r^ 4
(iottUrtn ^nut-It
:::• -t: - •.: - •
GBEMANY
VOL. II.
GEBMANY
PEESENT AND PAST
BY
S. BAKING -GOULD, M.A.
AUTHOR OF 'THE VICAR OF MORWENSTOW ' ETC.
Kai TO. re iraAata K«XII/WS Sie\6elv, Kal nepl TWI> vewori
opxaiws einelv— Isocrates, Panegyricua, § 8
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. II.
0
LONDON
C. KEGAN PAUL & CO., 1 PATERNOSTER SQUARE
1879
( The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved.)
CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME.
PAGE
XI. THE STAGE .
XII. MUSIC . . . . 67
XIII. THE KULTURKAMPF
XIV. PROTESTANTISM . . • • . . 156
XV. THE LABOUR QUESTION . . . .211
XVI. SOCIAL DEMOCRACY . . . 241
XVII. CULTURE ....
XVIII. ARCHITECTURE ... ... 342
XIX. THE STOVE . . • 364
APPENDIX . • . • 373
INDEX ...... 385
GERMANY, PRESENT AND PAST.
CHAPTER XI.
THE STAGE.
God be with you, good people, go and act your play ; and if there
be anything in which I may be of service to you, command me, for I
will do it readily; having been from my youth a great admirer of
masques and theatrical representations. — Don Quixote.
'ON April 26, in the year 1322,' says Johann Rothe in his
c Thuringian Chronicle,' ' after Easter there was performed
at Eisenach a dramatic representation of the " Ten Virgins,"
five of whom were wise, and five foolish, according to the
Gospel, as preached by Christ. And the Landgrave Frederick
was present, and saw and heard how the five foolish virgins
were cast out of eternal life, and how Mary and all the
saints interceded for them in vain. Then he fell into great
doubt, and was very wroth, and exclaimed : " What profit
is there in the Christian faith if Grod will show no pity at
the prayer of Mary and the saints ? " And he went to the
Wartburg, and was wroth five days, and the learned could
hardly appease him and make him understand the purport
of the Grospel. And then he had a stroke, brought on by
the great distress he was in, and he lay sick of it three
VOL. II. B
Germany, Present and Past.
years in bed. And then he died, at the age of fifty-
five.'
It is significant that the first historic notice of a
dramatic performance in Germany should also illustrate
the strong impression it produced upon a German mind.
In his ' Confessions ' Saint Augustine bewails the hold
the stage had on his affections in his unregenerate days.
The heathen stage certainly deserved the censure of the
early Fathers as dangerous to morals. Under the condem-
nation of the Church, without the imperial court at Rome
to support it, the drama died out in the West, to be revived
in a Christian form in the Mystery. Germany produced
her great dramatist in the tenth century — an abbess,
Hroswitha, who, finding that the reading of Plautus was
not of spiritual profit to her daughters in religion, wrote
for them a series of Latin plays on the legends of the saints:
dramas of no ordinary merit, and not without their spice
of comedy.
It is not my intention to enter at any length into the
history of Mystery Plays ; but something must be said of
those which were performed in Germany, as this species of
performance is not extinct.
In 1412, at Bautzen, was performed in the market-
place the play of c Saint Dorothea,' and thirty-three spec-
tators, standing on the roof of a house, were killed by the
giving way of the rafters. In 1417, during the sitting of
the Council of Constance, the c Mystery of the Birth of
Christ,' the ' Adoration of the Magi,' and the ' Massacre at
Bethlehem,' were performed before the Emperor Sigismund.
These plays often lasted several days. In 1536, one, 'Les
Actes des Apotres,' was put on the stage at Bourges ; it
continued forty days, and consisted of 40,000 verses, con-
tained in nine volumes.
Every village church, probably, had its theatrical per-
The Stage.
formances at Epiphany and Easter. One of the pranks of
Tyll Eulenspiegel turns on such a dramatic representation.
Tyll served the parish priest as sacristan, and was entrusted
at Easter with the duty of providing the three Marys. He
chose three of the stupidest louts in the village, and drilled
them in their parts. The priest had a wall-eyed house-
keeper who was to enact the part of the angel at the tomb,
sitting with her blind eye turned from the congregation ;
and the priest with a banner was to personate Christ. On
Easter Day the three bumpkins dressed in female clothes
drew up to the sepulchre and stooped before it. Then the
white-robed angel blandly asked 'Whom seek ye?' There-
upon the three Marys, with one voice, answered, as instructed
by Tyll, ' We seek the parson's wall-eyed wench.' The
angel lost composure, sprang off the tomb, and clawed at
the eyes of the Marys. Their wives, from the congregation,
flew to the rescue. The parson, emerging from his hiding-
place, laid about him with the banner, and, in the general
scrimmage, Tyll made off.
In the St. Bartholomew's-Stift at Frankfurt-on-Main is
preserved the stage director's book for the performance of
a Passion Play, which continued to be enacted annually on
the Romerplatz till 1506. In that year there were two
hundred and sixty-seven performers, among whom were
some of the clergy, and the church choir sang antiphons in
Latin between the scenes. The Bible text was followed
most closely. The cock crowed for Peter's conversion, the
stage shook for the earthquake at the Crucifixion, and the
hanging of Judas was so real that the actor taking the part
on more than one occasion was resuscitated with difficulty.
In 1437, at Metz, the priest who acted the part of Christ
was so severely dealt with in the Crucifixion scene that he
died of the consequences. The performance took place in
the open air, under the sun ; the pavement was parterre,
B 2
Germany, Present and Past.
the windows of the houses formed the boxes, and the roofs
constituted the gallery.
In the great Mysteries the stage was at three elevations,
and before it was a shallow but broad podium for the chorus.
The lowest stage represented the nether world. In the
midst was a door — the mouth of hell, and steps led from
it on each side to the second stage, which figured earth.
The highest stage was reserved for the Deity and the saints ;
it was heaven. Each stage was divided into three com-
partments by pillars. There was no curtain, no change of
scenery, but the back of each platform was suitably painted,
or hung with drapery. The Mount of Olives, the pinnacle
of the Temple, &c., were made of wine-barrels piled on
one another, disguised by painted canvas, whence the stage
directions * Here Satan ascends the barrel,' or e Judas
springs off the barrel.'
With this description of the structure of the mediaeval
stage, the reader will be able to follow the movement of a
play composed in 1480 by a priest, Theodore Schernbeck,
and published by Tilesius at Eisleben in 1565. It is
entitled ;Frau Jutta' and turns on the story of Pope Joan.
It opens with a dance of demons on the lowest platform,
singing in chorus —
Lucifer on throne of night,
Kimo, Kimo, Rimo I
Once an angel clad in light,
Rimo, Rimo, Rimo !
Now a devil foul to sight.
Rimo, Rimo, Rimo 1
Lilith, Satan's grandmother, with a howl, leaps from the
jaws of hell (in the centre) into the circle of caperers, and
expresses her delight at their mad hullabaloo. All the while,
on the highest stage, in a blaze of sunlight, silent, still as
statues, sit Christ, his mother, and the saints, whilst angels
kneel, with smoking censers, in adoration. Lucifer sends
The Stage.
an angel on earth to inspire the maid Jutta with ambition
to climb to the highest pinnacle of honour in the world,
hitherto supposed to be accessible only to a man. The
devil mounts to the middle stage, where the maid Jutta is
seen ministering to her master and lover, a clerk. The evil
spirit breathes the ambitious thought into her ear, and she
discusses it with the clerk. They resolve to go to Paris
together, where she, in male attire, may study with him in
the university. Whilst they are on their journey the chorus
on the podium sing. The stage direction is broad enough,
« Unter des singet man etwas.' When the studies at Paris
are accomplished, Jutta receives the Doctor's bonnet, and
goes to Kome with her clerk, where they enter the house-
hold of Pope Basil, are next appointed cardinals, and finally
Jutta is elected Pope. All this is passed over rapidly, and
preludes the main action of the piece, which now begins,
and shows the advantages of the structure of the Mediseval
stage for dramatic effect.
O
Jutta is enthroned Pope, and sits surrounded by
cardinals, holding conclave, when a senator enters and
represents that his son is possessed with a devil, which he
prays the new Pope to expel. Now, for the first time, fear
falls on the soul of the ambitious woman. The possessed
boy is brought in, writhing on his couch, and she recognises
in the spirit that afflicts him the demon who had inspired
her with her sacrilegious purpose. She invites the cardinals
to drive out the devil : they attempt it, but in vain. Then,
hesitatingly, tremblingly, the Pope raises her voice in
exorcism. The black spirit appears — hidden before behind
the bed, — and flies towards hell, shrieking —
Hear ! hear this marvel all
Assembled in Saint Peter's Hall,
A woman has you all beguile
A woman-Pope, a Pope with child I
Germany, Present and Past.
That the disclosure of such a scandal in the Church,
wrought by a profligate woman, would produce a lively
effect on a believing audience, entered into the calcula-
tions of the poet ; and the threefold division of his stage
assisted in making it effective. The lowest platform is
crowded with scoffing, exulting demons, jabbering and
pointing at the Pope, who sits on the middle stage, in
full pontificals, blanched with fear, covering her eyes
with shame, whilst the cardinals shrink back with dismay,
or lean forward in question. Above, the Saviour discloses
his pierced side, the saints express dismay. Mary kneels
before her Son, and at her prayer he sends the Angel
Grabriel to announce to Jutta the approach of death.
Thereupon the female Pope, filled with contrition,
falls prostrate. She lifts her hands to heaven, and as she
sees death — a skeleton — descend the stair of cloud, with
poised javelin to smite her, she breaks into the musical
cry — l
Mary, Mary, mother dear,
In my shame, my hour of fear,
Drops of blood I weep ; receive
My confession ! do not leave
Me, for evil I have done :
Plead for me to thy dear Son !
The stage direction orders a rushing together of the
cardinals and of the populace around the dying Pope. A
new-born child is lifted above their heads and shown to
the audience. At the same moment the soul of Jutta is
seen carried off by devils to the nether world.
A new situation now begins.
Blood rains out of heaven, and the earth quakes.
The cardinals assume that heaven is outraged at the
disgrace brought on the Holy See by Jutta, and resolve on
a pilgrimage to invoke the intercession of Our Lady and
1 The musical notation is printed with the text.
The Stage.
St. Nicolas. They form into procession, with tapers and
banners, and move along the middle stage chanting a
litany. Below, the demons are tormenting the soul of
Jutta, who pleads on in piteous hymn to Mary. Above, in
heaven, the Blessed Virgin and St. Nicolas are entreating
the Saviour, but — ' Christus schweiget stille.'
Then Mary recites all her cares and sorrows, from the
hour of the Nativity in the stable till the dead head rested
on the mother's lap beneath the Cross : the Saviour's brow
relaxes, he raises his mother, and sends Michael to release
the soul of Jutta.
The closing spectacle must have been one of extra-
ordinary animation and dignity, the like of which cannot
be equalled with all our modern appliances, in the opera.
The devils recoil before Michael in his flashing silver
armour, muttering a rolling bass of execrations. Simul-
taneously rise the wail of the litany as the procession
winds, the song of thanksgiving from the lips of the
redeemed soul, and a thunder of Alleluias from the host
in heaven.
What a subject for Wagner !
In the Mystery Plays representing the Grospel story,
each scene was ' interlarded ' with a tableau, or scene in
dumb show taken from the Old Testament, typical of the
scene from the New Testament. In the baroque period
this tradition of the religious drama survived under a
form adapted to the taste of the period. In 1743 was
enacted before Maria Theresa and Francis the First a play
on the Conversion of Constantine, which opened with the
stage representing a rock rising out of the sea, to which
Andromeda was chained, and a monster at her feet was
rising to devour her. Above sat enthroned Jupiter and
the gods and goddesses of the heathen pantheon. Perseus
rescues Andromeda. It is easy to trace the allegory.
8 Germany, Present and Past.
Constantine delivers the Christian Church from persecution.
The prologue ends with Perseus giving Andromeda over to
the charge of his friend Phineus. The first act represents
Constantine's camp and the marshalling of his host.
The second entr'acte treats of the faithless Phineus,
intent on securing Andromeda for himself, building a
bridge with the bones of the sea-monster. Perseus ap-
pears on the winged horse, exhibits the Grorgon's head.
Phineus plunges into the sea, his companions are turned
to stone. The second act represents the battle of the
Milvian Bridge. Maxentius is precipitated into the Tiber,
the labarum strikes terror into the hearts of his soldiers,
and the Senate of Kome fall prostrate in worship before
the triumphant Cross.
The story of Andromeda also serves as prelude to a
play of the ' Sacrifice of Isaac ' performed in 1725.
Any one who has seen the Ober-Ammergau, Mitte-
wald, or Brixleg Passion Plays will recognise at once three
features of the Mediaeval Mystery which are preserved
in them : the chorus singing the intermezzo on the po-
dium ; the proscenium enclosing only a third of the stage ;
and the allegorical tableaux from the Old Testament
introducing each scene in the Gospel narrative.
Miracle Plays are not limited to these three spots.
I have seen the ( Life of Our Lord ' enacted by strolling
companies in the Black Forest, and in the Pyrenees. But
perhaps the most curious representation of the last scenes
of the sacred history I have witnessed was at Mechlin, a few
years ago, on the fete of St. Kumbold. A travelling band
of players had erected a large tent with stage in it, in the
market-place; and their programme of entertainments
consisted of : —
1. Tight-rope dancing, tumbling, and performing
dogs.
The Stage.
2. The laughable farce of ' A Grhost in spite of him-
self.' l
3. The Passion and Eesurrection of Christ.
It was more than startling to see ' the spangled sprite
of the shining shower,' who pirouetted on the tight-rope,
figure half-an-hour later as the Mater Dolorosa, and the
human spider, a man in fleshings, who walked backwards
on hands and feet, transformed into the Beloved Disciple ;
but the Brabant peasants seemed aware of no incongruity,
and were as ready to weep at the crucifixion as they were
to laugh at the dancing dogs. The peasant mind of the
present day is constituted like that of their Mediaeval
forefathers, who insisted on the introduction of an element
of grotesqueness into every tragedy and religious mystery.
This has been banished from the Ober-Ammergau
performance in deference to the taste of Munich visitors ;
but it survives at Brixleg, where Judas hanging himself,
and Malchus pulling his ear to ascertain whether it is fast
fixed, elicit roars of laughter. In Mahlmann's tearful tra-
gedy of ' Herod before Bethlehem ' there is a comic chorus
of the children over lollipops scattered among them.
But it is in the Opera and the Oratorio that the most
flourishing descendants of the old Mystery Plays are to be
met with. It is in them that they have touched the
ground and arisen with renewed strength. The sacred
opera is not known to us in England : its less charming
quaker sister, the Oratorio, is preferred. But in Germany,
as we shall see presently, it long held its ground, and at the
present day Mehul's 4 Joseph in Egypt ' and Kubinstein's
' Maccabeus,' &c., are played wherever there is an operatic
company.2
1 The English farce of that name translated into Flemish.
2 In 1877, at Berlin, Joseph thrice, The Maccabees five times ; at
Hanover, Joseph once, Cassel twice, Wiesbaden once, in the season.
io Germany, Present and Past.
At the end of the fifteenth century a new species of
dramatic performance came into existence to dispute the
ground with the Mystery. This was the school comedy, a
nursling of the learned. The zeal with which, at this
period, the Greek and Latin authors were studied led
to the performance by scholars of the plays of Terence.
Then the learned were seized with ambition to write Latin
imitations of the classic authors, and to set their pupils to
act them. But these performances were of little influence
on the drama, except to emancipate it from the Church.
The language was dead, the manners represented belonged
to a dead civilisation — there was nothing in them to live
or give life.
At the same time, in taverns and in the streets, strolling
players, seldom more than three at a time, performed little
farces of the meanest merit and most jejune wit. Hans
Kosenblut, a master-singer, was renowned as a composer of
such pieces. They were performed without stage or
costume. Their representatives survive. Whilst writing
this chapter, I saw a couple performed at a peasant's
wedding near Klein-Laufenburg. One turned on the con-
trast between the new style of fashionable shoemaker and
the old style of cobbler. The other was on the blunders
made by a Swabian servant in the service of a baron.
These simple plays were the first feeble beginnings of
the secular drama. They appeared at the time when the
schism between the people and the Church was beginning
to show.
But Hans Sachs, the shoemaker of Niirnberg, gave
the drama its new direction. 'Hans Sachs,' says Grer-
vinus, c stands at the middle point between the old and
the new art ; he drew into his poetry history and the
whole circle of science and common life, broke the bounds
of nationality, and gave German poetry its characteristic
The Stage. n
stamp. He was a reformer in poetry as truly as was
Luther in religion, and Hutten in politics.' Sachs adapted
to the stage alike the stories of the Old and New Testa-
ments, from the Creation to the Redemption, the fables of
antiquity, the legends of the Heldenbuch, the novels of
Boccaccio, Greek tragedies, Roman comedies, and the follies
and crimes of his own time. In his sixty-nine carnival
pieces, fifty-two secular comedies, twenty-eight secular
tragedies, and fifty-two sacred tragedies and comedies, he
broke down the partition which existed between the
religious stage and the secular drama, and brought the
theatre into sympathy with the citizen life of his period.
Hans Sachs' plays show us dramatic art getting out of
swaddling-clothes, nothing more. There is no attempt at
delineation of character, none at producing effective situa-
tions. The comedy of the ' Children of Eve ' shows us
the great simplicity of the cobbler-poet. The Almighty
appears 'like a condescending but stiff school inspector/
says Tieck, and walks about attended by two angels, examin-
ing Adam's children in Luther's catechism. Eve has to
take Cain to task for holding out his left to shake hands
with God, and for forgetting to doff his cap on His first
appearance. It was probably under the direction of Sachs
that the first German theatre was erected at Niirnberg, in
1550, by the guild of the master-singers.1 Augsburg
followed the example of Niirnberg. These theatres were
without roofs, but the stage was covered, and the patri-
cians occupied chairs on the stage on each side — a right
they claimed long after the whole house was covered in.
1 In France the first was erected by the Brothers of the Passion in
the village of S. Maur, near Vincennes, in 1398. In Italy, the old amphi-
theatres were used. The Brothers of the Passion, « del gonf alone,' since
1264 when founded, performed annually in the Colosseum. The first
wooden theatre erected in London was in 1576.
12 Germany, Present and Past.
These theatres, like those for the Mysteries, were without
curtain. At the beginning of an act the performers
entered, at the end they retired. The drama had not
yet conceived the idea of beginning or closing in the
midst of a situation.
Adam Puschmann, a pupil of Hans Sachs, also a shoe-
maker and master- singer, carried the Niirnberg art to
Breslau. He wrote a great comedy of 'Joseph and his
Brothers ' with valuable stage directions. He particularly
urges that all the properties and costumes be got together
before the beginning of a performance. The brothers of
Joseph are to have coats of one sort, hats and shepherds'
staves, Jacob a long grey beard, the angel yellow frizzled
hair and a gilt nimbus. Pharaoh must wear royal robes
* and a beautiful royal beard,' Joseph a slashed and puffled
dress, parti-red.
At this time, as in the Middle Ages, women were not
tolerated on the stage, and the female parts were enacted
by boys. Charles V., in an enactment on stage dress, ex-
cluded women from appearing on the boards. Philip II.
strictly prohibited female performers, but with the intro-
duction of the opera, they became a necessity. The
Eeformers laid eager hold of the drama, as a lively means
of popularising their attacks on Kome. Not only rectors
of colleges and professors of universities, but village
pastors and superintendents of dioceses, rivalled each other
in the composition of pieces for the stage. But it was
not only for polemic purposes that they courted Melpo-
mene ; they felt that by making a clean sweep of the old
religious services of the Church, they had lost one great
means of impressing on the minds of the people the great
story of Eedemption, carried out in the ecclesiastical
ritual of the Christian year in a dramatic but educative
manner. They therefore sought to make the stage do for
The Stage. 13
them what Catholic ritual had effected before. The
result was that with the Keformation came a great revival
of the religious play, and that till the middle of the
eighteenth century the Evangelical clergy of Grermany
encouraged, wrote for, and applauded the stage, and only
broke with it when it refused to become the humble hand-
maid of the Protestant Church.
Luther was the first to stand forth as the champion of
the stage against those sterner spirits, who doubted the
propriety of setting boys to act in the questionable plays,
of Terence. ' Christians,' he said, ' must not shun
comedies because in them there are some foul indecen-
cies and licentious performances, for on account of these
we might forbid them also reading the Bible. Therefore
it is not well that a Christian should avoid reading or
acting in such comedies, just because they contain these
sort of things.'
' John Huss at Constance ' was a stock polemic piece
among the Lutherans. The contrast between Christ and
Antichrist, in a series of scenes, as represented in the
woodcuts adorning the 'Memorabilia' of Wolfius, was
put on the boards. Such a series had great influence in
deciding the people of Berne to adopt the Keformation. l
The Eector Kielmann of Stettin composed a comedy
on Tetzel's sale of Indulgences. ' Lutherus Bedivivus,*
* Curriculum Vitse Lutheri,' e The Calvinist Postboy/
were the titles of other controversial comedies. Paul
Rebhun, pastor of Oelmitz, afterwards superintendent of
Voigtsberg, wrote a ' spiritual play of the chaste Susanna,*
in five acts, with chorus, after the Mediaeval pattern.
* Saul and David,' in five acts, occupying two days, with
100 actors and 500 walking characters, was performed in
1 By Nicolas Manuel. His pieces were as offensive to decency as
they were polemical.
14 Germany, Present and Past.
1571 at Grabel. The deacon, Eriginger, wrote a great
play of the Eich Man] and poor Lazarus. In this the
dramatis personce are divided into three lots (Hauferi).
To the first lot belong : the actor, i.e. the director, who
recites the prologue to each act, and is also stage-manager ;
the argumentator, a boy who points the moral of each
act ; the conclusor, who speaks the epilogue ; also the
Almighty, the angel who takes the soul of Lazarus,
Abraham ; trusty Eckehardt, adopted into the sacred play
from popular mythology ; * Solicitus, a poor artisan ;
Lazarus ; two travelling students ; a hospital servant col-
lecting subscriptions ; Master Hans, a tailor ; the soul of
Lazarus represented by a pretty little boy in a white shirt.
To the second lot belong : Nabal, the rich man ; his
wife Sarkophilia ; his five brethren ; Convivia, a guest ;
Syrus, Dromo, and Davus, servants ; a head cook and
scullion, a huntsman, fisherman, butler, jester, drummers
and pipers, and chambermaids.
To the third lot belong : Temporal Death and Eternal
Death ; Satan and six hideous devils ; the soul of Nabal,
a little boy blackened with charcoal and in a black shirt.
'It was in the bosom of the Keformation,' says
Devrient, ' that the drama first obtained an independent
life, which gradually unfolded. And the course of the
history of the stage shows that all progress in dramatic
art was effected in Protestant lands, by Protestant authors,
and by Protestant actors.'
I shall speak in another chapter of the German
opera, but, as I am on the subject of sacred dramas, I can-
not break what I have to say upon it into two portions.
The true descendant of the old Mystery Play is found in
1 Trusty Eckehardt in the popular myth watches the gates of the
Venusberg, and warns off those who approach the underground palace
of the goddess of Love.
The Stage. 15
the sacred Opera and Oratorio. That I have already stated.
But what I may now add is, that these are the forms it
has assumed in the nursing arms of Protestantism. The
old Mystery Play remains scarce altered in Catholic lands,
in Austria and Bavaria, but in the Protestant North it
has become a cultured child of civilisation.
In 1678 a musical drama was performed, entitled
* Man's Creation, Fall, and Kestoration,' the words by
Oerhardt Schott, the music by Thiel. The old threefold
form of stage was preserved with this improvement (?),
that Heaven, with the Trinity enthroned in it, was let
down and hauled up as required. The introduction repre-
sented Chaos and the Fall of the Angels. The Creator
descends ' on the great machine,' and begins to make Man.
Lucifer on the lowest stage, addressing his devils as
* Messieurs ! ' exhorts them to effect the ruin of the new
creation. It is unnecessary to follow the opera further.
In the same year was enacted, before the court at Dresden,
* The Patriarch Jacob and his Sons,' lasting three days, and
winding up with ' a ballet of the Sons of Israel.' In the
repertoire of the Hamburg Opera-House during the seven-
teenth .century we find the c Bloody Spectacle of Jesus
tortured and crucified for our Sins.' And before the Saxon
<jourt was repeatedly played ' The Dying Jesus ' by Dede-
kind. How little these compositious did justice to their
subject may be judged from an instance from the last.
When Judas sings his farewell to earth, the Devil sings
echo; and when he bursts asunder, Satan collects the
bowels in a basket, trolling forth an appropriate air.
In 1688 at Hamburg was performed 'The Kevenge of
the Gibeonites,' after 2 Sam. xxi. and Joshua ix. On
another day in the same year, c The sacred drama of Adam
and Eve, followed by the merry farce of Pickelherring in
a Box.' At Hamburg, in 1702, widow Velthen's company
1 6 Germany, Present and Past.
produced ' The ascent of Elijah and the stoning of Naboth,
followed by Pickelherring and the Schoolmaster, or the
bacon thief taken in.' In 1734 at Hamburg was enacted
c The whole history of Samson, the Israelitish Hercules,'
winding up with a ballet of Jews, Philistines, Delilah and
Samson. In the ' Birth of Christ,' an opera performed at
Hamburg in 1681, in addition to the personages of the
sacred story, appeared Apollo, the Pythoness, and his
priests, bewailing the fall of the old gods of Olympus.
In Catholic countries the martyrdom of saints re-
mained a favourite subject for dramatic representation.
A traveller in 1790 gives the following account of one
such: — 'The parish of Ambras announced on a large
placard its intention of entertaining and edifying the
public, on July 25, with a performance of a tragedy,
" The youthful martyr St, Pancras," to begin at half-past
one in the afternoon, and to last till six in the evening.
Though this was the tenth performance, there was quite a
pilgrimage of Innsbriickers to Ambras on that sweltering
afternoon. The theatre was a solid wooden erection near
a tavern, with a plot of grass before it. The three
entrances were guarded by peasants with halberts. Seats
in shade cost six kreuzers. The stage was much raised
and was long. It had two side curtains, and between
them the principal curtain, and these were drawn up
turn and turn about with the central curtain. Over the
proscenium sprawled a wooden angel, from whose con-
secrated lips issued in golden vapour the words " The
Life and Death of the Blessed Pancras." In Greek fashion
the prologue was sung by a chorus, in which the (rood
Shepherd, brandishing his crook, denounced the evil day^
in doggerel. In the play appeared, not only angels and
devils, but also the Pope, who, when not wanted on the
stage, sat in the pit in pontificalibus, looking on with the
The Stage. 17
spectators. For next Sunday " The Devil on two Sticks "
was announced.' The traveller goes on to relate that in
other villages near Innsbruck, St. Mary Magdalene and
St. Sebastian were being performed, and he was assured
that these pieces possessed superior attractions to that of
St. Pancras, inasmuch as more devils appeared in them. l
Precisely the same plays are enacted to this day in Tyrol,
the Bavarian Alps, the Black Forest, and elsewhere. On
the very day that this was written, I saw a poster at
Waldshut announcing that on Sunday, April 7, 1878, the
legend of St. Christopher would be given by a religious
club, representing the Saint in his service to Satan, his
conversion, his carrying Christ over the water, and his
martyrdom, in four acts.
Throughout the seventeenth century wandering bands
of actors performed in the towns of Grermany. They
bore the title of ' English comedians.' Perhaps the first
company may have been composed of English players,2
but if so, their successors were certainly German, though
they designated themselves as English. They were the
first professionals in Grermany.
In 1605, Duke Julius of Brandenburg appointed
court actors. In 1611, the Saxon ambassador at the
court of Hesse-Cassel saw performed the ' " Comedy of
Tarquin and Lucretia" in a pretty theatre built in the
Roman style, and capable of holding a thousand spec-
tators.' In 1626, Hans Schilling, director of one of these
bands, obtained a patent from the Elector John Greorge of
1 See Pichler, Ucber das Drama des Mittelalters in Tirol. Innsbruck,
1850.
2 Now it is our proud prerogative to provide the Continent with
clowns. In 1876, 1 saw English clowns at the Theatre S. Hubert in
Brussels, in a circus at Liege, in another at Constance; in 1878, at
Strassburg. I have met them as well at Mainz. They may be found
also in the Prater at Vienna.
VOL. II. C
1 8 Germany, Present and Past.
Saxony to perform in his Principality. The patent was
continued to his son-in-law Lengsfeld.
From these companies the theatrical profession in
Germany dates its origin.
Let us see what was their repertoire. Jacob Ayrer of
Niirnberg was the chief dramatic composer after Hans
Sachs. Sixty-six of his pieces were published after his
death in 1618. They manifest some advance in power of
treatment and grouping, but that is all. In Hans Sachs
there was the coarseness of a simple age; in Ayrer
there is brutal indecency, to suit a savage and sensual
taste.
In 1624 appeared in print the first collection of pieces
performed by the errant troupes. It was entitled:
' English Comedies and Tragedies : that is, very Beautiful,
Choice, and Excellent Sacred and Secular Comedies and
Tragedies, together with Pickelherring. These, on ac-
count of their moral purport and adhesion to history, have
been well received by Koyal, Electoral, and Princely Courts,
as also by the Free Imperial and Hanseatic Cities, where
they have been enacted by English Players. Now first
printed for edification and entertainment.'
This curious volume lets us see what was the state of
the public taste when the Thirty Years' war burst over
the nation.
Among the plays the favourite was probably ' Titus
Andronicus,' a seven-act tragedy, which was so popular in
England that it was recast again and again till Shak-
speare gave it its definite form. From his redaction we
know that it is a story full of horrors, much more calcu-
lated to excite disgust and repulsion than to serve for
'edification and entertainment.' But Jin* the version
given by the ' English players ' in Germany all the
horrors were produced with dull coarseness, fcthe speeches
The Stage. 19
are without brilliancy — all is stupid and brutal and
bloody. At the close of the fourth act, when Titus
has in his power the sons of the Empress, who had dis-
graced his daughter, and cut off her hands and tongue
lest she should be able to write or speak the name of the
person who had ill-treated her, he exclaims : ' Hallo,
soldiers ! come forward and hold these fellows firmly.
Now, you murderous and dishonourable scoundrels, I have
you in my power. Servants ! bring me a sharp knife and
a butcher's apron.' When these properties are produced,
Titus ties on him the apron. ' Go and fetch me a basin.
And do one of you hold this fellow's throat that I may
slash it. And do you other hold the basin in which to
catch his blood.' The eldest brother is first led forward.
Titus cuts his throat from ear to ear. The blood pours
into the bowl. Then he lays him down, when all the blood
has run out. l And he deals with the second brother in a
similar manner. Titus goes on, ' Now I have cut both
their throats, and I have slaughtered them with my own
hand, and I will cook them myself also. I will hack
their heads into small junks, and bake them in pasties,
and feast on them the Emperor and his mother, when I
have invited them to me. Take up the bodies and carry
them into the kitchen, where I may operate upon them
appropriately.'
Putting aside the disgust inspired by a horrible sub-
ject treated in this Raw-head and Bloody-bones style, one
looks into the drama in hopes of finding some tokens
of advance in dramatic composition, some improvement
in literary style on the crudities of Hans Sachs, and one
looks in vain. The play is simply a story told in dialogue.
It is the same with Esther and Haman, the Prodigal Son,
Fortunatus, and the rest. They are strings of incidents
1 The stage directions for all this are very explicit,
c 2
2O Germany, Present and Past.
calculated to amuse the public, but the Folks-drama is like
the Folks-tale, a tissue of adventures without a thread of
moral interest running through it. The actors are
puppets, not men with characters and souls ; there is no
development of ideas, no modulation of character in them.
The popular interest is excited by material horrors, not by
spiritual sympathies. The speeches have their formulae,
' Now I will do this,' and after an event, 6 Now this i&
done.' Even the throat-cutting in Andronicus must be
announced as about to take place, and declared to be
accomplished, so little could the drama emancipate itself
from the form of recitation of a tale, to which the enacted
scenes were the illustrations.
Of horrors there must be a glut. Suicides take place
in public, often the hero or villain in despair ' dashes his
head against the wall, so that blood bursts out,' — the stage
direction adds, ' to be managed with a bladder.' In ' King
Montalor ' a pair of lovers are beheaded on the stage with
great effusion of blood, and when the king dies, the stage
direction is, ' Here they begin to fight, and when the king
is cut across the head, it must be so arranged that blood
is to spurt out.' In the hanging scene in Esther, Haman
exclaims, whilst the rope is round his neck, 6 How sweet is
life ! Death how bitter ! World adieu ! ' whereupon
Hans Knapkiise, the clown, flings him off, cuts him down,
and carries him out.
It will perhaps be hardly believed that spectacles
equally disgusting should still attract and delight crowds.
But such is the case. In 1876 I was at Him at the
Kermesse. In front of the Liebfrau-Kirche was a huge
booth, in which a grand execution by guillotine proved an
unfailing attraction every evening. The person to be
beheaded was laid on a sort of trough, and run under the
guillotine : a crimson silk cap was placed over the head.
The Stage. 21
The cord was cut, and down came the axe, apparently
severing the head from the trunk. The executioner held
up the head, from which blood flowed into a large metal
soup-plate. He borrowed a handkerchief from a lady in
the reserved seats, and sopped it with the blood spurting
from the severed arteries in the stump. Then he placed
the head on a table, and drew up the cap to expose the
face. Of course the putting on of the head followed. But
the feature of the performance which most struck me —
sickened by the revolting spectacle — was the placidity and
even pleasure with which it was viewed by ladies, and
burger and bauer women of Ulm and its neighbourhood.
A Yorkshire friend, sitting by me, exclaimed, ' Why, if
this had been exhibited at Wakefield, we should have had
the women shrieking and fainting ! ' and I have no doubt
that such would have been the effect produced by the ex-
hibition in any part of England.
But to return to the ' English comedies ' published in
1 624. The obscenity of these pieces printed ' with moral
purpose ' is as offensive as their brutality. ' However un-
refined we may imagine the age to have been,' says
Devrient, 'it seems to us inconceivable how women and
girls could have sat out the scenes of boundless indecency
and unveiled licentiousness in which Pickelherring or
Hans Wurst is the chief actor. Their shameless foulness of
word and act surpasses all belief.'
About the year 1683 a Grerman band of strolling
players was organised by Master Johann Velthen of Halle,
which speedily acquired great fame, and which revolu-
tionised the stage.
Velthen introduced dramatic life and personality into
his pieces and personages, but at a great cost. Hitherto
the actors had been puppets reciting a story they had
acquired by heart. To identify the actor with his part
22 Germany, Present and Past.
was Velthen's object, and the only way of doing this was,
he supposed, to emancipate him from the text and throw
him on his own resources. He cast aside the manuscript,
sketched to his company the outline of the plot, arranged
the order of the scenes and the principal situations, and
left them to work the story out in their own way, by
their own wit, improvising to suit every occasion. For
the first time the actor was taught to enter into his
part, live in it, think in it, speak and act in it, instead of
strutting and declaiming it. The fashion spread and be-
came universal. But success was not also always universal*
Velthen's plan answered when all the company consisted
of men of talent, but one or two inferior actors had it in
their power to mar a whole play, to discomfit the
rest, and so entangle the plot as to make it inextricable.
There were further disadvantages in Velthen's venture.
The whole generation of actors that grew up under him
acquired a radical contempt for the text, and their
memories were uncultivated, so that it became with them
an impossibility to accurately read up a part. And a still
more serious disadvantage was this — Velthen had cut the
drama adrift from literature. No writer of ability would
compose for the stage when the actors refused to be bound
by his text.
John Greorge III. of Saxony, in 1685, erected the
first Grerman court theatre at Dresden, and installed in it
Velthen and his troupe with fixed salary. Velthen received
annually 200 thalers, his wife the same sum, his sister
100 thalers, the other actors received from 150 to 100
thalers a year. The pay was poor. In 1687 the first
Italian singers at the opera received 1,500 thalers ; but it
was a beginning, a first recognition of the drama by the
court. It was more : it was the first recognition of
women as actresses. Hitherto female parts had been
The Stage. 23
performed by boys. But the opera had broken through
prejudice and admitted women on the boards. But even
in the opera it was not everywhere that women were
tolerated. At the court of Charles VI., at the beginning
of the eighteenth century, when the opera was under the
direction of Metastasio, and the carrying out of one opera
cost 60,000 florins, the female parts were taken by
eunuchs. Velthen, who introduced improvisation, brought
also women on the stage. There were five in his com-
pany, his wife, her sister, the wives of two of the actors,
and a lady of gentle birth, Sara von Boxberg.
On the death of John George III., the court theatre
was broken up, and the Saxon Electoral House abandoned
the protectorship of the German drama. Velthen's troupe
recommenced its wanderings. Velthen died at Hamburg
in 1692, and his company dissolved.
Velthen had lived long enough to find that the wide
latitude he had allowed his actors did not answer, that
genius was not always ready to respond to a sudden
summons, and that tragedies trusted to improvisation
had an unhappy knack of converting themselves in the
course of performance into extravaganza or burlesque.
Actors at a loss for words beat about their hands and
howled, ranting took the place of acting, and empty
vociferation of connected declamation. He was therefore
obliged to introduce more and more of matter to be com-
mitted to memory. And what was this repertoire ? A
curious MS. collection of pieces of this period exists at
Vienna. Among them are ' Perseus and Andromeda ; '
'Phaeton;' 'Medea and Harlequin ;' ( The Wisdom of
Solomon ; ' ' Eginhardt and Emma ; ' ' Eomeo and Juliet ; '
'The Earl of Essex;' < Charles XII. at Friedrichshall ; '
6 The Loving Stepmother, Ormunda ; ' ' Ardelinda, the
Female Hero,' &c. The plots were derived from foreign
24 Germany, Present and Past.
sources, but the plays were no servile translations. ' Medea
and Harlequin ' was based on the tragedy of Euripides,
but oh, what a falling off is here ! Medea is wroth
chiefly because Creon will not admit her to his court. A
soldier who bars her way she transforms into a pillar,
another into a tree, the palace into a wilderness. There
is no lack of enchantments, flying chariots and fire-
breathing dragons. Harlequin, who is an attendant on
Jason, threatens Medea with a pistol, and is transformed
by her into a nightstool.
Charles XII. before Friedrichshall comes on announcing
his pedigree and position. ' Mighty disposer of the un-
bounded earth ! who am I ? Lord, thy servant. Yet
allow me to state my lineage. Charles XI., the son of
Charles Grustavus, to whom the Swedish throne was ceded
by the renowned Queen Christina, was my father, and my
mama was Ulrica Eleanora, daughter of the King of Den-
mark, who married Sophia Amelia, a princess of Brunswick
Liineburg; and the said Ulrica Eleanora had issue on
June 19, in the year of Grace 1682, between seven and
eight in the morning, to the universal joy of the Swedish
realm — Me ! '
Velthen's company had broken up. One of his com-
pany obtained the degree of Doctor at Vienna for his profi-
ciency in chemistry, another became Hector at Eiga. But
the widow did her best to keep a troupe together. She
had not the abilities of her husband, and though she con-
tinued to play sacred dramas and tragedies, her stage was
all but monopolised by buffoonery.
One of Velthen's company, Elenson, died in 1708, as
court actor to the Duke of Mecklenburg. He was so
admired by the Elector of Koln, that on his death the
archbishop commemorated the merits of the actor and his
own wit on a marble monument at Langenschwalbach : —
The Stage. 25
Hie jacet et tacet qui stabat et clamabat.
Ludens Comoediam finit Tragoediam.
Viator, ora et labora
Ut ultima hora sit tibi Aurora.
Julius Franciscus Elensen
Prinzipal Hochfiirstlich Mecklenburgischer Hofcomodiant.
SanCte Chrlste Dona el reqVIeM (MDCCVIII.)-
Elenson's widow, a handsome broombinder's daughter,
continued the troupe, married the harlequin Haak, and on
the coronation of Charles VI. at Frankfurt in 171 1, entered
into competition with widow Velthen, beat her, and forced
her to leave the town.
In Berlin, the Elector Frederick III., first King of
Prussia, held the actors in high esteem, and attended
German plays as well as the Italian Opera and the French
theatre. But Frederick would not tolerate excessive bur-
lesque. In 1 692, when the 6 Prodigal Son ' was being acted
before him, and Hans Wurst began his low buffoonery
with some saints and devils, the King rose and left the
theatre with his suite.
The close-fisted Frederick William I. put down the
Italian Opera and French theatre, but favoured the German
stage, which exhibited tight-rope dancing, tumbling, and
pantomime. He hated everything French, and ordered an
eminently anti-Gallic piece, ' The Marquis dismissed with
Blows,' to be frequently enacted. From the ' Memoires of
the Margravine of Baireuth' we learn how intolerably
tedious and tasteless such performances were to those of
the court who had received French education. Lady
Montagu was present at a play in the Court Theatre at
Vienna in 1716. It was on the fable of Amphitryon,
burlesqued. It opened with Jupiter falling to earth out
of a cloud, and ended with the birth of Hercules. Jupiter
was the wag of the piece ; he defrauded a banker of his
money, a tailor of a suit of clothes, and a Jew of a diamond
26 Germany, Present and Past.
ring. Lady Montagu says that the play was so charged
with vulgarities and indelicacies that it would not have
been tolerated at an English fair, whereas the coarsest
jokes drew applause from the boxes, and the whole piece
was regarded by all parties as a masterpiece.
We can form some idea of the degradation to which
the stage had fallen when we look at the tariff of payments
made to performers of the Court Theatre at Vienna under
Maria Theresa, about 1750.
This was the scale of payments : —
Fl. Kr.
For every flight into the air 10
jump into the water
„ over a wall or down a rock
transformation
cudgelling (passive)
box in the ear or kick .
1 0
1 0
1 0
34
34
When cudgelling, kick, or clout was returned, no charge
could be made, the gratification of repaying it cancelled
the claim.
Kr.
For every bruise received 34
„ sousing with water . . . .34
„ sword fight, each combatant . . 34
On Saturday the actor brought his bill to the Imperial
cashier. Some of these have been preserved. Here is a
specimen : —
Fl. Kr.
This week 6 airs sung ... .60
„ 1 flight into the air
„ 1 plunge into water .
1 sousing with water .
received 2 cuffs on the ear
1 kick .
1 0
1 0
34
1 8
34
Total 9 76
Eeceived with profound gratitude,
J. H.
The Stage. 27
When Moliere was blamed for having allowed himself
to receive a blow when acting the part of Sganarelle, he
answered, ' It was not I, but Sganarelle, who was struck,'
but here each actor eagerly claimed the insult and de-
manded nothing better than to be kicked and cuffed and
cudgelled, as it raised the total of his receipts on Satur-
day.
Our Christmas pantomimes, and the representations at
a circus of ' The Tailor of Brentwood,' &c. are sole relics
among us of a type of performance which never obtained
complete possession of the English stage, but which
reigned absolutely in Germany. The clown was an essen-
tial element. He went by many names, Hans Wurst (our
Jack Pudding), Pickelherring, Jampatsch ; the Italian
Harlequin, Pantaloon, Leander and Columbine were added,
and the attractions of the play consisted in marvellous
transformations and broad jests. In a favourite piece,
' Spirito folletto,' oranges on trees changed into letters, a
bottle yielded alternately red and white wine, out of a
pasty bloomed a sunflower, and the flower when cut off
resolved itself into a lady's head.
No play, however sacred or tragic, was tolerated without
Hans Wurst to enliven it. In the most blood-curdling
scenes, the clown in one corner was diverting the attention
of the audience by his buffooneries.
The stage had shaken itself free from the Eeformed
Church ; and the clergy changed their estimate of it. In
England the Parliament, in 1642, forbade theatrical per-
formances. But German Protestantism was not Puri-
tanical. The first system of moral theology drawn up for
the Lutheran Church by Johann Conrad Diirr in 1662 is
the first to give a just estimate of the dramatic art. St.
Thomas Aquinas had pronounced the profession of an actor
as not in itself sinful, Diirr proclaims it noble. His is not
28 Germany, Present and Past.
a negative, but a positive approval. He declares that the
profession is lawful, as the actor is employing a natural,
divine-given talent for a useful and praiseworthy purpose,
— the representation of men's manners and fortunes, the
expression of the beauty of virtue and the hatefulness of
vice. The stage is a great moral educator, it is in its way as
sacred as the pulpit. It is even more effective as a teacher,
and may be as useful to society. The drama is lawful as
long as it holds to this ideal, it is only unlawful when it
panders to low tastes and vulgar passions. Diirr goes on
to say that an actor's professional training is calculated to
do him good morally and mentally. His memory is
educated, his manners refined, a polish is given to his
thoughts, his speech, his intercourse with others.
But the vagabond bands of ' English Comedians ' had
taken the stage out of control. It was different when
pieces were performed by the guild of master-singers or
the pupils of a school. Now the actors appealed to the
vulgar, and were unscrupulous what they provided so long
as spectators were brought to their booths, and they could
reap a harvest of groschen. ' Go on, boy,' says the
puppet player in Don Quixote, 'and let folk talk, for
so I fill my bag, I care not if I represent more impro-
prieties than there are motes in the sun.' As long as the
strollers were men and boys, the magistrates were tolerant
of their extravagances, but when women associated them-
selves with them, and appeared on the boards, the councils
of the various towns forbade their reception into the houses
of the burgers. They became a sort of outlaws, living
only in taverns, and forbidden association with the respect-
able classes. This did not tend to their elevation. It is
curious that the first direct attack against them on the
part of the clergy was made in Hamburg, in the town in
which several of the pastors, Kiest, Johann Koch, Johann-
The Stage. 29
sen, and Elmenhorst, had written for the stage. Anton
Keiser, Pfarrer of St. Jacob, wrote against the opera in
1681. Thereupon Pastor Winkler composed a treatise in
its defence. In 1688, Pastor Elmenhorst, himself a
dramatic writer, published his ' Dramatologia antiquo-hodi-
erna,' in vindication of the stage. In 1693 the theological
faculties of the Lutheran universities of Eostock and
Wittenberg decided that operas on Biblical subjects were
not objectionable, and that the Lord's Supper was not to
be denied to actors in them. But when Velthen was
dying, a Hamburg pastor refused to give him the Sacra-
ment. In Berlin, under the influence of the pious but
prejudiced Spener, some pastors rejected actors from the
communion table, but the Elector, Frederick V., as their
spiritual head, being a great friend of the stage, read them
a sharp lecture and ordered them at once to give the
Sacrament to the players. King Frederick I. gave open
token of his respect for the profession by standing sponsor
along with his Queen at the font to the daughter of the
actor Uslenzki, in the very church of which Spener was
provost.
A still more decided step was taken in 1745 by
Frederick II. At the instigation of the Pastor Frank, the
university of Halle requested that a company of actors
might not be allowed to perform in the town. The King
wrote peremptorily, ' Enough of this pack of bigots (Muck-
erpack). The actors shall perform, and Herr Frank, or
whatever the rogue (Schurke) calls himself, shall assist at
the entertainment, to make open reparation before the
students for his foolish remonstrance. And an attestation
to this effect shall be sent me, that I may be satisfied that
he has been present.'
When dramatic art was at its last gasp, a pedant and
a woman were its saviours.
Germany, Present and Past.
Frederica Caroline Weissenborn was the daughter of a
practising solicitor at Zwickau. She was born in 1692
at Keichenbach. Her father was a widower, harsh, prag-
matical, and gouty. He little understood the character
of his child. We know nothing of her youth, of how the
artistic faculties of her soul were quickened and fed. She
suddenly comes before us at the age of twenty-six, when,
to escape a beating from her father, she jumped out of a
window, and was only saved from death by falling into a
hedge. She never returned home, but fled to Weissenfels
with a young man named Johann Neuber, who was warmly
attached to her. At Weissenfels they were married, and
there joined a strolling band of players under Spielberg,
a disciple of Velthen. Neuber was never other than a
third-rate actor, but he was an intelligent and true-hearted
man. When Caroline Weissenborn married him, she ac-
quired an indefatigable assistant and a devoted husband.
But the genius of the Neuberinn, her higher culture, her
inexhaustible energy of character, distinguished her above
all her associates. Her husband shines with but a reflected
light. The Neubers soon left Spielberg and joined the
troupe of the widow Elenson, now married to a third
husband, Hoffmann, and associated with the best actors
of the period. Whilst the company were at Dresden,
Hanover, and Brunswick, Frau Neuber took the oppor-
tunity to attend French plays. Her cultivated taste told
her at once how vastly superior they were to the sad
rubbish performed on the German stage; and she was the
first to perceive the advantages of Alexandrine verses
for tragic declamation. She played in ' Koderic ' and
* Ximenes,' adapted from Corneille, and in the ' Eegulus '
of Pradon. At the same time she showed great comic
liveliness, and acted frequently dressed in men's clothes.
A strange transformation in ideas ! Fifty years had not
The Stage. 31
elapsed since female parts were acted by boys, and now it
was hciut gout for women to take the parts of boys.
When the widow Elenson died, the Brunswick court
gave the Neubers the management of the theatre there.
They brought out ' Eegulus,' ' Brutus,' ' Alexander,' and the
6 Cid.' The applause these adaptations received encouraged
the daring woman in her resolution to devote her life to the
regeneration of the drama. For this purpose she organised
a company of her own, after her own heart — elect spirits
from widow Elenson's band, and disciples trained by her-
self. With this troupe she came to Leipzig for the great
Easter fair in 1727. There she met a man whose ambition
and passion was the development of the German language
and poetry — a man who had long chafed at the unworthiness
of the stage in his own land. The ambition of one inflamed
the enthusiasm of the other. The Neuberinn promised to
do her utmost to give back to the stage its dignity, and
purge it of the blood and filth which stained it, if she
were seconded by literary men who should restock her
repertoire. Grottsched, this Leipzig pedant, obtained for
her a concession to play in Saxony, and thenceforth, for
ten years, Leipzig was the centre from which the Neubers
made their excursions to Dresden, Brunswick, Hanover,
Hamburg, and Niirnberg. Grottsched was not a poet, or a
man of original conceptions. He was not calculated to
be the Shakspeare of the German drama. The utmost
he could do was to translate, and recast old material. As he
and the Neuberinn worked together, their ideas expanded,
and their enthusiasm was shared by other members of the
company. The task they had undertaken was not light.
Grottsched desired a total revolution. The plots of the
old plays were regardless of time and space. They had to
be subjected to the rule of Aristotle, and brought to a treble
unity of scene, period, and treatment. Proportion must be
32 Germany, Present and Past.
introduced into the lively medley of dialogue and song,
of tragedy and burlesque. Improvisation must be given
up. The dialogue must be cast into rhyme, and move
with stately swing. The Neuberinn was herself a ready
extemporiser, and had an untrained memory. To the end
of her days she found unusual difficulty in learning her
parts correctly. Her companions had been brought up
under Velthen's lax method, and found it hard to abandon
improvisation and chain themselves to a text. But, never-
theless, Frau Neuber carried out exactly what she had
undertaken. She was satisfied that Grottsched was right,,
and followed his direction with alacrity.
The artistic association of Grottsched and the Neuberinn
is one of the most weighty and eventful moments in the
history of the development of the German drama. Now
once more literature was called to aid ; the schism be-
tween the stage and poetry was healed. The Neuberinn
held out her hand across the gulf, with humility, and
cried to the literary world to come to her assistance.
Frau Neuber was by nature chosen to carry out her
undertaking. Keen-sighted, daring to defiance, energetic
to violence, active to restlessness, persistent to stubborn-
ness, she was far removed from greed of gain or craving
for applause. She lived for an ideal, and to that ideal she
was ready to sacrifice everything. She had the good fortune
to associate with her men of no ordinary talent, the most
remarkable of whom was Koch, a clever actor and scene-
painter. It was not only the elevation of the drama that
this remarkable woman sought, she sought also to recover
for her profession the respect it had forfeited. And
that this might be regained, the members must learn to
respect themselves. Like a practical woman, she began
her reformation with the members of the troupe under her
own hand. She insisted on frequent and careful rehearsals,
The Stage. 33
the more necessary, as under Velthen's system rehearsals
had fallen into disuse. She brought order and respect-
ability into the company arrangements. The unmarried
actresses lived with her, they became her adopted daughters.
She cared for, watched and directed them, as though they
were her own children. The unmarried actors dined at
her table. And this arrangement, which she first insti-
tuted, survives to the present day among the strolling
companies in Grermany. Her plan was economical, but it
was not for economy that she adopted it ; it was because
she was determined to emancipate her profession! from
public-house haunting, and to bring about community
life in the company. She tolerated no idle flirtations ; if
an actor and actress appeared attached, she watched them
with Argus eye, and unless there was an engagement, put
a stop to the matter peremptorily. The women worked
with scissors and needles at the costumes, the men at
scene-painting, copying the parts, or organising the
mechanism. By degrees a sort of family life grew up in
the company, in which each followed his special avocation,
and all felt an interest in one another. In a word, this
patriarchal life of the band, encouraged by burger exclu-
siveness, which refused the player access to their houses,
became the nursery from which the modern Grerman pro-
fession has grown, and conquered the respect of noble and
burger alike. The repertoire was next overhauled. It
took a long time to get up the Alexandrine tragedies,
and even when the difficulty of learning them was over-
come, the Neuberinnn found that the public, accustomed to
burlesque and blood-curdling horrors, had no taste for
classic compositions.
It was in Hamburg, in 1730, that she ventured on the
first production of the tragedies. ' The verses please,' she
wrote to Grottsched, ' but there are complaints made of
VOL II. D
34 Germany, Present and Past.
their obscurity. One must have patience : with time taste
will grow.' She found it necessary to tack a farce on the
tail of a tragedy, and play burlesques on alternate nights
to attract and fill her house.
Next year at Hamburg, her hopes seemed likely to be
realised. She wrote, * Our comedies and tragedies are
tolerably well attended. The trouble we have taken to
improve taste has not been quite thrown away. I find
here various converted hearts. Persons whom I had least
expected, have become lovers of poetry, and there are
many who appreciate our orderly artistic plays.'
From Hanover the Neuberinn wrote : * Here I have
found better appreciation of Grerman tragedies than might
have been anticipated. During the last few years, there
have been many comedians here, amongst them the re-
nowned harlequin Miiller. These gave the Hanoverians such
a glut, that at first the people came only in driblets to our
performances. But when we began our metrical comedies
and drew on our new costumes, matters mended. The
Greheimrathe were the first to appear, and as they were
pleased, the nobility and gentry followed, and now every one
comes to see the novelty. But the general public, fed on
the unwholesome diet provided by former comedians, do
not take to our performances, which are ungarnished with
indelicacies.'
From Niirnberg, in 1731, Neuber wrote : ' As we play
only twice a week, and the bad weather may spoil an
evening, I have waited some time before writing, so that
I might have leisure to ascertain whether the people here
are to be won to a taste for our plays. At first no one
would hear of a comedy all in verse. But now the patri-
cians are, I trust, won. Our first piece was < Cinna,' and
fortunately the translator, Herr von Fiihrer, was one of
the audience ; and as he is castellan and principal councillor,
The Stage. 35
and lives up at the Castle, his word goes for much. This
patriot has done wonders for us by his applause, and the
Niirnbergers show a decided inclination to favour the
Leipzig verses. But what distresses me most is that we
have not enough pieces of the sort.'
This was precisely the great difficulty. This was the
burden of every letter. Whatever pains Grottsched took
to translate and adapt, the results were small. As written,
the plays were sent to the Neubers, act by act, and com-
mitted to memory. From not having enough new comedies
and tragedies, the Neubers were obliged to fall back on
the old stock, but they recast the plays, cut out what
was unsuitable, improved the dialogue, and ruthlessly
removed every allusion offensive to delicacy. How small
was the result of the literary labours of Grottsched and his
fellow-workers may be judged from the fact that the
Neubers had only twenty-seven of the new plays in their
repertoire between 1727 and 1740. Of these, fifteen were
translations, the rest rearrangements. The Neuberinn her-
self took pen in hand, and wrote comedies, farces, and
preludes. Lessing says of her compositions, * One must be
very prejudiced not to allow this famous actress a thorough
knowledge of her art. She had masculine penetration,
and in one point only did she betray her sex — she delighted
in trifles. All plays of her composition are full of
disguises and pageants, wondrous and glittering. But,
after all, she may have known the hearts of the Leipzig
burgers, and put these in, from a desire to please them,
as flies are caught with treacle.'
Frau Neuber took great pains to have good costumes,
and went as far as her means allowed her in making them
rich and suitable. She would have no tinsel, and crowns
and armour of gilt paper. By a stroke of policy in 1728
she began her performances at Leipzig with the ' Regulus '
D 2
36 Germany, Present and Past.
of Bressand, translated by von Konig, master of cere-
monies at Dresden. Von Konig, to help out his poor
translation, sent her the requisite costume from the
royal garde-robe. The magnificence with which she was
able to put the c Kegulus ' on the stage, and the report
carefully circulated by Grottsched that the court was
interested in the Neuberinn's reform, caused the house to
be crowded, and attracted attention to her undertaking.
Otherwise costume followed the received tradition. The
three classes of Roman, Turk, and modern costume were
retained, but the two first were poorly represented, and
eked out from the third. The powdered coiffure and
hoop-petticoats with women, knee-breeches and buckle-
shoes for men, were de rigueur at least for the chief per-
sonages, and Kohlhardt appeared alike as Cato and as
King of Cockayne with powdered wig, ruffles, and a three-
cornered hat. Attitude was not natural any more than
were the speeches. The body was bent in graceful pos-
tures : only one foot was allowed to rest on the ground, the
other was poised on the toe : the arms were bowed in
studied curves ; there was much of c Ah ! ' and ' Oh ! ' of
turgid rhapsody and tedious soliloquy. But a great
stride had been taken ; the stage had acquired dignity,
the drama had been lifted from the dust, brutality was
exchanged for baroque, indecency for high-flown courtesy.
G-ottsched's services deserve recognition as well as
those of Frau Neuber. He reduced the chaos of dramatic
composition to order, and divided the elements and set
each its proper place. His stiff-necked determination to
subject the drama to the rules of beauty and proportion,
as he understood them, was as invaluable as the perse-
verance and self-devotion of Frau Neuber in carrying out
his theories. He had the literary power and dogged
resolution to lay down his theories as irrefragable laws ;,
The Stage. 37
his diplomatic cleverness acquired for him an artistic
dictatorship in literary circles, and none belonging to
polite society dared to dissent from his views. His in-,
fluence engaged writers of talent in the service of the
stage. All poetry in a dramatic form that appeared till
1750 issued from Grottsched's school at Leipzig. He
•brought Elias Schlegel's youthful productions into notice.
His exhortations inspired Grellert to write dramas, and
Grellert was the first to bring the genuine German tone
back to the dramatic art. It is true that Grottsched was
:a representative of baroque formalism, that his reform was
along false lines, in the direction of affectation, not of na-
ture ; but it was a reform in the interests of civilisation.
But, when all is said for Grottsched, the largest
measure of our gratitude and respect remains to be
meted to Frau Neuber. It cost Grottsched nothing to
start his theories, but on her fell the labour and risk of
carrying them into execution. It was her purse which
suffered, her popularity which was affected. It was she
who fought the battle and received the blows, whilst
Grottsched directed from the safe and serene heights of his
library. She lived on the people, her bread was de-
pendent on their favour, and yet she had to take from
them what they most prized and give them that for which
they had no appreciation. Every sacrifice she made of
the foolish, bloody, and obscene — of what was popular —
cost her money and the favour of the people. She knew
it ; she was well aware that she might have doubled her
receipts by stooping to please low tastes, but she was too
noble, too conscientious, too true, ever to sacrifice what
was right to sordid interest.
In 1731 the Neubers wrote to Grottsched from Niirn-
berg : — * Probably we should have earned many more
thalers if we had played only the tasteless fashionable
38 Germany, Present and Past.
pieces. But now that we have undertaken what is goodr
we will not forsake the path so long as we have a penny-
Good must continue good.'
In 1733 the privilege of the Neubers to play in Saxony
expired, and the King, instead of renewing it, made it
over to the harlequin Miiller and his band. In vain did
the Neubers remonstrate, and offer to give to Miiller
exclusive right to play all burlesques. ' Our efforts,' they
wrote, 'have been incessant to subject all our representa-
tions to the strictest morality, to avoid vapid foolishness
and indelicate double-entendres. Our aim has consistently
been to educate and raise the taste of the masses, and not
to make the stage a means of evoking the immoderate
laughter of the vulgar.' It was all in vain. The Neubers
and their troupe were turned out of the theatre in Leipzig
to make way for harlequin Hans Wurst and the blood
and filth from which they had washed it.1
The Neubers went from town to town, meeting with
some support, but with a thousand contrarieties, attacks
from friends of the old style, the indifference of the public,,
and with consequent deficiency of means. They found
one protector, Duke Charles Frederick of Schleswig-
Holstein. In 1736 he gave the Neubers a patent as
court actors, and an annual subsidy of 1,000 thalers. So-
great, indeed, was his liking for their performances, that
on more than one occasion he appeared with the company
on their boards. But the Ducal subsidy could not keep
them wholly above water. In May 1736, Neuber wrote
from Liibeck: — 'We must be content to carry on our
undertaking as best we may, and that is poorly. Every
1 Smollet, in Peregrine Pickle, describes a performance in the theatre
at Amsterdam, where the jests of Harlequin or Pickelherring were of
the grossest nature. These obscenities, when banished Germany, took
refuge in Holland.
The Stage. 39
one must see that we would gladly do good if we were
able, and that it is only shortness of means which impedes
us. But it cannot be helped ; we do our utmost, and wait
on time and luck.'
But luck did not come ; and as it proved unpropitious,
the Neubers became the more stubborn. Urged on by
Gottsched, they resolved by an open manifestation to
show their irrevocable breach with pantomime. Grottsched
was impatient because improvisation was not wholly
abolished. The root of the evil lay in harlequin, that
merry-andrew whose jokes tickled the multitude, and
whom they regarded as an essential element in every
play. He appeared in the sacred drama and in the
tragedy; no moment was too solemn, no situation too
supreme, not to be marred by his unseasonable and
inappropriate jests. If the people did not always exact
the chequered tights and spangles, they demanded the
merry-andrew — at Vienna under the green hat of a
Salzburg clown, elsewhere in white and scarlet. Grott-
sched exhorted the Neubers to wholly suppress this vulgar
and disturbing element. They resolved on doing so by a
characteristic theatrical exhibition. It was in October
1737, and their booth was at Hamburg. A suitable piece
was played, in which a figure dressed up as harlequin was
brought up for trial, and all his outrages on decency and
artistic proprieties were charged against him. He was
sentenced to execution ; a pyre was raised, and he was
committed to the flames.
This demonstration has been ridiculed. Lessing calls
it ' itself the greatest harlequinade ; ' but it was the demon-
stration of a serious purpose, from which the Neubers never
swerved, though it cost them their popularity, and brought
them to ruin.
Many years ago, when English musical taste was in
40 Germany ', Present and Past.
the depths, Julien attempted its education. With his
band he performed a few classic pieces, interspersed with
noisy rubbish of the modern French school. The ear of
the vulgar was caught with the rubbish, and tolerated the
good music. Little by little the musical faculty acquired
a power of distinguishing between good and evil, and then
what was worthless became distasteful, and the classic
music was approved. But had Julien begun with the
latter only, he would have disgusted, not have drawn.
His performances would have pleased a few connoisseurs,
not have raised the taste of the masses. The Neubers
erred in banishing harlequin before the vulgar were
trained to find his pranks distasteful, and they felt at
once the consequences. Hitherto their dramas had
pleased a cultivated circle : the people had crowded to
their comedies, wherein harlequin cut his jokes. And it
was on the people's groschen, not on the thalers of the
men of letters, that the company had lived. The Neubers
had burnt harlequin, as Cortez did his ships, and retreat
was impossible. En avant was their motto, cost what
it might. The audience yawned at the Alexandrines, and
clamoured for a pantomime ; for the old loved ' Harlequin,
the Living Clock,' ( The Man with Two Heads,' and the
like. In vain did Frau Neuber compose and introduce
farces after her tragedies, in which the situations were
laughable. The people would not laugh at fun that
came from no accredited joker. They complained that
tragedies were intolerable when not relieved by the capers
of a fool, and history was dry dust unless treated as
burlesque.
In 1735, when Frau Neuber had been three-quarters
of a year in Hamburg, using every endeavour to recover
her ground, and gain the approval of the people for her
' purified stage,' she had felt keenly her disappointment.
The Stage. 41
She was the object of ignoble cabals, of jealousies, mean
insinuations, and even open attack. She gave vent to
her indignation. The Hamburgers called her proud and
thankless. They expected her to accept the crusts from
their lavish tables with cringing humility. They would
have her the servant, not the guide, of public taste. She
fell into debt. Her enemies exulted. The headstrong
choleric woman thought herself justified in telling the
' public her opinion. She announced a prelude to her last
performance for the season on 'The Condition of the
Drama at all Seasons.' The Senate had wind of its pur-
port, and forbade the performance.
In 1738, when she acted at Hamburg for the first
time, she had the triumph of performing in the opera-
house, as the opera had failed. But this circumstance
helped on her downfall. It drew on her the hostility of
the lovers of the dead opera. She could not equal the
attractions, the splendour of the mise-en-scene, of the
opera ; she could not draw the multitude without harle-
quin. She lost her first actress, Grundler, who retired
from the stage. With her usual energy, though she was
aged forty-six, Frau Neuber threw herself into the parts
hitherto filled by Griindler, and often acted two roles in
the same piece. But the audience sneered ; she was too
old for the part of first lady. In 1739 she met with no
better success. The house in Hamburg became thinner
and thinner. At the coffee-houses, the friends of the
opera intrigued with the lovers of pantomime to make her
ridiculous by lampoon, and hurt her character by innuendo.
Schonemann, her old harlequin, deserted her, and
organised a new company, in which he might resume his
gambols and jests. Eckenberg, a great Jack Pudding,
set up his booth in rivalry and drew crowds. The ruin of
the Neubers seemed inevitable, when the Empress Anna,
42 Germany, Present and Past.
on the recommendation of her Holstein supporter, invited
the troupe to St. Petersburg.
Here was help in the hour of need I In the moment
of exultation the embittered woman took a step which
was as fatal as it was indiscreet. She who, with untiring
effort, at great sacrifice, had lifted German art from the
dungheap, had met with the recognition from a foreigner
which had been denied her by her countrymen. Now she
could pay her debts, and defy the spite, the ridicule, the
persecution, with which she had been assailed. She closed
her last performance at Hamburg with an epilogue com-
posed by herself, and sufficiently remarkable to deserve an
extract. It began : —
My friends, have patience, now I charge my foes;
and then, after a few introductory lines, went on : —
Perhaps the days will come,
In which the world will weigh with equal scale
What we have tried t' become, and you have proved to be.
Go ! take you some Jack Pudding to your hearts,
Some clown from out a gutter, train him well,
And make him wise with all your treasured store
Of science and of sense ; and set him up to be
Your teacher and your pattern ....
For what's your life-long object ? good to spoil.
Your chief est wisdom ? innocence to stain ;
For innocence you know not, sirs, nor grow,
Nor cherish in your midst. Oh ! if she went,
Poor Purity, a beggar through your streets,
And asked a crust and water at your doors,
What would she get ? ....
Whether the Hamburg audience heard her out may be
doubted. The indignation she aroused was so general
that the Senate cancelled her licence to play in the
town. She was never after able to appear in Hamburg.
In Russia she met with nothing but disappointment.
The opera was there in vogue, and no one cared for the
The Stage. 43,
drama. When her patroness, the Duchess of Courland,
died, she returned to Germany, no richer than when she
left it. Her sojourn in St. Petersburg had been brief ; it
lasted but a year. She found the soil in Germany not
ready to receive her. Hamburg was closed to her. To
the Elbe reigned Franz Schuch, the harlequin. This man
in youth had been a friar in a Tyrolean convent. He ran
away from it, came to Berlin, and became an actor. His
wife took the part of Columbine. A cloister comrade,.
Stenzel, had escaped his cell with him, and played with
him on the boards the part of Leander, the lover. Schuch
and Stenzel were grave, honourable men in private life ;
but Schuch was transformed when he trod the stage. As
he said of himself: ' When he drew on the Hans-Wurst
jacket, the devil entered into him.' But it was a merry,
harmless devil. He did his good work, for he purified
stage humour. Schonemann, as has been said, had formed
a troupe of his own, and was supported by Gottsched, who
had quarrelled with the Neubers because they would not
abandon a translation of Voltaire's ' Alzira ' by Striiven,
which they had read up, for another made by Madame Gott-
sched. Kohlhardt, one of the best actors in the company,
died almost like Moli&re, on the stage. Everything went
wrong with Frau Neuber ; and, in deep disappointment
and distress, she broke up her company, and in 1743 went
with her husband to Oschatz, where the Amtmann was
their friend, and where she hoped a civil appointment
might be obtained for Neuber. But this was also a
failure. Next year she returned to the battle-field,
sounded the call, and the elite of her old attached com-
pany flew to her again — Koch, Heydrich, Lorenz, Wolf-
ram, bringing with them fresh adherents — the young and
beautiful Kleefelder, and Schuberth. The Neubers at
once entered the field against Schonemann. It was the
44 Germany, Present and Past.
period when the craze for pastoral scenes and idealised
rusticity had set in over Europe. The Neubers introduced
pastoral plays upon their stage with some success.
Gellert wrote for them the first attempt at the domestic
drama, ' Die zartliche Schwester.' It was performed by
them in 1745. One might have expected that the star of
the Neubers would ascend again, that success would return,
now that they had touched and opened a new dramatic
vein; but it was not to be. They had fulfilled their
mission. It is an universal historic experience that in
the advance of civilisation individuals are ruthlessly cast
aside as soon as they have accomplished the task set them.
Leaders of great movements are left broken on the
path, and fresh tools are taken up to carry on the work
they began.
But one favour was accorded to Frau Neuber to link
her life to the most important moment in the development
of her art. She was allowed to introduce to the world
that great man who was destined to found German
literature and the national drama, and unite both in
closest wedlock. Grotthold Ephraim Lessing, a student
of eighteen at Leipzig, brought her his first composition,
'The Young Savant' (1747). She recognised at once
the promise of genius, and brought out the piece on her
stage. ' Damon ' and ' The Old Maid ' speedily followed.
This was the last gleam that falls on the history of
this remarkable woman. In 1748 she lost Koch, Heyd-
rich, and Lorenz, called to Vienna, where the Court
desired the reformation of the theatre on her lines. Then
her adopted daughter, the Kleefelder, married and left
her. The ever-faithful Suppig died. In 1750 her troupe
broke completely up, and she and her husband wandered
about with a company of strolling players, as subordinates,
performing at fairs. The Seven Years' war brought that
The Stage. 45
to an end, and the Neubers found refuge with an honour-
able man at Dresden, Dr. Lober, physician to the King,
who gave them a little room in his house free of rent.
When Dresden was occupied in 1756 by the Prussian
soldiers, some were quartered in their chamber. She was
forced to live and sleep in the same room with the soldiers.
But her dignity maintained its rights. At the window
stood a little table, on which the old fallen couple con-
tinued their literary labours. This table was respected by
the soldiers ; not a pipe was ever laid on it. Neuber
sickened and died ; the soldiers helped to carry him to
his grave. During the bombardment of 1760 the house
was shelled and destroyed. Frau Neuber escaped with
some members of the family of Dr. Lober to the village of
Laubegast. There she fell ill. The host would not hear
of an actress dying in his house, and her kind benefactors
hired for her a lodging in another cottage, and carried her
to it. It was a little room, with a window command-
ing the vine-clad hill of Pillnitz. The vines were now
cleared of grapes, save a few purple clusters not gathered
for the vintage, and the first frosts had touched the leaves
crimson and amber. Into this room the Neuberinn was
brought from the battles of theatrical life, persecuted by
prejudice against her profession, seeking a corner in which
she might lay her head to die. When the aged, God-
fearing woman was carried in, overcome by emotion, she
fell on her knees, and stretching out her arms towards the
window, burst into the words of the Psalmist : ' I will lift
up mine eyes unto the hills from whence cometh my help*
My help cometh even from the Lord, who hath made
heaven and earth.' There she died, not long after, on
Saturday, November 30, 1760, about one o'clock in the
morning. She was buried without religious service in the
cemetery at Laubegast. Her grave is hard by the church-
46 Germany, Present and Past.
yard wall that runs along the Pirnau road. Tradition
adds that the pastor locked the graveyard gate against her
body, and to get it to its place of rest, the coffin was flung
-over the wall.
Such was the end of a noble woman, who devoted her
whole life to the cause of art and morality — a woman who
was an honour not merely to her profession, but to her
sex and country. The stage has produced many martyrs,
but she was the first. She had an unbending will, but it
was a will that would not bend because conscience was its
director. To the carrying out of a true conviction she
sacrificed fortune, favour, success, counting the cost, and
submitting to pay it rather than descend from her ideal.
If this be not the true heroism of a Christian, I ask,
what is ?
Frau Neuber had died in poverty, her work apparently
a failure. But it may be doubted if any serious work
conscientiously carried out is lost. ' Shew thy servants thy
work, and their children thy glory,' was the prayer of the
psalmist, and prophetic of the ways of Providence. The
work of the Neuberinn was not lost. Actors trained under
her, Koch, Schonemann, Dobellin, and Ackermann, became
directors of the great companies which played in Grermany
when the Neuberinn was gone, and her traditions were not
cast aside. Six years after her death saw the last harle-
quin figure on the N. German stage ; and in 1769, Hans
Wurst was banished from the Viennese boards. On the
outside of the theatre at Constance is a curious painting
of about 1770. It represents the triumph of the dramatic
Muses over the pantomime and burlesque, impersonated
by harlequin, Hans Wurst, pantaloon, and clown, who are
being precipitated into darkness by the radiant Muses —
the whole a parody of the fall of the angels before Michael.
Frau Neuber had raised the drama, but had not made
The Stage. 47
it either national or natural. She had sought inspiration
in France, and had transformed a creation of the popular
life into a courtly orator. If she had civilised a savage,
she had also made him artificial. Before the stage could
reach the heart of the people, and fulfil the task she
designed it to execute, much she had taught must be un-
learned. The man who took up her unfinished work, and
gave it the impulse and direction it needed, was Eckhof.
Konrad Eckhof was born at Hamburg in 1720, of poor
parents. He began his education as lamp-trimmer and
candle-snuffer in Schonemann's theatre. When no one
was in the house, and he had done his work, the boy would
set up coats and gowns in the stalls, and act to them from
the stage. He was a little man, high-shouldered and
bony, and with strongly accentuated features. His only
charm lay in his voice and eye, both capable of the most
subtle and varied expression. His unprepossessing exterior
prevented directors from engaging him at first, but when
once he had set his foot on the stage his power manifested
itself, and in a few years he was recognised as the first
actor in Germany. Lessing worked with him. It was
Lessing's object to correct the affectation of the French
drama by an appeal to Shakspeare as the type of true art.
Eckhof was a careful and accurate student of nature.
Consequently, the poet and the player were admirably
calculated to work together. They released the drama
from the golden, but cumbrous fetters of the rococo style,
and gave it a healthy and free life — gave it back to nature,
but not to barbarism. Nicolai gives an instance of
Eckhof s dramatic power. He visited him in his old age,
along with Musaeus, and asked him to read them some-
thing. Eckhof chose a scene from ( Codrus,' then that of
the meeting of Lusignan with his children, from ' Zaire.'
And so, in dressing-gown and nightcap, with spectacles
48 Germany, Present and Past.
on his nose, seated in his high-backed arm-chair, he pro-
duced intense artistic effect upon his hearers, so that the
tears rolled down their cheeks. Then, springing out of
his chair, and flinging aside his dressing-gown, he gave a
scene from the c Bauer with an Inheritance ' with such
comic power, ' that scarce a trace could be distinguished
of the man of dignity and inner tenderness we had seen
before. He was the bauer all over, to the bowed knees,
the up-drawn shoulders ; in every muscle of the face and
movement of the hand was the richest comic expression.'
Tales of Eckhof s power border on the fabulous. It
is said that when an Englishman, passing through Weimar,
begged Eckhof to give him a specimen of his reading, the
actor declaimed to him the German ABC with such
variation of expression between the pathetic, the heroic,
and the ludicrous, that the Englishman alternately wept,
and bristled, and burst into uncontrolled laughter. Les-
sing says of him, ' Eckhof can play any part he chooses.
In the smallest, his ability as a first-rate actor stares you
in the face. One feels vexed that he cannot take every
part simultaneously, and then the performance would be
perfection.'
Eckhof is rightly regarded as the father of the Grerman
drama. The work of Frau Neuber was negative, his was
positive. She freed the art from coarseness, but he made
it German, and touched the heart of the people. I have
entered at such length into the life of the Neuberinn, that
I must only indicate the results of Eckhof s labours with-
out attempting a biography.
The first Court theatres in Weimar, Schwerin, and
Gotha, the first attempt at a national theatre at Hamburg,,
are associated with his name. He fitly shares with
Lessing the fame of having created the German drama.
One glimpse I must give of his private character, to show
The Stage. 49
how worthy a successor he was to the Neuberinn, and how
good and noble were these two founders of the modern
dramatic profession.
If every work of art partakes somewhat of the person-
ality of its creator, how much more true must this be of
the dramatic art, in which creator and creature are one ?
Eckhof never thought of dissociating the man from the
artist, and the artist from his work. Thoroughly con-
scientious, he was persuaded that to be able to take a
noble part, the actor must be noble in himself ; he must
be able to feel the sentiments put into his mouth; he
must be virtuous and generous himself, or he cannot
appreciate virtuous and generous characters. A man may
be many-sided, and able to catch and caricature the in-
firmities of his fellows in their many varieties, but unless
the light of purity of purpose burns in his heart, he
cannot catch and copy the beauties of good lives equally
varied. So possessed was he with this idea, that for a
quarter of a year he lectured, in the dramatic academy he
had founded, on the necessity of the actor leading a high
and moral life, to enable him to become great in representa-
tions of noble characters. And the religious sincerity with
which he pursued his art made him carry out in his own
life the morality he preached on the stage, and conquer
in himself the passions and vices he denounced. He was
a devout and regular attendant at church, and after his
death many sacred poems and prayers were found among
his papers.
Well has it been said of him, c The first great German
actor was an honourable and upright man, fearing God, in
whom could not be detected the absence of a single quality
which is thought to characterise a true Christian and a
good citizen.' For thirty-eight years he reigned on the
German stage, long enough to give it its modern direction.
VOL. II. E
50 Germany, Present and Past.
The last role he played was that of the ghost of Hamlet's
father, and it was noticed that his last words on the stage
were, * Adieu, adieu ! remember me.'
The Neuberinn and Eckhof, the founders of the modern
drama, were worthy representatives of a profession which
has since earned for itself the respect and gratitude of the
German people.
From this period the history of the drama and stage is
one of progress, scarcely interrupted. Under Schroder,
Shakspeare was translated and performed, and became a
preponderating influence. Lessing, Schiller, Goethe wrote.
Wandering companies settled down in the principal
towns; and in 1776, under Iffland and Baron Herbert
von Dalberg, the first attempt was made to organise a
dramatic school for the profession at Mannheim. This
remains as the nursery to the German stage. At Mannheim,
young actors and actresses receive their training : it is
a school for music, scene-painting, mechanism, costume —
in a word, for everything pertaining to the dramatic art.
It is unnecessary for me to give further particulars of
its growth. The little streams had run together into a
great river. The precarious existence of a disordered youth
had acquired vigour and gravity. Let us now look at the
modern German stage.
In the spring of 1877, I was at Partenkirchen, in the
Bavarian Oberland. Opposite my windows was a little inn
occupied by a company of strolling players. The attic of
the tavern was the theatre. Performance began at 6 P.M.,
with the director's little boy going round the town with a
drum rattling the roll-call. Sight-seers fell in behind
the drummer, and we streamed en queue up the stairs into
the garret. Eeserved seats were sixpence, back seats four-
pence, and standing places one penny. The loft was
crowded to suffocation. An observer in the house opposite
The Stage. 51
insisted he saw our steam visibly issue from the louvre in
the roof. Lasses in white sleeves and laced bodices,
matrons with beaver mitres, jagers, and burgers, and
burschen of every degree, were there with beaming faces
and chattering tongues. The proscenium consisted of
newly planed deal boards, with a shield of paper on each
side, on which was painted a bunch of gentians, alpen-
rosen, and edelweiss. The curtain was a sheet of brown
holland, with a lyre of gilt paper pasted in the centre.
The Partenkirchen band occupied a bench against the
footlights, and performed the double function of orchestra,
and easing the curtain as it fell or rose, so as not to knock
over the chimneys of the paraffin lamps that served as
footlights. The violoncello-player was a raw hand, that
roamed vaguely with the bow over the strings, and threw
in grunts at random. The chief forester then came to the
rescue, and from the reserve seats by me, prompted the
bass with his stentorian directions, * B — C — bah Dumm-
kopf ! F — Gr ! ' &c. The manager's bell had tinkled, and
tongues were wagging, when, all at once, from the Church
tower tolled the Angelus. An instantaneous hush fell on
the audience. The orchestra stopped. Every head was
uncovered. It was still in the theatre, as in the Church,
at the Elevation. Then the bell ceased, and as the
tongues broke loose, the manager repeated his signal, and
up rose the brown-holland curtain.
The scene was pretty, if the proportions were not
correct. Alpine peaks, the Zugspitz with its glaciers, and
a little blue lake, the Blaue Grumpen, at its foot. On the
left a chalet with a window, from which a Tyrolese girl
was leaning and singing. Presently a distant jodel is
heard, and a young chamois-hunter enters. He has come
to the Aim to see his Maidle and tell her that he has
been drawn at the conscription and must off to the wars,
B 2
52 Germany, Present and Past.
She fears for him : he scarce believes she will remain true
to him. Girls are giddy and love pleasure. How will she
bear it to be without a Bua to jb'del with her on
Saturday evenings on the Aim, and to attend her to the
dance at Kermesse ? They part, and he leaves with her
his hunter's gun, and pouch, and hat, adorned with the
curved feathers of the Black Grouse. As he descends the
mountain-side she sings to him, and fainter sound his
answering calls ; then tears choke her utterance, and the
curtain falls on her, praying that her Bua may be preserved:
in battle.
The second act takes place inside the chalet after the
lapse of three years. The Sennerinn is engaged churning,,
and she sings and speaks to herself. On a nail hang the hat
and gun and bag of her old Schatz, religiously preserved.
Presently it occurs to her that on this very day three
years ago, her lover had left her for the wars, and leaving
her churn, she goes to the window, and leaning and looking
wistfully forth, sings her old song
Auf der Aim, auf der Aim, ja da 1st a Freud,
Auf der Aim da 1st a Leben.
From far away comes the refrain jodeled back to her.
She is startled, and puts her hand to her heart. Presently
her lad enters in uniform. He has returned invalided,
and discharged. The meeting is pathetic. He has been
wounded, but he has his pension and his iron cross. He
has been true to her, and she to him. There hang his hat
and pouch and gun, displaced by those of no other hunter.
He catches them from the nail, and shouldering his little
bundle retires. Whilst he is absent her full heart breaks
out. She kneels, and lifting her grateful hands to heaven,
utters a glad hymn of praise. Whilst thus praying he
enters behind in his old Tyrolean costume. But he
The Stage. 53
removes his hat, and stands still behind her with folded
hands. Thanks and praise for happy reunion to the
source whence all blessing flows. And so the curtain falls
on them. What could have been simpler, and what more
touching ? Two performers only, and a plot without a
tangle; a drama of every day. Two hearts loving, two
hearts parting, confiding each other to Grod, two hearts
meeting and uniting in the love of Grod. Perhaps it was
due to the sweet simplicity and purity of the whole per-
formance, as much as to the fact that several of the airs
in it came back to me, wafted from boyhood from the lips
of my mother, that I was more affected by this little play
in a tavern attic than by anything I have seen on the best
stage, always excepting Jenny Lee's incomparable ' Jo.'
On another occasion we had 'Ida of Tannenburg,
or Filial Affection,' for children, wherein, as a final
spectacle, the whole company appeared in a red blaze of
strontian fire, repeating in unison, ( Honour thy father
and mother, that thy days may be long in the land which
the Lord thy Grod giveth thee.' During my stay at
Partenkirchen, I made the acquaintance of Herr Director
Stobe and his wife the Frau Directorinn. He and I
climbed some of the peaks together, and he gathered on
the Krottenkopf the first Alpenrosen of the year for her.
She was gentle and lady-like, engrossed in her children.
The rest of the company consisted of a stout Frau
Hoffmann, who leaned out of her window the greater part
of the day in deshabille, with her head in an infinity of
little curl-papers, as though it were the pasturage of
countless small snails — smoking a long Grerman pipe with
a death's-head and cross-bones painted on the bowl; a
first lady, a Fraulein Seichel, who smoked cigarettes ; her
mother, with a blind eye, who acted the countess and royal
parts ; and a grandmother, in peasant costume, who was
54 Germany, Present and Past.
prompter ; also two young men — one a student of juris-
prudence of Tubingen, the other a candidate of Evange-
lical theology at Heidelberg — who were trying the stage
and their chances with the fair Seichel, before committing
themselves irrevocably to the bar or the pulpit.
But what a change to the strolling companies of a
century ago ! What a difference in dramatic perform-
ance !
There are now very nearly 3,000 professionals in
Germany, exclusive of chorus in the opera and walking
parties in a drama ; exclusive also of all strolling com-
panies, whose numbers are not given in the ' Deutscher
Biihnen-Almanach.' In Germany and Austria there are
235 theatres — indeed there is not a little town without
one ; but the season at each is not the same ; and one
company will play alternate nights at two theatres in
places not very distant from one another.
At Aachen, for instance, the opera season is in the
summer. A travelling company plays at the principal
provincial towns in Westphalia. The company in the
Stadt Theatre at Hamburg performs also in Altona during
the season. The same company plays at Karlsruhe in the
winter, and at Baden-Baden in summer. One company
performs on alternate nights at Niirnberg and Bamberg.
In Berlin there are twenty theatres, in Potsdam three, in
Hamburg eight, in Munich, with a population of 170,000
there are four. Hanover, with a population of 76,000,
has two.
Of German acting, I cannot speak in very high terms :
it is wanting in delicacy and finish. German dramatic
genius may do well in tragedy : it is quite in its element
in broad, vulgar, comedy, but it is entirely incapable of at-
taining to the ease and refinement of the French stage.
Of the artists I am glad to bring a better report. They
The Stage. 55
are quiet, respectable, educated persons, very often sur-
passing in polish the best society in the town where they
live ; they rarely forfeit the regard of the public by irregu-
larities in their private conduct. It is not uncommon for
an actor or actress to remain for many years established
as a favourite in a town, and the artist has access to all
but the most exclusive society, is made much of, and a
kindly mutual attachment grows up between him or her
and the public. Should the artist leave, there is a fare-
well at the railway-station, at which troops of those who
have applauded from pit and box attend ; and the separa-
tion is sometimes not unaccompanied with tears. A
kindly, amiable folk — of course, having their little rivalries
and quarrels, but forming warm friendships, and — curiously
enough, the class most domesticated of all. A Grerman
householder lives at his club, his Bierbrauerei, or his tavern.
He is never at home with his wife and daughters, but for
bed and dinner. But it is not so with the actor. He is
too migratory a bird to belong to any club, to become an
ancient at a brewery : consequently, he is driven to live at
home. He spends his time with his wife ; and at his
home holds his merry gatherings of fellow-artists with their
wives.
I remember sitting in the second loge one evening,
beside the wife of a very wretched actor — a poor tenor,
who was murdering the part of Oberon in Weber's opera.
She, not supposing that I knew who she was, became most
confidential on the excellencies of the performer. She
pointed out beauties in his acting which no one else saw,
sweetness in notes which were pleasant to her ear alone,
and applauded vociferously when the parterre hissed.
Poor woman ! with trembling hands she leaned forward,
and flung a wreath upon the stage at his feet. A roar of
laughter was provoked, and the actor's eyes filled, but he
56 Germany, Present and Past.
looked up, caught his wife's eye, and smiled. Was it a
crime against art that I ever after gave poor Oberon the
loudest applause I could evoke with palms and the ferule
of my umbrella ? Behind my house was a nursery, and
from the loquacious old gardener I had the secret history
of many of the bouquets that were showered on the actresses
and singers. Every time the prima donna sang, there
fell at her feet a nosegay from her husband. It was as-
tonishing how many bouquets were given to the firemen
to be cast on the stage by actresses in kindly encourage-
ment to one another. On one occasion, when a soubrette
had met with unmerited want of recognition after a trying
part, newly read, a shower of nosegays fell about her, and
every one had been purchased — and at a time when flowers
were costly — by her companions.
The profession is one that pays very fairly.
In a little town of, say, 25,000 people, the first tenor
and first female singers will get 900 marks a month, each,
say, from 2001. to 3001. for the season. The principal actors
will, however, receive only 500 marks per month, or 1501.
for the season. During the other six months they may be
engaged for occasional summer performances. This is
nothing to what great singers and actors expect in England ;
but, then with us, there is no provincial stage, certainly
no opera.
The theatres in Grermany are either managed by the
court, or by the town, or belong to a company, or are
private speculations. Where there is a Residenz, there will
be a court theatre, supported by Government. Even the
little courts, as Cassel, Meiningen, Sigmaringen, &c., have
their theatres, receiving a subvention from government.
Where there are no princely residences, there are town-
theatres, partly supported by the Eath, which appoints a
commission to determine the programme of performances,
The Stage. 57
attend and see that everything is conducted with decorum,
and choose the personnel for the season : an annual grant is
made to the theatre by the town from its funds. For
instance, in the winter of 1877-8, the Stadtrath of Frei-
burg in Baden gave a subvention of 18,000 marks or 9001.
That is a little town of nearly 25,000 inhabitants.
Some particulars of its theatre I will give, as an illustration.
In 1806, by the peace of Pressburg, Freiburg was made
over to Baden. It had previously belonged to Austria.
The Baden Government at once suppressed the religious
houses in the town : among them, an Augustinian monas-
tery ; the church it converted into a theatre, and the other
buildings to various purposes, some connected with the
theatre, some not. The town council appoints a com-
mission, composed of gentlemen interested in literature
and art, men of rank in the town — the Burgomaster, the
chief judge of the circuit, the principal landed noblemen
living in Freiburg, &c., and they are wholly responsible
for the conduct of the theatre. They appoint the per-
formers, choose the plays and operas, maintain good con-
duct in the company, audit the accounts, &c. There is
an opera company as well as a dramatic company engaged
for the season. The total cost of the theatre for the year,
is 4,500£. ; but the season is only from October 1 to
March 31. Twice a week there are operas, and twice a
week plays, dramas, tragedies, and comedies.
The prices charged for places are the same for opera
and for play : —
*. d.
Principal boxes (centre) . . . . 26
» (side) .... 2 3
Stalls and parterre boxes . . . . 20
Upper-tier boxes 16
Pit 12
Gallery (2nd tier) 10
Upper gallery .... from ±d.-Qd.
58 Germany, Present and Past.
When the theatre is full in every part, the entire take
is 5Ql. In the season the receipts amount to 3,500£., or,
on an average, 35£. a night.
Any one who would suppose that for this small cost
the performance would be poor, and the mise-en-scene
inferior, would be greatly mistaken. For instance, I
have heard ' Faust ' and ' Lohengrin ' both at Drury Lane
and at Freiburg, and certainly scenery and general spectacle
were quite equal on the little stage to that in the English
metropolis. There is not the lavish expenditure, but
there is taste ; the scenery and dresses are used again and
again for other operas, but they are good. Bale has a
population of 45,000 instead of 25,000, and its theatre is
in no way superior. The opera at Geneva is in every
point inferior. The winter of 1877-78, we had 6 Der
Freischiitz' for four nights at Freiburg. It has been
recently performed at Her Majesty's, where I heard it, and
in every particular, both of acting, singing, and mise-en-
scene, chorus excepted, the Freiburg performance was
superior.
The performance begins at 7 P. M., and the whole thing
is over about 9. Nobody goes dressed. Ladies can go
without an escort. Would that we had such cheap, whole-
some amusements in every provincial town in England !
I may mention here a few instances of the way in which
the stage is kept healthy in tone. On one occasion last
winter, Madame Emile Grirardin's ' Lady Tartuffe ' was
played. Like all French comedies it has its offensive
points, which come out in the last scene. The curtain
fell amidst a hurricane of hisses, and the play was never
repeated. Strauss's vulgar ' Fledermaus ' was put on the
stage. The kissing chorus in the second act gave such
offence, that it had to be modified on reproduction. In
a little town in South Grermany, where a travelling com-
The Stage. 59
pany was performing, one evening a comedy was given>
which has had a great run in Berlin. It turns on the
misadventures of a Protestant pastor, who, in company
with a doubtful lady, that has attached herself to him
in the street, goes into a restaurant of bad repute, and
there meets the Minister of Public Worship.
The little town where this was performed was Catholic^
and the theatre was crammed. But the piece caused such
universal indignation, that, on the next performance of
the company, there were only six persons present. Berlin
is by no means squeamish. As Wagner's ' Tristan ' is
performed at the Imperial Opera House there, it is un-
endurable by any decently minded person. The ladies of
neither the upper nor burger classes in the Prussian capital
have a fine perception of what is decent, and what is unfit
for presentation ; but this is not the case in the South of
Grermany, where a higher tone prevails. What will make
a Saxon or a Prussian laugh will make a Bavarian or a
Badenserinn blush.
I wish that our playwrights, instead of drawing so
liberally upon French sources, would turn to German.
They would find there abundant and wholesome material.
The comedies and farces are rich in fun, and most nu-
merous. Nothing can be better than Mosen's ' Stiftungs-
fest,' ' Hektor,' and ' Veilchenfresser ; ' Topfer's ' Eosen-
miiller u. Finke,' Miiller's ' Im Wartesalon I. Classe ; *
Putlitz' ' Schwert des Damokles ; ' Benedix' ' Die Ban-
ditten ; ' « Hundert Tausend Thaler,' ' Mamsell Uebermuth,'
and a hundred more.
Dramas are less easily adapted. 'Das Anna-Lise,'
' Zopf u. Schwerdt,' ' Die Frau Professorinn,' and many
others, are charming. There is one little piece, I think,
might well find favour on a London stage. I should like
to see it in the hands of Mr. and Mrs. Bancroft at the
60 Germany, Present and Past.
Prince of Wales'. I aUude to the « Adelaide ' of Hugo
Miiller — a sketch from the life of Beethoven, when deaf-
ness was creeping over him, a prey to his unsympathetic
landlady worrying the old man about his accounts, but
attended by her daughter, whose clear girl's voice penetrates
his dull ears. In youth Beethoven had loved an Adelaide,
who was, however, forced by her parents to marry an
Italian count. As Beethoven is lying down in the after-
noon in an adjoining room, a lady in mourning arrives :
Lachner, the pupil of the great musician, is then singing
* Adelaide,' a song composed by Beethoven, whilst the
girl Clarchen accompanies him on the piano. This is the
original Adelaide, now a widow, come to offer herself and
fortune to the composer. The interview with the aged
man, the recognition of his old love, his straining to catch
her voice, and finding it in vain, and then his refusal of
her offer, forms one of the most powerful scenes of refined
pathos that an actor of ability would desire to study.
But the drama has not as yet, in Germany, obtained a
firm footing. Shakspeare is more acted on the stages in
Fatherland than in England. Schiller's plays are in-
sufferably tedious ; Groethe's ' Egmont ' intolerable. We
live in a transition period, when forms and fashions and
ideas are in a state of flux. There is much freedom,
but not independence, much culture, little originality.
Every art exhibits want of earnestness in its professors.
The modern drama, like modern architecture, is full of
prettinesses, but is without character, is imitative and
not original, and where original, monstrous or grotesque.
We may take Charlotte Birch Pfeiffer as the representa-
tive of the modern drama. ' Mutter Birch ' was a genial,
kindly writer. ' What I have written,' she says of herself,
' I have always written from a full heart.' Ever healthy
in tone, never commonplace in diction, spirited in action,
The Stage. 61
ripe in interest, her dramas have long been favourites with
the public. Some of her works can never die. The
6 Goldbauer ' is as perfect in its delineation of character
as it is spirited in the conduct of action. If the English
public could be induced to listen to, and take interest in
a melodrama, which is laid in Tyrol and not in Ireland,
then the * Groldbauer ' is the piece for the Adelphi. But
Birch Pfeiffer could never soar to be a leader of taste, she
was forced to follow the fashion and not to guide it. She
has herself, in her kindly sarcastic way, shown how a
dramatist must accommodate himself to passing humour,
in her farce ' How to fill a House.' It is this which
makes Birch Pfeiffer a typical example of the infirmity of
purpose of the modern drama.
During forty years she went hand in hand with every
changing fancy of the day, turning from one style to
another, as an architect designs a house or town hall
according to the rage of the moment. The romantic
school reigned from 1 820-30, led by Fouque and Tieck.
Then Birch Pfeiffer wrote ' Walpurgisnacht,' 'Eobert
the Devil,' < Schloss Greifenstein,' 1 ' The Bell-Einger of
Notre Dame,' c Hinko the Freebooter,' and ' Heimer the
Body-Snatcher.' But then the recoil after the Polish and
French Revolution began in Germany, manifest in a
noisy anti-Gallic bluster and exaltation of Teutonism.
Birch Pfeiffer wrote 'Carl the Great before Pavia,'
4 Johannes Gutenberg,' 'Ulric Zwingle's Death.' The
public applauded the representative heroes of Germanism.
It was grateful to the authoress for sparing it the trouble
of doing that which these heroes professed. It streamed
out of the theatre thinking it had done great things for
Fatherland in applauding the patriotic utterances of its
Teutonic ideals. Then the fit passed. The palate of the
1 All the first part is a mere recasting of the libretto of Xhvrywitlie.
62 Germany ', Present and Past.
public was satiated with mock heroes ; it asked for some-
thing simple, fresh from nature, and she wrote ' Stephan
Laager, the Kope-Maker,' and ' Glazier Toni.' But when
these country scenes no longer drew, when people, tired of
curds and whey, returned to oysters and champagne, then
she gave them the good biirgerish drama, ' Night and
Morning,' l ' Mother and Son,' 4 One Family.' But this
fashion did not last long. There was something dull and
drab in colour about citizen life, fit material for comedy,
not for melodrama. The itch for the tinsel of baroque
returned, and to please a blase public, she wrote * The
Marquise de Vilette,' 2 ' Anne of Austria,' < Ein Billet.'
But these gay pictures and glimpses of gilded life pleased
but a short time a public which had been too recently
oppressed to support it in its extravagance. Kevolution
was simmering in the witch cauldron of the future. The
revolt of 1848 burst upon Germany, which led to the
destruction of the aristocracy. To the cry of ' Away with
the Ministry ! ' ' Down with the nobility ! ' 'An end of
privilege ! ' Birch Pfeiffer composed the absurd drama, c Der
Pfarrer,' in which a countess, fired with*Kadical views,
renounces her rank, privileges, place at court, that she may
marry a Lutheran pastor, with a dunghill at his back-door.
The public applauded uproariously the disgrace of the
minister, and renunciation of noble prerogative. But re-
action followed. German society thought it had been a
little precipitate in blotting its gentry out of its account-
book, and a sentimental sighing over the disabled estate
arose. So Birch Pfeiffer wrote her ' Magdala,' and c Im
Wald,' full of daring innocence, purse-proud shopkeepers,
arrogant bauers, and dignified, suffering aristocrats.
1 An adaptation of Bulwer Lytton's novel.
2 A very graceful play, charming on the stage for its picture s as
well as situations.
The Stage. 63
As a representative of the sensational dramatic com-
poser, Heinrich Laube occupies a higher place. But in
spite of artistic intention, and great genius, he is but Birch
Pfeiffer on a grander scale. Effect is the one thing for
which he strives. He is brilliant, interesting, but not
poetical. Somewhat earlier, Halm represented the lyric
drama. Halm (Baron Eligius von Miinch-Bellinghausen)
died in 1870, but he began to write in 1834. His
' Grriseldis ' and ' Ein Sohn der Wildniss,' &c. maintain
their places on the German stage. But he is a poet who
veils the void of ideas with smooth iambics. There is
nothing in his plays to make them live. Between Laube
and Halm stand Putlitz and von Kedwitz. ' Das Testa-
ment der grossen Kurfiirsten ' of the former, and
6 Philippine Welser ' by the latter, are accepted favourites :
they unite force of situation to dignity of diction. 4 Ein
Arzt von Grranada,' showed that Brachvogel was a true
dramatic poet. In ' Narcissus ' he proved his powers as a
sensationalist. Unfortunately the demand for sensa-
tionalism at all cost has produced a deteriorating effect
on even Mosenthal, the gifted author of ' Deborah.' Paul
Lindau represents the modern middle-class drama. Michael
Bar's ' Hundsee ' deserves mention. More numerous are
the writers of comedies. I have mentioned some.
Wichert, Hacklander, Bauernfeld, are the names of other
writers. Benedix is a healthy and brilliant author. He
strives to amuse, but always keeps a good purpose in view.
He has some better object at heart than merely filling
the house and setting it in a roar.
In the comedies and dramas of the first half of this
century the prince solved every entanglement in the plot.
Of course the lovers must be made happy ; and the prince
appeared as the ' Deus ex machina,' flung aside his
incognito, unbuttoned his great coat, displayed his order,
64 Germany, Present and Past.
and the lovers rushed into each other's arms. But media-
tisation did away with a great many princes, and commer-
cial enterprise made money supreme. The prince dis-
appeared from the stage, and his place was taken by the
uncle from America. He pulls bags of dollars out of his
pocket, notes from his book, difficulties disappear before
hard cash, and the lovers are made happy. Then came
the political convulsions of '48. The romantic school
arose. The American uncle became antiquated. The
rope-ladder formed a road to the hymeneal altar. Modern
chemistry discovered the poisonous qualities of carbonic
acid. The lovers work on the fears of the parents by
threatening to commit suicide by means of charcoal and a
cooking stove. The hard-hearted parent gives his blessing,
and the young people are made happy. But there is
something rude in this method. It manifests no invention,
and is liable to pall. Consequently the new school of
dramatists have had recourse to other methods. Listening
at doors, peeping into letters, tampering with confidential
servants, deception, equivocation — such are the choice
methods of circumventing obstructions. But the lovers
must be made happy in each other's arms ; what does it
matter how this result is brought about ?
There is a difference between the Berlin and the
Viennese comedy which deserves notice. The fun in
favour at Berlin is that of persiflage, at Vienna of genial
mirth. The former is the laughter of the blase man of
the world, who believes in nothing, neither in religion nor
honour and virtue in woman or man, holding that of
honesty
There's not a grain of it, the face to sweeten
Of the whole dungy earth.
Viennese humour is the boisterous merriment of sunny
youth, of the student and the recruit, romp and rollick,
The Stage. 65
genial and careless. Berlin wit is purposeful, Viennese
purposeless. The former is stinging, wounding, the latter
innocent and guileless. The former is witty, the latter
humorous. The first has in it thought, the latter poetry.
If there are no great modern tragedians, there are many
who are pleasing. Of these Felix Dahn deserves notice : he
is an historian, and his dramas are written with political
purpose. ' Konig Koderick,' which appeared in 1874, repre-
sents the battle of the State against the Church ; ' Deutsche
Treue' (1875), the triumph of the idea of Imperial unity
over German particularism. In 1 8 1 6 appeared Grillparzer's
' Ahnfrau,' which at once stamped the author as a genius
and a great dramatic writer. It was a strange weird play
of fatalism and supernatural elements. The high order
of the poetry, and the ability with which exciting situa-
tions were worked up, made the play very popular.
Unfortunately Grillparzer next adopted classic subjects,
'Sappho,' 'The Golden Fleece,' 'Medea,' &c., in which
modern sentimentality and lyrical pathos in an antique
setting somewhat jar on the taste. His finest production
was 'The Fortune and Fall of King Ottocar' (1825).
Though wanting in strongly drawn historical characters,
the drama is full of merit and power.
Prince George of Prussia wrote under the name of
Conrad, but his tragedies have little merit. Hebbel
deserves a word. His tragedies are works of art, and the
offspring of genius, but revolting and demoniacal. He is by
far the greatest dramatic writer of modern times, but also the
most unfortunate. 'Judith' appeared in 1841; 'Genoveva'
in 1 843 ; ' Maria Magdalena,' a tragedy of common life, in
1 844. A second series is composed of ' Herod and
Mariamne,' ' Julia,' ' Michael Angelo,' ' Agnes Bernauer,'
and 'Gryges and his King.' His last piece was 'The
Nibelungen,' 1862. His tragedies as they succeeded one
VOL. II. F
66 Germany, Present and Past.
another seemed to grow in power, but also in offensiveness.
As he wrote he became bolder, but also more horrible and
capricious. His moral pathos is that of a Danton or
Kobespierre.
Mosen's dramas are overweighted with the lyrical
element : there is too great play of diction, too little
articulation of character, too much subjectivity, to make
them successful on the stage. But the charm of poetic
beauty, pure feeling, and noble purpose, is there, elevating
them above mediocrity. One alone holds a place on the
stage, < Otto III.' But the best tragedy after Schiller and
Goethe is ' Uriel Acosta ' by von Grutzkow, a most fertile
and versatile writer. Two of the best modern comedies
are also by him, ' Zopf und Schwerdt ' and c Das Urbild des
Tartuffe.'
Mzisic. 67
CHAPTEE XII.
MUSIC.
Ich glaube an Gott, Mozart und Beethoven.
KICHARD WAGNER.
THE year 1590 was an eventful one in the history of music.
In the palace of Giovanni Bardi, Count of Vernio, at
Florence, was gathered a select circle of antiquaries.
Gothic art was dying, the Kenaissance was in flower.
The ties by which men were held by the Church were re-
laxed. Even Christianity had to put on the attributes
of paganism to claim a hearing. Architecture, sculpture,
painting, the handmaids of religion, dropped their cum-
brous Gothic drapery and affected the nude. The per-
pendicular gave way to the horizontal, the spiritual to the
material, the world to come was forgotten in the glories
of the world that is. Of all the arts, music alone remained
ecclesiastical. The minstrel sang his warm verses in a cold
Gregorian mode, and a pot-house lay was intoned to an
air only nicely to be discriminated from the Ambrosian
' Te Deum.' Polyphony had been eagerly adopted by the
Church, and the Tridentine Council had canonised it in
the Masses of Palestrina. The world might use it for
madrigals, but not for the stage. It was too cumbrous
for passionate declamations, and a chorus was thought too
like a church choir to seem in place on the boards.
In 1590, the antiquaries collected in the halls of Count
F 2
68 Germany, Present and Past.
Bardi discussed the regeneration of classic music. Archi-
tecture, sculpture, and painting had been regenerated on
classic lines, why not music also ? The old heathen drama
was revived in opposition to the ecclesiastical mystery, but
it was without its proper music. That Church music was
not suited to the stage was admitted by all, but how was
the music of the ancients to be recovered when no traces
of it remained ? Clearly, the only thing to be done was
for musicians to saturate their spirits with classicism, and
then trust to its expressing itself in proper strains. Giulio
Komano (Griulio Laccini) wrote a book, c Le Nuove Musiche,'
which became the theoretic gospel of the new movement.
He illustrated his theories with numerous examples. Be-
side him worked the composer Vincenzo Gralilei, the father
of the famous astronomer, and Jaccopo Peri. The poet of
the confederation was Rinuccini. Between them an opera
was composed, c Eurydice,' an epoch-making work. It
had been preceded by ' Dame,' by the same librettist and
composers, in 1597, but the circumstances were not as
propitious to its success as those in 1600. The 'Eurydice'
appeared at the marriage of Henry IV. of France with
Maria de' Medici. It created great excitement, and was
carried to France and Germany, and performed throughout
Italy. The idea lying at the bottom of the * Eurydice '
was, as already said, a revival of the ancient drama. No
one doubted but that the new music was a recovery of a
lost art, just as in more recent days glass-painting has
been regenerated after having become extinct. There
was no intention in the composers to create a new sort of
entertainment; their highest ambition was to reproduce
classic accessories. As modern managers seek to revive
Shakspeare's historic plays with correct details — archi-
tectural, heraldic, &c., so did these antiquaries seek to
revive the classic drama with its classic music. They
Miisic. 69
sought to purify degenerate modern music, as they had
purified architecture, and bring it back to the perfection
of Greek simplicity. A new idea had, however, sprung
from the heads of these pedants without their being aware
of the fact. The old Church music did not give declama-
tory expression to the words. The same strains were sung
to various words and suited all alike. The melody was
repeated with each verse, but the new music was subordi-
nated to the words, it was musica parlante, a vehicle for
intensifying the effect of poetry, and there was no repe-
tition.
The significance of the work of 1597 and 1600 con-
sists, not in the production of positive dramatic music,
but in converting music into a vehicle for the expression
of emotion. These first operas were almost without
chorus and harmony ; they consisted of musical recitative,
dry and tedious ; rich, expressive melody was not yet
born.
In 1608 the great composer Monteverde joined the
movement, set Rinuccini's ' Arianna ' to music, and it was
produced at Mantua.1 ' Dafne ' was translated into Grer-
man by Opitz, and set to music in 1627 by Heinrich
Schiitz.
In the meantime, one of the company in the house of
Count Bardi had struck out another idea. This was the
Roman, Emilio del Cavaliere. He had worked with the
rest, and composed some musical pastorals, which had
been accorded the highest praise — they had been pro-
nounced by connoisseurs entirely antique. Cavaliere was
a man of religious mind and devotional habits. He felt,
to some extent, alienated in purpose from those who
sought only the restoration of paganism in all its forms,
1 He composed ' Orf eo ' in 1607, 'Proserpina rapita ' in 1630,
« L'Adoni ' in 1639, « II Ritorno d'Ulysse ' in 1642, &c.
70 Germany, Present and Past.
moral and artistic, and when he settled in Kome he
carried away with him, indeed, the ambition of the
Florentines to dramatise music, but not their desire to
emancipate it from the Church. They sought the revival
of the classic drama, he that of the Mystery play. Ac-
cordingly he wrote a religious piece, ' Dell' Anima e del
Corpore,' which was produced for the first time at Kome
in the very year in which the 6 Eurydice ' was brought out
at Florence, but this was performed, not on a profane stage,
but in the ' oratorio ' of the Church della Valicella. From
the place of its production this class of musical composi-
tion has retained the name of Oratorio. In the perform-
ance of these first operas and oratorios the orchestra was
of little importance. The instruments were used to in-
tensify the notes of the singers, and the recitative was
kept in tone by the banging of a clavicembalo. Monteverde
enlarged the orchestra, brought in fresh harmonies un-
allowed by strict theoricians, and reduced all secular
music to major and minor keys. There were now two
distinct styles of music : the ecclesiastical, rich in harmony
and massive in its polyphony, but cold and solemn ; and
the secular, which was declamatory and contained a promise
of better things rather than giving evidence of achieve-
ment. However, there were plenty of musicians eager to
join the new movement, and bring to it all the resources
of their minds. In Venice alone, between 1637 and 1700,
there were 40 composers at work, who produced 357 operas.
In Bologna, between 1641 and 1700, there were 30 com-
posers. Scarlatti, the Neapolitan, was the man who
brought melody upon the stage. He wrote 200 masses,
as many motetts and oratorios, 400 cantatas, and 100
operas. He was a remarkable composer, distinguishing
sharply between the music of the Church and of the
theatre. He it was who gave the air its accepted triple form,
Miisic. 7 1
and laid the weight of the orchestration on the quartett of
stringed instruments. He also was the first to write over
tares to his operas. Scarlatti had as his pupil Adolf
Hasse, born in 1699 at Hamburg, who lived and laboured
from the time of Scarlatti to that of Mozart, of whom he
truly prophesied, * This lad will cast us all into oblivion.'
Hasse had sung as tenor on the Hamburg stage in Italian
operas, under Keiser, when, in 1724, he passed into Italy.
At Naples he became Scarlatti's favourite pupil. His
compositions gained the admiration of the Italians, and
he was designated ' il caro Sassone.' In Venice he made
the acquaintance of Faustina Bordoni, the best singer of
her time, who became his wife. In 1731, he was sum-
moned to Dresden to take the direction of the Italian
opera. For forty years his compositions occupied the
principal place in the operatic repertoires of Germany.
His influence was so great that Gluck, who must be re-
garded as his great opponent, wrote a series of operas in
Hasse's style. The murderous Thirty Years' war (1618-48)
had left the German nation exhausted, and seeking re-
pose. Music had not thriven amid the discords of civil
strife. The tradition had been kept alive by organists in
old churches. At the courts, Italian operatic companies
occupied the stages and sang their own music. With
peace, the German musicians were obliged to go to school in
Italy, to learn the principles of the art and rub off some
of their national stiffness and pedantic formalism ; but
they did not lose their earnestness of purpose and origin-
ality. These men formed a national school of art, whose
fruit was Bach and Handel. In music alone after 1648
was there German spirit and national character. In
politics and fashion, in literature, and every other branch
of art, Germany copied France and Italy : she recovered
her self-consciousness first in music. Bach and Handel
72 Germany, Present and Past.
preceded Goethe and Schiller ; there was a musical patriot
fighting for German music before Lessing wielded his
critical sword.
In 1678, two learned men, Gerhardt Schott and Liitjens,
united with a musician, Johann Adam Reinken, to found
a German opera in Hamburg.
The attempt was the reverse of that at Florence. In
Italy the librettists sought their material in Greek my-
thology ; in Germany, in the Bible. The first operas per-
formed at Hamburg were all founded on Holy Scripture
or ecclesiastical history. The series was opened with
' Adam and Eve,' the words by Richter, the music by
Theile ; ' Michal and David,' ( The Maccabean Mother,'
1679; 'Esther,' 1680; the 'Birth of Christ,' 1680; 'St.
Eugenia, or the Conversion of Alexandria,' 1688; ' Cain and
Abel,' &c. followed. The attempt succeeded. The matter
was homely — known to every German burger and bauer ; the
verses were German, the singers German, and the music was
German also. Oratorio, opera, tragedy and comedy were
rolled together into one lump, or rather, let me say, the
various classes of compositions were not yet drawn out and
distinguished from one another.
But before long the Italian opera stepped in, and
thrust aside these rude national beginnings. The operas
of Scarlatti, Leo, and Durante monopolised the stage
after 1693, when Reinhold Keiser became manager. This
man was himself no inferior composer. He wrote 120
operas, and his melodies were so sweet, fresh, and joyous,
that they spread through Germany and France. With
him worked the first tenor, Johann Mattheson, half
charlatan, half serious. He wrote ' Der Musikalische
Patriot,' against Italian music. He died in 1764, in the
enjoyment of a canonry at the Dom, a provision given also
to Keiser. Telemann was a composer somewhat later.
Miisic. 73
He wrote 40 operas and 600 overtures, as well as 44
Passion-music pieces. At that time Handel was second
violinist in the orchestra of the Hamburg theatre. ' He
is strong on the organ, especially in fugues and counter-
point, but he knows little of melody,' was Mattheson's
judgment of him. Handel wrote the opera 'Almira'
for the Hamburg stage, and the success it achieved
brought on him the envy of Mattheson, whose sword would
have finished the course of the great composer prematurely
in a duel, had it not broken on a button of Handel's coat.
Handel then wrote two more operas, 'Nero' and 'Florindo
and Daphne,' but left Hamburg without waiting to learn
the result of their production, and studied in Italy. In
1 707 he composed ' Eodrigo ' for the Florentine Opera
House; 'Agrippina' followed, in 1708, at Venice; in the
same year, at Naples, 6 Acis and Gralathea.' In 1709 he
was in Eome, and was so struck with the playing of the
pifferari, that he sketched the outline of the pastoral
symphony which he afterwards worked into the ' Messiah.'
His residence in England determined the character of
his masterpieces. He abandoned the opera for the oratorio,
of which he will ever remain the great classic master.
However beautiful Mendelssohn's ' St. Paul ' and ' Elijah '
may be, they are imitations of the great models left by
Handel.
If the oratorio received its most perfect development
from Handel, the chorale was not less fortunate with
Bach. His sacred compositions were sacred compositions
in the best sense. He wrote ' Jesu, juva,' at the head of
each work, and at the end ' Soli Deo gloria,' and he truly
wrote and laboured to the glory of (rod only. He laid hold
of Christianity in its positive form ; but as he found in his
religion the answer to the yearnings of his own nature, all
his Church compositions express strong individuality.
74 Germany, Present and Past.
This explains the double nature of Bach's works, the
existence of vigorous individuality side by side with stiff
formalism, richest subjectivity along with vigorous
objectivity.
There are musical creations which once heard are
epochs in a life, as there are scenes, once seen, which
vignette chapters in the inner history. I shall never
forget the hearing of Bach's c Himmlische Liebe ' at a
performance by a German ' Liedertafel.' It was followed
by Mendelssohn's ' St. Paul.' But that great work fell
unheeded on the ear, the soaring, lark-like song of Bach
had taken entire possession of the soul, and left no room
even for Mendelssohn.
After Handel, the best known names of Oratorio com-
posers are : Hasse, who wrote a 'Te Deum' and a 'Requiem ; *
Graun (1701—1759), whose 'Tod Jesu' is sentimental and
laboured; Eolle, the composer of a c Tod Abels;' Homilius,
Doles, Johann Adam Hiller, Naumann (' Vater unser ')
and Fasch. The works of these masters are not without
merit and do not deserve to be forgotten, but they are of
no great importance.
The classics of humanism, Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven,
performed great things in Church music, but they carried
their secular style into the sanctuary just as the rococo
artists decorated churches with the ornaments of a ball-
room.
Haydn's ' Creation ' is a jubilant hymn in praise of
the beauty of the world, culminating in earthly love.
Mozart's Masses and Requiem are the music of the theatre
adapted to an ecclesiastical opera. Beethoven's Mass in
D sharp, from a musical point of view, is the Faust-like
wrestling of the mind for new faith, subjective throughout,
less Churchlike than the music of Haydn and Mozart.
Their successors were Stadler, Eibler, Thomaschek,
Miisic. 75
Schneider (' The Last Judgment ') and Klein : good musi-
cians all ; but of Church composers the race was extinct.
The spirit of the Keformation had evaporated : the bonds
of ecclesiasticism were broken. Music had asserted and
obtained an independent life.
As we have seen, the Italian opera was an affectation
of the antique. The Italians lived in the midst of classic
ruins and kept alive the tradition of the past. The classic
tragedy appealed to them in a way it could not to Ger-
mans or French. Yet the courts favoured the Italian
opera, and German composers wrote for classic librettists.
Graun wrote thirty operas, Naumann nearly as many.
Their music pleased, and was praised for its solidity,
technical perfection, and melodious beauty ; but the drama,
the skeleton they clothed with flesh, interested no one.
The sympathy of the people was not obtainable by the
revival of mythological stories from Greek fables. It was
caught at once by the ' Singspiel,' the German ' Opera
comique.' George Benda, after gaining applause by his
6 Ariadne in Naxos ' and ' Medea,' suddenly cast himself
into the popular current, and composed melodramas.
Hiller, a cobbler's son (1728-1804), a pupil of Homilius,
was the most famous representative of the popular Burger
opera as opposed to the classic opera. He wrote 'Die
Jagd,' 6 Der Teufel 1st los,' ' Der Erndtekranz,' ' Lottchen
am Hofe,' &c. Hiller was a shy, retiring, morose man,
but his operas overflow with joyous melody, making them
ever popular and taking, however little may be their
actual merit.
French operettas were produced in Hamburg by the
French company under Hammon, and in Berlin by that
under Berge, and the applause gained, as well as the
pecuniary profits reaped, stimulated Koch, the director, to
undertake German operettas. Schonemann had brought
76 Germany, Present and Past.
out 'Der Teufel 1st los,' but without much success. Koch
got the poet Weisse to retranslate the English original,
and the composer, Standfuss, to recast the music and write
orchestral accompaniments. The first production of this
* Singspiel ' was on October 6, 1752, and that is the
date of the revival of the Grerman opera. The opera was
alive again, in a modest form indeed, as a comedy adorned
with songs. No one suspected at the time what a dan-
gerous rival to the drama was being then brought into
activity. Schiebler's ' Lisnart und Dariolette ' was con-
verted into an opera, with music by Hiller, and produced
in 1766; it was followed by 'Lottchen am Hofe' in 1767,
and by 'Die Jagd ' in 1770. The lively dialogue, the
bright music, and the charming manner and voice of
Frl. Steinbrecher, who sang the first parts, combined to
give the opera great popularity, and raise a passion for
it. Nicolai wrote 'The Merry Cobblers,' C. W. Wolf
'The Village Deputies,' Neefe and Stegmann also com-
posed in Killer's style.
In 1768, Gluck's 'Alcestis' was first performed; it
was afterwards re -arranged by the composer. Although
not calculated to awake much sympathy in a Grerman
public, its merits were allowed.
At the courts, however, only Italian operas were tole-
rated. The Duke of Wiirtemberg, at Stuttgart, had the
most magnificent opera-house and choice company in
Grermany, under the director Jomelli, kept up with lavish
expenditure. The best singers drove about in the Duke's
carriages, and received daily six covers from the ducal
kitchen. The production of one opera alone, ' Semiramis,'
was rewarded with presents to the singers to the amount of
15,000 gulden from the ducal treasury. This extravagance
tended to make the Italian opera hateful, at least to the
Swabians. But the Grerman comic opera found its true
Music. 77
home in the imperial city on the banks of the blue
Danube. There vigorous, excellent Grerman masters
worked, blending French esprit with Teutonic earnestness.
At the head of these composers must be reckoned Carl Ditter
von Dittersdorf (1739-1797,— 'Doctor und Apotheker,'
'Hieronymus Knicker ') and Wenzel Miiller (1767-1835
— ' Das Sonntagskind,' ' Die Schwestern von Prag,' &c.),
Kauer (1751-1835 — 'Donauweibchen') and Johann Schenk
(1761-1836— <Der Dorfbarbier '). It was in these domestic
operas that Grerman music held its own : it failed in rivalry
with Italy in the classic opera. In France it was otherwise.
Cardinal Mazarin in 1645 imported the Italian opera to
Paris. Whereas, in Italy, the musical side of the opera
attracted most attention, and most care was spent on its
elaboration and development, the vivacity of the French
led them to accentuate the dramatic element. The French
would not be satisfied with an opera without stirring move-
ment in the dramatic composition. In Italy, the opera
declined to a mere concert in costume ; in France, poor
music was forgiven or excused if the dramatic interest
were kept awake.
Jean Baptist Lully (1633-1687), a scullion-boy at first,
then, by means of many intrigues, director of the theatre
in the Palais Royal, met this demand with his c Tragedies
Lyriques.' In Italy, everything had been sacrificed to
c arias.' Lully restored the recitative, Lully transformed
the Italian opera, consisting of a series of airs, duetts, and
choruses, into the French declamatory opera, in which
these features sink into altogether a subordinate place.
The drama is not composed for the airs, but the airs for
the drama.
At the same time there sprang up in Paris the true
national genre, the only one in which the French have,
till quite recently, obtained any great results. Lully had
78 Germany, Present and Past.
sacrificed melody to the demands of the drama. His suc-
cessor, Kameau (1683-1764), was more conspicuous still
for his indifference to the 'aria.' Eecitative began to
pall. Remonstrances were heard : amongst others, Jean
Jacques Rousseau spoke out. Composers wrote comic
operas, operettas full of melody and liveliness. In 1752,
the artistic society in Paris was torn into two factions, the
6 Buffon ' and the ' Nationals.' Lully's style was pro-
claimed by the former intolerable, by the latter that alone
conformable to the laws and reason and the exigencies of
high art.
The first ' Buffonists ' were Antoine d'Auvergne, Duni
(1709-75), Philidor (1726-95), Monsigny (1729-1817—
* Le Deserteur,' ' Rose et Colas '). In place of dry de-
clamation came lively, delicate dialogue, instead of long
recitative, brilliant melody, and for stately and stiff
movement, short-skirted, capering grace. The greatest
composers in the Opera comique were Gretry (1741-1813),
a native of Liege, who had studied in Italy, and Nicolas
d'Isouard (1777-1818). If this style abandoned all pre-
tence to seriousness and to tragedy, it proved the flexibility
of music, and showed that it was not in the heroic drama
any more than in the church-hymn that excellence was
alone to be achieved.
The feeling for the grandeur of the Greek tragedy
was revived among the French by something other than
the Italian opera. Their poets, Racine and Corneille,
had given the nation dramas cut on the ancient patterns.
But the heroic personages of these writers appealed for
music to give them life, to bring them out of the phantom
world into sympathy with flesh and blood. The idea of
reviving the antique without perruque, and of realising on
a higher scale the ideal of the Florentines, flashed on the
mind of a German — Gluck; but it was France which
Music. 79
understood Mm, and gave him scope for the realisation of
his ideal ; at home, he would have been denied both.
Christopher Willibald, Chevalier von Grluck, was born
in 1714; he was not a musician by profession. He
studied in Milan, and there, in 1741, wrote his first opera,
6 Artaxerxes,' quite after the Italian school. Then he
visited Paris and London. The result of his travels and
experience was a conviction that the opera ought to be
re-cast. He would have it severe, solemn, majestic, not
all recitative, nor all melody, but recitative and melody
combined and blended. The tragic opera was too dull,
the comic opera too brilliant. By a large infusion of
white, the dulness of the former could be lightened, and
the crudeness of the latter softened, and the result would
be harmonious. He wrote ' Orpheus and Eurydice,'
« Alcestis ' (1767), ' Paris and Helen ' (1769).1 The Ger-
man public gave faint applause, the connoisseurs expressed
disapproval, some condemned the harmonies as poor and
thin, others, the melodies as wanting in colour and warmth.
Italian musicians found that his compositions were not
according to their rules. Grluck turned his eyes to France.
In Paris, in 1773, he wrote his ' Iphigenia in Aulis.'
With iron persistency, and with the help of his pupil, the
Dauphine Marie Antoinette, he overcame all opposition,
and the piece was produced on April 19, 1774, and was
received with enthusiastic appreciation.
This was followed by ' Iphigenia in Tauris.' In Ger-
many he was not understood. The musicians, with only
a few honourable exceptions, cried him down. Grluck's
operas were Greek tragedies. The music, simple and re-
strained, maintains antique gravity, transparency, and
objectivity. The instrumentation is not intricate. Strings
1 The production of Gluck's Iphigenia in Germany cost 3,000 thalers ;
his New Arcadians, 4,000 thalers.
8o Germany, Present and Past.
are principally used, but wind instruments are employed,
though sparely, yet with striking effect. His characters
are the marble statues of antiquity endowed with life, but
scarce with colour. His music has the polish and the
beauty, but also the solidity and chill of marble.
Joseph Haydn led the choir of the classics of instru-
mental music. He was an Austrian, the son of a waggoner,
born in 1732. His father played the harp, and attended
the village dances, or accompanied his wife as she sang
the peasant Volkslieder while spinning of a winter's evening.
The first musical impressions made on the young Haydn
were, therefore, village dance-music and popular roun-
delays. His works were mostly composed as director of
the choir of Prince Esterhazy. He died in 1809, after
having given to the world one hundred and eighteen
symphonies, eighty-three violin quartetts, sixty sonatas,
fourteen operas, five marionette operas, five oratorios, forty-
two songs and duetts, three Masses, and countless motetts,
dances, marches, &c. The fruit of his last years were the
< Creation,' < The Seasons,' and ' The Seven Last Words.'
There was a great charm about Haydn's character ; he
was so wholly unselfish and humble. He looked on his
musical powers as a gift of God, and when, as an old man
of seventy-six, he heard the production of his ' Creation,*
when that wondrous burst of harmony rang through the
house, ' Let there be Light — And light was ! ' and awoke
applause, he put out his trembling hands, brushing away
the clamour of the people, murmuring, ' It is not mine, not
mine, it came from above ! '
This was no empty phrase, but the expression of a
real conviction. He relates that he never was so devout
as whilst composing the ' Creation,' and that daily at that
time ' I fell on my knees and prayed Grod to give me
power to accomplish the work.' And again, * When 1
Music. 8 1
could not get on with my composition, I walked up and
down the room with my rosary, and prayed some Aves,
and then ideas came.' His art was divine, and every
happy thought was a gift of grace. This explains his
modesty and absence of jealousy in the recognition of
others. He had no scruple in setting the young Mozart
above himself. ' I know very well,' he said, ' that Mozart
is the greatest composer the world has seen.'
Haydn's artistic significance lies in what he has effected
for instrumental music. He loosed the tongue of the
orchestra, he individualised every instrument. The
stringed quartett became the conversation of four real indi-
viduals: each instrument was characteristically handled,
and its theme adapted to its capacities and position in the
conversation. The orchestra with Gluck was an accom-
paniment to the singer, monotonous in colour. Haydn
poured life into it. Every instrument began to speak in
its own tongue, tell its own tale, find out that it had a
language and character of its own. It was the Pentecost
of the orchestra. The instruments spoke together in their
various tongues, but all were harmonised into one hymn.
The orchestra under Haydn became the echo of many-
voiced nature : there was warbling and twittering, quaver-
ing and trilling, singing, thrumming, and laughing : all
the notes, and tones, and emotions, were blended by one
golden sunshine. The ideal character of all Haydn's
works is joyous youth and inexhaustible freshness. The
master remained to the end of his days a child in the
noblest sense of the word, and his music has the power of
breaking off the chains of daily cares, of sweeping the
cobwebs out of the heart and brain, and, like no other
music, of bringing back the soul to sunny innocence and
childlike enjoyment.
Mozart was born at Salzburg in 1756. In 1768 he
VOL. II. G
82 Germany, Present and Past.
was in Vienna, where he was favourably received by the
Emperor Joseph II., and at his request composed the
opera 'La Finta Simplice ; ' but musical jealousies prevented
its production. Two years after he was in Italy and was
received with enthusiasm. He wrote fi Mithridates,' 1769,
6 Ascanius in Alba,' 1772, for Maria Theresa, c II Sogno di
Scipione,' and 'Lucio Silla.' Munich was the only
Grerman city that showed him any sympathy. For the
Opera there he composed ' La Finta Griardiniera.' In 1781
he went to Munich, and there produced ' Idomeneo,' an
opera in GHuck's style. It was received with enthusiastic
applause. Then he went to Vienna, and married Con-
stanze Weber. In the jubilation of his marriage happi-
ness he wrote the 'Entfiihrung aus dem Serail,' the
sparkle and freshness of which took the lively Viennese at
once, and hushed the disapproval of musical pedants.
Now followed masterpiece on masterpiece; the oratorio
'Davide Penitente,' 1785 ; the comic opera/ Der Schauspiel-
Direktor ; ' then 4 Figaro's Hochzeit,' at the special request
of the Emperor, who desired the establishment of a Grer-
man opera as well as an Italian.
The intrigues of singers, however, discredited ' Figaro '
in spite of all the Emperor could do. They would not
sing in it, or sang badly. At Prague, Mozart met with more
favour. For it he composed c Don Juan.' There he wrote
4 Cosi fan tutte ; ' next ' La Clemenza di Tito ;' and, lastly,
the ' Zauberfiote.'
In 1788 Karl Meyer opened the Josephstadt Theatre
at Vienna, for operas, spectacular pieces and melodramas.
Neither there nor in the Court Opera-House could Mozart
get a hearing. He was received and allowed to appeal to the
people only in the humble popular theatre outside the
city, in the Wiedner Vorstadt, conducted by Schikaneder.
This man performed opera-bouffes and ballad operas.
Music. 83
The house was not altogether free from charges of pan-
dering to low popular tastes. It was there, however, that
the inimitable * Zauberflote ' was first heard — that mar-
vellous composition which, unlike so many other excellent
musical works, has not been killed by the absurd libretto
to which it is coupled. Schikaneder was himself a man of
some musical talent, and Mozart was not ashamed to
borrow of him the melodies for his ' Vogelfanger ' and
for the duett ' Bei Mannern, welch e Liebe fiihlen.' When
the 'Zauberflote' was being rehearsed, Schikaneder,
who was acting Papageno, suggested one of the happiest
hits in the last scene. As Mozart had written the
duett for Papageno and Papagena, they meet with an
astounded cry of * Papageno ! ' ' Papagena ! ' in duett.
Schikaneder was dissatisfied. He shouted from the stage
to Mozart, who was in the orchestra : ' I say, Mozart, that
won't do.1 I'll tell you how it should be. We must gaze
on one another in mute astonishment for some time, and
then one must begin, " Pa, pa, pa," and then the other
follow, " Pa, pa, pa," and dance round one another, con-
templating each other with mutual satisfaction, till at last
the whole name comes out.' How admirably Mozart
worked out this dramatic ' moment ' at the suggestion of
the experienced player is well known.
The ' Zauberflote ' took, became a rage, and the pro-
fits obtained by Schikaneder were so great, that in 1799 he
was able to build the handsome new theatre 'an den
Wieden.' But Mozart was then no more. The { Zauber-
flote ' was composed in the year of his death.
Schubart has an amusing poem entitled ' Frosch-
kritik.'
One evening there sang a nightingale in a bush, in the
still moonlight. The frogs in a neighbouring marsh put
1 « Du Mozart, das 1st nix.'
a 2
84 Germany, Present and Past.
their heads above water and listened. Then an old toad,
deeply learned in double bass, who had studied in many a
marsh and pool — a toad who, as of cold blood, performed
music, but felt it not — exclaimed, ' That creature sings not
according to correct principle : he makes false fifths, and
does not keep true time ; his modulations are irregular,
and all his melody consists in jug, jug, jug. Let us per-
form a fugue.' So the frogs set up their concert, striving
to drown the note of the nightingale ; and the bat and the
owl applauded. But a lover stealing out at night, with
full heart, to listen to the song of Philomel, flung a stone
among the orchestra, and cursed their fugue.
'Humpf !' said the critic, from under the water,
'The blockhead no doubt understands nothing better.'
The fable describes pretty well the stir and disapproval
among musicians wedded to formal systems, when there
burst on their astonished ear the wondrous strains of
Mozart. Their croaking deafened men to his merits till,
alas ! it was too late. The ' Zauberflote ' alone obtained
for him the recognition that ought to have been given
him before. The Hungarian nobility made him a contri-
bution of 1 ,000 guilders, an Amsterdam society subscribed
a larger sum, he was appointed conductor of the music in
St. Stephen's, Vienna — but all too late. He was dying, or
dead.
He was mortally sick whilst composing a e Kequiem r
ordered of him. The priest sent for in his last sickness,
refused him the last sacraments, because he was a free-
mason. The day before his death he sang portions of the
partiture of the Kequiem with his friends Schack, Hofer,
and Grerl. When he came to the ' lacrimosa,' his tears
choked his utterance. He died December 5, 1791, aged
35. Next day he was buried. It was bad weather, and
Music. 85
none attended the funeral but his nearest relatives.
As he was destitute, the coffin was placed in the general
burying-place for the poor. When, a few weeks later, his
widow, who had been ill, went to seek his grave, the
sexton was unable to indicate, among the many fresh
mounds, that which covered the bones of the great com-
poser.
Mozart's style was that of pure beauty. His music
poured from his soul in inexhaustible flow and freshness.
His music is that of a refined spirit, delicate, sentimental,
feminine. There is sparkle in Haydn, colour in Mozart,
effervescence in the former, flow in the latter. The great
distinguishing work of Mozart is that he changed the sex
of music. In Bach, Handel, and Grluck, the music is
essentially manly. Vigour is its characteristic : it is
massive, logical, bold. In Haydn it is still male; but
it is the new music in boyish joy of heart. It has re-
newed its youth, but not deposed its virility. But
Mozart's music is altogether female. Its beauty is
feminine. Instead of massiveness is flexibility, in place
of logic, sentiment, pathos in lieu of boldness. There is
no disparagement in saying this. Woman has a special
beauty of her own, and man has his special beauty. Both
are beautiful on different norms. Mozart achieved a
great work in drawing his musical Eve out of the side
of his predecessors, and he gave to the world a new type
of loveliness.
Beethoven was altogether different. He was the
Goethe of music : his is the style of manly ethic pathos.
Pure beauty was not what he aimed at creating, but
the expression of thought. His musical passages are
ideas to be studied and expanded, drops of fire from
which to kindle light. 'Music,' said he, 'is a loftier
revelation than wisdom and philosophy ; it is wine stimu-
86 Germany, Present and Past.
lating to new achievements. I am Bacchus, casking this
costly drink for men.' Beethoven's music is intricate,
elaborate, scientific. He laboured at his manuscripts
without weariness, till he had polished and burnished as
much as was possible. He laboured, as he said, ' after a
perfection which he felt, but could not describe.' Every
work of his muse is gone over painfully, and everywhere
bears the mark of his chisel. The result is highly artistic,
but there is a want of spontaneity about it, of airy grace,
of easy production, such as characterises the creations of
Mozart. His music was the language in which he ex-
pressed ideas. The wonderful mystic Canzonetta for
violins bears the superscription ' Holy thanksgiving of a
convalescent : ' it is a picture of his own mind in such a
condition. Sand on glass, by the vibrations of music, will
arrange itself in various forms. The movements of ideas
in Beethoven's brain vibrated into musical phrases and
fixed themselves in notes. Of his Symphony in C flat,
Beethoven said himself, ' It is Fate knocking at the door,'
that terrible Fate which awaited him, deafness. He fore-
saw its advent, and in that Symphony we read his agony,,
his resolves, his resignation.
The great age of the Kevolution and the European
war was followed by a period of lassitude. With the
Restoration the idealism of the former age, the self-
conscious pride of man in his rights, national enthusiasm
died away, and a reign of languid indifference and blase
cosmopolitanism set in. The vigour and thought in
Beethoven were distasteful ; men had tired of what was
robust, and were exhausted by the whirlwind of ideas that
had sped across the Continent. ( Ueber alle Gipfeln ist
Euh' ! ' Goethe had sung in the storm. 6 Auf alien Erden
lass sein,' said men now. After hard work a cigar and a
lounging chair, and a wife tum-tumming on the piano are
Music. 87
agreeable. The Restoration was a relaxation after furious
work, and society wanted nothing better in the musical
line than pretty tum-tumming. Kossini met the want.
He gave sweet, sensual melody, without a thought, a depth,
a purpose to dignify it. It was calculated to lull, to
please, not to cheer and inspire. After the meat the tarts.
The style of the dolce far niente spread over Europe
with extraordinary rapidity; and the opera of pleasure
usurped the stage.
In the midst of this languor a small school of writers
arose — the Romanticist — who strove to awake German
self-consciousness and love of the Fatherland by an appeal
to the Middle Ages, and to national traditions and
customs. What Tieck, Fouque, and Brentano attempted
in literature, that was attempted on the musical stage by
Spohr, Weber, and Marschner.
Spohr struck a Grerman note in his ' Faust ; ' but he
was too far steeped in the doctrine of the musical schools
to take the popular ear and touch the national heart.
His ' Jessonda,' a work, the music of which glows with
Oriental richness, was too widely removed from Grerman
sympathy to be appreciated by others than artists and
scholars. His other operas, ' Zemir and Azor,' ' The
Alchymist,' 'The Crusader,' 'The Spirit of the Moun-
tains,' fell flat. He obtained a better hearing for his
Oratorios, < The Last Things,' ' Our Father,' and the ' Fall
of Babylon.' Spohr's scientific importance is double ; as
a violinist he founded the German violin school ; as a
composer he maintained subtlety of harmony and elabora-
tion of instrumentation against the superficiality of
Italian melodiousness, which used the orchestra merely as
an accompaniment to the air, and which could dispense
with half the instruments without marring the effect of
the composition.
88 Germany, Present and Past.
Weber's first work, ' Das Stumme Waldmadchen,' he
pronounced in after years 'an unripe production, only
here and there not wholly void of originality.' In 1801,
under the eyes of Michael Haydn, he produced his
charming comic opera, ' Peter Schmoll and his Neighbours.'
In 1810 he composed ' Silvana.' In 1817 he was called
to Dresden ' to found a German opera.' There he wrote
' Preciosa,' ' Der Freischiitz,' ' Euryanthe,' and ' Oberon.'
Weber's significance is not to be sought in his music, but
in the history of art and culture. He opened no new
fields in music, he taught nothing new, made no dis-
coveries, but in that he brought music into sympathy
with the spirit of the German people, his importance is
not to be overlooked. Mozart had struck the first note
in ' Der Zauberflote,' Beethoven in ' Fidelio,' Weber with
' Der Freischiitz ' completed the chord. He may truly be
said to have founded the German opera. In England we
know and appreciate his ' Der Freischiitz ' and ' Oberon,'
but not the noble ' Euryanthe.' That, unfortunately, is
wedded to a poor plot and dull libretto. The recitative
between Lysiart and Eglantine in the second act is tedious,
but the opera contains gems not surpassed by anything in
the better known compositions.1
Marschner followed Weber. His gloomy spirit and love
of the grim have made his operas, ' Vampyr,' 1828, ' Der
Falkners Braut,' 1830, 'Hans Heiling,' 1833, 'Templer
und Jiidin,' 1829, less popular than they deserve. There
is something almost Wagnerish in the opening chorus of
the gnomes in ' Hans Heiling.' The chorus of peasants,
' Juchheisser, ! ' is bright, and the chorus, ' So wollen wir
auf kurze Zeit,? is full of beauty. The argument of the
1 As the solo and chorus, « Frb'hliche Klange,' the exquisite * Der Mai
bringt frische Rosen dar,' the duett, <Hin nimm die Seele mein, and
the cavatine, * Glocklein im Thale,' not to mention the noble overture.
Music. 89
libretto is this. Hans Heiling, a gnome of the mountains,
loves a peasant's daughter, Anna, and by display of his
treasures wins the consent of the girl's mother to their
union. But Anna secretly loves a young forester, Conrad.
The queen of the gnomes and mother of Hans, desirous of
withdrawing her son from the upper earth, reveals to the
damsel the nature of her betrothed. Anna implores her
lover to rescue her from the power of a mountain demon.
Hans Heiling calls his gnomes to avenge him on the
forester. In the midst of the wedding-feast of Anna with
Conrad, the rocks open and the gnomes appear, but the
earth-queen prevents her son from revenging himself, and
he sorrowfully bids farewell to the land on which the sun
shines, his brief vision of love, and retires beneath, leaving
Anna and Conrad to their happiness. The drama is full
of pathos and weird beauty, and the contrast between the
choruses of muttering gnomes and of dancing, jubilant
peasants very effective. ' Hans Heiling ' is an opera well
deserving of production in England. It remains a
favourite in Germany. In the season of 1877 it was
performed at Hanover, Cassel, and Wiesbaden. It is im-
possible to mistake its influence on the composition of
' Der fliegende Hollander,' by Wagner.
Marschner wrote also ' Das Schloss am Aetna,' ' Der
Babu,' 'Adolf von Nassau,' 1844, and 'Austin,' 1852;
but the ' Templer and Jewess ' and ' Hans Heiling ' are the
only two which have maintained their hold. Marschner
died in 1861. A brighter and more melodious genius,
with whose compositions we in England are as little
familiar, is Kreutzer (1782-1849). His ' Verschwender '
is a popular opera of the best style, but his 6 Nachtlager
von Granada ' is his masterpiece. He wrote in all thirty
operas, but the last mentioned is the only one that retains
the favour of an audience, though the others are rich in
9O Germany, Present and Past.
melodies, which have been extracted from them and have
found their way into popular song-books.1
More of a favourite than Kreutzer is the genial,
charming Lortzing, born 1803, died 1851. His first
opera was ' Ali Pacha,' written in Cologne in 1824. The
first that was produced on the stage was 'Die beiden
Schiitzen,' 1837. In the same year appeared ' Zar und
Zimmermann,' which, since its first appearance in the
Berlin Opera House, has become a stock piece throughout
Germany. ' Caramo ' followed in 1839, 'Hans Sachs 'in
1840, 'Casanova' in 1841, 'Der Wildschiitz' in 1842,
which ranks as his best work after ' Zar und Zimmermann.'
Then appeared 'Undine,' and in 1846 'Der Waffen-
schmied,' which has gained immense popularity. In 1 847
he produced his opera 'Zuin Grrossadmiral,' and in 1848
' Rolandsknappen.'
The ' Czar and the Carpenter ' is a delightful comic
opera, founded on an incident in the life of Peter the
Grreat. It is full of beauties,2 and the dramatic movement
is lively. It is just the piece for the Globe Theatre,
which has recently produced so successfully Planquette's
' Les Cloches de Corneville.' The ' Armourer of Ulm ' opens
with a very spirited chorus of smiths to the clinking of
their hammers on the anvils, and closes with onB of the
most pathetically beautiful bass songs ever written, on the
old man's recollections of his childhood. Lortzing, like
Marschner, well merits to be better known in England.
Other composers clung to the traditions of Mozart.
Peter von Winter (1754-1825) strove to combine the
1 In 1877 the -Nachtlager von Granada was performed on the Han-
over, Cassel, and Wiesbaden boards.
2 * Sieh doch nicht so finster drein ' and chorus ; the air * Lebe
wohl, mein flandrisch Madchen ' and chorus ; the air * Lieblich rothen
sich die Wangen,' and the noble tenor song of the Czar in the last act,
' Sonst spielt' ich mit Scepter.'
Music. 9 1
dignity of Grluck with the beauty of Mozart. His ' Inter-
rupted Sacrifice ' is still played. It was performed thrice
at Cassel in 1877. Weigl (1764-1848) has left 'The
Swiss Family,' not without merit. It was also performed
at Cassel in the same year. Zumsteg's (1760-1802)
' Greisterinsel ' is also not altogether forgotten. Mendels-
sohn's genius lay in quite another direction than the
stage. His only opera, « Lorlei,' is unfinished, but what
there is of it makes us regret that it was not completed.
The ' Antigone ' can only be regarded as an attempt to
rival Grluck in the same field. Mendelssohn's music is
without passion, refined, pure ; a pale flower blowing
under a Northern sky, not a red rose of the South, glowing
and fragrant. Mendelssohn discovered a new field for
music beside the church and the theatre — the chamber.
He composed for the piano. He thought of the circle of
amateurs in their homes, and dedicated his works to them
there.
While Grermany has been developing her special type
of opera, France has not been idle. French genius has
been rapidly conquering a place in the estimation of
musicians not second to Italy. Mehul (born 1763, died
1817), by his 'Joseph in Egypt,' has merited a place
beside G-luck.
Boieldieu (born 1775, died 1834) was a disciple of
Cherubini. He learned of Mozart the skill to form light,
elegant melodies, and correctness in elaboration. He
won the popular ear at once with his operetta, ' Jean de
Paris.' His ' La Dame Blanche,' however, was his master-
piece. His works are characterised by patient care, rich
invention, and delicacy of touch, such as is not met with
in Greman work. Boieldieu is as popular in Grermany as
in France.
Auber (born 1784, died 1871) gave the comic opera
92 Germany, Present and Past.
its definite form and colour. Meyerbeer, a Jew, has the
merit of perfecting the union between music and the
drama.
Halevy (1799-1862) followed in the steps of Meyer-
beer. His ' La Juive ' is a work of great power and
beauty. Then Gkmnod, also in the traces of Meyerbeer.
These last three have given to the world the sen-
sational opera, essentially a French production, by all
means to be regarded as the opera at its perfection. It
is not the perfection of music, but it is the simultaneous
working up of the interest by all the means in the artist's
power — scenic, dramatic, musical. It is the perfect
welding together of dramatic power with musical ex-
pression, the fusion completed by all the appliances of
scenic effect.
The opera is a composite work. Poetry, music, and
dramatic action are the three factors of the product. In
the early operas the dramatic interest was weak and un-
elaborated, and of poetry there was none. The ' Zauber-
flote ' is an instance. It is hardly possible to find a more
absurd libretto. Indeed, probably no one who has heard
the opera a score of times understands the plot, or cares
to understand it. The music is everything, the drama
nothing. In the Italian operas the music and the drama
very often have nothing in common. It is so with Doni-
zetti. ' Lucia di Lammermoor,' and especially ' Lucrezia
Borgia,' are tragedies of the direst colour. Yet the music
is that of the ball-room ; there is no sympathy between it
and the drama. The contrast shocks the sense of con-
gruity.
The poetry of the drama is not necessarily the poetry
of language, but of beautiful ideas expressed in action.
The music obscures the words, but intensifies the poetry
of action. A more exquisite example of dramatic pathos,
Music. 93
poetic conception, and musical expression fused into one
is not to be found than the shadow-dance in ' Dinorah.'
Meyerbeer and Halevy were fortunate in obtaining the
assistance of Scribe, an accomplished playwright, who-
perfectly understood his art and was a man of no ordinary
genius. But Meyerbeer must have possessed, to a degree
unequalled before or since, the sense of harmony of parts,,
for no operas show such a perfect balancing of music,
poetry, and drama, all at their best, as those of Meyerbeer.
He possesses Italian melodiousness, German skill of in-
strumentation, and French dramatic instinct.
There is a wonderful completeness, again, in that mar-
vellous finale of ' La Juive ' by Halevy, where the Cardinal
recognises his daughter at the moment when she is, by
his sentence, being plunged into the cauldron of boiling
oil. There is a maddening power in that terrible scene, a
working up of human sympathy, a goading to excitement
of every faculty. The music lashes and stings into a
nervous fever, with a fury completely at one with the
spirit of the drama.
In the drama, the situation is the focus of the scene.
Early playwrights no more understood this, than pre-
Eaphaelite painters understood the laws of perspective and
of chiaroscuro. It is this which is wanting in Shakspeare's
plays. With his unrivalled powers and knowledge of
nature, he is not a perfect dramatist, for each scene in
his plays, with all its splendid drawing, is without what
the painter terms ' a point of sight ' — a point to which all
lines converge, and about which detail gathers finish.
Shakspeare is better in the boudoir than on the stage,
for this reason. A true drama only lives behind the
footlights.
In the sensational opera, the French composers stand
quite unrivalled. But when the most perfect taste does not
94 Germany, Present and Past.
control it, the opera becomes overcharged with colour, and
the music does not wear like that of Mozart, Weber, and
Wagner. The music is as out of place in the cabinet as
is the drama in the library. These operas are written for
the stage, and for the stage only. The music is theatrical,
and would be as incongruous in a family party as a rococo,
gilt commode in a cottage. The French opera is like the
paintings of Grustave Dore, and the romances of Victor
Hugo.
But the opera is not merely composed of the three
elements of drama, poetry, and music, each taken as an
element indivisible into component parts — but of drama,
poetry, and music, vocal and instrumental. The music is
composite, the orchestra and the singers have each a dis-
tinct though allied sphere.
Here lies a danger to the composer. He is tempted
to make the orchestral part a mere accompaniment to the
voice, in which case he is not giving each instrument its
due, or, in his admiration for the powers of the orchestra,
he unduly extends its function, and treats the human
voice as but one among the instruments at his command.
The Italian composers have all fallen on the first rock.
The Germans are fatally drawn towards the other.
Meyerbeer happily steered his way between them.
'The orchestra in Germany has been like the parliament in
England and France, it has gained the supremacy, the
power is in its hands ; at best, the voice reigns as a con-
stitutional monarch, but in Wagner only as a president
with a brief tenure of office. The melody — the rule — has
passed from the voice to the orchestra : it nickers in this
instrument, then in that, is diffused, concentrated nowhere,
least of all in the organ of the singer.
But France has not only the credit of having given to
the sensational opera its most perfect expression : it has
Music. 95
achieved, also, great success in its special favourite, the
opera comique. This sort of opera began, as I have already
said, in a play with occasional solo songs and duets in it.
It had its Viennese relation, the Singspiel. In England
we also had our opera. In England it never attained a
high place. Lindley, in one of his letters, tells us how
Sheridan's opera of 6 The Duenna ' was composed. Sheri-
dan picked up tunes where he could, brought them to his
father-in-law, set to words of his composition, and got him
to put an accompaniment to them, and compose an over-
ture. e The Beggar's Opera ' was no more a work of
musical art than ' The Duenna.' There were hosts of these
compositions performed last century in London and Bath ;
and none were worth preservation.
In ' Perseus and Andromeda ' there is a chorus of
Greek sailors : —
Oh why should we quarrel for Eiches,
Or any such glittering Toy ?
A light heart and a Thin pair of Breeches
Goes through the world, brave Boy.
And the music does not rise above the poetry or the
metre, nor is it more appropriate to the classic theme of
the opera than the 6 Thin pair of breeches ' to a sailor of
old Hellas.
But in France the comic opera throve, and produced
charming fruit. Cherubini, in his ' Les Deux Journees,'
and Auber in his 'Fra Diavolo,' showed what excellent
work could be done in this field. Boieldieu has left us in
'Jean de Paris' — with its sweet little troubadour aria,
and the still riper ' La Dame Blanche,' models of this sort
of opera, refined, graceful, delicate — pictures by Meissonier.
Soupe's ' Fatinitza ' l is rougher and more boisterous, but
1 Soup6 is, I believe, a Viennese, but his production belongs to the
French school.
96 Germany, Present and Past.
it abounds in pleasant music. BruhFs ' La Croix d'Or ' is
pleasant, and Planquette's ' Les Cloches de Corneville '
has already established itself as a favourite with the
English public. Serious works of art they are not, they
do not pretend to be that, but they are fresh, joyous, and
overflow with sweet melody. In the last-named opera,
the chorus to the ' Chanson des Aieux ' in the second act
is as beautiful and effective as any production of this genial
school.
The school has its pupils in Grermany. ' Martha,' by
Flotow, is already domesticated on our boards. Lortzing
has written comic operas, but always with a grave, and
somewhat sad German heart. Poor Groetz died of want,
just when his first opera, ' Taming the Shrew,' was ac-
cepted, or he might have done great things.
Behind this class of opera trails an ugly shadow, the
burlesque opera of the blase world under the second Empire,
that had no noble ideals, that believed not in faith and
virtue, and scoffed at rectitude and truth. Grermany must
blush that two Grerman names, Offenbach1 and Strauss,2
mark the point of lowest degradation which the opera can
reach ; France, that she has educated, or encouraged them*
The opera-bouffe of these writers is the slime of art at its
ebb, the rank growth of the dissolute society under the
despotism of Napoleon. It is music in its dotage, drivel-
ling, and babbling obscenities. If there is laughter in it,
there is also a leer.
It is when the genius of music seemed to have left
Grermany, and to be inspiring France, that a man arose
to make another epoch in musical composition, and again
1 Offenbach is a Jew, born at Cologne in 1822.
2 The Strauss family are of Hungarian origin. The father is dead.
Johann Strauss, composer of the ' Fledermaus,' lives in Vienna. This
offensive opera-bouffe is essentially French in feeling.
Music. 97
to give Germany the honour of being the scene of that
epoch-making production.
Eichard Wagner's early life was one of trouble and
exile, brought on himself. The man who can lift his hand
in rebellion against the prince to whose charity he owed
his education, cannot expect much sympathy in his
banishment. He was, for a while, director of a theatre at
Konigsberg, and there he planned a five-act opera from
Konig's romance of < Die hohe Braut,' and sent it to Scribe,
asking him to furnish the libretto. Scribe, however, did
not deign to answer the unknown and ambitious young
German. In the autumn of 1837, when musical director
of the theatre at Riga, he resolved on composing an
opera on the subject of Rienzi the Tribune, following
Meyerbeer as a master and guide. Under this influence,
he sought situations, scenic effects, and effective ensembles.
In the spring of 1839 two acts of 'Rienzi' were com-
pleted, and then he started for Paris. He embarked
with his wife on board a sailing vessel which was to take
him to London, en route for Paris. The voyage lasted
four weeks. A furious storm drove the vessel up the
Norwegian coast, and it was then that he conceived the
idea of his opera * Der fliegende Hollander.'
Wagner remained a short time in London, and then
continued his j ourney to Paris. During a stay in Boulogne,
he made the acquaintance of Meyerbeer, to whom he
showed his ' Rienzi.' l At Paris, he entered into an agree-
ment with the manager of the Theatre de la Renaissance,
for the production of an opera, { The Novice of Palermo,'
but the manager failed, and the hopes of the composer
were crushed. On Meyerbeer's return to Paris, Wagner
was introduced to the directors of the Grand Opera. By
1 A patchy, undigested work, but with splendid gleams of genius,
and a prophecy of better things.
VOL. II. H
98 Germany, Present and Past.
November 1841 he had finished 'Rienzi,' and began
' The Flying Dutchman.' Whilst still at Paris, Wagner
received the gratifying intelligence that ' Kienzi ' had
been accepted at Dresden, and ' The Flying Dutchman ' at
Berlin. In the spring of 1 842 he prepared to leave Paris,
the scene of many months of conflict and disappointment.
' Kienzi ' was produced for the first time at Dresden, on
October 19, 1842. It was a great success. Richard
Wagner became the hero of the day, and he was at once
appointed Master of the Orchestra to the Court of Saxony,
in the room of Weber.
< The Flying Dutchman ' was performed for the first
time on January 2, 1843, at Dresden; it was afterwards
given at Cassel and Berlin ; at Cassel, through the efforts
of Spohr, the only German Kapellmeister who recognised
and appreciated the genius of Wagner.
In France, it is not to be expected that the great
German will meet with appreciation : political prejudice
will bias artistic feeling ; but more than that, the genius
of French operatic music is so completely different from
that of ' the music of the future,' that it cannot under-
stand it. One pitiable instance is enough. Bizet studied
Wagner and was inspired by his genius. But Paris would
not endure anything that smacked of German art, and
he was forced to descend to the level of public taste and
scribble ' Carmen.' Wagner has learned of Meyerbeer, but
has not followed him. That he should please English taste
is hardly to be looked for. Musical taste in England is too
uneducated to care for anything that requires scientific
knowledge and insight for appreciation. But least of all,
will Wagner content the Italians. Their ideal is a melody
that can be whistled, or ground on a barrel-organ. Ros-
sini, Donizetti, Bellini, sweet as their songs are, lovely as
the paintings of Raphael, never got beyond that ; music,
Music. 99
which by no possibility can be made adaptable to that
instrument, is not music at all, but a jabber of discords
and unmelodious phrases. Not an Italian appeared at
Baireuth at Wagner's ovation in 1876.
Wagner attaches to Weber, his musical ancestor. His
ideal is the foundation of a German national drama, which
shall be on German soil to the German people what the
Greek tragedy was to the Hellenes on Greek soil. Like
Lortzing, he writes his own texts, feeling that the same
mind ought to express in music as in words its own
thoughts ; that the setting of other men's words is but a
translation into another tongue, and a translation never
fully expresses the poetry of the original. Wagner starts
with the assumption that he is a poet and dramatist, as
well as a musician. A dramatist he no doubt is, his plots
and characters are good, but a poet he is not. There is
not a line that he has composed which rises above medio-
crity. His great achievement is in the production of
melodies of unearthly beauty, of an order distinct from
those of any other composer, but chiefly in the extraordi-
nary development he has given to the orchestra, especially
to the stringed instruments. His music is not merely
epoch-making, it is a new revelation. Wagner has never
written anything that could, by any possibility, have been
produced by another master.1 Each of his creations bears
the stamp of his peculiar genius on it. His first opera,
4 Kienzi,' 1841, and his last, the ' King of theNibelungen,'
are consistent with one another. He has not changed his
style, his genius is not many-sided and flexible, it is One ;
his power and command over the instruments grows :
6 Lohengrin ' is the flower of the mind that budded in ' Der
fliegende Hollander.' This latter opera was written in
1841, but, as already said, was not produced till 1843;
1 Except in the immature < Eienzi.'
H 2
ioo Germany, Present and Past.
' Tannhauser ' was the child of 1845 ; 6 Lohengrin ' of 1846 ;
'Tristan' appeared at Munich in 1865; then came the
' Meistersanger ' and the ' King der Nibelungen.' He is
now engaged on another, ' Parzival,' of which the text,
but not the music, has been published.
Wagner is the Shakspeare, the Turner of music. His
beauties do not lie on the surface ; one of his operas will
not take by storm when first heard: it must be heard
again and again, and then again and again, and, each time
heard, some new idea, some new beauty, some marvellous
perfection, will be the reward. His music must be digested'
to be enjoyed. He never flatters the ear, he uses it as the
passage to the soul. He has his craze, but also his inspir-
ations; his theories, which entangle his genius, but his
genius bursts through them. He is his own, and his worst
enemy. Puffed up with inordinate vanity, he believes it
his mission to reform the musical drama on some fantastic
theory which is not worth discussion, but which may be
Hegelian. A Grerman is nothing if he be not a philosopher,
and Wagner has invented a philosophy of the opera ; he
will kill his genius to build it up and lime it with its blood.
How is it that England lags behind in the march of
musical culture, that she contributes nothing to the treasure
of good music that is accumulating every year ? That the
nation is incapable of musical invention I will not believe.
The madrigals of the Elizabethan era command the admira-
tion of continental musicians in the present. No musical
creativeness in a nation which has produced a Purcell, an
Arne, and delightful Bishop ! In this age one Oratorio
of distinguished merit has been produced by an English-
man, ' The Jerusalem ' of Pierson, but the cold recog-
nition his talents received drove him to Germany. The
reason, I believe, why England has been barren of com-
posers worth naming, is that there has been no English
Miisic. 10 1
•opera. Balfe we did not appreciate as he deserved, and
laughed down a real genius. In Germany every town of
25,000 inhabitants has an opera, and the opera is the
true nursery of music. The Church is that no longer.
Everywhere Church music in England is made congrega-
tional, but congregational music never can be music of high
art. In France and Germany both the Church and the
Theatre encourage scientific music. Neither fosters it
in England. The hymn is the sacred nursery lullaby,
nothing more : any servant-girl can sing it without know-
ing her notes. Operas we have none out of London,
and there only an Italian house. It is impossible for
musical art to spring up when there is no field in which it
<?an display itself. Every little town of the size of Exeter,
Salisbury, Colchester, Northampton, would in Germany
have a good opera, and every opera-house arouses enthu-
siasm for music in a wide circle round it, stimulates its
culture, awakes genius.
Why should we have the operas in Italian — German
operas translated into Italian, to be sung to English ears?
We are as foolish in this matter as the petty princes of
Germany a hundred years ago.
All honour and thanks to Herr Carl Eosa for having
been the first to give, in 1876 and 1877, at the Lyceum,
operas in English, and at cheap prices, to audiences
which cannot afford to attend the Italian Opera at Covent
Garden. And Mr. Mapleson deserves the thanks of all
lovers of the opera for having given the public the benefit
of hearing good music at a cheap rate, in Her Majesty's,
in 1878-9. These are good beginnings.1
1 I would enter here my protest against large opera-houses. The
melodiousness, the tone of a voice is lost in the vast spaces of Drury
Lane, Covent Garden, and Her Majesty's. The difference of effect be-
tween The Flying Dutchman at the Lyceum and at the Italian Opera
IO2 Germany, Present and Past.
At the ' Globe ' also an appreciative audience in pit
and gallery drink in the sweet airs of ' Les Cloches de Cor-
neville.' Let us hope that the time is not far distant
when there will be half-a-dozen opera-houses in London,
and one in each of our great towns. Then, I do not
doubt it, English musical genius will awake and sing;
and we shall contribute to our neighbours, instead of
merely borrowing. A hundred years ago English archi-
tecture was utterly bad. English architects then sat down
patiently before masterpieces of antiquity, copied themr
measured them, and reproduced them. At length they
became capable of doing something better than copy, and
I venture to assert that the English architect now towers
in his profession above the architects of France and Ger-
many, as the Abbey of Westminster does above little St.
Margaret's. English painters were nowhere fifty years ago.
They have gone to Nature, studied her in all her moods,
with resolute perseverance, and the English school is not
now to be put to the blush by anything produced by Paris,
Munich, Diisseldorf, or Berlin. Excellence is the fruit of
patient study in every art. Unfortunately in music no
masterpieces are set before our people which they can
study ; and till we have popular operas performed year by
year, and everywhere, it is hopeless to look out for the
dawn of musical genius among us. A man will not be-
come an architect who lives in, and never leaves, Gower
Street, and our English public are at present prisoners in
a musical Gower Street.
was most noticeable in 1876. The chorus loses its thrilling effect in
a huge house. The solo singers should never have to strain to be heard ;
the quality of tone is at once depreciated. The dramatic effect is also,
weakened. The canvas is too large for one or two figures.
The Kulturkampf. io(
CHAPTER XIII.
THE KULTURKAMPF.
Skal. What ! the sword and the word ! do you study them both, master
parson ?
Evans. There is reasons and causes for it.
Merry Wives of Windsor, act iii. sc. 1.
THE old German Empire was built on a confederation of
princes and powers. It held together very loosely. The
Emperor could never rely on the princes for support, and
the princes were ever jealous of the authority of the Kaiser,
Charles the Great, foreseeing the danger to the Empire from
the rivalries of the secular princes, elevated some of the
bishoprics into principalities under episcopal sovereigns,
trusting that these spiritual Electors would stand by the
Imperial throne, and maintain its prerogatives against the
secular Kurfiirsten. He looked to them as the peace- and
order-loving elements in the constitution. But he left
out of his calculation the fact that these prelates owed a
double allegiance, and that the Emperor of Germany, as
head of the Holy Koman Empire and King of Italy, was
liable to be regarded with suspicion and jealousy by the
Roman Pontiff, the spiritual head of these bishops.
Throughout the Middle Ages the See of Rome pursued
the readily intelligible policy of undermining the Empire,
of sowing in its fields the tares of strife. It was the
Papacy which sat under the table of the Electors and cast
the apple of discord into their midst ; it was the Papacy
which hampered the development of a great idea, and
IO4 Germany, Present and Past.
made of the Empire a house divided against itself. It did
so solely because the Emperor of Germany wore the
crown of Italy, and was chief patrician of Kome.
The ideal of the Papacy was the establishment of the
throne of Peter as head over a temporal realm of Italy,
and the fulfilment of this ideal was made impossible by
the might of Germany. In France the great princes were
crushed, and the King became supreme. In Germany, the
Empire broke up, and the princes established their inde-
pendence. In France the centripetal force prevailed, in
Germany the force that was centrifugal. In France, the
feudal nobles succumbed without the Pope lifting a finger
to save them ; but then, none of the bishops were princes,
and the King of France was not King of Italy.
Every German who has studied the history of his
country knows that the failure in the accomplishment of
the ideal of Charlemagne was due to two causes : a loose
confederation of the States composing the Empire, and the
interference of the Holy See.
When the Imperial crown of Germany was offered to
William of Prussia, at Versailles, and it became possible
again to labour at the accomplishment of that ideal which
had broken down finally in the Thirty Years' war, the
Chancellor doubtless supposed that the two causes which
had prevented that accomplishment before existed still,
and must be met and overcome.
But, with regard to the first, Prussia has little grounds
for fear. Holding the Imperial crown, she is vastly more
powerful than any of the States separately which form the
union, and with the States which she can absolutely com-
mand can crush at any moment an attempt to resist too
summary incorporation.1 Like Hermione — ' She is spread
of late into a goodly bulk.'
1 Population (1875) :— Prussia, 25,772,562; Bavaria, 6,022,904;
The Kulturkampf. 105
The Episcopal Electorates of Cologne, Minister, and
Treves have passed to her. Part of Poland has become
her spoil. She exacted Silesia of Austria as the price of
recognition of the right of Maria Theresa to the throne of
the Hapsburgs. Grand Duchies have been absorbed in
quick succession. Schleswig-Holstein has been appropri-
ated, Hesse-Cassel secured, Nassau incorporated. Bruns-
wick and Hanover have gone to make her * round apace,'
and now there is not a State in Germany which does not
exist on sufferance. Hesse was allowed in '66 to linger on
because of its relationship to Russia. Baden has bought a
prolongation of life by marrying a Prussian princess. The
Queen of Wiirtemberg was an Olga of Russia, and the
King has no son. Prussia has, however, planted one foot
in Swabia, in Hohenzollern, and she is not likely to be
satisfied till she can put down the other there also.
Since 1871, the policy of centralisation has been
steadily pursued. Universal military service, which had
previously prevailed only in Prussia, has been extended to
the whole Empire, and the armies of the States are being
systematically unified. ' The entire military force of the
Empire,' says Art 63 of the Imperial Constitution, c shall
form one single army, standing in war and peace under
the command of the Emperor. The regiments shall be
numbered consecutively throughout the whole German
army. The uniform shall be conformed in cut and colour
to that of the Royal Prussian army ; but the Sovereigns of
the several contingents shall be allowed to add extra dis-
tinctions, as cockades and the like.'
Baden regiments are commanded by Prussian officers
and may be moved where the Emperor chooses, into
Lothringen, or Westphalia, or Schleswig. And though
Saxony, 2,760,342 ; Wiirtemberg, 1,881,505 ; Baden, 1,506,531 ; Hesse,
882,349 ; Elsass-Lothringen, 1,529,408.
io6 Germany, Present and Past.
Wiirtemberg soldiers remain in the kingdom, they are
placed under the command of a Prussian general. All
fortresses are Imperial, and the commanders of them are
appointed by the Emperor.
The old coinage of Baden, Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, &c.,
is suppressed; kreuzers and guldens, to the joy of travellers,
have made way for Pfennige and Marken, stamped with
* Deutsches Keich ; ' and the Imperial Eagle, bearing the
Prussian escutcheon, has supplanted the arms of the States
on every coin.1
Everywhere, except in Bavaria, the post-office has
passed into the hands of the Empire, which has also laid
hold of the telegraphs, and appropriated the customs.
Before long the railways will probably have been delivered
up to the Empire, and on the carriages the black eagle
will be painted over the blue and white Bavarian chequer
and the gold and red arms of Baden.
Thus the whole postal, telegraphic, railroad, parcels-
delivery, and customs administration, will be filled with
employes of the Empire, looking to Berlin, not to Munich,
Stuttgart, Karlsruhe, Dresden, and Darmstadt. At
Berlin will be gathered every thread of power, and the
whole of Germany will be involved in a net held by the
firm hand of the Imperial Chancellor. On October 1,
1879, Baden and the Bavarian Pfalz will abandon the
Code Napoleon ; Bavaria, Saxony, and Wiirtemberg, their
national codes, the growth of centuries, and will accept
the new Imperial Digest.
Before 1866, Southern Germany inclined to an alliance
with Austria rather than with Prussia. It was not for-
gotten that Prussia had played a selfish game in the great
1 In the South, on the change of coinage, it was desired to have
the French decimal system, with the frank of the same value as in
Italy, France, Switzerland, and Belgium. But Berlin ruled otherwise.
The Kulturkampf. 107
wars with Napoleon, and that Austria had ventured all
and lost vastly for the common good. Prussia was known
to have the appetite of the boa, but then her administra-
tion commanded respect, whilst that of Austria was
inchoate. If Prussia was poor, she was not impecunious ;
she could pay in silver, where Austria offered only silver-
paper. There was no help to be gotten out of an Empire
which issued notes for eighteenpence. Montecuculi said
that for war three things are needed : first, money ;
secondly, money ; and thirdly, money. Austria had not
these requisites, and a piece of tissue-paper that dissolves
to pulp in a shower is a poor substitute for hard cash.1
What redemption can come from an Empire that even
in 1878 issued lottery tickets for the support of its army ?
If eyes turned to Austria, it was only with sentiment : it
was with as little thought of union as has the student
who casts tender glances at the dowerless Kellnerinn —
Lieben, lieben will ich dich,
Aber heirathen nicJit.
A large part of South Baden belonged, before 1802, to
Austria. The people in the Southern Schwarzwald speak
affectionately of the past union, and grumble over their
present political marriage, but it is the sentiment of the
widow who flings the virtues of the late lamented in the
face of her second husband, without the expectation,
perhaps the wish to resuscitate the first.
The twins born back to back never made much pro-
gress in the world, for each objected to walk backwards.
Austria consists of three personalities : the thoughtful
German, the plodding Slav, and the blustering Magyar,
not linked as the graces, but like Samson's foxes. The
1 * Don't wade through the river with your fortune in your pocket,,
is a Tyrolese proverb.
io8 Germany, Present and Past.
forces of the Empire are exhausted internally in keeping
the tails together. With Sadowa finally disappeared the
' Gross Deutschland-Partei,' which clung to the dream of
an Austrian union. If there be dislike in the South to
Prussia, it is because the Prussian has made himself
offensive to the gentler and more courteous Southerner.
In 1878, on March 22, the birthday of the Emperor, a mili-
tary banquet was given at Munich in honour of the Kaiser,
to which were invited all Prussian officers then in Munich,
and his health was enthusiastically drunk by Bavarians
and Prussians alike. When, next, the health of the King
of Bavaria was proposed, the Prussian junior officers re-
mained seated, and refused the toast; when asked the
reason, they replied by their spokesman, that the mental
or bodily welfare of the Sovereign was a matter of supreme
indifference to them. In a club to which I belonged in a
South German city, the Prussian officers of the native
garrison were admitted by the kindly citizens, proposed
-and elected without prejudice. Once in, they monopolised
the best room and best tables, and by their loudly ex-
pressed insulting speeches about the little State, its
Sovereign, and religion, drove the old members from
the room into another. These are mere specimens of
conduct pretty general, and which naturally embitters
people against Prussia. They decline to love those who
comport themselves not as conquerors only, but as bullies.
But this antipathy to the Prussian — which is after all
only the dislike a person might have to the invasion of
his boudoir by a very boisterous and unmannerly New-
foundland dog — does not extend to the Empire. The
re-establishment of the German Empire was hailed alike
by Protestants and Catholics, priests and laymen ; and I
believe the Chancellor was entirely mistaken in supposing
that the Roman Catholic Church would prove a danger to
The Kulturkampf. 109
the young Empire. He has made one or two great
mistakes in his life. He is blundering now into a repres-
sive warfare against Social-Democracy. His Kultur-
kampf was a greater error. Since 1871 I have been every
year to Germany, and have talked with every sort of
person, and have become more and more convinced that
this was the case. A Roman priest said to me, cln 1871
we were all mad with joy ; Catholics, Protestants, Jews,
— it was all the same ; we rushed into each other's arms,,
and swore Bruderschaft ; we thought the millennium had
come.'
And there was reason why the Catholics in Baden at
all events should hail Prussian supremacy. In 1806, by
the Peace of Pressburg, the Margrave of Baden acquired
all the lands of Austria between the Rhine and Danube to
the Lake of Constance — lands thoroughly Catholic. At
once every monastery was sequestrated, and turned into a
barrack, or a brewery. In Protestant Germany there are
many Stifte, old convents used for noble ladies, who live
there comfortably as canonesses under an abbess. The
religious character of these institutions is of course gone,
but they remain as almshouses for the nobles, and the
post of abbess has often been given to a discarded mistress
of a prince. Thus the Countess of Konigsmark was made
abbess of Quedlimburg. In the Black Forest was an
almshouse for peasants' daughters, at Lindenberg, in
which Catholic old maids might end their days together,
not taking monastic vows, but living together near a
chapel, and with gardens and meadows belonging to the
institution. So persistently has the Baden Government
worried the Catholics who have come to the Grand Duchy,
that even this very harmless institution was suppressed in
1869; and now it remains untenanted and falling into
ruin. At the very same time, as if to add insult to injury,
no Germany, Present and Past.
a Protestant 'Stiff was founded for noble Evangelical
ladies, nine miles off, at Freiburg, in a city where, before
1806, there had not been a Protestant. Indeed, since
1806 the Catholic Church in Baden has been harassed
in every way possible by the Government, though the
proportion in every 100 persons in Baden is 64*5 Catholics
to 33-6 Protestants. In 1852, when the late Grand
Duke died, the Archbishop of Freiburg was ordered to
have high Eequiem Mass for his soul in the Cathedral.
He declined, on the grounds that this was not possible,
as the Grand Duke was a Protestant, and the Catholic
Church only allowed masses for the souls of its members :
but he offered to hold a solemn service of mourning, and
to preach a panegyrical sermon on the sad occasion.
This was the origin of a series of petty persecutions
to which the Koman Church in Baden was subjected till
1871. When the Archbishop died, in 1868, and the
chapter sent in eight names to the Grand Duke for him
to choose among them, he tore up the list, and bade the
chapter elect again. A second list met with the same
fate, and since then the see has been without bishop
recognised by the State, i.e. for ten years. It may well
be imagined that Baden Catholics could feel no very
warm enthusiasm for their Government, which had in-
cessantly worried them since they had been handed over
to an insignificant Margrave blown into a Grand Duke by
Napoleon I.
The Badenser Catholics drew a long breath in 1871,
and hoped that in a mighty Empire they might receive
more generous treatment than in a petty principality. In
Wiirtemberg the Catholics are in a minority. Before
1806 they were under Austria or Catholic 'immediate'
princes ; but Napoleon, to reward the Duke of Wiirtemberg
for treason to the cause of Germany, forcibly annexed
The Kulturkampf. 1 1 1
them to his Duchy, and gave the Duke a royal crown.
Out of 100 persons 30*4 are Catholic, and 68-7 are Evan-
gelical. The Catholic Church is not allowed much liberty.
It is part of the Koman system to use monasteries and
convents for the advance of religion ; and in Wiirtemberg,
by law of 1862, religious orders and congregations are
only allowed to settle or be formed subject to the risk of
expulsion at a few days' notice. As a matter of fact, there
are in Wiirtemberg only 232 sisters of mercy, tolerated,
not recognised, by the Government, and 144 sisters of
other orders.
Bavaria does not comprise people of one blood like
Wiirtemberg. It embraces Bavarians proper (the Bojars,
a Slav people originally), Franconians of Wiirzburg, Bam-
berg, and Aschaffenburg given it in 1806, and Swabians,
formerly under the rule of little princes, on the east of the
Iller. The proportion among 100 persons in Bavaria is
71*2 Catholics to 27*6 Protestants. Bavaria is a contented
little kingdom, and there was no religious reason for op-
position to the Empire. The King was more dreaded than
the Emperor. He coquetted with the Alt-Katholics, sup-
ported Dollinger, and when Pius IX. died, showed his
animus by forbidding the bells of the churches in his
realm being tolled to call the Catholics to pray for their
departed Pontiff.
In Prussia the Eoman Church enjoyed complete liberty.
She looked on America and Prussia as her happy hunting
fields. The conciliatory spirit manifested by the Govern-
ment had the most happy results in completely securing
the loyalty of Westphalia, the Ehenish provinces, and
Silesia. Indeed, South Germans looked with some sus-
picion on the Catholics of the North, and it was a common
saying among them that these latter were 6 Prussians first,
Germans next, and then Catholics.'
1 1 2 Germany, Present and Past.
All at once a bolt fell out of the blue sky. On July 4,,
1872, the Emperor William signed at Ems a law expelling*
the Jesuits and their affiliated orders from the Grerman
Empire.
On May 20, 1873, it was announced by the Chancellor
that the Kedemptorists, Lazarists, the Congregation of
Priests of the Holy Grhost, and the Society of the Sacred
Heart, were included in this condemnation.
On February 6, 1875, a law was signed which withdrew
registration of births and burials from the clergy, and
placed it in the hands of officers of the State, and also-
made civil marriage compulsory.
On February 26, 1876, an addition was made to the
penal code of the Empire drawn up in 1871, which made
the clergy amenable to punishment for uttering any ex-
pression in public, or for printing anything, which imperils
the public peace.
These are the only ecclesiastical laws affecting the
Empire, but a whole string of laws has been enacted, first
in Baden, and then in Prussia, applicable to both these
States — in Baden in 1869, two years later in Prussia.
6 Fiat experimentum in corpore vili.'
On July 8, 1871, the ministry of the Catholic religion
in the Kingdom of Prussia was suppressed, and one minis-
try of religion was constituted for Catholics and Protes-
tants.
On March 15, 1873, the office of Chaplain-Greneral in
the army for Catholics was done away with. Other acts
were passed to give petty annoyance ; but those of May
1873 were more serious.
The law of May 1 1 requires that no priest shall enter
on a cure of souls who has not passed through examina-
tion in a Grerman gymnasium, spent three years in a
German university, and passed an examination in three-
The Kulturkampf. 113
faculties, of which theology shall not be one. It forbids
candidates for orders residing in a college together whilst
studying in the university.1 It forbids the opening of
new schools, and the taking of fresh pupils into the old
schools for candidates for the ministry. It requires the
Ordinary to announce to the State the nomination to a
cure of souls, and provides that, in the event of a bishop
appointing a priest who has not his Government certifi-
cate, he shall be fined from 600 to 3,000 marks (30Z. to
1501.)
There are other provisions, but these are the most
important. On December 6, 1873, a law was passed
requiring the bishops, before recognition by the State, to
take an oath of obedience to these laws.
On May 21, 1874, additional provisions were added,
making it penal for a priest to exercise any religious
function, unless he has his ticket of qualification from the
State, and authorising the parish or State to appoint a
priest to a vacant cure of souls, without the consent of
the bishop, should he nominate contrary to the law.
By law of February 18, 1876, the religious instruc-
tion given to Catholic children in schools is subjected to
the supervision and approval of the State. Other laws
affecting the Catholic Church have been passed, but they
are of less immediate interest and importance.
The western porch of the cathedral of Strassburg is en-
closed within two gables, one within the other. The
inner gable is surmounted by a statue of the Emperor,
and on the stages or crockets are figures of bears and lions.
Outside this gable, spiring airily aloft, is another, sur-
mounted by the figure of Our Lord, and the stages of
1 Protestants are allowed to live in the Johanneum at Berlin, and
the college of the same name at Breslau, and the Evangelical College
at Leipzig.
YOL. II. I
1 1 4 Germany, Present and Past.
this gable are occupied by angels with expanded wings.
The inner structure represents the Imperial power resting
on and sustained by brute force. The outer is the symbol
of the spiritual power reposing on free intelligences and
unfettered wills. It would have been well had the Im-
perial Chancellor taken a look at this frontal before passing
the May laws, and attempting to crush a spiritual empire
within one military and bureaucratic.
Why was the Kulturkampf undertaken? This is a
question often asked, and answered in different ways.
That Ultramontanism is a danger to the Empire is the
usual explanation; but proof is not producible. The
evidence is not forthcoming for very good reasons. Ultra-
montanism can scarcely be said to exist in Germany.
And Ultramontanism, even if it did exist, need not be in
opposition to the Empire.
Ultramontanism, as it is understood in France and
Belgium, has never taken root in Germany. It was re-
presented by the Jesuits, and when they were got rid of,
Catholicism remained as a religion, but not as a poli-
tical factor. In Prussia the Catholic population was
thoroughly loyal. The Poles were in a state of chronic
discontent, but they knew that they were better off under
Prussia than their brethren under the Czar. There
was no danger to be apprehended from them. West-
phalian Catholics, and those on the Rhine and Mosel, in
Osnabriick and Hildesheim, were well content to be no
longer under episcopal Electors, and felt no gravitation
towards France. They never lived under a reigning fa-
mily, and had no dynastic loyalty, like the Wiirtembergers
and Bavarians and Saxons. A sluggish sense of respect
for the Hohenzollerns was warming into loyalty to a house
and with a little nursing might grow into enthusiasm.
The real seat of disaffection and danger is Bavaria and
The Kulturkampf. i r 5
Wiirtemberg, and these States are unaffected by the May
laws.
Ultramontanism is an exotic, and will not take ready
root in German ground. German Catholics are too sober
and sensible to follow the excesses of a school which has mas-
tered the Church in France. The bishops exhibited their
feebleness at the Vatican Council, but not their subser-
viency to the Jesuits. And the Catholic clergy are German
at heart, and moderate in their opinions. None are more
ready to testify to this, as also to the purity of their lives,
and their devotion to their calling, than the Evangelical
pastors who are their next-door neighbours. 'In village
life,' says the proverb, ' every man sees into his neighbour's
mouth ; ' and, it may be added, into his neighbour's heart
as well.
Last Emperor's birthday was kept in a little South
German village by there assembling, in the village inn,
three Koman priests, two Protestant pastors, an English
clergyman, the count whose castle was in the village, the
notary, the apothecary, and some bauers. The health of
the Emperor was drunk by all amidst patriotic speeches,
and the evening passed amidst clouds of tobacco-smoke
and the flowing of fresh beer, with the utmost cordiality.
Every Sunday and festival sees these worthies — the Eng-
lishman excepted — hobnobbing together. Catholic priest
and Protestant pastor, Conservative Graf and Liberal
apothecary, argue and laugh and dispute and shake hands
year in year out. Is this a nursery of Ultramontanism ?
In France the priests are debarred by their bishops from
joining in social gatherings, lest they lose the narrowness
laboriously contracted in the seminaries, and widen into
good-fellowship with all men by association. Englishmen
have lost all prejudice against Moslems and Hindoos by
mixing with them, and German Protestant pastors and
i 2
1 1 6 Germany, Present and Past.
Catholic priests are hail-brother-well-met ! because they
smoke and drink together at least once a week.
Ultramontanism does exist in Germany, but it is en-
tirely the fruit, the creation, of a meddling and muddling
policy on the part of the Governments.
The external organisation of the Roman Church in
Germany was destroyed in 1803. The Catholic Church
till then had been an established Church, with its bishops,
abbots, canons, and clergy holding land, and enjoying
rights and exercising a vote in the affairs of their country
and the Empire. In 1803 the bishoprics, abbacies, chap-
ters, were all secularised. The archbishopric of Mainz,
which had been an independent principality since the time
of Charlemagne, fell to Hesse-Darmstadt. Fulda, which
had been ruled by an abbot-bishop since 751, was given to
the Calvinist house of Nassau. Wiirzburg fell to Bavaria,
so did Bamberg. In 1814 Cologne became Prussian, so
also Treves. It is needless to mention others. The re-
sult was that the Roman prelates and clergy were detached
from the soil ; they had lost interest of a practical kind in
their country. The Protestant rulers over newly acquired
Catholic populations consulted together in 1818 about a
constitution for the Catholic Church in Germany. But in
the interim between 1803 and 1818 irreparable mischief
had been done. A Protestant church may be disestablished
with tolerable impunity. It will become narrow and
sectarian, but not anti-national, because it has no second
centre round which to concentrate. But it is not so with
the Catholic Church. The only means of making it na-
tional is to give it a footing on the soil, on which it can
stand and make opposition to the Papacy. By cutting
away this foothold the Roman clergy were precipitated
into the arms of Rome, compelled to be Ultramontane. In
1817 Bavaria had concluded a concordat with the Pope
The Kulturkampf. 117
which accorded extensive rights to the King, — the appoint-
ment to the bishoprics. Prussia and Hanover also nego-
tiated directly with the Pope. From the close of the
Thirty Years' war the German Catholic Church had
manifested a markedly national and liberal tendency, and
had maintained a persistent opposition to the encroach-
ments of the Curia ; but now, by the Protestant and Ca-
tholic governments negotiating directly with the Pope,
instead of, as heretofore, treating with the bishops and
clergy of Germany, as a National Catholic Church, they
constituted him absolute over the Grerman Church, and
put the clergy unreservedly into his hands. Curialism
gained ground. No provision had been made by the
Governments for the diocesan rule being in accordance
with canon law. The bishops were converted by the force
of circumstances into creatures of Rome, and the clergy
into creatures of the bishops. The Curia took care to
make the bishop entirely dependent on its favour, and he
in turn ruled his clergy as a body of serfs. Can any one
believe that the bishops and parochial clergy hailed this
change ? That it was acceptable to them to be trans-
formed from a state of established independence into
curates totally dependent on the Curia at Rome?
If in Germany Ultramontanism exists, the State has
only itself to thank for it. The German Church used to
hold its synods and councils. It does nothing of the sort
now. The clergy have no more a voice in the management
of the diocese than servants have in the arrangements of
.a household. If they displease the bishops, they can be
crushed. If a bishop offend the Curia, he may have his
privileges withdrawn, so that he remains but a bishop in
name. A system of faculties has been contrived which
are granted to a bishop who stands well with the Curia ;
but should he be out of favour they are withdrawn, and
1 1 8 Germany, Present and Past.
his authority, power, and influence in his diocese are-
paralysed. He is a bishop unable to execute his episcopal
functions among his flock, and a bishop ' in partibus ' is
sent by the Pope into the diocese to discredit him with
his people, and minister to them in his room. It was by
threatening the withdrawal of these rights, that some
of the bishops most opposed to the dogma of Papal in-
fallibility were forced to yield. Yet, in spite of all
that has been done by the State to squeeze the clergy
into Ultramontanism, I do not believe that more than
one out of ten is an Ultramontane of the Belgian and
French type ; I believe that till Prince Bismarck passed
the May laws, the vast body of the clergy were well
affected to the Imperial Government. If four out of ten
are Ultramontanes now, it is because the Chancellor
has made them so. In the Middle Ages an outcry was
raised against the Jews for poisoning the wells, and they
were hounded down and burnt alive. Yet it was the
Christians as much as they who poisoned the wells with
their sewage. If in Strassburg, Ulm, and Mainz the
Christian citizens did that wherewith Sennacherib
threatened the Jews, and suffered for it, they were wrong
in laying the blame on the Hebrews, instead of looking
at their own drains. Prince Bismarck and his followers
are making the same mistake. It is the German Govern-
ment which by its short-sighted and blundering policy
has poisoned the wells, and not the unhappy Catholics
whom they are persecuting. Till recently, the clergy have
never been politicians in Germany,' any more than the
bauers. All they have asked for has been to be let alone.
It was well to banish the Jesuits — a body of men with-
out fatherland, national sympathies, and moral scruples,
careful only for the welfare of the Society of Jesus, and
the restoration of the Temporal Power.
The Kulturkampf. 119
When the Empire of Germany was offered to William
of Prussia, Cardinal Ledochowsky, as the mouthpiece of
the Jesuits, went to the new Emperor, and asked him if
he would assist in the restoration of the Temporal Power.
When the Jesuits learned that Germany would not lend
itself to this, they were prepared to help on any com-
bination which might give back to the Pope his temporal
crown, Grerman unity being sacrificed, if need be, to
obtain it. It may be a matter of curiosity to some to
know why Jesuitism should be so eager on this point.
The reason is simple enough. Unless the Pope rules in
Eome as a sovereign, Jesuits exist in Eome and about
his ear only on sufferance. At any moment the Italian
Parliament might pass an act expelling them from the
country ; and then, unless they could drag the Pope off
with them, their hold on the reins of the Catholic Church
would be lost. Odin had his two ravens, Hugin and
Mugin, inspiring him, by whispering dreams into his ear.
The Jesuits are the Hugin and Mugin of the Supreme
Pontiff. If the Chancellor had confined himself to the
expulsion of the spawn of Loyola, only a handful of women,
Poles, and converts would have bewailed them. Priests
and bishops, whilst ostentatiously protesting, would have
rubbed their hands in secret. The Jesuits are the spies of
the Roman Curia, and no man likes to have all his moments
watched by keepers or detectives. Every man has felt
the unpleasant sensation produced by an eye fixed on him
for a protracted period, and however kindly disposed the
observer may profess himself to be, his room is preferred
to his company.
Unfortunately, the ecclesiastical legislation of May 1873
has played the game into the hands of the Jesuits, as we
shall presently see.
The Kulturkampf has by some been represented as a
I2O Germany, Present and Past.
war for education and culture against ignorance and
superstition. It may be so, but that was not the object
for which it was declared. If we look at the educational
statistics of Germany, we do not find that the Catholics
fall short of the Protestants in education.1 If the Govern-
ment were anxious that the clergy should attain a high
standard of culture, it was an odd way of exhibiting this
anxiety by banishing the religious orders, which contain
the most highly cultivated and intellectually acute members
of the Eoman Catholic priesthood, and those who laboured
at and devoted their lives to education. In Bavaria, it
was only in 1817 that the orders were allowed to occupy
their monasteries and convents, and by 1874 the number
of religious houses they possessed was 620 (96 of monks
and friars, 524 of nuns and sisters of mercy). Between
1870 and 1874 as many as 66 new convents had been
established. Of all the houses only 2 per cent, belonged
to contemplative orders. As many as 209 were institutes
for nursing the sick, with 1,322 members ; and there
were 18 societies with 331 schools, and 4,006 members —
i.e. 64*9 per cent, of all religious — engaged in education.
In 1873 the Dames Anglaises numbered 1,167 members,
and 70 qualified lay teachers engaged in education. They
had 72 schools, with 2,800 boarders and 13,790 day
1 For instance, among recruits for the army in 1877, out of 100
recruits for
Pomerania (Prot.) . 1*54 could not read nor write.
Westphalia (Oath.)
Schleswig-Holstein (Prot.) .
Rheinland (Oath.)
Prussian Kingd. (majority Prot.)
Bavaria (majority Oath.) .
Baden (majority Oath.)
Eeuss (Prot.)
Saxony (Prot.) .
Wiirtemberg (mixed) .
1-05
0-25
0-74
3.19
1-79
0-22
1-42
0-23
0-02
The Kulturkampf. 121
scholars, also 2,040 children in orphanages ; in all
18,530 children. In all Germany there were, in 1873, as
far as can be estimated, 19,434 monks, nuns, friars and
sisters of mercy.
Men Women
In Prussia (1873) . . 1,037 8,011
Bavaria (1873)
Saxony (1875)
Wiirtemberg (1873)
Baden (1873)
Hesse (1874) .
Elsass-Loth. (1873)
1,074 5,054
none 92
376
349
39 314
418 2,650
Total . 2,568 16,846
Of these, the vast majority were devoted to education,
or nursing the sick. Those nursing the sick are allowed
provisionally to remain, hut all teaching orders have, in
Prussia, Baden, and to some extent in Bavaria, been dis-
banded and forced to leave the country.
I shall presently give the story of one society thus
suppressed, and the reader will see how the law has been,
in many cases, carried out.
The real purpose of the Kulturkampf has been, I
conceive, centralisation. It has not been waged against
the Koman Church only, for the same process has been
followed with the Protestant Churches. It was intolerable
in a strong centralising Government to have a Calvinist
and a Lutheran Church side by side, and both to call
themselves Protestant. It interfered with systematic and
neat account-keeping of public expenditure for religious
purposes. Consequently, in 1839 the King of Prussia
suppressed Calvinism and Lutheranism, and established a
new Evangelical Church. on their ruins, with constitution
and liturgy chiefly of his own drawing up. The Protestant
Churches of Baden, Nassau, Hesse, and the Bavarian
Palatinate have also been fused and organised on the
122 Germany, Present and Past.
Prussian pattern. In Schleswig-Holstein and in Hanover
existed pure Lutherans, but they, for uniformity's sake,
have been also recently unified and melted into the Landes-
kirche of Prussia.
A military government cannot tolerate any sort of
double allegiance in its subjects. Education and religion,
medicine and jurisprudence, telegraphs and post-office,
must be under the jurisdiction of the State. The Prussian
mind, trained under a military system, cannot understand
freedom as it is understood in England, least of all the
idea of a free Church. In a military empire every man
is a soldier, and everything concerning him is subjected to
military supervision. The State looks after his mind, his
bowels, and his soul ; it must accredit the doctors or
trainers for all three. The State so far bends to circum-
stances as to allow men to be Poles, Prussians, or Saxons
by blood, and to be Catholics, Protestants, or Jews by
profession, just as it acknowledges three arms, infantry,
cavalry, and artillery. As every male infant is an embryo
soldier, and every female babe a prospective mother of
soldiers, they must be registered by State functionaries,
educated by State functionaries, married by State function-
aries, and shovelled out of the world by State functionaries.
No man is a free agent, for every man is a soldier. He
must be drilled by State corporals on week-days, and
preached to by State chaplains on Sundays. The State
takes charge of his digestion and conscience. He is
forbidden green gooseberries at Whitsuntide, and fresh
spiritual diet at any time.1
1 If a Protestant officer — say a lieutenant — should enter a Catholic
church during service, and his superior officer were to hear of it, he
would be reprimanded ; and if he repeated the offence, punished. And
so if a private or officer who is registered in the roll as a Catholic,
attends Protestant worship, he subjects himself to reprimand and
punishment. He is not sticking to the regulations.
The Kulturkampf. 123
From the point of view of a military despotism, the
May laws are reasonable and necessary. As Germany is
a great camp, the clergy, Protestant and Catholic, must
be military chaplains amenable to the general in command.
Military organisation, military discipline, and military
obedience are exacted and expected in every department.
A soldier cannot escape a duty because it disagrees with
his liver, nor can a parson shirk doing what the State
imposes because it disturbs his conscience. I have no
doubt whatever that this is the real explanation of the
Kulturkampf, and that all other explanations are excuses
and inventions. Prince Bismarck no doubt hates the
Pope, not because he cares a straw about religious prin-
ciples and doctrines, but because the Pope is a power
interfering with Imperial absolutism and military dictator-
ship. The Catholics are welcome to their tinsel and
bones and masses, just as the Bavarian contingent is
allowed blue facings, and the Brunswickers black, but the
Pope and bishops must exercise no more real authority
over priests and people than the King of Hanover or the
Duke of Brunswick. The Chancellor, when he began the
crusade, had probably no idea of the opposition he would
meet with, and when the opposition manifested itself, it
irritated him, and made him more dogged in pursuing his
scheme. The State had met with little or no opposition
in unifying the Protestant Churches, and making the
mutually antipathetic Calvinism and Lutheranism merge
their differences at the bidding of the Crown, and Prince
Bismarck supposed he would meet with as little resistance
from the Catholics. German Protestantism is so radically
Erastian that the German mind is incapable of under-
standing the existence of a conscience which distinguishes
between the things that be of God and of Caesar. The
theory of the Church as a spiritual body and not as a mere
i 24 Germany, Present and Past.
establishment has always lived in the Anglican Communion.
Indeed this theory has taken such a strong hold of the
English religious mind that it has forced bodies of
Christians to leave the Established Church, rather than
allow their consciences to be directed by a purely secular
authority such as the Crown or Parliament. Dissenting
communities have organised themselves as spiritual cor-
porations absolutely independent of the State. But in
Germany, religion has been a matter of mere State police.
The people believe or disbelieve at the bidding of their
princes. They have not been consulted as to their views
or wishes, but have been given what worship and creed
their rulers have affected, and as their rulers have changed
their shibboleths, so have the people been required to
screw their mouths. Lutheranism has never formed one
Church, with uniformity of liturgy and ceremonial. In
Niirnberg its churches are undistinguishable from Catholic
churches, and are adorned with statues of the ' Virgo im-
maculata,' relics, shrines, crucifixes, tapers, and burning
lamps ; l in Norway and Iceland, with vestments, and wafers,
and mass ; in Wiirtemberg and Baden, the churches are
bare as a music-hall. German religion, Catholic and Pro-
testant, has been determined for the people by political
circumstances. A village is Catholic if its feudal lord was
of the ancient faith at the conclusion of the Thirty Years'
war. If he accepted the tenets of Luther, his people
were required to hold by the Confession of Augsburg ; if
he held by Calvin, to swear by the Institutes ; and those
who refused were expelled their homes. Consequently,
scattered all over Germany, we find Catholic and Protestant
villages side by side, with no mingling of confessions in
1 In St. Sebaldus, the perpetual lamp is still kept burning before
the tabernacle, which, kowever, is empty ; and the sixteen altars
-are spread with clean linen for daily mass, which is never said.
The Kulturkampf. 125
them ; and the idea is so impressed on the people that a
change of faith is a political impossibility, that such an
event as a conversion from one form to another is almost
unknown. The peasants of Schondorf are Catholic to-
day to a man, because, in the fourteenth century, the
village was bought by a Bishop of Bamberg. The bauers
of Bettberg are Lutheran, because in the twelfth century,
by a marriage, their forefathers passed as serfs to the
Margrave of Baden. The inhabitants of Blaubach are
Calvinists, because the Count of Starkemburg embraced
the reform of Geneva. As the lord of the land believed
or disbelieved, so all his vassals were forced to believe or
disbelieve also.
Very probably the Chancellor reckoned, when he began
the Kulturkampf, on the Old Catholic movement be-
coming more general than it has. There is no doubt but
that, on the promulgation of the decree of Papal infalli-
bility, there was a great agitation of spirits among German
Eoman Catholics. The surrender by the bishops awoke
universal disappointment, and the Alt-Katholic movement
for a moment threatened the Church with a serious dis-
ruption. But the moment passed. The German mind
abhors schism. Germany has suffered too much from
being broken up into petty States to view petty sects
with complacency. Consequently Methodism, Anabaptism,
and other forms of Dissent have made no way in Ger-
many.
If the bishops had risen to the occasion, protested their
inability to receive the decree of the Council, and left the
Pope to take what further proceedings he chose, they
would have carried all Catholic Germany with them.
Their submission unsettled for a moment the consciences
of educated Catholics, and some readily joined the new
sect that absurdly called itself by an old name. Prince
126 Germany, Present and Past.
Bismarck probably knew that the parish priests were almost
to a man anti-infallibilists, and disliked the political Catho-
licism of the sons of Loyola. But he did not know with
what horror a Catholic regards separation from the centre
of unity.
The schism of Konge, entitled the ' German Catholic
Church,' which rose as a rocket in 1845, came down as
a stick before 1850 ; and the experiment was not worth
repeating. Few priests joined the movement, and those
who did were either men of learning who exercised
no influence over the common people, or men of strong
passions who wanted wives ; and the vulgar speedily took
the measure of their sincerity. Among the laity, Old
Catholicism has made recruits from those Catholics who
wanted to marry Protestants, and who could not do so in
the Koman Church, which set her face against mixed
marriages ; l or from those who want to shake off their
religious responsibilities, but do not care for the chill of
Evangelical Protestantism. But the largest number of
converts to Old Catholicism were made from the class of
Beamten — Government officials. Herr von Mallinckrodt
said in the House of Deputies (January 30, 1872) : — c You
all know that in Prussia Catholics have not far to go to
discover that offices of importance in every department
are not given in fair division to them. Show me among
the Ministry a single person who is not Evangelical.
Look further among the under-secretaries, among the
councillors — you must light a lantern to find one. Go
into the provinces, seek among the chief judges, among
the second judges of the law courts : you will not find one.
Go further among the functionaries of Government, among
the Landrathe, go to the universities, to the gymnasiums,
1 Unless a written agreement be drawn up that all the children
shall be brought up Catholics.
The Kulturkampf. 127
count how many among the officials there are Catholic,
and then compare the proportion with that of the Catholic
population ! ' That this is by no means overstated I can
bear testimony from having lived in a town which before
1807 had not, probably, a Protestant living in it. The
troops garrisoning it are commanded almost entirely by
Protestant officers. On the Emperor's birthday a brilliant
array of staff-officers and generals attended the Evangelical
Church, at the head of a handful of soldiers, whilst the
great bulk of the troops were at the minster under a few
lieutenants. The chief judge and his assistants are Pro-
testants, the schools are given Protestant masters, and the
university professors of the same confession.
Professor von Schulte says, in an article in the
< Contemporary ' for July, 1878, 'Protestant officials in all
influential posts became the rule. Provincial and govern-
mental chiefs, head magistrates, &c., were all Protestants.
The Rhenish provinces had not one, Westphalia only one
Catholic president; from 1815 to the present time scarcely
half-a-dozen Catholic Ministers have been chosen ; the
number of councillors in the Government, the superior
courts, &c., has never been anything like in proportion to
the adherents of the two creeds among the population.
The appointment of Protestant officials in Catholic dis-
tricts, in courts of justice, &c., was, up to 1840, almost
carried out as a system ; an immense majority of officials
of all grades were Protestants. It was carried so far that
a vast number of Protestant gendarmes, apparitors, and
other sub-officials, who have to be chosen from disabled
soldiers, were brought from the Eastern provinces to
Westphalia. . . . The circumstance that, in many cases,
going over to Protestantism opened the way to a career,
and vice versd, produced a great effect.' A friend of
mine, the member of an old noble Catholic family, was
128 Germany, Present and Past.
brought up by his father as a Protestant because he
destined him for the Prussian army, and was well persuaded
that if his son was a Catholic he would stick among the
lieutenants.
The ' Beamten ' have not been slow to perceive that
there was no advancement for Catholics, and the Alt-
Katholic schism offered them a convenient loop-hole for
putting themselves on a better footing with the Grovern-
ment, and opening out to themselves prospects of advance-
ment. They were not disposed to abandon their faith,
but they were not willing to let their creed stand as a
barrier to their worldly prospects. But they have not
gained much by becoming Alt-Katholics. The schism
has proved itself a dismal failure. It is regarded with
dislike by Komanists and with contempt by Protestants.
Many ( Beamten,' finding Old Catholicism does not help
them on in office, have grown lukewarm in their pro-
fession of it, and have their children instructed by Eo-
man Catholic teachers, and only await a favourable
opportunity for slipping back into the Church of their
fathers.
It would have been well if some of our Anglican
Bishops, Deans, and Canons who have shaken hands with
Old Catholics, had studied them a little at home before
taking them to their hearts with such effusion. Now
that Leo XIII. shows a readiness to adopt a concilia-
tory policy, the position of the Alt-Katholics is becoming
unreasonable. The only parish in Bavaria which followed
the movement in 1872 returned to the unity of the
Catholic Church in 1877.
In the spring of 1878 I spent some weeks at Klein-
Laufenburg, in Baden, divided by the Rhine from Grross-
Laufenburg in Aarau, but connected with it by a bridge*
In the Swiss town is a large and stately church ; in the
The Kulturkampf. 129
Baden suburb a little chapel capable of holding 150 persons.
Gross-Laufenburg was given to Switzerland in 1803. It
had previously belonged to Austria. The inhabitants are
all Catholics. But the Aarau government, like that of
Berne and Solothurn, is pleased to suppose that Old Catho-
licism is the legitimate successor of the Church before the
Vatican Council, consequently it has displaced all the
Roman Catholic priests and filled their cures with Alt-
Katholics. I went to church on Sunday and was puzzled —
not knowing the circumstances — to find the congregation
numbered twenty, and was made up of the gendarmes,
post-office, custom-house, and other Government officials.
The service was conducted precisely as in a Roman church,
and the Pfarrer preached a most admirable sermon. Next
Sunday curiosity took me to the chapel at Klein-Laufen-
burg. It was a rainy day. The whole town was flowing
over the bridge in a thick current to the little chapel. It
was crowded, and the churchyard and road were filled with
worshippers under umbrellas, kneeling in the mud. In
winter, I was told, the inhabitants of the town are willing
to stand in the snow and bitter frost to hear mass outside
the Baden chapel rather than attend their parish church,
where precisely the same service, identical in every minute
detail, is conducted by a priest out of communion with
Rome, but enjoying the sanction and support of the
State.
If ever a religious community bore on its brow the
evidence of being death-struck, it is that of Old Catholi-
cism. I have attended the services often, and have been
struck by the deadness which hung about them. Catholic
children, when brought to attend Alt-Katholic churches,
rapidly lose their old habits of reverence and devotion,
and the rod of the schoolmaster has to take the place of
interior piety to maintain them within the bounds of
YOL. II. K
130 Germany, Present and Past.
propriety. Their elders, who as Koman Catholics never
missed attending mass on Sundays and festivals, fall into
listless indifference and go to church occasionally, after a
while not at all. But it is chiefly on children that the
deteriorating effect is noticeable. And this is not to be
wondered at. Old Catholicism is simply a controversial
religion. The sermons I have heard have been anti-Papal,
or self-vindicatory. It is an unwholesome atmosphere in
which to rear the young. It is a vicious one for adults
to inhale. It is not conducive to true religion to go to
church to hear the Pope, or the Curia, or the bishop of
the diocese, or the diocesan chapter, or the Catholic
clergy pecked at. Charity and edification should be found
in the temple, not spite and scurrility. In a large church
where, during Lent, the Alt-Katholic pastor preached a
series of sermons against the Archbishop to a crowded con-
gregation, at Easter he had just three communicants. In
number the Old Catholics are declining. In 1 877 there were
in Germany 53,640 ; in January 1878, only 51,864. In one
year in Bavaria the numbers have fallen off to the number
of 1,305, and since then the parish of Mering has abjured
its Alt-Katholicism. The same declension is observable
in the list of Old Catholic priests, which at the beginning
of 1878 contained only fifty names, as against fifty-
five in 1877, and of these one has since been dismissed
for immorality. Dr. Tangermann and Dr. Friedrich,
Professors Langen and Menzel, have also since resigned
their connection with the movement. The number shows
few recruits except from men who will do no credit to the
Church. A Swiss friend was speaking to me one day a year
or two ago about a theological student for the Catholic
ministry, who got ordained before it was known that he had
seduced a girl in his village and that a child was born. A
few days after, my friend heard that this man had joined the
The Kulturkampf. 131
Old Catholic established Church and been given a parish
by the Grovernment of the Canton which had expelled the
Roman clergy.
But to return from this digression.
The law of civil registration has not harassed the
Catholics, and they were ready to submit to it without
objection. But the law whereby the State takes the
education entirely into its own hands has affected them
more seriously.
The Christian Brothers, Xavierian Brothers, Ursulines,
and other educational societies, had in their hands the
instruction of most Catholic children in towns. These
orders were abolished on May 31, 1875, along with every
other religious community in the Roman Church, except
the Nursing Sisters of Mercy, who are allowed to linger on
till the State is supplied with its official staff of hired
nurses, when voluntary charity in the hospital will also be
dispensed with.
The new Grovernment schools are not without religion.
On the contrary religious teaching is compulsory; the
Jewish rabbi, the Protestant minister, and the Catholic
priest, have access to them, and give instruction on doc-
trine and morals in the class-rooms. But they do so only
as State professors of theology, holding their testimonial
of efficiency and licence to teach from Grovernment. They
are as much State functionaries as the masters of gymnas-
tics and geometry. And by order of the Minister of
Religion, dated February 16, 1876, the instruction of
Catholics in their religion has been subjected to strict
supervision ; the object being to provide that the pupils
be not taught that there is any division in their allegiance.
To their ' spiritual pastors and masters ' they are only to
owe obedience if these are furnished with Imperial licence
to rule over them in matters of conscience.
K 2
132 Germany, Present and Past.
That the Government has acted well in taking into
its own hands the education of its sons, admits not of a
doubt. It were well indeed for England if the Govern-
ment would sweep away the wretched ' Academies for Young
Gentlemen ' and ' Collegiate Institutes,' in which the sons
of the middle classes receive their training, and were to
establish middle schools as well as parochial schools for
poor children. The German Gymnasia are admirable :
an excellent education is given at a ridiculously low cost ;
and the teaching in the Lyceums is far better and much
cheaper than in many of our grammar-schools. Some of
the establishments conducted by the religious orders were
no doubt admirable, but others were inferior, and all were
under no supervision. In Hungary, horses are taught to
step high by having spectacles put on their noses magni-
fying pebbles into rocks and straws into tree-boles. The
objectionable feature of these schools was, that the great
object of the teachers was to put moral spectacles on their
pupils, and make them prance through life.
But the law that has aroused greatest opposition is
that which affects the education of the clergy, as it is sa
contrived as effectually to cut off the supply.
According to the decree of the Council of Trent, boys
destined for the ministry of the Church are taken from
home and trained together in a ' Little Seminary.' When
they have passed through this school, they migrate to the
' Greater Seminary,' where they live together in college, and
attend the theological faculty in an university, or, if there
be no university in the place, study with their own professors.
The Seminary system is a bad one. The candidates
are secluded from association with all save their comrades :
they are not exposed to contact with the current of
modern thought, and never enter thoroughly into the
national life.
The Kulturkampf. 133
Many years ago an exhibition of ' industrious fleas '
attracted sight-seers in the Strand. The industrious fleas
went through many surprising performances in a dull
mechanical manner. But the most remarkable feature
about them was that they never jumped. It was explained
that they were trained under thimbles. Whenever they
bounded, they banged their heads against the walls of the
thimble, and incurred headaches. After a week or two
they abandoned jumping and were ready to toil in tread-
mills and drive coaches as their master ordered for the
rest of their natural lives, without dreaming of taking a
header and making their escape.
The seminaries have been the thimbles under which
the industrious fleas of Holy Church have been reared,
and made creatures of routine, under which all mental
elasticity is lost. Auerbach in his ' Ivo der Hierli,' gave
a sketch of the narrowing, independence-killing course of
education in the seminary ; but it might be objected that
Auerbach as a Jew drew on his imagination, and could not
know of the course by experience. But several Catholic
writers have protested against it.1 A Catholic priest thus
sums up the results of the seminary system : — 6 Even the
economic arrangement of the institution leads to bad re-
sults. No privacy. One room for common play, one for
common work. In the dormitories no stove — nowhere
a corner where a man may be alone and work for him-
self, or rest himself. Manliness, which the youth is
putting on, and which gives dignity to morality and piety,
self-respect and reverence for the priestly vocation, all are
wanting. Bigotry, cant, hypocrisy, servility, are the
1 Die KatJwlische Gcistlichkeit im neunzehnten Jahrhundert. Frank-
fort a. M. 1817. Ueber zdtgemdsse Bildung und Bildung sanstalt en
KatholiscTier GeistlioJien. Hamm, 1824. Die Katholische Xirche, besonders
in Schlesien .... Von einem Katholischen Geistlichen. Altemb. 1827,
134 Germany, Present and Past.
natural fruit of such an institution, and the nobler spirits
note with sorrow how that coarse and stupid comrades push
ahead of them by an affectation of piety and grovelling
servility. When the alumniate is over, the seminarist
goes forth heartless and mindless, to be the comforter
and teacher and friend of humanity.' l This is no doubt
not applicable to all seminaries. It is the description of
one in Breslau. But all labour under the same inherent
defect, they cramp instead of enlarging the mind. To
rectify this, — to give to the German Catholic clergy wider
sympathies, more range of knowledge, and a more
thorough experimental knowledge of human nature, the
law of 1873 was passed. But Baden had attacked the
seminary system before Prussia. In 1868 the Baden
Government ordered that all boys in the Little Semi-
nary should attend the public schools, and that the
candidates for the priesthood of riper years in the
Greater Seminary or ' Convikt ' should pass examination
in three faculties in addition to theology, and spend
three years in the university. It went further. It dis-
qualified every priest from holding a cure of souls, who had
been ordained since 1863, unless he submitted to examin-
ation by a State commission ; and required every priest
holding a charge to be re-examined by commissioners in
his ' 'ologies ' two or three years after ordination, and if he
had not kept up his secular studies, to be dismissed
from his pastoral cure. This last provision has, however,,
been withdrawn, and the Prussian law adopted, which
requires examination in three secular subjects before
ordination.
The instructions given July 26, 1873, by Dr. Falk,
' Minister of Ecclesiastical, Educational, and Medical
Affairs,' on the manner of carrying out the law of May 11,,
1 The last-quoted book, p. 34-5.
The Kulturkampf. 135
requires that the three subjects shall be Philosophy, His-
tory, and German Literature. They provide : —
' A. Philosophy : — That the candidate shall have a
satisfactory knowledge of the various systems of philo-
sophy, and be so far acquainted with the history of
Philosophy as to be able to give an intelligible account of
the characteristics of the epoch-making systems, and of
their relation to one another. He shall also have a close
acquaintance with psychology and logic, and with those
systems of scientific education which have influenced
instruction and culture during the last two centuries.
6 B. History : — That the candidate shall be possessed
of a clear outline of the development of the history of the
world, and be acquainted with the history of the last three
centuries, especially with that of Germany, both in the
broader and narrower sense of that word. It shall be seen
especially that the candidate have a clear conception of the
ruling and motive ideas in these periods, which affected
both politics and civilisation. The future vocation of the
candidate requires that he shall know ecclesiastical his-
tory, and that he shall be able to show what influence
Religion and the Church exercised on civil life and
national culture.
6 C. German Literature : — In this department it must
be ascertained that the candidate is acquainted with the
inner developing forces and historic moments which con-
duced to arrest or advance German literature. The
andidate shall be proved by examination to be not un-
acquainted with any important contributor to German
national literature, especially during the last two centuries,
and must be able to give an account of the drift of the
most important classic works.'
That this law tells hardly on the Church can be denied
by no unprejudiced person. It is, moreover, scarcely fair,
136 Germany, Present and Past.
and therefore has the aspect of persecution. For this
examination is imposed only on candidates for the min-
istry. It is not required of law and medical students.
These latter are free to devote the three years of their
university life to the study of their special subjects. But
the Grovernment requires the candidates for the priesthood
to take up these subjects in addition to theology. The
consequence is, that a theological student finds his time
completely taken up with them, and his divinity studies
have to be laid aside.
It is hard on the Church in another way. The educa-
tion of a priest is now wholly taken out of the hands of
the Church from his fifth to his twenty-fourth year. At
the age of five, the boy destined for the ministry goes
into the public school, and is drafted thence into the
Lyceum, a Government grammar-school. He remains
there till he is twenty, under tutors and professors ap-
pointed by the State ; the teaching, where possible, made
anti- Catholic.1 Before leaving school he has to undergo
examination before a Grovernment commission ; if he passes,
he receives his ticket of discharge, or absolutorium.
Then he is liable to military service. If he has issued
from examination in the first class, he is entitled to serve
one year instead of three. He becomes an Einjdhriger.
But he may postpone his military service till he has gone
through his university course, and this is generally done.
When the three years in the university are over, he goes
into the army, and is drilled for a twelvemonth. As an
Einjdhriger he receives no pay and has to find his own
uniform and board and lodge at his own cost. When the
1 As in the teaching of history. I have by me a pamphlet of 112
pages (Baden in den Jahren 1852-77) of a decided anti- Catholic ten-
dency : this was given away gratis to all the scholars in at least one
Government school in which nine out of ten pupils were Catholics.
The Kultzirkampf. 137
year is over, the Church insists on his spending one year in
a seminary, in converse with his own heart, and in
theological studies. It was quite impossible for him to
attend to these whilst at the university. Consequently,
a candidate for the priesthood is made a burden to his
parents for five-and-twenty years.
And the expense of training for the Church is increased
fourfold by the compulsory closing of the Little Seminary
and the ' Convikt,' which were boarding-schools and
colleges for students. The Church is now forbidden to
provide cheap lodging-houses for poor boys and men pre-
paring for her ministry. A bauer in the country was
formerly able to send his son to the town for education, as
the cost was not great, when a couple of hundred boys
lived together ; and he did not shrink from doing so,
knowing that his boy was under supervision, and in the
charge of responsible persons. But he cannot do so now,
as the seminary is closed. His son, were he sent to the
Latin school, must be put in private lodgings, and be
under no supervision out of school hours. I have been
given the prospectus of a boarding-school of a Eev. Dr.
who, before latitudinarianism was fashionable in the Pro-
testant Church, was imprisoned and then expelled his cure
for denying the Trinity and the Incarnation. He has now
a large establishment for boarders, who attend the public
.schools, and live with him, and he takes care to educate
them in his rationalism. This is allowed, but Catholics
are not allowed to have boarding-schools for their boys.
What is sauce for the goose is not sauce for the gander.
It was ' excellent-right ' for the Government to insist on
boys, candidates for the ministry, attending the State
schools ; but to forbid the Church to open a ' pension ' for
them out of school hours, in which they may be bedded and
boarded at a cheap rate, is an injustice.
138 Germany, Present and Past.
The f Convikt ' was a college in which the theological
students lodged and took their meals together, and where
they met in chapel for common devotion. It was the only
attempt made in Germany to follow the English college
system. But the 6 Convikts ' have been closed, wardens and
pupils turned into the street, and the empty corridors,
halls, and bed-rooms left to the spider and the bat. The
State will not allow the young man studying for the
ministry to be under any moral and religious influences
and restraints during his university career. He must
lodge at a milliner's or a glove-shop, and dine at a tavern.
This not only dissipates his religious impressions, but
makes his university life expensive. As the Roman
Catholic clergy are recruited almost wholly from the
class of small farmers, the law of May 11 has cut off the
supply at its source. The little bauer cannot bear the
protracted expense. The great bauer will hardly deem the
poor pittance of some 251. to SQL per annum offered to a
priest a sufficient return for the great outlay of the educa-
tion of a son for the Church.
The Church, moreover, may well complain that she is
not allowed by the touch of her little finger to direct the
studies and control the education of the young whom she
desires to see minister at her altars. They are only
handed over to her grudgingly at the age of four-and-
twenty, but then they are men worth having, educated
and approved. The seminary system encouraged the
bringing up of youths for the priesthood, who had no
vocation for it, but who were forced into orders by their
fathers. Only the very courageous could defy the wrath
of their fathers, like Auerbach's <Ivo,' when they were
sure they were on a wrong path. One whose education
had cost much money felt bound to adopt the profession,
in the preparation for which, and disqualification for any
The Kulturkampf. 139
other, this money had been spent. Consequently the
Roman Church has suffered from the influx of men to
whom their calling has been a burden, and who have
executed their ministry without heart. This cannot occur
now. All her priests will be self-devoted. Whether the
results will be such as the State anticipates is, however,
questionable. A candidate who goes through school,
university, and army, retaining his purpose, must be a
zealot. Now those who entered the ministry because
destined for it by their parents have never proved to be
bigots. They make tolerant, liberal-minded parish priests.
But those who have devoted themselves, and gone through
the ordeal imposed by the State, will be firebrands. The
years between fifteen and twenty-four are, as every one
knows who has to do with youths, seasons of exaltations of
the imaginative faculties. They are the years of romance,
of idealism. It is the period when God or woman
occupies the throne of the heart, the period when,
perhaps, the soul sees Grod as He is, and woman as she
might be, but too often is not. A religious enthusiast,
trained under a military system, which is ever hampering
his pursuit of the object of his life, will nurture a hatred of
the obstructive power. At the same time he will take the
impress of the system, and will carry into the Church the
idea of absolutism as the only possible form of government.
Trained under military dictatorship, he will view with
contempt the round-about methods of constitutionalism.
He has it urged on him all his life that allegiance must
be undivided, and when he becomes a priest, he will feel
that he has passed into another army, and he will transfer
his allegiance entire to his new superior the Pope. He
has been taught that Grod and Caesar, the Church and the
Empire, cannot be served at once, and he will regard
them as hostile principles and powers. He will view him-
140 Germany, Present and Past.
self as pledged by his ordination to his new master, to wage
unflagging warfare with the secular power which is anti-
ecclesiastical and anti-Christian.
Again, the State examinations are conducted by Govern-
ment commissioners, who may be, and generally are, Pro-
testants, more or less broad, and certainly anti-Catholic,
for the purpose of assuring the State that the candidate does
not harbour reactionary political, philosophic, and religious
views. He is catechised on burning questions, and chief
attention is directed to the Eeformation and the two sub-
sequent centuries. A Catholic regards the movements of
minds and principles in these three hundred years from
altogether another point of view than that occupied by a
Protestant. The State is determined to force every
candidate to occupy this latter point, or it will cast him
off, and refuse him a place in the pastorate of the Catholic
Ohurch. The inevitable result will be, that the candidate
under examination will answer only as he is required, and
will reserve his own opinions for expression elsewhere, and
at another time. What other fruit can this system pro-
duce, save lying and dissimulation ?
If the Government system be carried into effect, it will
fill the Catholic Church in Germany with a priesthood as
jesuitically minded as the sons of Loyola. It is rarely
that a Jesuit has been trained in the seminaries ordered by
the Council of Trent. The Jesuit is recruited from the
ranks of the army, and from men of high but not broad
culture, who are psychologically incapable of entering into
the movement of modern ideas. They are men whose
brains have but one hemisphere, though that hemisphere
may be a large one. They are born conservatives and
bigots, as some men are born colour-blind or without
musical ear.
The law of May 11 would not have killed, it would
The Kulturkampf. 141
only have maimed the Catholic priesthood, and the
German bishops and clergy would have submitted under
protest.1 But imperative orders came from Rome that a
determined resistance was to be offered. Priests were not
to submit to examination. Bishops were not to ordain
certificated candidates.
The Jesuits were the authors of this injunction. The
Jesuits never forgive an enemy, or fail to resent an injury.
They had been expelled Germany, and their expulsion
must be avenged. The temporal power will never be re-
stored with the consent of the Empire. For the restora-
tion of the temporal power, which will give them firm foot-
hold on the steps of the Apostolic throne, they will dare
and do anything. Their only hope, and that a forlorn one,,
is in France, in a future royalist or imperial France. They
will leave no stone unturned to break down the Republic,,
and they will spare no effort to break up the Empire.
Till the French Republic is supplanted by a despotism,
Rome will never be wrested from Italy and restored to the
Papacy. And till German unity has fallen to pieces, France
will be unable to move the restitution of the temporal
power.
But the Society of Jesus was powerless in Germany —
how powerless none knew better than themselves — till
the unfortunate law of May 11 gave them the lever. By
its means, with an ingenuity that cannot but be admired,
but also with an unscrupulousness that can only arouse
abhorrence, they have been enabled in their banishment to
do a thousand times more than they could have effected by
their presence.
The German bauer is rough and hard — but, like the
1 In one archbishopric the majority of the curia voted for sub-
mission. There were, if the writer be correctly informed, only three-
dissentient voices.
142 Germany, Present and Past.
cocoa-nut, he has his soft points. Sigefried was made all
horny in dragon's blood save where a linden leaf fell be-
tween his shoulders. A pretty hard and horny compo-
sition encases the bauer, but he is vulnerable in three
spots : his pocket, his heart, and his soul. These are his
three soft spots, like c the monkey's face ' in the cocoa-
nut. Unfortunately the Empire has run a gimlet into
all three. The cost of the army has increased every year.
Between the outlay in 1872 and 1878-79 is a difference
of 86,000,000 marks, or 36 per cent. The outlay for the
navy has risen from 11,000,000 to 86,000,000; so that
the cost to the country of its armament has risen
100,000,000 marks, or 40 per cent. In addition to these
353,000,000, are pensions amounting to 50,000,000, and
76,000,000 for barracks and fortifications. In total, the
War and Marine Departments require 479,000,000 marks
for 1878-79. This means enormously increased cost of
living and taxation. The bauer with his small farm can-
not stand this. The result has been a great increase of
poverty : farms sold, and peasant yeomen reduced to penury.
The proposed Government monopoly of tobacco will make his
one solace in his troubles an expense to him which he cannot
indulge in freely. Universal military service has broken up
his family. When he needs his sons to work for him on the
farm, they are taken away from him, and he has to hire labour,
and support his son in the barrack at the same time.
The young man cannot marry, for he cannot earn a
livelihood till he has done with his three years' military
service. Increased taxation and universal conscription
have told on the statistics of marriage. In 1872,
when the population was 41,000,000, the marriages were
423,900; in 1876, when the population was 42,000,000,
they had sunk to 366,912. Military service, as a rule,
obliges every man to put off marrying three years ; as a
The Kidturkampf. 143
youth only begins to work for his livelihood at 23 instead
of at 20, as formerly. There can be no question that the
great increase of cost of living and taxation, and compulsory
military service, have been severely felt in South Grermany,
and have made Prussia unpopular.
The May laws have been utilised by the Jesuits for
bringing the iron of Prussian despotism into the very
soul of the bauer. It is the law of May 11 that has
emptied the episcopal thrones of Grermany, and left many
parishes void of pastors. A people groaning under in-
creased burdens, with a budget like the horse-leech that
cries ever, ' Grive, give I ' with their families broken up,
their business interrupted, their savings wasted by com-
pulsory military service, are hardly likely to endure
patiently the closing of their churches, and themselves
condemned to marry and die without the ministrations of
religion.
Let us see what the condition is, to which the Roman
Church has been brought in Grermany.
When a parish priest dies, the bishop seeks to replace
him ; but the State will not allow one uncertificated
to be instituted, and the Court of Rome forbids priests
qualifying themselves by examination before the State.
If the bishop appoints to the spiritual oversight of a vacant
parish, as he sometimes does, the Grovernment proceed
against him, and he is fined or imprisoned ; till at last, to
escape perpetual imprisonment, he leaves Germany, and
rules his diocese by letter from Rome, Holland, or Austria.
He is then declared deposed, and the revenues of the see
are placed by Grovernment in the hands of a steward ( Fer-
walter), to secure their not being forwarded to the exile.
If a bishop dies, no successor can be appointed, for no
bishop would be elected by the Chapter, who would take
the oath exacted by the State, and which requires promise
144 Germany, Present 'and Past.
of submission to the laws to which he is forbidden by
Eome to bow.
Thus death or banishment has emptied all the arch-
bishoprics and bishoprics of Prussia, except Culm, Hildes-
heim, Osnabriick, and Ermeland.
The Archbishoprics of Koln, Trier, and Grnesen-Posen
are vacated by deposition after imprisonment and fine.
So the Prince-Bishopric of Breslau, and the Bishoprics
of Minister and Paderborn.
The Archbishopric of Freiburg in Baden is left vacant
by death; so also Mainz in Hesse, and Fulda.
In Bavaria, Wiirzburg, Speier, and Miinchen-Freising
are vacated by death.
When a bishop dies the diocese is governed from Eome,.
that is, by the Jesuits, through certain accredited agents
— in one archdiocese by a renegade Jew and a converted
Protestant. The Koman Curia has no pleasure in seeing
dioceses like Eottenburg and Passau at peace under their
bishops. Whilst the bishop is in his throne, the Curia is
kept out, at least from direct rule.
When a diocese is vacated by deposition, the Chapter
are required to nominate a successor. This they refuse
to do, as they do not regard the State as competent to
deprive a bishop of his pastoral charge, though they do
not deny that it may withdraw from him pecuniary
grants.
When a diocese is vacated by death in Prussia the
law of December 6, 1873, bars the way to its being filled.
In Baden the Archdiocese of Freiburg has been for ten
years without a pastor. The Chapter was required to
elect a successor on the death of Archbishop Vicari in
1868. According to precedent a list of eight names was
sent to the Grand Duke. He scored out seven, and sent
back orders to the Curia of Freiburg to draw up another
The Kulturkampf. 145
list of candidates more acceptable to the Government.
Kome interfered and forbade the Chapter doing this ; and
since then the diocese has been without a chief pastor,
managed by Borne through its agents in the local curia.
Full particulars of the spiritual destitution are not
accessible, but the condition of several dioceses is known,
and can be given as typical of the rest.
Dr. Brinkmann, Bishop of Minister, in Westphalia, was
deposed by decree of the High Court of Ecclesiastical
Affairs (Obergericktshof fur kirchliche Angelegenheiteri)
in Berlin on March 8, 1876, and lives in exile, along with
his Vicar-General, Dr. Giese, who has fled the country to
escape imprisonment. The episcopal palace is now occu-
pied by the Government Verwalter, a Protestant, named
Gedike. As the suffragan bishop is dead, since 1875
there have been neither confirmations nor ordinations in
Miinster. The Chapter has lost by death its provost, dean,
and a vicar choral. By January 1, 1878, seventy parishes,
that is, more than 21 per cent, of the whole in the diocese,
had lost their pastors. In thirteen of these there is no priest
at all, and the sacrament has been removed from the
churches, and the perpetual lamp extinguished. In these
priestless parish churches, at the hour of mass the congrega-
tion assembles, the altar candles are lighted, the bell rings,
and two servers in surplices kneel before the altar in
silence, and the whole congregation spend an hour in
reciting German eucharistic prayers.
Occasionally a Gesperrter, i.e. a priest unlicensed by the
State, says a private mass in the sacristy, with locked
doors, whilst the congregation attend in the church. A
Gesperrter, were he to say mass or exercise any ministerial
function in a church, or in a room to which the doors
were not locked, would be liable to fine or imprisonment.
Besides seventy parishes, there were also in 1878 three
VOL. II. L
146 Germany, Present and Past.
rectories and forty-nine curacies vacant. Moreover, the
churches of the Jesuits, Capuchins, and the chapels of the
Sisters of the Sacred Heart, of the Visitation, the Poor
Clares, &c., have been closed, and these served formerly the
purpose of parish churches. Thus, including clergy of reli-
gious orders, 195 having cure of souls have vacated their
cures by death or banishment. In the Archdiocese of Frei-
burg there fortunately remains a suffragan (Weihbischof).
For having instituted to vacant incumbencies he has been
several times had up before the court and fined. On re-
fusing to pay the fine his lodgings have been entered by the
gendarmes, and his poor little personal effects sold in the
street before his door by public auction, till the sum of the
fine was realised. It may well be imagined that such a pro-
ceeding is calculated to exasperate Catholic feeling against
the Government. In this archdiocese, between November
1, 1876, and October 31, 1877, thirty-seven priests died,
in the previous year thirty-two died ; thus in two years
sixty-nine vacancies have occurred ; many churches are
without pastors, and old incumbents are without curates.
In the Archdiocese of Grnesen-Posen eighty-five priests
have died between the beginning of the Kulturkampf and
the end of 1877. On the Lower Ehine thirty-three
parishes were, in 1878, without pastors; in the diocese of
Paderborn sixty-eight were priestless. In the diocese of
Breslau (Prussian portion), of 753 parishes eighty-eight
were without pastors ; of these sixty-three are without any
priest at all — twenty-five are served by chaplains. Ten are,
moreover, filled by the State with Pfarrers who have re-
ceived no episcopal commission, and whose ministrations
are refused by the parishioners.1 There are 37,059 souls
1 In 1877 in Gross- Strelitz, the Staatspfarrer Miicke was called to
minister to three only of 140 Catholics who died. In Gross- Rudnos,
among 200 births, the Staatspfarrer was required to baptize only seven :
The Kulturkampf. 147
in these ten parishes. The number without pastors, in
January, 1 878, was 2 1 5,807. In the diocese of Hildesheim
sixteen parishes were at the same date without pastors.
In the diocese of Trier there were 180 incumbencies un-
filled at the beginning of 1878. In another twelve-
month the number of vacant parishes and desolate
churches must have greatly increased.
A few examples from the newspapers of December
1877 and January 1878 will show how the May laws are
being enforced on individuals.
The priest Melap, of Stralen, visiting his parents at
Cleves, ventured to say mass one morning in the church.
He was arrested by the gendarmes, and as he could not
produce his ticket to show that he had passed the State
examination, he was taken before the magistrates and
sentenced, on December 11, to pay fifty marks or undergo
five days' imprisonment.
On December 20 the priest Hax, of Udenbreth, was
fined twenty marks for performing some religious func-
tions in the parish of Miirringen, void of pastor.
At Grorloczyn, in West Prussia, the curate Zielak was
lodging with his brother last Corpus Christi day. On
that festival he ventured to join the procession in surplice
and stole, and read the Grospel at one of the stations. He
neither said mass nor preached, but for simply reading in
public a few verses of St. John's Grospel, without having
been qualified to do so by the State, he was arrested, and
on December 14 was fined fifteen marks.
December 14 the priest Block, of Schwetz, was fined
200 marks or two weeks' imprisonment for having per-
of these three were illegitimate children. Of 160 who died he was
required to bury only two. He blessed one marriage, and was not called
in to administer the last sacraments in a single case. His congregation
numbers from fifteen to twenty.
i, 2
148 Germany, Present and Past.
formed religious services in the parish of Dittrichswalde,.
which is without priest.
In the same month the chaplain Lb'hers was sentenced
to eight days' imprisonment or payment of fifteen marks
for having conducted a procession to Werl on October 7,
he being without his ticket.
In August last the police arrested the priest Czechowski,.
of Grryzyn, who is not State-appointed to the chaplaincy of
the hospital at Kosten, having been told that he had visited
the patients and ministered to them. But having na
evidence on which to convict him, they proceeded to arrest
the Sisters of Mercy who nurse the sick in the hospital.
The sisters refused to give the required evidence, where-
upon they were imprisoned. Two were kept in confine-
ment nearly two months, the others ten weeks, and were
released on December 14. Then the police took up Dr.
Bojanowski, the physician attending the hospital, and on
December 17 arrested his wife. On December 27 Frau
Bojanowski, for refusing to give evidence, was fined 100
marks. On January 5, 1878, as Dr. Bojanowski refused
to pay the fine, the police entered his house and sold his
goods by auction, till the sum required was raised. A
merchant bought the articles and at once restored them to
the doctor. The same day Frau Bojanowski was again
brought before court to be put on her oath to give evidence
which might convict the priest. She again refused, and
was fined again 100 marks, and on January 18 was
threatened with a third fine of 150 marks.
At Hemm a man desired to marry his sister-in-law.
The pair went to* Dean Tesborn and stated their wish.
Such a marriage can only take place by dispensation, as
the relationship is within the forbidden degrees. The
dean said they were to come again at the end of a fort-
night, and when they did return he informed them that
The Kulturkampf. 149
the difficulty was overcome, and he married them. There-
upon the police pounced on the bride and bridegroom and
brought them before the court, to obtain from them evi-
dence that the dean was in communication with Koine.
If they could obtain this evidence, Dean Tesborn would be
subjected to fine or imprisonment.
January 20. — The priest Nawrocki was convictejl of
having exercised pastoral charge of the parish of Gosciefzyn
without licence from the State. He was sentenced to pay
1,620 marks or 162 days' imprisonment.
The story of the Marpingen vision is pretty well known.
It is a German version of Lourdes — a case of delusion
rather than of deception. The news of the Virgin having
appeared to children naturally attracted crowds to the
wood where the vision was supposed to have been seen.
The State interfered, soldiers were placed round the wood,
and access to it was forbidden. At the close of December
a number of the inhabitants of Marpingen were arrested,
brought before the magistrates, and fined various sums for
having lodged and fed pilgrims visiting the scene of the
supposed vision !
Instances of this sort might be multiplied.
In Germany the Stadtrath — the city corporation — has
far more power than in an English town.
Auerbach, in his ' Befehlerles,' laments that a German
functionary seems possessed with the idea that he is
appointed by Government to overawe and bully the weak.
A town council is composed generally of very preju-
diced men without the smallest conception of liberty, as
it is understood in England, and with the largest ideas of
their own importance. They issue proclamations ordering
the killing of cockchafers in May and the cooping in of
pigeons from March to June. They have the chimneys
swept in every house, and the cesspools emptied at times
150 Germany, Present and Past.
that suit their agents, not the householders' convenience*
Every dog and horse is had up before the proper authorities,
examined and doomed or let live, without appeal. In
political matters they nail their weathercocks in the
direction whence the wind blows in higher quarters.
What is done by Parliament is aped by the town council.
Stacjtrathe are incapable of perceiving how far they ought
to go in a certain direction and where they should stop*
Consequently, in seeking to carry out the intentions of
the Government, they very often embarrass it by exag-
gerated severity or ludicrous pettiness. In the way in
which they have carried on the Kulturkampf they have
done their best to bring it to a reductio ad absurdum.
Let us take a single instance.
When the Government dissolved the religious com-
munities and charged itself with the education of the
people, it acted with a certain amount of inconsistency.
No private school for boys is allowed to exist except
for very young boys of the upper classes, whose parents
object to sending them to the Volksschule, where they
may bring away with them more in their heads than
ABC. But with girls it is otherwise. Government
does allow private schools, both day and boarding, for
them, if the teachers have duly qualified themselves by
receiving a Government certificate of competence. The
State did not undertake the charge of female education ;
it simply abolished the religious schools conducted by
orders in the Roman Church. The sisters were expelled
their houses, their lands taken from them, and they were
forbidden to wear an ecclesiastical habit. But they are
still, in theory, allowed to teach, and open private schools —
only these must be in hired houses, and the sisters may
not live together in community. At Bruchsal, in January
1878, the Ursulines were turned out of their house by the
The Kulturkampf. 151
Stadtrath, their school broken up, and the members of the
community were forbidden not only to reopen a private
school in a hired house, but even to give lessons in music
and French, so as to earn a livelihood. As they are
obliged by the law to dress fashionably, they ought, in
common fairness, to be allowed the privilege accorded to
any dancing-mistress. At Constance the sisters have not
yet been turned out of their Kloster ; but they dare not
admit new members into their community.
But the story of the Ursulines of Freiburg is the best
example of the extremities to which the Dogberries of a
German town council will proceed.
The Ursuline Society is one of the lightest in discipline.
The sisters do not take life-vows, but only vows of obe-
dience to the superior for three years. So hostile to the
Catholic Church has the Baden Government been, that for
the last eighteen years the Ursulines have not ventured to
renew their vows. The Ursulines of Freiburg possessed a
large convent with garden, vineyards, and meadows. For
the last 200 years they have kept a school for poor girls,
which has been attended by a thousand children annually,
whose parents paid for their education four marks, or a
shilling a quarter. This sum, however, was paid over to
the town council, which returned a part of it only to the
sisterhood. This little sum did not suffice for the main-
tenance of the school, consequently the sisters established,
about fifty years ago, a boarding-school for girls of a
better class, and with them taught also day scholars of the
same class. It was the proceeds of this school which
supported the large and almost free one.
On July 1, 1877, the town took possession of the
convent and appropriated the school buildings and all the
fittings of the school, desks, blackboards, books, &c., as
well as the furniture of the convent — beds, tables, wash-
152 Germany ', Present and Past.
hand basins ; also all the landed property of the sisterhood.
The town surveyor roughly estimated this latter alone, at
1 1 ,500Z. It need scarcely be said that it was worth more.
The convent and school-buildings were not valued. As
compensation for this spoliation twenty of the sisters have
been given pensions varying from 11. 10s. to 201. Two
only receive 201. The average is 101. The superior has
been accorded 30£. The town offered to allow the sisters
to remain in the convent on condition that they should
act as salaried schoolmistresses of the town, subject to
dismissal at the will of the Stadtrath, and that they should
receive among them such additional teachers as the town
council chose to appoint ; but as no guarantee would be
given that these should not be Protestants or Jewesses, or
of no religion, it was impossible for the Ursulines to
accept conditions which would have broken up their
community life. They declined, and were expelled their
buildings, and were allowed to take with them only such
articles as they could prove were the private property of
each sister, brought with her into the convent, or for
which she could produce a bill to show that it had been
bought by her in her own name since she had been in the
house. So grasping did the Stadtrath prove, that, after
the superior had gone into private lodgings, and the sisters
were dispersed to Austria, Switzerland, and France, a
demand was made by the council for three articles which
it charged her with fraudulently appropriating. These
articles were an oil-painting she had found in the garret
of the convent rolled up and much defaced, and which
she had restored at her own expense ; also a little pectoral
cross given to her predecessor by the mother of the present
Grand Duke, with a written request that she and her
successors would always wear it ; and, thirdly, a pair of
drawing-room candlesticks, presented to the late superior
The Kulturkampf. 153
on her birthday by some of the pupils of the upper school.
The superior appealed to the Grand Duke, who coldly
replied, that if the town chose again to insist on claiming
these articles, he could not interfere. And there the
matter remains at present.
The town council have also sent in a bill to the su-
perior for all the expenses of the cultivation of the land,
vineyards, gardens, &c., from May 7, 1877,1 to the end of
September, when the sisterhood cleared out of the build-
ings. That is to say, they are to pay for the cultivation
of the land and vines, the crops of which were enjoyed by
the town. This the superior has refused to pay, and the
question is still undecided.
No sooner was the society expelled, than the superior,
who retained two or three sisters with her, made formal
demand for permission to continue her private day-school.
Private girls'-schools are permitted, and there are several
in Freiburg. But that of the Ursulines was regarded as
the best by far, and Protestant pastors and Jews sent their
daughters to it, in full confidence that their religious
convictions would not be tampered with. Insult was
added to injury. No notice was taken of the applica-
tion.
For six months the pupils came, but the superior did
not dare to form them into classes, lest she should make
herself amenable to the laws, which forbid the opening of
schools without licence. It was only when she had made
personal application to the Grand Duke that a tardy per-
mission was accorded her.
The suppression of the Ursuline school for poor chil-
dren was not effected without monster demonstrations of
indignation, and appeals against it were numerously
1 The convent was suppressed on April 17, and from May 7 began
the payment of the pension.
'
154 Germany, Present and Past.
signed, but treated as waste-paper by town council and
government alike.1
These acts of bigoted injustice unfortunately distract
attention from the real grounds of the quarrel. The Ca-
tholics smart under present wrongs, and do not consider
why it is that they are made to smart. If a flight is to be
got out of a kite, it is not by jerking at its tail, but by
pulling at it from a distance. If German Catholic opinion
is worked into fury against the Empire, it will be by the
Jesuits working the thread from afar.
It is said that Prince Bismarck is now desirous of con-
ciliating the Catholics, to gain their support against the
National Liberals. For this end mutual concessions will
be made. Ultramontanism, as a political factor, is a
creation of the Chancellor. He has made the existence of
Catholics under the Empire intolerable to them, and they
have combined to oppose his favourite measures. But
Roman Catholics have no strong or radical prejudice against
the Empire. They have suffered more in petty States than
in great kingdoms, and under Grand Dukes far worse things
than under Emperors. In spite of every attempt to excite
the people made by the Jesuits, they have sat composedly
expecting a change. They have felt that a great injustice
has been done them, and that this will be recognised and
redressed in the end. I was speaking to an old sacristan at
Treves when the bishop was in exile, and one of the parish
priests in prison. c It will pass,' he said. ' Once the Mosel
ran with Christian blood to Mehring, and afterwards Con-
stantine gave his palace for a cathedral. Governments are
like women ; they don't know their own minds, and change
humour daily. Massacre did not kill the Church fifteen
hundred years ago, and nagging won't hurt her now.'
1 The school, which cost the town nothing up to July 1877, cost the
town 30,000 marks for the half-year ending Dec. 31, 1877.
The Kulturkampf. 155
There has been much that has been right in principle
in the Kulturkampf, but the way in which it has been
carried out has been a great wrong.
It was right that the education of the country should
have been taken under the supervision and control of the
State. It was right that those destined for the priesthood
should be given something more liberal than the seminary
system.
It was right that the Jesuits should have been expelled
bag and baggage.
But it was wrong that these measures should have
been carried out with violence, petty persecution, and
injustice. Injustice is wrong, even in a right cause.
'
156 Germany, Present and Past.
GHAPTEK XIV.
PROTESTANTISM.
More light and light ! — more dark and dark our woes.
Romeo and Juliet, act iii. so. 5.
A LATE Esquire Bedell of Cambridge, who, for thirty years,
had executed his office of convoying the Vice-Chancellor
to St. Mary's Church to hear the University sermon, was
wont to say, ' For more than a quarter of a century I have
heard every variety of doctrine preached in St. Mary's
pulpit every Sunday and Saint's day throughout the year,
and, thank Grod ! I am a Christian still.'
Till the year 1540, the Ehenish Palatinate was Catholic,
but, under the Elector Otto Heinrich, it was forced to
become Lutheran. Otto Heinrich died without issue, and
the Electorate passed to the Simmern-Zweibrucken house.
Frederick (III.) was as hot a Calvinist as his predecessor
had been a Lutheran, and in 1565 the churches of the
Pfalz were swept of their altars and crucifixes and images.
The Lutheran pastors were ejected and exiled, and fiery-
hot Predestinarianism was poured into the ears of the be-
wildered peasantry, who had not yet digested Justification.
A remorseless persecution of those who held by the Augs-
burg Confession was carried out. But in 1579, Frederick
was no more, and the Pfalz was again Lutheranised : the
Protestantism. 157
Calvinist preachers were banished, and the Evangelical
returned.
In 1585 the Palatinate was again purged of Luther-
anism, and reformed after the pattern of Greneva. In the
Thirty Years' war it fell into the hands of the Imperialists
and was Catholicised again. Then, again, it reverted to
the Elector and was re-Calvinised. Eeckoning the changes
of religion effected by the varying fortunes of the war, the
Palatinate passed through ten changes in less than a
century. Verily, the bauers must have thanked Grod
that they remained Christian still. Much the same
sort of thing occurred in other parts of the Empire.
When the prince changed his faith, he made his people
change also. Idstein was converted summarily to Lutheran-
ism by Count John of Nassau. After the defeat of the
Swedes at Nordlingen, it was given to the Elector of
Mainz, and became Catholic. After the Peace of West-
phalia it reverted to the Count, and was reconverted to
Protestantism.
Wolfgang of Anhalt bought Kothen in 1546 ; he at
once turned the priests out of the churches, purified them,
and made the population Lutheran. Next year, after the
battle of Miihlberg, Kothen fell to Count Sigismund of
Lodron, and went back to Catholicism. In 1552, at the
Convention of Passau, it was restored to Wolfgang, who
at once converted his people back to Lutheranism. He
died childless fourteen years after, in 1566, and his suc-
cessor, Johann Ernst, forcibly made Kothen Calvinist in
1 570.1 In 1 556 Count Bernhardt von der Lippe conquered
the county of Kittberg, expelled the Count from his,
land, and brought all the people to Calvinism. The
1 The exercise of the Lutheran and Catholic religions was strictly
forbidden. It was not till 1698 that Prince Emanuel Lebrecht allowed
a Lutheran church to be built in Kothen.
158 Germany, Present and Past.
granddaughter of the banished Count recovered the
lands, to which she was heiress, in 1601, and restored
them to the Catholic Church. These examples might be
multiplied.
Perhaps the latest instance1 occurs in the house of
Schonburg. This broke into two branches at the begin-
ning of this century — that of Hinterglauchau and that of
Wechselburg, and by arrangement Glauchau fell alter-
nately to one house and then to the other. The Count at
the head of one branch was a pietist, the other Count a
rationalist. Consequently the pastors appointed by one
were warm believers in the Incarnation and in free justifi-
cation, and the next batch laughed both doctrines to
scorn and preached natural religion.
Protestants and Catholics alike after the Keformation
had no idea of toleration. The Lutheran Elector Augustus
of Saxony haled all the pastors who had preached Cal-
vinism, and others suspected of Crypto-Calvinism, before
him (1574), and made them abjure their errors and swear
never again to ventilate them. They all did so except
six, and these were imprisoned and put on the rack.
Privy Councillor Krakau was so cruelly tortured at in-
tervals calculated to recover him from one torment to
endure another, that he killed himself in prison to escape
his implacable persecutors. Peucer, the Elector's private
physician, the son-in-law of Melanchthon, was kept im-
prisoned for twelve years in a filthy hole, without books
and writing materials. Church-Councillor Stossel died
in consequence of his tortures. Only one other of the six
escaped alive. After execution, the Elector had a coin
struck to commemorate his victory over Crypto-Calvinism,
on which he is represented in armour holding a balance.
1 Except the forcible union of the Lutherans and Calvinists in
Prussia to be noticed presently.
Protestantism. 159
In one scale sits the infant Saviour, in the other the Devil
and four Calvinists.1
Professor Flacius carried Luther's doctrine of original
sin to such exaggeration that he declared that man con-
sisted of sin, sin only, and nothing but sin ; that every
thought, word, and act of his was damnable. The Elector
Augustus did not go these lengths. He banished the
land all those who held with Flacius, and then had cannons
cast to commemorate this triumph of orthodoxy (1571).
On them were grotesque figures of Dr. Flacius in his
pastoral habit, with the Devil behind him casting a chain
round his body. On the shoulders of the doctor was
represented another Devil with a pair of bellows, puffing
into the ear of Flacius. Before the Professor stood Fame,
blowing a trumpet, and holding a mitre. Under the
caricature were cast the inscriptions : ' Flacians and Zealots
are the forerunners of Satan,' and ' Pride is the deluding
spirit of the Flacians.'
When people find that their consciences are managed
for them either by priests or princes, they are liable to
fall into religious apathy. Keligion is not calculated to
live where there is no freedom. Consequently, as the
belief and worship of the German people were ruled for
them, they became listless in their religion. After a brief
outburst of excitement their consciences settled into com-
placent indifference.
The Thirty Years' war gave the whole nation a sickener
of ecclesiastical controversy. Germans followed the
religion prescribed for them by their princes in a dull
routine manner, without caring to inquire whether it were
true or false.
1 The Elector was so strong in his Lutheranism that he was wont to
say, « If I had a Calvinist vein in my body, I would bid the Devil tear it
out by the root.' — Vehse, GeschicMe der Deut. Hofe, xxix. 241.
1 60 Germany, Present and Past.
When the Bible ceased to be a sedes controversies it
ceased to be read ; when sermons were no longer seasoned
with polemical pepper and vinegar, they were no longer
listened to. As long as the preacher taught what was ta
be pulled down and undone, he attracted attention : when
he began to build up and mend, his people turned their
backs on him. When the chorale was a novelty, congre-
gations met in the churches to sing, but when the Volks-
lied succeeded with livelier strain, they went to the garden
Wirthschafb instead. Pastors tired of haranguing empty
benches, and gave up holding services. In the Grand
Duchy of Mecklenburg an inquiry was made, in 1854,
into the condition of the Lutheran Church, and it was
found that there had been no divine service held in the
head churches (Prdpositur-Kirchen) 228 times, because
there had been no congregation.1
Mr. Dewar, English chaplain at Hamburg, says : 2
' Religious indifference has pervaded the mass of the
people. It is a fact which every traveller who has visited
the shores of Germany has remarked, that there is no
regard for the ordinances of religion. In Hamburg and
its suburbs there are five parish churches and two smaller
churches. The congregations attending all the services
at all these never, I am told, amount to three thousand
in number, so that the remainder of the enormous popula-
tion, amounting to 150,000, pay no manner of worship
to their God. So rapidly has the population increased
that, whereas in the year 1826 the number of births was
4,000, in 1842 it amounted to 5,000; and yet in
the latter year the number of communicants was 10,000
less than in the former. One parish with more than
40,000 inhabitants has but a single church; and there
1 Vehse, Gesch. d. Deutsck. Hofe, xxxvii. p. 200.
1 Dewar (Rev. E. H.), German Protestantism. Oxford, 1844.
Protestantism. 1 6 1
has never been a complaint made, that there is a want of
church accommodation. There has never been a wish
expressed, that more room should be provided for those
who might thereby be induced to assemble for public
worship. And Hamburg in these matters does not
furnish a low standard when compared with the rest of
Germany. In Berlin, for instance, there is a parish which
contains 54,000 inhabitants, and the annual number of
communicants is 1,000 less than in the largest parish in
Hamburg, while the population is one third greater.'
In statistics of church attendance and of communi-
cants in Germany it will, curiously enough, be found
that the number of the latter exceeds that of the former.
The reason is, that a great number of persons proclaim
their formal adhesion to the Established Church by com-
municating on the four occasions in the year when the
Lord's Supper is administered, or at all events at one or
two of them, and never set their foot within the church -
door at any other time. This is the remains of the custom
of qualifying for Government offices, &c., by exhibiting
proofs of belonging to the State Church.1 Dr. Schwabe
gives more recent information of the state of religious
affairs in Berlin. 'The ancient ties of the Protestant
Church are broken,' he says.2 ' Spirit and strength are
lacking to replace them by new ones. At no period has
the Church commanded less and given less satisfaction to
man. Statistics show how far this alienation has proceeded.
Of 630,000 Protestants, 11,900, viz. nearly two per cent.,
attend church on the Sundays, and amongst them 2,225
go to the Dom, merely for a musical treat.3 Religious
1 In Baden, among the Protestants in 1877, the per-centage of at-
tendance at church was 26-6 ; of communicants was 55-1.
2 Schwabe (H.), Betrachtungen uber die Volksseele. Berlin, 1870.
3 In the Dom at 10 A.M. the ' Berlin Choir ' performs every Sunday
Mendelssohn's Psalms, unaccompanied by instrumental music.
VOL. II. M
'
1 62 Germany^ Present and Past.
indifference appears no less conspicuously in the fact that
out of 23,969 interments, 3,777, or nearly 15 per cent.,
only, are attended by religious service.' The churches
provide accommodation for only 25,000 out of the
800,000 souls in Berlin, yet they are all but empty on
Sundays.1
I was in Strassburg on two Sundays last year, and I
went the round of the churches. In Strassburg there are
54,000 Catholics, and 26,000 Protestants. I went into
St. Thomas, the Temple Neuf, St. Nicolas, St. John,
' Young ' St. Peter's, and found that there was but a
wretchedly thin congregation everywhere. At St.
Thomas' were the soldiers and some well-dressed ladies ;
at the Temple Neuf the best congregation ; at the others
a mere handful — as many as might be expected in an
English town church on a week-day evening service,
when there is no sermon. On the other hand, the
Cathedral, Old St. Peter's, and St. Louis, given up to the
Catholics, were crammed. I found the same thing
at Hadamar on the Lahn, where the nave of the Old
Church is given to the Keformed, and the choir to the
Catholics.
The late Mr. Samuel Laing, who as a Scottish Presby-
terian may be trusted as viewing matters of this sort
from an impartial standpoint, said in 1 845 : ' If the
question is reduced to what really are its terms in Germany
at present — Catholicism, with all its superstitions, errors,
and idolatry — or no religion at all, that is to say, not
avowed infidelity, but the most torpid apathy, indifference
and neglect of all religion — it may be doubted if the
latter condition of a people is preferable. The Lutheran
and Calvinistic Churches in Germany and Switzerland are
1 Religious Thought in Germany ', reprinted from the Times, 1870, p.
27.
Protestantism. 163
in reality extinct. The sense of religion, its influence on
the habits, observances, and life of the people, is alive
only in the Koman Catholic population.' l
His description of a Genevan church on a Sunday may
apply to those of Luther as well. ' I happened to be at
Geneva one Sunday morning, as the bells were tolling for
church. The very sounds which once called the powerful
mind of a Calvin, a Knox, a Zwingli to religious exer-
cises and meditations, were now summoning the descen-
dants of their contemporaries to the same house of prayer.
There are few Scotchmen whose hearts would not respond
to such a call. I hastened to the ancient cathedral, the
Ohurch of St. Peter, to see the pulpit from which Calvin
had preached, to sit possibly in the very seat from which
Knox had listened, to hear the pure doctrines of Christianity
from the preacher who now stands where the great cham-
pions of the Eeformation stood. Geneva, the seat and
centre of Calvinism, the fountain-head from which the
pure and living waters of our Scottish Zion flow, the
earthly source, the pattern, the Home of our Presbyterian
doctrine and practice, has fallen lower from her original
doctrine and practice, than ever Kome fell. Eome has
still superstition : Geneva has not even the semblance of
religion. In the head church of the original seat of
Calvinism, in a city of 25,000 souls, at the only service on
the Sabbath day — there being no evening service — I sat
down in a congregation of about 200 females and twenty-
three males, mostly elderly men of a former generation,
with scarcely a youth, or a boy, or working man among
them. A meagre liturgy or printed form of prayer, a
sermon, which, as far as religion was concerned, might
have figured the evening before at a meeting of some
1 Laing (S.), Notes on the German Catholic Church. London, 1845,
p. 145.
Ml
164 Germany, Present and Past.
geological society, as an ingenious essay on the Mosaic
chronology, a couple of psalm tunes on the organ, and a
waltz to go out with, were the church service. In the
villages along the Protestant side of the lake of Geneva —
spots especially intended, the traveller would say, to elevate
the mind of man to his Creator by the glories of the
surrounding scenery, the rattling of the billiard-balls, the
rumbling of the skittle-trough, the shout, the laugh, the
distant shots of the rifle-clubs, are heard above the psalm,
the sermon, and the barren forms of State-prescribed
prayer during the one brief service on Sundays, delivered
to very scanty congregations — in fact to a few females and
a dozen or so old men in very populous parishes, supplied
with able and zealous ministers.' l
In 1876, among Protestants, church attendance on
ordinary Sundays in Darmstadt was 8'3 per cent., in
Griessen 15*7, in Mainz 10 per cent. Throughout Ger-
many 14 out of one hundred persons attend church on
Sunday ; in the town of Darmstadt only 3-3 in a hundred,
in the towns of Mainz (among the Protestants) 5-1, Gries-
sen 5*7, Worms 6'3. In Darmstadt, out of a hundred
marriages, 34-5 per cent, in Offenbach 48'6, in Worms 44,
are celebrated before the registrar alone, without religious
service ; burial without religious service throughout Grer-
many in 29*6 out of one hundred interments, in Darm-
stadt 60 per cent.2 A curious paper, by Dr. A. Franz, in
the ' Jahrbiicher d. National-Oekonomie,' in 1865, shows
how little energy the Protestants have shown in church-
building.3
1 Laing (S.), Notes of a Traveller, p. 324.
1 In 1877, among Baden Protestants neglect of baptism and of
religious marriage was in this proportion : Mannheim, 29-9 ; Heidelberg,
24-8 ; Pforzheim, 28-5.
3 Statistics since the year 1870 have been disturbed by the May
laws.
Protestantism .
165
CHURCHES AND CHAPELS
CLERGY ORDAINED
Increase,
Increase,
1858
1864
1858
1864
Prot.
Cath.
Prot.
Cath.
Prot.
Cath.
Prot.
Cath.
Prussia .
656
509
8
12
705
531
8
23
Posen
191
628
8
11
198
626
12
112
Brandenburg
2,231
41
—
7
1,306
46
31
5
Pommern
1,229
15
13
1
759
13
19
5
Schlesien
763
1,273
11
9
853
1,179
15
57
Sachsen .
2,413
150
1
7
1,670
143
—
21
Westphalia
316
525
13
19
391
1,159
19
45
Kheinland
524
2,084
20
140
538
2,469
20
174
Hohenzollern
1
92
2
27
2
98
1
—
8,325
5,317
76
231
6,422
6,264
109
442
Thus, while the Protestants gained seventy-six churches,
the Catholics had increased theirs by 231. In 1858 the
Catholics had 1,245 souls to a church, and the Protestants
1,304, and yet the former showed an increase altogether
extraordinary. The 5,046,056 Protestants of the States
of Prussia, Brandenburg, Pomerania, and Saxony, who had
one church to 860 souls, had in 1864 gained only fourteen
churches. On the other hand, the 171,045 Catholics, who,
in 1858 had one church to 830 souls, had in 1864 in-
creased their number by thirteen. In 1858 the Catholics
had 202 clergy, in 1864 they had 233. The Protestants,
who had 3,735 pastors, or one to 1,352 souls, had increased
by only fifty. In the whole State the number of Protes-
tant pastors rose to 6,422, or one to 1,700 souls ; but the
number of Catholic priests rose to 6,264, or one to 1,057.
The Protestants had an addition of 109, the Catholics
of 442.
If there were religious interest among the Evangelicals,
there would be a considerable number of Dissenters from
the established Church, but this is not the case.
1 66
Germany, Present and Past.
By the religious census of 1871, there are in —
Catholics
Protestants
Dissenters
Dissenters
in every
10,000
Prussia
8,267,862
15,987,927
53,882
22
Bavaria
3,464,364
1,342,592
5,453
11
Saxony (Kingdom)
53,642
2,493,556
4,893
19
Wiirtemberg
553,542
1,248,860
3,857
21
Baden
942,560
491,008
2,265
16
Hesse
238,080
585,399
3,873
45
Mecklenburg and Old
enburg .
71,205
242,945
952
18
Saxon Provinces and
Elsass-Loth. .
14,867,463
25,579,709
82,155
20
The ' Statistik des Deutschen Reichs,' vol. ii., gives
0*20 as the proportion of Dissenters in the Empire, where-
as 0*94 returned themselves as of no particular religion.
To my mind, nothing could proclaim more clearly the
deadness of religious interest in a great people than this
absence of Dissent. The State religion does not satisfy the
souls of the people, but then their souls have lost all appetite
for spiritual truths, so that they do not care to seek them
outside the Church. I know a case of a German Methodist
who came into a village of some 2,500 inhabitants, all
Evangelicals. He hired a large room, lighted and heated
it at his own expense, and preached there every Sunday
evening for a winter. At first the bauers went out of
curiosity. Then the enthusiasm of the man made them
smirk, finally they yawned, and went away. At the end
of six months the unfortunate preacher had to leave with-
out having made a convert or received above a mark or
two to meet the expenses of his meeting. As I have
looked at the vacant, listless faces in the parish church, I
have grieved that the enthusiast was unable to stir up in
their dull souls some spark of spiritual life. In 1861,.
when I was in Iceland, I conversed with the Roman mis-
Protestantism. 1 6 7
sionary who had been stationed at the capital ten years.
In all that period he had made but a single convert ; the
reason he gave me surprised me then. ' These Lutherans,'
he said, ' believe with the head, but not with the heart.
They are so absolutely indifferent to all religious matters
that it is impossible to awake in them even the spirit of
inquiry.' The same condition exists in Germany as in
Iceland. One revival they have had — Pietism — of which
I shall speak presently, but it has fallen dead again.
Nothing can give more clear proof of the all-prevailing
indifference than the ease with which the Prussian and
other unions have been effected. When Prussia embraced
lands in which Calvinism was professed, and the Electors
introduced Calvinist communities into Lutheran provinces,
it was considered inconvenient to have the budget encum-
bered with payments for the pastors of two Protestant
sects. It was decided, therefore, to unite them. All at
once, two Churches, which during three centuries had ex-
isted side by side in open rivalry, had zealously defended
the truth of their respective confessions of faith, had
suffered persecution and wrong in support of them, sub-
mitted without a murmur, not to the decision of a council
of their assembled clergy, but to a royal ordinance.
The history of the union is sufficiently curious.
At the Eeformation the Calvinists and Lutherans raged
against each other with internecine fury. The Formulary
of Concord, introduced in 1580, proved a veritable con-
cordia discors. It sealed and perpetuated division. Fifty
years later the Electors of Brandenburg, Saxony, and
Hesse summoned a conference at Leipzig (1631), in which
Lutheran theologians were to meet Calvinist divines,
and, if possible, come to some agreement on fundamentals.
But the points of difference were found more interesting
and exciting than those of agreement. On those points
1 68 Germany, Present and Past.
they were ready to denounce each other to everlasting
flames as heretics. The Eeformed (Calvinists) and Evan-
gelicals (Lutherans) could not come to terms on — 1. The
doctrine of the union of natures in Christ. 2. The nature
of the Communion. 3. And the doctrine of election. In
ritual also the two confessions differed. The Calvinists
had no altars ; and everything that had distinguished a
church from a lecture-hall had been swept away. They
attended divine worship wearing their hats, did not kneel
to pray, and stood to communicate. The Lutherans, on
the other hand, used wafers, elevated the Host, wore
chasubles, exorcised the Devil in Baptism, burned tapers,
had crucifixes and images of saints, and imbibed the Sa-
cramental wine through pipes. In Bavaria, where Luther-
anism has not been compulsorily united with Calvinism
by the State, the old condition of things remains in part.
In a little village church (Muggendorf ), which was Lu-
theran, I have seen an altar reredos set up last century,
consisting of three niches, containing in the centre a
statue of St. Lawrence, on either side St. Peter and
St. Paul. On the altar were six candles; the inscrip-
tions on the brass showed that they had been presented a
hundred years ago. At the west end of the church was a
huge representation of God the Father and a great dove,
below, a life-size crucifix. I counted eight crucifixes in
the church : of these several were processional.
One invariable token distinguishes everywhere the
Protestant parish church from the Catholic, however like
in accessories of worship they may be. The church path
to the very door is rank with grass in the first case, trodden
bare in the other.
At the close of the sixteenth century Lutheranism in
Brandenburg was the dominant religion, because the
Elector was Lutheran. But in 1613 the Elector, John
Protestantism. 169
Sigismund, went over to Calvinism, and the cathedral at
Berlin was purified, and the Communion was there admin-
istered according to the Reformed rite. From this time
until the close of the seventeenth century there were two
religious bodies in Brandenburg, the Reformed who fol-
lowed the court, and the Lutherans who adhered to their
traditional belief and ritual. The Electors and Kings of
Prussia remained true to Calvinism, and used all their
influence short of persecution to beat Lutheranism down.
Pastors who preached against what they regarded as Cal-
vinist heresy were deposed. Paul Gerhard, the great
psalmist of the Lutheran Church, was banished the country
for this reason. By degrees both communities became
weary of controversy, because they had ceased to care for
the doctrines and ceremonies which had separated them.
In 1733 Frederick William I. by rescript ordered the
Lutherans to discontinue the use of surplices, Mass vest-
ments, altar cloths, eucharistic lights, the use of the
wafer, chanting the service, private confession, &C.1 The
Lutheran ministers who refused to obey were suspended.
Frederick the Great rescinded the order. The object of
Frederick William was to diminish the points of difference
in worship between the Evangelicals and Reformed, so
as to make a future union possible.
In 1817, Frederick William II. thought the time ripe
for a fusion of the two Churches. But before this certain
preparatory steps had been taken. In pursuance of a royal
minute of December 16, 1808, all the consistories of the
Protestant churches throughout the kingdom were abo-
lished, and a new 6 department for public instruction and
worship ' was created in the Ministry of the Interior. By
1 In Iceland, Lutheranism remains unaltered. There the only service
is the ' Mass,' sung by the pastor in rich vestments, with burning
tapers, to the old Gregorian melodies. The Mass, however, ends at the
sermon, without consecration and communion.
170 Germany r, Present and Past.
this order all self-government was destroyed in the
churches, and both Calvinist and Lutheran churches were
established under the direction of the State. For ten
years the King, as chief bishop, ruled absolutely over
both. In 1815 consistories were indeed re-established,,
but only as Koyal Boards for the administration of eccle-
siastical business for all confessions, Catholic, Lutheran,
Calvinist, and Jewish alike.
In the matter of doctrine there was little to divide the
two Protestant bodies. Luther had laid down consub-
stantiation as an essential truth. Lutherans had come to-
be profoundly indifferent as to what was the nature of the
bread and wine after the benediction of the pastor. Con-
substantiation, transubstantiation, real presence, real
absence, were all one to them — a dispute about words.
The Sacrament itself was indifferent to them, much more-
doctrine concerning it. As for election and free justifi-
cation— words on which Calvin and Luther had fought —
nobody believed in either. Election was an absurdity,,
free justification the fertile mother of immorality. Let
both be consigned with indulgences and relic-worship to
oblivion as things unsavoury to Christian ethics.
The King determined to establish inter-communion, if
not compulsory unity, and in September 1817, he ordered
his court chaplain, Eylert, to issue a proclamation to the
people that the King was resolved to unite the two confes-
sions in one outward Evangelical Church, without
dogmatic creeds and standards. Eylert was given two
days for this ; and then the royal order appeared, founding
the union. The work begun in 1817 was completed by a
Cabinet order in 1839, when the King of Prussia abolished
the very name of the Protestant Church, amalgamated
Lutheranism and Calvinism into a new establishment,
called the Evangelical Church, without any precise
Protestantism . 171
doctrine, and with a service and liturgy of his own com-
position. The old Churches relinquished without regret
each their accustomed mode of worship, endeared to them,
one might have supposed, by time, and hallowed by
solemn recollections. More especially, they resigned that
which had been to each the peculiar and most cherished
rite, the mode of administering the Lord's Supper, and
adopted a liturgy, prepared, not by the wisest and most
honoured among their spiritual rulers, but by the King and
his Cabinet Council. They resigned it, not because one
or both were convinced of error, but because both were-
indifferent, and were easily induced to agree in accepting
a nullity. Two or three country parishes, into which the
spirit of indifference had not penetrated, alone resisted the
royal will. Their ministers were imprisoned, troops were
quartered upon them to force them into conformity,
and above 600 peasants were compelled to abandon
their little properties and fly from Protestant Germany,,
where each may exercise to the utmost the right of private-
judgment but not of public worship, and to seek in the
wilds of America a new dwelling-place, where they might
enjoy the privilege of holding the doctrines which Luther
taught, and of participating in the Sacrament of the
Lord's Supper, as their fathers during three centuries had
received it.
The Protestant churches of Baden, Nassau, Ehein-
Hessen, and the Bavarian Palatinate have also been
united, or reorganised, on the pattern of the Prussian
Evangelical Church, and the only point of difference or
any importance between them is that they look to their
several reigning Dukes and Princes as their ' summi
episcopi,' instead of to the Emperor. l But this is merely
1 E.g. 'The United Evangelical - Protestant Church of the Grand:
Duchy of Baden . . . forms a portion of the Evangelical Church of Ger-
172 Germany, Present and Past.
because Grermany is in a transition political condition : the
several sovereigns will sink ere long into bishops, and the
Emperor will be supreme pope over the whole Evangelical
Church. In Schleswig and in Holstein and in Hanover
exist only Lutherans. For the sake of uniformity, they
have recently had their Church suppressed, and its place
assumed by the Evangelical Church framed by King
William of Prussia.
By Prussian charter enacted in 1850, the Established
Church has been made independent of the State, but not
of the King ; that is, it is given synods and a constitution :
and the sovereign sits as king over the secular state, and
as pope over the ecclesiastical state, absolute and infal-
lible. The spiritual attribute thus claimed by the King is
certainly in accordance with a principle acknowledged by
Luther himself in his latter days, l when the necessity of
providing a fit government for the unruly believers of his
age made him confer the privilege of Church headship on
the various Protestant sovereigns of Grermany ; and it is in
agreement with German tradition during three centuries,
which has made the prince sovereign over the creeds and
worship, as well as the lives and properties of his subjects.
' Cujus regio ejus religio ' was a serious maxim of
government, and the people accepted their prayer- and
hymn-books as well as their doctrines from their prince
without a murmur ; but for all that the principle is
wrong : it kills religious liberty, and with the destruction of
liberty religion itself dies. In Brunswick the Duke is
in like manner supreme pope, with a consistory as his
many. . . . The Evangelical Grand Duke as bishop has the ecclesiastical
government of it, in accordance with the Constitution ' — ( Verfassuug
der Evangeliidien KircJie des Crrossherzogthwms Baden, p. 1, §. 1, 4.)
1 ' Dass 2 und 5 gleich 7 sind,' he preached, < das kannst du fassen
mit der Vernunf t ; wenn aber die Obrigkeit sagt : 2 und 5 sind 8, so
musst du's glauben wider dein Wissen und dein Fiihlen.'
Protestantism . 173
camarilla. In 1873 he issued an ecclesiastical order for
his Church, with full instructions as to what it was to
believe, teach, and how it was to worship. The title of
this ordinance is, ' Church Constitution of the most Serene,
Excellent and High-born Prince and Lord, the Lord
Frederick Duke of Brunswick and Liineburg, Postulate-
Coadjutor of the Bishopric of Katzeburg, Provost-Elect of
the Archdiocese of Bremen, &c. — How teaching and
ceremonies and other ecclesiastical matters and functions
are to be discharged in both his Gracious Princely
Majesty's principalities of Brunswick-Liineburg, the Celle
and Grubenhagen division, and the annexed counties and
lordships.' (212pp.) Hermannsburg, 1873.
We naturally ask, How is it that such religious indif-
ference can have spread as to make the union possible and
the people to acquiesce in a creedless church ? The
union was not effected in the spirit of Paul, but in that of
Gallio.
No doubt the principle of ' cujus regio ejus religio '
had its numbing effect, but this was not the main cause
of deadness. What really occasioned this torpor was the
discovery by both Lutherans and Calvinists, that their
essential dogmas, — those which had created the fiercest
controversy, those which their several leaders had regarded
as ' articuli stantis vel cadentis ecclesiae' — were impracti-
cable. The founders of their faiths had established
theories : the generations that followed put them to prac-
tical tests, and they found them wanting.
Calvinism is a magnificent logical system. It explains
the universe ; God and man, heaven and hell, all have
their places in it. The world is a problem in Euclid, in
which every step follows inevitably on what precedes^
and leads on to the inexorable conclusion. It is a system
altogether intellectual, clear, sharp, like a prism of ice..
174 Germany, Present and Past.
And as such it satisfied the minds of thinkers. But there
its merits ended. It leaves the heart of man out of con-
sideration. Love had no more place in the 'Institutes'
than in the Second Book of Euclid. The Scotchman is
par excellence a man of logic, and the affections play in
him altogether a subordinate part ; consequently, Calvinism
has, and no doubt always will command his adhesion, and
will content his religious instincts. But the Grerman is a
dreamer, not a logician, a man of tender affections, rather
than of rigid definitions. The ' Reformed ' bauer rocking
his white-haired urchins on his knee, and hugging them to
his heart, cannot believe in one being irrevocably called
to be a vessel of grace, and the other to be a vessel of
wrath. He has nothing of the Brutus in him. He can-
not cover one with kisses, and thrust the other into the
flames of his oven. And is the Heavenly Father less
paternal than he? He watches his children work out
their own fortunes, and cannot believe that their fate in
eternity is fixed irrespective of their characters and efforts
here. Calvinism proved too inhuman for the Grerman to
give to the doctrine of election adhesion for more than an
hour. When the first gale of controversy blew away, he
looked into his own heart, and saw there that Grod was
something other than an arbitrary and unloving despot.
Thereupon his faith in Calvinism as a system gave way
^altogether.
It was much the same with Lutheranism. Luther
was not a clear thinker like his great rival : he was a man
x)f warm affections and headstrong convictions. His
system was the reverse of Calvin's. He made Grod all
love and forgiveness, and restoration to favour was the
•easiest thing in the world. A man had but to believe,
and he was at once in a state of grace, and his iniquities
were blotted out. Even in his time, the proclamation of
Protestantism. 175
free justification by faith only led to grave disorders, and
frightened back into Catholicism many who wished the
Reformation success.
One instance alone will serve to show the results
of the introduction of Soiifidianism. In Ditmarschen,
Neocorus tells us, chastity and innocence were so remark-
able that the little principality went by the name of the
Land of Mary. In 1532 it was Lutheranised. Nine
years after, in 1 541 , the Reformer, Nicolas Boje, complained
that ' fornication, adultery, and usury were practised in
a way unusual even among Jews and heathens, and had
so gained the upper hand that it was impossible to supply
any remedy by sermons.' Mohr, describing the Dit-
marschen before the Reformation, says : ' The girl, free and
joyous, in this free and joyous land, has no need to dread
the plots of seducers. The fall of a maiden is a thing
almost unheard of, and when it happens, throws the whole
country into mourning.' l After the preaching of Soli-
fidianism, in 1599, in one parish, that of Meldorf, there
were twenty-six unmarried girls in the family way; in
Barrelt twenty-two; in Lunden sixteen; and in 1618 there
were in the little village of Wesslingburen alone forty
illegitimate births.2
The common sense of Germans showed them that the
doctrine which Luther had made the very ground-work
of his church was mischievous to morals, and they deodor-
ised and disinfected it as rapidly as possible by putting it
underground. In the seventeenth century it was almost
forgotten, nobody believed it, nobody ventured to rule his
life on it as a working principle.
Lutherans and Calvinists alike were aware that they
had been led a long way out of right paths by theologic
1 Hanssen von Wolf : CJvronik d. Landes Dithmcvrsen, p. 221.
* Ibid. 221.
176 Germany, Present and Past.
Will-o'-the-wisps, and that they had floundered into
quagmires. They were ready to extend to one another a
helping hand to get out, and when on dry land their vow
was not to follow or be led by dogmas any more. Dogmas
were the lanthorn on the ass's head led along the highlands,
luring vessels among rocks, to become the prey of wreckers.
They would stand out to sea. Creeds were breakers over
which controversy raged and roared, and on which true
religion foundered. Confessions, formularies of concord,
were crackers in which each article was an explosive
pellet, scaring decent people who loved quiet, and setting
in flames those whom they reached.
Thus all Protestant Germany agreed to form one
united Evangelical Church without any definite belief.
The house was most likely to stand, if no powder or
petroleum was stored in its cellars. The primitive
Church had rubbed on comfortably on the Apostles' Creed,
how much more happily the Protestant Church on no
creed at all. As creeds multiplied, so had discord. The
more definitions were made, the more material was supplied
for objectors. Japanese artists ridicule European draughts-
men, and call them object-scratchers, because they out-
line before they fill in. The Japanese never outline, they
float in masses of colour, and the artist converts the blotch
into a fish, a bird, a flower, or a mountain, as his fancy
leads him. In religion, said the German, we have been
hitherto object-scratchers, drawing outlines of dogma hard
and distinct, and afterwards filling them in, sometimes
with colour, often with Indian ink. This we have now to
unlearn. We will remove our outlines, erase our scratches,
leaving only vague blots of ink, or patches of colour, for
any one to transform into such doctrine as agrees with his
individual proclivities.
With the disappearance of all dogmatic barriers, it
Protestantism. 177
was believed that the established Church would absorb all
sects. It was with a feeling of unmingled surprise that
the Government saw that it produced them. It hoped
that all nonconformist bodies would melt into the
Evangelical Church, for they would find nothing to object
to in her teaching, for the simple reason that she taught
nothing at all. He who joined the established Church
would, like Ixion, embrace a cloud. It was not on the
platform of definite belief that the union of the Churches
was effected, but in the vacuity of common negation.
Men may, unconsciously, and without effort, tumble into
a hole, but they cannot climb a hill without exertion. It
remains optional for any one to call doctrines from vasty
vagueness, but when he calls they will not come, save as
ghosts, the ghosts of a dead creed, on whose tomb is
written no Resurgam.
No new doctrine was imported into the teaching of
the Church ; her dogmas were simply extracted from her,
and laid aside, as cooks draw woodcock, and serve its
entrails apart on toast. The old confessions and creeds,
and articles, and catechisms, and formularies and rites,
were allowed to remain in an antiquarian museum, to be
looked on with interest, and lectured on, not to be resus-
citated. Catholic Christianity rested on an inerrable Church,
as the teacher of truth ; Protestant Christianity reposed
on an infallible Scripture ; but the Dubitarian Christianity
of the established Church declares that certainty on any
religious topic is nowhere to be found, that truth lies at
the bottom of the well — but the well is that of Zemzem,
which has no bottom. The externals of religion are main-
tained intact, and intact they will remain as long as they
are regarded as empty and meaningless. Inflated only
with air, they serve their purpose, as the bladders on which
natives float across the Euphrates.
VOL. II. N
178 Germany, Present and Past.
The Reformation in Germany was first of all social,
then political, and lastly, and accidentally only, religious.
Moral it was not, it scarcely pretended to be. There is
abundant evidence that wherever it prevailed the moral
tone sank several degrees.1 It was first of all social. In
all the cities and large towns, the cathedral or minster
was the seat of a close aristocratic corporation. The
bishop or dean had rights in the town, which were in con-
stant clash with the rights of the citizens. These rival
•powers, the first feudal, the second democratic, led to
bloody broils in almost every century. The town coun-
cil gradually fell into the power of the guilds, and in the
fifteenth century the Rath seized the first excuse for getting
rid of the rival authority. The princes were needy, im-
poverished by equal subdivision of property, and they cast
hungry eyes on the large estates of the Church, and saw
a means of enriching themselves, and recovering their
power, by appropriating them. Zeal for religion was a
plausible excuse for spoliation.
Olaus Magnus tells of a city in Norway that was buried
by an avalanche, set in motion by a curlew hopping over
snow on an impending mountain side. But it was not
the curlew that destroyed the town, but the breath of
spring that passed over the country and loosed the icy
ties that held the glacier to the rocks. Luther, Melanchthon,
Osiander, Brenz, Bucer, were but the curlews hopping over
the mass and starting it. But they did not originate the
Reformation. It was brought about by the breath of
modern ideas thawing Medievalism. An avalanche is a
bad simile. The break-up of old ideas at the Reforma-
tion far more closely resembles the break-up of the Rhine ice
in spring. The coherent and solid surface of belief is
fissured, and then falls to pieces. In a moment nothing
1 See the three tnick volumes of Dr. Dollinger : Die Reformation.
Protestantism. 1 79
is seen but the swirl of floating dogmas, charging against
one another, grinding against each other, losing their
angles, and forming fresh ones, crashing into one another,
disappearing with a plunge and coming up in splinters —
but all imperceptibly, yet certainly, honeycombing and
melting away.
Three hundreds of years have gone by ; and now if one
looks across the current of thought, one sees nothing like
this — now and then there reels by a sodden and slushy
relic of ancient faith, ready to disappear. But of such
the stream is almost clear — clear of crystalline belief —
not clear of impalpable mud — of that there is super-
fluity. There is now philosophy in Germany, not religion.
And the man who pretends to regard Christianity as any-
thing more than a form of misbelief is regarded as a sinner
against culture. Christianity was the pedagogue leading
to the Keal-Schule.
On Sunday, August 8, 1869, whilst the Pastor Hein-
rici was reciting the creed in the Berlin Cathedral Church,
a loud voice cried, c You lie ! ' and a shot followed, aimed
at the pastor. The shot was fired by a young man, named
Biland, who had been educated for the Evangelical ministry,
but whose abhorrence of dogmatic belief had become so
intense, that he had resolved, by shooting an orthodox
clergyman, to attract attention from the public mind to
the inadmissibility of the Apostles' Creed in the religious
services of a Protestant church. ' I taught myself,' said
Biland, ' that some striking deed was indispensable to rouse
the public mind from its apathy, and chase away the
mists of superstition. I therefore determined to seize
the first favourable opportunity that offered for shooting
a pastor, while uttering his accursed perjuries. I have
done it. I cast the ball myself, and have done my best
to render the shot fatal. I knew perfectly what I was
N 2
180 Germany, Present and Past.
about, and am convinced that there are many able to*
appreciate the disinterestedness of my purpose, though
they may not approve of the method chosen to compass
it,'
The ' Times' ' correspondent thereupon says : ' I am
afraid the prisoner was right in supposing that many will
appreciate his motive, though they will abhor the deed.
The majority of educated men in Germany are estranged
from the dogmatic teaching of the Christian creed, es-
tranged from it to the extent of disbelieving the sincerity
of many of the clergy. Only a small fraction of the
nation attends divine service ; of the educated, those met
with in church on a Sunday are few and far between.'
The union, so far from galvanising religion into life,
has shaken up its pillows on which it may sleep more
comfortably. Here and there are pastors and congrega-
tions holding by the Apostles' Creed, and preaching and
believing the Augsburg Confession, but they are scarce, rari
nantes in gurgite vasto, and are objects of suspicion
and dislike to their more enlightened neighbours. They
are regarded as hypocrites or ignoramuses, enemies to
culture and to light, to be put down, if possible, by force.
But the orthodox have the Emperor on whom to lean,
against whom they may set their backs. In answer
to a deputation of the Brandenburg Synod in 1869, he
used the memorable words : ' What is to become of us, if
we have no faith in the Saviour, the Son of (rod ? If He
is not the Son of (rod, his commands, as coming from a
man only, must be subject to criticism. What is to be-
come of us in such a case ? '
It has, no doubt, been a source of great disappoint-
ment to the pious Emperor, that the Evangelical Church
shows no signs of a religious revival. The union did not
prick it into life, perhaps constitutionalism might succeed.
Protestantism. 1 8 1
Accordingly a new attempt was made to awaken the
interest of the people in the Church, by giving them a
voice in her organisation and direction.
By decree of September 10, 1873, Prussian Protestant-
ism has been accorded a constitution, with parish synods
and diocesan synods, and provincial synods, and general
synods — the latter by royal decree of January 20, 1876.
Since 1873, there have been numerous laws made by the
King for the better organisation of representative govern-
ment in the national Protestant Church. Nothing can be
more admirable than the constitution — on paper.1 It was
given in hope that it would interest the people in their
Church and religion. It was an attempt to give the
Lutheran-Calvinist amalgam a congregational character.
But the attempt failed. The people were too indifferent
to the Church and religion to avail themselves of the
privileges given them. The only persons who used it
were the Socialists, who rushed to the poll to put a
democrat in the pulpit of the parish church, whence he
might preach the gospel of socialism, or, where they have
not the nomination of their pastor, to hamper him and
thwart the purposes of the Sovereign in the government of
the Church.
The united Evangelical Church of Germany has, as I
have already pointed out, this peculiar and exceptional
feature. It is creedless. No member in it is bound to
any particular belief in Grod or Christ. No member knows
what to believe, and nobody cares. A pastor in it can
therefore teach pretty much what he likes.
The act of union set up no confession of faith as the
symbol of the newly organised church ; on the contrary,
the royal proclamation asserted that ' God's word alone '
1 Die Gesetze u. Instruktionen uber die Ervangelisclie Kirchenverfass*
wig in den aclit dltercn Provinzen der Monwrchie. Berlin, 1876.
1 82 Germany, Present and Past.
should be the foundation of the new church, and the King
expressly rejected any attempt at union ' from the point
of view of the Lutheran or the Reformed Confession.' It.
is quite open to one congregation to adopt the Heidelberg
Confession as its standard, and to its neighbour to adopt
the two catechisms of Luther, for the general synod of
1846 decided that the right of 'vocation' which pertained
to any patron or congregation included the right to de-
mand from the ' called ' pastor a statement of his belief.
In the 'general synodal regulation' of 1876 the words
c the Evangelical confession ' (of faith) occur, and in the
discussion of this constitution in the synod of 1875, an
attempt was made to put this sentence in the plural, as
4 Evangelical confessions,' but it was registered, and the
remark was made by a deputy, ' You speak of an Evan-
gelical confession, but after all you know well that there is
no such thing in existence as the Evangelical confession.'
The union, moreover, was introduced, as I have showny,
entirely and solely by royal authority ; the King founded
it by royal mandate. The Churches were in no way con-
sulted, otherwise than by making the acceptance of the
union optional — an option, the value of which may be
estimated by the conduct of the Government towards those
who would not conform. The present Evangelical Church
is therefore a State creation, ' by order of the King.' It
may be, it is well to have religious controversies composed,
but this experiment did not compose them. Where the
all- prevailing indifference exists, there there was no strife
about doctrine to appease, but where it burns, there it is
given redoubled vehemence, for rival doctrines are preached
in the same church and pulpit, and the pastor at one
service denounces the pastor at the next, and one church
breaks into two or three congregations holding different
views.
Protestantism. 183
But the doctrines of election and free justification are
indeed no longer the matters of controversy, nobody be-
lieves in either: the wrangling takes place over what,
according to the royal minute, is the very basis of the new
Church, ' the word of Grod,' which some insist on as a rock,
and others as sand. One pastor declares all Scripture
inspired, another shows how it is a collection of the litera-
ture of a people, embodying its dramas, romances, poetry,
and historical works. One proposes belief in miracles,
another explains the cures wrought by Christ by mesmerism,
and the miracles as optical delusions. The Church reposes
on no fundamental truths, but is built like the Pfahlbauten
over a pond, from which every man may fish up what he
likes, and into which he may pitch down what he disdains.
It is a preparation for another church, which will have
abandoned even the pretence of Christianity.
In the midst of the general apathy one looks with
interest for the dawning of a new religious movement, that
shall be constructive rather than destructive. It seems to
me that German Protestantism must lead to, and find its
permanent rest in either Deism or Pantheism. Deism,
like Calvinism, is an intellectual religion, it provides the
mind with a solution to the riddle of the universe. It is
a religion grand and solemn, with its clear ethic code,
without which religion is a theory of philosophers, not a
law governing the world.
Pantheism, like Catholicism, is a heart religion. It
appeals to the sense of the beautiful. What the sacraments
are to Catholicism, that every flower and bird and butterfly
are to the Pantheist. The Catholic sees Grod on every
altar, and in every rite a ray of grace. The Pantheist is
face to face with Grod in all nature, in every mountain and
in every star. Deism commands man's adhesion through
the head, Pantheism through the heart. These two are
184 Germany, Present and Past.
the ultimate goals of all disintegrating faiths, they must
become crystalline or gaseous.
The Evangelical Church reposes, as the King proclaimed,
on nothing save the Scriptures. And it is precisely these
Scriptures which have been everywhere undermined and
blown up with dynamite.
The ' Times' ' correspondent says, ' In the present in-
tellectual atmosphere of the country, it is pretty certain
that a boy of fifteen disbelieves the texts he has been com-
pelled to learn at ten. There is a strong and growing
impression that the Christian creed has become too obso-
lete for any one to take the trouble of warring against it.
They regard some of the Eeformed clergy as enthusiasts,
others as hypocrites, and the rest as dunces ; all equally
destined to die out in a couple of generations.' l At the
Cologne Conference of the Old Catholics, a letter from an
aged Evangelical pastor was read, in which he blessed God
for the movement, and prophesied that Old Catholicism
would receive into it all Protestants who had faith and
love for Jesus Christ. His prophecy has not been ful-
filled. I doubt if a dozen Evangelicals have joined Old
Catholicism. The majority of those who believe in the
Incarnation have formed the sect of ' Old Lutherans.'
Let us now look at the most remarkable religious
movement in Protestant Germany since the Reformation —
a movement very similar to that in England instituted by
Wesley, but along somewhat different lines. This was
Pietism.
Throughout Evangelical Germany sleep had settled
over Lutheranism and Calvinism alike. The people in the
villages vegetated in their traditional religion ; the students
in the universities, the princes and the nobles disbelieved
in all.
1 Religious Thought in Germany, p. 28.
Protestantism . 185
The man in the Grospel asked for bread and was given
a stone. Lutheranism and Calvinism alike were not even
asked for spiritual food ; and if they gave stony lumps of
cold dogma to men as bread, men tossed them aside with
indifference ; they had no appetites. Christian Thomasius
(1655-1728), the first in the university of Leipzig boldly
to write the prospectus of his lectures on the black-board
in German instead of Latin — this Thomasius had the
courage to tell his contemporaries that they had exchanged
* the wooden yoke of the Papacy for the iron yoke of
Lutheranism.' Theology was a gymnastic ground, religion
a battle-field ; and only the learned went through their theo-
logical gymnastics, and furious cantroversialists mangled
each other in religion. The Papacy of the Apostolic chair
had been supplanted by the Papacy of the letter of the
Bible. Nobody read the Scriptures for edification in
Leipzig at the end of the seventeenth century, as we have
seen elsewhere ; not a Bible was to be procured in any of
its booksellers' shops.
The leaders of reaction, of revival, were Spener (1635-
1705) and Francke (1663-1727). They declared that
religion was something of the heart and not of the head, to
be cultivated by prayer not disputation, to be practised in
charity, not exercised in controversy. A warm breath of
spiritual awakening passed over the field of dry bones, and
some of them came together and stood up, like Ezekiel's
army — but not as in his vision — in a great host, but here
and there. The religious revival was practical. Francke
founded the Volksschule ; he was the first man to arouse
a consciousness in the nation that it was bound to provide
for the education of the masses. Spener was a native of
Strassburg, where he entered the pastorate in 1663. He
went to Frankfurt, where he held prayer-meetings in his
house, and afterwards in the church. This roused the
1 86 Germany, Present and Past.
anger of the Pharisaic Lutherans, and he was obliged to
justify himself in a printed letter. But as opposition
increased, he was forced to leave, and was appointed first
court- preacher in Saxony in 1686. He devoted himself
to education, to sowing the seeds of religious principle in
the tender hearts of children ; he continued his meetings
for prayer and Bible exposition at Leipzig. Some dis-
orders were the result of his innovation : he was dis-
missed his cure, and in 1691 summoned to Berlin by the
Elector.
Spener, however, was not the originator of Pietism, but
the most noted reviver of it. Pietism is, in fact, a natural
outcome of Lutheranism, it is a mystic form of religion
seeking union with God in internal rapture, spiritual
exaltation, and a realisation of justification. It is a form
to which hysterical men and women are naturally prone,,
but it is also a necessary revulsion from the dead-letterism
into which German Protestantism had lapsed. Boehm, the
mystic Silesian shoemaker, had been a representative of
the same phase of religionism, but his system had been
pantheistic. Broschbandt and Miiller had preached Piet-
ism at Rostock in 1661. Johann Horbs of Traarbach
followed in their traces, denounced external forms, and
made religion to consist of the spontaneous effusion of the
heart. Horbs was preacher at St. Nicholas, Hamburg,
Francke was a convert of Spener's. He was born at
Liibeck, and studied at Leipzig. In 1688 he came under
Spener's influence, and in 1689 began to give Pietistic
lectures at Leipzig. He was persecuted, and the orthodox
Lutheran party attempted his expulsion, but Thomasius
defended him. In 1690 he went to Erfurt to the Church
of St. Augustine. His fervent piety and unction attracted
great numbers of Catholics : he was denounced for this to-
the government as dangerous to the public peace, and
P rotes tan tism . 187
ordered to leave Erfurt within forty-eight hours. In 1692
he went to Halle, and was made there professor of
theology and pastor of Glaucha. Finding his parishioners,
sunk in barbarism and ignorance, he opened a large school
for poor children, and founded also an orphanage, and
lastly a large boarding-school for children whose parents
wished to place them under his religious instruction.
In the midst of the senseless etiquette and wasteful
extravagance of the pre-Revolution period, the Pietists,
preached simplicity of life, and moderation in expenditure.
Luxury and licentiousness — the essentials of a gentleman in
the rococo period — were by them sternly rebuked. They
had followers in the aristocratic classes as well as among
the burgers. The family of Reuss was specially devoted,
to Pietism, and it is one of the few German princely
families whose history in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and
nineteenth centuries has not been a chronique scandaleuse..
Henry II. of Reuss (1696-1722) was regarded as the most
God-fearing, upright, and Christian prince of a godless
age. A countess of Reuss-Ebersdorf in 1722 became the
wife of Zinzendorf. Moser says of the line of Reuss,,
' Perhaps no countly house in Germany has for a long
series of years produced such good, wise, excellent rulers ;„
perhaps no other house rests on such firm, well-considered,
and lasting bases of internal family-settlements ; few
houses have produced such a number of sons who have
distinguished themselves in war or political life in or out-
side Germany ; few German territories of like extent have
reared more brave and learned men, among the subjects ;
there are few which have been such Canaans of happiness
and content.'
But Pietism ran into extravagance. It forbad not only
what was evil, but also what was innocent. Laughter,
dancing, card-playing, the wearing of jewellery, poetry^
1 88 Germany, Present and Past.
theatres, even the reading of ' worldly ' newspapers fell
under condemnation. Everything in life was sinful
which was not disagreeable. It diverted itself into two
streams, the mystic and the puritan : the former guided by
the inner light of spiritual illumination, the latter nailing
its religion to verbal inspiration, precisely analogous,
not in doctrine, but in practice, to a harsh Calvinism,
which could almost denounce the Almighty as godless for
having created the rose and the peacock.
Pietism of mystic tendency culminated in Count
Nicolas Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-1760) and Herrn-
hutenism. Whilst young, in the school at Halle, he founded
the order of the ' Service of the Lord,' the duties of which
consisted in * renouncing the world, remaining members of
Christ, and converting the heathen.' In the university of
Wittenberg the ruling orthodoxy drove him further into
the arms of Pietism, so that he — as a youth of eighteen —
* invoked the Lord and Saviour to aid him in getting
through his dancing-master's and riding-master's lessons
with success, so as to be the sooner rid of these vani-
ties.'
In 1722 he offered an asylum on his estate at Bertels-
dorf in Lusatia to the Moravian Brothers, everywhere
persecuted by the orthodox. A carpenter named Christian
David was at their head, and the settlement assumed the
name of Herrnhut, or the Lord's Protection. But the
carpenter had to make way for the Count, who assumed
the headship of the society. Thence he sent apostles into
all parts of the world. The Count was not, however,
satisfied with his inner ' awakening ; ' he desired also an
external seal on his mission, and went through a theo-
logical examination before the ministry of the town of
Stralsimd. Then he had himself ordained preacher by the
theological faculty at Tubingen, and entered the pulpit
Protestantism. 1 89
dressed in black velvet, with a long black mantle, over
which he wore the riband and star of his order, The
apostleship had not yet swallowed up aristocratic pride.
After that, in 1737, he got himself named bishop ; and,
not satisfied with this title, in 1743 assumed that of
minister-plenipotentiary and steward-general of the so-
ciety of Herrnhut. He then started on his travels in
England, America, &c. His spiritual songs, which now
stand in the hymn-book of the Herrnhuters, turn on the
mystic union of the soul-bride and the heavenly bride-
groom, not always without sensuous and equivocal ex-
pressions. Accusations of immoralities practised among
these fanatics are probably groundless, though mystic
exaltation has always a tendency to lapse into disorderly
union of the sexes.
Zinzendorf 's enthusiasm was not a solitary instance.
Several princely and countly houses reckoned themselves as
pietistic, and the Pietists knew how to impose respect on
those who opposed them. In 1709 the Prince of Anhalt-
Zerbst issued an edict against them. Thereupon a preacher
who was bitten with Pietism heard a voice from heaven
ordering him to go to the Prince and testify against him.
As this did not answer, Christ himself appeared to the
preacher, curiously enough, dressed in the Eepublican
colours, red, white, and blue, and with flaming hair, bade
him again warn the Prince. The latter was so frightened
that he died seven days after.
The Counts of Promnitz were among the ' illuminated.'
Count Erdmann was very fond of protracted family prayers,
to such an extent as to interfere with the domestic ar-
rangements. His mother was very stout. ' My son,'
said the Dowager Countess, ' I love you dearly, and will
humour you in many things, but I am too fat to kneel
with you two or three hours a day.'
190 Germany, Present and Past.
Biisching, who ' had been converted to a condition of
grace ' when a boy, visited this family in 1751, and found
that the greater part of the day was devoted to reading
the Bible and pious talk. During unctuous conversation
over meals the Countess's lapdog walked about the table
and put its wet nose against the meats ; and when a speaker
was very earnest and lost in his subject, licked the gravy
out of his plate. The devout Countess also had a pair of
squirrels c who dwelt in her bosom,' but were disturbing to
pious converse, and did not savour of holiness. Grerman
female society was a ready ground for the springing up of
religious enthusiasm, or rather extravagance. The dryness
and colourlessness of Lutheran worship — which, indeed,
can hardly be called worship — was calculated to drive
women with souls amenable to religious influences to seek
expression for their feelings elsewhere. To this must be
added the ennui of chateau-life in spots not close to a
court and theatres. Marriages were then often unhappy,
for they were contracted without love, and married ladies,
waxing too old to contract liaisons, yawned for something
to disturb the monotony of their lives. Many ladies of
the upper classes were condemned to be old maids lest
the fortune of the family should be squandered. If they
had not husbands and children to love, they would love
any religious fanatic who presented himself, for woman
must love something. From this it came about that
Pietism had so many adherents in the upper classes. The
illustrious houses of Solms,Stolberg, Isenburg, Wittgenstein,
Leiningen, Eeuss, Promnitz, and Dohna, were all stung
with this tarantula. A swarm of apostles, ecstatics, sibyls,
spread over the country. In the gatherings of the ' elect,'
nothing was heard of but marvellous conversions, sea lings,
and revelations. The holy community of ' Mother Eve '
in Schwarzenau was rudely interfered with by the police.
Protestantism. 191
and discovered to hide under professions of ecstatic piety
proceedings of revolting indecency.1
The 'saints of Wildisbach,' in 1823, crucified and
killed an unfortunate young woman. Disclosures followed,
•convicting the community of gross immoralities as well.
In 1835 a Pietistic association, under the pastors Ebel
and Diestal, had its interior arrangements disturbed by the
Countess Finkenstein, who had been drawn into the society
by her religious enthusiasm, declining to become the
' mother of the Saviour ' by Ebel ; a process which was
tried on all female postulants.
The Puritanic party are violently assailed by Marlitt,
in her novels, as hypocrites and kill-joys. Hypocrites
they are not, but earnest people, who, finding that rational-
ism is invading the Church after having mastered society,
cling with despair and some acrimony to the letter of
Scripture, shut their eyes to the discoveries of modern
hermeneutics, and make their one article of belief — the
one on which salvation depends — belief in the verbal inspira-
tion of Scripture. The battle they fight is a lost one ; and,
knowing this, they fight with the self-devotion and fury
of the Punic women when Carthage was stormed by the
Komans. Doctrines — the Incarnation, miracles, the
Trinity, the resurrection, the final judgment, Heaven and
Hell, — are only prized because they are scriptural, and they
rank with the order of the Kings of Judah and the date
of Sennacherib.2 That c precious word Mesopotamia,* and
1 The depositions taken down and full particulars impossible of re-
production are given in Thomasius' Verniinftige u. Christliche Gedanken,
iii. 208-624.
2 They have a hard time of it both with sceptics and inquirers. The
story is told of a Frankfurt pastor of the orthodox school, that a citizen
button-holed him and began to discuss the truth of the Deluge with
him. ' Do you mean to tell me, you believe the whole story of the
Flood and the Ark?' he asked. 'Every word of it,' answered the
Pfarrer stoutly. 'What ! all about the clean beasts going in by sevens,
1 92 Germany, Present and Past.
the Sermon on the Mount, are all equally good because
they are all within the covers of Luther's Bible. The
children are taught, not so much to believe in God, as to
believe in the Bible, not to follow the spirit but to cling
to the letter. I have heard, and wondered over, the in-
struction of children for confirmation in the Evangelical
Church. Their memories are burdened with long passages
of Scripture and with the most exact knowledge of its
contents ; they know which animals were clean and which
were unclean, and of how many wives and concubines
the household of Solomon was composed ; they know all
about the journeys of St. Paul, and the number of Selahs
that occur in the Psalms ; but of practical doctrinal or even
moral teaching they get nothing. The Faroese have
fifteen different names for as many varieties of fog, in
which they live enveloped ten out of twelve months.
The Evangelicals profess about as many doctrines, but
they are all vaporous, undefined, undefinable. Any one
may lose his way in each of the fifteen, no one can grasp
anything in any one of them.
In Scotland children are so well instructed in the
Assembly Catechism, that Calvinism, as a dogmatic
system, throws its fibres into their inmost souls, and is
never wholly eradicated. But that is a clear intellectual
theory of Grod's dealings with the world. In after life it
may be rejected, but it can never be forgotten. Every
logical system sinks into the system and becomes part of
it, for its good or bane. It is like mercury. Take calomel
as a child, and it will be found in your liver when an old
man. Augustine imbibed Manichseism as a youth, and it
soured his breath when a Christian bishop. A dogmatic
and the unclean by twos ? ' 'I believe it all,' said the pastor. The
Burger paused — he was in the Juden-Strasse— looked round, and said,
' Eight Jews in the Ark, and only two fleas among them 1 The story
carries an impossibility on the face of it.'
Protestantism. 193
belief gives an indelible stamp to the mind like a course
of Euclid. This is why a Catholic, who has broken from
his creed during life, so generally returns to it on his
death-bed — a thing unheard of among Protestants. A
drowning man will catch at a balk, if he can, if not, at a
straw, but never at a bubble. The German Protestants
are given nothing of the kind, for the Evangelical Church
has no definite belief. The children's heads are merely
crammed full of Scripture, and no sooner do they begin
life for themselves than their faith in the sun and moon
standing still, and Baalam's ass speaking with human
voice, gives way, and with these legends goes the whole
Gospel story. If one link in the Biblical chain is broken,
the whole falls in ruin. If one inch of the dyke of verbal
inspiration gives way, in bursts the flood of unbelief, and
submerges every Christian landmark. Whether a dog-
matic creed or belief in the infallibility of a book furnish the
best grounds of religion may be doubted, but what is
certain is, that the former is the toughest, if only because
least easily proved false. A man may believe in God,
because he feels that the world is an enigma without that
key, and it is impossible to demonstrate the non-existence
of God. But if a man's faith be pinned to a document,
and that document be proved to have flaws in it, away
goes his faith. He may hold that there is a future state
as he has been instructed in youth in his creed, and no
amount of argument can disprove this article ; but if he
believes in it because it is foretold in a book, and that
book blunders about the hare chewing its cud, he is
very likely to say, a testimony which makes mistakes in
matters of daily observation to-day, is not to be trusted
when it makes promises for the future.
As long as a German peasant remains in his village,
and sees no books or newspapers, he believes in his Bible.
VOL. n. o
194 Germany, Present and Past.
He has no great love for it — it bored him as a school task
— but he believes in it, as he does in the North Pole and
the Equator. But directly he goes to a town, he finds
that there the whole of the Biblical history in Old and
New Testaments is by every one regarded as children's
tales, on a level with ' Hop-o'-my-Thumb ' and * Cin-
derella.' A little rudimentary criticism disposes of some
of the Biblical statements, and the bauer's faith is
gone. Now that every young peasant is brought into a
town for three years as a soldier, the belief of every one is
more or less undermined. The next generation will have
no Christian belief whatever.
But there is another motive cause of disintegration of
the national belief, and that is within the Church. The
great attraction exercised by the preachers at the Reforma-
tion consisted in the fact that they were destructive.
There is no pleasure greater than smashing old idols.
People crowded to church to hear each Sunday that
another of the articles in which they had formerly believed
was unscriptural and superstitious. When the excitement
of doctrine-smashing was over, the laity grew listless.
Preachers do not like haranguing empty benches, and it
was only natural that some should revert to the old plan,
and collect an audience by iconoclastic exhortations.
Consequently there are a great number of pastors in the
Evangelical Church who court popularity by preaching
rationalism. I do not for a moment hint that they are
insincere. They have read modern German Protestant
theology, and enter the ministry with a burning desire
to be reformers, to teach the people to cast the Bible to
the bats arid owls, as their forefathers cast relics and
images. They find that they can draw a congregation by
preaching against the leading dogmas of Christianity,
miracles, and the inspiration of Scripture, and this en-
Protestantism. 195
courages them to greater boldness and more advanced
rationalism.
The situation is most curious. The Church is based on
no forms of faith whatever, but only on Scripture, and it
is precisely Scripture which the pastors of that Church are
busily engaged every Sunday in exhibiting to the people
to be a tissue of fable. The architects of Lagado built
their churches from the roof-tree downwards. The
ministers of the Evangelical Church are removing the one
stone on which the whole superstructure rests, nothing
doubting that it will remain suspended in air. I shall
quote a few specimens of their proceedings.
On Trinity Sunday, 1877, the assistant preacher in
the one great church given to the Evangelicals in a South
German town, where the Protestants number nearly 3,000,
began his sermon thus : f Now-a-days, none but fools
believe in a Trinity. Let us, therefore, not waste time
over such an exploded doctrine, but consider the glories of
nature.' The same preacher on another occasion gave an
exposition of the manner in which Moses hoodwinked the
children of Israel. This was his explanation of the miracle
of the smitten rock. Moses went about alone in search of
a spring of water, and he discovered one leaking out of a
rock. He thereupon choked the orifice with clay, and
summoning the people before it, thus addressed them :
* Hear, now, ye rebels ; must we fetch you water out of
this rock ? ' Then, by a dexterous twitch of his rod he
removed the plug, and 4 the water came forth abundantly.'
Now, in this church there is a dean, or head preacher,
who is orthodox, insists on the doctrine of the Trinity, and
on the inspiration of Scripture. He holds service at 9 A.M.
and his coadjutor at 10.30 A.M. What he insists on in
his sermon, his curate denies an hour later. This is an
exemplification of what is called the 'Parallel System/
o 2
196 Germany, Present and Past.
which prevails in a great many places. The educated
Germans will not go to church where the old-fashioned
doctrines are preached, consequently two pastors are pro-
vided for a church, one orthodox, the other rationalist ;
one who baptizes with the Creed, and one without. The
Liberal Protestants now for the most part dispense with
baptism, but if they have their children baptized, they
choose that it shall be without the recitation of the
Apostles' Creed, in which they do not themselves believe,
and in which they will not undertake to have their chil-
dren brought up.
In 1859-61, in the Palatinate, the nationalist party
outnumbered the orthodox, and the hymnal and catechism
were purified of distinctive doctrines. Thus, the catechism
issued by authority in 1869 omits all mention of the
Trinity, the Grodhead of Jesus Christ, original sin, hell,
the resurrection, &c. ,
In the synod of 1877 only one-third of the whole
number of pastors was orthodox. Thirty-six of the Left
endeavoured to have the Apostles' Creed altogether ex-
punged from the service books. As an amendment it
was proposed to retain the Creed in the books, but make
the reading of it optional, and only three orthodox voted
against this. The delegates of the Pfalz, who do not sit in
the 'general synod,' drew up and sent in the following
memorial, which had passed the provincial synods : — ' 1 . We
hold that it is opposed to the free thinking of the Pro-
testant principles of our united Church that any member
of it should be bound by any creed. Thus to tie a man's
belief up is a violation of the Protestant right of free
inquiry, examination of the grounds of religion, and
internal conviction. 2. We hold, however, that there
should be consent to some basis of teaching, and that this
basis should be Holy Scripture and the allowed text-books.
P rotes tan tism . 197
3. We hold that every parish has a right to elect its
pastor.'
A writer in the c Pfalzer Zeitung ' remarks : * This is
now our condition in the Evangelical Church. A pastor
who chooses to regard the Apostles' Creed as a worn-out
relic of the ages of superstition can put it on one side.
Another, to whom the faith in the truths of revelation is
all-in-all, may indeed profess it, but have it denied next
minute by another minister in the same church. Both
sides are served. It is remarkable how far temporisation
has gone. And this is only a first step. Others will be
taken in the same direction. Our pastors and laity alike
will come to regard the verities of the Christian creed as
'Curiosities stored in the service book, as in an antiquarian
museum. It is a question now whether a baptism without
the Creed can be valid. We shall not be surprised if for
the future Catholics refuse to acknowledge it, and thus,
almost the only link between us will be broken. Here in
the Palatinate, as everywhere else in Germany, the doom
of the Protestant Church is sealed. Positive Christianity
will have no foothold in it, and must take refuge either in
the Catholic Church, or among the Old Lutherans, or
in Methodism, and the established Church in its negativism
will fall into undisguised heathenism.'
By decision of December 14, 1877, parallel forms of
Baptism and Confirmation are provided for the Church in
the Palatinate, one with the Creed, the other without.
At the same synod thirty-six voted for the abandonment of
the Augsburg Confession, i.e. two-thirds of the whole
synod, but this motion was laid aside. Now, as the
4 Pfalzer Zeitung ' says : 6 Ein jeder Pfarrer predigt und lehrt
wie ihm der Schnabel gewachsen ist.'
In Schleswig, lately, Pastor Diechmann, who is inspector
of schools, instituted a reform of religious instruction of
Germany, Present and Past.
children, by expunging from their Bible text-books ! every-
thing that savoured of the miraculous, and he boldly de-
fended his reform by saying that ' Biblical miracles are unfit
for reading in schools, because they are indefensible.' Pastor
Paulsen of Kropp thereupon charged him with being an
' adulterator of Scripture,' for which he has been drawn
before the Schleswig court of justice and fined 600 marks
or 40 days' imprisonment. Thereupon the Consistory
has impeached Diechmann for heresy. The 'Hamburg
Correspondenz ' for February 3, 1878, says, in a leading
article, ' When we look more closely into what is going on
in the established Church, the more convinced we are that
the Church is falling headlong to ruin, and that we are, so
to speak, sorrowful friends sitting round its deathbed,
watching for the last breath. Here and there the Social
Democrats have seized on the government of the churches,
to use them for their destructive polemics. In other
places, as in the town of Schleswig, formal declaration of
secession from it is made by the upper classes in consider-
able numbers — a proof of estrangement on all sides. And
lastly, and most sadly, the clergy are divided into twa
hostile camps.'
In Baden the orthodox party got the upper hand in
1857, and proceeded to reconstruct the service book, and
give it a liturgical character. It met with violent
opposition, and was used only by a few very determined
pastors. Consequently the Grand Duke, as summu&
episcopus, by order in 1858 declared the simplest for-
mulary in the book, among alternative offices, the so-called
6 minimum,' to be alone valid, and promised the speedy
abolition of the other forms. In 1867 some alteration in
a Liberal direction was made in the book. But in the
1 Children in German Protestant schools are not given the Bible to
lead and learn, but selected portions only, a much superior plan to ours..
Protestantism. 1 99
meantime the clergy had become much more pronounced
in their rationalism, and the orthodox had dwindled to a
handful. Many pastors absolutely refused to read the
Apostles' Creed. At last the discontent grew to a head,
and the Evangelical Synod undertook the reconstruction of
the book. This was approved by the Oberkirchenrath on
March 9, and received the imprimatur of the Grand Duke
on March 17, 1877. It still contains the Creed and the
Doxology, but these are put within brackets as optional,
to satisfy the consciences of those pastors who are orthodox,
but as a Pfarrer told me, ' they are probably not read in
half-a-dozen churches in the Grand Duchy.' The form is
provisional. Probably in another ten years it will be
supplanted by one from which Creed and Doxology have
been absolutely cancelled.
The Sunday morning service in this Baden book is
thus constructed : —
1. A hymn.
2. Votum. An invocation.
3. Entrance prayer.
4. Doxology (optional).
5. Collect.
6. Lesson from the Bible, to be chosen by the pastor.
7. Creed (optional).
8. Sermon.
9. Hymn (optional).
10. Chief prayer.
1 1 . Lord's Prayer.
12. Hymn.
13. Blessing. ' The Lord bless you and keep you,' &c.
By making the lesson optional, the pastor may read
only exhortatory passages from Scripture, and omit all
that is miraculous. And the form of the blessing is
unobjectionable, as there is in it no allusion to the Trinity.
2OO Germany, Present and Past.
As will be seen, there is nothing in the service like the
English forms of worship. The only part taken by the
people is in the hymns. The Communion service is
equally simple. The communicants walk round the altar,
and receive a piece of bread, standing, at one end, and a
draught of wine, standing, at the other end, two pastors
generally occupying the ends of the table, for the purpose.
There is an amount of formality and absence of religious-
ness about this service which is somewhat startling to an
English or Scottish man. At Strassburg, after communi-
cating, a party of gentlemen and ladies walked straight out
of the church, one Sunday when I was present, and
amidst shouts of laughter began to scatter bonbons among
the poor children in the St. Peter's Platz for these to
scramble for. I do not say that such levity is general ;
but the fact that the number of communicants exceeds
the average of church-goers on Sunday, shows that the
Sacrament is treated as a formal parade rather than as a
service of religious devotion.
On December 5, 1877, Professor Holsten, head of the
Protestant faculty in the university of Heidelberg, in
which are the Divinity students for the ministry of the
Evangelical Church in Baden, preached at Pforzheim. He
said that religion was subject to epochs, at intervals
revelations were made to the world as the consciences of
men were able to receive them. Mosaism was an epoch-
making religion. Moses rejected idolatry, and gave to the
Jews belief in one Grod. But his revelation was mixed up
with much rubbish, which in time obscured its leading
truth. Then came Jesus. He gathered up in his heart
all the principal truths of Mosaism, rejected the trash,
after having smelted all together in the crucible of his
conscience, and gave to the world the gold of his Grospel.
That in time became discoloured and antiquated. Then
Protestantism. 201
came Luther. On April 18, 1521, when he proclaimed at
Worms that no man might go against his conscience, he
gave a new revelation to mankind. ' Now the Protestant
conscience revolts against the idea that these revelations
are final, and declares, on the contrary, that they were
necessary stages in the emancipation of the mind.'
The c Pforzheim Beobachter ' asks whether every pastor
is to be on the alert for a new Grospel. The old is only a
makeshift. Dr. Schwalb, pastor of the Evangelical Church
in Bremen, declared, ' Whoever regards the disciple who
stole the body of Jesus as a thief, liar and deceiver, may
<lo so.1 I regard him as a noble Christian. I envy him
what he did. Had he felt himself obliged to declare
what he had done, he would have been a mean fellow.
No, thank Grod, no, that he did not do, but rejoiced over
the happy consequences of his holy fraud ! '
At a meeting of the Protestant Union, Pastor Schenkel
boldly declared, ' To-day the idea that the Bible is inspired
by the Holy Grhost, and that each man must bow before
its sentence — this idea is doomed to death by the scientific
spirit of Protestantism.' And again : ' We are emancipated
not merely from the letter, but from the interpretation of
Holy Scripture ; from all theological deductions from it we
are absolutely free. We are freed from everything dog-
matic found within its pages.' Dr. Bluntschli of Heidelberg
said: 'The modern world has read too much to allow
itself to be governed by any one book, even by the
Bible.'
The Pastor Klapp, incumbent of Adorf in Waldeck,
put himself forward as a candidate for the vacant pastorate
of the Church of St. Catherine in Osnabriick. He openly
denied Our Lord's divinity, resurrection, and the inspir-
1 The explanation given by the Liberal Protestants of the Resurrec-
tion.
2O2 Germany, Present and Past.
ation of the Scriptures, and was elected by 508 votes
against fifty-one. The Consistory at Hanover, however,
refused to appoint him.1
The case of Dr. Hosbach and the Church of St. James
at Berlin was somewhat similar ; only the majority have
been less disposed to submit to have their election over-
ridden. Hosbach was elected in 1876. In his probation-
ary sermon he frankly declared his views: he rejected
verbal inspiration and all that is miraculous in the Grospel
story. The orthodox minority, horrified at this outspoken
rationalism, left the church during the sermon. A few
weeks after, a memorial signed by 900 out of the 30,000
parishioners, was laid before the Brandenburg Consistory,,
requesting it to refuse confirmation to Dr. Hosbach. The
Consistory did so. Thereupon a vestry was summoned,
and an overwhelming majority repeated its choice of Hos-
bach, and referred the case to the decision of the Supreme
Consistory. It is only four years since another Berlin
pastor, Dr. Sydow, was arraigned before the Brandenburg
Consistory for heresy, and acquitted on the grounds that
his heresy had been promulgated in the chair of the
lecturer, not in the pulpit. Dr. Hermann, President of
the Supreme Consistory, was promoted to his place, in order
to carry out the Kulturkampf against recalcitrant pastors-
As the only pastors who were troublesome were orthodox,,
his influence has been to extend rationalism in the Evan-
gelical Church. He filled all vacancies in the Adminis-
trative Board with men of broad views. Dr. Hermann had
to hear the appeal against the Brandenburg Consistory
made by the favourers of Hosbach. His position was
more delicate than before. The Emperor was alarmed at
the advance of rationalism, at the boldness with which
fundamental doctrines were denied in the pulpits of the
1 See Klapp : Mn Hannoverisches Glaubensgericht. Hildesheim, 1875.
Protestantism. 203,
Church of which he was Sovereign Pontiff, and Hermann
could no longer follow the bent of his desires. On Feb-
ruary 1, 1878, accordingly, the appeal was rejected. Con-
sequently, Hosbach does not obtain the pulpit of St.
James ; but, on the other hand, he remains unmolested as
pastor of the Church of St. Andrew in Berlin.
A clergyman, whom I knew, was appointed by the
Grovernment, Protestant instructor to the boys in the
gymnasium. An English gentleman in the town married
to a Grerman lady sent his son to the school, and he at-
tended the divinity lectures of the Evangelical pastor..
One day, after having given the pupils an elaborate de-
scription of the way in which the world was evolved out
of nebulous matter, he turned to the English boy, and
said, ' Now, Wilson, how came the world into being ? '
The boy who — like most English lads — cared little for
learned questions, had paid no attention, and answered
simply, ' Grod made it.' ' You blockhead ! (Dummkopf!) '
exclaimed the pastor, catching him a rap on the cheekr
* how long will you and your compatriots cling to these
old wives' tales (Mdhrcheri)?9
This pastor is now appointed to a fashionable watering-
place.
The 'Leben Jesu' of Pastor Kriiger-Velthusen is writ-
ten in the spirit of the utmost rationalism. What he
writes he preaches. He is a distinguished member of the
Ehenish Evangelical clergy. He denies the Incarnation.
Jesus is the natural son of Joseph. Miracles are frauds
or delusions; the Eesurrection an imposture. Professor
Pfleiderer, of the Theological Faculty of Berlin, an educator
of the clergy of the future, has repeatedly attacked the
Creed. In the Prussian Union the Apostles' Creed is only
retained because the Emperor will not give his consent
to its abolition ; but the mass of the population, and the
2O4 Germany, Present and Past.
majority of pastors, desire its removal. Its retention
hangs on the life of the Emperor.
In the Saxon Church in 1811 an oath was imposed on
the clergy ' to teach pure evangelical doctrine as contained
in Holy Scripture, and interpreted in the Augsburg Con-
fession.' This was modified into a promise in 1862, and
in 1871 further modified, so as to admit of being taken
by pastors with the most advanced rationalistic views.
Pastor Bernet sadly writes :l ' What great advantage
have we really derived from Luther's reformation ? Does
anything remain to us of the results of his vigorous exer-
tions, beyond an empty form and a poor caricature?
Where is the living faith which he set up in the place of
an external righteousness of works ? And where is the
spirituality of worship, which, according to the mind and
will of Christ, he demanded ? One might almost imagine
that our Church got rid of the forms, in order, at the same
time, to divest itself of the spirit. In place of the spirit
were given, at first, creeds and confessions of faith, which
were originally exacted as a matter of necessity, but after-
wards became stony tablets of the law. With them and
their artificial exposition came over our Church a complete
Pharisaism, which threatened to stifle the free breath of
life. Then came Pietism, partly in various sects, which
was a burden to the Church, and neither yielded her any
assistance, nor obtained success for itself. After this began
the period of Kationalism, and many lifted up their heads,
as though their redemption drew nigh. For a time they
dreamed of a happy, simple religion, in which they were
to behold (rod with unveiled faces, and no longer under
types and images. But the new edifice not only failed to
afford the expected advantage of a better spiritual dwel-
ling for man, but soon began itself to totter and fall to the
1 Das neue Heil u. das gescTvriebene Wort. S. Gallen.
Protestantism. 205
ground. The great mass of the people took only the
negative side of Eationalism, the right of declaring them-
selves free from every belief which rests upon authority,
without being willing to undertake also the (certainly un-
natural) duty of making a religion for themselves. The
new idols stood again, like the old, as empty shadows on
the wall, and the people went a-whoring, as before, after
their material gods. Religiousness perceptibly declined,
the temples emptied, the prayers and hymns were felt to
be insipid, the sermons trivial, the vigorous doctrine of
the Reformers gave way to a string of timid apologies^
Verily, religion was given us by God, and there came at
one time a rational belief, and at another unbelieving
reason ; and our Reformers have touched and retouched the
painting, until its true form has altogether disappeared,
and it must be recreated by the spirit of Grod.'
Candidates for the ministry are failing.1 In January
last, for the whole Protestant Church in the Bavarian
Palatinate, and in Baden, i.e. for 865,000 Protestants,
there were only nineteen candidates at Heidelberg, in the
previous summer but thirteen. For Baden alone, with
491,000 Protestants, there were in 1876 only six candi-
dates for orders. In that year three pastors died, five re-
tired from the ministry, four were superannuated ; conse-
quently there were twelve vacancies.
If elsewhere matters are not so bad, it is due, in great
measure, to the fact that times are bad, and it is difficult
for young men to get work in other professions. Pastor
1 ' In consequence of the deficiency of candidates which has come-
about in seme parts sooner, in others later, but especially in the last
ten years, in ever increasing measure, many parishes are left without
pastors.'— Graue : Der Mangel an Theologen. Berlin, 1876. Within a
walk — an easy walk of my house, last winter, were two parishes devoid
of incumbents, and I heard of many more, — going a-begging. But there-
were no applicants.
206 Germany -, Present and Past.
Zittel, Dean of Karlsruhe, noting the declension of attend-
ance at church, asks whether an improvement of the
services would attract congregations. But, he answers,
anything liturgical would be clean contrary to the prin-
ciples of Evangelicalism, and such an idea must be given
up. Thinking that doctrinal hymns and those of the
Litany description give offence and keep people from
church — hymns such as Grant's ' Saviour, when in dust
to Thee,' &c. — he proposes their omission ; that the prayers
should be abandoned, the creed abolished, and the sermon
converted into a lecture. The Dean's only notion of re-
covering an audience is to go altogether with the rational-
istic stream.1 But, will the interest of an audience continue
after all the books in the Bible and articles in the Creed
have been demolished ?
If the Evangelical Church were a moral power, we
might forgive it for being without a belief ; but this it is
not. It exercises little if any moral influence over con-
sciences, which are moulded by social custom and law, and
not by ethical instruction given by the Church.
The union was a centralising measure. The object
was to make the Church, like the post-office, telegraphs,
and army, a department of the State, ruled by a special
Minister of Public Worship as vicar-general under the
Sovereign. This is so obvious, that the Social Democrats,
to spite the Government, are agitating to leave the estab-
lished Church in a mass. For proposing this measure,
some of their speakers have been prosecuted as guilty of
treason. On February 1, 1878, a large gathering of
women was assembled in the Kenz Hall in Berlin, for the
purpose of registering their secession from the Evangelical
Church. The account of this meeting I extract from a
German paper of February 3 : —
1 Zittel : DGT ProtestcmtiscTie Gottesdienst. Berlin, 1875,
Protestantism. 207
6 The hall was crammed long before the time announced
—half-past eight. On the platform were Most and the
Missionsdirektor Wangemann. Women of all ages were
there, some in white nightcaps, and many fresh-cheeked
young girls. The chair was taken by Frau Prasidentin
Hahn. She introduced Most, who began : " Gentlemen ! " (a
burst of shrill voices — " Ladies ! ladies ! ") — " I beg your
pardon, ladies ! I have so often had to address men, that for
a moment I forgot that I was not called to speak before my
usual audience." He then proceeded to say that the at-
tendance of so many women showed the interest they took
in the matter, and that they were not content to remain
in the great political and religious movements of the day,
as non-effectives (lit. as a fifth wheel). He was inter-
rupted by cries of " Water ! water ! " for a lady of the
audience had fainted, and the carrying of her out caused
some commotion. Woman, he continued, when silence
was re-established, has been enslaved for ages and consigned
to the background. Even the Bible says that man was
made the colossus of the earth, and woman was an after-
thought fashioned out of a rib (cries of " shame ! shame ! ").
Women and girls in the social crush are squeezed as lemons.
Men elbow their way to the front, but women are trodden
into the dirt of the street. What are the wages the work-
ing-man gets ? Are they enough to support him, and keep
him from beggary in his old age ? (Tremendous applause.)
And how then does it fare with women ? Can they lay by
for a rainy day? Now German men have organised a
society for the reduction of the misery of mankind, for
expelling the idlers and hucksters out of the Temple, and
for enthroning freedom and fraternity in the earth. This
society is Social Democracy. Let not women be frightened
by the scaring name, but rather goad their husbands into
Social Democracy. Herr Most went on to explain the
208 Germany, Present and Past.
alphabet of Social Democracy, with a running accompani-
ment of attacks on capitalists, speculators, the Fortschritt
party, the Liberals, the Catholic Union, and the Christian
Socialists. The people, he said, must not let themselves
be fed on adulterated milk, and that was what the Christian
Socialists were offering them.1 He and his party had
hitherto let the pastors alone, and it was false to assert
that he was invariably scoffing at Christianity. But when
pastors entered into political meetings and tried to throw
dust in the eyes of the people, and form a party to break
up the united phalanx of Social Democracy, then it was
time for them to be up and attack the pastors, and rend
them to pieces, as they attempted to rend Social Democracy.
(Enthusiastic applause.} It was now Pull Tiger pull Duff t
As the pastors had sought to withdraw the people from
Social Democracy, he demanded that the people as a body
should secede from the established Church. To this he
invited the women. He called on them openly to proclaim
their separation from a Church in which they had ceased
to believe (applause), and to declare : We will have our
heaven upon earth, for that which is future we believe not
in. Our gospel is Social Democracy, and Social Democracy
is our creed. Here on earth will we enjoy ourselves.
Let the idle bellies no longer devour what the active
hands have earned. Here we will revel and not rot.
(Tremendous and prolonged cheers, then commotion
caused by the fainting of several girls.)
6 Frau Schultze then rose and asked that the speeches
might be intermitted to allow of the audience refreshing
themselves with beer. This was rejected by a majority in
a show of hands, and the proceedings continued. Beer
was passed over the heads of the audience to those who
1 A semi- Socialist society founded by some Berlin pastors, well in-
tentioned, but not successful.
Protestantism. 209
demanded it, whilst the speeches went on, till an alterca-
tion arose from some who had taken the beer declining to
pay for it, when the proprietor of the buffet refused to
pass any more in this manner.
' Frau Hahn l continued the proceedings. " Ladies ! "
she said, " I will tell you how it is that I am here in this
assembly. I am the mother of five children. It is a long
time since I shook myself clear of the Church. Why so ?
Because I was sick of my belief ; what I am I have made
myself!" (Bravo!) "I hold to the foundation, Do right
and fear no man. I want no Bible, and no pastor, and no
law ! " (Applause.) "I am not a wife only, but also an aunt.
My husband has two sisters, who live in a miserable den.
One is advanced in life, and has two unbaptized children.
The other is unmarried and sickly ; she suffers from bad
legs. As aunt, I went there and declared that I would
help them to the best of my ability so long as the children
remained unbaptized, but that if they were given this
Sacrament, I would shake off my interest in them, and
leave them to shift for themselves!" (Bravo!) "The other
day I entered this den, and found there two men, one
with his hair cropped, the other with his long. Halloo !
said I, what do these fanatics (Mucker) want here ?"
(Laughter.) "And when they said something about baptism
and the Church, I made bold to tell them a bit of my
mind, and bade them pack out of the house, for it was a
disgrace for them to be in it ; and I threatened if they
did not depart at once, to charge them before the police
with having come there for improper purposes!" (Thun-
ders of applause.) "Ladies, let us pluck up courage.
What are we ? We are the money-hoarders at home.
We know what social questions mean. Let us buckle to
it and drive our husbands into Social Democracy. We
1 Hahn, I may observe, is generally a Jewish name.
YOL. II. P
2io Germany, Present and Past.
need no church, we need no pastors, we — " (here followed
a sentence so gross that the Grerman papers did not report
it). (Applause.) "If you want a belief, invent one for
yourselves. If you want to pray, go into your closet. If
you must have a pastor, ordain your own ! " (Stormy ap-
plause and protracted laughter. )
' Frau Schlamsky then rose and said : " The other day a
pastor came to me and spoke of my children and church-
going. I said to him, we have no time for that sort of
thing, and as for Christian charity, not a crust have I had
from my pastor!" (Loud approval.)
' Fraulein Hofer next attempted the narration of her
grievances, but began sobbing, and could not continue.
This caused much merriment, which only increased the
young woman's distress. Whereupon the presidentess
called order, and requested the audience to show more
sympathy with a suffering damsel who was labouring
under a broken heart.
* Frau Lehmann l then told of a pastor who had given
a Bible and an old shirt to a starving woman. And so the
meeting went on.
' Director Wangemann made an oratorical panegyric on
womankind in general. Herr Most again insisted on all
right-minded women seceding from the Evangelical Church.
Frau Naun seconded this proposal, and announced, amidst
loud applause, that thenceforth she had done with parsons.
' It was long after midnight when the meeting broke
up. From the hall all down the Naunyn-Strasse was a
long tail of men shivering in the cold, waiting for their
respective wives, daughters, and sweethearts.'
1 Another Jewish name.
The Labour Question. 2 1 1
CHAPTER XV.
THE LABOUR QUESTION.
Was bringt Ihr neues, Jery ? —
Das Alte, Bately.
GOETHE : Jery u. Bately.
PERSONS with fixed incomes have, during the last ten or
fifteen years, found a growing difficulty in making both
ends meet. The price of everything has increased.
Labour is dearer, coals at one time double in price, and
up with coals goes the price of iron. It costs a third
more to build a house than it did five years ago. It is
always pleasant to have a whipping-boy. Those pinched in
means, and those capitalists who cannot turn over their
money and make it grow by geometric progression, must
lay blame somewhere, and trades-unions are the common
object of abuse and denunciation.
' The workmen,' says Adam Smith, ' desire to get as
much, the masters to give as little, as possible. The former
are disposed to combine in order to raise, the latter in
order to lower, the wages of labour.' What is sauce for
the goose, is sauce also for the gander. If it be lawful for
employers to unite to keep the price of labour down, it is
lawful also for the employed to unite to enforce what they
consider a proper recognition of the value of their labour.
In Edward III.'s reign the Statute of Labourers was
passed, which limited wages at a time when a diminution
p 2
212 Germany, Present and Past.
of the working-classes by a pestilence made labour more
valuable. ' Such laws,' says Mr. Mill, with noble indig-
nation, 'exhibit the infernal spirit of the slave-master,
when to retain the working-classes in avowed slavery has ,
ceased to be practicable.' So late as 1725 the Manchester
Justices in quarter-sessions drew up a tariff of wages, and
ordained that workmen conspiring to obtain more should
for the third offence stand in the pillory and lose an ear.
If there be but one mercer's shop in a country town,
he may put his own price on his ribands, but if there be
two or three, competition will bring the prices down. If
there be but one gardener in a town, all the old ladies
who want their flower-beds put to rights will compete
with one another to get him, and he may command
almost any wage. But if there be twenty, and only a
dozen gardens to be trimmed, the competition for work is
on the side of the men, and the old ladies hire the
cheapest. If competition be too brisk, the mercers will
sell below cost, and the gardeners work for what will not
support their families : one will fail, the other starve.
Before this takes place, in their mutual interests the
mercers agree among themselves to take a moderate
profit, and the gardeners to ask a reasonable wage, and
not to undersell one another. What is fair and just for the
tradesman, is fair and just for the labourer.
When the population is very numerous, there is a ten-
dency, in the order of nature, for labour to become very
cheap. It may become so cheap that men cannot support
families on what they earn. They must therefore uniter
and fix the price of their labour. They are perfectly jus-
tified in so doing. Trades-unions are a social necessity.
They may have acted injuriously to the men's interests,
and to the general prosperity of trade in the country, in
some cases, but that was because they were experiments
The Labour Question. 213
in England, and young institutions must make blunders
before they go right. A child strums discords before it
strikes harmonies ; stumbles and gets blows before it
walks upright. What is regrettable in the matter of
trades-unions is, not that they exist, but that they did
not exist earlier ; that we should be living in the age of
their discords and tumbles, and not of their harmonies
and uprightness.
The labour question is a very much more delicate one,
and subject to more changing influences than it was a
quarter of a century ago. In 1861, Professor Beesly
recommended workmen to keep up the price of labour by
keeping down the number of their children. He wrote :
•* Although plenty of men are to be found in every rank of
life, who recklessly produce families which they have no
means of supporting, there are only two classes of whom it
may be said, that such shameless selfishness is the rule
rather than the exception — the agricultural paupers, and
the clergy of the Established Church. Both these classes
abdicate all responsibility, and are content to leave the
prospects of their offspring to chance or charity. Among
the skilled mechanics earning comfortable wages, there is,
"we believe, something more of prudence and self-respect ;
but it is hardly to be expected that improvement in this
respect will become general, so long as public opinion looks
leniently upon conduct as degrading as it is anti-social.
At present, if an artisan limits his family within reason-
able bounds, it is for reasons that concern only himself
and those dependent on him. He objects to diminish his
comforts, he thinks it his duty to give his children a fair
start in life ; he desires to exempt his wife from the
miserable drudgery which a large and constantly in-
creasing family entails. All these motives deserve the
highest respect ; but regard for the interests of his class
214 Germany, Present and Past.
would be a still nobler principle of action.' So infanticide,
or what is as bad, is to help to keep up the wages of the
working-classes! The advice is as unnatural as it is
immoral, and what is more, it will not answer its purpose*
The price of labour is not now regulated by the number of
candidates for work among the English artisans. Railways
and steamboats have widened the circle whence the pro-
duce of labour is drawn. The gaps artificially made in
our population, acting on Professor Beesly's advice, are
filled with Grermans and Italians.
It is a question which must be solved in the next ten or
fifteen years, whether, in the presence of modern facilities
of traffic and inter-communication, the present organisation
of trades-unions can be made available. An international
union may succeed, but then it may be doubted whether all
the teeming thousands of thousands asking for work in the
wide world can be compelled to enter it. Already in
London, and Manchester, and Liverpool, Grermans have
dethroned English clerks from their stools, because they
are content with lower wages. The iron for the new Law
Courts came from Belgium. Half a century ago all
Normandy was supplied with cotton and woollen goods
from Manchester and Leeds. Now the fair landscape
about Rouen and Elbceuf bristles with chimneys, and the
water reeks with dye. A few years ago our cloths and
serges found their way over South Grermany. Now
the valleys of the Bavarian and Austrian Alps, and of
Switzerland, are crowded with mills. All spring, autumn,
and summer, water-power from the mountains is available
at no cost. Labour is cheap, for a stream of operatives
pours over the Brenner and up the Finstermunz from
overteeming Italy, asking work at any price. Consequently
manufacturers there can undersell English goods, and
have banished them from the market.
The Labour Qitestion. 215
France has artificially kept down its natural growth
of children. The men of Vorarlberg, Montafun, the
Bregenzer Wald, &c., pour over France when the frosts
yield, and do mason's work. But for that influx, the price
of labour in the building-trade would be enormous — so
enormous that there would be no building done.1 An
intimate friend had a fixed sum of money to lay out in
adding a drawing-room and staircase to his house. It
could not be done handsomely, and in keeping with the
rest of the house, in England, for the sum he had at his
disposal. He had a carved oak staircase, plaster ceiling,
parqueterie floor, carved and panelled walls and chimney-
piece, and sculptured stonework completed in Germany,
and sent him to England. And the whole came to less
than the sum he had estimated, just half the sum it would
have cost in England.
Window and door frames come ready made in thousands
from Norway. An English joiner will charge — say thirty
shillings for a window-frame. A Norwegian frame costs
twenty shillings. Consequently the Norwegian carpenter
gets the job, and not the English tradesman. The
Carpenters' Union is worsted by free trade, by foreign
competition.
But I am not writing an article on the principles of
trades-unions, but on the labour question as it stands in
Grermany. There aLo trades-unions exist, and capitalists
have had difficulties with them, but not to the same
extent as in England. They are not there modern
creations, but legitimate children of mediaeval organisa-
tions. The labour question is not one of to-day only, it
is not, as is supposed, an introduction of the modern
system of manufacture, the result of wholesale production.
1 A stonecutter or mason in France in 1878 got five francs a day
and his keep.
2i6 Germany \ Present and Past.
It existed before factory manufacture, when wholesale
business was unknown, when each artisan worked in his
house assisted by a few apprentices. It came to the
surface again and again during the Middle Ages, with
more or less dangerous symptoms, attended with more or
less violence ; for, in fact, it became a necessity from the
moment that slavery ceased, and free labour entered the
field, and that is more than a thousand years ago. It is
a question intimately linked with the rise and fall of the
prices of food, and the growth of requirements of life, as
cause and effect. It is a question starting into the fore-
ground the moment the artisan is allowed participation in
the good things of life, and does not depend, as in slavery,
on the will of his lord, and receive from him everything
as an unmerited gift. As soon as the workman is free,
he becomes a contracting party in an engagement, and his
consent must be won before he will undertake a work.
His time is his own, his hands are his own, his skill is
his own, and he may fix upon them what price he chooses.
The three great questions of contention between
master and man have been : 1. The right of the former to
import foreign labour, and so keep down the price of
native labour. 2. The number of hours which the artisan
is to work. And 3. The wage he is to receive for his labour.
The first matter of dispute rarely came to the front in
Grermany ; it was not a burning question, as in England
and America. In Grermany, it was customary for the
Gesell, the ancestor of the workman of to-day, to travel
all over the country, even over Europe, working wherever
he could, and picking up everywhere experience.
It was different in England. Our apprentices did not
leave the island ; and maintained a jealous suspicion of
foreigners. In 1517, on the eve of May day, the 'pren-
tices of London rose in riot against the foreigners who had
The Labour Question. 217
settled in the City, and were carrying away, as they
thought, the profits from English industry. On May day
eve the Alderman of the ward arrested an apprentice who
with others was playing at bucklers in Cheapside, as a
whisper had gone through London that on May day all
foreigners were to be massacred. This was the signal for
an outbreak. 'Clubs ! clubs ! ' was the cry. In an instant a
mob of some 700 persons was in arms in Cheapside ; and
soon after, a body of 300 more turned the corner from
St. Paul's Churchyard. The prisoner was rescued, Newgate
was forced, and all who had been imprisoned for violence
to foreigners released. The riot grew worse and worse ;
-expresses were sent to the King : Sir Thomas More himself
rode forth to try and pacify the mob ; Cardinal Wolsey was
in conference with the City authorities ; the Lieutenant of
the Tower was shooting off certain pieces of ordnance
against the City, but doing no great hurt. Towards three
o'clock of the morning the young rioters' strength began
to fail, and many were taken prisoners. The King
was furious. No half measures would satisfy him. Two
hundred and seventy eight prisoners, some lads of thirteen
•or fourteen years old, were brought through the streets^
tied with ropes, to trial ; thirteen were adjudged to be
hanged, drawn, and quartered ; and for the execution of
this sentence ten pairs of gallows were set up above the
City. The 7th of May was to witness this prompt ad-
ministration of the law ; and one had already forfeited his
life, when a reprieve from the King arrived.
In 1586 again, a conspiracy was formed by the appren-
tices of London for a general massacre of the foreigners,
but a timely discovery of the plot handed over some of
the ringleaders to the safe custody of Newgate, and saved
the body at large from the disgrace of such an outrage.
The number of foreigners at this time in London was con-
2 1 8 Germany, Present and Past.
siderable. For when the numbers were taken in 1593r
they were found to amount to 5,259.
Chinese labour has begun seriously to tell on the price
of native labour in America. We might import any
number of Italians for any sort of work, and the Tyrolean
valleys would supply us with any number of masons.
As regards length of time for which the artisan worked,
this was a matter touching him too closely not to be
subject of dispute, when it was not settled by traditional
usage. An unwritten law generally existed fixing the
time when work began and when it broke off. The church
bell sounded for both. To this day, in districts where the
railway has not introduced new ideas, the bauer dares not
plough and hoe his own plot of land before or after the
customary hour. He injures no one by rising early and
working late, but he breaks immemorial custom, and that
is sacred, made sacred as a treaty of peace contracted
between master and man, bauer and landlord, before the
soil fell to him. Only twice in the year came a variation r
in spring and in autumn. Then arose the question of
work by candlelight. Should the apprentice go on working
by lamplight, when the daylight failed, till the church
bell sounded his release, or did the cessation of daylight
emancipate him ? That was a question hotly controverted.
This question was, however, settled at last by com-
promise between employer and employed. Before the
autumn equinox the apprentice was not obliged to work
by artificial light. If the clouds obscured the sun, or the
mist was so dense that he could not see, then he was not
forced to .continue his work, however many lamps and
candles were lighted in the shop. But it was different
after the autumn equinox : then the church bell, and not
daylight, released him.
To establish the compact as a custom, several usages
The Labour Question. 219
were introduced. On the eve of the autumn equinox, the
' Lichtganz,' a roast-goose, was served for supper, and as
soon as the goose had been partaken of, the duty of work
by candlelight began. In spring, the close of work by
candlelight was marked by other customs. At Niirnberg,
on the eve of the vernal equinox, an iron candelabrum con-
taining twelve candles was carried in procession by the
'prentices to the Pegnitz and there extinguished. From
that moment the workman was not bound to his task
after dusk. Such customs served to stamp the arrange-
ment as a rule which was not to be broken, and long after
the quaint ceremonies were abandoned, the rule was rigidly
held. But the strife about the duration of labour was not
laid at rest altogether ; it altered its face, and became one>
not of hours, but of days. It had been settled during
how many hours of the day the artisan was to work, but
not on how many days in the week. He asked a day's
holiday, Monday ; he sought to shorten his period of work
from six days to five, and in this form the contest con-
tinued to be waged till the present century, when it has
reverted to the number of hours. I shall return to the
' Gruten Montag ' presently.
Other means were adopted for reconciling the con-
flicting interests of master and man. The former paid
the same sum whether the man worked eight or nine
hours a day, five or six days a week, and whether he
worked with a will or idled. Piecework was therefore
introduced. The master paid only for work done. Under
the old system the idling of the man was a loss to the
master, by piecework it was a loss to the idler. This
very simple arrangement allowed of a diligent man earning
more than a lazy one. It encouraged application and
technical skill. Many trades reserved to themselves the
privilege of paying by piecework. Others left it to
22O Germany, Present and Past.
agreement between masters and men, which mode of pay-
ment was to be adopted. Uniformity existed as little, nay
less, than in our own day, for piece payment was an im-
possibility in many branches of trade.
It is, therefore, the more remarkable, that trades
which had hitherto preferred piecework, and in which it
alone was customary, suddenly altered their practice,
forbade it, and ordered the men to be paid by the hour or
week. Trades which in the fourteenth century had re-
quired all masters to give out their work by piece, in the
following century forbade it peremptorily ; and the reason
for this was, that it was found detrimental to the quality
of the work. The artisans scamped their work; they
sought to gain more wage by quantity produced than by
excellence of quality. The important trade of fustian-
weavers in Ulm had piecework till the beginning of the
fifteenth century, then it was forbidden, because the
merchants complained of the deterioration in the fustian,
and threatened to withdraw their custom from Ulm.
Curiously enough, piecework was complained of and re-
fused by many labourers on the same grounds. They de-
clared that it was injurious to the quality of the work, and
gave advantages to the unscrupulous workman. As the
quality declined, the price of the goods went down, and thus
the honest artisan suffered for the dishonesty of the other.
In the fifteenth century, the tailors of Basel refused to
continue piecework, because they said that system acted
injuriously on the trade, — the bad artisan who ran his work
together, and sent it out looking well, but falling to
pieces on first wear, was better paid than the patient
and conscientious man who fastened off all his threads,
and locked his stitches. The tailors of Basel demanded
that all should be paid a day's wage alike, whether they
were experienced hands or new beginners.
The Labour Question. 22 r
Piecework, which at first sight seems such a ready
solution to the difficulty, so just and natural, on experience
has proved to be defective. It does not unite sufficiently
the interests of the employer and employed for the pro-
duction of good work. A closer union of interests has
been sought of late in the system of tantieme partnership
or co-operation. Piecework and timework alike have their
disadvantages. In timework, the master pays for the
idleness of his men; in piecework, the work itself dete-
riorates, and the good artisan suffers for the scamping
of the idler. Co-operative undertakings are free from
these evils : the net gain which went into the employer's
pocket is divided among the operatives. As the prices
rise, so does the wage; one regulates the other. This>
the ideal condition, is not so modern a system as is sup-
posed. It was very general, though not quite in the
modern form, from the fourteenth to the seventeenth
century. The receipts of the week were thrown into a
box, and this was unlocked on Sunday, and the contents
divided according to a prearranged contract. The work-
man got the third, fourth, or fifth penny. Artisans en-
gaging on this system were called ' Theilknechte,' or
6 Biichsengesellen.' This sort of wage ceased at the end
of the seventeenth century. In more recent times it has
been again attempted, but under a modern form, by
Schulze-Delitzsch. The modern ' Grenossenschaften ' are
associations of artisans or small manufacturers, with the
object of uniting their active ability and small capitals
against the overwhelming power of the large employers.
The old guilds of the German towns were able to enforce
their decrees on all the members of the craft, and no
craftsman could exist outside the guild. The modern
* Grenossenschaften' are free associations of artisans. They
were first started in Grermany in 1860, and since that
222 Germany, Present and Past.
date have grown and spread. The experiments have not,
however, lasted sufficiently long, or been sufficiently
numerous, for a judgment to be formed upon them.
Theoretically no system can be fairer, or more calculated
to promote activity, interest in their work, and content-
ment among the associates, but, as in the case of piecework,
there may be a disturbing element in the calculation on
which we have not reckoned, and which will only come to
light when the experiment has been given a trial of at
least a quarter of a century.
It is certain that the mediaeval attempts at co-operation
failed ; and it is impossible not to conclude that in some
manner not very clear to us, they missed their aim, and
proved as open to objection as piecework. This was so,
moreover, under circumstances far more favourable to
success than the present.
In olden times there were no large manufactories with
many hundred workmen in them, but a host of little masters,
each of whom took a fixed number of apprentices. A few
years ago it was much the same in the Yorkshire dales
-of the Western Hills. The rattle of the loom sounded from
every house. Each householder had a few workmen under
him. The large manufacturers built their factories, used
steam, and beat the little weavers out of the field ; those
who had been masters were forced to become operatives in
the great mill. In the Middle Ages, the ' Gresellen '
were the workmen under the master, but they were not
workmen doomed to be under subjection all their lives.
After a few years they obtained the freedom of the city,
and became masters themselves. Every master was
therefore bound to train his apprentice to become even-
tually independent. For this purpose he was legally
required to give him an insight into every particular of
the business. The apprentice acquired from his master not
The Labour Question. 223
only technical skill and dexterity in the manufacture, but
.also the requisite knowledge of all that pertained to the
business commercially. He was taught the cost of the
raw material, to calculate the expense of working it up,
and to reckon the net profits. He was sent to purchase
the raw stuff, and attended his master at the marts at
which the material was sold, after having gone through
Iris hands. If the master failed to give his pupil this
knowledge, to let him into all the mysteries of the trade,
lie was punished by his guild. Consequently, the ap-
prentice knew exactly the economy of the business, he
knew what wage it would afford, and whether the profits
would allow of it being raised, or necessitated its being
lowered. In those trades where such an insight could not
be granted, which depended on the skill of the individual,
and was less mechanical, in painting, or goldsmith's work,
for instance, the system of tantieme never prevailed.
Under such circumstances as described, no difficulties
about wage were likely to arise. There could be no con-
flict of opinion between master and men. All knew what
the net profits were, and what was the share due to the
employer, and what fell to the employed. The only
question which might be disputed, was whether the
mechanic should have the third, the fourth, or the fifth
penny ; but this was usually determined by the cost of the
raw material and of production. This system answered
well enough under old simple commercial conditions ; but
when everything bought ceased to be paid for in ready
money, and bills, and promissory notes, and outstanding
accounts with accumulating interest upon them entered
into the ledger, when perhaps for some weeks the box was
without money to be divided, then the tantieme ceased
to be practised. It was impossible to carry it out. Manu-
factures were carried on on a larger scale, and it was not
224 Germany^ Present and Past.
practicable to submit the accounts to the operatives.
Modem commerce made the ledger a riddle except to-
those who had been educated to interpret it. In extensive-
manufactures, with wide commercial ramifications and
minute subdivision of labour, a vast number of those
employed know, and can know, only their own special
branch of the industry, and have neither the knowledge
nor the capacity for judging of the cost and risk of a
speculation. They cannot keep their hands at work on
the spinning-jennies and at the same time on the pulse
of trade. The disposal of the gross receipt, how much
of it is to go to the mechanic, and how much into his
own pocket, must be left to the employer.
The workmen have little knowledge of the meaning of
capital, of the cost, and especially the risks, of trade. They
underrate all these, mistrust the employer, and will not be-
persuaded that they receive a fair proportion of the profits.
Under the Mediaeval system of retail manufacture, co-
operation was simple enough, but with the modern system
of wholesale manufacture its success is problematical.
The condition is less favourable, and it may well be doubted
whether co-operative production of manufactured goods is
practicable. Success in business is like success in war, it
depends on instantaneous perception of what is needed, and
on rapid execution. In it, as Hamlet says, ' the readiness
is all!' A great business can no more be carried on
successfully by a parliament of all employed in it, than
can a campaign by conducting it in accordance with the
opinions and votes of the soldiers engaged. One must
take the risks and reap the ruin or the glory.
As soon as the trades in the German towns had begun
to associate themselves in guilds — and this took place in
the twelfth century — they formed corporations of really
wonderful organisation. The members were bound to-
The Laboiir Question. 225
gether with a firmness such as probably no other body,
not even the Church, exhibited. Whoever would support
himself from his trade must enter the association of his
trade, and submit without appeal to all its laws. As there
was no salvation out of the Church, there was no working
at a trade out of a guild. The only escape was to take
refuge on the lands of a noble. He had the privilege to
harbour artisans who would not belong to their trade-
union. In each union, every member who belonged to it,
belonged with his wife, sons and daughters, servants, maids
and apprentices. All were received into the union and
all were forced to obey its laws. Whatever concerned a
member, touched the body, affected the whole trade ; joy
or sorrow, a birth of a child, a marriage, a death, whether
of master, servant or child, was a common matter of re-
joicing or lamentation to the entire guild. Whoever
transgressed a law of his union paid the penalty in money,
and was excluded for a shorter or longer time from the
trade ; and during excommunication dared not work at it.
This power of the trade was not exercised merely about
trade concerns, but the whole life of the member was
placed under supervision. Offences against morals were
punished by it, just as were infringements of trade
regulations. Indeed, the guilds were armed with power
of fining, and confiscation, and imprisonment to an un-
limited extent ; only power over life, and of mutilation,
was reserved to the Sovereign. This bond and discipline
were common to all trades alike, even — though more
rarely — to those specially filled with women, as the guilds
of midwives and of sempstresses. The determination
of rules and privileges fell to the masters alone, who met
in their guild-halls, and legislated for their respective
trades as republican despots.
But this account does not complete the idea of the
VOL. II. Q
226 Germany, Present and Past.
power of these unions. The tradesmen in one town were
not isolated, they were in intercommunication with the
trades-unions in other towns.
At certain times, on the so-called ' Handwerkstage,'
the masters of the confederated cities assembled, or appeared
by deputies in a certain town, and in parliament deter-
mined the laws which should have force in their guild in
all the confederated towns. The trades were united in
districts. Thus the guilds of all the towns of Swabia
were united, so were those on the Upper, Middle, and
Lower Khine, in Lower Saxony, Silesia, &c. In 1457 and
1484 the tailors of the Upper Khine and Frankfurt held
a diet at Speier, in which delegates from the tailor guilds
in twenty towns appeared. In the sixteenth century the
bakers of Hildesheim, Brunswick, Alsfeld, Bokum, and
other towns held a diet at Hildesheim, and, as an old
chronicler says, c ate up on that occasion all the calves in
the place.'
The larger trades extended their union throughout
Germany. At their diets, laws were passed which were
to be in force for a fixed period, eight or ten years.
These laws regulated everything concerning the trade, es-
pecially the manner in which the wage was to be paid, the
proportion in which it should stand to the net receipt, and
the treatment of the artisans and apprentices. All this
was comprised in the word ' Gresellenrecht.' In the
Middle Ages there were various 'rights:' the right by
which nobles were judged; the ' Landesrecht,' which ruled
the condition of the yeoman and peasant; the ' Biirgerrecht,'
by which the citizens were governed ; and the ' G-esellen-
recht,' which was the code of the trades. A master who
did not submit to this right, who, for instance, made his
own private arrangement g with his workmen, different
from those sanctioned by the trade-union, was fined. If
The Labour Question. 227
he repeated the offence, he was dismissed the guild. A
workman who would not accept the terms agreed to was
obliged to leave his master, and no other master in the
district dare give him work, at the risk of being himself
expelled the union. The artisan was, however, protected
in his rights equally with the master. No employer dared
to deduct any portion from the wage allotted to his man.
It will be seen that the determination of the wage lay
exclusively and altogether with the masters ; or, to use a
modern expression, capital was then far more able to
oppress labour than at present. Whether the masters
abused their power or not, and did in fact oppress the
labourer, we do not know. Chronicles are silent thereon.
This condition of affairs did not, however, last very long ;
for, already in the fourteenth century, the union of masters
in every trade found itself face to face with an union of
men, who sought to escape this subjection, and the rela-
tions became rapidly inverted.
The unions of men were founded originally with the
knowledge and consent of the masters, and had, at first,
a pious object ; the members assisted one another in sick-
ness, and attended one another to the grave. The union
gave weekly support to the crippled artisan, and supported
his widow and children. Membership became compul-
sory. The masters highly approved these associations, for
they kept the members under moral supervision.
Before very long these unions became as powerful as
those of the trade, and, like the latter, exercised despotic
control over the members. They met and voted the
customs of the trade — the ' Gresellengewohnheiten.' Who-
ever transgressed the custom was punished by a fine or
by exclusion. An excluded artisan was forced to leave
the trade : no other artisan would associate with him, even
speak to him, till he had expiated his offence. The
Q 2
228 Germany, Present and Past.
master was obliged to dismiss him, as his other hands
refused to work so long as he was given employment.
These associations did not confine themselves to the
establishment of fi customs of the trade ; ' they extended
their authority to matters which affected, not men only,
but masters as well. In passing rules on the time of work,
and on the mode of payment, they came into conflict with
the whole ' Gesellenrecht.' Hitherto the masters alone
had adjudicated on these matters. Now that the men
had discovered their power, they wanted to become the
sole adjudicators.
Already in the fourteenth century the c Meisterschaft '
and the ' Gresellenschaft ' stood threateningly opposite each
other ; both elaborately organised ; both able to enforce
absolute control over their members ; both struggling for
the power to determine the duration of the time of work,
and the manner of payment. The ' Meisterschaft ' was able
and prepared to punish every master, to exclude him from
the guild, that is, to cut off his means of livelihood, if he
transgressed its prescripts ; and to refuse work to every
man who would not submit to its regulations. The ' Gre-
sellenschaft ' was able and prepared to forbid its members
to work for any master who did not yield to the demands
of the association, and to starve every workman into sub-
mission who ventured into the shop of a master who had
fallen under the ban of the guild of artisans.
A master who wished to come to terms with his man
and give him more than was prescribed by the guild of
masters, dared not do so ; and the man who was ready to
agree with, his master and remain in his service might not
do so. The strife was not between master and man, but
between guild and guild.
The situation was precisely like the present, in which
a combination of employers stands opposed to a combina-
The Labour Question. 229
tion of operatives in the building, iron and coal trades.
But then the masters gave way : step by step the union
of men advanced, till they had gained almost as absolute
a command as had been previously enjoyed by the masters.
But the advance was only step by step both in the matter
of duration of time of work and rate of wage.
The half Monday was freely accorded the men by the
masters at a very early period, to enable the workman to
do what was necessary for himself without having to pay
for getting it done, as mending his clothes, his furniture,
hoeing his garden, &c. This was first accorded by the
tailors, shoemakers, furriers, and weavers ; thence it made
its way into other trades, and became a custom. The
demand for holiday was then extended to the second half
of Monday. After much dissension the holiday question
was thus settled for a while. When no festival came in
the week — and this was rarely the case — then the master
was bound to give a holiday on Monday, but, if a festival
occurred, then the man was required to work on the
Monday. Thus the working week was normally fixed at
five days. But this did not long content the men. The
Monday under all circumstances they must count on as
their own. The masters fought hard against this. It was
decided that if an operative took two days for his pleasure
during the week, the master should dock him the wage
for a day. The union of men opposed this in its usual
way. The master who withheld the wage lost his work-
men, and could get none till he yielded. By this means
they carried their point. With only occasional exceptions
the amount of days of work in the week was reduced to
four. The Reformation came to the help of the masters,
by reducing the number of festivals : the men kept their
Mondays, but lost the Saints' days.
The battle of the wage took two forms. In most
230 Germany ', Present and Past.
trades it was the law that the workman or 'prentice
should live with the master, and eat and drink at his
table. He received his wage for the most part in no-
turalia, only the smaller portion in money. But in some
trades the artisans were allowed to marry and set up
separate households without becoming masters in the
trade. Such was the case in the masons' trade, but this
privilege extended to few others. The reason was simple.
In weaving, shoemaking, farriery, every man could have
a loom, a last, or an anvil. The work to be done was
accomplished in small portions. But it was not so with
building. On a church, or a town-hall, many scores of men
were engaged, and they must be all under the direction of
one master-mason. Weavers might do with one or two
hands, masons must have at command at least a score,
sometimes a hundred. It was in the masons' trade alone,
or almost alone, that, in the Middle Ages, a business ap-
proached the proportions of modern times.
Workmen living with their masters were on a much
more easy footing than those who paid for their own lodg-
ing and food. The fluctuations in the price of firing and
victuals did not affect them, but the master. Hard times
touched them only so far that the quantity or quality of
the food given them was reduced. They had precisely as
much pocket-money to spend on Sunday. Nevertheless,
this portion of the wage gave occasion for as hot dispute
as that which was paid in cash. The demands for an
improved table were numerous. In this case the imme-
diate opponent of the 'prentices was not the master, but
the mistress; but this did not lighten the controversy.
When the 'prentices and artisans felt themselves ag-
grieved and could obtain no redress, they rose in bodies,
and either threatened or carried out an exodus. The
quarrels about victuals raged so fiercely, that the Imperial
The Labour Question. 231
Government was obliged, on more than one occasion, to
intervene, and interdict the artisans dictating the bill of
fare to their masters and mistresses.
If the sum paid in wage did not content the men, they
carried their point by means of a strike. It was not un-
common for tumults occasioned by a contest about wage
to end in blows, and bloodshed, and the calling in of
assistance by masters and men from their associates in the
neighbouring cities.
The end of all disputes in words was a strike on the
part of the men. They left their work, and marshalling
their ranks, threatened to desert the town unless their
demands were complied with. Sometimes they carried
their threat into execution, and the looms and workshops
were silent and empty. Then the masters sent after the
men on strike, and the contest was ended by arbitration,
or by the meeting of the masters of the guild and the
heads of the workmen's union, who agreed to terms, and
concluded a peace which they flattered themselves would
be eternal. The past was forgiven and forgotten. The buzz
of active labour was heard again, and over roast duck and a
bowl of Ehenish wine, mutual goodwill was sworn. The
master was generous, the grim visage of the mistress relaxed,
and the 'prentices were unusually active at their work. The
eternal peace thus sealed sometimes lasted as long as ten
years, but generally not so long. The old quarrel broke
out afresh and went through its usual round of strikes,
secession, recall, conference, roast duck, and reconciliation.
This was the way in which the labour question resolved
itself in Germany in the fourteenth century. The history
of the German trades offers many opportunities for tracing
the growing power of the men, and shows how they suc-
ceeded in organising themselves and enforcing their
demands far quicker and more successfully in South Ger-
232 Germany, Present and Past.
many than in the North, where the guilds of masters
maintained longer their supremacy. In the North the
guilds of employers were more united with one another in
the several towns, and they were able to carry out, what
was not attempted in the South, a lock-out of hands. On
several occasions the masters in the towns of North Ger-
many refused concession, shut up their workshops, and
closed the city gates against the apprentices.
The reason why power left the hands of the masters,
and fell into those of the operatives, was that the organisa-
tion of the former was relaxed ; it lost its cohesion, and
fell to tatters. The great political power enjoyed by
the guilds had awakened the jealousy of the Government.
The town council, composed of hereditary councillors,
patricians, found that all control over the city was being
wrested from their hands by the guilds. The 'Ka'the'
consequently used every endeavour to break up these unions.
In the sixteenth century the trades were rarely able to
hold diets, so opposed were the rulers to allowing cities to
be the scenes of these gatherings, and none occurred in the
seventeenth century. Each town forbade the trades in it
entering into association with those in another town, and
cut off, as far as possible, all commercial dealings with
one another. Everywhere the right of free correspondence
was forbidden. No letter might be received or despatched
which had not first been submitted to the Board of the
town council. Under such circumstances it was impossible
for the guilds to maintain cohesion. The masters in each
town were thrown a prey to their operatives : the latter
could act as a compact body, the former must fight as
units. It is true that the unions of men were subjected
to the same restrictions : they might only communicate
with one another in other cities through the Government,
but the unmarried apprentice, forced by law to travel
The Labour Question. 233
from town to town to learn his trade, was able to evade
the law ; the married, settled master could not. The
workmen's union sent no letters, but forwarded orders
through travelling 'prentices. The law that obstructed
the intercommunion of the employers, facilitated that of
the employed. The masters might not by letter concert
resistance: the men were forced to travel from town to
town, and the operatives in every town were therefore put
in daily interchange of communications with each other.
The law gave them a flying post: as a necessary consequence,
the union of operatives became doubly strong, its basis
spread, it became national, whilst that of masters shrivelled
within the walls of each town.
The break-up of the alliance of trade-guilds accom-
plished the same result in another way. When the trades
were not associated, they began to compete in one town
against those in another. As long as the alliance lasted,
a man dismissed from work in one town could not find
employment in another. But directly the tie was dis-
solved, nothing stood in the way of the discharged opera-
tive in one place taking work elsewhere. The demand
for men was great, and the man out of place was taken
into service without a question being asked as to his ante-
cedents. Indeed, so great was the spirit of rivalry be-
tween the towns, that no sooner was a strike on foot in
one city than agents of the next were despatched to seduce
the men to it, in the hopes of utterly ruining the trade of
the first, and drawing the business from it within the
walls of the other.
Consequently the workmen had the game put into
their hands. The masters were absolutely at their mercy.
It was in their power to ruin one town and make another.
Wherever they went they were sure of being received with
open arms, and of having their demands granted them,
234 Germany, Present and Past.
however unreasonable they might be. Their organisation
was so complete that they could prevent any man from
taking work with the masters who had fallen under their
ban. And the masters were so helpless that they could
not prevent unruly operatives whom they had dismissed
from being snapped up by neighbouring employers. In the
fifteenth century the trade of bottle-makers was one of
the greatest and most prosperous in Niirnberg. A master
of the guild sat in the town council. In that century a
quarrel broke out between masters and men. The men
in a body left the city, and carried their industry else-
where. Of three hundred bottle factories only eight
survived the strike. The master of the guild resigned his
place in the council. The trade was extinguished. The
master of the silversmiths took his place.
The Thirty Years' war, the War of Succession, and
finally the European war of Napoleon, ruined German
manufacture, the doubling the Cape of Good Hope ruined
its trade with the East. Manufacture and commerce
passed to England.
When Napoleon was consigned to St. Helena, and
peace settled over the exhausted Continent, trade revived
in Germany, but the conditions were altered. The guilds
were decrepit, the unions of workmen extinct ; manu-
factures, the organisation of trade, the foundations of
commercial prosperity, had to be re-laid. Small employers
were no more. Business to succeed must be carried on
upon a large scale. Competition was now no longer
between city and city, but between nation and nation.
Intercourse was easy, combinations were feasible, but
their success problematical. A new force had grown up,
an international, stronger than the workmen's unions,
confronting them when they struggled into life again — the
police force. The gendarmes were no longer local
The Labour Question. 235
watchmen, appointed by the city magistrates, and with
no jurisdiction beyond the walls, no link with the watch-
men in the neighbouring city. The gendarmes were
now everywhere, and everywhere the same, though in
different uniform : the man under suspicion at Berlin, on
escaping to Vienna, found himself there also under sur-
veillance. If he was dismissed Breslau, he was shown out
of the gates of Cologne. The police looked with no
sympathetic eye on associations of workmen : they smelt
political gunpowder everywhere. The unions lost their
acquired character, and fell back on their original pro-
gramme. They became benevolent clubs. Cohesion was
gone. They met with lemons in their hands about the
grave of an associate, and subscribed Pfennige for the
widow, but they no longer ventured to oppose the masters.
They were too eager to get work to haggle about the
terms. The police did away with strikes, by forbidding
compulsory association.
It is only since 1848 that workmen have recovered their
right to unite to consider and enforce their requirements.
It will be instructive to compare the conditions under
which these unions exist with those strictly analogous in
former times.
The power of the workmen rested on association,
which was compulsory, and was elaborately organised.
No man could work at a trade who was not a member of
the union. Consequently the union had absolute com-
mand over the entire body of operatives. The masters
could not fill the vacant places from other fields. When
the weavers in Augsburg struck, not a man who could
toss a shuttle was available throughout Germany. The
Fuggers might send to the shores of the Baltic, to Bohemia,
to the confines of Holland, but could not rake thence a
man to sit at their looms. Weaving was an art requiring
236 Germany, Present and Past.
an apprenticeship, and no one could become an apprentice
who was not also an union man. Consequently the Fuggers
must come to terms with their workmen : there was no
help for it. It is not so now. Machinery does the intri-
cate work, and no further apprenticeship is needed than one
of three hours, to learn how to control the mechanism.
If the operatives strike, others can take their places; what
men did, children can effect as well. I was in the train
to Eouen one day, and had as a fellow-traveller an Eng-
glish manufacturer. He told me that he had owned a
mill near Wakefield, but had been so hampered with
strikes when he had taken heavy contracts, that he had
migrated with his machinery to Eouen, where he could
execute his contracts at a cheaper rate to himself. ' And,'
he said, ' there are dozens of Yorkshire and Manchester
manufacturers about me here in Normandy, who have
migrated for the same reason. If labour becomes too
dear here, we shall migrate elsewhere, to Italy or China.'
This is a consideration affecting the success of unions in the
present day, which did not exist in the Middle Ages. Capital
can flit where it likes to find cheap labour. Competition
is now so keen, profits are so small, on account of competi-
tion, that migration is made compulsory. It must go, or die.
At Bludenz in the Vorarlberg are extensive woollen and
yarn mills. A few years ago the looms and jennies were
attended by Tyrolese. But France offered a good market
for builders, Switzerland for waitresses. The Tyrolese
men and girls found they could obtain more money abroad,
so struck for higher wage in the mills. They were per-
fectly justified in doing so. The manufacturers refused,
and imported Italian girls and men, and now scarce a
native works in these factories. Capital will either follow
cheap labour, or will import it. The demands of the
artisans were in former times more readily complied with
The Labour Question. 237
because the numbers of workmen were relatively small,
and there was, therefore, no competition among themselves,
for their number was fixed by law. No master might
take more than one, or, at the utmost, two. No country-
man could enter a trade without the consent of his lord,
and this he was not likely to give with readiness, as thereby
he lost a serf. Moreover, it was illegal for a master to
employ on his trade a man who had not been regularly
apprenticed to it ; and female labour was also forbidden.
Now-a-days there are no such restrictions. Any shifty
man may turn his hand to any sort of work, and women
and children will compete with men, and their cheaper
labour will drive the men out of the field.
Formerly, protection, the exclusion of foreign pro-
ductions, and the enormous cost of carriage, and difficulties
of transport, secured the market of native manufactures
against competition from foreign productions. The master
who yielded to the demands of the workmen, and added
a penny to the daily wage, tacked the sum on to the
selling price of his goods : the consumer, not he, suffered.
Protection then was so close, that heavy duties were levied
on goods introduced from neighbouring cities. There
was no free trade between Ulm and Augsburg, Niirnberg
and Eatisbon, Cologne and Mainz. It is not so now. If
protection is not wholly done away with, there is free trade
between every town in Germany, and duties are not too
heavy to wholly exclude foreign manufactures. Steam
has introduced extraordinary facilities of transport, and
now not merely can one nation of Europe compete with
another, but one continent with another : Indian rice is
driving that of South Carolina out of the market ; Belgian
furnaces have blown out those of South "Wales ; Miihlhausen
cotton- spinners are bringing Manchester mills to a stand-
still ; Lyons weavers have ruined the silk-looms of the
238 Germany, Present and Past.
Calder; Persian carpets are killing Kidderminster; and
Californian wheat beats down the price of home-grown
corn. If I want books bound, I send them to Bruges ;
gloves, I write to Brussels ; brass-work, I get it from Ant-
werp ; some wine-glasses, they come from Bohemia ; a
stove, I order it at Aachen ; a greenhouse, the frame comes
to me from Drontheiin ; a dish of cherries, they are grown
at Sinzig ; fresh meat, my butcher is in New York.
In Mediaeval times a strike was unattended by risk and
cost. If the men did not carry their point, they were sure
of getting work elsewhere. They had no occasion to lay
by for expenses when out of employ. If a rise in wages
was refused them, they flung their bundle over their backs,
and wafting a kiss to the master's daughter, went elsewhere.
Was klinget und singet die Strass' herauf ?
Ihr Jungfrau'n, machet die Fenster auf !
Es ziehet der Bursch in die Weite,
Sie geben ihm das Geleite.
As the modern housemaid likes to change her place
continually to see more of the world, and the Grerman
student to shift his university every year, so the workman
in the Middle Ages liked to ramble from town to town,
and when he had carried on his flirtations in one place
to a dangerous length, he escaped entanglements by going
to another, and the easiest way to get off was to demand
more wage, and go if it were refused. Wherever he went
he was well received and helped on by his fellows. Their
purses were ever open to the vagabond artisan, for with
what measure they meted this year, they expected to have
it measured to them the following year.
Here again the modern workman is at a disadvantage.
The unmarried man has but himself to care for if out of
work, but the artisan who has wife and children depen-
dent on him must consider his family.
The Labour Question. 239
The union to which he belongs will allow him some-
thing during the period of strike, but not enough to keep
him in comfort, and the object of strike is not now attain-
able as it was formerly. Every workman does not belong
to the union; capital is not bound to one spot; com-
petition is wide as the world. The old monopolies which
favoured the artisan at the cost of the consumer are dead
as Herod. Trades'-unions of operatives, as they have been
for some time conducted, are an organisation unsuitable
for modern times — a relic of medievalism, practicable
only where there is protection. An international society
•can alone meet capitalists and try conclusions with them,
but then, is it possible for such a society to embrace
the proletariates of the whole world ? If it is organised
throughout Europe and America, China and Japan
will become the resort of manufacturers, the emporiums
of trade. In the meantime much mischief may be
done by using old engines against modern earthworks ;
they are likely to explode and injure those who employ
them.
Trade is so delicate and subtle that it may be banished
by a strike. A slight rise in price made to meet the de-
mands of the artisans may ruin the home manufacture.
Foreign goods can be sold cheaper, and English goods
will be no longer asked for. Thereupon the whole home
produce collapses.
And yet trades'-unions are an excellent institution, if
not ignorantly or designingly misdirected. Nothing is
better than that men should live a corporate life, that they
should be made to feel that they are members of a body,
that they should have an organised society through which
to make their wants and ideas known, and, if necessary, en-
force them. But then the masters will league also, and
both will face one another as natural foes, maintaining
240
Germany^ Present and Past.
peace only as truce. In the Middle Ages there was a
more excellent way among the so-called ' great indus-
tries.' In them there were no separate guilds of masters
and unions of workmen, but one association embracing
both, with a committee in which sat the masters and the
delegates of the men. The affairs of the trade were dis-
cussed and regulated by the whole corporation, differences
composed by common action. In these trades, disputes
between masters and men rarely broke out into overt acts
of hostility. In an organisation of this sort harmony is
maintained, for the interests of the trade are understood
by both parties : whereas in separate organisations, each
sees only one side of every question.
On the land in Grermany, labour is not likely to com-
bine, for the land belongs to small holders, and few farmers
can afford to maintain workmen. A farm tilled by paid
labour ruins the farmer. It is usual for the employer to
feed as well as pay his men. They expect something to
eat and drink every two hours.
The average price of labour in Grermany on the land
is now, in marks :
Winter
Summer
Average
In Prussia
1-30
0-83
1-07
Pomerania .
1-82
1-10
1-46
Posen .
1-39
8-20
MO
Brandenburg
1-56
1-06
1-31
Silesia .
0-94
0-71
•82
Saxony
1-46
1-12
1-29
Hanover
1-72
•34
1-53
Schleswig-Holstein
2-00
•32
1-66
Westphalia .
1-72
•38
1-55
Kheinland .
1-78
•38
1-58
Kingdom 'of Saxony
1-61
•21
1-41
Bavaria
1-55
1-16
1-35
Wiirtemberg
1-86
1-38
1-62
Baden .
1-84
1-47
1-65
Hesse -Darmstadt
1-49
1-22
1-35
Elsass-Lothringen
2-07
1-64
1-85
Social Democracy. 241
CHAPTEE XVI.
SOCIAL DEMOCRACY.
Be not over-exquisite
To cast the fashion of uncertain evils.
MILTON: Comus.
THE attempts of Hodel and Nobiling have of late attracted
extraordinary attention to Grerman Social Democracy. The
imagination of the public and the fears of Prince Bismarck
have given to the movement an importance which it
scarcely possesses. By a repetition of the mistake of the
May laws, the Grerman Chancellor hopes to suppress a
power which he dislikes or dreads, but will instead give it
consistency, and exasperate it to deeds of violence. Heine
said : —
Franzosen und Russen gehort das Land,
Das Meer gehort den Britten :
Wir aber fuhren im Luf treich des Traums
Die Herrschaft unbestritten.
And this is true of Grerman Social Democracy ; it is
dreamland, fantastic, melting away at the touch of prac-
tical life. Better let the dreamer toss in sleep and clutch
at air than by putting him in a strait jacket and con-
fining him in a black hole, convert him into a lunatic.
If we want to know the origin of Socialism historically,
we must turn to the ' Corpus Juris Canonici.' It was the
Catholic Church which first preached Communism. When
she became wealthy she doubted about putting her doc-
VOL. II. R
242 Germany, Present and Past.
trine into practice, but she taught it theoretically, and
her monasteries were true communistic societies. Canon
Law, the flower of mediaeval science, on the perfecting of
which Theology, Jurisprudence, and Philosophy laboured
together during many centuries, lays down the principles
of Communism as plainly as Marx and Lassalle. Ac-
cording to the Canonists, the ideal and original condition
of things was and is community of goods. Everything —
air, light, water, the earth — is common to all. God
sent all his creatures into the world with equal rights to
life, to all that conduces to life, to the enjoyment of life.1
As every man has a right to breathe, so every man has a
right to eat. As the air is without an owner, but common
property, so the earth and its fruits.2 St. Ambrose re-
jects the idea that God is the author of difference in men's
lots, that He gives wealth to one and poverty to another.
Inequality is interference with the law of God. There-
fore, he says, let no man dare to call superfluities his own.
Whatever is more than satisfies his needs is appropriated
by him from the common good.3 Mine and thine are
human distinctions, creations of man's unrighteousness.
The Fall caused the idea of property to spring into being.
When the blight fell on the earth through man's disobe-
dience, and people multiplied on its face, then the soil did
not bring forth sufficient to satisfy all. Men were forced
to labour at it to increase its productive power, and with
labour came in rights of property. What man won by his
sweat was his in a special manner. Thus came in acquired
rights. Though in an evil world property must exist, yet
in cases of necessity the powers that be are justified in
1 Decret. Gratian. ii. c. 12. Qu. i. c. 2.
1 See Erdmann : 'Ueber die National- Oekonomischen Grundsatze
der Kanonistischen Lehre,' in Hildebrand, JahrMcker fur Nat.-Oekon.
u. Stat. Band i.
8 Decret. Gratian, i. D. 47, c. 8.
Social Democracy. 243
re-establishing community of property. 6 Dulcissima rerum
possessio communis est ' ]
It will be seen that the Communism of the Canonists
differed from that of modern Socialism only by its religious
basis. Theoretically, with the Canonists, poverty was the
best state, that most pleasing to God. Wealth, if not
sinful, is ensnaring to the soul. Erdmann rightly says
that the extensive estates acquired by the religious orders
in the Middle Ages were not a contradiction in practice to
this doctrine, but rather an attempt to give it practical
operation. In fact, the profuse charity of the Church was
a carrying out of this system. What the monastic com-
munity could not consume was freely distributed among
the poor. What was over and above that which every
man needed was the ' debitum legale ' of Aquinas. The
rich were constrained to give to the poor, not by police
regulations, but by appeals to their consciences. It was
taught that it was quite as sinful to deny one's super-
fluity to a brother in need as to rob another of his goods.2
The motive of all social activity was desire to obtain
sufficient to support life, desire for the usufruct. The
moment activity was directed beyond this, to acquisition
of superfluity, then it became avarice, and was sinful.
The desire to have more than would maintain life was
cupiditas, sinful, and to be rooted out, not restrained.3
All activity beyond what was needful for acquiring the
necessaries of life is an evil. 'Negotium negat otium,
quod malum est, neque quserit veram quietem, quse est
Deus.' 4 This was one purpose of the multiplication of
festivals on which unnecessary work was forbidden, — to
destroy cupidity, to prevent men from devoting all their
1 Gloss to Gratian, i. D. 1, c. 7 ; D. 47, c. 8 ; ii. c. 12. Qu. i. c. 2.
2 Gratian, i. D. 47, c. 8. « Ibid.
4 Gratian, i. D. 88, c. 12.
R 2
244 Germany, Present and Past.
time to the acquisition of wealth. It may be said that
many compulsory holidays destroy the energy in a people.
They certainly make them more light-hearted. There can
be no question that the sweeping away of holidays in France
has destroyed the gaiety of the Gallic peasant. Avarice
is the motive of his whole life, his ruling, all-pervading
passion. The Bavarian or Tyrolese peasant is a far more
joyous being.
Canon Law was eminently hostile to trade. No man
might sell goods for more than what they cost him. All
profit in merchandise was robbery j1 whereas agriculture was
praiseworthy ; and indeed all manual labour was lawful —
'Deo non displicet; ' trade was censurable — 'Deo placere non
potest.' Time was God's gift to every man, and might
not be sold. Therefore, whatever a man laboured on, he
laboured on for himself. If on other man's land, then he
and the landowner had equal rights to the fruits. If a
man borrowed money of another, it was enough if he re-
paid the capital : for interest was robbery.
Grerman Eight, like Canon Law, reposed on a theory
of property, not without its influence on modern Socialism.
German right, which was driven out by Eoman right in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, viewed property
and man's relation to the land and to his fellows from
altogether another standing-point from Eoman right.2 Ac-
cording to the latter, every right starts from the indivi-
dual, and his boundless freedom,3 which is only made
endurable in the commonwealth by mutual curtailment of
spheres in which liberty may be exercised under the
direction of the State. By German law, on the other
1 Grot. ii. c. 14. Qu. 5, c. 9.
2 See Schmidt (C. A.) : Der principelle UnterscMed ztvischen dem
Romischen u. GermanisoJien Reckte, Eost. 1853 ; and Eoscher : Ge-
schichte d. NationaloJtonomik in Deutschland. Munch en, 1874,
8 Leg. 4, Dig. i. 5.
Social Democracy. 245
hand, Eight in general was a postulate of the moral law,
and like it of Divine origin — a view of right which indeed
stands in the preface of the c Sachsen-Spiegel,' but which
stretches back into prse-Christian times. Every several
right has as its correlative an obligation. Every office
entails duties. Eoman law regarded man as an indi-
vidual, and started from this conception. German law
looked first on the social body, and then considered man
as a member of it. Ab initio, in Eoman right, man was
dutiless towards his fellows ; but in German right, before
the introduction of Christianity, the basis of association
laid down in every community and guild was 'unus
subveniat alteri tanquam fratri suo in utili et honesto.' l
German right was positive, Eoman negative ; the former
trusted to the moral sense as its executioner, the latter to
the State. The former reposed on principle, the latter on
compulsion. In German right the expression ' Ehre und
Treue ' had not merely a moral signification, it belonged
to quite a different order of ideas from the Eoman ' existi-
matio et bona fides;' it was an essential characteristic of a
citizen, without which there was no participation in the
rights and privileges and duties of citizenship. ' Gut
ohne Ehre ist kein Gut, und Leib ohne Ehre halt man fur
todt. Alle Ehre aber kommt von der Treue.' 2 Each step
in the social scale had its special ' Ehre und Treue,' compact-
ing the whole society together into an indissoluble body —
an idea the reverse of the Eoman abstract equality. We see
a relic of this doctrine in the law that exempts the man
who has fallen under the penal laws from military service.
He has lost his ' Ehre und Treue,' and is therefore un-
worthy to fight for Fatherland. The principle that the
individual is subordinate to the community still lies at
1 Wilda : Strafreckt der Germanen, i. 140.
2 Gloss to Sachsen-Spiegel. iii. 78.
246 Germany, Present and Past.
the root of much local custom and law. It was because
the parish was bound to maintain its poor, that in
Bavaria it refused to allow its young men and young
women to [marry unless they were in circumstances which
made it most unlikely that their children would come to
the parish for support.
According to Eoman ideas, the Familia was the pro-
perty of the master : the Family included children and
slaves ; and the father might dispose of the children as he did
of the slaves. Grerman c Familienrecht ' was quite different.
Every child had its rights in the house, and the ' Pflicht-
theil,' the inalienable portion of the goods of the father
which falls to it, is in modern Grerman law a recognition
of this principle. Only if the child should lose its c Ehre
und Treue,' has it lost its right in the inheritance of its
parents. In Roman law, property is regarded in an
abstract light, in German it is the medium of social and
moral relations. By Roman law property entailed no
obligations. It was otherwise by Grerman law : there was
no property without obligations. The whole feudal system
was based on this principle. Grod was the giver of all
good things, mediately, through the Emperor. Every-
thing was a loan, and a loan entailing responsibilities
from the receiver to the giver. All power was viewed as
issuing from above, and flowing down by a series of falls
to the lowest, and attached ever to the holding of land.
Moveables alone were personal property : over them alone
had a man free disposal, for they alone were his own ac-
quisition. But land entailed duties towards those from
whom the feof was received, and authority towards those who
lived upon it. The 'benevolentia' of the bestower entailed
6 fidelitas ' on the part of the receiver. Every act which
made a man dishonourable, which affected his c Ehre und
Treue,' made him incapable of holding a feof. But till
Social Democracy. 247
a man's honour was stained, and his word broken, a feof
was unreclaimable.
By Roman law a man had absolute disposal of his
property after death. It was not so by Grerman law. He
had no power over anything except his moveables. ' Deus
hseredem facere potest non homo.' * Wife and children
claimed their portion as their rights.
The idea of corporate life which pervades Grerman law
took practical forms in the Middle Ages, just as in
monachism the Socialist theories of Canon Law assumed
a living illustration. In the chapter on peasant properties
I have shown the working of this principle in the bauer
community : it took shape also in the noble and the citizen
classes.
The principle of confederate or common life, the
mutual dependence of one on another, manifested as
strong an influence on the mediaeval nobles as on the
proletariates of the present day. It is quite a mistake to
suppose that the castle isolated the nobleman, cut him off
from his fellows, and fostered independence. The 6 Burg '
expressed the social insulation of the nobility as a class,
not of the separate nobleman. The majority of gentry
did not occupy their own castles, but lived in those of the
princes, as burggraves or stewards. Often a whole com-
munity of nobles united to build a castle, or to buy one ;
or several families together inherited one castle. They
lived together in the same fortress, sharing the duties
and dividing the profits, arranging together which
should be head of the general establishment, electing and
voting in little parliaments, and mutually arranging the
laws of succession to the principal rooms in the common
mansion. Perhaps the most curious instance was Fried-
berg in the Wetterau, where the large castle was the com-
1 Gflanvilla, vii. 1.
248 Germany, Present and Past.
mon inheritance and property of several noble families,
exercising together the office of burggrave over the town
that lay outside its walls. These < Ganerbschaften,' as
they were called, were actual communistic aristocratic
societies of the Middle Ages, such as were quite unknown
out of Germany. More remarkable were the guilds
(Zunfte) among the citizens. In the former chapter I have
given some idea of these. But I must add here some
further particulars to show their Socialistic character.
The guilds were as important for the towns as the
feudal system was for the country. Both these institutions
confounded religion and morals with social economy, and
in many of their features exhibit themselves as the ' fore-
bears' of modern Social Democracy. The guild system
was as far removed from our ideas of free trade as was
the feudal system from modern notions of the freedom of
land-tenure. The right of labour was elaborated in the
towns into a working system. The town as a whole took
the trade of the town on itself as a sort of feudal tenure.
The great feofs of the trades were reserved to the Rath ;
they gave them out as sub-feofs to the free citizens. The
Rath, or town council, so to speak, enfeoffed the masters
with tailoring, weaving, baking, shoemaking, &c. : no man
had a right to exercise a trade who had not been invested
with it by the town council. Trade was an office : God
was the source of all authority in the State, and of all
ability in trade. From Him issued the feudal tenures of
gaugrave, burggrave, landgrave on the one hand, and the
trade tenures of tailoring, weaving, and shoemaking on
the other. He commissioned the nobles through the
Emperor to administer law for the good of the common-
wealth, and in like manner He commissioned tailors,
tinkers, and apothecaries, through the town council for
the same end — the good of the commonwealth.
Social Democracy. 249
The guilds of the trades either bought the raw ma-
terial and distributed it among the masters ; or it was
ruled that no master might buy raw material without
notification to the guild. If the guild thought a private
master had bought too much, it took from him what it
held to be superfluous, and distributed it among the
others. No master was allowed to have more than one, or
at the outside, two workmen. Nor might one master have
more than a single shop. Nothing like competition was
allowed among the masters. The guild which gave out
the raw stuff fixed the price at which it was to be sold,
thus determining the profits of every master. He could
not become richer by his trade than were the other
masters.
All this was upset by the introduction of Eoman law,
which brought in the novel ideas of capital and the
mobilisation of real property, of free trade, and the right
of every man to the free disposal of his time and his
energies.
In a century the whole system of trade in Germany
has been revolutionised, just as land tenure has been
revolutionised, but in an opposite direction. Land has
been parcelled out among small holders. One large farm
has given place to five little holdings. But in trade five
small masters have been swallowed up by one large manu-
facturer.
In a city where, under the old doctrines, there throve
five hundred master tradesmen — say weavers — with six
hundred workmen, each workman with an almost certain
prospect before him of becoming a master himself in a
few years, there are now five manufacturers with twelve
hundred operatives, not one of whom can hope to push his
way into independence. We are assisting at a similar
process in another branch of industry. Co-operative stores,
250 Germany, Present and Past.
or general stores, such as those of Messrs. Whiteley, Shool-
bred, Tarn, &c., are taking the place of a number of small
special traders. That means, where fifteen or twenty
small independent tradesmen had their shops, there is
now but one concern, and there are fourteen or nineteen
independent heads of firms abolished, and those who would
have been free men under the former state of affairs are
now reduced to subserviency. Imagine this carried out
on a large scale, as it no doubt will be, in time, and there
will be no more living in independence for small grocers,
linendrapers, furniture-dealers, druggists, &c. ; a few
capitalists will have effaced them from the streets of
London. The commercial world is enslaving the many
traders just as the aristocratic world did the tillers of the
soil in the early Middle Ages. When this takes place,
the whole middle class, reduced to servitude under ' im-
mediate ' princely Whiteleys and Tarns and Shoolbreds,
will chafe against their bondage, and perhaps rise in social-
economic war against the omnipotence of capital in trade,
just as now, and very naturally, the workmen, who a few
years ago might have been masters, are tossing and
gnawing at the chain wherewith the great manufacturers
hold them down. The masters were the aristocracy of
labour. And just as the princes in Germany stamped or
bought the gentry out, so that they might have none
between them and the serfs, so are wholesale makers
squeezing the small dealers out, or forcing them to become
salaried clerks and overlookers under them.
The guilds are no more. Free manufacture was intro-
duced in France in 1786, and in Germany every restraint
upon it disappeared in 1868.
That with the altered position of the artisans, with all
hope of independence cut off from them, with the remem-
brance of their past rights lingering about their memories,
Social Democracy. 251
they should sit down contentedly in the fetters laid on
them by an inexorable present, is not to be expected.
They are reduced to servitude and poverty, and a few
become enormously wealthy. Under the Mediaeval system,
the profits on weaving in a certain city were divided
among 500 masters. Now the profits go into the pockets
of five. Four hundred and ninety-five get none.
The following is a classification of fortunes in Berlin,
1875-76 :-
1 person, with an annual income of £90,000
1 „ „ 72,000
1 „ „ 45,000
1 „ „ 36,000
2 „ „ 30,000
2 „ „ 27,000
1 „ „ 24,000
3 „ „ 21,000
7 „ „ 18,000
3 „ „ 15,000 £
0 „ „ 12,000 to 15,000
9 „ „ 10,200 to 12,000
17 „ „ 8,400 to 10,200
13 „ „ 7,200 to 8,400
There are consequently seventy-one persons with an
income over 7,000?. a year. These pay income-tax to the
amount of 31,891?., i.e. more than ten per cent, of the
entire income-tax, 313,253?. There are 244 persons with
an income of from 3,000?. to 7,200?., and 471 persons with
an income of 1,440?. to 3,000?.*
The contrast between wealth and poverty is more
noticed in Germany than in England, because the Germans
have not been for two centuries accustomed to see vast
wealth and squalor side by side, as in England. Medi-
aevalism kept such contrasts down, and it is only since the
break-up of the old system that such contrasts have become
possible ; and this takes place precisely at a time when the
1 Annalen d. Deut. fieichs, 1875, p. 491.
252 Germany, Present and Past.
reverse is going on in landed property. Land is breaking
up, and being more and more distributed and equalised,
whilst capital in trade is being withdrawn from the many
and amassed in the hands of the few. The contrast of
the two systems naturally provokes discontent among the
operatives in trade, and they desire to apply to capital in
gold the same law that has been applied to capital in clay,
to mobilise money as land has been mobilised. Is this
wonderful ? Is it not certain that under the circumstances
there must be discontent in the working class ? Is this
discontent — the natural produce of a transition state — to
be abolished by making the utterance of it a crime ?
Discontent was brooding when Lassalle gave it shape
and utterance. In 1851 he showed that 9oT7^ per cent,
of the population had incomes under 251. a year, on which,
on an average, five persons had to be supported. According
to Lengerke 10,000,000 of the population of Prussia have
annually under 161. per annum on which to maintain a
family. Let us take the more recent calculations of a
Conservative, R. Meyer. He classifies the fortunes in
Prussia thus, in 1874 : —
6,034,263 persons, or 58-5 per cent, are extremely poor.
3,520,691 34-1 , have incomes from £20 to £50
50 „ 100
478,410
178,930
89,293
9,634
4-6
1-7
0-86
0-09
100 „ 200
200 „ 750
over 750.
About 92*6 of the population, according to the same
authority, consist of persons who do not earn three shillings
a day.
In 1875 there were 6,591,559 persons exempt from
taxation ; that is 26*86 per cent, of the entire population,
exempt because their annual incomes did not amount to
201. This shows a condition of distribution of property
Social Democracy. 253
anything but satisfactory. Dr. Engel, in a paper on the
classification of incomes in Prussia between the years
1852 and 1 875 on the basis of the revenue statistics, arrives
at these depressing conclusions : —
1. The larger the capitals, the quicker their growth.
Incomes of 1501. grow at double the rate of incomes under
that figure.
2. The numbers with moderate fortunes do not show
a tendency to increase. On the contrary, the wealthy
become more wealthy, and the number of the poor in-
creases.
3. The years between 1870-73 — years of false com-
mercial activity — proved ruinous to small incomes, but in-
creased the large incomes.
In the year 1848, the social question first attracted
interest in Germany. There the political agitation was,
in reality, quite as truly social as political, however this
fact may have been overlooked by the Liberal leaders of
the time. It was not long before they became alarmed
at the c Eed Spectre,' whose cap appeared above the crowd
clamouring for change, and they hastened to give their
support to the Government to bring about a reaction, and
thereby, as was soon apparent, to forfeit their credit with
the multitude.
Many German men of letters, L. Stein, Eodbertus,
Marx, Lassalle, Engel, Mario, and others, then began to
study the social question with earnestness, and they gave
to Socialism, by their labours, a firm scientific, or, at all
events, theoretical position.
The social question received its solution in one way
the liberal, by Schulze-Delitzsch ; in a reactionary way by
Lassalle and Marx.
Granted that the present condition is an unhappy one,
it is obvious that there are only two ways in which it may
254 Germany, Present and Past.
be remedied — either we must allow trade and commerce
its fullest possible development, make it cosmopolitan, or
we must restrict trade and bolster up national prosperity
at the expense of other countries. Free trade is not yet
universal, and till it has become universal, the present
state of labour is unsettled. The Liberal programme is
the abolition of all impediments to free trade, to com-
petition, to the mobilisation of labour. The general wel-
fare of the world must be considered above that of a class.
The poor starved under the old corn laws that the farmers
might grow rich. The importation of foreign corn was
made free of duty : the poor ate and were satisfied, and
the farmers found to their great surprise that they were
not ruined. What is true of the corn laws is true of all
protection. It rests on a false principle. It is artificial
not natural, mediaeval not modern. Every railway and
steamboat punctures the skin of protection, and makes
patching and plastering every day more difficult and
hopeless. In former times one town stood in rivalry with
another town ; now they interchange their products, and
both thrive on the interchange. Nations were and are
parted by protective tariffs. The time must come when these
will fall, and then the present social and financial anarchy
will right itself. A worthy old relative of mine was wont
to bless Grod in his evening prayers that he had been born
a Devonshire man, and not in the wastes of "Wiltshire and
Berkshire, or even in that ash-pit London. But then he
had never travelled out of the West country. National
prejudice will go in time with county particularism ; men
will not bless God that they are Englishmen rather than
Germans or Swiss, but that they are Europeans ; and, lastly,
Continental isolation will dissolve into universal humanity.
That is what increased facilities of locomotion and com-
munication are daily bringing nearer. Liberal legislation
Social Democracy. 255
is a more or less conscious recognition of the tendency of
the time : it makes the welfare of humanity its aim, rather
than the tinkering up of nationality.
In the recent agitation about the Eastern question,
this truth comes out prominently enough. The English
Liberal party — at all events that portion which accepts
Mr. Gladstone as its head, looked to the general interests
of humanity as of paramount importance, as enlisted
against Turkish misrule. Away with misrule, and a vast
region, now contributing nothing or next to nothing to
the sum of the requirements of the multitudes on the face
of the earth, will be full of activity, and yield corn, and
wine, and metals in abundance. Every improvement in
the condition of one body of human beings conduces to
the welfare of the entire mass of humanity.
Thrace, Bulgaria, Asia Minor are the chilblains in
the body politic ; there is constant itch, because circulation
is arrested. Restore, through commercial veins and arteries,
the current of trade, and the whole of humanity will
flourish the more abundantly for it.
The Liberal doctrine is the true outcome of Roman
law. It reposes on individual freedom, and free disposal
of capital. It starts from the unit, which it endows with
liberty and mobility. What the Reformation was in the
sphere of religion, that Liberalism is in the sphere of poli-
tical economy.
Herr Schulze-Delitzsch is the representative of German
Liberalism — the most remarkable exponent of the prin-
ciples of the Progress party (Fortschrittpartei). He was
born at Delitzsch, in Saxony, in 1808, and appointed
District Judge at Wreschen in 1 850 ; but resigned the
office two years after, that he might devote himself wholly
to the solution of the social question. His solution is very
simple.
256 Germany, Present and Past.
1. Free trade, free manufacture, and free mobilisation
of labour.
2. The elevation of the masses by education.
3. The formation of unions of artisans.
Freedom of manufacture is granted already. Any
man, without belonging to a guild, may start in any trade
he likes.
Free circulation of labour is interfered with by mili-
tary conscription. A German workman cannot follow
trade in its migrations, because he is tied to his Father-
laud by military duties. This must tell seriously on his
well-being. As over 700,000 men are withdrawn annually
from trade for army and navy, there is less competition of
labour, and consequently a rise in the wage. Coal is dear
in Germany, and competition with England can only be
maintained when labour is cheap. Military service would
kill German manufacture, but that a preventive duty is
put on foreign manufactured goods. Thus an artificial
life is given to German manufacture. One evil breeds
another. Because labour is held down to the soil, and
prevented from seeking a market, free trade becomes im-
possible.
The other points in the Schulze-Delitzsch programme
need not detain us. Government has taken the education
of the people into its own hands. The unions proposed,
and partly carried out by Schulze-Delitzsch, are co-opera-
tive associations, savings' banks, and partnership-companies
of artisans carrying on manufacture. The co-operative
stores have not proved very successful. That at Mann-
heim has failed for 35,000 Mks; that at Freiburg for
7,000 Mks. Those at Metz and Mainz have also been
liquidated.
The productive associations have never come to any-
thing for want of capital on which to start.
Social Democracy. 257
It is evident that these schemes are mitigations only
of the prevailing distress, but that they do not, and are
not intended to, touch the root of the disorder. This can
only be effected by the complete carrying out of the first
article of the programme — the throwing open of the ports
to foreign competition, and the letting of labour loose
to follow trade to its centres, and move with it as it
migrates.
Lassalle's system is the reverse of this at every point.
As Schulze-Delitzsch represents the theory of Eoman right,
Lassalle is the modern exponent and advocate of the theory
of German mediaeval right. Schulze is progressive,
Lassalle retrograde. The two stand to one another as
the poles. Prince Bismarck never made a more stupid,
if not wilful blunder, than when he endeavoured to make
the Liberal party responsible for the crimes and follies attri-
buted to Social Democracy. Social Democracy has far
more in common with Conservatism than with Progress.
The Eomantic School attempted to revive the aristo-
cracy by throwing a halo over the chivalry of the Middle
Ages. The Socialists are the Eomantic School of the
working class, and Lassalle is their De la Motte Fouque.
Both attempted impossibilities. Chivalry is not to be
galvanised into life again. Trade protection is dead
irretrievably. We must let the modern torrent flow. It
is because we try to arrest it with piles that we pro-
duce disastrous floods. No doubt we are living in the
midst of a great social problem, because new agencies
are at work disintegrating society and building it up
in new masses. We cannot solve these problems with
foregone conclusions, but must let them work themselves
out.
Ferdinand Lassalle was a Jew, born at Breslau in
1825. His father wished him to be a merchant, but he
VOL. II. S
258 Germany, Present and Past.
declined to devote himself to commerce, having a strong
taste for philosophy and law. He was in Berlin during
the revolution in 1848, and took considerable part in it.
In Berlin he made the acquaintance of the Countess
Hatzfeldt, a lady of forty, but still very beautiful. She
was engaged in an action for separation from her husband.
Lassalle challenged the Count, but the latter turned ' the
stupid Jewling ' out of his house. He then went with the
Countess to Diisseldorf, and lived with her in the most in-
timate relations till his death. For eight years he fought
her battles from court to court, figuring before the world
as the champion of wronged innocence, the disinterested
protector of the oppressed, whilst all the while he was
feathering his own nest. He would not undertake the
championship till he had wrung a contract for a handsome
annuity from the Countess. He obtained for the lady a
princely provision, and sponged upon her to the end of his
days. Whilst setting himself up as the opponent of
wealth, the advocate of equalisation of fortunes, he lived
himself in epicurean luxury, was a fop, a gourmand, and
licentious.1 But he was brilliant, clever, and of extra-
ordinary fertility of resource. His popularity in society
was wonderful. 6 1 can't help liking you,' Heine had said
to him in Paris ; and the circle of friends who gathered
round Varnhagen von Ense in Berlin had all the same
feeling towards him. But whilst he was" charming so-
ciety, and working hard at law, he suddenly amazed the
scholastic world with a critical treatise on Heraclitus.2
There seemed no limit to his powers and interests. The
1 See Eine Liebes- Episode aus dem Leben Ferdinand Lassalle's.
Leipzig. The Social Democratic press have endeavoured to dispute the
authenticity of the letters therein contained. But of their genuineness
there can really be no question.
2 ' A masterly treatise on an author he had not read,' is the judg-
ment I have heard passed on it.
Social Democracy. 259
unhappy Sophie von Hatzfeldt stood as his bad angel at
his side, directing his energies into perverse currents.
She had the rare self-control of Livia, the wife of Augustus.
She was not, or did not show herself, jealous of the infideli-
ties of her lover and advocate. The fascinating and
intelligent face of Lassalle made him a favourite with
women : his love adventures form a chronique scanda-
leuse. On the occasion of one of these he was attacked by
a rival with fury in the Thiergarten at Berlin, and
defended himself with such valour, that the historian
Forster made him a present of Robespierre's walking-stick,
which he ever after bore.
The end of Lassalle was tragic. When he was reading
one day at the Kaltbad, half-way up the Rigi, where he
and the Countess Hatzfeldt were staying together, a
young lady with a party of friends begged to be escorted
to the summit. She turned out to be an old acquain-
tance, and Lassalle was delighted to assent. The young
lady and Lassalle were soon desperately in love with one
another. Lassalle was a Jew, the lady a Catholic, and so
religious difficulties stood in the way of their marriage.
Lassalle offered to give up everything, urged her to take
refuge with the Bishop of Mainz, and wrote to him offer-
ing to become a Catholic, if he would marry him to the
lady. Presently, however, he discovered that her father
was Protestant. Immediately he pitched the Bishop
and Catholicism overboard, and was ready to em-
brace Protestantism, if that were required. But in the
meantime the young lady had grown cold. She was
already engaged to the Wallachian Bojar, Raconitza, and
she probably considered her prospects as a lady of rank in
Austria promised better than as the wife of a Jew agitator,
whose life was disreputable, however brilliant his genius.
Lassalle, furious at his rejection, challenged the more
s 2
260 Germany, Present and Past.
fortunate lover, and was shot in a duel near Geneva,
August 31, 1864.1
That Lassalle was a man of marvellous talents is un-
questionable. But that he was sincere in his convictions
may well be questioned. He loved glitter, applause, dis-
play, and cared little how he won it. In all this he stands
in marked contrast to his less brilliant rival in the same
field, Karl Marx, a man who was ready to suffer and make
sacrifices for his creed.
The system of social economy of Lassalle was better
than the man. It was consistent. It was based on truths
and principles. He laid down lucidly the fundamental
axioms of Socialism, and exhibited its radical antagonism
to Liberalism. He repudiated altogether Liberal atomism,
the doctrine that all social and political economy must
start from the individual enjoying the plenitude of his
liberty as the perfection of existence. ' Liberalism,' he
said, ' regards men in modern society as insulated Robinson
Crusoes.'
In opposition to the duty of self-help as preached by
Schulze, and the throwing of every man back on his own
resources, Lassalle proclaimed the social body as the unit,
solidarity as the principle of social well-being. ' All
historic development from the beginning has proceeded
from the community, and without that no culture would
have existed.' 'The entire old world, and the Middle
Ages up to the French Eevolution of 1789, sought human
solidarity or community in union or in subjection. The
French Eevolution of 1789 and the period influenced by
it, indignant at this bondage, sought freedom in the
dissolution of all solidarity and community. What was
won was not Freedom, but Wilfulness. The present age
1 See Bernhard Becker : Enthullung uber das tragische Lebemende
Ferd. Lassalle's. Schleiz, 1868.
Social Democracy. 261
— at least the fourth estate — seeks freedom in soli-
darity. This in a few lines is the social history of the
past and present.
' From a legal point of view, individual responsibility is
an unconditional principle. And so it must be, for in the
matter of right and wrong each man is responsible for his
own acts. But in the economic sphere this is not so.
On the contrary, every man is responsible for what he has
not done. If, for instance, this year the currant harvest
in Corinth and Smyrna, or the wheat harvest in the Missis-
sippi valley, on the Lower Danube, or in the Crimea, be
very abundant, then the currant-dealers and contractors in
Berlin and Cologne, who had filled their stores at the
prices last year, lose half their fortunes. If, on the other
hand, our German harvest is bad, then this year the
labourers lose half their wage, which indeed remains the
same nominally, but has less buying power, as the prices
of necessaries have risen. If, on the contrary, our harvest
be good, then it happens to us, as was naively and sadly
expressed by the King of France, in his address to the
Chamber of Deputies on November 30, 1821, "the laws
are in full force, but no law can alter the inconveniences
which arise from excessive harvests " — that is, the fall of
prices, and therewith distress among farmers in years
of abundance. If the cotton crop fails in the Southern
States, then the mill-hands in the English, French, and
German cotton-factories are thrown out of work and bread.
But if, in place of a bad cotton harvest in America, there
be an industrial, or money crisis, then all who have stores
of cotton sell at what they can realise, the market is
glutted, and the silk and velvet manufactories in Crefeld,
Elberfeld, and Lyons are brought to a standstill, as there
come in no orders. Newly opened mines rich in silver
cause a depreciation in the currency, and manufacturers
262 Germany, Present and Past.
cannot execute their contracts, save at a loss. All
creditors are made poorer and all debtors richer. On the
other hand, a demand for silver in China and Japan re-
verses these conditions. The telegraphic notice that the
rape-crop in Holland promises to be better than the year
before brings the oil-millers in Prussia to the brink of
ruin. They gain nothing by their industrial activity, and
are thankful if they can sell the oil they have made for
the bare price of the uncrushed rape-seed. Every new
mechanical invention which reduces the cost of manufac-
ture causes the depreciation of goods already made, and
often deprives whole lots of dealers and contractors of the
means of existence.1 A new railway alters at once the
values of houses and gardens and fields near the station, and
relatively depreciates those furthest away from the line.
These illustrations, which might be multiplied indefinitely,
show how true it is, that in the sphere of social economy
the reverse principle to that in jurisprudence holds — every
man is responsible, not for what he has done, but for what
he has not done. And the reason is simple. In the
sphere of right every act is the product of the individual
will. Eesponsibility depends on freedom. Where free-
dom ends, there ends responsibility also.
' Human community and solidarity may be misunder-
stood and disavowed, but it cannot be done away with.
If therefore there be social edifices which do not take
cognisance of this, so much the worse for them. It exists,
but through want of recognition is converted, by a wild
avenging natural force, into chance, which plays at ball
with the destinies and liberties of individuals. One is
tossed aloft in this game by the misunderstood and un-
controlled forces at work below, and falls into the lap of
1 As, for instance, the invention of adhesive envelopes, which at once
mined the manufacturers of sealing-wax.
Social Democracy. 263
wealth ; and hundreds are plunged in the slough of poverty,
and the wheel of social progress goes over them, crushing
them and all their industry, and the fruits of their toil,
into powder. Chance plays ball, and men are the balls
with which it plays.
6 Now when chance rules, the freedom of the individual
is no more. Chance is the repeal of self-responsibility and
self-determination. The object we seek is the limitation of
the caprices of chance, by restoring a general equilibrium
of responsibility, by subjecting every shoulder to that
weight which misses some and crushes others. We seek
to enthrone a rational direction of the natural forces in
the social world in the place of wild caprice, to recognise
common obligation and universal solidarity, and therewith
to bring back self-responsibility, self-determination, and
individual freedom. What is now an undisciplined natural
force will be controlled and expropriated by community
of interests. The social union is the old Orphic chain, of
which the Orphics said that it bound all existences to-
gether with infrangible links.
' Only those are admitted to the great game of luck
that is going on in the mercantile world who can sell pro-
ducts on their own account, who have command of capital,
and are able to produce or accumulate these products in
great quantities, so that they may seize on favourable
opportunities the moment they offer. The whole artisan
class is excluded from the game, from every chance of
getting the pool, for the artisan can never sell the products
of his toil on his own account ; so also is the tradesman
more or less shut out, for wholesale manufacture is cutting
away and diverting from him all the sources of his living,
and driving him down into the position of a hireling.
He has not the capital to invest the moment a fortunate
conjuncture of affairs offers, but while he is making ready,
264 Germany, Present and Past.
gathering together his little outstanding debts, another
steppeth down before him, and obtains all the advantages
of the plunge. Unable to avail himself of propitious cir-
cumstances, disadvantageous circumstances crush him in-
exorably. The class of artisans and small tradesmen form
a social division in our community, over which might be in-
scribed the legend that stood upon Dante's "Hell: " " Who
enters here, leaves hope behind." As a rule, the artisan
class scarcely and only transitorily feels the passing effect
of a wave of commercial prosperity ; whereas depression
in trade makes itself felt in it instantaneously. Wage is
diminished, the artisan begins to consume his savings,
and he has perhaps to pay with entire deprivation of work
and loss of wage for some reckless speculation or fatal
calculation of his master, in which he was not consulted,
and in the profits of which, had it succeeded, he would
not have shared.'
Such is Lassalle's statement of the social question. Let
us now see what are the remedies that he proposes.
' Modern association of labour is not self-reliant
activity, but a concentration of a great many activities on
one product. Wholesale production is indeed common
and co-operative, but distribution of the profits is not
common, but individual.
4 The subdivision of labour is the fountain of wealth.
It is an economic law, which may be almost classed as a
natural law, like gravitation, the expansion of steam, &c.,
to be called perhaps a social-natural law, that the more
labour is subdivided the more profitable the labour be-
comes, and the cheaper becomes the production. But it
is a law that has been taken advantage of by a few in-
dividuals to their individual profit, who have wound the
dazed and withering populace round and round, and in and
out, with invisible threads, into an inextricable tangle,
Social Democracy. 265
where they are held fast, whilst these few suck the blood
of profit to themselves, and cast to their tools only refuse
— enough to keep them alive ; just what on the lowest
stage of life, before all culture, the savage obtained — the
bare necessaries of existence.
' There is no question nowadays about the abolition of
subdivision of labour ; all we require is that capital should
be reduced to its proper function, to be the dead tool in
the hand, not the master enslaving. We have no thought
of doing away with subdivision of labour ; on the contrary,
we desire to extend and develop the principle. Division
of labour is common labour, common union for production.
Let this remain so. But what is required is that the
individual gains in the common production should not be
alienated from the worker, to the profit of the manu-
facturer. The work is common, and the gains should be
common ; the profit shared by all, as the work is shared
by all, in proportion to their share in the work and
activity in the discharge of it.'
The ideal state of the world is one in which all work
will be co-operative; when trade will be brought back
to the proportions and conditions of the Middle Ages.
Such a state of things cannot come about in a day.
Till it does, Lassalle asked the Government to advance
capital to associations of artisans on this principle. He
demanded of the State a hundred millions of thalers for
the starting of a co-operative partnership factory. Small
undertakings on this system would not succeed, he argued,
they would be squeezed out of existence by those on a
larger scale. ' Nothing would be easier,' he said, ' than
for free competition to crush down a handful of associated
artisans. Economic questions can only be solved in the
gross, never in retail. As the great battalions on the
field, so are the masses of workmen, or the great capitalists,
266 Germany, Present and Past.
and it is the masses which prove decisive of victory on
the economic battle-fields. Precisely for this reason, free
competition, which is now strangling the artisan, may be
turned to his advantage. But to do this, the great bat-
talions must be on the side of the workmen. And this
can alone be achieved by the State, which in the economic
field, as on the battle-field, is the only power which can
set the battalions in motion and assure them the victory.'
The same system should be applied to the land. Till
the whole of the land could be brought under co-operative
cultivation, he would have the Crown give up its ' domains,
or enable by loans large bodies of workmen to buy up the
estates of impoverished landowners.'
It is true, these undertakings would be small, but
Lassalle was convinced, or pretended to be convinced, that
they would be the mustard-seeds of a new era of social
economy, which would in time overshadow the whole earth.
Such was Lassalle's system, clear, coherent, and prac-
tical if not practicable. The Prussian Government could
hardly have better spent some of the milliards it wrung
from France than by giving the disaffected workmen an
opportunity of testing it.
The next great leader of Social Democracy is Karl Marx,
born at Treves in 1818, of a Jewish father. He studied
in Berlin and Bonn, and became editor of the ' Kheinische
Zeitung.' Although he was son-in-law of the Minister
von Westfalen, and his talents and connection combined to
assure him a brilliant career, he turned from it, strong in
principle, governed by his political and social convictions,
that he might devote his life to the great question which
had taken hold of his mind. Banished from Germany
and France, he took refuge in London. In 1859 he
published his first tirade against capital. In this work he
showed that in the earlier history of the world, work alone
Social Democracy. 267
was productive, and that capital was nowhere, but that
now it was sovereign, and enchained labour. His great
book on 'Capital' was begun in 1867, when the first
volume appeared. It is not yet complete. His style is
obscure ; imbued with Hegelianism, he imitates his master
in wordiness and cloudiness of expression. According to
him, the common labour at production is the measure of
its market value and the source of all property. No man
has a right over that on which he has expended no labour.
Property is the produce of labour ; when it is not, it is
the spoliation of another. Capital is accumulated labour,
— it is more, it is the accumulation of the labour of others.
In the old world, the slave, in Mediaeval times the serf,
worked for his master, who lived, ate, drank, clothed him-
self on the fruit of the bondman's toil. He gave the serf
or slave enough to keep him alive, but all the profit that
came from his work accrued to the lord. Then the storm
of the French Eevolution burst. Serfdom, guilds, all the
old feudal and protective machinery of the Middle Ages
was broken to pieces. Free competition appeared. Labour
was proclaimed emancipated, and great was the jubilation.
But no real alteration was made. Still the labourer
worked, and bis profits went into the pockets of others,
not now of the noble, but of the capitalist, the less
respected bourgeois. He could no more lay by than before :
he reaped the fields, winnowed the wheat, wove at the
loom, and the profits went from him. It was still with
him as before, a hopeless ' sic vos non vobis ' ' Eigen-
thum,' said Lassalle, ' ist Fremdthum,' or, as Proudhon put
it, 'la propriete, c'est le vol.'
Capital is a sponge which sucks up all profits of labour,
and all the sweat of labour, and leaves the labourer nothing
but bare necessaries. And the more capital grows the
greater is its power of suction, the wider the area which
268 Germany, Present and Past.
it exhausts. The artisan is smothered by the produce of
his own hands. His work of yesterday rises up before
him and beats him down, and plunders him of his wage
to-day. The more the artisan has produced since 1789,
the more he has enriched the manufacturer, increased the
capital which is crushing him ; the more labour is sub-
divided, the stronger becomes the chain which binds him.
Hitherto, says Marx, history has shown us the expropriation
of the workman. Time will bring about its revenge. The
next to be expropriated will be the capitalist.
Great capitalists are continually killing small capi-
talists. In time, there will exist only a few magnates of
capital face to face with a huge enslaved population. As
the wealth of these few grows in geometric progression, so
will the general mass of misery, depression, degradation,
slavery, and exspoliation ; but so also will grow the sense
of rage and exasperation of an organised and united class
of artisans. The situation will become unendurable.
There will be an explosion in society. The hour of the
capitalist will have struck. The expropriator will be
himself expropriated.
Private accumulated capital is the negation of private
property earned by labour. By an inevitable process it is
leading to its own negation. Private property will recover
its legitimate position as the produce of each man's toil.
The plunder taken from the masses will be redistributed
among them. The reign of the usurpers will be at an end.
Marx expects no alteration in the structure of society
at present ; he looks to the rapid development of capital
till it becomes unendurable. Lassalle looked to a peace-
able solution to the question, Marx to a violent one.
Marx and the present Socialists lay, naturally, no stress
upon co-operative societies, care not for co-partnerships
such as Lassalle proposed.
Social Democracy. 269
These cold ways,
That seem like prudent helps, are very poisonous
Where the disease is violent.
Coriol. act iii. sc. 1.
All means for ameliorating the condition of the workmen
stave off the day of restitution of all things, give the
present social order a longer spell of life. The great
demand they make that labour may receive all it earns
cannot be carried out without -an universal revolution ;
and, therefore, the worse things go now, so much the
better, the sooner the cataclysm.
If we inquire how the ideal of Socialism is to be
carried into effect, we are told that all production will be
carried on by the State. The State now monopolises the
telegraphs, the railways, the post-office, the sugar-culture,
the salt mines, and proposes to monopolise tobacco-
growing. Let it in like manner monopolise every trade,
let it embrace in itself tinkering, tailoring, baking,
butchering, and distribute — the tin to the tinker, to
others the cloth to make into suits, to others the flour
to knead into bread, and to others the oxen to cut up for
meat. Let it do more ; let it work all the mines, rear
the sheep, grow the corn and pasture the oxen. As it has
now a navy for warlike purposes, let it have also a navy
for commercial purposes, and bring to Germany coffee and
currants. Let it grow the malt, and brew the beer, and
distribute it in Government taverns by the hands of
State-paid Kellnerins. Is this impracticable ? Experience
proves that it is not. In the villages it is still customary
for the ' Gemeinde ' to find the wood and stone and
lime, and pay the carpenters and masons by the day. In
the towns, the actors, sweeps, and cesspool- emptiers are
town officials, why not also the bakers and brewers?
, a manufacturer,' says Lassalle, 'can do what no
270 Germany, Present and Past.
feudal lord could achieve, he can convert the sweat drop
of the workman into a fountain of fresh sweat for the man,
and into a thaler for himself.' This must be done away
with. All private capital, so far as it is productive
capital, i.e. landed property, factories, machinery, &c., and
all that serves for the production of more wealth, must be
abolished, as individual property, and pass over to the
possession of the commonwealth. But not superfluity of
money so far as it is left unproductive. For instance, if
a man has 1 ,OOOL, he may spend it in eating, drinking,
hearing the opera, buying pictures, going to the mountains
for ' Sommerfrische,' but must not expend it in buying a
new loom, or invest it in anything which will bring a
per-centage. It will be seen that Marx is as rigid a
disciple of old Catholic Canon Law doctrines as Lassalle
was of German trade doctrines ; and that both are re-
actionary, and diametrically opposed to the Liberal
theories of Schulze-Delitzsch and the Fortschritt party.
Ultramontanists are never weary of extolling the
Middle Ages as the period of ideal prosperity. The Social-
ists desire to reproduce that ideal on the same lines in
modern times, with but one omission — that of Eeligion.
It is, however, altogether a mistake to regard Social-
ism as anti-Christian. It is cwim-Christian only. It may
be said to realise the ideal programme of Catholicity ; and
the Eoman Church would certainly be glad to come to
terms with it were there any prospect of its ultimate
success. That Jesuits have coquetted with Social Demo-
cracy is no secret. The Roman Church has now nothing
to lose by a revolution in the political and social worlds.
The clergy live up to the programme of Socialism. They
have now no chance of hoarding capital. In Csesarism the
Papacy meets with a mighty foe : in a State founded on
Socialist principles, it would be supreme.
Social Democracy. 271
Professor Treischke has taunted the Socialists with
their godlessness. Herr Most and other stump orators of his
calibre have given occasion to such charges, but anti-
Christian they are not. 6 We avoid especially everything
which may offend religious feeling,' writes the author of
the ' Socialistische Keplik ' to Herr Treischke : 'we leave
every man free to the exercise of his faith ; only there do
we fight against religion when we find it in conscious false-
hood labouring to stultify the people. We have far more
respect for the faith of our childish years than you, and
will never endure that it be made part of the calculations
of the brutal and egoistical politics of the wealthy classes,
and be desecrated by such usage. Name to me a single
Socialist writing, in which you can find such disgusting,
such unseemly scoffs at the foundations of the Christian
religion, as are produced by your special colleague in
historical legerdemain and deification of Bismarck, Herr
Johannes Scherr I '
It is false also that Socialism preaches community of
goods, the abolition of property. It preaches only com-
munity of profits, and the abolition of capital as a pro-
ductive agent. ' How would you define Socialism, Herr
Schulze ? ' asks Lassalle. ' Thus, no doubt : The parcelling
of property by society. But do you not see that this is
precisely the process now in full vigour ? Precisely now,
under the make-believe of individual production, is
chance engaged in distributing fortunes capriciously
among the social units. Social distribution goes on
daily, but in an anarchical fashion. And it is this an-
archical distribution which creates commercial property.
What Socialism asks is, not to abolish property, but to%
make it individual property, won by labour.
'We are quite ready to allow already accumulated
capital to remain intact : its accumulation has been
272 Germany, Present and Past.
justified by the laws which allowed it, but we are free to
dispose of the capital of the future, the accumulation of
which in a few hands we will not allow, but distribute it
among the workers.'
The charge that Socialism seeks the destruction of
right of inheritance is also false. Not a single Socialist
has proposed this. In the Middle Ages a man had
always free disposal of the personal property lie had
acquired (Erworbenes) ; real property he could not de-
vise; but real property will have ceased to exist when
the Socialist programme is carried out. So far from
the right of inheritance being threatened, it will be
strengthened by intensification of the idea of the solidarity
of the Family. Abrogation of right of inheritance would
be too deep a wounding of the sense of family union for a
Socialist agitator to obtain much sympathy were he to
propose it. Moreover, the right of free disposal of pro-
perty, if done away with, would destroy one of the strongest
incentives to economy and activity — an incentive which
Socialism has every reason to desire to stimulate, as con-
ducive to the general good. The accumulation of property
will be allowed to any extent, to be spent for enjoyment,
for protection of the arts, &c., but not for the purpose of
speculation. Labour may earn what it can, and save up,
from generation to generation, but money must not be
endowed with the power of generation. It is dead, and
must remain dead.
It is false, altogether false, that Socialism has advo-
cated ' free love.' There have been, indeed, demagogues
and fanatics hitching themselves on to the skirts of
Socialism, who have broached this offensive doctrine, but
they have been promptly disavowed by the recognised
leaders of the party. The Socialist view of marriage
is precisely that of the Christian Church. The Socialist
Social Democracy. 273
programme leaves marriage intact as a sacred institution.
' We recognise and prize,' writes the above-quoted oppo-
nent of Herr Treischke, 'the moral might of marriage
higher than do you, and it is on this ground that we are
such implacable foes to the modern constitution of society.
For this reason you are absolutely without excuse when
you charge us with polygamous tendencies. If you want
to play marriage as a trump card against us, you must let
us see more respect for it in your modern society, and not,
what is everywhere apparent in it, moral decay.' ' Have
you ever run your eye through the saddest chapter of the
Social Question, the chapter of female and child labour ?
Are you not aware that it is the reckless, remorseless
making a profit out of our women, on whom the future of
our people depends, which is one of the mainsprings of the
wealth of your " natural aristocracy," one of the most
powerful means of holding down the artisan class on the
lowest social level ? If the physical and moral dangers
which naturally issue from these conditions have not
radically ruined modern cultured races, you have only the
artisans to thank, who will not shrink from the greatest
sacrifices to preserve the honour of their wives and
daughters. But when the last physical and moral check
fails, which the family provides — when the work-girl,
armed only with her bare hands, is brought into the
market of your boastful society, what, I ask, is the fate in
store for her ? What is the economic regulator which
makes all the difference between the highest pay and the
poorest remuneration, scarce enough to keep body and
soul together ? It is — Professor ! — it is your " free love "
and " community of women " in its most loathsome and
degrading form. The whole range of female activity,
from the ballet-dancer to the humblest mill-girl, is open
on the market to your u natural aristocracy ; " bidding
VOL. II. T
274 Germany, Present and Past.
for it is a lung of its existence. The capitalists would
command our young women, at their own price and for
what they willed, were they not stopped by the fence of
married life which they cannot always with impunity
overleap.1 Professor, we fight tooth and nail against the
modern system of production, because we are determined
to vindicate the sanctity of marriage against " free love ; "
whereas you, lauding our theories, which you appropriate
as your own, act the reverse of them.' 2
Socialism does not preach class antagonism, but only
hostility to the present commercial system. Marx says, in
the preface to his book, ' I do not show the forms of the
capitalist and the landlord in a rosy light ; but it must
not be forgotten that these persons are the representatives
of a system and interests, personifications of economic
categories. They are not responsible for the evil of the
system, they are necessary products of it, forms that must
be evolved in the development of social progress, to be
superseded and disappear in their course.' And Lassalle
urges, ' The artisan must and ought never to forget, that
all property once acquired is unassailable and legitimate ;
it is only when the capitalist seeks to perpetuate the
present confusion, and sets himself in opposition to the
advance of mankind in blind egoism, that he becomes the
bourgeois.' It is also a mistake to suppose that Socialism
seeks the break-up of property into smaller and ever
more infinitesimal portions. It is precisely this that has
been done by the Code Napoleon, which has made the
1 German mothers in the gentle and middle classes do not nurse
their own children, but hire for them wet nurses, who are girls who
have had illegitimate children. These are paid higher wages than
other servants, and are made much of. A premium is thus put on loss
of chastity.
2 Herr von Treischkeder Socialistentodter. JEine Socialistische Replik.
Leipz. 1875, p. 33.
Social Democracy. 275
whole peasant class subject to Jew usurers. Subdivision of
trade in manufactures has been taken advantage of by
employers to enslave the artisans and draw the profits into
their own purses. Subdivision of property in land has had
precisely the same effect. The Jew has stepped into the
place of the old landlord : the bauer toils all his life long,
earns a bare subsistence, but all the profits of his farming
are sucked up by the Jew usurer. The object of the
movement, says the Socialist, is the emancipation of man-
kind from the yoke of capital. Towards this history is
tending. When the middle class was ripe for independence,
it precipitated the ruin of the aristocracy when they set
themselves to oppose it in their selfish greed of power.
Their position, their rights were historic, only, — empty
forms, from which the animating spirit had flown. They
stood, leaning on these hollow, pithless reeds, relying
on these shadows of substances extinct, to fight natural
rights, animated with eternal principles. Each host
unfurled the banner of Eights, but one bore historic rights
heraldically emblazoned, the rights of a dead civilisation,
and the other the living, ever renewing rights of humanity.
There could be no doubt as to the result. The nobility
made way for the middle class. The castle fell into ruins,
and the factory rose. The pennant on the keep was re-
placed by the smoke-snake of the mill-chimney. Men no
longer fought in the lists, but on the exchange ; smote
one another not to the heart, but in their purses. As the
noble went down before the citizen, so must the citizen
vanish before the artisan. The great period of commercial
and manufacturing activity has been a chapter in history, to
be now concluded. It was necessary that capital should
build large factories, purchase machinery, subdivide labour,
bring vast crowds of workmen to co-operate on one pro-
duct, carry on wholesale manufacture and trade, to prepare
T 2
276 Germany, Present and Past.
the way for the wholesale trade and manufacture par
excellence, which will be carried on by the State. It was
necessary that men should learn first co-operation in
production, before they could advance to co-operation in
distribution. We have got so far that we see our goal,
we see whither history points ; and never will Liberalism
and the middle class succeed in arresting the evolution of
the destiny of the masses, and snap short off the progress
of history. c We must look to the past,' adds the Socialist,
'and take from it lessons for the future.' Capital in
money was never endowed with fertility till labour was
subdivided. In the natural state of society, the shilling
stuck to the owner. The Church forbade usury, that is,
the giving of money the faculty of procreating in its own
image. She did well. In the Middle Ages money was
borrowed as it is now, but then no opportunity offered of
converting the loan into a means of acquiring money. It
was borrowed to relieve want, not to speculate upon.1 If
society, for the common good, forbade usury three or
four centuries ago, it may forbid it again, a century
hence, having discovered by bitter experience what a
curse it has proved. This is all the expropriation sought
by Socialism. It is cast in our teeth, that our theory
could never be carried into practice. We answer it has,
and it beat the opposed theory when put to the test of
experience. In the Middle Ages the feudal system repre-
sented that you advocate. The few expropriated the
many. But in the towns the communal system throve,
and the towns waxed so strong on that system that they
broke the power of the feudal aristocracy. With the
sixteenth century that communal system was abandoned
1 * Ea propria est usurarum interpretatio, quando videlicet ex usu rei,
quse non germinat, nullo labore, nullo sumptu nullove periculo lucrum
fcetusque conquiri studetur.'— Decree of fifth Lateran Council.
Social Democracy. 277
by trade, and the feudal introduced under the form of
plutocracy.
As concerns landed property, every one knows that
originally the land was common to all. It is so to this
day in Java, and there agriculture is nevertheless most
intensive, and there in less than a hundred years the
population has risen from two millions to seventeen and a
half millions ; so favourable has the system shown itself.
Every parish in Germany has still its common land and
forest. It was when agriculture became intensive rather
than extensive, that common land was appropriated to
householders. But now, throughout Germany, subdivision
of property in land leads everywhere to wretched farming.
The earth does not produce one half of what it would in
the hands of a large holder ; and we see that it is a
commercial and financial necessity to do away with these
minute holdings and bring the land under wholesale
culture, by the community. As population increases,
properties dwindle, and the land produces less ; the time
must come when society will no longer endure this waste
of resources. The land must be taken back by the
community. No doubt the bauer will object ; but he will
soon see how much more prosperous he will become when
the Jew has his claws no more in him.
The State will organise national labour General pro-
duction will be a social function, and private speculation
done away with for ever. There will be no living on
rents and funded property, for property in land and banks
will be abolished. In the place of private speculators and
manufacturers, the State, the collective organ, will act, and
regulate production by demand. By this means the
anarchy of competition will be supplanted by national order.
It would be impossible to over-estimate the advantages
of such an organisation — could it be realised. Now capital
278 Germany, Present and Past.
and labour are alike wasted, squandered on swindling,
on fruitless undertakings which end in bankruptcy. Much
labour and much capital would be economised, when
demand and production balanced each other exactly.
Such an organisation would call forth, not only a more
equal, but a more intense production. Many branches of
industry, only occupied with ministering to luxury, would
disappear. The moral advantage would be scarcely less.
Nothing is so mischievous to the moral fibre as waste of
time. When every man must work that he may eat, a
healthy life will pervade the whole community. All will
be busy and all will be happy in the consciousness that
they are profiting themselves and the community.
As the production of goods will be common, so will be
the distribution of profits. The prime law of the com-
munity of the future will be 'To work its full wage.'
Not that each should substantially possess the product of
his own hands as in the Mediaeval commonwealth. The
immense advance made by society in subdivision of
labour makes this impossible, but each will receive the
absolute value of his work. The measure of the value
will be — true to the Socialist principle that work is the
source of all value — the day's labour. Whosoever shall have
done a certain number of hours' work will receive a certifi-
cate or cheque for its worth, and at the State stores he
can provide himself with anything he desires up to the
value of his cheque. As all products, all goods, are valued
by the amount of work bestowed on them — because they
are, so to speak, the crystallisation of work — it will be
always possible to fix their value, and this will be so low
as to leave only a slight profit over. Thus all independent
trade and speculation — the market, in fact, — will in the
Socialist State have no footing ; and thus the first object
of the system will be attained.
Social Democracy. 279
With respect to the normal work-day, it is not to be
supposed that the number of hours will be fixed for all
alike, nor that intelligent and unintelligent work should
be reckoned of like value.1 On the contrary, all work will
be appreciated by the skill it demands, the discomforts
and danger to health it may entail, the intelligence which
it requires for its execution. All these will be taken into
account and given their proper value. The man of
learning, the student of science, the educator of the young,
the painter, the poet, the musician, all will receive recog-
nition and payment, as workers together for the common
good. They will be paid out of the slight profit made on
the sale of goods in the general stores, — the very simplest
method of taxation conceivable.
Such is the Socialist economical system. It is one
dazzling and full of promise. Presented before the
artisans of Berlin, Leipzig, Elberfeld, and other large
towns, where Protestantism has lost its hold on their
affections, where, however, in their present distress, they
are craving for a religion, Socialism has become, not a
theory of government only, but a religion. It opens to
them a glorious future : it assures them a reign of
justice, liberty, fraternity, and equality on the earth.
Police and imprisonment will not destroy it; ideas
are not put down by laws. Eepression may make martyrs,
but will not prevent the spread of the creed. An atmo-
sphere of ideas is precisely the atmosphere that should
not be concentrated and condensed, but given expansion
and dilution. Nitrogen is innocuous, except when
crystallised in glycerine. Enthusiasts are always to be
found to whom expression of some kind is an imperative
necessity ; they muse over their theories till the fire
1 This is not, however, the doctrine of Liebknecht, or of several of
the speakers at the Gotha Conference.
2 So Germany, Present and Past.
kindles, and then, if not given space for explosion, will
blow down a house even if they bury themselves under the
ruins.
If Socialism were a foreign importation, a cordon of
an effectual kind might be drawn round the Empire
to prevent the innoculation of the guileless, healthy
German operative with this contagious French foot-and-
mouth disease. But it is not so. It is of home growth.
Grerman socialism is distinct from French communism.
That it is extensively propagated and believed in,
admits of no doubt. In spite of all Government restric-
tions and precautions, it grows. In 1876 as many as
51 of the representatives of Social Democracy in the Gotha
Congress fell under the arm of the law, in all 141 times,
to the total amount of 205 months 30 days' imprisonment,
and 1,307 thalers fine, beginning with 1 day's imprison-
ment or one thaler fine, up to 44 months' imprisonment
or 515 thalers fine for one person. Liebknecht underwent
44 months' imprisonment. Hasenclever had to pay 515
thalers fine. Bebel was imprisoned 35 months, Hurlemann
9, Slauk over 8 months. In Saxony, during the five years
1870—75, as many as 50 Social Democrats underwent toge-
ther 500 months' confinement. One would have supposed
that the great blunder of the crusade against the Ultramon-
tanes would have taught the Chancellor wisdom, and that
he would not attempt the same unsuccessful crusade
against Socialism. But a despotic government never
learns, it hardens itself in its blundering policy.
In 1875 Herr Geib stated in Hamburg that 503
associations of Social Democrats had been organised in
Germany — an increase of 66 per cent in two years. At
the Socialist Congress at Gotha in 1876, there were
101 delegates, representing 284 places, and 37,774
members.
Social Democracy. 281
In 1871 the Socialists polled only 1,961 votes in
Berlin ; in 1877 they polled 31,576 ; in 1878 the votes re-
corded for a Socialist member were 56,336. At the
General German elections in 1871 they only collected
120,000 votes, and managed to return two members; in
1874 they had 340,000 votes and nine members ; in 1877,
the number of votes for Socialist candidates was 497,000,
and twelve members were returned to the legislature. In
1878, in spite of harsh, repressive measures, in spite of their
inability to hold meetings, or even to state their views freely
in the press, the Socialist candidates polled far more votes
than they did in the previous year. If they have not so
many representatives in the Keichstag as before, this is due
to the fact that the German election law makes no provision
for the representation of minorities. They are practically
extinguished, unless they happen to be a local majority.
Had there existed three-cornered constituencies, or had
election au scrutin de liste been employed, the Socialist
party in the German Parliament would have been greatly
strengthened.
In spite of repression the Socialist press shows no loss of
activity. In 1869 it issued only six Social-Democratic
papers, now there are forty-seven, of which thirty-two are
political, and three comic.1 The illustrated ; Neue Welt ' at
first numbered 18,000 subscribers, now 30,000. ' Der Arme
Konrad,' the calendar of. the party, sells to the amount of
40,000 copies. Socialist ideas are by no means confined to
the lower stratum in society. The whole professional class is
more or less infected with them. This class, living in a world
of dreams, delighting in destructive criticism, utterly unac-
quainted with the practical aspect of such questions, has
been captivated by the specious promises of Socialism.
1 Eulenspiegel (Mainz), LeucJitTiugcln (Brunswick), and Krdkehl&r
(Cassel).
282 Germany, Present and Past.
This is especially the case with the professors of political
economy in the German universities. Socialistic doctrines
of trade are too reactionary not to attract the sympathy of
protectionists, and the advocacy of State encouragement
of private industry is quite in harmony with the tenets of
Socialism. Free trade aggravates the distress at home.
The chief professor of political economy at the Berlin
University is a rank, an undisguised Socialist. In his
hostility to private property and his sympathy with the
theory of State control of manufacture and sale, he is
quite as far advanced as the Berliner ' Freie Presse '
itself.1
The Social-Democratic party has been accused, if not
of complicity with, at all events of responsibility for, the two
attempts made on the life of the Emperor. The accusation
is most unjust. Hodel was a man of weak intellect, made
weaker by depraved morals ; and Nobiling's brain
trembled on the verge of insanity. The party was as
1 A writer in the Saturday Review of March 23, 1878, says very truly
that the recent general elections of 1878 have strongly impressed
Germans with two remarkable facts : in the first place, the chief
stronghold of the Socialists was shown to be Berlin itself, so that it
appeared that the greatest support of doctrines which seem to be the
offspring of sheer ignorance was found in the very centre of German
education, and indifference to the Fatherland was most zealously pro-
claimed in the very centre of German military glory. Then, again, it
was discovered, to the surprise of many honest and respectable persons,
that the Socialists by no means all belonged to the mob. Decorous
people, dressed in an unexceptionable manner, and even to some extent
wearing kid gloves, were seen to go solemnly to the poll and proclaim
themselves adherents of the lamented Lassalle. They were not Con-
servatives wishing to give a wholesome lesson to the bourgeoisie, but
men who were frankly sick of modern society and repudiated it in
spite of the advantages which they personally derived from it. They
would probably have hesitated to drink beer with twelve hundred
ladies in a dancing-saloon, or to wear a red scarf at an irreligious
funeral ; but when they had merely to go to the poll, they had the
courage of their opinions and plumped for a Socialist.
Social Democracy. 283
little guilty of their wicked and foolish attempts, as was
the Liberal in that of Biland on the pastor Heinrici, or
the Ultramontane in that of Kullmann on Prince
Bismarck.
If violence be resorted to, it is not to advance the
cause, but to revenge the curtailment of natural rights.
Shooting the Emperor, or Bismarck, would not advance
the Social millennium by a day ; but it may be the
nemesis of an indignant people against those who deny
them the liberty of free propagation of their ideas.
Those ideas in themselves are harmless. They are an
historic theory, a prophecy of what is to be, a calculation
of forces. The theory may be wrong, the prophecy false,
the calculation put out by imreckoned elements. That
can only be proved by experience. Let it be proved by
experiment. At least, let many minds consider it from
their many standing-points, and point out the weak scales
in the harness, and thrust the arrows of criticism through
the joints they find. The experiment is preposterous, say
many, but it is not preposterous, it is only premature.
Free trade has not been fully tried. The Liberal pro-
gramme has not been carried out in its entirety ; and till
that has been tested and has broken down, the era of
Social Democracy has not come. We have less of Socialism
in England, because free trade and a free circulation of
labour have made prosperity pretty general. Germany
has imported our manufacturing system, without throw-
ing open her ports, and whilst tying down her people to
the land. She reaps the evil and none of the good.
The attempts made to repress Social Democracy will
aggravate the disorder, and, in the meantime, the
elements of a dangerous combination are being brought
together by a common persecution. Ultramontanism has
nothing to fear from Social Democracy and much to gain.
284 Germany, Present and Past.
For a century the decrees of Popes against usury have been
the derision of modern civilisation. Ultramontanism can
come before Social Democracy flaunting this fact. The
Church, it can say, and say with truth, laid down the very
principles which you advocate, and condemned the whole
modern system of making capital breed capital. The
world would not listen to her. A hundred years of
breaking banks, ruined industries, money panics, and
trade failures have shown mankind that the Church was
right and speculative trade was wrong. The commercial
system of the nineteenth century grew up on lines con-
demned by the Church, and experience has justified her.
That an alliance between Ultramontanism and Socialism
is possible is proved by the fact of the growth of the latter
among the Catholic population of Brittany. Friends
living there have assured me that this is the case ; and
that the poor, who have been known as devoted to their
religion, are becoming eager Communists as well. Point-
ing to the Bible they declare that Christ was the first
prophet of this social gospel, and the early Church the
first Communistic society. Christ, they argue, came to
be not merely the moro£, but also the social regenerator of
mankind. For nineteen centuries moral regeneration has
alone been attempted: let us now look at Him as the
recaster of the social system, and, taking his precepts, act
up to them literally. For nineteen centuries the inculca-
tion of the moral law has led to small results. The
morals of men are scarcely better than they were in the
days of heathenism, because governments have refused to
establish the whole Gospel, and allow Christianity a field
for developing its social principles, except within the walls
of a monastery. But when the body politic is reformed
on the Gospel system, on the system of the Apostolic
Church, on the system of the Canonists, and of the great
Social Democracy. 285
monastic patriarchs, then it will be found that the moral
law is more easily kept. How is it possible, in the
present condition of trade, to observe the eighth command-
ment in the spirit ? Manufacture, trade, must be more
or less fraudulent, or the manufacturer, the trader, is
ruined. How is it possible for the seventh commandment
to be observed ? Marriage is a prerogative reserved to
the wealthy — at least in towns. The clerk and shopman
cannot take to themselves wives and make homes, on
account of the cost of living and the uncertainty of trade.
The consequences are a wide-spread demoralisation. It
is of no avail the Church preaching purity, when the
social condition is such that marriage is unattainable.
This alone proves that the commercial situation is un-
natural, and if unnatural, anti-Christian also. It is the
natural right of every man to establish a household.
Reorganise society on the basis of natural and Christian
right, and the sun will shine out again over the dark
places of society. Take the ordinary life of a young man
or lady of wealth. The day is spent in killing time, life
is wasted in a round of pleasures that pall by repetition.
Most of the vice in society arises from the empty heart
seeking ever new gratifications in the hope of appeasing
an eternal craving. Every form of debauchery is a
new stimulant poured into a hungry stomach. It intoxi-
cates and enfeebles, it does not satisfy and brace to action.
Satan will always find mischief for idle hands to do.
More than half the infidelities in married life are the
ugly crop that springs out of idle hours. An untilled
field grows briers and thistles. If every man and woman
be made to work, the whole atmosphere of society will be
refreshed and purified. Vice still will be ; but it will be
rough, not exquisite. Work, not pleasure, will occupy
the heart ; healthy exercise will invigorate the moral as
286 Germany, Present and Past.
well as the physical system. Time will be utilised, not
killed. Those who live now as parasites on the common-
wealth will fall off, and the race disappear. All human
beings, not a few, will labour together for the common
weal.
The old regime was bad enough ; for under it a few
lived only for pleasure, and the many worked. But they
did, unconsciously, one great good. They preserved a
sense of honour, a reverence for truth. The modern
regime is at once a plutocracy and a kakistocracy. An
escutcheon may be stained, but a money-bag cannot blush.
All the evils of an aristocracy remain, and none of the
advantages. The old aristocracy was lavish and licentious ;
the new plutocracy is ostentatious and obscene.
Such arguments may be heard from the mouths of
devout Catholics in France. The fusion has begun there
between the Church and the Commune. It has not pro-
ceeded far, but it has begun. In Grermany this is not the
case. German Catholic workmen are not as yet infected
with Socialistic views. But this is a condition of affairs
not likely to last. Catholicism and Socialism have a
natural tendency to coalesce. The priests are not vehe-
mently hostile to it. The purse-proud burger has proved
himself too offensive for them to desire the perpetuation
of the species.
M. Tissot, in his ' Vienne et la Vie Viennoise,' gives a
conversation he had with an Austrian priest who had taken
up Socialist views. I will give the words of a priest in
South Grermany on the same subject. ' During the last
three hundred years the Catholic Church has had the most
difficult of all tasks to perform. She has had to find a
modus vivendi for Christians in a social condition for
which the Grospel was not calculated. Take the Sermon
on the Mount. Is it possible to carry out its provisions
Social Democracy. 287
in the nineteenth century ? Luther was brought face to
face with the same problem. He had penitents ; he knew
by the confessional how impossible it was to apply the hard
and fast lines of Gospel morality to the men and women
of the century in which he lived, in which already life was
becoming complex. He solved the difficulty in his rough
and ready way by making the moral law an invention of
Moses, and free grace and forgiveness the revelation of
Christ. His Gospel was emancipation of the conscience
from the restraints of the moral law. It was impossible
for the Church to adopt his solution. She has tried
another. She has made pardon for sin almost as easy to
be obtained as it is under Luther. She maintains her
protest, but that is all. There is a higher and better
way, but under the existing state of things it is impossible
for the world at large to follow it. She exhorts to the
higher, but connives at men following the lower. This is
the Jesuit programme. That it is not satisfactory, most
will allow. But something had to be done, and moralists
did what they could. The condition of society is
changing, and we wait for a better and healthier state in
which the Church may take a more dignified line. Our
course now is a pis aller, nothing more. We are impa-
tient at this. We believe that the Gospel scheme is
adapted to something better. We believe that Christianity
has not said its last word. We see everywhere society
breaking up, governments tottering, and a new light
breaking in on the minds of men, showing a way in which
the great wrongs of mankind may be redressed, and — what
touches us, spiritual guides, nearly — in which the literal
carrying out of the Gospel maxims of morality may be
made possible ; a condition in which moral questions are
not a tangle to be solved only by casuistry, but simple, to
be cut with common sense. We look at the teaching of
288 Germany, Present and Past.
Christ, and we find in it the outlines of this new social
philosophy. We look at the history of the early Church,
and we find attempts made to reconstitute society on a
basis which is precisely that of Marx and Lassalle. We
open our canonists, and discover that Social-Democratic
dogmas are the social dogmas of the infallible Church,
formulated before modern society had developed into
the monster which it now is. De Maistre a hundred
years ago said: "When I consider the general weaken-
ing of moral principles, the immensity of our needs,
and the inanity of our means, it seems to me that every
true philosopher must choose between these two hypo-
theses— either he must form a new religion altogether,
or Christianity must be rejuvenated in some extra-
ordinary manner. Everything announces some grand
unity, towards which we are advancing with mighty
strides." That is what I expect too, and expect to find it
in Social Democracy — not in a godless communism, but
in a great Christian social revival. Wait a bit. The day
may not be so distant when the successor of St. Peter
will set himself at the head of this movement, and Christ
will appear Himself not merely as the moral but also the
social regenerator of the world. Empires, constitutional
monarchies, republics have been tried, and have not proved
completely successful. Perhaps a great Christian Social-
Democratic State will prove the solution of the question
how men are to be governed. The Apostolic Chair has
not received sufficient favours from modern emperors,
kings, and presidents to have much scruple in consign-
ing them to the lions. The phoenix may consume her
nest, but she will spring from the flames newborn,
victorious.'
I do not say that Socialism has made much way among
German Catholics. On the contrary, I assert that it has
Social Democracy. 289
not; but I do assert that Catholicism is not likely to
oppose its extension.1
There stands, however, in Germany, one dyke against
which Social Democracy may dash itself, but which it will
never undermine or overleap — not the iron empire, not
penal laws, not the military force, not the Catholic
Church, but the great Bauerstand — a Portland Beach of
very small pebbles, loosely lying together, uncemented,
but impossible to move or break through. The Bauer-
stand clings to real property with inflexible tenacity.
Not a bauer can be allured by the dreams of communism ;
and the Bauerstand is the basis of the empire. In the
Eusso-Turkish war, the spade proved a more important
weapon than the bayonet; and in the future battle
between property and proletariatism, the spade will make
the rifle pits in which the capitalists will cower, and from
which they will decimate their assailants.
1 The recent encyclical of the Pope on Socialism has been in fact a
slap in the face of the Jesuits, who have for long been coquetting with
Social Democracy, and whose trump card has been the above pro-
gramme.
VOL. II.
I
290 Germany \ Present and Past.
CHAPTEE XVII.
CULTURE.
Vwla. — The rudeness that hath appeared in me, have I learned from
my entertainment.
Twelfth NigJit, act i. sc. 5.
FOR thirty years Germany was a battle-field. In Saxony
900,000 men had fallen within two years ; in Bohemia
the number of inhabitants had sunk to one-fourth.
Augsburg, instead of 80,000 inhabitants, numbered but
18,000. Every province, every town throughout the
empire had suffered in like manner. The country was
completely impoverished. The trades had disappeared.
The busy looms were hushed, the factories destroyed,
the warehouses gutted. Vast provinces, once flourishing
and populous, lay entirely waste and uninhabited. In
Franconia — which, owing to her central position, had been
traversed by every party during the war — the misery and
depopulation had reached such a pitch, that the Fran-
conian Estates, with the assent of the bishops, abolished
the celibacy of the Catholic clergy, and permitted each
layman to marry two wives, on account of the numerical
superiority of the women over the men. Science and the
arts had fled the realm. In place of learning, pedantry
dragged on a wretched existence ; and when a desire came
for works of art, Germany was fain to import a style from
France. It had none of its own. Thirty years are a
Culture. 291
generation. A generation had grown up without the
restraints of moral or other law ; had grown up with their
only idea of right — the right of the strongest. Mediaeval
culture had been killed in the course of development.
The humanising effects of a gradually unfolding civilisa-
tion were undone, and the whole nation was replunged in
barbarism. Chivalrous respect for women was gone ;
domestic life was done away with. To bouse and fight in
the taverns became the practice of men. Art had to be
recreated or imported. Poetry, literature, painting were
extinguished. Eeligion also had expired.
I was speaking once at Lille with an old French
commercial traveller, on the irreligion of Frenchmen as
compared with Belgians. He made the excuse : ' Foreign-
ers forget, in judging us, that a whole generation grew up
without Grod, without public worship, without religion of
any sort, under the first Republic. Grod, worship,
religion became only a tradition. The Church had to
relay her foundations, and start with the reconversion of a
country with a gap in its past.'
In Grermany culture of every kind became a tradition
only. A gulf of thirty years stood between the old civi-
lisation and the new era. Everything had to be recon-
quered, on every field. Everywhere lay only ruins ; and
it was not till more than thirty years later that the
heart came back to men to set up again the fallen stones.
This most important consideration must not be put
aside in estimating modern Grermany. We have had no
such break in the continuity of our civilisation since the
Wars of the Roses, and they were a trifle compared with
that of thirty years in Grermany. Our social development
has, therefore, not been spasmodic, but leisurely and
methodical. But in Grermany civilisation has not been as
systematic. The advance has not been all along the line.
u 2
292 Germany, Present and Past.
In some departments there has been extraordinary deve-
lopment ; in others stagnation. German wood- engraving
is absolutely unsurpassed by any in Europe. Grerman
architecture is in the lowest abyss of degradation. In
figure- drawing Grerman artists are all but unrivalled ; in
colour they are nowhere. In poetry they have conquered
a proud position ; in romance they have yet one to make.
In science they have proved themselves masters of de-
structive criticism ; they have done little as yet in the
more difficult work of construction. ' Germans,' says Dr.
Croly in his preface to ' Salathiel,' ' are never content till
they have demonstrated all facts to be fiction, and
laboured to convert all fiction into facts.'
The Grerman intellect is sharpened and polished into
the most admirable instrument, but the ' manner ' which
' maketh man ' is left sadly untutored. This is what every
Frenchman or Englishman notices. It is impossible to
blink a patent fact. But allowance is not made often
enough for the Thirty Years' war, whose fatal influence is
still felt in this particular. It is not my wish or intention
to illustrate this deficiency in culture of manner by modern
examples, but rather to excuse it. Grermans who have
associated with foreigners are ready enough to admit the
want of refinement at home, and lament it ; but they can
always excuse it by pointing back at their history.
Modern politesse is the development in the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries of mediaeval chivalry. Medise-
valism, with all its good as well as its evil, was buried in
Germany in the seventeenth century, and a new civilisation
started. In two hundred years the fruit cannot be as
mature as that which has ripened through seven hundred.
The mischief wrought by the Thirty Years' war was
not merely the rupture with the past. It went farther ;
it interfered with future amendment by insulating the
Culture. 293
classes with wide spaces between them. The great body
of the landed gentry was done away with. The fortunes
of the war, and the policy of the princes, had ruined them.
There was no chain along which social currents could flow
from the prince to the peasant. The citizen in like
manner was left to harden into his own peculiarities and
class prejudices. He had nothing in common with the
peasant, and was brought into no contact with the prince,
for he was not hoffdhig. The gentleman, who has be-
queathed his title to describe all that is honourable,
courteous, right in feeling, and considerate in conduct, the
conservator of traditional virtues where courts are corrupt,
became an extinct species in Grermany, like the Urochs.
There were gentlemen before the Thirty Years' war, as
there were giants before the Flood. The gentleman is a
produce of many ages, the resultant of many forces. He
is not developed in a day.
With the kindest of hearts and the best of intentions,
a Grerman omits the little courtesies, and even decencies
of life, without which civilised life, as we understand it in
England, is intolerable. His mode of eating in the best
society is on a level with that of our agricultural labourers.
With a rudeness dictated by selfish economy of postage-
stamps, or disinclination to trouble himself with writing,
he does not acknowledge and answer letters. With a
romantic admiration for the fair sex, almost grotesque in
its ideality, he will treat his wife and daughters with
brutality, and insult them to their faces before company.
He maintains the extravagant external demonstrations of
respect observed in the last century, but has no ease in
female society. I do not like to say this ; but it is the
statement of a truth, and I only do so to excuse it. It is
in no captious spirit that I remark it ; but, if no notice be
taken of it, it will not be amended. The Grerman nature
294 Germany, Present and Past.
is not guilty of this blemish, but the German history.
The stars in their courses have fought against Teutonic
culture. A distinguished Protestant, after a visit to Eome,
returned a Catholic. ' The religion must be true,' he
said, ' or it could not survive such scandals and villanies as
are perpetrated at Eome.' The German nature must be
endowed with marvellous resistance to bad influences not
to be irredeemably corrupted. It is the ' entertainment ' to
which Germans have been subjected which makes 4 rude-
ness appear ' in them.
The court everywhere sets an example of manners and
mode of life. Let us look at what court life was in
Germany when it had recovered the exhaustion consequent
on the Thirty Years' war.
6 Ich bin gut Deutsch,' said Frederick William I. when
he succeeded to the Prussian throne. ' Ich will nichts von
den Blitz- und Schelmfranzosen ; ' and he introduced a
reaction against French manners which were infiltrating
his court. That reaction meant recurrence to a brutality
and savagery tolerable only as an inevitable consequence
of war. He despised everything that pertained to cul-
ture. Of the great Leibnitz he said scornfully, ' Bah !
the fellow is not big enough and upright enough to
stand guard. There can be no good in him.' If he
said that a pinch of common sense was worth an uni-
versity full of learning, he was not far wrong; for the
learning in the universities was then but pedantry. He
was a bitter foe to aristocratic pretensions. When, in
1717, the Count of Dohna, as marshal of the nobility of
Prussia, presented him with a remonstrance against the
taxation of the nobility, which concluded with the words
in French, Tout le pays sera mine, the king burst out
with 6 Tout le pays sera ruine ? Nihil credo ; but this
credo, that the authority of the aristocracy will be ruined.
Culture. 295
I will establish my sovereignty as a rocker of bronze/
One evening a new chamberlain saying grace at table
began, ' The Lord bless you ' instead of ' thee.' The
king interrupted grace : ' You dog ! In Grod's eyes you
and I are a pair of scurvy dogs — read grace aright.' As
Frederick William was riding round Berlin one day, he saw
a poor Jew slink out of his way. He stopped, seized on
the man, and asked him why he was trying to make off.
' Sire ! I was afraid of you ! ' said the scared Hebrew.
The king caught him by the scruff of his neck, and laying
into him with his riding whip with fury, roared, ' Fear
me ! fear me ! I'll teach you to love me ! '
The palace was furnished, like the house of a citizen,
with common bare tables and chairs, and no carpets on the
floors. In private the king was a despotic master. His
daughter, the Margravine of Baireuth, relates : f My
brother Frederick told me that one morning, when he went
into the king's room, our father seized him by the hair,
flung him down, and after he had exhausted the strength
of his arm on the boy's poor body, he dragged him to the
window, took the curtain rope, and twisted it round his
neck. The prince had presence of mind and strength to
grasp his father's hands and scream for help. A chamber-
lain came in and plucked the boy away from the king.'
King Frederick William entertained a bitter dislike
for the unfortunate prince. Frederick was very beautiful,
and delicately formed. The timidity inspired by the
severity of his father was mistaken by the latter for
cowardice. The son devoted his leisure to the study of
French works, especially of Voltaire. His father, on dis-
covering this, punished him unmercifully with his cane.
The royal youth attempted to escape, was discovered, seized
at Frankfurt and carried into the presence of his father,
who personally ill-treated him, grossly outraged and
296 Germany, Present and Past.
insulted him in a brutal speech, and, drawing his sword,
was on the point of running him through the body when
he was prevented by General Mosel. The prince and his
accomplice, Lieutenant von Katt, were, however, con-
demned by court-martial to death for desertion, and the
execution of the sentence was only prevented by the
representations of the foreign courts. Frederick pined for
several weeks in prison with a Bible and a book of hymns
for recreation. A scaffold was erected opposite his prison
window, and he was compelled to witness the execution of
his friend Katt.
The Margravine of Baireuth, in her 'Memoirs,' gives us
an insight into the domestic arrangements of the king : —
f At 10 o'clock in the morning my sisters and I went
to my mother, and attending her presented ourselves
before the king in the adjoining room, and there we had
to sigh away the whole morning. At length came dinner.
For this were provided six badly dressed bowls of food, to
supply twenty-four persons, and most of them had to satisfy
their stomachs with the smell of the messes. After dinner,
the king seated himself in his leather lounging chair, and
went to sleep for two hours, during which I worked. As
soon as the king woke he went out. The queen then
returned to her room, and there I read aloud to her till
the king's return. He only remained a few minutes and
then went off to the tabagie. At 8 o'clock we supped plenti-
fully; the king was present and ate heartily, but the
others went away hungry from table. Till 1 o'clock the
king generally remained in the tabagie, and till his
return we were forced to sit up.'
The tabagie was the king's smoking-room. The
palaces at Berlin, Potsdam, and Wusterhausen were pro-
vided, every one, with a smoking divan — not an abode of
luxury by any means — furnished with hard chairs, and a
Ctdture. 297
deal-table covered with green baize. To these he invited
his generals, ministers of State, and the guests staying
with him. The gentlemen sat round the long table,
wearing their orders, and smoked out of long Dutch pipes.
No one was allowed to shirk smoking. Prince Leopold
of Dessau and the Imperial Ambassador Seckendorf were
neither of them fond of tobacco, but they dared not appear
without their pipes. Before each stood also a great mug
of beer. The most important affairs of State were here
discussed. Plenty of ale was kept running, and nothing
delighted the king more than to make his princely
visitors sick with tobacco-smoke, or drunk with lager
beer. The principal butt of the evening was Grundling,
the king's historian and newspaper censor.9 Frederick
William, in mockery of the nobility whom he sought to
stamp out or laugh down, created him a baron, ennobled
his sixteen ancestors in their graves, and to insult the
learned, appointed him President of the Academy of
Sciences ; he made him, moreover, his chamberlain and
financial councillor. The king loved to make him tipsy,
and then to jeer or lash him into paroxysms of drunken
fury. Once the king had a bear brought from a me-
nagerie and put in his bed. When Grundling was drunk
and incapable, the sovereign, attended by his field-
marshals, generals, and ministers of State, carried him to his
room and tumbled him in between the sheets with Bruin.
It was not owing to the king's mercy that poor Grundling
was not hugged to death by the beast. On another
occasion, when the Finanzrath had been seen to bed, the
king and the rest of the tobacco- college besieged his bed-
room with rockets and crackers, which were flung in at
his window. On another, the king ordered masons to
wall up the door of his room, and when Grundling retired
from the tabagie for the night, somewhat elevated, he was
298 Germany, Present and Past.
unable to get into his apartment, and spent the night
prowling about the palace looking for his room, and
knocking up sleepers and invading wrong apartments.
One evening the king had Fassmann, Grundling's rival,
brought into the tabagie, and he made Fassmann read
aloud to the company a satire composed by his majesty's
orders against poor Gundling. This was too gross an
insult to be borne. Grundling sprang up, seized the pan
of red-hot turf that stood on the table for the lighting of
the pipes, and flung it in Fassinann's face. The author,
maddened by the pain, flew upon Baron Grundling, half
stripped him, and belaboured his back with the hot pan,
so that the latter was unable to sit for several weeks.
Gundling died in 1731, and in profane frolic was buried
in an empty wine- barrel instead of a coffin. Morgenstern
succeeded Grundling. The king ordered the professors
of the University of Frankfurt-on-Oder to dispute with
Morgenstern in public on the theme, ' Savants are quacks
and fools.' Morgenstern appeared in the pulpit of the
disputation hall in a scarlet waistcoat and blue velvet
gown frogged with silver lace, and great red trimmings,
an enormous wig which hung half down his back, and
at his side a fox's tail in place of a sword. After the
disputation had continued an hour, the king stopped it,
complimented Morgenstern, then turned to the audience,
whistled, and clapped his hands. They followed the lead,
and the disputation ended amid general uproar.
Court festivities ended in grotesque scenes. It was a
standing custom for the king to dance with his generals
and colonels after the queen and the ladies had with-
drawn.
Frederick, the crown prince, had been forgiven by his
father, on condition that he married a princess of Bruns-
wick whom he did not love. He lived with his wife at
Culture. 299
Kheinsberg, where he kept a little court, dividing his
time between the arts, the sciences, and revellings. How
life ran in this little court may be seen from the descrip-
tion given of it by the Baron von Bielefeld, who was
there in 1739, as guest.1 ' No sooner were we at table,
than the prince began to propose healths, one after an-
other, to all of which we were obliged to pay honour.
Then followed a stream of jokes and jovialities on the
part of the prince and those round him. The most
serious brows lightened, merriment prevailed, and the
ladies took their share in it. In the space of two hours,
however, it became obvious to all that our stomachs were
not fathomless abysses into which we might be ever-
lastingly pouring spirits with impunity. I could no
longer stand the atmosphere, dense with fumes of all sorts,
and I went out to draw a gasp of fresh air. On my return,
the vapours began to bewilder my brain. I had left
before me a glass of water. During my absence the
princess emptied it out, and filled it up with champagne.
My senses were somewhat blunted, and not perceiving the
joke, I poured my wine into the champagne, supposing it
to be water. In order to complete my destruction, the
prince ordered me to sit at his side, and began to con-
verse affably with me, and made me drink glass after
glass of Lunelle. . . . Wine makes people susceptible.
The ladies were overwhelmed with expressions of love.
Presently, by accident or otherwise, the crown princess
broke her glass. This was the signal for us, in our un-
governable joviality, to follow her example. In a moment
the glasses were flying about into every corner of the hall ;
all the glass, porcelain, mirrors, chandeliers, bottles, dishes,
everything was smashed to a thousand pieces. In the
midst of this complete havoc, the prince stood like the brave
1 I am obliged to omit certain coarsenesses in this description.
300 Germany, Present and Past.
man in Horace, contemplating the wreck of the world
with eyes unmoved. But when, at last, out of the jollity
there grew riot, he fled, assisted by his pages, and took
refuge in his own rooms.'
Kough and vulgar as the Prussian court had been under
Frederick William, it did not greatly alter its character
under Frederick II. He separated from his wife directly
he came to the throne, and spent his time in listening to
music, and reading French books, or conversing with
French men of letters. He was close-fisted, and looked
sharply after his cooks, that they did not purloin any of
the broken victuals. He could not write German without
crowding his lines with orthographic errors. In dress he
was moderate, a Jew bought his wardrobe on his death
for 400 thalers. The covers of his chairs, sofas, &c., were
smeared with tobacco, for he was a constant snuff-taker.
In religion he was perfectly tolerant, for he regarded all
religions as various modes of superstition. He allowed
free speech and freedom to the press ; ' Reason as much
as you like,' he was wont to say, ' but obey and pay.' l
Lessing, in a letter to Nikolai, dated August 25, 1769,
thus describes the Prussian capital : —
' In Frenchified Berlin, freedom is reduced to thinking
and writing about freedom, and bringing to market all
the foolish things that can be said against religion. But
let any one attempt to write plain facts, and speak out the
truth to the courtiers, as Sonnenfels has done in Vienna,
let any one venture to say a word for the subjects, and
against despotism, and he will soon find out that this is
the most enslaved country in all Europe.' With this
agrees what the Italian poet Alfieri wrote in 1 770 : ' Prussia,
with its many thousand salaried satellites, on which capri-
1 When a difference arose about hymn-books, he settled it by de-
ciding, ' Let every man sing in church whatever foolery he likes.'
Ciilture. 301
clous authority is based, is but one huge watchhouse co-
extensive with the kingdom ; and Berlin is but one
monstrous barrack.'
On the intellectual condition of the capital, Lord Mal-
mesbury thus expressed himself in 1772, in a letter to
his father : ' The society of Berlin is not expensive ; it
cannot be in a town where the inhabitants are not rich.
The men are entirely military, uninformed on every other
subject, and totally absorbed in that.' J
On the moral condition of Berlin his judgment was
as unfavourable. In 1773 he wrote to Mr. Batt : 'The
private life of Berlin will not bear being set upon paper.' 2
And ' none can be worse off for the comforts of social life
than Berlin. Berlin is a town where, if "fortis " may be
construed honest, there is neither " vir fortis nee f&mina
casta." A total corruption of morals reigns throughout
both sexes in every class of life, joined to penuriousness,
necessarily caused partly by the oppression of his present
majesty, and partly by the expensive ideas they received
from his grandfather, constituting the worst of human
characters. The men are constantly occupied how to
make straightened (sic] means support the extravagance
of their life. The women are harpies, debauched through
want of modesty rather than from want of anything else.
They prostitute their persons to the best payer, and all
delicacy of manners or sentiment of affection are un-
known to them. Bad as this description is, I do not think
I draw the picture in too bad colours. I came without
any prepossession, and venture to suppose that I live here
with too great a variety of people to be blinded by pre-
judice. All I can say in their favour is, that the example
1 Earl Malmesbury's Letters, London 1870, vol. i. p. 255.
2 Earl Malmesbury's Diaries and Corresjwndence, London 1844, rol.
i. p. 94.
302 Germany, Present and Past.
of irreligious neglect of all moral and social duties raised
before their eyes by the king, I say this, joined to the suc-
cess of all his undertakings, and the respect he enjoyed
throughout Europe, have infatuated their better judgment,
and show them vice in too advantageous a light.' l
Greorge Forster was in Berlin in 1779. He wrote: 'I
was very much upset in my prejudices in favour of this
great place which I brought with me. I find it exter-
nally more beautiful, but internally blacker than I anti-
cipated. Berlin is certainly one of the finest towns i»
Europe, but, the inhabitants ! Prodigality and tasteless
enjoyment of life in them run out into bumptiousness,
boastfulness, and gluttony, daring rationalism and bare-
faced dissolution of morals. The women are all rotten
apples. But what chiefly disgusted me was the deification
of the king in his foolish extravagance, by even intelligent
people, that what is bad, false, unjust, and eccentric in him
is lauded as magnificent and superhuman.'
Frederick William II. succeeded ' Old Fritz,' and stern
martial despotism was followed by the rule of a seraglio.
He was married first to the Princess Elizabeth of Bruns-
wick, but separated from her in 1769, and married the
Princess Louise of Hesse-Darmstadt, who bore him his
successor, Frederick William III. His chief favourite was
Wilhelmine Encke, married to the Chamberlain Reitz,
whom he elevated to be Countess of Lichtenau, and over-
whelmed with estates and costly presents. When his
eyes fell on Fraulein Julie von Voss, she, as did after-
wards the Countess Sophie von Donhoff, insisted on a
left-handed marriage with the king, and this was con-
cluded with the knowledge, if not the consent, of the
queen. The Evangelical Consistory raised no objection
'"Earl Malmesbury's Diaries and Correspondence ', London, 1844,
vol. i.
Culture. 303
to such august bigamy. Countess Donhoff received from
the king 200,000 thalers as her dower, her mother 50,000,
her sister 20,000, and her uncle 40,000. It may be
imagined how disagreeable it was for the queen, the
crown prince, and the whole royal family to be forced by
the king to attend the soiree of the Countess Lichtenau.
In 1797, the king, struck with a mortal malady, returned
to his capital from the baths of Pyrmont somewhat
better, and a grand festival was held in Berlin, at which
the countess appeared in Greek costume as Polyhymnia,
and sang to the king some wretched verses of congratula-
tion composed by herself. The monarch was so touched,
that he bade the crown prince go to her and kiss her
hand. Frederick William left behind him a debt of
49,000,000 thalers.
But if the Prussian court was gross and sensual, it
was outdone in sensuality and extravagance by others,
pre-eminently by those of Saxony and Wiirtemberg. In
the former, a Lutheran pastor and general inspector,
John Leyser, had the effrontery to publish a work en-
titled ' The Marrow of all Lands,' urging polygamy as not
only allowed by Holy Scripture, but necessary for salva-
tion. The Elector, John Greorge IV., cast aside his first
wife, a Danish princess, for the Margravine of Branden-
burg-Anspach. When he met her for the first time on
her way to Dresden to be his wife, his first salutation was,
* You must be mad ! What do you mean by wearing a
velvet gown in the dog days ? ' Formally, by written
documents, basing his right on Holy Scripture, he took
also Fraulein von Eeitschiitz to be his second wife, and had
her created Countess of Eochlitz.1
1 Polygamy seems to have been much affected by the Protestant
princes of Germany, since, with Luther's consent, the Landgrave Philip
had two wives at once. The Margrave Leopold Eberhardt of Wiirtem-
304 Germany, Present and Past.
Augustus of Saxony died in 1733, leaving three hun-
dred and fifty-two children, among whom Maurice, the well-
known Marechal de Saxe, son of the beautiful Aurora,
Countess of Konigsmark, resembled him in bodily strength ,
but surpassed him in mental powers. The countess was
made Protestant Abbess of Quedlinburg, ' for which post,
says Uffenbach in his ' Travels,' * she was well suited by her
imposing figure, but not by her morals.' The most
notorious of the king's mistresses, the Countess Cosel,
had extracted from him 20,000,000 thalers ; Frau von
Spregel was less successful, she retired from favour on
100,000.
Augustus was as extravagant as he was debauched.
The fetes he gave cost vast sums, wrung from his groan-
ing subjects. Mythological representations were per-
formed on an immense scale. In Wackerbarth's biography,
there is a description of a firework for which eighteen
thousand trunks of trees were used, and of a gigantic
allegorical picture which was painted upon six thousand
ells of canvas. One festival alone cost 6,000,000
thalers. The Japanese palace contained Chinese porce-
lain to the amount of a million thalers. At Dresden a
hall is still shown completely furnished with the ostrich
and heron plumes used at these fetes.1 Luxury and a
tasteless love of splendour were fostered by this unheard-
of extravagance, and it was merely owing to a happy
chance that the purchase of the Italian antiques and
pictures, which laid the foundation of the magnificent
Dresden gallery, flattered the pride of Augustus.
Charles William, Margrave of Baden, built Carlsruhe
in the midst of forests, in 1715, in imitation of Versailles,
berg (the Mompelgard line) married three wives at once. Eberhardt
Ludwig of Wurtemberg had two. We shall meet with others.
1 The gilding of a single gondola at a water fete cost 6,000 thalers.
Culture. 305
where he revelled in Oriental luxury. Of the foulness of
his court it is impossible to give a description. That of
our Charles II. was decency and purity compared with it.
More brutal, and quite as sensual, was Eberhardt
Ludwig, Duke of Wiirtemberg. Indeed, ever since the
end of the fifteenth century, the princes of this little land,
up to the first king, seem to have tried what their people
could be brought to endure. They exterminated the
nobility, and gave over the whole conduct of government
into the hands of women or Jews. Eberhardt Ludwig,
though already married, got an obsequious pastor to pro-
nounce the nuptial benediction over him and Fraulein von
Grravenitz, who thenceforth, till displaced by the younger
and more beautiful Countess von Wittgenstein, governed
Wiirtemberg. She made her brother Prime Minister,
and sold all the offices about court and in the country.
She obtained the commutation of punishments for money,
mortgaged or sold the crown lands, and filled her coffers
at the expense of the treasury of the duke. She even
desired that her name should be inserted in the public
prayers in Church along with that of the duke. * Madame,'
said a courageous pastor, ' we mention you every day in
the Lord's Prayer, when we say, Deliver us from Evil ! '
At a period of great famine the duke began the erection
of a new palace, at immense expense, at Ludwigsburg.
To pacify the people, at the foundation stone laying, he
caused loaves of bread to be flung among them. Several
people narrowly escaped being trampled to death in the
scramble for food. 'The princes of this house,' says
Scherr, ' seem for a long time to have sought how far it
was possible to carry licence and indecency.' *
The courts of Ernest Augustus of Hanover and of An-
thony Ulric of Brunswick were as infamous and oppressive.
1 Scherr : DeutscJte Kultnrge.scldcJvte, bk. iii. c. 2.
YOL. II. X
306 Germany, Present and Past.
Ernest Augustus built Montbrilland for one mistress,
Frau von Kielmansegge, and the Fantaisie for the other,
the Countess Platen. His son and successor, Greorge I. of
England, devoted himself entirely to the interests of Great
Britain. But the absence of the prince afforded no allevi-
ation of the popular burdens. The Electoral household,
notwithstanding the unvarying absence of the Elector, re-
mained on its former footing. The palace bore no appear-
ance of being deserted ; except the Elector himself, not a
courtier, not a single gold-laced lacquey, was wanting to
complete the court ; the horses stamped in the stalls ; the
royal kitchen and cellars were kept well stocked. The
courtiers resident in Hanover assembled every Sunday in
the Electoral palace. In the hall of assembly stood an
arm-chair, upon which the monarch's portrait was placed.
Each courtier, on entering, bowed low to this portrait, and
the whole assembly, as if awe-stricken by the presence of
majesty, conversed in low tones for about an hour, when
the banquet, a splendid repast prepared at the Elector's
expense, was announced. In Hanover, as in nearly every
little principality, the old nobility and gentry had been
trodden out. ' That was a curious state of morals and
politics in Europe,' says Mr. Thackeray in his lecture
on Greorge I. ; ' a queer consequence of the triumph of
the monarchical principle. Feudalism was beaten down.
The nobility, in its quarrels with the crown, had pretty
well succumbed, and the monarch was all in all. He be-
came almost divine : the proudest and the most ancient
gentry of the land did menial service for him.'
Every little prince — and there were hundreds of them —
copied the great princes, who aped the court of France.
Louis XIV. had created Versailles out of a sandy forest,
as a palace for pleasure and court extravagance, away from
the throng and eyes of Paris. All the great and little
Culture. 307
princes of Germany must do the same. Thus sprang up
Carlsruhe, Mannheim, Potsdam, Darmstadt, Ludwigsburg,
&c., towns away from the current of trade, living on the
court, founded at enormous cost, and diverting commerce
from its proper course.
As the great princes lived in extravagance, so did the
little ones. Carl Magnus, Count of Salm-Grumbach, must
have his Versailles. He built a palace at Grehweiler in
1749, at the cost of 180,000 gulden. His annual income
was only 60,000 gulden. He kept open table, gave mag-
nificent festivals, was attended by lords and ladies in wait-
ing, hussars, heyducks, Moors ; had his court band and
marionette theatre, and a bodyguard of six men in blue
uniform with white facings and red collars. He had one
drummer and one fifer to this regiment. Each soldier re-
ceived four kreuzers per diem as his pay, and more kicks
and cudgellings than kreuzers. In his stud were 120
horses. This extravagance could not last long; in 1768
his debts amounted to 300,000 gulden, and 22,000 gulden
annual interest. At last his whole income was not equal
to the interest on his debts. He had recourse to various
expedients to prolong his reign of splendour. He mort-
gaged to the Count of Lemberg a forest of 500 acres,
which had no existence. To pawn his villages he made
school-children subscribe the names of their fathers, or wrote
names himself of persons who did not exist, as bound with
him to pay interest. At last the Emperor Joseph^II. issued
a commission to try him, and sentenced him to ten years'
imprisonment for fraudulent transactions. When he issued
from prison he was so reduced that he could keep but
a single horse, and when his one attendant came to him
to say that there was no hay in the loft, and the count had
no money in his purse to buy any, ' Well, well ! ' said he ;
4 take the horse out and give it a mouthful of fresh air.'
x 2
308 Germany, Present and Past.
The follies and extravagance of almost all the little
counts and princes claiming sovereignty are incredible.
A Count of Limburg-Styrum kept a corps of hussars,
which consisted of one colonel, six officers, and two pri-
vates. There were privy councillors attached to the
smallest barony, and in Franconia and Swabia the petty
lords had their private gallows, the symbol of sovereign
jurisdiction. They nominated to incumbencies the pastors
who obliged them by marrying their cast-off mistresses.
In 1746 the consistory of Hildburghausen required every
presentee to a living to swear that he had not obtained
the cure of souls by this means.
Count William of Biickeburg, a man ' with the finest
Greek soul in a rude Westphalian body,' as Moses Men-
delssohn describes him in 1765, created the citadel of
Wilhelmsburg on an artificial island in the Steinhuder-
meer. It was elaborately and scientifically engineered,
and strongly garrisoned with 300 gunners. His infantry
numbered 1 ,000 men. The fortress defended nothing but
a potato and cabbage garden, and an observatory with an
inferior telescope in it.
Moses Mendelssohn visited the count at Pyrmont.
They walked side by side talking. Presently they came
to a ditch : the count strode over it, and continued talking.
After a while he perceived he was alone, and looking back
saw the little Jew hovering on the further side of the
ditch, unable to leap it. The count returned, tucked
Mendelssohn under his arm, strode over the ditch, set him
down, and continued the conversation.
The count was fond of taking an air bath every morn-
ing. For this object he walked in his walled garden,
wearing only his pigtail and boots, but armed with a
Brazilian blow-pipe for bringing down sparrows. One
day, whilst thus invigorating himself, inhaling ozone at
Culture. 309
every pore, like Adam, he saw a cock seated on the wall
of his Paradise. He discharged a dart, and the bird fell
into the adjoining precincts. With his natural activity,
he escaladed the barrier and alighted in the neighbouring
garden, where a party of ladies and gentlemen were break-
fasting al fresco. The prince, no way discomposed,
bowed, apologised for his intrusion, went alter the bird,
picked it up, and clambered over the wall again.
Count Frederick of Salm-Kyrburg swindled the churches
in his principality out of their money to maintain his
extravagance. When plunged in debt, he maintained his
old show. At table every day eighty dishes were served,
but of these only two or three were edible. His guests
gulped down as best they might what was set before them.
The house of Schwarzburg is of old Thuringian origin.
It has two principal possessions, Sondershausen and Rudol-
stadt, which have gone to two branches, that of Schwarz-
burg-Sondershausen and that of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt.
Schwarzburg-Sondershausen has a superficial extent of
15'65 geographical square miles, and in 1875 had 67,480
inhabitants. Christian Griinther III. reigned in this little
principality from 1758-1794. He kept a splendid court,
gave grand masquerades, and kept up rigid etiquette ;
whilst the Jew Herz, his factotum, sold offices about court
and in the land, and the capital Sondershausen swarmed
with parasites.
A little while before the outbreak of the French Revo-
lution, in the summer of 1789, the Hamburg tourist,
Ludwig von Hess, visited Sondershausen, and described
what he saw.
6 The little princely capital of Sondershausen is
pleasantly situated on the Wipper, in a long narrow plain,
girt in on both sides by lofty hills as by walls. When one
arrives from the north, and looks down on it, the appear-
310 Germany, Present and Past.
ance of the valley is like that of a calm broad river, in
the midst of which stands, as an island, the little town.
The effect is enchanting. But the town has the look of
being a mere appendage to the palace which rises above it
in pre-eminent dignity.
6 This palace contains 350 rooms, of which the reign-
ing prince has built the greater part. One may be pretty
sure that a little prince when he lacks originality will
imitate another who lives on a larger scale. This prince
makes the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel (Frederick II.) his
model, at least in his passion for building. He would
copy him also in his military pretensions, were the land
large enough to allow him to enrol an army. However,
Prince Griinther has one original feature in him, he is
passionately addicted to clocks. The greatest adornment
of the 350 rooms consists of clocks of all sizes and sorts,,
some large, some diminutive, some that strike, some that
cuckoo, some that are repeaters, and others that play
tunes. Some have cost him 600 thalers, most, however,
much less. He has not made one himself, though fond of
mechanics, but he occupies himself and all his family in.
polishing madrepores.
'Since he has taken to building he has made himself
as popular as any German prince ; for, instead of going,
about nagging at the masons for not working faster, he
button-holes them, and draws them off by the hour from
their task, that he may twaddle and joke with them. He
has given up hunting, keeps no more dogs, and only
seventy-one horses, which he rarely uses. But he takes
plenty of exercise nevertheless, for he allows no one but
himself to wind up his innumerable clocks. His taste in
mistresses is not as original as his fancy for clocks. In this
particular he follows his great exemplar, but with more
patriotism, for he has chosen one of his subjects, the
Culture. 1 1 1
daughter of a guardsman, a pretty enough girl, but horribly
stupid, called Hannchen Mannchen. She is too stupid
to have any political or courtly influence. She lives in
the castle in rooms adjoining the princesses, and is on the
most familiar terms with them. They " thee and thou "
her affectionately. Prince Griinther had three sons and
three daughters by his wife Charlotte of Anhalt-Bernburg,
who died in 1777. The princesses are amiable creatures,
but unfortunately they were over-nursed as babies. Con-
sequently the two eldest are crooked, and the youngest
only, who is supposed to be a beauty, is straight. Their
characters are irreproachable. Worldly pleasures, masquer-
ades, and the like, do not prevent the princesses from
harbouring ennui ; the traces in crow's feet are apparent
on their faces. But to smooth these away and relieve
the tedium, the rector Botticher calls daily, and spends
three hours with them lecturing on religion and history.
He has written a book called " The Agreeable Month." I
have not read it ; the Grerman public has forgotten it ;
but it may still, perhaps, be found in Sondershausen. In
the capital lives Wetzel, author of " Wilhelmine Arend, or
the Triumph of Sensitiveness," and other books of the
sort. Poor Wetzel has lost his senses in the composition
of his last work, " On the Human Soul." His father is
dead, but his mother lives still in Sondershausen. From
early childhood he was so detached in ideas and feelings
from his parents that he came to suppose himself not to
be their child, but an adopted one. He went about Ger-
many studying men and manners. His mother wished
much to make a home for him, and wrote to him to that
effect. His last letter to her was from Vienna. He answered
her harshly, that she was not, could not be his mother, for
how could such a commonplace person as she produce
such a genius as himself. Now that he is back, and half
312 Germany, Present and Past.
demented, in Sondershausen, she supports him with the
work of her hands. He lives alone, and takes only weak
coffee and boiled potatoes.
6 The court take no more notice of him than to nick-
name him the "overwrought savant." The prince and
Hannchen Mannchen have no conception how it is possible
that a man can lose his wits. They bless God they have
no wits to lose. They never read anything ; and Wetzel
would starve under the palace walls if his old mother did
not take him his potatoes daily.
< But Wetzel is not the only example in Sondershausen
of the vanity of human greatness. Not far from him
wastes in seclusion the brother of the sovereign, Prince
Augustus, who lives in a long wing of the palace very much
like a gymnasium. As Wetzel sways between philan-
thropy and misanthropy, so does the prince oscillate
between want of necessaries and want of credit. His
whole annuity or allowance amounts to 10,000 thalers, l
and in a capital where every winter there are twenty
masked balls, and at each of which he must appear in a
new and suitable costume, this sum is very little. Prince
Augustus therefore spends his time, when not engaged in
these royal festivities, in concocting pathetic begging
letters to his brother. The sovereign is so accustomed to
receive these, that they all remain without effect. Prince
Augustus achieved one good stroke in marrying a princess
of Bernburg, who brought him as dower 100,000 thalers.
He rollicked over this newly acquired treasure but a very
few hours,, when, to his unspeakable dismay, his creditors
swooped down on it, and carried off the whole sum to the
last farthing. In this situation Prince Augustus mourns
out his hopeless existence.
' One may see from the conduct of the prince towards
' ],500Z.
Culture. 3 1 3
his brother, and from the efforts he makes to snip the wings
of his extravagant heir, that he is not open-handed. His
revenues amount to about 200,000 thalers ; l of these he
spends some 50,000 in and about Sondershausen. His
ancestors, after the fashion of little princes, left the State
with a debt on it, but this he is clearing off. His army
consists of 150 infantry soldiers and 28 guards on horse-
back, fine men, in good uniforms. The military like their
sovereign, but the citizens and peasants are very luke-
warm in their praises. Solomon says that a good king
must rise early. So does the prince of Sondershausen.
His first morning duty is to go into the stables and see
after his horses. Then he walks in his garden, or looks at
the buildings, winds up his clocks, and so the morning
passes to dinner-time. Alter dinner he attends to the
affairs of State, assisted by his chancellor, who draws a
pay of 2,000 thalers (300£.), and four assessors, with a
salary of 400 thalers (60£.) each. His chancellor is
Privy Councillor von Hopfgarten, who owns Schlotheim.
He and the sovereign are the only rich persons in the
laud, and have so managed matters between them, that no
private individuals who have scraped together a few
thalers can invest them in anything bringing in more
than four per cent.
' The Prince of Sondershausen prefers living at
Ebleben to the Residence, and spends there the greater part
of the summer. The most remarkable thing at Ebleben
is the palace garden. I never in my life saw such speci-
mens of hideous taste, and I hope never to see the like
again. The entire garden is strewn with statues, or rather
with wooden monstrosities which are painted grey with
oil-colours, to make them look like stone. Everything is
common, vulgar, debased, without the smallest token of
1 30,0002.
314 Germany, Present and Past.
taste or dignity. On entering the palace garden one is
distracted between laughter and dismay at seeing two
wood-stone soldiers set up presenting arms, one on each
side of the entrance. They are gaunt figures, with
pigtails, caps, and cockades, stiff as pokers. And as they
are erected on tall pedestals they look like giants. More
absurd still are two basins paved with smooth stones,
never, however, filled with any other water than rain. In
the midst of these basins are set up gawky horses galloping
at full speed, with postilions on their backs wearing little
hats, cockades, flying jackets, tall boots, and protruding
pigtails. Each is represented blowing his horn. Beside
each runs a little panting dog, and behind stands a tree
painted white, with the traces of green paint still adhering
to the leaves.
' The crown prince lives a Grerman mile out of Sonders-
hausen, in the forest, and, after his father's fashion, had a
mistress, a butcher's daughter. She was unlike Hannchen
Mannchen, for she was ugly, and had some sense in her
head. The heir to the throne lived fast, and involved
himself in debts. His economical father allowed him eight
horses, and he kept over thirty.' This prince, also called
Giinther, succeeded his father in 1794, and reigned till
1835. He married his cousin Caroline of Eudolstadt.
After the birth of a crown prince in 1801, she separated
from her husband, and retired to her parents' court at
Rudolstadt.
Prince Grunther ruled his little realm like an emperor*
The inhabitants numbered then 60,000. He had a multi-
tude of officials, and published his court calendar with
the list of them all, and their order of precedence. The
principal offices were filled by his natural children, of
whom there were plenty. He was fond of music and the
drama. At the theatre he sat in the royal box smoking a
Culture. 3 1 5
long pipe, and every one was allowed to smoke in the
court theatre. Travellers, passing through Sondershausen,
were invited by the prince to the performances. The
' Traveller's Book ' at the Eagle went up to the palace, and
the prince sent his red liveried heyducks to invite the visi-
tor to the play. In the theatre he made the stranger sit
with him in his box, and provided him with a clay pipe
and tobacco. On one occasion a Prussian major, who was
at Sondershausen, was thus sitting with the prince,
whilst Kotzebue's dull play of ' Bayard ' was being per-
formed. ' How do you like it ? ' asked the prince.
' Surpassing well, your serene highness,' answered the
major courteously ; ' I should be sorry not to have a
chance of seeing the piece again.' The prince waited till
the play was concluded, but then, before the curtain fell,
he shouted from his box, ' Hey ! hey there ! Here's a
Prussian major wants to see the play again. So act it
through once more.' And the performers were forced to
repeat the whole drama.
The park to the palace was thrown open to the public,
and the court band performed in it on Sunday and festival
evenings. The court kitchen and pastry-cooks, at the
prince's orders, supplied refreshments to the troops of
townspeople who assembled in it, and his serene highness
himself rambled about in the dusk flirting with the
prettiest girls, and initiating the intrigues which supplied
his offices with officials.
The prince was a good wrestler, and could generally
throw his man, and he was proud of exhibiting his
dexterity before his subjects. But one day he met with
his match, a stout country farmer, who flung his serene
highness. The prince, sprawling on the ground, swore he
had slipped on a cherry-stone, forgetting that it was not
the time of the year for cherries. He picked himself up,
316 Germany, Present and Past.
and doubling his fists flew on the farmer in a frenzy of
disappointed vanity. The bystanders forming the ring in
vain urged the bauer to allow himself to be tripped up by
his sersne highness ; the countryman had no notion of
the exigencies of court complaisance, and gave the prince
fisticuffs in return. The combat became furious ; at last
his serene highness, whose nose was bleeding and his eye
blackened, disengaged himself and screamed, ' Hold ! A
fortnight in prison ! ' and the guards marched the unyield-
ing bauer off to the lock-up.
In 1835 Prince Griinther was deposed, and his son
elevated to the throne. This was effected by a revolution
managed by Privy Councillor von Ziegeler, who got it up
after the fashion of a St. Petersburg palace revolution,
only on a very diminutive scale. In the scare he signed a
resignation of the crown, and was sent to his hunting lodge
of Possen. As he found himself there treated much like a
prisoner, he tried to escape to King Frederick William III.
of Prussia, but his plan was discovered, and he was kept
ever after under surveillance. He spent the rest of his
time playing skittles, or looking after his horses, and died
in 1837.
Ludwig Griinther, Prince of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt,
had almost as eccentric a peculiarity as Christian Griinther
of Schwarzburg-Sondershausen. He was passionately
fond of painting the portraits of horses. At the present
day 246 such portraits remain, the produce of his industry,
adorning the walls of the palace of Schwarzburg. He
died 1790. His court was more simple than that of
Sondershausen, and much more respectable. He succeeded
to the sovereignty because his elder brother had married a
stable-keeper's daughter in Leipzig, and though she was en-
nobled, yet her sons were obliged to bear her name, and were
excluded from succession, as being morganatically born.
Culture. 3 1 7
The court of Nassau-Usingen was decorous and simple,
a pleasant contrast to most of the others. A traveller in
Bernoulli's Collection was at Biberich in 1 780, five years
after Prince Carl Wilhelm had succeeded to the sove-
reignty. ' Hospitality,' he says, ' was at this court as
great as visitors were numerous. Every stranger who
was provided with references was received with the
utmost kindness, and was allowed to appear there every
day, uninvited and unannounced.
* We found the prince in his garden when we came to
Biberich. He was surrounded by gentlemen. He is a
man of middle stature, well developed, and with kindness
of heart and love to mankind beaming out of his intelli-
gent face. His neat dress shows him to be a man who does
not think men are to be blinded by display, like children
and fools. He speaks little, seems to love solitude rather
than a crowd, and attracts every one to him by his gentle,
courteous manner. We soon sought the society of the
ladies ; amongst these were the sovereign princess, and the
two princesses, a Countess of Leiningen (sister of the
prince), and a Countess of Gruntersblum and her daughter.
We went to table in the great round hall lighted from the
cupola above. The effect is striking. Above is Jupiter on
his eagle, and around him are the gods and goddesses. A
balcony overhangs the Ehine. Every one sat by the lady
he had taken in. I was next to one of the young prin-
cesses. Sociality, cheerfulness, and buoyancy of conver-
sation, such as are generally far from the tables of princes,
were present here. Every eye was not held spell-bound
on the presence of one. Each spoke as he liked, and let
his wit run with him where he listed, and, what is not uni-
versal, was able to eat till he had satisfied his hunger.
' After dinner, which scarcely lasted an hour, we went
into the gallery adjoining, lighted on one side, with scenes
318 Germany, Present and Past.
from Virgil and Homer painted on the other. Here we
drank coffee, read newspapers, amused ourselves, and then
rambled about the garden. There was no gambling. All
amusements were simple and countrified. The ladies
were not ashamed to devote their hands to something
better than card-playing; they read, and their minds
were cultivated. As may well be imagined, every beau-
tiful summer evening draws the company out into the
garden or down to the banks of the Rhine, and the fresh
lovely nature contributes a cheerfulness which is sought in
vain in the gorgeous halls of other princes.
6 The two princesses, the elder aged seventeen and the
younger sixteen,1 are so good, gentle, and natural, that there
is nothing of the stiffness of a court about them. There is
something unspeakably attractive in their appearance,
which makes one forget they are not also beautiful. Of
pretension, of pride, there is not a trace in them. The
happy blending of frankness with shyness makes their
society especially agreeable. They are well-grown, and
their dress is simple but in good taste.
6 Among other estimable acquaintances that I made
at Biberich, was that of the Crown Prince of Nassau-
Saarbriick. This charming young gentleman is well
educated, and attracts every one's respect and love by his
courtesy. His lively temperament is kept under wonderful
control for a lad of eleven years. He is colonel in the
French service, and bridegroom of the Princess of Mont-
barry, who is seven years his senior. The betrothal took
place on October 6, 1779, when the prince was eleven
and the princess eighteen. The young husband after that
went to the University of Grottingen.'
The ' Memoirs ' of the Baroness Oberkirch, who was
1 Caroline, born 1762, married Prince Frederick of Hesse-Cassel
in 1786; Louise, born 1763, never married.
Culture. 3 J 9
present at this marriage, give us some particulars of it.
She says, ' The reigning Prince of Nassau-Saarbriick gave
a magnificent fete on the event of the marriage in the
Castle of Eeichshofen, near Hagenau, belonging to a Herr
von Dietrich. All the world was invited — all the neigh-
bouring courts. Everything was in the most splendid
style. Chases, fetes, promenades lasted three days.
During the ball there was no getting the bridegroom to
dance with the bride ; at last he was threatened with a
whipping unless he did so, and promised a heap of sugar-
plums if he consented. Then he led her through a
minuette. He showed great aversion to his bride, but the
greatest attention to the little Louise von Dietrich, a
<jhild of his own age, and sat himself down beside her the
moment the tedious performance with the bride was over.
My brother showed him a picture-book to pacify him, but
in the book was a wedding. The moment the prince saw
this, he closed the book in a huff, and exclaimed at the
top of his voice, " Take it away, take the nasty book away,
that is too horrible ! A wedding ! I don't want to hear
of any more weddings. But look here," he continued,
*' here is a great long gawky just like Mademoiselle de
Montbarry ! " and he pointed to a figure in the book.'
The Nassau-Usingen and Nassau-Saarbriicken courts
were strongly influenced by France, and the refinement
they showed was due to their relations with the more
polished Gallic nation. Court life in Vienna under Joseph
II. was also very different. This noble emperor, a
worthy son of a great and good mother, devoted his
whole life to the service of the State, and had no time for
the indulgence of fancies. He never gambled. On the
occasion of a visit to Versailles he declined to take a hand
at cards. ' A prince who loses,' he said, ' loses the money
of his subjects.' Joseph had no mistresses. When he lost
320 Germany, Present and Past.
his dearly loved wife, Isabella of Parma, he sought and
found consolation in a marriage with Josephine of
Bavaria, and the society of amiable ladies of the highest
class. If his regard for these seemed sometimes to
exceed the limits of friendship, it never led him to
transgress those of morality. He was not a drinker or a
gourmand, nor a cynic in dress like Frederick of Prussia,
When not in the uniform of his regiment, he wore a plain
coat of dark colour. The court of the Empress, Maria
Theresa, had cost six millons of gulden, that of Joseph II.
cost only half a million. He loved music, especially German
music, and played the violoncello. He highly esteemed
Mozart, who composed in his reign. The haste with
which his sanguine choleric temperament made him carry
out his plans of reformation frustrated their utility ; and
Frederick was right when he said that Joseph always took
the second step before he made the first. But his inten-
tion was right and pure, his desire for the education and
improvement of his people was sincere ; and he succeeded
in divorcing Austria from Spanish formalism, and accom-
modating it to modern times. In 1787 he wrote to
Dalberg : c I gladly receive your communications as to the
means of benefiting our common fatherland, Germany;
for I love it, and am proud to be able to call myself a
Grerman.'
But the moment we turn our eyes into the heart of
Germany, we find rough manners, extravagance, and
disorder.
Leopold, ' the old Dessauer ' of Frederick the Great, was
prince of Anhalt-Dessau. The tradition of the house is
that it was descended from a bear, and certainly it has
done much to show the world that bearishness runs in its
illustrious blood. Leopold was attached from boyhood to
Anna Lise, daughter of an apothecary named Fohse, at
Culture. 321
Dessau. One day, as he passed down the street, he saw her
at her window with a man speaking to her in a familiar
manner. Prince Leopold rushed upstairs in ungovern-
able fury, and ran him through the body. Then, when
too late, he learned that the person he had transfixed was a
doctor, and cousin of the damsel. He married her, and the
emperor created her a princess in her own right, so as to
legitimatise her offspring.
The marriage was a happy one ; she bore him ten
children, and died two years before the prince. When the
news of her decease reached him he was in the field at
Neisse, in Silesia. He was inconsolable, and communi-
cated their loss to his sons, who were with him in camp,
in the following laconic speech : ' Curse it, boys, the Devil
has carried off your mother.'
Prince Eugene was wont to call him the ' Bulldog,'
and he was proud of the designation. He served in the
Prussian army under Frederick I., Frederick William I.,
and Frederick the Great, and it was he who gave the
Prussian infantry its organisation. He was in twenty-two
battles and twenty-seven sieges, and only once was grazed
by a ball, consequently the soldiers regarded him as invul-
nerable. Pollnitzen's ' Memoirs ' thus describe him : ' The
Prince of Anhalt-Dessau was well built. His whole bear-
ing, face, dress, everything about him bespoke the soldier,
but also the oddity. He was active, and unwearied in
work. Heat and cold, want and superfluity, seemed not to
affect him. He was brave to temerity, in discipline most
harsh, but he loved the soldiers, rewarded them, and
associated familiarly with them. He was a warm and
true friend, but an implacable enemy ; easily won, he was
obstinate to pig-headedness in his fancies. Little accus-
tomed in his youth to moderation, for a long time he was
dissolute and savage. He cared nothing for the pomp of
VOL. II. Y
322 Germany, Present and Past.
a court, and in his manners he little regarded proprieties,
and his mode of life was in little accord with his position.
A lover of supreme power, he would like to have enslaved
the whole world under himself. Strangely enough he
disliked learning so much that he would not allow his
princes to have a tutor, as he said he wanted them to
make themselves and not be manufactured by others.'
On his Italian journey when young he was attended by a
French chamberlain, M. de Chalesac. At Venice one night
the prince returned to his hotel drunk, and was re-
proached by de Chalesac. The prince seized a pair of pistols,
levelled them at his chamberlain's head, and roared, ' You
dog, I must positively kill you.' ' You may do so, your
serene highness,' said the courtier, ' but it will have an ugly
look in history.' The prince thought a moment, laid
down the pistols, and said, ' Yes, you are right, it would
not read respectably.'
One day in church the preacher gave out the first
verse of a hymn :
Neither hunger nor thirst,
Nor want nor pain,
Nor wrath of the Great Prince
Can me restrain.
Prince Leopold thinking he was alluded to, grasped his
walking-stick, and made a rush at the pulpit, to thrash
the pastor for his insolence. The minister screamed to
him, 'Sire! I mean Beelzebub, Beelzebub, not your
highness!' and scarce pacified the furious prince, and
saved his own hide.
His piety had its peculiar colour. Before the battle
of Kesselsdorf he prayed, ' Dear Grod, graciously assist me
this day. But if you won't, why then, for goodness' sake,
don't help these blackguards, my enemies; but stand
Culture. 323
quietly by, look on, and don't meddle. I will manage
them.'
His daughter Louise was married to the reigning
Prince Frederick of Bernburg. Whilst Prince Leopold
was in Halle with his regiment, he received news that
she was at the point of death. He at once marched from
Halle to Bernburg at the head of his troops to do military
honours to her departure, and going into the castle garden
he knelt down, and with tears in his eyes prayed, ' Lord
(rod! I haven't asked you a single thing for an age.
And I won't bother you any more if you will only restore
my daughter to health now.' However, she did not
recover, but died in the flower of her age, 1732. The
Dessauer's favourite song was Luther's ' Ein' feste Burg
ist unser Gott;' which he called 'Our Lord God's
dragoon march.' He only knew or cared for one tune,
the Dessauer March, and he thundered Luther's hymn,
and all other psalms, in the church to the same tune.
Oelsner wrote to Varnhagen, ' This savage is like Peter
the Great, he has a mixture of simple common sense and
humanity along with his barbarism. On one of his
campaigns he came to Lomnitz, a village in Silesia, of
which my maternal grandfather was lord. He asked for
a guide, and was given a swineherd. The prince ordered
the man to step into his carriage. The poor fellow felt
not a little frightened before the fire-eater, and when
doing so did not venture to put his feet inside. After a
moment the Dessauer exclaimed, " Pigherd, draw in your
paws, do you think mine are made of almond cake ? " '
In addition to the Protestant main line of the House of
Hohenzollern which occupies the throne of Prussia, and
which was Calvinist, there are two Lutheran lines, those of
Baireuth and of Anspach, founded by the Elector John
George, who died in 1598. George William, Margrave
Y 2
324 Germany \ Present and Past.
of Baireuth, was born in 1678, and married Sophia of
Saxe-Weissenfels, when she was only just fifteen ; a
princess of extraordinary beauty but of infamous morals.
G-eorge William of Baireuth and Sophia exhibited Grerman
court life in the eighteenth century in its full extrava-
gance. The hermitage of Baireuth, afterwards so admired
and extolled by Jean Paul, and still an object of curiosity
to the visitor, was erected by the Margrave in 1715. It
lies about three miles from Baireuth. It is said to have
cost 2,000,000 gulden. The Temple of the Sun in it, an
imitation in miniature of St. Peter's Church at Eome,
alone cost 100,000 gulden.
The hermitage has a chateau, with gardens, and a beau-
tiful park. In the latter, which goes down to the Main,
were erected a multitude of pavilions, without external
symmetry, the cells of the hermits, looking outside like piles
of timber, but comfortably and even luxuriously fitted up
within. The Margrave was superior, and his wife mistress
of the order. When they arrived at the hermitage, all
the members of the society appeared in their habits. At
fixed hours the brothers and sisters paid each other visits
in their several cells, and were given collations. The
order was subject to rules from which none were dispensed
without the permission of the grand master or mistress.
In the evening they all assembled in the hall of the castle
or Temple of the Sun for supper. This latter was fan-
tastically decorated with rock crystals, shells, and coloured
stones. At meal time a brother hermit read a verse or a
tale he had composed ; and when this was concluded, all
broke out into comment and jest. A ball concluded the
entertainment. No one could enter the order who had
not been elected by the chapter.
Part of the chateau of the hermitage was furnished in
Chinese fashion. The pillars of the Temple of the Sun
Cultiwe. 325
were of striped foreign marbles. Everywhere in the alleys
of the park were ruined castles. On one occasion an arti-
ficial ruin actually tumbled down on some people and
buried them alive. In a bower was the marble monument
of the dog of the Margravine, in such bad taste that Count
Putbus remarked of it, 'Tombeau de chien, chien de
tombeau.' The Margravine of Baireuth, the favourite
sister of Frederick the Great, and the wife of George Wil-
liam's successor, has left us in her ' Memoirs ' a lively but
revolting picture of the society in this court. The Mar-
gravine Sophia carried her gallantries to such a pass of
shamelessness, that the Margrave was at length obliged to
consign her to prison in the Plassenburg. The Duchess
of Orleans says in one of her letters, dated May 8, 1721 :
* The Margrave of Baireuth and his wife are a crazy pair.
L'esprit de vertige reigns in this court and in the her-
mitage. It is no wonder that misery abounds in the
principality, when the sovereign of the land cares nothing
for his duties, and has no regard for justice. If they have
any fear of G-od, then, verily, they are fools in folio, and
know not what they do.' The Margravine Wilhelmina
thus describes the Margravine Sophia : — ' In her youth she
was lovely as an angel, but she never lived happily with
her husband. She may be numbered with the famed
women of antiquity, for she was in her morals the Lais of
her age. No one attributed to her great good sense.
When I saw her in 1732, she was aged forty-eight; she
was stout and well-shaped, her face rather long, as was
also her nose, which, however, disfigured her, for it was red
as a cherry ; her brown eyes, with which she was wont to
lay down the law, were well formed but dull, with no more
sparkle in them. Her eyebrows were coal black — but then
they were false. Her mouth, though large, was yet well
moulded and full of charm ; she had teeth white as ivory
326 Germany, Present and Past.
and like a row of pearls ; but her skin, though clean, was
quite withered. Consequently she looked like an old
worn-out theatrical prima donna, and her manner gave one
the same impression. Yet in spite of all, she was still a
handsome woman.' Of the crimes of this infamous
woman, the gossiping Margravine Wilhelmina has plenty
to say, but they cannot be told here.
After the death of the Margrave (1726) she was re-
leased from prison. She married, when she was fifty
years old, Count Albert of Hoditz, a Moravian nobleman,
who was twenty-two years her junior. ' As long as she
had a halfpenny in her purse,' writes the Margravine, ( her
husband flattered her. She had to sell all her clothes to
meet his exactions, and then he deserted her, leaving her
in the direst poverty.' She lived in Vienna generally
despised, and in want of the necessaries of life, upon the
alms flung her by the nobility, and there she died in
1750.
The other Lutheran branch of the Hohenzollerns was
that of Anspach. Charles William Frederick became Mar-
grave in 1729. He was feared as a madman and a tyrant.
In a fit of rage he shot one of his huntsmen because he
thought he had neglected the dogs. A militia man
was keeping guard before his palace. The Margrave de-
manded his gun of him, and the man surrendered it out
of respect for his prince. The Margrave at once declared
him unworthy of bearing arms, had him bound to the tail
of a horse, and dragged about in the mud. The poor
wretch re.ceived such injuries that he died of them two
months after. He intrusted the administration of govern-
ment to the family of Seckendorf, and gave himself up to
the pleasures of the chase and the society of two mistresses.
He was for some time completely guided by a Jew, named
Isaac Nathan, who practised financial swindling. The
Culture. 327
little Margrave, wishing to bestow a great honour on the
great King of England, sent him the Ked Order of the
Eagle set with brilliants. The Jew, Ischerlein, who
had an understanding with Nathan, received the com-
mission, and put paste in the place of diamonds. King
George at once detected that the brilliants were false, and
took no notice of the present. An inquiry was set on foot
and the imposition was discovered. The Margrave in-
stantly sent for the Jew and for a headsman ; Ischerlein
was bound down to a chair, but no sooner did he see the
executioner, than, springing up, he ran, with the chair
adhering to him, round the long table occupying the
middle of the hall, pursued by the headsman, till the
latter, encouraged by the Margrave, struck off his head
across the table. Nor did Nathan escape the Margrave's
wrath ; he was closely imprisoned, deprived of the whole
of his ill-gotten wealth, and in 1740 expelled the country.
The Margrave was passionately and extravagantly attached
to the chase. He had forty- seven officers and functionaries
attached to his falconry alone. When he was buried, a
crowd of people attended the funeral procession with
growls of satisfaction. He died of apoplexy brought on
by a fit of passion.
I have given but a few examples of what the German
courts were in the eighteenth century. These be thy Gods,
0 Israel ! It was these which set the example to the
citizens. These were the nurseries and representative spots
of culture ! They were rather open sores, from which the
resources of the land drained away ; cesspools infecting the
neighbourhood. In France there was but one court — one
Versailles ; in Germany there were over a hundred. In the
dissolute court of Louis XIV. and Louis XV. vice was at
least given a gloss and delicate colour. In England it
was veiled with some respect for decency. But in Ger-
328 Germany ', Present and Past.
many vice was gross and nude. Extravagance had been
borrowed from France, but not refinement.
In the history of culture, these little territories, with
their courts aping those of great sovereigns, were back-
waters. Kleinstddterei, as the niggling government of
petty princes is called, with its consequent narrow views
and interests, place-hunting, and stagnation of culture,
has been the bane of Germany. ' Till recently,' writes
Dr. Vehse, ' as long as the censorship of the press existed,
little or no details of the various maladministrations
could come out ; of late, however, many voices have been
raised by trustworthy men, who have drawn the worst
scandals to the light, and have shown what has been
going on in the various parts of Germany. I allude only
to what Eiehl has disclosed concerning Nassau, Dr. Habech
has said of Dessau, Dr. Fischer of Detmold. If all the
little German States have not borne as grotesquely
barbarous a political character, and one so degraded
in culture, as Mecklenburg, for instance, yet in every one
wretchedness is manifest to the full. With the sole ex-
ceptions of Oldenburg and Eeuss all the little German
States have been for long misgoverned, and the results
are only too painfully apparent to the present day.
As regards the mediatised principalities, there are few
families which can show such clean hands as the Protestant
house of Stolberg-Wernigerode and the Catholic house of
Fugger.' !
One main root of the evil that throve in the little
States was cliquedom. On this cancer, which still gnaws
at the vitals of the small States, and demoralises the
whole constitution of society in them, nothing can be
quoted more to the purpose than the 6 Confessions of Forty
Years in the Life of a Physician,' which appeared at Leip-
1 Vehse : Geschichte der Dsutschen Hofe, vol. xl. pp. 163-4.
Cidture. 329
zig in 1854.1 It is now no secret that the description
is of Brunswick under Duke Frederick Augustus William
Charles, who died at Geneva in 1874; and that the
writer was Dr. Lange, the court physician. On the ap-
pearance of the ' Memoirs,' Dr. Klencke, who had been a
personal friend of Dr. Lange, and who was supposed to
have had a hand in giving the book to the world, was
suddenly banished Brunswick. But though the description
is that of one little capital, it may be said to apply to
all alike, as far as it delineates the mode of administration,
the cliquedom, and the pettiness of these little princi-
palities.
' It is easy to decide the inner character of a town at
the first glance, even without having seen the inhabitants.
On entering the capital in which I had to live, I saw at
once, from the nature of the houses and streets, that here
a Kleinstddtlichen tone must prevail. The streets wound
about irregularly, and were of unequal width ; the houses,
mostly of timber and plaster, with old carved beam-
ends and Grothic dates, resembled a range of giants and
dwarfs, the chimney of one house often on a level with the
first story of the neighbour. In all the open spaces stood
farmers' carts like barricades, without horses or driver; the
pavements were swarming with children ; human heads
were at all the windows ; gaping, gossiping, or smoking
people stood at every door. One could see into the
ground-floor rooms. The soap-boilers had their horn
lanterns ; the linen-weavers had hung their linen to dry on
lines in front of their houses ; the smiths and coopers
worked in the street before their doors ; cattle were
driven up and down, in and out. Every cart that passed
drew peering faces to the windows, thick as tame trout
1 Selbstbekenntnisse : oder werzig Jdhre a. d. Leben d. oft-genannten
Arztes, Leipz. 1st ed. 1854 ; 2nd, 1855.
330 Germany, Present and Past.
rising to the surface for crumbs. In many houses the
owner lived on the ground floor, and all the upper rooms
were uninhabited. Only near the princely palace were
there handsome modern houses, showing that there lived
the dignitaries of the town. The external appearance of
the place is typical of all little capitals.1 Count K
explained a good deal of this to me. Court life, said he,
does not exist here. The gentry are without estates, the
bauers burdened with debt ; the State receipts are small,
and the fancy of the prince to have many soldiers runs
away with so much money that there is little polite life
possible. The highest civil officers affect no luxury ; the
shopkeeper and the trading citizens are those most well-to-
do, and give the tone to society. Though they may live
in tumble-down houses, they keep their carriages and
horses, have plenty of money, and give large parties.
Consequently money is the supreme qualification of man.
Every one is valued by what capital he has in the bank or
in business. For this reason the gentry marry into
citizen families, the destitute aristocracy here form no
class to themselves. The military form the first rank
among the subjects.2
' The small States are the haunts of egoism and
cliquedom. In a small state and a capital, which veils its
Kleinstddterei under an appearance of high life, where
Philistinism struts about in Paris fashions and with
Berlin airs, it is much harder for an independent man
with self-respect to maintain his place than in petty life
which does not affect to be anything but Philistinism. In
1 Does not this description recall at once a score to the recollection
of the traveller ! Donaueschingen, Aschaffenburg, Sondershausen,
Kothen, Dessau, &c.
2 This is now universal, as will be seen by what has been said in
Chap. II. The nobility have no position at court, apart from that they
can claim on their military grade.
Culture. 331
a large town men stand more apart, and a thousand
different interests cross one another, and families shift,
influences are always changing, and stiff old-fashioned
formality or vulgarity is broken or softened by foreign
intercourse. The gay stream of manners and customs
among other nations rolls in, and overflows the old grit
and mud of ages ; social life receives an infusion of new
life which refines it of its coarseness. But in a provincial
and residential capital, all meanness, and commonness, and
coarseness are ossified and made part and parcel of society
and family life. Old prejudices are intensified and take
firmer root, and throw up fresh suckers on all sides,
making a thick undergrowth of barbarism from which
there is no escape. Every man imbibes these sordid
peculiarities in early life like a sponge ; squeeze him, and
all life long nothing else distils from him but pettinesses
and vulgarities. The wretchedness of cliquedom throws
its roots through the whole country, and scatters its
noxious seeds wherever there is soil where it can be pro-
pagated. The egoism of one, which in a great town
is kept in check by the egoism of others, in a little town
is converted into family self-seeking. All princely residence
towns in small territories are alike in this.
' I soon made the experience that the sovereign did
not rule the land, except in name ; a citizen dynasty had
arrived at unlimited sovereignty, and occupied not only
all city offices, with its relatives and kinsmen, but, with
the exception of the ministry, had in its hands every
office and profession of every sort. The prince was a
soldier, he went about always in the uniform of his regi-
ment of cavalry, which was his pet creation and toy. He
stood quite apart from the civil life of his land, and
ordered just what he was recommended or told to do,
without looking into anything. The ruling dynasty
332 Germany, Present and Past.
thrust its people everywhere into the most influential and
lucrative situations, till every bureau and green table
was surrounded or occupied by blood relations playing into
each other's hands.
'The external form of government was maintained,
but no one regarded what was legal. Every petty official
did what was right in his own eyes ; the superior officials
looked another way, as they all acted on the principle of
mutual accommodation. The reigning citizen dynasty,
with the full power of wide-extending, all-embracing
nepotism, stood above law. All conscientious discharge of
duties in office was looked on with disapproval ; an official
who was vexatiously honest was got rid of by the ruling
coterie.
6 Such family lordship over a land is only possible in a
little State. But although it is a feature of small princi-
palities that they should fall a prey to cliquedom, and
remain for a long time in the hands of a family of toadies,
yet it is also a feature of them that the sovereign power
should now and then break loose, and exert itself in a
dictatorial and absolute manner.
( The prince lived without a family, in knightly
bachelorhood, without ever corning in contact with the
softening influence of noble women. His associates were
only officers, horses, dogs, and guns. Separated early
from the wife who had been diplomatically united to him,
he had acquired no respect for woman. All he regarded
in the other sex was their external graces. His chivalry,
and the proud sense of personal honour attached to it,
served his subjects as a guarantee that he would behave
uprightly and justly in his dealings with them. Such
was the opinion of the educated. But this very chivalry
and high sense of honour separated the prince entirely
from his people, in whom he seemed to have no interest,
Culture. 333
for he never troubled himself to inquire into their affairs,
and gave over the management of the State into the hands
of those men who were recommended to him by his
surrounding officials, and devoted his whole attention to
military drill and discipline.
' I had already learned from Count K that the
prince had no taste for literature and art ; that he only
patronised the theatre as a pastime, and that he regarded
no man of science as presentable at his court. Every
sub-lieutenant of nineteen took precedence over the
worthiest professor and councillor.
* What I had already been told of the character of the
prince relieved the impression made on me by my first
reception. Stepping out of a crowd of adjutants, he
received me, listened to my thanks for his invitation to
be the town physician with proud, cold manner, looked at
me for some time without speaking, and then, without the
least departure from his military bearing, said : " Acting
on distinguished representations, I have taken the excep-
tional step of summoning you to my residence. I expect
of you pre-eminent efforts and paramount discharge of
your duties. I remain yours." Then, with a wave of the
hand, he dismissed me. He expected no answer from me,
but returned to his adjutants. No sooner was I back in
the palace square than the prince passed me, galloping off
surrounded by his circle of officers.
' The prince detested all petitions and appeals. He
wanted to know nothing about what went on in the
country or the town, and it almost seemed as if he were
ashamed in his pride of the little ancestral land ; at all
events, he spent the greater part of the year away from it,
and wore the uniform of a general of the Hanoverian army.
Any one who did not wish to fall into disfavour avoided
troubling him with affairs of state. He was wont to
334 Germany, Present and Past.
rudely refer those who mentioned such matters back to
his boards of officials, and to order that the person who
had so annoyed him should be denied further access to his
person. Count K told me that I only got my
appointment through the direct expression of the will of
the prince and a fortunate combination of circumstances
which prevented the reigning coterie filling the vacancy
with one of their own people.
6 The prince was a decided foe to all religious strait-
ness, spiritual despotism, and mystic fanaticism. A tutor
of his youth had sufficiently indoctrinated him with
rationalism for him not to tolerate anything of this sort.
There were no Sabbath restrictions in the capital; the
pastors were to be seen on Sundays playing cards in the
taverns or drinking deep in clubs. During divine service
entertainments were given, hunts were carried on, military
parades were held. Much looseness in the morals and
ideas of the land was due perhaps to this general free-
thinking.'
Whilst the author was town physician, the prince
met, at a bathing resort, a Countess von M , who was
young and beautiful. He made her his left-hand wife,
and brought her to a chateau a few miles from the
capital, where he could visit her. The writer of the
' Memoirs ' attended her during a confinement, and was
then appointed by the prince his court physician and the
general ' Sanitary Councillor ' of the land. He at once
set to work to reform the medical profession and practice
in it. He found that the regulations were more than one
hundred and fifty years old, and treated of ' tooth-drawers,
worm doctors, snake and frog-catchers,' and that the
profession in the principality was represented by a pack
of ignorant quacks.
The medical reform was frustrated by a court revolu-
Culture. 335
tion, of which the author gives the following account : —
' The prince, who had hitherto amused himself only with
bunting and soldiering, got tired of these hobbies and
looked out for a change. He must also have tired of his
favourite countess, who lived with her mother and brother
at " Wolfsforst," ! for he dismissed her, undertook a
journey to Italy, and amazed his little capital on his
return with opera and ballet corps. In Vienna he had
made the acquaintance of a ballet-girl, with whom he fell
desperately in love ; and now all his passion for soldiers
was converted into one for caperers on the boards of a
theatre. He wanted not only to love his favourite, but
to see her dance, so a whole company was engaged to
assist her in the ballet, and the coquette played her cards
so well that she completely ensnared her princely
admirer, and in a very short while became the regent of
the land.
' I at once felt the consequence of the altered relations,
for suddenly it was announced that the dentist Martinelli
was appointed court physician and medical councillor,
with privilege of presentation at court.
4 That the favourite dancing-girl had a hand in this
was not doubtful, I suspected at first ; but I soon found
that my worst fears were not exaggerated. Martinelli
had been a goldsmith's assistant at Prague, where he had
made the acquaintance of the ballet-dancer, and had
followed her to Vienna, and there sponged on her. She
supplied him with money to attend Carabelli's lectures in
the university, and to buy the title of ' Doctor in Surgery.'
She must have been warmly attached to him ; she pretended
to the prince that he was her half-brother, and on this
ground got his appointment. The prince himself suf-
fered from nothing worse than corns, and could not wear
1 Keally Wolfenbuttel.
336 Germany, Present and Past.
his boots. The dancing-girl recommended her pretended
brother, who, without much difficulty, extracted the corns,
and was thereupon promoted to my place.'
But the dancing-girl was only Martinelli's means to
an end. She fell into disfavour, but he planted himself
deeper in the prince's regard. In half a year the dentist was
elevated to be opera superintendent. The medicinal reform
was left unearned out, the cliques of the town recovered
their hold of the rudder, and the author of these curious
4 Memoirs ' left the town to be professor in an university.
Despotic power is a dangerous instrument in the hands
of one emperor; it is far more dangerous when lodged
with a host of little magnates. Prince Frederick Christian
of Schaumburg-Lippe was a good marksman, and he
delighted in playing the William Tell with his subjects.
He would lie in waiting at the window of one of his
hunting-lodges, or of his palace, with his gun, watching
to see a child or a woman cross the street or go to the
fountain with a pitcher on the head. Then crack went
the gun, and the vessel flew into pieces, deluging the
bearer with water or milk. Once, however, he shot a
man through the body. He saw something moving behind
a bush, and fired from his window at it. The Pastor
Busching remonstrated with the prince. ' The old fellow
is right,' said the Nimrod, when Busching left ; ' I have
sinned against Grod and my people. I trust I shall be
forgiven.'
King Frederick William I. of Prussia used to argue
that it .was Scriptural for a sovereign to have absolute
command over his people, for Scripture gives him lordship
over ' menservants and maidservants, young men and
asses.' In the exercise of this divine right he collected
tall guardsmen where he could and how he could. One of
his recruiting officers, Baron von Hompesch, cast his eyes
Culture. 337
on a strapping carpenter at Jiilich, and coveted him for
the guard of the king. To get him he had recourse to
an artifice. He ordered a long box of him. The carpenter
made and brought it. The baron said it was too short.
The man, to show how long it was, laid himself down in
it. Hompesch's men at once screwed down the lid, and
sent the recruit to the King of Prussia. He received the
man — but dead. It had been forgotten that he could not
breathe in a close case.
In Osnabriick, under Frederick Duke of York, the
second son of George III., who, when six months old, was
created Protestant bishop of the diocese, a socman was
condemned to draw the plough for life for having ventured
to strike a steward of the bishop who had taken from
him his affianced bride, and given her to another. Charles
William of Nassau beat a peasant to death with his own
hand who was accused to him of poaching.
Ernest Augustus of Saxe- Weimar in 1736 forbade his
subjects ' reasoning under pain of half a year at the
treadmill.'
The Count-Palatine Charles of Zweibriicken resided at
Carlsberg, where he kept fifteen hundred horses, and a
still greater number of cats and dogs, and collected the
heads of meerschaum and clay pipes to the number of
over a thousand. He issued a decree that every one
coming in sight of his palace should uncover his head till
out of sight. A foreigner, ignorant of the law, was on
one occasion nearly beaten to death for not removing
his hat.
It is unnecessary to continue the list of crimes, follies,
and extravagances of the little German courts. Enough
has been shown to let the reader judge whether they were
conducive to general culture or not.
The princes, seeking to establish their despotism,.
VOL. II. Z
338 Germany, Present and Past.
were obliged to get rid of the nobility, who formed an
estate in their petty realms, and in the Diets constantly
opposed the extension of their sovereign power. Menzel
says : ' War, the headsman's axe, and emigration almost
entirely exterminated the old free-spirited nobility. Here
and there only might a gentleman be found living on his
estate. Their place was taken by foreign adventurers.
The example set by Austria was followed by the other
Grerman courts, and the families of ancient nobility were
forced to admit to their rank unworthy creatures — the
favoured mistresses of the princes and their offspring.'
The revolution of 1848 completed the ruin of the
gentry. The princes lent a hand to consummate their
destruction, not then to establish themselves as despots,
but to stave off their own ruin. The gentleman has
therefore disappeared in Grermany as a class. He has no
political rights, no social position, different from the
burger. The latter is now the representative man. He
is wealthy; the gentleman poor. He has acquired his
wealth by scraping money together, by screwing down
home expenses, and holding his workmen's noses inflexibly
to the grindstone. He has made himself by pushing. He
has trodden his way, regardless whom he jostles and on
whose corns he treads. Such a man is useful, but he is
not ornamental ; valuable, but disagreeable. The market,
not the drawing-room, is his proper sphere ; men, not
women, his proper associates. He may spend his money
on works of art — this is most exceptional — but he can-
not buy culture. Most of his gold goes in eating and
drinking. His house is badly furnished. His wife and
daughters, slipshod, in nightcaps and petticoats, ramble
about the rooms till noon, and then blaze for an hour or
two in gaudy attire, put on with a pitchfork. Philistinism,
not chivalry, is the characteristic of Grerman society,
C^tlt^l,re. 339
because the burger has risen to the top and overspread
the surface of society. Culture can no more be had for
money than could spiritual gifts by Simon Magus. It
may be acquired by one not born to it ; but then it must
be acquired in early life, or the twang of the old tongue
remains. The haunt of all Grerman men — his ' Lokal '-
is the last place where it may be learned. If he could
but wrench himself from his club or tavern, and spend his
evenings at home, he would become less loud in talk,
more considerate of women, less uncouth, and more dis-
interested. His Philistinism would disappear ; it would
thaw under the genial warmth of his wife and daughters,
and the vernal flowers of culture would shoot out of the
rugged soil.
On the separation of sexes I have said so much, that
I do not think it necessary to do more here than quote
the words of a Kussian officer of distinction.
6 In Grermany men live very little at home, the majority
prefer spending their leisure in the tavern, or in the
club, to devoting it to their family at home. The G erman
hates restraint ; seated behind his mug of beer, with two
or three boon companions, he will pass long hours, lost in
some interminable, philosophical discussion, in which,
indeed, he is in his element. But, the more he feels at
his ease in this society, and in this locality, the less com-
fortable he is when surrounded by ladies and in his home.
He looks on all social gatherings in which both sexes
meet as a sort of intolerable corvee, to which he must
indeed submit once or twice in the year, which the
tyranny of circumstances imposes on every master of a
household. On such occasions, made solemn by their
rarity, the host thinks he is bound to surround his guests
with all the superfluities of pompous luxury, though in
everyday life he denies himself even rudimentary comforts.
z 2
34-O Germany, Present and Past.
Consequently, a G-erman detests an impromptu visitor.
He likes to be informed long before that a visit is intended,
that he may prepare laboriously for it ; for to receive a
friend without ceremony is regarded as against all good
manners/"^ And, on the other hand, a visitor, however
intimate he may be, would run the risk of being set down
as ignorantf of the first principles of etiquette, were he to
present himself in the evening, or at dinner time
uninvited.' l
In England every country house and parsonage has
been a quiet nursery of gentility and purity. In Germany
there are few country houses, and the parsonages are
occupied by families of burger or bauer origin. The
pastors are, with rare exceptions, men of cultivated minds,
men whom it is a pleasure to meet and converse with.
But their wives are of citizen class, gentle, domestic
women, but without the polish that is expected of the
parson's wife in England, and she and her husband
are not received into the best society. The pastor is
poor, and has to scramble on with a large family on a
small income. He cannot give his children a gentle
education.
In England the hall and the rectory are on terms of
intimacy. The daughter of the parson not unfrequently
becomes lady at the hall, and the younger son of the squire
is settled in the country rectory. We, who live in England,
have little idea of the influence on culture possessed by
the parsonage in our island. The young ladies from it
grow up active in good works, loving and caring for the
poor, looking after them in sickness, taking interest in
the school-girls, teaching the lads in night-schools, or-
ganising cottage-garden shows and harvest festivals.
1 Baron v. Kaulbars, « Notes d'un Officier Kusse sur I'ArmSe Alle-
mande, in Bulletin de la Reunion des Officiers, 1877.
Culture. 34 1
And when they pass, as they so often do, to country
homes of their own, in the hall or rectory, they carry with
them their sympathy for those beneath them, and are
in their generation fountains of light, stars beaming down
into dark hearts, and making them twinkle with smiles.
It has been my fate to be for some years in parishes
without resident gentry, and where there have never been
resident incumbents. The moral and social condition of
these parishes is dark indeed compared to that where
hall and rectory were ever influencing farmhouse and
cottage.
I have seen the rudest village bumpkins humanised by
a winter night-school conducted by the rector's daughters
—not humanised only, but made gentle and chivalrous.
The rectory party and those in the hall are on
familiar and often affectionate terms. There is no per-
ceptible difference in culture between them ; indeed, one
family by birth and bringing up is as good as the other.
The parsonage interests the hall in the matters of the
parish, and so all classes meet in general sympathy
and exchange of kindlinesses, and in so doing react on one
another ; the poor receive light from above, and in return
give back what is as precious — the feeling of that to
which so ugly a name has been given — human solidarity,
but which in Christian parlance is real charity. The rich
knows the poor not by the outside only, but is acquainted
with his wants, his shortcomings, his temptations, and
seeks to help him, at least to make allowance for his
deficiencies. Philistinism begins with dissociation of man
from man, and class from class.
34 2 Germany, Present and Past.
CHAPTEK XVIII.
ARCHITECTURE.
Why should you fall into so deep an 0 ?
Romeo and Juliet, act iii. sc. 3.
FRANCE is the land of cathedrals, Belgium of town halls,
and Grermany of castles. The history of each country
gives the reason. In the midst of internal peace the
Church flourished, and the cathedrals of France are its
most magnificent monuments. Commerce throve in the
Netherlands, and the corporate life of the towns was de-
veloped along with it, manifesting itself in the splendid
hdtels de ville. Unhappy Grermany, torn by feuds, broken
up among a thousand little princes and ten thousand
lesser nobles, shows to this day, in the ruins of its castles
crowning every hill, the scars of internal strife.
Ever since the Grothic revival began, our English
architects have rushed pencil and note-book in hand across
the channel, to pick up ideas from French ecclesiastical and
domestic architecture for reproduction in England. The
result of these excursions is apparent everywhere. We
have French town halls, French churches, French colleges.
Even Barry could not build his Houses of Parliament in
English Perpendicular without putting on them French
Eenaissance roofs. Yet with this foreign adjunct, allow-
able under the circumstances, the Westminster Palace is
by far the most pleasing production of English architec-
Architecture. 343
ture in the present century. It is pleasing because
English, whereas the new Law Courts will stick in the
throat of the City, an unwholesome jumble of continental
details.
I believe that no European architects have so mastered
Gothic styles as our own, but, unfortunately, they have
been demoralised by flirtations with La Belle France.
Our native productions were deficient in imaginativeness :
this has been felt ; our architects have been as uncreative
as their predecessors in the Middle Ages, and to supply
the deficiency they have imported French surprises.
English mediaeval architecture slowly and gravely deve-
loped itself, always characterised by restraint. There was
no effort made to attain the unattainable, and therefore
no unfinished cathedrals and parish churches. The French
were inspired with grandiose conceptions, and they set
to work to build without counting the cost. This accounts
for the solitary choir of Beauvais and the incompleted
spires of Amiens.
Under the Norman kings there was unquestionably an
interchange of architectural ideas with Normandy ; but
when once our builders had firm hold of the main prin-
ciples of construction, and knew how to use the compass
and handle the chisel, they went on their own way, the
master taught the apprentice, and the apprentice deve-
loped the doctrine of the master. French and English
architecture followed their several lines, diverging more
and more, till French frivolity flashed into Flamboyant,
and English matter-of-fact stiffened into Perpendicular.
The French architects had been impelled by am-
bition, and had sought an ideal wholly foreign to the
ambition and ideal of the English architect. The French-
man sought to give his cathedral enormous height, to
make the choir a semicircular lantern with a crown of
344 Germany, Present and Past.
little lantern-like chapels round it. The Englishman
sought length rather than loftiness ; Exeter and Lincoln
disappoint, because they are so low; only Westminster
and Eievaulx show aspirations after height. English
taste preferred the square east end to the apse, and the
great east window to the semicircle of lights. The French
architect put his towers at the extremities of the nave and
transepts, and planted a delicate neche at the intersections.
The English architect concentrated his efforts on one
mighty central tower over the crossing of nave and
transepts, and made the other towers subsidiary. The
French capital was always a reminiscence of the Koman
mixture of Corinthian acanthus with Ionic volutes. The
volutes are always present, however disguised ; and this
capital gives the abacus its square character, and the arch
that springs from it its rectangular harshness. The
English capital was circular ; the volute disappeared
at once ; and the abacus was round, and the arch obtained
a richness it never acquired in France. French archi-
tecture is impudent, English architecture modest.
French architecture is the natural outgrowth of Celtic
vivacity. It exhibits, written in stone, the characteristics
of Celtic civilisation, and English architecture carries in
giaven tables the stamp of the Anglo-Saxon character and
culture. Gallic architecture is picturesque, but extrava-
gant ; pretty with the prettiness of caprice, daring but
thoughtless, exuberant but superficial. It delights for a
while and then palls. English architecture is the reverse
at every point ; it is clumsily shy of posturing so as to
appear picturesque ; it is homely, gravely adhering to pre-
cedent, studiously moderate, disappointing at first sight,
but wearing with a wear everlasting.
It is sad that our modern architects should have
striven to force on us a style which goes clean contrary
A rchitecture. 345
to the traditions of Anglican art and to the artistic
instincts of our race. If in the poverty of their invention
they needs must plagiarise, they would have done better
to go to Germany, where a race of like blood with us
developed its artistic ideas, and created for itself a style
peculiar to itself, unlike the French Flamboyant and the
English Perpendicular, but yet a style with which the
Anglican artistic instinct can sympathise, and with details
which can be quoted in English modern architecture without
producing a shock. Flamboyant and Perpendicular are
thought to be the expiring efforts of Grothic art. I do not
think this is a fair explanation of them, I regard them as
the styles in which the national character first arrived at
complete self-consciousness. The Grerman style of the
same period is to be regarded in the same light. In the
fifteenth century each nation had artistically individualised
itself.
Christian churches are thought to have been given
their first type by the basilicas of Rome which were yielded
up to Christian worship. This is possible. No doubt San
Clemente and San Paolo fuor le Mura at Rome were origi-
nally halls of justice. But the basilican churches were
not always adaptations of this sort. In a letter of Con-
stantine to Bishop Macarius of Jerusalem, the emperor
instructs the prelate to build a basilica over the Holy
Sepulchre. The title basilica was given to a church
because the term meant a colonade, and was derived from
an adjective signifying royal or splendid, a word occurring
in Plautus, in whose time the first basilicas were erected.
The first church at Treves, the Rome of Grallia Cisal-
pina, was a palace belonging to the mother of Constantine,
which she converted into a cathedral. This was not un-
frequently done. In the ' Clementine Recognitions ' it is
said that Theophilus, one of the greatest men in Antioch,
346 Germany, Present and Past.
dedicated ' domus suse ingentem basilicam ecclesise
nomine.' Ammianus Marcellinus speaks of the basilica
of Sicinus, which was evidently the house of Sicinus
transformed into a church. It is probable that the
oldest churches on the Rhine were private mansions
of noble Grallo-Romans converted into places of worship.
Now the principal part of a Roman mansion was the
atrium, a square hall in the centre of the building, with
a pond — the impluvium — in the middle ; the atrium was
covered in, except immediately over the impluvium. On
one side of the hall, generally raised a step or two above
it, was the tablinum, a semicircular apartment richly
painted, and before this stood the altar to the lares and
penates. The tablinum was converted into the sanctuary
of the church, and the altar moved back out of the atrium
into it. The passage leading to the atrium was widened
by piercing the walls into the side chambers, and thus
constituting a nave. At Treves the atrium remained
open to the sky till the eleventh century, when Bishop
Poppo roofed it in, and at the same time broke through
the old tablinum and built a larger choir.
If the traveller will bear this arrangement in mind he
will understand the growth of ecclesiastical structures on
the Rhine. Treves minster was the typal church, the St.
Sophia of the Ripuarian Franks. The atrium roofed over,
covered with a cupola or octagonal lantern tower, becomes
a distinguishing feature. Other towers are run up for
holding the bells, or for adornment, but the huge central
lantern, is the predominant mass that takes the eye.
It is to be seen in the glorious Apostles' Church at
Cologne, in St. Maria in the Capitol, St. Grereon, Laach,
Bonn, &c.
Taking the atrium as the foundation for ground-plan
measurement, all additions were scaled by it. A choir
Architecture. 347
was added, east of this, of precisely its measures, and the
apse was thrown east of this choir. The transepts were
squares of the same dimensions, and the nave was two or
three squares ; the side aisles double as many half-squares
as the nave. This was the original plan of the Cathedral
of Merseburg.
There are several features of interest in Grerman Ko-
manesque architecture. One is the external gallery
round the apse, a feature of great beauty. There are
fine examples at Cologne. That of St. Servais, at Maes-
tricht, is also noticeable.
This gallery was, no doubt, a practicable passage to the
internal galleries often met with over the aisles, Around
the circular space in the centre of the cathedral of Aachen
runs an aisle, vaulted low; and the vault supports the
floor of a superimposed solarium, or gallery opening by
arches into the central body of the church. In this, op-
posite the altar, was the throne of the emperor, and the
gallery served for the court. The western gallery was
generally retained as the private box of princes and
nobles, but also as a place for nuns. The gallery oc-
casionally runs the whole length of the church on both
sides, making double- storied aisles, as at Altenberg on the
Lahn, Neuendorf in the Altmark, Hecklingen near Strass-
burg, Liinen, Miihlberg, Langenhorst, &c. A late example
is St. Columba's, Cologne. The great church of Essen
has a three-storied choir. Some of the Thuringian Bene-
dictine monasteries were double, that is, one church served
monks and nuns ; these have all solaria for the accommoda-
tion of the women, whereas the men occupied the ground-
floor. Another peculiarity of Grerman Eomanesque
churches is the double choir. Both the west as well as
the east end of a great many cathedrals and churches ends
in an apse, with choir and altar in it. The origin of these
348 Germany, Present and Past.
western choirs is to be sought at Fulda. The first church
there, dedicated to the Saviour, was completed, properly
orientated, by the first abbot, Sturmi. Bangolf, the
second abbot, threw out an apse to the east. Katger,
abbot in 803, erected a similar apse at the west end to
contain the tomb of St. Boniface, and the church, thus
completed, was consecrated in 819. The fame acquired
by the tomb of the Apostle of Grermany caused the
western choir to be regarded as the principal choir, and
when the church was rebuilt in the eighteenth century
this was alone retained. The next example is the plan of
the abbey church of St. Grail, of 820. The eastern choir,
raised on a flight of steps, stood over the tomb of St. Grail,
and the western choir contained an altar to St. Peter, to
whom the old church of the monastery had been dedicated
two centuries before. Simultaneously a new cathedral
was built at Cologne on the same plan, the eastern choir
dedicated to St. Peter, the western to St. Mary. One
nave served for both.
In the tenth century the bishop's seat was transferred
from Saben, where the patron was St. Ingenuus, to Brixen,
where the church was dedicated to St. Peter. The cathe-
dral was at once provided with a second apse and altar at
the west end for St. Ingenuus. The western choir is
often attributable to a similar reason ; it is so at Naum-
burg, to which the bishopric was transferred from Leitz
in the eleventh century. But also convenience or economy
promoted this curious usage, so as to make one church
serve two purposes. This is the case with some minsters
which were also parish churches. The chapter had their
choir, and the parochial clergy their own, at opposite
extremities of the building. Examples of churches with
apses at both ends are numerous : such are the cathedrals
of Treves, Mainz, Worms, Augsburg, Eichstadt, Naumburg,
Architecture. 349
Bamberg, Miinster, and Bremen. A very beautiful small
church of this kind is St. Croix, at Liege.
The churches from the sixth to the eighth centuries were
without towers ; the introduction of bells caused a revolu-
tion ; and so great became the desire to have towers, not
only for containing bells, but as ornaments, that the
smallest parish did not rest satisfied till it was provided
with at least one. The cathedrals of Mainz, Speier, and
Worms, the church of St. Michael at Hildesheim, and
Laach Abbey Church, have six; the great church at Bonn
has five, Limburg Cathedral, perched on the top of a rock,
seven ; the Marienkirche at Danzig has ten in addition
to the great bell tower.
When a church was provided with a double apse, it
was thought that it ought also to have a double transept,
and when it was given a transept at the west end as well
as at the east end, a cupola or lantern tower over the
intersection followed, as a matter of course. Thus, at
Mainz there are two, one at each end of the nave. And
when each arm of the transept at one end was furnished
with bell towers, each arm of the transept at the other
end was similarly provided. At St. Michael's, Hildesheim,
there is a central square tower over the crossing at each
end of the nave, with one octagonal tower dying into a
circle in the middle of each transept, and two similar
porches at the two extremities of the nave.
The transition from Romanesque to Pointed was not a
native development in Germany. The Pointed style was
borrowed from France. The Eomanesque Church of St.
Cunibert at Cologne was completed in 1247, and the
foundations of the richly decorated pointed cathedral were
laid the following year. The plan was obviously borrowed
from Amiens, then in course of construction. If drawn
on the same scale and one be applied to the other, the two
350 Germany, Present and Past.
ground-plans will be found to coincide. The Liebfrau-
kirche at Treves was designed by a French architect ; it
was begun in 1227, and was copied from the choir of St.
Ived, in Braine, near Soissons, built between 1180 and
1216. But the central tower, erected after the pointed
body of the church by Grerman workmen, is in the
Komanesque style. This latter style lasted all over Grer-
many through the first half of the thirteenth century, and
even in places down to 1 300 ; whilst the pointed Grothic ap-
peared sporadically from the beginning of the thirteenth
century. The very earliest instance of the adaptation of
a French plan to a Grerman building is seen in the Church
of St. Grodehard, at Hildesheim, founded in 1133, erected
in the Romanesque style. The plan is of a semicircular
apse, with radiating chapels — a plan common in the south
of France in the eleventh century, and which spread to
the Loire. Bishop Bernhard I., of Hildesheim, was at the
Council of Eheimsin 11 31, when St. Grodehard was canon-
ised, and no doubt he carried back with him the French
plan of a choir with its wreath of chapels, and built his
church at Hildesheim after it. This example of a Koman-
esque choir with radiating chapels is almost unique in
Grermany.1
In 1207 the Cathedral of Magdeburg was burnt down.
A few days after the fire, Archbishop Albert II. entered
the city, and at once undertook the rebuilding of the
minster. The archbishop had long studied in the Uni-
versity of Paris, and there no doubt he had seen and been
pleased with the new pointed Grothic style. He either
brought an architect from France, or sent Grerman work-
men to study there, for the Cathedral of Magdeburg both
in plan and style followed the French school. The Cathe
dral of Naumburg was consecrated in 1242 : it was built
1 There is another, the abbey church of Heisterbach.
A rch itcctu re. 351
in the German Romanesque style. That same year a
learned man, named Peter, a master of arts, of Paris, was
elected to the bishopric. The opposition of the Margrave
prevented him from maintaining his place ; but it is
probable that he had brought with him French builders
for the completion of the cathedral, for the rest of the
work is pure Pointed, a startling contrast to the portion
completed only a few years before.
Directly the German architects mastered the principles
of Pointed architecture, they got rid of the square abacus.
The pillar had been called upon to support a rectangular
block of masonry; the capital was the point at which
the circle melted into the square. In France, old Gallo-
Roman ruins had supplied abundance of pillars for the
first Christian temples, but on the Rhine pillars were
not so abundant, and builders, therefore, employed piers.
A pilaster was manageable. The Grerman pilaster or little
column was given a capital very different from the early
French capital. Imagine a marble rubbed down partially
on four opposite sides, and then sawn in half. Half such
a die is the Romanesque capital of Germany.
When the nave and aisles came to be vaulted, and
the groining ribs and responds rose from the capital,
the pillar was required to support a mass of masonry
whose section was not rectangular, parallel with the axis
of the building, but a rectangle set diamond-wise. The
capital at once returned to its bowl shape, with a circular
abacus, and kept to that type.
In Middle Pointed, the compass first showed its capa-
cities. But the instrument which lent the style its great
power and endowed it with such daring, was also the
cause of its ruin. It put the ability to design respectably
in the hands of every man who could strike a circle.
Architecture became mechanical ; proportion was measured
352 Germany, Present and Past.
by a wooden rule, not by living taste. Genius got nipped
between the compass legs. What genius can do with the
aid of the instrument may be seen in the nave and west
front of Strassburg, with its spire as originally designed ;
what compass with commonplace mind can effect, in the
nave and west front of York Minster. Cologne Cathedral,
with all its beauty, disappoints, because the compass has
been too much for the creative genius. Compass and
rule became sovereign in England in Perpendicular. But
German genius saw its peril, flung the instrument aside,
went into the green wood, took in a deep inspiration from
nature, and in the end of the fourteenth century developed
a style intensely national, and one of which Germans ought
to be proud. German genius caught at the branchings
and interlacings of tree boughs as the means of escape
from the despotism of the rule and divider ; it determined
to have picturesqueness at any price, and to eschew con-
ventionality. In the architectural creations of the end
of the fourteenth, of the fifteenth, and beginning of the
sixteenth century, we meet with caprice, defiance of ar-
tistic canons, grotesqueness even ; but the great inexpres-
sible charm of the style is, that it speaks to us with human
voice, it reveals to us the thoughts that chased through
the mind of the builder and sculptor; it shows us the
beatings of a kindly human heart ; it is full of fancy, nay
more, of ideas. It sometimes stutters, not from want
of thought, but from inability to express the flow of rich
imaginings. The German architects have not yet arrived
at the pitch of comprehending it ; it is barbarous to them,
as the Gothic of York Minster was Saracenic to Matthew
Bramble. They have not yet given it a name. Otte con-
signs to it half a page, Lubke about a couple. And yet this
is, par excellence, the German Gothic, the embodiment
of the merits and defects of the Teutonic genius.
A rchitecture. 353
As the development has not yet been christened, I will
perform the rite, and call it the ' Broken-twig style.' l
The leading idea of this style is to carry every mould-
ing through, not let one die into another. An ordinary
picture frame and an Oxford frame will illustrate the dif-
ference. In the former, each side disappears into the
other at the junction. In the latter, each side is carried
through, and appears beyond. Square-headed doorways
and windows are treated precisely like Oxford frames. In
a hollow lies a roll, sometimes representing a stick, with
lateral twigs and knots ; this is crossed above the door by
a similar stick, and the two are represented as lashed to-
gether.
At Ulm, on the south of the minster, is a door into the
church, between massive buttresses. A very depressed
arch is flung between the buttresses, over the door, and
this arch takes the form of a huge tree trunk thrust be-
tween the piers of masonry to keep them apart, somewhat
bent with their pressure inwards. This is, no doubt, an
inexcusable conceit, but it shows fancy. An ordinary
architect would have struck a low semicircle with his
instrument, and it would have interested no one. The
tree trunk tells you at once that a mind loving the woods,
full of resources, has worked there. At Ulm again, in the
market-place, is a lovely Gothic fountain, a plinth with
niches, and knights and saints standing in them, sur-
mounted by a crocketed spirelet. There are hundreds of
such Gothic fountains. So the architect thought, and he
gave his spirelet a twist, just as woodbine ascends a trunk,
and the whole creation became at once perfectly charming
by its quaintness. At Eichstadt, at the junction of the
cloisters with an ambulatory leading to the chapter-house,
1 I believe Dr. Whewell called the tracery of this style 'stump
tracery.'
VOL. II. A A
354 Germany, Present and Past.
is a pillar standing alone, on which the vaulting leans.
It is octagonal, with the faces concave, but with half-
pillars in the alternate faces. The whole is twisted. I
suppose the idea came into the head of the sculptor that
it was to some such pillar that Christ was bound, for
about the base he has twined thorns. He has carried
these up in the concave faces, but as the thorns and briars
climb they break into leaf and flower, and about the
capital form a blooming crown. There are both taste and
thought manifest here.
Capitals of pillars in this style are often nothing but
a change in the adornment of the shaft. There is no
widening above; and very often the capital falls away
wholly, and the groining of the vaults rises out of the
pillars as boughs out of a tree, without any break. The
architects of this period greatly affected hall-like churches;
they placed the piers as far apart as possible, and made
the aisles lofty and wide. The clerestory was often
omitted, and one vast roof covered in the whole church.
It is so with St. Stephen's, Vienna ; it is so also with the
magnificent church of St. Cross, Gmiind, in Swabia, one
of the purest and finest specimens of this style. The side
aisles are rarely carried round the choir, which ends in
three sides of an octagon with lofty windows. The crown
of chapels adopted from France disappears altogether;
but, on the other hand, the buttresses of the aisles are often
enclosed, taken into the church, and the spaces between
converted into side chapels. It is so with the Liebfrau-
kirche, Munich. A very curious arrangement is some-
times met with — two aisles of equal width and height,
divided by an arcade, with one choir, the axis of which
is the line of the arcade. Consequently, any one standing
precisely in the centre at the west end of the church can-
not see the altar. The churches of Feldkirch and Schwaz,
A rchitecture. 355
in Tyrol, and the pretty little village church of Driesch,
in the Eifel, are good examples. The two naves at Driesch
are separated by one, pillar, i.e. are composed of two bays.
Such churches are not uncommon in the Mosel district.1
The effect is anything but disagreeable, especially in a
small church.
The vaulting of this period is peculiarly fine. Earlier
vaulting in Germany, as in France, had never attained the
perfection of English vaulting. The English architects
alone used the ridge rib, running the whole length of the
church and uniting the keys, a feature of paramount beauty.
Neither in France nor Germany is to be seen a vaulting
of such purity and loveliness as that of Exeter. But also,
neither in France nor Germany, did vaulting become so
feeble and uninteresting as in York.
The groinings of the ' Broken-twig ' period are rich,
and strongly accentuated. The vault is composed of a num-
ber of cells, arranged as the meshes of a net, or as a star.
Often the ribs, after touching the boss, pass through it,
reappear, and are cut off short.
The window tracery escapes the effeminateness of the
Flamboyant by a similar artifice. It is geometrical, with
a tendency to flamboyant forms, but intersecting circles
break off.
The foliage of this period is peculiarly rich and exuber-
ant. In figure sculpture the drapery represents stiff silks
or brocade, in place of linen, as in the thirteenth century.
Very beautiful specimens of this style are the chapel of
St. Lorenz, on the north side of the Cathedral of Strassburg ;
the Frauenkirche, Esslingen ; the west facade of Eatisbon,
the Heilig-Kreuz Kirche, Gmund, the Stiftskirche, Stutt-
gart, the west front of Magdeburg Cathedral, and some
of the town-halls of the free cities. The choir of Frei-
1 Cues, Graach, Hatzenport, Traaben, «kc.
A A 2
356 Germany, Present and Past.
burg Cathedral is too late, and not good of its style. St.
Afra and St. Ulrich, at Augsburg, is an interesting example
of the style, accepting Renaissance detail, and losing its
original vigour.
The German artists of the fifteenth century solved one
of the greatest difficulties that beset Gothic architects from
the beginning of Pointed architecture — the reredos. In
France and in England at the back of the altar stood a
stone structure, often very beautiful, as at Winchester,
All Souls', Oxford, the Lady Chapel, Gloucester, &c., but
formal.1 The erections of which traces remain in France
were even less satisfactory, if we may judge by the speci-
mens engraved by M. Viollet-le-Duc. Stone is cheerless,
marble freezing, in England. The east end of a church
is the culminating point for decorations, colour, and glow.
In Belgium no success was attained in solving the pro-
blem. The wooden reredos was common, and the carving
was exquisite. But it was nothing more than a collection
of miniatures in sculpture. The museum of the Porte de
Hal, at Brussels, contains several fine specimens. There is
another in the church of St. Denis at Liege ; another,
a Jesse-tree, at Bruges ; another Belgian Jesse-reredos in
Lord Brougham and Vaux' chapel at Brougham.2 But the
German altar-piece of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
was the most elaborate, gorgeous, and effective adjunct to
the building. It was the focus of the church ; it was
most richly sculptured without being ' finnikin,' bold
without being coarse, and it glowed with gold and colour.
The idea is a triptych, the central block the width of the
altar, each wing half this width. Above this rises a sheaf
1 They were originally coloured. We had in England, no doubt,
carved wooden altar-pieces, but none have survived the Reformation, or
havoc wrought by the Puritans in the seventeenth century.
8 This is really an Abraham-tree ; as David appears sixth from the
root-figure.
A rckitectu re. 357
of pinnacle work of exuberant richness, tilled with small
statues of angels and saints. Sometimes the centre of the
triptych is occupied by a picture, and then the wings are
painted externally and internally ; but more frequently
it contains sculpture, and then the wings are fixed and
covered also with sculpture, or are painted, and can at
will be closed over the centre. A magnificent altar-piece of
this latter kind is at Blaubeuren, figured in Otte's ' Kunst-
Archaologie ; ' another at St. Wolfgang, in Upper Austria,
engraved in Liibke's ' Ecclesiastical Art in Germany.'
Others are at Eothenburg on the Tauber, Nordlingen,
Moosburg, Calcar, Xanten, Dortmund, and Danzig. One at
Alt-Breisach is very fine, but late and heavy, and too large
for the church, spoiled, moreover, by being daubed over
with brown paint. A remarkably fine one of the Cruci-
fixion, but without the crown of pinnacles, is at Holar, in
Iceland, brought from Germany in the fifteenth century.
One small German specimen may be seen in England, at
St. Michael's Church, Brighton, and a modern imitation
of an old one at St. Ethelburga's, Bishopgate Street.
Gradually the Renaissance supplanted Gothic, but in
Germany it maintained much of the beauty of outline of
the earlier style. German towns are peculiarly ricli in
bay-windows (Erkfenster) of this period. Every patrician
family took pride in having the face of the city mansion
richly treated, and an inexhaustible store of the most
beautiful windows and sculptured details can be gathered
from the towns of Germany. Ratisbon has many ; Col-mar
one or two of extraordinary beauty ; one that is famous is at
Torgau ; Schaffhausen abounds with excellent specimens.1
1 I commend to architects a small one, No. 23, Augustiner-Strasse,
Zurich. A magnificent work, now approaching completion, is Die
Deutsche Renaissance, Leipzig, giving working details of the best
examples of the style in the various towns of Germany.
358 Germany, Present and Past.
The Renaissance flourished in Germany but for a
brief space before the Thirty Years' war broke over the
country. Nevertheless it obtained there remarkable ex-
cellence, and some notable specimens remain, as the Otto-
Heinrichbau (1556) and the Friedrichsbau (1607) of
Heidelberg Castle, and the palace of the Elector of Mainz
at Aschaffenburg.
When peace returned, art was dead. Germany looked
to France, and Gallican artists came over to lay out towns
and build palaces for Electors and Princes. Rococo came
in with powdered hair and patches. But German artists
were no more content to accept French art in the
eighteenth century without pouring into it the national
spirit than they were in the thirteenth. German rococo
is something very different from the baroque of Louis XV.
It is richer, more fantastic, less formal. French baroque
was too much under Palladian influence to be other than
cold and formal. There was a bonhomie about German
rococo which is very attractive. The plaster-work of that
period is superb. Very fine specimens may be seen in
the churches of Wiirzburg, which were thoroughly
modernised by Bishop Schonborn. Equally fine was the
metal work ; indeed it would be difficult to find more ex-
quisite treatment of hammered iron than was displayed at
that period. A great deal of it is to be seen enclosing side
chapels in great churches.1 A vast number of altars
belong to the same period. These are now being everywhere
ruthlessly swept away to make room for execrable modern
work. These erections generally consist of two stages. One
contains a painting between two sets of twisted pillars,
and the other a smaller picture or a statue between twisted
1 A very beautiful grating to an ' Oelberg ' at Krotzingen, in Baden,
of tre date of 1790. Exquisite work of the same date may be seen over
the doors of private houses in almost every town.
A rchitecture. 359
pillars also. The pillars are twined with oak-leaves or
roses, and between them and around are wreaths of flower-
work, often of the most exquisite workmanship, the carving
equal to anything of Grinling Gibbons. There are often
small panels painted dark blue, covering relics, on which
gold ornaments have been traced, as delicate and beautiful
as on Japanese cabinets.
The figure sculpture at this period was very bad, the
attitudes theatrical, the muscles and flesh puffed, as if all
saints and angels were dropsical. This statuary offended
modern taste as soon as taste began to revive ; and in
sweeping it away, the beautiful flowers, and wreathed
pillars, and delicately moulded cornices went also. From
1700 to the middle of the century the altar-pieces were
often admirable, after that their character declined.
Unfortunately most of the carving was done in pearwood,
which readily attracts the worm ; and rich work that is
only a hundred years old is now crumbling to dust. But
the decay might be arrested were there a will to do so.
There is, however, no appreciation of this late work,
A peculiarly magnificent altar-piece was torn down a
couple of years ago at Mahlberg, as a new church was
about to be built. Hearing that it was for sale, I went in
quest of it. I was too late. It had been put up to
auction, no offer had been made for it, and so, during the
winter, it was used for heating ovens. In the place of
the former church stands now an erection of almost incon-
ceivable hideousness, with the meanest and most tasteless
altar furniture.
The European war made a battle-field of Germany,
and on it German architecture fell with a bullet in its
heart. Of the four fine arts — music, painting, sculpture,
and architecture— one is not. Architecture is dead and
buried. It would seem as if the perceptive faculty of
360 Germany, Present and Past.
choosing what is good and rejecting what is evil in archi-
tecture were also extinct in Germany. During the reigns
of Ludwig and Maximilian a great effort was made in
Munich, by pouring gold down her throat, to restore
vitality in the dead art, but it was in vain. Money and
honours could not buy genius. Munich, from an art
point of view, possesses the same sort of interest as does a
museum of monstrosities to an anatomist. The architects
Klenze, Liebland, Gartner, Ohlmiiller, Eiedel, &c. have
striven hard with one another who could show the world
to what a depth of degradation architecture could sink in
Germany. Recently a new Rathhaus has been completed
which shows that architecture is as impotent still as it
was in the reigns of Ludwig and Maximilian.
Still more infamous is the new Protestant church, as
bad as anything done in England in the ' compo ' period.
It is instructive to see how different it is directly the
traveller crosses the frontier into Belgium or Switzerland.
In Brussels the new Palais de Justice is a noble structure,
and the houses springing up along the new boulevard by
the Post Office abound in merit. At Zurich many fresh
buildings, probably designed by French architects, show
talent. But not a spark of that heavenly fire has fallen
as yet in Germany. Everywhere of late, in villages and
towns, new schools, at great cost, have been erected ; and
I have not seen one which is not absolutely hideous when
in the least pretentious. New churches are all bad — exe-
crably bad. It will take half a century of patient study
of existing monuments of Christian art before German
architects can build respectably in a Gothic style.1 In
1 The only restoration on which it is possible to look back with any
pleasure is that of the castle above Kochem, on the Mosel, by an archi-
tect of Berlin named Arnold. This is excellent ; but the same architect
has failed conspicuously in a church at Dresden.
A rchitecture. 3 6 1
this particular again it is different in Belgium. At
Ghent there has been completed recently a new beguinage,
which is as lovely and perfect a creation as any work of
the Middle Ages.
Indeed, recently, work altogether admirable has been
done in Belgium by Mr. Weale and Mr. Bethune, who
after hard fight have routed native incompetence, and
founded a new school of Gothic art.
German architects will not, unfortunately, leave well
alone. When they attempt to restore, they disfigure.
The interesting cathedral at Mainz is now undergoing
cruel martyrdom at their hands. The character of the
eastern choir has been altered by the destruction of an
almost unique feature in it, and a monstrous lantern tower
has been erected over the crossing with neat symmetrical
picked-out quoins. Lorch church was once one of the
most interesting on the Khine. Under the brutal hands
of ignorant restorers, its glory is departed ; it is a monu-
ment of German blindness to the good and beautiful.1 At
1 A recent No. of the Academy justly says the so-called < Restora-
tion of the Church of Lorch am Rhein has been most disastrous.
Complaints of unsuccessful attempts at church restoration have for a
long while past made themselves loudly heard in Germany, and this
last affair at Lorch seems to have brought matters to a crisis. The
church was famous both for the beauty of its situation, and for the
fairly good state in which it had come down from the fifteenth cen-
tury : it has now been so mishandled both without and within that it
is said by competent authorities to offend against every principle of
architectural science. Nothing remains of the original work in the
choir except the iron clamps, which had been introduced here and
there, in the course of time, in order to bind weak places together ;
and these, too, it is proposed to replace with new ones. Of the old
piers nothing but the kernel can be said to exist, for they have been
re-faced and tricked out with Gothic finials of the last fashion, and
the picturesque Renaissance tower has been destroyed. For the
moment the work is at a standstill, and a second architect has been
called in, to whom has been entrusted the conduct of the restoration
of the two aisles ; he is, however, almost hopelessly embarrassed by
362 Germany, Present and Past.
Ulm was a charming little church and tower before the
west front of the great Dom, giving it scale, as St. Mar-
garet's gives scale to Westminster Abbey, and the spire
of St. Bride's to the dome of St. Paul's. In 1877 I
saw this church torn down, and its ruins carted away.
Esslingen has lost its glorious St. Catherine's. Ratisbon
was surrounded with fifteen towers, variously capped,
making the distant prospect of the city a vision of beauty.
All have disappeared save one.
There is a reason why architecture in Germany does
not awake out of the dust. It is an art which demands
study of many years, with careful measurement of old
work. No man can build in any style till he has made it
his own, till he thinks in it. An architectural style is a
language. A tongue is never spoken fluently and gram-
matically till the thoughts take shape in the language
before they are uttered. It is the same with an archi-
tectural style.1 In a style every part hangs together in
close relationship — the plan, the mouldings, the tracery,
the foliage. When Mr. Venus built up a skeleton, he
waited patiently till he had got suitable bones, and he
would not hang Mr. Wegg's leg on the French gentle-
man's thigh because it was not in his style. He had his
box of ' human warious,' from which he sorted out adap-
the labours of his predecessor. If he is forced— and it is said he will
be forced — to continue the work as it has been begun, total ruin will
be about the best thing that can be wished to this once valuable
monument of Ehenish Gothic architecture.'
1 It deserves remark how that now, when English architects have
recurred to an English style — the so-called Queen Anne — they can de-
sign pleasantly, and their creations give us pure delight ; they touch
chords in our hearts, wake up pleasant associations. The authors speak
easily in their own tongue. The works of such masters of sweet Eng-
lish, as Mr. Norman Shaw and Mr. Chancellor, are a delight to the heart,
Old English madrigals writ in brick. On the other hand, many of our
modern architects affect a broken jargon of Spanish, Italian, and French.
A rch itecture. 363
table fragments, but never strung together those that were
incongruous. Modern German architects have their port-
folios of prints of ' Gothic warious,' and when they want
to build a church or a town-hall, first outline a factory,
and then trick it out with every sort of various detail,
mouldings, out of their own heads, of the nineteenth cen-
tury,— they never trouble themselves to measure and map
old mouldings — foliage of the sixteenth century, windows
of the tenth, tracery (bad) of the thirteenth. Mr. Venus
knew every bone, and where it ought to go, and to what
sized skeleton it belonged. A German architect has no
idea as to what ought to be done with his scraps, which
go together, and where they should go.
And the reason of this ignorance is — military service.
?The man who intends to become an architect has per-
haps not passed as 'reif.' and so serves for three years.
These are the years in which he ought to be going over
the country, tape, compasses, and T- ruler in hand, studying
architecture, and taking down good examples in his book.
When his service is over, he sets up in his profession, buys
Heideloff' s * Ornamentik des Mittelalters,' and Liibke, and
thinks himself able to design anything from a school to a
cathedral. And this is why the traveller of taste is con-
strained, in passing one of his creations, to sing like
Serpolette, Grenicheux, and the Bailli, in ' Les Cloches de
Corneville ' — ' I shut my eyes ! I shut my eyes ! I shut my
eyes ! '
364 Germany, Present and Past.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE STOVE.
Grumio : A cold world, Curtis, in every office, and therefore fire. —
Taming of the Shrem, act iv. sc. 1.
I CAN quite understand the worship of the Parsees. If
ever I abjure Christianity, it will be to pay my adora-
tions to Fire.
Warmth is more precious than food, and in our raw,
damp English climate we need it almost more than
where the winters are keener but the cold is dry. We
suffer from cold more in England than where cold is
severer, but this is due chiefly to an unscientific method
of heating our rooms.
The English grates in common use are adapted for the
combustion of a large amount of coal, and therefore are
greatly to the advantage of the coal-merchant ; but they
are wasteful to the consumer.
The amount of heat radiated by the open fireplace
bears a miserably small proportion to the amount of heat
carried up the chimney. The smoke that issues from the
top of the chimney is hot. All the heat carried off by the
smoke is so much heat wasted ; in a word, is so many
pence per day, so many shillings per week, and so many
pounds per annum out of the consumer's pocket. It is
small satisfaction to him to contemplate a wreath of
smoke issuing from his chimney, however gracefully it
may curl, and know that in that wreath in one day enough
caloric has been carried off to have heated his room for a
The Stove. 365
week. We throw away money wastefully in smoke ; we
play ducks and drakes with our money in coals. One
quarter of the heat generated is utilised by us, and three
quarters we throw clean away.
An open fireplace, such as is common in England, is
the most barbarous, spendthrift contrivance under the
sun. It is the worst contrivance for warming a room that
ingenuity could possibly devise. The grate radiates forth
a certain amount of heat, and that amount is all we
utilise ; but the great body of heat is carried up the
chimney by the draught generated by the fire. A person
sitting before an open fireplace is in a strong draught ;
his back, his feet, are cold, whilst his face and knees are
scorched. The oxygen of the air is burnt in the grate, or
helps to burn the coal, and there is a strong current of
air from all parts of the room to carry on the combustion.
Place the hand in the orifice of the chimney immediately
above the fire, and two currents will be detected, a hot
one of smoke, and a cold one of air. Both are carried up
the chimney. We throw away the heat in our smoke,
and we throw away the partially heated air in the room,
whilst the exhaustion sucks colder air in from every quarter
to replenish the void.
No doubt this artificial draught is of one advantage,
it prevents the room becoming close ; but this can be
prevented quite as well without squandering our heat.
The chimney, rather than the grate, should be the
heating apparatus of the room ; or, rather, both chimney
and grate should unite to heat the room. As our houses
are constructed, the chimneys are made utterly useless for
this purpose. They are sometimes placed in an outside
wall, so as to throw off their heat into the open air;
sometimes in an inner wall, so constructed that one side
of the chimney only can give off heat internally, and this
366 Germany, Present and Past.
it is prevented from doing by the thickness of the wall
and the badly conducting nature of its materials. More-
over, the distance from the mouth of the flue to the
ceiling is so short, that the chimney is not allowed the
opportunity of throwing off its heat into the room.
If we look to the Germans, who have little coal, and
who are obliged to rely on wood as their staple of fuel,
which is very costly, we find that they have been driven
by their necessities to economise fuel to the utmost ; and
what is more, we find that they are able to warm a room
more effectually with a few chips, or a bundle of fir-cones,
than we can with two scuttlesful of coal.
The secret of utilising fuel for heating a room is : —
1 . Bring the fire into the room, and thus let it radiate
heat on all four sides, instead of on only one.
2. Do not let the smoke escape out of the room till it
is cool.
Now it is evident that if we adhere to these two
golden maxims, we are making the very utmost of our
fuel ; we extract all the heat that we can out of it before
we let the refuse smoke and ash escape. The ancient
Greeks knew very little about smelting ore. At Laurium
they got a certain amount of silver from the rock, and
tossed away the dross. But we know now that their
refuse is rich in metal, and will well repay the labour of
extracting it. English people treat their fuel as bar-
barously as did the Greeks their silver ore.
The Germans heat their rooms with stoves of tile or iron.
The tiled stove is constructed somewhat as follows. It may
be square or circular. The diagram represents a section.
The fire is lighted in the stove at a, and the smoke rises
freely in d, and entirely fills it. When full, the colder
smoke descends and is carried off through the flue at c.
When, as in old stoves, the receiver is large, and extends
The Stove.
367
nearly the full height of the room, there is merely a flue
from c into the chimney in the wall. But if the stove be
reduced in size, then, to utilise the smoke, the flue of iron
is made to perform many turns before it is carried at g
into the structural chimney g. At e is a damper. At b is
the door to the stove ; this is arranged with a simple
apparatus to admit a current of air, or to shut air com-
pletely off. When a quick sharp fire has been raised, the
whole of the receiver has been full of flames, and rapidly
becomes so hot that the hand cannot be borne on it. The
quick fire dies rapidly out. The moment it is dead, the
sooner the better, the damper is turned, and the chimney
closed. Consequently the whole stove remains a huge
vessel filled with heat, which it continues to radiate into
the room for several hours.
368 Germany, Present and Past.
In the depth of winter, when the thermometer is some
degrees below zero, it is quite enough to fire up twice in
the twenty-four hours. For instance, the maid makes up
a fire in the sitting-room at eight o'clock in the morning,
by half-past eight the fire is out and the stove closed.
The stove need not be again heated till six o'clock in
the evening. Those sitting in the room will enjoy a
summer heat all day, produced by an armful of small
logs. In Scotland, on the Yorkshire moors, or in Devon-
shire, a bush of gorse would heat a room for ten hours.
Grorse is not attainable everywhere ; thorns will do as
well. A couple of ' Times ' newspapers in a German tile
stove will raise the temperature of a room, and keep it
warm longer than a small scuttleful of coals in an open
grate.
At /, the top slab of the stove, often of marble, is
raised upon an open cornice of porcelain above the real
tile top of the receiver. Thus a current of heated air
continues streaming out of the openings of the cornice,
and the slab is also heated and in its turn gives out heat.
Should the air be thought too dry, a shallow vessel with
water may be placed on it. But I do not believe that air
heated by an earthenware stove becomes unpleasantly dry ;
it is when burnt by contact with overheated iron that it
becomes unpleasant and unwholesome.
The stove is built up of fire-tiles. To keep them firmly
compacted together brass bands pass round the block, and
are secured by screws. Nothing can be simpler, give less
trouble, or be more practical. The stove is a mere smoke-
chamber, it is easily cleaned through the grate.
It is quite true that it does not ventilate the room ;
and this is its defect. But this is a defect easily remedied.
If the room become close, the window may be opened.
When the window is shut again, the room does not remain
The Stove. 369
cold, for the stove continues pouring forth its heat, and
rapidly brings up the temperature again.
There is no doubt that a German room in winter
is hot ; it is also intolerably close. There are double
frames to the windows, and generally at the head of the
stairs is a glass screen, so that a German flat smells dis-
agreeably. This is because the Germans do not care for
and understand ventilation. Stoves are made to heat a
room, not of necessity to ventilate it. The combination
of a heat-producing and a ventilating apparatus in one, as
in our open fireplaces, is clumsy in the extreme.
To ventilate a room we need two currents of air, one
to enter the room, the other to leave it. That which
enters need not be cold, but it must be pure atmospheric
air containing oxygen. That which leaves the room is the
air divested of its oxygen by the lungs, together with
carbonic acid given off with nitrogen by every expiration
of the lungs. Nitrogen is not needed by the lungs,
carbonic acid is poisonous ; consequently, to keep an
apartment healthy, we must carry off the nitrogen and the
carbonic acid, and supply its place with pure air.
Now, by a provision of nature the heated nitrogen and
carbonic acid, when given off by the lungs, rise to the top
of the room. The carbonic acid, when cold, sinks ; but
not till it is cold. Consequently it ought to be carried off
at once whilst it is above the heads of those in the room.
Now how do we act with our open grates ? We suck the
injurious gases down from the ceiling by the artificial
draught created by the fireplace filled with burning fuel,
which is at from eight inches to a foot and a half above
the floor. Consequently, we draw down the mephitic
vapours to the level of our lungs before we carry them off.
Common sense says, open a ventilator in the wall
below the ceiling, into the chimney, and then all the foul
VOL. II. B B
370 Germany, Present and Past.
and poisonous exhalations will be carried off through that
as fast as they rise. But it is not enough for us to carry
off the bad air, we need a constant supply of good air,
both to feed the lungs and to sustain the fire. How do
we manage this ? We allow the air to pour in through
the chinks of the door, or through the joints of the
window-sashes, and thus we create a draught of cold air
which sinks to the floor and rushes to the fireplace. Con-
sequently those who sit in a room with an open fire are
liable to complain that their feet are icy cold, and that
their backs are chilled whilst their faces are scorched.
We suffer far more from chilblains in England than do
Germans or Eussians. If we stop up all the crevices by
which air can enter, we act very foolishly, for we create a
draught up the chimney to carry out of the room all the
air in it, and forbid fresh air coming in to take its place.
Thus we exhaust the room of its atmosphere, and then
complain that we feel heavy and stupefied. Air must
come in. It is necessary for our health that it should,
but it is not necessary that the air should be cold. If we
open a communication with the external air, either through
the wall of the room or through the floor, and then con-
vey it, in a pipe, through the porcelain stove, when it is
discharged into the room it is perfectly good, and is at
the same time warm. Draughts there will be still in the
apartment, but they will be warm draughts, softly cir-
culating, which we shall not feel. The room will be
deliciously warm, and the air in it will be perfectly pure
and sweet. I have a dining-room, measuring thirty feet
by fifteen feet, and twelve feet high, heated by a small
open fireplace with air conducted from without to a
receiver behind the grate, whence it pours into the room
through perforations in the face of the stove. The room
is maintained in the coldest weather at a comfortable
The Stove. 371
temperature, and is always sweet, owing to the constant
influx of hot, fresh air. The fumes of dinner pass away
almost with the meal.
One great objection raised against German stoves is that
the fire is enclosed, or is out. English people love to see the
fire. There is no question that the open fireplace with
the burning coals in the grate is a cheery sight. In
Berlin, in some of the new houses, there are stoves to give
warmth, and open fires to look at, in the same rooms.
With coal we cannot fire up for half an hour and then let
the fire out ; we must keep the fire up all day. But
even so, the principle of the German stove need not be
abandoned. In the Grand-Ducal palace at Freiburg, and
in the palace of the Prince of Thtirn und Taxis at Augs-
burg are open fireplaces. Immediately above the mantel-
piece is a recess ; partly in this niche and partly extending
over the mantelpiece is a porcelain erection, richly
decorated, coloured, and gilt, and certainly ornamental.
It is the receiver for the smoke. The smoke mounts
directly into it, fills it, and then descends to pass out into
the chimney. That in the Grand-Ducal palace is conical,
decorated with medallions and portraits, gilt, of the Em-
perors. A richly niched terra-cotta chimney-piece which
could hold statuettes, china, and glass, might easily be
managed on this principle, and be very ornamental and
effective. It would be a huge hot-air tank in the room.
The German stove is by no means necessarily unsightly.
The porcelain stove lends itself with peculiar facility to
ornamentation, and in combination with an open grate, as
suggested, might be as beautiful as an old-fashioned
Elizabethan oak chimney-piece. Moulded terra-cotta
friezes, bands of foliage, niches containing figures, would
all be advantageous, as increasing the surface from which
heat would be radiated. If, instead of making the surface
B B 2
372 Germany, Present and Past.
plain, we increase the number of angles, add pilasters,
and encircle with niches, till we have doubled the area of
surface exposed, we have very nearly doubled the amount
of heat given off.
In the Bishop's castle at Salzburg is a handsome stove
of the date 1519, as good as when it was erected by Bishop
Leonhardt. I have seen one of about the same date, still
in use, at Niirnberg. Heideloif, in his ' Ornamentik,' has
engraved two old porcelain stoves, and it is possible to
obtain reproductions of them at a moderate cost. I saw
recently at Strassburg modern stoves, very tasteful, the
tiles painted with Watteau-like subjects.
One very great advantage of the porcelain stove is that
it provides a continuance of warmth in the room long
after the fire has got low, or has gone out. With an open
grate the room chills down directly. It is not so with the
earthenware German stove, which retains its heat long
after the fire has gone out. It is a reservoir gradually
radiating heat. This may be seen in the common earthen-
ware cottage-oven. It is heated by brambles or brush-
wood being burnt in it. Then the fire is swept out, and
the bread or pies are baked when there is no fire, merely
by the heat retained in the earthenware and given out by
degrees.
APPENDIX.
As it has been impossible forme to deed otherwise than briefly with many
subjects of great importance, which hardly admit of compression into
the limited space allotted them, I subjoin the titles of books, for
the benefit of those who desire to pursue any of the subjects.
CHAPTERS I. & II.— THE NOBILITY.
Lohmeier, J. O. Genealogische Beschreibung der vornehmsten
Chur- und furstlichen Hauser in Deutschland. Folio. Tubingen,
1695.
Moltke. De Matrimonio Nobilis cum Ignobili. 4to. Rostock, 1707.
Bur germeister, J. S. Des Reichs-Adels d. dreyen Ritter-Oraysen in
Schwaben, Franken und am Rheinstrom Immedietat-Praro-
gativen. 4to. Ulm, 1709.
Bericht vom Adel in Deutschland. 4to. Frankfurt, 1721.
Bur germeister, J. S. Graven- und Ritter-Saal. 4to. Ulm, 1715,
1721.
Riccii, Ch. G. Zuverlassiger Entwurf von dem landsassigen Adel in
Deutschland, dessen Unsprung, Alter, Schuldigkeiten, Rechte,
&c. 4to. Niirnberg, 1735.
Schulenberg. De Privilegiis ac Prserogativis Nobiiium Mediatorum
in Germania. 4to. Vitemberg, 1746.
Semler. De Ministerialibus. 4to. Altdorf, 1751.
DulssecJcer, J. F. Oommentatio Juris Publici de Matrimoniis Persona-
rum Illustrium in Imperio Romano Germanico. Nostris l Von
den Vennahlungen derer Standspersonen in Teutschland.' Jena,
1760.
Ploennies. De Ministerialibus, ' Von dem Zustand des nieder. Adels
in Teutschland.' 4to. Jena, 1757.
Von d. Geschlechtsadel u. d. Erneuerung des Adels. 8vo. Leipzig,
1778.
374 Appendix.
"Versuch einer pragmat. Geschichte der Lehen, aus den Zeiten vor
der Errichtung d. frankischen Monarchic bis zur Erloschung
d. karolingischen Stammes in Deutschland. 8vo. Frankfurt,
1785.
JDulaure, J. A. Kritische Geschichte des Adels, worinn seine
Vorurtheile, seine Raubereien und Verbrechen aufgedecket
werden. 8vo. (without place or publisher), 1792.
Kotzebue. Vom Adel. 8vo. Leipzig, 1792.
Rehberg, A. W. Ueber den deutschen Adel. 8yo. Gottingen,
1803.
Wedekind, Frh. v. Das Werth des Adels und die .Anspriiche des
Zeitgeistes auf Verbesserung d. Adelsinstituts. 8vo. Darmstadt,
1816.
De la Motte-Fouque u. F. Perthes. Etwas iiber den deutschen Adel.
8vo. Hamburg, 1819.
Gohrum, Ch. G. Geschichtliche Darstellung der Lehre v. d. Eben-
biirtigkeit, nach gemeinem deutschen Rechte. 8vo. Tubingen^
1846.
Strantz. Geschichte d. deutschen Adels. 8vo. Breslau, 1845.
Vcdlgraff, C. Die teutschen Standesherren. 2 vols. 8vo. Mainz,
1851.
Vehse, E, Geschichte der kleinen deutschen Hofe: die Hofe der
Mediatisirten. 5 vols. 8vo. Hamburg, 1856-9.
Fischer, L. H. Der teutsche Adel in der Vorzeit, Gegenwart und
Zukunft. 2 vols. 8vo. Frankfurt, 1852.
Roth v. Schreckenstein, Frh. C. H. Das Patriziat in den deutschen
Stadten. 8vo. Tubingen, 1856.
Kneschke. Deutsche Grafenhauser der Gegenwart. 3 vols. 8vo.
Leipzig, 1859-60.
Kiihns, F. J. Ueber den Ursprung und das Wesen des Feudalismus.
8vo. Berlin, 1869.
CHAPTER III.— THE LAWS OF SUCCESSION.
Knipschtttii, Ph. Tractat. de Fideicommissis Familiar. Nobil. vulgo
' Stammgiitern.' 4to. Colon. 1715, 1750.
Beck. De Licita Majoratum et Fideicommissorum Familiarum Nobi-
lium Alienatione. 4to. Altdorf, 1750.
Hersemeier, H. De Pactis Gentilitiis Familiarum Illustr. atque Nobi-
lium Germanise, vulgo ' Von den in der Privatfamilien-Gesetzge-
Appendix. 375
bungsfreiheit hauptsachl. begriindeten Haus- u. Stammvertragen
d. deutschen Adels.' 4to. Mogunt. 1788.
Danz. Ueber Familiengesetze des deutschen Adels, welche nicht
standesvermassige Vermahlungen untersagen. 8vo. Frankfurt,
1792.
Moshamm, Frh. A. Entwicklung d. rechtl. Verhaltnisse d. deutschen
Geschlechts-Fideikommissen. 8vo. Miinchen, 1816.
Salza, C, v. und Lichtenau. Die Lehre von Familien-, Stamm- und
Geschlechts-Fideicommissen. 8vo. Leipzig, 1838.
Zimmerle, L. Das deutsche Stammgutssystem nach seinem Ursprunge
und s. Verlaufe. 8vo. Tubingen, 1857.
Kraut, W. Th. Die Vormundschaft nach den Grundsatzen des deut-
schen Rechts. 3 vols. 8vo. Gottingen, 1859.
Arnold. Zur Geschichte des Eigenthums in der deutschen Stadten.
8vo. Basel, 1861.
Schroder, R. Geschichte d. ehelichen Giiterrechts in Deutschland.
3 vols. 8vo. Stettin, 1863-74.
Schulze, H. Das Erb- und Familienrecht im Mittelalter. 8vo. Halle,
1871.
Amir a, K. v. Erbenfolge und Verwandtschaftsgliederung nach den
alten niederdeutschen Rechten. 8vo. Miinchen, 1874.
Schroder, R. Das eheliche Giiterrecht Deutschlands in Vergangenheit,
Gegenwart und Zukunft. 8vo. Berlin, 1875.
Witzmann, Th. Das Erbrecht im Bereiche der preussischen Monar-
chic in seinen Grundziigen dargestellt. 8vo. Berlin, 1875.
Lammers. Die Erbfolge auf Bauerhofen, in Faucher's Vierteljahrs-
schrift fur Volkswirthschaft. Pt. IX. Berlin, 1875.
Scheel, H. Eigenthum und Erbrecht. Berlin, 1877.
CHAPTER IV.— PEASANT PROPRIETORS.
Autenrieth. Ueber Vertrennung der Bauerngiiter. 8vo. Stuttgart,
1779.
Schiiz, C. W. Ch. Ueber den Einfluss der Vertheilung des Grund-
eigenthunis auf das Volk- und Staatsleben. 8vo. Stuttgart,
1836.
Maurer, G. L. Einleitung zur Geschichte der Mark-, Hof- und Dorf-
verfassung. 8vo. Erlangen, 1856.
Seeker. Die Almende. 8vo. Basel, 1868.
376 Appendix.
JKoscher, W. Nationalokonomik des Ackerbaues. 7th edit. 8vo.
Stuttgart, 1873.
Lehnert, E. Ueber die gegenwartige Eintheilung der Grundstiicke
in Deutschland. 8vo. Leipzig, 1874.
CHAPTER V.— MARRIAGE.
Schulte, J. JF. Handbuch des katholischen Eherechts. Giessen,
1855.
Friedberff, E. Das Recht der Eheschliessung in seiner geschichtlichen
Entwicklung. Leipzig, 1865.
Friedberg, E. Die Gescbichte der Civilehs. Berlin, 1870.
Kah, K. Die Ehe und das biirgerliche Standesamt nach badischem
Rechte. Heidelberg, 1872.
Knopp, N. Vollstandiges Eherecht. Regensburg, 1873.
Schroder, R. Geschichte des ehelichen Giiterrechts. Stettin, 1874.
Haron, J. Das Heirathen in alten und neuen Gesetzen. Berlin, 1874.
•Stalzel, A. Eheschliessungsrecht. Berlin, 1874.
Stolzel, A. Beutsches Eheschliessungsrecht. Berlin, 1876.
Holder, E. Die romische Ehe. Ziirich, 1874.
Sohm, It. Das Recht der Eheschliessung. Weimar, 1875.
Friedberff , E. Verlobung und Trauung ; zugleich als Kritik von
Sohm, Das Recht der Eheschliessung. Leipzig, 1876.
Sicherer, H. Ueber Eharecht und Ehegerichtsbarkeit in Bayern.
Miinchen, 1875.
Hinseius. Das Reichsgesetz iiber die Beurkundung des Personen-
standes und die Form der Eheschliessung, mit Commentar.
Berlin, 1875.
Kletke, C. M. Gesetz iiber die Eheschliessung im deutschen Reiche.
3rd edit. Berlin, 1875.
Scheuerl, Adf. Die Entwicklung d. kirchlichen Eheschliessungsrechts.
Erlangen, 1877.
Einsiedely H. v. Die Verheirathung ohne Einwilligung der Eltern
oder des Vormunds. Leipzig, 1878.
CHAPTER VI.— WOMEN.
Meiners, C. Geschichte des weiblichen Geschlechts. Hannover,
1788-1800.
Geist. Sitten und Character der Weiber in den verschiedenen
Zeitaltern. Chemnitz, 1793.
Appendix. 377
Munch, E. v. Margariten : Frauencharaktere aus alterer u. neuerer
Zeit. Cannstadt, 1840. (Unfinished.)
Jung, G. Geschichte der Frauen. Erster [and only] Theil (die
Unterdriickung der Frauen und ihre allmahlige Selbstbefreiung
bis zur Erscheinung des Christenthums. Frankfurt, 1850.
Weinhold, K. Die deutschen Frauen in dem Mittelalter. Wien,
1851.
Duntzer, H. Frauenbilder aus Goethe's Jugendzeit. Stuttgart,
1852.
Weimar and its Celebrities, in ' Westminster Review.' 1859.
Klarum, G. Die Frauen : culturgeschichtliche Schilderungen des
Zustandes und Einflusses der Frauen in den verschiedenen Zonen
und Zeitaltern. Dresden, 1859.
Wiese. Die Stellung der Frauen im Alterthum und in d. christlich.
Zeit. Berlin, 1854.
Scherr, J. Geschichte der deutschen Frauenwelt. 3rd edit. Leipzig,
1873.
CHAPTER VII.— FOREST ROYALTY.
The German press teems with books on the subject of forest
culture and forest rights. It is therefore unnecessary to do more
than mention a few of the latest and best works on the subject.
Bernard, S. Geschichte des Waldeigenthuins, der Waldwirthschaft
u. Forstwissenschaft in Deutschland. Berlin, 1872-75.
Bwnhard, A. Die Waldwirthschaft. Berlin, 1859,
Heiss, L. Der Wald und die Gesetzgebung. Berlin, 1875.
Albert, J. Lehrbuch der Staatsforstwissenschaft. Wien, 1875
Bernhard, A. Chronik d. deutschen Forstwesens in den Jahren
1873 bis 1875, Berlin, 1876 ; im Jahr 1876, Berlin, 1877 ; im
Jahr 1877, Berlin, 1878.
Gi'imert, J. Th. Die staatliche Beschrankung der Gemeindeforstver-
waltung in Preussen. Leipzig, 1876.
Binzer, C. A. L. Die Oberaufsicht d. Staates iib. die Waldungen der
Gemeinden. Frankfurt, 1876.
DoeU, C. Waldungen und Waldwirthschaft, deren Bedeutung fiir
National wohlstand und Landeskultur. Elberfeld, 1876.
Fuchbach, C. Lehrbuch der Forstwissenschaft. Berlin, ] 877.
Obermaye)-, Thdr. Die Lehren der Forstwissenschaft. Berlin,
1877.
378 Appendix.
Gayer, K. Die Forstbenutzung. 3rd edit. Berlin, 1878.
Mi'iblm, A. Beitrag zur Frage liber den Waldschutz gegen die
Waldbesitzer, mit besond. Beziehung auf das preuss. Gesetz
vom 6. Juli 1875. Reval, 1878.
Oelschldger u. Bernhardt. Die preussischen Forst- u. Jagdgesetze.
Berlin, 1878.
Hamburg, G. Th. Die Nutzholzwirthschaft im geregelten Hochwald-
iiberhaltbetreibe u. ihre Praxis. Cassel, 1878.
CHAPTER VIII.— EDUCATION.
Horace Mann. Educational Tour in Europe. English edit. London,
1846.
Heppe, H. Geschichte des deutschen Volksschulwesens. Gotha, 1859.
Education Commission: Reports of the Assistant Commissioners
appointed to Enquire into the State of Popular Education in
Continental Europe. Vol. IV. London, 1860.
Arnold. M. Higher Schools and Universities in Germany. London,
1874.
Laas, E. Gymnasium und Realschule. Berlin, 1875.
Kehr, C. Geschichte der Methodik d. deutschen Volksschulunter—
richtes. Gotha, 1878.
Laacke, K. C. F. Schulgesetzsammlung. Leipzig, 1878.
Schultze, G. V. Das deutsche Reich u. die Bildung der Jugend nach
Entlassung aus der Volksschule. Leipzig, 1878.
Steiribart, O. ' Unsere Abiturienten.' Berlin, 1878.
Grafe, H. Deutsche- Volksschule, od. Burger u. Landschule, nebst
eine Ge-schichte der Volksschule. Jena, 1878.
Cauer, E. Die hoh're Madchenschule u. die Lehrerinfrage. Berlin,
1878.
Giebe. Verordnungen betr. das gesammte Volksschulwesen in
Preussen, nebst ausfiihrlich. Lehrplanen fur die 1. bis 6. klass.
Volksschule. 3rd edit. Dusseldorf, 1878.
Jahresbericht der hoheren Biirgerschule zu Karlsruhe fiir das
Schuljahr 1877-78. Karlsruhe, 1878.
Jahresbericht der stadtischen hoheren Tochterschule in Karlsruhe fur
das Schuljahr 1877-78. Karlsruhe, 1878.
Appendix. 379
CHAPTER IX.— THE UNIVERSITIES.
Hagelgans, J. G . Orbis literatus Academ. Musarum Sedes, Societates,
Universitates. Frankfurt, 1737.
Meiners, C. Geschichte der Entstehung und Entwickelung der hohen
Schulen unsres Erdtlieils. Gottingen, 1802-5.
Kuchhauser, J. Erinnerungen aus d. hochstmerkwiirdigen Lebens-
geschichte eines Studenten. Solothurn, 1848.
Tholuck, A. Das akademische Leben d. 17. Jahrhunderts. 2nd edit.
Halle, 1854.
Meyer, J. B. Deutsche Universitats-Entwicklung. Berlin, 1875.
Jfelmholtz, If. Ueber die akademische Freiheit der deutschen
Universitaten. Berlin, 1878.
Deutscher Universitats-Kalender. Berlin, twice annually.
CHAPTER X.-THE ARMY.
Notes d'un Officier russe sur 1'Armee allemande, in ' Bulletin de la Reunion
des Officiers,' Paris, 1877, Nos. 13-49 ; 1878, Nos. 2, 5. (German
officers have assured me that this is the best account of their
army organisation that has appeared.)
Egidy. Die Dienstverhaltnisse der Mannschaften d. Beurlaubten-
standes, einschliesslich der Rekruten u. Ersatzreservisten. 5th
edit. Bautzen, 1878.
Jfaber, R. v. Die Cavalerie des deutschen Reiches. Hannover,
1878.
Witte. Das Ausbildungsjahr bei der Fussartillerie. Berlin, 1878.
Butow. Die kaiserliche deutsche Marine. Berlin, 1878.
Dilthey. Militarischer Dienstunterricht fiir einjahrige Freiwillige,
Reserve-Offizieraspiranten u. Offiziere d. Beurlaubtenstandes der
deutschen Infanterie. 10th edit. Berlin, 1878.
Eintheilung u. Standquartiere des deutschen Reichsheerea. Berlin,
1878.
Poten, B. Handworterbuch der gesammten Militarwissenschaften.
Bielefeld, 1878.
Niemann. Militar-Handlexicon. 3 vols. Stuttgart, 1877-78. (A
capital book.)
Kirchner, C. Lehrbuch d. Militar-Hygiene. Stuttgart, 1877.
380 Appendix.
Roth u. Lex. Handbuck der Militar-Gesundheitspflege. 2 vols.
Berlin, 1875.
Militair-Encyclopadie, allgeraeine. Herausgegeben und bearbeitet
v. e. Verein deutscher Offiziere. Leipzig, 1878.
Militar-Gesetze d. deutschen Ileichs. Berlin, 1878.
Buschbeck-Helldorff. Feld-Taschenbuch. fur Officiere aller Waffen
der deutschen Armee zum Kriegs- und Friedensgebrauch. 4th
edit. 1878.
This list might be greatly extended.
CHAPTER XI.— THE STAGE.
Devrtent, E. Geschichte der deutschen Schauspielkunst. Leipzig,
1848.
Deutscher Buhnen-Almanach. Berlin. Appears annually.
Brachvogel, A. E. Geschichte d. konigl. Theaters zu Berlin.
Berlin, 1878.
Genee, R. Das deutsche Theater und die Reform-Frage. Berlin,
1878.
Kurschner, J. Jahrbuch fiir das deutsche Theater. Leipzig, 1878.
CHAPTER XII.— MUSIC.
Kiesewetter, R. G. Geschichte der abendl. europ. Musik. Leipzig,
1804, 1846.
ScKluterj J. Allgemeine Geschichte der Musik in iibersichtlicher
Darstellung. Leipzig, 1863.
Brendel, F. Geschichte der Musik in Italian, Deutschland und
Frankreich. 5th edit. Leipzig, 1874.
Reissmann, A. Allgemeine Geschichte der Musik. Leipzig, 1863,
1866.
Reissmann, A. Ton Bach bis Wagner, zur Geschichte der Musik.
Berlin, 1861.
Riehl,W.H. Musikalische Charakterkopfe. 5th edit. Stuttgart, 1878.
Kostlin, H. A. Geschichte der Musik im Umriss fiir Gebildeten aller
Stande. Tubingen, 1875.
La Mara. Musikalische Studienkopfe. 4th edit. Leipzig, 1878.
Mendel u. Reissmann. Musikalisches Conversations-Lexicon. Ber-
lin, 1878.
Appendix. 38 1
Wasielewski, W. J. Geschichte der Instruruental-Musik. Berlin,
1878.
Ambros, Aug. W. Geschichte der Musik. Leipzig, 1878.
In addition a vast number of monographs on the great com-
posers.
CHAPTER XIII.— THE KULTURKAMPF.
It is unnecessary to give a list of the innumerable pamphlets the
Kulturkampf has given birth to.
An abstract of the laws affecting the Catholic Church in Germany,
in a compendious form, will be found in —
Die preussische-deutsche Kirchengesetzgebung seit 1871 : vollstandige
Sammlung der auf den Kirchenconflict in Preussen und Deutsch-
land beziiglichen Staatsgesetze und wichtigeren ministeriellen
Erlasse. 2nd edit. Munster, 1876.
CHAPTER XIV.— PROTESTANTISM.
Dewar, Rev. E. H. German Protestantism. Oxford, 1844.
Laing, S. Notes on the ' German Catholic Church.' London, 1845.
Laing, 8. Notes of a Traveller on the Social and Political State of
Italy, France, and Germany during the Ninteenth Century.
London, 1842.
Religious Thought in Germany. Reprinted from the * Times.'
London, 1870.
The Protestant Church in Prussia, in the ' Foreign Church Chronicle,'
1878 and 1879.
Of German books and pamphlets the number precludes their being
quoted, but the following deserves mention as containing annual
information concerning the events that have taken place in the Evan-
• gelical Churches of Germany : —
Mathes. Kirchliche Ohronik. Herausgegeben von Pfarrer Werner in
Gruben. Altona (annually).
382 Appendix.
CHAPTER XV.— THE LABOUR QUESTION.
Bamberger, Lud. Die Arbeiterfrage unt. d. Gesichtspunkte d.
Vereinsrechtes. Stuttgart, 1873.
Bohmert, Viet. Der Socialismus u. die Arbeiterfrage. Zurich, 1872.
Diefenbach, JR. J. Ueber die Arbeiterfrage. Stuttgart, 1872.
Stafd, Fr. W. Die Arbiterfrage sonst und jetzt. Berlin, 1872.
Felix, Ludw. Die Arbeiter und die Gesellschaft : eine culturge-
schichtliche Studie. Leipzig, 1874.
Sickinger, C. Das alte Zunftwesen und die mod erne Gewerbefreiheit.
Kirchheim, 1875.
Berliner, Adf. Die Lage d. deutschen Handwerkerstandes. Han-
nover, 1877.
CHAPTER XVI.— SOCIAL DEMOCRACY.
Marx, K. Das Kapital: Kritik der polit. Oekonomie. 2nd. edit.
Hamburg, 1872. (Incomplete.)
Contzen, H. Die sociale Frage, ihre Geschichte und ihre Bedeutung
in der Gegenwart. 2nd edit. Berlin, 1872.
Danneriberg, J. F. H. Das deutsche Handwerk und die sociale
Frage. Leipzig, 1872.
Jager, Eug. Der moderne Socialismus : Karl Marx, die Internationale
Arbeiter-Association, Lassalle und die deutschen Socialisten.
Berlin, 1873.
Schvltze-Delitzsch. Die Genossenschaften in einzelnen Gewerbszwei-
gen. Leipzig, 1873.
Schuren, N. Die Katheder-Socialisten. Berlin, 1873.
Schuren, N. Zur Lb'sung der sociale Frage. 2nd edit. Berlin,
1873.
Frobel, Jul. Die V^irthschaft d. Menschengeschlechtes auf dem
Standpunkte der Einheit idealer und realer Interessen. I. und
II. Die Privatwirthschaft und die Volkswirthschaft. Berlin,
1874. III. Die Staatswirthschaft. Berlin, 1876.
Lassalle, Ferd. Zur Arbeiterfrage. 6th edit. Braunschweig, 1875.
Lassalle, Ferd. Arbeiterlesebuch. Braunschweig, 1873.
Lassalle, Ferd. Arbeiterprogramm. Braunschweig, 1874.
Pfeil, GrafL. v. Losung der sociale Frage. Breslau, 1874.
Appendix. 383
Dilhring, E. Kritische Geschichte der National-Oekonomie und des
Socialismus. 2nd edit. Berlin, 1875.
Goltz, Th. v. Das Wesen und die Bedeutung der deutschen Social-
demokratie. Leipzig, 1875.
Treitschke, H. Der Socialismus und seine Goimer. Berlin, 1875.
Treitschke, der Socialistentodter, u. d. Endziele des Liberalismus : eine
socialist. Replik; Leipzig, 1875.
Diest-Daber, Otto v. Geldmacht und Socialismus. Berlin, 1875.
Rodbertus-Jagetzow. Zur Beleuchtung der sociale Frage. Berlin,
1875.
Schuster, R. Die Socialdemokratie nach ihrem Wesen und ihrer
Agitation quellenmassig dargestellt. 2nd edit. Stuttgart, 1876.
Calberla, G. M. Sozialwissenschaftliches. 1. Hft. Karl Marx, 'Das
Kapital,' u. der heutige Sozialismus. Kritik einiger ihres Funda-
mentalsatze. Dresden, 1877.
Hitze, Ft: Die sociale Frage und die Bestrebungen zu ihrer Losung.
Paderborn, 1877.
Mehrinff, Fr. Die deutsche Socialdemokratie : ihre Geschichte und
ihre Lehre. 2nd edit. Bremen, 1878.
Schaffle, A. Die Quintessenz des Sozialismus. 3rd edit. Gotha,
1878.
Kritik der 'Quintessenz des Sozialismus' von Schaffle, von einem
praktischen Staatsmann. Bielefeld und Leipzig, 1878.
CHAPTER XVII.— CULTURE.
Math. Quad von Kinckelbach. Teutscher Nation. Herrlichkeit. Kolln,
1609.
Des Bauernstands und Wandels entdeckte Uebelsitten und Laster-
proben. Osnabriick, 1713.
Hullmann, K. D. Stadtewesen des Mittelalters. Bonn, 1826.
Huscher. Skizze einer Culturgeschichte d, deutschen Stadte. Culm-
bach, 1808.
Gagern, H. Ch. E. v. Die Resultate der Sittengeschichte. 6 vols.
I. Die Fiirsten ; II. Aristokratie ; III. Demokratie ; IV. Politik ;
V. VI. Freundschaft und Liebe. Stuttgart, 1822-37.
Rauschnick. Das Biirgerthum und Stadtewesen der Deutschen im
Mittelalter. Dresden, 1829.
Rauschnick. Geschichte d. deutschen Adela. Dresden, 1836.
384 Appendix.
Rauschnick. Geschichte der deutschen Geistlichkeit im Mittelalter.
Leipzig, 1836.
Vehse, Ed. Geschichte der deutsclien Hofe seit der Reformation.
48 vols. Hamburg, 1851-60.
Nork, F. Die Sitten und Gebrauche der Deutschen und ihretNach-
barvolker. Stuttgart, 1849.
Riehl, H. Culturstudien aus drei Jakrhunderten. Stuttgart, 1859.
RieM, H. Die Familie. Stuttgart, 1861.
RieM, H. Die biirgerliche Gesellschaft Stuttgart, 1861.
Rtehl, H. Land und Leute. Stuttgart, 1861.
Freytag, Gust. Bilder aus d. deutschen Vergangenheit. Leipzig,
1860.
Kriegk, G. F. Deutsches Biirgerthum im Mittelalter. Frankfurt,
1868-71.
Scherr, J. Deutsche Kultur- und Sittengeschichte. 7th edit.
Leipzig, 1878.
CHAPTER XVIIL— ARCHITECTURE.
Kalleribach, G. G. Chronologie der deutsch. mittelalt. Baukunst in
geometr. Zeichnungen. Miinchen, 1844-6.
Kallenbach, G. G. Die Baukunst d. deutschen Mittelalters chrono-
logisch dargestellt. Miinchen, 1847.
Heiddoff, C. Der kleine Altdeutsche, oder Grundziige des altdeut-
schen Baustyles. Niirnberg, 1850-2.
Heideloff, C. Die Ornamentik des Mittelalters. Niirnberg, 1851-2.
Otte, H. Handbuch der kirchlichen Kunstarchaologie. 4th edit.
Leipzig, 1868.
Liibke, W. Abrisse der Geschichte d. Baustyle. 3rd edit. Leipzig,
1868.
Liibke, W. Geschichte der Architektur. 4th edit. Leipzig, 1870.
Liibke, W. Grundrisse der Kunstgeschichte. 4th edit. Stuttgart,
1868..
Liibke, W. Kunsthistorische Studien. Stuttgart, 1869.
Deutsche Renaissance: eine Sammlung von Gegenstanden der Archi-
tektur, Decoration und Kunstgewerbe. Leipzig, 1878. (In
course of publication.)
INDEX.
AAC
A ACHEN, theatre at, ii. 54
A. Aarau, Canton, i. 258 ; ii. 129
Abbess, Protestant, ii. 109
Abiturient, i. 298
Abiturienten examen, i. 297
Acting, German, ii. 54
Actors, German, ii. 54-56
Adam Puschmann, ii. 12
Adel, meaning of, i. 4, 29, 33,
332
Adelstand, i. 74
Ahr valley, replanted, i. 240, 241
Allmend, i. 103-105
Allodification of land, i. 51, 52
Allodium nobile, i. 34
Alt- Catholics, ii. 125-131
Altar-pieces, ii. 350, 351
Altona, theatre at, ii. 54
Amelia of Weimar, i. 194-199
Anatomy at the Universities, i.
315, 316
Ancestors, ennobled, i. 35
Angelica Kauffmann, i. 224
Anglican Marriage Service, i.
142
Anhalt-Dessau, house of, i. 15-
25 ; ii. 320-322
Anspach, princes of, i. 46; ii.
326, 327
Apses, double, ii. 347-349
Are, a measure, i. Ill
Aristocracy, its characteristics,
i. 55
Aristocratic chapters, i. 79 ; ii.
178
Arminius, i. 172
Army, statistics of, i. 393
— cost of, i. 393, 394 ; ii. 142
VOL. II.
BOI
Arnim, Bettina von, i. 220, 221
Arrha, i. 134, 137
Auber. ii. 91, 95
Augusta Bethmann, i. 213, 214
- von Stolberg, i. 203, 204
Aussteuer, i. 85, 86, 89
Austria, Baden sympathy with,
ii. 107, 108
BACH, J. Sebastian, ii. 73, 74
Baden, Evangelical Church
of, ii. 198-201
Baden Liturgy, ii. 199
Baireuth, court of, ii. 323, 324
Balfe, ii. 100
Baring family, i. 62
Barmen, replanting, i. 242
Baro, meaning of word, i. 4
Barons, i. 1, 33, 47, 59
Bathild, Queen, i. 178, 179
Bauer, the German, i. 128, 129
' Beamten ' nobility, i. 6, 14
Beethoven, ii. 85, 86
Benedix, ii. 63
Bentheim, house of, i. 29, 80
Berlepsch, Emilie von, i. 210, 211
Bertha, i. 185
Bettina von Arnim, i. 220, 221
Bigamy among Princes, ii. 302-
304
Biland, attempt of, ii. 179, 180
Birch Pf eiffer, ii. 60-62
Bishoprics, appropriated, i. 18 ;
ii. 105, 116
Bismarck, Count, i. 16
Bisula, a slave, i. 173
Bo'ieldieu, ii. 91, 95
C C
386
Index.
BOB
Borough- English (see Minorat),
i. 96
Botany at the Universities, i. 317
Brachmann, Louise Caroline, i.
202, 203
Brachvogel, ii. 63
Breach of promise, i. 143, 144
Brentano, Clemens, i, 213
Brenz, his view of marriage, i.
152
Bride-capture, i. 130, 140
Broken- twig, architectural style,
i. 243, 244 ; ii. 352, 353
Brunehild, Queen, i. 181-184
Brunhild, i. 173, 186-7
Brunswick, court of, ii. 305,
329-336
— Church, constitution of, ii. 173
— Sophie Charlotte of, i. 191, 192
Bucksburg, Count William of, ii.
308, 309
Biirger, the poet, i. 212, 213
Burger, the German, ii. 338, 339
Biirgerschule, i. 286-289
nALVINISM, decay of, ii. 174
\J Canon-law on marriage, i.
144-146
Canon-law on property, ii. 242-
244
Capital, migration of, ii. 236
— misunderstood, i. 94, 95 ; ii.
276
Cavaliere, ii. 69
Centralisation, Prussian, ii. 105,
106, 121, 122
Charles the Bold, i. 87
Charlotte von Kalb, i. 49, 209,
210
Charlotte von Stein, i. 204, 205
Chemistry at the Universities, i.
312
Cherubini, ii. 95
Child follows inferior hand, i. 9
Children, proportion of, i. 119,
120
Christiane Vulpius, i. 205, 206
Church attendance, statistics of,
ii. 160-162, 164
Civil marriage, i. 131, 139, 140,
151, 152, 155, 156
EDL
Civil registration,!. 131, 151, 152,
155, 156 ; ii. 164
Class severance, i. 59, 60, 331,
368 ; ii. 274, 292, 293
Clemens Brentano, i. 213
Clowns, English, ii. 17
Coal in Germany, i. 246
Code Napoleon, i. 50 ; ii. 106
Colleges, military, i. 385
Comedians, English, ii. 17
Community of wives, ii. 272-274
Competitive examinations, i.
280-282
Confessional statistics, ii. Ill,
165, 166
Co-operative associations, ii. 221
-224, 256
Coronets, i. 46, 47
Corvee, i. 40, 41
Counts, i. 4-6
' Critique ' in the army, i. 366,
367, 375, 393
Croaria family, i. 43
Croly (Dr.), opinion of the Ger-
mans, ii. 292
Crypto - Calvinists, persecution
of, ii. 158, 159
DAHN, Felix, ii. 65
Dalberg, i. 19
Days of work, ii. 219, 229
Degrees, University, i. 228, 229
Deism, ii. 183
Dictation, i. 313, 314
Disputations, i. 318, 319
Dissent, ii. 125, 126. 166, 167
Divorce, i. 164-168
— statistics of, i. 164, 166, 167
Divorced persons, remarriage of,
i. 156
Dukes, i. 5, 59
« Durchlaucht,' title of, i. 24, 29
TIBENBURTIGKEIT, i. 3, 7,
1J 10, 14, 17, 29, 30, 34, 58, 61
Ebleben, palace gardens at, ii.
313, 314
Eckhoff, the actor, ii. 47-50
« Edler Herr von,' title of, i. 33,
35
Index.
387
EDU
Education of boys, i. 297
— cheapness of, i. 296
« Ehre und Treue,' ii. 245, 246
Eichstadt, ii. 353
Einjahrigers,i. 341, 377-379, 381
ii. 136
'Ekkehart ' of Scheffel, i. 189
Electoral Counts, i. 14
Elenson, ii. 24, 25
Elizabeth, Saint, i. 67
Entails, i. 54
Erbach family, i. 24
Erbe, i. 70
'Erlaucht,' title of, i. 24
Errungenschaft, i. 70, 91
Esprit de corps, i. 384
Euryanthe, i. 136 ; ii. 88
« Excellency,' title of, i. 56
Exemptions, i. 36, 37
TMHKENDES Habe, i. 68
JD Familienpact, i. 84, 85
Familienrecht, ii. 246
Family, the, in German law, ii.
248
Feldwebel, i. 353
Felix Dahn, ii. 65
Feudal system, i. 38, 69, 76
— rights, i. 76, 77
Fideicommissen, i. 83, 84
Flachsland, Maria Cornelia, i.
200, 201
Flacians, persecution of, ii. 159
Flotow, ii. 96
Foreign labour, hostility to, ii.
216-218
Forests, destruction of, i. 106,
236-241, 251-253
— scenery, i. 241-6
— statistics, i. 252, 256, 257
Formulary of Concord, ii. 167
Fortunes in Berlin, ii. 251
Prussia, ii. 252
Franke, ii. 185-187
Fredegund, i. 181-185
Frederick I. ii. 29
— II. ii. 29, 300
— III. ii. 25, 169
— V. ii. 29
— William I. i. 191, 192, 238 ;
ii. 25, 169, 294, 336
HAD
Frederick William II. ii. 302
Free justification, ii. 173
— love, ii. 274
— men, i. 2, 3
— trade, ii. 215
— Imperial cities, i. 11
knights, i. 8, 17, 46, 47,
53
Freiburg, archbishop of, ii. 116
— theatre at, ii. 57, 58
— Ursulines of, ii. 151-154
Freiherren, i. 6, 33, 35, 46-49, 53
Freiwilliger (see Einjahriger),
i. 377-379, 383
Frohn, i. 40, 41
Fuel, i. 246-248
Fugger family, i. 31, 42
Fiirsten (see Princes), i. 7, 10,
59
Fiirstenrecht, i. 9, 10, 84
GANZ von Pudlitz, family of,
i. 35
Gefreite, i. 356, 376, 379
'Geheimrath,' title of, i. 56
Gemeinde, i. 101
Gesammte Hand, i. 77, 85-88, 90,
97
Gesperrter, ii. 145
Gewannen, i. 103, 104, 109
Girls, education of, i. 289-297
Glove, derivation of, i. 136
Gluck, ii. 76, 78, 79, 81
Gmiind, church at, ii. 354, 355
Gnesen-Posen, diocese of, ii. 146,
147
Goethe, i. 201-205, 209, 220
Goetz, ii. 96
Golden Bull, i. 79
Gottsched, ii. 31-39, 43
Gounod, ii. 92
Graf, i. 4, 59
Grillparzer, ii. 65
Gudrun, i. 188
Guilds, i. 43-44; ii. 224-228,
248, 249, 250
Gymnasium, i. 285, 286
HADEWIG, Duchess, i. 189,
190
c c 2
388
Index.
HAF
Haf, choked with sand, i. 238
Haftgeld, i. 134
Halevy, ii. 92, 93
Halm, ii. 63
Handel, ii. 73, 74
Hanover, court of, ii. 305, 306
Hans Sachs, ii. 10, 11
Hasse, Adolf, ii. 71
Haydn, ii. 74, 80, 81
Hebbel, ii. 65
Hedges in North Germany, i. 98,
99
Heimsteuer, i. 85
Henriette Vogel, i. 202
Hensel, Louise, i. 214-217
Heraldry, i. 35, 42, 62
Herder, i. 200, 201
Herrnhut, ii. 188, 189
Herzog, i. 5, 59
Hillern, Frau von, i. 227
Hochwald, i. 254-256
Hoffahig, i. 58
Hofrnetzgerei, i. 126
Holbein family, i. 42
Horbs, ii. 186
Hosbach, Dr., ii. 202, 203
Hours of work, ii. 218
Hufenwirthschaft, i. 103
Humanists, i. 308
TLLEGITIMACY, statistics of,
1 i. 163, 164
' Immediate ' nobles, i. 6, 8, 10,
11, 27, 46, 58
Immunitas, i. 8
Indifference, religious, ii. 160-
167, 169, 170, 173, 182, 185
Instruction, military, i. 350-376
Interimwirthschaft, i. 97
Intestacy, i. 92
Intolerance, religious, ii. 124,
156-159, 171
JESUITS, ii. 118-119, 140, 141,
143, 144, 155, 289
Jew usurers, i. 37, 94, 114, 126,
251, 275
Joseph II. ii. 319,320
LUL
TTAISERSTUHL, i. 125
JV Kalb, Charlotte von, i. 49,
209, 210
Reiser, Eeinhold, ii. 72
Kiss to bride, i. 142, 143
Klafter, a measure, i. 246
Kleinstadterei, ii. 328
Kleist, i. 201, 202
Konigsmark, Countess of, ii. 109
Koppelwirthschaft, i. 103, 108,
116
Kreutzer, ii. 89, 90
Kriemhild, i. 186-188
LABOUR, price of, ii. 240
Landed gentry, abolished,
i. 48, 50, 52, 61 ; ii. 305, 306, 338
Landrecht, i. 76-78
Landsturm, i. 340-343
Land tenure, i. 70-75
Landwehr, i. 342-345, 349, 379,
380, 381, 388
Lassalle, Ferdinand, ii. 257-260,
264-267, 271, 274, 288
Laube, ii. 63
Laufenburg, ii. 128, 129
Lazzi, i. 3
Lectures, University, i. 320, 327-
328
Lehnrecht, i. 76
Leibgedinge, i. 85, 86
Lenau, i. 217, 218
Leopold of Dessau, i. 15 ; ii. 320-3
Lessing, ii. 44, 48, 300
Liechtenstein, principality of, i.
20-28
Liegendes Habe, i. 68
Lieutenants, i. 337, 353-354
Lili, i. 203
Lippe saved from mediatisation,
i. 21
Lippe, von and zu der, family, i.
28
Lortzing, ii. 90
Lot, lands divided by, i. 76, 97,
120, 125
Louise Hensel, i. 214-217
Lowenstein family, i. 14
Ludwig the Saint, i. 43
Lully, ii. 77
Index.
389
LUP
Lupfen, Countess, and snail-
shells, i. 41
Luther on marriage, i. 146-148,
152, 153, 162, 163
— on submission to authority,
ii. 172
theatrical performances, ii.
13
Lutheranism, decay of, ii. 174
MAHLSCHATZ, i. 137
Majorat, i. 54, 82-84, 120
Malmesbury, Lord, on German
culture, ii. 301
Malthusian legislation, i. 159-
160
Mannheim theatrical school, ii.
50
Manoeuvres, i. 370-372, 374-376
Maria Cornelia Flachsland, i.
200, 201
Maria Theresa, i. 192-194
Mark, i. 100, 101
Marlitt, i. 227; ii. 191
Marpingen miracle, ii. 149
Marriage, difficulty of, ii. 285
— service, Anglican, i. 142
Marschner, ii. 88, 89
Marx, Karl, ii. 253, 260-266-268,
270, 274, 288
« Mediate ' nobles, i. 678
Mediatisation, i. 20-23, 31, 84
Mehul, ii. 91
Mendelssohn, ii. 91
Meyerbeer, ii. 92-94
Migrations of peoples, i. 101-102
Military service interferes with
marriage, i. 161 ; ii. 142
Militia, i. 340
Ministerial nobles, i. 3, 6, 14
Minorat, i. 84, 94-96
Missa pro sponsis, i. 141, 143
Mittelfreien, i. 7
Mittelwald, i. 254, 255
Monastic orders, ii. 112, 120-121
Morality, comparative, i. 163-
164
— low state of, i. 162-164, 321-
322
Morganatic marriages, i. 14-17,
30
POP
Morgen, a measure, i. Ill, 255,
256
Morgengabe, i. 88-90, 140, 141
Mortgages, i. 75
Mozart, ii. 81-85
Muhldorf family, i. 17
Mundium, i. 132-135
Mundschatz, i. 132
Munich, ii. 354, 360
Minister, diocese of, ii. 145, 146
NASSAU, House of, i. 12, 13,
85 ; ii. 33T
Nassau Usingen, court of, ii.
317-318
— Verkoppelung, i. 117
Neuber, Frau, ii. 30-46, 50
Niederwald, i. 254-256
Nobility, ill-treatment of, i.
55-56 ; ii. 305, 306, 338
— patents of, i. 45
fiBERKIRCHENRATH, ii.
U 157, 158
Offenbach, ii. 96
Old Catholics, ii. 125-131
Oratorio, first, ii. 70
Outpost duty, i. 369, 370
T)ALATIN ATE, synod of 1877,
X ii. 196, 197
— various religious changes in,
ii. 156, 157
Pantheism, ii. 183
Parallel system, ii. 195
Pastures reclaimed, i. 106, 113
Patents of nobility, ii. 45
Patricians, i. 42, 45
Pay of soldiers, i. 394
Peasants' war, i. 42
Pfahlbauten, i. 100
Pflichttheil, i. 92, 93, 95
Philistinism, ii. 338-341
Piecework, ii. 219, 221
Pietism, ii. 184-191
Planquette, ii. 96
Police, ii. 234-235
Population affected by subdivi-
sion of property, i. 119-322
390
Index.
POP
Population kept down, ii. 213
— statistics of, ii. 104, 105
Portreves, i. 5
Prsetextatus, murder of, i. 183
Precedence, order of, i. 56, 57
Primogeniture, i. 76, 79-88, 93,
120
Princes, i. 5, 7, 9, 10, 26-28, 47
Privatdocent, i. 228
Privileges of nobles, i. 36
mediatised princes, i. 22, 23
Promnitz, Countess of, ii. 189, 190
Prostitution, i. 167
Protection, ii. 237
Prussia, aggrandisement of, ii.
104, 105
Prussian Verkoppelung, i. 118,119
r^TJEDLIMBURG, abbey of, ii.
U 109
•pADEGUND, Saint, i. 180,181
XI Bahel, i. 218-220
Realschule, i. 286
Recruits, i. 346-348, 353-362
Recruiting system, i. 340, 350,
346-348
(of officers), i. 385, 386
Reformation, a social movement,
ii. 178
Regulation exercises, i. 364-366
Renaissance, ii. 357, 358
Rent-banks, i. 52
Retrait lignager, i. 75
Reuss, princes of, ii. 187
Revolution of 1848, i. 50-52 ; ii.
338
Richter, Jean Paul, i. 206-211, 222
Rinuccini, ii. 68
Ritualism, Lutheran, ii. 124, 169
Rococo, ii. 358, 359
Roman law, introduction of, i.
130, 149; ii. 244
opposed to German law, i.
68, 69, 72, 144, 145 ; ii. 244-247
Romilda, i. 186
Ronge, schism of, ii. 126
Rosamund, i. 176
Rotation of crops, i. 104, 112
Rumetrude, i. 176
SPE
SACHSEN-SPIEGEL, date of,
i. 6
Salaries of professors, i. 323
Salic law, i. 3, 73
Salm, house of, i. 73
— Grumbach, Count of, ii. 307
— Kyrburg, Count of, ii. 309
Sappers, i. 372, 373
Saxon Evangelical Church, ii.
204
— court, ii. 303, 304
Saxony, subdivision of, i. 76,
80,81
Scarlatti, ii. 70
Schiefnoth, i. 74
Schiller, i. 48, 49, 303 ; ii. 50
Scholastic agencies, i. 261, 263-
269
Schonburg family, i. 67, 158
Schroder, ii. 50
Schultze-Delitzsch, ii. 353, 355,
356
Schwaben- Spiegel, date of, i. 7
Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt, court
of, ii. 316
— Sondershausen, court of, ii.
309-316
Schweinsburg, Schenk von, i. 67
Secession, i. 157 ; ii. 127, 128
Secundogeniture, i. 81, 83
Seinsheim family, i. 66
Seminaries, ii. 132, 134, 137-138
Semperfreien, i. 7
Seniorat, i. 81-83
' Serene highness,' title of, i. 24
Servitude, i. 40
Sexes, dissociation of, i. 333 ; ii.
339
Shakspeare, ii. 50, 60
Sheriff, i. 4
Short sight, i. 299-301
Snailshells, i. 42
Sondershausen, ii. 309-316
Sophie Charlotte of Brunswick,
i. 191, 192
— Gutermann, i. 197-199
— Mereau, i. 213
— Schwab, i. 217
Spadework, importance of, i.
372, 373
Specialisation, i. 235-237
Spener, ii. 185, 186
Index.
391
SPO
Spohr, ii. 87
Standesherren, i. 23, 24
Stein family, i. 49
Steinart family, i. 65, 66
Strauss, Johann, ii. 96
Strikes, ii. 231
Stubenberg family, i. 64, 65
Subdivision of f eof s, i. 1 1
land, ruins the nobles, i.
50, 78
effect on agriculture, i.
124, 125 ; ii. 277
— effect on population, i.
119-122
equal among children,
i. 75-78
effect on stock, i. 93, 94,
123
excessive, forbidden, i.
115, 126, 251
Sword and spindle, i. 73, 74
nPABAGKEE, ii. 296-298
1 Target practice, i. 373, 374
Testaments (see Wills), i. 72, 73
Theodelinda, i. 177, 178
Theology in the Universities, i.
309-311
Thirty Years' War, i. 128; ii. 157,
290, 291, 358
Thusnelda, i. 172, 173
Titles of sons, i. 59
Trades'-unions, ii. 212, 215, 227-
229, 232, 234, 239
Transylvania, i/121-123, 165-167
Trauung, i. 131-132, 137-138, 143
Tuniberg, i. 124-235
Turf, production of, i. 246
Turnund Taxis, Princes of, i. 12,
26
ULM, ii. 353
Ultramontanism, ii. 114-
118, 154,283,284
Undine, Fouque's, i. 38
Union of Churches, ii. 121, 167-
172, 176, 180
Universitas, meaning of, i. 306
Universities, founded, i. 307,
308, 325
ZWE
Universities, statistics of, i. 325,
326
Unmittelbar (see Immediate), i.
6, 62
Unterwalden, wills not allowed
in, i. 72
Ursulines, ii. 150-145
Usury forbidden, i. 40, 94-95 ; ii.
276, 284
— rent regarded as, i. 40
VELTHEN, ii. 21-23
Verfangenschaft, i. 92
Verkoppelung, i. 113, 116-119
Verlobung, i. 131, 132, 137, 138,
141, 143
Vienna, Court at, ii. 319, 320
Volsungs, i. 176-177
« Von,' prefix of, i. 45, 46
Vormund, i. 132-139
Vulpius, Christiane, i. 205, 206
WAGNER, ii. 94, 97-100
Waldeck family, i. 18
Weber, ii. 88
Wedding, meaning of, i. 135
Wedel family, i. 14, 63
Wehrgeld, i. 133
' Wellborn,' title of, i. 1, 2
Welser family, i. 43
Wette, i. 135-136, 138-139
Wiederlegung, i. 87-89
Wieland, i. 197-199, 202
Wildenstein, castle of, i. 39
Wildisbach, Saints of, ii. 191
Wills first made, i. 72, 73
Winter, Peter von, ii. 90-91
Witthum, i. 86, 87, 132-135, 141,
142
Wiirtemberg, ii. 22, 24, 53, 55,
111, 115, 116, 126, 128
— princes of, ii. 304-305
Wiiste Marken, i. Ill
f/JEHRINGEN, Dukes of, i. 38,
U 78
Zimmern, Baron von, i. 39
Zinzendorf, Count of, ii. 188-189
Zweibriicken, Count of, ii. 337
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CONTENTS.
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js.
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CONTENTS.
Vol. VII.-IDYLLS OF THE KING.
VIII.— IN MEMORIAM.
IX.— PRINCESS.
X.— MAUD.
XL— ENOCH ARDEN.
XII.— QUEEN MARY.
VOL. XIII.— HAROLD.
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VI.-IDYLLS OF THE KING.
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