No topographica] knowledge beyond 
what is thos supplied is pretended to. 


6. Arrondissement of Devenier. — One compound in -wm, Hess-um. 

c. Arrondissement of Almelo, — Three compounds — Ootmars-umy 
Rent-tiiTi, and Boss-um. 

Notwlthstanding this diminution of Frisian characteristics, there 
is between Almelo and Ommen a Vrisen-veen=Fri9ian fen, 

Gelderland, — a. Arrondissement of Amhem, — Here Anhem takes 
the form in hem, On the contrary, Hehum and Renkiim occur, 
and so do Bennekom and Ellekom. 

c. Arrondissement of Nimegum, — Forms in -um rare, if anj. 

</. Arrondissement of TieL — Heukel-ttm, 6ellic-t«m, and Boss- 

North Brahant. — Three or four forms in -um at most. 

6. Arrondissement of Zutpken, — Forms in -eni almost (or whoUy) 
to the exclusion of those in -um — Lochem, Zeihem. 

Limhurg. — Here are four forms, Wesswm, Sevenum, Wansum, 
and Otterst^m ; but thej occur in the northem arrondissement (that 
of Roermonde) only, and that in contact with Oroet-Acm and Baex- 

Utrecht. — Utter, or nearly utter, absence of Frisian forms. 

South Holland. — Ditto. 

North HoUand, — a. In the arrondissement of Amtterdam, — ^Bla- 
ricwm, Helmerswm, Bussvm. 

b. In the arrondissement of Hoom. — Wognum. 

Notwithstanding the paucitj of Frisian forms, part of North 
HoUand is called West Friesland ; from which we maj infer that, 
even thongh the termination -um be non-existent, there maj have 
been a Frisian occupancj. 

But what shall we say to the converse of this 1 How ixt is the 
presence of such forms absolutelj Frisian 1 

I can only saj, in answer to this, that the uln^^Saxon forms 
are regularly -hdm^ the Platt-Deutsch -Acm, the High-German -A^tm, 
and the Norse -jem ("yem) ; and that in England, Switzeriand, 
Iceland, Sweden, and those parts of Germanj, where the Frisian 
occupancy can fairlj be presumed never to ha?e extended, I have 
sought for the form -um in vain. 

Obsenre the Italics in the word AngUy-^^Jion. 

If anj exception is to be made in favour of the termination 
.iim=:-^'m, and -hdm, it is in favour of the Old Saxons. Two 
reasons stand for this. 

I. The Old Saxon omitted the hr in simple words, where it 


occurs in all the other Germanic tongues ; even the Anglo-Saxon 
%nd the Frisian. Thus their forms equivalent to — 

A.8. BNGLISH. 0.8. 

hire = her = ir. 
hira = their = tro. 


2. Drat-iim, Stock-um, Bokk-um, occur in Old Saxon locali- 

I admit this exception, and, although it is hj no means im- 
possible that either certain Old Saxon localities maj once have 
been Frisian, or that Frisian colonies maj haye been located on 
the points in question, consider that the -um may have been Old 
Saxon as well as Frisian — but not anything else. 

To proceed. In Scandinayia, the termination in the root h-m 
at all, or in anj form, is rare. The termination that replaces it 
is -by; an important afiix, and one which plajs the same part in 
the minute ethnology of Scandinavia that -um does here. 

With this preliminarj, we maj investigate the northem portions 
of the Frisian area ; having begun with the extremities first. 

Slemick and Holstein, — Just west of Tondem, about an English 
mile to the north, we have a hamlet called, for some distance, Bunder- 
hy ; and south of this, for some distance, there is no place ending 
in -&y. 

About four English miles to the north-west of Leck, we have a 
hamlet named Wees-^y, and west of this no place ends in -hy, 

About Hus-tm is a remarkable starting-point. A new set of 
names comes in. These are on)j partially Frisian; at the same 
time thej are not Danish. Where these are not Frisian thej are 

However, between Husum, Bunder-6y, Wees-6y, and the sea, all is 
Frisian — positivelj as well as negativelj. 

Within these lines come Olz-hus-wm, Bogel-um, Lug-um, Up-hus-ui», 
Karl-um, Bis-tim, Klint-um, Barg-wwi, Stad-um, Dorp-Mi», Bordel-nm, 
Bakkel-um, Stukk-um, Hus-um, and a little to the south-west of the 
line Rantr-ur/i. 

What do we find beyond ? First let our attention be tumed to 
the south, and south-east, so as to see whether thej are reasons for 
connecting these Frisians of Sleswick with those of Hanover. 

South of Husum, a projecting block of low fertile marsh-land 
is bounded on two sides bj the sea and the Ejder, and on the 


third bj the road to Frederikstadt, and Schwabsted. Here but 
one place ends in -um, Bros-um, on the sea. None end in -by, The 
nomenclatnre is Platt-Deutsch. Still, the single word Broe-uin 
indicates a Frisian population— to which it should be added^ that 
the whole countrj is reclaimed land, consisting whollj of embanked 
marshes. This is the fertile countrj of Ejderstedj at present 

South of Ejdersted and the Ejder comes Ditmarsh — ^the beloyed 
native country of Niebuhr. It Mls in two divisions — 

o. Nortk Ditmarsh, of which Heide is the chief town, contains 
nothing ending in -um, On the contrarj, several names are Platt- 

6. South Ditmarsh ; few or no forms in -um, 

But Ditmarsh onlj takes us southwards. The parts west of Husum 
require notice. The triangle formed bj a line drawn from Husum 
to Sleswick, firom Sleswick to Rendsburg, and from Rendsburg to 
the Ejder (this last being yery irregular) gives a new area. 

Nothing ends in -um here. All that points towards Friesbind is 
a drain named Fresen-deU, on the right bank of the riTer Tren^ near 
Schwabsted ; and even this is on the verj westem eztremitj of the 
parts marked out. 

Neither do anj places end in -um between Sleswick, the Eckem- 
l^ord, and Rendsburg. Hence, the Frisians of the parts between 
Husum and Tondern are isolated. 

So much for the south and east Let us now look to the north ; 
or rather to the north and east ; remembering that, in this direction, 
whatever is not Frisian will be Danish — not Platt-Deutsch. 

North, — Between Tondem and Bipen the places in -hy are 
arranged in one, those in -um in another column. 
















The preponderance is in favour of the Danish form. Besides 


which, we have a place called KieT-gcuird ; and as gaard^house in 
Danish, this is an additional element in that quarter. 

On the other hand the compound KiT^j^hy^Churchrtown, should 
be noticed : as it shows, that, in that case at least, the Danish name 
is posterior to the introduction of Christianitj. I do not remember 
anj such Frisian form as Tjerk-um (the Frisian equiyalent to 
Kirke-by) ; a fact which gives us negative evidence in favour of the 
antiquity of the Frisian names. 

North-east. — For the square formed bj lines drawn from Husum 
to Sleswick, from Sleswick to Flensburg, from Flensburg to Leck, and 
from Leck to Husum, there is onlj one place in 'um^ Bordel-tim» and 
as this is on the right bank of the Tren^ it maj be considered as 
belonging to the true Frisian area ; being its most westem localitj. 
Koughlj speaking, the preponderating signs of Frisian occupancj 
cease when we pass the Tren. 

West of this line, and in the series of angular projections formed 
bj the EckemQord, the Slie, the Flensborg Fjord, the Apenrade 
Fjord, and the Hadersleven Fjord, we expect to find eren fewer 
Frisian names than we found in the centre of the peninsula. Yet 
such is not the case. 

a. Between the Eckernfiord and the sea is an Om-ttm, and a 

6. Between the Slie and the Fiensburg Fiord is a Wri-tim, and a 

c Between the Flensburg and Apenrade Fiords is a Boll-tm; 
though quite at the western (north-westem) extremitj. 

d, Between the Apenrade and nadersleven Fiords are Bod-um 
and 'Lyg-um ; both on the eastern side. 

In the parts necessarj to fiU up the vacancj, and comprise the 
centre of North Sleswick, along with a part of South Jutland, 
bounded bj lines drawn from Leck to Flensburg, from Flensburg to 
Rolding, firom Eolding to Bipe, firom Ripe to Tondem, and from 
Tondem to Leck, we have a few Frisian forms — Selli-i«m-hauge, on 
the south-east of Kolding, and opposite the isle of Fjen, being the 
most eastem ; south of which, and also near the sea, is Stubb-tn?». 

It is scarcelj necessarj to saj that the distribution of the Frisian 
forms is remarkable. 

First, we haye them to the exclusion of the Danish and Flatt- 
Deutsch ones. 

Next, mixed with Danish forms in -^ ; and — 


Thirdljy mixed with Platt-Deatsch forms of difTerent descriptions. 

The distribution, however, to as far as it has hitherto gone, has 
applied to the Continent onlj, not to the islands. 

In those of the North Sea, or those on the tpestem side^ it is as 
f ollows : 

a. In Fbhr (which from being central it is conrenient to b^^in 
with) we have Dans-t^m, Utters-Mm, Hedehus-tm, Vits-um, Niebel-t«i», 
Baldiks-iim, Yreks-t^m, Oeyens-t^m, Midl-umy Alkers-t^m, Borgs-tiiTi, 
Tofb-um, Elint-t«m, Olds-ttm, Duns-t«m. 

6. In Sjlt, Hom- t«m, Mors-t^m, Arks-t«m, Keit-tm, Tinn-um-^cUl 
in ihe southem half of the island. 

c. In northem Bomo, Tofb-tim. 

d. In Fano, none. 

e. f g. In Amrora (to the iotUh of Sylt), in Pelvorm, and in Nord- 
stant, none. Here the names are Platt-Beutsch. 

If we now look back upon the distribution of local names in the 
Cimbric peninsula, we shall find that — 

a. There is a part purelj Frisian, i.e.y the parts between Tondem 
and Husum. 

6. A part mized with Danish, t.e., North Jutland. 

e, A part mixed with Platt-Deutsch, i.e., Ditmarsh ; and, besides 
these — 

d. Parts where there is an intermizture of different degrees of 
complexitj of Frisian, Danish, and Platt-Deutsch. 

Now in the parts about Husum^ ie., the parts where the endings 
are most purelj Frisian, the language is at the pretent moment 
Frisian — the North Frisian so-called. I have heard it spoken, 
and, imperfectlj spoken it, myself this very jear. 

And in the islands of the North Sea, and manj parts about it, there 
either is North Frisian, or, has been so, within the memory of man. 

And in Ejdersted and Ditmarsh it has been so within the his- 
torical period. 

Is this Frisian new or old ? Have the populations who speak it 
encroached upon the other occupants of the peninsula or vice 
versd ? The latter is the case. Some of the reasons for this state- 
ment have alreadj been given. Thej applied, however, onlj to the 
relations between the Low Germans and the Frisians. Those of the 
Danes require further notice. 

L The North Frisian language is no recent introduction. — a. It 
Mb into numerous dialects and sub-dialects. For the ishmds 


alone Clemens enumerates three, the Sjlt, the Amrom, andthe Fohr. 
On the continenty each parish has its pecnliar varietj. Some of 
these arise from intermixture of Danish and German ; hut many 
are quite independent of anjthing of the sort 

6. It is notahlj different from the Frisian of Holland. The two 
forms, though mutuallj intelligihle, are not verj easilj understood. 

c. It is more like the Heligolandy than it is to the East or 
West Frisian. This would not he the case if the colonj were of 
recent origin, unless we suppose that it was sent out from that small 
island. If the two dialects represented colonies £rom some common 
portion of the continent thej would he more alike than thej are. 

II. The compaunds in -um are aU old names.^a, Thej are never 
attached to such words as tjerhe^chureh^ kc. 

h. Few (I am afraid to saj no) Frisian terminations are attached 
to Danish or German words. On the contrarj, manj complex Danish 
and German compounds are formed from simpler Frisian ones. 

III. The Danish has encroached upon the Frisian ever since the 
h^nning of the historical period. No instance of the rererse has 
heen recorded. 

The evidence of the North Frisian having once heen continuous 
with the Frisian of Friesland and Westphalia; is satisfactory, the 
displaoement of it having taken place within the historical period ; 
and its historj is to he found in that of East Friesland, Oldenhurg, 
Delmenhorst, and Bremen. 

Can we carrj the Frisian as far as the Islands of the Baltic? 
In Fyen, and in Sealand, there are one or two names in -um. 

There is one direction, however, in which we may not carry it ; 
or, rather, there is one direction in which we must he careful not 
to carry it too far. This is that of the wnUh-eastem parts of the 
Sleswick peninsuLi. The oldest occupants here were Slavonians; 
and the parts hetween Hamhurg and Kiel, the Isle of Femem, the 
Isle of Alsen, and the opposite coast, must he considered as Sla- 
Tonic in the first instance, Low German in the second, and Low 
German and Danish together in the third. 

The further extent of the original Frisian occupancy, the charac- 
teristics of the Frisian tongue, and the relations of that tongue to 
Scan dinavian, are considered in Epilegcmtna, § ^ipalac. 

^ Majorihus minoribtuque,] — Two populations of Germany are 
divided hy more than one ancient writer into majores and minoreM 


— the Frisii (as here) and tlie Bructeri ; eacli falling into two diri- 
sions 80 named. 

Prohably, this denotes that either firom migralion or ocmquest, the 
continuitj of the original area has been broken, and that whilst the 
majores represent the main stock, the minores form the outljiog 

Neither name (notwithstanding the present text) necessarilj 
denotes size, since the great nation of the Yisigoths was called 
Gothi minores. 

Populations other than German are so divided, e,p^ the Scordisci- 

XXXV. Hactenus in occidentem Gennaniam no- 
vimus. In septemtrionem ingenti flexu redit. Ac 
primo statim Chaucorum gens/ quamquam incipiat 
a Frisiis, ac partem litoris occupet^ omnium, quas ex- 
posui, gentium lateribus obtenditur, donec in Chattos 
usque sinuetur. Tam immensum terrarum spatium 
non tenent tantum Chauci, sed et implent: populus 
inter Germanos nobilissimus, quique magnitudinem 
suam malit justitia tueri : sine cupiditate, sine impo- 
tentia, quieti secretique, nulla provocant bella, nuUis 
raptibus aut latrociniis populantur. Idque praeci- 
puum virtutis ac virium argumentum est, quod, 
ut superiores agant, non per injurias adsequuntur. 
Prompta tamen omnibus arma, ac, si res poscat, exer- 
citus : plurimum virorum equorumque : et quiescenti- 
bus eadem fama. 


1 Chaucorum gem.'\ — The Ch, prohahlj, represents the guttural 
ch of the Germans, as in auchy noch. In Greek it is X. 

That one of the letters c is aspirated is nearlj certain. The onlj 
form where the h or its equivalent is whollj wanting, is in some MSS. 
(KovKoi) of Strabo. 

The fbrms with the Jirst c aspirated {Chauciy Xawicoi) are to be 
found in Plinj, Tacitus, Suetonius. 


Those with the second c aspirated (Cauchi, Kavxoi) occur in 
Yelleius Patercolus, Spartianus, Ptolemj. 
Dion Cassius has both forms XavKig and Kav^oi. 

Lucan and Claudian divide the Towels and make them trisjUabic. 
This division of the Towels is of some importance in the history of 
ethnological conjecture^ since it brings the forms Cayci and Caiki to 
a resemblance with the KaovXxoc of Strabo, and then with the Chabilci, 

The Chauci fell into two diTisions — ^the Chauci minores between 
the Ems and Weser, the Chauci majores between the Weser and Elbe. 

It is safe to identify them with the Hoc-ingas of the TraTeller'8 
Song and Beowulf — the termination -ing being a patronjmic, the 
-as the sign of the plural number, and the ch in Chauci equiTalent 
io hin the same waj that Ch=:H in ChaUi and Hesse. 

It is safe, too, to consider the Chauci as members of the Frisian 
section of the Gothic stock. 

In the battle of Finnesburh, Hncef, the eponjmus of the Hano- 
verians, the son of Finn, the son of Folcwalda, has, as his queen, 
Hildeburgy the Hoc-ing, I do not consider that this giTes us anj- 
thing historical. All that it does is to connect the Chauci and 
Frisii (Hoc-ings taid Frisians) bj certain political relations; and 
carrj the area of their legendarj localities as far as HanoTer and 

Considerable difficulties are iuTolTed in the statement that the 
Chauci extended as far as the £rontier of the Chatti ; difficulties tum- 
ing upon the relationship between the Old Saxon and the Anglo- 
Saxon languages. 

If we join the Chauci and Chatti, we do one of two things ; we 
either — 

a. Disconnect the countrj of the Old-Saxons of Westphalia from 
that of the Anglo-Saxons : or else we — 

h, Enclose two such important populations as the Old Saxons and 
Anglo-Saxons within too small an area. 

Two other points connected with the ethnographj of the Chauci 
still stand OTcr. 

I. The discrepancy between Tacitus and Plinj as to their phjsical 
and political condition. What Tacitus sajs maj be seen in the 
text. It is much the same as Velleius Paterculus had said before : — 
'^Beceptffi Cauchorum nationes; omnis eorum juTentus, infinita 
numero^ immensa corporibus, situ locorum tutissima, traditis armis 
. . ante imperatoris procubuit tribunal." 


Pliny's evidenoe, however, differs : — " Sunt in septemtrione vis» 

nobis Chaucorum (gentes) Yasto ibi meatu, bis dierum 

noctiumque singularum intervallis, efiusus in immensum agitur 
Oceanus, stemam operiens rerum natursd controyersiam ; dubi- 
umque terrse sit, an parte in maris. lUic misera gens tumulos 
obtinet altos aut tribunalia structa manibus ad ezperimenta altis- 
simi sestuSy casis ita impositis, navigantibus similes, cum int^ant 
aqu89 circumdata, naufragis veroi cum recesserint : fugientesque 
cum mari pisces circa tuguria venantur. Non pecudem his habere, 
non hicte ali, ut finitimis, ne cum feris quidem dimicare contingit, 
omni procul abacto frutice. Ulva et palustri junco funes nectunt ad 
prsetexenda piscibus retia : captumque manibus lutum yentis magis 
quam sole siccantes, terra cibos et rigentia septemtrione viscera sua 
urunt. Potus nonnisi ex imbre servato scrobibus in vestibulo 
domus. Et hae gentes, si vincantur hodie a popido Bomano, servire 
se dicunt. Ita est profecto : multis fortuna parcit in poenam.** — xvi. 1. 

The ezplanation of this difference in the waj of testimonj, lies in 
the likelihood of the Chauci of the lowest fen levels, exposed to 
malaria, exposed to inundations, and exposed to piracj, being a 
miserable race as compared with those of the higher and more inland 
countrj ; a view which reconciles both statements. But it also sup- 
plies a reason against carrjing the Chauci too far inland. Probablj, 
ihe Confederation was wider than the nation. 

In the more marshj parts of Ejdersted, Ditmarsh, and Sleswick, 
the reclaimed lands, with their embankments, are called Koge. 
This is, possiblj, the Chattc- in Clumcu If so, the Koge were the 
lands of the ffoc-ingst and Tacitus has given us the name of the 
countrj rather than of the people, the Germans that of the people 
rather than the land. This, again, is a reason against canying the 
area of the Proper Chauci too far inland. 

XXXVI. In latere Chaucorum Chattorumque, Che- 
ru8ci' nimiam ac marcentem diu pacem illacessiti 
nutrierunt : idque jucundius, quam tutius fuit : quia 
inter impotentes et yalidos falso quiescas: ubi manu 
agitur, modestia ac probitas nomina superioris sunt. 


Ita qui olim ** boni seqnique Clierusci," nunc " inertes 
ac stulti" vocantur: Cliattis yictoribus fortuna in sa- 
pientiam cessit. Tracti ruina Clieruscorum et Fosi,^ 
contermina gens, adversarum rerum ex sequo socii, 
cum in secundis minores fuissent. 


^ Chertuci,] — ^The first great fact in the history of the Ohenisci is, 
that they were the confederates of Arminius, and the oonquerors of 

The next is that thej withstood the aggressions of their own 
countrymen as steadilj as thej did those of Bome. 

The Cherusci are mentioned bj Csesar, and mentioned as the 
hereditary enemies of the Saevi. The Cherusci, too, it was who 
first checked the conquests and consolidations of Maroboduus. 

We maj look upon the Cherusci* as the heads of a great confeder- 
ation, not onlj on the strength of their historj, but on the evidence 
of ancient writers, €.g,f Strabo, oi XripovtTKOi koI ol rovrutv vttvikooi 
— Tacitus, " Cherusci, sodique eorumr 

If 80, the import of the name maj fluctuate, and sometimes mean 
a particular people, sometimes serve as a collective designation, in- 
cluding several such smaller divisions. This assumption eases many 
difficulties — perhaps, indeed, it is absolutelj necessary. We hear so 
continuallj of great nations, like the Chatti, Cherusci, Sigambri and 
others, being conterminous, that, if we take the texts wherein such 
notioes occur literallj, we leave no room for several minor nations or 

Thus, in the present instance, there are special statements which 
bring the Cherusci — 

o. As far south as the Chatti. 

5. As far north as the Chauci. 

c. As far west as the Sicambri. 

What room does this leave for such populations as the Chamavi, 
Angrivarii, Fosi, &c. % Little, if any ; especiallj if we bring in 

* The full import of the Cheniscan resistance to Rome, the valiie of t)ie 
patriotism of Arminius, and the extent to which the Cheruscan glory is as 
much English as German, are well developed in Professor Creasy'8 " Tbe 
Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World," foremost amongst which he places 
the defeat of the legions of Varus. 



other passages which connect the previous populations with each 
other — e,g,, there is the statement of Tacitus, that the Chauci and 
Chatti joined — " donec in Chattos usque sinuetur." 

Considerations of this kind justify us in believing that, when cer- 
tain great nations are spoken of as acting a conspicuous part in 
histoiy, certain minor ones maj be included in the general name. 

Hence, I believe that when the Cherusci are spoken of in general 
histoiy, the Chamavi and Angrivarii are includedfin one of the two 
denominations ; and the words are used in a polUical sense. The 
ethnological, and narrower sense of the words, occurs onlj when the 
details of the geographj or histoiy require separation and speci- 

The country of the Proper Cheruscans was bounded on the west 
by the Angrirvarii; for I suppose Engem, near Herford — ^the 
traditionarj battle-field of the Arminian victoij — to represent that 

To the south-west of the Angrivarii laj the Chamavi — Hamm 
being, again, supposed to retain their designation. 

On the north-east we maj probablj carry the Proper Cheruscans 
as far as the Hartz. For this, however, see EpiUgomena^ § Harudes. 

It is now time to inquire whether the Cherusci and their allies 
represented an ethnological section of the Germanic populations as 
thej, certainlj, did a political one. The answer to this is in the 
affirmative. Without committing ourselves to the doctrine that the 
Cheruscan league exacUy coincided with the Cheruscan form of the 
German language, we maj safelj saj that such was nearlg the case. 
If 80, the Cherusci are of the same ethnological importance with the 

Of the Saxon division of the German dialects as opposed to the 
Platt-Deutsch and High German, and of the Saxon nationalities as 
opposed to the Frank, Alemannic, and Gt>thic, Lombard and Bur- 
gundian, the Cherusci are the southem representatives. 

Of the Cherusci, in the wide sense of the term, the north and 
north-westem members appear in the eighth oenturj under the 
name of Old Saxons, this meaning the Saxons of the continent, or 
the mother-countrj, in opposition to the Saxons of England, or 

If the Cherusci of Tacitus and the earlier writers be the Sazons of 
Beda and later ones, how comes it that the one name never appears 
in the dassical, and the other never in the (}erman writers 1 CsMar, 


Strabo, Velleias PatercidiiSi all speak of the Chenuciy and all saj 
nothing about the Saxons. Ptolemj, as is well known, is the first 
writer who mentions them. On the other hand Claudian is the last 
writer in whom wet find the word CheruscL 

-yenit accola silyse 

Bructems Hercjnisa, latisque paludibus exit 
Cimber^ et ingentes Albin liquere Cherusci. 

ConsuL iy. Honor. 450. 

Ab long as we haye the Cherusci there are no Saxons. As soon 
as we meet with the Saxons the Cherusci disappear. 

If we wish to out the Qordian knot, we oan haye reoourse to the 
assumption of migration and displaoement — in which the Old Saxons 
cease to be the descendants of the Cherusci and their allies, and re- 
present a new and intrusiye population as foreign to the old Che- 
ruscan country of Gbrmanj as thej were to that of the Britons. 
There are certain texts that encourage this yiew, e.g,y the present 
notice of the fallen state of the Cherusci and Fosi is in fayour of their 
being easilj displaced and superseded bj some more flourishing im- 

Valeat quantum, It onlj does half the business. It onlj extin* 
guishes the Cherusci. The presence and preponderance of the 
Saxons it leayes unexplained. 

The fuU import of this must be admitted. 

o. The Saxons^ which bj assumption are supposed to replace the 
Cherusci, cannot be got firom the countiy of the ChaUi. The ChcUti 
were High Germans. 

6. Nor jet from that of the Chauci. The majoritj of the Chauci 
were Frisians. 

c. Nor jet from that of the Lower Bhine. The language here 
was Platt-Deutsch. 

More than this — they could not haye oome firom any small or in- 
considerable country at aU, from none of the nooks or comers 
between the Great Frisian, Pktt-Deutsch, High German, and Sla- 
yonic areas. The differenoes between the Anglo-Saxon and Old 
Saxon dialects, show that the common language was spoken over a 
large tract of ground, and that for a considerable length of time. 

The assumption of a Saxon immigration into the Cheruscan terri- 
tory, is not only gratuitous, but it engenders as many difficulties as 
it remoyes. 

K 2 



In ordinarj cases I sbould resort at once to the snpposition that 
the two names belonged to different langoages, and repeat the 
reasoning that applied to ChaUi and Sttevu To do this, however, 
here, reqoires graye consideration : so good a ca8e can be made ont 
on both sides for the indigenoos and native character of the name. 
Both Chertuci and Saxo seem to be Qerman words— one ^a Geiman 
as the othen 

Beasons, however, against admitting both to be (Jerman, and — 

Beasons for choosing the former instead of the latter, Chertuci 
rather than Saxanes, will be found in the Epilegomena, §§ Saxons 
and HarudeB. 

In the term Gherusci, in its wider sense, I include, as maj partlj 
be anticipatedy the following populations : — 

1. The AngnTarii. 

2. The Ghamayi. 

3. The Dulgibini. 

4. The FosL 

5. The GhasuariL 

' J^on.] — Probably occupants of the banks of the river Fuse, or 
the parts about the town of Gelle. 

XXXVII. Eumdem Germanise situm proximi Oce- 
ano Cimbri^ tenent» parva nunc ciyitas, sed gloria 
ingens : veterisque famse late vestigia ^ manent, utraque 
ripa castra, ac spatia, quorum ambitu nunc quoque 
metiaris moiem manusque gentis, et tam magni ex- 
ercitiis fidem. Sexcentesimum et quadragesimum 
annum Urbs nostra agebat, cum primum Cimbrorum 
audita sunt arma, Csecilio Metelio ac Papirio Carbone 
consulibus. Ex quo si ad alterum Imperatoris Tra- 
jani consulatum computemus, ducenti ferme et decem 
anni colliguntur : tamdiu Germania vincitur. Medio 
tam longi sevi spatio, multa invicem damna. Non 


Samnis, non Pceni» non Hispanise, Gralliseye, ne Parthi 
quidem saepius admonuere: quippe regno Arsacis 
acrior est Germanorum libertas. Quid enim aliud 
nobis, quam csedem Crassi, amisso et ipse Pacoro» 
infra Ventidium dejectus Oriens objecerit ? At Ger- 
mani Carbone, et Cassio, et Scauro Aurelio, et Ser- 
vilio Csepione, Cn. quoque Manlio fusis vel captis, 
quinque simul consulares exercitus populo Bomano, 
Varum, tresque cum eo legiones, etiam Csesari abs- 
tulerunt : nec impune C. Marius in Italia, divus Julius 
in Gallia, Drusus ac Nero et Germanicus in suis eos 
sedibus perculerunt. Mox ingentes C. Csesaris minse 
in ludibrium versse. Inde otium, donec occasione 
discordise nostrse et civilium armorum, expugnatis 
legionum hibemis, etiam Gallias affectavere : ac rursus 
pulsi inde, proximis temporibus triumphati magis 
quam victi sunt. 

NOTBS ON sBonoN xzxvn. 

1 CimbrL] — A measare of the scantiness of satisfactory evidence 
as to the Cimbro-Teutonic war maj be coUected firom Niebuhr. For 
the defeat of Cn. Papirius Carbo, near Noreia, in 113 b.o., he quotes 
Appian and the Epitome Liviana ; for their actions with M. Junius 
Silanus, and M. Aurelius Scaurus, he regrets that Livy is wanted, 
and that a writer so late as Zonaras, is his best authoritj. Florus, 
Eutropius, and Orosius supplj the next best data. AU, howeyer, 
deriye their materials from Liyy — ^himself a writer one hundred and 
fiflj years after the event. But we maj go £Eu*ther than this, and bj 
tuming to the life of Marius see the confusion into which Plutarch 
falls^ and the speculation in which he indulges. 

Bejond this lies the consideration of the writers anterior to the 
time of Liyy. Yalerius Antias is especiallj quoted bj Orosius ; and, 
of all writers, Yalerius Antias is the least to be trusted. 

The most naked statements of &ct8 is as foUows : — 

A.D. 113. — The Cimbri defeat the consul Papirius Carbo^ near 
Noreia in Stjria. 

A.D. 109 — 107. — The Cimbri^ Tigurini, and Ambrones defeat 


H. Junius SilanuSy L. Cassius Longinus, and M. Aureliufl Scaurus, 
in Boman Ghiul, at some place unknown. 

A.D. 105. — The same defeat Cn. Manlius and Q. Seirilius 

A.D. 102.— The Teutones are defeated bj Marius near Aiz in 

A.D. 101. — The Cimbri, Tigurini, Ambrones, and Teutones are 
defeated bj Marius in the TjroL 

But, as the general character of an historical transaction maj be 
known even where the details are forgotten, there are still points 
upon which the great writers of the close of the republic maj be 

Now what did Cce^r consider their ethnological affinities to be f 
Gallic Sallust ? Gallic. Yelleius Paterculus ? Gallic. It is onlj 
the later writers that cany their origin north of Ghiul. 

But the TmUmes are German at least It is the same word as 
Deut^^ch. The preliminaries to this question are to be found 
in not. in v. Chrmanicu 

It ifl an undoubted &ict that writers as earlj as Virgil, Lucan, 
Juvenal, and Martial, use the epithet TetUanicus : and when thej 
do 80 thej mean after the fashion of Teutons* 

But it is no undoubted &ct that thej mean therebj Oerman. 
Thej mean of or hdonging to the wU-hnawn enemy conquered hy 
MariuSf without defining the countrj of that enemj. 

It is also an undoubted hct that writers of the tenth oentuij use 
the epithet Teutonieui as equiyalent to Oerman, %,e,, as another form 
of Theotisctis, 

This, however, is after (and not before) the word Theotucm has 
been used for Oermanus, 

In other words, the epithet Teutonicus, although reallj a deriva- 
tive of Teutone$, passes for another form of Theot^iscus, or as a 
deriyatiye from Theot- or Diot', and so becomes a name for the G^ 
mans, simplj because Theotisci had been a name for them before. 

But Theotisci was no name for the Germans until the tenth oen- 
turj, about one thousand jears afler the first use of the word 

To take a measure of the magnitude of this paralogism, lei 
us suppose an adyocate for the Belgio origin of the Lowland 
Scotch, to aigue in the foUowing manner : — Belg" and vutg^ 
are simiiar words; therefore the Vvlgar tongue, and the Bdgic 


tongue are the same ; therefore the JBelgce are Vtdgares. This is 
no caricature. MtUatis mtUandis, the argument alluded to runs — 
TetU-on and Dvi<h are similar words ; therefore the IhUch tongue 
and the Teulonic tongue are the same ; therefore the Teulcmes are 

The doctrine of the present writer conceming the ethnology of 
these two poptdations was laid before the Philological Societj as far 
back as 1844 j and the article in which it is exhibited, is re-printed 
at the end of the present volume^ which supersedes the necessitj of 
a long note. 

The chief addition that he would make to the quotations and 
references there found is the following extract from the Marmor 
Ancyranum : — '' oiKBaiQUB st ohabudss bt ssmnones st siusdsm 


This^ combined with the fact of a country so far east as Styria^ 
being the point whereon they fought their first battle, has suggested 
the possibilitj of their haying been Chula in the same waj as the 
language of the Goihini was Gallic, i,e,, not at all, but Slavonians 
instead; a fact which would well account for the difficulty of 
definitelj fixing them in anj part of Gallia. 

Naj — ^they may be Germans, At anj rate, if one of the two 
popuktions must be Gothic^ the claim is the strongest for the 
Cimbri — so utterlj worthless is the argument from the word DetU-sch. 
The Cimbri are, at least, near enough the Semnones to be their allies ; 
just as the Semnones were near enough the G^ermanic territory of 
Maroboduus to have belonged to his empire. 

* Veteris famcB — vestigia,'] — The disbeliever of the existence of 
either Cimbri or Teutones in Germanj, sees in this statement merelj 
an inference. Oertain monuments (perhaps Gravhoie, Ting-stene 
or other similar well-known antiquities of.the so-called Cimbric 
Chersonese) required ezplanation. The Boman antiquaries (for it 
must be remarked that the text giyes us no hint that this yiew was 
native) referred them to the populations in question. 


XXXVIII. Nunc de Suevis* dicendum est, quorum 
non una, ut Chattorum Tencterorumve, gens : majorem 
enim Gennanise partem obtinent, propriis adbuc na- 
tionibus nominibusque discreti, quamquam in com- 
mune Stcevi vocentur. Insigne gentis obliquare cri- 
nem, nodoque substringere. Sic Suevi a ceteris 
Germanis: sic Suevorum ingenui a servis separantur. 
In aliis gentibus, seu cognatione aliqua Suevorum, 
seu (quod ssepe accidit) imitatione, rarum et intra 
juventaj spatium; apud Suevos, usque ad canitiem, 
horrentem capillum retro sequuntur, ac ssepe in ipso 
solo vertice religant : principes et omatiorem habent : 
ea cura formse, sed innoxise. Neque enim ut ament 
amenturve ; in altitudinem quamdam et terrorem, 
adituri bella, compti, ut hostium oculis, omantur. 


^Suevis,] — The preliminaries to this note, are the note (on the 
Chatti) and the xv. section of the ProUgomena, 

The Suevi of Tacitus lie east of those of Csesar, since thej nowhere 
reach the Rhine ; in other words, the Sueyi of Tacitus begin where 
those of Caesar ended. This foUows from the separation of Suevi 
from the Chatti — a separation not made bj Csesar. Tacitus requires 
two areas — one for the one popuktion, the other for the other; 
CsBsar allows us to place both within the same. 

The Suevi of Tacitus extended from the eastem frontier of the 
Chatti as £Eir as the Elbe, at least ; probably further. 

As far as the Suevi of Tacitus ooincide with the Hermunduri and 
ChaUi, thej are German. Bejond this thej are Slayonians. 

The term Suevicum mare, applied to a part of the Baltic, is re- 
ferable to a different origin than the Suevia=Suabia of south- 
westem Oermanj. — Vid. not. in v. 

See also Epilegommaj § Suevi, 


XXXIX. " Vetustissimos se nobilissimosque Sne- 
vorum'* Semnones^ memorant. Fides antiquitatis» re- 
ligione firmatur. Stato tempore in silvam» auguriis 
patrum et prisca formidine sacram, omnes ejusdem 
sanguinis populi legationibus coeunt, csesoque pubiice 
homine celebrant barbari ritus borrenda primordia. 
Est et alia luco reverentia. Nemo nisi vinculo li- 
gatus ingreditur, ut minor, et potestatem numinis prse 
se ferens: si forte prolapsus est, attoUi et insurgere 
baud licitum: per humum evolvuntur: eoque omnis 
superstitio respicit, tamquam inde initia gentis, ibi 
regnator omnium deus, cetera subjecta atque parentia. 
Adjicit auctoritatem fortuna Semnonum : centum 
pagis habitantur: magnoque corpore efficitur, ut se 
Suevorum caput credant. 


^ Semnones,] — Yelleius Paterculus makes the Semnones conter- 
minous with the Hermunduri, from whom thej are separated bj the 
JElbe — <'ad flumen Albim, qui Semnonum Hermundurorumque fines 
praBterfluit."— ii. 106. 

For reasons for believing the Albis of Paterculus to be the Saale, 
see p. 148. 

This giyes their westem limit In the east Ptolemj carries them 
/icXP' ^^^ %ovfi€ov irora/iov, and makes them conterminous with the 
Silingi on the south — iraXcv vico fitv rovc Se/ivovac clKovai 2/- 

Now SilmgisszSilesia. 

If so the area of the Semnones was, as near as possible, the present 
countrj of Saxonj : and of the Slayonians of that countrj, I belieye 
them to haye been the Slavonic ancestors. 

Strabo mentions the Semnones amongst the subjects of Marobo- 
duus — Kol t6 Ttiv 2ovf7^«#v avrHy fiiya tdvog Hfivwva^. 

At the beginning of the historical period of the populations 
between the Saale and Elbe, the chief nation is that of the Sorahi, a 


name which appears as Surabiy Suurbi, Siurbi, Surpe, Sur/e, Surbi, 
Urbii, the countrj being Surdbia and Suirbia. 

This name is native and Slayonic, as we leam from such forms as 
Zrih-in and Zirb-in ; the -n being the adjectival affix. 

It is a natiye name of great generalitj, since it represents the 
same root as the Sirop- in the name 2ir<$/oot, applied bj Procopios 
to the south-eastem Slavonians, and the S-rv in Servia, the Sep^- 
in the Sep^Xoc of Constantine Porphjrogenita. 

The still-existing Slavonians of Upper Lusatia caU themselves 

But that thej extended as far west as the Saale, is shown bj the 
following extract, one out of manj similar. "Sorabi Sdavi, qui 
campos inter Alhim et Salam inUrjacentes incolunt, in fines Thurin- 
gorum et Saxonum, qui eis erant contermini, prsodandi causa in- 
gressi." — Ann. Einh. ad an. 782, Pertz i. 163. 

The Surpe were known to Alfred. 

The Sorabian Slayonic language was spoken in Leipsic till 
A.D. 1327.— SchaffiMik, p. 480. 

In geographical, or else in political continuitj, with the Sorabian 
Slavonians were the Daleminci, the Siudi, the Milcieni (for the parts 
about Bautzen), the Lusici (of Lusatia), and to the south-east the 
descendants of the ScXiyycu of Ptolemj, in the centuiy called Sleenz- 
ane, and in the present Schliesen^SiUsians, 

Such seem to haye been the descendants of the Semnones and the 
more eastem Sueyi of Tacitus. 

XL. Contra Langobardos^ paucitas nobilitat: plu- 
rimis ac valentissimis nationibus cincti, non per obse- 
quium, sed proeliis et periclitando tuti sunt. Reu- 
digni* deinde, et Aviones,* et Angli,* et Varini,* et 
£udoses,^ et Suardones,^ et Nuithones,® fluminibus aut 
silvis muniuntur: nec quidquam notabile in singulis, 
nisi quod in commune Herthum,^ id est, Terram ma- 
trem coiunt, eamque intervenire rebus hominum, in- 
vehi populis, arbitrantur. Est in insula *^ Oceani ^^ ca- 


stum nemus, dicatum in eo Tehiculum, veste contectum, 
attingere uni sacerdoti concessum. Is adesse pene- 
trali deam intelligit, yectamque bobus feminis multa 
cum yeneratione prosequitur. Lseti tunc dies, festa 
loca, qusecumque adventu hospitioque dignatur. Non 
bella ineunt, non arma sumunt, clausum omne fer- 
rum; pax et quies tunc tantum nota, tunc tantum 
amata, donec idem sacerdos satiatam conversatione 
mortalium deam templo reddat: mox vehiculum et 
vestes, et, si credere velis» numen ipsum secreto lacu 
abluitur. Servi ministrant, quos statim idem lacus 
haurit. Arcanus hinc terror, sanctaque ignorantia, 
quid sit id, quod tantum perituri vident. 


^ Langobardos,] — "Longobardos yulgo ferunt nominatos a prolix^ 
harbd et nunqnam tonsi.'' — Isidor. Hispal. Origg. ix. 2. " Oertum 
est^ Longobardos ab intact» ferro barbce longitudine, cum primitus 
Winili dicti fuerint, ita postmodum appellatos ; nam juxta illorum 
linguam lang longam bart barbam significat.'' — PauL Diacon. i. 9. 

This is the etjmologj which was first receiyed, and which is, per- 
haps, most generally credited. I do not know who first suggested 
the idea that the -hard in Lango-&an2 was the bart in 'hsl-bert and 
par^-izan, the name of warlike weapons ; but in such a case, the 
Langobardi are not the Long-heard$ but the Hdlherdiers. 

In the choice between these etjmologies, it must be remembered, 
that of the two^ the former was particularly likelj to mislead a 
writer in the Latin language, on account of the similaritj between 
the Latin barba and the German bart. 

Again, it must be remembered that, in Beowulf and the Traveller's 
Song, we meet with the compound H0a))o-beardan ; hea^ being a 
prefix adapted to a wariike weapon, but not to a beard» 

The habit of the Chatti crinem barbamgue mmmittere (see § xxxi.), 
has been quoted in favour of translating bart bj beard, In mj 
mind, it goes the other waj : since, if the habit of letting the beard 
grow were common amongst so large a population as the Chatti^ 
the Lombard habit would have been the rule rather than the excep- 


tioD, and, as such^ have failed in attracting notice, or developing a 

Ptolemj'8 notice of the populations whose name end in -bard 
(and in Ptolemy there are tipo such) introduces a difficulty. 

He lirst places Langohardi (Aayyo^ap^oi) west and south of the 
Anglian Suevi (Sov^^oc oi ^AyyciXo/)^ these latter being on the 
Middle Elbe. 

Aflerwards he places AaicKotdpioi between the Ghauci Majores 
and the Suevi ; conterminous with the Angriyarii and Dulgubini 
(AovXy ovfivioi), 

This complication maj, possiblj, appear unimportant; so that 
the inquirer may, perhaps^ think himself justified in disposing of it 
at once bj assuming either an error in the reading, or an oversight 
in the author. Possiblj, this yiew is right. Neyertheless, it is bj no 
means necessarilj so. The word in question is a compound, of which 
the qualifying element comes first. Hence, it is far from impossible 
that whilst Langohafdi means men with hards {beards or halherts, as 
the case maj be) of one sort, Lakkobardi maj mean men with bards 
(beards, &c,) of another. True it is that the elements Lang- and 
Lakk- are suspiciouslj alike ; neither can any satisfactoiy meaning be 
giyen to the latter word. Nevertheless, the inference of their being 
the same word is far from conclusive. Oompound words maj be 
alike and jet different ; as are Wessex and Usaex. 

Zeuss gives a full, perhaps an excessive, import to this difference, 
considering that the Lakkdbardi were not onlj the subsequent con- 
querors of Italj under Alboin (which the Langobardi were not) 
but that Ptolemj knowinglj and intentionallj distinguished between 
the two — " Diese Sov^^oc konnen also nicht mit den Langobardeny 
den Eroberem Italiens, verwechselt werden ; Ptolemseus selbst^ 
scheint es, will sie unterschieden wissen, dass er diese, die schon in 
getrennten Sitzen au%estellt sind, obwohl ihr name derselbe ist, 
auch verschieden Acucico^cfpdoi benennt.'' — p. 95. 

Again — '^Mit den Sov^^oi Aayyo€dp&>i des PtolemsBus diirfen 
nicht verwechselt werden seine AaxKo^dphoi, kQ.^ — p. 109. 

It is doubtful, however, whether Ptolemj^s own text requires this 
distinction to be thus stringentlj insisted on, ue,, if we take the 
Angri-varii to be the centre for our inquiries, and admit Engem to 
represent their localitj. — See § xxxiii. 

Thus — a. The Suevi Langchardi are conterminous with the 
Bructeri Minorea (Bov^airrepoi oi fiiKpoi) and the Sigambri. Of 


these, they lie to the wuJih^ and a very little exteDsion westwards 
will oany their frontier up to that of the AngnirvariL 

6. Now it is the Angrivarii which tl^e Aaicico^ap&)i succeed : the 
Angriyarian area being the only one which separates the two 

Still both the interruption ahd the difference of form must be 
taken as thej are found ; and explained rather than denied. 

In Staffordshire, and many other parts of England, sjUables 
ending in "ing^ are pronounoed ingk^ Suppose this to have been the 
case with some dialect in Germanj, from which the notice of a 
people called Langobardan was deriyed. The sound would then be 
Langh^hardan, To a Greek no waj of spelling this would be more 
natural than by -icic- ; since it was by -yy- that he already spelt the 
sound of -tt^. 

The Langobardi of Velleius are essentially those of Ptolemj, 
i,e,y Northem Germans — ^ Becept» Chaucorum nationes . . . fracti 
Langobardi^ gens etiam Germana feritate ferocior ; denique . • . 
osque ad flumen Albim. Bomanus cum signis perductus exercitus." 
— iL 106. 

So are those of Tacitus — although thej foUow the Suevi in the 
order of description, thej are connected with the undoubtedlj 
northern Angli, &o. 

It is safe, then, to say that the Langobard area was either discon- 
tinuous and interrupted^ or ebe exceedinglj sinuous and irregular in 

It is not 80 easj to account for this. 

o. If it were certain that h-rd^heard; and — 

6. If it were also certain that the length of heard was a charao- 
teristic of the Chatti, it would be iaxt to consider them as an intrusive, 
conquering, immigrant portion of that people — 1.«., High Germans 
within the Saxon area. 

But as neither of these points is certain, the relations of the 
Langobards are uncertain also. 

They may either be intrusive or fragmentary, 

a. Intrwive, — If they be this, the population from which they 
originated may be either the High Germanic Chatti, or the Low 
German Sicambri. 

6. Fragmentarg, — If this^ they may represent Saxons whose area 
has been encroached on. 

They may be many other things besidee. 



The evidence of Tacitus makes them a mall nation. Now there 
is the shade of an ohjection to this. Helmoldus (i. 26) mentions the 
JSardi; whilst in the neighhourhood of Llinehurg, so fiEkr north and 
east as eyen the Elhe, there is a district called Bardenrgoyre, and a 
town called Bardeiv-wik. 

Aooount for the element Bard- hy supposing the Lango-(are28 to 
have given the name, and the nation hecomes a large one ; so krge 
as to reach from Engem to Luneburg. Good writers — ^perhaps the 
best — ^have done this. Tet the termination 'bard alone, minus the 
prefix, scaroely seems to warrant the inferenoe. 

Far more important is the question as to the relation which the 
Langohards who conquered Italj, and gave their name to Lombardj, 
bore to these northem Langobards — the neighbours of the Angri- 
yani and Angli, but this is the subject of a separate notice.* 

< JReiuIignu'] — See note in v. J^uithones, The same error whioh 
Tacitus is supposed to have made with the Nuithones, he is supposed 
to make with the Reudignu He mistakes the first letter of their 
names. Reudigni, according to Zeuss, is for Teut-igni, or Teutingi. 
But these Teutings are not exactlj the Teul-^meSy but the TeuUmarii ; 
mentioned bj Ptolemy as a difierent tribe — Mera{v SaEovciiv 3e mu 
Twv Sov^^oiv TtVTOVoapoi KoX Ohipovvoif ^opo^eiviSv ii icaX 2oviy^«tfv, 
Tevrovec koX Avapirou 

Of the three assumptions here, the last two are l^timate. 

That the combination 'igni is the patronjmic or gentile form -tn^, 
80 that Reudigni=Reudingi=ithe Reudings, is highly probable. 

That the patronymic fonn in -wi^, can take the pkce of the ter- 
mination 'VHjere is shown bj the forms Kent^ing^as^men of Kent, as 
compared with Cant-waressinhabiUints ofKent, 

But the likelihood of Tacitus, who has hitherto given all his 
names in an unexceptionable form, blundering, when he begins to 
blunder, in two names out of six, is, to saj the least, doubtfuL 

^Avio7ies.'\ — These are considered to be the cutters; their name 
being derived from the verb hauan. Bj the exact term Aviones 
thej are not mentioned elsewhere. Ptolemj, howeyer, has as one of 
the tribes of the Cimbric Ghersonesus the Ko€avioL This name is 
identified with Aviones hj two prooesses : — 

1. Eo^avd-, is the participle of the verb hauan. 

* See Epilegomena, § Langobards of Lombardy, 


2. The KatavSoi of Ptolemjssthe Xctv^oi of Strabo=tbe Avion^s 
of Tacitos. 

This, the identification of the Aviones with KotayBol — not the 
deriyation from hamn — ^is probable; the more so as one of the 
Greek forms of Chamavi is Xafiatol. 

See EpUegomena, § Ohii, 

♦iiTi^^i.]— See EpUegomena, §§ on the Saxons, on the Angli, and 
on the Angli of Thuringia. 

* VariniJ\ — The probable localitj of the Varini is the parts about 
Grabow and Wamow, on the riyer Eldene, an easUm feeder of the 
Elbe, and the course of the river Wamow. 

This notice of the geographical relations of the Yarini is impor- 
tant ; since thej supplj some of our scantj data for the position of 
the Angle area, anterior to the respective migration of that impor- 
tant £uni]7. 

The proposed locality assumes that the Yarini of Tacitus occupied 
the same oountry as the Wamahi^ Wamavi, or Wamahi of Adam 
of Bremen and certain writers of the twelflh centurj. A Mecklen- 
burg charter of a.d. 1185, contains the foUowing passage :— ^'Silva, 
qu8d distinguit terras Hayelliere, sciHcet et Muritz, eandem terram 
quoque Muritz et Yepero cum terminis suis ad terram Wammife 
ex utraque parte fluminis quod Eldene dicitur usque ad castrum 

Again, in a charter a.i). 1189: — ''Distinguit tandem terram 
Moritz et Yeprouwe cum omnibus terminis suis ad terram qua^ 
Wamowe vocatur, includens et terram Wamouwwe cum terminis suis 
ex utraque parte fluminis quod Eldena dicitur, usque ad castrum 
quod Grabow nuncupatur." 

This is the first mention we have of the Yarini of Mecklenburg in 
the middle ages. For the semi-classical times, we have notices of 
Wami in Jomandes and Procopius. 

But whether these Wami be the same as the Varini, is considered 
in Hpilegomena, § Vami, 

Were the Yarini of Tacitus Germanic or Slavonic ? The foUow- 
ing facts are in fayour of their being Germanic : — 

1. The evidence of Tacitus. 

2. Their worship {if real) of the same goddess as the Angli^ 

* See Epilegomena, § AnglL 


In &Your of a Slayonic affinitj are : — 

1. Their Slayonic charaoter at the time thej were first deecribed 
from personal knowledge. 

2. The absence of anj traces of a previous Gkrmanic population in 
the area occupied bj them. 

In other words, it is a certain fitct that in the twelflh centurj 
the Wamayi were SlaYonic, whilst the belief that the Varini were 
German, is a reasonable, but not unexceptionable, inference. 

Probablj^ thej were a fcontier population. 

^Etidoses,'] — One of the tribes of the Cimbric Chersonese in 
Ptolemy^s list, is that of the ^ow^ovffiot. Here Ptolemj is wrong and 
Tacitus right. Ettdoses is the same word as ^owloioioiy tninus 
the $ and v. Such is 2ieus8's Yiew. To justify the first changes he 
quotes the similar (supposed) mistake, on the part of Ptolemj, in the 
word ^apohtvou See note on Stuzrdonea, 

The second is defended — and that reasonablj — bj the forms 
BowTovvroi, BpivfaKreu, Kivrioy opoQ, and Bouvoxou/icu ; in all of 
which the v is, undoubtedij, an improper interfix. 

See EpUegomena, § Fkundttsii, 

7 Suardones,] — See note on Eudoses. 

This word is considered by Zeuss to be deriYed from the Moeso- 
GK)thic svaird, Anglo-Sazon 9weord=:8word, just as Saxon firom sahs 
=iknife. Hence, Tacitus's name is the correct one. On the other hand 
Ptolemj plaoes afier the Saxons, and on the river Chalustu (jitra Si 
rovQ 2ci£omc oto toG HaXovffov vora^ov) the Pharodini {^apoitivoiy 

Now the ^apo^ of ^apo^Hvol, is, according to Zeuss, the Suard- 
of Suardones, I am not prepared either to denj or affirm this. 

^iV^t^t^Aonfs.]— Zeuss'8 reasoning jupon this word is remarkable, 
but unsatisfiu^tory. Bj an elaborate series of combinations he deriYes 
his own name from it. He assumes : — 

1. That bj the Nuithones Tacitus means the Teutones, the t being 
changed into n. '' Aus Deutschland selbst geben Plinius und Ptole- 
mseus noch die formen Teutoni, Teutones, aber auch schon Tacitus 
Nuithones {^Niuthones) mit den wurzelhaflem n, wie Nerthus.** 

2. That Ciuuari, * a remarkable, and hitherto unezplained, form 
in a document called the Wessobrunner Manuscript, is the same as 

* See EpHegomena, § Ciuuari, 


Ziuvari ; of which the second element is the word ware=inhabitants, 
and the first the root TeiU-, with the first t changed, and the latter 
ejected. Of these three changes it is onlj the second that is^ etjmo- 
logicallj, objectionable. The decomposition of the word into 'ware 
H-a prefixed noun is almost certainlj correct. The change from t to 
z is nothing more than what the difierence between a High German 
and Low Gkrman form leads us to expect The ejection of the 
second t, and the connection therebj effected with the root Teutr- is 

3. That the Old High Gkrman proper names Zuto, Zmo, 
and Zfmo and the Frisian form Tuta are the same as Teuir in 

4. That Zuzzo=:Zuzo=Zuto=Tuta=TeiU- in Teuton=Nuith' in 
Nuithones=Zeu8s : — " Und dann ist auch der familienname Zeuss in 
neuer form der alte name T When a man is investigating the etjmo- 
logy of his ovm name we must allow him more than usual latitude. 

9 Herikum,'] — Another reading is Nerthim, and that in good MSS. 

Neyertheless, the probability of a form in k being preferable is so 
great, as, perhaps, to justify us in assuming it to be the right one. 

The words Terram matrem, when compared with our own word 
earth, the Anglo-Saxon eorpe, the Old High German erdu, the Mobso- 
Gothic airthvs almost force upon us the reading Uerthum. 

As cautions, however, against disposing of the N thus summarily, 
we have the following fecfcs : — 

1. The fact of there being noZT in any of the German equivalents 
to Terra, 

2. The &ct of there being in the Eddaic mjthologj a deity named 

And against the conclusion that, even if the reading be k, the 
goddess must necessarilj be Hertha=Eartk, is the existence of an 
Anglo-Saxon deity Hrepe, with different attributes. 

Still I think TerraMater=Mother Earth. 

**> Inmld.] — Heligoland. 

11 Oceani.] — The German Ocean. The name Helig^o^holy ide 
&yours this yiew. 

The term Oceani does the same. Neyertheless, it is applied to 
the Baltic also. 



So does the undoubted Gknnanio occapancj of the island. 

So do its relations to the Elbe and Weser. 

At the same time claims have been asaerted for the Isle of Bugen 
in the Baltic. 

Bugen is fuU of sacred antiquities ; and, at the beginning of the 
historical period, was, perhaps, more unequivocallj a Holy Island 
than ffeligoland, in fact, though not in name. 

But at the beginning of the historical period, the rites, creed, and 
population were Slavonic, 

Of course, bj considering the Rugii of § 43 as Qermanic, this 
objection is neutralized. 

But I more than doubt whether this can be done. 

As to the Reudigni, Aviones, Angli, Varinif EudoHB, Suardones, 
and Nuilhonea, coUectiyely, we must remember, that, at the beginning 
of the historical period» the Slaronians of the Lower Elbe are found 
80 far westwards as to make it doubtful whether the German frontier 
— the Northem Qermano-Slavonic March — can be carried much 
fiirther eastward than the Hartz. 

Lauenburg, was the occupancj of the Polahi, a remarkable name. 
Fostzon nnd Za6a=^^= the Elbe, the Slaronic form of that 
name. Hence the Folabi were to the Elbe as the Fo-mo-rani of 
Pomerania to the sea (po^on, and more^sea), Slavonic as this 
form was, it was adopted bj the Qermans ; and became a hjbrid 
word bj means of the affix -ing — Po-lab-iTt^ a word half Qerman 
and half Slavonic in form, but whollj Slavonic in power. 

Ea^em HoUUin was Wagrian; Aldenburg being the capital of the 
Slavonic Wagri. — " Henricus • . intravit Slaviam^ percussit . . omnem 
terram Flunememj Luthilenburgensemf Aldenburgensem^ omnemque 
regionem, quce incfioat a rivo Su^alen et daudUur mari BaUioo et Jlur 
mine Trahencu^ — Helmold. i. 56. 

Mecklenburg was the country of the Obotriti ; Luneburg of the 
Linones, whose Slavonic tongue was extant till a.d. 1700. The 
details of the Slavonians of AU-marJc are obscure, but as it is certain 
that Luchow and Danneberg in the north were Slavonic, and that 
southwards there were numerous Slavonians in the direction of 
Saxonj, we maj, provisionally, consider that a line drawn from 
Hamburg to Jena represents the Old Slavono-Ckrmanic March, 
in its oldest form. Afterwards, the Saale forms the boundarj. 

That the Varini were Slavonic is only likely. That the Angli were 
Gkrman is certain^ Henoe — 


The Eudoeesy kc,, come m with the latter rather than the former, 
and» on the ground of heing what the Angli were, are Germanic. 

Such heing the case, it is necessarj to place their locality in the 
direction of Holstein and Sleswick northwards rather than in that of 
Lunehurg and Mecklenhurg to the north-f o^ ; since the former is 
the direction of the German, the latter that of the Slavonic popu- 

It is also necessarj to place them on the North Sea rather than 
the Baltic, on account of Heligoland, 

Hence, the majoritj of the trihes in question were prohahlj the 
ancient occupants of the westem parts (the eastem heing Slavonic) 
of Sleswick-Holstein ; a population divided hetween the Anglo- 
Sazon and the North-Frisian sections, and a population more or 
less represented hj the Nordalhingians of the eighth centurj. 

Saxonum populus quidam, quos claudit ah austro 
Alhia scpunctim positos aquilonis ad axem. 

Poeta Saxo, ad an. 798. 

"Est enim gens in partihus nostri regni Saxonum scUicei et 
Fresonum commixta^ in confinihus Nordmannorum et Ohodritorum 
sita." — Ruodolfi Fuldens. Transl. S. Alexandri, Pertz ii. 677. 

In the waj of a more minute geographj, these Nordalhingians 
were the people of Sturmar, Holstein, and Ditmarsh. — '' Thiedmarsi, 
Holtsati, Sturmarii : transalhianorum Saxonum tres sunt populi : 
primi ad Oceanum Thiatmarsgoi (al. Thiedmarsi), et eorum ecclesia 
Mildiuthorp (al. Melindorp) ; secundi HoUzati, dicti a silvis, quas 
incolunt, eos Sturia fiumen interfluit, quorum ecclesia Sconenfeld ; 
tertii, qui et nohiliores, Siurmarii dicuntur, eo quod seditionihus illa 
gens frequenter agitur. Inter quos metropolis Hammahurg caput 
extollif* — ^Adam. Brem. Hist. Eccl. c 61. '' Hahet utique Hammen- 
hurgensis ecclesia prsdscriptos terminos su» parochi», ultimam 
scilicet partem Saxonise, quae est trans Alhiam et dicitur Nordal- 
hingia, continens tres populos, Teihmarsos, Holsatos, Stormarios" — 
HeUnold. Chron. Slavor. i. 6. ''Attritaesunt vires Saxonum, et servie- 
runt Cruconi suh trihuto, omnis terra videlicet Nordalhingorum, 
qu» disterminatur in tres populos : Holzatos, Sturmarios, Thet' 
marchosr — Id. i. 26. 

The river Bille divided these from the Slavonians of Lauenhurg. 

As Nordalhingi \s a term denoting an attrihute {i,e,, geogra- 
phical position) ; and Sturmar, Ditmarsh, and Holstein geographical 

L 2 


tenns, there is no difficultj in supposing that some of the names 
of the present text represent the ancestors of the ^n^^Sazons 
of Britain ; in other words, that thej stood in the same relation 
to that section of the Gkrmanic population as the Fosi and other 
minor nations grouped around the'Cheru8ci, did to the Old Saxons. 

Still the distrihution of the North Frisians complicates the yiew. 

See Epilegomena, § Angli, 

XLI. Et haec quidem pars Suevorum in secretiora 
Germaniae porrigitur. Propior (ut quo modo paullo 
ante Rbenum, sic nuuc Danubium sequar) Hermun- 
durorum civitas/ fida Romanis, eoque solis Germa- 
norum non in ripa commercium, sed penitus, atque 
in splendidissima Rbcetiae proyincise colonia: passim 
et sine custode transeunt; et cum ceteris gentibus 
arma modo castraquc nostra ostendamus» bis domos, 
villasque patefecimus, non concupiscentibus. In Her- 
munduris Albis oritur,^ flumen inclitum et notum 
olim ; nunc tantum auditur. 


^ Hermundurorum dvitcu,'] — See pp. 66 and 149. 

^ In ffermunduris Albis orUur,'] — Let us consider what means the 
contemporaries of Tacitus had of knowing the source of the true Elhe ; 
lying as thej do within the unknown countiy of Bohemia. I saj 
unknoum because there were certainlj few means of knowing it. In- 
deed, even at present it is bj no means easj to saj which of three 
riyers is the true Elbe — the riyer which runs bj Pilsen on the west, 
the riyer which runs bj Colin on the east, or the Muldau from the 
south : besides which, it is equallj difficult to saj which of the 
numerous feeders of these streams leads us to the true souroe. 

This makes it probable that the Albis to which Tacitus assigns 
the country of the Hermunduri was the SacUe ; a view which gives 
us the parts about ffqf as portions of the area of the Hermunduri. 


An additional reason for believing that, in the eyes of a German, 
the source of the SaaU was the source of the ElhCf is to be found in 
the name of the latter river itsel^ The name Elv^river ; the 
Scandinavian equivalent to the German Fltus^tL factwhich shows 
either that the Frisian of the Lower Elbe was spoken in a form 
approaching the Norse, or else that the Norse itself was then spoken 
farther southwards than afterwards — ^*Albi$ fluvius oritur in prsa- 
dictis Alpibus, perque medios Gothorum populos currit in Oceanum, 
inde et Goth^^ dicitur." — De Sit. Dani», c. 229. This applies to 
the Swedish river Gotddf, 

Now as the name was German, and as it was given by the popu- 
lation of the lower part of the river, it is more likelj that it was 
extended upwards to a German branch, like the Saale, than to a 
Slavonic one, like that which rises in Bohemia. 

As Tacitus is now b^nning with the Danube, up to which he 
brings the Hermunduri, the souroe of the Elbe must be in the more 
northem parts of the area of that population ; but as he also sepa- 
rates the Hermunduri from the Suevi, we most be carefiil against 
carrying the frontier too flEur in that direction. 

XLII. Juxta Hermunduros* Narisci,* ac deinde Mar- 
comanni ^ et Quadi * agunt. Prsecipua Marcomannorum 
gloria viresque, atque ipsa etiam sedes, pulsis olim 
Boiis, virtute p^rta. Nec Narisci Quadive degene- 
rant. Eaque Germanise velut frons est, quatenus 
Danubio pergitur. Marcomanuis, Quadisque usque ad 
nostram memoriam reges raanserunt, ex gente ipso- 
rum, nobile Marobodui et Tudri genus: jam et ex- 
temos patiuntur. Sed vis et potentia regibus, ex 
auctoritate Romana: raro armis nostris, ssepius pe- 
cunia juvantur. 


* Uemmnduros,'] — The reasons for oonsidering the name Rtrmxjmr 
duri a compound word, are numerous and satisfiEtctory. 


For tbe opinions as to the meaning of the term Hermun, 
see pp. 47 — 49. 

The root dur- re-appears in the Tcvp-co-xal/icu of Ptolemj; a 
compound of Teur- and heim=kome; just as Boio^hemumssithe home 
of the Boii, All this is pointed out bj Zeuss, who expresslj sajs 
that Hermun^uri is eyidentlj a compound {augenscheinlich compO' 
situm) and also that the Tcvptoxat/icu of Ptolemy means the same 

The identification of both forms with the modem form Tkuringen 
{Thur-ingia), is equallj probable. The -ing is the gentile or patro- 
njmio affix — consequentlj no part of the original word. 

The change from diot^ which occurs between Tacitus and Ptolemj, 
occurs in the more modem forms also ; DurinCy^Tur-ing, being the 
Old High German word. 

This justifies us in considering the population, whose name appears 
as the second element of the word Hermun-c^tirt, as the occupants of 
the parts between the Werra and the Saale ; or the present district 
of Thuringia, wherein we find a Tor-gau, 

AU this is confirmed bj the following observations of Zeuss. 
Afber the jAarcomannic war, in which thej took part, the Hermun- 
duri disappear. Sueyia, which, in the Boman maps, fills up the 
country between the Bructeri and Alemanni, in its eastem parts, 
represents their country. Jomandes, who mentions tbem but onoe, 
does so in a loose and general waj, and evidentlj on the authoritj 
of older writers. Speaking of the Yandals of the first half of the 
fourth centurj, he sajs-^" Erant namque illis tunc ab oriente Gothi, 
ab occidente Marcomanni, a septentrione ffermunduri, a meridie 
Hister, qui et Danubius dicitur.** — C. 22. From this time forwards, 
historj knows no Hermunduri, but, from the fifth c^tuiy down- 
wards, Toringi, Thoringi, and Thuringi, in their stead. That the 
Thuringians are in nowise a different people from the earlj Hermun- 
duriy can be safelj admitted, since we discoyer neither how so con- 
siderable a population as the latter, should haye been lost, nor 
whence such a one as the former could haye originated. Besides 
which^ the later writers alwajs place the Thuringians at the back 
of the Franks and Alemanni, and between them and the Saxons; 
this being the original countrj of the Hermun-duri. 

Upon the localitj of the Hermundorum dvitas, I can throw no light. 

The exteni given in the text to the area of the Hermunduri 
requires notice. Tacitus brings them as &r south as the Daaube. 


This is much hejond the limits of the present Thuringia. More 
than this, it is bejond the Tevpioxaificu of Ptolemy. Neyertheless, 
for reasons given in the JBpiUgoTnena, I think the extension highlj 

If so, the coiintrj of the Hermun-c^rt was the greater part of 
Thuringia, pltis the yallej of the Naab. 

The complement to this note are EpiUgomena, § Ostrogotks, and 
the next note. 

^ Naruci.^ — The Fichtelgebirge, in its westem extension, is the 
water-shed to the Saale and the Naab— north and south ; the Saale 
belonging to the system of the Elbe, the Naab to that of the Danube. 
Along with the yallej of the Naab, thai of the Regen should be con- 
sidered ; the Regen being the stream nearest the mountain-frontier of 

The present names of the geographical localities for the sjstem of 
these two rivers, are almost whoUj German — (dmost, but not quite. 
Slayonic forms appear occasionallj, increasing slightly as we approach 

The (^erman dialect, to which the Qerman names of geographical 
localities (as far as it is not an over-refinement to refer them to one 
dialect more than another) are mostlj referable, is the High German 
of Bavaria. 

Slayonio names ocour even west of the Naab j though rarelj. 

Putting all this together, I infer — 

a, From the existenoe of SlaYonic names at all, an earlj Slayonic 

h, From the paucitj of them, an early displacement of such 

c. From the forms in p, the Alemannic origin of the Uigt inyaders. 
Mark the word loit. 

For accomplishing the change from Slayonic to German, the date 
of the chief Alemannic conqueets is fuU earlj enough. 

But it bj no means follows that^ because Germans of the Alemannie 
tjpe conquered a countrj, originaUj Slayonic, in the third, fourth, or 
fifth centuries, thej must haye been the firzi Ckrmans who did so. 
Earlier encroachers upon the Slayonians of the Naab and Regen maj 
haye proceeded from the parts to the north — from Thuringia. A 
Hermunduric conquest in the first, is perfectlj compatible with an 
Alemannic in iiiefifth centurj. 


I belieye sucb to bave been tbe casei Tbe previous occupancj of 
tbe vallej of tbe Naab (at least) bj Germans anterior to tbe inyasion 
of tbe present Bavarians, is necessarj to account for tbeir presence 
on tbe Danube, in tbe second, tbird, and fourtb centuries : besides 
wbicb tbe present text requires it. 

Tbe present text also requires tbat tbej sbould be eitber Hermun- 
duri, or closely allied to tbem. 

Tbe reasons for believing tbe Hermunduri to bave belonged to a 
different section of tbe Germans (indeed to bave been tbe cbief 
brancb of tbe Moeso-Gotbs) will be found in tbe sequeL* 

Wbetber tbe Naruici were Slavonians like tbeir neigbbours on tbe 
east, or Germans like tbeir neigbbours on tbe soutb, is, notwitb- 
standing tbe text, an open question. 

As Nariscif we bave no furtber specific etbnological information 
about tbem. 

If, bowever, we allow tbe OvapKrroi of Ptolemj to be tbe same 
people, we get a second notice of tbem ; a notice, bowever, wbicb 
adds notbing to our knowledge; merelj doing wbat is done bj 
Tacitus, i,e,, placing tbem next to tbe Hermunduri (Tcvpcoxat^ou). 

To get anj new facts, we must go furtber stilL Let tbe word 
Wara8ci=OhapiaToi =iNaruci, 

For tbe Frencb districts of Jura and Doubs, on tbe banks of 
tbe riyer from wbicb tbe latter takes its name, we bave tbe foUowing 
notice : — *' Eustasius ad Luxoyium regressus est. Deinde ad Wor 
rascos, qui partem Sequanorum provincise et Duvii amnis fluenta ex 
utraque ripa incolunt, pergit." — Vita S. Salabergce, 

Tbis speaks onlj to tbe people. Tbe following, bowever, goes 
j^rtber^ and gives us tbe bjpotbesis as to tbeir origin : — *^ Pergit 
(sc. Eustasius) progrediens Warescos ad fidem Domini nostri Jesu 
Cbristi convertit, qui olim de pago, qui dicitur Stadevanga^ qui 
situs est circa Begnum flumen, partibus Orientis fuerant ejecti, 
quique contra Burgundiones pugnam inierunt, sed a primo certamine 
terga vertentes, debinc advenerunt, atque in pugnam reversi, victores 
quoque eflecti, in eodem pago Warescorum consederunt.*' — Vita S. 

Tbere is notbing improbable in tbis; tbe river Regnum being 
considered tbe Regen. I bave not; bowever, been more successfiil tban 
Zeuss in finding sucb a name as Stadevanga on anj of tbe maps. 

* EpUegomenaf § Ostrogoths. 


The nearest approach to it is a compound of -^ng on the fiaYarian 
aud Wurtemburg frontier. 

A shade of evidence in favour of the original Narisci having been 
Slayonic, ia to be got from the confusion between the form in -sc- 
and that in -gt- ; the ideniUy heing granted. 

A Sdavonic affinity would best account for this ; since, such a 
form might end in 'iritsk (Naritsh), a syllable which contains both 
the t out of which -«^, and the sh out of which -«c- might be deve- 
loped. Naj 1 such an ending as even -ishtsh would be nothing 
unusual in Slavonic. No German form exists which gives us an 
equallj probable origin of the two forms. In that language it would 
be either 'isk to the exclusion of the sound of ^, or ts^ to the ezclusion 
of that of k ; neither of which would be sufficientlj strange to a 
Roman or Greek ear to be mistaken for the other, or, indeed, for 
anything else. Yerj different, however, would be the case with the 
complex Slavonic sibilants. 

A sound like the ch in chest (tsh), was a strange sound to the 
countrymen both of Tacitus and Ptolemj ; and (more than this) it 
was just the sound which one writer might represent bj 'sk, and 
another bj 'St. 

Their position as colonists in Burgundj is compatible with either 
affiuitj : though, perhaps, it favours the German. 

Dion^s notice of the Naristce is — Kcu ol 'Sapiaral raXa^irbtpriadyTeQ 
Tpt(rxiXioi &pa riVTOfi6\tiaay, koI yfjv iv Tjf ^fAerip^ eXo^ov. — Lib. 

As rp ht^eripif, maj applj to anj portion of Roman Gaul, this 
passage maj give us the origin of the Warasci, 

Again — as a mere guess, I suggest the probabilitj of their repre» 
senting some of those intrusive members of the kingdom of Ariovistus 
who appropriated a third of the land of the Sequani, as related bj 


* Marcomanni.] — The remarks of ProL xvii. are the necessarj 
preliminaries to this note : indeed, to a oertain extent thej stand in 
place of it. 

The Marc^o^manni in question were thoee of the Tshekh or fiohe- 
mian March, and, I imagine, thej extended from the vallej of the 
Naab to Lower Austria ; their area following the line of the moun- 
tains that enclose the south, and south-west parts of fiohemia. To 
the foot of these the Marc^o^manni were probablj limited ; since, 


the moantaiD-fastneflses themselyes were probablj the residence of 

I do not imagine that there was a second Maroh in this quarter, 
i^., one on the Roman (Rhastian, Yindelician^ or Bhjsto-Yindelician) 
frontier. The Danube served instead. 

Of coorse all this has the value of presumptiye rea8oning< — no more. 

^ Quadu] — ^The area of the Quadi seems nearly to have reached 
as far south as the present province of Lower Austria. This brings 
them to the Danube, as the text of Tacitus requires — ^^ Eaque 
Germanice veltU frons est, quaCenus Danvbio perqilur" At the same 
time, the line df the Germanic March must haye been irregular, and 
the Germanic area north of the Danube narrow. It must also 
have extended as far northwards as Morayia and Upper Hungarj. 

Up to the time of Tacitus, the political relations of the Quadi are 
chiefly with the confederacies of Maroboduus^* Catvalda, and the 
Regnum Vannianum, 

Aflerwards they are chiefly with the Sarmatians of Hungary. 

I know no reasons, except a statement of Ammianus as to their 
arms being like those of the Sarmatcet and the likelihood of the name 
Vannius {ffeniis Quadorum) of the Regnum Vannianum being the 
Slavonic title Pan^Dominus, for making them Sarmatian rather 
than German. But these I think sufficient. Still, as thej are a 
frontier population^ the remark that applies to the Marsigni applies 
to the Quadi also. 

XLIII. Nec minus valent retro Marsigni,^ Go- 
thini,* Osi,* Burii:* terga Marcomannorum, Quado- 
rumque claudunt : e quibus Marsigni, et Burii sermone 
cultuque Suevos referunt. Gothinos Gallica, Osos 
Pannonica lingua coarguit, non esse Germanos; et 
quod tributa patiuntur: partem tributorum Sarmatse, 
partem Quadi, ut alienigenis, imponunt: Gothini, 
quo magis pudeat, et ferrum effodiunt : omnesque hi 
populi pauca campestrium, ceterum saltus et vertices 
montium jugumque insederunt. Dirimit enim scin- 

* Sec EpiUgomeftOy § Quasi-Germanic Gauls, ad fin. 


ditque Sueyiam continnuin montium jugum, ultra 
quod plurimae gentes agunt : ex quibus latissim^ patet 
Lygionim* nomen in plures civitates diffusum. Va- 
lentissimas nominasse suflSciet, Arios/ Helveconas,^ 
Manimos> Elysioe, Naharvalos.® Apud Naharvalos 
antiqu8& religionis lucus ostenditur. Praesidet sacerdos 
muliebri omatu:^ sed "deos, interpretatione Romana,^** 
Castorem PoUucemque "" memorant. Ea vis numini : 
nomen Alcis:^^ nulla simulacra, nullum peregrinae su- 
perstitionis yestigium: ut fratres tamen, ut juvenes 
venerantur. Ceterum Arii super vires, quibus enu- 
meratos paullo ant^ populos antecedunt, truces, insitse 
feritati arte ac tempore lenocinantur : nigra scuta, 
tincta corpora : atras ad proelia noctes legunt : ipsaque 
formidine atque umbra feralis exerciius terrorem in- 
ferunt, nullo hostium sustinente novum ac velut in- 
fernum aspectum : nam primi in omnibus proeliis oculi 
vincuntur. Trans Lygios Gothones " regnantur, paullo 
jam adductius, quam ceterae Germanorum gentes, 
nondum tamen supra libertatem. Protinus deinde ab 
Oceano Rugii,** et Lemovii:** omniumque harum gen- 
tium iusigne, rotunda scuta, breves gladii, et erga 
reges obsequium. 


* Marsigni,] — This is, almost oertainlj, the Roman mode of spell- 
ing Mars-ing-i, Why it should be so is diflBcuU to say. The 
Gombinations ping-o, ling-th, &c., are Latin. Perhape, the Greek 
mode of expressing -ng- by yy may have determined the use of the ^. 

The name itself is, probably, Gkrmanssthe Mars-ings. 

What doee ifar«- mean 1 Not i/arcA; since they are distingnished 
from the Marc(Mnanni. 

Perhaps Marsk, The country, however, is more mountainous than 


Perhaps the riyer Maros, It is not necessary, however, that it 
should have anj ascertained meaning. 

I take the words " Marsigni sermone cuUugue Suevos referunt^ as 
they stand. i 

It is against the principles laid down in a preyious part of the 
work to lightlj admit as Ckrmanic anj nation placed, like the 
Marsigni (terga Marcomannorum — claudunt) heyond the March, 

But it is also against other principlea to treat a definite assertion 
of an author like Tacitus summaril j. 

We must, also, take the word Suems as he understood it, t.^., as 
meaning Oerman — not as his present commentator does, t.^, as 
meaning Slavomc. 

Hence, there are no grea;t objections against the Marsigni being 
considered German — or, rather^ as thej are a frontier population, 
and, consequently, inyolying no serious error either one way or the 
other, there is no need for an oyer-scrutinizing criticism. 

The same applied to the Quadi and Narisci. 

^ Goihini,'] — The -n- here is almost certainlj of the same inflexional 
or non-radical character with the -7t- in Goth-one8 / and the same 
criticism, in other respects, applies to it. — See note in y. Gothones, 

In Ptolemj we find that beyond the Bacvoxai/iac (Bayarians) 
were the fiatini. — ^Xvip ovc {haivoi)(atfiovc) Barecvo), xal tri vwep 
ToihovQ, viro ro *A(rKi€o^pyioy opoQ KopKovroXy koI Aovyiot 61 Bovpot, 
/jtexpi Ttjc «^aX^c rov OviaTovXa Trora/jtov. *Yiro oi rovrovc, irpCiTOi 
%iSu)V€c, elra K6yvoi, ilra Oh'ia€o^pytot, virep rbv *OpKvvtov Zpv^iov, 
Now Zeuss considers that Koyvoi is a &ult in the MSS. for Yiorvot, 
which is likelj enough. He also thinks that the ILorvot are the 
K6rtvot of Dion Cassius, and that the Kortvot of Dion Cassius are the 
Gothini of Tacitus — which is likelj too. 

The iron-mines, combined with the statement as to their language, 
fix the Gothini in the GbtUician Carpathians. 

Gallica — lingua. — I know no reasons for belieying that the 
name Halitsch, the Slayonic form for GaXlida is one whit less ancient 
than the names Gallia, Britannia, Italia, HeUas, kc, 

Until I do, I translate Gallica by Gallician ; considering that the 
same similarity^ with the same likelihood of creating error, between 
words as like as the form out of which Gallicia grew, and that out 
of which the Bomans formed Galli and the Greeks FaXc^rai, ex- 
isted in the time of Tacitus as now. 


' Osi,] — No other writer but Tacitus unequivocally mentions any 
tribe with a name like that of Od, in the neighbourhood of the 
south-eastem March. The Otii of Ptolemj are too far north to 
coincide with them. These are a people bejond the VeltsB (OvcXrat), 
a Lithuanic nation on the Baltic — UoKlv ^i rtly fiiv c^e{}fc rf 
Ov€V€iiKf itoXt^ wapWKeayinv Korixovcriv OviXrcu, vxip ovq "Otnoi, 
ilra KapSkivtQ dpKTiKuiTaroi ; a people whose name Zeuss is probably 
right in connecting with that of the island Ostlia=OezeL — P. 272. 

I saj that no writer but Tacitus wiequivocaUy mentions anj tribe 
with a name like that of the Osi, in the neighbourhood of the south- 
eastern March ; and I now draw attention to the qualifjing word 
unequivocally, What if the Ovi<r€ovpyioi be the people of OviV* 
tovpy-f as thej almost certainlj were, and Ohiotovpy- be the hurg or 
herg of the Osi 1 

Whether the -povpy in Oviff€ovpyioi=berg=kill, or burgh=s 
horough, ue., whether the compound be a word like Eoning8-&tfr^, or 
a word like Ham-^r^, is of no great consequence. The word is a 
German one. Yet it bj no means follows that the nation it desig- 
nated was Qerman. 

Wisburg (or Wifherg) might be a German name for a Slavonic 
localitj, just as Liefland (Livonia) and Courland are. 

It might also (as suggested in p. 97), in the hands of a Greek 
writer, take the form Asciburgius Mons. 

That the Osi were not Gkrman is Tacitu8*s own statement. 

The complement to this note is not. in yt. Aravisci ab Osis — Osi 
ab Araviscis, p. 96, &c. 

The hypothesis is as follows : — 

a, That the population from the Asciburgius Mons, or the Carpa- 
thians between Gallicia, Morayia, and Upper Hungarj, was once 
continuous with that of Croatia ; the northem portion of it being 
called, bj the Germans, Osi. 

b, The invasion of the Germans of the Danube broke up this 

c, fiut not whoUj. Within the German area (probably in the 
mountain strongholds of the Luna Silva=iJahlunka Berg)^ isolated 
portions of the Osi preserred their language. 

* Burii!\ — What applies to the Marsigni applies to the Burii, 
They maj be considered German as long as there is no stronger 
objection lying against them than their situation bejond the March, 



and as long as that objection is met bj the special statement tbat 
their tongue was Svtmc^ ix., in the eyes of Tacitus, German. 

But there is a stronger objection. It will be seen in the next 
note that Ptolemy places them in the same category with the Lygiu 

^ Lpgiorum.] — Here, according to Tacitus, we have a generic term 
like Galltu and Suevm, 

Neither is there anj reason to doubt his eTidence. On the con- 
trary it is oonfirmed in more quarters than one. 

1. Ptolemy gives the same generic power to the word — *Yiro Bi tovq 
hwyovvrat Aovyioi ol *0/iavoc, v^* ovc Aoyytoc oi Aovvoc, fUxpi rov 
* AiTKitvpyiov opovQ .... Koi Aovycoc oi 3ovpoty f^ixpi rov OviffrovXa 

2. The extract from Nestor* confirms Ptolemy : — "When the 
WaUachians attacked the Slovenians — the Slovenians went forth, 
and settled on the River Vislje (Yistula), and called themselves 
Lekhs {Ljachave). And some of these people were called Foles, some 
Luticzi, some Pomoranians.*" 

This does something more than confirm Ptolemy. It shows that 
the root Lekh was Slavonic, ue^ the natiye name by which the 
Slavonians of the Yistula called themselyes, rather than the name 
by which they were called by their non-Slavonic neighbours. 

That the name of Lekh was recognised by other writers than 
Nestor, indeed, that it was a oommon designation, is shown by the 
hypothesis of the later chronicles, where it becomes the name of the 
eponymns of the Poles. Tshekh and Lekh are the two leaders of 
two great nations ; the first of the Poles, the second of the Bohe- 
mians. Of the latter, the present native name is Tshekh; of the 
former, Lekh was the original denomination. 

Hence the name Lekh in Nestor'8 time, at least, was nalive, 

After this, does any reader doubt the identity between the Lygii 
of Taoitus and the Poles ? or, admitting this, does he believe the 
Lygii to have been Qerman ? 

Amongst ethnologists, Zeuss, for one, insists on this latter view. 

I confess that it strikes me unfavourably that he has kept back 
the identity of locality, combined with the similarity of sound 
between the Lfkh of Nestor, and the Lggii of Tacitus. Whether we 
look to his remarks on the former word (p. 126), or the latter (p. 

♦ Prolegomena, p. xxiii. 


662), we find abundant signs of readiness to associate similar words 
with the one under consideration. Thus (in yy. Poloni, Wenden) 
he expends soiiie ingenuitj in showing the probabilitj of the Lekh 
of Nestor, and the Aev^oi^voe of Constantine Porphjrogenita being 
identical. He also shows some research in tracing the names in the 
Icelandic writings of Snorro (as Lcesjar) and in the Latin of Witi- 
kind (Lidavihi), 

Then in y. Lygii he enumerates the slightlj yaried forms Ligii, 
Ltiffii, Aoioc, Aovycoc, Lu^iones, Aoyiwytc, Lupiones, and hints at an 
etjmological connection with the root long, But, with all this 
there is not a single reference from Lt/gii to Lekh, nor yet any from 
Lekh to Lygii; so that the yerj important fact of similaritj of 
name coinciding with identitj of area, is not even recognised as a 
complication worth inyestigating. 

Pole is a geographical, rather than a national, term, and means 
occupanU of plains, Pole^plain, and Polak^an inhabitant of a 
plain^ Of this PoUucy is the plural form. Nestor writing in Old 
Slayonic, has the form Poljane, Hence the Latin form Pohnia — 
'' Inter Alpes Hunnise et Oceanum est Polonia, sic dicta in eorum 
idiomate quasi Campania.^'* — Zeuss, p. 662. 

The d in the English form Poland, has been introduced bj the 
same process of confusion which conyerts oiparagtu into sparroto- 
grass, i.e., the tendencj to identifj a like term in a foreign, with 
some real one in the natiye tongue. 

The situation of the Lygii of Tacitus is that of the Lekhs of 

The present Poles are the Lekhs of Nestor under another name. 
This is admitted bj Zeuss. — ** The name Lech, originallj a general 
name giyen bj the eastem to the westem branch ef Slayonians, 
must most frequentlj haye been applied to those who liyed nearest, 
viz., the Poles. At length, after ceasing to be a general appellation, 
it became fixed as their special designation." — P. 662. 

With all this, not a word about Lekh being eyen like Lyg-ii. 

But it maj be said that the assumption of a migration in the case 
of the Slayonic Lekhs is legitimate, inasmuch as it is suggested by 
the yerj passage of Nestor latel j quoted. 

Be it 80. There would still stand oyer the yerj remarkable faot 
that the yerj area in which these immigrant Lekhs settled, should 
be an area occupied bj a people with a name almost identical with 
their own. What should we saj to a writer who argued that Boston 


in the United States was, very likely, wholly unconnected with 
Boston in England j that it was an aboriginal American name ; that 
by mere chance, the Bostonians of Lincolnshire fell in wifli a place 
named like their native town ; and that by mere chance the aboriginal 
Bostonians of Massachusetts were displaced by a population bearing 
the same name as themselves 1 

But they might have taken their name from that of the earlier 
Ly^iL Not so. The tradition about the eponymus Lech is strong 
evidence in faTour of its being native. What Anglo-Saxon ever 
called himself a descendant of Brvt ; or placed Brut at the head of 
his genealogy 1 

* Arii — Manimi — Elysii,'^^! can throw no light on these names, 
unless the Man-imi be the Lygii O-man-i of Ptolemy. 

7 Helveconas,^ — 'FovriKXtlatv ^i rai Bovyoi/i^afv (furaiv KeivTm) 
AiXovcUtayeQ. — Ptolemy. They, probably, are part of the duchy of 
Posen ; possibly Slavonians of the river ffevel. 

8 Naharvalos,] — ^To what appears in the tezt I can add but little 
about the Naharvali. 

The termination -val has been considered Gkrmanic, i.e., = the 
-phal in West^hal-ia, and other similar compounds. 

It is not, however, exclusively so. A form so near it as gal is 
Lithuanic, and, perhaps, Slavonic as welL — " Letti, qui proprie 
dicuntur LetrgalJA, — Letti vel Lett-gall-i adhuc pagani.** This is 
from Henry the Lett, speaking of the Letts of Livonia. Nestor, a 
Busdan, has the form Sjet-gola. 

Again — the old inhabitants of part of Samogitia are not only 
Samxhgilasy but Sem^gall-i, San^al-i, and Sam^al-i, in the older 
Latin writers, and Zimrgola in Nestor. 

Again — ''Swiatha (sa fluvius) ex Samogitia, cujus fons prope Vil- 
komiriam et in villa Remy-^o/o, ostia circa Mariewerder, et hic 
dividit Lithuaniam et Samogitiam.** — Dlugoss. 

Is it safe then to say that such intemal evidence as is derived 
from the element -va/ in £etvour of the Nahar-voZi being German is 
neutralized by the Lithuanic terminations. The meaning of the 
word is uncertain. All that is certain is, that the word is a com- 

Victo-Ao/t (Victo-o/i, Victo-vo/i), and Thai-pAo/i, seem to be 

•••••• • • 

•! • • • • 

! •-• • • 

• • • • 



similar compounds. These are the names of populations on the 
Lower Danube — German in the ejes of most writers, Slayonic in 
those of the present 

For fnrther notice of the Naharmli, see remarks on the Ifadrovitce, 
p. 173. 

9 Mvliebri orfuUru] — Adam of Bremen describes the priests of the 
ancient Courla^ders, not indeed as dressing as womeny but as nwnh. 
" Diyinis, auguribus, atque necromanticis omnes domus sunt plensd, 
qui etiam vestitu mofMchioo induti sunt.** — De Situ Dani», a 223. 

**> IrUerpretatione Romand.] — The commentarj upon the principles 
which determine the choice of a given deitj in one countrj as the 
equivalent, parallel, or analogue to one in another, would be one of 
great length. Thej are, however, referable to two heads : — 

1. The correspondence maj be suggested hj similaritj of name; 
or — 

2. The correspondence maj be suggested bj similarity of aUribiitea. 
If what is written on the names Hercules, Isis, &c., be correct^ we 

have instances of both principles in Tacitus. 

a, Im (see note in vocem) seems determined bj the former process. 

6. Hercules bj the latter. 

c, For Marsy Mercury, and PoUtix, a case may be made out either 

" Castorem PoUucemque,] — The Slavonic mythology has two asso- 
ciated gods, named Ld and Polel. 

Without being able to say that, beyond their duality, and the 
name of one of them, there is anything to connect them with the 
Castor and PoUux of Tacitus, I am not afraid of saying that the 
German mythology has nothing equally similar, be this similarity 
little or much. 

^^ Alci*^ — I belieye this 0X0- to be simply Lithuanic. 

Hartknoch, in his Dissertatio de Diis Prussorum minoribus, writes, 
'' Inter feras Prussi veteres in primis alcem (the eUc) divino prose- 
quebantur honore, ut testis est Erasmus Stella, in Lib. ii. Antiq. 
Boruss. Nec dubium est quin aliis quoque animalibtu divini 
honores sint delatL"— § 7. 

The fact of a thing or person uamed Aic- being an object of 



worship to the Lithaanians is an nnexoeptionable inference from tfais 
passage. Its identitj with tfae quadruped elk ib, probably, a mis- 
apprehension of the author*8. 

^^ Gothones.] — Beasons for considering the Gbthones to be JEstii 
under a SlaTonic name, will be found in not. ad y. jEstii, 

The -n is, almost certainlj, an inflexional elemont rather than a 
part of the root. 

It maj be Gennan, t.e., the -n in Ead-an and other similar weak 

But it maj also be Slayonic, i.e., the -n, in such forms as Pol- 
jdne, &c, 

That the radical part (Gothr) is Slayonic, is in ihe highest d^ree 

But for this vid. infr. in y. ^sUi, and EpHegomena, § Ooths. 

^* Euffiu] — For the quotation which; notwithstanding its Ute 
date, and the objections which will be noticed a few sentences 
onwards, must stand as the cfaief text ocmceming this term, see 
Prolegomena, p. xix. 

It relates to the Rugiani, Runi, Rani, or Verani ; * the Slayonians 
of the Isle of Bugen, in the ninth century. Zeuss, firom whom I 
take it^ adds, howeyer, that it has nothing m common unih the Oer^ 
man gentile name Rugi, and thcU the coincidence is purely accidentcU. 
" Rugia, Rugen, nichts mit dem deutschen VoUcmamen Rugi gemein 
hat und das Uebereinkommm rein zufallig isL^* 

If this mean the Rugii of the fiflh centurj (see EpHegomena, 
§ Rugii) I agree with him ; but not, if it mean the Bugii of Tacitus. 
For more, see next note. 

i^ Lemovii.] — If we admit the parts about the riyers Dwina and 
Hemel to be the localitj of the Lemoyii, we maj deal with the 
word as a deriyatiye ; in which case the radical part of the word 
will be the sjllable Lem^. 

Adam of Bremen mentions the Lami bs being the neighbours of 
the Curi of Oourland. 

Pomponius Sabinus (about a.i>. 1480) mentions ihe ZevfiMmii. 

Dusbei^ speaks of tfae Terra Zam-otina. 

* See Epilegomena, § AngU. 


Now, thougli all this is taken from the 682nd page of Zeuss, 
when speaking of the Lami, not one word pf it appears in p. 155, 
where he notices the Lemovii. On the contrarj, he finds nothing 
nearer these kst-named trihes in sound and geographj than the Limr 
fiord of Jutland. Yet Tacitus*s localitj of the Lemovii is certainly 
not yerj fitr firom that of the Lami. 

Zeuss does all this ; nay, more, he does it in the face of two 
remarks of his own — viz., that the deriirational element ov (Lem- 
ov4i) appears in no other Gkrman word, and that in some MSS. of 
Tacitus the reading was Lemonii. 

Now these Lami are the Liven, ue,, the most westem branch of the 
Ugrian Finns of Esthonia, a nation now nearlj extinct, having been 
encroached on bj the (Jermans, and the Letts of Livonih (Zt^-land); 
IdvoniA, of which the name is referable to these early, but now 
displaced, oocupants. 

The change from m to v was not immediate. Nestor gives the 
intermediate form Lib. 

Now what if some plaoei in the name of which the combination 
R-g occurs^ be nearer these Liv-m than eyen the Isle of Rugen f 

In this case we haye a complication — a complication which arises 
firom the fitct that, although the Isle of Bugen maj be a likelj pkce 
for the Buffii of Tacitus, as against the Btigii of the Odoacer, it is 
not 80 against the locality, or the people (be it which it maj) from 
which the present town of Eiga takes iU name. Less prominent 
in histoiy than the Rugii of Rugen, they are nearer the Lami — and 
this giyes us a composition of difficulties. 

Again — Ptolemy has a place called 'Voiiyiav on the mouth of the 
Oder, and there is a ^o^a-Iand in Scandinayia. Upon the whole^ I 
think the Rugii of Tacitus are the people of the Gulf of Riga. 

XLIV. Suionum^ hinc civitates, ipso in Oceano, 

preeter viros armaque classibus valent : forma Havium 

eo differt» quod utrimque prora paratam semper ap- 

pulsui frontem agit : nec velis ministrantur, nec remos 

in ordinem lateribus adjangunt. Solutum, ut in qui- 



busdam fluminum, et mutabile, ut res poscit, hinc vel 
illinc remigium. Est apud illos et opibus honos: 
eoque unus imperitat, nullis jam exceptionibus, non 
precario jure parendi ; nec arma, ut apud ceteros Ger- 
manos, in promiscuo, sed clausa sub custode» et quidem 
servo : quia subitos hostium incursus prohibet Oce- 
anus. Otiosae porro armatorum manus facile lasci- 
viunt : enimvero neque nobilem, neque ingenuum, 
ue libertinum quidem armis prseponere regia utilitas 


« SuUmum,] — The -n ia no part of the root, but an inflexion — the 
-7t of the weak declension ; the Anglo-Saxon form being Sve^n, and 
the Icelandic Svi^r, The common compound, howeyer, is Svi-yiod 
=the Svupeople ; the fiod being the same as the Deut' in 

The present Swedish name for Swe-den is Sve-rige, a word like 
hishop-ric^the hingdom (ric) of the Svia. 

This shows that the language of the first informants about the 
Suiones was a Gothic dialect. 

But it does not show that the root Sui- was Gothic. This, like 
the root Kent- in the Anglo-Saxon forms Kent-ing and Cant^ware, 
maj belong to another language. 

This reduces the intemal evidence of the Suiones of Tacitus haTing 
been Gothic to the single fact that the root Suir enters in the name 
of the Swedes — a fact (as has been suggested in the remarks on the 
words Suevi and Saxo) bj no means conclusiTe. Still it is, per- 
haps, primdfacie evidence. 

XLV, Trans Suionas aliud mare pigrum,* ac prope 
immotum, quo cingi cludique terrarum orbem hinc 
fides: quod extremus cadentis jam solis fulgor in 
ortus edurat) aded clarus, ut sidera hebetet Sonum 


insuper emergentis audiri, formasque deorum, et radios 
capitis* aspici persuasio adjicit. Illuc usque (et fama 
vera) tantum natura. Ergo jam dextro Suevici maris' 
litore ^tiorum gentes* alluuntur: quibus ritus habi- 
tusque Suevorum, lingua Britannic» propior.* Ma- 
trem deum venerantur : insigne superstitionis, formas 
aprorum gestaut. Id pro armis omnique tutela: se- 
curum deffi cultorem etiam inter hostes praestat. 
Barus ferri, frequens fustium usus. Frumenta cete- 
rosque fructus patientius, quam pro solita Germa- 
norum inerti^, laborant. Sed et mare scrutantur; 
ac soli omnium succinum, quod ipsi glesum vocant, 
inter vada atque in ipso litore legunt. Nec, qua) 
natura, quseve ratio gignat, ut barbaris, qusesitum com- 
pertumve. Diu quinetiam inter cetera . ejectamenta 
maris jacebat, donec luxuria nostra dedit nomen : 
ipsis in nullo usu ; rude legitur, informe perfertur, 
pretiumque mirantes accipiunt. Suecum tamen ar- 
borum esse intelligas, quia terrena quaedam atque 
etiam volucria animalia plerumque interlucent, quse 
implicata humore, mox durescente materia, cludun- 
tur. Fecundiora igitur nemora lucosque, sicut Ori- 
entis secretis, ubi thura balsamaque sudantur, ita 
Occidentis insub's terrisque inesse crediderim, quae 
vicini solis radiis expressa atque liquentia in proxi- 
mum mare labuntur, ae vi tempestatum in adversa 
litora exundant. Si naturam succini admoto igne 
tentes, in modum tedse accenditur, alitque flammam 
pinguem et olentem : mox ut in picem resinamve 
lentescit. Suionibus Sitonum gentes continuautur. 
Cetera similes, uno diiFerunt, quod femina dominatur :^ 
in tantum non modo a libertate, sed etiam a servitute 
degenerant. Hic Suevise finis. 



1 Aliud pare pigrum,'] — The Arctic Ocean. 
^ Eadios capitis,] — The Aarora Borealis (1). 

' Stievici maris,] — The Norse form was probahly Bometfaing like 
Svi-haf,* just as Nord-kav, at the present momeDt=the North-9ea : 
haf being the ScandinaTian word for both sea and ocean ; in which 
case the -v in S^iev-, is, reallj, the -v- in hav, 

At anj rate, it seems safe to consider the formation of the word 
as applied to the Swedisk Sea, as different from that of the Suev-, in 
Suevi and Suevia; though no such difference is reoognized hj 

Indeed, we must attribute some unsteadiness of expression to him 

a. The rites and ctuUms of the JEstii are Sttevic. — This may» 
possiblj, U>pl7 to the Suevi of Suabia, and Franconia. 

6. Hic (bejond Finland) Suevice Jinis, This can scaicelj do so. 

^ jEstiorum gentes,] — The word gentes prepares us to expect in 
jEstii — as in SuoTi — a coUective name. Such is, reallj, the case. 

That the j£Jstii of Tacitus were the occupants of tfae present ooast 
of Prussia and Courland, is shown bj what is said about the amber' 
trade, This fixes the localitj as definitelj as ^tna would fix Sicilj, 
or Vesuvius Oampania. 

Like Suiones, JSstii is a word from a Gothic infonnant. 

The form in which it reached Tacitus was probablj Easte — i,e., 
the strong form of the grammarians. 

But the weak form was also used since, in a quotation which will 
soon appear, we find the form ^Qarlbrvec^^Eastan, 

As this is one of the three non-compound words^t for which I not 
onlj assume an etjmology, but argue from it^ I shall oonsider the 
form of the word somewhat at length. 

It, apparentlj, is not an unexceptionable form. Being a geogra- 
phical rather than a gentile name, we should expect to find it com» 

"* With the article Svi-huv-et, like Nord-htnhet, 
t See Prolegomena, p. liii. 


pound, i.e.f in some form equiyalent to East-m«n, Eastrware (like 
Cant-t^ar^), East-/an(2, or East-8<ston (like Dor-set). 

Failing this we should expect, at least^ a deriyatiye form such as 
Easter-^»n^, East-tn^. 

The form, howeyer, is simple ; jost as if we said the EaMs. 

Simple, howeyer, as it is» the following extract from Alfred places 
its meaning bejond reasonable doubt : — ^' Seo Yisle is swiSe 
micel ea, and hio to liS Vit-land, and Veonod-land, and )>»t 
Vit-land, belimpetS to Edum, and seo Visle lit$ ut of Veonod-lande, 
and litS in j^^ere, and se j^^ere, is huru fiflbene mila brad. 
Thonne cjmet$ Ufing eastan in j^^^ere, of p»m mere fe Truso 
8tande5 in staSe, and cumaS ut samod in j^^^ere Ilfing eastan 
of ^o^^lande, and Visle sutSan of Veonodlaude.** 

It is as safe, then, to consider the word jEstii to mean the men o/ 
the East, as it is to consider the word German ; since — 

1. The form of the word coincides with its geographical import. 

2. The particular word in question is known to haye been applied 
bj the Germans to the particular parts in question. 

3. There is no other language but the German in which it occurs 
with the same powef. t 

4. The German name for the present Esthoniaiis is Esthen ; their 
country beiug Est^land. 

This last &ct suggests an objection. 

It maj be said to proye too much, i.e,, to proye that these sup- 
posed jEstian the Eastem populations are not sufficientlj in tke East, 
i,e., that the true Eastem countries of the Baltic are on the Gulf of 

Alfired^s eyidenoe meets this. 

Again — the fact of the Edhmians being the present Esthen, or 
men of the East, is bj no means conclusiye as to the Esthonians 
haying been the ^stii of Tacitus. A term like the one in question 
would applj to different countries according to the adyance of 
geographical knowledge ; ceasing to be characteristic as soon as 
fresh tracts east of those which it originaUj designated by itbecame 

At anj raie, the present Esthonia maj haye been the most eastem 
part of the jEstian countrj. 

Thirdlj — at the mouth of the riyer Niemen, and nearlj coinciding 
with the diyision between East Prussia and Oourland, and coinciding 
equallj nearlj with the amber localitj of the JEatu, the direction of 


the ooast chaDges suddenlj from east to north ; so much so as to 
make the parts in question, for some time, the most eastem extre- 
mitj of the Baltic. From Memel to Windau, the nayigation is due 
north, and it is onlj hj keeping along the coast that the Gulf of 
Riga is found to form a bend towards the east The Gulf of Fin- 
land does so still more. But this is onlj for a while. FinUnd itaelf 
is nearly in the same longitude with Courland. 

Unless^ then, we take in the Gulfs of Biga and Finland, the 
countrj of the ^tii is reallj the east-end of the Baltia 

Furthermore — except for the purposes of a special trade, the 
gulfs in question were not likely to be yisited; since from the 
position of the islands Oesel and Dago, at the entrance of the Gkdf 
of Riga, and the narrowness of the entrance of the Gulf of Fin- 
land, it was not necessary for eyen the most cautious coasters to 
follow the line of the land, on a yojage from Memel in Courland to 
Abo in Finland. 

It is likelj, then, that those Germans, who applied the term jEdii 
to the Courlanders, made no account of the Gul& of Riga and Fin- 
land ; in which cases the Curische Nehrung was rightlj designated 
as easttHi, Kar* clox^jv. 

We, however, who do make account of those great indentations, 
phu;ed our Ecut-men in Esthonia. 

The quotation alluded to is one from Stephanus Byzantinus — 

i^riai, UvOia^ ^Clariatovc. 

Pytheas is the Tojager, whose account of the Baltio about 320 
B.a is treated with some contempt bj Strabo. — i. p. 63. 

Howeyer, it by no means follows that because the name was 
Gothic it applied to a Gothic population ; indeed, as &r as we can 
get evidence for a negative fact, it is against the word jEstii being 
a native name. 

There is plenty of mention between the time of Tacitus and the 
eleventh century of these same jEstii ; but it is onlj by writers who 
were themselves either Germans or adopters of the C^erman geography 
that the name is Hcest-, AiM-, or some similar form. 

General, however, as the name is in the Germanic authorities, is 
it rare in those of Russia, Prussia, Poland 1 Probablj, it is not to 
be found at all. Instead, thereof, we have the term Pruss (Prussian) 
or the morc remarkable fonn Guddon. 

These remarks upon the form and origin of the word have been 


giyen ai large, beoause Zeuss, wHo admiis so manj lesa probable deri- 
yations, not onlj keeps the adjectiye ead entirely ont of sight» but 
disguises the word by writing it Aisten, on the yery inferior au- 
thoritj of Eginhart — " Litus australe Sclayi et Aidi et alise diyersse 
inoolunt nationes.'* — Yit. Gar. Magn. c. 12. 

The existence of the amber-trade explains the reference made in 
the note upon the word Oothones to the present one. 

The localitj of the amber-trade fixes the Gothones eyen as it does 
the Mstii, and bj fixing them in the same localitj at the same time 
identifies the two. 

This identification is of so much importance that the details of the 
proof will be giyen minutelj. 

Plinj^s form is GuUones, 

Tacitus*s in the Annals (ii. 62) Gotones; in the present text 

Ptolemy's rvOcmc. 

Pliny*8 localitj is jEdiuirium* Oceani Mentonomon nomine, 

Tac]tu8*8 trans Lygio%^ i,e,, north of Poland. 

Ptolemy's TOfid t6v OliiffTovXav irarafiov viro rovc Ohtvi^ac» 

Pliny connects them with the amber-country. 

That the Kotraivoi of Artemidorus is the same word is likelj ; the 
ffffsssTT, as in ^aXarra and ^aXdaffOy &c, 

Now, the notices of the amber-countrj might reach the Greeks or 
Eomans bj two routes. 1. It might come across the continent ; and 
thaty whoUy bj land, or bj the Yistula, Theiss, and Danube, or bj 
the Priepetz and Dnieper. In this case the carriers of the article, 
and the informants as to its countrj and collectors^ would be Slavo- 

2. It might conv3 by sea, in which case Germans would be — par- 
tiallj at least — the carriers of the article, and the informants as to 
its country and coUectors. 

Now it is clear, that, if the Germans had one term, and the 
Slayonians another, for a nation in the amber-country, that nation 
would be known to a Greek or Boman under two names ; and it is 
nearly certain that this was the case in the present instance. The 
Gothones were jEstii when the notice came from Germanj. The 
jEstii were Gothones when the notice came from Slayonia. 

Lest this should seem an oyer-refinement> we must remember that^ 
if jEetii ^ Bste ss Eastmen, and if the jEstian tongue were as 

* Probably) no true ^tuarium, but the word Est-ware misundcrstood. 


Tacitos makes it, something other than Oerman^ a seeond name 10 
a matter of necessitj^since the one in Tacitns (^ttii) coold noi 
possiblj be ncUive. Yet a native name must haye exuted, and what, 
in the present stage of the argument, is more likelj than Gctkon 

When Taoitus follows the ooast-line of the Baltic, he comes to the 
jEstii When he starts from the Marcomanni and Lygii, he leaches 
the Oothones. 

His ezpression trans Lygios is one of remarkable accorapj. The 
line which separates the most northem province of Poland (MasoTia) 
from East Prussia, is also the line which separates the nations speak- 
ing the dialects derived from the JBstian or Gothonic^ from the 
nations speaking the dialects descended from Lekh or Polish. 

The extent to which the German name was unknown to the 
Sarmatians, and vice versd, is shown in more ways than one, and ii 
easilj accounts for Tacitus's describing the same people under different 
designations, when we approached the notice of their oountiy from 
different quarters. That the Sarmatian name was either Fruss or 
Ghiddon has been alreadj stated; and it is safe to saj from the 
foUowing remarkable address of Theodoric, the Ostrogoth^ to the 
people of the amber-countrj, that iif thej were Goth^c in any way, 
it was an unknown fact to the Gcths of Italy. 

^ Hasstis Theodoricus rez. Hlo et iilo legatis yestris yenientibus 
grande yos studium notitise nostr» habuisse cognoyimus; ut in 
Oceani liioribus constituii, cum nostra mente jungamini : suayis nobis 
admodum et grata petitio, ut ad yos perveniret £una nostra, ad quos 
nulla potuimus destinare mandata. Amate jam oognitum, quem 
requisistis ambienter ignotum. Nam inter tot gentes yiam preesu- 
mere, non est aliquid facile concupiisse. Et ideo salutatione yo6 
affectuosa requirentes^ indicamus stuxdna, quce a vobis per hartm. 
portitores directa sunt, grato animo fuisse suscepta, qu» ad yos Ooeani 
unda descendens, hanc leyissimam substantiam, sicut et yestrorum 
relatio continebat, exportat ; sed unde yeniat, incognitum yos habere 
dixerunt, quam ante omnes homines patria yestra offerente suscipitis. 
Heec quodam Oomelio scribente legitur in interioribus insulis 
Oceani ex arboris suoco defluens, unde et succinum dicitur, paulatim 
solb ardore coalescere. Fit enim sudatile metallum teneritudo per- 
spicua, modo croceo colore mbens, modo flammea claritate pingue- 
scens, ut cum in maris fuerit delapsa confinio, cestu altemante 
purgata, Yestris litoribus tradatur exposita. Quod ideo judicayimus 


indicandviB, ne omnino patetis notitiam nostram fugere, quod 
ocoultum oreditis tos habere. Proinde requirite nos sspius per yias* 
quas amor vester aperuit Quia semper prodest diritum regum 
acquisita concordiay qui dum panro munere leniuntur, majore semper 
compensatione prospiciunt. Aliqua Tobis etiam per legatos yestros 
Terbo mandavimusy per quos quse grata esse debeant nos destinasse 
declaramus." — Cckssiod. Yariar. t. 2. 

The further confirmation which this Tiew receiyes from the &ct8> 
connected with the modem name Guddon is exhibited in Epilego^ 
mena, § Goths. 

^ Lingva Britannicce propior.] — Here an author like Tacitus 
commits himself to a definite statement, and it must not be set 
aside on light grounds. Either the a priori probabilities against 
it must be great, or some reasonable origin of the mistake must 
be pointed out. 

The hUter can be done— not exactlj as the statement about the 
Gothini was ezplainedy but in a somewhat similar manner. The 
language that the people of the ambeiHX>ast reallj spoke when thej 
first become definitelj known, was the Fnunan^ Now the form of 
the name which that language took was sufficientlj like the word 
British to be mistaken for it. 

1. First, we must remember that Tacitus's information came from 

2. Nezt) that ihe word meaning FruBsian was not QermBH. The 
Qermans got it from the SlaTonians, and, consequently, were likely 
to confound it with some more £uniliar term. 

3. The word denoting Britith toas such a £etmiliar term. 

4. The adjectiTal termination was nearly the same in both Un- 

This prepares us for the eTidence in £etTOur of words at present so 
unlike as Frtutian and British ever haTing been like. 

The first occurrence of the name of the modem kingdom of Prassia 
occurs in Gktudentius^ who accompanied Bishop Adalbert to that 
oountry between a.i). 997 — 1006, 

Zeuss, from whom, as usual, I am taking my best &ct8, admits 
that the term was Slavonic. '^ Der Name wird zuerst— ohne Zweifel 
von Slawen gehort." — p. 671. 

He ako suggests that no aigument against its antiquity is to be 
taken from its being there reoorded by a Oerman for the first time. 


It might haTO been as old as the name jEstiu *^ Ist der Name Prasi 
80 alt, als der Name Aisten, wenn er auch mehr als ein Jahrtausend 
spater auflritt." — Ibid. 

Gaudentiu8*8 form is not Frum but FruzzL 

Dietmar*s form is also not Frussi but Frucu 

Adam's of Bremen is also not Frusd but Fruzzi and FnUzci. 

This shows that the sound was that of ts, or tshy or, possiblj, even 
slUsh rather than of a simple -« / a matter of some importance, as it 
helps to account for the t required to make the root Fruss- like the 
root Brit', 

Now comes the important &ct that we find the word taking an 
adjectival form in -en, in which case the s becomes tk, The substan- 
tival forms are Fruzzi, Frussi, Fruscia, Fruschid, Frutzci, Frussia ; 
but the adjectiTal ones are Frviheni, FrtUhenia, FrtUhenicus, We 
are now getting near the form Britannicus; and it must be remem- 
bered that the form thus similar, is the form almost alwajs used 
when the language is spoken of — lingua FrtUhenica not Frussa. 

The root Russ undergoes a similar series of transformation — 
Hussi, Rusda, Futhcnicus, EtUhenia, 

Lastlj^ the form Borussi accounts for the B, 
All this, howcTer, it maj be said, applies to the Latin language, 
and is, consequently, out of pkoe; the question being whether 
Slavonian forms of the root Frus can become sufficientlj like an 
equiTalent modification of the root Bjit- to create confusion. Thej 
can. The Slavonic word which a German would translate by 
Brittisc, and a Boman by Britannica, would be Brit-«^a, and the 
similar equiTalent to FrvUisc and Fruthenica, 'PrvLt-skaja, 

This giTes us then the ^tii and Gothones (or rather the ^stii 
or Gothones) as the representatiTes of the old Prussians or Lithu- 
anian Sarmatians of the Baltic 

In the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth oenturies, when infor- 
mation becomes sufficientlj clear to giTe us the details of the nations 
and tribes allied to the jEstii, we find them to be as follows : — 

1. The Galind-itw, the roX/v^cu of Ptolemy. 

2. The Sudo^tce, conterminous with the Galinditce, both being 
in the neighbourhood of the Spirding-See. 

3. The Fomesani, on the right bank of the Lower Vistula. 

4. Fogesani on the Frische Haf, 

5. Warmienses, Jarmmses, Hermini, and the people of the Orma' 
and of the Old Norse Sagas ; between the Fo-gcsani and the — 


B. NaUangiy on the Pregel. 

7. Barihi. 

8. Nadrty-vitas. — A case may, perhaps, be made out for the Nadro- 
vitas being the Nahar^vali^ under a slightlj modified name; the 
facts and reasoniug running thus : — 

a. Both agree in being a population to which the preeminentlj 
holj seat of worship of their stock belonged. Thus, whilst the 
Naharvali were as thej are described hy Tacitus, the Nadro-vtto, 
obstinate in their Paganism, above cTen the other obstinatelj Pagan 
Lithuanians, are thus described : — " Fuit autem in medio nationis 
hujus peryers», scilicet in Nadrovia, locus quidam dictus Romow, 
trahens nomen suum a Boma, in quo haibilabat quidam dietus Critoe, 
quem colebant pro Papa. Quia sicut dominus Papa regit uniyer- 
salem ecclesiam fidelium, ita ad istiua nutum 9eu mandatum non 
aolum genies prcedictce, sed et Lethounni et alicB nationes Livonice 
terrce reg^ntur," — Dusb. iii. 5, 

b. The -d- in Nadro' maj be got rid of by supposing some older 
form Nador, in which case, the ejection of the -d- is not onlj allow- 
able but likelj ; since it is a consonant which, when it comes between 
two Yowels, is often omitted in pronunciation, e.g., Sa-d-el in Danish 
is sounded Sa'el, &c This would reduce Nador- to NcCor-, or Nahar'. 

c. The elements -vit and -gal, if thej do not exactlj replace each 
other in certain Lithuanic names, are found attached to the same root 
in the words Samo-^a; (also Samo-vito), and Semi-^o^», the names 
of two scarcely dbtingubhable sections (or subsections) of the same 

9. Sam-bitce. 
10. Scalo-vitae. 

These details nearlj coincide with the more general account of 
Dusburg (iii. 3). — " Terra Pruschiae' in undecim partes dividitur. 
Prima fuit Ctdm^ensia et Lvhavia, quse ante introitum fratrum domus 
Teutonicce quasi fuerat desolata. Secunda Fomesania, in qua Fome" 
sani. Tertia Fogesania, in qua Fogesani. Quarta Warmia, in qua 
Warmienses. Quinta NaUangia, in qua Nattangi. Sexta Samhia, 
in qua SamJbitce. Septima Nadrovia, in qua NadrovUoe. OctaTa 
SccUovia, in qua Scalovitce. Nona Sudovia, in qua Sudovitce. Decima 
GalindicL Undecima Barthe et Flica Bartha, quce nunc major et 
minor Bartha dicUur, in qua Barthi vd Barthenses habitabant. Yix 
aliqua istarum nationum fuit, quse non haberet ad bellum duo millia 
yirorum equitum, et multa millia pugnatorum.** 


These were the tribes and nations akin to the jEstii of Tacitus 
in East and West Pnissia — the speakers of the language which was 
said to be BrUanniccB prapior, and which really was FrtUhenica,* 

AU the previous names were native and Lithuaniui, since there 
was a native Lithuanian eponymus for each, as may be seen in the 
foUowing extract from a fragment of a work, De Borussorum 
origine ex Domino Ohristiano ; Ghristian being the first Prussian 
bishop. — ^' Duces fuere duo, nempe Bruteno et Wudawutto, quorum 
alterum sciUcet Bruteno sacerdotem crearunt, alterum sciUcet Wud- 
awutto in regem el^;erunt • . B«x Wudawutto duodecim Uberos 
masculos habebat, quorum nomina fiierunt Liipho^ Saimo, Sudo, 
Naidro, Scalaufo, Nalango, Bartho, Galindo, Warmo, Hoggo, Fomes»), 
Chelmo • . . Warmo nonus fiUus Wudawutti, a quo Warmia dicta, 
reUquit uzorem Arma^ unde Ermelandt.** 

Of Courhind and Liyonia, the JSstii of authentic historyy and 
under their native names, are — 

1. The Cut% or Ourones, from whom is derived the name of the 

2, 3, 4. The Letti, Tdumei and Selones of Livonia. 

* SiUmtm — femina dominahir.l — I cannot say to whose weU- 
ezercised ingenuity the interpretation of this curious passi^ is due. 
It is as foUows : — 

The naUve name of the Finns of Finland (when they do not caU 
themselTes Suomelainen) is Qvcen, 

The Swedish for woman is quinna, 

Either a misinterpretation of these two words, or else an iU-under- 
stood plaj upon them, gave rise to the notion of a female soyereign. 

This notion develops itself further. AUred speaks of the CvenoB, 
and Cvenorland : but Adam of Bremen goes farther. — *' (}othi habi- 
tant usque ad Bircam, postea longis terrarum spatiis r^piant Syeones 
usque ad terram feminarumT — ^De Situ Danise, c. 222. '' Et hsdc 
quidem insula Urraa feminarum proxima narratur.'* — Ibid. 224. 

* How like, and how different, the two a^jectives may be, is shown in 
the foUowiag columns : — 

EDglish . . Britiih . . Prustian, 
Latin . . Britannica Fruthenica, 

Anglo-Saxon . Bryttitce , , Fryttitce, 
Slavonic . . Brittkaja . . Frutskaja, 

Obsenre, too, that the names of both the Pnissians and Britons is a form of 

the root Br-t, 


^' Circa hsec litora — ^femnt esse Anummsy quod nunc terra femi- 
narum dicitur, quas aquae gustu aliqui dicunt concipere. . • HsBy 
simul yiTentes spemunt consortia virorum, quos etiam, si adyenerint» 
a se Tiriliter repellunt." — C. 228. 

Femma dominatur, — That a female should exercise regal power 
was extraordinary, not so much in the ejes of Tacitus (who, in 
the case of the British Boadiceai mentioned hy him in the Agri- 
cola» merelj remarks, neqiu enim sexvm in imperiis discemunt, 
without any suggestion of the extent to which it is the measure of 
a servile temper on the part of the nation), hut in those of the 
Germans who were the first informants ahout the Sitones. So 
earlj was the spirit which dictated the Salic law in force. 

XLVI. Peucinoram, Venedorumque, et Fennorum 
nationes Germanis an Sarmatis adseribam dubito : 
quamquam Peucini, quos quidam Bastamas' vocant, 
sermone, cultu, sede, ac domiciliis, ut Germani agunt : 
sordes omnium ac torpor : procerum connubiis mixtis, 
nonnihil in Sarmatarum habitum foedantur. Venedi^ 
multum ex moribus traxerunt. Nam quidquid inter 
Peucinos Fennosque^ silvarum ac montium erigitur, 
latrociniis pererrant. Hi tamen inter Germanos po- 
tius referuntur, quia et domos fingunt, et scuta ge- 
stant, et pedum usu ac pemicitate gaudent; quse 
omnia dive^ Sarmatis sunt, in plaustro equoque vi- 
ventibus. Fennis mira feritas, foeda paupertas: non 
arma, non equi, non penates: victui herba, vestitui 
pelles : cubile humus : sola in sagittis spes, quas inopia 
ferri, ossibus asperant. Idemque venatus viros pa- 
riter ac feminas alit. Passim enim comitantur, par- 
temque prsedse petunt. Nec aliud infantibus feraram 
imbriumque suffugium, quam ut in aliquo ramomm 
nexu contegantur: huc redeunt juvenes, hoc senum 


receptaculum. Sed beatius arbitrantur, quam inge- 
mere agris, illaborare domibus, suas alienasque for- 
tunas spe metuque versare. Securi adversus homines. 
securi adversus deos, rem difficillimam adsecuti sunt, 
ut illis ne voto quidem opus esset Cetera jam fa- 
bulosa: "Hellusios et Oxionas* ora Iiominum vul- 
tusque, corpora atque artus ferarum gerere:" quod 
ego, ut incompertum, in medium relinquam. 


* Feucini — Bastamas.] — The Bastamse took a promiDent part in 
the wars of Philip, the father of Perseus, against the Romans. 
Persuaded to become his allies, they cross the Danube ; CoUo, one of 
their nobles, being sent forward as ambassador. It was part of 
Philip*s plan to place the Bastamse in the country of the Dardani, 
80 that this latter nation {infestissima Macedonice) might be destrojed 
by them, and then '^ Bastamce, relictis in Dardania conjtigibus libe^ 
risque^ ad populandum Italiam mitterentur,^ 

Thej enter Thrace, the Thracians retire to Mount Donuca. Here 
the Bastarase diyide. Thirtj thousand reach Dardania. The rest 
cross the Danube homewards. All this took place in the jear of 
the death of Philip. — Livy, xl. 57, 58. 

Strabo*s eyidence is remarkable :— 'Ev W rp fjLKroyauf. l&atn&pvax 
fity ro<c Tv/ocycracc Bfiopoi Kai Vepfiaro^iQt (r\t^6v n rac airro^ to^ 
VippariKov yivovQ omQ, uq TXtlut ^v\a ^cppiy^eVoc. Kal yap 
"Arpoyot Xiyoyrai rcKfc» i^ai 'SiB6viQ, oi hi r^v Ilevrf/v icarao^ciy^rffc» 
T^v iv rf "itrrp^ yiiffovf lliVKLyol, 

This seems the evidence upon which thej are made Gkrmant 
Pliny having done so before, '^Germanoram genera quinque — 
Quint-a pars Feucini, Bastemce . . contermini Dacis.'— H. N. iv. 14. 

This has given the Bastam» great prominence in ethQologj ; 
since they have the credit of being the first Oermans mentioned bj 
name in history. 

Again — ^if the Bastemse be German, the likelihood of the Geta 
being so is increased ; and the two supposed facts reflect probability 
on each other. Oomplications of this sort are of continual occurrenoe 
in ethnology. 


It is just possible that the Bastarnso were Ckrmans — ^not that I 
mean by this that the proper area of the Oennans reached so far as 
Thrace and Moesia, the Bastamic localitj, but that the Gkrmans of 
the Danube, might have begun their encroachments in an easterlj 
direction thus earlj, and have reached thus far. They might haye 
been ivirusive Qermans in the quarters where Liyy places them. 

But it is &r from being certain that eren this supposition is 
necessary. Strabo'8 statement merely goes to their exhibiting Ger- 
man characteristics, and having Gkrmans in their neighbourhood. 
Plinj is rarely to be taken as an independent witness. Tacitus 
speaks ezplicitly as to the most characteristic &cts ; yet doubts as 
to the inference from them. In one point he is either wrong or in- 
explicable. If sede mean geographical posUion, his statement is 
whoUy incompatible with all that writers say about the locality 
of the Bastamse (on the Lower Danube), and the limits of his own 

I think we may safely say that, in the passage of Strabo which 
makes the BastamsD Gkrman, there is a qualifying expression of doubt, 
and in that of Tacitus doubt and unsatisfEustory language as well. 

Reference to other writers increases rather than diminishes the 

Liyy's evidence makes them Gards ; since he calls their leader in 
one place Clondicus dux Bastamarum (xl. 58) and in another 
(applying to the same series of events) Clondicus, regulus GaUorum 
(xHv. 26). 

He also writes — " Per Scordiscos iter esse ad mare Hadriaticum 
Italiamque. Alia via traduci exercitum non posse. Facile Bas- 
tamis Scordiscos iter daturos ; nec enim aut lingua aut moribus 
eequales abhorrere." 

Now whenever the Scordisci are referred to any of the recog- 
nized divisions of antiquity, they are called raXarai, or Gklli — 
whether rightly or wrongly is another question. 

Plutarch does the same as Livy — 'Y?rejciVci ^e (nempe Perseus) koX 
PaXaVac, rovc vepl tov "larpov ^Krifiivovcj ot Baardpvai caXovvrac — 
Vit Paul. MmH. c. 9. 

The Bastam» were distinguished from their neighbours — warlike 
as these were— by superior bravery, vast stature, and intense love of 
fighting — -'^Av^pec v\pii\ol fitv ra trutfiara, ^avfiaarol Bi rac /ieXe-oc» 
fjLtyaXavxoi M Kal Xafnrpol racc Kara twv iroXefiiwv direiXalc. — Plut. 
Vit. Paul. ^mil. 12. 



The fragment of Scjmnus makes them immigrants or conquerors. 
0\>TOi Bs Qp^KtQy l&atrrdpvojL t ctt^Xv^cc. 

Upon the whole the evidence of the Bastamse being German is 
very inconclusive. 

2 Venedi.] — The particular Venedi of Tacitus must have been 
those nations of the interior who were too far inland to be described 
with the jEsiii and SUones of the coast, and too far to the north 
and east to have been described with the Lygii and Buriiy and 
those other populations which were approached from the south. 
These were chieflj the Lithuanians of Lithuania ; not, however, to 
the exclusion of some of the more eastem Slavonians. It is safe to 
suppose this ; lince there is no trace of any distinction between the 
Lithuanians and Slavonians having been made bj the Germans. 

3 Fennosque.'] — The name Finn, as applied to the natives of Fin- 
land is not native. It i$ Gothic — both G^rman and Norse. 

Neither is it native as applied to the Laplanders of Finmark; 
although many of them have adopted it. 

Hence, the Komans took the names of the Baltic Finns from the 

From whom did the Germans take them 9 

A suggestion of Geyer's^ adopted by Bahr^ is much to the point 
The Finnic root momr mQBmfen ; and many Finnic tribes call them- 
selves by names compounded of s-m, Thus, the Esthonians are 
SoTM^lassed^fen-men ; the Finlanders Suomelainen, the Laplanders 
Sahnulads, and the Earelians Suomaemefet, Lastly, the name Sa- 
moeid, which is not native,'*^ and which is probably a Finn denomina- 
tion adopted by the Bussians, is reasonably supposed to come from 
the same root. Putting all together, it is likely that the term Fen' 
or Fin- is the trandation of Suom, 

At the present time the ethnology of the tribes allied to both the 
Finns of Finland, and Lapps of Lapland, is clear. Each section 
belongs to the great Ugrian stock. 

But it is the evidence of language which has given us this group. 
The evidence of physical conformation is more against than for it. 

At the time of Tacitus no such generalization was practicabh 

* The native namc is Nvenez, or Khtuowzsmen, 


since the languages were wholly unknown, and the eyidence they 
supplied unappreciated. 

Ilence the test was less refined. As a consequence of this, what 
we call Ugrian was, in the time of Tacitus, partly Finn and partlj 

1. The first was the name where the phjsical conformation was 
that of the Lapps, a people to whom, at the present moment, the 
term Finn is limited hj the Scandinavians of Norway and Sweden. 

2. The second was that where the phjsical conformation was not 
much difierent from that of the Germans ; and it comprised (prohahlj 
with manj other sections) the Qvcens or Finlanders — whose hulk 
and physical strength is hj no means, palpahly and contrastedlj, 
inferior to that of the Swedes^ Russians, and Lithuanians. Of these 
the Sitones (or Qyans of Finland) were the chief. Tacitus makes 
them Suevic ; hj Suevic prohahly (hut not indisputahlj) meaning 

Now the separation of what we now called Ugrians into the 
Sitonians and Finns is, in realitj, the natural inference firom the 
remarkahle contrast hetween the Ugrians of the Lapp tjpe, and the 
Ugrians of the Finlandic ; a difierence which exists at the present 
moment as stronglj as ever it could have done in the time of 
Tacitus, a difierence, too^ which, even in the present dajs of ethno- 
logical classification, has heen often overyalued. Hence^ the separa- 
tion of the Sitones from the Fenni is no argument against the 
former heing Finlanders, «.«., QvcenSy properlj so called, Finns of 
Finland, improperlj. It is just such a separation as manj an 
ethnologist would make now. The difierence which it is most 
important to rememher is that hetween the words QvsBn and Finn 
08 names — a difierence which toe of England draw less definitelj 
than did Tacitus ; or, at least, Tacitus's informants. 

♦ HeUusios et Oxionas,] — Upon the latter of these names I can 
throw hut little light. On the former I can onlj remark the resem- 
hlance of their name to Ptolemj*s river Chalusus (XoXovo^oc irorofioc) 
and the Ohali (XaXoi). 

But these are in the parts ahout the Lower Elhe, or the rivers of 
Mecklenhurg, or the Ejder, or, perhaps, the Trave ; to the last of 
which the name Chalusm has heen supposed to applj. Still, thej 
maj he the parts to which Tacitus refers ; notwithstanding the fact 
of the Hellusii heing mentioned along with the Sitones and Finns 


of the eztreme eattem eiid of the Btltic. His tratigttioiu from one 
geographical area to another are sometimes verj abnipt ; whilst the 
ohamctemtic which brings them within the «une categorjr with the 
Fenni and Sitone8 a the compar&tive ohBcuritj of their histoiy. 

Such being the case, I think it posaible that, after haviug dis- 
patched the ill-nnderetood &milies of Finland, Tacitus may take 
leaTe of his subject with a curaorf notice of their equiralents, in 
obBcunty, on the side of Denmark. 





NiEBDHR has ezpressed an opinion, that the Germania was 
written daring the youth of Tacitns. 

Whatever other reasons there may be for holding this view, 
there is the foUowing, — 

A writer in a monograph is generally fnller of details than 
he is in a general work. Now in the Annals and Historj, 
there are several Oerman tribes mentioned, of which no notice 
is taken in the Germaniay and this omission is explained by 
the notion, that Tacitns^s knowledge increased between the 
composition of the different works. Strange as it is, that 
he should not have known the Sieamhrij Ampsivarii^ &c., 
when the Germania was written, it is stranger still, that he 
shonld have known and not enumerated them. 

Hence, the Annals and History are, to a certain extent, 
the complement to the Germania, and similarly to compare 
smali thiogs with great, the present Epilegomena form the 
complement to the Notes. 

Of the popnlations mentioned in the Annals and History, 
bnt not mentioned in the Germania, the following is the list. 

1. Tke Sicamhri. — First mentioned by Gsesar on the Lower 
Bhine (see extracts p. Ixxix.), the Sicambri take considerable 
prominence and importance in the reign of Angustus. Being 
conquered by Drusus, they appear more than once in the 
poetry of both Ovid and Horace, as formidable enemies now 
humbled. Indeed, few names were more associated with the 
ideas of murderous ferocity and savage bravery than that of 
the Sieamher. 


In A.D. 26, a Sicambra cohors was employed as far from 
its own country as Thrace. 

This is helieved to have permanently settled in Hongary, on 
the very spot whereon the city of Buda was afterwards boilt. 
In a work quoted by Grimm, as Imcriptiones Sacrosancta 
Vetustatis^ a stone said to have been dug up, " in Buda yeteri, 
Mathide regis Ungariae tempore, dum fundamenta jacerentur 
aedium Beatricis regina," bears the foUowing inscription,— 
^*" Legio Sicambrorum hic prsesidio collocata civitatem sedifica- 
yerunt quam ex suo nomine Sicambriam yocaverunt.^^ 

The authenticity, howeyer, of this stone is doubtful ; and, 
eyen if were not so, the ethnological fact it conyeyed would 
be, in and of itself, minute and unimportant. It has been 
noticed, howeyer, for a special reason. The fact of Sicam- 
brians on the Danube, as well as Sicambrians on the Bhine, 
has been admitted as undoubted. Instead, however, of the 
colony being allowed to aocount for it, a Danubian origin for 
the Bhenish Sicambrians, with migrations to match, has been 

By the end of the iirst century, the name Sicambri has 
become of comparatiyely rare occurrence, and the yery fact 
of its not appearing in the Gkrmania, is a proof of the ex- 
tent to which its greatness has diminished. 

The Frank successors of Gloyis, as well as Cloyis himself, 
are often called Sicambri. In Gregory of Tours^ account 
of the baptism of Gloyis, the bishop says, — ^^ Mitis depone 
coUa, Sicamber, adora quod incendisti, incende quod ad- 

Again — 

Cum sis progenitus clara de gente Sygamber. 

Venantius Fortunatus to King Charibert. 

^^ In Sicambrorum natione rex nuUus Uli (n. Dagoberto) 
similis fiiisse narraretur.*^ — Vita S. Amulphi. 

In all these cases, howeyer, the term is a titular archaism ; 
no nation then bebg called Sicambrian. 

Like Cfherusciy then, Sicamhri is a term which occurs 
during the early period of the history of the population to 
which it applied only. 

Which of the two usual explanations of a £stct of this 


kind must we take ; the extermination of the people, or the 
change of name ! 

The evidence in favonr of the former view, is strong ; 
Tiberins — ^^ Sicamhros dedentes se tradnxit in Gkdliam atque 
in proximis Bheno agris coUocavit/^ — Suet. Aug. 21. 

Again, — ^^Germanico (bello) quadraginta millia dedititi- 
ornm trajecit in Qalliam, juxtaque ripam Rheni sedibus as- 
signatis collocavit/' — Idem, Tib. 9. 

Tiberius, speaking of himself, says, that, ^' Se novies a divo 
Augusto in Germaniam missum, plura consilio quam vi per- 
fecisse ; sic Sieambros in deditionem acceptos, sic Snevos.'*' — 
Tac. Ann. ii. 26. 

A stronger expression still occnrs in another place : — ^^ Ut 
quondam SicanJyri excisi, et in Gallias trajecti forent, ita 
Silurum nomen penitus extinguendum.'" — Ann. xii. 39. 

On the other hand, — 

a. The name Sieambri was probably Grallic, since we find 
it in Csesar. Possihly^ it was exclusively so ; in which case, 
the explanation is clear. It disappeared as soon as the Grer- 
mans, to which it applied, became known by their German 

b. It was, perhaps, the coUective name of a confederacy, 
consisting of Gugemit Gambrim% Marsiy and others; in 
which case it became obsolete when the confederacy was 
broken up. 

I do not profess to see my way clearly here; or to be 
able to decide to even my own sati^GEiction. Neither can I ex- 
plain the relation between the names Si-camhri {Su-ffambri) 
and Gambr-vni ; for I think it would be unsafe to consider 
it accidental. 

Besides this, there is a CrambcHra^ conspicnous as a female 
leader, in the Langobard traditions. 

And, besides this, the Cimbri, 

And, besides this, the root h-mp =figM ; so that lampfer 
=Jighting'ma/n {ehampion). 

The syllable «i-, both Zeuss and Grimm consider to re- 

present the root 8ig = mctoria ; and as gambar=8trenuu8j 

Si-^ambri = Sig-gambri = etrong for victory = sieg-ta- 


o 2 


Without admitting this, I have DothiDg better to pro- 
pose; though, at times, I have thonght that the W-, 9u-y 
or «y-, might = the su- in Su-Bsex^ and the /S^tf-gambri = 
Sauih Gambrians. 

At other times, it has looked like the S-ff^ in the name of 
the river Sieff ; so that Si-gambri = Gambrians ofthe Sieg, 

However, as long as there are fair reasons for believing it to 
be no Glerman word at all, such guess-work is gratuit^us. 

The orthography of the name is varied. Aithough the 

i be short — 

'^ Te caede gaudentes Skambri, 
Compositis venerantur armis/' 

the Oreek form is 2ovydfiSpoi, with the diphthong, as in Stra- 
bo; though ^vyafiSpoi in most MSS. of Ptolemy. The 
best form, perhaps, is Sugamhri, 

The locality of the Sicamhri is that of the Franks of the 
Lower Bhine ; the ^question as to whether the Frank history 
be a continuation of the Sicambrian, or the historj of 
another population on the same ground, being involved in 
the questions just noticed, f>iz. the extent to which the dis- 
appearance of the name was nominal or real ; referable to 
the eztiinction of the nation, or referable to the displacement 
of an old term by a new one ; explained by the influence of 
an army, or explained by the inflnence of a synonym. 

And this question stands open. 

2. TAe Gugemi of TacUus^ Gubemi of Pliny. — The present 
town of GeUich indicates the exact locality of this population. 

In a document, a.d. 904, it has the form Gddapa. 
In Tacitus, it is the well-known locality Gelduha. — Hist. 
iv. 26, V. 16, 18. 

3. Tubantes. — '^Ghamavorum quondam ea arva, mox 7V- 
bantum^ et post Usipionm.^ — Ann. xiii. 55. 

Along with this shonld be taken from the foUowing chap- 
ter, the notice of the — 

4. Ampsi-varii. — ^'Sola Ampsivariwrum gens retro ad Usi- 
pios et Tubantes concessit; quomm terris exaeti cnm Chattoe, 
dein Ghemscos petiissent, errore longo, hospites, egeni, hostes 
in alieno, quod juventntis erat, caednntur. Imbellifl »tas in 
pnedam divisa est.^ — Ibid. 56. 


Now, the name of each of these populatlons gives their 

a. Tu'banie8 is the oldest form of the Dutch district 
Tw^&nU^ in Overijsel. 

J. Ampsi-varii^EnUs-Wierey occupantsof the (Upper) Ems. 

Both seem to have been on the Cherusco-Frisian frontier 
(perhaps aa Marchmen)^ and, consequentlj, it is difficult to 
give them their exact ethnological position. 

That considerable displacement occurred in these parts is 
certain. The annihilation of the Ampsivarii is not so. 

The name re-appears in the fourth century — " Pauci ex 
Ampsivariis et (Thattis, Marcomere duce, in ulterioribus 
collium jugis apparuere.'' — Sulpic. Alex. ap. Gregor. Turon. 

The Ampsivarii of Tacitus are, almost certainlj, the A/i- 
'^lavoi of Strabo. Whether they are also the Ka/ii^iavoi of 
that writer is doubtful. — See EpOegomena^ 

5. Caninefaies, — The localitj now called JTin-heim, and 
Ken-mQTQ in North HoIIand, is considered to retain the root 
Can- of the compound form ; the power of the iinal elements 
being unknown, and the evidence of the word being a com- 
pound at all being, consequentlj, inconclusive. Sucb, how- 
ever, it probably is. 

The Caninefates are mentioned in Hist. iv. 15, 16, 18. 

They are closely connected with the Batavi ; a fact, which, 
as far as it goes, is in favour of that population being native 
rather than of Hessian origin. — See note in vv. Subatti^ and 
§ Battiy in EpHegomena. 

A measure of the extent to which absolute and implicit faith 
is to be placed in each and every statement, of even so great 
a writer as Tacitus, is to found in his account of the Jews, 
whom he brings from Grete. Yet it was easier to write 
correctly about the Jews, than about the populations of 
Gourland, (xallicia, and Poland. 


A dea Tacfana^ Tanfana, or Tai7»fana is mentioned as a 
local goddess of the Marsi. 


No ligfai hBB been thfown npoo the naiore of ber mUmi ; 
iodeed, ibe meiitioii of her kb a strong instanee of the extent 
to wbich the German mythology of TacitoB is nat the 
mythologj of Germany, in the sevCTth, eigfath, ninth, tenth, 
and elereoth centnries. 


In Olerefl, a stone with the following inscription was dug 
np, and preserved at Xanten, deas hludanas bacrum c. tibb- 

RIi;» VERU8. 

MutatU mutandii what applies to the dea Taefana applies 
to the dea ffludana. 


TiiB German part of Ptolemy^s geography is more tmly a 
complement to the Germania of Tacitns, than any other 
work extant ; since two areas, but slightly noticed by the 
Latin writer, are given by the Greek one with a fair 
amount of detail. These are, — 

a. The conntry to the east of the Upper Rhine, wherein 
we find such new names as NertereaneSy Danduti^ &c. =the 
Hermanduri of Suabia, Franconia, Baden, and Bavaria. 

b. The parts to the north of the Elbe, viz.y Holstein, 
Sleswick, and Jutland, along with a portion of Scandinavia. 
This gives suoh names as Sigutanes^ Phundusii^ &c. 

It 18, perhapS} almost superfluous to add, that Ptolemy is 
the first author who mentions the 8ax<m8 by that name. 

As with Strabo, the names printed with their letters wider 
apart than usual, will be subjected to fiirther notice in a 
spocial scction (§). 


woTafi^y ApxpM^^^ ^^* fyiCTo»¥ 67 T€ BovadiCTepoi oi lUKpoX 
«cal 01 Si^ya/iS/^oi. 

IK 'Y^* ob^ 0» Sou^Sbi AaTToftipSoi clTa Tiytcepoi tcaX 


'1 7/cp/© V69 fiera^v re 'P17V01; koI r&y*ASyoSaia)v opicoy koI 
Srt *lvTovepyot koI OvapyLtove^ KaX Kapirvoi, 

10. 'T^* 069 Oviairol koI 17 r&v 'EXoin/r/cov Spi]fio^ 
f^XP^ T&v €ipr)fiiv(ov ^Xirlayy opewv. 

11. Tiiv hk iraponKeavlTtv Karixova-tv xnrip fiev roif^ 
BovaaKripov^ ol ^plaaioi, fiixp^ Toi) *Afiaaiov iroTafiov* 
fierd Sk TOVTOV^ KaO^^o^ ol fiiKpol fiixpt' tov Omaovpyio^ 
'jTOTafiov' eVra KaS;^oi oi fiei^ov^ f^^XP^ '^^^ 'AXffeo? TroTa' 
fiov' €<l>€^^ Sk eVl Tov avxiva ti)? KifiSpiKrj^ Xepaovi^aov 
2afov€9* auT^v Si t^v Xepaovtjaov xnrkp fikv tov^ Xd^ova^ 
'2iyov\a>v€^ a^iro Svafi&v, elra ^aSaXiyyioi, elra Ko- 

12. ^Tirkp oft? XdXov, koI erv inrkp tovtov<; SvafHKO}' 
T€pot fikv ^ovvSovaoty avaTo\iK(OT€pot Si XapovSe^, irdv- 

TQ>V Si dpKTlK(OT€pOl KifJbSpOl, 

13. Mera Si T0V9 ^d^ova^ diro tov Xdkovaov iroTafiov 
fiiXP^ Tov ^ovTjSov iroTafiov ^apoSeivoL 

14. EZra ^eiStvol fJi^ixp^ ^ov ^laSova iroTafiov, Kal fuer 
avToif^ *VovTiK\€Lot f^ixp'' '''ov OviOTOvXa iroTafiov, 

15. Tfiv Sk ivTO^ Kol fieaoyeitov idv&v fiiyiara fiiv 
iaTt To, T€ T&y ^ovi]Sa>v t&v ^AyyeiX&v, oX eiatv dvaTo- 
\iKa)T€poi T&v AayyoSdpSfoy dvaTeivovTe^ irpb^ Ta9 apKTOv^ 
fiiXP^ tSv fiiacov tov "A^Sto^ iroTafiov Kal to t&v ^ovi^Scov 
T&v ^€fiv6ya>y, oiTtve^ Sii^KOvat fierd tov *AX§tv aTro to5 
elpTffiivov fiipov^ 'rrpo^ dvaTo\d^ f^^TCP^ '''^^ ^ovi]Sov iroTafiov 
Ka\ To T&v BoifyovvTtov t^ i<f>€^s Kal fiiypt tov Om<rrov\a 

16. 'EXaccova Sk lOvr) Kal fieTa^v KelvTat — Katr^Sv 
^^v tAv fitKp&y Kot T&v ^ow^Scov BovadKT€poi oi fiei^ov^ 
v<f>* 009 Xaifiat' Kavx&v Si t&v fi€t^6va>v koI t&v ^otn^Scov 

17. EZra Aa/yyoSdpSor v<f>^ ob^ Aov\yovfiviot' ^a^^" 
VQ)v Si Kal T&v Xovi]Sa>v T€VTovodp{t)ot Kal Ovtpovvot, 
^apoSetv&v Si koI Xovi^Sa>v TevTo ve^ Kal Avapirot' 'Potrrt- 
K\€ia>v Sk Kal BotfyovvToov At\ovaici>V€^* 

18. riciXev inr6 fiiv Toif^ ^ifjtvova^ otKovat 'S.tklrffat, xnro 
Si Toh<i BovyovvTa^ Aovy{t)ot oi ^Ofiavvol, i^' 069 Aovy{t)ot 
oi Aovvot fiixp^ '^ov ^AaKiSovpyiov Spov^* 

• • • 


19. 'Ttto Sk Toif^ ^iKlrfya^ Ka\ovK(ov€^ €^* eKarepa rov 
"AX.Sio^ irorafiov, v<f>* ob^ Hatpovaxol Kal Xa^vol fi^xp^ 
Tov Mi]\iS6feov Spov^;. 

20. ^QiV irpb^ avaroXci^ irepl rov ''AkSiv Trora/iov Baivo- 
j(aifun, inrkp 069 Baretvol, xal eri, xmkp tovtov^ vtto t6 
^AafeirSovpyiov Spo^ KopKOVTol koI Aovy{i,)ot oi Bovpot fi€j(pi 
Trj^ K€<f>a\rj^ tov OmoTovKa iroTafLOv» 

21. 'Ttto 8k TOVTOv^ wp&TOi 2iS(ov€^, elra K&yvoi, elTa 
OvKrSovpyioi inrkp tov ^OpKvviov Bpv/iov. 

22. nd\tv air dvaToK&v fikv t&v ^ASvoSaltov op&v oIkov^ 
(Tiv virkp Toif^ ^ovriSov^ Katrovdpoi, clTa N€pT€piav€^ 
clTa AavSovToi, v(f ot^ Tovpwvoi Kal Mapovlyyov. 

23. 'Ttto Sk Toi>^ Xafiavoif^ XdTrat, Kal TovSavroi, Kal 
xmkp Tci ^ovBrjTa Sptf T€Vpioj(atfiai, inrb Bk Ta Spff Ouo- 


24. EtTa rj TafiSp^^Ta v\r), koI xnrb fikv TOV9 Mapovlrf- 
701/9 Kot;/}/ciE>v69» etTa Xa^TOVQ>po^, Kal fi^XP^ '''^^ Aavov- 
Siov iroTafJLov oi HapfiatKafiTroi. 

26. 'Ttto Bk Tffv TafiSprjTav v\rfv MapKOfiavol, vtf 0O9 
'lovBrfvoX, Koi fJtixP^ '''^^ AavovSiov iroTafiov oi "ABpa- 
j SaiKdfiiroi,, 

26. 'Ttto Bk Tbv ^OpKvvLOV Bpvfibv KovdBot, v<f> 0^9 tA 
atBrjptopvx^iO' t^ol f) Aovva v\rj, v<f>^ fjv fiirfa idvo^ oi Batfioi 
fi^XP^ '^^^ AavouStbv, Kal o-vvc;^et9 auTof^ ircpX Tbv iroTafibv 
oi T€paKaTpiat Kal oi irpb^ Tot^ Ka/i7rot9 'PaKdTat. 


Joniandes, an Ostro-Goth by birth, was Bishop of Ravenna 
aboui A.D. 530. The following extracts are given, for the 
sake of showing the form which a mixture of tradition, 
speculation, and heterogeneous accounts of other populations, 
took in the hands of one of the first native Ooths who 
attended to the antiquities of his nation. 

Having premised it was from the bosom of a northem 
island named Scanzia, that his countrymen came, like a 
swarm of bees, into Europe, and after a reference to Ptolemy 
he continues — 


In Scanzia vero insnla, nnde nobis sermo est, licet multse 
et diyerRse maneant nationes, septem tamen earum nomina 
meminit Ptolemaeus. In cujus parte arctoa gens Adogit 
consistit, quse fertur in sestate media quadraginta diebus et 
noctibus luces habere continuas; itemque brumali tempore, 
eodem dierum noctiumque nnmero lucem claram nescire. Ita 
altemato moerore cum gaudio, beneficio aliis damnoque impar 
est. Et hoc quare! Qnia prolixioribus diebus solem ad 
orientem per axis marginem yident redeuntem : brevioribus 
vero non sic conspicitur apud illos, sed aliter ; quia Austrina 
signa percurrit, et qui nobis videtur sol ab imo surgere, illis 
per terrse marginem dicitur circuire. Alise vero ibi gentes 
Crefennse, qui frumentorum non quseritant victum : sed car- 
nibus ferarum atque avium vivunt. Ubi tanta paludibus 
foetura ponitnr, ut et augmentum prsestent generi, et satie- 
tatem ac copiam genti. Alia vero gens ibi moratur Suetbans, 
quae velut Tburingi, equis utuntur eximiis. Hi quoque sunt, 
qui in usus Bomanorum Saphirinas pelles commercio interve- 
niente per alias innumeras gentes transmittunt, famosi pellium 
decora nigredine. Hi quum inopes vivunt, ditissimb vesti- 
untur. Sequuntur deinde diversarum turbse nationum, Theu- 
sthes, Vagoth, Bergio, Hallin, Liothida, quonim onmium 
sedes sub humo plana ac fertili, et propterea inibi aliarum 
gentium incursionibus infestantur. Post hos Athelnil, Fin- 
naithae, Fervir, Grautigoth, acre hominum genus, et ad bella 
promptissimum. Dehinc mixti Evagerse Othingis. Hi omnes 
exesis rupibus, quasi castellis inhabitant, ritu beluino. Sunt 
ex his exteriores Ostrogothae, Raumaricse, Baugnaricii, Finni 
mitissimi, Scanzise cultoribus omnibus mitiores: necnon et 
pares eorum Vinoviloth, Suethidi, Cogeni in hac gente reli- 
quis corpore eminentiores, quamvis et Dani ex ipsorum stirpe 
progressi, Erulos propriis sedibus expulerunt : qui inter omnes 
Scanziae nationes nomen sibi ob nimiam proceritatem affectant 
prsecipuum. Sunt quanquam et illorum positura Grannii, 
Aganzise, Unixae, Ethelrugi, Arochiranni, quibus non ante 
omnes, sed ante multos annos Bodulf rex fuit : qui contempto 
proprio regno, ad Theoderici Gothorum regis gremium convo- 
lavit, et ut desiderabat, invenit. Hae itaque gentes Bomanis 
corpore et animo grandiores, infestae ssevitia pugnse. 


Ez hac igitur Scanzia insula, quasi officina gentiain, ant 
certe velnt vagina nationnm, cum rege suo nomine Berich 
Gothi quondam memorantur egressi : qui ut primum e nayibus 
ezeuntes terras attigere, illico loco nomen dederunt. Nam 
hodie illic, ut fertur, Oothiscanzia vocatur. Unde moz pro- 
moyentes ad sedes Ulmerugorum, qui tunc Oceani ripas insi* 
debant, castrametati sunt, eosque commisso proelio propriis 
sedibus pepulerunt : eorumque yicinos Wandalos jam tunc 
subjugantes, suis applicuere victoriis. Ibi vero magna populi 
numerositate crescente, etiam pene quinto rege regnante, post 
Berich, Filimer, filio Gt>darici, consilio sedit, ut exinde cum 
familiis Gt>thorum promoveret exercitus. Qui aptissimas sedes, 
locaque dum quffireret congrua, peryenit ad Scythi» terras» 
quaD lingua eorum Ouin yocabantur. Ubi delectato magna 
ubertate regionum ezercitu, et medietate transposita, pons 
dicitur, unde amnem transjecerat, miserabiliter corruisse, nec 
ulterius jam cuiquam licuit ire, aut redire. Nam is locus, ui 
fertur, tremulis paludibus yoragine circumjecta concluditur: 
quem utraque conftisione natura reddidit imperyium. Verun- 
tamen hodieque iilic et yoces armentorum audiri, et indicia 
hominum deprehendi, commeantium adtestatione, quamyis a 
longe audientium, credere licet. Haec igitur pars Gothorum, 
quffi apud Filimer dicitur in terras Ouin emenso amne trans- 
posita, optatum potita solnm : nec mora : illico ad gentem 
Spalorum adyeniunt, consertoque proelio yictoriam adipi- 
scuntur. Ezindeque jam yelut yictores ad eztremam Scythi» 
partem, quse Pontico mari yicina est, properant: quemad- 
modam et in priscis eorum carminibus pene historico ritu in 
commune recolitur: quod et Ablayius descriptor Gothorum 
gentis egregius yerissima adtestatur historia. In quam sen- 
tentiam et nonnuUi consensere majorum. Josephus quoque 
annalium relator yerissimus, dum ubique yeritatis conseryat 
regulam, et origines causarum a principio reyolyit, hsec yero, 
quffi dizimus, de gente Gothorum principia our omiserit, igno- 
ramus. Sed tamen ab hoc loco eorum stirpem commemorans, 
Scjthas eos et natione et yocabulo asserit appellatos : cujus 
soli terminos, antequam aliud ad medium deducamus, necesse 
est, uti jaceant, dicere. 

Scythia siquidem Germaniffi terrse confinis, eotenus ubi 


Hister oritur amnis, vel Btagnnm dilatator MjsiaDum, tendens 
nsque ad flumina Tyram, Danastrum, et Vagosolam, ma- 
gnumque illum Danubium, Taurumque montem, non illum 
Asise, sed proprium, id est Seythicum, per omnem Mseotidis 
ambitum, ultraque Mseotida, per angustias Bospori usque ad 
Oaucasum montem, anmemque Arazem : ac deinde in sini- 
stram partem reflexa, post mare Caspium, quse in extremis 
AsisB finibus ab Oceano Euroboreo, in modum fungi primum 
tenuis, post hsec latissima et rotunda forma exoritur, rergens 
ad Hunnos, Albanos, et Seres usque digreditur. Hsec inquam 
patria, id est Scythia, longe se tendens, lateque aperiens, 
habet ab oriente Seres, in ipso sui principio ad litus Oaspii 
maris commanantes ; ab occidente Germanos, et flumen Vi- 
stulse ; ab arctoo, id est septentrionali, circumdatur Oceano : 
a meridie Perside, Albania, Hiberia, Ponto, atque extremo 
alveo Histri, qui dicitur Danubius, ab ostio suo usque ad 
fontem. In eo vero loci latere, quo Ponticum litus attingit, 
oppidis haud obscuris inyolvitur, Boristhenide, Olbia, Galli- 
pode, Chersone, Theodosio, Pareone, Mirmycione, et Trape- 
zunte : quas indomitse Scytharum nationes Grsecos permisere 
condere, sibimet commercia prsestaturos. In cujus Scythiae 
medio est locus, qui Asiam Europamque ab alterutro dividit. 
Biphsei scilicet montes, qui Tanain vastissimum fundunt in- 
trantem Mseotida; cujus paludis circuitus passuum millia 
cxLnii, nusquam octo ulnis altius subsidentis. In qua Scythia 
prima ab occidente gens sedit Gepidarum, quae magnis opina- 
tisque ambitur fluminibus. Nam Tisianns per aquilonem ejus 
corumque discurrit. Ab Africo vero magnus ipse Danu- 
bius, ab euro fluvius Tausis secat : qui rapidus ac verticosus 
in Histri fluenta furens devolyitur. Introrsus illi Dacia est, 
ad coronae speciem arduis Alpibus emunita: juxta quorum 
sinistrum latus, quod in aquilonem vergit, et ab ortu Vistulse 
fluminis per immensa spatia venit, Winidarum natio populosa 
consedit. Quorum nomina licet nunc per varias fiEimilias et 
loca mutentur, principaliter tamen Sclavini et Antes nomi- 
nantur. Sclavini a civitate nova, et Sclavino Bumunnense, et 
lacu qui appellatur Musianus, usque ad Danastrum, et in bo- 
ream Viscla tenus commorantur: hi paludes sylvasque pro 
civitatibus habent. Antes vero, qui sunt eorum fortissimi. 


qui ad Ponticum mare curvanturf a Danastro extendontur 
usque ad Danubium : qned flumina multis mansionibus ab 
invieem absunt. Ad litus autem Oceani, ubi tribus faudbus 
fluenta Vistulse fluminis ebibuntur, Vidioarii resident, ex di- 
yersis nationibus aggregati. Post quos ripam Oceani Itemesti 
tenent, pacatum hominum genus omnino. Quibus in austro 
adsedit gens Agazzirorum fortissima, fingum ignara, qus 
pecoribus et venationibus yictitat. Ultra quos distenduntur 
supra mare Ponticum Bulgarorum sedes, quos notissiraos pec- 
catorum nostrorum mala fecere. Hinc jam Hunni, quasi 
fortissimarum gentium foecundissimus cespes, in bifariam popu- 
lorum rabiem pullularunt. Nam alii Aulziagri, alii Auiri 
nuncupantur, qui tamen sedes habent diversas. Jnxta Cher- 
sonem Aulziagri, quo Asiae bona avidus mercator importat, 
qui sestate campos pervagantur efiusos, sedes habentes, prout 
armentorum inyitaverint pabula ; hyeme supra mare Ponti- 
cum se referentes. Hunugari autem hinc sunt noti, quia ab 
ipsis pellium murinarum venit commercium : quos tantorum 
virorum formidavit audacia. Quorum mansionem primam 
esse in Scythiae solo, juxta paludem Mseotidem, secundo in 
Moesia, Thraciaque, et Dacia, tertio supra mare Ponticum, 
rursus in Scythia legimus habitasse : nec eorum fabulas ali- 
cubi reperimus scriptas, qui eos dicunt in Britannia, vel in uua 
qualibet insularum in senritutem redactos, et unius caballi 
pretio quondam redemptos. Aut certe si quis eos aliter di* 
xerit in nostro orbe, quam quod nos diximus, fuisse exortos, 
nobis aliquid obstrepit: nos enim potius lectioni credimus, 
quam fabulis anilibus consentimus. Ut ergo ad nostrum pro- 
positum redeamus, in prima parte Scythiae juxta Maeotidem 
commanentes prsefati, unde loquimur, Filimer regem habuisse 
noscuntur. In secundo, id est, Dacise, Thraciaeque et Moesi® 
solo Zamolxen, quem mirse philosophicae eruditionis fiiisse 
testantur plerique scriptores annalium. Nam et Zeutam prius 
habuerunt eruditum, post etiam Diceneum, tertium Zamolxen, 
de quo superius diximus. Nec defuerunt, qui eos sapientiam 
erudirent. Unde et pene omnibus barbaris Gh>thi sapientiores 
semper extiterunt, Grsecisque pene consimiles, ut refert Dio, 
qui historias eorum annalesque Gh*8eco stilo composuit. Qui 
dixit primum Tarabosteos, deinde vocitatos Pileatos bos, qui 


inter eos generosi extabant ; ex qnibns eis et reges, et sacer- 
dotes ordinabantor. Adeo ergo ftiere laudati Oetse, nt dudum 
Martem, qnem poetarum fallacia denm belli pronunciat, apnd 
eo8 fnisse dicant exortum. Unde et Virgilins, 

" Gradivumque patrem, Geticis qui prffisidet arvis.'* 

Qnem Martem Gt>thi semper asperrima placavere cnltnra. 
Nam victimffi ejns mortes fnere captomm, opinantes bellomm 
prsesnlem aptins humani sanguinis eil^sione placandum. Huic 
prsedsa primordia voyebantur, huic tmncis snspendebantur ex- 
nvisB : eratque illis religionis prseter cseteros insinuatus affe- 
ctnS) quum parenti devotio nominis videretnr impendi. Tertia 
vero sedes supra mare Ponticum. Jam humaniores, et, ut 
snperins diximus, pmdentiores efiecti, divisi per familias 
populi, WesegothaD familiffi Balthomm, Ostrogothse prseclaris 
Amalis serviebant. Quomm studium fuit primum, inter alias 
gentes yicinas, arcus intendere nervis ; Lucano, plus bistorico 
qnam poeta, testante, 

'' Armeniosque arcus Getlcis intendere nervis.** 

Ante quos etiam cantu majomm facta modulationibns citha- 
risque canebant, Ethespamarse, Hanalae, Fridigerai, Widi- 
cnlae, et aliornm, quomm in hac gente magna opinio est, 
qnales vix heroas fnisse miranda jactat antiquitas. Tnnc, ut 
fertur, Vesoces Scythis lachrymabile sibi potius intulit bellum, 
eis videlicet, quos Amazonum viros prisca tradit anctoritas. 
De qneis feminas bellatrices et Orosins in primo volumine pro- 
fessa voce testatnr. Unde cnm Gt>this eum dimicasse evi- 
denter probamus, qnem cnm Amazonum viris absolnte pu- 
gnasse cognoscimus : qui tunc a Boristhene amne, qnem accolse 
Danubinm vocant, usqne ad Tanain fluvium, circa sinnm palu- 
dis Mseotidis considebant. Tanajfn vero hnnc dico, qui ex 
Bipheis montibus dejectus adeo praeceps mit, ut quum vicina 
flnmina, sive Mseotis, vel Bospoms geln solidentur, solus 
amnium confragosis montibus vaporatus, nunquam Scythico 
durescit algore. Hic inter Asiam Europamque terminus fa- 
mosus habetur : nam alter est ille, qui moniibus Gbrinnomm 
oriens, in Gaspium mare dilabitur. Danubins autem ortns 
grandi palude, qnasi ex mari profnnditur. Hic nsque ad 


medium sui dulcis est et potabilis, piscesque nimii saporis 
gignit, ossibus carentes, cartilaginem tantum habentes bx cor- 
poris continentiam. Sed ubi fit Ponto vicinior, parvum 
fontem suscipit, cui* ex Ampheo cognomen est, adeo amarum, 
ut cum sit XL. dierum itinere navigabilis, hujus aquis exiguis 
immutetur, infestusque ac dissimilis sui, inter Grseca oppida 
Callipidas et Hipanis, in mare defluat. Ad cujus ostia insula 
est in fronte, Achillis nomine. Inter hos terra vastissima, 
silyis consita, paludibus dubia. 

Hic ergo Gothis morantibus, Vesoces ^gyptiorum rex 
in bellum irruit : quibus tunc Taunasis rex erat. Quo proelio 
ad Phasim fluvium, a quo Phasides aves exort», in toto 
mundo eduliis potentum exuberant, Taunasis Gothorum rex 
Vesoci JEgjfiiomm occurrit, eumque graviter debeUans, in 
^gyptum usque persecutus est : et nisi Nili amnis intrans- 
meabilis obstitissent fluenta, vel munitiones, quas dudum sibi, 
ob incursiones iSthiopum Vesocis fieri pr®cepisset, ibi in ejus 
eum patria extinxisset. Sed dum eum semper ibi positum 
non valuisset Isedere, revertens pene omnem Asiam subjugavit, 
et sibi tunc caro amico Somo rege Medorum ad persolven- 
dum tributum, subditum fecit. Ex cujus exercitu victores 
tunc nonnuUi provincias subditas contuentes, et in omni ferti- 
Utate poUentes, deserto suorum agmine sponte in Aeisd par- 
tibus resederunt. Ex quorum nomine vel genere Trogns 
Pompeius Parthorum dicit extitisse prosapiam. Unde etiam 
hodieque lingua Scythica fiigaces, quod est Parthi, dicuntur : 
suoque generi respondentes, inter onmes pene Asi® nationes 
soli sagittarii sunt, et acerrimi beUatores. De nomine vero, 
quod diximus eos Parthos, id est fugaces, ita aUquanti etymor 
logiam traxerunt, ut dicerentur Parthi, quia suos refugere 
parentes. Hunc ergo Taunasim regem Gothorum mortuum 
inter numina sui popuU colnerunt. 

Post cujus decessum exercitu ejus cum successore ipsius 
in aliis partibus expeditionem gerente, femin» Gothorum a 
quadam vicina gente tentatse, in prsedamque duct» a viris, 
fortiter restiterunt, hostesque super se venientes cum magna 
verecundia abegerunt. Qua parata victoria, fretaque majori 
audacia, invicem se cohortantes, arma arripiunt, eUgentesque 

♦ Compare Herodotus, iv. 62. 


duas audaciores Lampeto* et Marpesiam principatui subroga- 
runt. Qu» dum curam geruut, ut propria defenderent, et 
aliena vastarent^ sortito Lampeto restitit, fines patrios tuendo. 
Marpesia vero feminarum agmine sumpto, novum genus ezer- 
citus duxit in Asiam, diversasque gentes bello superans, alias 
vero pace concilians, ad Gaucasum venit : ibique certum tempus 
demorans, loco nomen dedit, Saxum Marpesise. Unde Virgilius, 

** Quam si dura silex aut stet Marpesia cautes.'* 

In eo loco ubi post hsec Alexander Magnus portas constituens, 
Pylas Gaspias nominavit : quod nunc Lazorum gens custodit 
pro munitione Bomana. Hic ergo certum temporis Amazones 
commanentes confortatse sunt. Unde egr^ssse, et Alym flu- 
vium, qui juxta Grargarum civitatem prffiterfluit, transeuntes, 
Armeniam, Syriam, Ciliciamque, Galatiam, Pisidiam, omni- 
aque Asise oppida, sequa felicitate domuerunt : lonium, iGoli- 
amque conversse, deditas sibi provincias efibcerunt. Ubi 
diutius dominantes, etiam civitates castraque suo nomini dica- 
verunt. Ephesi quoque templum Diana), ob sagittandi venan- 
diqne studium, quibus se artibus tradidissent, efiusis opibus, 
mirss pulchritudinis condiderunt. Tali ergo Scythicse gentis 
feminffi casu Asiae regno potitae, per centum pene annos tenue* 
rnnt, et sic demum ad proprias socias in cautes Marpesias, 
quas superius diximus, repedarunt, in montem scilicet Gau- 
casum. Gnjus montis, quia facta iterum mentio est, non ab re 
arbitror ejus tractum situmque describere, quando maximam 
partem orbis noscitur circuire jugo continuo. Gaucasus ab 
Indico mari surgens, qua meridiem respicit, sole vaporatus 
ardescit. Qua septentrioni patet, rigentibus ventis est ob- 
noxius et pruinis. Mox in Syriam curvato angulo reflexus, 
licet anmium plurimos emittat, in Asianam tamen regionem 
Eufratem Tigrimque navigeros, ad opinionem maximam per- 
ennium fontium, copiosis fimdit uberibus. Qui amplexantes 
terras Assjriorum, Mesopotamiam appellari faciunt, et videri ; 
in sinum maris Bubri fluenta deponentes. Tunc in boream 
revertens, Scythias terras, jugum anteiatum magnis flexibus 
pervagatur: atque ibidem opinatissima flumina in Gaspium 
mare profundens, Araxem, Gyssum, et Gambysen, continuato 

* This is the name of one of the viragoes of the Lysislrata, 


jugo ad Bipheos nsque moDtes extenditur. Indeque Scy- 
thicis gentibus dorso suo terminum prsebens, ad Pontum usque 
descendit: consertisque coUibus, Histri quoque fluenta con- 
tingit, quo amnis scissus dehiscens, in Scythia quoque Taurus 
vocatur. Talis ergo tantusque, et pene omnium maximus, 
excelsas suas erigens summitates, naturali constructioni prse- 
stat gentibus inexpugnanda munimina. Nam locatim rescisus, 
qua disrupto jugo vallis hiatu patescit, nunc Gasplas portas, 
nunc Armenias, nunc Gilicas, vel secundum locum qualis 
fuerit, facit ; vix tamen plaustro meabilis, lateribus in altitu- 
dinem utrimque directis, qui pro gentium varietate diverso 
vocabulo nuncupatur. Hunc enim lamnium, mox Propanismum 
Indus appellat. Parthus primum Gastra, post Nifacen edicit. 
Syrus et Armenius Taurum ; Scyth» Caucasum ac Bipheum, 
iterumque in fine Taurum cognominant: aliaque complura 
gentes huic jugo dedere vocabula. Et quia de ^us continuatione 
pauca libavimus, ad Amazones, unde divertimus, redeamus. 

Veritse hse, ne earum proles raresceret, a vicinis gentibus 
concubitum petierunt ; facta nundina semel in anno, ita ut 
fiituris temporibus eis deinde revertentibus in idipsum, quic* 
quid partus masculini edidisset, patri redderet : quicquid vero 
feminei sexus nasceretnr, mater ad arma bellica erudiret. 
Sive, ut quibusdam placet, editis maribus, novercali odio in- 
fantis miserandi fata rumpebant: ita apud illas detestabile 
puerperium erat, quod ubique constat esse votivum. Qus 
crudelitas illis ierrorem magnum cumulabat, opinione vulgata. 
Nam qu0e, rogo, spes esset capto, ubi ignosci vel filio neias 
habebatur! Gontra has, ut fertur, pugnabat Hercules; et 
Melanes pene plus dolo, quam virtute subegit. Theseus vero 
Hippoliten in prcedam tulit» de qua genuit et Hippolytum. 
Hffi quoque Amazones post hsec habuere reginam nomine Pen- 
thesileam, cujus Trojano bello extant clarissima documenta. 
Nam hed femin® usque ad Alexandrum Magnum referuntur 
tenuisse regnum. 

Sed ne dicas, de viris Gothorum sermo adsumptus, cur in 
feminis tamdiu perseveret : audi et virorum insignem et lau- 
dabilem et fortitudinem. Dio historicus, et antiquitatum dili- 
gentissimus inquisitor, qui operi suo Getica titulum dedit 
(quos Getas jam superiori loco Gothos esse probavimus, 


OrosioPanIo dicente); hic Dio regem iljis post tempora mnlta 
commemorat, nomine Telephum. Ne vero qois dicat hoo 
nomen a lingaa Gothica omnino peregrinom esse, nemo est 
qni nesciat animadverti, usn pleraqne nomina gentes amplecti^ 
ut Bomani Macedonnm, QiBbci Bomanorum, Sarmat® Ger- 
manomm, Gothi plemmqne mutnantnr Hunnomm. Is ergo 
Telephus Herculis filius, natus ex Auge sorore Priami, con- 
jugio copulatus, procems quidem corpore, sed plus vigore 
terribilis, pateraam fortitudinem propriis virtutibus fiequans, 
Herculis genio form® quoque similitudinem referebat. Hujus 
itaque regnum Moesiam appellavere majores. Qu® provincia 
ab oriente ostia fluminis Danubii, a meridie Macedoniam, ab 
occasu Hlstriam, a septentrione Danubium habet. Is ergo 
antefatus habuit bellum cum Danais, in qua pugna Thessan- 
dram ducem Grseci» interemit; et dum Ajacem infestus 
invadit, Ulyssemque persequitur, equo cadente, ipse corruit, 
Achillisque jaqulo femore sauciatus, diu mederi nequivit; 
Gnecos tamen, quamvis jam saucius, e suis finibus proturbavit. 
Telepho vero defuncto, Eurypilus filius successit in regno, ez 
Priami Phrygum regis germana progenitus. Qui ob Oassan- 
dr» amorem bello interesse Trojano, ac parentibus soceroque 
ferre auxilium cupiens, mox ut venit extinctus est. 

Oyrus rex Persarum post grande intervallum, et pene 
post sexcentoram triginta annorum tempora, Pompeio Trogo 
testante, G^tarum reginaD Tamiri, sibi exitiale, intulit bellnm. 
Qui elatus ex Asi® victoria, Getas nititur subjugare ; in qui- 
bus (ut dizimus) regnaverat Tamins. Qu® cum ab Araxe 
amne Oyri arcere potuisset accessus, transire tamen permisit, 
eligens armis eum vincere, quam locoram beneficio snbmovere: 
quod et £Eu;tum est. Et veniente Oyro, prima cessit fortuna 
Parthis tanta, ut et filium Tamiris, et plurimum exercitum 
tracidarent. Sed iterato Marte, Qetm cum sua regina Par- 
thos devictos superant atque prosteraunt, opimamque prsadam 
de eis auferant : ibique primum Gx>thoram gens serica vident 
tentoria. Tunc Tamiris regina nacta victoria, tantaque 
prseda de inimids potita, in partem MoBsisd (qu» nunc ex 
magna Scythia nomen mutuata, minor Scythia est appellata) 
transiens, ibi in ponte Moesise colitur^ et Tamiris civitatem 
suo de nomine sedificavit. Dehinc Darius rex Persaram, 


Hystaspis filins, ADtyici r^gis Gothorum filiam in matrimoninin 

expostulavit, rogans pariter atqne deterrens, nisi snam pera^ 

gerent voluntatem. Gujus affinitatem Gt>thi spementes, lega- 

tionem ejus frustranmt. Qui repulsus, furore flammatus est, 

et octoginta millia armatorum contra ipsos produxit exercitum, 

yerecundiam suam malo puUico vindicare contendenp ; navi- 

busque pene a Gbalcedonia usque ad Byzantium, ad instar 

pontium tabulatis atque consertis, petit Thraciam et Mcesiam ; 

ponteque rursns in Danubio pari modo constructo duobus 

mensibus crebris fatigatus intaphis, octo millia perdidit arma- 

torum. Timensque ne pons Danubii ab ejus adversariis oo- 

cuparetur, celeri fuga in Thraciam repedavit : nec Moesiffi 

sohun credens sibi tutum fore aliquantum remorandi. Post 

cujus decessum iterum Xerxes filius ejus patemas injurias 

ulcisci se sestimans, cum suis ducentis, et auxiliatomm tre- 

centis millibus armatomm, rostratas naves habens mille septis- 

gentaS) et onerarias tria millia, super Gt>thos profectus ad bel- 

lum; nec tentata re in confiictu prasvaluit, animositate 

constantisd superatus. Sic namque ut venerat, absque aliqu« 

eertamine sno cum rabore recessit. Philippus quoque pater 

Alexandri Magni cum Gothis ^amicitias copulans, Medopam 

Gothilse filiam tegiB accepit uxorem, ut tali affinitate roboratus, 

Macedonum regna firmaret. Qua tempestate, Dione historico 

dicente, Philippus inopiam pecunise passus, Udisitanam Moe- 

sisB civitatem instractis copiis vastare deliberat, qu» tunc 

propter viciniam Tamiris, Gt)this erat subjecta. Unde et 

sacerdotes Gothorum aliqui, illi qui Pii vocabantur, subito 

patefactis portis cum citharis et vestibus candidis obviam sunt 

egressi patemis diis, ut sibi propitii Macedones repeUerent, 

voce supplici modulantes. Quos Macedones sic fiducialiter 

sibi occurrere contuentes, stupescunt; et si dici fisis est, ab 

inermibus tenentur armati. Nec mora, acie soluta, quam ad 

bellum construxerant, non tantum ab urbis excidio removere ; 

verum etiam et qoos foris fuerant jure belli adepti, reddide- 

runt, foedereque inito ad sua reversi sunt. Quem dolum post 

longum tempus reminiscens egregius Gt)thoram ductor Si- 

talcus, CL. viroram millibus congregatis, Atheniensibus intulit 

bellum, adversus Perdiccam Macedonise regem, quem Alex- 

ander apud Babyloniam ministri insidiis potans interitum, 


AthenieDsium principatui hereditario jure reliquerat sucees- 
sorem. Magno prselio cum hoc inito, Gothi superiores inventi 
sunt : et sic pro injuria, quam illi in Moesia dudum fecissent, 

isti in Orseciam discurrentes, cunctam Macedoniam vastavere. 

• • « « ♦ 

Tum Gothi haud segnes reperti, arma capessunt, primo- 
que armati conflictu mox Bomanos devincunt: Fuscoque 
duce extincto, divitias de castris militum despoliant, magna- 
que potiti per loca victoria, jam proceres suos quasi qui fortuna 
vincebant, non puros homines, sed semideos, id est Anses 
vocavere. Quorum genealogiam paucis percurram; ut quo 
qnis parente genitus est, aut unde origo accepta, ubi finem 
efficit, absque invidia qui legis, vera dicentem ausculta. 

Horum ergo (ut ipsi suis fabulis ferunt) primus fiiit Oapt, 

qui genuit Halmal ; Halmal vero genuit Angis ; Angis gennit 

eum, qui dictus est Amala, a quo et origo Amalorum decurrit. 

Et Amala genuit Isamam; Isama autem genuit Ostrogo- 

tham ; Ostrogotha genuit Unilt ; Unilt genuit Athal ; Athal 

genuit Achiulf ; Achiulf genuit Ansilam et Ediulf, Vuldulf» et 

Hermenrich ; Vuldulf vero genuit Valeravans ; Valeravans 

autem genuit Winitharium ; Winitharins quoqne gennit 

Theodemii* et Walemir et Widemir; Theodemir gennit 

Theodericnm; Theodericus gennit Amalasnentam ; Amala- 

suenta genuit Athalaricum et Mathasuentam, de Widerico 

viro suo, cujns affinitati generis sic ad eam conjunctus est. 

Nam supradictufl Hermenricus, filius Achiulfi, genuit Hunni- 

mnndum ; Hunnimundus autem genuit Thorismundum ; Tho- 

rismundus vero genuit Berimimdum ; Berimundus genuit Wi- 

dericum ; Widericus genuit Entharicum ; qui conjunctus 

Amalasuenta genuit Athalaricum et Mathasuentam ; mor- 

tuoque in puerilibus annis Athalarico, Mathasuentse Witichis 

est sociatus, de quo non suscepit libemm : adductique simul a 

Belisario in Gonstantinopolim, et Witichi rebns excedente 

humanis, Germanus patricius, &atmelis domini Justiniani Im- 

peratoris, eandem in conjugio sumens, patriciam ordinariain 

fecit ; de qua filinm genuit, item Oermannm nomine. Ger- 

mano vero defuncto, ipsa vidua perseverare disponit. Qualiter 

autem, aut quomodo Amalomm regnum destructum est, loeo 

suo (si Dominus voluerit) edocebimus. Nunc autem ad id, 



iinde digressnm fecimns, redeamiis, doceamnsqae quando 

ordo gentis, unde agimus, cursus sui metam expleverit. Abla- 

yius enim historicus refert, quia ibi super limbum Ponti, ubi 

eos diximus in Scythia commanere, pars eorum, qui orien- 

talem plagam tenebant, eisque prseerat Ostrogotha (incertum 

utrum ab ipsius nomine, an a loco orientali) dicti sunt Ostro- 

gothse, residui yero Wesegothse in parte occidua. Et quidem 

jam diximus, eos transito Danubio aliquantum temporis apud 

Mcesiam, Thraciamque yixisse. 

^ * ^ ^ ^ 

Ab hinc ergo, ut dicebamus, post longam obsidionem ac- 
cepto prsemio ditatus Geta, recessit ad patriam. Quem Gepi- 
darum cemens natio subito ubique vincentem, prsedisque 
ditatum, invidia ductus, arma in parentes movet. Quomodo 
vero Getse Gepidseque sint parentes si qusBris, paucis absol- 
vam. Meminisse debes, me initio de Scanzise insulse gremio 
Gothos dixisse egressos cum Berich suo rege, tribus tantum 
navibus vectos ad citerioris Oceani ripam ; quarum trium una 
navis, ut assolet, tardius vecta, nomen genti fertur dedisse ; 
nam Ilngua eorum pigra Gepanta dicitur. Hinc factum est, 
ut paullatim et corrupte nomen eis ex convitio naseeretur. 
Gepidffi namque sine dubio ex Gothorum prosapia ducunt ori- 
ginem : sed quia, ut dixi, G^panta pigrum aliquid tardumque 
signat, pro gratuito convitio G^pidarum nomen exortum est, 
quod nec ipsum; credo falsissimum. Sunt enim tardioris 
ingenii, graviores corporum velocitate. Hi ergo Gepidse tacti 
invidia, dudum spreta provincia, commanebant in insula 
Visclffi anmis vadis circumacta, quam pro patrio sermone 
dicebant Gepidos. Nunc eam, ut fertur, insulam gens Vivi- 
daria incolit, ipsis ad meliores terras meantibus. Qui Vivi- 
darii ex diversis nationibus acsi in unum asylum collecti sunt, 
et gentem fecisse noscuntur. 

^ * ^ ^ ¥: 

Gx>thorum rege Geberich rebus excedente humanis, post 
temporis aliquod Hermanricus nobilissimus Amalorum, in 
regno successit : qui multas et bellicosissimas arctoas gentes 
perdomuit, suisque parere legibus fecit. Quem merito non- 
nulli Alexandro Magno comparavere majores. Habebat siqui* 
dem quos domuerat, Gothos, Scythas, Thuidos, Inaunxis, 


VasiDabroiicas, Merens, Mordensimnis, Caris, Bocas, Tadzans, 
Athual, Navego, Bubegentas, Coldas ; et cum tantorum ser- 
vitio carus haberetur, non passus est nisi et gentem Heru- 
lorum, quibus prseerat Alaricus, magna ex parte trucidatam, 
reliqnam suae subigeret ditioni. Nam prsedicta gens (Ablavio 
historico referente) juxta Mseotidas paludes habitans in locis 
stagnantibus, quas Grseci Hele vocant, Heruli nommati sunt : 
gens quanto velox, eo amplius superbissima. Nulla siquidem 
erat tunc gens, quse non levem armaturam in acie sua ex ipsis 
elegerint. Sed quamvis velocitas eorum ab aliis scepe bellan- 
tibus eos tutaretur, Gx>tborum tamen stabilitati subjacuit et 
tarditati : fecitque causa fortunse, ut et ipsi inter reliquas 
geutes Getarum regi Hermanrico servierint. Post Herulorum 
esedam idem Hermanricus in Venetos arma commovit; qui 
quamvis armis desperlti, sed numerositate pollentes, primo 
resistere conabantur. Sed nihil valet multitudo in bello, prse- 
sertlm ubi et Deus permittit, et multitudo fortium armata 
advenerit. Nam hi, ut initio expositionis, vel catalogo gentis 
dicere coepimus, ab una stirpe exorti tria nunc nomina reddi- 
dere, id est Veneti, Antes, Sclavi : qui quamvis nunc ita faci- 
entibus peccatis nostris ubique desaeviunt, tamen tunc omnes 
Hermanrici imperiis serviere. Hsestorum quoque similiter 
nationem, qui longissimam ripam Oceani Germanici insident, 
idem ipse prudentia virtute subegit, omnibusque Scythiae et 
Germaniae nationibus, sesi proprlis laboribus, imperavit. 

Post autem non longi temporis intervallum, ut refert Oro- 
sius, Hunnorum gens omni ferocitate atrocior exarsit in 
Gothos: eosque qui prius timori erant cseteris gentibus, ab 
antiquis conterritos pepulit sedibus. Nam hos, ut refert anti- 
quitas, ita extitisse comperimus. Filimer rex Gothorum, et 
Grandarici magni filius, post egressum Scanzise insulse jam 
quinto loco tenens principatum Getarum, qui et terras Scy- 
thicas cum sua gente introisset, sicut a nobis dictum est, 
repperit in populo suo quasdam magas mulieres, quas patrio 
sermone Alyrunmas is ipse cognominat, easque habens su- 
spectas de medio sui proturbat, longeque ab exercitu suo 
fugatas in solitudine coegit errare. Quas silvestres homines, 
quos Faunos Ficarios vocant, per eremum vagantes dum 
vidissent, et earum se complexibus in coitu miscuissent, genus 


boc ferocissimnm edidere; quod fiiit primum inter paludes 
Mseotidas minutum, tetrum, atque exile, quasi inhumanom 
genus, nec alia voce notum, nisi quod humani sermonis ima- 
ginem assignabat. Tali ergo Hunni stirpe creati, Gx>thoram 
finibus advenere. Quorum natio saeva, ut priscus historicus 
refert, in MaDotide palude ulteriorem ripam insedit : venatione 
tantum, nec alio labore experta, nisi quod postqnam crevisset 
in populos, iVaudibus et rapinis vicinam gentem contnrbavit. 
Hujus ergo (ut assolent) venatores, dum in ulteriori Mseotidis 
ripa venationes inquirunt, animadvertunt quomodo ex impro- 
viso cerva se illis obtulit, ingressaque palude nunc progre- 
diens, nunc subsistens, indicem se vise tribuit. Quam secuti 
venatores, paludem Mseotidem, quam imperviam ut pelagus 
existimabant, pedibus transiere. Mox quoque ut Scythica 
terra ignotis apparuit, cerva disparuit. Quod credo spiritus 
illi, unde progeniem trahunt, ad Scytharum invidiam egere. 
Illi vero, qui prseter Maeotidem paludem alium mundum esse 
penitus ignorabant, admiratione inducti terrse Scythiffi, et ut 
sunt solertes, iter illud nulli ante hanc cetatem notissimum, 
divinitus sibi ostensum rati, ad suos redeunt, rei gestum 
edicunt, Scythiam laudant, persuasaque gente sua, via quam 
cerva indice didicere, ad Scythiam properant, et quantos- 
cunque prius in ingressu Scytharum habuere, litavere victorise, 
reliquos perdomitos subegere. Nam mox ingentem illam 
paludem transiere, ilico Alipzuros, Alcidzuros, Itamaros, Tini- 
cassos, et Boiscos, qui ripse istius Scythise insidebant, quasi 
quidam turbo gentium rapuere. Alanos quoque pugna sibi 
pares, sed immanitate victus, formaque dissimiles^ frequenti 
certamine fatigantes subjugavere. Nam et qnos bello forsitan 
minime superabant, vultus sui terrore niminm pavorem inge- 
rentes fogabant : eo quod erat eis species pavend» nigrediniB, 
et velut qusedam (si dici fas est) deformis offa, non fiacies, 
habensque magis puncta, quam lumina. Quorum animi fidu- 
ciam torvus prodit aspectus : qui etiam in pignora sua primo 
die nata desseviunt. Nam maribus ferro genas secant, nt 
antequam lactis nutrimenta percipiant, vulneris cogantur subire 
tolerantiam. Hinc imberbes senescunt, et sine venustate 
ephebi sunt ; quia &cies ferro sulcata, tempestivam pilorum 
gratiam per cicatrices absumit. Exigui quidem forma, sed 


arguti, motibus expediti, et ad equitandum promptissimi : 
* scapulis latis, et ad arcus sagittasque parati : firmis crevicibus, 
et superbia semper erecti. Hi yero sub hominum figura 
vivunt beluina sseyitia. Quod genus expeditissimum, multa- 
rumque nationum grassatorium, Get« ut yiderunt, expaye- 
scunt: snoque cum rege diliberant, qualiter se a tali hoste 
subducant. Nam Hermanricus rex Grothorum, licet (ut supe- 
rius retulimus) multarum gentium extiterit triumphator, de 
Hunnorum tamen adyentu dum cogitat, Boxolanorum gens 
infida, qusB tunc inter alias famulatum exhibebat, tali eum 
nanciscitur occasione decipere. Dum enim quandam mulierem 
Sanielh nomine ex gente memorata, pro mariti fraudulento 
•discessu, rex furore commotus, equis ferocibus illigatam, in- 
citatisque cursibus per diyersa diyelli prsecipisset, fratres ejus 
Sarus et Ammius german» obitum yindicantes, Hermanrici 
latus ferro petierunt : quo yulnere saucius, segram yitam cor- 
poris imbecillitate contraxit. Quam adyersam ejus yaletu- 
dinem captans Balamir rex Hunnorum, in Ostrogothas moyit 
procinctum : a quorum societate jam Wesegothse discessere, 
quam dudum inter se juncti habebant. Inter hsec Herman- 
ricus tam yulneris dolorem, quam etiam incursiones Hunnorum 
non ferens, grandseyus et plenus dierum, centesimodecimo 
anno yitas sua defunctus est. Gujus mortis occasio dedit 
Hunnis prseyalere in Gt>tho8 illos, quos dixeramus orientali 
plaga sedere, et Ostrogothas nuncupari. 

Wesegothse id est, alii eorum socii, et occidni soli cultores, 
metu parentum exterriti, quidnam de se, propter gentem 
Hunnorum deliberarent, ambigebant : diuque cogitantes, tan- 
dem communi placito legatos ad Bomaniam direxere, ad 
Valentem Imperatorem, fratrem Valentiniani Imperatoris 
senioris, ut partem Thracise siye Moesise si illis traderet ad 
colendum, ejus legibus yiyerent, ejusque imperiis subderentur. 
After this, the narratiye becomes properly historical, giying 
the history of the Goths of Moesia. 




Paul, the 80D of Waniefrid {Paulus Wamefridi JUius^ as 
be is oileD desigDated), was deacoD of Friuli, aod secretary to 
Desideriiis, the last kiDg of the LoDibards. To the traditions 
aud bistory of those coDquerors, bis work bears tbe same rela- 
tioD, which that of JorDaades does to those of the Ostro-Gh>th8. 

LIB. I. 

I. SepteDtrioDalis plaga, quaDto magis ab s^u solis remota 
est, et nivali frigore gelida, tauto salubrior corporibus bonu- 
Dum, et propagaDdis est gcDtibus magis coaptata : sicut 
e coDtra omais meridiaDa regio, quo solis est fervori vicinior, eo 
semper morbis abuudat, et educaudis miuus est apta morta- 
libus. Unde fit ut tautse populorum muItitudlDes arctoo sub 
aze oriautur: ut non immerito uuiversa illa regio Tanai 
tenus, usque ad occiduum, licet et propriis loca in ea siugula 
nuncupeutur uomiDibus, geuerali tameD vocabulo Qermania 
vocitetur ; quamvis et duas ultra Bhenum provincias Bomani, 
cum ea loca occupassent, superiorem inferioremque Germaniam 
dixerint. Ab hac ergo populosa Germania, ssepe innumera- 
biles captivorum turmse abductse, meridianis populis pretio 
distrabuntur. Multse quoque ex ea, pro eo quod tantos mor- 
talium germinat, quantos alere vix sufficit, ssepe gentes egressse 
sunt, quse nihilominus et partes Asise, sed maxime sibi conti- 
guam Enropam, afflixerunt. Testantur hoc ubique urbes 
erutse, per totam Illjricum Oalliamque : sed maxime miserse 
Italise, quse pene omnium illarum est gentium experta ssevi- 
tiam. Gotbi siquidem, Wandaliqne, Bugi, Heruli, atque 
Turcilingi, nec non etiam alise feroces et barbarse nationes, e 
Germania prodierunt. 

II. Pari etiam modo et Winilorum, hoc est, Longobar- 
dorum gens, quse postea in Italia feliciter reguavit, a Clerma- 
Dorum populis origiuem dnccDS, licet et alise causa egressioDis 
eorum assevereutur, ab iusula quse Scaudinavia dicitur adven- 
tavit : cujus etiam insulse, Plinius Secundus in libris, qnos De 
Natura Berum composuit, mentionem facit. Haec ergo insula, 


sicut retulerant nobis, qui*eam lustravenint, non tam in mari 
est posita, quam marinis fluctibus, propter planitiem mar- 
ginum, terras ambientibus circumfusa. Intra hanc ergo con- 
stituti populi, dum in tantam multitudinem puUulassent, ut 
jam simul habitare non valerent, in tres, ut fertur, omnem 
catervam partes dividentes, quse ex illis pars patriam relin- 
quere, novasque deberet sedes exquirere, sorte perquirit. 

III. Igitur ea pars, cui sors dederat genitale solum exco- 
dere, exteraque arva sectari, ordinatis super se duobus ducibus, 
Ibor scilicet et Ajone, qui et germani erant, et juvenili adhuc 
setate floridi, et cseteris prsestantiores, ad exquirendas quas 
possint incolere terras, sedesque statuere, valedicentes suis 
simul et patriee, iter arripiunt. Horum erat ducum mater 
nomine Oambara, mulier quantum inter suos et ingenio acris, 
et consiliis provida ; de cujus in rebus dubiis prudentia non 
minimum confidebant. 

IV. Haud ab re esse arbitror, paulisper narrandi ordinem 
postponere, et quia adhuc stjlus in G^rmania vertitur, mira- 
culum quod illic apud omnes celebre habetur, sed et qusedam 
alia breviter iutimare. In extremis Gircium versus Germanise 
finibus, in ipso Oceani litore, antrum sub eminenti rupe con- 
spicitur, ubi septem yiri (incertum ex quo tempore) longo 
sopiti sopore quiescunt, ita inlsesis non solum corporibus, sed 
etiam vestimentis, ut ex hoc ipso, quod sine ulla per tot anno- 
rum curricula corruptione perdurant, apud indociles easdam et 
barbaras nationes, venerationi habeantur. Hi denique quan- 
tum ad habitum spectat, Bomani esse cemuntur. E quibus 
dum unum quidam cupiditate stimulatus vellet exuere, mox 
ejus ut dicitur brachia aruerunt, pcenaque sua cseteros perter- 
ruit, ne quis eos ulterius contingere auderet. Videris ad quem 
eos profectum, per tot tempora providentia divina conservet. 
Fortasse horum quandoque, quia non aliter nisi Ghristiani 
esse putantur, gentes illae praedicatione salvandfie sunt. 

V. Huic loco Scritobini (sic enim gens illa nominatur) 
vicini sunt, qui etiam sestatis tempore nivibus non carent, nec 
aliis, utpote feris ipsis ratione non dispares, quam crudis agre- 
stium animantium camibus vescuntur; de quorum etiam 
hirtis pellibus sibi indumenta coaptant. Hi a saliendo, jnxta 
linguam barbaram, etjmologiam ducunt. Saltibus enim 


utentes, arte quadam ligno incur^, ad arcus similitudinem, 
feras assequuntur. Apud hos est animal, non satis absimile 
cervo, de cujus ego corio, ut Aierat pilis hispidum, vestem in 
modum tunicffi, genu tenus aptatam conspexi, ^cut jam fiiti, 
ut relatum est, Scritobini utuntur. Quibus in locis circa 
ssstivale solstitium, per aliquot dies, etiam noctu clarissima 
lux cemitur, diesque ibi multo majores, quam alibi habentur : 
sicut e contrario, circa brumale solstitium, quamvis diei lux 
adsit, sol tamen ibi non videtur, diesque minimi, qnam usquam 
alibi, noctes quoque longiores existunt. Quia scilicet quanto 
magis a sole longius disceditur, tanto sol ipse terrse Ticinior 
apparet, et umbrse longiores excrescunt. Denique in Italia, 
sicut et antiqui scripsenmt, circa diem natalis Domini, noyem 
pedes in umbra staturse humanse hora sexta metiuntur. Ego 
autem in Gallia Belgica, in loco qui Totonis yilla dicitur, con-i 
stitutus, status mei umbram metiens, decem et novem et 
semis pedes inveni. Sic quoqne contrario modo, quanto pro- 
pinquins meridiem versus ad solem acceditur, tantum semper 
umbrse breviores videntur; in tantum, ut solstitio ffistivaK 
respicente sole de medio coeli, in JEgjpto et Hierosoljmis, et 
in eorum yicinitate constitutis locis, nullse videantur umbrse. 
In Arabia vero hoc ipso tempore sol supra medium c(di, ad 
partem aquilonis cemitur, umbrseque versa vice contra meri- 
diem videntur. 

VI. Nec satis procul ab hoe de quo prcemisimus litore, 
contra occidentalem partem, qua sine fine Oceanum pelagus 
patet, profundissima aquarum illa vorago est, quam usitato 
nomine maris umbilicum vocamus, quse bis in die fluctus ab- 
sorbere, et rursum evomere dicitur: sicut per universa illa 
litora, accedentibus et recedentibus fluctibus, celeritate nimia 
fieri comprobatur. Hujusmodi vorago sive vertigo, a poeta 
Virgilio Charybdis appellatur, quam ille in freto Siculo esse 
suo in carmine loquitur, hoc modo dicens : 

^' DextnuD Scylla latus, IsByum implacata Charybdis 
Obsidct, atqae imo barathri ter gurgite Tastos 
Sorbet in abruptum fluctus, rursusque aub auras 
Erigit altemos, et sidera verberat unda.'* 

Ab hac sane de qua diximus vertigine, saepe naves raptim cur- 
simque adtrahi affirmantur, tanta celeritate, ut sagittarum per 

£PIL£GOMENA. xxvii 

aera lapsus imiiari videantur, et DonDaDqnam iD illo barathro 
horreDdo Dimis ezitu pereuot. Saepe cum jam jamque mer- 
geDdae siDt, subitis uudarum mplibus retroactse tauta rursus 
agilitate eziDde eloDgaDtur, quauto prius adtractse suDt» 
AffirmaDt esse et aliam hujusmodi voragiDem, iDter Britan- 
Diam iDsulam, Galliamque proviuciam : cui etiam rei adstipu- 
lautur Sequauicse AquitaDiseque litora, quse bis io die tam 
eubitis iuuDdatioDibus oppleutur, ut qui fortasse aliquautulum 
iutrorsus a litore repertus fuerit, evadere vix possit. Videas 
earum regiouum flumiua, foDtem versus cursu velocissimo 
relabi, ac per multorum millium spatia, dulces flumiuum lym- 
phas iu amaritudiDem yerti. TrigiDta ferme a SequaDico 
litore Enodia iusula millibus distat, id qua, sicut ab illius 
iDcolis adseveratur, yergentium in eandem Charybdim aqua- 
rum garrulitas auditur. Audiyi quendam nobilissimum Cral- 
lorum referentem, quod aliquantse nayes, prius tempestate 
conyulsse, postmodum ab hac eadem Charybdi yoratse sunt. 
Unus autem ez omnibus yiris solunmiodo, qui in nayibus illis 
fuerant, morientibus cceteris, dum adhuc fluctibus spirans 
supernataret, yi aquarum fluentium abductus, ad oram u^ue 
inmianissimi illius barathri penrenit. Qui cum jam proftindis- 
simam, et sine fine patens chaos adspiceret, ipsoque payore 
prsemortuus, se illuc ruiturum ezspectaret, subito quod sperare 
non poterat, saxo quodam superjectus insedit. Decursis siqui- 
dem jam onmibus, quae sorbendse erant, aquis, orse illius 
Aierant margines denudati. Dumque ibi inter tot angustias 
anxius, yix ob metum palpitans resideret, dilatamque ad mo- 
dicum mortem nihilominus opperiret, conspicit ecce snbito 
quasi magnos aquarum montes de proftmdo resilire, nayesque 
quae absorptse fderant, primas emergere. Gumque una ex illis 
ei contigua fieret, ad eam se nisu quo potuit apprehendit : neo 
mora, celeri yolatu prope litus adyectus, metuendse necis 
casus eyasit, proprii postmodum periculi relator existens. 
Nostrum quoque, id est, Adriaticum mare, quod licet* minus, 
similiter tamen.Venetiarum Histriseque litora peryadit, credi- 
bile est parvos hujusmodi occultosque habere meatus, quibus 
et recedentes aquse sorbeantur, et rursum inyasurse litora 
reyomantur. His itaque prselibatis, ad coeptam narrandi 
seriem redeamus. 


VII. Igitur egressi de Scandinavia Wlnili, cum Ibor et 
Ayone dueibus, in regionem qusa appellatur Scoringa veni- 
entes, per annos illic aliquot consederunt. Illo itaque tem- 
pore Ambri et Assi, Wandalorum duces, vicinas quasqoe 
provincias bello premebant. Hi jam multis elati victoriis, 
nuncios ad Winilos mittunt, ut aut tributa Wandalis persol- 
verent, aut se ad belli certamina prsepararent. Tunc Ibof et 
Ayo, adnitente matre Gambara, deliberant melius esse armis 
libertatem tueri, quam tributorum eandem solutione foedare, 
mandant per legatos Wandalis, pugnaturos se potius, quam 
servituros. Erant siquidem tunc Winili universi setate juve- 
nili florentes, sed numero exigui ; quippe qui unius non nimi» 
amplitudinis insul», tertia solummodo particula ftierint. 

VIII. Befert hoc loco antiquitas ridiculam fabulam : quod 
accedentes Wandali ad Wodan, victoriam de Winilis poetu- 
laverint, illeque responderit, se illis victoriam daturum, quos 
primum oriente sole conspexisset ; tunc accessisse Grambaram 
ad Fream, uxorem Wodan, et Winilis victoriam postulasse, 
Freamque consilium dedisse, ut Winilorum mulieres. solutos 
crines erga faciem ad barbss similitudinem componerent, ma- 
neque primo cum viris adessent, seseque a Wodan videndas 
pariter e regione, qua ille per fenestram» orientem versus, erat 
solitus adspicere, collocarent : atque ita factum fuisse. Quas 
cum Wodan conspiceret oriente sole, dixisse: QtU tuni isti 
Longobardi? Tunc Fream subjunxisse, ut quibus nomeu 
tribuerat, victoriam condonaret : sicque Winilis Wodan vi- 
ctoriam concessisse. Hsec risu digna sunt, et pro nihilo ha- 
benda. Victoria enim non potestati est adtributa hominum, 
sed e coelo potius ministratur. 

IX. Gertum tamen est Longobardos, ab intacta ferro 
baroae longitudine, cum primitus Winili dicti fuerint, ita post- 
modum appellatos. Nam juxta illorum linguam, Lanp Umgam^ 
Bart barbam significat. Wodan sane, quem adjecta litera 
Gwodan dixerunt, ipse est, qui apud Romanos Mercurius 
dicitur, et ab universis G^rmanise gentibns ut deos adoratur ; 
qui non circa hsec tempora, sed longe anterius, nec in Ger- 
mania, sed in Grsecia fuisse perhibetur. 

X. Winili igitur, qui et Longobardi, conmiisso cum Wan- 
dalis prcelio, acriter, utpote pro libertatis gloria decertantes. 


victoriam capiant ; qui roagnain postmodum famis penuriam in 
eadem Scoringa provincia perpessi, valde animo constemati sunt. 

XI. De qua egredientes, dum in Mauringam transire dis- 
ponerent, Assipitti eorum iter impediunt, denegantes eis omni- 
modis per suos terminos transitum. Porro Longobardi, cum 
magnas hostium copias cernerent, neque cum eis, ob pauci- 
tatem exercitus, congredi auderent, dumque qnid agere debe- 
rent, decemerent, tandem necessitas consilium reperit. Simu- 
lant se in castris suis habere cynocephalos, id est, canini 
capitis homines : divulgant apud hostes hos pertinaciter bella 
gerere, humanum sanguinem bibere, et si hostem assequi non 
possint, proprium potare craorem. Utque huic assertioni 
fidem facerent, ampliant tentoria, plurimosque in castris ignes 
accendunt. His hostes auditis, visisque creduli effecti, bellum 
quod minabantur, jam tentare non audent. 

XII. Habebant tamen apud se vimm fortissimum, de 
cujus fidebant viribus, posse se proculdubio obtinere quod 
vellent, hunc solum prse omnibus pugnaturam objiciunt. 
Mandantque Longobardis, ut unum quem vellent suoram mit- 
terent, qui cum eo ad singulare certamen exiret, ea videlicet 
conditione, ut si suus bellator victoriam caperet, Longobardi 
itinere quo venerant abirent: sin veresuperaretur ab altero, 
tunc se Longobardis transitum per fines proprios non veti- 
turos. Gumque Longobardi, quem e suis potius adversus 
viram bellicosissimum mitterent, ambigerent, quidam ex ser- 
vili conditione sponte se obtulit, promittit se provocanti hosti 
congressuram ; ea ratione, ut si de hoste victoriam caperet, a 
se suaque progenie servitutis nsevum auferrent. Quid plura! 
gratanter quse postulaverat esse facturos poUicentur. Aggres- 
sus hostem expugnavit et vicit ; Longobardis transeundi fa- 
cultatem, sibi suisque, ut optaverat, jura libertatis indeptus est. 

XIII. Igitur Longobardi tandem in Mauringam perve- 
nientes, ut bellatoram possint ampliare numeram, plures a 
servili jugo ereptos, ad libertatis statum perducunt; utque 
rata eoram haberi posset libertas, sanciunt more solito per 
sagittam, immurmurantes nihilominus, ob rei firmitatem, quse- 
dam patria verba. Egressi itaque Longobardi de Mauringa, 
applicuerant in Golanda, ubi aliquanto tempore commorati 
dicuntur. Post hsec Anthaib et Banthaib, pari modo et 



Wurgondaib, per^annos aliquot possedisse : quse nos arbiirari 
possumus esse vocabula pagorum, seu quorumcunque locorum. 

XIV. Mortuis interea Ibor et Ayone ducibus, qui Lon- 
gobardos a Scandinavia eduxerant, et usque ad hsc tempora 
rexerant, nolentes jam ultra Longobardi esse sub ducibos, 
regem sibi ad cseterarum instar gentium statuerunt. ' Begna- 
vit igitnr super eos primus Agelmundus, filius Ayonis, ex 
prosapia ducens originem Guningorum, quse apud eos gene- 
rosior babebatur. Hic, sicut a majoribus traditur, tribus et 
triginta annis Longobardorum tenuit regnum. 

XV. His temporibus qusedam meretrix uno partu septem 
puemlos enixa, beluis omnibus mater cmdelior, in piscinam 
projecit necandos. Hoc si cui impossibile videtur, relegat 
historias veteram, et inveniet non solum septem infantulos, 
sed etiam novem unam mulierem simul peperisse. Et hoc 
eertum est maxime apud ^gyptios fieri. Gontigit itaque ut 
rex Agelmundns, dum iter carperet, ad eandem piscinam deye- 
niret. Qui cum equo retento miserandos infantulos miraretur, 
hastaqne quam manu gerebat, huc illucque eos inverteret, 
unus ex illis manu injecta hastam regiam comprehendit. Rex 
misericordia motus, factumque altius admiratus, eum magbum 
futuram pronuntiat : moxque eum e piscina leyari prsecipit, 
atque nutrici traditum, omni cum studio mandat alendum. 
Et qnia eum de piscina, quse eoram lingua Lama dicitur, 
abstuUt, Lamissio eidem nomen imposuit. Qui cum adole- 
visset, adeo strenuus juvenis efiectus est, ut et bellicossimus 
extiterit, et poat Agelmundi funus, regni guberaacula rexerit. 
Ferant hunc, dum Longobardi cum rege suo iter agentes ad 
quendam fluvium pervenissent, et ab Amazonibus essent pro- 
hibiti ultra permeare, cum earam fortissima in fiuvio natatu 
pugnasse, eamque peremisse, sibique laudis gloriam, Longo-* 
bardis quoque transitum paravisse : hoc siquidem inter utras- 
que acies prius constitisse, quatenus si Amazona eadem La- 
missionem snperaret, Longobardi a fiumine recederent ; sin 
vero a Lamissionet nt et factum est, ipsa vinceretur, Longo- 
bardis eadem permeandi fiuenta copia prseberetur. Gonstat 
sane quia hujus assertionis series minus veritati subnixa est. 
Omnibus etenim, quibus veteres historia) notae sunt, patet, 
gentem Amazonum • longe antea, quam haec fieri potuerant. 


esse deletam; nisi forte qnia loca eadem, ubi hsec gesta 
feruntnr, non satis historiographis nota ftierunt, et yix ab 
aliquo eorum yulgata snnt, fieri potuerit, ut usque ad id te<n- 
pus hujuscemodi inibi mulierum genus haberetur. Nam et 
ego referri a quibusdam audivi, usque hodie in intimis Gter- 
manise finibus gentem harum existere feminarum. 

XVI. Igitur transmeato Longobardi, de quo dixeramus, 
flumine, cum ad ulteriores terras pervenissent, illic per tempus 
aliquod commorabantur. Interea cum nihil adversi suspica- 
rentur, et essent quieti, longa nimis securitas, quss semper 
detrimentorum mater est, eis non modicam pemiciem peperit. 
Noctu denique cum negligentia resoluti quiescerent cuncti, 
subito super eos Bulgares irruentes, plures ex iis sauciant, 
multos prostemunt, et in tantum per eoram castra debacchati 
sunt, ut ipsum Agelmundum regem interficerent, ejusque imi- 
cam filiam sorte captivitatis auferrent. 

XVII. Besumptis tamen post hsec incommoda Longo- 
bardi viribus, Lamissionem, de quo superius dixeramus, sibi 
regem constituerant. Qui ut erat juvenili setate fervidus, et 
ad belli certamina satis promptus, non aliud nisi Agelmundi 
necem ulcisci cupiens, in Bulgares arma convertit. Primoque 
proelio mox commisso, Longobardi hostibus terga dantes ad 
castra refugiunt. Tunc rex Lamissio ista conspiciens, elevata 
altins voce omni exerdtui clamare ccepit, ut opprobrioram quse 
pertulerant, reminiscerentur, revocarentque.ante oculos dede- 
cus, quomodo eoram regem hostes jugulaverint, quam misera- 
biliter ejus natam, quam sibi reginam optaverant, captivam 
abduxerent. Postremo hortatur, ut se suosque armis defen- 
derent, melius esse dicens in bello animam ponere, quam ut 
vilia mancipia hostium ludibriis subjacere. Hsec et hujusce- 
modi vociferans cum diceret, et nunc minis, nunc promissio- 
nibus, ad toleranda eoram animos belli certamina roboraret : 
si quem etiam servilis conditionis pugnantem vidisset, liber- 
tate eum simul cum prsemiis donaret. Tandem hortatu exem- 
ploque principis, qui primus ad bellum prosilierat, accensi, 
super hostes irraunt, pugnant atrociter, et magna adversarios 
clade prostemunt, tandemque de victoribus victoriam ca- 
pientes, tam regis fimus, quam proprias injurias ulciscun- 
tur. Tunc magna de hostium exuviis prseda potiti, ex illo 



jam tempore, ad expetendos belli labores, andaces efiecti 

XVIII. Defimeto post hsec Lamissione, qui secundns re- 
gnaverat, tertius ad regni gubemacula Lethu ascendit. Qui 
cum quadraginta ferme annos regnasset, Hildehoc filium, qui 
quartus fuit in numero, regni successorem reliquit. Hoc quo* 
que defuncto quintus Gudehoc regnum suscepit. 

After this, the narrative becomes properly historical, and 
gives us the history of the Lombards from the time of 
Odoacer^ to that of Charlemagne. 


In the Anglo-Saxon MS., known as the Codeio Exmienm^ 
is the following poem. 

It is known as WidsfS^ from the name of the narrator with 
which it begins. 

It is better known as The Traveller'8 8<mg. 

A claim to an antiquity, as high as the sixth century, has 
been made out for it. It is doubtful, however, whether this 
antiquity is valid in the eyes of any one but its commentators. 

One undoubted element of yalue, howeyer, it possesses. 
It gives German names in German /arms. 

The text is Mr. Eemble's; to whose Beowulf it is 

It is also to be found in Mr. Thorpe''^ edition of the Godex 

Wid-81* ma^olade, Faelre freo|>n-webban, 

Word-hord on-ledc, Fonnan aipc, 

8e ^e meest HreiS-cyninges 

MaeriSa ofer eoriSan, H&m ge-sdhte, 

Folca geond fetde. £4Btan of Ongle ; 

Oft he flette ge-)>^, Eorman-ricee 

Myne-lfcne mk^^pvan. Wra)>e8 wiibr-logan. 

Hine &om Myrgingum • Oti-gon J>a wom sprecan. 

Ml>e\e on-w6con. " Fela ic monna ge-frcegn, 
10 He mid Ealh-hilde, 20 Msigpum wealdan. 

* For the translation see Appendix. 



Sccal )>e6(la ge-hwylc 
peawum lifgan, 
£orl aefter d|>rum 
ESle niedan, 
Se \>e his {yedden-stdl 
Ge-Jedn wile. 
para waes Wala 
Hwfle selast ; • 
And Alexandreas 

30 Ealra ncost, 
Monna cynnes ; 
And he m&st ge-p^h, 
para fe ic ofer foldan 
Ge-&8egen hssbbe. 
^tla wedld Hunum, 
Eorman-ric Gotum, 
Becca Baningum, 
Burgendum Gifica, 
C^are wedld Creacum, 

40 And Cselic Finnum, 
Hagena Holm-rycum, 
And Henden Glommum, 
Witta wedld Swifefum, 
Wada Heelsingum, 
Meaca Myrgingum, 
Mearc-healf Hundingum, 
peddric wedld Froncum, 
Pyle Rondingum, 
Breoca Brondingum, 

50 BiUing Wemum, 

Os-wine yre6id Eowum, 
And Ytum Gef-wulf ; 
Fin Folc-walding, 
Fresna cynne, 
Sige-here lengest, 
S^enum wedld. 
Hnffif Hocingum, 
Hehn Wulfingum, 
Wald Woingum, 

60 Wodpyringum, 
Silb-fer^ Sycgum, 
Swedm Ongend-)>e6w, 
Sceaft-here Ymbrum, 
Sceafa Long-beardum, 
Hun-hset Werum, 

And Holen Wrosnum. 
Hring-weald wsbs haten 

Here-farena cyning, 

Offa wedld Ongle, 
70 Alewih Denum ; 

Se wiies )>ara manna 

M6d gast ealra. 

N6 hw8e)>re he ofer Offan 

Eorl-scype fremede ; 

Ac Offa ge-6l6g, 

iBrest monna, 


Cyne-rica ms^t. 

Nsbnig efen eald hira 
80 Eorl-scipe maran, 

On orette, 

A'ne sweorde ; 

Merce ge-m^rde, 

Wi^ Myrgingum, 

Bi Fifel-dore, 

He61don foriS si)>)>an 

Engle and Swisfe 

Swd hit Offa ge-sl6g. 

Hr6j>-wulf and Hr6^-gar 
90 He61don lengest, 

Sibbe ffit somne, 

Suhtor-faedran : 

Si)>)>an h^ for-wnbcon 

Wi-cynga cynn, 

And Ingeldes 

Ord for-bigdan, 

For-he6wan eet Heorote, 

Hea«o<beardna ^^rym. 

Swd ic geond ferde fela, 
100 Fremdia londa, 

Geond ginne grund, 

Godes and yfles, 

peer ic cunnade, 

Cnosle bi-d«feled, 

Freo-mcBgum feor 

Folgade wide. 

For J^on ic mseg singan, 

And secgan spell. 

Msnan fore mengo, 
110 In meodu-heallc, 





Hu me cyne-gode, 

Cystum ddhten. 150 

Ic wees mid Hunum 

And mid Hrd^-Gdtum, 

Mid Swedm and mid Geatum, 

And mid SuJ>-Denum, 

Mid Wenlum ic wees, and mid 

And mid Wi-cingum, 
Mid Gef-)>um ic wses, and mid 

120 And mid Gef-flegum, 

Mid Englum ic wses, and mid 

And mid ^nenum, 160 

Mid Seaxum ic wass, and mid 

And mid Sweord-werum ; 
Mid Hronum ic wsbs, and mid 

And mid Hea)>o-Reamum, 
Mid pyringum ic wees, 
And mid prowendum, 
And mid Burgendum ; 
130 p8sr ic bedg ge-)>dh. 

Me \fBdT GuiS-here for-geaf 170 

Glsod-licne md)>)yum, 

Songcs to Idane : 

Nses f ssene cyning. 

Mid Froncum ic wses^ and mid 

And mid Frumtingum, 
Mid Rugum ic wees, and mid 

And mid Rum-Walum ; 
Swylce ic wees on Eatule, 
140 Mid J£lfwine, 180 

Se hsefde mon-cynnes 
Mine ge-fHfege, 
Leohteste hond 
Ldfes to wyrcenne. 
Heortan un-hnedweste, 
Hringa ge-d61es, 
Beorhtra be%a, 
Beani Ead-wines ; 

Mid Sercingum ic wsbs, 

And mid Seringum, 

Mid Creacum ic wses, and mid 

And mid OiBsere, 
Se )>e win-burga 
Ge-wcald ahte. 
Wiolane and Wilna, 
And Wala-rices, 
Mid Scottum ic w»s, and mid 

And mid Scride-Finnum, 
Mid Lid-wicingum lc wses, and 

mid Leonum, 
And mid Long-beardum, 
Mid H^Snum and mid H8sle)>um, 
And mid Hundingum. 
Mid Israhelum ic w«6, 
And mid Exsyringum, 
Mid Ebreum, and mid Indenm, 
And mid ^gyptum, 
Mid Moidum ic wees, and mld 

And mid M^rigingum, 
And Mofdingum 
And ongend Myrgingum, 
And mid Amo^ingum, 
Mid East-)>yringum ic wsee, and 

mid Eolum, 
And mid Istum, 
And Idumingum ; 
And ic w»s mid Eorman-rice ; 
Ealle ]>rage 

pser me Gotena cyning, 
G6de d6hte, 
Se me bedg for-geaf ; 
Burg-warena fruma. 
On )>am siex hund waes, 
Smifetes goldes, 
Ge-scyred sceatta, 
Scilling rime ; 
Pone ic Eadgilse 
On eeht sealde, 
Minum hle6-drihtne, 
pa ic to hdm bi-cwom, 



Le6fum to le&ne, 
190 pss )>e he me lond for-geaf, 
Mmes fsBder e'|>el, 

Fred Myrginga ; 

And me l>k Ealh-hild 

O^l^eme for-geaf. 

Dryht-cwen duguj>e, 

Dohtor E&d-wines. 

Hyre 16f leogde, 

Oeond londa fela, 

pon ic be songe 
200 Secgan sceolde, 

Hwser ic, under swegl, 

S^ast wisse, 

Oold-hrodene cwen, 

Oiefe bryttian ; 

Don wit Scilling 

Sciran reorde, 

For uncrum sige-dryhtne, 

Song a-ho&n, 

Hlude bi hearpan ; 
210 Hle6)>or swinsade. 

pofi monige men, 

M6dum wlonce, 

Wordum sprecan, 

pa fe wel cu)>an 

^ he neefre song 

Sellan ne hyrdon ; 

Donan ic ealne geond hweaif 

E>el Ootena. 

S6hte ic k 8i)>a 
220 pa s^lestan, 

pset W8SS inn-weorud 


H^iScan sdhte ic and Beadecan, 

And Herelingas ; 

Emercan sdhte ic and Fridlan, 

Ond East-Ootan. 

Frddne and g6dne, 

Fffider Un-wrones. 
Seccan sohte ic and Beccan, 
230 Seafolan, and pe6d-ric, 

Hea)>o-riCj and Sifecan, 

Hli)}e, and Incgen-)>e6w, 

Edd-wine s6hte ic, and Elsan, 

^gel-mund, and Huiigar, 
And )>a wloncan ge-dryht, 
\Vii5 Myrginga. 
Wulf-here sdhte ic and Wyrm- 

here ; 
Ful oft )>ser wig ne d-lseg 
ponne Hrteda hcre, 
240 Heardum sweorduro, 
Ymb Wistla-wudu, 
W^rgan sceoldoii. 
Ealdne ^>el-st61 
^tlan le6dum. 

Raed-here s6hte ic and Rond-here, 
Rum-st&n and Oisl-here, 
Wi)»er-gield, and Freo)>e-ric, 
Wudgan, and Haman. 
Ne w^ron f ge-8i)ni, 
250 pa ssmestan, 

peah )»e ic hy a-nihst, 
Nemnan sceolde. 
Ful of^ of )yam hedpe 
Hwinende fleag, 
Oiellende g&r, 
On grome )>e6de, 
Wraeccan )>ser weoldan, 
Wundnan golde, 
Werum and wifum ; 
260 Wudga and Hama. 
Swd ic f symle on-fond 
On )»ifere feringe, 
pset se bi)> le6fast, 
Se )>e him g6d syle^, 
Oumena rice 
T6 ge-healdenne 
Penden he her leofa^. 
Sw& scri^ende, 
270 Oe-sceapum hweorfa^ 
01e6-men gumena, 
Oeond grunda fela, 
pearfe secgaS. 
ponc-word spreca*. 
Simle su^ o)>>e nor^ 
Sumne ge-m^ta^, 
Oydda gleawne, 

Q 2 



Geofum un-hneawnc, Leoht and lif som6d. 

Se pe forc dugu|>e wile, L6f sc ge-wyrce^, 

280 D6m k riran Hafa^ under heofonum 

Eorl scipe tcfnan, Hedh-fffistne dom. 
0|7|78Bt cal scace^, 

The three texts of Jornandes, Paulus Diaeonus, and tbe 
Traveller^s Song, give us the rough materials for the criticism 
of the traditions of the Gothic nation. Their historical and 
ethnological value is another question. 

To begin with Jomandes. He quotes more than one 
earlier than himself, e.g.<t Dio, Dexippus, and Ablavius. For 
cantemporary events, any statement of any such writer is 

But what is the value of such earlier writers, in respect 
to the times anterior to their own ! in respect to the archss- 
ology, ethnology, or origines of the Oothic nations ! 

Many put this high ; since the Germania of Tacitus espe- 
pecially mentions the existence of carmina antiqua^ and 
iiccess to the earmina antiqua is what may fairly be allowed 
to Ablavius at least. 

The following facts, however, subtraot from their value: — 

a. Adaptations to the traditions of other nations (real or 
supposed), known to Jornandes and Paulus Diaconus through 
their ecclesiastical and classical leaming are heterogeneously 
intermixed with the proper Qothic narratives. 

b. lu the case of Jomandes, numerous real or supposed 
facts, relating to the Geta^ are confused with those relating to 
the Goihi. 

These objections are of special application. . To which 
must be added those which apply to tradition in general ; 
even in its most unexceptionable form. Upon these, however, 
the present is no place for enlarging. The only question, at 
present, under uotice, is the extent to which the migrationSj 
which we find in the two Latin writers (for the Traveller^s 
Song has but little in this way), rest upon tme and genoine 
tradition — tme and genuine tradition being the transmission 
of the account of an actual event from one generation to 
another, by unwritten communication. 

For this. it is absolutely necessary that the event trans- 



mitted be a real one ; otberwise, the tradition is only tbe 
tradition of an opinion, i,e.^ no tradition at all. 

A tradition, too, must be different from an in/erence. 
All traditions that coincide toith in/erences are suspicious ; or 
(cbanging tbe expression), all in/erences which give us the 
same results as a tradition toeaken its validity (t.^., tbat of tbe 

Tbis, perbaps, reqaires illustration. 

In England tbere existed, at tbe time of Beda, tbree 
populations ; one called Angli^ one Saxones^ and one some* 
times Juta, but oftener Vita, In Hampsbire, tbe Saxones 
and Vitce, or Jutay came in contact. 

Similarly, in tbe parts about tbe Lower Elbe and 
Eyder, tbere existed tbree similarly-named populations; 
one called Angli^ one Saxones^ and one sometimes Vita^ but 
oftener Juta, In Sleswick tbe Saxones and Jutie, or Vita^ 
came in contact. 

Now Beda writes tbat tbe Juta of .England came from 
tbe Juta of t/WIand ; and bis statement generally (perbaps 
universally) is supposed to rest on eitber bistory or tradition. 

I believe it to rest on neitber tbe one nor tbe otber. I 
believe it to be an in/erence — an in/erence so logically correct, 
tbat I only wonder at tbe combination of cbances wbicb 
make it actually wrong. 

Nevertbeless, tbe trutb was as foUows. Tbe people of tbe Isle 
of Wigbt were ealled Vitay even as tbe people of JutlBnd were. 
And, tbe people of tbe Isle of Wigbt, tbus called, lay in 
geograpbical contact witb certain Saxons; tbose Saxous being 
in similar contact witb certain Angles. All tbis was also 
tbe case witb tbe t/WIanders. 

Sucb coincidences wanted accounting for. A migration 
did tbis ; and a migration was in/erred. 

Tbe extent to wbicb tbe similarity of name between Gothi 
and Geta migbt engender a similar in/erence, similarly resem- 
bling a tradition, weakens tbe bistorical likelibood of tbe 
trutb of Jomandes^ account. 

Sucb are some of tbe reasons for considering bis derivation 
of tbe Germans (or Gotbs) of tbe Danube from tbe sbores of 
tbe Baltic, as bigbly exceptionable. 



The analysis, then, of traditions is one element of the 
criticism necessary for the texts m question. 

Another is a correct appreciation of the extent to which 
political alliance coincides with ethmlogical affinity. Few 
notions are more common than that of populations engaged 
in the same wars, against the same enemies, and playing 
similar parts in history, heing, therefore» members of the 
same stock. 

In de/ensive wars this is generally the case. 

In offiensive wars, the union of different stocks (Gallic and 
German, Germanic and Slavonic, Keltic and Iberian, &c.) is 
so frequent, that the fact of a single alliance, comprising two 
populations, is, in man j cases, scarcely so much as primd facie 
evidence of their common origin, descent, blood, or ethnolo- 
gical relationship. 

When the nameB of the leaders of snch confederations are 
known, the evidence improves ; but even then it is not con- 

The practical bearings of this, appear in §§ Vandah^ and 
Lonffobardiy and elsewhere. 

For a further notice see Epilegomena^ § Quad^Germanie 



In and of itself, the history of the Goths, properly so-cailed, 
is comparatively simple. We find them called O^ro-Groths 
and Fm-Goths ; each with its peculiar royal line — the Ama- 
lungs for the former, the Baltungs for the latter. Separate, 
too, irom the other Germanic populations, the Proper Groths 
have their great national heroes ; some truly historical, as 
Alaric, Ataulfus, Euric, Theodoric, and Totila ; others, but 
half-historical or legendary, as the great Hermanric, whose 
power, undoubtedly, had a real existence to a certain extent, 
but many of whose actions are either fabulous or unsupported 
by evidenee. 

Above all, the Goths Proper have their special geographicai 
area, the starting>point of their power being the Lower or 
the Middle Danube. No mention of their name can be 


traced higher than the reign of Garacalla; and (a fact of 
primary importance) ihey tDere ihen in ihe comiry o/ ihe 
Geia. So they were when Decius and Claudius fought 
against them ; so they were when, pressed by the Huns, 
they besought Valens to allow them to pass the Danube ; so 
they Mrere when Heni.aDric'8 kingdom was conaolidated, 
and so they were until they invaded Macedonia, Illyri- 
cum, Greece, Italy, Southern Gaul, France and Spain. Of 
all the Gothic families their migrations were the most consi- 

It was a long one that took them from Germany to the 
country of the Getee. It was a longer one which carried 
them firom the country of the Getse to Spain. 

Of all the Gothic tribes the Gt>ths Proper have most 
merged their nationality in that of the countries which they 
invaded. In Greece, in Italy, in Southem Gkiul, and in 
Spain, no Goths are to be found as a separate substantive 
people ; and no known dialect definitely and unequivocally 
represents the old Moeso-Gothic. On the Lower Danube 
itself, the Goths of the Grimea, now no longer distinguished 
by their G^rman tongue, and, consequently, no longer easily 
distingnishable from their neighbours, are their sole represen- 
tatives — if such they can now be called. In Germany itself, 
the mother-country, from which even at the beginning of tlieir 
history they were already separated, the Thuringian dialect is 
supposed to be the most Gothic ; but this — a statement made 
by Michaelis — ^has yet to be definitely confirmed. 

But the history of the Ostro-Goths and Visi-Goths, is no 
history of all the populations whose name was O-i, O-ih, 
or some similar form. Hence arises the long series of ques- 
tions as to whether each population, thus connected in name, 
were connected in other attributes also ; t.^., whether they 
were really Goths, or only populations with a nominal resem- 

I. Is there any connection between the Goihones and Go- 
ihini f Three points connect them. 

1 . The similarity of names — Goihini as compared with 

2. The fact that they each difier from the Slavonians of 




their neighbourhood — The Gothones are separated from the 
Lygii, the Gothini from the Sarmatae. 

3. Both were — according to the evidence — neither €ter- 
man nor Sarmatian; since the Sarmata treated the 60- 
thini as alienigena^ and the jEstii spoke what Tacitus calld 

Do these three polnts of connection establish an ethnolo- 
gical affinity ? 

I will lay down what I conceive to be an hypothesis capable 
of solying all, or nearly all, the difficulties arising from what 
may be called the pluri-presence of the root G-t^ G-th^ in the 
two names under consideration. 

This ifl as follows : the root, G4h^ was, in the case of 
the Slavouic and Lithuanian populations, in the same predi- 
cament with the root Gr-k^ in the case of the Hellenic and 

With the Hellenes, F^aTxo/ was the name of a single popu* 
lation within what, in the eyes of a Boman, constituted the 
Hellenic area ; and the name was, almost certainly, native. 

With the Italians, it was the name, not only for that par- 
ticular tribe, but for the collective HeUenes also. 

Mutatis mutandis. — With the Lithuanians the G-t (G-dj 
G'th) was the name of a single population within what, in the 
eyes of a Slavonian, constituted the Lithuanic area, and the 
name was, almost certainly, native. 

With the Slavonians it was the name not only of that 
particular tribe, but for the collective Lithuaniam also. 

Thus — the JEstii of Tacitus, the Easte of the Germans, 
were called Guttoues {Gothones) by the more northem 
Slavonians of their frontier ; just as the TgaTxoi of Epirus 
were called Graci by the Italians of the opposite coast. 

And, the Gothini of Tacitus were called by a similar name 
by the more southem Slavonians of their frontier, just as the 
Athenian Hellenes and others were called Graci by the 
Boman, Gampanian, and other Italians. 

Such is the hypothesis. I prefer this to believing that the 
Gothones and Goihini were so much and so thoroughly one 
and the same section of the same hranch as for them to have 
borne the same name from Gallicia to Gourland; iu other 


words, I believe the name to be naiive in one of the two cases 
only ; so that the Goth-ini were G-i only in the eyes of 
their Slayonic neighbours, just as a Peloponnesian was a Greei 
intheeyes of aBoman only; whereas the Goihones (GuiioneSy 
&c.) were G-i in the eyes of their Slavonic neighbours and 
themselves as well, even as the Tgouxog of Epirus was doubly 
Greek ; Greek when he spoke of himself, and Greek when 
he was spoken of by a Boman. 

The reasou for drawing this distinction is as follows : — 

a. There is no eyidence of the numerous Lithuanic popula- 
tions eyer haying had a coUeciive or general name of their 
own, howeyer much they may haye had one giyen them by their 
Slayonic neighbours ; in both of these respects being exactly 
iu the same case as the Germans. 

b. For the specific name of a particular Lithuanian popula- 
tion («.0., for a name equiyalent to Chaiii^ Cherusciy of similar 
diyisions of the Germani)^ the term Gothones (Gothini, Gut- 
tones, &c.), if extended from Gallicia to Gourland, is of im- 
probable (I do not say impossible), extent. No smgle section 
of a population is likely to haye had so large an area. 

c. The diiference between the name of the people (Goihini)^ 
and their language (GaUica)^ suggests the likelihood of the 
native of the Goihini haying been some form of Gal 
{HaU &c.). In England, in the sixteenth and seyenteenth 
centuries, the generality of writers spoke of the people of 
Germany as Germans ; but of the language^ as Dutchy High 
Dutch, or Low Dutch^ as the case might be. Hence, we heard 
of translaiions from the High Dutch^ eyen though the people 
who spoke it were called Germans. 

Now I consider that the same Slayonians who spoke of 
the people of Gallicia as Gothini (a presumed Slavonlc form), 
were also those who spoke of their language as GaUic (a pre- 
sumed natiye form) ; eyen ns one and the same population (the 
English) spoke of the Duich tongue and the German people. 

And I also consider tliat those same Slayonians called the 
language of the Gothini GaUic^ becauee GaUic was the 
naiive name of it ; just as the fact of Dutch beiug the natiye 
name of the German, aecounts for the terms High Dutch and 
Low Dutch. 




In denying the name G-t to be native to the Goih-4m^ 
I assume that there is no special eyidence in favour of its 
being so ; and snch I believe to be the case. 

In affirming the same name to be native to the Goih-anes, 
I am prepared with evidence. 

Is the name which in Tacitus takes the form Chihones 
native or foreign i known to the tribes to which it applies, or 
as strange to them as the term Wehh is to Gambrian ! This 
is not answered in the reasoning upon the word jEsiii ; 
since it by no means follows that because one out of two 
names given to a country is undoubtedly foreign, the other 
is necessarily indigenous. The fact of the term Goihanes 
being indigenous is not a legitimate inference from the exotic 
character of the name ^stii, Just as the latter designation 
was German, the former may have been Slavonic ; and the 
one may have been as unlike the real native name as the 

Prsetorius, a Pole, writing a.d. 1688, in his Orbis Gothicus, 
devotes two sections to the foUowing questions : — 

^' An reliquiee nominis Gothici in terris Europeee Sarmatiee 
reperiantur ! 

'^ Unde nominis Gudda contemptus hodie in Prussia f^ 

From these we leam that the Samogitians, Russians, 
Lithuanians, Prussians, Zalavonians, Nadravians, Natravians, 
Sudovians, Mazovians, and the inhabitants of Ducal Prussia 
were called Guddons by the people about Koningsberg, and 
that this name was a name of conteinpiy accounted for by the 
extent to which the populations to which it applied, had 
retained their paganism against the efibrts of the propagators 
of the Prussian Ghristianity. ^^ Guddarum infidelium nomen 
existit, adeo ut Goihus sive Guddm idem iis qui paganus et 
ethnicus, hostisque Christianitatis audierit.^^^ 

That it was also Slavonic is shown Jby a line from an old 
Tshekh (Bohemian) poem. 

Got$hfja krasnyja diewy na brezje sinemu moiju. 
Gott-ish fair maidens on bank of (the) blue sea. 

In order to appreciate the full import of the previous state- 

♦ Lib. i. cap. i. 


ment, I mnst anticipate a part of my inqniry. Good writers 
have identified those Guddons with the German Goths. As, 
however, they by no means overlook the fact of the Guddans 
being Lithuanic, they must suppose that the name was 
retained from that of the earlier Goths subsequently replaced 
by Lithuanians. In which case, the newer inhabitants, 
instead of retaining the name which they brought with them 
from their own country, took that of the older population. 

Now even in its most moderate form, this assumption is 
considerably opposed to the usual course of ethnological 
changes^ or rather the usual course of ethnological changes is 
opposed to it. In the first place, there are two cases of the 
incorporated and amalgamated aborigines of a country taking 
the name of their conquerors to one of the converse process. 
Thus France takes its name from the German Franks, and 
England from the German EngUsh, instead of the Franks 
taking their name from the Gauls» or tbe Angles irom the 
Britons. Still the converse takes place sometimes ; and, as if 
for the sake of invalidating the very connexion in question, 
one of the best instances of it is supplied by the very district 
under consideration. As far as any change took place at all 
in respect to the conquerors of the parts about the Lower 
Vistula it was just the contrary to the particular instance 
assumed to be the general rule. The German Prussians of 
Prussia did take the name of the aboriginal Prus. 

Now if the name Pnissian were adopted by the conquerors, 
who were really Germans, from the conquered, how unlikely 
is it that the lower orders, — the rural population of the agri- 
cultural districts, pre-eminently tenacious of nationality, who 
were really Lithuanians, should adopt the name of any 
previous Germans. In this respect, then, the assumption 
that the term Guddon is proof of the Guthones being German 
Goths is faulty. 

Again — that the term Guddon comes from Gothon — is 
generally admitted. Even, as it is, the preservation of it 
is remarkable. But it becomes doubly remarkable if we 
assume a total change of population to have taken place 
between the time of its first application and the present. 
As it is — the population being supposed to have remained 


uDaltered — we have only to aeeount for its pennaDence. 
Assume, however, a change, and you have an additional 
complication ; since you have to account for its transfer as 

The present existence, then, of the term Guddon b Ckh 
thon — is an argument, as far as it goes, against any change 
of the original population ; or, changing the expression, the 
supposed immigration of Lithuanians, and displacement of 
Germans, which has been shown to be improbable in itself, 
is rendered more so hy the details that must be assumed if 
we suppose that the Guddan took their name from anj GW- 
tones who were German. 

In order to make the Gothini as Lithuanic as the Crothones^ 
we must suppose one of two things, either that the former 
were an outlying isolated section of the Lithuanic stock, or 
that the intervening areas between the Gothini and Gt)- 
thones were Lithuanic. Are there any reasons against the 
latter view — reasons against assuming the continuity of a 
Lithuanic population from the Garpathians to the Baltic 
(and vice wrsd)^ from the mere magnitude of the area \ None. 
The Lygian, which was parallel with it, is, in the same 
direction (from south to north), fully or nearly as large. 

From the present distribution of the Lithuanian dialects, 
there are several ; but that these are not insuperable, is shown 
in the Prolegomena. 

I do not, however, press the point, since the approach of 
the Gothini to the servile condition indicates the possibility 
of their having been an outlying colony of captives. 

AII that I urge is the reference of the two (Gothini and 
Gothoncs) to a common ethnological division (that division 
being the Lithuanic), aad the hypothesis which accounts for 
the similarity of names. 

I also urge the necessity of bringing the older Lithuanians 
as far south as the parts just north of Gallicia, even if we 
hesitate to continue them up to the very country of the 

For clear and definite history, — and we must remember 
that history for thesc parts begins but little before the twelfth 
ceutury — brings a Lithuanian population as far in the direc- 


tion of the Gothini as thc head-waters and marshes of the 

The south-westem branch of the Lithuanic family was 
well-nigh destroyed in the latter half of the thirteenth cen- 
tury (a.d. 1264 to a.d. 1282); a branch containing the 
important nations of the Pollexiani and Jazwingi. 

1. The finU — " Sunt autem Pollexiani Getharum seu Prus- 
sorum genus^ gens atrocissima, omnium ferarum immanitate 
truculentior, propter vastissimas intercapedines, propter con- 
cretissimas nemorum densitates, propter bituminata inacces- 
sibilia palustria.'*^ 

2. The secondy — " Est autem Jaczunngorum natio versus 
aquilonarem plagam, Masoma, Bussia et Lithuaniw terris 
contermina^ sita, cum Pruthenica et Lithuanica lingua habens 
magna exparte similitudinem et iTUelligentiamy populos habens 
immanes et bellicosos, et tam laudis quam memoriee avidos.*' 
— Dlugoss. i. p. 770. ^^(Maslaus Mazovitarum princeps) Pru- 
thenicis auxiliis subnixus — PruthenoSy ad quos confiigerat, 
JacuingoSy Slonenses, ceterique Pruthenici tractus barbaros, 
resarciendum casum acceptum pluribus blandimentis et per- 
suasionibus in bellum soUicitat.'" — Id. i. 223. 

Such the evidence of their existence, 

Of their extinction^ — a.d. 1264: — Boleslaus, the Grand 
Duke of Lithuania, so reduced them that — ^* eo uno proelio 
onmis fere gens omnisque natio Jaczwingorum adeo deleta 
et extincta est, ut ceteris et his quidem paucis et agrestibus 
aut valetudinariis in ditionem Boleslai concedentibus, aut 
Lithuanis se conjungentibus, hactenus ne nomen quidem Ja- 
cztoingorum extet^ — Dlug. i. p. 771. 

Again — *' Omnisque natio Jaczwingorum eo bello (quo- 
niam pedem referre nec unquam pugnam etiam iniquam 
detrectare voluit) deleta est, ut pauci agrestes superstites 
essent, extunc et in temporibus nostris Lithuanis con- 
juncti, sicque nomen Jaczwingorum perrarum et paueis notum 

In the following list of varieties, to which a name so emi- 
nently Sarmatian in sound as Jaczwing undergoes in different 
MSS. and authors, the last is remarkably like the form 
Gothin-i, since we must remember that the termination -zita is 


an affix — Jazwingi, Jatwjezi^ Jaitoejczi^ JentuisioneSy Jen- 
tmsi^ Jacintiones^ Gettoe-zita (ihe country being callcd Getuesca 
and Gotwezia) Getudn-zita. 

II. If the common Lithuanic character of the Gothini and 
Gothones be admitted, the Goths of the Swedish district of 
Gothland ms^y be considered. 

When two populations of the same name occupy the op- 
poslte sides of a sea of moderate breadth, it is reasonable to 
suppose they are branches of the same stock. 

Such is the case with the Goths of Gothland and the Go- 
thones of Courland. 

This primd /aeie view may, of course, be set aside by 
certain facts. 

Gertain facts are against it here. These are — 

a. The present Norse character of the Swedes of Gothland. 

h. The account of Jomandes. 

But (to set against this) the antiquity of the Swedes of 
Gothland is doubtfiil, and — 

The account of Jornandes is improbable. 

My own belief is that the population from whom the 
Swedish province of &o^A-Iand took the element Goth-^ were 
no more the Norse ancestors of its present occupants, than the 
people from whom the county of Dor-Bei took the element 
Dor-,, were Anglo-Saxon ; so that, just as the Dor- in Z)or-set 
was a Oeltic root (2>ttr-otriges) though -set was Saxon, so was 
the Goth' in Goth-lmd other than Norse though -land was 

a. No Scandinavian navne in any of the early writers — the 
chief of these being Jornandes — ^is more German than such 
Anglo-Saxon words as Keni-ing^ or Dor-sat-an ; names of 
which the second parts (-ing^ and -satan) are Anglo-Saxon, 
but the first part (Kent-, Dor-) Keltic, Cant-iiy Dur-oifiges. 

b. No tradition proves more than the derivation of the Brii- 
ons from Brut-., the grandson of Anchises ; in other words, 
mutatis mutandiSy Jornandes takes the place of Geoffirey of 

c. No G^rmanic population is found with any form of the 
root G'tf as its name, until it become an inhabitant of some 
country so designated. 


The reasons for the existenee of a Lithuanic population in 
Seandinavia, lie chiefly in the facts which it will account 
for. But this requires us to be sure that there is no other 

If the existence of a Germanic population will not account 
for the presence of the form G-t (with its varieties) in Scan- 
dinavia, what population willf 

The only two that present themselves for consideration, 
are the Finn, and the Lithuanic. 

The fact of the root in question being knoum to be Lithu- 
anic, and not known to be Finnic, is primd fade in favour 
of the former. 

The Lithuanian is the only known family of which it 
can be said that Gr4^ as the name of one of its members^ 
in the mouth of a Grerman would be likeliest of all known 

The only word that can be set up against it Easte^u^stii^ 
that being the only inown German name applied to a 
Lithuanian nation. 

But as East6=ieastem it could apply to eastem localities 
only ; not to any iu Scandinavia. 

This leaves Cr-t as the only known name applicable. 

Beasons for its being the one actually applied, are, — 

a. It was, besides being the native, the Slavonic name as 

b. It was from the Slavonians that the Scandinavian 
Germans were likely to take the name of a population, between 
whom and themselves the Slavonians lay intermediate. 

c. Lastly, to certain of the Lithuanians on the south of the 
Baltic, a compound of the root in question actually was ap- 
plied — East from Poland is 'EiefS-gotaAand — " En austr fr^ 
Polena er Rei^-^ro^o-land.^' — Fragment from the Fornaldar 
Sogur. (Zeuss, p. 500). 

The Lithuanians then, south o( the Baltic, are called by 
the ancestors of the present Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians, 
G-t Surely, the same name^ applied by the same people on 
the north of the Baltic, is likely to have been applied to 
Lithuanians also. 

III. What appUes to the Goths of GothA&nd^ applies also 


to the Jutes of Jut-land^ one being a name in one dialect of 
the Old Norse, the other in another; just as, at present, 
Gothenburg begins with G- in the mouth of a Dane, but with 
F- in that of a Swede — Gotenburg, Yotenburg. 

IV. Is there any connection between the Getse of Mcesia 
and the Gothini, the Grothones, the Grothlanders, the Jut- 
landers, &c., all or any l In putting this question, we must 
remember that the country of the Geta is the country of the 
Goths also. 

The difficulty involved herein, has already been indi- 

So has the explanation of the greatest Gt>thic scholar 

The present writer, in admitting the difficulty, difiers 
from Grimm, by admitting the migration /rom Germany also. 

But he believes that that migration was not undertaken 
by Germans calling themselves Goths. 

He finds no evidence that they called themselves so before 
they reached the country of the Geta. 

They ihen took the name, and not lefore ; just as the 
ir<^^-ings of Anglo-Saxon England took a name from the 
Keltic county of Kent. 

This, however, is only a preliminary consideration. The 
real question is whether, or not, the similarity of name be- 
tween the Get^ of the Lower Danube and the G-th of 
Gallicia and Prussia be accidental! or is it referable to 
ethnological connection ? 

In this case, the distance is sufficient to admit of the 
resemblance to be accidental ; and I do not press the relation- 
ship. Still I believe in it. 

The same Slavonians who, as frontagers, called the one 
Guddony were the frontagers to the Getce also. 

In this case the connexion is verhal^ i.^., it is of the same 
sort which gives the same name to the Wehh of Britain, 
and the ItaUans^ whom the Germans called Welsk also. 
The Germanic populations, which fill up the interval, agree 
in calling their n<m-G«rmanic neighbours by some form of 
the root W-l. 

♦ Frolegomenay § xiv. 


Bat, besides this negatiye character of being noti-Slavonic 
(and therefore called Gr-t)^ the two populations in question 
may have been really connected. 

A reason in favour of this (as far as it goes) is found 
in the fact of the Slavonians differing from the Germans 
in the following particulars : — 

The Oermans called all n(m-6ermans by one name — 

The Slavonians varied the name with the difierent nofh 
Slavonic populations with which ihey came in contact. 

Thus — they call the Finns Tshudy and the Germans 
Niemcy ; and this is a reason for thinking that they called 
none G-ty but the Lithuanians. 

Further reasoning on the subject occurs in Ep%leg(mena^ 
§ The relaiions of the Getce to India. 

No objections lie against the Getic and Gothones being 
equally Lithuanic, from the mere magnitnde of the area. 
If Slavonians could extend irom Servia to Poland, Lithu- 
anians might from Bulgaria to Prussia. 

The objections that arise from the present limited area 
of the Lithuanian tongue are but slight. The limits of that 
tongue haye ever receded. 

Lastly, it should be remembered, that whatever facts 
brought the Gt>thones nearer to the Gothiniy brought them 
nearer to ihe Geta also. 

Such is the hypothesis ; which, whether convincing or the 
contrary, is submitted to scholars with a claim to their 
careful consideration. It explains the forms Chth^ Geta^ 
CrothAa,nd^ «/ii^Iand, Goth-inns^ and Gotho^ without assuming 
any migration by land at all ; only two by toater (one of 
which is down a navigable river, and the other across' a sea 
of moderate breadth) ; any displacement so great as that 
which is known to have occurred over part of the same 
area within the historical period, and any power given to 
any term more general than that which connects the names 
Welsh as applied to a Cambro-Briton, and Welsh as applied 
to an Italian. 




The royal family of the Fmgoths was that of the Balt- 
ungs ; their ehief kings, Fridigem, Athanaric, Alaric, Ataol- 
fiis, Wallia, and Euric. 

Their fields of action were the Lower Danube, Macedonia, 
Greece, Italy, Ckiul, Spain ; their chief confederations with — 

a. The subjects of Badagaisus, sometimes called, like the 
Visigoths, T6r6oi ; but not beyond the suspicion of being Sla- 
vonians, since Badagaisus is a Slavonic rather than a Gothic 

i. Silingian Vandals (from whom the province of Anda- 
lusia takes its name) in the invasion of Spain. 

c. Alans. — Ibid. 

The evidence in fistvour of the current opinion, that the 
element Vis- means we$t^ and that Visi-Goth^ Westem Goihj 
is not conclusive. 

The chief fact in its favour, is the name Ostro-Goih^ to 
which Westem Goth seems a sort of correlative. Yet sncb 
correlation is by no means necessary. 

a. In no manuscript of any author, has the name been found 
with a -^ i.e.^ We$tro-(ioi\i. Yet the t- in we^-t is as essential 
as the 't in eas-t. 

l. VesuSy as a simple name, occurs in Sidonius ApoUinaris. 

" Burgundio, Vma, Alites, 
Bisalta, Ostrogothns.^ 

At the same time, it must be remembered that Joman- 
des translates the word as Ocddentales Gothi. 


The royal family of the Ostro-Goths was that of the 
Amal-ungs ; their chief heroes, or kings, Ermanric, Wala- 
mir, Widemir, Theodemir, Theodoric, Totila. 

The empire of Hermanric seems to have been in north- 
eastem Hungary. 

Theodoric was born in the neighbourhood of Vienna. 


The chief seat of the Ostro-Goth conquests was Italy. 
Some of them settled in portions of Asia Minor. 

a. Jomandes names a king Ostro-GotAa, 

h. With the exceptions of the Visigoth conquests in Gtiul 
and Spain, the localities of the O^ro-Goths are iully as wesl- 
ward as those of the so-called Westem Groths. 

<?. The combination -gtr in the river Ister^ is identical with 
the combination -sir in Ostr = easi, 

All this throws a shade over the usual interpretation of 
the prefix Ostro-. At the same time, nothing very serious 
depends on the etymology. 

The most important question connected with the Ostro- 
Goths and Fm-6oths, is that of their original name. 

If they were not called Goth till they reached the land of 
the Getay nnder what name did they leave Germany \ 

Under that of Crrut-ungs and Thsrv^ings : these two desig- 
nations being those which, to say the least, have the best 
claim to be considered the native names of the great Gothic 
conquerors of the fourth, fiflh, and sixth centuries. 

In Mamertinus and Eutroplus, wefind the forms Tervingi ; 
Ammianus^s form is Thermngi. Trebellius PoIIio (in Clau^ 
dio) has the name Virtingia; which has, reasonably, been 
considered to be a transposition of Trevingu or Tervingi. 
The similarity of the name Thuring^ leaves as little doubt in 
the mind of the present writer, as to the Thervings of Dacia 
having been originally the Thuringians of Thuringia^ as there 
is about the Angles of England having once been the Angles 
of northem Germany. 

The evidence in favour of the Grutungs is less satisfactory. 

a. The termination only is knoum to be German ; the 
root is only supposed to be so. 

h. More than one writer calls them ^/cvOal, 

c. The following passage distinguishes them irom the 
Ostro-Goths — 

Ostrogotkis colitur mixtisque GrutungU 
Phryx ager. — ClaudiaD. 

But as even the undoubted Goths are called Scythians by 

Zozimus, the second objection, the strongest of the three, is 

but slight. 



In favour of them, is — 

a. The fact of the termination -mg being German. 

b, Their proximity to the Thervings. 
<?. The few facts known of their history. — ^CIaudian de 

Quart. Consulat. Honorii, x. 623 — 637, writes, — " 

'^Ausi Danubium quondam tranare GrtUungi 
In lintres fregere nemus, ter mille ruebant 
Per fluvium plensQ cuneis immanibus alni. 
Dux Edotheus erat. Tantse conamina classis 
Incipiens atas et primus contudit annus. 
Submerssd sedere rates, fluitantia nunquam 
Largius Arctoos pavere cadavera pisces. 
Corporibus premitur Peuce, per quinque recurrens 
Ostia barbaricos vix egerit unda cruores. 
Confessusque parens Edothei regis opima 
Rettulit, exuviasque tibi : civile secundis 
Conficis auspiciis bellum ; tibi debeat orbis 
Fata Grutungorum, debellatumque tyrannum. 
Ister sanguineos ^t te consule montes." 

This crossing of the Danube, coincides in time with that 
of the Goths ; as do the quarrels which rose out of it. 

If the doctrine, that the Gmtungs were Goths, thougfa 
highly probable, be not wholly unexceptionable, the special 
identification of the O«^ro-Goths with them, is still less so. 

That the Thervings^ however, were the Visigoths, is shown 
by so good an authority, as Ammianus calling Athanaric, 
Thervingortm judex (xxxi. 3) ; this Athanaric being the 
famous Visi-goth. 


The first mention of the name, Alemanni, occurs in the same 
reign with that of the Goths^ i.e.j the reign of Garacalla. 

The standard quotation respecting the derivation of the 
name from al=aU^ and m-n=man, so that the word (some- 
what exceptionably) denotes men ofallsorts^ is from Agathias, 
who quotes Asinius Quadratus : — 0/ hi ^AXafjMvol, ctye 
Xpff ^(Tivvlqi KovaSpdrq) &n'€(T0cu, avBpl ^lTaXuorf) xal rc^ 
Tep/iaviKa €9 rb aKpiSk^ dvaypayjra^ivfp, ^vyKkvSi^ eltnv 


avOpwiroi fcal /iiydBe^:, xal rovro Bvvarai avToi<: ^ kirwvv^ 
fila — Agalh. Hist. i. 6. 

Notwithstanding this, I think it is an open question, 
'whether the name may not have been applied hy the truer and 
more uneqoivocal Germans of Suabia and Franconia, to eertain 
less definitely Oermanic allies irom Wurtemburg and Baden, 
— parts of the Decumates agri, — parts which might have 
supplied a Oallic, a Oallo-Boman, or even a Slavonic element 
to the confederacy ; in which case, a name so German as to 
have given the present French and Italian name for Germany^ 
may, originally, have applied to a population other than 

I know the apparently paradoxical elements in this yiew ; 
but I also know that, in the way of etymology, it is quite 
as safe to translate all by alii, as by omnes : and I cannot 
help thinking that the al- in ^2^mauni is the al- in a^ir-arto 
(a foreignery or man ofanother 8ort)y ^K-benzo (an aUen\ and 
a^i-Iand (captivity in foreign land) — Grimm, ii. 628 — Recht- 
salterth, p. 359. And still more satisfied am I that the AU^ 
in ^^emanni is the al- in ^^satia=^^H9ass=aK-satz=/bm(7w 
settlement. In other words, the prefix in question is more 
probably the aU in ^^se, than the aU in alL 

Little, however, of importance tums on this. 

The locality of the Alemanni was the parts about the 
Limes Bomanuf^ a boundary which, in the time of Alexander 
Severus, Niebuhr thinks that they first broke through. Hence 
they were the Marchmen of the frontier, whoever those 
Marchmen were. 

Other such Marchmen were the Suevi ; unless, indeed, we 
consider the two names as synonyms. Zeuss admits that, 
between the Suevi of Suabia, and the Alemanni, no tangible 
difference can be found. 

The area whence we bring these Alemanni, or Suevi of 
Suabia, mnst fulfil certain conditions. 

It must not be too limited ; since it is the area from which 
not only the agri Decumates were Oermanized in the first 
instance, but from which, eventually and indirectly, Switzer- 
land and Austria have been, partially, Bavaria, wholly, Oer- 


Neither must it be too large ; inasmnch as room mnst be 
lefb for the equally important diyisions of the BurgundiaDs, 
during the later, and for the Goths of the Danube, the Thu- 
ringians, and the Ghatti, in the earlier, period of their history.' 

Modem Suabia comes under this categor j ; so that modem 
Suabia may be considered as the nucleus of the Alemanno- 
Suevic confederation. 

That active emperor, Probus, coerced the Alemanni; he 
coerced them and something more. He recovered the whole 
country of Suabia, and is said to have re-established the limes. 

But ftom the time of Probus downwards, the Alemanno- 
Suevic encroachments steadily progressed. Before a.d. 300, 
thej had become the ancestors of the present Germans of 
Switzerland ; and, bj a.d. 400, those of the Alsatians and 

Such was tbeir time and scene. Strongly contrasted with 
the Groths, thej advanced their frontier graduallj and oon- 
tinuously ; and the efifect of this is, that one half of what at 
present constitutes the High-German division, is of Alemanno- 
Suevic origin. 

In indiyidual heroes this division is poor ; none of its 
kings or generals having the prominence of an Alaric, ^ 
Theodoric, a Gundobald, or a Glovis. 

Putting together what has been said about the names 
Alemanni and Stteviy it is just possible that, of the two chief 
members of this alliance, those whose name was German 
were Gauls (the Alemanni)^ and those whose name was Gallic 
{Suevi) were Germans. This, however, is a forcible way of 
putting an apparent objection, rather than an objection itself. 

If the Alemanni, originally, were not German, their 
nationality and characteristics must have merged into that 
of the Suevi early. 

Believing the Vandal to have been Slavonic, the Alemanni 
(supposing aU to mean alii) would be in the same relation to 
the Suevi as the former were to the Goths. 

It is not superfluous to remark,that the Alemanni and Alani 
are undoubtedly confnsed by more than one ancient writer, — 
a pregnant source of difficulty, which it is not necessary at 
present to enlarge on. 



A docDment of a.d. 786, in noticing the high tract of lands 
between Ellwangen and Anspach, has the following ezpres- 
sion, — in Waldo, qni vocatur Virffunnia. 

Grimm looks for the derivation of this word in the Mceso- 
Oothic word /atrguni^ Old High G^rman fergunnd^umdy 

He also qnotes the variations Vergunty Virgunda^ and 

I have little doabt bat that this is the name of the tract 
of land from which the name Burgundi arose ; and that it 
is the one which fixes their localitj. 

If 80, between the Bnrgandian and Saevic Oermans, the 
difference, sach as it was, was probablj, almo^ whoUj poli- 
tical ; both being High Oermans of the water-system of the 
Maine and Neckar. 

Nor is there mach difference in the time and scene of the 
histories. Each encroached on the Boman frontier, bat the 
Bargundians more exclasively in the direction of OanL 

Mutaiis mutandisj the latter were in Burgundj, what tbe 
former were in Alsatia, with this difference, that the Oer- 
mans of the former area have now become Cbllicized. 

No section of the Oermans exceeds the Burgundians, in 
the extent to which real or accredited acts of their higtorical 
great men, have developed themselves into legend ; Oonther, 
Oundobald, and others, being the great . centres of the Bur- 
gondian cjcle. 

!• Part of the Burgundian history is probably told under 
that of the name of Franis, since, it is not llkelj that, 
between the Oermans who gave the name to Burgundj, and 
the Oermans who gave the name to FrancAe-Comie^ there was 
much ethnological difference, even if there were political 
ones ; in other words, it is likely that some Burgundians 
were Franis, All were so in one sense. — See § xiv. 

2. Part of the history which passes as Burgundian, can, 
on reasonable grounds, be deemed never to have been 
Burgundian at all ; a £Etct which complicates the view of 


tbe true Burgundians, in a manner the very reverse of the 
preceding remarks. 

The Mapoviyyoi of Ptolemy, on the Thnringian frontier, 
were Bnrgundian. 

But these Mapoviyyoi are Meromngians. 

Hence, the Merovingians of France are Merovingians, 
not Iiecause thej were the Merovingians of the conquerors of 
that empire, but because they were the Merovingians of Bur- 
gundy, or (perhaps, more specifically still, of) JFraneke^ 


It is stated in the preceding chapter, that part of the 
history of another and different population may have been 
attributed to the Burgundians of Burgundy, 

Pliny (H. N. iv. 14) writes, *' Germanorum genera quinque : 
Vindili, quorum pars Burgundiones, Varini, Garini, Outtones. 
Alterum genus Ingseyones, quorum pars Gimbri, Teutoni ac 
Ghaucorum gentes. Proximi autem Bheno Istcevones, quorum 
pars Gimbri mediterranei Hermiones, quorutn Suevi, Her- 
munduri, Ghatti, Gherusci. Quinta pars Peucini, Bastem® 
. . contermini Dacis.^^ 

This place, with Daci, Vindili, Varini, Garini, and Guttones, 
is somewhat strange for a people of Franconia. Its proper clas- 
sification was, surely, with the Suevi, Hermunduri, Ghatti, &c. 

To this it may be added, that there are several isolated 
actions, such as a contest with the Ooths, and another with 
Fastida, king of the Oepidse, which give us Burgwndiones too 
far down the Danube, to leave the history of the Burgundians 
of Burgundy so simple,as it was lefk in the chapter referred to. 
In other words, there must be either migration or another 
population called Bwrgv/ndian. 

The second altemative seems preferable ; indeed the exist- 
ence of such a second population is so certain, that the question 
is, not whether there were two Burgundies, but which of the 
two it was that Fastida (or the Ooths) fought against, and 
which it was that Pliny meant by Burgwndione$. 

a. I think that these two were the same. 


i. Also, that they were the ^povyovvSui)V€^ of Ptolemy. 
e. Also, the OvpovyovvSot of Zosimns. 

d. Also, the BovpovyovvSoc of Agathias. 

e. Possibly the Bulgarians of the later historians. 

They were occupants of the parts east of the Upper Vi&- 
tula, or between the Vistula and Bug. They were well- 
known to the Oreek writers of the Byzantine empire ; and 
the only question conceming them is, whether they were 
Scythians or Huns. — OSrot hk &TravTe^ KOivfj fiev 2/cv0ai koI 
Oiwoi €TrwvofjA^ovTO' iSia Sk Karci yivrf, ro fiiv n avr&v 
KoTplrfovpoi,, To S^ OvTlrfovpoi, oKXoi, Sk OvKTifyvpoi, Ka\ 
aXkot BovpovyovvSoc* . • airrUa yovv Ov\Tl^ovpol re koI 
BovpovyovvSoi fi^xp^ M^ AiovTo^ tov avTOKpaTopo^ Kal t&v 
€V T^ TOTC 'F(o/Mala>P yvtoptfiol t€ irnijpjfpv Kal aXKCfioc 
elvac iBoKovv • TjfJL^t^ Se oi vvv oHt^ tcrfi€v avToif^, ovt€, olfiac, 
€ca-6fi€0a, Ti^bv fiiv Sca(f>0ap€VTa^, tvxov Sh S^ 7ropf><oTdTG> 
fjLeravaoTavTa^, — Agathias, v. 11. 

Still the similarity of the name is remarkable. 

Gonsidering, however, that their neighbonrs on the south 
were the Goths of the Danube, that the name is by no means 
necessarily native, that their country was the water-shed of 
the Vistula and Bug, and i\i9i fairgmi—hill* in Oothic, it is 
by no means unlikely that, di£ferent as were the nations, these 
names may have been the same, i.^., the German form for 
Highlander. Still it is quite as likely to be accidental ; and, 
if the Burugwcdi of the Bug were Bulgarians, is so. 

But the diflBculty does not end here. Ptolemy has, besidea 
his ^povyovvSi(ov€^, a population called BovyovvTac, 

a. The Ackovai(ov€^ (Helveconce, see note in» voc.) lay 
between the 'VoxrriKX€ioc and the BovyovvTac. 

J. The Lygii Omani came inro tov9 BovyovvTa<;. 

c. The BovyovvTac came east of the Semnones, from the 
river Suebus (201^17^09) to the Vistula. 

These are very difficult condi£ions. At first it appears that 
we must separate the BovyovvTac from the ^povyovvSi(ov€^, 
because Ptolemy mentions both ; and that we mnst consider 
the former to be the Burgundians of Franconia, because 
Ptolemy does not meution these latter. 

♦ See page Iv. 


We must do this, in order to avoid accQsiDg a good writer 
of an omission on one side, and a repetition on the other. 

Then, as to the locality, 

a. The 'PovrUXeLoi, are on the Lower Vistula. 

h, The Lypii-Omaniy in the westem part of Poland. 

€. The SemnoneSy in Saxony. This leaves those parts of 
Lusatia and Silesia, which were not oceupied hj the StX^oi 
as the countrj of the Bovyovyrat, toofar to the north west for 
the ^povyovvSl(oy€^y and too far to the east for the Bur- 

It is nearest, however, to the former ; and hence it is the 
word ^povyovvBltDve^, a term in Slavonic rather than Oerman 
ethnology, of which the name Bovyovvrat obscures the im- 

At the same time, the complication which the two terms 
introduce in the otherwise clear and simple historj of the 
true and undoubted Germanic Burgundians of Franconia and 
Burgundy, is hj no means inconsiderable, neither does the 
present writer pretend to explain it. 

AU that he is inclined to do, is in the way of a negation. 
He is not prepared to connect the three bj migrations and 
counter-migrations, simplj and solely on the strength of the 


If Franky = free^ express an attribute, the name may appear 
as often as the attribute occurs. 

That Frank was the name of a confederation rather than 
of a particular nation, is generally believed ; all the members 
of it agreeing in calling themselves/fw. 

Believing this, I believe that the view it involves maj be 
extended ; and that just as more nations than one formed a 
Frank confederacj, more confederacies than one maj be 
included in the Frank name ; and, if more confederacies, 
more sections and sub-sections of the Germanic stock. 

Hence, instead of assuming migrations (many of them in 
the iace of historical probabilities), to account for the Franks 
of France^ the Franks of Franche-Comi^, and the Franks of 


Franeonia^ we may simply suppose them to be Franks of 
a different division of the Frank name. 

All that follows from the proposed latitude given to the 
name Marcomaimh follows from the proposed latitude given 
to the name Frank. 

Indeed, if we look at their geographical distribution, we 
shall find that the Franks were the Marchmm of the Boman^ 
frontier; and I submit to the reader the doctrine, that 
they called themselves Franks because they were so, i.*., in 
opposition to their fellow-Germans, who were subject to 

A German of the Decumates agri was not a Frank (though 
he might be an Alemann)^ because he was not really,^*^. 

The Burgundian of the interior country was not a Fra/nk, 
Beally free he was ; but as his freedom was not contrasted 
with the dependence of bis neighbours, it was not necessary 
for him to call himself so. 

What is gained by the hypothesis l To say nothing about 
the miuor migrations, it gets over (amongst others) the fol- 
lowing great difficulty. 

The Franks of Franconia are High ; those of the Lower 
Bhine, Latio Germans. 

Such the hypothesis. 

I. The Franks ofthe southem frontier. — Probus had to deal 
with both Alemanni and Franks. It is prohable that these 
were the Franks of Franconia. 

The Franks whom Aurelian chastised, were certainly so ; 
and, upon the whole, I think it is these Franconian Franks 
(the Franks of the Upper Bhine) who appear earliest 
in history. Even if they do not, they appear far too soon 
to have the name accounted for by any conquests or migra- 
tions ; movements either way, from the Upper to the Lower, 
or from the Lower to the Upper Bhine, involving equally 
great, though difierent difficulties. 

The measure of the southem, or Franconian Frank con- 
quest, is to be found in the name Franche-Gomt^ ; this being 
to them as Alsatia is to the Alemanno-Suevians, and Bur- 
gundy to the Burgundians. 

The geographical relations of Franche-Gomte and Bur- 


gundy, along with the Frank character of the (geogra- 
phically) Burgondian Merovingians, give the chief reason 
for believing tbat those tribes who were poUtically Franks 
of the Upper Bhine, were geographieaUy and ethnologicaUy 
Borgundians, at least for the middle portion of them. The 
southern members of this group were probably Suevian, the 
northem Hessian. 

Again — the relations of the Burgundian Gnnther to the 
Frank Sigfrid, in the traditions embodied in the Nibelungen 
Lied connect the two. 

II. The Franks of the northem frontier, — The chief tribes 
who, ethnologically, formed this district were, as long as 
the early name (the name by which they were known to the 
Gauls) preponderated, Sicambri. In detail, they were Gam- 
briviij Marsi^ Gugemiy and, probably, Dbii^ Usipii^ and 
Tenct&riy Bructeri^ &c. 

When known as Germans, the collective name was out 
of place ; since Tiberius, Drasus, and the other conquerors of 
the Lower Bhine, had not so much to deal with Germans 
as opposed to Gauls. as with Germans as opposed to each 
other. Hence came the less necessity for a collective name, 
and the greater necessity for a number of specific ones. The 
Sicambri of the Gauls are now the Bructeri^ Tubantes^ &c., 
of the Germans. 

When the necessity for the distinction between the de« 
peudent Germans of the Boman territory, and the free 
Germans of the frontier (March) became necessary, the 
necessity of a general name came in again. This general 
name was Frank. The Franks of the Lower Bhine seem to 
have been chiefly Platt-Deutsch, though, partially, Old Sazon 
and Frisian as well. 

The time of the actions of the Franks of the Lower 
Bhine, was a little later than that of those of the Upper ; but 
it lasted longer. Its development consisted in the conquests 
of Glovis and Gharlemagne. Its measure is to be found in the 
name France^ and in the Saxon and Slavonian conquests. 

In France^ the Franksof the Lower Bhine, and the Franks 
of the Upper Bhine, met in the parts about Franche-Comie^ 
and combined ; the former swamping the latter, and making 


it appear as if FrancAe-Comie and France took their name 
from the same Franks — sach not being the case. 

Again — the Franks of France appropriated the traditions 
of those of Bargondj, and, deducing themselves from Me- 
roveus, became Merovingians ; thongh that name is Burgw^ 

The Franks of the Lower Bhine, like the Ooths, mnch as 
thej have conquered, have failed in continning the existence 
of their Frank character. Those of France are French- 
men ; those of Low Grermanj, read in High German — their 
chief spoken language, the Platt-Deutsch djing out. 
. In HoUand alone are they a separate substantive people — 
in HoUand, minus Friesland. 

It was the Low-G^rman Franks who swept before them, 
and eztinguished the Saxons — the continental ancestors of 
the English. 

III. The Franis o/ the middle /rontier, — These, as being 
difficult to separate on their southem and northem frontiers 
from those of Burgundj and Lower Bhine, have been taken 
last in order. They are the Hessian Franks (Chattische 
Franken) of Zeuss. Their history is less obscure than un- 
distributed, i.e.y distinguished from that of the Franks above 
and below them. 

Still there are the Franks, whose legends Sigfrid and the 
Nlbelungen Lied represent, Franks more High than' Low 
Germanic, as shown by the great extent to which Burgun' 
diam come in contact with the hero of that poem ; which 
the Salian or Bipuarian Franks do not. 


Franks, in respect to their independence, the Salii were, 
probably, intrusive Low Germans ; their locality being the 
present iSb^land, near Deventer, and the banks of the Y-sel, 



Ethnologically, the JStp-uarii were Franks of the Bipa 
(the hanks of the Bhine), &c. 


Their name shows the possibility of a hybrid word ; since 
-tian»=the -ware in Cant-ware^ &c. ; so that the Bifh-uarii 
were really the Rip^-coUt. 


This was the Dame of the Byzantian eqnivalent to the 
soldiers of a free-company in the eleventh and twelfth 

These soldiers were almost wholly Scandinavian» — to a 
great extent the Swedes of Bussia. 

The reasons against believing Vara$iffian to be the same 
word as Frani^ are — 

1. The mention of Franei along with them, as a separate 

2. The extent to which the Varangians were Scandina- 
vians, rather than Germans of the Rhine. 

In fiavour of it is — 

The form of the present Oriental name for Europeanfl — 

This, in my mind, preponderates. 

Connected by name only with the Franks, the tmer ethno- 
logical aflSnities of the Varangians were with the Scan- 
dinavians of Bussia. 


I follow Zeuss in giving the Greek name (Tei^) of this 
people ; since the form Bussian would convey a wrong idea. 

No name is involved in more difficulties. 

No history is more interesting. 

The result of an attempt to construct a probable hypo- 
thesis out of the valuable &ct8 given by Zeuss (ad v.), is 
as follows : — 

In the eighth, ninth, and tenth centuries, the Dnieper, 
Volga, and Don, played' the same part in determining a 
distant fluviatile migration with the Scandinavians, that the 
Dannbe is supposed to faave done with the Thoringian and 
Bavarian Germans ; or (mutatis fimiandie) a series of migra- 


tions in boats similar to that which took the G^rmans to 
Moesia, took the Norsemen to the Black and Oaspian Seas. 
Jast, too, as the navigation of the Upper Dannbe implies 
the occupancj of some part of its banks, I imagine that those 
parts of Bussia, where the sjstems of the Dnieper and Volga 
come in closest contact, were the seats of certain Norsemen ; 
intrasive members of the Scandinavian diyision, who had 
penetrated from the Baltic to the head-waters of the rivers 
in qnestion, at the expense of the original Lithnanians and 
Ugrians. The andoubted fluviatile character of this migra- 
tion is an argument in favour of that of the Qoths of Moesia 
having been fluviatile also. 

The evidence in support of this doctrine is as follows : — 

1. The expedition which brought the Norsemen to Gon- 
stantinople was hy ioater : — Kar iKelvov yap tov Kcupov ro 
fiiac^vdyraTov t&v ^kvO&v eOvo^, oi XeyofAevoc 'P&^, Sui tov 
Ei^elvov irovTov 'frpoaKexfopriKOTe^ t^ ^t€v^, Kal irdvTa fikv 
'Xfopla, TrdvTa Si fiovaanipui SitfpwaKOTe^, cti, Stj Kal t&v 
Tov Bv^avTiov 7r€ptoiKlS<ov KaTiSpafiov vrfaltov, aKevrf fiev 
wdvTa Xffl^ofievoi, Kal yp^fffJiaTa, dvOpamov^ Sk ro^9 dTiivTa^ 
irdvTa^ dwoKTelvovTe^* Upb^ oU fcal t&v tov YiaTpidpyov 
(^lyvarlov) fiovaaTfjpU^v fiapSapuc^ KaTaSpafiovTC^ opfirffuvn 
Kal Svfi^ iraaav fikv rifv evpeOetaav KTrjaiv d<f>€i\ovTOf 
eiKoai Si Kal Svo r&v yvrfamripmv ainov KeKparrjKore^ 
olK€r&v, iif>* ivl rpoyavrrjpi irXolov roi>^ rrdvra^ d^lvat^ 
KarefiiXiaav. — Vita S. Ignatii. 

2. It was Jlumatiley i.^., vid a river rather than the ocean. 
The proof of this lies in a long quotation from the Arabian 
writer Ibn Fozlan, to be found in Zeuss (p. 550), describing 
their descent upon G«orgia and Ajerbijan, bj means of a fleet 
on the Caspian, 

8. It was Norte : — " Misit etiam (Theophilus) cum eis 
quosdam, qui se, id est gerUem suam Bhos voeari dicehanty 
quos rex illorum, Ghacanus vocabulo, ad se amicitise, sicut 
asserebant, causa direxerat, petens per memoratam epistolam, 
quatenus benignitate imperatoris redeundi facultatem atque 
auxilium per imperium suum totum habere possent, quoniam 
itinera, per quse ad illum Gonstantinopolim venerant, inter 
barbaras et nimiss feritatis gentes immanissimas habuerant. 


qaibas eos, ne forte periculum inciderent, redire noloit. 
Quorum adventus causam imperator diligentins investigans, 
comperit eos gentis esse Sueonumy exploratores potius regni 
illius nostrique quam amiciti» petitores ratus, penes se eousqne 
retinendos judicavit, quod veraciter invenire posset, utmm 
fideliter eo necne pervenerint ; idque Theophilo per memoratos 
legatos suos atque epistolam intimare non distulit, et quod 
eos illius amore libenter susceperit, ac si fideles invenirentur, 
et facultas absque illorum periculo in patriam remeandi 
daretur, cum auxilio remittendos ; sin alias, una cum missis 
nostris ad ejus prsesentiam dirigendos, ut quid de talibus fieri 
deberet, ipse decernendo efficeret.**' — Annal. Bertin. Pertz i.434. 

The only shade that has been thrown over this conclusion 
is the apparent use of the Turk word Ch€t€an = KAan ; but 
Zeuss well snggests that this is no Turk title, but the Norse 
proper name ffakon. 

And, to confirm all this, Liutprand writes : — ^^ G^ns quae- 
dam est sub aquilonis parte constituta, quam a qualitate 
corporis Graeci vocant Bussos^ nos vero a positione loci voca- 
mus Nordmannos, Lingua quippe Teutonum nord aquilo, 
man autem mas seu vir dicitur, unde et Nordmannos aquilo- 
nares homines dicere possumus. Hujus denique gentis rex 
Inger vocabulo erat, qui collectis mille et eo amplius navibus 
Gonstantinopolim venit. — Gompositis itaque secimdum jufisio- 
nem suam chelandriis, sapientissimos in eis viros collocat 
(Bomanus Imperator), atque ut regi Ingero occurrant, denun- 
ciat. Profecti denique, cum in pelago eos impositos rex 
Inger aspicerit, exercitui suo prsecepit, ut viros illos caperet 
et non occideret. Denique miserator et misericors Dominus, 
qui se colentes, se deprecantes, se adorantes non solum prote- 
gere, verum etiam victoria voluit honorare, ventis tunc placi- 
dum reddidit mare. Secus enim ob ignis emissionem Grs&cis 
erat incommodum. Igitur in Bussorum medio positi ignem 
circumcirca projiciunt. Quod dum Bussi conspiciunt, e navi- 
bus confestim sese in mare projiciunt eliguntque potius aqnis 
submergi, quam igni cremari. Alii tunc loricis et galeis 
onerati, nunquam visuri ima pelagi petunt, nonnulli vero 
natantes inter ipsos maris fluctus uruntur, nuUusque die illa 
evasit, qui fuga sese ad terram non liberavit. Bnssorum 


eteDim naves ob parvitatem sui ubi aquae minimum est 
transeunt, quod Grsecorum chelandria ob profunditatem sui 
facere nequeunt. Ingenti Inger con^sione postmodum ad 
propria est reversus. Graeci vero victoria potiti, vivos secum 
multos ducentes, Gonstantinopolim regressi sunt Iseti. Quos 
omnes Romanus in prsasentia Hugonis nuncii, vitrici scilicet 
mei, decoUari prsecepit." — Liutprand, Hist. v. 6. 

Lastlj (and this also indicates the fluviatile character of 
the invasion as well), a remarkable passage in Gonstantinus 
Porphjrogenita not onlj distinguishes the Buss tongue from 
the Slavonic^ but gives the names of the different falls of the 
Dnieper in hoth languages. Zeuss quotes Lehrberg, as having 
shown the Buss forms to be Norse ; and without saying that 
the others are not^ I admit that two of them are undoubtedly 
so; being compounds of the Norse word^ for8=force^ in pro- 
vincial 'Engli8hy= waterfaU, — £^9 rov Trifiirrov (f>parffAbv tov 
iwovofia^o/jkevov ^FaxricrTl fiiv Bapovif>6po^, ^KkaScviarl S^ 
Bov\vfprpdj(^ BioTi fieydXrjv \lfiV7fv aTroTeXet. — Gonstant. de 
Adm. Imp. c. 9. 


Et9 Tov iTepov <f>parffi6v tov iTriXeyofjkcvov 'Paxrtorl fA€V 
OvXJSopcrl, ^KXaScviiTTl Se ^OoTpoSowiTrpa^ iirep kpfjLTfveve- 
Tai To VTfcrlov tov ^parffiov. — Ibid. 

Vorenfors is, at the present moment, the name of the 
highest waterfall in Norway. Holmfor8=the water-fall of 
the islandy not the island of the toater-falL 

The fact of a Swedlsh invasion of the Grimea, Thrace, 
Persia, and Georgia, and tbe inference of a consolidated 
Swedish occupancy of the watershed of the Volga and 
Dnieper, is clearer than the origin of the name. 

In favour of its being Norse, are — 

a. All the previous extracts. 

b. A curious expression in Sjmeon Magister (a.d. 1140) : 
— Oi 'Pa)9 ol ical ApofjuTac XeyofJi^evoc, And again, ^Pq>9 Sk oi 
ApofUTai <l>€pa>Wfioc, diro 'F&^ tivo^ cr<f>o8pov itahpafiovTe^ 
dirrfj^fifiaTa t&v j^crafiivmv i^ inro0i]K7)^ fj $€OK\vTla^ tivo^ 
Kai vTrepecrj^pvTcov avTov, ApofiiTat Si, aTro tov o^ico^ 
Tpi)(€iv avTOi^ 7rpocr€yiv€TO. *Ek yivov^ Sk t&v ^pdyycov 



Zeass compares this with the Norse rds=hp6fio^=zrace 
(the same word). 
Against it are— 

a. The utter absence of anj such name applied to any 
portion of the Norsemen, in any of the numerous Nor8e 

b. Its present power, as the name of so large a country as 
Bussia, with so few definite traces of Norse occupancy. 

c. The name Rhoxolani^ of a nation between the Don and 

The following view is considered to reconcile these diffi- 

Previous to the descent on the Euxine and Gaspian, the 
Norsemen conquered and occupied the country of the Rhox- 
laneSj and, after they had become known to their neighbours 
as BhSs, harassed the eastern empire. 

In being known to their neighbours by the name of the 
country they occupied, they were like the present Spaniards 
of Mexico. 

The question as to the stock to which those Bhoohlani 
belonged, will bring with it a fact confirmatory of the pre- 
vious yiew. Although we nowhere find that the Norsemen 
in question themselves ealled themself>es Ros^ the Finlanders at 
the present moment call them iZtfo^a-alainen, and their country 

This is a fact which has long been known. It has also 
long been known that -lainen is the regular Finlandic ter- 
mination for gentile nouns. Such being the case, the word 
'Pa>^oXavo/ has long been looked on as a genuine Ugrian 
gloss ; and as Strabo mentions the Rhoxolani^ there must 
have been, in his time, not only Ugrians in Russia, but 
Ugrians so near the Euxine as for words of their tongue to 
reach his informants. 

Such I believe to have been the case. I think that there 
were Ugrians as far south as the Lower Danube. Tbis con- 
firms the notion that Bussia was not originally Slavonic* 
It also confirms the notion that there were Ugrians in South 
Europe before the Majiar invasion. 

• See ProUgomena, § vi. 


Strabo'8 notice of the Rhoxolani is as foUows : — ^'H S' 
vTrepKeifiivff iracra %c&/>a rov \€)^0€vto^ fiera^v BopvcrOivov^ 
/cal "loTpoi;, 7rp(OT7) fiiv iariv 17 t&v VeT&v iprjfila' hreiTa 
01 TvpiyiTai' fieff ob^ oi ^ldfy^e<; ^apfidTat, Kal ol BaciXeioi 
Xeyofievoi, tcal Oipyo^, ro fikv irkiov vofidhe^, oklyoc Se leal 
yecapyla^ iirtfie\ovfAevor tovtov<: ^fyacrl xal Trapci tov ''lcrTpov 
oiieeiv, iif) ixaTepa TroWdfei^. 'Pca^oXavol S* dpKTiK(OTaT0& 
Ta fjLCTa^v Tov TavatSo9 ical tov BopvcrOivov^ vefiofievoi 
TreSia. 'H ydp TrpocrdpKTCO^ wacra aTrb YepfJLavla^ f^^XP^ ''^^ 
Kaawia^ TreSid^ iariv, fjv tcrfiev vrrhp Sk t&v 'PwfoXavSv el 
Tive^ oiKovcriv, ovk Sfo-/Aev.— Strabo, vii. p. 306. 

From this it follows that modern Russia has taken its 
name, not — 

a. From any dominant Norse conquerors, so-called ; but — 

h, From a pprtion of its area called Ruoiii^ originally occu- 
pied by Ugrian RmUolanej but afterwards by Norsemen 
(chiefly Swedes), to whom the neighbouring nations extended 
the name of the territory. 

In other words, the Northmen of Ruotsi were called Rus^ 
even as an Angle of Britannia might be called Britannus. 


The 'Pft)9 were connected with the Varangi^ but, as the 
Varanffi were connected with the Franks in name only, the 
two previous sections have been, to a certain extent, epi- 

I. True occupants of Frank localities, and probably true 
members of a Frank confederacy are the ChaMuarii. 

This is no Low German form of the word Chas-uarii; 
although, at the first view, it seems such ; since the single 8 
has a less tendency to become i than the double one; or 
(changing the expression), the High G^rman s most usually 
becomes i in Low Grerman when the vowel that precedes it is 
short. Now, the a in C%a«-uarii is long ; since it represents 
the a in name of the river Hase. Hence, CluM-xiAni and 
CKa^^uarii are noi in the same relation to each other as 
Hesse is to Chatii. 

8 2 


Like Tacitus, Dion makes no mention of the Ghatta-arii. 
Strabo does ; his form being Xarrovdpioi, 
So does Velleius Paterculus ; his form being Attu-axii. 
PtoIemy's Xairovfapoi, introduce a complication which will 
be noticed in the sequel. 

The locality of tbe Ghatt-uarii of Strabo and Paterculus 
was the watershed of the Buhr and Lippe. Strabo mentions 
them in conjunction with the Gambrivii, and Paterculus with 
the Bructeri — ^^ Intrata protinus Germania, subacti Ganine- 
fates, Attuarii^ Bructeri, recepti Cherusci.'^ — ii. 105. 

They increase in historical prominence as we advance ; and 
in the reign of Julian, Ammianus writes ^^ Bheno exinde 
transmisso regionem subito pervasit Francorum quos Attu- 
arios vocant.'" — xx. 10. 

Between tbe eighth and eleventh centuries the name is 
common, and numerous documents speak of the terfxi^ papus 
and comitatus of the Chatuarii, Hattuarii^ Hazzoarii^* Atu^ 
arii^ Hattera^f and Hettera^ and numerous places are men- 
tioned as l^ing within it. 

AU these lay on the westem side of the Bhine, ».«., on 
the Niers, a feeder of the Maas ; so that the minnte ethno- 
logist may divide the Attuarii of the middle-age writers into 
the eastem and westem branches. 

'^ In A.D. 715 Saxones vastaverunt terram OhatuariorumJ* 
— Annal. S. Amand. Pertz. i. 6. 

But tfae most interesting fact connected with the Ghatt- 
uarii is the occurrence of their native name Hcet-wskre in the 
Traveller''^ Song, and Beowulf. 

The king, whose son, the hero of the great Angle epic, 
Beowulf, succeeded, bore a name the form of which was — 
In A.S., Higelac — 
In Icelandic, Hugleikr — 
In Latin, Chochilaichus ; 
being, varionsly called, a Dane, a Oeat, and an Angle. 

His descent upon one of ihe pagi of King Theodoric is thns 
mentioned by Gregory of Tours : — " His ita gestis Dani cum 
rege suo, nomine Ghochilaicho, evectu navali per mare 

* A ne&r approach to the form Chasuarii, 

t Compare this with Bructcri, as opposcd to Boructuarii, 


Oallias appetuDt, egressique ad terrBS jxiffum unum de regno 
Tbeodorici devastant atque eaptivant, oneratisque navibus 
tam de captivis quam de reliquis spoliis reverti ad patriam 
eupiunt. Sed rex eorum in litus residebat, donec naves 
altum mare comprenderent, ipse deinceps secuturus ; quod 
cum Theodorico nuntiatum iuisset, quod scilicet regio ejus 
fuerit devastata, Tbeodebertum, iilium suum, in illas partes 
cum valido exercitu ac magno armorum apparatu direxit. 
Qui, interfecto rege, hostes navali proeb'o superatos opprimit, 
omnemque rapinam terr» restituit."— iii. 3. 

Now from Beowulf we learn that the papus of the Franks 
who killed Higelac was that of tbe Hatware. 

In a document of a.d. 769, we find — " Silva quse vocatur 
Heissiy in aquilonari parte fluvii Burse.^^ 

Later still we find the form Hese^ and, at the present 
moment, there is a town called Heis-ingeny on tbe right bank 
of the Buhr, between Essen and Werden.* 

These names, tben, as well as tbat of the town of Essen, 
give us the area of tbose Germans who were called in Platt- 
Deutsch — 

a. CAa^^uarii, or ^^-uarii. 

J. In High German HazsH)saii.f 

Whose name also was either compound or simple, ».«., 
Chattuarii or Chatti^ Hazzoarii or Hesse ; tbis latter form 
being preserved in the present form, Essen ; which is High 
German in respect to the ss^ but Old Saxon in respect to the 
omission of tbe initial aspirate. 

In Tacitus (Ann. i. 60, 51) we find a notice of the Silva 
Casia^ tbe locality of the Marsi, and the seat of the worship 
of tbe dea Tacfana. 

Tbis looks like tbe name of the countrj about Essen in its 
oldest forms. 

Tbe connection between tbe Marsi, Gambrivii, and other 
populations belonging to tbe Sicamhrian division, with the 
Chattuarii^ is somewbat doubtiul. 

The name may have originated in tbe root deS' of tbe 
silva Ciesiaj and so have been older tban that of the popula- 

* D. S. ii. 620. f But not Ha<-uani=CAa«-uarii. 


tion; a fact indicated by the tennination ^ware=^uarii= 
'Cola in Latin, — Chatt-uarii^CheBS-uarii^Casi-colit. 

In this ease, Chattuarii is the Low Gennan fonn of a name 
of the Marsi and others, taken from the forest district they 
occnpied, — jnst as nnmeroos minor tribes might be called 
HercyniCy or Bacenic^ from the Hercynian or Bacenian 

But it may also indicate a settlement of intmsiye Chatti 
from Hemj and the name be newer than the population. 

I incline to the former of these views ; still admitting the 
difficulty involved in the fact of populations with names so 
like as Chatt-Visni ( = Casi-colix:)^ Chas-UBiii (occupants of the 
Hase), and Chatti (occupants of Hesse) being so-called, inde- 
pendent of any special connection. 

The hjpothesis that the silva Cana was a eommon rather 
than a proper name, and, as such, one which might occnr in 
more districts than one, would solve the difficulty. The 
solution, however, is, at best, but hypothetical. If valid, 
however, Hesse itself might be but a silva Cas-ia^ just as 
Burgmdy was a Virpunt. 

Hence, the Ghattuarii were High Germans or Low 6er- 
mans, according to the view we take of the origin of their 
name. Or they may have been modijied High Oermans — 
High Germans in origin, but Low Germans in locality, and 
several other characteristics. 

We have seen that, although the word Chatt-uarii is not 
the Low Oerman form for the Chae-wdxix of the Hase^ it is 
something of the kind. It is the Low Oerman name of the 
HazZ'Oam of Essen^ and the parts about that town. 

If Low Oermans, they were, probably, Platt-Deutsch 
rather than Saxon, and Frisian rather than Platt-Deutsch — 
the reasoning running thus : — 

a. Their hostility to the Saxons is evidence, as far as it 
goes, for thc two populations belonglng to different divisions. 

b. The occupants of the Gau Destarbenzon, within the 
Chattuarian area, were Frisians. — ''*' Frisiones qui vocantur 
Destarbenzon.'" — Annal. Fuld. ad au. 885. Pertz i. 402. 

II. The Attuarii o/the Doubs. — In Prolegomena^ § xii., it 
was stated that certain Chamavi and Chatt-uarii seem to have 


been remoTed from the lower Bhine to Burgundj, as colo- 
nists, and to have settled on the Donbs. 

From the end of the eighth century downwards, the notices 
of a paffus^ and eomitatus Attmriorum are numerous, — the 
locality being the valleys of the Vincenne, Tille, and Beze, 
and the neighbouring parts of the water-system of the 

The paffus Commavorum joined the pagus Attuariorum on 
the Donbs, even as the areas of the Chamavi and Attuarii 
were conterminous on the Lower Bhine. For the numerous 
references to these interesting settlements, see Zeuss, pp. 582 
— 584. They deserve more attention from local antiquaries 
than they have fonnd. 

III. The XaiTovwpot of Ptdemy. — This writer, who says 
nothing about any Chatt-uarii on the Lower Bhine, places a 
population with a name so like it as Xair-ovoDpoi on the part 
between the Vpper Bhine and Danube, amongst the Dan- 
duti, Turones, Merovingi, and other widely diflTerent sections 
of the Oermanic population ; and, to add to the confusion, 
he places Yiaa-ovdpot, not very far from Xair-oviopoi. 

Is this to be put down to erroneous information, and to 
pass as inaccuracy! Probably. At the same time an 
intrusion of Chatti^ from the southem portion of their area 
may have taken place, and the name Chassi^ or Chasuarii 
(Hazzi or Hazz-oarii) have thus originated. The Low 
German form in -^-, however, is against this view. 

The fact of an inaccuracy is the likelier. 


I. The Suevi of Suabia. — The name of the country called 
Suabia is a true ethnological term, even as Franconia is one. 
The one means the country occupied by the Suevij the other 
the country occupied by the Franks. Bavaria is another 
such name, derived from the Boii. Saxony is in a similar, 
though somewhat different, predicament. They all, however, 
agree in being names of countries derived from their po- 
pulations. Hem is, probably, the same, and Thuringia 


At what time the name first became an Qneqaivocal 
geographical designation* of wfaat now, in the way of politics, 
coincides with the Grand Duchy of Ba46n and part of Wnr- 
tembnrg, and, in respect to its ph jsicai geography, is part of the 
Black Forest, is uncertain. It was not, however, later than 
the reign of Alexander Sevems (ending a.d. 236) — the Ta- 
bula Peutingeriana being supposed to be referable to that 
date. Therein, Alamannia and Suevia appear together — 
as terms for that part of Germany which had previoosly 
gone under the name of Decwmates agri^ and the parts aboat 
the Limes BoTnanus. 

With this, then, begins the history of the 8uem of Suabiay 
or, rather, of the Suahians. Their alliances were chiefly 
with the Alamanni and Burgundians ; tfaeir theatre the 6er- 
man side of France, Switzerland, Italj, and (in conjunction 
with the Visigoths) Spain. Their epoch is irom tfae reign 
of Alexander to that of Augustulns, in round numbers, irom 
about A.D. 225 to a.d. 475, a period of two faundred and 

Their maximum amount of faistorical prominence was the 
time when Bicimer the Suevian^ and Gundobald the Burgtm- 
dian^ made and unmade such emperors as Severus and Oly- 
brius, the immediate predecessors of Augustulus. 

Now is the time to take a measure of the extent to which 
the notion f that Suev- wae no native German term ai aUy 
hut a Keltic name adopted hy the BomanSj is a paradox, or 
a probable inference from the early notices of the populations 

1. It is not a question whether the root fiWv- was Eeltic 
or not. It is known to have been so. 

2. Nor is there mtich doubt about its having been from 
the Gauls that the Bomans took it : since it was probabl j 
Gauls from whom Gsesar leamed the names of tfae allies and 
subjects of Ariovistus. 

* Niebuhr mentions an inscription noticing a Victoria Suevica in the 
reign of Nerva. But there is no evidence of this having been a victory 
over the Suevi of Suabia. Csesar^s victory over the Suevi of Ariovistus was 
a Victoria Suevica, but no victory over the people of the Decumates agri, 

f See Prolegomena, § xv. 


The only doubt is about its beiDg exelusively Eeltic, i,e.^ 
not German. 

The reason in &yonr of this view are, perhaps, ali referable 
to one head, mz.^ the facts which the hypothesis will account 
for. Of these the chief are — 

1. The generality of the term, as seen by the express 
evidence of Tacitus himself. 

2. The equally express evidence of Tacitus to the fact of 
a general or common name for the Oermans being recent; 
and of that name being Gerfnani — not Suevi. 

3. The difficultj of making it apply to any great divigime 
of the Germanic stock. For such, we have already, in the 
names Inyavones^ htasvonee^ and fferminones, more than we 
can easily deal with. 

4. The non-mention of the name Chatti in Osesar, combined 
the high probability of some, at least, of Osesar^s Suevi haying 
belonged to that branch. 

5. The fact of Tacitus, who places the Cfhatti in Osesar^s 
locality of the Suevi, placing the Suevi to the east of it. 

6. The difficulty of accounting for this by means of a 
migration. Though Otesar has no mention of the Ohatti, 
and Tacitus has, it is not Tacitus who firet notices them. 
The name appears in Strabo. Hence, if there were a real 
bodily change of locality on the part of the Suevi, thus 
supposed to have been driven eastwards by the Ohatti, the 
displacement must haye occurred between the time of Osesar 
and Strabo, i.^., between the time of Julius and Augustus 
Osesar — and that without either the Bomans of Gaul or the 
Germans noticing it. 

However, what a migration will not explain, the assump- 
tion of the word Suevi being a synonym to some of the 
previous names toilL Suevi may mean Chatti. Suevi may 
mean ffermundurij or it may (as I believe it doea) partially 
coincide with both. 

But what explains the synonym f Nothing better than the 
existence of a second language, especially when that second 
language is no fiction, but a reality. 

What lies agaiust this? I will put the only strong argu- 
ment on this side of the question in its strongest form. From 


the mlddle of the third century * to the present day, the root 
Suab'y or Suev-^ has been a native German name for the 
Germans o/Suabia. Before this, we hear of Suem^ but their 
locality is not SuaUa. 

What does this prove ! That Suef>^ was a Gkrman name 
previously f By no means. It merely proves that a certain 
area was called bj the Komans after a population named 
Sueioi^ and that certain Germans who settled there took their 
name from the area. Eent, at the present moment, is English, 
and the Kent-ings who occupied part of it during the Anglo- 
Saxon period were English. But does this make Kent an 
English word ! No. It is British = (7an^ium, as is well-known. 

Up to the time in question (i.e., the reign of Alexander), 
the known facts are quite as much against Suev- being a 
German root as in favour of it. Osesar^s Suevi are described 
by Gauls, and Tacitus^s are in a locality which at one and the 
same time is different from Csesar\ and Slavonic. No one, 
who has realized the extent to which national names vary 
with the language of the informants, will say that the root 
Suev-^ as applied to the subjects of Ariovistus, may not be 
as exclusively G^ic, as the word Welsh is exclusively 

Hence, up to the time in question, Suevia is simply the 
name of the country of a population that the Bomans and 
Kelts called Suevi — ^a population which need not even be 
Oermanic, still less, necessarily, call themselves bj Suev-. 

* This 18 allowing the term Suevus, as applicd to certain populations and 
individuals (e^., Ricimcr) by the Latin writcrs, an excessivc cxtension. The 
samc authors would have callcd Hengist, had such a pcrsonage becn in Rome, 
a Briton, Yct he was no such thing. Such a Chcruscan, too, as the bro- 
ther of Arrainius, would also have been callcd Germanta, Yet snch a name 
was strange to the individual himself. Similarly, Englishmcn call Prince 
Albcrt a Gcrman, and (perhaps) in spcaking English he calls himself so. 
Yct he is a Deutsche. Thcsc remarks are necessary, since thc rcader cannot 
too clearly sce that the question is not whcther ccrtain Sucvi werc Gcrmans, 
but whether such Germans callcd themsclvcs Suevi. Howcver, as the argu- 
mcnt is put in its strongest form, the objection is not prcssed : otherwise 
the triily miexceptionable evidcnce of Suev- being a German root, begins 
whcn thc Germans of Suabia, uncquivocally speaking of thcmselves, in thcir 
own languagc call thcmsclvcs Suuben. This is rouch latcr. 


It is when we ean find an undoubtedly Germanic popula- 
tion in this country of Suevia calling themselTes Suevi, 
that the reasons in favour of its native origin begin to pre- 
ponderate ; since the indigenous use of the name at one time 
is strong primd /acie evidence of its indigenous use at 

Whether, however, it be strong enough to set against the 
series of facts with which the investigation commenced, com- 
bined with the easy explanation of them bj the hypothesis 
that the word was originally other than German, is submitted 
to the consideration of the reader. 

All the difficulties are reducible to a single fact, viz.^ 
that the present undoubtedly German name Smbia has arisen 
out of a Boman rather than a ncUive appellation — the Boman 
name itself having arisen out of a Eeltic, the Keltic, perhaps, 
out of a Slavonic. Whoever makes a difficult j of this should 
remember that the word Germany itself is in the same 

But this implies that the ancestors of the present Suabians 
became sufficiently Bomanized to take for themselves a national 
name, which the Bomans had originally taken from the Gauls 
— a strange name, in short. The following extracts suggest 
the answer to this : — 

^*' Avitus, on his arrival in Bome, was acknowledged 
emperor ; but Bicimer, a Suevian of royal descent, was now 
all-powerful in the city. AII the barbarians, who acted a 
prominent part at Bome, must not be looked upon as savages ; 
they were Christians, and spoke and understood the lingua 
vulgarisy which abeady resembled the Italian more than the 
Latin ; they were just as civilised as our ancestors in the 
middle ages. A few of them had a shadow of classical edu- 
cation, as Theodoric, the Visigoth, and the younger Alaric : 
but the case was quite different with Bicimer and his equals, 
who no doubt heartilj despised the culture of the Bomans. 
Those Germans, unfortunatelj, were not one shade better 
than the effeminate Italians ; they were just as faithless and 
cruel. * * » * Gundobald, king of the Burgundians, 
who had now become pairiciuSj and succeeded Bicimer, pro- 
claimed Glycerius emperor. But the court of Gonstantinople 


sent against bim Julius Nepos, likewise a noble Boman, wbo, 
with some assistance from Constantinople, took possession of 
Bome and Bavenna. Glycerius abdicated; but Orestes, a 
Boman of Noricium, who had risen into importance as eariy 
as the time of Attila, refused obedience to Nepos. After the 
withdrawal of Gundobald from Italy, Orestes became pairi^ 
ciusy that is commander-in-chief.^ — Niebuhr, Lecture 138. 

The countrymen, then, of Gundobald, at least, were Boman- 
ized ; and that largelj. 

I have said that the undoubted use of the root Suefh^* as 
applied by certain Germans to themselves, is the only stronff 
reason against the original 9ion-6ermanic character of the 
word. As others, however, may be satisiied with the fol- 
lowing derivation, it is laid before them : — Stoabe^ Middle 
High German ; Sudpa^ Old High Oerman ; Sva/as, Anglo- 
Saxon, are derived from the root 8ioiba^=i$way^ mave im- 
steadily; and, hence, SiLevi (or Suebi) is the designation of a 
people of unsteady migratory habits — *' unstaten {echwehem- 
den) Lebensweiser — Zeuss, p. 56. 

It cannot be denied that the passage of Strabo confirms 
this view : — Koivbv S' ^cttIv airaai rot^ Tavrp rb wepl ra^ 
fieTavaarda-ei^ eiffiapi^, BiA rifv XiroTrjra tov filov KaX But^ 
To fifj yeoDpyetv, fiffSi Sffaavpl^eiv, dXV iv xaXvSloi^ olxelv 
i^i^fjL€pov expvai irapaaxevijv Tpoifn) S* airb t&v SpefifjbdTwv 
Tl irXeiarrf, KaOdirov T0t9 'Sofidaiv' &aT ixelvov^ fiifiovfievoi, 
Tct olKcta Tat9 dpfiafid^ai^ iirdpavTe^, otto* Av Sofi;, Tpi- 
irovTai fierd t&v fioaKfffidTODv, Still, I think it unsatisfisu;tory. 

II. The Suevi o/Ptolemy. — Ptolemy^s Suevi (see text) are 
the ^oirqSoi ^AyyeCkoi, to the east of the Lombards, and on 
the middle Jlbis^f and the 2ovi^fioi ^cfivove^ extending from 
the Albis^ to the river Suebue. 

This division introduces a difficulty which even a migration 
will not explain. 

The Suevi of Suabia are High Germans. 

The \yye[Koi ^ovrfSoi» can scarcely have been other than 
Angle, t.^., Saxon. 

♦ StDofas occure in the Traveller^s Song. 

f I write AlbiSf becausc the river of the Semnonei I bclicve to havc been 
not the £/6e but the SaaU, Sec note in vv. Ex HermundurU Albis oritur. 


So that whether we assume a movement of the Angle 
Suevi from Suabia, or one of the Suabian Suevi from the 
Angle cauntry, or deduce both irom some intermediate area, 
we must assume a change of dialect as well. Zeuss does this ; 
and deriving, as he does, the Suabians from the aucestors of 
the English, believes that the former took a High-German 
dialect in place of their own. Otherwise we may presume, 
English would be spoken at the present moment in Baden 
and Wurtemburg, — nay, possibly in Switzerland, Bavaria, 
and Austria, since these were Alemanno-Suevic conquests. 

III. The Suevi Transhadani. — Between the Saale, the 
Bode^ and Hartz is a Gau named Suevon. This was occupied 
in the sixth century by a population called by the Frank 
writers Suevi. 

The following extracts make them recent colonists, — 
^^ Tempore illo quo Alboinus in Italiam ingressus est, Ghlo- 
thacharius et Sigibertus Suavos aliasque gentes in loco illo 
posuerunt.'" — Crregory of Tours, v. 16. " Ghlotarius et Sigis- 
bertus reges Francorum Suavos aliasque gentes in iocis, de 
quibus iidem Saxones exierant posuerunt." — Paul. Diacon.ii. 6. 

If the §§ on the Angli and Werini be now referred to, 
it will be seen that the parts on the Thuringian, Hessian, 
Slavonic, and Saxon irontiers were parts whereon settlements 
appear to have been made to a great extent ; and it must 
be remembered that the evidence here is of the kind called 
eumulative^ so that, although absolute and unimpeachable 
reasons for any particular population being considered to 
have originated in a military colony, cannot be given, there 
are several populations contiguous to each other, for each of 
which a small amount of evidence can be collected ; the sum 
of the probabilities being a large one. 

Suevon^ then, as the name of a Gau^ or pagus^ we have 
already seen ; as also localities for the Angli* and the Werini. 

Besides these, there is, in the same parts, a Frisona/eld^ or 
^ld ofthe Frisiam^ 

These Suevi of the Gau named Suevon, have been con- 
veniently called the Suevi Transhadani^ i. e., the Suevi be- 
yond the Bocle ; since the following passage occurs in Witi- 

♦ See EpiiegomeTMj in vv. 


kind of Corvey (i. p. 634) " Suevi vero Transhadani ilJam 
quam incolunt regionem eo tempore invaserunt, quo Saxones 
eum Longobardis Italiam adiere, et ideo aliis legibm quam 
Saxones utuntur.^^ 

IV. Tke Norsavi^ or Nordosquavi. — In King Theodobert^s 
Epistle to the Emperor Justinian we iind the naroe Norsavi 
of which the more correct form is probably Nor-suaxA^ or 
Nordsmvi — " subactis Thurinj^is . . . Norsavorum gentis nobis 
placata majestas colla subdidit." — Ducheme, i. 862. 

In the Annales Mettenses ad an. 748 (Pertz i. 330), " Pip- 
pinus adunato exercitu per Turingiam in Saxoniam veniens 
fines Saxonumy quos Nordosquavos vocant^ cum valida manu 
intravit. Ibique duces gentis asperse Sclavorum in occursum 
ejus venerunt, unanimiter auxilium illi contra Saxones ferre 
parati, pugnatores quasi centum millia. Saxones vero, qui 
Nordosquavi vocantur, sub suam ditionem subactos contritod- 
que subegit." 

Now Zeuss identifies these Norsuavi with the «S^tf^ 
Transbadani ; and, for some time, I followed his view. Bat 
a little consideration will show that it by no means follows, 
that because the Suevi Transbadani were Suevi in the Norih 
they were, there» the Nordsuavi. 

A Lincolnshire colonj in the East Biding of Yorkshire, 
would certainly be Englishmen North of the Humber^ yet 
they would not be Northrumhrians. 

I am induced to draw the distinction from the following 
&cts: — 

a. All the extracts in Zeuss — ^the ones on which all my 
knowledge of the subject rests — call those Suevi of whose 
colonial character there is the clearest evidence, — not Nord- 
suavi^ but simply Suavi. 

b. The Nord-suavi are spokeu of as a gens. 

This seems a sufficient reason for discounecting — 

a. The Suevi of the settlement founded in Alboin^s time 
from the— 

b. Nordrsuavi of the gens^ conquered by Theodobert. 

The reasoning hitherto has beeu that the word Suev-^ ori- 
ginally Keltic, was applied to the Southem G^rmans excla- 
sively, so that it was Eeltic in the way that Tshud is Slavonic : 


which is a name applied not to all no9»-SlayonIc nations in- 
diflferently, but to those of the Ugrian stock only.* — See 
Prolegom, p. xlix. 

But this restriction of its application to a single n<m- 
Eeltic population is by no means necessary ; since the word 
is quite as likely to be in the predicament of the Germanic 
term Welsh, as in that of the Slavonic Tshud ; the word 
WeUh being applied not only by the English of England 
to their fellow-citizens of the principality, but by the Ger- 
mans of Germany to the Italiam of Italy. 

Now what if Suev- be really a root like wealh^ Le.^ a root 
applicable to two (or more) non-Eeltic populations, indepen- 
dently of their relations to each other, and with reference to 
the non- Eelticism only ! And what if the second of these 
populations were the Slavonic 9 

If such be the case, more than one difficulty would find its 

In the first place, it would account for so many Slavonic 
populations being designated as Suevi* 

In the second, it would supply a plausible origin for the 
word itself. 

The phonetic systems of the Slavonic and Eeltic, each so 
peculiar, are each sufficiently different to make such a root as 
8erb^ Sorb^ or Serv (the native _ designation of the Slavo- 
nians), take in the mouth of a Gaul, the form Suav^ Suab^ or 
Suev — and such I believe to have been the case. 

Of course, this view requires to be supported by evidence, 
that the Eelts had a name for the Slavonians at all ; and 
(although the present is not the place where it will be ex- 
hibited) such evidence can be given. The hypothesis also 
reqnires that this name, as the designation of a non-Eeltic 
population, should have been given to a Slavonic nation first. 
I think that this also can be made probable. If so, we must 
suppose that the south-eastern Gauls, and the most westem 
of the Saxon and Thuringian Slavonians once met ; that the 
native Slavonic name Serb took in Gaul the form Suev ; 
that certain Germanic populations displaced those Slavonians, 
and thus came in contact with Eelts ; — lastly, that the name 
* The mm-Slayonic Geraians are called Niema/. 


originally applied to the Slayonians was extended to the 
Germans as well. 

Be this as it maj, it is nearly certain that eitber the Kelts 
had no eollective name for the Serhs^ or else, that that name 
was Suev. 

In regard to the details of the popnlations thos named, I 
believe — 

1. That the 8uem of Ariovistns were chiefly Chatti and 
Gherusci, along with certain Slavonians from Saxony and 
Thuringia, and along with certain Gauls belonging to the 
countries which called him in. 

2. That the Suevi of the Alemannic alliance were the tnie 
Oerman ancestors of the present Suabians, originally of the 
Oermano-Boman frontier, afterwards (by eucroachment) of 
the Decumates agri — subsequent to the fourth century, 
perhaps, calling themselves Sueviy but till then known by 
various special names (Nertereanes^ Banduti^ Chatti^ Burgw^ 
dianSy &c.) in respect to their ethnology, and in respect to 
their political relations, sometimes Burgundian sometimes 

3. That the Suevi Angili of Ptolemy were — 

a. Northern Ghatti described bj Gallic informants, or — 

b. Angles of the Anglo-SIavonic March, who, being Saxon 
Germans, were known to the Gauls to be different from the 
Ghatti, but not known to be different from the Slavonians of 
the Elbe. 

4. That the Saxon Suevi were the same, except that the 
name Saxan is to be accounted for differently. They occupied 
the country then knovm as Saxany. 

5. That the Suevi of the Gau {pagus) named Suevon were 
a colony. 

6. That such other Suevi as are mentioned in alliance with 
any undoubted Slavonic nation east of the probable limits of 
the true Alemanno-Suevie conquests (say the bend of the 
Danube) were Slavonians, so designated by sorae of the more 
eastem Gauls. 

7. That the Suevi of Spain were one of two things : — 

a. Slavouians in alliance with the Silingian Vandals (Sla- 
vonic), or — 


J. True German Suevi in alliance with the Visigoths. 
Most probably the former. 

8. That the Suevicum mare was a name for the Baltie, 
wholly unconneeted with the root in question, and identical 
with it by accident. 

9. That the Oder was called the flumus Suehusy because it 
was the river of the Suevi = Sorbs. 


In a document quoted by Zeuss as the Weissobrun MS., 
is the name Ciuuari. Zeuss rightly conjectures that the 
Ciuuari were Stievi. Surely, he might have added that the 
word was like CoM-wttre^ the root Sue6-\-fjDare=occupant 
= Suemcola. 


In the Tabula Peutingeriana the name armalausi occurs 
next to alemannia. 

It seems safe to say that this is a compound — a compound, 
too, which is Mceso-Gothic in form, and a compound of which 
the 'les8, in words like ihonghirless^ is the latter element. 

The power of the arm- is more equivocal. Zeuss makes it 
mean shiri-sleeves ; so that Arma^lausi = the hare-armed. 

If it were not for the hybridism. I should be inclined to 
translate it, the dis-armed ; the meaning being that some 
irontier population had been prohibited the wearing of 
weapons by its conquerorsi But the hybridity of a word 
compounded of the Latin arma +the German -los is a grave 
(though not insuperable) objection.* 

As the word occurs nowhere else, the question is curious 
rather than important. 


The former of these are mentioned by Ammianus in his 
history of the reigns of Gonstantius and of Gratlan; the 
latter occurs in the Notitia Imperii. 

* See § Ripuaru. 


The interest that attaches to these names arises from their 
being amongst the first members of the Alemanno-Saevic con- 
federacy who are mentioned bj specific and particular names. 

Their area of encroachment was Switzerland, and part of 
Bavaria (Helvetia and Bhsetia), so that thej are amongst the 
ancestors of the present Swiss. 

The name'Bris-^am shows the antiqnity of the word Gfau 
=p<iffU9y as in Ar-^ati, Thur-^atf . See Eemble^s Saxons in 
England — On the Gct and Sotre. 


Mentioned by Ammianus; and difiering from the Len- 
tienses and Brisgavi onlj in having penetrated into ffesse 
i.e.^ having made their movements in a northem direction. 


Germans who, in the fifth century penetrated as far west- 
wards as the neighbourhood of Troyes, and who are men- 
tioned in a Life of St. Lupus, who died a.d. 479. 

Whether these four populations gave their names to the 
localities of which thej possessed themselves, or took them 
from them, is uncertain. 


We are now passing from the tribes more especiallj con- 
nected with the Suevi and Alemanni of the Bhine, to nations 
and confederacies whose scene of action is the Middle and 
Lower Danube. 

The Ohii stand at the head of this division. They do so, 
however, because a notice of them is an element in the 
criticism that has to be applied to the Langobards, Heruli, 
and other populations more important. 

The form Obii is from a Greek writer, and occurs in a frag- 
ment of Petrus Patricius :— Ort AayyiSdpSoDV Kal ^OSlwv 

i^aKiaj^^iXitDV "loTpov wepatcDdivrmv, r&v wepl BlvSiica 
imrioDV i^ekaaavroiv xal r&v afKf>l KdvSiSov Trefiv ^i- 
if>0a<Tdvr(ov, et^ iravrekrj <f>vyr)v ol fidpSapo^ irpdirovro. 'E^' 


0I9 ouTO) irpaxffela-iv iv Biei /earaaTdvre^ ix irpaiTq^ iiri^ 
')(et,pria€(D^ oi fidpSapoi, irpiaSei^ irapaktkiov Bdaaov r^v 
Tlaioviav Siiirovra ariWova-^, BaWofidpiov re rhv ^aatXia 
MapKOfidwcov Koi iripov<; 8i/ea, xar eOvo^ iwike^dfievoi Iva. 
Kal opKOi<: rrjv eipijvTjv oi irpiaSei^; inaTfoadfievot ol/eaSe 

The Chreek soarce is important; since, in Greek, the b 
may have been sounded as t? ; so that word may have been / 
Ovii to the ear. 

Two other facts mnst be added : — 

1 . That forms like Attuarii^ as opposed to Chattuarii^ show 
the likelihood of an initial ch having been lost. 

2. That most German national names conld end either in 
-n, or in a vowel — Seaxe and Seamn^ &c. 

Putting all this together we find that the following legiti- 
mate changes may give us Ohii^ Oviiy Oviones^ ChamoneSy 
Aviones — this latter being a population we have met with 
before, in the mrth. 

Now few nations, during the time of their historical 

prominence, were in closer political relations with the Lango- 

bardi than the Heruli — and with the Chavionea the Heruli 

were in close political relation also : — " Cum omnes barbarse 

nationes excidium universse Gallise minarentur, neque solum 

Burgundiones et Alamanni, sed et Chaviones ^rt^/tque, viribus 

primi barbarorum, locis ultimi, prseciplti impetu in has pro- 

vincias irruissent, quis deus tam insperatam salutem nobis 

attulisset, nisi tu adAiisses ! — Chaviones tamen ^rt^^que 

. . aperto Marte, atque uno impetu perculisti, non universo ad 

id proelium usus exercitu, sed paucis cohortibus. — Ita cuncti 

Chaviones, Erulique cuncti tanta internecione csesi interfec- 

tique sunt, ut exstinctos eos relictis domi conjugibus ac matribus 

non proftigus aliquis proelio, sed victorise tuse gloria nuntiaret.^^ 

— Mamertini Paneg. Maximiano Aug. dictus (an. 289), c. 

5. ^^ Laurea illa Bhaetica et illa Sarmatica te, Maximiane, 

fecerunt pio gaudio triumphare. Itidem hic gens Chavionum 

Erulorumqne deleta, transrhenana victoria et domitis oppressa 

Francis bella piratica Diocletianum votorum compotem reddi- 

derunt.'" — Ejusd. Paneg. Genethl. Maxim. Aug. dict. (an. 

291), c. 7. 



Taking this statement as I find it, I admit thai the 
Chaviones. a nation of northem Germany^ may be hnmght a$ 
far south as the Danuhe. 


The first notice of these is that of Petrus Patricius. — See 
§ Ohii. 

Then, after a long silence as to their acts, they appear od 
the middle Danube, with the (so-called) traditions of Paulus 
Diaconus (See Epilegomena^ § vi.), as the Lombards o( 

A shade of doubt (and to my mind it is a deep one) lies 
in the fact of their previous name having been Winili^ a form 
suspiciously like Venedi. Still they are at least (if Slavonians) 
Slavonians who, by the time they became the Lombards of 
Lombardy, were thoroughly Grermanized. 

Their descent from the Lango-bards of Tacitus . and 
Ptolemy is a difiicult question. Their locality in Jtuffiland 
proves nothing : it is probably the land of the Bupii of the 
Danube — not that of the Rugii of Tacitus. 

Golandia has been supposed to be GothAaxidm (^Goth- 
iand) ; but we must take the reading as we find it — especialiy 
as there was a Lithuanic nation cailed Galinda. 

The terminations -aih in Bani-aih and Wurgond-aii have 
been supposed to be the German -eih : concerning which Mr. 
Kemble, after expiaining a word often mentioned in the 
present pages * {Crau)y adds, in a note, that the synonym Eih 
is less common. 

• " Next in order of constitution, if not of time, is the union of two or 
three marks, in a federal bond for purposes of a religious, judicial or evcn 
political character. The technical name for such a union is, in Germany, a 
Guu or BatU ; in England the ancient name G4 has been almost uniyersaUy 
superseded by that of Scir, or Shire. For the most part the natural division& 
of the county are the divisions also of the Gd ; and the size of this depends 
upon such accidental limits, as well as upon the character and dispositions 
of the several collective bodies, which wehave called Marks. 

" The Ga is the second and final form of unsevered possession, for every 
larger aggregate is but the result of a gradual reduction of such districts. 


But 18 this the only analysis of the two words — Banthaib 
and Wnrcondaib ! I think not. The commonest of all the 
terminations of the towns of Dacia was dava — Busi-efat^a, &c., 
as may be seen by going no fiirther than Arrowfemith''^ map. 

Again, Bantaib is admitted by Zeuss to mean the 'iaih (or 
-aih) of the Slavonic Antes.* As for the root Wurcondy it 
is, at least, as likely to represent the Urugund- in Uruffundiy 
as the Bur^ in the true Burgundians, 

To all this must be added the remarks in the note in 
y. Longohardi^ suggesting that from the fact of the term 
being an epithet rather than a separate substantive name, 
there is a likelihood of there having been more Longohards 
than one, and that independent of ethnological affinity. 

Upon the whole, although the evidence of the Lombards 
having originally been Goths or Germans, and the evidence of 
their having efiected a migration from north to south, are 
not wholly unexceptionable, less objections lie against them 
than against any other similar instance : and I only con- 
sider it doubtftd when it is made the basis of any ulterior 
dedactions — such as that of making some very doubtful Ger- 
mans Germau, because they stood in certain relations to the 
Lombards of Lombardy. 

Perhaps the structnre of the Lombard armaments may 
have been like that of the Vandals, — German in respect to 
its chiefs, Slavonic in respect to the bulk of the forces ; in 
which case the Langobardi may have been the analogues of the 
Astingi; in which case, too, they may have represented the 
Langobardi of Tacitus. The distant migration of a cogna- 
tio or sikceafi seeking war, is more likely than the distant 

under a higher political or administrative unity, different only in degree, 
and not in kind from what prevailed individuaUy in each. 

^' The kingdom is only a larger G& than ordinary, indeed the Ga itself 
was the original kingdom. But the unsevered possession or property 
which we thus find in the Ga is by no means to he considered in the 
same light as that which has been descrihed in the Mark. The inhabitants 
are settled as Markman, not as Gtoen ; the cultivated land which lies 
within the limit of the larger community is all distributed into smaller 
oncs.'' — Saxons in England, vol. i. 73. 

• Probably, an eastcm form of the word Wend. 


migration of a nation, broken up and weakened, as we know 
the northern Lombards to have been. 


The Gepidae are mentionedin the Traveller^s Songas GHf))as. 

Their date and area are those of the Hemli and Longobards. 

The tradition and the gloss GepanUz may be seen in 
Jomandes, EpUegomena^ § v. 

In Capitolinus we find notice of the Si^oboies in the reign 
of Marcus Antoninus, as members of the Marcomannic con- 
federacj in the Marcomannic war. This has been supposed 
to = Gepida + the prefix Si- (or Sig-), just as was supposed 
to be the case with /Sii-cambri. 

Vopiscus, in his Life of Probus first mentions Gepid^ — 
'^ Cum et ex aliis gentibus plerosque pariter transtnlisset, 
id est ex Gepidis^ Grautungis et Vandalis, illi onmes fidem 
firegerunt/' — Prob. c. 18. 

Mamertinus mentions their wars with the Tervinffs, More 
important, however, were their political relations with tbe 
Longobards, the Avars, and the Thaifal. 

Their seat was the Middle Danube, in Dacia ; their chief 
Eiug, FcLstida^ a name by no means unequivocallj Grerman 
or Gothic. 

Arda-KcA, another chief, has a more unequivocal name. 

Jornandes separates them from the Winidae — " In qua 
Scythia prima ab occidente gens sedit Gepidarum^ quac 
magnis opinatisque ambitur fluminibus. Nam Tisianus per 
aquilonem ejus corumque discurrit. Ab africo vero magnus 
ipse Danubius, ab euro fluvins Tausis secat, qui rapidus 
ac verticosns in Histri fluenta furens devolvitur. Introrsus 
illi Dacia est ad coronse speciem arduis Alpibus emunita, 
juxta qnorum sinistmm latus . . . Wini<iarum natio populosa 
consedit.'' — C. 5. 

The parts about Singidunum and Sirmium are their most 

definite localities. 

They afterwards became subject to the Huns. 

An unknown writer of the ninth century says, " De Ge- 
pidis autem quidam adhue iU residentr 

EPILEGOfilENA. Ixxxvii 

Procopius makes them Qoihs ; but his lauguage may apply 
to their political relations, besides which, he counects them 
with the Vandals^ and says that they were originally called 
Sauromata and Melanchlani — ToTdiKa eOvr} TroWa fikv Kal 
aXKa irporepov t€ ^v Kal ravvv iari, ra Bk Sij irdvTwv 
fiiyiard re Kal d^toXoydTara TorOot ri elai Kal BavSiXoi 
Kal OvlaiyoT0ot Kal Ti^iraiSe^, TldXai fiivroi ^avpofmrai 
Kal M€\dfY)(\aivoi a)vofid^ovTO' €lal Be ot Kal TeriKa SOvrf 
ravT iKdXovv. OSrot arravTC^ ovopMai fiiv aXKrikmv hia- 
(f^ipovaiv, &aTr€p €tpf)Tai, a\\<p Bi t&v irdvTODV oifhevl 
ZiaXKdaaovai» h€VKo\ ydp airavTe^ Td a&>fUiTd ri clai Kal 
rd^ KOfia^ ^avOoX, €vfiijK€i<: t€ Kal drfaOol rd^ 5-^6*9, koI 
vofioi^ fiiv Tot^ avToi^ j^&vrai, ofiola)^ Si rd i^ tov S^ov 
aurot9 TjaKTfTai. Tij^ ydp ^Apelov 86^179 elaiv a7ravT69, <f>(orq 
T€ avTOi^ iari fila, ToT0iKi) \eyofiivf), Kal fioi Bokovv i^ 6V09 
fiiv €lvai a7ravT69 ro TraXatov €0vov<:, ovofiaai Si iarcpov 
T&v iKdaroi^ rfyrfaafiivwv BuiK€Kpur0ai. — ^Bell. Vandal. i. 2. 
IToXX^ Si airo0€v (rij^ Mat(ureSo9) T6t0oi t€ Kal Ovlalr/OT0oi, 
KaX BavSt\oi Kal rd a\\a ToT0iKd yivrj ^vfnravTa tBpvvTO, 
— Bell. Goth. iv. 5. 

He adds, too, ^Klppov^ re koI 'AXavo V9 Kal aX\a TorOtKa 
i0vrf. — Bell. Goth. i. 1. Now the Alans were, assuredly, 
no Gt)ths in ethnology. See § Alani. 

The evidence, then, in favour of their being Gt)ths or 
Gtermans, is that of so many others. Their alliances» and the 
names of some of their leaders, along with a (so-called) tra- 
dition are in their favour ; their locality against them. So 
is the gloss Grepanta, So is the express evidence of Procopius. 


These are first mentioned by Mamertinus, a.d. 291 : their 
locality being on the Middle Danube, and their chief political 
relations with the Thervings^ VandaU^ Gepida^ Ostro-Goths^ 
and Limigantes. 

Zosimus, an indifierent authority, makes them Scythians : 
— 'ETreX^ovToov hi 0a^aXa>v, 1:,kv0ikov yivov^, iTnr^vai 
7r€VTaKoatoi^, ov fiovov ovk dvrerd^aTO tovtoi^, dX\d Kal to 
iro^if T179 hvvdfieto^ diro^aT^v, Kal rd fJi^ixp^ '''^^ %^/9a/co9 


avToif^ \r)l^ofiivov^ lSa>v, arfaTnyr&^ airoBpa^ iieawOfi* — 
ii. 34. 

The name of one of their chiefe is Famohius, a name of 
donbtiiil origin ; but as Ammianus expressly calls him a 
Goth^ he must be considered as such : — ^' Hanc (FrigeriduB) 
Oothorum optimatem Famobinm cum vastatoriis globis vagan- 
tem licentius occupavit, ducentemque Taifalos^ nuper in socie- 
tatem adhibitos : qui, si dignum est dici, nostris ignotarum 
gentium terrore dispersis, transiere flumen direpturi vacua 
defensoribus loca.'' — xxxi. 9. 

^'Beatus Senoch, gente Thdphalm^ Pictavi pagi, quem 
Theiphaliam vocant, oriundus fuit'" (Vitse Patrum 15), sug- 
gests the preseuce of Thai/ali iu France. If so, a settlement 
as a military colony would best explain it. 

Infamous for their imnatural habits (which they shared 
along with the Heruli), they are described by Ammianus in 
the following passage : — " Hanc Tai/alorum gentem turpem ac 
obscoeuse vitaa flagitiis ita accepimus mersam, ut apud eos 
nefandi concubitus foedere copulentnr maribus puberes, setatis 
viriditatem in eorum pollutis usibus consumturi. Porro si 
qui jam adultus aprum exceperit solus, vel interemerit ursum 
immanem, colluyione liberatur incesti." 

They were probably Slavonic ; the phal^ being the -Ao^ 
in Victo-AaK, and the -val in Nahar-iTa^*. 


The reasons in favour of the Vandals being considered 
Oerman, are — 

1. Authors so respectable as Pliny (the first writer who 
mentions them) and Tacitus, place them under the term Ger- 

2. Their chief political connections are with the undoubtedly 
Oerman Alemanno-Suevi, and Ooths proper. 

3. The names of their leaders are almost exclusi?ely Oer- 
man — Gonde-ric, Gense-ru?, &c. 

The value of the first of these facts is questioned in almost 
every page of the present volume. 

The second is neutralized by such extracts as the foUowing 


— which connect them with the equally unequivocally Sarma- 
tian Jazyges ; — irpb^ Sk #cal, Iva fHfre Tot9 'lafi/f t, fn^re toI<; 
Bovppot^, /ii^^Te T0fc9 Bav&JXot9 iro\€fi&aiv. — DioGass.Ixxii. 
p. 1204, Beim. 

The third is a really substantial reason, and would be valid 
if there were nothing to set against it. 

Against it, however, stand, — 

1. The name of the people themselveS) which is pro- 
bably a South-Oerman form of the well-known root, 
V-nd^ applied by the Oermans in general to the Slavonians 
in general. 

2. The loeaUties. In no part of the true and undoubted 
Oermanic area do we meet with any form of the root V-nd-l^ 
and no where do we find the mention of them as Germanic^ 
other than cursory and incidental. Neither Pliny nor Tacitus 
gives us more than the name. 

3. The difierent points of the Boman frontier, upon which 
we meet with Yandals, are so distant, as make it likely that 
the population, known by the name Vandal^ was of great 
extent ; whilst great extent on the part of a population is 
primd facie evidence of the name being general. 

Hence, I believe that the Venedi of the Oermans of the 
Baltic, were the Vand^li of the Oermans of the Danube, 
and vice versd. 

Of these Slavonic populations, thus known under a Oer- 
man name, the two most important were — 

1. The Vandab of the Daco-Pannonian frontier, whose 
scene of action was the Middle and Lower Danube, whose 
political relations were with the Ooths proper, and who first 
became formidable to the Bomans under their Oerman name 
during the Marcomannic war. The ethnological affinities of 
these were more specially with the Lygii^ and their present 
representatives are the more southem branches of the Poles, 
along with some of the more northem Slovaks. 

2. Vandals of the south-westem frontier. — Those, more 
important than the others, were the Sorabians of Saxony, 
Silesia, and the more eastern parts of Thuringia and Fran- 
conia ; i.^., the Slavonians of the Upper Maine, the Upper 
Elbe, and the Saale, their scene of action being in the first 


instance Gaul, subsequentlj Spain, finally Afnca ; their poli- 
tical relations being with the Saevi, Alemanni, Bnrgnndians, 
and the southem Franks. Their ancestors were some of the 
Suevi of Tacitus, more especially the Semnones; their de- 
scendants the present Sorbs of Saxony and Silesia. 

The statemeut of Idatius in Chronicon Boncallense is, 
that the Vandals of Spain (^n^^usian Spain more particu- 
larly) were Wandali Silingi. These are admitted by Zeuss 
to have been the ^tXiyyai of Ptolemy ; as well as to have 
been the occupants of parts so near Silma as Upper Lusatia 
(p. 446). 

Again, the pagus SH-eusia is admitted to be a Latin form 
of the Slayonic Zlas-ane and Sleenz-ane^ the older forms 
of the present German ScMea-ien^ and English Sil^esia 
(p. 663). 

Yet the similarity between all these forms, and the 
name ^CKiyy^ai (applied to the same locality) is not ad- 

Admitting it myself, I consider the Vandab of Andal-tma, 
the Vandals of Genseric, and the Vandals of G^Iimer to 
have beeu no Germans, but Slavonian Serbsy chiefly from 
Saxony, but in some cases from parts so far east as Si- 
lesia^ in which country, the Vandals of the south-westem 
frontier may have come in contact with those of the south- 

This shows that the separation between the two branches 
of the Wandals must uot be carried too far ; indeed, we 
are at liberty to take Silesia as a central polnt, and look 
upon the movements of the Vandals, whose alliance was with 
the Goths, and the Vandals, whose alliance was with the 
Alemanni, as blows against the majesty of Bome struck right 
and left by the same people. 

At any rate, the G^nnanic leaders of each belonged to one 
and the same cognatio of sibsceaji ; the Vandal equivalent to 
the Balt-tfn^« of the Visi-goths, and the Amal-ungs of the 
Ostro-goths, being the ^5^-ings, a name which we have in 
two forms one M(eso-Gh>thic, and one Old High G^rman. 

In the Old High G^rman the 8 or z of the M(BSo-Gh>thic 
becomes -r; e.ff.j the comparative degree in r, which in 


English is sweet-^ and in Old High German suais-tro, was, 
in Moeso-Gothic, iut-^za. So also the Old High ,6ennan 
plint-^ ( = blind = csbc-im) is in Moeso-Grothic blin^-^. 

In like manner, these Ast-ings, when thej are at the head 
of those Vandals, whose chief alliance was with the Goths, 
are designated by the form in -«, the Gothic forms being 
Azd-ing-6s ; whereas, when they command the Vandals of 
Andalnsia and Africa, the Vandals, whose alliance was with 
the Alemanni, Suevi, Burgnndians, and other ffigh G^rman 
populations, they are Gar-ding-^, the.OId High German form 
being Gar-ding-ar. 

The reasons for considering Asting (Garding) to haye been 
the name of a family, lie in the following extracts. 

" Si inter Hasdirigorvm ( Hasdingorwn f) stirpem retinuis- 
setis Amali sanguinis purpuream dignitatem.^ — Cass. Var. ix. 1 . 

FeKifiipa avrov aifv roi^ ivSo^oi^ tov eOvov^, 0&9 iKciXovv 
'Acriffyov^ oi fidpSapot. — Lydus de Magistrat. p. 248. 

'^ Belisarius Gunthimer et Gebamundum Gardingos regis 
fratres perimit.'" — Chron. Boncall. ii. 364. 

" Videntibus cunctis sacerdotibus Dei, senioribusque palatii 
atque Gardingis."*^ — Legg* Wisigoth. lib. 11. tit. i. 1. 

^' Seu sit dux aut comes, thiuiadus aut vicarius, Gardingus 
vel quselibet persona.'^ — Lib. ix. tit. ii. 8. 

'^ Si majoris loci fuerit persona, id est dux, comes, siye etiam 
Gardingus.'*'* — Lib. ix. tit. ii. 9. 

'' Secundus est canon de accusatis sacerdotibus, seu etiam 
optimatibus palatii atque Gardingis.'"'* — Lib. xii. tit. i. 3. 

^^ Benedicta claro genere exorta atque ex Gardingo regis 
sponsa.^' — Vita Sanct. Fructuosi (Mabill. Sffic. ii. 587.) 

The chief passage that modifies this view, is the fol- 
lowing from Dion Cass. Ixxi. "Aarvff^oi Se, &v *Va6^ re 
Kal *Pa7rT09 iJ^oOvto, fjkdov fiiv €9 r^v Aa/ciav oi/cfj- 
aai, iKirlSi rov xal ')(pij/jLaTa /eal ;^(opav iirl avfifiay^^la 
Xrf^etrdai' fiif Tvxovre^ Bi avT&v, TrapeKaTiOevTO Ta^ ywai- 
Ka^ xal T0V9 TraiSa^ tw KKi]fi€VTt, W9 ical t^v t&v Kootou- 
S&KODV x&pav T0?9 07rX,ot9 KTffaofievot* vtKrfaavTe^; hk iKel- 
V0V9 Koi TTfv AaKlav ovSkv ^ttov ikvirovv, Aeia^avTC^ Se oi 
Ad^Kpiyoi, fif) Kot 6 KXi7/Lti;9 <f>oSrj0€U, 0*^09 €9 t^v yrjv. 


fjv airrol ivijiKovv, iaarforfri, eirWevTo avTol<; fiff irpofrhexp' 
fiiyoi^ Kol TToXif i/epdrrfaav • &a'T€ fiT)Biv Iti 7ro\ifitov tov^ 
^Aarlrfyov^ irpb^ tov^ ^Fcjfialov^ irpa^ai, iroWcL Se Srj tov 
MdpKov iK€T€vaavTa^, yprniaTd t€ irap avTOv Xafi^lv koI 
X^po^y y€ anaiTijaai, av yi ti KaKOv Toh^ t6t€ Tro\€fiovvTd^ 
01 hpdatoav, Kal oJnoi, fikv errpa^dv ti &v v7ria")(0VT0. 

This, however, can be reconciled with previons passages, bj 
considering the Astinff-as (or Gardingar) to have been a free 
company, recmiting itself on Slavonic groand, so mach 8o 
as to form the Grermanio» nucleas to what was really a Vandal 
(or Slavonic) force. 

The £acr-ings, mentioned also by Dion, may have been 
similar adventarers. 

Hence the names Genseric, &c., are the names of Astings 
(or Gardings) ; and the German blood amongst the Yandals 
was limited to the cognatio or silsceaft of their German 
leaders ; and the Vandals are German only so far as they 
are Astings — which is only very partially. 


The pugnax Rugus is mentioned by Sidonius ApoIIinaris : 

Barbaries totas in te transfiiderat arctos, 
Gkdlia, pugnacem Bugum comitante Oelono ; 
Gepida trux scquitm', Scirum Burgundio cogit : 
Chmius, Bellonotus, Neurus, Bastema, Toringus, 
BructeruSy ulvosa quem vel Nicer abluit unda, 
Prorumpit Francus. — Carm. vii. 320. 

They first appear prominently in history abont a.d. 475 ; 
their area being the parts on each side of the Middle Danabe ; 
their chiefs Flaccitheus, Feletheus, Fava, and Frideric, the 
last two of whom are deposed by Odoacer, the great central 
point in the ethnology of the Bugii, and the three forthcoming 
populations :* — ^^Quapropter rex Otachar^ti^is intulit bellum, 
quibus etiam devictis, et Fridericho fugato^ patre quoque Fava 
capto^ eum ad Italiam cum noxia conjuge supra memorata, 
videlicet Gisa, transmigravit. Post audiens idem Odachar 

* Heruli, Turcilingi, and Sciri. 


Friderichum ad propria revertisse, statim fratrem suum misit 
eam multis exercitibas Aonalfum, ante quem denuo fugiens 
Friderichu8j ad Theodorieum regem, qui tunc apud Novam 
civitatem provinciae Moesise morabatur, profectus est.'*^ — Eugipp. 
c. 45. '^AdunatisOdoachar gentibus, quae ejus ditioni parebant, 

. . venit in Rugiland^ pugnavitque cum Bugis, ultimaque 
eos clade conficiens, Feletheum insuper eorum regem (qui et 
Feva dictus est) extinxit. Vastataque omni provincia, 
Italiam repetens, copiosam secum captivorum multitudinem 
abduxit.'" — Paul. Diac. i. 19. 

Naturally hostile to the usurper Odoacer, the Bugii join 
Theodoric the Ostrogoth, and, in the reign of Justinian, we 
hear of RtLgii in Italy, distinct in many points from the Goths, 
— \^UovTO (viz.j the Heruli) i^ ^^wpav, ^ Stj 'P070I to 
iraXaiov micqvro, ot r^ TorOcav OTpaT^ ava/iHj(0ivT€^ e? 
*lTa\lav ix(!>pv^av. — Proc. B. 6oth. ii. 14. O/ Si 'P070I 
oJnoi eOvo^ fiiv elav TotOikov, avTOVo/xol t€ to iraXaibv 
iSlcjv. GevBeplxov Bi avToif^ to Kar apya^ TrpoaeTaipiaa' 
fiivov ^irv aWoi^ Ttalv iOveciv, I9 T€ to yivo^ awcKiKpiVTO 
Kal ^ifv avTOi^ i^ tov^ iroXefilov^ airavTa errpa^aov. 
Tvvai^i fiivToi (»9 i^KiaTa i*mfiir/vvfi€voi aWoTpiai^, aKpai- 

^vi(Ti, iralhfov hLahoxal^ to tov eOvov^ Svofia iv (T^labv 

avTol^ SieaaxravTO. — Id. iii. 2. 

Now the ^2«^t-land of these Rugii was on the Danube. 

What connects them with the Rugii of Tacitus! 

a. The similarity of name. 

b. The account of Joruandes. 

Jomandes writes that the Goths expelled the Ulm-erugi : — 
" Mox promoventes (scil. Gothi) ad sedes JTZmerugorum qui 
tunc Oceani ripas insidebant, castra metati sunt, eosque com- 
misso proelio propriis sedibus pepulerunt.'*' The form Ulm-e- 
rugi indicates a Grothic rather than a Latin, a homesprung 
rather than an exotic legend. It is a compound of the 
Scandinavian holm=holm=Jlat land hy a river^ lake^ or sea^ 
and is exactly the form Holmrygir of Snorro. 

Whatever these Bugii were in respect to their ethnology, 
the names of some of their chiefs (e.g.^ Frideric) were 


They were also in geographical contact with the uDdoabt- 
edly Oermanic Ostrogoths, as well as witb the Langobardi. 

But then we haye the expression, Turc-Uingus sive Bugius. 

The ethnology of the Rugii^ HeruU^ Sciri^ and TurcUingi is 
best considered after all these have been treated in detail. 


The first historical actions of a population named ffmruli 
are referred to the reign of Glaudius. 

But the authors who do this are not contemporarj with the 
events related. 

This, however, is not important. Mamertinus, writing 
about A.D. 289, is so. See extract in § Obii. 

Zozimus connects them with the Peucini and Goths : — 
'E« r&v TTpoXaSova&v iirapdivrc^; {scil. ^KvOaC) i(f>6Sciv, 
^EpovXov^: Kal YlevKa^ koX Tordov^ irapaXaSovre^ Kal irepl rbv 
Tvpav TTorafiov aOpoctrOivre^;, . . errKeov iwl ro irpocca. 

Sjncellus makes Greece and Thrace their theatre of war : 
— Tore Kal AXpovXov irevraKocCai^ vavtrl SiA rrj^ MamnSo^ 
Xlfivfj^ €7rt rov Hovrov BiaTrXevcavre^, ro Bvfavrtov Kal 
XpvcoTroXiv KariXaSov . . . Kal el^ rr)v ^AmKi)V ^Odaavre^ 
ifim,irp&<TL Ta9 ^kOriva^, KoptvOov re Kal Iwdprfiv koX ro 
*Ap709 Kol rfjv Skrjv 'Aj^a&v KariSpafiov . . rore 'NavXoSdro^ 
6 r&v XipovKtov ^ovfievo^ FaXt^^v^ r^ ^aaCKel Zov<; eavrov 
^KBorov, vTrartKfj^ '^^itoOrj rifirj<: irap avrov. — Chronograph. 
p. 382, edit. Par. 

Jomandes makes them become subjected to Hermanric: — 
'* Non passus est nisi et gentem Herulorum^ quibus praeerat 
Alaricus, magna ex parte trucidatam, reliquam suse subigeret 
ditioni. Nam praedicta gens (Ablavio historico referente) 
juxia Maotidas pahtdes habitam in locis stagnantibus, quas 
Greeci hele vocant, Heruli nominati sunt : gens quanto veloXf 
eo amplius superbissima. Sed quamvis velocitas eorum ab 
aliis ssepe bellantibus eos tutaretur, Gothorum tamen stabili- 
tati subjacuit et tarditati.'^ — De Reb. Get. xxiii. 

The commentary upon Jomandes' etymology is the follow- 
ing note in the Etymologia Magna: — '''EXovpo^. EvOela, 


^iro T&y iKeiae i\&v ''EXovpoi tci/cXrjVTai. Ai^iinro^ iv 
StoBexdTtp 'XpoviK&v, Kal ypd<f>€Tai Sia tov e '^tXov. 

In the reign of Augustulns thej became formidable, and 
Odoacer, the king of the Heruli, and the eentre of the group 
of Bugii, Turcilingi, and Sciri, shares the historical pro- 
minence of Theodoric, Attila, Cloyis, and the other great 
conquerors of that century. 

Not that their relations were thus limited. Besides, the 
Ohaviones (for which see § Obii) of Mamertinus, Ammianus 
mentions ^rtdi and ErtUi in alliance with the Batavi, and 
more than one author carries their maraudings as far as 
Spain : — '^ De Emlorum gente septem navibus in Lucensi 
litore aliquanti advecti, viri ferme cccc. expediti, superventu 
multitudinis congregatse duobus tantum ex suo numero efiii- 
gantur occisis : qui ad sedes proprias redeuntes, Oantabriarum 
et Yarduliarum loca maritima crudelissime depraedati sunt.'*^ — 
Idatii Ohron. ad a.d. 455. 

Their first appearance, then, in historj, takes place on the 
Lower Danube, if not on the Lower Don, and the Palus 

Their physiognomy is thus described by Sidonius : — 

^' Hic glaucis Henilufi genis vagatur, 
Iroos Oceani colens recessus, 
Algoso prope concolor profundo.*' 

The plau€<e gena is a (so called) Mongolian character. 

Procopius gives the following remarkable account of a 
Herulian migration : — 'HvUa "E/^ovXot AayyoSapS&v f^aarj' 
6ivT€<:Ty fidj(ff i^ fiO&v T&v iraTploav laTfiaav, ol fiiv airr&v, 
&air€p iioi SfirrpoaBev SeS^TjyrfTai, ^fcijaavTO i^ ri iv 'iXXv- 
ptoh x^P^' ^^ ^^ ^ aWot, ^loTpov iroTa/jLov SiaSalveiv 
oifSafirj eyvfoaav, dXX' ^9 aurd? ttov Ta^ iaj(aTia^ t^9 oIkov- 
fiivq^ iSpvaavTO" oZtko yovv iroXK&v ix tov fia^iXelov 
aXfiaTO^ ff^ovfiivoDV a(f>laiv rjfieiy^av fiiv Td '2K\aSrjv&v I0vr} 
i(f>€^^ airavTa, eprffiov Si xc»/>av SiaSdvTe^: ivOivSe 'rroWffv 
i^ Toif^ Oifdpvov^ KoXovfiivov^ ix&pv^^^» Mefl^ 0&9 Sif Kal 
Aav&V' Ta edvrj irapiSpafiov, ov fiui^ofiivcjv a(f>a^ t&v r^e 
^apSdptov, ^EvOivSe T€ i^ a>K€avbv d(f>iK6fi€V0i ivavTtKKovTO, 
QovXrj T€ Trpoax6vT€^ t^ vijatp avTov lfi€ivav . . . {QovXt- 


tS>v) €0vo^ ?y iroXvdvdpoairov oi Tavroi eitn, irap 0&9 S^ 
*E/>oi;Xa)i' totc oi hn\KvTai iBpvaavro. — Procop. Bell. Groth. 
ii. 15. 

The Heruli had also political relations with the Gepidee. 


The notice of this name arises out of that of the Hemli. 

In the reign of Justinian, and in the war against Narses, a 
certain Sinduala (Sindewald, "Stivhovak, StvSoi/aXSo?) is men- 
tioned as king {fiyifKov, arpdrfjyo^, tyrannns) of the ErtUi. 

The same is mentioned as a rex Brentorwn — '^ Habuit 
Narses certamen adversus Sinduald Brentorum regem^ qni 
adhuc de Herulorum stirpe remanserat, quem secum in Italiam 
yeniens simul Odoacar adduxerat.^^ — Gest. Lang. ii. 3. 

The name occurs nowhere else. 


The first writers that mention this people are Jomandes 
and Paulus Diaconus. 

They first appear in history in the reign of Augustulus. 

Their political relations are with the Heruli, Bugii, and 
Sciri ; Odoacer being the chief that forms the centre of the 

Their areas of action are the parts between the Dannbe 
and Italy. 

Their name is a German in form ; the -Ung belonging to 
that language. 

The radical part, however, is neither German nor Slavonic. 

The Huns, a Turk population, are already beginning to 
appear in Europe. 

Can these Tttrci-lingi be Twrks f 

This is partly answered in § Sciri^ and partly elsewhere. 


Bespecting the Sciri^ even Grimm is not prepared to 
say more than tbat if they were not Gothicy they toere con- 


nected fjpith the CrothB in many points — ^^Wo nicht Gothischen^ 
doch mit den Gothen in viel/acher leruhrung.'^ — D. S. i. 
p. 465. 

Pliny^s evidence is the earliest. He places them on the 
Baltic rather than elsewhere. ^^ Nec minor opinione Eningia. 
Quidam hsec habitari ad Vistulam fluvinm a Sarmatis, 
Venedis, fiWm, Hirris, tradunt.'*' 

The first complication here occurring, is the similarity of 
the names ffirri and Sciri, Strange that really different 
populations, with names so alike, should occupy contiguous 
localities. No other writer mentions the Hirri^ and I think 
they are but Sciri under another name — i.e.y a name taken 
from a different dialect. 

Neither does any other writer place any Sciri in the north, 

The Olbian Inscription mentions the lliclpov^ along with 
the ToKarai,. 

Stephanus Byzantinus speaks of ^xlpoty TaXdrtKov eOvo^, 

Procopius joins the ^xlpo^ with the Goths and Alans. 

Jomandes mentions the Sciri as either subjects or allies 
of Odoacer. 

If we take these statements without criticism, we find 
difficulties that eyen the assumption of migrations will not 
account for; since, although a moyement from the Baltic 
to the Danube, between the time of Pliny and Procopius, 
will account for their presence on that river, it is of no avail 
for the Sciri of the Olbian Inscription — which is generally 
referred to a period anterior to the time of Pliny, i.e.y the 
first or second century b.c. 

Sidonius makes the Sciri part of Attila^s army. 

Jomandes connects them with the Alans — ^^ Sciri et Sa- 
tagarii et ceteri Alanorum, cum duce suo, nomine Oandax, 
Scythiam minorem, inferioremque Moesiam accepere.'' — De 
Reb. Get. 49, 60. 

The evidence of Jornandes is important, since Peria, the 
notary of Gandax, was his grandfather. 

Now, as we are much surer of the Sciri of Joraandes on 
the Danube, than of those of Pliny, their ethnology will be 
considered first. 

a. They icere either Germans^ or under German leaders : 



since we have the Dames of two of their leaders, Edica and 
Wulft both of which are Grerman. 

b. There were Sciri as far east as Bavaria ; since a Ba- 
yarian legend mentions Eticho and Welf in connection with 
the BcherezSne Wald^nemus Scirorum^ ihe present Sehar- 
niiz (a SlavoDic name) on the Iser. 

c. The name can be connected with Bteyer-marh^^ Styria 
= the March of the Styri ( = Sciri). Not only is the change 
from sc- to st- (and vice versd) conmion (especially in Slayonic 
names, of which itis, perhaps, primd fade evidence), bnt a 
Bavarian coimt called Wemher von Schiem in one place, is 
called Comes de Stira in Bavariay in Grodfrej of Viterbo, ad 
au. 955. Add to this, that, amongst the names of the Gounts 
of SteyennBT\i Ottachar (Odoacer) is a common one. 

AII this, is from the D. S. i. 464 — 468. 

But the Sciri and TurdUngi were closely nnited — po- 
liticallj at least; and, as ahreadj stated, the jTure-ilingi 
have the root Turh^ as part of their evidentlj deriyatiye 

And the Sciri have been alreadj called an Alan popnlation 
— tbe Alans being, almost certainly, Tnrk. 

Add to this that the Sciri were in alliance with the Turk 
Hun» — ^'O Zk Ot/XS*9 (o ^ovfievo^ r&v Oiw(ov) irpb^ rb 
iripav Tov TrorafLov fi6\i^ BieadOrf, ttoXXov? am-oSaX^v, 
apSrjv Bk T0i^9 KaXovfiivov^ ^xlpov^. ''EOvo^ Bk tovto fidp- 
Sapov, Uav&^ iroXvdvOpomov, irpXv TotqZe irepvir^aelv 
avfi^opf. 'ToT6pi7<ravT69 yctp iv t§ ^vyfj, ol fikv ain&v 
avppiOfjcav, oi ik ^(oypriOivTe^, Sicfiiot wpb^ rffv KwvTavT^ 
voxnro\iv i^eirifi^drfaav. Ao^av Si toi^ apxovacv SuLvelfuu 
TOVTOV^, fiTf Tv ifKrfOo^ 8vT€^ V€o>T€pla-o>ai* Toif^ fikv iir 
oXlr/oi^ Tifirifia^Ti diriSovTO, Toif^ Si 7roXXo?9 irpotxa Sov- 
\€V€iv wapiBoaav, iirl to fiiJT€ KovoTainrivovTroXcw?, fiiJT€ 
irdarf^ Evpdmrf^ imSalv€iv, /cal Tff fiiarf Sa\daarf j(o»pi^€a6cu 
rbv iyvcDafiivov airroi^ tottov ix tovtcjv t€ ttK^Oo^ airpaTOv 
ir^pCK^i^Okv SXKo^ dXKayff SiaTplS^iv iTdydrfaav* IloX- 
Xov9 i^ irr\ Trjq Bidwla^ T€0iafiai, irpb^ t& Ka\ovfiiv^ 
^OKvfiJirtf 6p€i, arropdSrfV oltcovvTa^, xal tov^ airroOi Ko^u^ 
Kal inrdDpcla^ y€o>pyovvTa^. — Sozom. ix. 5. 


And, also, that a chief with the Turk name Aspar* (perhaps 
a TurciUngian) took part in their politics : — ^Otl ^Kipoc xal 
TotOol eh irokcfiov avvekOoyre^ koI Buix^pLaOivTeq a/*- 
^orepot 7r/)09 av^fidjfODV fLerdKXrjacv wapeaKevd^ovTO' iv 
0I9 Kal irapd tov^ 6^0 v9 ffKOov, Kal ^awap ^kv ^eiTO 
fiTfBeripoL^ avfifiaj(^€iVf 6 Sk avTOKpdTtap AioDV iSovXero 
^Klpoi,^ iwLKovpetv. Kal Bff ypdfifioTa irpb^ tov iv ^lWvpi^otq 
aTpaTfjyov hrefiwev, ivT€\\6p,€v6^ a<f}iaLv KOTd t&v ToTdav 
Pori0€iav T^v TrpoariKovaav iri/jLireiv, — Prisci Bhet. Fragm. 
ed. Bonn. p. 160. 

It is, then, not wholly improbable that the Sciri and 
TurdUngi may have been Turks ; the first, perhaps, of that 
stock that penetrated far into Europe. Tke Sciriy after their 
misfortunes having been reduced in power, became subject to 
Oothic leaders, and, finallj fized, as a military colonj, in 
Styria {Steyer-marh^ or the March ofthe Styri). 

The notion that ffirri = Sciri is confirmed by the form 
^KlpffOL in Procopius, Bell. Ooth. i. 1 : — ^Klppov^ koI XXa- 

vov^ Kal aWa &TTa ToTOiKa iOvrj, 

But how are we to account for the Sciri of Pliny, placed 
by that writer sofar north as Eningia, probably Fenninffia = 
the Finn country ? We may suppose him to have lain under 
the same mistakewithTacitus in respect to thedistance between 
the parts about the Gulf of Biga and the Lower Danube, and 
to have made it less than it really was. Hence, as Tacitus 
(Germ. § xlvi.) brings the Peucini and BaMama too near the 
Finni and Venedi^ Pliny does the same with the Sciri. 

It may be added that, amongst the members of the ffun 
confederacy, no element, in words apparently compound, is 
more common than the combination of r and a compound 
sibilant («A, zh, tsh, dzh) ; and (as a consequence of this) no 
termination is more common amongst Hun nations than that 
o{'Zuriy 'Sciri, &c. 

That this compound sibilant is just the combination which 
is rendered sometimes by sk^ and sometimes by st^ as is 
suggested in not. ad v. Narisci, 

Thus, amongst the names which no writer has ever made 

* This is also an Isattrian name. 

u 2 




Grennan, and but few have considered Slavonic, we have in 
the different Hnn, Alan, Avar, and Bnlgarian alliances the 
following — 

1. Alpil-zuri^ al. ^AfjLtK-^ovpoi, &c. 

2. A\ci-dzuri^ al. JJlcini-zureSy OiikTl-^ovpoh &c. 

3. Augi-sciri. 

4. AKaT-^ipoi. 

If we add to these the word ending in -gurii^ the number 
is increased — Sata-^ttni, Ono-^wm, &c. 


It has been stated that the Alans were of the Tnrk stock ; 
and as the Sciri have been placed in the same category with 
them, the Sciri being a people that has sometimes been con- 
sidered German, the investigation of their ethnology fiuds 
place in the present work. 

The two broad facts that bear upon this question are — 

1. The area of the Alans is beyond that of either the 
Germans or the Sarmatians. This was the parts due north 
of Gircassia, or the great irregular triangle formed by the 
Lower Don, the Lower Volga, and Oaucasus. 

2. The present occupants of this area are the Nogay 
Tartars of the Turk stock — occupants who cannot be shown 
to be of recent introduction. 

3. Lucian (Toxaris, 51) makes them Scythians — Taxrra S^ 
ekeyev 6 MaKivn]^, ofiSaKevo^ koI ofAoyXoDTTo^ toI^ ^AXavoi^ 
&v KOLva yap Taxrra ^AXavol^ xal ^KvOac^, TrXrjv Stc ov irdw 
KO/JL&aiv ol \\avol &aw€p oi ^KvOac, ^AKXA 6 MaKevTtf^ koX 
Tairra etKaaro avTot^ Kal aweKCKdpKei t^9 KOfirj^, oiroaov 
elKo^ ^v ikaTTov KOfk&v Tov *A\avbv toS 2kv0ov. 

This reduces the stocks that may fairly claim them to three. 

1. They may have been the most northem branch of the 

2. The most southem of the Ugrians. 

3. Turks. 

The Turk character of the present population favours the 
third of these stocks. 


So does the part the Alans played in history — greater than 
that of the Circassians, and the same in kind with that of the 
Turks* Besides which, no Gircassian nation was likely to he 
called Scythian. 

Minnte ethnology gives us more fects in support of this 

The Alans were what the Huns were — " Proceri autem 
Alani psene sunt omnes et pulchri, crinibus mediocriter flavis : 
oculorum temperata torvitate terribiles et armorum levitate 
veloces, Hunnisque per omnia suppares, verum victu mitiores 
et cultu."*' — Ammianus, xxxi. 2. 

This carries on the investigation to the consideration of 
the Huns. 


The expressed opinion of Niebuhr is that the Huns were 
Mangoh. This being the inference from the descriptions of 
their personal appearance alone, combined with the inaccu- 
rate notion that it is only in the true Mongols of Mongolia 
that the physiognomy of the Huns of Attila is to be found.* 

Humboldt has expressed himself with equal confidence as 
to their being Ugrian^ and this is, perhaps, the current no- 
tion. It chiefly rests upon the present occupants of Hun-gKty 
belonging to that stock. 

Zeuss, however, whose account of all such nations as no 
migrations and no etymologies can convert into Germau, is as 
unexceptionable as it is valuable, makes them Turks, and so, 
perhaps, do the majority of writers who have gone beyond 
their first impressions, and tmdertaken the investigation of a 
somewhat complex question. 

The first step towards ensuring ourselves against being 
misled by the similarity of names Hun and Hun-gary is to 
remember that the names Welshman and Greek are not more 
foreign to the Cambro-Briton and the Hellene than is the 
name jGTt^garian to the Majiar. The Slavonians of Mo- 
ravia, Bohemia, Poland, Grallicia, Servia, Bussia, and Croa- 

♦ The extent to which the so-ealled Mongol physiognomy is coi&mon to 
the proper Mongolians, the Turks as well, is considered in the author*6 
Varieties of the Hmnan Species, pp. 77 — 79. 


tia call him so, and we of England nse the name thns applied. 
But that is all. 

In his own eyes he is a Majiar ; MogeriuB as the few old 
Latin writers who adhere to the native appellation have it — 
Mogerins, or sometimes i^^^tt-Mogerius. 

Yet, with all this, he is not a Hnngarian exactly, as the 
Spaniard of the New World is a Mexican ; and the reason wh j 
the Slavonians call him Hungarian is not because he settled 
in a country to which the name of Hungary had been pre- 
viously given by the Huns of Attila. The proofe of this 
name being in use between the fifth and ninth centuries, are 
few and far between ; nor yet are they absolutely conclnsive. 

The real reason why the Majiar bears in countries around 
him the same name with the subjects of the Scourge of God 
lies deeper. Just as the Germanic nations call not only the 
Cambro-Britons by the name Wehh^ but the Italians also, 
the Bussians of Eastem Europe called their most westem 
Asiatic neighbours by the general name of Ungri — whether 
Turk or Finn: so that whether the one or whether the 
other wrested from Europe a part of the soil, the territory 
thus appropriated would equally be called Hungary. 

This we leam from Nestor, who separates the Ugrian Ma- 
jiars from the Turk Chazars, by calling the one Blcick the 
other White* Huns. 

From the name Hm not being native, the investigation 
of the ethnological affinities of that nation becomes difficult ; 
and this difficulty is increased by its being applied to two 
different classes of westem Asiatics. It unfbrtnnately 
happens, too, that whilst the mlers of the Avars, the Chazars, 
the Petchinegi and other tribes are frequently mentioned by 
the tmly Turk term Khan {^arfovosi)^ that title is never 
given to Attila — who is either rex or /3aai\€v<;. On the other 
hand, however, Paulus Diaconus writes — " Huni qui et Avares 
dicuntur ;^^ and Priscus speaks of the Ohazarffuns (*AivaTtpot9 
Ovvvois)y the Tartar affinities of the Chazars being beyond 
doubt, and the king of the Avars being often called Khan 

* The forms of this word are, in the Old Slavonic Ugri, in Bohemian 
Vhry, in Polish Wggri, in Russian Vengri, 


This is evidence of a more indirect kind than we expect in 
a nation like the Hnns, but, provided that we clear our minds 
of all prepossessions arising from the name^ it is, perhaps, 


The note of interrogation denotes that the identity of these 
three populations is open to the further inyestigation of 
scholars, and that the present writer hesitates about it. 

Alfred mentions the Symle — " Be norVan Eald-Seaxum is 
Apdrede, and east nor^ Vylte, ])e man ^feldan hset, and 
be eastan him is Yineda land, \>e man heet Syssyhy and east 
su^ ofer summe dsel Maroaro.'' 

At the present moment a part of the Hungarians is called 
Szekler^ pronounced Sekler. Now in the work known as 
that of the Notary of King Bela we have the foUowing 
passage: — ^^Siculiy qui primo erant populi Attilse regis." — 
Not. c. 50. And also ^' Tria millia virorum, eadem de natione 
(Hunorum). . . metuentes ad Erdewelwe confinia videlicet 
Pannonica) regionis se transtulere, et non Hunos sive Hun- 
garos, sed ne illorum agnoscerentur esse residui, Siculos, 
ipsorum autem vocabulo Zekel^ se denominasse perhibentur. 
Hi Siculi Hunorum prima fronte in Pannoniam intrantium 
etiam hac nostra tempestate residui esse dubitantur per 
neminem, cum in ipsorum generatione, extraneo nondum per- 
mixta sanguine, et in moribus severiores et in divisione agri 
ceteris Hungaris multum differre videantur."— Thwrocz, ap. 
Schwandtn. p. 78. 

In Majiar, in the same page of Zeuss, I find that Szekely 
(in the plural SzSkelyek)=Marchman, 

Between the — 

a. Late date of the authors, and — 

i. The likelihood of the Majiars having taken the word 
Zikel from the Siculi^ the foUowing inference is exceptionable. 

But it is — 

That, even before the time of Alfred, Ugrians^ of the same 
branch with the Majiars had found their way to the Danubian 
provinces — probably as part of the Hun forces. 


The objection, notified in not. ad v. SarmatU (p. 16), against 
the power of the word Jasyk^ finds its place here. In Majiar 
Jasag = houman, Now if we carry the existence of Majiars 
iu Europe as far beyond the date of the 8iculi (supposing 
them to be what is here suggested) as the SicuU are earlier 
than the undoubted Majiars, the name of the Jazyges may 
be not Slavonic but Majiar. 

This would, certainly, throw a doubt over many important 
deductions. But, as the Majiars may have taken the name 
from the Jazyges^ and having first called them bowmen^ called 
others so also, I do not lay much stress on the fact. Besides 
which the word JazyTc would not cease to be Slavonic simply 
because it was Majiar also. 


If we look back on the evidence of these tribes being 
Germanic, we shall find what we found with tbe Oepidse — 
the evidence of their locality and the testimony of certain 
authors against them, that of their alliances and the names 
of their leaders in favour of them. 

The Bugii have the best claim. They have a wme in 
common with the Rugii of Tacitus ; but this, even if liable to 
no exceptions, would only imply a migration — not, neces- 
sarily, a Germanic one. On the other hand, they are identi- 
fied with the Turcilingi^ whose claim to be considered Ger- 
mans is the worst. 

The Heruli have their relations to the Amones ; but this 
only implies that the Aviones moved southwards. 

ITpon the whole, I think that none were G^rman — ^but am 
unable to distribute them among the Turk, Slavonic and 
(even) Ugrian stocks. 

The populations which now foUow, have their relations with 
English rather than Botnan history. 


This is a difficult name, and I limit myself to the establish- 
ment of one proposition — viz.: that it is not necessary to 


deduce ike Vami of the fourth^ fifth^ and sixth eenturies^ from 
the Varini of Tacitus ; i.e.^ that no migration from north to 
south^ lettoeen the time of Domitian (when Tacitus wrote) and 
Augustulus is reqnired. 

The phenomena may be accounted for otherwise. 

The locality of these latter Vami is the Middle Danube. 
Their theatre is Italy, the Bhine, and Spain. The names of 
some of their leaders are Oerman — e.g.^ Aehi-ulf: — "Theo- 
dericus prsQponens Suevis, quos subjecerat, clientem Achiulfum. 
Qui in brevi animum ad praevaricationem ex Suevorum suasi- 
onibus commutans neglexit imperata complere, potius tyrannica 
elatione superbiens, credensque se ea virtute provinciam obti- 
nere, qua dudum cum domino suo eam subjecisset. Is siqui- 
dem erat Wamorum stirpe genitus, longe a Gt>thici sanguinis 
nobilitate sejunctus, idcirco nec libertati studens, nec patrono 
fidem servans.^ — Jorn. c. 44. 

In Italy we have the notice of Agathias : — Nap(r^9 €9 
\plfLfjyov ix^pei rijv Toktv, fw roh oiroaoi, axn^ Ka\ 
wporepov ehrovro. *E7ret8^ ^ap Oifdieteapo^ 6 Ovapvo^ rb 
yevo^ okijfp irporepov iTeOvrjKei,, avrip iv to?9 fidXLara hetvo^ 
T€ Koi ^iXowokefio^, avrlKa 6 iral^ 6 iKelvov @€vSlSa\So^ 
{tovto yap Svofia t^ TraiSl) &p,a toI^ €7rop,ivot^ Ovdpvoi,^ 
^aaCKel t&v 'FoDfmltev irpoae^dipei, koI i^ ^Apifirjvov iraprjv, 
(»9 avToO To5 ^apa^ ivTev^o/ievo^, — i. 2,4. 

Now these Vami need, by no means, be the Varini of 
Tacitus ; since Ptolemy mentions Amreni on the Vistula ; 
so that they may as easily be the one as the other : — 
AvapTjvol nrapd ttjv Ke^aXijv tov OifiaroifXa iroTafiov. 'T<f>* 
ob^, "O/iSptove^. Elra, \vapTo^pdKTOi,. Elra, Bovpylwve^, 
Etra, *Apa-irJTai. Etra, ^aSoKoc. Elra, TlievylTai, Kot Btio*- 
aoi irapd tov ILapirdnjv 6po^. Another reading is \Saptvol' 
a migration which would bring these Avaprjvol from the 
Varini mnst have been immediately subsequent to the time 
of Tacitus. 

I believe, then, the Vami of the Danube to have been Ava- 
reni; and of the Avareni being new inmiigrants, there is no 
proof, and a presumption against it. 

At any rate, the probability of a migration is decreased by 
the decrease of the time allowed for it. 


The best eyidence of their being Germans is that of tfae 
names of their leaders ; bat snch evidence wonld make the 
Spaniards who fonght nnder WeUington^ Englishmen. 

But what if we find Vami on the Bhine, a comparativelj 
northem locality! The most that foUows from this is a 
doubt as to which of the two nearly synonymous populatioos 
they were — Avareni of the Yistula, or Varini of the Lower 

What if we find them in connection with the Anpli f This 
helps us in the decision, and inclines ns to prefer the Varini ; 
but it by no means proves connection. 

But what if they be Angles in Thuringia ? This, again, 
only njakes us pause in deciding which Angles are meant. 
It never touches the connection. 

What if we find them in contact with the Danes ! This 
denotes that the particular V-r-n- thus described were Varini. 

But what if Dani=Daci ? * This throws us back on the 
Avareni. % 

Nothing, however, touches the connection. It is only the 
details that are complicated : details which are just as diffi- 
cult, whether we suppose a migration or not. 

AII this really happens, as may be seen by comparing the 
following extract with the Epilegamena^ §§ xli. and xui. : — 
Oiapvoi, fikv xnrkp "loTpov worafibv iBpwrai, Bii^Kovai Si 
axpc re i^ ^SlKcavbv rhv apKr^ov Kal woTafibv 'Frjvov, oairep 
axnov^ T€ Siopi^ei Koi ^pcvyyov^ Kal T&XKa eOvtf, & Tavrff 
iSpvvTac. Otrroi airavTe^, Saot to iroKaLbv afufil *Ftjvov 
€KaTip(o0€v iroTa/jibv ^ktjvto, IBlov fiiv tivo^ ovofjuiTO^ Iko^jtoi 
li€T€\a/fXavov . . . iirl kolvti^ Be Tepfiavol €kclKovvto &iravT€<; 
. . Ovapvoi, Bk KaX ^ptir/yoL tovtI fiovov toO 'Pi^vov to vBwp 
fi€Ta^if expva-Lv. — Procop. Bell. Goth. iv. 20. 

Again, "EpovXoi, . . epvffiov Bk ;^o>pav Sm^avre? ivOivBe 
iroXKffv €9 Tov^ Ovdpvov^; KoKovfiivov^ ixfopfjaav. Me^ ob^ 
Btf Koi Aav&v Ta €0vr) wapiBpa/iov, — Procop.Bell. Goth. ii. 15. 

Lastly, Procopius relates that an Angle princess was be- 
trothed to Badiger, the prince of the Vami. — The Saxons 
in England, i. 23. 

^ See EpUegomena, § Danu 



The heading of a body of laws of, perhaps, the tenth 
century, is, Incipit Lex Anglorum et Werinortm^ hoc est Thu- 

Zenss mentions Englide or EngiUn as a Thnringian Gau= 


This most be read along with §§ xl. and xli. 

The Werra was a river of Thuringia, which it divided from 

a. Unless we suppose either that the river Wamow effected 
a migration — 

i. Or that it took its name from the Varvniy who did so — 

c. Or that there was a colonial settlement — 

We must suppose thaUthe population took its name from the 
river, that Werini meant the people of the Werra^ and that 
the two populations were as unconnected as the two rivers. 

But the names of different rivers being so like, as Werra is 
to Wamow^ is against the chances. 

And the two Angle localities are so as welL 

And the contiguitj of the Angles of the Elbe to the Varini, 
taken with that of the Angles of Thuringia to the Werini, 
is still more so. 

Still the names of the rivers are facts which we must take 
as we find ; since the circumstance of a river taking its name 
from its occupants is as rare as the converse is common, 
especially amongst the Slavonic populations. 

Even if we assume a colonization like that of the Chamavi 
and ChaUuariiy the difficulty is only diminished; since it 
would still be strange that the people of the TFar-notr should 
be removed to a locality with a name so near their own as 
the Werra. 

Werra may possiblv, like Oose and Avon^ have been a 
name that, from being a eommon rather than a proper one, 
recurs in different places. 

Still, the difficult j of the relation of the Angli and Werini 


of Thuringia on one side, and that of the Angli and Varini 
of Mecklenburg on the other, remains. 

I am inclined to believe in a colonization ; at any rate, I 
am disinclined io lay so much stress on the heading in 
question, as to allow it to disturb — as I once * did — ^the 
general and admitted ethnological differences between the 
Sccxan Angles and the High-German Thuringians. 

Still, to explain the similaritj of name, conjoined with the 
geographical contact of the Angles^ bj the assumption of a 
colony, by no means explains the nearly contemporaneous 
existence of Varini and VamL 

The doctrine of the rivers, however, does ; the reasoning 
running thus — 

There was more than one Slavonic river W-r ; and — 

More than one Slavonic population that took its name from 
such rivers. 

Still, this is but hypothesis. 


This name occurs in the Traveller'*^ Song. 
It has been supposed to mean the people of the isle ^m- 
rom of Sleswick. 

AIso, the Ambrones of the Cimbro-Teutonic invasion. 
I think it means one of three things. 

1. ffumbrians, or people of the Ymbra-land^ a name oot 
improbably applied to the East Riding of Yorkshire and North 
Lineolnshire, although at present we have only the compound 
JfoTih-humberAsLnd (North'%m^4and) in an undonbted and 
unexceptionable form. On the other hand, the British king, 
Uther Pendragon, is made to say, ^^ Vocabant me semimor- 
tuum Ambrones isti, sed malo semimortuus eos superasse 
quam incolumis superari/' — Sigebert, Gemblacensis, ad an. 
466. Nennius places the Ambrones near the Picts. 

2. Certain Old Saxons : — ^^ Paulinus Eboracensis Archiepi- 
scopus eos baptizavit et per xl. dies non cessavit baptizare 
omne genus Ambronum^ id est, ^^e^saxonum.**' — Nennius, ap. 
Gale, i. 119. 

* In my work od the Euglish LoDguage. 


3. The occupants of the district of AmerABiii in Olden- 

It is not impossible that the first two Ambranes may be the 
same people, i.^., both Saxons of Britain, rather than British 
Saxons, in the first case, and G^rman Saxons (as the true Old 
Saxons were) in the second ; since there is some difficulty in 
believing an archbishop of York to have been employed so 
far from his diocese as Westphalia, and a Welsh monk 
recording his operations. — Since 

a. There may have been certain Old Saxons in Britain ; 
jnst as there were certain Frisians. 

b, Old Saxon might, to a Briton like Nennias, haye been 
equiyalent to pagan Saxon ; since one of the first duties of 
the Ghristianized Anglo-Saxons of England was to conyert 
the Old Saxons of the Gontinent, as is narrated iully by Beda. 
Hence, the distinction between Pagan and Ghristian nearly 
coincided with that between English and Westphalian — insular 
and continental — Old and Angle. 

A reason for the Britons being ready to apply such a 
name as Ambrimes to their inyaders, is well supplied by 
Zeuss (p. 151). Some of the Keltic neighbours of the 
Ambrones, conquered by Marius, called robbers Ambnme» — 
'^ Ambrones prsedationibus se suosque alere coeperunt . . ex 
quo tractum est, ut turpis vita hamines Ambrones dicerentur.'" 
— Festus. 

The Liguriane called themselyes so — 2<f>a^ yap avrov^ 
ovTto^ ovofidl^ova-i xara yivo^ Alryve^. — Plut. yit. Mar. 

This makes it look as if the Ligurian Ambrones were such 
formidable robbers as to haye made their name synonymous 
wiih phtnderer — for, it must be obsenred that Plntarch says 
that they called themselyes what Festns says their neighbours 
called them, men ofa bad li/e. 

The word Ymbre has thus been enlarged upon, because it 
has been put forth as an element in the doctrine of the 
German origin of the Gimbri and Tentones ; to which has 
been appended the more especial doctrine that these Ligurian 
Ambrones were part and parcel of the so-called Germans of 
the Pennine AIps. — See § i. note 3. 

What the Ymbre were is uncertain. The Ambrones were 


simply Ligurians; and, as such, probably Keltic. Tbis, 
howeyer, is no part of German ethnology. 

What foUows is a mere snggestion. It has arisen from 
the extent to which the pluri-presence of populations with 
names in 'mbr- wonld be explained by the hypothesis that 
that combination was, like the word Mareotnanni, expressire 
of some physical or political relation : in which case there 
might be as many nations named ^mir-ones, Umbr-iy Cwnbr^i^ 
Gamhr-iyiiy Si-can^r-iy &c., as there were instances of such a 
relationship occurring. In this case, of course, all the names 
must be referable to one language. This is no difficolty. 
Such a language is the Keltic. 

Now all the nations thus named occupy the lower part of 
some river, U, its Humher. 

1. The Ambrones seem to have been on the Lower Bhone. 

2. The Umbri on the Lower Po. 

3. The Gumbrians of Gumberland on the Solway. 

4. The Gambrivii and /Si-cambri * on the Lower Bhine. 
Assume, then, Humber to be the Gallic and East-British 

form of the Welsh Aler, and the Gaelic /ntw=motf<i of a 
river, and all these facts are connected. 

Still, the doctrine is but a suggestion, and its application 
to the details of the Cimbri and Kymry has yet to be 

One fact, however, desenres notice. Both the Gimbri and 
Ambrones are said to haye been driven from their own 
country by inimdations. 

Of the Ambrones Festus {hc& citato) writes — " Ambrones 
fiierunt qusedam gens Gallica qui, subita inundatione maris, 
cum amisissent sedes suas rapinis et prsedationibns se suosqne 
alere cceperunt.'" 


Mela places Teutoni on the Baltic. So does Pliny. It 
was Teutones to whom the amber-gatherers sold their amber. 
It has been supposed, however, that the text would be 
improved by reading Guttones — unnecessarily. Ptolemy 

* Qy. South-Humbrians. 


mentions both Teutanes and Teuton^rii (Teutono-tewr^) with 
the Viruni between the Saxons and Suevi. 

This places them in the parts abont the Elbe. 

Ptolemy''^ names, I imagine, are, like the Chatti of Essen 
and Chatt-uarii^ names of one and the same people. 

Hence, it seems safe to assert — that there were Teutons on 
the Lower Elbe, near enough to the Germaus to have a Ger- 
man compound, as their name — Teuton-arii^Teutono-ware. 

Whether they were G^rmans is another question. They 
may haye been Germans of the G^rmano-Slavonic March in 
Luneburg, or Mecklenburg. 

In the history of ethnological opinion these Tewtones have a 
prominent place. They cannot but bave been identified with 
the Teutones of the Gimbro-Teutonic war — with migrations 
to match. 

Yet the chief reason which makes the Teutones of Marius 
look like G^rmans is the fact that most militates against 
our identifying them with the Teutones of Ptolemy. 

Diot=people ; so that it is a eommon rather than a proper 
name ; and, as such, a name which may be applied to any 
population which chooses to call iiselt people^ men^ or nation, 

Now nations may do this independently of ethnological 

But this is overlooked ; and it is overlooked because the 
impossibility o{ Deut-sch^Teut-on^ has never been thoroughly 
acted upon. 

The root L-t=people in German (Leute) ; yet no one 
argues that the Lat-ins^ Lith^uanianSy and a host of other 
populations must, for that reason, be German. 

The root V-lg=people in Latin {mlg-%ut)^ yet no one gives 
this as a reason for making the Belg-a Romans. 

F4k^ too, does the same in German. But is this a reason 
for snapping-up every nation whose name is Volc-a^ Belg-tE^ 
or something like it, as German ? If so, the Volca Tecto- 
sages would be Germans. 

Why, then, apply a rule to the root T-t=people which we 
apply to no other combination of sounds with a similar power? 
Because, the impossibility alluded to has never been truly 
realized in the mind of the inquirer, and men argue about 


the root of the word Deut-sch as thej would not argue aboat 
any other root with a like meaning. 

Besides which the proof of Teut-^ in Teui-oneB and Teut-on- 
arii^ being G^rman at all is deficient. It maj be as llttie 
Oerman as the Cant-y in Oawt-toare, 


That Jutes gave the name to Jut-lsnd is certain : bnt that 
they were Danes who did so, as the Anglee did in the case of 
Englandy is donbtful. 

They more probably gave a name to an area from wbich 
certain subsequent Danish inyaders took theirs — just as the 
Keltic people of Cantium did to Kent^ the country of the 
Saxon Cantware and Kentings, 

The particular question as to whether the Jutes of Jutland 
took part in the Anglo-Saxon invasion of England, has already 
been indicated, and the question is more Ailly investigated in 
another work of the author^s,^ the answer being in the 


This is the general name for the Sawans north ofthe Elbe 
in the eighth century. 

An anonymous versifier (ad an. 798) writes: — 

" Saxonum populus quidain, quos claudit ab austro 
Albia sejunctiin positos aquilonis ad axem. 
Hos Nortbalbingos patrio scrmone Tocamus.' 


The details we get from Adam of Bremen : — " Transalbia- 
norum Saxonum tres snnt populi : primi ad Oceannm Thiat' 
marsgoi (al. Thiedmarsi)^ et eorum ecclesia Mildinthorp (aL 
Melindorp); secundi ffoltzati^ dicti a silvis, quas incolnnt, 
eos Sturia flumen interfluit, quorum ecclesia Sconenfeld; 
tertii, qui et nobiliores, Sturmarii dicuntur, eo quod seditioni- 
bus illa gens frequenter agitur. Inter quos metropolis Ham- 
maburg caput extollit.'*' — Adam Brem. Hist. Eccl. c. 61. 
^' Habet utique Hammenburgensis ecclesia prsescriptos terminoa 

* English Language, third cdition, 


snse parochise, ultimain scilicet partem Saxonise, quse est trans 
Albiam et dicitur Nordalbingia, continens tres populos, Teth- 
marsos^ Hohatos^ Stormariosy — Helmold. Chron. Slavor. i. 6. 
'*Attrit8B sunt vires Saxonum, et servierunt Cruconi sub tributo, 
omnis terra videlicet Nordalbingorum, quse disterminatur in 
tres populos : Holzatos^ Sturmarios^ Thetmarchos,'^ — Id. i. 26. 

This means the Crermans of Holstein, Stormar, and Dit- 
marsh ; but whether they were Saasons^ strictly speaking, 
is uncertain. 

The present population is Platt-Deutsch ; but the intro- 
duction of this is subsequent to the ninth century. 

The population on which it eucroached was North Frieian ; 
and this, I believe, to have been what was called the NordaJr 
Mngian Saxon, — See note in v. Frisii. 


I believe this to be a German modification of the Tshekh 
(Bohemian or Moravian) name of the Gothini ; the Tshekh 
modification having changed the G to «/, and the German the 
t to th. Besides which, it replaced the inflectional element 
-»- by the aflix -ung ; as was the case in the word Po-lab-- 
fn^-a«=: Slavonians of the Elbe (Laha) ; where po- is Slavonic, 
Laba^ Slavonic, and -tn^- German. 

The form Viiungi occur9=Juthunpi. Now these and 
similar varieties* should remove all difficulties on the score 
of a word taking such diflTerent shapes as JtUitf Juthungi, 
Geatas^ Gothi^ Gothini^ Gythones^ Guttones^ Gautie^ Vita^ 
Vithungi, Getit; since the following varieties of an equally 
simple root are as numerous. The Bulgarians appear as 
Bulffy Burg^ Borg^ Burug^ Wurug^ Wurg^ Vulg, Bular^ Byler^ 
Bilers^ Biler^ Beire. Similar instances could be multiplied ; 
but this is one where the languages through which the form 
passes are the same, i.e.y Slavonic, German, Latin, and 

These varieties of form not only cause no difficulty, 
but they supply a confirmation. The unsteadiness of power 
in the case of the consonant G, is what is expected a priori^ 

♦ Wefind rUa=Juta. 


from tbe sound-system of the difierent Slayonic langnages. 
Thus, the sounds akin to the g in gun^ and the k in ibW, are 
not equally distributed over the Bohemian, the Polish, the 
Bussian, and tbe Lithuanic. No Slavonic tongue ha8 the 
four sounds of g^ k^ kh^ and h. Each has two or three of 
them. Thus — 

Bohemian k - kh h with g wanting. 

Lusatiiin k - kh h „ ^ wanting. 

Russian k g kh - „ h wanting. 

Polish k g kh - „ h wanting. 

Bulgarian k g kh - „ h wanting. 

lUyrian k g - • „ kh and h wanting. 

Lithuanic k g - - )> ^^ &nd h wanting. 

*Lettish k g - - „ /cA and h wanting. 

Hence, wbere the Poles say g^ the Bohemians saj h ; 
whereas the Bussian spells such foreign words as fferold and 
Hertzogy Gerold and Gercog ; there being no sign for h. So 
that if a Bohemian and Lusatian wished to pronounce such a 
name as Got^ as a Pole pronounced it, he would fail in doing 
so, and say Hot instead; and mce ^oersd^ a Lett would 
change Hot into Got. 

I admit tbat tbese facts require the initial in the words 
Juta^t and Juthwag^ to be H ratber tban J.^ On the other 
hand, I think that, as H is the modem form, J maj have 
been the older one ; in other words» that the change from g 
to h may not have been direct and immediate, but as fol- 
lows : — g, j (y), h. 

I submit that tbese remarks are sufficient reasons for the 
existence of some di£ference at least in the forms of the names 
in question, if not for the exact difierences which we actoallj 
find. Thus much concerning the change jfrom g ioj (y). 

The one from j to v can, in like manner, be sbown to be 
no arbitrary assumption, but a true and proper letter-change 
of the Slavonic-Lithuanic languages. 

* From a valuable work on the Lithaanic language, showing its SUvonic 
charaeter, by Q. L. Daae ; Christiania. 
t Pronounced Y. 



The hypothesis respecting the Saxons is as foUows : — 

The name Saason was to the KeUs of Britain, what Ger^ 
man was to those of Graul. 

Or, if not, what Snevi was — a name somewhat more 

It probably appb'ed to the Germans of the sea-coast, and 
the water-systems of the Lower Bhine, Weser, Lower Elbe, 
and Eyder; to Low Germans on the Bhine, to Frisians and 
Saxons on the Elbe, and to North Frisians on the Eyder. 

AU the Angles were Saxons, but all the Saxons were not 

The reasoning in &vour of this view is as follows : — 

That Saxon was a Britannic term is undenied. The 
Welsh and Graels call us Saxons at the present moment. 

The Bomans would take their name for certain Grermans, 
as they found it with the Britons. 

The Britons and B>omans using the same name, would be 
as two to one in favour of the Keltic name taking ground. 
It would be the Boman and Keltic against a Gennan name 

The only question is, whether the name Saxon was exclu- 
sivdy Britannic (Keltic), {.«., not German also. 

In favour of the word being German, are two facts — 

1. The thorough adoption of the root Saxon, as denoted 
not only by the use of German writers, but by its appear- 
ance in Es-sex^ Weesex^ Sus-sexj Middle-sex, The reason- 
ing that applies to Suem^ applies here. 

2. The name /Soo^neot, as a deity, whom the Old Saxons, 
on their conversion to Christianity, were compelled to for- 
swear. This gives us the likelihood of its being the name of 
an eponytnus, I admit that this is cogent^ but not that it is 

3. The story about nime}f eotcre Saxa8 = take your daggere^ 

and the deduction from it, that Saxone meant dagger-men^ is of 

no great weight; with the present writer at least. Still, as 

far as it goes, it is something. 

X 2 


4. The Finlanders call the Oerraans Saxon. This is 

On the other hand — 

1. No clear distinction has ever been drawn between, e.p.^ 
an Angle of Sufiblk and a Saxon of lEssex. 

2. The Bomans, who knew, for some parts at least, every 
inch of the land occupied by the Saxons of Germany, as loug 
as there is reason for believing that they took their names 
from German sources, never use the word Saxon at all. It is 
strange to Csesar, Strabo, Pliny, and Tacitus. (See note in 
v. Cherusci). Ptolemy is the first who uses it. 

3. A native name by which the West-Saxons of fVessex 
called themselves, was Getoissas. This is well accoonted for 
by supposing it to be a British name in a German mouth. 

4. Whenever we find a population called Saxony we find 
that, for some reason or other, it has some other name as well. 
Thus the so-called — 

a. Saxons of Holstein, are NordaUnngia/ns when the name 
is general ; Ditmarsi, Holsati^ and Stormarii when we have 
them in detail. 

i. Those of Northern Germany are West^phall, Ost^phali, 
and Angarii. 

5. Of all such synonyms, Saxon is the least German in 
respect to its form ; a fact which precludes us from admitting 
the existence of a second language, but denying its applica- 
tion to the word Saxon. Thus, admitting that the words 
belong to di£ferent languages, it cannot be said that of the 

a. Saxon as opposed to Angle is Germanic^ and AngU as 
opposed to Saxm is fMm-Germanic. 

b. Nor yet can it be said of the most doubtful synonym of 
the list, Chervrsd ; since the 'Sc^ whether German or not, is 
more German than anything in the form Saion. 

c. With such words as iVorcj-albingii, TF«^-phaIi, and Ang- 
arii {=wrii)^ there is no doubt. 

6. Whatever were the relations between the Angles and 
Saxons, populations differently related were called Saxons. 
Thus, the conquerors of the Slavonic country at present 
calied Saxony, the ancestors of the Saxons of Dresden and 


Leipsic, were by no means Saxous as the people of Sussex 
were. They were not even Saxons as the speakers of the 
language of the Heliand, the Old Saxons, were. They were 
either Platt-Deutsch, or High-German Germans; most pro- 
bably a mixture of both. Yet they were called Saxons, 
because they conquered the Saxony of the nineteeuth century, 
from a country which was called Saxony in the seventh and 
eighth, but which, probably, was not so called in the fourth 
and fifth, and which, certainly, was not so called in the 
second and third. 

7. Procopius mentions only three populations in Britain — 
Angles, Frisians, and Britons. 

8. The king who is said to have determined that England 
should be called the J.n^^land, was a king of the West* 
Saxons, Ecbert. 

I consider this a difficulty on one side fully equivalent to ali 
on the other. It is as if the king of Prussia should propose 
that all Germany should call itself Austria. 

I think, upon the whole, that Saxon was a word like Greek^ 
ue,9 a term which, in the language of the Hellenes^ was so very 
special, partial, and unimportant, as to have been practically 
a foreign term, or, at least, anything but a native name; 
whilst in that of the Romans^ it was one of general and 
wideiy-extended import. Hence, mutatis mutandis, it is the 
insignificant Saxones of the neck of the Gimbric Ghersonese, 
and the three Saxon islands, first mentioned by Ptolemy, who 
are the analogues of the equaily unimportant Graciot Epirus; 
and these it was whose name eventually comprised popula- 
tions as di£ferent as the Angles, and the Saxons of Saxony, 
even as the name Gractis in the mouth of a B>oman comprised 
Dorians, ^SoIians, Macedonians, Athenians, Rhodians, &c. 

In this way the name was German, but its extended im- 
port was Keltic and Eoman. With this view, there is as 
little need to consider the Saxons of the neck of the Gimbric 
Ghersonese to have been exactly what the Angles were, as there 
is for considering the Graci of Greece to have been exactly 
what the Athenians were. They might easily have belonged 
to another section of the Gt^thic population. 

Such was, probably, the case. If not, the continuity 


between the Frisians of Sleswick and the Frisians of HanoTer 
is intermpted ; a iact possible enough, but still a fect reqair- 
ing the assumption of movements and displacements of whicfa 
history supplies no record. 

This will be further considered in the next section. 


The preliminaries and complements to this § are the §§ on 
the SaxonSy the Jutes^ &c., the NordaUnngi^ the Werini and 
Angles of Thuringia^ and the notes on § xl. 

Important as are the Angles^ it is not too much to saj that 
they are only known through their relations to us of Engl^ 
land, their descendants ; indeed, without this paramount iact, 
they would be liable to be confiised with the Frisians, with 
the Old Saxons, with even the Slavonians. 

This is chiefly because there is no satisiactory trace or 
fragment of the Angles of Oermany within Oermany ; whilst 
the notices of the other writers of antiquity tell us as little as 
the one we find in Tacitus. 

And this notice is not only brief but complicated. 

The Eudoses, Nuithones, Aviones, Suardones, and Beu- 
digni received what little b'ght falls upon them from the single 
circumstance of their being mentioned along with the Angli. 
They give none. 

The Varini, of whom the separate substantive and inde- 
pendent information is greater, complicate the question^by 
being a population for whom a Slavonio affinity may iairly be 

The complications engendered by the term Sawo have 
already been noticed. 

Surely, then, it is not too much to say that if it were not 
for the settlement in England, the Angli wouid have been as 
great a mystery to us as the Chali, the Eudoses, the Phun- 
dusii, or even the Hellusii and Oxiones. We know them from 
their relations only ; and if it were not for these, involving, as 
they do, the English and Angio-Saxon languages and litera- 
tures, the neighbours of the Varini and Beudigni, and the 


worshippers of Terra Mater^ would have passed for outlyiDg 
Frisians, outlying Ghauci, or outlyiug Gherusci ; for anything 
rather than the representatives of a separate substantive 
branch of the great Saxon, or Frisian, or Saxo-Frisian 
division of the Germanic tongue. 

This the Angli represent ; but how far they do so single- 
handed, or how far the Eudom and other populations of § xl. 
do the same, is uncertain. 

I think they do not do so exactly. 

1. To begin with the Varini^ whose relations to the AngU^ 
as already has been indicated, are eminently difficult — 

The mention of them along with the Angli^ is a presump- 
tion that they were what the Angles were. 

Their common worship of the goddess ffertha is a specific 
fect ; anJ if it were a fact beyond doubt, there would be no 
fair reasons for refining on the natural inference irom the text 
of Tacitus ; in other words, although there would still be a 
balance of confficting difficulties, the evidence of a G^rman 
object of worship, with a German name, in a German island, 
would outweigh the presumption arising from the Wamavi 
of authentic history being unequivocally Slavonic. 

But the fact is not beyond impeachment ; since we can find 
the elements of a natural and excusable error in the peculiar 
character of the ctdtua of the Angli on one side, and the 
Varini on the other. 

What if the Varini had one holy islcmd^ and the Angli 
another — so that the insula sacraj with their corresponding 
easta nemora^ were ttoo in number. I submit that a writer, 
with no better means of knowing the exact truth than Tacitus, 
might, in such a case, when he recognized the ineular charac- 
ter common to the two forms of cultus^ easily and pardonably, 
refer them to one and the same island : in other words, he 
might know the general fact that the Angli and Varini 
worshipped in an island, without knowing the particular fact 
of their each having a separate one. 

This is what really happened : so that the hypothesis is as 
follows : — 

a. The truly and nndoubtedly Germanic A ngli worshipped 
in Heligoland. 


6. The probably Slavonic Varini worshipped in the Isle of 

c. The ftoly island of Tacitus is that of the Angli — 

d. With whom the Varini are inaccurately associated — 

e. The source of the inaccuracy lying in the fact of that 
nation having a holy islamd^ difierent from that of the Angles, 
but not known to be so. 

Now the passages that prove the Varini to have frequented 
the Isle of Bugen, prove something more. They prove their 
paganism. They prove, also, that some part of them were 
occupants of an island : — '^ Est antem insula qusedam, non 
longe a civitate illa, habens mare interjectum, quasi itinere 
unius diei, Verania nomiue.'^ — " Intellexit ergo vir Dei, Veny- 
no8 evangelicse gratise indignos."'* — '^ Erant antem tnuis 
mare barbari crudelitate et ssevitia singulares, qui Verami 
dicebantur." — Vit. Otton. Episcopi BoU. Jul., pp. 412, 413, 

Further still — and this bears on the ethnology of the 
Ribgii — although it has been shown {Prolegomena^ p. xix.) 
that the -^-, in the name of the Isle of Rupen^ appears as early 
as the use of the word Rugiani in Helmoldus, the equivalent 
forms Rani and Runi (without the g) must be remarked. 
Now this omission of the -^- is exemplified by a vast variety 
of other forms, e.g.y Ruani^ Roani^ Rtyani^ Ruia^ Ruja^ Roja^ 
Ruiana^BXiA^ others, to be found in Zeuss (p. 665). 

What is the e£fect of this ! It subtracts from the likelihood 
of the Rugii of Tacitus being the Rugiani of the Isle of 
Rugen^ and, pro tantOy favours the inference drawn from their 
juxtaposition to the Lemovii^ or the notion that they are the 
populations of the Gulf of Riga. — See nott. in vv. Rugii and 

The Varini, then, are not to be considered Angle. 

2. The Amanee^ whether Ohii or Chavianes {seeEpilegomena^ 
§ Obii)^ are a population of which we know nothing that 
helps the present question. If identical with the nation bear- 
ing a similar name, further south, they must have effected a 
migration. Upon the principle of not making this longer 
than is needful, we must place them eouth of the Angli, rather 
than north. Now this southem locality, thus assumed, is a 


reason against the Aviones having been Frieians, bnt no 
reason against their having been Old Saxons. 

But against this is Ptolemy''^ name KoSavSol^ and the 
KoSavSoi lie northwards. 

3. Whether the Eudoses are the same as the ^owSova-ioi 
(see not. in § xl.) is not a matter of indi£ference. By identifying 
them, we ascertain the direetion, if not the exact localitj of 
the Eudoses, This is northwards^ in the westem part of the 
Cimbric Peninsula. 

4. Whether the Suardones are tbe same as the ^apo* 
Seivoc (see not. in § xl.) is still less a matter of indi£ference. By 
identifying them we ascertain the direction, if not the exact 
locality, of the Suardones. This is westtoards between the 
Suebus and the Chalusus {Oder ? and Trave ?). But then we 
get a complication ; since Suard^ is generally considered to 
be a German root, whereas the locality is Slavonian. 

That S-rd is really a Grerman root is rendered probable by 
the form Sweord-were |n the Traveller^s Song. But this only 
makes it a German gloss. That it applied to a German 
population by no means follows. No word is more German 
than Welsh, few populations less so. 

5. In the name Reudingi^ the Beud- may, possibly, be the 
Hr^-^ in iTrf^Gotans. Now the Hret-Gotan were Lithu- 

6. On the Nuithones I can throw no light at all, — not eyen 
in the way of guess-work and suggestion. 

If we leave Tacitus and betake ourselves to Ptolemy, we 
gain a little. In Ptolemy we not only get the names of 
certain populations, but we get their locality (or at least 
their direction) also. But they are almost aU new, and other- 
wise unknown, Sigulones^ Sahilingiiy ChaU. 

Upon the whole, I think that the Angli of Tacitus were the 
only representatives, enumerated by him, of the Angh-^Bxon 
brauch of the Saxons, — ^unless the Nuithones be a second. 

Of the others, I think that : — 

a. Where their direction was easterly, they were Sfa- 

b. Where it was northerly, FrisianSj or Slavonians, — 
Frisians in the noxth^west^ Slavonians in the norih-east. 


Who, however, lay to the east, and who to the north, is a 
difficult question ; and stiU more difficult is it to say who 
amongst the northem group, were on the east, and who on 
the west. 

The Sifffdones of Ptolemj are the most decidedly north- 
westem, or Frisian ; the Varini of Tacitus, the most decidedlj 
eastern, or Slavonic. And this is as much as it is safe to say. 

It is more important to consider the reasons for belieying 
the populations to the north-west of the Angli to have I>een 
Frisianj rather than Angle, Saxon, or Anglo-Saxon. Why, 
in the face of the fact of the Nordalbingians (or the popula- 
tions norih o/ the Elhe) being called Saxons,* in the ninth 
century, suppose them to haye been Frisians in the secoud ? 

The answer to this is sketched in the preceding §. 

If Angle populations were the earliest occupants of westem 
Holstein, when and how did the Frisians displace them ? 

If Frisians were the earliest, when did the Angles do so ! 

Now it must be admitted that there is some eyidence in 
favour of this latter altemative; but evidence which is bj no 
means conclusive. 

Alfred writes (Orosius, p. 25), respecting Other, that 
^^ He seglode to )>8em porte ))e man hset Hse^um. Se stent 
betwuh Winedum and Seaxum and Angle and hyi^ in on 
Dene...and )>a tvegen dagas asr he to Hse^um come, him 
wses on ]>8et steorbord Gt)tland and Sillende and iglanda fela, 
on ]>am landum eardodon Engle ; ar hi hider on land 


He also writes^ " Oomon hi (i,e.y the English) of )n*im fol- 
cum \fam strangestan Oermaniee, %aet of Seaxum, and of 
Angle^ and of Gecttum, Of Geata fruman sindon Canttcare^ 
and fVihteatan. Dset is seo ]>eod se Wiht ]>8et ealond on 
earda%. Of Seaxum^ )?aet is of ]>am lande \>e man hateS 
Eald Seaxan, comon East-seaxan^ and Su^-secucan^ and West- 
seaxan. And of Engle comon Eastengle and Middelengle^ and 
Myrce^ and eall Nof^hembra cynn. Is ]>8et land ])e Angulus 
is nenmed bettryh Oeatum and Seaxum. Is S8ed of ])8ere tide 
]>e hi thanon gefritan o^ to dsege ]>8et hit weste wunige.^ 

And this statement re-appears in the Anglo-Saxon Ohro- 

* See Epilegomenay § Nordalbingii 


nicle, ^' Da comon )>a menn of ^nrim mseg^nm Grermanise, of 
Eald^Seaxum^ of Anglum^ of lotum. Of lotum comon Cant- 
vare^ and TFtA^wr^ (jwet is seo mseilS fe nu earda^ on Wiht), 
and ]>sdi cjnn on Westsexam pe man nu gyt het /«^nac^yym. 
Of Eald-SeaoDum comon East^Seaxan and Su^Seaaan^ and 
FF«9/-S40(min. Of ^91^20 comon, se a siS^San stod westig betwix 
Intam and Seaxum, East-Enple^ and Middd-Angle^ and 
MearcBy and ealle NofSymhraP 

Ethelweard aiso sajs that, ^^ Anglia vetas sita est inter 
Saxones et Oiotos, habens oppidam capitale, qaod sermone 
Saxonico Sleswic nancapatar, secandam vero Danos Haithaby .^^ 

So does William of Malmesbary, " In oppido qaod tanc 
Slaswich, nanc vero Eitheisi (al. Hnrtheby) appellatar ; est 
aatem regio illa Anglia vetus dicta^ unde Angli venerumt in 
Britanniam^ inter Saxones et Oiothos constitata.^^ 

AII these statements are referable to one of Beda*s, '^ Ad- 
yenerant aatem de tribas Oermanise popolis fortioribas, id est 
Saxonihus^ AngUs^ Jutis. De Jutarum origine sant Cantuarii 
et Vectuari% hoc est ea gens, qase Vectam tenet insalam, et 
ea qase asqae hodie in provincia Occidentaliam Saxonam 
Jutarum natio nominatar, posita contra ipsam insalam Vectam. 
De SaxonibiM^ id est ea regione, qase nanc antiqaoram Sa- 
xonam cognominatar, venere Orientales SaxoneSj Meridiani 
SaaoneSy Occidui Saxones. Porro de AngUs^ hoc est de illa 
patria, qase Angalas dicitar et ab eo tempore asqae hodie 
manere desertas inter provincias Jatarum et Saxonum per- 
hibetur, Orientales Angli^ Mediterrcmei Angli^ Mercii^ tota 
Nordhumbrortm progenies, id est illarum gentium, quse ad 
boreani Humbri fluminis inhabitant, ceterique Anglorum 
populi sunt orti.^^ — Beda, Hist. Ecclesiast. i. 15. 

This shows that the English of the eighth century, at least, 
looked on Sleswick as their original country. 

To which it must be added that there is at the present 
moment a district called Anglen^ a part of the duchy of Sles- 
wick, which is literally an angle ; i.e.j a triangle of irregular 
shape, formed by the Schlie, the Flensborger Fiord, and a 
line drawn from Flensborg to Sleswick. Every geographical 
name in it is, however, Danish, whatever it may have been 
previously. Thus some villages end in iy (Danish = ^ot(?n) 


as Hus-Jy, Herreds-Ay, Ulse-Jy, &c. ; some in gaard 
( = A(m^), as Oegaard; whilst the other Dahish forms are 
Bkov = wood {shaw)^ hofved =■ head^ Iwnd = grove^ &e. In short, 
it has nothing to distinguish it from the other parts of the 

At one time I was inclined wholly to disconnect the name 
Anglen with the Angles ; holding that it meant the Angle (ar 
nook) of land^ and was, simply, a geographical term misunder- 
stood. Since then, however, I have been in the country, and 
found that there is a second Angle district to the sonth of 
Leck, and in the Frisian country ; a fact which invalidates 
the previous view. 

But, even if this be granted, it is only evidence to the fact 
of there being Angles in Sleswick at the time ofBeda\ and 
then they are in the Slavonic part of the island, on the Baltic 
side of it, and in an area no larger than the county of Rut- 

I still think that the Angli of Tacitus were — 

1. The Angles of England — 

2. Occupants of the northem parts of Hanover — 

3. At least in the time of Tacitus — 

4. And that to the exclusion of any territory in Holstein, 
which was Frisian to the west, and Slavonic to the east. 

Still the questiou is one of great magnitude and numerous 
complications, involving, amongst other difficulties, the import 
of the term Saxon^ and the accuracy of Beda^s sources of 

That the Saxons, however, of England, came firom three 
small islands, and a fraction of Holstein, and the Angles from 
a few thousand acres on the wrong side of the peninsula, is a 
doctrine beset with objections, and intrinsically improbable. 


The area of the ancestors of the present Danes of Denmark 
was only part of the present kingdom, «.^., the islands^ not 
the peninsula of Jutland. 

Even for these islands Dan- formed no part of the original 


name. That was a compouDd of the familiar root, Fi^-, viz., 
Vithes-lath : — '* Dan fih*u8 Humblse, de Sveeia veniens, regna- 
vit super Sialandiam, Monen, Falster et Laland, cujus regnum 
dicebatur Witheslethy — Chron. Erici reg. ap. Langeb. i. 150. 
" Dan pugil strenuissimus et magnis operibus prseclarus, per 
electionem totius populi constitutus et intitulatus est rex 
primo super Sialandiam, Monam, Falstriam et Lalandiam, 
cujus regnum dicebatur Vitheslttth. Deinde super alias pro- 
vincias et insulas et totum regnum.^ — Petr. Olai Chron. Reg. 
Dan. ap. Langeb. i. 77. ^' Ex ipso loco et multis aliis Cnmicis 
Danorum colligitur, non esse verum, quod Jutia est Dania : 
sed, secundum Chronicas^ Sialandia^ Lalandia^ Fahtria et 
Meonia est Dania^ et illae terras primo et principaliter com- 
prehendit hoc nomen Dania. Dan enim, a quo regnum nomeu 
habuit, multis annis dominabatur istis insulis, antequam acqui- 
sivit Jutiam.'*' — Ibid. p. 83. "Fuit in Upsala civitate Svethifie 
rex quidam Ypper nomine, tres filios habens, quorum unus Nori, 
alter (Esten, tertius Dan dicebatur. Quem pater suus misit 
in has partes, quae nunc dicuntur Dacia, ad regendum insulas 
quatnor, scilicet Sialand, Mon, Falster et Laland, qua omnes 
uno vocabulo nuncupabantur Witheeleth. Imperavit enim 
Ypper hic ab intns habitantibus, ut hanc plagam, scilicet 
Withesleth, filio suo Dan darent ad sedem regni. Quo facto 
regnavit Dan in Withesleth Sialandi» tantum, civitatem con- 
struens Lethram nomine, quam magnis opibus ditavit.'*'* — Ann. 
Esrom. ibid. p. 223. 

The earliest Anglo-Saxon records, speak of the Sv^- 
Dene, iVorB-Dene, £a^Dene, TFiw<-Dene, and (?ar-Dene. 

The evidence, then» is in favour of the name being native ; 
but against its being of great antiquitj. It was brought bj 
certain Gt>thic Da/rm to a previously non-Gk)thic (probably 
Lithuanie) area. 

Dania, as seen in one of the previous extracts, was called 
Dacia, Did the converse ever take place ! It is generally 
assumed that it did not. Much turns on this, connected with 
the etbnology of the Heruli. Procopius (BeU. Goth. ii. 16) 
writes — ("Epoi/Xo^) €9 tou9 Ovdpvov^ KaXov/iivov^ ^^((apfjaav. 
Meff ot^ Sff ical Aav&v ra €0v7f irapthpafiov . . ivOivBc re €9 
wK€avov a^VKo/ievoi ivavriWovro, 


Jornandes, also, states that, ^' Dan% ex ipsoram {viz,^ Scand- 
zise caltorom) stirpe progressi, Heralos propriis sedibus expu- 
lerant,'*'* — reversing the order of the expulsion. 

Be this, however, as it may, we have the evidence of two 
writers as to the geographical and political contact between 
the Danes and Hendi^ and this, if taken without criticism, is a 
reason in favour of a loug Herulian migration from north to 

But it is not conclusive. If the Dani were called Daci^ 
the Dad may be called Dani^ and, as it is much more certain 
that the Heruli came in contact with the Daeians of the 
Danube, than with the Danes of the Baltic, a reasonable ob- 
jection lies against the evidence of Procopius and Joraandes. 
I do not say that it is conclusive. I only show that, whenever 
we have a lengthy migration, we have the* elements of a 
reasonable doubt to set against it. 

Even if we lay but little stress on this, we have the fact 
that neither Joraandes nor Procopius are satisfactory wit- 
nesses to events so distant in both place and time. 

They, probably, speculated and inferred : seeing that on 
the Danube there were two populations with names so like as 
Daci and Geta^ and on the Baltic two others with names so 
like as Dani and Gathi^ Geatas or GaiUas. 

But how came the similar names to ran in pairs \ Da/M$ 
alone on the Baltic, and Dad alone on the Danube, would be 
nothing very remarkable. Nor yet would GettB on the Danube, 
and Geata^ on the Baltic. But Cret^t side by side with Dad 
in the south, and Dani (called also Dad) side by side with 
Geatas in the north, supply a mystery. 

This is a repetition of the difficulties of §§ on the AngU 
and Werini of Thuringia, and it is a difficulty of the gravest 
character that meets us too often elsewhere. 

Accident is out of the question ; and I admit that a mipra^ 
tiany within a certain degree of probability, is the best solution 
of similar problems. But it must be probable ; and it must 
stand on the phenomena which it will explain almost exclu- 
sively. Such a migration receives but little confirmation from 
any so-called traditions ; because the very ease with which it 
explains the phenomena, engenders the disposition to assume 


one. Hence I put the accounts of Jornandes low ; because 
they are just the accounts which the existing state of things 
would call for — just as, I imagiiie, that the similar relations of 
the Isle of Wight population, the Angles, and the Saxons, did 
with Beda. Yet I put what may be called the pluri-presence 
of a population called D-n (or D-c)^ in geographical contact 
with a population called G-i^ high ; and admit it to be the 
best reason existing in favour of the deduction of the Daci 
and Geta from the Baltic. 

Yet it is not conclusiye. Names may be what is con- 
veniently called correlative. Thus : — 

a. Let D-n = coa8tfnan^ and G-t^ a man of the interior 
country (or vice versd) ; or — 

b. Let D-n^mauntaineer^ and G-t^lotolander (or mce 
versd) ; or — 

e. Let D-n^naiivey and G-t^foreigTier (or vice versd). 

Cases of this sort may easily be multiplied. Any one of 
them, however, shows that, wherever certain physical or 
social conditions involving the correlation in question occurs, 
corresponding names may occur also, — and that, independent 
of any descent or migration. 

I do not say that this was the case in the present instance; 
having no tittle of evidence to support its application to the 
case before us. I only say that such an hypothesis is good 
against the assumption of any equally gratuitous migration. 


This is complementary to the note in v. Cherusei. 

Caesar mentions the Harvdee^ as forming a part of the 
army of Ariovistns ; and he is the first author who mentions 
them at all, — but says nothing about the Cherusci. 

Tacitus mentions the Cherusci, but not the Harudes. 

The Marmor Ancyranum has the form Charudes. 

The change from Ch- to ff- (and vice versd) has often been 
mentioned already, — Chatti = Hessey Chattuarii = Hazzoarii. 

Form for form, I think Harud- is the root of the word 


If 60, Oher-t^ct is aQ adjective, and the -bC' is the -ge in 
Britti«(?, the si' in Dan-^^^, and the -^sh in self-ish. 

If 60, the population to whom it applied, mu8t have called 
themdelves by an adjectiml appellation ; and this is no more 
than the present Danes and Swedes do, — Dan-^^^, Sven-^il^. 

If 60, the 'd' is omitted ; and this is no more than what 
occurs in the form Nor-ske^ from Nor-rf-ske, — the fiiller form 
being Harudske^ or Cherudske. 

In Beowulf and the Traveller'*^ Song, we find mention 
of a town with a palace in it, called Heorot. 

Near this Heorot^ the Hea^o^ardas were defeated; a 
population at no great distance from the Angles — probablj 
either the Bards of ^are^wic, or the Langoiarcib of Tacitns. 

Except that the Hartz is a mountain-range rather than a 
town, Heorot^Hartz^ of which it is the Low German form. 

I also think it was the country of the Harudes. Also, of 
the Proper Cherusci^ — ^though, I admit, that it carries them 
as far east as it is safe to do. 

Hence, I consider that the Harudes were the Cherusd 
in the most limited senee of the term, and the Old Saxons 
the Cherusci in the widest ; the one name being that by 
which they were known to their westem^ the other that by 
which they were known to their eastem neighbours ; and, 
although their political extinction is doubtful, their diminished 
importance (noticed by Tacitus) may have favoured the sub- 
stitution of one name foranother. 

The foUowing lines justify us in placing the Cherusci so &r 
eastward as has been done : 

Venit accola sUvsb 
Bructems Hercynisc, latisque paludibus exit 
Cimber et ingented Albim liquere Cherusci. 
Accipit ille preces varias, tardeque rogatus 
Annuit et magno pacem pro munere donat. 

Claud. De iv. Cons. Honor. 450. 

The Cherusci were part of the Eastphalians {Ostphali) of 
not. in V. Angrivarii. 

But Ptolemy places the Harudes in the Cimbric Cher- 
sonese, and so (perhaps) does Beowulf. This is a grave 
objection to the previous doctrine. 


On the other hand, the Dotion that tbe Harudes of the 
army of Arioyistus came from Jutland is beset with diffi- 


I can only say that these are mentioned bj Csesar as parts 
of the forces of Arioyistus. 



These are the tribes which Ptolemy places in the Cimbric 
Chersonese. They are now noticed in somewhat fiiller detail 
than before. 

The Cobandi, — The doctrine that KoSavSoi may have been 
sounded Covandi^ and that the -d- may be non-radical, by 
which means we get at their identity with the Chavionres^ 
Aviofhes is not illegitimate. Beyond this, there is no light 
thrown upon the Cobandi. See Epilegomena^ §§ Angli and 

The Phundmii, — The ejection of the Ph and w, brings this 
near to the name of the Eudom in Tacitus. Beyond this, 
there is no light thrown on the Phtmdusii, — See Epilegomena^ 
§ Angli, 

On the Sigulones, SahaUngiiy and Chali^ there is neither 
light nor speculation beyond what has been suggested. — See 
Epilegomenay § Angli. 

Ptolemy's details for the so-called Cimbric Chersonese, 
are fiiller than those of any other writer. 

This may be a reason for their singularity. 

Another may lle in the fact of his information being re- 
ferable to a Slavonic or Keltic source rather than a German. 


The Pharodini are placed by Ptolemy between the rivers 
Chalmus (Trave f) and Suehm (Oder ?). 

Zeuss suggests that the true form of the name is ^(f^apa- 


In which case, he considers thai Pharodini'=i8uard<m'^ 

If 80, we have a locality for the latter. 
If not, we have two populations known by their name 
only. — See Epilegomma^ § Angli^ and not. in y. Suardones. 

§ LV. THE PHiB^si {<^i,palaoi). 

These are placed by Ptolemy in Scandinavia. 
I think it is only a slightly modified form of the word 

No objections lie against this from their situation being so 
far north. 

That the Frisii of Jutland are no new intmders has been 
shown. — See not. in v. Frisii, 

How far traces of them occur in the north of Jutland has 
not been shown. It was a point reserved. 

As far north as the Liim^ord, we find a Skjerr-ttm-bro, 
This gives us a hypothesis for the diSusion of the Gothic 
population in Scandinavia, where these were early intruders. 

The original population of all Scandinavia was, probably, 

Next to these came Lithuanian G-i^ who settled on the 
coast sufficiently to give their names to— 
a. GothAsLnd — 

fi. TFt/A-esland = Sealand, Mon, Falster, and Fyen — 
7. JutAand — their direction being westerly, 
On the principle of not multiplying causes unnecessarily, 
they are not to be carried too far inland. 

From the Frisians of Jutland came the ^ipataot of Ptole- 
my, probably, between the northern part of the Ghristiania 
Fiord and the Miosen. 

From this point the Finns were displaced by movements 
east and west; and the Lithuanians by movements south- 

This I infer firom one of the northem districts of Sweden 
being named >Su(^r-mannia ; those parts being at one time 
the southem boundary of the conqnerors from the north. The 


most northern proyince of Scotland is called Suther^lmd^ 
from the same relation to Norway. 

It was, probably, amongst the ^tpataoi of Ptolemy that 
the Norse tongue as opposed to the Frisian was developed. 

What time was required for this ! It is difficult to say. 
Not, necessarily^ a very long one. 

One of the great distinctive grammatical characters of the 
Norse is the so-called passive voice. We know that this has 
been eyolved nearly within the literary period of Scandinavia. 

The other is the jE>o«^-positiye article, Now this exists in 
Wallachiaii ; though it did not in Latin, i.e.j Lat. iUe homo = 
Wall. hom-tU. The reign of Trajan, therefore, is early enough 
for the one form. Such being the case, uo longer period is 
needed for the second. 

The time, however, may have been much longer — but I 
only indicate a minimum. 

Again — there may have been other Frisians than the 
^ipaiaot of Ptolemy : but I only take what I find. 

Throughout this argument we must remember — 

That 6oth, as a German name for the Swedes of Gothland, 
is a restricted and particular one — so specific as to account 
for the name Gothland only ; whereas — 

Goth^ as a Lithuanic term, is wide and general, and 
accounts for the names Gothland and Jutland as well. 



What follows is the brief notice of some of those names in 
Strabo, Pliny, and Ptolemy, which may reasonably be applied 
to populations within the German area, but which have not 
been mentioned by other writers sufficiently to give them 
much historical or geographical prominence. They are, 
probably, the names in detail of the divisions and subdivisions 
of some higher groups already noticed.* 

1, 2. The Danduti and Nertereanes are mentioned by 

* These are the names priuted in italics in the texts of Strabo, Pliny, 
and Ptoleniy. 

y 2 


Ptolemy. They seem lo have been south-eastem Hessiana» 
northern Franconians, or western Thuringians ; or, perhaps, 
populations distributed between any two or all three of those 
divisions — Ghatti, Burgundians, or Thuringians, politically; 
High Germans, or Gh)ths, ethnologically. 

3. The Curiones^ too, seem to have been on the frontier of 
Franconia and Thuringia ; their ethuological and political 
conditions being those of the Nertereanes and Danduti, 
except that they were less Hessian. Possibly they may have 
been Slavonians, i.^., of the [Jpper Maine and Begnitz. 

4, 5. From PtoIemy**s notice, the Intuergi and Vargiones 
were north-east of Wisbaden {Vispi) ; perhaps on the Upper 
Lahn. If so they may have been on the confines of the 
Platt-Deutsch and High German divisions — perhaps divided 
between the two. 

6. Of the Landiy mentioned by Strabo, it can only be said 
that they were Germans of the great Arminian confederacy. 


Mentloned by Strabo. 

Admitting the Hessian {Chattian) origin of the Bat-avi^ 
the Batti may have been the Hessians (Chatti), from whom 
it originated ; and the Svrhatti {^ov-^dTrtoi) South-Battij 
even as Svs-sex^ South-Saxon. 

If so, the name is Low German ; and the Hessian form 
would be BesH. 

Thls is verified (and the suggestion is Grimm^s) by the 
following popular distich : — 

Dissen, Deute, Haldorf, Ritte, Bune, Beste, 
Das sind der Hessen dorfer alle sesse ; 


Dissen, Deute, Haldorf, Ritte, Bupe, Betse, 
Tbey are the Hessian thorpes, all six. 


Names, in detail, of Frisian populations ; enumerated by 


Pliny. Their locality is now under water ; being, probablyy 
the bottom of the Zuyder-Zee. 

1. Sturiiy seems a true proper name. 

2. Marsaci^ is, probably, a derivatiye from the root Marsh 
= Marsh-men. 

3. The Frisia-bon-es^ I think, is Vriesen-veen {Frisian 
Fen)^ a real name in more than one Frisian localitj at the 
present moment. 

As the result of a piece of guess-work, I believe that the 
-tM», in the unsatisfactory terms Ist-se-t7(m-es and Ing-se-iTon-es, 
is simply veen=^/en; and the division is much more local 
than commentators imagine. Hence — 

1. The Herminones meant the people of the Upper Ems, 
and water-shed between that river and the Weser. 

2. The Ingsevones, the Fen«peopIe in front of it, and — 

3. The Istsevones, the people of a Kesteven^ whatever 
the import of that name may have been. 

If so, the informants of the Bomans, who first circulated 
the terms, were in a predicament diiOferent onlj in degree 
from that of a writer about England, who at Grimsby or 
Boston, had heard that the whole county was divided into 
Lindsey, HoUand, and Keste-^oen^ and applied his information 
to the British empire at large. 


Name, oompound. 

Locality, the valleys of the Naab and Regen. 

Power of the root, c-mp^ uncertaia. See not. in v. 

But, in origin^ probably, Crerman. 

To what languages, the first elements (Pam^ and Adrab-y 
are referable, is uncertain; the displacements here having 
been great. 

a. It may have been some Slavonic dialect, the population 
being a western continuation of the Saxon and Bohemian 

h. It may have been Boian {i.e.^ Oallic or Keltic). 

See nn. in vv. Boiemum and Narisci. 



Gompounds of the root rac-, 

The -t 18, perhaps, a Gallic sign of the plural. — See not. in 

V. Usipiu 

To what language the root JKoc- or (snpposing the -o^ to 
be radical) Itacat is referable, is donbtfnl. 

It is, most likely, not German. 

Withont building anything upon the conjecture, I think 
that one and the same root B-tshy sometimes taking the 
form of Ehat'^ sometimes of Rug-^ sometimes of Rak-^ and 
sometimes of Bacz-y lies at the bottom of the following 

a. The province Rhai-\^y 

h. The .Stf^-ii of ^ei^-i-Iand, 

c. The 'PaK-aTaif and Te-paK-ar-plai, 

d. The Raczy of Serria, at the present moment. 


Mentioned by Tacitus as part of the Vindili. If so, 
Slavonic rather than Oerman. 


The names which now follow, are equivocal^ t.^., although 
different from those of any populations hitherto mentioned, 
they are, still, sufficiently like to pass as repetitions of 
certain names preyiously considered, whilst they are suffi- 
ciently diiOferent to be reasonably considered as separate sub- 
stantive denominations. 

The Vispi are the Ovi<nrol of Ptolemy ; who places them 
as far south as the frontier of the Helvetian Desert. 

Probably, their name still exists in the TTm- of TTu-baden, 
in the country of the Mattiaci, as more than one commenta- 
tor reasonably suggests. If so, their locality is fixed. 

But then, their name is suspiciously like that of the 


Usipetesj or Usipii ; a population wbich, unless Ptolemy 
mention it under the name Viipi^ he does not mention at all. 

But IFi^baden is not too far south for the most southern 
UsipAx. Perhaps not. We must remember, however, that 
they reach as far north as HoIIand, i.^., the country of the 
TurhanteB {Twewthe). — Epilegomena^ § i. 

§ LXIII. THE N0U<7t7r€9. 

The Noi5<rA7re9 (NoucrtTrot) of Strabo ; known only as we 
know the Landi, i,e.<, as members of the great Arminian con- 
federacy, or, at least, as Germans, led in triumph for the 
victory that avenged it. 

Probably, Usipiiy under another form ; especially as the 
Usipii (as such) are not mentioned by Strabo. 

§ Lxiv. TH£ XavSoi, Ka^oijikKoi, Ka0v\Koi, KafJLy^iavol, 


1 . Against considering the XavSoi as the Aviones of Tacitns, 
there are no great reasons. Neither are difficulties created, 
by making it the name of a separate substantive population. 

2, 3. The other names are more problematical. 

Besides the Ka0v\Koi and KoouX^co^ Strabo mentions the 
Chauci, distinguishing between them and the latter. Still the 
names are alike, — the more so when we find Chaucm made 
trisyllabic : — 

* ■■ non indignante Cha&co 
Pascat Belga pecus. — Claudian. De Laud. Stilich. 

Then there are the Chabilci of Graul. — See not. in Germania 

4, 5. KafjL^^iavoi and \fi^avol are names suspiciously 
alike. Yet they both occur in the same writer — Strabo. 

a. Are both, or either, Ampsi-vam f 

l, Are both, or either, the people of the parts about 
Kampten in Over-ijsel! 

c. Is one one, and the other the other ! 


§ Lxv. THE ha/>fK6aapyou 

Such 18 the current reading in Strabo, who makes no meD- 
tlon of the Lango*iar(/i. 

See note in v. Lango-iar</«. 

The word is eompoand, and why shonld there not bave 
been three separate substantiye nations with names com- 
pounded of — 

1. The root J-rrf + a prefix. 

2. The root l-ng + an affix» — viz. : — 

1. Lanff-(hbardij or the men with either long heards or long 
halherts — 

2. Lacco-bardi, or the men with beards (or halberU) en- 
dowed with some qualitj expressed by l-cc — 

3. Lango-sargi^ or the men whose sarks (whatever they 
were) were long ? 

All such forms exist ; certainly in good authors, possibly 
in good MSS. 
Then there are, — 

4. The Hea^fo-hdLvA^ of the Traveller's Song, and, — 
6. The Bards of the Slavonic Bardon-wic. 

I have no decided opinion here. It is my impression, 
however (and I imagine that the common sense view of 
the question coincides with it), that the Langobardi, Laeco- 
bardi^ and Langosargi are one and the same population. 

The truth is, that geographical texts require a very peculiar 
kind of criticism. 

a, We cannot prefer one reading to another, because it will 
give us certain results ; since that (in many cases) is argning 
in a circle, i.e.y inferring the reading from the result, and the 
result from the reading. 

i. We cannot, as in other cases, argue from the context ; 
since the question is one of letters rather than of fcords ; 
and a proper name, in many cases, can as little be col- 
lected from the words which accompany it as the unmean- 
ing combinations which form a chorus can from tbe words 
of a song. 

The chief prelimiuaries to this criticism are clear notions 


as to the langaage of the author, the language of his iDfor- 
mants, and the language of the copyists of the MSS.,* espe- 
ciallj in respect to their phonetic sjstems. 

Now, it is not stating too much to saj that all this con- 
stitutes a whollj new and undeveloped line of criticism. 

That dijOferent authors should diSer in the forms thej gire 
the different new and strange names which thej meet with in 
the geographj of imperfectly known countries is natural ; but 
that one and the same author should varj is strange. Yet 
such has been the case with both Strabo and Ptolemy, and 
that to a considerable extent. 

§ Lxvi. THE Teyfcepoi, ^lyployve^, Kapirvol, and Tovptovoi. 

1 , 2. How fer are the first two Tencteri and Angrivarii f 
The localities are not exactly the same, nor yet the names, 
though like. 

This answer is, probably, in the affirmative. 

3. The Caritniy on the other hand, can scarcely be the 
Carini of Pliny, since the Caritni are east of the Middle 
Bhine, the Carini Viudili. 

4. The TovpmvoL are almost certainly T^Attr-ingians, of 
the Teur^hemutn (Tevpioxcu/Jbat) of Ptolemy» 


The notice of the comparative uniformity of the Bussian 
dialects, although apparently a point of Slavonic, rather than 
German, ethnology, was shown* to have an important bear- 
ing upon the text of even the Germania of Tacitus. And 
this is the case with several other questions, which, at (irst 
view, seem wholly remote from the subjects under present 
consideration. Nothing, however, in ethnology is isolate and 
unconneeted ; and few points of the earth''^ surface are so 
distant as not, when certain problems are under notice, to be 
brought to bear upon eacb other. 

Now the case which was made out in the § on the Goths^ 

* See Proltgomenay^ vi. 


for bringing the great Lithuanian family as far sonth as tbe 
parts* about Gallicia, on one side, and the Lower Dannbe, or 
country of the Getse, on the other, was incomplete ; since 
there was another series of facts which, difficult and mjs- 
terious as they are under any point of yiew, are still ren- 
dered somewhat clearer by everj fact which extends the 
Lithuanic area, either sauthtoards or ecutwards. 

Whatever brings LUhumia nearer to India^ diminishes 
certain philological and ethnological difficulties. 

What these are, is now widely known. They are all 
referable to the single great fact of the grammatical and 
glossarial affinities of the ancient literary language of India 
and Persia (the Sanskrit and its allied forms), being with the 
Greek and Latin, with the Gothic, with the Slavonic, and, 
pre-eminently, with the Lithuanic tongues of Europe. 

No table, equally short, shows this better than the follow- 
ing one of Dr. Trithen''^, from the Transactions of the 
Philological Society, No. 94. 


Mother motina mat' mfltr. 

Son sunai suin sUnu. 

Brother brolis brat bhratr. 

Sitter sessu sestra svasr. 

Duughttr-inrUno ,,, — snokha 8nu8h&.* 

Father-in-law — svekort s^vasura. 

Mother-in-lttw — 8vekrov'J ... 8'vas ru. 

Brother-in-law .... — dever'§ devr. 

One wienas odin eka. 

Ttoo du dva dvft. 

Three trys tri tri. 

Four keturi chetuire chatvftrah. 

Five penki piat' pancha. 

Six szessi shest* shash. 

Seven septyni sedm* saptan. 

Eight asstu^lii osm' ashtan. 

Nine dewyni deviat* navan. 

Ten dessimtis desiat* dasa'. 

The foUowing similarities go the* same way, viz.^ towards 

* Latin nurus, from snurus» f Latiu socer, Orcck ticvpos. 

X Latin socnu, Grcek ciicvpa. § Latin levir (devir), Orcck daffp. 


the proof of a remarkable affinitj with certain languages of 
Europe, there being none equally strong witb any existing 
and undoubted Asiatic ones. 


J as8 aham azem. 

Thou tu twam tdm. 

Ye yu8 yOyam yus. 










Lanp8-inni = I praise. 




-innu -innawa 




-inni -innata 




-inna -inna 



Jaj-ami = I conquer, 

1. J^ -&mi -ftyah -Amah. 

2. — -&8i -Sthah -&tha. 

3. — -&ti -&tah -anti. 


Esmi =s I am, 

1. Esmi eswa esme. 

2. Essi esta esti. 

3. Esti esti esti. 


Asmi = J am. 

1. Asmi swah smah. 

2. Asi sthah stha. 

3. Asti stah santi. 

In explanation of this, the voice of comparative philologists, 
ethnologists, and special scholars, is all one waj. It is unani- 
mous in the decided expression of the doctrine that the 
tongues of Europe allied to the Sanskrit came from the East ; 
and I doubt whether any man living has ever recognised the 
opposite altemative, tnz,^ that of the Sanskrit and its allied 

♦ Or that, thit. 


languages coming from Enrope. Of course, there are reasons 
for this one-sidedness, and, amongst these, the reasonable 
doctrine that the human species originated in Asia, the 
somewhat cnide notion that migrations move from east to 
west, rather than from west to east, as if in obedience to some 
ethnological law, and the unwillingness to believe that the 
primary migrations by which the population of the earth'*s 
surface spread from some single point over the four quarters 
of the world, Jie far beyond any existing means of investiga- 
tion, are the chief. 

Nevertheless, if we clear our minds of all this, the presnmp- 
tions are the other way, 

When two allied populations, covering areas of different 
magnitudes, are separated from each other, and we account 
for the separatiou by assumiug a migration, the presumption 
is that the occupants of the smaller area are derived from that 
of the larger, rather than vice versd. 

When an ethnological class fidls into a certain number of 
divisions, the portion of its area, where the divisions are the 
most numerous and the most definite, must be considered as 
the oldest. 

Such are the presumptiom — ^presumptions which we get at 
by attending to the (irst principles of reasoning — presumptions 
which our common-sense supplies us with, No one, I ima- 
gine, will deny their general validity, however much he maj 
consider that, in certain individual cases, they give us a wrong 

Thus, taken hy itself^ the presumption that arises from the 
vast extent over which the English language is spoken in 
America, as compared with the limited area of the British 
Isles, is in favour of the American being the mother-tongue, 
which is known to be contrary to fact. 

But the mere question of a magnitude of area need not be 
taken by itsel/. It is corrected by the presumption arising 
out of the second observation. In America, the Englisb 
language stands either alone or nearly so. In England it has 
its congeners around it, — Frisian, Dutch, Platt-Deutsch, 
High German, and Norse ; and this shows that Europe is 
the older home of the Englishman. 

£PIL£OOM£NA. cxli 

Sach 19 the case where the two presumptions dlffer — one 
complicating the other. Yet even then the case is clear. 

When they coincide^ it is clearer still. Thus, when we 
have a comparatively homogeneous language confined to the 
smaller of two areas on one side, and on the other a multipli- 
city of divisions and subdivisions spread over the larger, the 
presumption that the occupants of the former are derived from 
those of the latter, is indefinitel j raised. 

To apply these rules to the present case — 

Northem India, Persia, Armenia, and a small portion of 
Gaucasus, form the maadmum of area that can be given to the 
so-called Indo-European languages of Asia. 

England, Germanj, HoIIand, two thirds of Scandinavia, 
Bussia, Poland, and all southem Europe, with the exception 
of Bumelia, Albania, and Biscay, form the minimum of area 
for the so-called Indo-European languages of Europe. 

Now the le(ist that is allowed to the tongues of Europe is 
more than the most that can be given to those of Asia. The 
excess may be but small ; still, pro tanto^ it shows which way 
the presumption is. 

Again — the greatest amount of division that can be got out 
of the Asiatic class of Indo^European tongues is the Ossetic, 
Armenian, and Indo-Persian tongues ; the latter meaning the 
Sanskrit and the ancient languages allied to it, with their 
real or supposed derivatives — the modem tongues of Persia 
and northern India. 

The least amount of division amongst the European tongues 
is equal to this ; for I submit that the diiOferences between the 
Latin (with its derivatives) and the Greek, the Slavonic, the 
Lithuanic, and the several branches of the Gothic stock, are 
fully equal in value and variety to those that any principle of 
classification can get from the tongues of Indo-European Asia. 

But more must be added. Bightly or wrongly, there is an 
opinion that the modem languages of northern India are not 
Indo-European ; and — 

Bightly or wrongly, there is an opinion that the Armenian 
is not Indo-European — 

Yet no one, who admits the term at all, has ever taken 
exceptions to any of the Indo-European tongues of Europe. 


So that to derive the GermaD, Slayonic, Lithnanic^ 
Oreek and Latin irom ludia, is to deriye the greater ttom the 
less, the multiform from the simple, the admitted from the 
doubtfal. It is to dednce the stock from the offshoot, to 
move the earth with a lever in the clouds.* 

AU such connections as that between the Sanskrit and 

* 1 must be allowed to remind the reader that from a desire to deal with 
the questioD as a question of logic only, and with the wish to understatey 
rather than overstate, my case^ I ai^e entirely er abundantu 


a. I allow the Vedas to be four thousand years old — ^without believing 
anything of the kind. 

6. I allow the Hindu, Bengali, Urdu, Oigerati, Mahratta, and modem 
Persian tongues, to be as truly Sanskritic in origin as the English is Anglo- 
Saxon — without believing it. 

c. I allow the Armenian to be Indo-European. 

d. Also the Ossetic. The only facts rcspecting these last three points 
which I argue from, is the exislence of doubts — not the validity of them. 

e. I lay no stress on the statement that the third language of the canei- 
form inscription is other than Indo-European. 

Jl I carry the traces of a Tamulian tongue, anterior to the Hindu, no 
further south than the parts about Bombay — 

g, And the traces of monosyllabic tongues, similarly anterior to the 
Sanskrit, no fiirther south than the Lower Ganges. 

h, I allow the Siaposh to be as Sanskritic as the most extreme defenders 
of its Sanskritic origin make it, and I place the Lughmani, and other 
dialects, as well as the Pustu of Affghanistan, in the same category. 

t. I lay no stress on the Tamulian character of the Brahui, the numerds 
of which were admitted by Lassen to be those of Southern India. 

On the other hand — 

As I take exceptions to the Indo-European character of the Keltic 
tongucs, and although I am, pcrhaps, the only philologist who does, I take 
no advantage of the current opinion, by which the contrast between the 
differences between the so-called Indo-European tongues of Europe and the 
comparative homogeneousness of those of Asia would be heightened. 

I wish to reduce the question to its logical form which is, that where we 
have two branchet qfthe tame division qf ipeech separated /rom each other^ one 
of which it the larger in area and the more diversijied by varieties, and the other 
tmalier and comparatively homogeneous, the presumption is in fovour of the 
latter being derivedjrom theformer, rather than the formerjrom the tatter, 
To deduce the Indo-Europeans of Europe from the Indo-Europeans of Asia, 
in ethnology, is like deriving the reptiles of Oreat Britain from those of 
Ireland in erpetology. 



Lithuanic must be explained hy either a migration, or an 
original continuitj of area. 

Tbe presumptions haye been determined. Let us now 
choose between these altematives. 

The Indo-European population maj have been continued 
from Asia into Europe (or vice versd) by two Hnes^ — 

1 . One to the north — 

2. One to the south of the Caspian Sea. 

The difficulties, each way, are the same in amount, though 
diSerent in kind. 

1. On the north we have the vast tracts of Independent 
Tartary, the water-systems of the Lower Jaik and Volga, 
in which the Indo-European population which, by assump- 
tion, was continuous from the Oxus to the Dnieper, has 
wholly disappeared. Now the more we go back the wider 
this interval becomes ; since, the Bussians, at the beginning 
of the historical period were {iirther from India than they are 
now. The supposed displacement, then, in this quarter must 
have been enormous. The further objections that arise out of 
the distribution of the existing Turk and Ugrian families of 
the area in question (a distribution which makes it almost 
impossible for an Indo-European population ever to have 
been on the north of the Gaspian), are too numerous for a 
work like the present. 

2. A prolongation of the Indo-European area in the 
direction of Asia, and to the south of the Gaspian, is, at the 
first view, practicable enough. And here the remark that 
whatever brings Lithuania nearer to India diminishes dAffi- 
cultieSy has its bearing. Let the Getse be Lithuanians, the 
Thracians may be Lithuanic also, since more than one good 
authority of antiquity identifies the two. Then the Bithy- 
nians were Thracians — which brings the European Lithuanic 
half-way, or more, to meet the Indo-European dialects of 
Western Persia. Be it so. The Armenian language is a 
stumbling-block. It ought, from its geography, to be iuter- 
mediate to the Sanskrit and Lithuanic — whereas, that it 
is Indo-European at all is more than many good judges 
allow it to be. At any rate, it is not what it ought to be 
for the hypothesis — transitional in character. 



Sach the difficulties attending the doctrine of an wiginal 
continuity of area and suhsequmt displacement. 

The other alternative, or that of simple migration, requires 
three facts to be bome in mind — 

a. That it is no iiirther from the Dardanelles to the Indus 
than from the Indus to the Dardanelles. 

b. Tbat the real conquests of Alexander (especiallj that 
which led to the establisbment of the Greek kingdom of 
Bactria) differed from such a European conquest as is neces- 
sary to account for all the phenomena of the Sanskrit and 
allied languages in date, magnitude, and duration only — i.^., 
in degree though not in kind. 

c. That the Majiar conquest of Hungarj differs onlj in 
date ; for, certainly, it would be a bold statement to assert 
that a similar conquest of an area of equal magnitude on the 
Indus, on the part of the Europeans of Thrace and the 
Lower Danube, at a sufficiently early date, would not account 
for all the points of likeness between the Hindu and the 
European. The likelihood of such an event happening, is 
measured bj the actual cunquests of the Macedonians. 

Such is the balance of the difficulties of the two h jpotheses ; 
the conclusion in the mind of the present writer being that if 
we consider the Sanskrit to be Asiatic, in the waj that the 
Majiar is European, we escape the unnecessarj multiplication 
of causes, and avoid assumptions of which the number and 
amount has never been fairlj measured. 

How far the Jats of India are Get-a^ is a difficult qnestion. 

The magnitude of the area in which the coincidence occurs 
is quite large enough to allow us to consider it aceidental. 
Still, a case maj be made out the other waj. 


Bj Qucm-Germanic I mean those Gauls who, bj some 
writer or other of antiquit j, have been considered to either be 
German or to exhibit G^rman characteristics. 

Thej are chieflj noticed in Tacitus, in § xxviii., being the 
Treviri^ Nervii^ Vangianes^ Triboci, and Nemetes. 


Between these Tacitus draws the distinction (indicated in 
p. 100) by the words haud dubie ; from which I infer that, 
in the case of the first two populations, on this list, to which 
the words do not appl j, there was a doubi. 

I do not, then, press the arguments against the Germanic 
character of the Vangiones, Triboci, and Nemetes — though 
some serious elements of doubts are opposed to them. Thus^ 

a. The name of the 2W-boci is Keltic = the tre- in the 
Eeltic names of places. But this Grimm has met by sup- 
posing ii = threey so that Tri-bocissthe three beeches. 

b. The names * of three out of seven of their towns are 
Eeltic — H Sk airo tov ^OSpiyya irorafiov irpb^ fieairjfiSplav 
KaXelTai, Tepfiavla ^ av<o' iv ^ irdXev^ dpxo/Mivwv airo tov 
^OSplyya TTOTa/Mov, 

Ve/MfjT&v /Mkv, 'Noio/Mayo^, 

Ova/fyiovoDV Si, BopSrjTO/iaryo^, 

Aeyloiv fi ^eSaar^* 
TpiSo/cKODV Bk, Bp€VK6/ia/yo<$, 

''E\Kr/So<:. — Ptolemy. 
Still the three German towns may have had Keltic names 
in the mouths of Keltic informants. 

However, the Keltic forms Caer^ as in Clwr-philly, occur as 
well — " Tutor Trevirorum copias, recenti Vangionum, Cara- 
eatiunhy Tribocorum delectu auctas, veterano pedite atque 
equite firmavit . . ; mox ubi duces exercitusque Bomani pro- 
pinquabant, honesto transftigio rediere, secutis Tribocis, Van- 
gionibusque et Caracatibus.'*'' — Tac. Hist. iv. 70. 

The Treviri and Nervii come under a diiferent category. 
Bespecting the first the statement of Niebuhr, that their 
language was German, confidently as it is made, proves nothing. 
It assumes the point under investigation. The unlikelihood 
of the Gallic having maintained itself until the time of St. 
Jerome, is a matter for the reader to decide. The German of 
Sette and Tredice Communi {Prolegomena^ § xi.) has main- 
tained itself longer. The fact of no mention being made of 

* Those ending in -magus. 


the Galatian language, on the day of Pentecost, w a reason 
— as far as it goes. 

Another remark of Niebuhr'*^ upon St. Jerome^s statement 
is exceptionable. He considers that the supposed German of 
Phrygia was introduced by the Goths of the reign of Theo- 
dosius. Now their language would be Moeso-Gothic ; at 
least, as different from the German of the Lower Bhine, the 
only German likel j to be spoken at Treves, as the present 
Dutch is from the High German of Switzerland and Bavaria. 
This difference is that of two mutually uninteHigible tongues. 

The supposed descent of the Nerrii from the Teutones and 
Cimbri, complicated as it is by the similar claim on the part 
of the Aduatici (see not. in v, Nermi) is available only in the 
hands of a writer who can throw any light over the deep 
gloom that invests the history of those famous warriors. 

Still, there is the evidence of Tacitus to their being less 
Gallic, and more German than the typical Gauls. 

This evidence we shall find is a reproduction of that of 
Csdsar — for which see Prolegomena^ p. Ixxii. — where the 
two chief texts are marked in Italics, Belgas esse ortos ah 
GermaniSy and Pamanos qui uno nomine Germani appeUaniur. 

To this — as an argument the same way — we may add the 
present existenc^ of the Flemish language in Belgium snb- 
ject to the certainty of Flanders having been conquered by 
the Franks in the time of Clovis, and the likelihood of their 
language having been then (aud uo earlier) introduced. 

Such is the evidence on one side. Agaiust it must be 
placed the general tone of Caesar''^ narrative, where the identi- 
fication of the BelgsB with the Gauls in all essentials, stands in 
opposition to the exceptional statements as to the particular 
Germanism of the Paemani, &c. 

But this is, perhaps, neutralized by the fact of his treating 
the Aquitanians who belonged to the Iberic stock, in a similar 
manner, i.e.y as Gauls. 

The presence of Belgse in Britain, is also in favour of the 
Belgse being Gauls; since the evidence of Germans on the 
other side of the Channel, in the time of Caesar, is eminently 
imperfect, t.^., the legitimate evidence. Of course, by making 
the Belgse of the Continent German, we can bring Germans 


into Britain. Bat that, again, is to assume the point instead 
of proving it. 

Some, at least, of the Belgse, were Gallic in regard to their 
eonstitution, — witness the Eburones^ who were climtes to the 

The names (^.^., those beginning in tre- and eon-) were 
GaUic. This is an argument which the present writer, has, 
at the first view, no right to use ; he has so ofben suggested 
that a population speaking one language, might have a name 
in another. In this case, however, he maj do so ; since 
Caesar was in the couutrj of the Belgae, and, if their names 
were German, might have taken them in a German form. 
Had he never crossed the Seine, it would not have been 
illegitimate to argue, that Eeltic names for Belgic localities 
and populations, were not incompatible with a Germanic 
descent for the people. 

Neither is he, perhaps, justified in laying much stress on 
the degree to which the extension of Germanic tribes to 
the Seine, would diminish the Gallic population, supposed to 
be so great ; since he has shown but few scruples in contrast- 
ing the Germanic. Still we must remember three points. 

a. First, that the recognition of the Belgse as German, 
would subtract all the country north of the Seine, from 

i. That it would place Gennans on the Straits of Dover, 
the most probable point for the introduction of the population 
of Britain into Kent, a country which we know was uot 
German but Gallic. 

c. That, as the Aquitanians were Iberic, it would only 
leave the parts between the Seine and Loire for the Kelts. 

In the analysis of the arguments in favour of a wide 
extension of Germans into Gaul, it will generally be found — 

a. That, as a general question, too much importance is 
attached to the notion that common political relations 
denote common ethnological ones. 

h, That certain particular expressions of Csesar, showing 

that, in some of the instances before us, there were specific 

signs of Gallic origin, are omitted ; e.g,^ Cativolcus, a Belgian, 

says, *' non facile Gallos Gallis negare potuisse." — Bell. Gall. 

z 2 


V. 27. AIso the statement, that the mode of condoctiDg the 
attack of towns, was the same with the Belgae and the Gauls. 
— " CraUorum eadem atque Belgarum oppugnatio est hcBc.'^ — 
Ibid. ii. 6. 

c. That too little stress is laid upon the undoubted Grallic 
character of the county of Kent. 

d. Too little, too, on the diminution of the Grallic area, bj 
leaving it nothing but the parts between the Seine and 

e. Above all, too little, to a passage in Strabo, stating that 
the differences (admitted differences) between the Bdga and 
other Gauls were inconsiderable. 

/. That sufficient importance is not attributed to the &ct, 
of the testimony of Cssar, not necessarily going beyond the 
assertion of a difference between the Galli and Germani, 
greater than the difierence between two divisions of the same 

g. That the Belgse maj have been Germans, just as the 
Manxmen and Channel Islanders are English, t.^., only in 
regard to their politics. 

Such I believe to have been the case ; a belief which has 
suggested the term Quasi-Germanic. 

I may here remark, that the negative statement as to 
political relations being but little more that primd /acie eyU 
dence of ethnological ones, is less easy of proof than it seems; 
inasmuch, as many of the instances, which the present 
writer could easily quote, would not satisfy an advocate of 
the German doctrine in its fullest extent. Many of his 
Sarmatians would be, in his ejes, Germans. Still there is 
no doubt as to such cases as the foUowing. 

1. A Valerianus and a Martinus are mentioned as leaders 
of certain ffuns. 

2. The undoubtedly Sarmatian Jazyges are allied in a 
Marcomannic war with the equally undoubtedly Germanic 

3. The Quadi are found in alliance with both undeniable 
Sarmatians and undeniable Germans. 

In respect to the evidence of the names of the chief histori- 
cal characters of a particular population, being oflen as diiTe- 


rent in language as that of the Duke of Wellington was from 
a Spanish private^^s at Salamanca, the evidence is also incon- 
clnsiye, and that for the same reasons. Nevertheless, an 
instance more cogent than the foUowing can scarcely be 

The same writer (Tacitus) who expressly separates the 
GotMni from the Germans, and that on the strength of an 
express statement as to the Gothinian language being Gallicy 
gives us the name of a Gothinian leader, whose name is as 
unequivocally German as the eminently Germanic glosses, 30%- 
ohemum and Marcomanni. This name is Cat-f^^, wherein 
the latter element is the walda in HtQi-ijoalda ; whatever the 
iirst maj be ; concerning which, I think (notwithstanding 
the reasons addnced by Mr. Kemble against the Bret- in 
Bret-Yf^i&^ Briton)^ that it is the Goth-^ in Goth-ini ; since 
the n- is non-radical, and reasons for the ^=^ havebeen 
given elsewhere. 




The remarks on the extent to which a Slavonic form in 
'Bhtsh^ might be presumed when there was a confttsion 
between -sc- and -sU (see note in v. Narisci)^ was written 
before I found iu L. G. Daae^s work on the Lithnanian Family 
that the actual Slavonic form for the German combiuation 
St'^ is Shtsh (/c' in Bohemian, szcz in PoHsh, and tcha in 
Bussian), and that the Polish original of Stiegletz is szezygiel. 
Such being the case, it is not too much to suggest that the 
very existeuce of a confusion between -«^- and -«c-, is primd 
facie evidence of the true and original form being 'Msh^y and 
consequently of the word in which it occurs being Slavonic ; 
for it is onlj in Slavonic that such combinations occur. 


In p. 91 there is a material oversight. The Boii are 
placed between the Maine, Bhine, and Hercjnian Forest. 
They ought to have been placed in the parts heyond the area 
thus circumscribed. I saj this oversight is material ; since 
the true position of the Boii was nearer Bohemia than the 
text of note in v. Boiohemwn makes it. Still, the correction 
bj no means carries it as far east as Bohemia ; since the plain 
meaning of ulteriora is not any part east of the Maine, but 
the parts that immediately (there or thereabouts) succeed, or 
come next to, the Helvetian occupancy. Now, these are 
parts (and no inconsiderable parts either) of Bavaria. Bohe- 
mia, undoubtedly, comes afterwards in the same direction ; 
but so do Gallicia and many other places. The common- 
sense interpretation seems to be that where the Helvetians 
lefl off, the Boii began. Still, the statement in the text 
referred to is an over-statement. 



Translation of Extradfnm Alfred.* 

^' NoRTH of the old Saxons are the Obotrites, and north- 
east the Wylte, who are called the men of the Hevel ; and 
east of them is the Wend Land, that is called Syssele ; and 
south-east, at some distance, Moravia, and the Moravians have 
by them Thuringia and Bohemia, and part of Bayaria, and 
aoath of them, on the other side of the Danube, is Carinthia. 
Sonth, as far as the mountains called Alps, and to those same 
mountains, lie the boundaries of Bavaria and Suabia, and 
east of them Garinthia. Beyond this, to the west, is Bulgaria, 
and east of that Greece, and east of Moravia is the land of 
the Vistula, and east of that Dacia, where the Goths were. 
To the north-east of Moravia are the Daleminzi, and north of 
the Daleminzi the Sorbs, and west of them the Sysele. North 
of Croatia (!) is the Land of Women, and north of the Land 
of Women is Sirmium, even to the Biphean Mountains/^ 


Translation from Thorpe^s Codex Eaoonienm of The Sedp^ 
or 8cald*8 Tale^ i.e., The TraveUer'8 Song.^ 

Oft he had in hall receivM 

WiDSiTH spake, 

His word-hoard unlockM, 

Who a vast many [had met 

Wonders on earth, 

A memorahle gift. 

Him from among the Myrg- 

Nohles gave hirth to. 

TravellM through many na- 10 He with Ealhild, 

tions ; 

Faithful peace-weaver, 

* See Prvlegomena, p. xxiv. t See EpUegomena, § vii. 



For the first time, 

Of the Hreth-king, 

Sought the home 

East of Onglc, 

Of Eormanric, 

The fierce faitli-hreaker ; 

Began then much to speak : 

" Of roany men I *ve heard, 

20 Ruling o'er trihes ; 
(Every prince should 
Live according to usage, 
Chief after other 
Rule the country, 
He who in his throne 
Desires to prosper). 
Of these was Hwala 
A while the hest, 
And Alexandreas 

30 Of all most powerful 
Of the race of men, 
And he most prosper^d 
Of those which I on earth 
Have heard of. 
^tla ruPd the Huns, 
Eormanric the Goths, 
Becca the Banings, 
The Burgends Gifica ; 
Ceesar rul'd the Greeks, 

40 And Cselic the Fins, 
Hagena the Holmrycs, 
And Henden the Gloms ; 
Witta ruVd the Sweefs, 
Wada the Haelsings, 
Meaca the Myrgings, 
Mearchealf the Hundings ; 
Theodric rurd the Franks, 
Thyle the Rondings, 
Brcoca the Boundings, 

60 Billing the Wems ; 
Oswine rul'd the Eows, 
And the Yts Gefwulf ; 
Fin, Folcwald*s son, 
The race of Fresns, 
Sigehere longest 
RuVd the Sea-Danes. 

Hnsef the Hokings, 

Helm the Wulfings, 

Wald the Woings, 
60 Wod the Thyrings, 

Seeferth the Sycgs, 

The Swedes Ongendtheow, 

Sceafthere the Imbers, 

Sceafa the Longbeards, 

Hun the Haetwers, 

And Holen the Wrosns. 

Hringwald was namM 

The Herefaras* king, 

Offa rulM Ongle, 
70 Alewih the Danes, 

Who of those men was 

Haughtiest of all. 

Yet not o'er Offa he 

Supremacy effected, 

For OflB won 

Earliest of men, 

Being a youth, 

Of kingdoms greatest. 

No one of like age with bim 
80 Dominion greater 

Had in contest gain*d 

With his single sword ; 

His marches he enlarged 

Towards the Myigings, 

By Fifel-dor. 

Continued thenceforth, 

Engles and Sweefs, 

As Offa it had won. 

Hrothulf and Hrothgar 
90 Held very long 

Peace together, 

The patemal cousins, 

After tbey had expelFd 

The race of Wikings, 

And Ingeld'a 

Sword had bow^d, 

SlaughterM at Heorot 

The host of Heathobearda. 

Thus I traversM many 
100 Foreign lands, 

Over the spacious earth. 



Good and evil 
There I proved, 
From my offspring separated, 
From my dear kindred far, 
FoUow'd widely. 
Therefore I can sing, 
And a tale relate, 
Recount before the many 
110 In the mead-hall, 

How to me the noble of race 
Were eminently kind. 
I was with the Huns, 
And with the Hreth-Goths, 
With the Swedes and with the 

And with the South-Danes ; 
With the Wenls I was and 

with the Weems, 
And with the Wikings, 
With the Gefths I was and 

with the Wineds, 
120 And with the Gefflegians ; 
With Engles I was and with 

And with the ^nens ; 
With Saxons I was and with 

And with the Sweord-Wers, 
With the Hrons I was and 


with the Danes, 
And with the Heatho-Reams, 
With the Thyrings I was, 
And with the Throwends, 
And with the Burgends ; 
130 There I a bracelet receiv^d. 
Me thcre Guthhere gave 
A brilliant jewel, 
For reward of song : 
That was no sluggish king. 
With the Franks I was and 

with the Frisians, 
And with the Frumtings, 
With the Rugs I was and with 

the Gloms, 
And with the Rum-Wealhs ; 

Also I was in Italy 
140 With ^lfwine, 

Who had of all mankind, 
To my knowledge, 
The lightest hand, 
Praise to effect ; 
The amplest heart 
In the distribution of rings ; 
Of bright bracelets, 
The child of Ead^rine ; 
With the Serkings I was, 
150 And with the Seriugs, 

With Greeks I was and with 

And with Caesar, 
Who o'er the joyous cities 
Dominion held, 
Wiolane and Wilna, 
And o*er the Walish realm. 
With the Scots I was and 

with the Picts, 
And with the Scride-Fins ; 
With the Lid-Wikings I was 
and with the Leons, 
160 And with the Longbeards ; 
With Hffithns and with Hee- 

And with the Hundings ; 
With the Israelites I was, 
And with the Ex-Syrings, 
With Hebrews and with In- 

And with the Egyptians, 
With the Medes I was and 

with the Persians, 
And with the Myigings, 
And the Mofdings, 
170 And again with the Myrgings, 
And with the Amothings ; 
With the East-Thyrings I 

was and with the Eols, 
And with the Ists, 
And Idumings, 
And I was with Eormanric. 
AU which time 



There to me the Qothic king 

Was bounteously kind ; 

He me a bracelet gave, 
180 The chieftain of his citizens, 

On which six hundred were 

Of beaten gold, 

Sceats scored, 

In shillings reckonM 

Which I to Eadgils 

In possession gave 

My patron-lord, 

When to my home I came, 

In requital to my friend, 
190 For that he me had given land, 

My father's home, 

The Myrging's Lord ; 

And to me then Ealhild 

Another gave, 

The noble queen of chieftains, 

£adwine's daughter : 

I her praise extended 

Over many lands, 

When I in song 
200 Had to rekte 

Where I under heaven 

Knew most bountifuUy 

A queen with gold adom*d 

Her grace dispense. 

When I and Skilling 

With clear voioe, 

Tore our victorious lord 

RaisM the song, 

Loud to the harp 
210 Our lay resounded.