OdUr. GESENIUS'
HEBREW GRAMMAR
AS EDITED AND ENLARGED BY THE LATE
E. KAUTZSCH
PBOFESSOB OF THEOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF HALLE
SECOND ENGLISH EDITION
REVISED IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE TWENTY-EIGHTH GERMAN
EDITION (1909) BY
A. E. COWLEY
WITH A FACSIMILE OF THE SILOAM INSCRIPTION BY J. EUTING, AND
A TABLE OF ALPHABETS BY M. LIDZBARSKI
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
Oxford University Press, Amen House, London E.C. 4
GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON
BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI CAPE TOWN IBADAN
Geoffrey Cumberlege, Publisher to the University
iq/o
SECOND ENGU8H EDITION I9IO
BEPRINTED LITHOGRAPHICALLY IN GREAT BRrTAtV
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD, I946, I949, 1952, I956
FROM CORRECTED SHEETS OF THE SECOND EDITION
TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE
The translation of the twenty -sixth German edition of
this grammar, originally prepared by the Rev. G. W. Collins
and revised by me, was published in 1898. Since that
date a twenty-seventh German edition has appeared ; and
Prof. Kautzsch was already engaged on a twenty-eighth in
1908 when the English translation was becoming exhausted.
He sent me the sheets as they were printed off, and I began
revising the former translation in order to produce it as
soon as possible after the completion of the German. The
whole of the English has been carefully compared with the
new edition, and, it is hoped, improved in many points, while
Prof. Kautzsch's own corrections and additions have of course
been incorporated. As before, the plan and arrangement of
the original have been strictly followed, so that the references
for sections and paragraphs correspond exactly in German
and English. Dr. Driver has again most generously given
up time, in the midst of other engagements, to reading the
sheets, and has made numerous suggestions. To him also are
chiefly due the enlargement of the index of subjects, some
expansions in the new index of Hebrew words, and some
additions to the index of passages, whereby we hope to have
made the book more serviceable to students. I have also to
thank my young friend, Mr. Godfrey R. Driver, of Winchester
College, for some welcome help in correcting proofs of the
Hebrew index and the index of passages. 2S nott'* D3n p.
Many cori'ections have been sent to me by scholars who have
used the former English edition, especially the Rev. W. E.
Blomfield, the Rev. S. Holmes, Mr. P. Wilson, Prof. Witton
Davies, Mr. G. H. Skipwith, and an unknown correspondent
iv Translator s Preface
at West Croydon. These, as well as suggestions in reviews,
have all been considered, and where possible, utilized. I am
also much indebted to the Press-readers for the great care
which they have bestowed on the work.
Finally, I must pay an affectionate tribute to the memory
of Prof. Kautzsch, who died in the spring of this year, shortly
after finishing the last sheets of the twenty-eighth edition.
For more than thirty years he was indefatigable in improving
the successive editions of the Grammar. The German trans-
lation of the Old Testament first published by him in 1894,
with the co-operation of other scholars, under the title Die
Heilige Schrift des A Ts, and now (19 10) in the third and
much enlarged edition, is a valuable work which has been
widely appreciated : the Apocryphen und Fseudepigraphen
des A Ts, edited by him in 1 900, is another important work :
besides which he published his GrainTnatik des Biblisch-
Aramdischen in 1884, two useful brochures Bibelwissenschaft
und Religionsunterricht in 1 900, and Die bleibende Bedeutung
des A Ts in 1903, six popular lectures on Die Poesie und die
poetischen Bilcher des A Ts in 1902, his article 'Religion of
Israel' in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, v. (1904),
pp. 612-734, not to mention minor publications. His death
is a serious loss to Biblical scholarship, while to me and
to many others it is the loss of a most kindly friend,
remarkable alike for his simple piety and his enthusiasm for
learning.
A. C.
Magdalen College, Oxford,
Sept. 19 10.
FROM THE GERMAN PREFACE
The present (twenty-eighth) edition of this Grammar/ like
the former ones, takes account as far as possible of all impor-
tant new publications on the subject, especially J. Earth's
Sj^radnvissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zuvi Semitischen,
pt. i, Lpz. 1907 ; the important works of C. Brockelmann (for
the titles see the heading of § i ; vol. i of the GruTidriss was
finished in 1908) ; P. Kahle's Der Tnasoretische Text des A Tk
iiach der Uberlieferung der babylonischen Juden, Lpz. 1902
(giving on p. 51 ff. an outline of Hebrew accidence from a
Babylonian MS. at Berlin) ; R. Kittel's Bihlia Hehraica, Lpz.
1905 f., 2 vols, (discriminating between certain, probable, and
proposed emendations ; see § 3 ^, end) ; Th. Noldeke's Beitrdge
zur semit. Sprachivissenschaft, Strassburg, 1904; Ed. Sievers'
Metrische Studien (for the titles of these striking works see
§ 2r). The important work of J. W. Rothstein, Grundzilge
des hehr. Bfiythmus, &c. (see also § 2 r), unfortunately appeared
too late to be used. The two large commentaries edited by
Nowack and Marti have been recently completed ; and in
P. Haupt's Polychrome Bible {SBOT.), part ix (Kings) by
Stade and Schwally was published in 1904.
For full reviews of the twenty-seventh edition, which of
course have been considered as carefully as possible, I have
to thank Max Margolis (in Hehraica, 1902, p. 159 fF.), Mayer
* The first edition appeared at Halle in 1813 (202 pp. small 8vo) ; twelve
more editions were published by W. Gesenius himself, the fourteenth to the
twenty first (1845-1872) by E. ROdiger, the twenty-second to the twenty-
eighth (1878-1910) by E. Kautzsch. The first abridged edition appeared in
1896, the second at the same time as the present (twenty-eighth) large
edition. The first edition of the ' Ubungsbuch ' (Exercises) to Gesenius-
Kautzsch's Hebrew Grammar appealed in 1881, the sixth in 1908.
vi From the German Preface
Lambert {B.EJ. 1902, p. 307 ff.), and H. Oort (Theol. Tijd-
schrift, 1902, p. 373 ff.). For particular remarks and correc-
tions I must thank Prof. J. Earth (Berlin), Dr. Gasser, pastor
in Bucbberg, Schaffhausen, B. Kirschner, of Charlottenburg,
(contributions to the index of passages), Pastor Kohler, of
Augst, Dr. Liebmann, of Kuczkow, Posen, Prof. Th. Noldeke,
of Strassburg, Pastor S. Preiswerk junior, of Bale, Dr.
Schwarz, of Leipzig, and Prof. B. Stade, of Giessen (died in
1906). Special mention must be made of the abundant help
received from three old friends of this book, Prof. P. Haupt,
of Baltimore, Prof. Knudtzon, of Kristiania, and Prof. H.
Strack, of Berlin, and also, in connexion with the present
edition, Prof. H. Hyvernat, of the University of Washington,
who has rendered great service especially in the correction
and enlargement of the indexes. I take this opportunity of
thanking them all again sincerely. And I am no less grateful
also to my dear colleague Prof. C. Steuernagel for the
unwearying care with which he has helped me from beginning
to end in correcting the proof-sheets.
Among material changes introduced into this edition may
be mentioned the abolition of the term S^wd medium (§10 d).
In this I have adopted, not without hesitation, the views of
Sievers. I find it, however, quite impossible to follow him in
rejecting all distinctions of quantity in the vowels. It is no
doubt possible that such matters may in the spoken language
have worn a very different appearance, and especially that in
the period of nearly a thousand years, over which the Old
Testament writings extend, very great variations may have
taken place. Our duty, however, is to represent the
language in the form in which it has been handed down
to us by the Masoretes ; and that this form involves a dis-
tinction between unchangeable, tone-long, and short vowels,
admits in my opinion of no doubt. The discussion of any
earlier stage of development belongs not to Hebrew grammar
but to comparative Semitic philology.
The same answer may be made to Beer's desire {ThLZ. 1904,
From the Geinnan Preface vii
col. 314 f) for an ' historical Hebrew grammar describing the
actual growth of the language on a basis of comparative
philology, as it may still be traced within the narrow limits
of the Old Testament '. Such material as is available for the
purpose ought indeed to be honestly set forth in the new edi-
tions of Gesenius; but Beer seems to me to appraise such
material much too highly when he refers to it as necessi-
tating an ' historical grammar '. In my opinion these his-
torical differences have for the most part been obliterated
by the harmonizing activity of the Masoretes.
E. KAUTZSCH.
Halle,
July, 1909.
ADDITIONS AND COERECTIONS
Page 42, line 13 from below, /or note i read note 3.
Page 63, § 15 p. [See also Wickes, Prose Accentuation, 130 f,, 87 n.
(who, however, regards the superlinear, Babylonian system as the
earlier); and Ginsburg, Introduction to the Hebrew Bible, 76, 78. In
Ginsburg's Hebrew Bible, ed, 2 (1908), pp. 108 f., 267 f., the two
systems of division are printed in extenso, in parallel columns — the
10 verses of the superlinear (Babylonian) system consisting (in
Exodus) of V. 2.3-6.7.8-U.12.I3.U.16.16.17 (^s numbered in ordinary texts),
and the 1 2 verses of the sublinear (Palestinian) system, consisting of
y 2-3.4.5.6.7.8.9.10.11.12.13-16.17 g R D 1
< <
Page 65, note i,/or N3N read X|i< (as § 105 a).
[Editions often vary in individual passages, as regards the accen-
tuation of the first syllable: but in the 7 occurrences of NJK,
and the 6 of nJX, Baer, Ginsburg, and Kittel agree in having at\
accent on both syllables (as N3X) in Gn 50^^, Ex 32'^ \f/ 116", and
Metheg on the first syllable and an accent on the second syllable (as
n^3X) in 2 K 20?=Is 38', Jon I'V4^ xp ii6\ ii%'^-^\ Dn 9*, Ne i^",
except that in i/^ 116^ Ginsburg has n?^. — S. R. D.]
Page 79, § 22 s, before ^riD''*i"nn insert exceptions to h are. After
Jer 39^^^ add ifr 52° ; and for Ez 9^ read Ezr 9^
[So Baer (cf. his note on Jud 20*'; also on Jer 39'^, and several
of the other passages in question) : but Ginsburg only in 10 of the
exceptions to b, and Jacob ben Hayyim and Kittel only in 5, viz.
Jer 39'S Pr ii^ is\ yj, 52', Ezr 9«.— S. R. D.]
Page III, line 12, for H^nn read H'^T^T}.
Page 123, § 45 e, add: cf. also nasny followed by nx, Is 13'*,
Am 4" (§"5 4
Page 175, § 67. See B. Halpei-, ' The Participial formations of the
Geminate Verbs ' in ZA IF. 1 910, pp. 42 ff., 99 ff., 201 S. (also dealing
with the regular verb).
Page 177, at the end of § 67 g- the following paragraph has been
accidentally omitted :
Rem. According to the prevailing view, this strengthening of the
first radical is merely intended to give the bi-literal stem at least
Additions and Corrections ix
a 4^i-Hteral appearance. (Possibly aided by the analogy of verbs }*B,
as P. Haupt has suggested to me in conversation.) But cf. Kautzsch,
' Die sog. aramaisierenden Formen der Verba v"V im Hebr.' in Oriental.
Studien zum 70. Gehurtstag Th. NoldeJces, 1906, p. 771 ff. It is there
shown (i) that the sharpening of the ist radical often serves to empha-
size a particular meaning (cf. *13^, but ^H^.^^, ^nj and ?n^, 3D^ and 3DJ,
Dt?^ and DK'ri), and elsewhere no doubt to dissiniilate the vowels (as
1?!, ''1!, never "UJ, ^T, &c.) : (2) that the sharpening of the ist
ladical often appears to be occasioned by the nature of the first letter
of the stem, especially when it is a sibilant. Whether the masoretic
pronunciation is based on an early tradition, or the Masora has arbi-
trarily adopted aramaizing forms to attain the above objects, must be
left undecided.
Page 193, the second and third paragraphs should have the marginal
letters d and e respectively.
Page 200, § 72 2, line 2, after Est 2'* add 4".
Page 232, § 84" s, add nDpb' 2813^.
Page 236, § 85 c, a(i(i r\prf\ Ezr ^'^.
Page 273, § 93 qq end, add n^lpto Jer 5^ O^V?!, ^'^S^ Ez 2o\
n^JDCb' Is 49«, D^OOb' La i'« (cf Konig, ii. 109).
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
The following abbreviations have occasionally been used for works and
periodicals frequently quoted : —
AJSL. = American Journal of Semitic Languages.
CIS. = Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum.
Ed.Mant.='B\h\i2k Hebraica ex recensione Sal. Norzi edidit Raphael
Hayyim Basila, Mantuae 1742-4.
Jabl. = Biblia Hebraica ex recensione D. E. Jablonski, Berolini, 1699-.
JQR. = Jewish Quarterly Review.
KAT.^ = Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, 3rd ed. by
H. Zimmern and H. Winckler, 2 vols., Berlin, 1902 f.
Lexicon = A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament, based
on the Thesaurus and Lexicon of Gesenius, by F. Brown,
S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs, Oxford, 1906.
NB. = J. Barth, Die Nominalbildung in den semitischen Sprachen.
Lpz. 1889-94.
NGGW. = Nachrichten der Gottinger Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften.
OLZ. = Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. Vienna, 1898 if.
PEE. = Realencyclopadie fiir protestantische Theologie und Kirche,
3rd ed. by A. Hauck. Lpz. 1896 ff.
PSBA = Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology. Loudon,
1879 ff.
RE J. = Revue des Etudes Juives. Paris, 1880 ff,
Sam. = The iHebrew) Pentateuch of the Samaritans.
SBOT. = Sacred Books of the Old Testament, ed. by P. Haupt. Lpz.
and Baltimore, 1893 ff.
ThLZ. = Theologische Literaturzeitung, ed. by E. Schiirer. Lpz.
1876 ff.
VB. = Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, ed. by A. Jeremias and H. Winck-
ler. Lpz. 1907 ff.
ZA. — Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete, ed. by
C. Bezold. Lpz. 18S6 ff.
ZAW. = Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, ed. by
B. Stade, Giessen, 1881 ff., and since 1907 by K. Marti.
ZDMG. — Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft,
Lj z. 1846 ff., since 1903 ed. by A, Fischer.
ZDPV. = Zeitschrift des deutschen Palastinavereins, Lpz. 1878 ff.,
since 1903 ed. by C. Steuernagel.
CONTENTS
Additions and Corrections
List of Abbreviations
Table of Early Semitic Alphabets
SiLOAM Inscription
PAGE
. viii
X
INTRODUCTION
§ 1. The Semitic Languages in General .
§ 2. Sketch of the History of the Hebrew Language
§ 3. Grammatical Treatment of the Hebrew Language
§ 4. Division and Arrangement of the Grammar .
I
8
22
gns
PIBST PART
ELEMENTARY PRINCIPLES, OR THE SOUNDS AND
CHARACTERS
Chapter I. The Individual Sounds and Characters
5. The Consonants : their Forms and Names
6. Pronunciation and Division of Consonants
7. The Vowels in General, Vowel Letters and Vowel S
8. The Vowel Signs in particular
9'. Character of the several Vowels
§ 10. The Half Vowels and the Syllable Divider (f§°wa)
§ 11. Other Signs which affect the Reading
§ 12. Dages in general, and Dages forte in particular
§ 13. Dages lene
§ 14. Mappiq and Raphe
§ 15. The Accents
§ 16. Of Maqqeph and Metheg
§ 17. Of the Q-re and K^thibh
§
§
§
§
Masora marginalis and finalis
24
31
35
39
45
51
54
55
56
56
57
63
65
Chapter II. Peculiarities and Changes of Letters: the
Syllable and the Tone
§ 18. In general 68
§ 19. Changes of Consonants 68
§20. The Strengthening (Sharpening) of Consonants ... 70
xii Contents
PAGE
75
76
79
82
84
§21. The Aspiration of the Tenues
§ 22, Peculiarities of the Gutturals
§ 23, The Feebleness of the Gutturals N and n . , .
§ 24. Changes of the Weak Letters 1 and ^ . . . .
§ 25. Unchangeable Vowels
§ 26. Syllable-formation and its Influence on the Quantity of Vowels 85
§ 27. The Change of the Vowels, especially as regards Quantity . 88
§ 28. The Rise of New Vowels and Syllables 92
§ 29. The Tone, its Changes, and the Pause 94
SECOWD PART
ETYMOLOGY, OR THE PARTS OF SPEECH
§ 30. Stems and Roots ; Biliteral, Triliteral, and Quadriliteral . 99
§ 31. Grammatical Structure 103
Chapter I. The Pronoun
§ 32. The Personal Pronoun. The Separate Pronoun . . .105
§33. Pronominal Suffixes 108
§ 34. The Demonstrative Pronoun 1 09
§ 35. The Article , . .110
§36. The Relative Pronoun 112
§37. The Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns . . . .113
Chapter II. The Verb
§88. General View 114
§39. Ground-form and Derived Stems 114
§40. Tenses. Moods. Flexion 117
§ 41. Variations from the Ordinary Form of the Strong Verb . .118
I. The Strong Verb.
§42. In general 118
A. The Pure Stem, or Qui.
§48. Its Form and Meaning 118
§ 44. Flexion of the Perfect of Qal 119
§ 45. The Infinitive 122
§46. The Imperative 124
§47. The Imperfect and its Inflexion 125
§ 48. Shortening and Lengthening of the Imperfect and Imperative.
The Jussive and Cohortative 129
§ 49. The Perfect and Imperfect with Waw Consecutive . . . 132
§ 50. The Participle .136
a
Contents xiii
B. Veiha Denvativa, or Derived Conjugations.
PAGE
§ 51. Niph'al 137
§ 52. Pi'el and Pu'al 139
§ 53. Hiph'il and Hopb'al 144
§ 54 Hithpa'el 149
§55. Less Common Conjugations 151
§ 56. Quadriliteials > . . .153
C. Strong Verb with Pronominal Suffixes.
§ 57. In general 1 54
(| 58., The Pronominal Suffixes of the Verb 155
59. The Perfect with Pronominal Suffixes 158
(^ 60. Imperfect with Pronominal Suffixes 160
§ 61. Infinitive, Imperative and Participle with Pronominal Suffixes 162
Verbs with Gutturals.
§ 62. In general 164
§ 63. Verbs First Guttural 165
§ 64. Verbs Middle Guttural ........ 169
§ 65. Verbs Third Guttural 171
ir. The Weak Verb.
§ 66. Veibs Primae Radicalis Nun (i"d) 173
§ 67. Verbs y^y 175
The Weakest Verbs {Verba Quiescentia).
§ 68. Verbs N"a 184
§ 69. Verbs '•''S. First Class, or Verbs originally Td . . .186
§ 70. Verbs '•'''Q. Second Class, or Verbs properly ^"d . . . 192
§ 71. Verbs """Q. Third Class, or Verbs with Yodh assimilated . 193
§ 72. Verbs Vy I94
§ 73. Verbs middle i (vulgo '•"y) 202
§ 74. Verbs s"^ 205
§ 75. Verbs n"^ 207
§ 76. Verbs Doubly Weak 217
§ 77. Relation of the Weak Verbs to one another . . . .219
§ 78. Verba Defectiva 219
Chapter III. The Noun
§ 79. General View 221
§ 80. The Indication of Gender in Nouns 222
§81. Derivation of Nouns 225
§ 82. Primitive Nouns 225
xiv Contents
§ 83. Verbal Nouns in General ....
§ 84". Nouns derived from the Simple Stem
§ 84*. Formation of Nouns from the Intensive Stem
§ 85. Nouns with Preformatives and Aflformatives
§ 86. Denominative Nouns
§ 87. Of the Plural
§ 88. Of the Dual
§ 89. The Genitive and the Construct State
§ 90. Real and supposed Remains of Early Case-endings
§ 91. The Noun with Pronominal Suffixes
§ 92. Vowel Changes in the Noun
§ 93. Paradigms of Masculine Nouns
§ 94. Formation of Feminine Nouns .
§ 95. Paradigms of Feminine Nouns
§ 96. Nouns of Peculiar Formation .
§ 97. Numerals, (a) Cardinal Numbers
§ 98. Numerals. (6) Ordinal Numbers
PAGE
226
227
233
235
239
241
244
247
248
254
260
262
275
276
281
286
292
Chapter IV. The Particles
§ 99. General View 293
§ 100. Adverbs 294
§ 101. Prepositions 297
§ 102. Prefixed Prepositions 298
§ 103. Prepositions with Pronominal Suffixes and in the Plural
Form 300
§ 104. Conjunctions 305
§ 105. Interjections 307
J
THIRD PART
SYNTAX
Chapter I. The Parts of Speech
I. Synteix of the Verb.
A. Use of the Tenses and Moods.
§ 106. Use of the Perfect 309
§107. Use of the Imperfect 313
§108. Use of the Cohortative 319
§109. Use of the Jussive 321
§ 110. The Imperative 324
§ 111. The Imperfect with Waw Consecutive 326
§ 112. The Perfect with Waw Consecutive 330
Contents xv
B. The Infinitive and Participle.
PAOE
§ 113. The Infinitive Absolute 339
§ 114, The Infinitive Construct 347
§ 115. Construction of the Infinitive Construct with Subject and
Object 352
§ 116. The Participles 355
C. The Government of the Verb.
§ 117. The Direct Subordination of the Noun to the Verb as
Accusative of the Object. The Double Accusative . . 362
§ 118. The Looser Subordination of the Accusative to the Verb . 372
§ 119. The Subordination of Nouns to the Verb by means of
Prepositions 377
§ 120. Verbal Ideas under the Government of a Verb. Co-ordination
of Complementary Verbal Ideas 385
§121. Construction of Passive Verbs 387
II. Syntax of the Noxin.
§122. Indication of the Gender of the Noun 389
§ 123. The Representation of Plural Ideas by means of Collectives,
and by the Repetition of Words 394
§ 124. The Various Uses of the Plural-Form 396
§ 125. Determination of Nouns in general. Determination of
Proper Names 401
§ 126. Determination by means of the Article 404
§ 127. The Noun determined by a following Determinate Genitive . 410
§ 128. The Indication of the Genitive Relation by means of the
Construct State , -414
§ 129. Expression of the Genitive by Circumlocution . . .419
§130. Wider Use of the Construct State 421
§ 131. Apposition 423
§132. Connexion of the Substantive with the Adjective . . . 427
§ 133. The Comparison of Adjectives. (Periphrastic expression of
the Comparative and Superlative) 429
§ 134. Syntax of the Numerals 432
III. Syntax of the Pronovm.
§ 135. The Personal Pronoun 437
§ 136. The Demonstrative Pronoun 442
§ 137. The Interrogative Pronoun 443
§ 138. The Relative Pronoun 444
§ 139. Expression of Pronominal Ideas by means of Substantives . 447
xvi Contents
Chapter II. The Sentence
I. The Sentence in General.
PAGE
§ 140. Noun- clauses, Verbal-clauses, and the Compound Sentence . 450
§ 141. The Noun-clause 451
§ 142. The Verbal-clause 455
§ 143. The Compound Sentence 457
§ 144. Peculiarities in the Representation of the Subject (especially
V in the Verbal-clause) 459
■J § 145. Agreement between the Members of a Sentence, especially
between Subject and Predicate, in r^pect of Gender and
Number 462
§ 146. Construction of Compound Subjects 467
§ 147. Incomplete Sentences 469
n. Special Kinds of Sentences.
§ 148. Exclamations 471
§ 149. Sentences which express an Oath or Asseveration . . .471
§ 150. Interrogative Sentences . 473
§ 151. Desiderative Sentences ... i ... . 476
§ 152. Negative Sentences 478
§ 153. Restrictive and Intensive Clauses 483
§ 154. Sentences connected by Waw 484
§ 155. Relative Clauses 485
§ 156. Circumstantial Clauses 489
§ 157. Object-clauses (Oratio Obliqua) 491
§ 158. Causal Clauses 492
§ 159. Conditional Sentences 493
§ 160. Concessive Clauses 498
§ 161. Comparative Clauses ........ 499
§ 162. Disjunctive Sentences 500
§ 163. Adversative and Exceptive Clauses 500
§ 164. Temporal Clauses 501
§ 165. Final Clauses 503
§ 166. Consecutive Clauses 504
§ 167. Aposiopesis, Anacoluthon, Involved Series of Sentences . 505
Paradigms 507
Index of Subjects 533
Index op Hebrew Words 544
Index of Passages 565
^
^
'it'-—
^
^^>fe
a r
P 5S
£= r
n
J- •
•^ g
n -j^
n n
%
n
*
n
2S
*
J^
n
n
f-
^
n
•
c
n
??
a
*
n
%
^
•
jz n
« n
>^ .
• n
sc ^-
• n
n ^
r~
n ^
n
-j^
n
>^
r
13
n
F C^
*- JZ
25
n
a
ci
,- n ^
o
e3
o
OQ
s
o
0)
a
s
^ £
o s
Si 3^
iS.i
^ a c
» o ■♦^
-*^ ._: a
00 o
« 5 *^
J3 -^ C
^ ^ 1—
c ^ -^^
S « a
pd ^ • s P
O
'3
in
' — ' «<-;
a
-4-*
» L^ cS
^ 2 -
"" is
S m
00 "1 ^J
IT -S ""
w • ?? -=
je.n o
^ fl *■ 2
o S >- '^ .„•
a, P « t^ -
2 b „• OS s
03 P<
p
o
*>
60
a
c
o
O
O
O
I— I
W
H
HEBREW GRAMMAR
INTRODUCTION
§ 1. The Semitic Languages in General.
B. Stade, Lehrh. der hebr. Gramm., Lpz. 1879, § 2 ff. ; E. KOnig, Rist.-krit.
Lehrgeb. der hebr. Spr., i. Lpz. 1881, § 3 ; H. Strack, EM. in das A. T., 6th ed.,
Munich, 1906, p. 231 ff. (a good bibliography of all the Semitic dialects) ;
Th, Noldeke, article 'Semitic Languages', in the 9th ed. of the Enqjcl. Brit.
{Die semit. Sprachen, 2nd ed., Lpz. 1899), and Beitr. sur sem. Sprachwiss., Strassb.,
1904 ; W. Wright, Lectures on (he Comparative Grariimar of the Semitic Languages,
Cambr. 1890 ; H. Reckendorf, ' Zur Karakteristik der sem. Sprachen,' in the
Actes du .X^' Congres internal, des Orientalistes (at Geneva in 1894), iii. i ff.,
Leiden, 1896 ; O. E. Lindberg, Vergl. Gramm. der sem. Sprachen, i A : Konsonan-
tismus, Gothenburg, 1897 ; H. Zimmern, Vergl. Gramm. der sem. Sprachen,
Berlin, 1898 ; E. KOnig, Hebrdisch und Semitisch : Prolegomena und Grundlinien
einer Gesch. der sem. Sprachen, &c., Berlin, 1901 ; C. Brockelmann, Semitische
Sprachwissenschaft, Lpz. 1906, Grundriss der vergl. Gramm. der sem. Sprachen,
vol. i (Laut- und Formenlehre), parts T-5, Berlin, 1907 f. and his Kurzgef.
vergleichende Gramm. (Porta Ling. Or.) Berlin, 1908. — The material contained
in inscriptions has been in process of collection since 1881 in the Paris
Corpus Inscripiionum Semiticarum. To this the best introductions are M. Lidz-
barski's Handbuch der Nordsem. Epigraphik, Weimar, 1898, in 2 parts (text and
plates), and his Ephemeris zur sem. Epigraphik (5 parts published), Giessen,
1900 f. [G. A. Cooke, Handbook of North-Semitic Inscriptions, Oxford, 1903].
1. The Hebrew language is one branch of a great family of Ian- CL
guages in Western Asia which was indigenous in Palestine, Phoenicia,
Syria, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Assyria, and Arabia, that is to say,
in the countries extending from the Mediterranean to the other side
of the Euphrates and Tigris, and from the mountains of Armenia to
the southern coast of Arabia. In early times, however, it spread from
Arabia over Abyssinia, and by means of Phoenician colonies over many
islands and sea-boards of ihe Mediterranean, as for instance to the
Carthaginian coast. No comprehensive designation is found in early
times for the languages and nations of this family ; the name Semites
or Semitic^ languages (based upon the fact that according to Gn lo^'*^'
almost all nations speaking these languages are descended from
Shem) is, however, now generally accepted, and has accordingly been
retained here.'^
' First used by SchlOzer in Eichhorn's Eepertorium fiir bibl. u. morgenl.
Liter atur, 1781, p. 16 1.
^ From Shem are derived (Gn 10*' ^•') the Aramaean and Arab families
as well as the Hebrews, but not the Canaanites (Phoenicians), who are traced
back to Ham (vv. s-'^ff), although their language belongs decidedly to what
is now called Semitic. The language of the Babylonians and Assyrians also
was long ago shown to be Semitic, just as ASSur (Gn 10'"') is included among
the sons of Shem.
COWLKY B
2 Introduction [§ i b-d
b 2. The better known Semitic languages may be subdivided' as
follows : —
L The South Semitic or Arabic branch. To this belong, besides
the classical literary language of the Arabs and the modern vulgar
Arabic, the older southern Arabic preserved in the Sabaean inscrip-
tions (less correctly called Himyaritic), and its offshoot, the Ge'ez or
Ethiopic, in Abyssinia.
II. The Middle Semitic or Canaanitish branch. To this belonjjs
the Hebrew of the Old Testament with its descendants, the New
Hebrew, as found especially in the Mishna (see below, § 3 a), and
Rabbinic; also Phoenician, with Punic (in Carthage and its colonies),
and the various remains of Canaanitish dialects preserved in names of
places and persons, and in the inscription of Mesa', king of Moab.
C III, The North Semitic or Aramaic branch. The subdivisions
of this are — (i) The Eastern Aramaic or Syriac, the literary language
of the Christian Syrians. The religious books of the Mandaeans
(Nasoraeans, Sabians, also called the disciples of St, John) represent
a very debased offshoot of this, A Jewish modification of Syriac is
to be seen in the language of the Pabylonian Talmud, (2) The
Western or Palestinian Aramaic, incorrectly called also ' Chaldee '.'^
This latter dialect is represented in the Old Testament by two words
in Gn 31^^, by the verse Jer 10", and the sections Dn 2* to 7^;
Ezr 4* to 6'*, and 7^2-26^ ^^ ^^jj ^g ^^y ^ number of non-Jewish
inscriptions and Jewish papyri (see below, under m), but especially
by a considerable section of Jewish literature (Targums, Palestinian
Gemara, &c.). To th* same branch belongs also the Samaritan, with
its admixture of Hebrew forms, and, except for the rather Arabic
colouring of the proper names, the idiom of the Nabataean inscriptions
in the Sinaitic peninsula, in the East of Palestine, &c.
For further particulars about the remains of Western Aramaic (including
those in the New Test,, in the Palmyrene and Egyptian Aramaic inscriptions)
see Kautzsch, Gramm. des Biblisch-Aramdischen, Lpz. 1884, p. 6 ff.
d IV. The East Semitic branch, the language of the Assyrio-
Babylonian cuneiform inscriptions, the third line of the Achaemenian
inscriptions.
On the importance of Assyrian for Hebrew philology especially from a
lexicographical point of view cf. Friedr. Delitzsch, Prolegomena eines neuen
* For conjectures as to the gradual divergence of the dialects (first the
Babylonian, then Canaanite, including Hebrew, lastly Aramaic and Arabic)
from primitive Semitic, see Zimmern, KAT.^, ii. p. 644 ff.
' In a wider sense all Jewish Aramaic is sometimes called ' Chaldee '.
§ I e,/] The Semitic Languages in General 3
hebr.-aram. Worterbuchs zum A. T., Lpz. 1886 ; P. Haupt, 'Assyrian Phonology,
&c.,' in Hehraica, Chicago, Jan. 1885, vol. i. 3 ; Delitzsch, Assyrische Grammatik,
2nd ed., Berlin, 1906.
If the above division into four branches be reduced to two principal
<,'roups, No. I, as South Semitic, will be contrasted with the three
North Semitic branches.'
All these langunges stand to one another in much the same relation as those g
of the Germanic family (Gothic, Old Norse, Danish, Swedish ; High and Low
German in their earlier and later dialects), or as the Slavonic languages
(Lithuanian, Lettish ; Old Slavonic, Serbian, Russian ; Polish, Bohemian).
They are now either wholly extinct, as the Phoenician and Assyrian, or
preserved only in a debased form, as Neo-Syriac among Syrian Christians
and Jews in Mesopotamia and Kurdistan, Ethiopic (Ge'ez) in the later
Abyssinian dialects (Tigre, Tigrina, Amharic), and Hebrew among some
modern Jews, except in so far as they attempt a purely literary x-eproduction
of the language of the Old Testament. Arabic alone has not only occupied
to this day its original abode in Arabia proper, but has also forced its way in
all directions into the domain of other languages.
The Semitic family of languages is bounded on the East and North by another
of still wider extent, which reaches from India to the western limits of
Europe, and is called Indo-Germanic^ since it comprises, in the most varied
ramifications, the Indian (Sanskrit), Old and New Persian, Greek, Latin,
Slavonic, as well as Gothic and the other Germanic languages. With the
Old Egyptian language, of which Coptic is a descendant, as well as with the
languages of north-western Africa, the Semitic had from the earliest times
much in common, especially in grammatical structure ; but on the other
hand there are fundamental differences between them, especially from a
lexicographical point of view ; see Erman, ' Das Verhaltnis des Aegyptischen
zu den semitischen Sprachen,' in the ZDMG. xlvi, 1892, p. 93 ff., and Brockel-
mann, Grundriss, i. 3.
3. The grammatical structure of the Semitic family of languages, f
as compared with that of other languages, especially the Indo-Gerraanic,
exhibits numerous peculiarities which collectively constitute its dis-
tinctive character, although many of them are found singly in other
languages. These are — (a) among the consonants, which in fact form
the substance of these languages, occur peculiar gutturals of different
grades ; the vowels are subject, within the same consonantal frame-
work, to great changes in order to express various modifications of
the same stem-meaning ; (ft) the word-stems are almost invariably
triliteral, i.e. composed of three consonants; (c) the verb is restricted
to two tense-forms, with a peculiarly regulated use ; {d) the noun
has only two genders (masc. and fern.) ; and peculiar expedients are
adopted for the purpose of indicating the case-relations ; (e) the
* Hommel, Grundriss der Geogr. und Gesch. des alten Orients, Munich, 1904,
p. 75 ff., prefers to distinguish them as Eastern and Western Semitic
branches. Their geographical position, however, is of less importance than
the genealogical relation of the various groups of dialects, as rightly pointed
out by A. Jeremias in Th.LZ. 1906, col. 291.
' First by Klaproth in Asia Polyglotia, Paris, 1823 ; of. Leo Meyer in Kach-
richien d. Gott, Gesellschaft, 1 901, p. 454.
B 2
4 Introduction [§ \ g-i
oblique cases of the personal pronoun, as well as all the possessive
pronouns and the pronominal object of the verb, are denoted by forms
appended directly to the governing word (suffixes) ; (/) the almost
complete absence of compounds both in the noun (with the exception
of many proper names) and in the verb ; {g) great simplicity in the
expression of syntactical relations, e. g. the small number of particles,
and the prevalence of simple co-ordination of clauses without periodic
structure. Classical Arabic and Syriac, however, form a not un-
important exception as regards the last-mentioned point,
g 4. From a lexicographical point of view also the vocabulary of the
Semites difiPers essentially from that of the Indo-Germanic languages,
although there is apparently more agreement here than in the grammar.
A considerable number of Semitic roots and stems agree in sound
with synonyms in the Indo-Germanic family. But apart from ex-
pressions actually borrowed (see below, under i), the real similarity
may be reduced to imitative words (onomatopoetica), and to those
in which one and the same idea is represented by similar sounds in
consequence of a formative instinct common to the most varied
families of language. Neither of these proves any historic or generic
relation, for which an agreement in grammatical structure would also
be necessary.
Comp. Friedr. Delitzsch, Siudien iiber indogennanisch-semitische Wurzelverwandt-
scha/t, Lpz. 1873; Neldechen, Semit. Glossen zu Fick und Curtius, Magdeb.
1876 f. ; McCurdy, AryoSemiiic Speech, Andover, U.S. A, 1881. The phonetic
relations have been thoroughly investigated by H. MOller in Semitisch und
Indogermanisch, Teil i, Konsotianten, Copenhagen and Lpz. 1907, a work which
has evoked considerable criticism.
h As onomatopoetic words, or as stem-sounds of a similar charactei*, we may
compare, e.g. piP, ^n? A.«»x<"» lingo, Skt. lih, Eng. to lick, Fr. lecher, Qerm.
lecken ; ?pa (cf. b^X, b^V) icv\i<u, volvo, Germ, quellen, wallen, Eng. to well ;
n^3 t^irij nin xapaTToi, Pers. khdridan, Ital. grattare, Fr. gratter, Eng. (0
grate, to scratch, Qerm. kraisen ; p^S frango, Germ, brechen, &c. ; Reuss, Gesch.
der hi, Schri/ten A.T.'s, Braunschw. 1881, p. 38, draws attention moreover
to the Semitic equivalents for earth, six, seivn, horn, to sound, to measure, to mix,
to smell, to place, clear, to kneel, raven, goat, ox, &c. An example of a somewhat
different kind is am, ham (saw), gam, ham, in the sense of the German samt,
zusammen, together; in Hebrew DDK (whence TXt^V, people, properly assembly), Q])
(with) samt, DS also, moreover, Arab. yii3 to coUect ; Pers. ham, hamah (at the
same time) ; Skt. soma (with), Gk. a/ia (afi<pai), d/xSi, d/xov (ofuKos, ofmSoi), and
harder koivSs, Lat. cum, cumulus, cunctus ; with the corresponding sibilant Skt.
sam, Gk. avv, (vv, (w6s = koiv6s, Goth, sama, Germ, samt, sammeln ; but many of
these instances are doubtful.
I Essentially different from this internal connexion is the occur-
rence of the same words in different languages, where one language
has borrowed directly from the other. Such loan-words are —
§ I i] The Semitic Languages in General 5
(a) In Hebrew: some names of objects which were originally indi-
genous in Babylonia and Assyria (see a comprehensive list of Assyrio-
Babylonian loan-words in the Hebrew and Aramaic of the Old Testament
in Zimmern and Winckler, KAT.^, ii. p. 648 flf.), in Egypt, Persia, or
India, e. g. ^N^ (also in the plural) river, from Egyptian yoor, generally as the
name of the Nile (late Egypt, yaro, Assyr. yaru'u), although it is possible that
a pure Semitic "IK"* has been confounded with the Egyptian name of the Nile
(so Zimmern) ; iriN (Egyptian) Nile-reed (see Lieblein, ' Mots 6gyptiens dans
la Bible,' in PSBA. 1898, p. 202 f.) ; DlJ^B (in Zend pairidaesa, circumvalla-
tion = ira/xiSetcros) pleasure-garden, park; p31*lN daric, Persian gold coin; C*?!'!
peacocks, perhaps from the Malabar togai or toghai. Some of these words are
also found in Greek, as DS"]? (Pers. karbds, Skt. karpdsa) cotton, Kap-naaoi,
carbasus. On the other hand it is doubtful if Pjip corresponds to the Greek
Kjjnoi, K^Bos, Skt. kapi, ape.
(b) In Greek, &c. : some originally Semitic names of Asiatic products and
articles of commerce, e. g. V^H /Svacros, byssus ; HSbp Xi^avos, \iBavaiT6s, incense ;
ri3p tcavT], K&wa, eanna, cane ; |D3 icvfuvov, cuminum, cumin ; njTifp Kaaaia,
cassia ; ?D3 KanrjXos, camelics ; P3"^y dppafidjv, arrhabo, anha, pledge. Such
transitions have perhaps been brought about chiefly by Phoenician trade.
Cf. A. Miiller, ' Semitische Lehnworte im alteren Griechisoh,' in Bezzen-
berger's Beitrage zur Kunde der Indo-germ. Sprachen, GSttingen, 1877, vol. i.
p. 273 ff. ; E. Ries, Quae res et vocabula a gentibus semiticis in Graeciam pervenerinf,
Breslau, 1890; Muss-Arnolt, 'Semitic words in Greek and Latin,' in the
Transactions 0/ the American Philological Association, xxiii. p. 35 flf. ; H. Lewy, Die
semitischen Fremdwbrter im Oriech., Berlin, 1895 ; J. H. Bondi, Dem hebr.-phoniz.
Sprachzweige angehor. Lehnworter in hieroglyph, m. hieratischen Texten, Lpz. 1886.
6. No system of writing is ever so perfect as to be able to reproduce k
the sounds of a language in all their various shades, and the writing
of the Semites has one striking fundamental defect, viz. that only the
consonants (which indeed form the substance of the language) are
written as real letters,^ whilst of the vowels only the longer are
indicated by certain representative consonants (see below, § 7).
It was only later that special small marks (points or strokes below
or above the consonants) were invented to represent to the eye all
the vowel-sounds (see § 8). These are, however, superfluous for
the practised reader, and are therefore often wholly omitted in
Semitic manuscripts and printed texts. Semitic writing, moreover,
almost invariably proceeds from right to left.'*
* So also originally the Ethiopic writing, which afterwards represented
the vowels by small appendages to the consonants, or by some other change
in their form. On the Assyrio-Babylonian cuneiform writing, which like-
wise indicates the vowels, see the next note, ad fin.
' The Sabaean (Himyaritic) writing runs occasionally from left to right,
and even alternately in both directions {boustrophedon^, but as a rule from
right to left. In Ethiopic writing the direction from left to right has become
the rule ; some few old inscriptions exhibit, however, the opposite direction.
The cuneiform writing also runs from left to right, but this is undoubtedly
borrowed from a non-Semitic people. Cf. § 5 d, note 3.
Introduction [§ 1 1,
m
With the exception of the Assyrio-Babylonian (cuneiform), all
varieties of Semitic writing, although differing widely in some respects,
are derived from one and the same original alphabet, represented on
extant monuments most faithfully by the characters used on the stele
of Mesa, king of Moab (see below, § 2 d), and in the old Phoenician
inscriptions, of which the bronze bowls from a temple of Baal
{CIS. i. 22 ff. and Plate IV) are somewhat earlier than Mesa'. The
old Hebrew writing, as it appears on the oldest monument, the Siloam
inscription (see below, § 2 d), exhibits essentially the same character.
The old Greek, and indirectly all European alphabets, are descended
from the old Phoenician writing (see § 5 i).
I See the Table of Alphabets at the beginning of the Grammar, which shows
the relations of the older varieties of Semitic writing to one another and
especially the origin of the present Hebrew characters from their primitive
forms. For a more complete view, see Gesenius' Scripturae linguaeque Phoeniciae
monumenta, Lips. 1837, 4to, pt. i. p. 15 ff., and pt. iii. tab. 1-5. From numerous
monuments since discovered, our knowledge of the Semitic characters,
especially the Phoenician, has become considerably enlarged and more
accurate. Cf. the all but exhaustive bibliography (from 1616 to 1896) in
Lidzbarski's Handbuch der Nordsemitischen Epigraphik, i. p. 4 ff , and on the
origin of the Semitic alphabet, ibid., p. I73ff., and Ephemeris (see the heading
of § I a above), i. pp. 109 ff., 142, 261 ff., and his ' Altsemitische Texte|, pt. i,
Kanaanaische Inschriften (Moabite, Old-Hebrew, Phoenician, Punic), Giessen,
ic)07. — On the origin and development of the Hebrew characters and the best
tables of alphabets, see § 5 a, last note, and especially §56.
7?l 6. As regards the relative age of the Semitic languages, the oldest
literary remains of them are to be found in the Assyrio-Babylonian
(cuneiform) inscriptions,' with which are to be classed the earliest
Hebrew fragments occurring in the old Testament (see § 2).
The earliest non-Jewish Aramaic inscriptions known to us are that
cf -|3T king of Hamath (early eighth cent. B.C.), on which see Nbldeke,
ZA. 1908, p. 376, and that found at Teima, in N. Arabia, in 1880,
probably of the fifth cent. b. c, cf. E. Littmann in the Monist, xiv. 4 [and
Cooke, op. cit., p. 195]. The monuments of Kalammus of Sam'al, in the
reign of Shalmanezer II, 859-829 B.C. (cf. A. Sanda, Die Aramaer, Lpz.
1902, p. 26), and those found in 1888-1891 at Zenjirli in N. Syria,
including the Hadad inscription of thirty-four lines (early eighth cent.
B.C.) and the Panamrau inscription (740 B.C.), are not in pure
Aramaic. The Jewish-Aramaic writings begin about the time of
Cyrus (cf. Ezr 6^ '^■), specially important being the papyri from Assuan
ed. by Sayce and Cowley, London, 1906 (and in a cheaper form by
Staerk, Bonn, 1907), which are precisely dated from 471 to 411 B.C.,
and three others of 407 B. c. ed. by Sachau, Berlin, 1907.
* According to Hilprecht, The Babylonian Expedition of the University of
Pennsylvania, i. p. ii ff., the inscriptions found at Nippur embrace the
period from about 4000 to 450 b. c.
§ I n] The Semitic Languages in General 7
Monuments of the Arahic brancli first appear in the earliest
centuries A. d. (Sabaean inscriptions, Ethiopic translation of the Bible
in the fourth or fifth century, North-Arabic literature from the sixth
century A. D.),
It is, however, another question which of these languages has
adhered longest and most faithfully to the original character of the
Semitic, and which consequently represents to us the earliest phase
of its development. For the more or less rapid transformation of the
sounds and forms of a language, as spoken by nations and races, is
dependent on causes quite distinct from the growth of a literature,
and the organic structure of a language is often considerably impaired
even before it has developed a literature, especially by early contact
with people of a difFerent language. Thus in the Semitic group,
the Aramaic dialects exhibit the earliest and greatest decay, next
to them the Hebrew-Canaanitish, and in its own way the Assyrian.
Arabic, owing to the seclusion of the desert tribes, was the longest
to retain the original fullness and purity of the sounds and forms
of words.^ Even here, however, there appeared, through the revolu-
tionary influence of Islam, an ever-increasing decay, until Arabic
at length reached the stage at which we find Hebrew in the Old
Testament.
Hence the phenomenon, that in its grammatical structure the ancient n
Hebrew agrees more with the modern than with the ancient Arabic, and
that the latter, although it only appears as a written language at a later
period, has yet in many respects preserved a more complete structure and
a more original vowel system than the other Semitic languages, cf. Noldeke,
' Das klassische Arabisch und die arabischen Dialekte,' in Beitrdge sur
semitischen Sprachwissenschaft, p. i ff. It thus occupies amongst them a
position similar to that which Sanskrit holds among the Indo-Germanic
languages, or Gothic in the narrower circle of the Germanic. But even the
toughest organism of a language often deteriorates, at least in single forms
and derivatives, while on the contrary, in the midst of what is otherwise
universal decay, there still remains here and there something original and
archaic ; and this is the case with the Semitic languages.
Fuller proof of the above statements belongs to the comparative Grammar
of the Semitic languages. It follows,however, from what has been said: (i) that
the Hebrew language, as found in the sacred literatureof the Jews, has, in respect
^ Even now the language of some of the Bfedawi is much purer and more
archaic than that of the town Arabs. It must, however, bo admitted that
the former exalted estimate of the primitiveness of Arabic has been moderated
in many respects by the most recent school of Semitic philology. Much
apparently original is to be regarded with Noldeke (7>je setnit. Spr,, p. 5
\_ = £nqjd. Brit., ed. 9, art. Semitic Languaoes, p. 642 J) only as a modification of
the original. The assertion that the Arabs exhibit Semitic characteristics in
their purest form, should, according to NOldeke, be rather that 'the in-
habitants of the desert lands of Arabia, under the influence of the
extraordinarily monotonous scenery and of a life continually the same amid
continual change, have developed most exclusively some of the principal
traits of the Semitic race ',
8 Introduction [§ 2 a, 6
to its organic structure, already suffered more considerable losses tlian the
Arabic, which appears much later on the historical horizon; (2) that, not-
withstanding this fact, we cannot at once and in all points concede priority
to the latter ; (3) that it is a mistake to consider with some that the Aramaic
on account of its simplicity (which is only due to the decay of its organic
structure), is the oldest form of Semitic speech.
§ 2. Sketch of the History of the Hebrew Language.
See Gesenius, Gesch. der kebr. Sprache u. Schrift, Lpz. 1815, §§ 5-18; Th.
Noldeke's art., ' Sprache, hebraische,' in Schenkel's Bibel-Lexikon, Bd. v, Lpz.
1875; F. Buhl, 'Hebraische Sprache,' in Hauck's Realencycl. fur prot. T/ieol.
und Kirche, vii (1899), p. 506 ff.; A. Cowley, ' Hebrew Language and Literature,'
in the forthcoming ed. of the Encycl. Brit. ; W. R. Smith in the Encyd. BiU.,
ii. London, 1901, p. 1984 ff.; A. Lukyn Williams, 'Hebrew,' in Hastings'
Did. of the Bible, ii. p. 335 ff., Edinb. 1899.
a 1. The name Hebrew Language usually denotes the language of the
sacred writings of the Israelites which form the canon of the Old
Testament, It is also called Ancient Hebrew in contradistinction to
the New Hebrew of Jewish writings of the post-biblical period (§ 3 a).
The name Hebrew language (nn^y fW^b yXC^a-a. twv 'E/3p<u(ov, k^paiari)
does not occur in the Old Testament itself. Instead of it we find in Is
1 9'* the term language of Canaan,^ and nn^n^ in the Jews' language
2 K i8^«-^ (cf. Is aa"'^') Neh 13^ In the last-cited passage it already
agrees with the later (post-exilic) usage, which gi-adually extended
the name Jews, Jewish to the whole nation, as in Haggai, Nehemiah,
and the book of Esther.
O The distinction between the names Hebrew (D"''1Iiy 'E0fMtoi) and Israelites
pN'lb'^ ^p2) is that the latter was rather a national name of honour, with
also a religious significance, employed by the people themselves, while the
former appears as the less significant name by which the nation was known
amongst foreigners. Hence in tlie Old Testament Hebrews are only cpoken
of either when the name is employed by themselves as contrasted with
foreigners (Gn 40", Ex 26 '• 3I8 &c., Jon !») or when it is put in the
mouth of those who are not Israelites (Gn 39"-" 41'^ &c.) or, finally,
when it is used in opposition to other nations (Gn 14" 4332, Ex 3"-" 21^).
In I S is^T and 14*' the text is clearly corrupt. In the Greek and
Latin authors, as well as in Josephus, the name 'Efipaioi, Hebraei,"
&c., alone occurs. Of the many explanations of the gentilic ^"12^, the
derivation from 13J? a country on the other side with the derivative suffix >__
{^8f>h) appears to be the only one philologically possible. The name
accordingly denoted the Israelites as being those who inhabited the 'eber, i. e.
the district on the other side of the Jordan (or according to others the
Euphrates), and would therefore originally be only appropriate when used
by the nations on this side of the Jordan or Euphrates. We must, then,
suppose that after the crossing of the river in question it had been retained
by the Abrahamidae as an old-established name, and within certain- limits
* That Hebrew in its present form was actually developed in Canaan
appears from such facts as the use of yam (sea) for the west, negeb (properly dry-
ness, afterwards as a proper name for the south of Palestine) for the south.
" The Gracco-Roman form of the name is not directly derived from the
Hebrew >"13y, but from the Palestinian Aramaic 'ebraya, ' the Hebrew.'
§ 2 c, rf] History of the Hebrew Language 9
(see above) had become naturalized among them. In referring this name to
the patronymic Eber, the Hebrew genealogists have assigned to it a much
more comprehensive signification. For since in Gn lo" (Nu 24^^* does not
apply) Shem is called the father of all the children of Eber, and to the latter
there also belonged according to Gn iii**^- and lo*"* *f- Aramean and Arab
races, the name, afterwards restricted in the form of the gentilic 'ibii
exclusively to the Israelites, must have originally included a considerably
larger group of countries and nations. The etymological significance of the
name must in that case not be insisted upon.^
The term efipcuari is first used, to denote the old Hebrew, in the prologue C
to Jesus the son of Sirach (about 130 B.C.), and in the New Testament, Rv
9". On the other hand it serves in Jn 5^^, 19^31'' perhaps also in jg"^" and
Kv 16'^ to denote what was then the (Aramaic) vernacular of Palestine as
opposed to the Greek. The meaning of the expression tBpah Std\tKTos in Acta
21*", 22^, and 26'* is doubtful (cf. Kautzsch, Gramm. des Bihl.-Aram., p. 19 f.).
Joseplius also uses the term Hebrew both of the old Hebrew and of the
Aramaic vernacular of his time.
The Hebrew language is first called the sacred language in the Jewish-
Aramaic versions of the Old Testament, as being the language of the sacred
books in opposition to the lingua jprofatia, i. e. the Aramaic vulgar tongue.
2. With the exception of the Old Testament (and apart from the u
Phoenician inscriptions ; see below, f--h), only very few remains of
old Hebrew or old Canaanitish literature have been preserved. Of
the latter — (i) an inscription, unfortunately much injured, of thirty-
four lines, which was found in the ancient territory of the tribe of
Reuben, about twelve miles to the east of the Dead Sea, among the
ruins of the city of Dibon (now Diban), inhabited in earlier times by
the Gadites, afterwards by the Moabites. In it the Moabite king
Mesa' (about 850 B.C.) recounts his battles with Israel (cf. 2 K 3'' "),
his buildings, and other matters.^ Of old Hebrew : (2) an inscription
^ We may also leave out of account the linguistically possible identification
of the 'Ibriyyim with the Habiri who appear in the Tell-elAmarna letters
(about 1400 B. c.) as freebooters and mercenaries in Palestine and its
neighbourhood.
* This monument, unique of its kind, was first seen in August, 1868, on
the spot, by the German missionary F. A. Klein. It vras aftei wards broken
into pieces by the Arabs, so that only an incomplete copy of the inscription
could be made. Most of the fragments are now in the Louvre in Paris.
For the history of the discovery and for the earlier literature relating to the
stone, see Lidzbarski, Nordsemitische Epigraphik, i. pp. 103 f, 415 f., and iu
the bibliography (under Me), p. 39 ff. The useful reproduction and trans-
lation of the inscription by Smend and Socin (Freiburg in Baden, 1886)
was afterwards revised and improved by Nordlander, Die Inschrift des
Konigs Mesa von Moab, Lpz. 1896 ; by Socin and Holzinger, 'Zur Mesainschrift'
{Berichte der K. Sdchsisclien Gesell. d. Wiss., Dec. 1897) ; and by Lidzbarski,
'Eine Nachpriifung der Mesainschiift' {Ephemeris, i. i, p. i flf. ; text in his
Altsemitische Texte, pt. i, Giessen, 1907) ; J. Hal6vy, Eevue Simitique, 1900,
pp. 236 ff., 289 ff., 1901, p. 2Q7 ff. ; M. J. Lagrange, Revue biblique Inter-
nationale, 1901, p. 522 ff.; F. Pratorius in ZDMG. 1905, p. 33 ff., 1906, p. 402.
Its genuineness was attacked by A. Lowy, Die Echtheit der Moabit, Inschr. im
Louvre (Wien, 1903), and G. Jahn in Das Buck Daniel, Lpz. 1904, p. 122 ff.
(also in ZDMG. 1905, p. 723 ff.), but without justification, as shown by
E. KOnig in ZDMG. 1905, pp. 233 ff. and 743 ff. [Cf. also Driver, Notes on the
Hebrew Text (if the Books of Samuel, Oxford, 1890, p. Ixxxv ff. ; Cooke, op. cit., p. i ff.]
lo Introduction C§ 2 e,/
of six lines (proLably of the eighth century b.c.^) discovered in June,
1880, in the tunnel between the Virgin's Spring and the Pool of
Siloam at Jerusalem ; (3) about forty engraved seal-stones, some of
them pre-exilic but bearing little except proper names '^ ; (4) coins
of the Maccabaean prince Simon (from ' the 2nd year of deliverance',
140 and 139 B.C.) and his successors,^ and the coinage of the revolts
in the times of Vespasian and Hadrian.
6 3. In the whole series of the ancient Hebrew writings, as found in
the Old Testament and also in non-biblical monuments (see above, d),
the language (to judge from its consonantal formation) remains, as
regards its general character, and apait from slight changes in form
and differences of style (see k to w), at about the same stage of
development. In this form, it may at an early time have been fixed
as a literary language, and the fact tliat the books contained in the
Old Testament were handed down as sacred writings, must have
contributed to this constant uniformity.
f To this old Hebrew, the language of the Canaanitish or Phoenician * stocks
•^ came the nearest of all the Semitic languages, as is evident partly from the
many Canaanitisli names of persons and places with a Hebrew form and
meaning which occur in the Old Testament (e.g. plSfiSpip, IDD H^lp^ &c. ;
^ Of this inscription — unfortunately not dated, but linguistically and palaeo-
graphically very important— referring to the boring of the tunnel, a facsimile
is given at the beginning of this grammar. See also Lidzbarski, Nordsemitische
Epigraphik, i. 105, 163, 439 (bibliography, p. 56 ff. ; facsimile, vol. ii, plate xxi,
1) ; on the new drawing of it by Socin {ZBPV. xxii. p. 61 ff. and separately
published at Freiburg i. B. 1899), see Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, i. 53 ff. and 310 f.
(text in Altsemit. Texte, p. 9 f.). Against the view of A. Fischer {ZDMG. 1902,
p. 800 f.) that the six lines are the continuation of an inscription which
was never executed, see Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, ii. 71. The inscription was
removed in 1890, and broken into six or seven pieces in the process. It has
since been well restored, and is now in the Imperial Museum at Constan-
tinople. If, as can hardly be doubted, the name T\Vp (i. e. emissio) Is 8®
refers to the discharge of water from the Virgin's Spring, through the tunnel
(so Stade, Gesch. Isr. i. 594), then the latter, and consequently the inscrip-
tion, was already in existence about 736 b. c. [Cf. Cooke, op. cit, p. 15 ff.]
* M. A. Levy, Siegel u. Gemmen, dec, Bresl. 1869, p. 33 ff. ; Stade, ZAW.
1897, p. 501 ff. (four old-Semitic seals published in 1896) ; Lidzbarski,
Handbuch, i. 169 f. ; Ephemei-is, i. 10 ff. ; W. Nowack, Lehrb. d. kebr. Archaol.
(^Freib. 1894), i. 262 f. ; I. Benzinger, Hebr. Archaol.'^ (Tubingen, 1907),
pp. 80, 225 ff., which includes the beautiful seal inscribed Cy^"!'' IDV J?CK'^
from the castle-hill of Megiddo, found in 1904 ; [Cooke, p. 363].
* De Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, Par. 1874; M. A. Levy, Gesch.
der jud. Miinzen, Breslau, 1862; Madden, The Coins of the Jews, Lond. 1881 ;
Reinach, Les monnaies juives, Paris, 1888. — Cf. the literature in Schiirer's
Gesch. dcs jiid.Volkes im Zeitalter J, C, Lpz. 1901, i. p. 20 ff. ; [Cooke, p. 352 ff.].
* |y?3, ^P_V?3 is the native name, common both to the Canaanitish tribes in
Palestine and to those which dwelt at the foot of the Lebanon and on the
Syrian coast, whom we call Phoenicians, while they called themselves fV3D
on their coins. The people of Carthage also called themselves so.
§ 2 J7-0 History of the Hebrew Language 1 1
on 'Canaanite glosses '^ to Assyrian words in the cuneiform tablets of
Tell-el-Amarna [about 1400 b. c] cf. H. Winekler, ' Die Thontafeln von Tell-
el-Amarna,' in Keilinschr. Bibliothek, vol. v, Berlin, 1896 f. [transcription
and translation] ; J. A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, Lpz. 1907 f. ;
H. Ziramern, ZA. 1891, p. 154 S. and KAT.^, p. 651 ff.), and partly from the
numerous remains of the Phoenician and Punic languages.
The latter we find in their peculiar writing (§ i k, I) in a great number of
inscriptions and on coins, copies of which have been collected by Gesenius,
Judas, Bourgade, Davis, de Vogiie, Levy, P. Schroder, v. Maltzan, Euting,
but especially in Part I of the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, Paris, 1881 If.
Among the inscriptions but few public documents are found, e.g. two lists
of fees for sacrifices ; by far the most are epitaphs or votive tablets. Of
special importance is the inscription on the sarcophagus of King Esmunazar
of Sidon, found in 1855, now in the Louvre; see the bibliography in
Lidzbarski, Nordsem. Epigr., i. 23 fif. ; on the inscription, i. 97 fif"., 141 f-,
417, ii. plate iv, 2 ; [Cooke, p. 30 ff.]. To these may be added isolated words
in Greek and Latin authors, and the Punic texts in Plautus, Poenulus 5, 1-3
(best treated by Gildemeister in Eitschl's edition of Plautus, Lips. 1884,
torn, ii, fasc. 5). From the monuments we learn the native orthography,
from the Greek and Latin transcriptions the pronunciation and vocalization ;
the two together give a tolerably distinct idea of the language and its relation
to Hebrew.
Phoenician (Punic) words occurring in inscriptions are, e. g. PK God, g
DIN man, p son, T)2 daughter, "^PO king, IDJJ servant, |n3 priest, riQT sacrifice,
7V2 lord, tfCB' sun, J'lK land, D*" sea, pK stone, 5)03 silver, 7t~0 iron, \C^ oil,
ny time, ^p grave, DiifO monument, DpD place, 33tJ'D bed, ^3 all, TnS one,
CJK' two, B'^K' three, ynnx four, ^DJI five, B'B' six, yaC seven, "iK'y ten,
p ( = Hebr. rTTl) to be, yOiJ' to hear, nflB to open, "113 to vow, "^IH to bless,
tJ'pa to seek, &c. Proper names : pjf Sidon, 12? Tyre, X3n Hanno, py33n
Hannibal, &c. See the complete vocabulary in Lidzbarski, Nordsem. Epigr.,
i. 204 ff.
Variations from Hebrew in Phoenician orthography and inflection are, h
e.g. the almost invariable omission of the vowel letters (§ 7 b), as n3 for IT'S
hmse, ^p for bSp voice, pX for ]\T'^^ DJn3 for Qianij) priests, D3^N (in Plant.
alonim) gods ; the fem., even in the absolute state, ending in n {ath) (§ 80 h)
as well as K (6), the relative tJ'K (Hebr. "IK'X), &c. The differences in pro-
nunciation are more remarkable, especially in Punic, where the i was
regularly pronounced as m, e. g. tDBCJ' siijet (judge), E'/B' salus (three), B'T
ms = K'X") head ; i and e often as the obscure dull sound of y, e.g. ^3311 ynnynnu
(occe eum), m (D^N) yth; the y as 0, e.g. -\p)}Ki Mocar (cf. nijjo LXX,
Gn 22^* Mcyx<i). See the collection of the grammatical peculiarities in
Gesenius, Monumenta Phoenicia, p. 430 ff. ; Paul Schroder, Die phoniz. Sprache,
Halle, 1869; B. Stade, 'Erneute Priifung des zwischen dem PhOnic. und
Hebr. bestehenden Verwandtschaftsgrades,' in the Morgenldnd. Forschungen,
Lpz. 1875, p. 169 ff.
4. As the Hebrew writing ou monuments and coins mentioned I
in d consists only of consonants, so also the writers of the Old
* Cf. inter alia : aparu, also haparu (Assyr. epru, ipru) = "IDy ; huUu = p'y
(with hard y ; cf. § 6 c, and Assyr. humri = '^yO'^ , hazzatu = T\\^) ; iazkur =
"laV, zuruhu = ^'\'li] , abadat = rtTza , saftrt = lytj', gate; fca/nw = |t33, belly;
kiliibi = 31^3, net ; saduk ^ phx (P^"^?) . Slc. [Cf. BOhl, Die Sprache d. Amarnabrie/e,
Lpz. 1909.]
12 Introduction [§ 2 h-m
Testament books used merely the consonant-signs (§ i k), and even
now the written scrolls of the Law used in the synagogues must not,
according to ancient custom, contain anything more. The present
pronunciation of this consonantal text, its vocalization and accentua-
tion, rest on the tradition of the Jewish schools, as it was finally fixed
by the system of punctuation (§ 7 h) introduced by Jewish scholars
about the seventh century A. D. ; cf. § 3 h.
h An earlier stage in the development of the Canaftnitish-Hebrew
language, i.e. a form of it anterior to the written documents now
extant, when it must have stood nearer to the common language of
the united Semitic family, can still be discerned in its principal
features: — (i) from many archaisms preserved in the traditional
texts, especially in the names of persons and places dating from
earlier times, as well as in isolated forms chiefly occurring in poetic
style ; (2) in general by an a 2)ostenori conclusion from traditional
forms, so far as according to the laws and analogies of phonetic
change they clearly point to an older phase of the language ; and
(3) ^y comparison with the kindred languages, especially Arabic, in
which this earlier stage of the language has been frequently preserved
even down to later times (§ i m, n)- In numerous instances in
examining linguistic phenomena, the same — and consequently so much
the more certain — result is attained by each of these three methods.
Although the systematic investigation of the linguistic development in-
dicated above belongs to comparative Semitic philology, it is nevertheless
indispensable for the scientific treatment of Hebrew to refer to the ground-
forms ' so far as they can be ascertained and to compare the corresponding
forms in Arabic. Even elementary grammar which treats of the forms of the
language occurring in the Old Testament frequently requires, for their
explanation, a reference to these ground-forms.
/ 6. Even in the language of the Old Testament, notwithstanding
its general uniformity, there is noticeable a certain progress from
an earlier to a later stage. Two periods, though with some
reservations, may be distinguished : the Jirist, down to the end of the
Babylonian exile ; and the second, after the exile.
Tfl To the former belongs, apart from isolated traces of a later
revision, the larger half of the Old Testament books, viz. (a) of the
prose and historical writings, a large part of the Pentateuch and
of Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings ; (6) of the poetical, perhaps
1 Whether those can be described simply as 'primitive Semitic' is a
question which may be left undecided here.
§ 2 n-g] History of the Hebrew Language 13
a part of the Psalms and Proverbs ; (c) the writings of the earlier
prophets (apart from various later additions) in the following chrono-
logical order : Amos, Hosea, Isaiah I, Micah, Nahum, Zephaniah,
Habakkuk, Obadiah (?), Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Isaiah 11 (eh. 40-55).
The beginning of this period, and consequently of Hebrew literature W
generally, is undoubtedly to be placed as early as the time of Moses, although
the Pentateuch in its present form, in which very different strata may be
still clearly recognized, is to be regarded as a gradual production of the
centuries after Moses. Certain linguistic peculiarities of the Pentateuch,
which it was once customary to regard as archaisms, such as the epicene
use of nyj hoy, youth, for nly3 girl, and NIH for KTI, are merely to be attributed
to a later redactor ; cf. § 1 7 c.
The linguistic character of the various strata of the Pentateuch has been O
examined by Ryssel, Ue Elohistae Pentaieuchici sermone, Lpz. 1878; KOnig, Be
criticae saa-ae argumento e linguae legihus repetito, Lpz. 1879 (analysis of Gn i-ii) ;
F. Giesebrecht, 'Der Sprachgebr. des hexateuchischen Elohisten,' in ZAW.
1881, p. 177 flf., partly modified by Driver in the Journal of Philology, vol. xi.
p. 201 fif. ; Krautlein, Die sprachl. Verschiedenheiten in den Hexateuchquellen, Lpz.
1908. — Abundant matter is afforded also by Holzinger, Einleitung in den
Hexateuch, Freib. 1 893 ; Driver, Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament *,
Edinburgh, 1908 ; Strack, Einleitung ins A. T.^, Munich, 1906 ; KOnig,
Einleitung in das A. T., Bonn, 1 893.
6. Even in the writings of this first period, which embraces w
about 600 years, we meet, as might be expected, with considerable
differences in linguistic form and style, which are due partly to
differences in the time and place of composition, and partly to the
individuality and talent of the authors. Thus Isaiah, for example,
writes quite differently from the later Jeremiah, but also differently
from his contemporary Micah. Amongst the historical books of
this period, the texts borrowed from earlier sources have a linguistic
colouring perceptibly different from those derived from later sources,
or passages which balong to the latest redactor himself. Yet the
structure of the language, and, apart from isolated cases, even
the vocabulary and phraseology, are on the whole the same, especially
in the prose books.
But the poetic language is in many ways distinguished from ^
prose, not only by a rhythm due to more strictly balanced (parallel)
members and definite metres (see r), but also by peculiar words
and meanings, inflexions and syntactical constructions which it uses
in addition to those usual in prose. This distinction, however, does
not go far as, for example, in Greek. Many of these poetic pecu-
liarities occur in the kindred languages, especially in Aramaic, as
the ordinary modes of expression, and probably are to be regarded
largely as archaisms which poetry retained. Some perhaps, also, are
14 Introduction [§ 2 r
embellishments which the Hebrew poets who knew Aramaic adopted
into their language.^
The prophets, at least the earlier, in language and rhythm are to
be regarded almost entirely as poets, except that with them the
sentences are often more extended, and the parallelism i? less regular
and balanced than is the case with the poets properly so called. The
language of the later prophets, on the contrary, approaches nearer
to prose.
/• On the rhythm of Hebrew poetry, see besides the Commentaries on the
poetical books and Introductions to the O.T., J. Ley, Grundzuge des Bhythmus,
<rc, Halle, 1875 ; Leitfaden der Metrik der hebr. Poesie, Halle, 1887 ; 'Die metr.
Beschaffenheit des B. Hiob,' in Theol. Stud. u. Krit, 1895, iv, 1897, i ; Grimme_,
'Abriss der bibl.-hebr. Metrik,' ZDMG. 1896, p. 529 flf., 1897, p. 683 ff. ;
Psalmenprobleme, &c., Freiburg (Switzerland), 1902 (on which see Beer in
ThLZ. 1903, no. 11); 'Gedanken iiber hebr. Metrik,' in Altschiiler's Viertel-
jahrschrift, i (1903), I ff. ; DSller, Bhythmus, Metrik u. Strophik in d. bibl.-hebr.
Poesie, Paderborn, 1899; Schloegl, De re metrica veterum Hebraeorum dispuiatio,
Vindobonae, 1899 (on the same lines as Grimme) ; but especially Ed. Sievers,
Metrische Studien : i Studien sur hebr. Metrik, pt. I Vntersuchungen, pt. 2 Textproben,
Lpz. 1901 : ii Bie hebr. Genesis, i Texle, 2 Zur Quellenscheidung u. Texikritik, Lpz.
1904 f. : iii Samuel, Lpz. 1907 ; Amos metrisch bearbeitet (with H. Guthe), Lpz.
1907 ; and his AUtest. Miszellen (i Is 24-27, 2 Jona, 3 Deutero-Zechariah,
4 Malachi, 5 Hosea, 6 Joel, 7 Obadiah, 8 Zephaniah, 9 Haggai, 10 Micah),
Lpz. 1904-7. — As a guide to Sievers' system (with some criticism of his
principles see Baumann, ' Die Metrik u. das A.T.,' in the Theol. Rundschau, viii
(1905), 41 ff. ; W. H. Cobb, A criticism of systems of Hebrew Metre, Oxford, 1905 ;
Cornill, Einleitung ins A.T.^, Tiibingen, 190-;, p.. 11 ff. ; Rothstein, Zeitschr.
fur d. ev. Bel.-Unterricht, 1907, p. 188 ff. and his Grundziige des hebr. Rhythmus,
Lpz. 1909 (also separately Psalmentexte u. der Text des Hohen Liedes, Lpz. 1909) ;
W. R.Arnold, 'The rhythms of the ancient Heb.,' in 0. T. and Semitic Studies
in memory of W. R. Harper, i. 165 ff., Chicago, 1907, according to whom the
number of syllables between the beats is only limited by the physiological
possibilities of phonetics ; C. v. Orelli, ' Zur Metrik der alttest. Propheten-
schriften,' in his Kommentar su den kl. Propheten^, p. 236 ff., Munich, 1908. —
In full agreement with Sievers is Baethgen, Psalmen^, p. xxvi ff., GSttingen,
1904. [Cf. Budde in DB. iv. 3 ff. ; Duhm in EB. iii. 3793 ff.]
Of all views of this matter, the only one generally accepted as sound was
at first Ley's and Budde's discovery of the Qina- or Lamentation-Verse {ZAW.
1882, 5ff ; 1891, 234 ff. ; 1892, 31 ff.). On their predecessors, Lowth, de
Wette, Ewald, see LOhr, Klagelied^, p. 9. This verse, called by Duhm * long
verse ', by Sievers simply ' five-syllabled ' (Fiinfer), consists of two members,
the second at least one beat shorter than the other. That a regular repetition
of an equal number of syllables in arsis and thesis was observed by other
poets, had been established by Ley, Duhm, Gunkel, Grimme, and others,
especially Zimmern, who cites a Babylonian hymn in which the members
are actually marked {ZA. x. i ff., xii. 382 ff. ; cf. also Delitzsch, Das babyl.
Weltschopfungsepos, Lpz. 1896, pp. 60 ff.). Recently, however, E. Sievers, the
recognized authority on metre in other branches of literature, has indicated,
in the works mentioned above, a number of fresh facts and views, which
have frequently been confirmed by the conclusions of Ley and others. The
most important are as follows : —
Hebrew poetry, as distinguished from the quantitative Classical and Arabic
^ That already in Isaiah's time (second half of the eighth century b. c.)
educated Hebrews, or at least oflScers of state, understood Aramaic, while
the common people in Jerusalem did not, is evident from 2 K x8'^* (Is 36^'_).
§ 2 s] History of the Hebrew Language 15
and the syllabic Syriac verse, is accentual. The number of unstressed
syllables between the beats {ictus) is, however, not arbitrary, but the scheme
of the verse is based on an irregular anapaest which may undergo rhythmical
modifications (e. g. resolving the ictus into two syllables, or lengthening the
arsis so as to give a double accent) and contraction, e. g. of the first two
syllables. The foot always concludes with the ictus, so that toneless endings,
■due to change of pronunciation or corruption of the text, are to be dis-
regarded, although as a rule the ictus coincides with the Hebrew word-
accent. The metrical scheme consists of combinations of feet in series (of 2,
3 or 4), and of these again in periods — double threes, very frequently, double
fours in narrative, fives in Lamentations (see above) and very often else-
where, and sevens. Sievers regards the last two metres as catalectic double
threes and fours. Connected sections do not always maintain the same
metre throughout, but often exhibit a mixture of metres.
It can no longer be doubted that in the analysis of purely poetical
passages, this system often finds ready confirmation and leads to textual and
literary results, such as the elimination of glosses. There are, however,
various difficulties in carrying out the scheme consistently and extending it
to the prophetical writings and still more to narrative : (i) not infrequently
the required number of feet is only obtained by sacrificing the clearly
marked parallelism, or the grammatical connexion (e. g. of the construct
state with its genitive), and sometimes even by means of doubtful emenda-
tions ; (2) the whole system assumes a correct transmission of the text and
its pronunciation, for neither of which is there the least guarantee. To sum
up, our conclusion at present is that for poetry proper some assured and
final results have been already obtained, and others may be expected,
from the principles laid down by Sievers, although, considering the way in
which the text has been transmitted, a faUltless arrangement of metres can-
not be expected. Convincing proof of the consistent use of the same metrical
schemes in the prophets, and a fortiori in narrative, can hardly be brought
forward.
The great work of D. H. Miiller, Bie Propheten in ihrer urspmngl. Form (2 vols.,
Vienna, 1896 ; cf. his Strophenbau u. Responsion, ibid. 1898, and Komposition u.
Strophenhau, ibid. 1907), is a study of the most important monuments of
early Semitic poetry from the point of view of strophic structure and the
use of the refrain, i. e. the repetition of the same or similar phrases or words
in corresponding positions in different strophes.
The arrangement of certain poetical passages in verse-form required by
early scribal rules (Ex 15^-"; Dt 32I-" ; Ju 5 ; i S 21-'"; 2 S 22, 231-^; ^
18, 136; Pr. si'o-si; I Ch \(,^-^^ : cf. also Jo 129-2* ; gg 32-8. Est9'-'»)has
nothing to do with the question of metre in the above sense.
Words are used in poetry, for which others are customary in prose, e. g. ,
KnJS Mian = DIN: mx jpa^A = TITI ; n^» toord = ini: TWU to see=-T\Vir\ ; nflN
V: T T ' ~ ••.•;•' T • T T ' TT T 7 T T
to coTOe = N^2.
To the poetic meanings of words belongs the use of certain poetic epithets as
substantives ; thus, for example, TiiN (only in constr. st. "lON) the strong one
for Qod ; 1''3N the strong one for bull, horse ; n33p alba for luna ; IJf enemy for
Of word-forms, we may note, e.g. the longer forms of prepositions of place
(§ 103 n) \by = i'y, \bN = ^N, ny=ny; the endings ^__, i in the noun (§ 90) ;
the pronominal sufBxes 10, ilO_L, iD_l for D, D D (§ 58) ; the plural
ending p__ for D"" (§ 87 e). To the syntax belongs the far more sparing
use of the article, of the relative pronoun, of the accusative particle riN ; the
constinict state even before prepositions ; the shortened imperfect with the
same meaning as the ordinary form (§ 109 i) ; the wider governing power of
prepositions ; and in general a forcible brevity of expression.
i6 Introduction [§ 2 t-v
t 7. The second period of the Hebrew language and literature,
after the return from the exile until the Maccabees (about 160 B.C.),
is chiefly distinguished by a constantly closer approximation of the
language to the kindred western Aramaic dialect. This is due to the
influence of the Aramaeans, who lived in close contact with the recent
and thinly-populated colony in Jerusalem, and whose dialect was
already of importance as being the official language of the western
half of the Persian empire. Nevertheless the supplanting of Hebrew
by Aramaic proceeded only very gradually. Writings intended for
popular use, such as the Hebrew original of Jesus the son of Sirach
and the book of Daniel, not only show that Hebrew about 170 b.c.
was still in use as a literary language, but also that it was still at
least understood by the people.^ When it had finally ceased to exist
as a living language, it was still preserved as the language of the
Schools — not to mention the numerous Hebraisms introduced into the
Aramaic spoken by the Jews.
For particulars, see Kautzsch, Gramm. des Bibl.-Aram., pp. i-6. We may
conveniently regard the relation of the languages v^hich* co-existed in this
later period as similar to that of the Higli and Low German in North
Germany, or to that of the High Gei-man and the common dialects in the
south and in Switzerland. Even amongst the more educated, the common
dialect prevails orally, whilst the High German serves essentially as the
literary and cultured language, and is at least understood by all classes
of the people. "Wholly untenable is the notion, based on an erroneous
interpretation of Neh 8*, that the Jews immediately after the exile had com-
pletely forgotten the Hebrew language, and therefore needed a translation
of the Holy Scriptures.
U The Old Testament writings belonging to this second period, in
all of which the Aramaic colouring appears in various degrees, are :
certain parts of the Pentateuch and of Joshua, Ruth, the books of Ezra,
Nehemiah, Chronicles, Esther; the prophetical books of Haggai,
Zechariah, Isaiah 111(56-66), Malachi, Joel, Jonah, Daniel; of the poet-
ical books, a large part of Proverbs, Job, Song of Songs, Ecclesiastes,
and most of the Psalms. As literary compositions, these books are some-
times far inferior to those of the first period, although work was still
produced which in purity of language and aesthetic value falls little
short of the writings of the golden age.
D Later words (Aramaisms) are, e.g. niPIK declaration, D3N compel, 13 son,
yi chalk, |Dt = D}} time, 5]|5T raise up, *lDn Pi. reproach, i>^J3 Pi. roof over,
* The extensive use of Hebrew in the popular religious literature which
is partly preserved to us in the Midrasim, the Misna, and the Liturgy,
indicates, moreover, that Hebrew was widely understood much later than
this. Cf. M. H. Segal, ' ML^naic Hebrew and its relations to Biblical Hebrew
and Aramaic,' in J. Q. R., 1908, p. 647 ff. (also separately).
§§ i w, 3 a] History of the Hebrew Language 17
nyO stray, 5)3 rock, "]^0 a^frtse, PliD = }^i5 end, b3p = ni5b tafte, yjn = }^Xn J^rea/t,
N3E' 6e wiany, tD7B' = ^5J3 '■"fe; ^P.''^ = n?^ ^^ strong. — Later meanings are, e.g.
ipN (to say) to command ; njy (to answer) to begin speaking. — Orthographical
and grammatical peculiarities are, the frequent scriptio plena of S and ''__
e. g. l>n' (elsewhere IH), even E'Tp for tJ'lp, 311 for 31 ; the interchange
of n and N final ; the more frequent use of substantives in |i | n^
&c. Cf. Dav. Strauss, Sprachl. Studien zu d. hebr. Sirach/ragmenten, Zurich, 1900,
p. 19 ff. ; for the Psalms Choyne, Origin of the Psalter, p. 461 S., and especially
Giesebrecht in ZAW. 1881, p. 276 ff. ; in general, Kautzsch, Die Aramaismen
im A. T. (i, Lexikal. Teil), Halle, 1902,
But all the peculiarities of these later writers are not Aramaisms. Several
ilo not occur in Aramaic and must have belonged at an earlier period to
the Hebrew vernacular, especially it would seem in northern Palestine.
There certain parts of Judges, amongst others, may have originated, as is
indicated, e.g. by •£J', a common form in Phoenician (as well as l^N), for
"It^X (§ 36), which afterwards recurs in Jonah, Lamentations, the Song of
Songs, the later Psalms, and Ecclesiastes.
Rem. I. Of dialectical varieties in the old Hebrew language, only one W
express mention occurs in the 0. T. (Ju 12*), according to which the
Ephraimites in certain cases pronounced the B' as D. (Cf. Marquart in
ZAW. 1888, p. 151 ff.) Whether in Neh 13^* by the speech of Ashdod a Hebrew,
or a (wholly different) Philistine dialect is intended, cannot be determined.
On the other hand, many peculiarities in the North Palestinian hooks
(Judges and Hosea) are probably to be regarded as differences in dialect,
and so also some anomalies in the Moabite inscription of Mesa' (see above, d).
On later developments see L. Metman, Die hebr. Sprache, ihre Geschichte u.
lexikal. Enticickelung seit Abschluss des Kanons u. ihr Bau in d. Gegenwart,
Jerusalem, 1906.
2. It is evident that, in the extant remains of old Hebrew literature, ^ the
entire store of the ancient language is not preserved. The canonical books
of the Old Testament formed certainly only a fraction of the whole Hebrew
national literature.
§ 3. Grammatical Treatment of the Hebrew Language.
Gesenius, Gesch. derhebr. Sprache, §§ 19-39 ; Oehler's article, 'Hebr. Sprache,'
in Schmid's Encykl. des ges. Erziehungs- u. Unterrichtswesens, vol. iii. p. 346 ff.
(in the 2nd ed. revised by Nestle, p. 314 ff.). Cf. also the literature cited
above in the headings of §§ 1 and 2 ; also BOttcher, Lehrb. der hebr. Spr., i. Lpz.
1866, p. 30 ff. ; L. Geiger, Das Studium der Hebr. Spr. in Deutschl. vom Ende des
XV. bis zur Mitte des XVI. Jahrh., Breslau, 1870 ; B. Pick, 'The Study of the
Hebrew Language among Jews and Christians,' in Bibliotheca Sacra, 1884,
p. 450 ff., and 1885, p. 470 ff. ; W. Bacher, article 'Grammar' in the Jew.
Encyclopaedia, vol. vi, N«w York and London, 1904. Cf. also the note on d.
1. At the time when the old Hebrew language was gradually a
becoming extinct, and the formation of the O. T. canon was
1 Tl^ in the Minor Prophets throughout (Ho 3', &c.) is due merely to
a caprice of the Masoretes,
2 According to the calculation of the Dutch scholar Leusden, the 0. T.
contains 5,642 different Hebrew and Aramaic words; according to rabbinical
calculations, 79,856 altogether in the Pentateuch. Cf. also E. Nestle, ZAW,
1906, p. 2S^3 ; H. Strack, ZAW. 1907, p. 69 ff. ; Blau, ' Neue masoret. Studien,'
in JQR. xvi. 357 ff., treats of the number of letters and words, and the ve se-
division in the 0. T.
COWLET c.
1 8 Introduction [§36
approaching completion, the Jews began to explain and critically
revise their sacred text, and sometimes to translate it into the
vernacular languages which in various countries had become current
among them. The oldest translation is the Greek of the Seventy
(more correctly Seventy-two) Interpreters (LXX), which was begun
with the Pentateuch at Alexandria under Ptolemy Philadelphus, but
only completed later. It was the work of various authoi's, some of
whom had a living knowledge of the original, and was intended for
the use of Greek-speaking Jews, especially in Alexandria. Somewhat
later the Aramaic translations, or Targums (D''0^3iri i, e. interpreta-
tions), were foi'med by successive recensions made in Palestine and
Babylonia. The explanations, derived in part from alleged tradition,
refer almost exclusively to civil and ritual law and dogmatic theology,
and are no more scientific in character than much of the textual
tradition of that period. Both kinds of tradition are preserved
in the Talmud, the first part of which, the Misna, was finally brought
to its present form towards the end of the second century ; of the
remainder, the Gemara, one recension (the Jerusalem or Palestinian
Gem.) about the middle of the fourth century, the other (the Babylo-
nian Gem.) about the middle of the sixth century a.d. The Mi§na
forms the beginning of the New-Hebrew literature; the language of
the Gemaras is for the most part Aramaic.
b 2. To the interval between the completion of the Talmud and
the earliest grammatical writers, belong mainly the vocalization and
accentuation of the hitherto unpointed text of the 0. T., according to
the pronunciation traditional in the Synagogues and Schools (§ 7 h, i),
as well as the greater part of the collection of critical notes which
bears the name of Masora (•^'jiOO traditio 1).^ From this the text
which has since been transmitted with rigid uniformity by the MSS.,
' On the name Masora (or Massora, as e.g. E. KSnig, Einleitung in das A. T..
p. 38 fif. ; Lehrgeb. d. hebr. Sprache, ii. 358 fif.), and the great difficulty of satis-
factorily explaining it, cf. De Lagarde, Mitleilungen, i. 91 S. W. Bacher's
derivation of the expression (in JQR. 1891, p. 785 ff. ; so also C. Levias in
the Hebrew Union College Annual, Cincinnati, 1904, p. 147 ff.) from Ee 20"
(JT'l^n n"lDD ; moo, i.e. iTJpiD, being an equally legitimate form) is
rightly rejected by Konig, 1. c. The correctness of the form niDD (by the
side of the equally well-attested form JTIDIO) does not seem to us to be
invalidated by his arguments, nor by Blau's proposal to read D^iDD {JQK. xii.
241). The remark of Levias (I.e.) deserves notice, that with the earlier Masoretes
miDD is equivalent to orthography, i. e. plene- and defective writing, and only
later came to mean traditio. — G. Wildboer, in ZAW. 1909, p. 74, contends
that as ">DD to hand on is not found in the O.T., it must be a late denomina-
tive in this sense.
§3c,rf] Grammatical Treatment of the Language 19
and is still the received text of the O.T., has obtained the name of the
Masoretic Text.
E. F. K. Rosenmiiller already (Handbuch fiir d. Liter, der bibl. Kritik u. C
Exegese, 1797, i. 247; Vorrede sur Stereotyp-Ausg. des A. T., Lpz. 1834) main-
tained that our 0. T. text was derived from Codices belonging to a single
recension. J. G. Sommer (cf. Cornill, ZAW. 1892, p. 309), Olshausen (since
1^53)) ^nd especially De Lagarde (Proverbien, 1863, p. i ff.), have even made it
probable that the original Masoretic text was derived from a single standard
manuscript. Cf., however, E. KCnig in Ztschr. f. kirchl. Wiss., 1887, p. 279 f.,
and especially his Einleitung ins A. T., p, 88 ff. Moreover a great many facts,
which will be noticed in their proper places, indicate that the Masora itself is
by no means uniform but shows clear traces of different schools and opinions ;
cf. H. Strack in Semitic Studies in memory of . . . Kohut, Berlin, 1897, p. 563 ff.
An excellent foundation for the history of the Masora and the settlement of
the masoretic tradition was laid by Joh. Buxtorf in his Tiberias seu Commen-
iarius Masorethicus, first published at Basel in 1620 as an appendix to the
Rabbinical Bible of 1618 f. For more recent work see Geiger, Jiidische Ztschr.,
iii. 78 ff., followed by Harris in JQR. i. 128 ff, 243 ff. ; S. Frensdorff. Ochla
W'ochla, Hanover, 1864 ; and his Massor. Wiirierb., part i, Hanover and Lpz.
1876 ; and Ch. D. Ginsburg, The Massora compiled from Manuscripts, tfcc, 3 vols.,
Lond. 1880 ff., and Introduction to the Massoretico-critical edition of the Hebr. Bible,
Lond. 1897 (his text, reprinted from that of Jacob b. Hayyim [Venice, 1524-5]
with variants from MSS. and the earliest editions, was published in 2 vols.
at London in 1894, 2nd ed. 1906; a revised edition is in progress); H.
Hyvemat, 'La langue et le langage de la Massore' (as a mixture of New-
Hebrew and Aramaic), in the Revue biblique, Oct. 1903, p. 529 ff. and B: ' Lexique
massor6tique,' ibid., Oct. 1904, p. 521 ff., 1905, p. 481 ff., and p. 515 ff. In the
use of the Massora for the critical construction of the Text, useful work has
been done especially by S. Baer, in the editions of the several books (only
Exod.-Deut. have still to appear), edited from 1869 conjointly with Fr.
Delitzsch, and since 1891 by Baer alone. Cf. also § 7 /*.
The various readings of the Q*re (see § 17) form one of the oldest and most
important parts of the Masora. The punctuation of the Text, however, is not
to be confounded with the compilation of the Masora. The former was
settled at an earlier period, and is the result of a much more exhaustive labour
than the Masora, which was not completed till a considerably later time.
3. It was not until about the beginning of the tentli century that (I
the Jews, following the example of the Arabs, began their grammatical
compilations. Of the numerous grammatical and lexicographical
works of R. Sa'adya,' beyond fragments in the commentary on the Sepher
Yesira (ed. Mayer-Lambert, pp. 42, 47, 75, &c.), only the explanation
in Arabic of the seventy (more correctly ninety) hapax legomena in
the O. T. has been preserved. "Written likewise in Arabic, but fre-
quently translated into Hebrew, were the still extant works of the
grammarians R. Yehuda Hayyug (also called Abu Zakarya Yahya, about
the year 1000) and R. Yona (Abu '1-Walid Merwan ibn Ganah, about
1030). By the aid of these earlier labours, Abraham ben Ezra (com-
monly called Aben Ezra, ob. 1167) and R. David Qirahi (ob. c. 1235)
especially gained a classical reputation by their Hebrew grammatical
writings.
^ On his independent attitude towards the Masoretic punctuation, see
Delitzsch, Comm. su den Psalmen*, p. 39.
C 2
20 Introduction [§ 3 «. /
From these earliest grammarians are derived many principles of arrange-
ment and technical terms, some of which are still retained, e. g. the naming
of the conjugations and weak vexbs according to the paradigm of bVS, certain
voces memoriales, as DDB'IJB and the like.^
€ 4. The father of Hebrew philology among Christians was John
Reuchliu (ob. 1522),^ to whom Greek literature also is so much
indebted. Like the grammarians who succeeded him, till the time
of John Buxtorf the elder (ob. 1629), he still adhered almost entirely
to Jewish tradition. From the middle of the seventeenth century the
field of investigation gradually widened, and the study of the kindred
languages, chiefly through the leaders of the Dutch school, Albert
Schultens (ob. 1750) and N. W. Schroder (ob. 1798), became of
fruitful service to Hebrew grammar.
f 5. In the nineteenth century ' the advances in Hebrew philology
are especially connected with the names of W. Gesenius (born at
Nordhausen, Feb. 3, 1786; from the year 1810 Professor at Halle,
where he died Oct. 23, 1842), who above all things aimed at the
comprehensive observation and lucid presentation of the actually
occurring linguistic phenomena ; H. Ewald (ob. 1875, at Gottingen ;
Krit. Gramm. der Hebr. Spr., Lpz. 1827; Ausfuhrl. Lehrb. d. hebr.
Sjyr., 8th ed., Gbtt. 1870), who chiefly aimed at referring linguistic
forms to general laws and rationally explaining the latter ; J. Olshausen
(ob. 1882, at Berlin; Lehrb. der hebr. Sjtrache, Brunswick, 1861)
who attempted a consistent explanation of the existing condition of
the language, from the presupposed primitive Semitic forms, preserved
according to him notably in old Arabic. F. Bottcher {Ausfuhrl.
Lehrb. d. hebr. Spr. ed. by F.Miihlau, 2 vols., Lpz. 1866-8) endeavoured
to present an exhaustive synopsis of the linguistic phenomena, as
well as to give an explanation of them from the sphere of Hebrew
• On the oldest Hebrew grammarians, see Strack and Siegfried, Lehrb. d.
neuhebr. Spr. u. Liter., Carlsr. 1884, p. 107 fif., and the prefaces to the Hebrew
Lexicons of Gesenius and Fiirst ; Berliner. Beitrage zur hebr. Gramm. im Talmud
u. Midrasih, Berlin, 1879; Baer and Strack, Die Dikduke ha-i'amim des Ahron
ben Moscheh ben Ascher u. andere alte grammatisch-massorethische Lehrstiicke, Lpz.
1879, and P. Kahle's criticisms in ZDMG. Iv. 170, n. 2 ; Ewald and Dukes,
Beitrage z. Gesch. der altesfen Auslegung u. Spracherklarvng des A. T., Stuttg. 1844,
3 vols. ; Hupfeld, De rei grammaticae apud Judaeos initiis antiquissimisque scri-
pioribus, Hal. 1846 ; W. Bacher, 'Die Anfange der hebr. Gr.,' in ZDMG. 1S95,
I ff. and 335 ff. ; and Die hebr. Sprachwissenschaft vo7n 10. bis sum 16. Jahrh.,
Trier, 1892.
2 A strong impulse was naturally given to these studies by the introduction
of printing — the Psalter in 1477, the Bologna Pentateuch in 1482, the Soncino
0. T. complete in 1488 : see the description of the twenty-four earliest
editions (down to 1528) in Ginsburg's Introduction, p. 779 ff.
' Of the literature 01 the subject down to the year 1850, see a tolerably
full account in Steinschneider'a Bibliogr. Handb.f. hebr. Sprachkunde, Lpz. 1859.
§ 3 17] Grammatical Treatment of the Language 21
alone. B. Stade, on the other liand {Lehrb. der hebr. Gr., pt. i. Lpz.
1879), adopted a strictly scientific method in endeavouring to reduce
the systems of Ewald and Olshausen to a more fundamental unity.
E. Kouig^ in his very thorough researches into the phonology and
accidence starts generally from the position reached by the early
Jewish grammarians (in his second part ' with comparative reference
to the Semitic languages in general ') aud instead of adopting the usual
dogmatic method, takes pains to re-open the discussion of disputed
grammatical questions. The syntax Konig has ' endeavoured to treat
in sevei'al respects in such a way as to show its affinity to the common
Semitic syntax '. — Among the works of Jewish scholars, special atten-
tion may be called to the grammar by S. D. Luzzatto written in
Italian (Padua, 1853-69).
The chief requirements for one who is treating the grammar of
an ancient language are — (i) that he should observe as fully and
accurately as possible the existing linguistic phenomena and describe
them, after showing their organic connexion (the empirical and
historico-critical element) ; (2) that he should try to explain these
facts, partly by comparing them with one another aud by the analogy
of the sister languages, partly from the general laws of philology
(the logical element).
Such observation has more and more led to the belief that the a-
original text of the O. T. has suffered to a much greater extent than
former scholars were inclined to admit, in spite of the number of
variants in jJarallel passages: Is 2'*^ = Mi 4'"^-, 1336-39 = 2X18'^-
2o'^ Jer 52 = 2 K 24'«-25''», 2 S 22=^^ 18, f 14 = ^/^ 53, >/.4o»'' =
^ 70, >//• io8 = V' 57**^' and 60' '^•. Cf. also the parallels between the
Chronicles and the older historical books, and F. Vodel, Die konsonant.
Yarianten in den doppelt iiberlief. poet. Stucken d. masoret. Textes,
Lpz. 1905. As to the extent and causes of the corruption of the
Masoretic text, the newly discovered fragments of the Hebrew
Ecclesiasticus are very instructive; cf. Smend, Gott. gel. Anz., 1906,
P- 763-
The causes of unintentional corruption in the great majority of
cases are : — Interchange of similar letters, which has sometimes taken
place in the early ' Phoenician ' writing; transposition or omission of
' Ilistorisch-krit. Lehrgeb. der hebr. Sprache mit stetcr Besiehung auf Qitncki und
die anderen Autoritdlen : I, 'Lehre von der Sohrift, der Aussprache, dero Pron.
u. dem Verbum,' Lpz. 1881 ; II. i, ' Abscliluss der speziellen Formenlehre u.
generelle Forraenl.,' 1895; ii. 2, ' Historisch-kompar. Syntax d, hebr. Spr.,'
1897.
22 hiti'oduction [§ 4
single letters, words, or even whole sentences, which are then often
added in the margin and thence brought back into the text in the
wrong place ; such omission is generally due to homoioteleuton (of.
(jinsburg, Introd., p. 171 ff.), i.e. the scribe's eye wanders from the
place to a subsequent word of the same or similar form. Other
( auses are dittography, i. e. erroneous repetition of letters, words,
and even sentences ; its opposite, haplography ; and lastly wrong
division of words (cf. Ginsburg, Introd., p. 158 ff.), since at a certain
period in the transmission of the text the words were not separated.^ —
Intentional changes are due to corrections for the sake of decency or
of dogma, and to the insertion of glosses, some of them very early.
Advance in grammar is therefore closely dependent on progress
in textual criticism. The systematic pursuit of the latter has only
begun in recent years: cf. especially Doorninck on Ju 1-16, Leid.
1879; Wellhausen, Text der Bh. Sam,., Gott. 187 1 ; Cornill, Ezechiel,
Lpz. 1886 ; Klostermann, Bh. Sam. u. d. Kon., Nordl. 1887 ; Driver,
Notes on tlte Hehr. text of the Books of Sam., Oxf. 1890; Kloster-
mann, Deuterojesaja, Munich, 1893 ; Oort, Textus hebr. emendationes,
Lugd. 1900; Burney on Kivigs, Oxf. 1903; the commentaries of Marti
and Nowack ; the Internat. Crit. Comm. ; Kautzsch, Die heil.
Schriften des A.T.^, 1909-10. A critical edition of the O.T. with full
textual notes, and indicating the different documents by colours, is
being published in a handsome form by P. Haupt in The Sacred Books
of the Old Test., Lpz. and Baltimore, 1893 ff. (sixteen paits have
appeared : Exod., Deut., Minor Prophets, and Megilloth are still to
come); 'KiiieX, Biblia hebraica', 1909, Masoretic text from Jacob b.
Hayyim (see c), with a valuable selection of variants from the
versions, and emendations.
§ 4. Division and Arrangement of the Grammar.
The division and arrangement of Hebrew grammar follow the
three constituent parts of every language, viz. (i) articulate sounds
represented by letters, and united to form syllables, (2) words, and
(3) sentences.
The first part (the elements) comprises accordingly the treatment
of sounds and their representation in writing. It describes the nature
and relations of the sounds of the language, teaches the pronunciation
1 This scriptio continna is also found in Phoenician inscriptions. The
inscription of Me"a' always divides the words by a point (and so the Siloam
inscription ; see tlie facsimile at the beginning of tliis grammar), and fre-
quently marks the close of a sentence by a stroke.
§ 4] A7'rangement of the Grammar 23
of the written signs (orthoepy), and the established mode of writing
(orthography). It then treats of the sounds as combined in syllables
and words, and specifies the laws and conditions under which this
combination takes place.
The second part (etymology) treats of words in their character
as parts of speech, and comprises: (i) the principles oiihe formation
of words, or of the derivation of the different parts of speech from
the roots or from one another ; (2) the principles of inflexion, i. e.
of the various forms which the words assume according to their
relation to other words and to the sentence.
The third part (syntax, or the arrangement of words) : (i) shows
how the word-formations and inflexions occurring in the language are
used to express different shades of ideas, and how other ideas, for
which the language hus not coined any forms, are expressed by
periphrasis ; (2) states the laws according to which the parts of
speech are combined in sentences (the principles of the sentence,
or syntax in the stricter sense of the term).
FIRST PART
ELEMENTARY PRINCIPLES OR THE SOUNDS AND
CHARACTERS
CHAPTER, I
THE INDIVIDUAL SOUNDS AND CHARACTERS
§ 5. The Consonants : their Forms and Names.
(Cf. the Table of Alphabets.)
Among the abundant literature on the subject, special attention is directed
to : A. Berliner, Beitrage zurhebr. Gramm., Berlin, 1879, p. 15 ff., on the names,
forms,and pronunciation of the consonants in Talmud and Midrash ; H. Strack,
Schreibkunst u. Schrift bei d. Hebraern, PRE?, Lpz. 1906, p. 766 ff. ; Benzinger,
Hebr. Archdologie^, Tiibingen, 1907, p. 172 ff. ; Nowack, Lehrbicch d. hebr. Archdol,
Freiburg, 1894, i. 279 fif.; Lidzbarski, Handbuch d. nordsem. Epigraphik, Weimar,
1898, i. I73ff. ; also his art. ' Hebrew Alphabet,' in the Jewish Encyclopaedia, i,
1 901, p. 439 fF. (cf. his Ephemeris, i. 316 ff.) ; and 'Die Namen der Alphabet-
buchstaben ', in Ephemeris, ii. 125 ff.; Kenyon, art. ' Writing,' in the Dictionary
of the Bible, iv. Edinb. 1902, p. 944 ff. ; NOldeke, ' Diesemit. Buchstabennamen,'
in Beitr. sur semit. Sprachwiss., Strassb. 1904, p. 124 ff. ; F. Praetorius, Ueber den
Ursprung des kanaan. Alphabets, Berlin, 1906; H. Grimme, 'Zur Genesis des
semit. Alphabets,' in ZA. xx. 1907, p. 49 ff. ; R. Stiibe, Grundlinien su einer
Entwickelungsgesch, d. Schrift, Munich, 1907 ; Jermain, In the path of the Alphabet,
Fort Wayne, 1907. — L. Blau, Studien zum althebr. Buchwesen, dc, Strassb. 1903 ;
and his ' Ueber d. Einfluss d. althebr. Buchwesens auf d. Originale ', &c., in
Festschr. zu Ehren A. Berliners, Frkf. 1903.
The best tables of alphabets are those of J. Euting in G. Bickell's Outlines
of Heb. Gram, transl. by S. I. Curtiss, Lpz. 1877 ; in Pt. vii of the Oriental Series
of the Palaeographical Soc, London, 1882 ; and, the fullest of all, in Chwol-
son's Corpus inscr. Hebr., Petersburg, 1882; also Lidzbarski's in the Jewish
Encycl., see above.
a 1. The Hebrew letters now in use, in which both the manu-
scripts of the O. T. are written and our editions of the Bible are
printed, commonly called the square character (V?"?? ^^?)> ^l^o the
Assyrian character (^l^tS'K '3),* are not those originally employed.
Old Hehrcio (or Old Canaanitish^) writing, as it was used on
^ The name 'l^E'N (Assyria) is here used in the widest sense, to include the
countries on the Mediterranean inhabited by Aramaeans ; cf. Stade in
ZAW. 1882, p. 292 f. On some other names for Old Hebrew writing, cf.
G. Hoffmann, ibid. 1881, p. 334 ff. ; Buhl, Car^on and Text of the 0. T. (transl.
by J. Macpherson), Edinb. 1893, p. 200.
' It is tacitly assumed here that this was the mother of all Semitic
alphabets. In ZDMG. 1909, p. 189 ff., however, Pratorius has shown good
I § 5 a] The Consonants : their Foiins and Names 25
public monuments in the beginning of the ninth and in the seconit
half of the eighth century B.C., is to be seen in the inscription of
Mesa', as well as in that of Siloam. The characters on the Macca-
baean coins of the second century B.C., and also on ancient gems,
still bear much resemblance to this (cf § 2 d). With the Old Hebrew
writing the Phoenician is nearly identical (see § i A;, ^ 2 f, and the
Table of Alphabets). From the analogy of the history of other kinds
of writing, it may be assumed that out of and along with this monu-
mental character, a less antique and in some ways more convenient,
rounded style was early developed, for use on softer materials, skins,
bark, papyrus, and the like. This the Samaritans retained after their
separation from the Jews, while the Jews gradually ' (between the
sixth and the fourth century) exchanged it for an Aramaic character.
From this gradually arose (from about the fourth to the middle of the
third century) what is called the square character, which consequently
bears great resemblance to the extant forms of Aramaic writing, such
as the Egyptian- Aramaic, the Nabatean and especially the Palmyrene.
Of Hebrew inscriptions in the older square character, that of 'Araq
al-Emir (15^ miles north-east of the mouth of the Jordan) probably
belongs to 183 B.C.''
The Jewish sarcophagus-inscriptions of the time of Christ, found in
Jerusalem in 1905, almost without exception exhibit a pure square character.
This altered little in the course of centuries, so that the age of a Hebrew MS.
cannot easily be determined from the style of the writing. The oldest known
biblical fragment is the Nash papyrus (found in 1902), containing the ten
commandments and the beginning of Dt 6*'*, of the end of the first or
beginning of the second century a. d. ; cf. N. Peters, Die dlteste Abschr. der 10
Geboie, Freibg. i. B. 1905. Of actual MSS. of the Bible the oldest is probably
one of 820-850 A. D. described by Ginsburg, Introd., p. 469 ff., at the head of
his sixty principal MSS. ; next in age is the codex of Moses ben Asher at
Cairo (897 a. d., cf. the art. ' Scribes' in the Jew. Encycl. xi and Gottheil in
JQR. 1905, p. 32). The date (916 a. d.) of the Codex prophetarum Babylon.
Petropol. (see § 8 jr, note) is quite certain. — In the synagogue-rolls a distinc-
tion is drawn between the Tam-character (said to be so called from Rabbi
Tam, grandson of R. Yishaqi, in the twelfth century) with its straight strokes,
square corners and ' tittles ' (tagin), in German and Polish MSS., and the
foreign character with rounded letters and tittles in Spanish MSS. See
further E. KOnig, Einl. in das A. T., Bonn, 1893, p. 16 ff.
grounds for believing that the South Semitic alphabet is derived not from
the Mesa,' character, or from some kindred and hardly older script, but from
some unknown and much earlier form of writing.
^ On the effect of the transitional mixture of earlier and later forms on the
constitution of the text, see R. Kittel, Ueher d. Notwendigk. d. Herausg. einer
neuen hebr. Bibel, Lpz. 1901, p. 20 fif. — L. Blau, ' Wie lange stand die althebr.
Schrift bei den Juden im Gebrauch?' in Kaufmanngedenkbuch, Breslau, 1900,
p. 44 ff.
' Not 176, as formerly held. Driver and Lidzbarski now read n"'3iy,
correctly, not rfilD.
S6 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§56
2. The Alphabet consists, like all Semitic alphabets, solely of
consonants, twenty-two in number, some of which, however, liave also
a kind of vocalic power (§ 7 6). The following Table shows their
form, names, pronunciation, and numerical value (see k') : —
FOEM.
NAME.
PRONUNCIATION.
NUMERICAL
VALUE.
N
'Aleph
' spiritus lenis
I
2
Beth
b (hh, but see § 6 w)
2
a
Gimel {Giml)
g{gK „ „ u )
3
n
Daleth
d {dh, „ „ „ )
4
n
He
h
5
1
Wdw{Wau)
w {u) '
6
r
Zdyln
z, as in English (soft s)
7
n
HHh
h, a strong guttural
8
\2
Teth
t, empliatic t
9
>
Yod
y (0 '
10
3, final T
Kaph
h {kh, but see § 6 «)
20
^
Lamed
/
30
D, final D
Mem
m
40
3, final }
mn
n
60
D
Sdmekh
s
60
V
'Ayin
' a peculiar guttural (see
beloR-)
70
3, final C)
Pe
p if, see § 6 n)
80
V, final y
Sdde
s, emphatic s
90
P
Qof
q, a strong k * formed at
the back of the palate
100
"1
ReH
r
200
fb'
iin
S
300
]t^
Sin^
s, pronounced sh
n
Taw {Tau)
t {th, but see ^ 6 n)
400
I
' Philippi, 'Die Aussprache der semit. Consonanten 1 und ^' in ZDMG.
1886, p. 639 fif., 1897, p. 66 flf., adduces reasons in detail for the opinion that
' the Semitic 1 and "• are certainly by usage consonants, although by nature
they are vowels, viz. m and i, and consequently are consonantal vowels ' :
cf. § 8 w. ^ J ,
^ As & representation of this sound the Latin q is very suitable, since it
occupies in the alphabet the place of tlie Semitic p (Greek K6vva).
' Nestle {Actes du onzieme Congres . . . des Orientalistes, 1897, iv. llsflF.) has
shown that the original order was K' b.
§ 5 c-f] The Consonants : their Form and Names 27
3. As the Table shows, five letters have a special form at the end C
t)f the word. They are called final letters, and were combined by the
Jewish grammarians in the mnemonic word K??.'?? Kamnephds, or
better, with A. Miiller and Stade, K???'?? i- e. as the breaker in pieces}
Of these, "], |, S], y are distinguished from the common form by the
shaft being drawn straight down, while in the usual form it is bent
round towards the left.^ In the case of D the letter is completely
closed.
4. Hebrew is read and written from right to left.^ "Words must d
not be divided at the end of tl>e lines ; ■• but, in order that no empty
space may be left, in MSS. and printed texts, certain letters suitable
for the purpose are dilated at the end or in the middle of the line.
In oiir printed texts these literae dilatahiles are the five following :
Q n "7 n {>? (mnemonic word DHp'!?^ '%altem). In some MSS. other
letters suitable for the purpose are also employed in this way, as
n, 3, "1 ; cf. Strack in the Theol Lehrb., 1882, No. 22; Nestle, ZAW.
1906, p. 170 f.
Rem. I. The forms of the letters originally represent the rude outlines of e
perceptible objects, the names of which, respectively, begin with the consonant
represented (akrophony). Thus Yod, in the earlier alphabets the rude picture
of a hand, properly denotes hand (Heb. 1^), but as a letter simply the sound
' (j/), with which this word begins; 'Ayin, originally a circle, properly an
eye (py), stands for the consonant y. In the Phoenician alphabet, especiallj',
the resemblance of the forms to the objects denoted by the name is still for
the most part recognizable (see the Table). In some letters (i^ )^ T, £3, tJ') the
similarity is still preserved in the square character.
It is another question whether the present names are all original. They
may be merely due to a later, and not always accurate, interpretation of the
forms. Moreover, it is possible that in the period from about 1 500 to 1000 b. c.
the original forms underwent considerable change. .
The usual explanation of the present names of the letters ^ is : Pj^N ox, /*
' In the Talmud, disregarding the alphabetical order, ^QV~|0 o/thy watcher,
i.e. prophet. See the discussions of this mnemonic word by Nestle, ZAW.
1907, p. 119 ff., K6nig, Bacher (who would read '!]^a>rfjp = proceed ing/rom thy
prophets, Is 52^), Krauss, Marmorstein, ibid. p. 278 ff. All the twenty-two
letters, together with the five final forms, occur in Zp3^
* Chwolson, Corpus Inscr. Hebr., col. 68, rightly observes that the more
original forms of these letters are preserved in the literae finales. Instances of
them go back to the time of Christ.
* The same was originally the practice in Greek, which only adopted the
opposite direction exclusively about 400 b.c. On the boustrophedon writing
(alternately in each direction) in early Greek, early Sabaean, and in the
Safa-inscriptions of the first three centuries a. d., cf. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, i.
ii6f.
* This does not apply to early inscriptions or seals. Cf. Mela', 11. 1-5,
7, 8, &c., Siloam 2, 3, 5, where the division of words appears to be customary.
* We possess Greek transcriptions of the Hebrew names, dating from the
fifth century b. c. The LXX give them (in almost the same form as Eusebius,
J'raep. Evang. 10. 5) in La 1-4, as do also many Codices of the Vulgate (e. g. the
28 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 5 ^
n*2 house, ^03 camel (according to Lidzbarski, see below, perhaps originally
jna axe or pick-axe), TO"^ door (jproperly folding door ; according to Lidzbarski,
perhaps Tl the female breast), NH air-hole (?), lattice-window (?), 11 hook, nail, p)
tceapow (according to Nestle, comparing the Greek f^jra, rather JT'I olive-tree),
rrin /ence, barrier (but perhaps only differentiated from n by the left-hand
stroke), n"'tp a winding (?), according to others a leather bottle or a snake (but
perhaps only differentiated from D by a circle round it), HV hand, P|3 ben/
/lawci, IJ^p ox-goad, D^IO wa<er, pj fish (Lidzbarski, 'perhaps originally t^PIJ
snake,' as in Ethiopic), T]pD prop (perhaps a modification of T), PS? e2/e, J<B
(also '•Q) mouth, i^'^ fish-hook {?), P]ip ej/e o/a needle, according to others back of
the head (Lidzb,, 'perhaps nCJ'p bow'), B''"'} /leacf, pB* tooth, in sigrn, cross.
^ With regard to the origin of this alphabet, it may be taken as proved that
it is not earlier (or very little earlier) than the fifteenth century b. c, since
otherwise the el-Amarna tablets (§ 2/) would not have been written ex-
clusively in cuneiform.^ It seems equally certain on various grounds, that
it originated on Canaanitish soil. It is, however, still an open question
whether the inventors of it borrowed
(a) From the Egyptian system — not, as was formerly supposed, by direct
adoption of hieroglyphic signs (an explanation of twelve or thirteen characters
was revived by J. Halevy in Eev. Semit. 1901, p. 356 fif., 1902, p. 331 ff., and in
the Verhandlungen des xiii. . . . Orient.-Kongr. su Hamh., Leiden, 1904, p. 199 ff.;
but cf. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, i. 261 ff.), or of hieratic characters derived from
them (so E. de Rouge), but by the adoption of the acrophonic principle (see e)
by which e. g. the hand, in Egyptian tot, represents the letter t, the lion =
laboi, the letter I. This view still seems the most probable. It is now
accepted by Lidzbarski ('Der Ursprung d. nord- u. siidsemit. Schrift' in
Ephemeris, i (1900), 109 ff., cf. pp. 134 and 261 ff.), though in his Nordsem.
Epigr. (1898) p. 173 ff. he was still undecided.
(&) From the Babylonian (cuneiform) system. Wuttke's and W. Deecke's
derivation of the old-Semitic alphabet from new- Assyrian cuneiform is
impossible for chronological reasons. More recently Peters and Hommel
have sought to derive it from the old-Babylonian, and Ball from the archaic
Assyrian cuneiform. A vigorous discussion has been aroused by the theory
of Frdr. Delitzsch (in Die Entstehung des alt. Schriftsystems od. der Urspr. der
Keilschriftzeichen dargel., Lpz. 1897; and with the same title 'Ein Nachwort',
Lpz. 1898, preceded by a very clear outline of the theory) that the old-Semitic
alphabet arose in Canaan under the influence both of the Egyptian system
(whence the acrophonic principle) and of the old-Babylonian, whence the
principle of the graphic representation of objects and ideas by means of
simple, and mostly rectilinear, signs. He holds that the choice of the
objects was probably (in about fifteen cases) iailuenced by the Babylonian
system. The correspondence of names had all the more effect since, accord-
ing to Zimmern {ZDMG. 1896, p. 667 ff.), out of twelve names which are
certainly identical, eight appear in the same order in the Babylonian arrange-
ment of signs. But it must first be shown that the present names of the
Cod. Amiatinus) in fi// iii, 112, 119, but with many variations from the
customary forms, which rest on the traditional Jewish pronunciation. The
forms Deleth (and delth), Zai, Sen (LXX also x"''"* cf. Hebr. JB' tooth) are to be
noticed, amongst others, for Daleth, Zain, Sin. Cf. the tables in Niildekc,
Beitrdge zur sem. Sprachwiss., p. 126 f. In his opinion (and so Lidzbarski,
Ephemeris, i. 134) the form and meaning of the names point to Phoenicia as
the original home of the alphabet, since alf, bet, dalt, udw, taw, pei = pi, pi,
mouth, and the vowel of pu> = ros, head, are all Hebraeo-Phoenician.
' In the excavations at Jericho in April, 1907, E. Sellin found ajar-handle
witli the Canaanite characters n*, which he dates (probably too early) about
1 500 B c.
§ 5 A] The Consonants : their Forjus and Names 29
'Phoenician' letters really denote the original jncture. The identity of
the objects may perhaps be due simply to the choice of the commonest things
(animals, implements, limbs) in both systems.
The derivation of the Semitic alphabet from the signs of the Zodiac and
their names, first attempted by Seyffarth in 1834, has been revived by
Winckler, who refers twelve fundamental sounds to the Babylonian Zodiac.
Hommel connects the original alphabet with the moon and its phases, and
certain constellations ; cf. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, i. 269 ff., and in complete
agreement with him, Benzinger, Hebr. Archdologie' , p. 173 ff. This theory
is by no means convincing.
(c) From the hieroglyphic system of writing discovered in 1894 by
A. J. Evans in inscriptions in Crete (esp. at Cnossus) and ehewhere.
According to Kluge (1897) and others, this represents the ' Mycenaean script '
used about 3000-iooo'B. c, and according to Fries (' Die neuesten Forschungen
iiber d. Urspr. des phOniz. Alph.' in ZDPV. xxii. 118 ff.) really supplies the
original forms of the Phoenician alphabet as brought to Palestine by the
Philistines about iioo B.C., but 'the Phoenician-Canaanite- Hebrews gave to
the Mycenaean signs names derived from the earlier cuneiform signs'.
The hypothesis of Fries is thus connected with that of Delitzsch. But
although the derivation of the Phoenician forms from 'Mycenaean' types
appears in some cases very plausible, in others there are grave difficulties,
and moreover the date, 1 100 B.C., assigned for the introduction of the alphabet
is clearly too late. [See Evans, Scripta Minoa, Oxf. 1909, p. 80 ff.]
(d) From a system, derived from Asia Minor, closely related to the Cypriote
syllabary (Praetorius, Der Urspr. des kanaan. Alphabets, Berlin, 1906). On this
theory the Canaanites transformed the syllabic into an apparently alphabetic
writing. In reality, however, they merely retained a single sign for the
various syllables, so that e. g. p is not really q, but qa, qe, qi, &c. Of the five
Cypriote vowels also they retained only the star (in Cypriote = a) simplified
into an 'dlef (see alphabetical table) to express the vowels at the beginning of
syllables, and i and u as Yod and Waw. Praetorius claims to explain about
half the twenty-two Canaanite letters in this way, but there are various
objections to his ingenious hypothesis.
2. As to the order of the letters, we possess early evidence in the alphabetic^ Ji
poems: ^ 9 (N— 3, cf. ^ 10^ p, and vv^*~" p-fl ; cf. Gray in the Expositor, 1906,
p. 233 ff., and Rosenthal, ZAW. 1896, p. 40, who shows that \p ^3.15.17 3^ ^^ 3
exactly fit in between n D "■ and that ^ 10^'^ therefore has the reverse
order p 3 ^) ; also xp^p 25 and 34 (both without a separate 1-verse and with
B repeated at the end^) ; 37, m, 112, 119 (in which every eight verses begin
with the same letter, each strophe, as discovered by D. H. Miiller of Vienna,
containing the eight leading words of ^ 19* ^■, tord, 'eduth, &c.) ; La 1-4 (in 2-4
D before y^, in chap. 3 every three verses with the same initial, see LShr,
ZAW. 1904, p. I ff., in chap. 5 at any rate as many verses as letters in the
alphabet) ; Pr 2\^-^'^, 3110-31 (Jq the LXX with B before y') ; also in Na i^-io
Pastor Frohnmeyer of Wurttemberg (ob. 1880) detected traces of an alpha-
betic arrangement, but the attempt of Gunkel, Bickell, Arnold {ZAW. 1901,
^ On the supposed connexion of this artificial arrangement with magical
formulae ('the order of the letters was believed to have a sort of magic
power') cf. Lohr, ZAW. 1905, p. 173 ff., and Klagelieder'^, GOtt. 1907, p. vii ff.
* On this superfluous B cf. Grimrae, Euphemistic liturgical appendices, Lpz.
1901, p. 8 ff., and Nestle, ZAW. 1903, p. 340 f., who considers it an appendage
to the Greek alphabet.
3 [Perhaps also originally in if/ 34.] B before y is probably due to a magic
alphabet, see above, n. i. According to BOhmer, ZAW. 1908, p. 53 ff., the
combinations 3S, 1}^ in &c., were used in magical texts; Dy was excluded,
but by a rearrangement we get PjD and y]}.
30 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 5 i-m
p. 225 ff.), Ilappel {Der Ps. Ilah , Wiirzb. 1900) to discover further traces,
has not been successful. [Cf. Gray in Expositor, 1898, p. 207 fif. ; Driver, in tlie
Century Bible, Nahum, p. 26.] — Bickell, Zfschr f. Kath. Theol.,1882, p. 319 ff., had
already deduced from the versions the alphabetical character of Ecclus 51'^"'°,
with the omission of the "1-verse and with D' at the end. His conjectures
have been brilliantly confirmed by the discovery of the Hebrew original.
although the order from 2 to p is partly disturbed or obscured. If "I before i*
is deleted, ten letters are in their right positions, and seven can be restored
to their places with certainty. Cf N. Schlogl, ZDMG. 53, 669 ff. ; C. Taylor
in the appendix to Schechter and Taylor, The Wisdom of Ben Sira, Cambr. 1899,
p. Ixxvi ff., and in the Journ. of Philol., xxx (1906), p. 95 ff. ; JQli. 1905,
p. 238 ff. ; Lohr, ZAW. 1905, p. 183 ff. ; I. Levy, KEJ. 1907, p. 62 ff.
The sequence of the three softest labial, palatal, and dental sounds 3 3 *1
and of the three liquids ?, O 3^ indicates an attempt at classification. At
the same time other considerations also appear to have had influence. Thus
it is certainly not accidental, that two letters, representing a hand {Yod,
Kaph), as also two (if Qoph = ha.ck of the head) which represent the head, and
in general several forms denoting objects naturally connected {Mem and Nun,
• 'Ayin and Pe), stand next to one another.
^ The order, names, and numerical values of the letters have passed over from
the Phoenicians to the Greeks, in whose alphabet the letters A to T are
borrowed from the Old Semitic. So also the Old Italic alphabets as well as
the Roman, and consequently all alphabets derived eitlier from this or from
the Greek, are directly or indirectly dependent on the Phoenician.
fC 3. a. In default of special arithmetical figures, the consonants were used
also as numerical signs ; cf. G. Gundermann, Die Zahlseichen, Giessen, 1899,
p. 6 f., and Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, i. io5 ff. The earliest traces of this usage
are, however, first found on the Maccabean coins (see above, § 2 d, end).
These numerical letterswere afterwards commonly employed, e.g. for marking
the numbers of chapters and verses in the editions of the Bible. The units
are denoted by K-tD, the tens by ""—if, 100-400 by p-D, the numbers from
500-900 by n ( = 400), with the addition of the remaining hundreds, e.g. pn
500. In compound numbers the greater precedes (on the right), thus K"! 11,
NDp 121. But 15 is expressed by ID 9 + 6, not n^ (which is a form of the
divine name, being the first two consonants of mn"').'' For a similar reason
tt3 is also mostly written for 16, instead of V, which in compound proper
names, like PNI*, also represents the name of God, nilT'.
The thousands are sometimes denoted by the units with two dots placed
above, e. g. N 1000.
/ b. The reckoning of the years in Jewish writings (generally m*2fv ofter
the creation) follows either the full chronology (pITSl tS^Qp or '3 'Si?), with the
addition of the thousands, or the abridged chronology (pDp 'S/), in which they
are omitted. In the dates of the first thousand years after Christ, the
Christian era is obtained by the addition of 240, in the second thousand
years by the addition of 1 240 (i. e. if the date falls between Jan. i and the
Jewish new year; otherwise add 1239), the thousands of the Creation era
being omitted.
Ifl 4. Abbreviations of words are not found in the text of the 0. T., but they
occur on coins, and their use is extremely frequent amongst the later Jews.'
' See note 3 on p. 29.
' On the rise of this custom (n^ having been originally used and afterwards
\n), cf. Nestle in ZAW. 1884, p. 250, where a trace of this method of writing
occurring as early as Origen is noted.
' Cf. Jo. Buxtorf, De abbreviaturis Hebr,, Basel, 1613, &c. ; Pietro Perrcau.
§ 5 «, 6 a] The Consonants : their Forms and Names 31
A point, or later an oblique stroke, serves as the sign of abridgement in old
MSS. and editions, e. g. ''«'"' for ^NI")K'^, 'D for ^jSq aliqiiis, "^ for "I3"n aliquid,
'VA for ">Di31 et comphns, i.e. and so on. Also in the middle of what is
npparently a word, such strokes indicate that it is an abbreviation or a vox
■memoricdis (of. e. g. § 15 d CND). Two such strokes are employed, from § 41 d
onward, to mark the different classes of weak verbs. — Note also '•^ or ""^ (also
'n)fornin\
T :
5. Peculiarities in the tradition of the 0. T. text, which are already fi
mentioned in the Talmud, are — (i) The 15 puncta extraordinaria, about which
the tradition (from Siphri on Nu 9^" onwards) differs considerably, even as to
their number; on particular consonants, Gn 16*, i8^ iq^^-^'', Nu 9^" ; or on
whole words, Gn 33^ 37", Nu 339^ 21=0, 29I6, Dt 2928, 2 S 1920, Is 448, Ez 4120,
46^2, \p 2712, — all no doubt critical marks ; cf. Strack, Prolegomena Critica, p. 88
ff. ; L. Blau, Musoretische Untermchtmgen, Strassburg, 1891, p. 6 ff., and Einleitung
in die hi. Schrifi, Budapest, 1894; KOnigsberger, Jiid. Lit.-Blatt, 1891, nos. 29-31,
and Aus Masorah u. Talmudkritik, Berlin, 1892, p. 6 ff. ; Mayer-Lambert, BE J.
30 (1895), no. 59 ; and especially Ginsburg, Introd., p. 318 If. ; also on the ten
points found in the Pentateuch, see Butin (Baltimore, 1906), who considers
that they are as old as the Christian era and probably mark a letter, &c., to
be deleted. (2) The literae majusculae (e.g. 3 Gn 1^, 1 Lv 11*2 ^s the middle
consonant of the Pentateuch, "• Nu 14"), and minuscvlue (e. g. PI Gn 2^). (3) The
literae suspensae (Ginsburg, Introd., p. 3345.) 3 Ju iS^** (which points to the
reading HB'D for HlfJlO), y 1^ 80" (the middle of the Psalms i) and Jb 38"-i5.
(4) The 'mutilated' Wdw in n)h^ Nu 25", and p Ex 3225 (QniDpn), and
Nu 72 (DnipDH). (5) Mem clausum in nniD? Is 9*, and Mem apertum in
CVIID on Neh 2". (6) Nun inversum before Nu ic^^, and after ver. 36, as also
before f 10723-28 and *" ; according to Ginsburg, Introd., p. 341 ff., a sort of
bracket to indicate that the verses are out of place ; cf. Krauss, ZAW. 1902,
p. 57 ff., who regards the inverted. Nuns as an imitation of the Greek obelus.
§ 6. Pronunciation and Division of Consonants.
P. Ilaupt, 'Die Semit. Sprachlaute u. ihre Umschrift,' in Beilrdge sur Assyrio-
logie u. vergleich. semit. Sprachwissenschaft, by Delitzsch and Haupt, i, Lpz. 1889,
249 ff. ; E. Sievcrs, Metrische Sludien, i, Lpz. 1901, p. 14 ff.
1. An accurate knowledge of the original phonetic value of each a
consonant is of the greatest importance, since very many grammatical
peculiarities and changes (§ 18 ff.) only become intelligible from the
nature and pronunciation of the sounds. This knowledge is obtained
partly from the pronunciation of the kindred dialects, especially the
still living Arabic, partly by observing the affinity and interchange
Oceano delle abbreviature e sigle^, Parma, 1883 (appendix, 1884) ; Ph. Lederei-,
Hebr. u. Chald. Abbreviaturen, Frankf. 1893; Handler, Lexicon d. Abbreviaturen
(annexed to G. Dalman's Aram.-neukebr. WB., Frankf. 1897) ; Levias, art.
' Abbreviations,' in the Jew. EncycL, i. 39 ff. ; F. Perles, ' Zur Gesch. der Abbrev.
im Hebr.' {Archiv f. Stenogr.. 1902, p. 41 ff.). On abbreviations in biblical
MSS. see Ginsburg, Introd., 165 ff.
^ According to Blau, Studien zum althebr. Buchwesen, Strassburg, 1902, p. 167,
properly a large y, called t'lHya because suspended between the two halves of
the Psalter, and then incorrectly taken for a littera suspensa.
32 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 6 b-e
of sounds on Hebrew itself (§ 19), and partly from the tradition of
the Jews.'
The pronunciation of Hebrew by the modern German Jews, which partly
resembles the Syriac and is generally called ' Polish ', differs considerably
from that of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews, which approaches nearer to
the Arabic. The pronunciation of Hebrew by Christians follows the latter
(after the example of Reuchlin), in almost all cases.
O The oldest tradition is presented in the transcription of Hebrew names in
Assyrian cuneiform ; a later, but yet in its way very important system is
seen in the manner in which the LXX transcribe Hebrew names with Greek
letters.' As, however, corresponding signs for several sounds (D, V, 2f, p, tJ')
are wanting in the Greek alphabet, only an approximate representation was
possible in these cases. The same applies to the Latin transcription of Hebrew
words by Jerome, according to the Jewish pronunciation of his time.*
On the pronunciation of the modern Jews in North Africa, see Barges in
the Journ. Asiat., Nov. 1848 ; on that of the South Arabian Jews, J. D^renbourg,
Manuel du ledeur, &c. (from a Yemen MS. of the year 1390), Paris, 187 1
(extra it 6 du Journ. Asiat. 1870),
C 2. With regard to the pronunciation of the several gutturals and
sibilants, and of D and p, it may be remarked : —
I. Among the gutturals, the glottal stop N is the lightest, corresponding to
the spiritus lenis of the Greeks. It may stand either at the beginning or end
of a syllable, e. g. "IDX 'dmdr, DK'{<1 j/d'sdm. Even be/ore a vowel N is almost
lost to our ear, like the h in hour and in the French habit, homme. After a
vowel N generally (and at the end of a word, always) coalesces with it, e. g.
K^p qdrd for an original qard' , Arab, qdra'd ; see further, § 23 a, 27 jr.
d n before a vowel corresponds exactly to our h (spiritus asper) ; after a
vowel it is either a guttural (so always at the end of a syllable which is not
final, e. g. "ijSnj) ndhpakh ; at the- end of a word the consonantal H has a point
— Mappiq — in it, see § 14), or it stands inaudible at the end of a word,
generally as a mere orthographic indication of a preceding vowel, e. g. itpH
gala ; cf. §§ 7 & and 75 a.
e V is related to X , but is a much stronger guttural. Its strongest sound is
a rattled, guttural g, cf. e.g. n^y, LXX rdfa, ITlby Tofioppa; elsewhere, a
weaker sound of the same kind, which the LXX reproduce by a spiritus {lenis
or asper), e g. ""pJJ 'HXi, pb^V 'A/jiaXtic.* In the mouth of the Arabs one hears
in the former case a sort of guttural r, in the latter a sound peculiar to them-
selves formed in the back of the throat. — It is as incorrect to omit the ]}
* Cf. C. Meinhof, 'Die Aussprache des Hebr.,' in Neue Jahrb.f. Philol. u.
Padag., 1885, Bd. 132, p. 146 ff. ; M. Schreiner, 'Zur Gesch. der Ausspr. des
Hebr.,' in ZAW. 1886, p. 213 ff.
^ Cf. Frankel, Vorstudien su der Septuag., Lpz. 1841, p. 90 ff.; C. KSnneke,
'Gymn.-Progr.,' Stargard, 1885. On the transcription of eleven Psalms in
a palimpsest fragment of the Hexapla at Milan, see Mercati, Atti delta R.
Accad., xxxi, Turin, 1896. [Cf. Burkitt, Fragments of . . . Aquila, Ca.mhr. 1897,
' Numerous examples occur in Hieronymi quaestiones hebraicae in libro geneseos,
edited by P. de Lagarde, Lpz. 1868 ; cf. the exhaustive and systematic dis-
cussion by Siegfried, 'Die Aussprache des Hebr. bei Hieronymus,' in ZAW.
1884, pp. 34-83.
* It is, however, doubtful if the LXX always consciously aimed at repro-
ducing the actual differences of sound.
§ ef-n] Pronunciation and Division of Consonants 33
entirely, in reading and transcribing words ('•py Eli, pboy Amalek), as to
pronounce it exactly like g or like a nasal ng. The stronger sound might be
approximately transcribed by gh or 'gr ; but since in Hebrew the softer sound
was the more common, it is sufiScient to represent it by the sign ', as PSIK
'arba', nj? 'ad.
n is the strongest guttural sound, a deep guttural ck, as heard generally /
in Swiss German, somewhat as in the German Achat, Macht, Sache, Docht,
Zucht (not as in Licht, Knecht), and similar to the Spanish j. Like JJ it was,
however, pronounced in many words feebly, in others strongly.
As regards 1, its pronunciation as a palatal (with a vibrating uvula) seems n-
to have been the prevailing one. Hence in some respects it is also classed
with th© gutturals (§ 22 g, r). On the Ungual 1, cf. 0.
2. The Hebrew language is unusually rich in sibilants. These have, at any f^
rate in some cases, arisen from dentals which are retained as such in Aramaic
and Arabic (see in the Lexicon the letters T, Jf and K*).
B' and 1^ were originally represented (as is still the case in the unpointed I
texts) by only one form ^ ; but that the use of this one form to express two
different sounds (at least in Hebrew) was due only to the poverty of the
alphabet, is clear from the fact that they are differentiated in Arabic and
Ethiopic (cf. Neldeke in Ztschr.f. wissensch. Theol., 1873, p. 121 ; Brockelraann,
Grundriss, i. 133). In the Masoretic punctuation they were distinguished by
means of the diacritical point as B' (jah) and B' (i).*
The original difference between the sounds '{}' and D" sometimes marks A*
a distinction in meaning, e. g. *1DD to close, Ipty to hire, PSD to he foolish, 7Db> to
he prudent, to be wise. Syriac always represents both sounds by D, and in
Hebrew also they are sometimes interchanged ; as "13D for "15b' to hire, Ezr 4" ;
nh^^ for r\^b3D folly, Ec i".
T (transcribed ( by the LXX) is a soft whizzing s, the French and English 2, /
altogether different from the German z {ts).
3. to, p, and probably X are pronounced with a sti'ong articulation and fn
with a compression of the larynx. The first two are thus essentially different
from n and 3, which correspond to our t and k and also are often aspirated
(see below, n). Jf is distinguished fi'om every other s by its peculiar articu-
lation, and in no way corresponds to the German s or ts; we transcribe it
by s ; cf. G. Hiising, "^ Zum Lautwerte des If,' in OLZ. x. 467 ff.
3. Six consonants, the weak and middle hard Palatals, Dentals, fi
and Labials n B 3 1 3 3 ("Mn:3)
have a twofold pronunciation, (i) a harder sound, as mutes, like
* The modern Samaritans, however, in reading their Hebrew Pentateuch
pronounce K' invariably as C
* The original value of D, and its relation to the original value of b' and B*,
is still undetermined, despite the valuable investigations of P. Haupt, ^DMG.
1880, p. 762 f, ; D. H. Miiiler, ' Zur Geschichte der semit. Zischlaute,' in the
Verhandlungen des Wiener Orient. Congresses, Vienna, 1888, Semitic section,
p. 229 ff.; De Lagarde, 'Samech,' in the NGGW. 1891, no. 5, esp. p. 173;
Aug. Muller, ZAW. 1891, p. 267 ff. ; NSldeke, ZDMG. 1893, p. 100 f. ; E. Glaser,
Zwei Wiener Publicationen iiher Kabaschitisch-punische Dialekte itt Sii darabien, Munich ,
1902, pp. 19 ff. — On the phonetic value of X see G. Hiising, OLZ. 1907,
p. 467 ff.
OOWLKT D
34 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 6 o, p
]c,p, t, or initial b, g (hard), d; and (2) a softer sound as spirantes}
The harder sound is the original. It is retained at the beginning of
syllables, when there is no vowel immediately preceding to influence
the pronunciation, and is denoted by a point, Dages lene (§ 13), placed
in the consonants, viz. 2 b, i, g, "^ d, 3 k, Q p, r\ t. The weaker pro-
nunciation appears as soon as a vowel sound immediately precedes.
It is occasionally denoted, esp. in MSS., by Raphe (§14 e), but in
printed texts usually by the mere absence of the Dages. In the case
of 3, 3, D, n, the two sounds are clearly distinguishable even to our ear
as b and v, k and German (weak) ch, j) and ph, t and th (in thin). The
Greeks too express this twofold pronunciation by special characters :
3 K, 3 X J S "■' ^ ^ ' '^ "^j ^ ^- ^^ ^^® same way 3 should be pronounced
like the North German g in Tage, Wagen, and T like th in the, as
distinguished from 3 and "1.
For more precise information on the cases in which the one or the other
pronunciation takes place, see § 21. The modern Jews pronounce the
aspirated 3 as r, the aspirated T\ as s, e.g. 31 rav (or even raf), n^3 hais.
The customary transcription (used also in this Grammar) of the spirants
3 3 n by hh, kh, th is only an unsatisfactory makeshift, since it may lead
(esp. in the case of hh and kh) to an erroneous conception of the sounds as
real aspirates, h-h, k-h.
4. According to their special character the consonants are divided
into —
(a) Gutturals n y n N;
(6) Palatals P 3 ^ ;
(c) Dentals D t3 T ;
{d) Labials B 3;
(e) Sibilants 5f D B' tr T;
(/) Sonants ^1, bl, 3.
In the case of "1 its hardest pronunciation as a palatal (see above,
g, end) is to be distinguished from its more unusual sound as a lingual,
pronounced in the front of the mouth.
On the twofold pronunciation of r in Tiberias, of. Delitzsch, Physiol, und
Musik, Lpz. 1868, p. 10 ff.; Baer and Strack, Dikduke ha-famim, Lpz. 1879,
p. 5, note a, and § 7 of the Hebrew text, as well as p. 82.
p In accordance with E. Sievers, Metrische Stvdien, i. 1 4, the following
scheme of the Hebrew phonetic system is substituted for the table
formerly given in this grammar : —
i. Throat sounds (Gutturals) : N n J? n .
' So at any rate at the time when the present punctuation arose.
§6q-s,'ja] Pronunciation and Division of Consonants 35
ii. Mouth-sounds:
w.
m.
e.
P
m.
Palatal 2
3
3
Dental ^
n
D
1
n
Labial 3
a
n
T
DtJ'K'
X
... M
i'n
3
Mutes and
2. Sibilants:
3. Sonants :
Rem. I. The meaning of the letters at the top is, w. = weak, m. =midtlle (1
hard, e. = emphatic. Consonants which are produced by the same organ of
speech are called homorganic (e.g. 3 and 3 as palatals), consonants whose
sound is of the same nature homogeneous (e.g. 1 and "i as semi-vowels). On
their homorganic character and homogeneity depends the possibility of
interchange, whether within Hebrew itself or with the kindred dialects.
In such cases the soft sound generally interchanges with the soft, the hard
with the hard, &c. (e.g. 1=T, n = tr, tD = X). Further transitions are not,
however, excluded, as e.g. the interchange of n and p (n = 3=p). Here it is
of importance to observe whether the change takes place in an initial,
medial, or final letter ; since e.g. the change in a letter when medial does
not always prove the possibility of the change when initial. That in certain
cases the character of the consonantal sound also influences the preceding or
following vowel will be noticed in the accidence as the instances occur.
Rem. 2. Very probably in course of time certain nicer distinctions of f
pronunciation became moi-e and more neglected and finally were lost. Thus
e.g. the stronger y 'gt, which was known to the LXX (see above, e), became
in many cases altogether lost to the later Jews ; by the Samaritans
and Galileans y and PI were pronounced merely as K, and so in Ethiopic,
y like N, n like h, ^ like s.
Rem. 3. The consonants which it is usual to describe especially as weak, S
are those which readily coalesce with a preceding vowel to form a long vowel,
viz. N, 1, ■• (as to n, cf. § 23 fc), or those which are most frequently affected
by the changes described in § 19 b-l, as again N, ), "", and 3, and in certain
cases n and 7 ; finally the gutturals and 1 for the reason given in § 22 & and q.
§ 7. The Vowels in General, Vowel Letters and Vowel Signs.
1. The original vowels in Hebrew, as in the other Semitic tongues, a
are a, i, u. E and always arise from an obscuring or contraction
of these three pure sounds, viz. e by modification from ? or a ; short
from u] e by contraction from ai (properly ay) ; and 6 sometimes
by modification (obscuring) from d, sometimes by contraction from au
(properly axo)}
In Arabic writing there are vowel signs only for a, i, u ; the combined
sounds ay and aw are therefore retained uncontracted and pronounced as
diphthongs (at and au), e. g. tDitJ? Arab, saut, and D"'5"'y Arab, 'ainain. It was
' In proper names the LXX often use the diphthongs ai and av where the
Hebrew form has e or 0. It is, however, very doubtful whether the al and av
of the LXX really represent the true pronunciation of Hebrew of that time ;
see the instructive statistics given by Kittel in Haupt's SBOT., on 1 Ch i***".
D 2
36 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 7 b-d
only in later Arabic that they became in pronunciation e and 6, at least after
weaker or softer consonants; cf. p3 Arab, hain, 6en, Di* Arab, yaum, yom.
The same contraction appears also in other languages, e.g. in Greek and
Latin {$avna, Ionic eai/xa; plaustrum = plostrum), in the French pronunciation
of ai and au, and likewise in the German popular dialects (Oge for Auge, &c.).
Similarly, the obscuring of the vowels plays a part in various languages (cf.
e. g. the a in modern Persian, Swedish, English, &c.).*
b 2. The partial expression of the vowels by certain consonants
(n, 1, '; k), which sufficed during the lifetime of the language, and
for a still longer period afterwards (cf. § i k), must in the main have
passed through the following stages ^ : —
(a) The need of a written indication of the vowel first made itself
felt in cases where, after the rejection of a consonant, or of an entire
syllable, a long vowel formed the final sound of the word. The first
step in such a case was to retain the original final consonant, at least
as a vowel letter, i. e. merely as an indication of a final vowel. In
point of fact we find even in the Old Testament, as already in the
Mesa' inscription, a n employed in this way (see below) as an indica-
tion of a final o. From this it was only a step to the employment
of the same consonant to indicate also other vowels when final (thus,
e.g. in the inflection of the verbs n'^b, the vowels d,^ e, e). After the
employment of 1 as a vowel letter for 6 and 4, and of ■• for e and i,
had been established (see below, e) these consonants were also em-
ployed — although not consistently — for the same vowels at the end
of a word.
C According to § 91 6 and d, the suffix of the 3rd sing. masc. in the noun (as
in the verb) was originally pronounced in. But in the places where this
in with a preceding a is contracted into 6 (after the rejection of the n), we
find the H still frequently retained as a vowel letter, e. g. Tf)"^]}, nhlD Gn 49",
cf. § 91 e ; so throughout the MeSa' inscription nJOS, nh^li (also nri3),
nb3 na rO nbnnSn ; on the other hand already in the Siloam inscription
^V"i ,* no"" Mesa', 1. 8 = 1"'D"' his days is unusual, as also ntJH 1. 20 if it is for V^^l
his chiefs. The verbal forms with n suffixed are to be read nOpH^l (1. 6),
nanoXI (l. 12 f.) and nB'">3''1 (1. 19).
d As an example of the original consonant being retained, we might also
include the i of the constr. state plur. masc. if its e (according to § 89 d) is
^ In Sanskrit, in the Old Persian cuneiform, and in Ethiopic, short a alone
of all the vowels is not represented, but the consonant by itself is pronounced
with short a.
' Cf. especially Stade, Lehrb. der hebr. Or., p. 34 ff.
' According to Stade, the employment of n for a probably took place
first in the case of the locative accusatives which originally ended in
n , as nsiK, nonp.
* The form lyT contradicts the view of Oort, Theol. Tijds., 1902, p. 374, that
the above instances from the MSia'-inscription are to be read benhu, bahu, lahu,
which were afterwards vocalized aa beno, bo, to.
§ 7 ^./] Vowel Letters and Vowel Signs 37
contracted from an original ay. Against this, however, it may be urged that
the Phoenician inscriptions do not usually express this e, nor any other final
vowel.^
(6) The employment of 1 to denote 6, H, and of ^ to denote e, i, may e
have resulted from those cases in which a "I with a preceding a was
contracted into au and further to 6, or with a preceding u coalesced
into 4, and where ^ with a has been contracted into ai and further
to e, or with a preceding i into i (cf. § 24). In this case the previously
existing consonants were retained as vowel letters and were further
applied at the end of the word to denote the respective long vowels.
Finally N also will iu the first instance have established itself as
a vowel letter only where a consonantal N with a preceding a had
coalesced into d or d.
The orthography of the Siloam inscription coiTesponds almost exactly with /
the above assumptions. Here (as in the M§la' inscr,) we find all the long '
vowels, which have not arisen from original diphthongs, without vowel letters,
thus K^N, D3Vn, f»''P (or IP»D) ; HbK, bp, ^bp, "1??. On the other hand
KJfiO (from mausa'), 1)]} (from 'aud) ; JCD also, if it is to be read \\p''K), is an
instance of the retention of a "• which has coalesced with i into i. Instances
of the retention of an originally consonantal K as a vowel letter are D^riNlO,
KSiD, and iTp, as also K'NH. Otherwise final a is always represented by-"^
H: ilDN riM. mT. n3p3. To this D* alone would form an exception (cf.
however the note on DV, § 96), instead of Di* (Arab, yaum) day, which one
would expect. If the reading be correct, this is to be regarded as an
argument that a consciousness of the origin of many long vowels was lost
at an early period, so that (at least in the middle of the word) the vowel
letters were omitted in places where they should stand, according to what
has been stated above, and added where there was no case of contraction.
This view is in a great measure confirmed by the orthography of the Mesa'
inscription. There we find, as might be expected, pH { = Daibon, as the
Aai0wv of the LXX proves), piin (6 from au), and r\h''ll (e from ai), but also
even '«:jj^n^ instead of ^JJJB'Vl (from haus-), 3t}'K1 = 3''K'iX3, n3 four times,
nha once, for n""? and nh"! (from bait); n^^ = n^^^, I^^H^ °^ P*?-
^ Thus there occurs, e.g. in Melit. i, 1. 3 333B' = 132 ^pB* the two sons;
elsewhere 3 for ^3 (but ""J in the MeSa' and Siloam inscrr.), T for iTf (the
latter in the Siloam inscr.), n3n = ^133 (so MeSa*) or '•JT'Sa, &c. Cf. on
the other hand in MSSa', 33K = 03S (unless it was actually pronounced 'anokh
by the Moabites !). As final o is represented by n and K and final i by '',
so final M is almost everywhere expressed by 1 in MeSa', and always in the
Siloam inscription. It is indeed not impossible that Hebrew orthography
also once passed through a period in which the final vowels were left always
or sometimes undenoted, and that not a few strange forms in the present
text of the Bible are to be explained from the fact that subsequently the
vowel letters (especially 1 and ■•) were not added in all cases. So Chwolson^
' Die Quiescentia ""in in der althebr.Orthogr.,' in Travaux du Congres .. .des Orien-
talistes, Petersb. 1876 ; cf. numerous instances in Ginsburg, Introd., p. 146 ff.
* ^3i?{J'n is the more strange since the name of king yK'in is represented
as An si' in cuneiform as late as 728 b.c.
^
38 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 7 g, a
g (c) In the present state of Old Testament vocalization as it appears
in the Masoretic text, the striving after a certain uniformity cannot
be mistaken, in spite of the inconsistencies which have crept in.
Thus the final long vowel is, with very few exceptions (cf. § 9 c£,
and the very doubtful cases in § 8 k), indicated by a vowel letter —
and almost always by the same letter in certain nominal and verbal
endings. In many cases the use of 1 to mark an 6 or 'A, arising from
contraction, and of "• for e or i, is by far the more common, while we
seldom find an originally consonantal N rejected, and the simple
phonetic principle taking the place of the historical orthography.
On the other hand the number of exceptions is very great. In many
cases (as e.g. in the plural endings D^-^- and rt) the vowel letters are
habitually employed to express long vowels which do not arise
through contraction, and we even find short vowels indicated. The
conclusion is, that if there ever was a period of Hebrew writing when
the application of fixed laws to all cases was intended, either these
laws were not consistently carried out in the further transmission of
the text, or errors and confusion afterwards crept into it. More-
over much remained uncertain even in texts which were plentifully
provided with vowel letters. For, although in most cases the context
was a guide to the correct reading, yet there were also cases where,
of the many possible ways of pronouncing a word, more than one
appeared admissible.*
// 3. When the language had died out, the ambiguity of such a writing
mufct have been found continually more troublesome ; and as there
was thus a danger that the correct pronunciation might be finally
lost, the vowel signs or vowel points were invented in order to fix it.
By means of these points everything hitherto left uncertain was most
accurately settled. It is trr.e that there is no historical account
of the date of this vocalization of the O. T. text, yet we may at
least infer, from a comparison of other historical facts, that it was
gradually developed by Jewish grammarians in the sixth and seventh
centuries a.d. under the influence of different Schools, traces of which
have been preserved to the present time in various differences of
ti adition.^ They mainly followed, though with independent regard to
1 Thus e. g. PDp can be read qatal, qaial, qatol, (ftol, qotel, qiftel, qatfel, quttal,
qifel, and several of these forms have also different senses.
' The most important of these differences are, (a) those between the
Orientals, 1. e. the scholars of the Babylonian Schools, and the Occidentals,
i. e. the scholars of Palestine (Tiberias, &c.) ; cf. Ginsburg, Introd., p. 197 ff. ;
(6) amongst the Occidentals, between Ben-Naphtali and Ben-Asher, who
flourished in the first half of the tenth century at Tiberias ; cf. Ginsburg,
Introd., p. 241 fif. Both sets of variants are given by Baer in the appendices
§§ 7 ». 8] Vowel Letters and Vowel Signs 39
the peculiar nature of the Hebrew, the example and pattern of the
older Syrian punctuation.'
See Gesenius, Gesch. d. hebr. Spr., p. 182 ff. ; Hupfeld, in Theol. Studien u.
Kritiken, 1830, pt. iii, who shows that neither Jerome nor the Talmud
mentions vowel signs ; Berliner, Beitrage sur hebr. Gramm. im Talm. u. Mulraschy
p. 26 ff. ; and B. Pick, in Hebraica, i, 3, p. 153 ff. ; Abr. Qeiger, ' Zur Nakdanim-
[Punctuators-]Literatur,' in Jiid. Ztschr. filr Wissensch. u. Leben, x. Breslau,
1872, p. 10 ff. ; H. Strack, Prolegomena critica in Vet. Test. Hebr., Lips. 1873 ;
' Beitrag zur Gesch. des hebr. Bibeltextes,' in Theol. Stud. u. Krit., 1875, p. 736 ff,
as also in the Ztschr./. die ges. luth. Theol. u. K., 1875, p. 619 ff. ; ' Massorah,' in
tlie Protest. Real.-Enc.^, xii. 393 ff. (a good outline) ; A. Merx, in the Verhand-
lungen des Orienialistenkongresses zu Berlin, i. Berlin, 1881, p. 164 ff. and p. 188 ff. ;
H. Graetz, 'Die Anfange der Vokalzeichen im Hebr.,' in Monatsschr. f. Gesch.
M. Wissensch. d. Judenth., 1881, pp. 348 ff. and 395 ff. ; Hersmann, Zur Gesch. des
Streites iiber die Entsiehung der hebr. Punktation, Kuhrort, 1885 ; Harris, 'The
Rise ... of the Massorah,' JQR. i. 1889, p. 1 28 ff. and p. 223 ff. ; Mayer-Lambert,
REJ. xxvi. 1893, p. 274 ff. ; J. Bachrach, Das Alter d. bibl. Vocalisation u. Accen-
tuation, 2 pts. Warsaw, 1897, and esp. Ginsburg, Inirod. (see § 3 c), p. 287 ff. ;
Budde, 'Zur Gesch. d. Tiberiens. Vokalisation,' in Orient. Stitdien zu Ehren
Th. Noldekes, i. 1906, 651 ff. ; Bacher, ' Diakrit. Zeichen in vormasoret. Zeit,'
in ZAW. 1907, p. 285 ; C. Levias, art. 'Vocalization,' in the Jewish Encycl. —
On the hypothesis of the origin of punctuation in the Jewish schools for
children, cf. J. Derenbourg in the Rev. Crit., xiii. 1879, no. 25.
4. To complete the histoi-ical vocalization of the consonantal text i
a phonetic system was devised, so exact as to show all vowel-changes
occasioned by lengthening of words, by the tone, by gutturals, &c.,
which in other languages are seldom indicated in writing. The pro-
nunciation followed is in the main that of the Palestinian Jews of
about the sixth century A.D., as observed in the solemn reading of the
sacred writings in synagogue and school, but based on a much older
tradition. That the real pronunciation of early Hebrew is consistently
preserved by this tradition, has recently been seriously questioned on
good grounds, especially in view of the transcription of proper names
in the LXX. Nevertheless in many caseSj internal reasons, as well as
the analogy of the kindred languages, testify in a high degree to the
faithfulness of the tradition. At the same recension of the text, or
soon after, the various other signs for reading (§§ 11-14, 16) were
added, and Ihe accents (§ 15).
§ 8. The Voivel Signs in particular.
P. Haupt, ' The names of the Hebrew vowels,' JAOS. xxii, and in the Johns
Hopkins Semitic Papers, Newhaven, J 901, p. 7 ff. ; C. Levias in the Hebr. Union
Coll. Annual, Cincinnati, 1904, p. 138 ft".
to his critical editions. Our printed editions present uniformly the text of
Ben-Asher, with the exception of a few isolated readings of Ben-Naphtali,
and of numerous later corruptions.
1 See Geiger, 'Massorah bei d. Syrern,' in ZDMG. 1873, p. 148 ff. ; J. P.
Martin, Hist, de la ponctuation ou de la Massore chez les Sjfi-iens, Par. 1875 ; E. Nestle,
in ZDMG. 1876, p. 525 ff. ; Wsingarten, Die syr. Massora nach Bar Hebraeus,
Halle, 1887.
40 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 8 a
Preliminary Remark.
The next two sections (§§ 8 and 9) have been severely criticized (Philippi,
ThLZ. 1897, no. 2) for assigning a definite quantity to each of the several
vowels, whereas in reality ___ ___^ _:_ are merely signs for a, e, 0: 'whether
these are long or short is not shown by the signs themselves but must be
inferred from the rules for the pause which marks the breaks in continuous
narrative, or from other circumstances.' But in the twenty-fourth and sub-
sequent German editions of this Grammar, in the last note on § 8 a [English
ed. p. 38, note 4], it was stated : 'it must be mentioned that the Masoretes
are not concerned with any distinction between long and short vowels, or in
general with any question Of quantity. Their efforts are directed to fixing
the received pronunciation as faithfully as possible, by means of writing.
For a long time only D'^Dplp nVDB' seven kings were reckoned (vox memor. in
Elias Levita ^n*?X 1t2N*1), Sureq and Qibbus being counted as one vowel.
The division of the vowels in respect of quantity is a later attempt at a
scientific conception of the phonetic system, which was not invented but
only represented by the Masoretes (Qimchi, Mikhlol, ed. Rittenb. 136 a,
distinguishes the five long as mothers from their five daughters).'
I have therefore long shared the opinion that 'the vowel-system repre-
sented by the ordinary punctuation (of Tiberias) was primarily intended to
mark only differences of quality' (Sievers, Metrische Siudien, i. 17). There is,
liowever, of course a further question how far these ' later ' grammarians
were mistaken in assigning a particular quantity to the vowels represented
by particular signs. In Philippi's opinion they were mistaken (excluding of
course i, e, 6 when written plene) in a very great number of cases, since not
only does stand, according to circumstances, for d or a, and ___ for S or a,
but also __ for e or e, and _:_ for or 0, e. g. 133 and fop^ out of pause kdbed,
qaSn (form PDp), but in pause kabed, qaton.
I readily admit, with regard to Qames and S'gol, that the account formerly
given in § 8 f. was open to misconstruction. With regard to Sere and Holem,
however, I can only follow Philippi so long as his view does not conflict with
the (to me inviolable) law of a long vowel in an open syllable before the tone
and (except Pathah) in a final syllable with the tone. To me n|}3 = fca6^cf,
&c., is as impossible as e.g. 2i)} = 'inab or 'i\'\2 = bdrakh, in spite of the analogy
cited by Sievers (p. 18, note i) that 'in old German e.g. original t and u
often pass into I and dialectical! y, while remaining in a closed syllable.
a 1- The full vowels (in contrtist to the half-vowels or vowel trills,
§ 10 a-f), classified according to the three principal vowel sounds
(§ 7 a), are as follows : —
First Class. A- sound.
' I, __ ' Qdmes denotes either a, d, more strictly & (the obscure
Swedish a) and a,^ as T^ yad (hand), D'K'K"! ra'ma
. \ (heads), or h, (in future transcribed as 0), called Qdmes
hdtilph, i.e. hurried Qames. The latter occurs almost
exclusively as a modification of u; of. c and § 9 w.
\ 2. -^ Fdthdh, a, HS bath (daughter).
* In early MSS. the sign for Qames is a stroke with a point underneath, i. e.
according to Nestle's discovery {ZDMG. 1892, p. 411 f.), Pathah with i/oton, the
latter suggesting the obscure pronunciation of Qames as 3. Cf. also Ginsburg,
Introd., p. 609.
* Instead of the no doubt more accurate transcription a, a we have
§8*, c] The Vowel Signs in particular 41
Also 3, -^ S^gol, an open e, e (<? or a), as a modification of a,' either
in an untoned closed syllable, as in the first syllable of D^l* yddkhem
(your hand) from yddkhem — or in a tone-syllable as in HpQ pesah ;
I cf. Trao^a, and on the really monosyllabic character of such forma-
tions, see § 28 e. But S^gdl in an open tone-syllable with a following
^ as in n3v3 gHend (cf. § 75/), TIJ V^dekhd (cf. § 91 i), is due
to contraction from ay.
Second Class. I- and E-sounds.
''-r- Hireq with yod, almost always i, as P'''^?? saddtq (righteous). J)
-r- either t (see below, i), as D^p"^?? saddiqim, only ortho-
graphically different from D^^^^f (Dpn2f),— or ?, as ipl^f
stc^go (his righteousness).
'__ Sert or ^ere with yod = e, e.g. iri^3 6e<^o (his house).
-^ either e, but rarely (see below, i), or e as CB' sew (name).
Sere can only be e, in my opinion, in few cases, such as
I those mentioned in § 2 9 /.
^j- S^gol, a, a modification of I, e.g. ''V?^' Aa/«t (ground-form
^!/?) > '1?' ^(^^ (ground-form sm).
r/nVd Class. U- and 0-sounds.
^ Silreq, usually -A, HID milth (to die), rarely it. C
-:^ QibhUs, either u, e.g. D?p sulldm (ladder), or il, e.g. ^J^p
g-wmw (rise up), instead of the usual ID^p.
S and -^ Holem, 6 and J, b^p qol (voice), 3T ro6/t (multitude).
Often also a defective -— for 6 ; rarely ^ for o.
On the question whether -:_ under some circumstances
represents 6, see § 93 ^.
-J- On Qdmes hdtdph = 0, generally modified from u, as "PC
hoq (statute), see above, a.
retained d, d in this grammar, as being typographically simpler and not
liable to any misunderstanding. For Qames hatuph, in the previous German
edition expressed by a, we have, after careful consideration, returned to
The use of the same sign for a (oj and a, shows that the Massoretes did
not intend to draw a sharp distinction between them. We must not, how-
ever, regard the Jewish grammarians as making a merely idle distinction
between Qdmes rahdb, or broad Qames, and Qdmes hatuph, or light Qames. It
is quite impossible that in the living language an d lengthened from a, as in
ddbdr, should have been indistinguishable from e.g. the last vowel in 3B'*1
or the first in D^K'lp. — The notation a, e, 6 expresses here the vowels essen-
tially long, either naturally or by contraction ; the notation d, e, 6 those
lengthened only by the tone, and therefore changeable ; a, S, the short
vowels. As regards the others, the distinction into * and J, it and u is
sufficient ; see § 9. — The mark ' stands in the following pages over the tone-
syllable, whenever this is not the last, as is usual, but the penultimate
Byllable of the word, e. g. 2p\
' These S'gois, modified from o, are very frequent in the language, Tho
42 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 8 d-g
u The names of the vowels are mostly taken from the form and action of the
< <
mouth in producing the various sounds, as nriSI opening ; '•IX a wide parting
(of the mouth), also 1I1K' ( = ^) breaking, parting (cf. the Arab, kasr) ; p')^n
(also p'ln) naiYOw opening ; u?\n closing, according to others fullness, i. e. of
the mouth (also D12 XPD ' fullness of the mouth). y^P ^ ^^so denotes a slighter,
as p'l/lty and p2p (also D^S p3p) a firmer, compression or contraction of
the mouth. S'gOl (?i3D bunch of grapes) takes its name from its form. So
n^TpJ ^b^ {three points) is another name for Qihbus.
e Moreover the names were mostly so formed (but only later), that the
sound of each vowel is heard in the first syllable (J^Cp for yop, riHS for
nnS , ^"lif for t^Jf) ; in order to carry this out consistently some even write
Sdgol, Qomes-hatuf, Qiibbus.
J 2. As the above examples show, the vowel sign stands regularly
under the consonant, after which it is to be pronounced, "J m, 1 rd,
1 re, "3 rw, &c. The Pathah called furtivum (§ 22/) alone forms an
exception to this rule, being pronounced before the consonant, D'"^ rvP^h
(wind, spirit). The Holem (without wduo) stands on the left above the
consonant; ^ ro (but ^ = Zd). If K, as a vowel letter, follows a conso-
nant which is to be pronounced with 0, the point is placed over its
right arm, thus N3, B'Ni ; but e.g. DN3, since N here begins a syllable.
^ No dot is used for the Holem when (of course without loaw) is pro-
nounced after sUn or before sin. Hence Kp'B' ions (hating), NtJ'i w*io (to bear),
n^D moU (not nB'b) ; but ICB' 'iomer (a watchman). When precedes the
iin, the dot is placed over its right arm, e.g. b'B"]* yirpb§ (he treads with the
feet), D^xb'iin hannos^im (those who carry).
In the sign i, the 1 may also be a consonant. The i is then either to be
I'ead 6w (necessarily so when .a consonant otherwise without a vowel precedes,
e. g. np lowe, lending) or wo, when a vowel already precedes the "I, e. g. py
'dwon (iniquity) for jiiy. In more exact printing, a distinction is at least
made between \ {wo) and "i (i. e. either or, when another vowel follows the
waw, 610 ').
Babylonian punctuation (see § 8 gr, note 1) has only one sign for it and tone-
bearing Pathah ; see also Gaster, 'Die Unterschiedslosigkeit zwischen Pathach
u. Segol,' in ZAW. 1894, p. 60 ff.
' On the erroneous use of the term melo pum, only in Germany, for sureq
(hence also pronounced melu pum to indicate u), see E. Nestle, ZDMG. 1904,
p. 597 ff. ; Bacher, ibid., p. 799 ff., Melopum ; Simonsen, ibid., p. 807 ff.
2 The usual spelling ^Ipp and nTlS takes the words certainly rightly as
Hebrew substantives; according to De Lagarde {Gott. gel. Am. 1886, p. 873,
and so previously Luzzatto), fOp and nriQ are rather Aram, participles, like
Dages, &c., and consequently to be transliterated QcUmx and Pdtka/i.
' Since 1 846 we have become acquainted with asystem of vocalization different
in many respects from the common method. The vowel signs, all except ^^
are there placed above the consonants, and differ almost throughout in form,
§ 8 A] The Vowel Signs m particular 43
3. The vowels of the first class are, with the exception of ""^^ in h
the middle and n___j K_.j n__ at the end of the word (§ 9 a-d,f),
represented onlt/ by vowel signs, but the long vowels of the I- and
U-class largely by vowel letters. The vowel sound to which the letter
and some even as regards the sound which they denote: -^- = d, a, -ii--tone-
hearing a and e, -^ =e,e,-^ = i,\^ -^ = 6, o, _1_ or ^ = m. In an unsharpened
syllable -^- = toneless a, and e, and also Hateph Pathah ; -=_ = toneless 6 and
Hateph S^ghol ; ^ = i, J±- =u, -^ = 6, and Hateph Qames. Lastly in tone-
less syllables before DageS, -^ =a, -H- =J _z_ =i -i_ = M J2--=a. §*wa is ^^
The accents differ less and stand in some cases under the line of the consonants.
Besides this complicated system of theCodex Babylonicus (see below)and other
MSS., there is a simpler one, used in Targums. It is still uncertain whether the
latter is the foundation of the former (as Merx, Cfirest. Targ. xi, and Bacher,
ZDMG. 1895, p. 15 ff.), or is a later development of it among the Jews of South
Arabia (as Praetorius, ZDMG. 1899, p. 181 ff.). For the older literature on
this Babylonian punctuation (vD2 1^153), as it is called, see A. Harkavy and
H. L. Strack, Katalog der hebr. Bibelhandschr. der Kaiserl. offentl. Bibliothek su
St. Petersb., St. Petersb. and Lpz., 1875, parts i and ii, p, 223 ff. A more
thorough study of the system was made possible by H. Strack's facsimile
edition o{ the Prophetarum postetiorum codex Babylonicus Petropolitanus (St. Petersb.,
1876, la. fol.) of the year 916, which Firkowitsch discovered in 1839, in the
synagogue at Tschufutkale in the Crimea. The MS. has been shown by
Ginsburg {Recueil des travaux rediges en memoire . . . de Chwolson, Berlin, 1899,
p. 149, and Introd., pp. 216 ff., 475 f.) to contain a recension of the Biblical text
partly Babylonian and partly Palestinian ; cf. also Barnstein, The Targum of
Onkelos to Genesis, London, 1896, p. 6 f. Strack edited a fragment of it in Hosea
et Joel prophetae ad Jidem cod. Babylon. Petrop., St. Petersb. 1875. Cf. also the
publication by A. Merx, quoted above, § 7 A, and his Chrestomathia Targumica,
Berlin, 1888; G. Margoliouth, in the PSBA. xv. 4, and M. Gaster, ibid.;
P. Kahle, Der masoret. Text des A. T. nach d. ijberlief. der babyl. Juden, Lpz. 1902,
with the valuable review by Rahlfs in GOA. 1903, no. 5 ; Nestle, ZDMG. 1905,
p. 719 (Babylonian -i^=y. According to the opinion formerly pi-evailing,
this Babylonian punctuation exhibits the system which was developed in the
Eastern schools, corresponding to and contemporaneous with the Western or
Tiberian system, although a higher degree of originality, or approximation
to the original of both systems of punctuation, was generally conceded to the
latter. Recently, however, Wickes, Accents of the Twenty-one Books, Oxford,
1887, p. 142 ff, has endeavoured to show, from the accents, that the
' Babylonian ' punctuation may certainly be an Oriental, but is by no means
the Oriental system. It is rather to be regarded, according to him, as a later
and not altogether successful attempt to modify, and tlius to simplify, the
system common to all the Schools in the East and West. Strack, Wiss.
Jahresb. der ZDMG. 1879, p. 124, established the probability that the vowels
of the superlinear punctuation arose under Arab influence from the vowel
letters NV (so previously Pinsker and Graetz), while the Tiberian system
shows Syrian influence.
A third, widely different system (Palestinian), probably the basis of the
other two, is described by A. Neubauer, JQE, vii. 1895, p. 361 ff., and
Friedlander, ibid., p. 564 ff., and PSBA. 1896, p. 86 ff. ; C. Levias, Journ. of
Sem. Lang, and Lit., xv. p. 157 ff. ; and esp. P. Kahle, Beitr. zu der Gesch.
der hebr. Punktation,' in ZAW. 1901, p. 273 ff. and in Der masoret. Text des A. T.
(see above), chiefly dealing with the Berlin MS. Or. qu. 680, which contains
a number of variants on the biblical text, and frequently agrees with tlie
transcriptions of the LXX and Jerome.
44 'J^he Iridividual Sounds and Characters [§ 8 i-n»
points is determined more precisely by the vowel sign standing before,
above, or within it. Thus —
1 may be combined with HirSq, Sere, S^gdl C-^, ''.^^ ''—.).
1 with Siireq and Holem (^ and i).^
In Arabic the long a also is regularly expressed by a vowel letter, viz. ^AUph
(N-__), so that in that language three vowel letters correspond to the three
vowel classes. In Hebrew K is rarely used as a vowel letter ; see § 9 6
and § 23 g.
I 4. The omission of the vowel letters when writing ?, H, e, 6 is called
scriptio defectiva in contrast to scriptio plena, p'^p, Dip are written
plene, fvp, Dp defective.
Cf. Bardowitz, Studien sur Gesch. der Orthogr. im Althehr., 1894; Lidzbarski,
Ephem., i. 182, 275 ; Marmorstein, ' Midrasch der voUen u. defekt. Schreibung,'
in ZAW. 1907, p. 33 flf.
k So far as the choice of the full or defective mode of writing is con-
cerned, there are certainly some cases in which only the one or the
other is admissible, Thus the full form is necessary at the end of the
word, for -A, 6, o, i, e, e, as well as for e in 7)}h &c. (§9/), also generally
with d, a (cf. however § 9 d), e.g. I^LSp, 'r\bo\>, "•T, ^^^D. (But the
Masora requires in Jer 26®, 44^; Ezr6'^'; 2 Ch32^^ ."lia instead of V.^a ;
Zp 2' ^ia [perhaps an error due to the following ■•] for ^^13; Is 40^^ .IPl
[followed by ^J for \-ipl ; JeraS'' .".i^a for V.ib.) On the other hand the
defective writing is common when the letter, which would have to be
employed as a vowel letter, immediately precedes as a strong consonant,
e.g. D^^a {nations) for D''^i3, nIVO {commandments) for nilXO.
/ That much is here arbitrary (see § 7 g), follows from the fact that sometimes
the same word is written very differently, e.g. ^niD'pH Ez i6«" : ^nbpHand also
^riiOpri Jer 23* ; cf. § 25 b. Only it may be observed,
(a) That the scriptio plena in two successive syllables was generally
avoided; cf. e.g. «'33 but D^N33; p^-^Jf, but D^p"^y ; bSp, r\\b\> J/B^.^;
(b) That in the later Books of the 0. T. (and regularly in post-biblical
Hebrew) the full form, in the earlier the defective, is more usual.
m 5. In the cognate dialects, when a vowel precedes a vowel-letter
which is not kindred (heterogeneous), e.g. 1-^, ^^^y V__, ''__, ^__,
a diphthong {au, ai)^ is formed if the heterogeneous vowel be a. This
is also to be regarded as the Old Hebrew pronunciation, since it
* After the example of the Jewish grammarians the expression, 'the vowel
letter rests {quiescee) in the vowel-sign,' has become customary. On the other
hand, the vowel letters are also called by the grammarians, matres lectionis or
supports (fulcra).
' Cf. T. C. Foote, The diphthong ai in Hebrew (Johns Hopkins Univ. Circulars,
June, 1903, p. 70 £f.).
§ 9 a-c] The Vowel Signs in particular 45
agrees with the vocalic character of 1 and * (§ 5 6, note 2). Thus such
words as 11, '•n, ''^3, ^Vb'Vj 13 ^ n^2 are not to be pronounced according to
the usual Jewish custom ^ as vdv, hay, gdy, 'asHy, gev, hayith (or
even as vaf, &c. ; cf. ruodern Greek av af, ev ef for av, cv), but with the
Italian Jews more like wdu, hat, &c. The sound of V—- is the same
as 1^^, i.e. almost like du, so that 1-:^ is often written defectively
for IV-
§ 9. Character of the several Vowels.
Numerous as are the vowel signs in Hebrew writing, they are yet a
not fully adequate to express all the various modifications of the vowel
sounds, especially with respect to length and shortness. To understand
this better a short explanation of the character and value of the several
vowels is required, especially in regard to their length and shortness
as well as to their changeableness (§§ 25, 27).
I. First Class. A-sound.
1. Qames (-.^), when it represents a long a, is, by nature and origin,
of two kinds : —
(i) The essentially long d (in Arabic regularly written N-^^), which
is not readily shortened and never wholly dropped (§25 c), e.g. 3Jn3
l<fithdbh (writing); very seldom with a following N, as K'KT 2 Si2''*
(see the examples in § 72 p)."^
The writing of DKp Ho 10^* for Dp would only be justifiable, if the a O
of this form were to be explained as a contraction of aa ; cf. however
§ 72 a; JN"!! Neh 13I* for J"*! {dag) is certainly incorrect. — The rarity of the
d in Hebrew arises from the fact that it has for the most part become an
obtuse 6 ; see below, q.
(2)-«, lengthened only by position (i.e. tone-long or at all events C
lengthened under the influence of the tone, according to the laws
for the formation of syllables, § 27 e-h), either in the tone-syllable
itself (or in the secondary tone-syllable indicated by Metheg, see
below), or just before or after it. This sound is invariably lengthened
from an original a,* and is found in open syllables, i. e. syllables ending
in a vowel (§266), e.g. ^S, 7^^, D^pJ, T'DK (Arab. Idkd, qdtdld,
ydqUmu, 'dstru), as well as in closed syllables, i.e. those ending in
^ In MSS. 1 and ^ in such combinations as \3 *n are even marked with
Mappiq (§ 14 a).
* Of a different kind are the cases in which N has lost its consonantal
sound by coalescing with a preceding a, § 23 a-d.
' In Arabic this a is always retained in an open syllable.
46 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 9 d~f
a consonant, as 1J, 2?i3 (vulgar Arab, ydd, kaukdb). In a closed syllable,
however, it can only stand when this has the tone,">5"1, D^iV; whereas
in an open syllable it is especially frequent before the tone, e.g. ■^2"|J,
I^T, 03^. Where the tone is moved forward or weakened (as happens
most commonly in what is called the construct state of nouns, cf. § 89 a)
tlie original short d {Pathah) is retained in a closed syllable, while in
an open syllable it becomes ^^wd (§27 i) : 0311, constr. state DPl]
{mhdm); -in-l, -in-n (d'bhdr)', hl^p^, D^^i?. For examples of the
retention, in the secondary tone-syllable, of a lengthened from d, see
§ 93 a^-
d In some terminations of the verb {^ in the 2nd sing. masc. perf.,
J in the 2nd pi. fern, of the imperat., as well as in the 3rd and 2nd
pi. fern, of the imperf.), in ^^ thou (masc.) and in the suffixes ^ and ^;
the final a can stand even without a vowel letter. A n is, however,
in these cases (except with H) frequently added as a vowel letter.
On -Tf- for see below, /.
e 2. Pathah, or short d, stands in Hebrew almost exclusively in
a closed syllable with or without the tone {bb\>, ^^f^P)- In places
where it now appears to stand in an open syllable the syllable was
originally closed, and a helping vowel (d, ?) has been inserted after
the second radical merely to make the pronunciation easier, e.g. ^'D?
(ground-form nahl), n^| (Arab, bait), see § 28 d, and with regard to
two cases of a different kind, § 26 g, h. Otherwise a in an open
syllable has almost without exception passed into a {-^, see above, c.
On the very frequent attenuation of a to i, cf. below, h. On the rare, and
only apparent union of Pathah with K (^-^)y s^® § ^3 d, end. On a as
a helping-vowel, § 22 f (Pathah furtivum), and § 28*.
f 3. Segol (e, e \a]) by origin belongs sometimes to the second, but most
frequently to the first vowel class (§270, p, u). It belongs to the first class
when it is a modification of a (as the Germ. Bad, pi. Bader; Eng. man,
pi. men), either in a toneless syllable, e.g. D^lv i^^^ yadkhem), or with
the tone, e. g. H? f^^om 'ars, n.i?. Arab, qdrn, npj? Arab. qdmh. This
S^gol is often retained even in the strongest tone-syllable, at the end
of a sentence or of an important clause (in pause), as ^^J^, P'^^lf.
(malakh, sadaq). As a rule, however, in such cases the Pathah which
underlies the S^gol is lengthened into Qames, e.g. npj?, pp, A S^gol
apparently lengthened from ^^wd, but in reality traceable to an
original d, stands in pausal forms, as ''IS (ground-form pdry), *n^*.
{ydhy), &c. On the cases where a ^ (originally consonantal) follows
this S^gol, see § 75/, and § 91 ^.
§ 9 g-m] Character of the several Vowels 47
II. Second Class. I- and E-sounds.
4. The long t is frequently even in the consonantal writing indicated /r
by ^ (a fully written Hireq ^-^) ; but a naturally long i can be also
written defectively (§ 8 i), e.g. P^"^?? {righteous), plur. D"*{?"^?f saddlqim;
'^T! iM fi'^''^)i plur. ^^<'?,1 . "Whether a defectively written Hireq is long
may be best known from the origin of the form ; often also from the
nature of the syllable (§ 26), or as in ^>'")^"'. from the Metheg attached to
it (§16/).
5. The short Hireq (always' written defectively) is especially frequent h
in sharpened syllables (^'^i?, "'BN) and in toneless closed syllables (''i'^l'?
2)salm); cf. however Sipjl in a closed tone-syllable, and even fS-^l, with
a helping S^gol, for wayytphn. It has arisen very frequently by
attenuation from a, as in ''"1?'^ from original ddbdre, ''Pllf (ground-form
sddq),^ or else it is the original ?, which in the tone-syllable had
become e, as in ''J?^.** {thy enemy) from Sl^N (ground-form 'dyih)? It
is sometimes a simple helping vowel, as in ri^3, § 28 e.
The earlier grammarians call every Hireq yrriiien fidly , Hireq magnum ; every
one written defectively, Hireq parvum, — a misleading distinction, so far as
quantity is concerned.
6. The longest e *-^ (more rarely defective -^, e.g. ^.^ for TJ^ ?
Is 3*; at the end of a word also H — ) is as a rule contracted from W ay
{ai), § 7 a, e.g. ''9''n {palace), Arab, and Syriac haikal.
7. The Sere without Yodh mostly represents the tone-long e, which, k
like the tone -long a (see c), is very rarely retained except in and before
the tone-syllable, and is always lengthened from an original i. It
stands in an open syllable with or before the tone, e.g. "^SD (ground-
form siphr) book, n3K' (Arab, stndt) sleep, or with Metheg (see § 16 c?,/)
in the secondary tone-syllable, e.g. *ri7i<ip my request, i^^fji let us go.
On the other hand in a closed syllable it is almost always with the
tone, as |3 son, D?i< dumb.
Exceptions : (a) e is sometimes retained in a toneless closed syllable, in /
monosyllabic words before Maqqeph, e. g. ~^y Nu 35^^, as well as in the
examples of ndsog ^dhor mentioned in § 29 /(on the quantity cf. § 8 6 3 end) ;
(6) in a toneless open final syllable, Sere likewise occurs in examples of the
nasog 'akor, as N;f> Ex 16" ; cf. Ju g^K
8. The S^gol of the I(E)-class is most frequently an e modified from M
originali, either replacing a tone-long e which has lost the tone, e.g.
^ At least according to the Masoretic orthography ; cf. Wellhausen, Text
der Bb. Sam. , p. 18, Rem-.
' Jerome (cf. Siegfried, ZAW. 1884, p. 77) in these cases often gives a for i.
' Cf. the remarks of I. Guidi, ' La pronuncia del sere,' in the Verhandl. d-:s
Hamburger Orient. -Kongr. of 1902, Leiden, 1904, p. 208 ff., on Italian e for
Latin t, as in fede ^Jtdem, pece=picem.
48 TJie Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 9 n-r
"1^ from \^ (give), T)??)' [thy creator) from "l-f', or in the case discussed
in § 93 0, ^?p^, "'ItJ? from the ground-forms hilq, 'izr ; cf. also § 64 /.
S^gol appears as a simple helping- vowel in cases such as 1BD for siphr,
bf^ for yigl (§ 28 e).
III. Third Class. U- and O-sounds.
n 9. For the U-£oimd there is —
(i) the long ti, either (a) written fully, ^ Sureq, e.g. ?^32 {boundary),
or (b) defectively written ^:- QibhUs ''\h'2^_ , \^T)12'] ;
(2) the short u, mostly represented by QibhUs, in a toneless closed
syllable and especially common in a sharpened syllable, in e.g. iCr'^
(table), nSD Q)ooth).
O Sometimes also m in a sharpened syllable is written ^, e.g. nS^H ^ 102'
n-iV Jb s'', D^13 Jer. 3i3«, inS^K'D Is 5', D*Giny Gn 2^^ for HSn, &c.
For this u the LXX write 0, e. g. D?"iy 'OSoXXd/^, from which, however, it
only follows, that this m was pronounced somewhat indistinctly. The LXX
also express the sharp Hireq by «, e.g. n!3X = 'E/t/xTjp. The pronunciation of
the Qibbus like the German ii, which was formerly common, is incorrect,
although the occasional pronunciation of the U sounds as ii in the time of the
punctators is attested, at least as regards Palestine ^ ; cf. the Turkish biilbul
for the Persian bvdbul, and the pronunciation of the Arabic dunyd in Syria as
diinyd.
p 10. The 0-sound bears the same relation to U as the E does to I
in the second class. It has four varieties : —
(i) The 6 which is contracted from aw (=aw), § 7 a, and accord-
ingly is mostly written fully ; ^ {Holem plenum), e.g. l^iC (a whij)),
Arab, saitf, >T^'iV (^iniquity) from Hp^y. More rarely defectively, as
'I'lb' (thine ox) from "'itJ' Arab. /aur.
q (2) The long 6 which arose in Hebrew at an early period, by a general
process of obscuring, out of an original d^ while the latter has
been retained in Arabic and Aramaic. It is usually written fully in
the tone-syllable, defectively in the toneless, e.g. ^t?'p Arab, qdtil.
Aram. qAtel, ni^K Arab, 'lldh, Aram. 'Hdh, plur. Cl^n^X; pitT {hg),
Arab, sdq ; "li^a {hero), Arab, gabbdr ; DHin {seal), Arab, hdtdm ; pQl
{pomegranate), Arab, rilmmdn ; JiobK' {dominion), Aram, l??^ and
lOpB' Arab, mltdn; Dv^ {j)eace), Aram. D?^, Arab, sdldm. Some-
times the form in d also occurs side by side with that in 6 as IJ"]?' and
JV'iK' (coa< 0/ mai7 ; see however § 29 w). Cf. also § 68 6.
r (3) The tone-long which is lengthened from an original w, or
from an arising from u, by the tone, or in general according to the
* Cf. Delitzsch, Physiologie u. Musik, Lpz. 1868, p. 15 f.
* Cf. above, b, end. On Jerome's transliteration of for d, see ZAW, 1884,
P- 75-
§ 9 s, <] Character of the several Vowels
49
laws for the formation of syllables. It occurs not only in the tone-
syllable, but also in an open syllable before the tone, e.g. ^IP (ground-
form quds) sanctuary; ^1'3 for buirakh, ^^pfl >/' 104^, as well as
(with Metheg) in the secondary tone-syllable ; Ovv"^, ^^J?3- But the
original 6 (w) is retained .n a toneless closed syllable, whereas in
a toneless open syllable it is weakened to S^a-d. Cf. 73 all, but
"^3 {kol}, D^3 (Jcidlam); Vop^, ^S^p^ and ^^tii?% where original u is
weakened to ^^wd : yiqiHit, Arab, yaqtuld. This tone-long is only
as an exception written fully.
(4) __ Qames-hatu2)h. represents 6 (properly a, cf. § 8 a, note 2)modified S
from u and is therefore classed here. It stands in the same relation to
Holem as the S^gol of the second class to Sere, 'b'^-kol, D^>1 wayyaqom.
On the distinction between this and Qames, see below, u.
11. The following table gives a summary of the gradation of the t
three vowel-classes according to the quantity of the vowels : —
First Class : A.
_ original d (Arabic
_ tone-long d (from
original a) chiefly in
the tone-syllable but
also just before it.
(as a modification
of a) sometimes a
tone-long e, some-
times S.
short a.
[" i attenuated from
d ; see A.]
Utmost weakening to
Second Class : I and E.
■i e, from original ay
\ai).
' or long i.
tone-long e (from i)
generally in the tone-
syllable but also just
before it.
TTiird Class : U and 0.
S 0, from original aw
(aw),
i or -^6 obscured from d.
^ or M.
— tone-long 5 (from
original m) in the tone-
syllable, otherwise in
an open syllable.
short »•
Utmost weakening to
», * or «.
6, modified from u.
short u, especially
in a sharpened sylla-
ble.
Utmost weakening to
a i " or *.
Rem. On the distinction between Qames and Qames- hatuph}
Ac-ording to § 8 o, long o or d (Qames) and short or a (Qames-hatuph) are in
manuocripts and printed texts generally expressed by the same sign (^), e.g.
Dp qdm, "73 kol. The beginner who does not yet know the grammatical
U
1 These statements, in order to be fully understood, must be studied in
connexion with the theory of syllables (§ 26) and Metheg (§ 16 c-t).
COWLET E
50 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 9 v
origin of the words in question (which is of course the surest guide), may
depend meanwhile on the following principal rules : —
I. The sign -^ ' is 6 in a toneless closed syllable, since such
a syllable can have only a short vowel (§26 0). The above case
occurs —
(a) When S^v^d follows as a syllable-divider, as in noDn hokh-ma
(wisdom), i^}?^ '6kh-ld (food). With Metheg __ is a (a) and according
to the usual view stands in an open, syllable with a following S^wd
mobile, e.g. ^4'?^ 'd-khHa (she ate) ; but cf. § 16 i.
(6) W^hen a closed syllable is formed by Dagel forte, e. g. "'ijin
honneni (have mercy upon me); but D^ijl3 (with Metheg, § 16/^)
bdfttm.
(c) When the syllable in question loses the tone on account of
a following Maqqeph (§16 a), e. g. ClXH/S kol-hd-'dddm (all men).
In ^t 35'° and Pr ig' Maqqeph with ^3 is replaced by a conjunctive accent
(Mer^kha) ; so hy Darga, Ju 19^ with lyD, and Ez 37^ with Dip*! (so Baer after
Qimhi ; ed. Mant., Ginsburg, Kittel Dlp^l).
{d) In a closed final syllable without the tone, e.g. DiJ'l wayyaqom,
(and he stood up). — In the cases where <t or a in the final syllable has
become toneless through Maqqeph (§ 16 a) and yet remains, e.g.
JT^n'^ra Est 4^, v"^^ Gn 4"^ it has a Metheg in correct manuscripts
and printed texts.
In cases like ^^7"^, i^^? lamma, the tone shows that -j- is to be
read as d.
V 2. The cases in which -y- appears to stand in an open syllable and yet is
to be read as require special consideration. This is the case, (a) when
Hafeph-Qames follows, e.g. ipyS his work, or simple vocal S'wd, e.g. P'l"'! ox
goad ; ilSyiS Jo 4'' ; mttSJ' (so ed. Mant., Ginsb.) preserve ip 86', cf. 16' and the
cases mentioned in § 48 i, n., and § 61/, n. ; other examples are Ob 11, Ju 14");
Hateph-Pathah follows in ^H'^dIj (so Ginsburg; Baer ^^{;^•rp|5) i S 151, ^jl"in^
24", and '^JJ'JS^ (so Baer, Gn 32^^, others ^'kJ'JQ^) ; (6) before another Qames-
Jiatvvh, e.g. ^pyQ thy work ; on ""p'TlX and ""^'rinp Nu 23'', see § 67 : (c) in
' ': TIT • T|T • T (T " f * \ •
the two plural forms Ct'lp sanctuaries and CBHtJ* roots (also written ^p
and 'IJi'). In all these cases the Jewish grammarians regard the Metheg
accompanying the -:;- as indicating a Qames rahabh (broad Qames) and
therefore read the -rr- as a ; thus pd-°l6, dd-r'bdn, pd-ol^khd, qd-ddsim. But
neither the origin of these forms, nor the analogous formations in Hebrew
and in the cognate languages, nor the transcription of proper names in the
^ In the Babylonian punctuation (§ 8 g, note) d and are carefully distin-
guished. So also in many MSS. with the ordinary punctuation and in
Baer's editions of the text since 1880, in which -^r- is used for 6 as well as
for *. Cf Baer-Delitzsch, Liber Jobi, p. 43. But the identity of the two signs
is certainly original, and the use of -^ for is misleading.
§ 10 a-d] Character of the several Trowels 51
LXX, allows us to regard this view as correct. It is just possible that Qames
is here used loosely for a, as the equivalent of o, on the analogy of ipya &c,,
§ 93 q. As a matter of fact, however, we ought no doubt to divide and read
po'^-lo (for po'-l6), po'o-Vkha, goda-H»n.— Quite as inconceivable is it for Meiheg to
be a sign of the lengthening into a in ^^"''"in^'^-^^ "*)' although it is so in "'3N3
ha-'°nx (in the navy), since here the a of the article appears under the 3.
§ 10. The Half Voivels and the Syllable Divider (Sewa).
L Besides the full vowels, Hebrew has also a series of vowel a
sounds which may be called half vowels (Sievers, Murmelvokale).
The punctuation makes use of these to represent extremely slight
sounds which are to be regarded as remains of fuller and more distinct
vowels from an earlier period of the language. They generally take
the place of vowels originally short standing in open syllables. Such
short vowels, though preserved in the kindred languages, are not
tolerated by the present system of pointing in Hebrew, but either
undergo a lengthening or are weakened to S®wa. Under some
circumstances, however, the original short vowel may reappear.
To these belongs first of all the sign -p-, which indicates an ex- b
treraely short, slight, and (as regards pronunciation) indeterminate
vowel sound, something like an obscure half e (— ). It is called S^wd,^
which may be either simple ^^wd [S^wd simjflex) as distinguished
from the compound (see /), or vocal S^wd {S^wd mobile) as distin-
guished from S"wd quiescens, which is silent and stands as a mere
syllable divider (see ^) under the consonant which closes the syllable.
The vocal S^wd stands under a consonant which is closely united, as C
a kind of grace-note, with the following syllable, either (a) at the
beginning of the word, as ^'^p qHol (to kill), ^yo'Q rtfmalle (filling),
or (6) in the middle of the word, as nbtpij? q6-fld, l^t^i?^ yiq-fU.
In former editions of this Grammar SHva was distinguished as medium CI
when it followed a short vowel and therefore stood in a supposed 'loosely
closed' or 'wavering' syllable, as in ""aplO, >Q33. According to Sievers,
Metrische Studien, i. 22, this distinction must now be abandoned. These
syllables are really closed, and the original vowel is not merely shortened,
but entirely elided. The fact that a following B^gadk^phath letter (§ 6 w)
remains spirant instead of taking Bages lene, is explained by Sievers on the
' supposition that the change from hard to spirant is older than the elision
* On a^p, the older and certainly the only correct form (as in Ben Asher),
see Bacher, ZDMG. 1895, p. 18, note 3, who compares Sewayya, the name of
the Syriac accentual sign of similar form -^— ( = Hebr. Zaqeph). The form
^?Z1K', customary in Spain since the time of Menahem b. Saruq, is due
to a supposed connexion with Aram. n!3E' rest, and hence would originally
have denoted only S'wd quiescens, like the Arabic sukHn (rest). The derivation
from riDK', n^^B' (stem 2^^, Levias, American Journ. ofPhilol., xvi. 28 ft'.) seems
impossible.
£ 2
52 J'he Individual Sounds and Characters [§ lo e-g
of the vowel, and that the prehistoric malakai became malakhai before being
shortened to malkhe'. In cases like iNp3 (from ND3), ^r\\)) (from ng^) the
dropping of the Dagei forte shows that the original vowel is completely lost.
C The sound e has been adopted as the normal transcription of simple S^wd
mobile, although it is certain that it often became assimilated in sound to
other vowels. The LXX express it bye, or even by ij, D""!!^"!!! Xepov0iiJ, H^ vpH
dK\r]\ovta, more frequently by a, PXIOB' Xaixov-qX, but very frequently by
assimilating its indeterminate sound to the following principal vowel,
e. g. Dip 'S.oSona, nb^K' XoKojxuv (as well as 2aA<u/«w»'), niKlJf 2ay3atutf,
?Niri3 KaOavariK.^ A similar account of the pronunciation of S*wd is given
by Jewish grammarians of the middle ages.^
How the Shed sound has arisen through the vanishing of a full vowel is
seen, e.g. in nS13 from bdrdkd, as the word is still pronounced in Arabic.
In that language the full short vowel regularly corresponds to the Hebrew
Shod mobik.
f 2. Connected with the simple S'wd mdbile is the compound S^wd
or Hdteph {correptum), i.e. a S"wd the pronunciation of which is more
accurately fixed by the addition of a short vowel. There are three
6'^i«<J-sounds determined in this way, corresponding to the three vowel
classes (§ 7 a) : —
(__) Hdteph-Pdthdh, e.g. 1i»n Ifmdr, ass.
(-^) Hdteph-S'gol, e.g. I^X '«mdr, to say.
(-^) ndteph-Qdmes, e.g. vH, h^U, sickness.
These Hdtephs, or at least the first two, stand especially under the
four guttural letters (§22 I), instead of a simjyle S^wd mobile,
since these letters by their nature require a more definite vowel
than the indetenninate simple S^wd mobile. Accordingly a guttural
at the beginning of a syllable, where the S^wA is necessarily vocal,
can never have a mere S^wd simplex.
On -=:- the shorter Hatef as compared with -^ cf. § 27 v.
§ Rem. A. Only and occur under letters which are not gutturals.
ffateph-Paihah is found instead of simple S'wd (especially 5*wd mobile), chiefly
(a) under strengthened consonants, since this strengthening (commonly
called doubling) causes a more distinct pronunciation of the S^wd mobile,
^731^ branches, Zc 4". According to the rule given by Ben-Asher (which,
however, appears to bo unknown to good early MSS. and is therefore rejected
by Ginsburg, Introd., p. 466 ; cf. Foote, Johns Hopkins Univ. Circulars, June 1903,
* The same occurs frequently also in the Greek and Latin transcriptions
of Phoenician words, e.g. NSpD Malaga, D^xW3 gubulim (SchrOder, Die phoniz.
Spr., p. 139 fif.). Cf. the Latin augment in momordi, pupugi, with the Greek
in T(Tv<pa, Ttrvfi/ifvos, and the old form memordi.
* See especially Yehuda Hayyug, pp. 4 f. and 130 f. in Nutt's edition (Lond.
1870), corresponding to p. 200 of the edition by Dukes (Stuttg. 1844) ; Ibn
Ezra's Sahoth, p. 3; Gesenius, Lehrgebdude der hebr, Sprache, p. 68. The Manuel
du lecteur, mentioned above, § 6 6, also contains express rules for the various
ways of pronouncing S*wd mobile : so too the Dikduke ha-t'amim, ed. by Baer
and Strack, Lpz. 1879, p. 12 fif. Cf. also Schreiner, ZAW. vi. 236 ff.
V
§ 10 A] Half Vowels and Syllable Divider {S'vca) 53
p. 71 f.), the Hateph is necessary'^ when, in a strengthened medial consonant
with SHod (consequently not in cases like ^ni^, &c.), preceded by a Pathah,
the sign of the strengthening {Dages forte) has fallen away, e. g. ^ppH (but ed.
Mant. and Ginsb. ^^^il) praise ye! ^Hif^Nni Ju i6i« ; no less universally,
where after a consonant with S'lcd the same consonant follows (to separate
them more sharply, and hence with a il/e</ieg always preceding), e. g. CirjiD
f 68*; "^nhhp, (ed. Mant. and Ginsb. 'bb\>) Gn 2f^ (but not without excep-
tions, e. g. "'•ppn Ju 5I5, Is 10^ ; \b|)if Jer 6^ and so always ""Jin behold me,
^Jjn behold us: on 3 before the suffix SI, see § 20 6) ; also in certain forms
under Kaph and Res after a long vowel and before the tone, e. g. nSp^Nn Gn
3IT ; ^2-\3 ip 103I; ^nnnK'ni i K i* (but Vi-^m ^ 72", cf. Jer 42, I Ch 2920,
because the tone is thrown back on to the d. After e S'wd remains even
before the tone, as ^3")3, &c. ; but before Maqqef N3"n3f>N Baer Ex 4", 2 S 15'',
Jer 40^^ but ed. Mant., Jabl., Ginsb. '[jN) ^ ; (6) under initial sibilants after 1
copulative, e. g. 2r\]} Gn 2^2 ; cf. Jer 482° ; nHD^ Is 45" ; Him Lv 25" ; n^{^>
Gn 27»« ; V^m Nu 2318, Is 37", Dn 91^, cf. Ju 512, i K 14", 2 K 9", Jb 14I, Ec
9^— to emphasize the vocal character of the .bVa. For the same reason under
the emphatic tJ in ^^0^^ Jer 22^8 ; cf. Jb 332^ ; after Qoph in ''ri'l'li'?^ (so Baer,
but ed. Mant., Jabl., Ginsb. 'p^) Ez 23"; -2");?^ >P 55"? cf- J^^- 3^^ under
Rei in n*jnN (ed. Mant. "IX) Gn i8«i ; DJJn'l \p zS^; even under fl Ezr 26-1 ;
under 3 Est 2* ; ^3-l31 so Jabl., Ginsb., but'ed. Mant. '13^) Dt 24" ; (c) under
sonants, sibilants or Qoph after t, e. g. pn^f"* Gn 2i«, cf. 30^8 and Ez 21^8 (under
P); nilOS <p 12*; TiSpnn Jer 2215; ^1^-^33 Jos ii»; 'r\^P2 ^ 74^— for t^^
snme reason as the cases under b ' ; according to Baer also in n^CD5I'
I S so"*; '^'^:p\ Gn 32I8 after 6 (cf, § 9 v), as well as after a in Hn^C'i^n Dn
91"; nan^n'Gn 2738; D''V'i^on 2 k 7*.
B. The ffateph-Qames is less restricted ^to the gutturals than the first two, //,
and stands more frequently for a simple S^wd mobile when an original 0-sound
requires to be partly preserved, e. g. at the beginning, in iNT (ground-form
ri'y) vision (cf. §932); ?.T333 2 Ch 31", &c., Q^re {K'th. ' "i):i) ; ni'SOy
Ammonitish women, i K u' (sing.' JTiJiDy) ; ^STl'' for the usual 1?.'^1^ Ez 36«,
from t]'"^T ; M'2pT\ Nu 23^5, Jer 31", and elsewhere before suffixes, cf. § 60 a ;
ni^nj? his pate (from ipij?) ip f, &c. ; HDj^K'SI Is i8< Q're. Further, like __,
it stands under consonants, which ought to have Dagei forte, as in nnp? (for
nriijjb) Gn 22s. In this example, as in nnyO^ i K 13'' ; HSD^ 2 K 7"; and
VV^'^ Jer 2 2^0 the Hateph-Qames is no doubt due to the influence of the
• T T : 1 • *
1 See Delitzsch, 'Bemerkungen iiber masoretisch treue Darstellung dcs
alttestam. Textes,' in the Ztschr. f. luih. Theol. u. Kirche, vol. xxiv. 1863,
p. 409 ff.
^ On the uncertainty of the MSS. in some cases which come under «, see
Minhat shay (the Masoretic comm. in ed. Mant.) on Gn 12' and Ju 7^
' Ben-Ashcr requires for (even for ^"wd quiescens) generally before
a guttural or "1 ; hence Baer reads' in 2 S i ■;» -3'np3 f 18'' XIpN ; 49'^ ?iNB'7;
658 nnin ; 68" ^nori ; Pr 3c" :j?^n ; Jb 29" -in^lN ; cf. Delitzsch, Psalms,
12'', note.
54 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§§ lo i-i, ii
following guttural as well as of the preceding U-sound. (Elsewhere indeed
after 1 in similar cases /lateph-Pathah is preferred, see above, b ; but with
nnp^ of. also "l^Bp Is 9^ lo", 14^^, where the U-sound must necessarily be
admitted to have an influence on the S'wd immediately following.) In
""inL21 (li-fhor) Jb 17' it is also influenced by the following 0-sound. In ''Jppi?
I S 28* Q're, the original form is DDp, where again the represents an 6. It
is only through the influence of a following guttural that we can explain
the forms nii-\p^ Est 2" ; ^n33 Pr28«; nrnD3 Jer 49^ ; nyb'DX Is 27* ;
T t;': • T Til" T t; ; • tt: : •
ny?:K'S1 Dn S" ; nyr:tJ' ip 39^^ ; myoa 2 K 2I (Baer's ed. also in ver. ii) ;
tt:: viT tt:i' ' ' 'tt;!-
DTinpn 2 Ch 34I2 (ed. Mant., Opitius, &c. 'pn). Finally in most of the
examples which have been adduced, the influence "of an emphatic sound
(p t3 , cf. also nOp^N Ru z^-f), or of a sibilant is also to be taken into account.
/ 3. The sign of the simjyle 6hod -r- serves also as a mere syllable
divider. In this case it is disregarded in pronunciation and is called
^^wA quiescens. In the middle of a word it stands under every con-
sonant which closes a syllable ; at the end of words on the other hand
it is omitted except in final ^ (to distinguish it better from final |),
e.g. "nbp king, and in the less frequent case, where a word ends with
a mute after another vowelless consonant as in '^^). nard, J!^^ thou fem.
(for kint), Jjibpp thou fem. hast killed, p^l^ and he watered, 3f ^. and he
took cajytive, ^^^'^^ drink thou not; but NTT, Nt^n/
jf However, in the examples where a mute closes the syllable, the final 5«ud
comes somewhat nearer to a vocal S^iod, especially as in almost all the cases
a weakening of a final vowel has taken place, viz. riS 'a«« from ''Jjlt^ 'att'i {'anti),
nS^p from ''P\b6^ (cf. in this form, the 2nd sing. fem. perf. Qal, even
nN3, after a vowel, Gn I6^ Mi 4", &c., according to the readings of Baer),
3K'"' yisJ)^ from HB'^^ , «S!;c. The Arabic actually has a short vowel in analogous
forms. In Y]^ borrowed from the Indian, as also in tpK'p (qdU) Pr 22^^;
and in t^Din~^X ne addas (for which we should expect fipin) Pr 30« the final
mute of itself attracts a slight vowel sound.
/ Rem. The proper distinction between simple S'wd mobile and quiescens depends
on a correct understanding of the formation of syllables (§ 26). The beginner
may observe for the present, that (i) ^^wd is always mobile (a) at the beginning
of a word (except in D"'ri6J' ^nt^' § 97 b, note) ; (6) under a consonant with
Dage^ forte, e. g. ^D'lJ gid-d^phu ; (c) after another ^^wd, e. g. vtDp^ yiqflu
(except at the end of the word, see above, i). {2)^S^icd is quiescens (a) at the
end of a word, also in the T] ; {b) before another S^wd.
§ 11. Other Signs ichich affect the Reading.
Very closely connected with the vowel points are the reading-signs,
which were probably introduced at the same time. Besides the
diacritical point over b' and K', a point is placed loithirf, a consonant
» On n^ as an ending of the 2nd sing. fem. perf. Qal of verbs iTv, see
§ 75 »«.
§ 12 a-c] Other Signs which affect the Reading 55
to sliow that it has a stronger sound. On the other liand a horizontal
stroke {Rapfie) over a consonant is a sign that it has 7iot the stronger
f^ound. According to the different purposes for which it is used the
point is either (i) DageS forte, a sign of strengthening (§ 12); or
(2) Dages lene, a sign of the harder pronunciation of certain con-
sonants (§ 13); or (3) Mappiq, a sign to bring out the full consonantal
value of letters which otherwise serve as vowel letters (§ 7 b), especially
in the case of n at the end of the word (§14 a). The Raphe, which
excludes the insertion of any of these points, has almost entirely gone
out of use in our printed texts (§14 e).
§ 12. Dagek in general,^ and Dage§ forte in particular.
Cf. Graetz, ' Die mannigfache Anwendung u. Bedeut. des Dagesch,' in
Monatsschr. fiir Gesch. w. Wiss. d. Judent., 1887, pp. 425 S. and 473 £f.
1. Dage^, a point standing in the middle of a consonant,^ denotes, a
according to § 11, (a) the strengthening^ of a consonant [Dages forte),
e-g- ''^i? qittel (§ 20); or (6) the harder pronunciation of the letters
^?|*15? {Dages lene). For a variety of the latter, now rarely used in
our printed texts, see § 13 c.
The root ^T\ in Syriac means to pierce through, to bore through (with sharp f)
iron) ; hence the name Dagei is commonly explained, solely with reference
to its form, oy pMnrf«re, point. But the names of all similar signs are derived
rather from their grammatical significance. Accordingly ^y] may in the
Masora have the sense : acuere (Jiteram), i. e. to sharpen a letter, as well as to
harden it, i.e. to pronounce it as hard and without aspiration. \yH acuens
{literam) would then be a sign of sharpening and hardening (like Mappiq
P^Sip proferens, as signum prolationis), for which purposes a prick of the pen, or
puncture, was selected. The opposite of Da^eHs nQI soft, § 14 e, and § 22 n.
2. In grammar Dage^ forte, the sign of strengthening, is the more q
important. It may be compared to the sicilicus of the Latins {Luculus
for Lucullus) or to the stroke over m and n. In the unpointed text
it is omitted, like the vowels and other reading signs.
For the different kinds of Dages forte, see § 20.
1 Oort, Theol. Tijdschr. 1902, p. 376, maintains that 'the Masoretes recognized
no distinction between Dages lene and forte. They used a Dages where they
considered that a letter had the sharp, not the soft or aspirated sound.'
This may be true; but the old-established distinction between the two kinds
of DogeJ is essential for the right understanding of the grammatical forms.
* Wdw with Dagei (^) cannot in our printed texts be distinguished from a
wSw pointed as Surlq (^) ; in the latter case the point should stand higher up.
The ^ u is, however, easily to be recognized since it cannot take a vowel before
or under it.
* Stade, Lehrb. der hebr. Gr., Lpz. 1879, pp. 44, 103, rightly insists on the
expression strengthened pronunciation instead of the older term doubling, since
the consonant in question is only written once. The common expression
arises from the fact that in transcription a strengthened consonant can only be
indicated by writing it as double.
56 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§§ ra a-a,
l^a-c
§ 13. Dages lene.
Ginsburg, Introd., p. 114 if. : Dagesh and Baphe.
a 1. Dages lene, the sign of hardening, is in ordinary printed texts
placed only within the nSSl^a letters (§ 6 n) as a sign that they
should be pronounced with their original hard sound (without aspira-
tion), e.g. ^y^ melekh, but i3?P md'-ko ; ">S|J1 taphdr, but 'i^) yith-por ;
nriE^ tatha, but r\V\f\ yiUe. '
f) 2. The cases in which a DageS lene is to be inserted are stated in
§ 21. It occurs almost exclusively at the beginning of words and
syllables. In the middle of the word it can easily be distinguished
from Dages forte, since the latter always has a vowel before it, whereas
Dage^ lene never has; accordingly the Dages in ''3*5 'appt, D''3"l rabbim
must be forte, but in P'!!?^ yigdal it is lene.
C A variety of the Bagei lene is used in many manuscripts, as well as in Baer's
editions, though others (including Ginsburg in the first t\v<) cases, Introd.,
pp. 121, 130, 603, 662) reject it together with the Hatefs dlscusised in § 10 g.
It is inserted in consonants other than the B'gadk'phath to cajl attention
expressly to the beginning of a new syllable : (a) when the same consonant
precedes in close connexion, e. g. ^3?"b33 tp 9', where, owing to tK© Dages,
the coalescing of the two Lameds is avoided ; (J>) in cases like ''DTO ^62^ =
•>nah-si (not mdh"'-si) ; (c) according to some (including Baer ; not in ed. Mant.)
in N7 in the combination N^ 1^3 Dt 32*, or i? 6^7 Hb 1', 2« &c. (so always
also in Ginsburg's text, except in Gn 38') ; see also § 20 e and g. — Delitzsch
appropriately gives the name of Dage^ orihophonicum to this variety of Dagci
{Bibl. Kommentar, 1874, on ^t 94") ; cf. moreover Delitzsch, Luth. Ztschr., 1863,
p. 413 ; also his Oomplutensische Varianten zu dem Alttest. Texte, Lpz. 1878, p. 1 2.,
d 3. When Dages forte is placed in a B^gadk^phath, the strengthening
necessarily excludes its aspiration, e.g. ""SN, from ^33*?.
§ 14. Mappiq and Raphe.
a 1. Mappiq, like DageS, also a point toithin the consonant, serves in
the letters M n X as a sign that they are to be regarded as full
consonants and not as vowel letters. In most editions of the text it
is only used in the consonantal n at the end of words (since n can
never be a vowel letter in the middle of a word), e.g. I^^J gabhdh
(to be high), "^-f^?* 'arsdh (her land) which has a consonantal ending
(shortened from -hd), different from '"l^")^ 'drsd (to the earth) which
has a vowel ending.
h Rem. I. Without doubt such a Hs was distinctly aspirated like the Arabic
Hd at the end of a syllable. There are, however, cases in which this n has
lost its consonantal character (the Mappiq of course disappearing too), so
that it remains only as a vowel letter ; cf. § 91 e on the 3rd fem. sing.
C The name p'^QD means proferens, i. e. a sign which brings out the sound of
the letter distinctly, as a consonant. The same sign was selected for this
IU4d,e,isa,b-\ Mappiq and Raphe 57
and for Bagei, since both are intended to indicate a hard, i. e. a strong, sound.
Hence Raphe (see e) is the opposite of both.
2. In MSS. Mappiq is also found with K, 1, \ to mark them expressly as d
consonants, e.g. ^13 (got/), 1p {qaw, qdu), for which 1 is also used, as IK'J^, &c.
For the various statements of the Masora (where these points are treated as
Dages), see Ginsburg, The Massorah, letter H, § 6 (also Introd., pp. 557, 609, 637,
770), and ' The Dageshed Alephs in the Karlsruhe MS.' (where these points
are extremely frequent), in the Verhandluvgen des Berliner Orientalisten-Kongresses,
Berlin, i. 188 1, p. 136 S. The great differences in the statements found in
the Masora point to different schools, one of which appears to have intended
that every audible N should be pointed. In the printed editions the point
occurs only four times with N (N or N), Gn 432*, Lv 23", Ezr 8" and Jb 33"!
(1N"I ; where the point can be taken only as an orthophonetic sign, not with
KOnig as Dagei forte). Cf. Delitzsch, Hiob, 2nd ed., p. 439 ff.
2. Rd2)he (HDn i.e. weak, soft), a horizontal stroke over the letter, e
is the opposite of both kinds of DageS and Mappiq, but especially of
Dagd lene. In exact manuscripts every nD31J3 letter has either
Dage^ lene or Bdphe, e.g. ^^» melekh, isri, T\i^f. In modern editions
(except Ginsburg's ist ed.) Rdjpke is used only when the absence of a
Dages or Mappiq requires to be expressly pointed out.
§ 15. The Accents.
On the ordinal^ accents (see below, e), cf. W. Heidenheim, D^OytSH "'PBK'O ^
[The Laws of the Accents], EOdelheim, 1808 (a compilation from older Jewish
writers on the accents, with a commentary) ; W. Wickes (see also below),
D^ISD N"3 "iDytD [_The Accents of the Tuetiiy-one Books], Oxford, 1887, an
exhaustive investigation in English ; J. M. Japhet, Die Accente der hi. Schrift
(exclusive of the books n?Oi«{),ed. by Heinemann, Frankf. a. M. 1896; Pratorius,
Die Herkunft der hebr. Accente, Berlin, 1901, and (in answer to Gregory's criticism
in the TLZ. 1901, no. 22) Die Uebernahme der frilh-mittelgriech. Neumen durch die
Juden, Berlin, 1902 ; P. Kahle, ' Zur Gesch. der hebr. Accente,' ZDMO. 55
(1901), 167 ff. (i, on the earliest Jewish lists of accents; 2, on the mutual
relation of the various systems of accentuation ; on p. 1 79 ff. he deals
with the accents of the 3rd system, see above, § 8 «;, note) ; Margolis, art.
'Accents,' in the Jewish Encycl. i (1901), 149 ff. ; J.Adams, Semwns in Accents,
London, 1906. — On the accents of the Books D"Nn (see below, h), S. Baer,
niDK min [Accentual Laws of the Books Jl^DS], Rftdelheim, 1852, and his
appendix to Delitzsch's Psalmencommentar, vol. ii, Lpz. i860, and in the 5th
ed., 1894 (an epitome is given in Baer-Delitzsch's Liber Psalmorum hebr., Lpz.
1861, 1874, 1880); cf. also Delitzsch's most instructive ' Accentuologischer
Commentar' on Psalms 1-3, in his Psalmencommentar of 1874, as well as the
numerous contributions to the accentual criticism of the text, &c., in the
editions of Baer and Delitzsch, and in the commentaries of the latter ;
W. Wickes, n*!OX ""OyD [Accents of the Poet. Books], Oxford, 1881 ; Mitchell, in
the Journal of Bibl. Lit., 1891, p. 144 ff. ; Baer and Strack, Dikduke ha-famim,
p. i7ff.
1. As Pratorius (see above) has convincingly shown, the majority of
the Hebrew accents, especially, according to Kahle (see above), the
'Conjunctivi', were adopted by the Jews from the neums and punctua-
tion-marks found in Greek gospel-books, and, like these, their primary
purpose was to regulate minutely the public reading of the sacred
58 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 15 c, i
iext. The complete transformation and amplification of ihe system
(in three different forms, see § 8 ^, note), which soon caused the Jews
to forget its real origin, is clearly connected with the gradual change
from the speaking voice in public reading to chanting or singing.
The accents then served as a kind of musical notes.* Their value
as such has, however, with the exception of a few traces, become
lost in transmission. On the other hand, according to their original
design they have also a twofold use which is still of the greatest
importance for grammar (and syntax), viz. their value (a) as
marking the tone, (b) as marks of punctuation to indicate the logical
(syntactical) relation of single words to their immediate surroundings,
and thus to the whole sentence.*
C 2. As a mark of the tone the accent stands almost invariably (but
see below, e) with the syllable which has the principal tone in the word.
This is usually the ultima, less frequently the penultima. Amongst
the Jewish grammarians a word which has the tone on the ultima is
called Milra' (Aram. VlpO i.e. accented below ^), e.g. b6\> qdtdl; a word
which has the tone on the penultima is Mil'el (Aram. "P^^^P, accented
above), e.g. '^^O melekh. Besides this, in many cases a secondary tone
is indicated in the word by Metheg (cf. § .16). Examples such as
1D^ nnoVJL is 50* (cf, 4o'^ Ex i5«, Jb 12I', La 2'') are regarded by
the Jewish grammarians as even jproparoxytone.'^
d 3. As marks of interpunctuation the accents are subdivided into
those which separate {Distinctivi or Domini) and those which connect
{Conjunctivi or Servi). Further a twofold system of accentuation is
to be noted : (a) the common system found in twenty-one of the
Books (the n''3 i.e. twenty-one), and {b) that used in the first three
Books of the Hagiographa, viz. Psalms, Proverbs, and Job, for which
the vox memor. is riDN, from the initial consonants of the names, D^^nn
Psalms, vK'D Proverbs, 3i>N Job, or more correctly, according to their
original sequence, D^'XH (DNH twin), so that D'^Kn '•lOytD means the
accents (sing. Dy^) of these three Books. The latter system is not
only richer and more complicated in itself, but also musically more
significant than the ordinary accentuation.
* On the attempts of Christian scholars of the sixteenth century to express
the Hebrew accents by musical notes, cf. Ortenberg, ZDMQ. 1889, p. 534.
^ At the same time it must not be forgotten that the value of the accent
as a mark of punctuation is always relative ; thus, e. g. 'Athndh as regards the
logical structure of the sentence may at one time indicate a very important
break (as in Gn 1*) ; at another, one which is almost imperceptible (as in
Gn i»). ^ ^ ^
' 'Above' in this sense means what comes before, ' below ' is what comes
after ; cf. Bacher, ZAW. 1907, p. 285 f.
* Cf. Delitzsch on Is 40I8.
§i5e,/] The Accents 59
I. The Common Accents.
Preliminary remark. The accents wliich are marked as prepositive stand to 6
tlie right over or under the initial consonant of the word ; those jnarked as
postpositive, to tlie left over or under the last consonant. Consequently in
both cases the tone-syllable must bo ascertained independently of the accent
(but cf. below, I).
A. Disjunctive Accents {Distinctivi or Domini).^ f
1. (-p) P''?P Silluq {end) always with the tone-syllahle of the last
word before Soph pasuq (:), the verse-divider, e.g. ' Y')^'^.
2. {—) njns 'Athnah or i^^%^^ 'Athnahta {rest), the principal
divider within the verse.
3 a. {-^) i^^piJD S®g61ta, postpositive, marks the fourth or fifth sub-
ordinate division, counting backwards from 'Athnah (e.g.
Gn i7-2«).
36. (I — ) nb^pB' SalsMeth (i.e. chain), as disjunctive, or Great
Sal§61eth, distinguished by the following stroke ^ from
the conjunctive in the poetic accentuation, is used for
* All the disjunctives occur in Is 39^. — The earlier Jewish accentuologists
already distinguish between D''pPD Reges and D"'ri"1*iJ'p Servi. The division
of the disjunctive accents into Imperatores, Reges, Duces, Comites, which
became common amongst Christian grammarians, originated in the Scru-
linium S. S. ex accentibus of Sam. Bohlius, Rostock, 1636, and, as the source of
manifold confusion, had better be given up. The order of the accents ia
respect to their disjunctive power is shown in general by the above classifica-
tion, following Wickes. In respect to the height of tone (in chanting) i, 2,
5, 4, 8, which were low and long sustained notes, are to be distinguished from
the high notes (7, 3*, 6, 13, 9\ and the highest (.^'', 11, 12, 10); cf. Wicbi's,
N"3 't3 p. i2ff. — The name D^oyp (later = occente in general) was originally
restricted to the disjunctives, see Kahle, 1. c, p. 169.
* This stroke is commonly confused with Paseq, wliich has the same form.
But Paseq {= restraining, dividing, also incorrectly called P*siq) is neither an
independent accent, nor a constituent part of other accents, but is used as a
mark for various purposes ; see the Masoretic lists at the end of Baer's
editions, and Wickes, Accents of the Twenty-one Books, p. 120 S., where Pas6q is
divided into distinctivum, emphaticum, homonymicum, Rud euphonicum. The con-
jecture of Olshausen {Lehrb., p. 86 f.), that Paseq served also to point out
marginal glosses subsequently interpolated into the text, has been further
developed by E. von Ortcnberg, ' Die Bedeutung des Paseq fiir Quellenschei-
dung in den BB. d. A. T.,' in Progr. des Domgymn. su Verden, 1887, ^^^ '^ *'''®
article, 'Paseq u. Legarmeh,' in ZAW. 1887, p. 301 ff. (but seeWickes, ibid.
1888, p. 149 ff. ; also E. KOnig, in the Ztschr. f. kirchl. Wiss. u. kirchl. Leben,
1889, parts 5 and 6 ; Maas, in Helraica, v. 121 ff., viii. 89 ff.). Priitorius,
ZDMG. 1899, p 683 ff., pointed out that Paseq (wliich is pre-masoretic and
quite distinct from L'garniih) besides being a divider (used especially for the
sake of greater clearness) also served as a sign of abbreviation. For further
treatment of Paseq see H. Grimme, ' Pasekstudien,' in the Bibl. Ztschr., i. 337 ff.,
ii. 28 ff., and Psalmenprobleme, &c., Freiburg (Switzerland), 1902, p. 173, where
it is argued that Paseq indicates variants in a difficult sentence ; J. Kennedy,
The Note-line in the Ileb. Scriptures, Edinb. 1903, with an index of all the occur-
rences oi Paseq, p. 117 fif. According to Kennedy the 'note-line', of which
he distinguishes sixteen different kinds, is intended to draw attention to
some peculiarity in the text ; it existed long before the Masoretes, and was
no longer understood by them. See, however, the reviews of E. KOnig, Tlieol.
6o The Individual Sounds and Characters [§15/
S^golta (seven times altogether) wheo this would stand
at the head of the sentence ; cf. Gn 19^^ «&c.
4 a. (-^) ''^'^5 ^i?] Zaqeph gadol, and
4 h. (-^) P^iJ ^pt Zaqeph qaton. The names refer to their musical
character. As a disjunctive, Little Zaqeph is by nature
stronger than Great Zaqeph; but if they stand together,
the one which comes first is always the stronger.
5. (-_) S^HB^ Tiphha or Snn^ Tarha, a subordinate disjunctive
before Silluq and 'Athnah, but very often the principal
disjunctive of the whole verse instead of 'Athnah ; always
so when the verse consists of only two or three words
(e.g. Is 2"), but ako in longer verses (Gn 3^').
6. (-^) V'?l Rebhia'.
7. (-^) i<ij"jl Zarqa, postpositive.
8 a. {■^) «^f 3 Paita, postpositive,^ and
8 h. (-^) ^^n^ Yethibh, 2>repositive, and thus different from Mehup-
pakh. Y^thibh is used in place of Pasta when the latter
would stand on a monosyllable or on a foretoned word,
not preceded by a conjunctive accent.
9. (_) -inri Tebhir.
10 a. {—) B'7.a Geres or D^D T^res, and
106. (— ) Dt^7? G«ras^yim" or Double GfereS, used for Gferes, when
the tone rests on the ultima, and 'Azla does not precede,
ri a. (-^) ■(tS Pazer, and
1 1 b. {—) S^"ia "iia Pazer gadol (Great Pazer) or nns >)r\p_ Qarne phara
{cow-horns), only used i6 times, for special emphasis.
12. (— ) T\b)i: af'bn Tellga gedola or Great Telisa, prepositive.
13. (j ) nci"l5p Legarmeh, i.e. Munah (see below) with a following
stroke.
Stud. u. Krit., 1904, p. 448 ff., G. Beer, TLZ. 1905, no. 3, and esp. A. Kloster-
mann, Theol. Lit.-blatt, 1904, no. 13, with whom Ginsburg agrees {Verhand-
lungen des Hamb. Or .-kongresses von 1902, Leiden, 1904, p. 210 ff.) in showing
that the tradition with regard to the 479 or 480 uses of Paseq is by no means
uniform. Tlie purpose of Paseq is clearly recognizable in the five old rules :
as a divider between identical letters at the end and beginning of two words ;
between identical or very similar words ; between words which are absolutely
contradictory (as God and evil-doer) ; between words which are liable to be
wrongly connected ; and lastly, between heterogeneous terms, as ' Eleazar the
High Priest, and Joshua'. But the assumption of a far-reaching critical
importance in Paseq is at least doubtful. — Cf. also the important article by
H. Fuchs, 'Pesiq ein Glossenzeichen,' in the Vieiieljahrsschrift f. Bibelkunde,
Aug. 1908, p. I ff. and p. 97 flf.
' If the word in question has the tone on the penultima, PaSta is placed
over it also, e.g ^riD Gn 1' ; cf. below, I.
* Wickes requires GerSayim (D^K'1s|).
The Accents
6i
I.
2.
3-
h
§ 15 5-, A]
B. Conjunctive AccESTa (Conjunctivi or Sen?*). fir
14. (_) miD Munah.
15. (__) TjSrit? Mehuppakh or 'n?'!iP Mahpakh.
16 a. (— ) N31'0 or N^l^P Meiekha, and
16 b. {-—) nblQ3 'O Merekha khephula or Double Mer^kha.
17. (__) Ka"!"! Darga.
18. {-^) iO]^ 'Azla, when associated witb G^re§ (see above) also
called Qadma.
19. (— ) '"13^1? NB^'^n Telisa qetannS or Little Teliga, postpositive.
20. (_) b^% Galgal or nn^ Yferah.
[21. (_) fc«b*K» Me'ayyela or N^^NO May^la, a variety of Tiphha,
serves to mark the secondary tone in words which have
Silluq or 'Athnah, or which are united by Maqqeph
with a word so accentuated, e.g. nj"^^*.^ Gn 8^*.]
II. The Accents of the Books D^'sn.
A. DisTiNcrrvr.
( — ) Silluq (see above, I, i).
(7^) I'})'') nb^y '6lfe weyored,^ a stronger divider than
( ) 'Athnah (see above, I, 2). In shorter verses 'Athnah
suffices as principal distinctive; in longer verses 'Ole
vfyorld serves as such, and is then mostly followed by
'Athnah as the principal disjunctive of the second half
of the verse.
4. (— ) Rebhia' gad61 (Great Rebhia').
5. (-^) Rebhla' mugras, i.e. Rebhia' with Gere§ on the same word.
6. (— ) Great SalSfeleth (see above, 1. 3 6).
7. (-=^) "lisif Sinnor (Zarqa), as postpositive, is easily distinguished
from ri"'")^3if Sinnorith similarly placed, which is not an
independent accent, but stands only over an open syllable
before a consonant which has Mer^kha or Mahpakh.
8. (— ) Rebhia' q5t6n (Little Rebhia') immediately before 'Ole
w^yored.
9. (__) "'n'H D«hi or Tiphha, prepositive, to the right underneath
the initial consonant, e.g. ''13!^ (consequently it does not
mark the tone-syllable).
1 "Wrongly called also MSr*kha m'huppakh {Mer^kha mahpakhatum), although
the accent underneath is in no way connected with Mer*kha ; cf. Wickes, 1. c,
p. 14.
62 IVie Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 15 in
10, (— ) Pazer (see above, I, 1 1 a).
II a, (|-^) Mehuppakh legarmeh, i.e. MahpSkh with a following
stroke.
116. (|--^) 'Azla legarmeli, i.e. 'Azla with a following stroke.
I B. CONJCNCTIVI.
12. (— -) Meiekha (see above, I. i6a).
13. (_j-) Munah (see above, I. 14).
14. (-— ) ""l?y 'Illuy or Munah superior,
15. (__) t^ni^ Tarha (under the tone- syllable, and thus easily
distinguished from No. 9).
16. (-;j-) Galgal or Yferah (see above, I. 20).
17. ( — ) M^huppakh or Mahpakh (see above, I. 15).
18. (-^) 'Azla (see above, I. 18).
19. ( — ) Sal§eleth q^tanna (Little Salseleth).
Tlie last three are distinguished from the disjunctives of
the same name by the absence of the stroke.
[20. (-=^) Sinnorith, see above under No. 7.]
Remabks on the Accents.
I. As Signs of the Tone.
]^ 1. As in Greek and English (cf. (Ifd and (Im, compact and comfdct) so also in
Hebrew, words which are written with the same consonants are occasionally
< <
distinguished by the position of the tone, e.g. U3 ban^ (they built), ^33 hdnu
(in us) ; HOp qdma (she stood up), r\h\> qamd (standing up, fern.).
I 2. As a rule the accent stands on the tone-syllable, and properly on its
initial consonant. In the case of prepositives and postpositives alone (see
above, e) the tone-syllable must be ascertained independently of the accent.
lu many MSS. as well as in Baer's editions of the text, the postpositive sign
in foretoned vvrords stands also over the tone-syllable after the analogy of
Pa5ta (see above, I. 8 a, note); e.g. '^3^''' D"l6 Gni9*; so the prepositive
PC T : • .• v
sign in cases like ''11^1 Gn 8^^.
II. As Siijns of Punctuation.
ffl 3. In respect to this use of the accents, every verse is regarded as a period
which closes veith Silluq, or in the figurative language of the grammarians,
as a province (ditio) which is governed by the great distinctive at the end.
According as the verse is long or short, i. e. the province great or small, there
are several subordinate Domini of different grades, as governors of greater
and smaller divisions. When possible, the subdivisions themselves are also
split up into parts according to the law of dichotomy (see Wickes, The Accents
of the Twenty-one Books, p. 29 ff ). — When two or more equivalent accents (Zaqeph,
K'bhia') occur consecutively, the accent which precedes marks a greater
division than the one which follows ; cf. e.g. the Zaqeph, Gn i""".
7i 4. In general a conjunctive {Servua) unites only such words as are closely
connected in sense, e. g. a noun with a following genitive or a noun with an
^liso,p,i6a,b] The Accents 63
adjective. For the closest connexion between two or more words Maqqeph is
added (§ i6a).
5. The consecution of the several accents (especially the correspondence of
disjunctives with their proper conjunctives) conforms in tlie most minute
details to strict rules, for a further investigation of which we must refer to
the above-mentioned works. Here, to avoid misunderstanding, we shall
only notice further the rule that in the accentuation of the books D"Nn, the
R'hhi^' mugrds before Silluq, and the D^/ii before 'Athndh, must be changed into
conjunctives, unless at least two toneless syllables precede the principal
disjunctive. For this purpose §*wa mobile after Qames, Sere, or Holem (with
Metheg) is to be regarded as forming a syllable. After '016 w«y6red the
'Athnah does not necessarily act as pausal (cf. Delitzsch on \p 45'). The
condition of our ordinary texts is corrupt, and the system of accents can
only be studied in correct editions [see Wickes' two treatises].
6. A double accentuation occurs in Gn 35", from 331J'^1 onward (where p
the later accentuation, intended for public reading, aims at uniting vv. 22
and 23 into one, so as to pass rapidly over the unpleasant statement in v. 22) ;
and in the Decalogue, Ex 20^ ^- ; Dt 5* ^- Here also the later (mainly
superlinear) accentuation which closes the first verse with DHSV (instead of
"•33) is adopted simply for the purposes of public reading, in order to reduce
the original twelve verses (with sublinear accentuation) to ten, the number
of the Commandments. Thus W^ll]} at the end of v. 2 has Silluq (to close
• T -;
the verse) in the lower accentuation, but in the upper, which unites vv. 2-6
(the actual words of God) into a single period, only R«bhi''. Again iJD,
regarded as closing v. 3, is pointed ""JS (pausal Qames with Silluq), but in
the upper accentuation it is ''JQ with Pathah because not in pause. (Originally
there may have been a third accentuation requiring D'^py and ^3E, and thus
representing vv. 2 and 3 as the first commandment.) Further the upper
accentuation unites vv. 8-1 1 into one period, while in vv. 12-15 the lower
accentuation combines commandments 5-8 into one verse. Cf. Geiger,
Urschrift u. Ubersetsungen der Bibel, p. 373 ; Japhet, op. cit., p. 158, and eap.
K. J. Grimm, Johns Hopkins Univ. Circ. xix (May, 1900), no. 145.
§ 16. Of Maqqeph and MUMg.
These are both closely connected with the accents. a
1. Maqqeph (^i?0 i.e. hinder) is a small horizontal stroke between
the Tipper part of two words which so connects them that in respect
of tone and pointing they are regarded as one, and therefore have
only one accent. Two, three, or even four words may be connected
in this way, e.g. D'lX"?! every man, 3K'^"i'3"nK every herb, Gn i"*,
i^--|p«-^3-nX all that he had, Gn 25*.
Certain monosyllabic prepositions and conjunctions, such as "7NI to, "1^ Jj
uniil, ~?y upon, "DJJ with, "PS ne, ~DX if, whether, "|K)/rom, ~]B lest, are almost
always found with a following Maqqeph, provided they have not become
independent forms by being combined with prefixes, e.g. /Vl?, DJJD, in which
case Maqqeph as a rule does not follow. Occasionally Maqqeph is replaced
by a conjunctive accent (see above, § 9 u, i c), as, according to the Masora,
in Dt if, a S 20^8, Jer 25^0, 29^5, Ec 9* in the case of -^3 ^X ; f ^f, 60*, Pr 3'^
in the case of TiXj the objective particle. Longer words are, however, con-
64 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 16 c-/
nected by Maqqeph with a following monosyllable, e.g. nb'TjTnrin Gn 6*,
|D'"'n^1_ Gn i''; or two words of more than one syllable, e.g. "l"lJ'V"nj?3B'
seventeen, Gn 7'^. Cf. the Greek proclitics kv, tie, th, d, u/s, ov, which are atonic,
and lean on the following word.
<
C 2. Metheg (JriD i.e. a bridle), a small perpendicular stroke under
the consonant to the left of the vowel, indicates most frequently the
secondary stress or counter-tone, as opposed to the principal tone
marked by the accents. It serves, however, in other cases to point
out that the vowel should not be hastily passed over in pronunciation,
but should be allowed its full sound. Hence other names of Metheg
are Ma^-ikh, i.e. lengthener, and Gayd, i.e. raising of the voice,
which is Great Ga'yd with long vowels, otherwise Little Gayd}
d It is divided into: i. The light Metheg. This is subdivided again into
(a) the ordinary Metheg of the counter-tone, as a rule in the second (open)
syllable before the tone, e.g. DIKH (cf. also such cases as "lif"T]20) ; but also
in the third when the second is closed, e. g. D^y3"!Xn (also in such cases as
!]pSn"n!iy), and when the third is not suitable for it, even in the fourth
(open) syllable before the tone. This Metheg may be repeated in the fourth
syllable before the tone, when it already stands in the second, e. g. DDTlV^K',
Finally it is always added to the vowel of an open ultima, which is joined
by Maqqeph to a word beginning with a toneless syllable and so without
M6theg (e.g. i'Xnbpja, on the other hand D'^i'T^DB'"!, n''nN-Nb), or to a
word beginning with S'wd before the tone-syllable, e.g. ^p~^0 '3Zl~nb?B'
&c. ; the object being to prevent the S^tod from becoming quiescent.
e The ordinary light MethSg is omitted with a movable 1 copulative, con-
sequently we do not find D''IQ1, &c. (nor even ^J31, &c., contrary to b, a ; but
^l'I^i, &c., according to 6, 5, cf. § 10 g. b).
■P (b) The firm or indispensable Metheg. (o) With all long vowels (except in
certain cases, !| copulative, see above), which are followed by a S^wd 7nobile
preceding the tone-syllable; e.g. IN")'', ^JB'^ &c. ((3) To emphasize a
long vowel in a closed syllable immediately before Maqqeph, e.g. "•pTIK'
Gn 4^5 (not soth-li) ; hence also with "<'3 \p 138^ and "^X Jb 4126 (for "73 and
"DN ; cf. also ~nXO Jo 15^*, &c.). (7) With Sere, which has become toneless
through retraction of the tone, in order to prevent its being pronounced as
S'ghol, e.g. ny^ 2nK Pr 12^ (not 'ohebh). (5) With all vowels before com-
posite 5*u;d, e. g. TOy\, Q^^V^, &c- (except when the following consonant is
<
strengthened, e. g. ^Dllip.''. Is 62', because the strengthening by Dagei excludes
the retarding of the vowel by Metheg) ; so in the cases discussed in § 28 c,
where a shoi't vowel lias taken the place of a Hateph, as ntDJJ^ &c. (t) In the
preformative syllable of all forms of iT*n to be, and riTI to live, when S'wd
quiescens stands under the H or n, e. g. iTH'' n''nn (yih-ye, tih-ye), &c., cf.
^ Cf. as the source of this account of MethSg, the exhaustive treatment by
S. Baer, ' Metheg-Setzung nach ihren iiberlieferten Gesetzen,' in A. Merx's
Archiv fUr die wissenschaftl. Erforschung des A. Test., Heft i, Halle, 1867, p- 56 ff.,
and Heft ii. 1868, p. 194 ff. ; Baer and Strack, Dikduke ha-l'amim, p. 30 fit.
§§i6£^-t, i7a] The Accents 65
§ 63 q. (0 With the Games of the plural forms of n"'3 house (thus D*ri3
•IT
bdtttm, cf. § 96 under IT'S), and with nSN ^ prithee ! to guard against the pro-
nunciation bottim, onnd. — Every kind of light M6th§g may in certain
circumstances be changed into a conjunctive accent, e. g. D^RIH 2 Ch 34^^, &c.
2. The grave M'etheg {Ga'ya in the more limited sense) is especially employed p*
in the follov«ring cases in order more distinctly to emphasize a short vowel
or an initial S®wa : (a) with the Pathah of the article or of the prefixes
2^ Dj 7, when followed by S'wd under a consonant without Dages, e. g. n^DDH
n?Dp7 ^ &c., but not before ^ (before which \ also remains without MeiMg, with
the exception of ""n^l and "Tl^l when they are followed by Maqqeph, or accented
with Pasta), nor before the tone-syllable of a word, and neither before nor after
the common MetMg ; likewise not in words which are connected by a con-
junctive accent with the following word ; (6) with the interrogative H with
Pathah (except when it precedes ^, Dages forte or the tone-syllable of the word),
e. g. !lbxn. When a S^wd follows the n and after the S'wd there is an untoned
syllable, Baer places the MethSg to the right of the Pathah, e, g. riDI^H Gn 273^
(but ed. Mant. and Ginsb. '3n) ; (c) with the Pathah or S^gol of the article
before a guttural (which cannot take DageS), e. g. D'>>nn D''^nn. — The S'wd-
Ga'yd ( \ is especially important in the accentuation of the D"Nn , for purposes
of musical recitation ; it stands chiefly in words whose principal tone is
marked by a disjunctive without a preceding conjunctive, e. g. iTHI ip 1^.
3. The euphonic Ga'yd, to ensure the distinct pronunciation of those con- /l
sonants which in consequence of the loss of the tone, or because they close a
syllable, might easily be neglected, e. g. v V3tS'*1 Gn 24^ ; D1S Hi'^S (here to
avoid a hiatus) 28^, or in such cases as i'N'n^'l Jb 33*, &c. ; NEJ'in Gn i".
Metheg (especially in the cases mentioned in i, 6, a) is a guide to correct I
pronunciation, since it distinguishes d from (except in the case noted in
§ Q t>, b) and i from i; e.g. n?3S 'd-khHd (she has eaten), but n^^N ^okhld
(food), since the stands here in a toneless closed syllable, and must
therefore be a short vowel ; thus also ^NT yi-r^^u (they fear), but ^X")^ yir'u
(they see), 13B''' (they sleep), but \W'^_ (they repeat). The Jewish grammarians,
however, do not consider the syllables lengthened by Metheg as open. They
regard the S'wa as quiescent in cases like DpaX and belonging to the pre-
ceding vowel ; cf. Baer, Thorat 'Emeth, p. 9, and in Merx's Archiv, i. p. 60,
Rem. I, and especially Dikduke ha-famim, p. 13.
§17. Of the Q^re and KHliihh. Masora marginalis and
finalis.
On Q'rfi and K*thibh see Ginsburg, Intr., p. 183 ff. ]
1. The margin of Biblical MSS. and editions exhibits variants a
of an early date (§ 3 c), called """lip ^ to he read, since, according to
<
^ The common form is N3N with an accent on both syllables, in which
case, according to Qimhi, the tone is always to be placed on the former. For
the above mode of writing and position of the tone cf. Is 38*, Jon i", 4',
2 On the necessity of the punctuation ^"Ip as passive participle ( = legendum)
F
66 The Individual Sounds and Characters [§ 17 h-d
the opinion of the Jewish critics, they are to be preferred to the
3''n|, i.e. what is written in the text, and are actually to be read
instead of it.
On this account the vowels of the marginal reading (the Q^re) are
placed under the consonants of the text, and in order to understand
both readings properly, the vowels in the text must be applied to the
marginal reading, while for the reading of the text (the KHhihh) its own
vowels are to be used. Thus in Jer 42^ ^.3^:5 occurs in the text, in the
margin """ip "ijnJN. Read IJfr? vje (or according to Jewish tradition ^^)
in the text, in the mai'gin ^JHJS. A small circle or asterisk in the
text always refers to the marginal reading.
h 2. Words or consonants which are to be passed over in reading,
and are therefore left unpointed, are called ""lip ^^\ ^"^ni {scri2)tum et
non legendum), e.g. TIN Jer 38'^ D^< 39'^ yM'' 5I^ Conversely, words
not contained in the text, but required by the Masora (as indicated
by the insertion of their vowels), are called y^TO N7I "•"ip, e.g. 2 S 8^
Jer 31^. See further Strack, Prolegomena Critica, p. 85; Dikduke
ha-famim, §§ 62, 64; Blau, Masoretische Untersuchungen, p. 49 ff.
C 3. In the case of some very common words, which are always to be
read otherwise than according to the KHhibh, it has not been con-
sidered necessary to place the Q^re in the margin, but its vowels are
simply attached to the word in the text. This Q^reperpetuum occurs in
the Pentateuch in ^^"in (Q^re N''/!) wherever Nin stands for the feminine
(§ 32 I), and in IV^. (Kethibh lyj, Q^re n"ij;3) always, except in Dt 22''
(but the Sam. text always has XTI, myj). The ordinary explanation
of this supposed archaism, on the analogy of Greek 6 ttol's and rj Trats,
our child, is inadequate, since there is no trace elsewhere of this epicene
use ; "lyj for my: is rather a survival of a system of orthography in
which a final vowel was written defectively, as in ^p^\> ; cf. § 2 n. —
Other instances are: "lOK'fe'^ (Q. "^^f)) Gn 30'^ &c., see the Lexicon,
and Baer and Delitzsch, Genesis, p. 84, and below, note to § 47 6;
°.^?'^1: (Q- ^'^V''"!:)' properly D.^B'n; ; nin; (Q.^yiN the Lord), or (after
^p^) nVn; (Q. O^n^X) properly nin: Yahwe (cf. § 102 w, and § 135 ^,
note) ; on D^?.K', U^m for V.f , '^f , see § 97 d, end.
d 4. The masoretic apparatus accompanying the biblical text is
divided into (a) Masora marginalis, consisting of (a) Masora (mar-
ginalis) magna on the upper and lower margins of MSS. ; (/S) Masora
{marginalis) parva between and on the right and left of the columns ;
inste.id of ''^p Q^t'i, which was formerly common but is properly a past tense
{^lectum est), see Kautzsch, Gramm. des Bibl.-Aram,, p. 81, note.
§ 17 e] Of the Q're and K'thibk 67
(b) Masora finalis at the end of the several books, counting Samuel,
Kings, Minor Prophets, Ezra-Nehemiah, Chronicles, each as one
book. On all three varieties see especially Ginsburg, Introd., p. 423 ff.,
and the appendices containing (p. 983 flf.) the masoretic treatise from
the St. Petersburg MS. of a.d. 1009, and (p. 1000 ff.) specimens of
the Masora parva and magna on two chapters.
In nearly all printed editions only the Masora flnalis is found, indicating ^
the number of verses, the middle point of the book, &c., and a scanty
selection from the Masora parra. The following alphabetical list of technical
expressions (some of them Aramaic) and abbreviations, may suffice with the
help of the lexicon to elucidate the subject. Further details will be found
in the appendix to Teile's edition of the Hebrew 0. T., p. 1222 flf.
niK letter. N^X nisi, except. JJ^OS middle. Pl"DX = p1DQ fllD H^nS in the
formula f|"DX XP3 vnthout ^Athnak or Soph-pasuq i.e. although no 'Athna/j or
Soph-pasuq is written.
3 with, before names of vowels or accents, as PlpTS J'Cp Qames with Zaqeph
used instead of Pathah (§ 291). — '2 as a numeral = <wo, as in D^Dytp '2 two
accents. nXp03, see Jli'prD. N"33 = ^''inX NHtpiJn (Aramaic) in another copy ;
Pl- IJ^in^ ICP''^?- — ^<"D2 = Dn^S □"'ISpa m other books. "Ijri3 (Aram.) after.
B'lJT fem. njJ'lJT marked with Dages (or Mappiq). f)'1 leaf, page.
■\''j;t fem. i^yV] (Aram.) small.
7in profayie, not sacred, e.g. ''y^^{ Gn 19' because not referring to God. pn
except, ion written defectively, also wanting as 'N Tl 'aleph is omitted.
DytO accent (see 3) ; Dyt3 in Hiphil to chant an accent.
"I'^ri^ superfluous.
}N3 here. ?p3 (Aram.) total, as adv. in general.
'7=n"i7 (Aram., from n''X XT' non es<) =the form is not found elsewhere.
p'lID accurately corrected. ^fh'Q fill i.e. written p^ewe. HtSpptp helow = ^'\..'0
(§ 15 c). n^yP!'P = ^7^P (§ 15 0- nhjIJlD separated, the name of tha
strangely formed Nuns before \p 107^^ 'f- (§ 5 w). XlpO that which is read,
the name for all the O. T. scriptures. njfpDpari.
nJ fem. nn3 quiescent, i.e. uot sounded. D^Vp concealed, i.e. only retained
orthographically. n^p3 a pomi. *l^p3 pointed.
X^D see 3. |D^D ffTjfieTov, sign, esp. a wmewontc word or, frequently, sentence.
'ID = n^20' total ?l"D = p1DS S]iD (§ 15/).
*l^Gy column of a page.
p1DE3 a masoretic verse. XpDQ a space, esp. in the phrase p^DS V^f^XS 'Q
o space within a verse, e.g. Gn 35^^ ; cf. H. Gratz, Monatschrift fur Gesch. u. Wiss.
des Judentums, 1878, p. 481 ff., and H. Strack, ibid. 1879, p. 26 fif.
'p = ''"lp, see above, c. mp properly DTp fce/orc. pjip fem. njf^Jjp jjom'ed
io;7;j Qamex. X~)ip reader of the sacred text.
XriSTj nn31, ''n3T (Aram , all fem. sing.) large.
n3''ri icord (consisting of more thf.n one letter). iT'^bri suspensa (§ 5 n,
3). '•"in (Aram.) two.
F 2
CHAPTER II
PECULIARITIES AND CHANGES OF LETTERS : THE
SYLLABLE AND THE TONE
§18.
The changes which take place in the forms of the various parts
of speech, depend pai-tly on the peculiar nature of certain classes
of letters and the manner in which they affect the formation of
syllables, partly on certain laws of the language in regard to syllables
and the tone.
§ 19. Changes of Consonants.
a The changes which take place among consonants, owing to the
formation of words, inflexion, euphony, or to influences connected
with the progress of the language, are commutation, assimilation,
rejection, addition, transposition, softening.
1. Commutation ' may take place between consonants which are
either homorganic or homogeneous (cf § 6 q), e.g. j^^V, Dpy, tbV to
exult, nxp, nro, Aram. NV? to be weary, |*np and J^nj to press, "13D
and "^PD to close, t^po and t^pQ to escape. In process of time, and
partly under the influence of Aramaic, the harder and rougher sounds
especially were changed into the softer, e.g. pHS into pHB' to laugh,
^y2 into P^\ to reject, and the sibilants into the corresponding mutes :
) into *7, B' into n, X into Q. In many cases these mutes may be
regarded as a return to an earlier stage of the pronunciation.
The interchange of consonants, however, belongs rather to the
lexicographical treatment of stems ^ than to grammatical inflexion.
To the latter belong the interchange (a) of n and B in Hithjia'el
(§ 54 ^) ') (^) of 1 and '» in verbs 2>rim^e Yod (§ 69), *1PJ for "1/1, &c.
b 2. Assimilation usually takes place when one consonant which
closes a syllable passes over into another beginning the next syllable,
and forms with it a strengthened letter, as illustris for inlustris, affero
for adfero, crvXXafi/3dvw for a-vv\afiftdvo). In Hebrew this occurs,
1 Cf. Barth, Etymologische Forschungen, Lpz. 1893, p. 15 ff. (' Lautverschie-
bungen ').
* See in the Lexicon, the preliminary remarks on the several consonants.
§ 19 c-k] Changes of Consonants 69
(a) most frequently with 3, e.g. DE'O (for min-^dm) from there, HID ('
(for min-ze) from this, J^^ (for yinten) lie gives. J is not assimilated
after the prefix p, e.g. ^23?, nor as a rule before gutturals (except
sometimes before n), nor when it is the third consonant of the stem,
e.g. ^'^^^ (of. however JJinj for ndthdntd) except when another Nun
follows, cf § 440; nor in some isolated cases, as Dt 33^, Is 29^ 58'*,
all in the principal pause; on ^"^^n and ^"^3ri >/^ 68^, see § 51 k, and
§66/.
(6) Less frequently and only in special cases with ?, n, T, e. g. HJ?^ d
(for yilqah) he takes; "1?"^? for mithdabber; NSIS^ <"or yithtammd; IP.isri
for tithkonen; KK'Sn for NtT^nn ; nns for 'ahadt; but in i S 4" for rh)
read probably rilb?.
(c) In isolated cases with n, '\, \ e.g. K3X prithee/ if from W f^Nt ; C
1 and ^ mostly before sibilants in the verbal forms enumerated in § 71.
In all these cases, instead of the assimilated letter, a Dages forte f
appears in the following consonant. Dage^, however, is omitted when
the strengthened consonant would stand at the end of a word, since
the strengthening would then be less audible (§ 20 I), e.g. ^^ nose
(from 'anp), nri to give (from tint).
The cases are less frequent where a weak letter is lost in pronunciation,^
and in place of it the preceding stronger sound is sharpened, i. e. takes Dages,
e.g. ^nptSp from ^nnpt^j? (§ 59 3). pDS for p2P^ (§ ^6 e) is an Aramaism.
3. Complete rejection takes place only in the case of weaker con- xr
sonants, especially the sonants 3 and 7, the gutturals N and n, and the
two half vowels 1 and * . Such rejection takes place,
(a) at the beginning of a word {aphaeresis), when these weak con- k
sonants (k, ^, 7, i) are not supported by a full vowel, but have only
Sewa, e.g. «n: we, also ^J^K; Vl for Vl) ; np for HpS) ; m for ^^^
*n for 'r}: Ez 2"'.
Aphaeresis of a weak consonant with a full vowel is supposed to occur in 11 1
Ju igii for nT ; in nnn 2 S 22*' for nnn3 : in nV^ for 2il^ Je 4210 ; on np
EZ17* for npp, and on DPlp Ho 11' for DPIpp, see § 66 g, end. In reality,
liowever, all these forms are to be regarded merely as old textual errors.
(6) In the middle of a word {syncope), when S^wa precedes the f^-
weak consonant"; thus in the case of N (see further § 23 b-f and
^ Such a suppi-ession of a letter is sometimes inaccurately called ' backward
assimilation '.
^ Syncope of a strong consonant (JJ) occurs in ""S prithee ! if this stands for
'>^2 (see Lexicon), also in HpC'JI Am 8», KHhibh for T\Vl^y\ (cf. nVptJ'l y'), and
70 Peculiarities and Changes of Letters [§§ 19 i-o, 20 a
§ 68 h-k), e.g. in D1^ for DIS^O. As a rule in such cases, however,
the K is orthographically retained, e.g. TWTSO for nti"ii5p. Syncope
occurs frequently in the case of n, e.g. "^^^J for '^'^Q? (§ 23 ^ and
§ 35 n), V\?^: for bv\yr>\ (§ 53 a).
Syncope of N with S^wa occurs in such cases as "Jl^j? for '*5'1??,?
(cf. § 102 m); ">^V**1 Zc II^' On the cases in which N is wholly
omitted after the article, see § 35 d.
Finally, the elision of "I and > in verbs n"^ (§ 75 ^) is an instance of
syncope. — On the syncope of n between two vowels, see § 23 k.
I (c) At the end of a word [apocope), e.g. n^a pr. name of a city (cf.
■'jS^fl Gilonite); ^f}., where X though really rejected is orthographically
retained, &c. On the apocope of 1 and ^ in verbs o''7, see § 24 gr,
and § 75 ^•
Bolder changes (especially by violent apocope), took place in earlier
periods of the language, notably the weakening of the feminine ending n__
ath to n a, see § 44 a, and § 80/.
m 4. To avoid harshness in pronunciation a helping sound, Aleph
prosthetic ^ with its vowel, is prefixed to some words, e. g. V^lj^ and
yilT arm (cf. x^€5. ^X^^'i) spiritus, French esprit). — A prosthetic y
occurs probably in 3"Jpy scorpion ; cf. Arab. 'usfUr bird (stem safara).
n 5. Transposition ^ occurs only seldom in the grammar, e. g. '^^W'?
for ">?^ri'? (§ 54 b) for the sake of euphony; it is more frequent in
the lexicon (^ and ab'S lamb, nbcb' and nD^B' garment), but is
mostly confined to sibilants and sonants.
6. Softening occurs e.g. in 32^3 star, from kaukabh=kawkabh for
kabhkabh (cf. Syriac raurab = rabrab) ; nisniD phylacteries for iaph-
td2)Mth ; according to the common opinion, also in E'"'K man from 'ins,
cf. however § 96.
§ 20. The Strengthening {Sharpening) of Consonants,
a 1. The strengthening of a consonant, indicated by Bages forte, is
necessary and essential [Dages necessarium)
(a) when the same consonant would be written twice in succession
in rhu Jos iq5 for H^yS (as in is^^). Probably, however, HpB'JI and H?.! are
TT -^ T-:ir^ " '
only clerical errors, as is undoubtedly "IN3 Am S^ for *lNO (9^).
1 Frensdorff, Ochla W^ochla, p. 97 f., gives a list of forty-eight words with
quiescent K.
* This awkward term is at any rate as suitable as the nnme Ale/ protheticum
proposed by Nestle, Marginalien u. Maierialien, Tubingen, 1893, p. 67 If.
3 Cf. Barth, Etumologische Studien, Lpz. 1893, p. i flf. ; KOnigaberger, in
Zeitschri/tf. wissenschaftliche Theo^ogie, 1894, P- 45^ ^'
§ 20 6, c] The Strengthening of Consonants 71
without an intermediate vowel oi- S^wd mobile; thus we have ^^HJ for
133n3 nathdn-niX and 'P^^ for ^^tW.
(b) in cases of assimilation (§19 b-f), e.g. |^^ for yinten.
In both these cases the Dages is called compensativiim.
(c) When it is characteristic of a grammatical form, e.g. "T?p he has
learned, TSj' he has taught {Dage^ characteristicum). In a wider sense
this includes the cases in which a consonant is sharpened by Dages
forte, to preserve a preceding short vowel (which in an open syllable
would have to be lengthened by § 26 e), e.g. DyP? camels for g^mdlim;
cf. § 93 e« and kk, § 93 pp.
This coalescing of two consonants as indicated above does not take place [)
when the first has a vowel or ^^wd mobile. In the latter case, according to
the correct Masora, a compound S^wd should be used, preceded by Methcg, e.g.
D''P_^.in^ rippp^&c. (cf. §§ iog,\6f). This pointing isnot used before the suffix Tlj
e.g. ^3n2ri Gn 27*, but the first 3 has a vocal S^wd, otherwise the second 3
would have Dage''s lene. Also when the former of the two consonants has
been already strengthened by Dages forte, it can only have a vocal S^wd, and
any further contraction is therefore impossible. This applies also to cases
where Dages forte has been omitted (see below, m), e.g. V/H properly v?n =
hal-lHu. The form '333 n i/- 9" (not *333n) might be explained as imperat.
Pi'el = ''33|n ; if it were imperat. Qal the non-contraction of the monosyllabic
root would be as strange as it is in mCJ' Jer ±q^, and in the imperf. D"!!^''
Jer58. '■' "'■"'■
2. A consonant is sometimes strengthened merely for the sake of C
euphony {Dage^ euphonicum), and the strengthening is then not so
essential. This occurs^ —
(a) when two words are closely united in pronunciation by Dages
forte conjunctivum : (1) in the first letter of a monosyllable or of
a word having the tone (or occasionally the counter-tone) on the first
syllable," when closely connected with the preceding word, if that
word ends in a tone-bearing Qames {i^-y-) with. S^wd mobile preceding,
or a tone-bearing '"l-^, — called P"'n'l (i. e. compressed) by the Jewish
grammarians.
The term monosyllable here and in /(by § -28 e) includes Segholates like
IP?, "'Dt^, *c., as well as forms like ns, ^NK', ilOB', and even fy33.
^ Cf. Baer, * De primarum vocabulorum literarum dagessatione,' in his
Liber Proverbionim, Lpz. 1880, pp. vii-xv ; F. Pratorius, ' Uber den Urspning
des Dag. f. conjunctivum,' in ZAW. 1883, p. 17 fF. (ascribed to an original
assimilation of fl or 3).
'^ ibN^ alone, although having the tone on the ultima, invariably takes
the Dages forte conj, when HJJ'JD with a conjunctive accent precedes, Ex 6'°-',
IS", &c.
72 Peculiarities and Changes of Letters [§ 20 d-g
Some limit the use of the D^hiq to the closest connexion of a monosyllable
with a following B^gadk'phath. However, it also applies to cases like N3"n3?
Nu 226 ; nNrnnp.^, Gn 2^3 ; Tj^-n'iX^ ^91"; and even with iJeJf, 7]"=1~1?.yp P^ ^S* )
5)p3~n3K'C^ Gn 43'^ In all these examples the tone, were it not for the
Maqqeph, would be on the ultima of the first word.
d Rem. I. When ni <Ats has Mag^^pTi after it, a Dagreif/or/e conj. always follows,
even if the next word is neither a monosyllable nor has the tone on the
initial syllable ; thus not only in ^O^TTCl Jer 23^, but also in rl^")3~ni1 Nu i^^'',
I Ch 22'. In ~N*3 nsn Gn 19^ (where Maqqeph is represented by a conjunctive
accent, § 9 m, i c, and § 16 b), the S'ghol coincides with the secondary tone-
syllable. On the origin oiBag.f. conj. after "HD (for HD) what?, see § 37 b, c.
p 2. Such cases as nsa PINa Exig^'^S the 2nd nsbS in ver. 11, n?Xa ver. 13,
pS3 ver. 16, do not belong here. In these the Bage^ can only be intended
for Dag. lene, see § 21 d.
f (2) In the first letter of a monosyllable, or of a word with the tone
on the first syllable after a closely connected mU'el ending in n__ or
n__. Such a mil'el is called by the Jewish grammarians P''^!)^ '''D?
(Aram. = Heb. pin"J)0 ^^i^) veniens e longinquo (in respect of the tone).
The attraction of the following tone-syllable by Dages forte conj. is
here also due to the exigencies of rhythm, e. g. ''3B' Jp"'?^ ■<\r 68'*;
K3 nv^B'in ,/. ii825 (so ed. Mant., but Ginsburg and Kittel W nr^'in);
ijiKE' nn^n-in is 5" ; |y33 nxnK Gn 1 1". The Mil'el may, however,
also be due to a subsequent retraction of the tone {nasdg ^ahor, §296),
as in ^IQ nb'V Gn i". — The prefixes ?, ?, ? and 1 alone do not take
a Dages in this case, except in ^^y always, and ^i']2? ^ 19*. Such
forms as '^ ny^E'n Gn 2I=^^ nn|> nN^JO ,/,2 6^ -30 nj^nn jb 21", and
even *in^^ "^"l^^j?. Is 5°* (i- e. the cases where the tone is thrown back
from the ultima on to the syllable which otherwise would have
Metheg), are likewise regarded as mil'el. On the other hand, e. g.
^f ^1!} Grii 4*> J^ot 'n? since the first a of n"in could not have Metheg.
When words are closely united by Maqqej)h the same rules apply as
above, except that in the first word Metheg, in the secondary tone, takes
the place of the accent, cf. ^Q'-'f^ Gn i"; «3-"^T?.^ Gn 32'", &c.
Finally, the Dagel is used when the attracted word does not begin
<
with the principal tone, but with a syllable having Metheg, ^E^^. •^^i?.
^Zf; ^I'X- "^]?. Is44'^ ^'O'^yip ri-'^V Ex 25'», provided that the
second word does not begin with a B^gadh^phath letter (hence e. g.
ninbin n^x Gn 2").
g Rem. Such cases as S^pj? Dt 326, and ri"'b'3 32^', and mys (so Baer, but not
ed. Mant., &c.) i S 1^^ are therefore anomalous ; also, because beginning with
§ 20 h-i"] The Strengthening of Consonants 73
a B«gadk»phath, 0^5X3 Ex 15" (cf. however above, e) ; "^Jn Jos 8^8 ; yini2
^ 77I6 ; N''n"|3 Jb 52''. — It is doubtful whether we should include here those
cases in which Dageiforie occurs after a word ending in a toneless u, such as
^Nir ^Dlp Gn 19'*, Ex 12S1 ; Ex 12^5 ("IN^), Dt 2"; also N-J Gn 192, i S 8" ;
i? Ju 18^^, Est 6'^ (where P. Haupt regards the Dage^ as due to the enclitic
character of the 1^); B^B H081O; r\l Jer 4980 ; VT^ i S I6«. When we
explained the Dagei in these examples not as conjunctive, but orthophonic
(see above. § 13 c, and Delitzsch, Psalmen, 4th ed. on tp 94"^"), we especially
had in view those cases in which the consonant with Bagei has a S^wd. The
extension of the use of Bagei to consonants with a strong vowel, seems,
however, to indicate that these are cases of the p^mo TlS which was
required by some Masoretes but not consistently inserted. On the other
hand, the Bagei forte in "i after a preceding i {if/ 118^'*), and even after u
(if/ g^}^), is due to an attempt to preserve its consonantal power ; see KSnig,
Lehrgeb., p. 54 b.
{b) When a consonant with S^wd is strengthened by Dagel forLe h
dirimens to make the S^wd more audible. In almost all cases the
strengthening or sharpening can be easily explained from the character
of the particular consonant, which is almost always a sonant, sibilant,
or the emphatic Qoph; cf. ^?3y Lv 25*, Dt32»*(for ^?3y); ^n'^S? l^^f
(wliere, however, 'JJ^i??!' is to be read); cf. Na3'^ Jb 9'^ 17^ Jo i^^
(with »); Is 57« (with!?); Ju 20«' i S i« (with "i) ; Gn ^i)'"'^ (and
so always in ^?ipV Ju5=^^Ct i^andniajpy ^ ^f\ 89'^); Ex 15", Dt23",
Ju 20^S I S 28>« (p)^ Ex 2^ Is 58^ Am 5^ f I4I^ Pr 4" (v) ; Pr 27^*
(b*) ; Is 5=«, f 371°, Jer 5i^«, Neh 4^ {p). Also, with 3 Ho 3^ ; with 3
Is 9', Jer 4^; with n 1 S 10". In many instances of this kind the
influence of the following consonant is also observable.
(c) When a vowel is to be made specially emphatic, generally in I
the principal pause, by a Dages forte affectuosum in the following
consonant. Thus in a following sonant, Ju s*" C^JI?), Jb 29^^' C'T-)'
22'^ (IBji); Ez 27^^ (in 3); in n Is 33'^ 41'^, Jer 5l^^ perhaps ako
Jb 2i>^(Wn."',).
{d) When the sonants 7, O, 3 are strengthened hj Dage^ forte firma- k
tivum in the pronouns HbH, nan, npN, and in HDP uhy ? cf. also ni33,
nca whereby ? nD3 how much ? (§ 102 k, T), to give greater firmness
to the preceding tone-vowel.
3. Omission of the strengthening, or at least the loss of the Dages I
forte occurs,
(a) almost always at the end of a word, since here a strengthened
* The ordinary reading inD''"!")n, where "« is without Bagei, is only in-
telligible if the 1 has Bages. "" ' ""
* Also in ip 45^0 read ^""rtniJ^S with Baer and Ginsburg, following Ben
Asher, and in Pr 30" nnp^b' (Ben Naphthali 'jp^a and '^"h).
74 Peculiarities and Changes of Letters [§ 20 m-o
consonant cannot easily be sounded.' In such cases the preceding
vowel is frequently lengthened (§27 d), e. g. 3i multitude, from 23") ;
Dy peo2)le, with a distinctive accent or after the article, DV, from
Dioy; but e.g. |3 garden, H? daughter, with the final consonant
virtually sharpened. On the exceptions Jjl^ thou (fern.) and JpHlJ
thou (fern.) hast given Ez 16^, see § 10 A;.
7}i {b) Very frequently in certain consonants with Ci^wd mobile, since
the absence of a strong vowel causes the strengthening to be less
noticeable. This occurs principally in the case of "I and '• (on ^ and *
after the article, see § 35 6 ; on '. after "HD, § 21 b); and in the
sonants J3 ,^ J and 7 ; also in the sibilants, especially when a guttural
follows (but note Is 62^ VDDSO, as ed. Mant. and Ginsb. correctly
read, while Baer has ''9f?P '^vith compensatory lengthening, and others
even 'DNO ; ^30fO Gn2 7=*='^; ^bfQ 38^' for '^O , D'3^f]l 1X7=^^;
-nj^'^X I K 19-" from ppi, ^)b^fil Ez 40^^ and 0'2^^)>_ >/' 104^^; D'li'E'O
Jon 4", D^y^lSfT Ex 8' &c.) ;— and finally in the emphatic p.'
Of the B^gadk^phath letters, 3 occurs without Dages in "*^2f3ip Ju 8*^ ;
3 in Dri-j^^JO EZ322''; n in ^nn? Isn-^^ t^6\y\ri ^f {not in Jer49^^),
supposing that it is the Participle Niph'al of nnj ; lastly, n in ^i*nn
Is 22'". Examples, C'llV, "'O^. (so always the preformative ^ in the
imperf. of verbs), H^VP^P, Djf?'?,^, ''J?'"?, '^^.f!, ^«5'P, ^'<9?, ^^T-^ ^"i?^
DvpP, '"lypD, &c. In correct MSS. the omission of the Dages is indi-
cated by the Raphe stroke (§ 14) over the consonant. However, in
these cases, we must assume at least a virtual strengthening of the
consonant {Dages forte implicitum, see § 22 c, end).
(c) In the Gutturals, see § 22 &.
n Rem. I. Contrary to rule the strengthening is omitted (especially in the
later Books), owing to the lengthening of the preceding short vowel, generally
/lireq (cf. mile for mille), e. g. jnTT' he makes them afraid, for |rin^ Hb 2^'' (where,
however, it is perhaps more correct to suppose, with KOnig, a formation on
the analogy of verbs W, and moreover to read ^H^n^ with the LXX), np''|
Is 50" for nSp].
2. Very doubtful are the instances in which compensation for the strengthen-
ing is supposed to be made by the insertion of a following 3. Thus for
^ So in Latin fel {for/ell), gen. fellis ; mel, mellis; os, ossis. In Middle High
German the doubling of consonants never takes place at the end of a word,
but only in the middle (as in Old High German), e g. val {Fall), gen. valles ;
swam {Schuamm , &c., Grimm, Deutsche Gramm., 2nd ed., i. 3S3.
^ Dages forte is almost always omitted in D when it is the prefix of the
participle Pi'el or Pu'al, hence if/ 104* iTIpDn who layeth the beams, but n^ptSn
the roof Ec lo'* (cf. nON^Dn the work, &c.).
3 According to some also in D in "'yon la 1 7^° ; but see Baer on the passage.
§ 21 a-di The Strengthening of Consonants 75
n^MyO Is 23", read n"'fy» (or n"'3iyO) ; and for WCn La z'^% I'ead IBIR. In
Nu 2^1' i33p is not an instance of compensation (see § 67 0, end).
§ 21. The Aspiration of the Tenues}
The harder sound of the six B^yadk^'phath letters, indicated by «
Dagel lene, is to be regarded, according to the general analogy of
languages, as their older and original pronunciation, from which the
softer sound was weakened {§ 6 n and § 1 3). The original hard sound
is maintained when the letter is initial, and after a consonant, but
when it immediately follows a vowel or S^wa mobile it is softened and
aspirated by their influence, e.g. H? paras, ps^ yifhros, ^3 kol,
^bS Vkhol. Hence the B^gadk^pliath take Dage^ lene
(i) at the beginning of words : (a) without exception when the
preceding word ends with a vowelless consonant, e. g. JIvV 'al-ken
(therefore),'''}^ fV.'es p^ri{ fruit-tree) \ (b) at the beginning of a section,
e.g. ri''E^S"l2 Gn i^ or at the beginning of a sentence, or even of
a minor division of a sentence after a distinctive accent (§ 15 d),
although the preceding word may end with a vowel. The distinctive
accent in such a case prevents the vowel from influencing the following
tenuis, e.g. "^f^^ "''i'^l and it was so, that uhen, Ju 11^ (but 1?"^'?),'!.
Gn i^).
Rem. I. The vowel letters H, >, 1, N, as such, naturally do not close a C
syllable. In close connexion they are therefore followed by the aspirated
B'gadh^phath, e. g. rO N2fD^, &c. On the other hand, syllables are closed by
the consonantal 1 and ■» (except ^nh"1i5 Is 34" ; n5 lj E^ Ez 2j« ; d5 tps
\t 6818), and by H with Mappiq ; hence e. g. there is Dage^ lene in DH^Q "^bV and
always after nin'', since the Q*re perpetuum of this word (§ 17) assumes the
reading ^JHS.
2. In a number of cases Dage^ lene is inserted, although a vowel precedes in (I
close connexion. This almost always occurs with the prefixes 3 and 3 in the
combinations 33 33 D3 (i. e. when a B'gadk'phath with §'wa precedes the
same or a kindred aspirate) and D3 (see Baer, L. Psalmorum, 1880, p. 92,=" on
ip 2f) ; cf. e. g. I S 25^ Is Io^ ^ 34"', Jb 19^; 33 is uncertain ; 13, *13, and
33 according to David Qimhi do not take Cages, nor J3, 33, and D3 accord-
ing to the Bikduke ha-famim, p. 30. Sometimes the B^gadk'phath letters, even
with a full vowel, take Dages before a spirant (and even before n in nE'DnS
1 K 12^'^) ; cf. the instances mentioned above, § 2oe (mostly tenues before N).
In all these cases the object is to prevent too great an accumulation of
aspirates. The LXX, on the other hand, almost always represent the 3 and
' Cf. Delitzsch, Ztschr.f. luth. Theol. u. Kirche, 1878, p. 585 ff.
2 Also L. Proverbiorum, 1880, Praof. p. ix ; and Dikduke ha-famim, p. 30 (in
German in KiJnig's Lehrgeb., i.p. 62).
76 Peculiarities and Changes of Letters [§§ ar ej, 22 a-c
a, even at the beginning of a syllable, by x and ^ ; XfpovP, XaKSaioi, ^apcpdp,
&c.— The forms lbl'2 (after '•nDK'l) Is 54", and ^3^3 (after ^n''A^3'!) Jer 20»
are doubly anomalous.
6 (2) In the middle of words after S^wd quiescens, i.e. at the
beginning of a syllable immediately after a vowelless consonant,^
e.g. NS")^ yirpd {he heals), ^^f^\? ye have killed', but after S^wd mobile,
e. g. ^<S") r^2^hd {heal thou), 'T^?^ she was heavy.
/On nbt^p, 3{J'*1 and similar forma, see § 10 i.
Whether S^wd be vocal and consequently causes the aspiration of a follow-
ing tenuis, depends upon the origin of the particular form. It is almost
always vocal
(a) When it has arisen from the weakening of a strong vowel, e. g. ^31"^
pursue ye (not ^Q'T)) from S]"l"1 ; *3pP (not ""3^0), because originally mdldkhe,
but ""SpO from the ground-form malk.
(6) With the 3 of the pronominal suffixes of the 2nd pers. ^ Q3
|3__j since S*wa mobile is characteristic of these forms (see § 58/; § 91 6).
Kem. Forms like finpE' thou (fem.) hast sent, in which we should expect
an aspirated n after the vowel, cf. "^JV) Ex i8^ have arisen from nn^U' "in""
&c. ; Pathah being here simply a helping vowel has no influence on the
tenuis ; cf. § 28 e.
§ 22. Peculiarities of the Gutturals.
a The four gutturals n, n, V, N, in consequence of their peculiar
pronunciation, have special characteristics, but N, as the weakest of
these sounds, and sometimes also J? (which elsewhere as one of the
harder gutturals is the opposite of N), differ in several respects from
the stronger n and n.
1. They do not admit of DageS forte, since, in consequence of
a gradual weakening of the pronunciation (see below, note 2), the
strengthening of the gutturals was hardly audible to the Masoretes.
But a distinction must be drawn between (a) the complete omission
of the strengthening, and (6) the mere echo of it, commonly called
^aZ/^ doubling, but better, virtual strengthening.
C In the former case, the short vowel before the guttural would stand
in an open syllable, and must accordingly be lengthened or modified."*
' The exceptions ?Nrip'' Jos 15^* (see Minhat shay, on this passage), 2 K 14'',
and DV'lp"' Jos 15^® may perhaps be due to the character of the p.
" Cf. terra and the French terre, the German Rolle and the French role ;
German drollig and French drole. The omission of the strengthening shows a
deterioration of the language. Arabic still admits of the strengthening of
gutturals in all cases.
§ 22 d-f'\ Peculiarities of the Gutturals 77
For a distinction must again be drawn between the full lengthening of
Pathah into Qames — mostly before K [always under the n of the
article, see § 35), as a rule also before y, less frequently before n, and
least often before n — and the modification of Pathah to S^ghol,
mostly before a guttural with Qames. In the other case {virtual
strengthening) the Dagei is still omitted, but the strengthening is
nevertheless regarded as having taken place, and the preceding vowel
therefore remains short. This virtual strengthening occurs most
frequently with n, usually with n, less frequently with y, and very
seldom with N. Examples of (a) |NO, Onxn, Dyn, nnn, N^n*. (for
yihhahhe) ; also inx, jrin^ D'^inn, ^"^^J^, (see more fully on the pointing
of the article before y in § 35).— Of (6) K'lnn, t2!in» (from minMt),
^^'"''!', ""i??, r^?, &c. — In all these cases of virtual strengthening the
Pages forte is to be regarded at least as implied (hence called Page^
forte implicitum, occultum, or delitescens).
2. They prefer before them, and sometimes after them (cf. h), d
a short A-sound, because this vowel is organically the nearest akin
to the gutturals. Hence
(a) before a guttural, Pathah readily (and always before H, H, y
closing a syllable) takes the place of another short vowel or of
a rhythmically long e or o, e. g. n3T sacrifice, not zeheh ; VP??' report,
not seme. This is more especially so when a was the original vowel
of the form, or is otherwise admissible. Thus in the Imperat. and
Imperf. Qal of guttural verbs, np?' send thou, npip^ he will send (not
yisloh) ; Perf. Pi'el H^E^ (but in Pausa D.^B') ; ibn: he will desire (not
yihmod) ; n3J1 and he rested (not wayydnoh) ; 1^5 a youth. In ^W
and iton^ d is the original vowel.
Rem. In such cases as NS'I N3L) N?B N^i the N has no consonantal C
value, and is only retained orthographically (see § 23 a).
(b) After a heterogeneous long vowel, i. e. after all except Qames, f
the hard gutturals^ (consequently not n), when standing at the end
of the word, require the insertion of a rapidly uttered a [Pathah
furtivum) between themselves and the vowel. This Pathah is placed
under the guttural, but sounded before it. It is thus merely an
orthographic indication not to neglect the guttural sound in pro-
nunciation, e.g. nn ril^h, yi3, y"\, n"'pK'n, niaj (when consonantal n is
1 Pratorius, Ueber den ruckweich. Accent im Uebr., Halle, 1897, p. 17, &c..
remarks that Pathah furtivum has not arisen merely under the influence of
the guttural, but is due to a duplication of the accented syllable, so that e.g.
S^E'^ I^X' would also be pronounced yasPbh, yam^dh although the short
intermediate vowel was not so noticeable as before a guttural.
78 Peculiarities and Changes of Letters [^ 22 g-o
final it necessarily takes Mappiq), but e. g. ^nn, &c., since here the
rapidly uttered a is no longer heard.
g I^ch for ich, &c., in some Swiss dialects of German, is analogous ; a furtive
Pathah is here involuntarily intruded before the deep guttural sound. In
Arabic the same may be lieard in such words as mesiah, although it is not
expressed in writing. The LXX (and Jerome, of. ZAW. iv. 79) write t, some-
times a, instead o{ furtive Pathah, e.g. Plj Nwe, y^^ 'UZhova (also 'Ia55oi5).
h Rem. I. The guttural may also have an influence upon the following vowel,
especially in Segholate forms, e. g. "lyf (not na'er) a youth, pya (not po'el) deed.
The only exceptions are bnN \>y^, ^^. , ^Dl'
I 2. Where in the present form of the language an i, whether original or
attenuated from Pathah, would stand before or after a guttural in the first
syllable of a word, a S^ghol as being between a and i is frequently used
instead, e.g. \i^iirv /also ti'ann ^an"" '•bnn, "i"iw, niy, &c.
A-' On the other hand, the slighter and sharper Hireq is retained even under
gutturals when the following consonant is sharpened by Dage^s forte, e. g.
P?n n3n nisn ; but when this shai-pening is removed, S*gh6l is again apt to
appear, e.g. fVjn constr. li^jn, }i''?n constr. |Vtn,
/ 3. Instead of sim2>le S^wd mobile, the gutturals take without
exception a com2)ound Shod, e.g. ^t^D*^, ''^i^^, "^^^, ^??fj &c.
M 4. When a guttural with quiescent S'^wd happens to close a syllable
in the middle of a word, the strongly closed syllable (with quiescent
S^wd) may remain; necessarily so with n, y, and n at the end of the
tone-syllable, e. g. ^^2"'^, ^^T^, but also before the tone (see examples
under i), even with N.
But in the syllable before the tone and further back, the closed
syllable is generally opened artificially by a Hateph (as being suited
to the guttural) taking the place of the quiescent S'^wd, and in
particular that Hateph which repeats the sound of the preceding
vowel, e. g. ab'n;, (also y^ni) ; pin'^^ (also P]n>) ; ii?y2 poHd (for polo).
But when, owing to a flexional change, the strong vowel following the
Ilateph is weakened into S^wd mobile, then instead of the Hateph
its full vowel is written, e.g. Illpyi (from Toy;.), ^D-jVa , ^by3 (from
/'ys). The original forms, according to § 28 c, were ya'm^dhu, ne'r^mu,
pffl^khd. Hence ^T?]';. , &c., are really only different orthographic
forms of ^'T?^,''-, &c., and would be better transcribed by ya'"m^dhil, &c.
n Rem. I. On the use of simple or compound S*wa in guttural verbs, see
further §§ 62-65.
O 2. Respecting the choice between the three Hafephs, it may be remarked :
(o) n, n, y at the beginning of a syllable prefer __, but N prefers , e.g.
")iDn ass, jhn to kill, "ibK to say ; when farther from the tone syllable,
however, the even under K changes into the lighter __, e.g. ^J^ (poetic
for "?S) to, but DDyX to you, pb.N to eat, but 'b^H {''^khol, toneless on account
§5 22 J9-S, 23 a, b] Peculiarities of the Gutturals 79
of Maqqeph). Cf. § 27 w. The 1st pers. sing, imperf. Pi'el regularly has __.
Likewise is naturally found under N in cases where the Hateph arises
from a weakening of an original a (e. g. """jX lion, ground-form 'ary\ and __
if there be a weakening of an original u (e. g. ""JS a fleet, ^3y affliction, cf.
§93 3. 2)-
(6) In the middle of a word after a long vowel, a Hatej>h-Pathah takes the p
place of a simple ^"ivd mobile, e g. njSD TOVJ^ (see § 63 p) ; but if a short
vowel precedes, the choice of the Ha'eph is generally regulated by it, e.g.
Ferf. Hiph. T'DJJn (see above, t), Ivfln. T'Oyn (regular form ij'Dpn) ; Perf.
Hoph. TOyn (regular form ^LDi5n) ; but cf. V^m Jb 6"^- (§ 64 a).
5. The 1, which in sound approximates to the gutturals (§ 6 g), n
shares with the gutturals proper theii* first, and to a certain extent
their second, peculiarity, viz.
(«) The exclusion of the strengthening, instead of which the pre-
ceding vowel is almost always lengthened, e. g. ^"13 he has blessed for
hirrahh, 'HI? to bless for barrekh.
(5) The preference for a as a preceding vowel, e. g. t*")*! and he saw 7^
(from i^^"!?) ; "Ipjl both for ID'I and he turned back, and for "ID*! and
he caused io turn back.
The exceptions to a are JT^O morrdth, Pr 14I" ; JT^D khorrdth and !]"ni^ sorrekh, S
Ez 16* (cf. Pr 38) ; 'B'X'^B' ct 5^ Hoy'nri 1 s is'; Dn'N^n I s io2<, 1725,
2 K 6S2 ; insn^n Ju 2o« (cf. § 20 A) ; e)'Tnp I S 2328, 2 S i8i«'; also on account
of pTin (§ 20 c), Pr 151, 2o22, 2 Ch 26"'; and on account of p^HIO ^HN
(§ 20/) I S 156, Jer39i2, Hb 3'3, Pr ii^', Jb 399, Ez 96. A kind of virtual
strengthening (after D for JQ) is found in ^fll'lO Is 14^ In Samaritan and
Arabic this strengthening has been retained throughout, and the LXX write
e. g. ^a&pa for m'K'.
w T T
§ 23. The Feebleness of the Gutturals N and n.
1. The N, a light and scarcely audible guttural breathing, as a rule a
entirely loses its slight consonantal power whenever it stands without
a vowel at the end of a syllable. It then remains (like the German
h in roh, geh, nahte) merely as a sign of the preceding long vowel, e.g.
K^D, Npo, X^ifin (but when a syllable is added witii an introductory
vowel, according to b below, we have, e.g. ''?^^l?, ^^N^yiH^ since the N
then stands at the beginning of the syllable, not '^N^O, '?^<T^), NJfD,
Xl^? (cf, however, § 74 a), nxfo (for mdsatd), njxyori. Similarly
in ca^es like N^n, N"]!!, XIB*, &c. (§ 19 I), and even in K'^^, N^S (see
above, § 22 e), the K only retains an orthographic significance.
2. On the other hand, N is in general retained as a strong con- b
sonant whenever it begins a syllable, e.g. "^P^, ^D?^^, or when it is
protected by a Hateph after a short syllal)le, e.g. ^^^_^., and finally,
8o Peculiarities and Changes of Letters [§ 23 c-f
when it stands in a closed syllable with quiescent S^wd after a pre-
ceding S'ghol or Pathah, e.g. IDN*!, TJW na'ddr, ^^Hn: ya'dimiX.
Even in such cases the consonantal power of X may be entirely lost, viz.
C (a) when it would stand with a long vowel in the middle of
a word after. S^wd mobile. The long vowel is then occasionally
thrown back into the place of the o^wd, and the N is only retained
orthographically, as an indication of the etymology, e.g. D^E'N'l heads
(for r^'dsim), D^HNO two hundred (for m^'dthdyim), ^CiNB' Ez 25^ for
TIDSB'; DSnia Neh 6» for DNni3; D1KD Jb cji? Dn 1* for DWD ; mSB
for nnXQ Is 10''; D'Ktpn Ao^tm, I S 14^ for D'N^h (cf. § 74 A, and
§ 75 00)] ''3n^N->n Nu 34", from |?-N1; so always nNDH or niNtSH
I K 14'®, Mi I*, &c., for n^Xtsn. Sometimes a still more violent sup-
pression of the X occurs at the beginning of a syllable, which then
causes a further change in the preceding syllable, e. g. "^^^^^^ ^0**^ ^oi"
n2X!?p (as in the Babylonian punctuation), ^xyo^J for ^NV^V' J ^^^?'
or ^IXD'^ the left hand, ground form sim'dl.
d (h) When it originally closed a syllable. In these cases X is
generally (by § 22 m) pronounced with a Hnteph, -^ ov ^::-. The
preceding short vowel is, however, sometimes lengthened and retains
the following X only orthographically, e.g. ?ifX^l Nu 1 1''^ for ■'r?^*! (of.
Ju 9''), and "inxs Jo 2' for 11"IS3 ; "ibxb for tbX^^ ; D^n^X^ for D'n'^.«,^ ;
but the contraction does not take place in nvvX^ Is 10". The short
vowel is retained, although the consonantal power of X is entirely lost,
in 'jnNl, &c. (see § 102 m), nx»1 Is 41^^ V^^l Ez 28'« for V^m^;
cf. Dt24>'', iKii»«, Is 10".
e Instead of this X which has lost its consonantal value, one of the vowel
letters "1 and '• is often written according to the nature of the sound, the
former with and the latter with e and i, e.g. D^T buffalo for DXT. At tha
end of the word H also is written for X, H^IO; he Jills for Xj'O^ Jb 8^' (see
below, t).
J 3. When X is only preserved orthographically or as an indication
of the etymology (quiescent), it is sometimes entirely dropped (cf.
§ 19/fc), e.g. ^T}T Jbi" for 'mi\; 'n% Jb32'« for ^nxfe; ^mONuii";
Tnni 2820^; lai^l Jer 8" for 1XQT1 ; *:'-|.^ri1 2 S 2 2*\ but ^3->.^Kril y^r 1 8'" ;
Doin Gn 2s^* for Do^xri; Hsianx 3i39 for nsxtsnx; ^rhf_ i S i'^ for
"bsE'; d>j:"i 4r 22^ for D^oxi • ma jb 22^8 for nix2 ; ^n'lan i Ch n'"
for "^^Jf), and so ^ S 23=^'; nn>j^ i Ch I2=« for nnXK'; n^K'ni) 2X19'^
KHhihh for nixB^n!? (cf. Is37^«); non Jb 29« for nxrn.'' In n^3P
* In Jer 32**, ri3n3 is unquestionably a corruption of nn33 for rinjX) .
§23^-*] The Feebleness of the Gutturals ^ and n 8i
I K 5" (for "^'^^^ the strengthening of the following consonant by
Dages compensates for the loss of the X ; in H^bo Ez 20^, if for "^'^^
(but read ^9'^, with Cornill), the preceding vowel is lengthened ; of.
above, c. On "lOK for IPNX, see § 68 g.
Rem. I. In Aramaic the N is much weaker and more liable to change than cr
in Hebrew. In literary Arabic, on the other hand, it is almost always a
firm consonant. According to Arabic orthography, N serves also to indicate
a long a, whereas in Hebrew it very rarely occurs as a mere vowel letter
after Qames ; as in DXp Ho 10'* for Dp he rose up ; tJ'N"! Pr 10*, 1 3^^^ for B*"! poor ;
but in 2 S 11' the KHhihh D''3N?t3n the messengers, is the true reading ; of. § 7 6.
2. In some cases at the beginning of a word, the K, instead of a compound tl
S'lcd, takes the corresponding full vowel, e. g. lilN girdle for 1'llK ; cf. § 84 a, q,
and the analogous cases in § 52 m, § 63 p, § 76 rf, § 93 r (DyHN).
3. An N is sometimes added at the end of the word to a final m, i, or 6, e. g. t
N^3^n for wbn Jos io2*(before N !), N13S Is 28>2. These examples, however,
are not so much instances of 'Arabic orthography', as early scribal errors,
as in mi*l) Je lo" for Wb^ ; and in ^{V5^'^ i^ 13920 for ^xb'J. Cf. also N^n^
Ec n' (§ 75 s) ; N^p3 for ""pj pure ; ti'h for 1^ if; NiSX for IDN then {enclitic) ;
Xi2") for 12") myriad, Keh f^-''K On N^H and ^<^■^ see § 32 A;.
4. The n is stronger and firmer than the N, and never loses its A:
consonantal sound (i.e. quiesces) in the middle of a word* except in
the cases noted below, in which it is completely elided by syncope.
On the other hand, at the end of a word it is always a mere vowel
letter, unless expressly marked by Mapjxiq as a strong consonant
(§ 1 4 a). Yet at times the consonantal sound of 1^ at the end of
a word is lost, and its place is taken by a simple n or more correctly n,
with Raphe as an indication of its non-consonantal character, e.g. n?
to her for nb, Zc 5", &c. (cf. § 103 g, and §§ 58 g, 91 e) ; cf. also nj for 7\'\
(from in^) in proper names like ^"^f., &c. — Finally, in very many
cases a complete elision of the consonantal n takes place by syncope :
(a) when its vowel is thrown back to the place of a preceding S^wd
mobile (see above, c, with k), e.g. "Ip3^ for Ii^'Sl"? (the n of the article
being syncopated as it almost always is) ; D''*? for D^*n3 [but see
§ 35 n], 0^6^? for DtP'^n?; ]T}t^\ for lOJI.T ; perhaps also Dn"'33 for Dn'-naa
Ez 2 7^^ {h) By contraction of the vowels preceding and following the
n, e.g. iDID (also written nb^D) from sUsahu {a-\-u=d). — A violent
suppression of n together with its vowel occurs in D3 (from DOI), &c.
1 Only apparent exceptions are such propernames as pKriB'y, ^^ifiTlQ, which
are compounded of two words and hence are sometimes even divided.
Cf. forms like ^i«tn for ^NHTn, Another exception is .TBriQ^, the reading
of many MSS. for the artificially divided form PjBTIQ^ in the printed
texts, Je 4G20.
COWLET G
82 Peculiaiities and Changes of Letters [§§ 23 1, 24 a, h
I Rem. In connexion with o and «, a il which only marks tlie vowel ending
is occasionally changed into 1 or ' (iN'^ = nN"J, ^3n = n3n Ho 6'), and with
any vowel into N in the later or Aramaic orthography, but especially with
a, e.g. N:B' sleep, ^ 127' for njK' ; NK*: Jer 2359 for iW3, &c. Thus it is
evident that final H as a vo,wel letter has only an orthographical importance.
§ 24. Changes of the Weak Letters 1 and \
Philippi, Die Aussprache der semit. Konsonanten 1 und "• (mentioned above, § 5 b,
note i), a thorough investigation of their phonetic value as consonantal, i.e.
non-syllabic, vowel-sounds, not palatal or labial fricatives ; cf. also E. Sievers,
Metrische Studien, i. 1 5.
a 1 and ^ are, as consonants, so weak, and approach so nearly to the
corresponding vowels u and i, that under certain conditions they very
readily merge into them. This fact is especially important in the
formation of those weak stems, in which a 1 or ^ occurs as one of the
three radical consonants (§ 69 ff., § 85, § 93).
1. The cases in which 1 and "• lose their consonantal power, i. e.
merge into a vowel, belong almost exclusively to the middle and end
of words ; at the beginning they remain as consonants.^
The instances may be classified under two heads :
b (a) When either 1 or '' with quiescent o^wd stands at the end of
a syllable immediately after a homogeneous vowel (w or i). It then
merges in the homogeneous vowel, or moi'e accurately it assumes its
vowel-character (l as u, '* as i), and is then contracted with the
preceding vowel into one vowel, necessarily long, but is mostly
retained orthographically as a (quiescent) vowel letter. Thus 3B'^n
for huwsab ; Y\^\ for yiyqas ; so also at the end of the word, e. g. ^I^y
a Hebrew, properly 'ibriy, fern, nna^, pi. D^n?V (and D^"!:?V); I'^V J^^ 4 1''
for m (cf. niV::»JJ i S 25'' KHhthk). On the other hand, if the pre-
ceding vowel be heterogeneous, 1 and ^ are retained as full consonants
(on the pronunciation see § 8 m), e.g. \>^ quiet, "IT the month of May,
^13 nation, ^v3 revealed. But with a preceding a the 1 and ^ are mostly
contracted into 6 and e (see below, /), and at the end of a word they
are sometimes rejected (see below, g).
Complete syncope of 1 before i occurs in ''X island for ''1^{; ""y ruins
for ""ly; "•"! watering Jb 37" for '''!"); [""S burning Is 3^* for ^1?, cf.
§§ 84«c, c, 93 2/].
^ Or as consonantal vowels (see above), and are then transcribed by
P. Haupt, Philippi, and others, as u, j, following the practice of Indogermanic
philologists. 1 for ) and, alone is a standing exception, see § 26. i and § 104*.
On * = t at the beginning of a word, cf. § 47 b, note. According to § 19 a, end,
initial 1 in Hebrew almost always becomes •• ; always in verbs originally I^D,
§ 69 a. Apart from a few proper names, initial "I occurs only in "11 hook, *17l
child Gn ii^o, 3 S 6=» K'thibh [elsewhere ih)}, and the doubtful ITI Pr 2i«.
§ 24 c-g"] Changes of the Weak ^ and "^ 83
Thus an initial ? after the prefixes 3, 1, 3, S, which would then be C
pronounced with % (see § 28 a), and also almost always after O (see
§102 h), coalesces with the i to ^, e.g. niin^a m Judah (for '^3),
nninM and Judah, "^K^? as the Nile, nn^l^j? /or JifrfaA, ^y^ from the
hands of.
(6) When 1 and "i without a vowel would stand at the end of the (l
word after quiescent S^wd, they are either wholly rejected and only
orthographically replaced by n (e.g. ^33 from hikhy, as well as the
regularly formed ''33 weeping; cf. § 93 x) or become again vowel
letters. In the latter case ^ becomes a homogeneous Hireq, and also
attracts to itself the tone, whilst the preceding vowel becomes S^wd
(e.g. ■'l? from piry, properly j^'^^'l/) '■> '^ ^^ changed sometimes into
a toneless u (e. g. '^'i^r\ from tuhw).
Rem. In Syriac, where the weak letters more readily become vowel sounds, C
a simple i may stand even at the beginning of words instead of ^ or V The
LXX also, in accordance with this, write 'lovSa for m^H^, 'laaaK for pHlf^.
Hence may be explained the Syriac usage in Hebrew of drawing back the
vowel i to the preceding consonant, which properly had a simple vocal S^wd,
e. g. (according to the reading of Ben-Naphtali ^) TOy) Jer 25^6 for fOT) (so
Baer), j'nri"'3 Ec 2^^ for pin"!!) , cf. also the examples in § 20 h, note 2 ; even
l^n^l Jb 2921 (in some editions) for l^n'^l. According to Qimhi (see § 47 b)
^tDp^ was pronounced as iqfol, and therefore the ist pera. was pointed pbpS
to avoid confusion. In fact the Babylonian punctuation always has i for a
in the 1st pers.
2. With regard to the choice of the long vowel, in which ) and 1 f
quiesce after such vocalization and contraction, the following rules
may be laid down :
i (a) Witli a short homogeneous vowel 1 and "i are contracted into the
corresponding long vowel {u or i), see above, b.
{b) With short a they form the diphthongs o and e according to
§ 7 a, e.g. 3^t?'5 from ^^'p ; ^0 from 2'^):, &c}
Kem. The rejection of the half vowels ) and "• (see above, b) occurs especially g
at the end of words after a heterogeneous vowel («), if according to the
nature of the form the contraction appears impossible. So especially in
1 According to Abulwalid, Ben-Naphtali regarded the Yodh in aU such cases
as a vowel letter.
2 Instances in which no contraction takes place after a are, 0^3^0*0 iCh 12';
DTD-X Ho 7"2 (but cf. § 706) ; "Itt'^n ^ 5^ Q're; the locatives T)JV3^ n»fl>*ri,
&c. — On tho suffix ^D"'JL for T]""-*- see § 91 i.— Sometimes both forms are
found, as roVJ and Hpiy ; cf. ^Pl living, constr. state ^n. Analogous is the
contraction of PIO (ground-form mawt) death, constr. niD ; py (ground-form
'ayn [_'ain]) eye, constr. p);.
6 2
84 Peculiarities and Changes of Letters [§ 25 a-c
verbs T^"^ , e. g. originally v2 = ('')i'5 ° '"'^? ' ^^^^^ " after the rejection of the "•
stands in an open syllable, and consequently must be lengthened to a. The
n is simply an orthographic sign of the long vowel. So also ilT'K' for Mlaw.^
On the origin of HpJ^, see § 75 e ; on Dp as perf. and part, of D^p, see § 72 6
and g ; on 1?^, &c., from 1p), see § 69 6. — On the weakening of 1 and ■• to N,
see § 93 X.
§ 25. Unchangeable Voiods.
a What vowels in Hebrew are unchangeable, i.e. are not liable to
attenuation (to S^wa), modificatioUj lengthening, or shortening, can
be known with certainty only from the nature of the grammatical
forms, and in some cases by comparison with Arabic (cf. § i m). This
holds good especially of the essentially long vowels, i. e. those long by
nature or contraction, as distinguished from those which are only
lengthened rhythmically, i. e. on account of the special laws which
in Hebrew regulate the tone and the formation of syllables. The
latter, when a change takes place in the position of the tone or in
the division of syllables, readily become short again, or are reduced to
a mere vocal S^wd.
h 1. The essentially long and consequently, as a nile (but cf. § 26^,
§ 27 w, 0), unchangeable vowels of the second and third class, i, e, i2, d,
can often be recognized by means of the vowel letters which accom-
pany them C-:-, ''-^, ^ ^) ; e.g. 2"'D\'; he does well, ^^^'^ palace, ?13?
boundary, /'^p voice. The defective writing (§ 8 i) is indeed common
enough, e.g. 30^. and y^\ for 3^0^.; f^nj for ^ua ; h\> for ^P, but this
is merely an orthographic licence and has no influence on the quantity
of the vowel; the il in ?3|i is just as necessarily long, as in ?^3a.
As an exception, a merely tone-long vowel of both these classes is sometimes
written fully, e. g. PiDp"* for /bp^ .
^ 2. The essentially or naturally long d {Qames impure),^ unless it has
become 6 (cf. § 9 q), has as a rule in Hebrew no representative among
the consonants, while in Arabic it is regularly indicated by K ; on the
few instances of this kind in Hebrew, cf. § 9 5, § 23 p'. The naturally
long d and the merely tone-long a therefore can only be distinguished
by an accurate knowledge of the forms.
^ The Arabic, in such cases, often writes etymologically y3» hut pronounces
gala. So the LXX i^D ^tva, Vulg. Sina; cf. Nestle, ZAW. 1905, p. 36a f.
But even in Arabic N^C is written for yCJ' and pronounced said.
' By locales impurae the older grammarians meant vowels properly followed
by a vowel letter. Thus 303 k^lhdbh was regarded as merely by a licence
for 3Nn3, &c.
§§ 25 d, e, 26 a-ei Unchangeable Vowels 85
3. Short vowels in closed syllables (§ 26 h), which are not final, are d
as a rule unchangeable, e. g. tJ'^3pp garment, "^^lip wilderness, '^^p'?^
kingdom; similarly, short vowels in sharpened syllables, i.e. before
Dages forte, e. g. 333 thief.
4. Finally, those long vowels are unchangeable which, owing to C
the omission of the strengthening in a guttural or 1, have arisen by
lengthening from the corresponding short vowels, and now stand in
an open syllable, e. g. |?<?? for mi' en; ^12 for hurrahh.
§ 26. Syllable-formation'^ and its Influence on the
Quantity of Vowels.
Apart from the unchangeable vowels (§ 25), the use of short or long a
V
vowels, i.e. their lengthening, shortening, or change into vocal S^wd,
depends on the theory/ of syllable-formation. The initial and final
syllables especially require consideration.
1. The initial syllable. A syllable regularly begins with a consonant,
or, in the case of initial y and ^ (cf. note on § 5 b), a consonantal vowel.^
The copula is a standing exception to this rule. According to the
Tiberian pronunciation ] and is resolved into the corresponding vowel
^ before S^wd, and the labials, e.g. ''?*]', ^^^^ ; the Babylonian punc-
tuation in the latter cases writes T, i. e. \ before a full vowel.
2. The final syllable. A syllable may end — O
(a) With a vowel, and is then called an opew or simple syllable,
e. g. in ^7'^]^ where the first and last ai-e open. See below, e.
(6) With one consonant, and is then called a simple closed or com- C
pound syllable, as the second in b^ij, 33?. See below, 0, p. Such are
also the syllables ending in a strengthened consonant, as the first in
7^i2 qat-tel. See below, 5'.
(c) With two consonants, a doubly closed syllable, as ^?'p qoU, T^p^\>. a
Cf. below, r, and § 10 i-l.
3. Open or simple syllables have a long vowel, whether they have C
the tone as in ^3 in thee, ^>\ he goes, or are toneless as in ?^^, 33)?
a bunch of gra'pes? A long vowel (Qames, less frequently Sere) is
1 Cf. C. H. Toy, 'The Syllable in Hebrew,' Amer. Journal of Philol., 1884,
p. 494 ff. ; H. Strack, 'The Syllables in the Hebrew Language,' Hehraica^
Oct. 1884, p. 73 ff.
^ We are not taking account here of the few cases in which initial Yodh is
represented as simple i, by being written ^N or N, see § 246, and especially
§ 47 6, note ; nor of certain other cases in which N with an initial vowel has
only a graphic purpose, though it is indispensable in an unpointed text.
* In opposition to this fundamental law in Hebrew (a Zon^f vowel in an open
syllable), the original short vowel is found always in Arabic, and sometimes
86 Peculiarities and Changes of Letters [§ 26/-»
especially common in an open syllable before the tone (pretonic vowel),
e.g. dO^.D^P:,^^!?, 3?>.^
/Short vowels in open syllables occur :
(a) In apparently dissyllabic words formed by means of a helping vowel
r < < <
from monosyllables, as ?n3 brook, rT'B house, 3T let him increase, from nahl,
bayt, yirb ; cf. also D^_l_ the ending of the dual (§ 88). But see § 28 e.
tr [h) In the verbal suffix of the ist pers. sing. C^JL me), e.g. ""Jptai? (Arab.
qdtalani). The uncommon form '^2_L., however (Gn 3C«, cf. § 59/), proves that
the tone-bearing Pathah produces a sharpening of the following sonant, and
til us virtually stands in a closed syllable, even when the l^un is not expressly
written with Dages. In cases like ''3TX1 (§ 102 m) Pathah is retained in the
counter-tone after the N has become quiescent. ,
// (c) Sometimes before the toneless H local (§ 90 c), e. g. m3"!D towards the
xdlderness; only, however, in the constr. state (i K 19^"')) since the toneless
suffix n does not affect the character of the form (especially when rapidly
pronounced in close connexion) ; otherwise it is mano.
In all these cases the short vowel is also supported by the tone, either the
principal tone of the word, or (as in h) by the secondary tone in the constr.
st., or by the counter-tone with Metheg, as in "'JIS^ above, g ; cf. the effect of
the arsis on the short vowel in classical prosody.
J (d) In the combinations . , , e.g. iiyj his hoy, *lbX*
he wiU bind, vVQ his deed. In all these cases the syllable was at first really
closed, and it was only when the guttural took a //afeph that it became in
consequence open (but cf. e. g. IDN'', and "IDN' ). The same vowel sequence
arises wherever a preposition 3 3 ^5 or 1 copulative is prefixed to an
initial syllable which has a Hateph, since the former then takes the vowel
in the other Semitic languages, except of course in the case of naturally long
vowels. The above examples are pronounced in Arabic Mkd, qdtdld, 'indb.
Although it is certain therefore that in Hebrew also, -at an earlier period,
short vowels were pronounced in ojien syllables, it may still be doubted
whether the present pronunciation is due merely to an artificial practice
followed in the solemn recitation of the 0. T. text. On this hypothesis we
should have still to explain, e.g. the undoubtedly very old lengthening of i
and li in an open syllable into e and 6.
1 That these pretonic vowels are really long is shown by Brockelmann, ZA.
xiv. 343 f., from the transcription of Hebrew proper names in the Nestorian
(Syriac) punctuation, and e.g. from the Arabic 'Ibrahim = Dn"l3X. He
regards their lengthening in the syllable before the tone as a means adopted
by the Masoretes to preserve the pronunciation of the traditional vowels.
This explanation of the pretonic voAvels as due to a precaution against their
disappearing, is certainly right ; as to whether the precaution can be ascribed
to the Masoretes, see the previous note. For the pretonic vowel the Arabic
regularly has a short vowel {Idkiim, ydqum, &c.), the Aramaic simply a vocal
S^ivd (pn? D^p^, b^\>, 3?b) ; and even in Hebrew, when the tone is thrown
forward the pretonic vowel almost always becomes S^wu, see § 27. It would,
however, bo incorrect to assume from this that the pretonic vowel h:is taken
the place of S*wd only on account of the following tone-syllable. It always
arises from an original short vowel, since such a vowel is mostly lengthened
in an open syllable before the tone, but when the tone is moved forward it
becomes S'lvd.
§ 26 /.--;>] Syllable-formatiofi, its Influence on Vowels 87
contained in the Na\eph (see § 102 d and § 104 d). To the same category
belong also the cases where these prepositions with Hireq stand before a
consonant with simple S'wa mobile, e.g. "I?"]?, I?"]?, &c-
(e) In forms like Ipin;' yciha-^-qu (tliey are strong), ?jpy3 po'o Vkhd (thy /t
deed). These again are cases of the subsequent opening of closed syllables
(hence, e. g. Ipin"; also occurs) ; '?jby3 is properly po'i^A/ia ; cf. generally § 22 m,
end, and §280.^ ^ .
Such cases as tyinn, □'•HK (§ 96), nnnH (§ 67 w) do not come under this /
liead, since they all have a in a virtually sharpened syllable ; nor does the
tone-bearing S^ghol in suffixes (e.g. ^^Sl), nor S'ghol for a before a guttural
with Qames (§ 22 c). On D^JJ'IIJ' and D^B'Tp, see §91).
4. The independent syllables with a firm vowel which have been m
described above, are frequently preceded by a single consonant with
vocal S^wa, simple or compound. Such a consonant with vocal S^wa
never has the value of an independent syllable, but rather attaches
itself so closely to the following syllable that it forms piactically one
syllabic with it, e.g. 'vh (cheek) Vhl; '^^ (sickness) hTt; r^^Y- V^^'
vi''dhil. This concerns especially the prefixes \, 3, 3, p. See § 102.
The S^vcd mobile is no doubt in all such cases weakened from an original 7?
full vowel (e. g. ^i'tpp^ Arab, yaqtv'u, ^3 Arab. Mkd, &c.) ; from this, however,
it cannot be inferred that the Masoretes regarded it as forming a kind of open
syllable, for this would be even more dii-ectly opposed to their fundamental
law (viz. that a long vowel should stand in an open syllable), than are the?
exceptions cited above, f-k. Even the use of Metheg with S^wa in special
cases (see § 16/) is no proof of such a view on the part of the Masoretes.
5. Closed syllables ending with one consonant, when without the
tone, necessarily have' s/<or^ vowels, whether at the beginning or at the
end of words,^ e.g. HSpO queen, pSK'n understanding, ^^^n wisdom,
* ***** - \
"'P'l «^^ ^'^ turned hack, Dip.'l, Dj^'l (warjyaqom).
A tone-hearing closed syllable may have either a long or short vowel, p
but if the latter, it must as a rule be either Pathah or S^ghol.^ The
tone-bearing closed penultima admits, of the long vowels, only the tone-
long a, e, 0, not the longest i, e, 6, 4] of the short vowels, only a, e, not
i, u, 6 (but on I and u, see § 29 g). Thus v^t?p! (3rd pi. masc. Imperf
Hiph.) but njpbpn 3rd pi. fem., and IC1V (2nd pi. masc. Imperat. Qal)
but ^^PP fem.
1 In exceptions such as '•pTIkJ' Gn 4'^ (where sat is required by the character
of the form, although the closed syllable has lost the tone owing to the
following Maqqeph), Metheg is used to guard against a wrong pronunciation ;
similarly e is sometimes retained before Maqqeph, e.g. "Dli* Gn 2^^; "J*y Gn 2*^
^ See §9 6,/. i occurs thus only in the particles DN, Dy, |0 ; but these
usually (pp always) are rendered toneless by a following Maqqeph. Cf. al.so
such forms as 2K'*1 § 26 r and § 75 q.
88 Peculiarities and Changes of Letters [§§267,r,27a-c
q e. A special kind of closed syllables are the 8harj)ened, i. e. those
which end in the same (strengthened) consonant with which the fol-
lowing syllable begins, e. g. ''tpN 'im-mi, ^?3 kul-lo. If without the
tone, they have, like the rest, short vowels ; but, if bearing the tone,
either short vowels ns ^?P, ^3,3n, or long, as '"I?^, '*'?'!}•
On the omission of the strengthening of a consonant at the end of a word,
see § 20 I.
Y 7. Syllables ending with two consonants occur only at the end of
words, and have most naturally short vowels, ^ip^i^, ??'!!; but some-
times Sere, as "=|'l?., yi^'.!, or ITolem, Pfp *|tpin. Cf., however, § 10 «.
Usually the harshness of pronunciation is avoided by the use of a
helping vowel (§28 e).
§ 27. The Change of the Voweh, es2)ecially as regards
Quantity.
a The changes in sound through which the Hebrew language passed,
before it assumed the form in which we know it from the Masoretic
text of the O.T. (see § 2 k), have especially affected its vowel system.
A precise knowledge of these vowel changes, which is indispensable
for the understanding of most of the present forms of the language, is
derived partly from the phenomena which the language itself presents
in the laws of derivation and inflexion, partly from the comparison of
the kindred dialects, principally the Arabic. By these two methods,
we arrive at the following facts as regards Hebrew :
h I. That in an open syllable the language has frequently retained
only a half-vowel {S^wd mobile), where there originally stood a full
short vowel, e.g. npJJJ (ground-form 'dgdldt) a waggon, '^^'^^ (ground-
form sdddqdt) righteousness, vDf? (Arab, qdtdld), ^^tSp^ [Arah. juqattiM).
C 2. That vowels originally short have in the tone-syllable, as also
in the open syllable preceding it, been generally changed into the
cori'esponding tone-long vowels, d into a, i into e, u into (see § 9,
a—e, Jc, r). If, however, the tone be shifted or weakened, these tone-
long vowels mostly revert to their original shortness, or, occasionally,
are still further shortened, or reduced to mere S^wd mobile, or, finally,
ai'e entirely lost through a change in the division of syllables ; e. g. ^9?
(Arab, mdtdr) rain, when in close dependence on a following genitive
in the construct state), becomes "1^1? ; ^pV (Arab, 'dqlb) heel, dual D^?k?S!,
dual construct (with attenuation of the original d of the first syllable
to t) '3ipy [on the P, see § 20 A] ; ^bp^ (Arab, ydqtdl), plur. ^^\>''. (Arab.
ydqtuld). For instances of complete loss, as in ''|?tp3, cf. § 93 m.
§ 27 d i] Change of Vowels, as regards Quantity 89
According to § 26, the following details of vowel-change must be
observed :
1. The original, or a kindred shoi t vowel reappears — d
(a) When a closed syllable loses the tone (§26 0). Thus, '^\ hand,
but '"'ji^^'*'! the hand of Yahwe; |3 son, but 'n?'?D"f? the son of tlie king;
P3 the whole, but D^n"?3 the whole of the j)eople ; so also when a tone-
bearing closed syllable loses the tone on taking a sufl&x, e.g. 2''t< enemy,
but l^^i* thy enemy, finally, when the tone recedes, Dp^, but Di^^l
{wayyaqdm); ^P.l, but 'H^f.l.
(6) To the same category belong cases like "^BD book, but ^ISp my
hook; E^lp holiness, but ^E^IQ my holiness. In spite of the helping
vowel, "^QD and ^Ip are really closed syllables with a tone-long vowel;
when the syllable loses the tone, the original i or 6 (properly u) re-
appears.
The same is true of syllables with a virtually sharpened final con-
sonant : the lengthening of original ? to e and w to takes place only
in a tone-bearing syllable ; in a toneless syllable the ? or (or H)
remains, e. g. D^? mother, but ''t?^ my mother ; pH law, plur. D^"pQ J but
iV strength, ""tV (and ^V!i) my strength.
2. The lengthening of the short vowel to the coiresponding long, e
takes place —
(a) When a closed syllable becomes open by its final consonant
being transferred to a suffix beginning with a vowel, or in general
to the following syllable, e.g. ^^^, vj^p he has killed him; ^n|9^D
primarily from riplD. Similarly d mostly becomes a even before
a suffix beginning with S^wd mobile; e.g. IrJ^i? from ^Dj^^ I'Pi?^^
from np^D.
(6) When a syllable has beco.ne open by complete loss of the J
strengthening of its final consonant (a guttural or Rei), e.g. ^IjS
for blrrakh, see § 22 c. Cf. also § 20 n.
(c) When a weak consonant (k, 1, '*) following the short vowel £*
quiesces in this vowel, according to § 23 a, c, rf, § 24 / e. g. N^O for
^?9. where the N, losing its consonantal value, loses also the power of
closing the syllable, and the open syllable requires a long vowel.
{d) Very frequently through the influence of the pause, i. e. the h
principal tone in the last word of a sentence or clause (§29 k).
Sometimes also through the influence of the article (§35 o).
3. When a word increases at the end and the tone is consequently i
moved foiward, or when, in the construct state (see § 89), or otherwise
in close connexion with the following word, its tone is weakened, in
such cases a full vowel (short or tone-long) may, by a change in the
90 Peculiarities and Changes of Letters [§ 27 i-o
division of syllables, be weakened to o^wd mobile, or even be entirely-
lost, so that its place is taken by the mere syllable-divider {o'^icd
quiescens). Examples of the first case are, Dj^ name, pi. ri^'^K', but
^IpB' my name, DHitCB' tJieir names, "1^'^ word, constr. st. "i?"^ ; '"'iJ'J^f
righteousness, constr. st. ni?1if ; an example of the second case is, 'I?!?
hlessing, constr. st. ri3"l3. Whether the vowel is retained or becomes
S^wd (D^, 'J?'1, but Dt?', *^^), and which of the two disappears in two
consecutive syllables, depends upon the character of the form in
question. In general the rule is that only those vowels which stand
in an open syllable can become S^ivd.
Thus the change into S^wd takes place in —
/..' , (a) The d and e of tlie first syllable, especially in the inflexion
of nouns, e. g. "'^'n word, plur. C'l^'^; ^^3 great, fern, nbns ; 33.7 heart,
'33p my heart ; but also in the verb, 31K'n she will return, plur.
<
n3^212'ri, and so always, when the originally short vowel of the prefixes
of the Imperfect comes to stand in an open syllable which is not
pretonic. On the other hand, an d lengthened from d before the tone
is retained in the Perfect consecutive of Qal even in the secondaiy
tone, e. g. ^f^\^] ; cf. § 49 i.
I (b) The short, or moely tone-long, vowels a, e, of the ultima,
especially in verbal forms, e.g. b^i^, fern. H^Dp qafld; ^''^\>\, ^''Pi?!
yiqiHA; but note also ilt^Pp^, ppZlin, &c., according to § 47 m and 0.
The helping vowels are either entirely omitted, e.g. 'n?^ king (ground-
form malk), 'SpP my king; or, under the influence of a guttural, are
weakened to Hateph, e. g. "IV? boy, 1*iy? Jiis b^y. If the tone remains
unmoved, the vowel also is retained, notwithstanding the lengthening
of the word, e.g. vOp^ pausal-form for v^ip^
^'' Where the tone moves forward two places, the former of the two
vowels of a dissyllabic word may be shoitened, and the second
changed into S^wd. Cf. *13'1 word ; in the plur. Q''"!3"n ; \^•ith heavy
<
suffix Dn''"i3'n (cf. § 28 a) their words. On the attenuation of the a to
t, see further, s, t.
n Rem. I. An 6 arising from aw = au, or by an obscuring of a (see § 9 6),
sometimes becomes u, when the tone is moved forward, e.g. DIpJ ni6lp3
(see Paradigm Per/. Niph. of Dip) ; DOD .flight, fern. np13», with suflfix, *D1jp,
The not uncommon use of Wn a sharpened syllable, as ''jp^riB Ez 20" (for
*ipn3, cf. also the examples in § 90), is to be regarded as an orthographic
licence, although sometimes in such cases u may really have been intended
l.y the K^lhibh.
O Of the vowels of the I7-class, u and tone-long stand in a tone-bearing
§ 27 p-s] Change of Vowels, as regards Quantity 91
closed final syllable, and o in a toneless syllable, e.g. D^pJ he idU arise,
DiT jussive, let him arise, Dp'1 and he arose. The only instance of it in an
ultima which has lost the tone is D^JI Ex iG^o (see § 67 n). Similarly, of
vowels of the 7-class, e, i, and e stand in a tone-bearing closed final syllable,
and g in a toneless syllable, e.g. D^p"" he will raise, Dp^ let him raise, G\>^\ and he
raised. The only instance of i in an ultima which has lost the tone is Y')^\
.Tu (f^ (see § 67 p).
2. In the place of a Pathak we not infrequently find (according to § 9/) p
a S''gh6l (c, e) as a modification of a :
(a) In a closed antepenultima, e.g. in the proper names ">ri^3>? and ^9t^?>
where LXX 'A^i- = '*3K, which is certainly the better reading, cf. XJlmer,
Die semit. Eigennamen, 1901, p. 12 : or in a closed penultima, e.g. ^I'ln"', but
also D^^^ your hand, for yad'khim. In all these case^ the character of the
surrounding consonants (see § 6 gf) has no doubt had an influence.
(6) Eegularly before a guttural with Qames or ITaleph Qame^, q
where the strengthening has been dropped, provided that a lengthen-
ing of the Pathah into Qames be not necessary, e.g. vnx his brothers,
for 'ahdw ; ^r\3 false, for kahds ; nns governor, constr. st. r.ns ; DHB
coal; "nn the living (with the article, H for n) ; Dmn^ Nu 23''^ &c.,
and so always before H and n, as l^TinH- ''** months, see § 35 A-.
Before n and V S^gMl generally stands only in the second syllable
before the tone, e.g. ^'''i^[}. the mountains; pVp the guilt; immediately
before the tone Pathah is lengthened into a (pretonic) Qames, e. g.
"inn. Oyn • but cf. also ^"intsn Nu 8". Before the weak consonants
T T 5 T T ' T V •
N and "J (cf. § 22 c, q), the lengthening of the Pathah into Qames
almost always takes place, e. g. 3f?n (he father, pi. ninxT ; B'Nin the
head, pi. D^N'^n. Exceptions, i'^l^} towards the mcuntain, Gn 14'", in
the tone-syllable, for hdrrd; ^^'\'P^^, (pr. name) for l^'^in^. On n as
a form of the interrogative H (n), see § 100 w; on «"lO for nD (np),
§ 37 e, f. Finally, v?^? Ex 33* also comes partly under this head, in
consequence of the loss of the strengthening, for 'Jf?^., and ''^i?|D:
Ezekiel for ^Ni?^n^=bsp;in^ God strengthens.
(c) As a modification of the original Pathah in the first class of the scgholato f
forms (§ 93 g), when a helping vowel (§ 28 e) is inserted after tlie second
consonant. Thus the ground-form kalb {dog), after receiving a helping S'ghol,
is modified into 2^3 (also in modern Arabic pronounced kelb),^ yarh {month),
with a helping Pathah, flV. The same phenomenon appears also in the
formation of verbs, in cases like bv' (jussive of the Hiph'il of npj), with
a helping S'ghol, for yagl.
3. The attenuation of a to i is verj' common in a toneless closed syllable. ,V
(a) In a firmly closed syllable, i*np his measure, for HC (in a sharpened
syllable) ; '^''h'6) I have hegotlen thee, from ''FtH'^^ with the suffix "^ ; cf. Lv 1 1",
Ez T,S^^, and § 44 d. Especially is this the case in a large number of srgholates
» So the LXX write VliKxiotUK for p"li*''3^p.
92 Peculiarilies and Changes of Letters [§§ 27 t-w, 28 a
from the ground-form qatl, when combined with singular suffixes, e.g. *{?*1X
my righteousness, for sadqi. ' '' '
t (6) In a loosely-closed syllable, i. e, one followed by an aspirated Begadk^phath,
as DDID"! your blood, for D3D'n, and so commonly in the st. constr. plur. of
segholates from the ground-form qatl, e. g. na3 from *733 (ground-form bagd)
a garment. In most cases of this kind the attenuation is easily intelligible
from the nature of the surrounding consonants. It is evident from a com-
parison of the dialects, that the attenuation was consistently carried out in
a very large number of noun and verb-forms in Hebrew, as will be shown in
the proper places.*
U 4- S^ghol arises, in addition to the cases mentioned in o and p, also from
the weakening of a of the final syllable in the isolated cases (J]-t^ for H )
in I S 2815 (? see § 48 d), i/^ 20* (?), Is 59^, Pr 24" (see § 48 Z) ; for examples' of
Locative forms in n__ see § 90 i end.
Z) 5. Among the HafqaA-sounds ___ is shorter and lighter than , and con-
sequently the vowel group is shorter than ; e.g. Di"IK Edom,
< , ~: i" v: IV v:
but *Jp"IK {Edomite), shortened at the beginning because the tone is thrown
forward ; DDK C'meth) truth, *iriDX his truth : D^'UJ hidden, pi. Q>hb]}i T^iv^
but "'Jjlinyn^ ; but also conversely TWVi fem. nnb'J?: , cf. § 63/, 3.
^ 6. To the chapter on vowel changes belongs lastly the dissimilation of vowels,
i. €. the change of one vowel into another entirely heterogeneous, in order to
prevent two similar, or closely related vowels, from following one another in
the same word.« Hence N^^ for lH 16 (unless). Cf. also ji^'H from y^n •
pE'Sn from t^til ; ])2'>F\ from Ijin ; in33 from Hpi ; D*l"'j; from stem "fly ;
most probably also iSb) offspring, TiBj? porcupine, for '?^ , 'Sp, see § 68 c, note. —
On the proper names Kln^ and J/^B''', which were, formerly explained in the
same way, see now PrStorius, ZDMG. 1905, p. 341 f.
§ 28. The Rise of New Voivels and Syllables.
d 1. According to § 26 m a half-syllable, i, e. a consonant with S^wa
mobile (always weakened from a short vowel), can only occur in close
dependence on a full syllable. If another half-syllable with simple
S®wa follows, the first takes a full short vowel again.' This vowel
is almost always Hireq. In most cases it is probably an attenuation
of an original d, and never a mere helping vowel. In some instances
analogy may have led to the choice of the i. Thus, according to
§ 102 d, the prefixes ?, ?, ? before a consonant with S^wd mobile
become 2, 3, p, e.g. '^33, nQ3^ If?', before ^ they are pointed as
in niin^S (from hi-y^hildd, according to § 24 c); so too with Wdw
copulative, e. g. ^y^^^} for 'M attenuated from ''1. The first half-
* Analogous to this attenuation of « to t is the Lat. tango, attingo ; laxus,
prolixus ; to the transition of a to e (see above, a), the Lat. carpo, decerpo ;
spargo, conspergo.
* Cf. Barth, Die Nominalbildung iri den semit. Spr., p. xxix ; A. Miiller, Theol.
Stud. u. Krit., 1892, p. 177 f., and Nestle, ibid., p. 573 f.
3 Except 1 and, which generally becomes ? before a simple S'wa, cf. § 104 i.
§ 28 b-e] The Rise of New Vowels and Syllables 93
syllable, after the restoration of the short vowel, Bometimes combines
with the second to form a firmly closed syllable, e. g. ?33b Nu 14' for
linpphol, and so almost always in the infin. constr. after 7 (§ 4 5 S') J ^^
isolated cases also with 3, as "13]? Jer 17^.
2. If a guttural with Hateph follows, the original d of the prefixes h
is retained before Hateph Pathah, but before Hateph Seghol or Hateph
Qames it is modified to the short vowel contained in the Hateph.
Thus arise the vowel groups -=j-p-, -rr-r^, -n-rF> e.g. ^?>*.,l and I, "l'^5<3 aa,
"liy^ to serve, ^3^^ to eat, "hrh in sickness. On the Metheg with every
such short vowel, see § 16/ 8. Sometimes here also a fully closed
syllable is formed. In such a case, the prefix takes the short vowel,
which would have belonged to the suppressed Hateph, e. g. 3bn? for
3bn^; DDni> Is 47" for Don^ (see § 67 cc); ^0t6 but also IDN^. ; and
even "iHV) Jb 4^, cf. Gn 32'^ So always in the Infin. and Imperat. Qal
of the verbs n^n to be and n^n to live, e. g. ni'nb to be, ^^ni and be ye ;
even with |0, as r\i''np, on which cf. § 102 6 ; but 7\\n\_ and be, iTini.
and live, have e instead of ? under the prefix. For the Metheg, cf.
§16/, c.
3. When a Hateph in the middle of a word, owing to flexional C
changes, would stand before a vocal ^^wd, it is changed into the short
vowel, with which it is compounded. This applies especially to cases
in which the Hateph stands under a guttural instead of quiescent
i^wd, as an echo of the preceding short vowel, e.g.ltoj;^ he will stand
(for Ibv:), but plur. ^"It?y,\ for yd'^mHhxi,, and ^3Bn3 for neK'^ph^khxX
{they have turned themselves), ^bvs thy work, cf. § 26 k. The syllables ,
are to be divided yad-m^dhd, and the second dS is to be regarded
exactly as the helping Pathah in "V^, &c.^
4. At the end of words, syllables occur which close with two con- U
sonants (§ 10 i, § 26 r), but only when the latter of the two is an
emphatic consonant (U, ?) or a tenuis (viz.^3, "H, T, n^, e.g. ^f.''. let him
turn aside, pfl). and he caused to drink, ^J?^ thou (fern.) hast said, 'n3.'!l
and he wejit, "H"*."'.'! and let him have dominion, 31^*1 and he took captive.
This harsh ending is elsewhere avoided by the Masora,^ which C
inserts between the two final consonants a helping vowel, usually
1 In Ju 16" read '<y\^n not (with Opitius, Hahn and others) T\t<T) .
2 With a final B), the only example is B|p*in Pr 30^, where several MSS. and
printed editions incorrectly have 5| without Dagel. Instead of this masoietic
caprice we should no doubt read ^IPW .
5 An analogy to this practice of the Masora is found among the modern
Beduin, who pronounce such a helping vowel before h, /i, j, g ; cf. Spitta,
Gramm. des arab. Vulgdrdiakktes von Aegypten, Lpz. 1880, § 43 rf.
94 Peculiarities and Changes of Letters [§§28/, 290-^
S^yhol, but with medial or final gutturals a Patliah,^ and after ^
a Ilireq, e. g. ?3*1 and he revealed, for wayyiyl ; 2T Ut it multipli/, for
yirb ; t^lp holiness, ground-form quds ; ?rn brook, ground-form nafjl ;
riripB' - for J^inpK' thou hast sent ; H^? house, ground-form bayt. These
helping vowels are, however, to be regarded as exactly like furtive
Pathah (§ 22 f,g); they do not alter the monosyllabic character of
the forms, lind they disappear before formative suffixes, e. g. 'K'"li? niy
<
holiness, '"l^*? home-ward.
f 5. On the rise of a full vowel in place of a simple S^wd, under the
influence of the 2><iuse, see § 29 m ; on initial K for .^, see § 23 h.
§ 29. The Tone, its Changes and the Pause.
a 1. The principal tone rests, according to the Masoretic accentuation
(cf. § 15 c), as a rule on the final syllable, e.g. bpj^, -\2'l, Hn^, Dnn-n,
D^f'^i?, 1''Pi^, P*^"!t? — in the last five examples on the formative additions
to the stem. Less frequently it rests on the penultima, as in HT?
night, ^?PiJ, ^-il, ^^ij; but a closed penultima can only have the tone
if the ultima is open (e.g. ^PPiJ, "^J?.?, '^J'r'P)' "^^'l^^ilst a closed ultima
can as a rule only be without the tone if the penultima is open, e. g.
D|'^>1, D^*1; gee also below, e.
b A kind of counter-tone or secondary stress, as opposed to the
principal tone, is marked by Metheg (§ i6 c). Words which are closely
united by Maqqeph with the following word (§ 16 a) can at the most
have only a secondary tone.
C 2. The original tone of a word, however, frequently shifts its place
in consequence either of changes in the word itself, or of its close
connexion with other words. If the word is increased at the end, the
tone is moved forward {descendit) one or two places according to the
length of the addition, e.g. "l^'l word, plur. D"'"12'=|; t^y'}y^, your u-ords;
^IP holy thing, plur.D''B'*JP; nb6\> with suffix innS^jp, with Waw con-
secutive ^^^P). On the consequent vowel-changes, see § 27 d, i-ni.
cl 3. On the other hand, the original tone is shifted from the ultima
to the penultima {ascendit) :
^ On the apparent exceptions Kp'T, &c., cf. § 22 e ; other instances in which
N has entirely lost its consonantal value, and is only retained orthographically,
are Npn sin, t<)i valley (also ^3), Nl^ vanity (Jb 15=1 K^thibh IK').
* In this form (§ 65 g) the Bages when in pause, the tone on the ultima with a
< ^ .<
tone-long vowel, e. g. riD>1 and lie died, m pause riD*l.
n Of other effects of the pause we have still to mention, (i) the transition of
an e (lengthened from i) to the more distinct a (see above, I), e.g. inn for tnn
Is i85 (of. § 67 t); § 72 drf) ; ^IDj^ Is 33» ; ^YN i Ch S^s (beside ^yi^ [, see v. 37.
Cf. : ^X2D Is 76 (^Knt9 Ezr 4'') ; ^', Ij^B' Jer 22'* ; "TlDp Ob 20 ; : ^n'*\ Ex 31'" ;
: K'SNil 2"s 12IS (below, § 51 m)— S."r. D.]) ; nsV Gn 17"; nSSH i S 15*3 ;
"iriNn \t 40'^ ; pmn Jbi3^^, mostly before liquids or sibilants (but alsoS^H
""" = " •■ t < ''\J
Is 42^2, and without the pause Tin La 3^*). So also '%\,'>^ (shortened from Tipi)
becomes in pause T]2*1 ; cf. l]?*! La 3^ ; J^ri for fpFl Ju 19''". On S^g/ioZ in pause
instead of Sere, cf. § 52 n, 60 d, and especially § 75 n, on iTni Pr 4* and 7^
f (2) The transition from ct to e in the ultima ; so always in the formula
nyi Dpiyp (for nU)/or ever and ever.
V T T ; ^
S (3) The paused Qames (according to § 54 A:, lengthened from original a) in
Eithpa'el (but not in Pi'el) for Sere, e. g. ^ pHH^ Jb 1 8* for Tjpnri^ . But pausal
forms like iriD £532' (in the absol. s(. "IflD 133^) go back to a secondary form
of the abs. st. inp, 133B',
/ (4) The restoration of a final Todh which has been dropped from the stem,
together with the preceding vowel, e.g. Vyil^ Vnti Is 21^*, for ^yzi^ ^nX^ the
latter also without the pause Is c,0^-'^^ ; cf. Jb I2«, and the same occurrence
even in the word before the pause Dt 32''', Is 21'^. .
U (5) The transition from or to a in pause : as HPXB' Is 7*', if it be a locative
of %\i^, and not rather imperat. Qal of ^SB' • TlS^^ Gn 43'* for TlilbB' • TV
Gn 49» ; fl^D^ Gn 492^; perhaps also |^"1^ i K 223^, Is 59", and nSpl^tp Is 28",
cf. 2 K 21". On the other hand the regular pausal form J'Sn"" (ordinary
imperfect ^bn') corresponds to a perfect J^sn (see § 47 A).
D (6) When a Paihah both precedes and follows a virtually strengthened
guttural, the second becomes a in pause, and the first S'ghol, according to
§ 22 c and § 275, e.g. TIK my brothers, in pause TIS. Similarly in cases where
an original Pathah after a guttural has been attenuated to i out oi pause, and
then lengthened to e with the tone (cf. § 54^;), e.g. Dnifl^, but in pause Qi^Jjri^
Dt 32=«; cf. NuS'', 23'9, Ez 5'^, ^135".— On pausal Sere, for S'ghol, in infin.,
imperat., and imperf. of verbs n"i?, see § "J^hh.
IK) [Other instances of the full vowel in lesser pause, where the voice would
naturally rest on the word, are Gn 15" •n'3y\ Is 8'«, 402'', Ho 412, 8^ Dn 9'',
and very often in such cases.]
SECOND PART
ETYMOLOGY, OR THE PARTS OF SPEECH
§30. Stems and Roots'^: Biliteral, Triliteral, and
Quadriliteral.
1. Stems in Hebrew, as in the other Semitic languages, have this ^^
peculiarity, that by far the majority of them consist of three con-
sonants. On these the meaning essentially depends, while the various
modifications of the idea are expressed rather by changes in. the
vowels, e. g. p^V {p^V or ptoy ; the 3rd pers. sing. perf. does not occur)
it ivas deep, P'OV dee}), p^V depth, p^)J, a valley, plain. Such a stem
may be either a verb or a noun, and the language commonly exliihits
both together, e.g. VII ^* '*'^^ sown, Vn.\ seed ; D?n he vjas wise, D^H
a wise man. For practical purposes, however, it has long been the
custom to regard as the stem the ^rd pers. sing. Perf. Qal (see § 43),
since it is one of the simplest forms of the verb, without any formative
additions. Not only are the other forms of the verb referred to this
stem, but also the noun-forms, and the large number of particles
derived from nouns ; e. g. tJ*"!^ he was holy, K'']P holiness, t^'l^i^ holy.
Sometimes the language, as we have it, exhibits only the verbal
stem without any corresponding noun-form, e. g. /pD to stone, pi^J
to bray; and on the other hand, the noun sometimes exists without
< <
the corresponding verb, e. g. P? stone, SJi south. Since, however, the
nominal or verbal stems, which are not now found in Hebrew, generally
occur in one or more of the other Semitic dialects, it may be assumed,
as a rule, that Hebrew, when a living language, also possessed them.
Thus, in Arabic, the verbal stem 'dbtnd (to become compact, hard)
< <
corresponds to I9?, and the Aramaic verb n^gab {to be dry) to 2^^.,
Rem. I. The Jewish grammarians call the stem (i.e. the 3rd pers. sing. C
Perf. Qal) B'"lb' root. Hence it became customary among Christian gram-
marians to call the stem radix, and its three consonants litterae radicales, in
contradistinction to the litterae servUes or formative letters. On the correct use
of the term root, see g.
' On the questions discussed here compai'e the bibliography at the Lead
of § 79.
H 2
loo Etymology, or the Parts of Speech [§ 30 d-g
Cl 2. others regard the three stem-consonauts as a root, in the sense that, con-
sidered as vowelless and unpronounceable, it represents the common foundation
of the verbal and nominal stems developed from it, just as in the vegetable
world, from which the figure is borrowed, stems grow from the hidden
root, e. g. ,
Root : 1^^, the indeterminate idea of riding.
Verb-atem, TJpO he has reigned. Noun-stem, TJ^IO king.
For the historical investigation of the language, however, this hypothesis
of unpronounceable roots, with indeterminate meaning, is fruitless. Moreover,
the term root, as it is generally understood by philologists, cannot be applied
to the Semitic triliteral stem (see/).^
C 3. The 3rd sing. Perf. Qal, which, according to the above, is usually regarded,
both lexicographically and grammatically, as the ground-form, is generally
in Hebrew a dissyllable, e.g. bop. The monosyllabic forms have only arisen
by contraction (according to the traditional explanation) from stems which
had a weak letter ("I or *) for their middle consonant, e.g. Dp from qawam ;
or from stems whose second and third consonants are identical, e.g. "IS and
T}if (but see below, §§ 67, 72). The dissyllabic forms have themselves no
doubt arisen, through a loss of the final vowel, from trisyllables, e.g. ?Cp
from qdtdld, as it is in literary Arabic.
f 2. The law of the triliteral stem is so strictly observed in the
formation of verbs and nouns in Hebrew (and in the Semitic languages
generally), that the language has sometimes adopted artificial methods
to preserve at least an appearance of triliteralism in monosyllabic
stems, e.g.T)2p for the inf. constr. of verbs I'^S; cf. § 69 b. Conversely
such nouns, as ^^ father, D?< mother, HS brother, which were formerly
all regarded as original monosyllabic forms [nomina jmmitiva), may,
in some cases at least, have arisen from mutilation of a triliteral stem.
g On the other hand, a large number of triliteral stems really point
to a biliteral base, which may be properly called a 7'oot [radix
primaria, bill iter alls), since it forms the starting-point for several
triliteral modifications of the same fundamental idea. Though in
themselves unpronounceable, these roots are usually pronounced with
a between the two consonants, and are represented in writing by the
sign -y/, e.g. \/^D as the root of 113, nni), "113, IwN. The reduction
of a stem to the underlying root may generally be accomplished with
certainty when the stem exhibits one weak consonant with two strong
ones, or when the second and third consonants are identical. Thus
e. g. the stems 'n?'!J, 'H^'^j ^9'^> '^?'^ ™*y ^■ll be traced to the idea of
striking, breaking, and the root common to them all is evidently the
two strong consonants "[I [dakh). Very frequently, however, the
development of the root into a stem is effected by the addition of
^ Cf. Philippi, ' Der Grundstamm des starken Verbums,' in Morgenlandische
Forschungen, Leipz. 1875, PP- 69-106.
§ 30 h-k'\ Stems and Roots loi
a strong consonant, especially, it seems, a sibilant, liquid or guttural.^
Finally, further modifications of the same root are produced when
either a consonant of the root, or the letter which has been addeJ,
changes by phonetic laws into a kindred letter (see the examples
below). Usually such a change of sound is accompanied by a modifica-
tion of meaning.
Examples: from the root yp (no doubt onomatopoetic, i.e. imitating the A
sound), which represents the fundamental idea of carving off, cutting in pieces,
are derived directly: }>Sp and H^fp to cut, to cut off; the latter also metaph. to
decide, to judge (whence yip, Arab, qddi, a judge) ; also aSj^ to cut off, to shear,
PjXp to tear, to break, JJXp to cut into, nSp to cut off, to reap. With a dental instead
of the sibilant, Dp, Ip, whence 2^\> to cut in pieces, to destroy, b^\) to cut doicn,
to kill, Fj^p to tear off, to pluck off. With the initial letter softened,
the root becomes D3, whence HDS to cut off, and DD3 to shave ; cf. also D33
7 - T * T
Syr. to slay {sacrifice), to kiU. With the greatest softening to 12 and li • tTS to
cut off, to shear : HW to hew stone ; T13 . Dta . JJW , ^W , "IW to cut off, to tear off, eat up ;
similarly Tia to cut into, JJna to cut off; cf. also ma , vni "113. Allied to this
root also is the series of stems which instead of a palatal begin with a
guttural (n), e.g. inn to split, cut; cf. also ^nn, plH, "nn, K'nn, and further
D^n, f'ln, nrn, nn, 3Dn, ccn, sicn, ^dpi, ddr, cion, axn, njfn, j^ifn, ixn
in the Lexicon.
The root DH expresses the sound of humming, which is made with the
mouth closed (/ivo) ; hence DlOn, Din, nion, Dn3 (Dt?3), Arab, hdmhama, to huzz,
to hum, to snarl, &c. ,
As developments from the root V"l cf. the stems Ijn, 7^1, DSH, VTl, T^,
K'jn, Not less numerous are the developments of the root "13 pS^ ?D) and
many others.*
Closer investigation of the subject suggests the following observations :
(a) These roots are mere abstractions from stems in actual use, and are I
themselves not used. They represent rather the hidden germs {semina) of the
stems which appear in the language. Yet these stems are sometimes so
short as to consist simply of the elements of the root itself, e. g. DFI to be
finished, 7p light. The ascertaining of the root and its meaning, although in
many ways very difiBcult and hazardous,'is of great lexicographical importance.
It is a wholly different and much contested question whether there ever was
a period in the development of the Semitic languages when purely biliteral
roots, either isolated and invariable or combined with inflexions, served for
the communication of thought. In such a case it would have to be admitted,
that the language at first expressed extremely few elementary ideas, which
were only gradually extended by additions to denote more delicate shades of
meaning. At all events this process of transformation would belong to
a period of the language which is entirely outside our range. At the most
only the gradual multiplication of stems by means of phonetic change (see
below) can be historically proved.
(6) Many of these monosyllabic words are clearly imitations of sounds, and K
^ That all triliteral stems are derived from biliterals (as Konig, Lehrg. ii. i,
370 ; M. Lambert in Studies in honour of A, Kohut, Berl. 1897, p. 354 If.) cannot
be definitely proved.
' Cf. the interesting examination of the Semitic roots QR, KR, XR, by
P. Haupt in the Amer. Journ. of Sem. Lang., xxiii (1907), p. 341 ff.
I02 Etymology, or the Parts of Speech [§ 30 i-q
sometimes coincide with roots of a similar meaning in the Indo-Germanic
family of languages (§ \ h). Of other roots there is definite evidence that
Semitic linguistic consciousness regarded them as onomatopoetic, whilst the
Indo-Germanic instinct fails to recognize in them any imitation of sound.
/ (c) Stems with the harder, stronger consonants are in general (§ 6 r) to be
regarded as the older, from which a number of later stems probably arose
through softening of the consonants ; cf. "ITQ and in pPlX and pHCJ' pVX and
pyr, ybV and y?V, D?y ; p\>''\ and T]3n^ and the almost consistent change of
initial 1 to '', In other instances, however, the harder stems have only been
adopted at a later period from Aramaic, e.g. nVD, Hebr. nVJl. Finally in
many cases the harder and softer stems may have been in use together from
the first, thus often distinguishing, by a kind of sound-painting, the intensive
action from the less intensive ; see above yip to cut, HJ to shear, &c.
W- (ri) When two consonants are united to form a root they are usually either
both emphatic or both middle-hard or both soft, e.g. J'p t3p, D3, t3 IJ never
JO^ yy^ tD3, D3, Tp. Within (triliteral) stems the first and second consonants
are never identical. The apparent exceptions are either due to reduplication
of the root, e.g. rm {^ 42^, Is 381^), Arabic XINH, or result from other causes,
cf. e.g. n33 in the Lexicon. The first and third consonants are very seldom
identical except in what are called concave stems (with middle 1 or i),
e.g. p3^ p2f ; note, however, p3, |n3, B'CK', B'lB', and on y^J? Jb 3930 see
§ 55/. The second and third consonants on the other hand are very fre-
quently identical, see § 67.^
^l (e) The softening mentioned under I is sometimes so great that strong
consonants, especially in the middle of the stem, actually pass into vowels :
cf. § 19 0, and ^"(Wy Lv 168 »• if it is for b'lb)^,.
if) Some of the cases in which triliteral stems cannot with certainty be
traced back to a biliteral root, may be due to a combination of two roots —
a simple method of forming expressions to correspond to more complex ideas.
1) 3. Stems of four, or even (in the case of nouns) of Jive consonants"
are secondary formations. They arise from an extension of the triliteral
stem : (a) by addition of a fourth stem-consonant ; (6) in some cases
perhaps by composition and contraction of two triliteral stems, by
which means even quinquiliterals are produced. Stems which have
arisen from reduplication of the biliteral root, or from the mere repe-
tition of one or two of the three original stem-consonants, e. g. ^3??
from ?13 or ?^'^, "^Dinp from ino, are usually not regarded as quadri-
lilerals or quinqueliterals, but as conjugalional foims (§ 55); so also
the few words which are formed with the prefix B', as ^I^k}}""^ flame
from 3npj correspond to the Aramaic conjugation Sapliel, ^Hp'^.
n Rem. on (a). The letters r and I, especially, are inserted between the first
and second radicals, e. g. DD3 Dp"13 to eat up ; t3''3"!K' = DIIK' sceptre (this
insertion of an r is especially frequent in Aramaic) ; HSypl hot wind from f|yT
* Consonants which are not found together in roots and stems are called
incompaiihle. They are chiefly consonants belonging to the same class, e.g. 33,
p3, p3, Dl, Dn, tjn, flD *lt, Dt, J'T, DV, yx, yn, &o., or in the reverse .order.
'^ In Hebrew they are comparatively rare, but more numei'ous in the other
Semitic languages, especially in Ethiopic.
§§ 3° '■.«. 3' «»^] Stems and Roots 103
to he hot. Cf. Aram. bsiJ? '° '^'^^h expanded from ?3y (conjugation Pa'el,
corresponding to the Hebrew Pi'el). In Latin there is a similar expansion
of fid, scid, tud, jug into findo, scindo, tundo, jungo. At the end of words the
commonest expansion is by means of p and f, e. g. |n3 axe, ?^~\'2 garden-land
(from DnJ), b'Vl^ corolla (yna cwi?) ; cf. § 85, xi.
Eem. on (6). Forms such as '^'ifi^li frog, rQ^2n meadow-saffron, niOpS shadow f
0/ death, '^ were long regarded as compounds, though the explanation of them
all was uncertain. Many words of this class, which earlier scholars attempted
to explain from Hebrew sources, have since proved to be loan-words (§ i i),
and consequently need no longer be taken into account.
4. A special class of formations, distinct from the fully developed s
stems of three or four consonants, are (a) the Interjections (§ 105),
which, as being direct iraitatious of natural sounds, are independent
of the ordinary formative laws ; (6) the Pronouns. Whether these
are to be regarded as the mutilated remains of early developed stems,
or as relics of a period of language when the formation of stems followed
different laws, must remain undecided. At all events, the many
peculiarities of their formation^ require special treatment (§ 32 ff.).
On the other hand, most of the particles (adverbs, prepositions, con-
junctions) seem to have arisen in Hebrew from fully developed stems,
although in many instances, in consequence of extreme shortening,
the underlying stem is no longer recognizable (see § 99 ff.).
§ 31. Grammatical Structure.
p. L6i-wald, ' Die Formenbildungsgesetze des Hebr.' {Hilfsbuch fur Lehrer
des Heir.), Berlin, 1897, is recommended for occasional reference.
1. The formation of the parts of speech from the stems (derivation), a
and their inflexion, are effected in two ways : (a) internally by changes
in the stem itself, particularly in its vowels: (6) externally by the
addition of formative syllables before or after it. The expression of
grammatical relations (e. g. the comparative degree and some case-
relations in Hebrew) periphrastically by means of separate words
belongs, not to etymology, but to syntax.
The external method (6) of formation, by affixing formative syllables,
which occurs e.g. in Egyptian, appears on the whole to be the more ancient.
Yet other families of language, and particularly the Semitic, at a very early
period had recourse also to the internal method, and during their youthful
vigour widely developed their power of forming derivatives. But the con-
tinuous decay of this power in the later periods of language made syntactical
circumlocution more and more necessary. The same process may be seen
also e.g. in Greek (including modern Greek), and in Latin with its Romance
offshoots.
1 So expressly Noldeke in .Z^W^ 189?) P- 183 ff. ; but most probably it is to
be read niJOpi? darkness from the stem D?2f [Arab, zalima, to be dark].
^ Cf. Hupfeld, 'System der semitischen Demonstrativbildung,' in the
Ztschr.f. d. Kunde des MorgenL, vol. ii. pp. 124 ff., 427 ff.
I
104 Etymology, or the Parts of Speech [§ 31 c
C 2. Both methods of formation exist together in Hebrew. The
internal mode of formation by means of vowel changes is tolerably
extensive (''P^, ^^\^, ^'l^\^; ?^p, 7^1?, &c.). This is accompanied in
numerous cases by external formation also (-'l^i^ri'!' , ''''^i?'?, ''^i??, &c.),
and even these formative additions again are subject to internal
change, e.g. ^^\1^\}, ''^iPO- The addition of formative syllables occurs,
as in almost all languages, chiefly in the formation of the persons of
the verb, where the meaning of the affixed syllables is for the most
part still perfectly clear (see §§ 44, 47). It is also employed to distin-
guish gender and number in the verb and noun. Of case-endings, on
the contrary, only scanty traces remain in Hebrew (see § 90).
CHAPTER I
THE PRONOUN
Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 98 ff. ; Grundrisn, i. 296 ff. L. Reinisch,
' Das persQnl. Fiiiwort u. die Verbalflexion in den chamito-semit. Spi-achen '
(^Wiener Akad, der Wiss., 1909).
§ 32. The Personal Pronoun. The Separate Pronoun.
1. The personal pronoun (as well as the pronoun generally) belongs a
to the oldest and simplest elements of the language (§ 30 s). It must
be discussed before the verb, since it plays an important part in verbal
inflexion (§§ 44, 47).
2. The independent principal forms of the personal pronoun serve b
(like the Gk. eyw, crv, Lat. ego, tu, and their plurals) almost exclusively
to emphasize the nominative-subject (see, however, § 135 t?). They
are as follows :
2.4
thou.
Plural.
I. Com. vnaK, in ^awse^Jnax]
(ynj,in2?awseWn3), (13N)j
2.
m. cin«
ye.
f. nsn aiter prejixes |n , (H
they.
Singular.
I . Com. ^^"^^ , in pause *3i^ ; | ,
^Jfc^ , in pause ^J^ j
'm. nriN (riK), in pause'
nm or nris
/. >;i«('nx properly ^riK),
in pause ^^ j
fm. Nin he (it).
If. i<Vshe{it).
The forms enclosed in parentheses are the less common. A table of these
pronouns with their shortened forms (pronominal suffixes) is given in Paradigm
A at the end of this Grammar.
Remakks.
I. First Person.
I. The form ""pllN is less frequent than ^3N.i The former occurs in C
^ On the prevalence of *3l)K in the earlier Books compare the statistics
collected by Giesebrecht in ZAW. 1881, p. 251 ff., partly contested by Driver
in the Journal of Philology, 1882, vol. xi. p. 222 ff. (but cf. his Introduction, ed.
6, p. I35> line i f-). *>"* thoroughly established by KCnig in T?ieol. Stud. u. Krit,
'^93) PP- 464 ff. and 478, and in his Einleilung in das A. T., p. 168, &c. In some
of the latest books ^3:X is not found at all, and hardly at all in the Talmud.
[For details see the Lexicon, s. v. '•iX and ""abN.!
' -; . J ■'
io6 The Pronoun [§ 32 d-i
Phoenician, Moabite, and Assyrian, but in no other of the kindred dialects;^
from the hitter the suffixes are derived (§ 33). The 6 most probably results
from an obscuring of an original a (cf. Aram. N3S, Arab. 'ana). The pausal
form >3K occurs not only with small disjunctive accents, but even with con-
junctives ; so always in ^JS ""n as I live ! also Is 49^^ with Munah, ^ 119^''^ with
Merkha (which, however, has been altered from D^hi), and twice in Mai i».
In all these cases there is manifestly a disagreement between the vocalization
already established and the special laws regulating the system of accentuation.
' d 2. The formation of the plural, in this and the other persons, exhibits a
cei-tain analogy with that of the noun, while at the same time (like the
pronouns of other languages) it is characterized by many differences and
peculiarities. The short form IJN (13X) from which the suffix is derived
occurs only in Jer42« KHhihh. The form ^jn5 (cf. § 19 h) only in Ex ifp-^,
Nu 32^2, La 3^2 . !|j|-;3 in pause, Gn 42" ; in Arabic nahnu is the regular form.
In the Misna 1JX HJX) has altogether supplanted the longer forms.
^ 3. The pronoun of the ist person only is, as a rule in languages, of the
common gender, because the person who is present and speaking needs no
further indication of gender, as does the 2nd person, who is addressed (in
Greek, Latin, English, &c., this distinction is also lacking), and still more
the 3rd person who is absent.
II. Second Person.
r 4. The forms of the 2nd person iins, riS, DFlK, nanS, &c., are contracted
from 'aw^rt, &c. The kindred languages have retained the n before the n, e. g.
Arab, ^dnta, fem. 'dnti, thou; pi. 'dntum, fem. ^antunna, ye. In Syriac DJX,
fem. TlJS are written, but both are pronounced 'at In Western Aramaic
ri3S is usual for both genders.
P" riS (without n) occurs five times, e. g. tf 6*, always as KHhihh, with nriK
as (^re. In three places riX appears as a masculine, Nu 1 1'^, Dt 5^*, Ez 28^*.
// The feminine form was originally ''rit< as in Syriac, Arabic, and Ethiopic.
This form is found seven times as K'lhihh (Ju I7^ i K I42, 2 K 4^6.28^ gi, Jer
430, Ez 36") and appears also in the corresponding personal ending of verbs
(see § 44/), especially, and necessarily, before suffixes, as ^yjjlptDp, § 59 « [c] ;
cf. also i as the ending of the 2nd fem. sing, of the imperative and imperfect.
The final i was, however, gradually dropped in pronunciation, just as in
Syriac (see above, /) it was eventually only written , not pronounced. The '
therefore finally disappeared (cf. § 10 fc), and hence the Masoretes, even in
these seven passages, have pointed the word in the text as '•riX to indicate
the QVe riX (see § 17). The same final "»__ appears in the rare (Aramaic)
forms of the suffix iS.!,, ••3^4_ (§§ 58, 91).
i 5. The plurals DriX (with the second vowel assimilated to the fem. form)
and friX (jriX), with the tone on the ultima, only partially correspond to the
assumed ground-forms 'antumii, fem. ^antinnd, Arab, 'intihn (Aram. pnS,
|W:X) and 'dnMnna (Aram. priS, pri3«). The form \m. is found only in
Ez 34" (so Qimhi expressly, others JRi^:) ; njiRS (for which some MSS. have
1 In Phoenician and Moabite (inscription of Mesa', line 1) it is written "[JX,
without the final ^ In Punic it was pronounced anec (Plant. Poen. 5, i, 8)
or anech (5, 2, 35). Cf Schroder, Phbniz. Sprache, p. 143. In Assyrian the
corresponding form is anaku, in old Egyptian anek, Coptic anok, nok.
§ 32 h-vi-\ The Personal Pronoun 107
T\im) only four times, viz. Gn 316, Ez i3"-2», 34" ; in 1320 DFlK (before a D) is
even used as feminine.
III. Third Person.
6. (a) In Nin and N''n (M and M) the N (corresponding to the 'Elifofpro- k
longation in Arabic, cf. § 23 i) might be regarded only as an orthographic
addition closing the final long vowel, as in N17, N^"?:, &c. The N is, however,
always written in the case of the separate pronouns,' and only as a toneless
suffix (§ 33 a) does XIH appear as in, while N''n becomes H. In Arabic (as in
Syriac) they are written in and Tl but pronounced huud and hiya, and in
Vulgar Arabic even huwwa and hiyya. This Arabic pronunciation alone would
not indeed be decisive, since the vowel complement might have arisen from
the more consonantal pronunciation of the 1 and "> ; but the Ethiopic we'^tu
{ = liu'a-tu) for Nin, ye'ti {^hi'a-ti) for N'H (cf. also the Assyrian ya-iia for
Nin"*) show that the N was original and indicated an original vocalic termi-
nation of the two words. According to Philippi {ZDMG. xxviii. 172 and xxix.
371 ff.) N^n arose from a primitive Semitic ha-va, NM from ha-ya.
(b) The form X^H also stands in the consonantal text (K^ihibh) of the /
Pentateuch ^ (with the exception of eleven places) for the fern. N''n. In all
such cases the Masora, by the punctuation N'in, has indicated the Q^re N''n
{Q^re perpeiuum, see § 17). The old explanation regarded this phenomenon as
an archaism wliich was incorrectly removed by the Masoretes. This
assumption is, however, clearly untenable, if we consider (i) that no other
Semitic language is without the quite indispensable distinction of gender in
the separate pronoun of the 3rd pers. ; (2) that this distinction does occur
eleven times in the Pentateuch, and that in Gn 20^, ^S^^, Nu 5"" KIH and
N^n are found close to one another ; (3) that outside the Pentateuch the distinc-
tion is found in the oldest documents, so that the N""!! cannot be regarded
as having been subsequently adopted from the Aramaic ; (4) that those parts
of the book of Joshua whicli certainly formed a constituent part of the
original sources of the Pentateuch, know nothing of this epicene use of NIH.
Consequently there only remains the hypothesis, that the writing of Xin for
N^^ rests on an orthographical peculiarity which in some recension of the
Pentateuch-text was almost consistently followed, but was afterwards very
properly rejected by the Masoretes. The orthography was, however, peculiar
to the Pentateuch-text alone, since it is unnecessary to follow the Masora in
writing H^n for XIH in i K 17^5, Is 30^^ Jb 31", or N^H for N'n in f 731*, Ec
58, I Ch 29^^. The Samaritan recension of the Pentateuch has the correct
form in the K^lhibh throughout. Levy's explanation of this strange practice
of the Masoretes is evidently right, viz. that originally NH was written for
both forms (see k, note), and was almost everywhere, irrespective of gender,
expanded into Nlil. On the whole question see Driver, Leviticus (in Haupt's
Bible), p. 25 f. In the text Driver always reads NH.
7. The plural forms DH (ilSn) and n3n (after prefixes jH, JH) are of doubt- W
<
ful origin, but Dn HDn have probably been assimilated to nSH which goes
back to a form hinna. In Western Aram. f\t:iT}^ iDH (flSn, j^SX), Syr. henun
' In the inscription of King Mesa' (see § 2 d), lines 6 and 27, we find NH
for N^n, and in the inscription of 'ESmun'azar, line 22, for K'^H, but in the
Zenjirli inscriptions (see § 1 w) both NH and ^H occur (Hadad i, 1. 29).
'^ Also in twelve places in the Babylonian Codex (Prophets) of 916 A. D. ; cf.
Baer, Ezechiel, p. 108 f. ; Buhl, Canon and Text of the 0. T. (Edinb. 1892), p. 240.
ro8 The Pronoun [§§ 32 n, 0, 33 a-e
('emm), Arab, humu (archaic form of hum), and Ethiop. homu, an 6 or u is
appended, which in Hebrew seems to reappear in the poetical suffixes ID
to4.,^t:^(§9l^3)• ^
n In some passages ^VGii}^ stands for the feminine (Zc 5'", Ct 6^, Ru 1'* ; cf.
the use of the suffix of the 3rd masc. for the 3rd fem., § 135 and § 145 0-
For the quite anomalous Dn"ny 2 K c/^^ read Dnny (Jb 32*^^).
O 8. The pronouns of the 3rd person may refer to things as well as persons.
On their meaning as demonstratives see § 136.
§ 33. Pronominal Suffices.
Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 100 f. ; Qrundriss, i. 306 ff. J. Barth,
'Beitrage zur Suffixlehre des Nordsemit.,' in the Amer, Journ, 0/ Sent. Lang.,
1901, p. 193 ff.
a 1. The independent principal forms of the personal pronoun (the
separate pronoun), given in the preceding section, express only the
nominative.^ The accusative and genitive are expressed by forms,
usually shorter, joined to the end of verbs, nouns, and particles {pro-
nominal suffixes or simply suffixes) ; e. g. ^'1 (toneless) and 1 (from dhi2)
eum and eius, ^n"'npC(p / have killed him (also ^""Jllr^i?), ^'"l^p^i? or (with
dhd contracted into 0) WpCj? thou hast killed him ; *i"liX (also ^'"l"?.^**)
Itix eius.
The same method is employed in all the other Semitic languages, as well
as in the Egyptian, Persian, Finnish, Tartar, and others ; in Greek, Latin,
and German we find only slight traces of the kind, e. g. German, er gab's for
er gab es ; Greek, nar-qp fiov for irarfjp ifiov ; Latin, eccum, eccos, &c., in Plautus
and Terence for ecce eum, ecce eos.
b 2. The case which these suffixes represent is —
(a) When joined to verbs, the accusative (cf., however, §117 ^),
e. g. ^rriripo^ I have killed him.
C (6) When affixed to substantives, the genitive (like Trarqp fiov, pater
eius). They then serve as possessive pronouns, e. g. '3N {'dbh-i) my
father, ID^D his horse, which may be either equus eius or equus suus.
d (c) When joined to particles, either the genitive or accusative,
according as the particles originally expressed the idea of a noun
or a verb, e.g. ^3""?, literally interstitium mei, between me {cf.mea
causa) ; but ^??n behold me, ecce m«.
e {d) Where, according to the Indo-Germanic case-system, the dative
or ablative of the pronoun is required, the suffixes in Hebrew are
joined to prepositions expressing those cases (? sign of the dative,
3 in, IP from, § 102), e.g. 'O to him {ei) and to himself (sibi), 13 in
him, ''lit? (usually "S'Sl?) from me.
* On apparent exceptions see § 135 <2.
§§ 33/. 9, 34 a-c] Pronominal Suffixes 109
3. The suffixes of the 2nd person (^-r-, &c.) are all formed with J
a ^--sound, not, like the separate pronouns of the 2nd person, with a
<-sound.
So in all the Semitic languages, in Ethiopic even in the verbal form
{qatalka, thou hast killed ='H.ehr. npi5p),
-4. The sujix of the verb (the accusative) and the suffix of the noun (the g
genitive) coincide in most forms, but some differ, e. g. '^ — me, ''-^ my.
Paradigm A at the end of the Grammar gives a table of all the forms of the
separate pronoun and the suffixes ; a fuller treatment of the verbal suffix and the
mode of attaching it to the verb will be found in § 58 ff., of the noun-suffix in
§ 91, of the prepositions with suflSxes in § 103, of adverbs with suffixes § 100 0.
§ 34. The Demonstrative Pronoun.
„. / m. nt ' \ Plur. com. n?NI (rarely PX) these. CI
^' ^'''^■\fn^Mr^\,S^YY^^'-
Kem. I. The feminine form HNT has undoubtedly arisen from DXt, by
obscuring of an original d to (for Nl = nT cf. the Ai'ab. ha-da. this, masc. ; for
n as the feminine ending, § 80), and the forms ^^ ^ \] both of which are rare,'
are shortened from flNt. In \p 132^^ S\ is used as a relative, cf. It below. In
Jer 26^, K'thibh, nJlNp (with the article and the demonstrative termination
n ) is found for DXt. Tlie forms n?K and bn are the plurals of HT and riNT
by usage, though not etymologically. The form PN occurs only in the
Pentateuch (but not in the Samaritan text), Gn 19^-^^ 26'*, &c. (8 times),
always with the article, PNIH [as well as HPNI, n^NH frequently], and in
I Ch 20* without the article [cf. Driver on Dt 4*^].* Both the singular and
the plural may refer to things as well as persons.
2. In combination with prepositions to denote the oblique case we find np C
to (his (cf. for h, § 102 g), flNlf', HNlb to this (fem.), r\%b^ r]^kb to these ; HrnX
hunc, DNrnX hanc, H ?N"nK hos, also without "DK , even be/ore the verb ^ 75®,
&c. Note also rTf l^riD pretium huius (i K 21^), &c.
^ In many languages the demonstratives begin with a <i-sound (hence called
the demonstrative sound) which, however, sometimes interchanges with a
sibilant. Cf. Aram. |^ 7|"1 masc., N"! t]"'! /em. (this) ; Sansk. sa, sd, tat ; Gothic
sa, so, thata ; Germ, da, der, die, das; and Eng. the, this, that, &c. Cf. J. Earth,
'Zum semit. Demonstr. ri,' in ZDMG. 59, 159 ff., and 633 ff.; Sprachwiss, Unter-
suchungen zum Semit., Lpz. 1907, p. 30 fF. [See the Lexicon, s. v. iTf, and Aram.
^ That ni may stand for the feminine, cannot be proved either from Ju 16^*
or from the certainly corrupt passage in Jos 2".
' lit 2 K 6>^, and in seven other places ; S) only in Hos 7'*, rp 132^^.
* According to Kuenen (cf. above, § 2 n) and Driver, on Lev 18" in Haupt's
Bible, this pN is due to an error of the punctuators. It goes back to a time
when the vowel of the second syllable was not yet indicated by a vowel letter,
and later copyists wrongly omitted the addition of the H. In Phoenician
also it was written 7N, but pronounced ily according to Plautus, Poen, v, i, 9.
no The Pronoun [§§ 34 dg, 35 a-d
d 2. The secondary form IT occurs only in poetic style, and mostly for
the relative, like our that for who [see Lexicon, s.v.]. Like "i'^*^ (§ 36),
it serves for all numbers and genders.
€ Rem. I. This pronoun takes the article (njilj nWH nVxH^ 7Nn) according
to the same rule as adjectives, see § 126 m ; e.g. r^^T\ tJ'^NH this man, but S^^NH n't
this is the man,
f 2. Rarer secondary forms, with strengthened demonstrative force, are T\i^t^
Qa 2^^, 37^^; ^t?n fern. Ez 36^^; and shortened 1?n, sometimes nMSc, as in
Ju 620, I S \f^, 2 K 23", Zc 28, Dn 8'«, sometimes /em., 2 K 4^^ . ^f. i S 14^ [and
20^3 LXX; see Commentaries and Kittel].
^ 3. The personal pronouns of the 3rd person also often have a demonstrative
sense, see § 136.
§ 35. The Article.
J. Barth, ' Der heb. u. der aram. Artikel,' in Sprachwiss. Untersuch. zum Semit,
Lpz. 1907, p. 47 ff.
d 1. The article, which is by nature a kind of demonstrative pronoun,
never appears in Hebrew as an independent word, but always in
closest connexion with the word which is defined by it. It usually
takes the form 'H, with a and a strengthening of the next consonant,
e.g. K'^v''^ ^^^ ***^) "'^^l' the river, D!v,Q the Levites (according to § 20m
for "ix?n , D*1^n).
O Rem. With regard to the Bages in "• after the article, the rule is, that it is
inserted when a n or J? follows the \, e.g. On^n^n the Jews, CBJ/'H the wearij
(D^jy^S La 43 Q'-re is an exception)," but lIK^ri / Dn^^n , 1^0]^, &c. Dages
forte also stands after the article in the prefix D in certain nouns and in the
participles Pi'el and Pu'al (see § 52 c) before n JJ and "1, except when the
guttural (or ~\) has under it a short vowel in a sharpened syllable ; thus
HD^niSn Ez 226, nnyon the cave, D'^y-im ^ 37I (cf. Jb 38«, I Ch 4*1) ; but
!]^njpn ^ io4» (Ec 415, 2 Ch 23I'' ; before y ip 103*) ; nfJE'^On Is 2312 ; D''^n'?1
Jos 6^'. Before letters other than gutturals this D remains without DageS,
according to § 20 m.
C 2. When the article stands before a guttural, which (according to
§ 22 ft) cannot properly be strengthened, the following cases arise,
according to the character of the guttural (cf. § 27 9').
(i) In the case of the weakest guttural, K, and also with I (§ 22 c
and q), the strengthening is altogether omitted. Consequently, the
Pathah of the article (since it stands in an open syllable) is always
lengthened to Qames ; e. g. 3Kn the father, "^HSn the other, DXn the
mother, B'^NH the man, "lixn the light, Cl'^^^^f; 6 6/tds, ij^nn the foot,
m-\^ the head, V^^il the ivicked.
d So also niQK'n Neh 3", because syncopated from DiSt^'XH (cf. verse 14 and
Baer on the passage); Ciptt^H (as in Nu ii*, Ju 9^1, 2 S 23^3, with the K
§ 35 e-i] The Article 1 1 1
orthographically retained "), for 'TKH Jer 40* (cf. 'tN3 Terse i) ; t3'''1lDn Ec 4^*
for 'DSn • n^Bin 2 Ch 226 for 'ISH (cf. 2 K S^S).
-:,T 5 • -IT -:iT
(2) In the case of the other gutturals either the virtual strengthen- e
ing takes place (§22 c) — especially with the stronger sounds n and
n, less often with y — or the strengthening is wholly omitted. In
the former case, the Pathah of the article remains, because the syllable
is still regarded as closed ; in the second case, the Pathah is either
modified to S^ghdl or fully lengthened to Qames. That is to say : —
A. When the guttural has any otlier vowel than a (^p) or 6 {-^)- f
then
(i) before the stronger sounds PI and n the article regularly remains
n ; e. g. N^nn that, ti'inn the month, ?^nri the force, '^9?C'-' t^^ wisdom.
Before n, a occurs only in 'nn Gn 6'' [not elsewhere], Ctp^infJ Is ■f^,
D''3^nn Is I'j^ [not elsewhere] ; before n, always in n^H^l, ^HC"-
(2) before y the Pathah is generally lengthened to Qames, e.g. T!^T} g
the eye, Tyn the city, inyn the servant, plur. D"!?^^ ; D'.^?^,^ i K if^ ;
also in Gn 10^'^ 'i?'!^^ is the better reading. Exceptions are n^Diya
Ex i5^», a^liyn 2 S s''-^, Is 42>«, n^y? Is 242, D'3")yn Is 65", pfy?
Ez22', D"a[yn Pr 2'^ and nnVyn Pr 2'^ n\rt>. i S I6^ Ec n^ but
'yy,^ Gn 3^ Pr lo^^. Cf. Baer on Is 42'^
5. When the guttural has a {—^) then h
(i) immediately before a tone-bearing n or V the article is always
n , otherwise it is il) ; e. g. DVn the 2>eople, "inn ^/ig mountain, ])Vi) (in
pause) the eye, '"'I'^v' towards the mountain; but (according to § 22 c)
0^1'^f?. the mountains, ]^V^, the iniquity.
(2) befoie n the article is invariably H without regard to the tone ; i
e.g. ^?Civ ^'*^ ^'*^ maw, i^y} the festival.
C. When the guttural has -r^ the article is H before H ; e. g. k
t2"'^ir'n ^^*^ months ; HU'injn jjj, ^/jg waste places (without the article 'n3
bdh'^rdbhoth) Ez 33^^ nininn. Ez 36^"«, cf. 2 Ch 27^ but n before V, as
D''^Dy^ the sheaves E,u 2^^.
• T T : |T
The gender and number of the noun have no influence on the form
of the article.
Rem. r. The original form of the Hebrew (and the Phoenician) article -il /
is generally considered to have been ?n, the P of which (owing to the proclitic
nature of the article) has been invariably assimilated to the following con-
sonant, as in njp^ from yilqah, § 19 d. This view was supported by the form
of the Arabic article ^K (pronounced hal by some modern Beduin), the ? of
which is also assimilated at least before all letters like s and t and before I, n,
and r, e.g. "al-Qur'dn but 'as-sdnd (Beduin has-sana) = Rebr. Bi^T\ the year.
112 The Pronoun [§§ 35 m-o, 36
But Earth {Amer. Joum. of Sem. Lang., 1896, p. 7 ff.), following Hupfeld and
Stade, has shown that the Hebrew article is to be connected rather with the
original Semitic demonstrative ha,'- cf. Arab, hdda, Aram, haden, &c. The
sharpening of the following consonant is to be explained exactly like the
sharpening after 1 consecutive (§49/; cf. also cases like n?23 nT23, &c.,
§ 102 k), from the close connexion of the ha with the following word, and the
sharpening necessarily involved the shortening of the vowel.*
7n The Arabic article is supposed to occur in the Old Testament in CaofjK
1 K lo"-" (also D''K)^il!5N 2 Ch 2^, 9"-"), sandal-wood (?), and in K'''33i)N hail,
tce = B'^3a (Arab, gibs) Ez 13"", 3822, but this explanation can hardly be
correct. On the other hand, in the proper name *niof)K Gn lo^s the first
syllable is probably bx God, as suggested by D. H. Miiller (see Lexicon, s. v.)
and Noldeke, Sitzungsber. der Berl. Akad., 1882, p. 1186. Dpbx Pr 3081, com-
monly explained as = Arab, al-qaum, the militia, is also quite uncertain.
n 2. When the prefixes 3 ?, 3 (§ 102) come before the article, the n is
elided, and its vowel is thrown back to the prefix, in the place of the S^wa
(§ 19 A;, and § 23 k), e. g. D^W? in the heaven for D^OE'nil (so \p 36^) ; DvS for
Dynb to the movie, DHHS on the mountains, D^K'inS in the months ; also in Is 41',
TT: * -t 7 "TIV • TT;!'.' '
read ISyS instead of the impossible "ISyS. Exceptions to this rule occur
almost exclusively in the later Books : Ez 40^5, 4722^ Ec 8\ Dn S^^, Neh 9",
123\ 2 Ch 10'', 251", 292^; of., however, i S 1321, 2 S 2120. Elsewhere, e.g.
2 K 7", the Masora requires the elision in the (^re. A distinction in meaning
is observed between Di*n3 about this time (Gn 39^1, i S g^^, &c.) and Di*3 first
of all (Gn 25^1, &c.). After the copula 1 {and) elision of th^ n does not take
place, e. g. Dyni.
T T : ^
3- The words ym earth, *in mountain, jn feast, Qy people, ^3 bull, always
appearafter the article with a long vowel (as in pawse) ; t*~lNn ''\7\n iHn Dyn
'VTT'tt'TV*Tt'
"ISn ; cf. also p"\X ark (so in the absol. st. in 2 K 12'*', 2 Ch 34^, but to be
read pIN), with the article always piXH.
§ 36. The Relative Pronoun.
The relative pronoun (cf. § 138) is usually the indeclinable 1'^X
{who, which, &c.), originally a demonstrative pronoun; see further
§§ 138 and 155. In the later books, especially Eccles. and the
late Psalms, also Lam. (4 times), Jon. (i^), Chron. (tvrice), Ezra
(once), — and always in the Canticle (cf. also Ju 7^^ 8"^, 2 K 6"), -p is
used instead ; more rarely "^ Ju 5", Ct i'' (Jb 19^?) ; once ^ before N
Ju 6^'' (elsewhere ^ before a guttural), before n even ^ Ec 3'*, and
according to some (e. g. Qirahi) also in Ec 2^.^ [See Lexicon, s. v.]
1 An original form han, proposed by Ungnad, ' Der hebr. Art.,' in OLZ. x
(1907), col. 210 f , and ZDMG. 1908, p. 80 ff., is open to grave objections.
2 In the Lihyanitic inscriptions collected by Euting (ed. by D. H. Miiller
in Epigraphische Benkmaler axis Arabien, Wien, 1889) the article is il, and also
in a North Arabian dialect, according to E. Littmann, Safa-inschriften, p. a,
Rem., and p. 34.
» The full form y^H does not occur in Phoenician, but only C'N ( = •K'K ?),
pronounced asse, esse (also as, es, is, ys, us), or — especially in the later Punic
§ 37 «-J/] Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns 113
§ 37. The Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns.
1. The interrogative pronoun is "l? who ? (of persons, even before a
plurals, Gn 33*, Is 6o^ 2 K 18^, and sometimes also of things Gn 33^,
Ju 13", Mi I* ; cf. also "'^"n? whose daughter ? Gn 24^' ; 'Pp to whom ?
'p-ns whoml)—^'0, no (see h) what? (of things). — nr""?? which? what ?
The form -111? -D &c. (followed hy Dage^ forte conjunct.: even in ^, Hb 2*, &c., I)
against § 20 m) may be explained (like the art. -n § 35 I, and -1 in the imptrf.
C07jsec.) from the rapid utterance of the interrogative in connexion with the
following word. Most probably, however, the Bcige^ forte is rather due to
the assimilation of an originally audible n (rlD, as Olshausen), which goes
back through the intermediate forms math, mat to an original mani : so
W. "Wright, Comparative Grammar, Cambridge, 1890, p. 124, partly following
Bbttclier, Hebrdische Grammatik, § 261. A ground-form mant would moat easily
explain JO (what?), used in Ex 16^* in explanation of |0 manna, while }lp is
the regular Aramaic for who. Socin calls attention to the Arabic mah (in
pause with an audible h : Mufassal, 193, 8). Observe further that —
(o) In the closest connexion, by means of Maqqeph, "iMD takes a following C
Dagei (§ 20 d), e.g. ';]?~np what is it to thee? and even in one word, as D3?10
what is it to you ? Is 3" ; cf. Ex 4.^, Mai i", and even before a guttural, DHD
Ez 86 KHhibh. i
(6) Before gutturals in close connexion, by means oi Maqqeph or (e.g. Ju 14"*, CI
I S 20") a conjunctive accent, either nD is used with a virtual strengthening
of the guttural (§ 22 c), so especially before n, and, in Gn 31^^, Jb 2121, before ]\
— or the doubling is wholly omitted. In the latter case either (cf. § 35 e-k)
a is fully lengthened to Qames (so always before the H of the article, except in
Ec 212 ; also before HOn, HSn, and so H (Hb 2^^), X (2 S i8« , 2 K 8"),
y (Gn si''^, 2 K 8'»), or modified to S^ghol, especially before y, H, and generally
before H. The omission of the strengthening also takes place as a rule with
n n y.^when they have not Qames, and then the form is either HD or nO,
the latter especially before PI or y, if Maqqeph follows.
The longer forms nO and flO are also used (nO even before letters which 6
are not gutturals) when not connected by Maqqeph but only by a conjunctive
1 accent. As a rule DD is then used, but sometimes niD when at a greater dis-
tance from the principal tone of the sentence, Is i'^, ip 4^. (On nO in the
, combinations ni33 nj33 and even HtDP i S i^, cf. § 102 k and I.)
V - ' V - ' V T > ft
I (c) In the principal pause PIO is used without exception ; also as a rule j
with the smaller disjunctives, and almost always before gutturals (ilD only in
very few cases). On the other hand, nO more often stands before letters
which are not gutturals, when at a greater distance from the principal tone
of the sentence, e.g. i S 4*, 15'*, 2 K i''. Hag i« (see KOhler on the passage),
\f/ 10'^, Jb 7'^! ; cf., however, Pr 31^, and Delitzsch on the passage.
2. On ^O and HO as indefinite pronouns in the sense of quicunque, g
quodcunque, and as relatives, is qui, id quod, Sec, see § 137 c.
and in the Poenulus of Plautus— CJ* {sa, si, sy, su). Also in New Hebrew -^
has become the common form. Cf. Schroder, Phon. Sprache, p. 162 fif. and
below, § 155 ; also BergstrSsser, ' Das hebr. Prafix B',' in ZAW. 1909, p. 40 S.
COWLEY
CHAPTER II
THE VERB
§ 38. General View,
a Verbal stems are either original or derived. They are usually
divided into —
(a) Verbal stems proper {primitive verbs), which exhibit the stem
without any addition, e,g. 'H?? ^^ ^^* reigned.
(b) Verbal derivatives, i.e. secondare/ verbal stems, derived from the
pure stem (letter a), e.g. ^'^[> to sanctify, K'?!i2^n to sanctify oneself, from
^1\> to be holy. These are usually called conjugations (§ 39).
C (c) Denominatives,^ i. e. verbs derived from nouns (like the Latin
causari, praedari, and Eng. to skin, to stone), or even from particles
(see d, end) either in a primitive or derivative form, e.g. ^>^^, Qui
and PHel, to pitch a tent, from^ pHN tent ; B'HB'n and B»"I2' to take root,
and {J'15?' to root out, from ^"p root (§52 A).
d This does not exclude the possibility that, for nouns, from which denomin-
ative verbs are derived, the corresponding (original) verbal stem may still be
found either in Hebrew or in the dialects. The meaning, however, is
sufficient to show that the denominatives have come from the noun, not
from the verbal stem, e.g. PIJIlp a brick (verbal stem ]2? to be white), denomin.
]2? to make bricks ; 31 afsh (verbal stem n31 to be prolific), denomin. iV\ to fish ;
Fl^n to winter (from tj'lh autumn, winter, stem fjlH to pluck) ; y^p to pass the
<
summer (from y^p summer, stem y^p to be hot).
On ' Semitic verbs derived from particles ' see P. Haupt in the Amer. Journ.
0/ Sem. Lang., xxii (1906), 257 ff.
§ 39. Oround-forrti and Derived Stems.
Brockelmann, Sew. Sprachwiss., p. 119 ff. ; Grundriss, p. 504 ff.
CI 1. The 3rd sing. masc. of the Perfect in the form of the pure stem
(i.e. in Qal, see e) is generally regarded, lexicographically and gram-
matically, as the ground-form of the verb (§ 30 a), e. g. ?!?[; he has
killed, ^?^ he was heavy, fO\^ he was little.^ From this form the other
^ Cf. W. J. Gerber, Die hebr. Verba denom., insbes. im theol. Sprachgebr. desA.T.,
Lf.z. 1896.
2 For the sake of brevity, however, the meaning in Hebrew-English Lexicons
is usually given in the Infinitive, e. g. HD? to learn, properly he has learnt.
§ 39 b-e] Ground-form and Derived Stems 115
persons of the Perfect are derived, and the Participle also is connected
with it. b''0\> or b^ip, like the Imperative and Infinitive construct in
sound, may also be regarded as an alternative ground-form, with
which the Imperfect (see § 47) is connected.
In verbs V'JJ (i.e. with 1 for their second radical) the stem-form, given both
in Lexicon and Grammar, is not the 3rd sing. masc. Perfect (consisting of two
consonants), but the form with medial 1 ^ which appears in the Imperative
and Infinitive ; e. g. 2V^ to return (3rd pers. perf. 3K') : the same is the case
in most stems with medial "•, e. g. p"!) to judge.
2. From the pui-e stem, or Qal, the derivative stems are formed ^'
according to an unvarying analogy, in which the idea of the stem
assumes the most varied shades of meaning, according to the changes
in its form (intensive, frequentative, privative, causative, reflexive,
reciprocal ; some of them with corresponding passive forms), e. g.
np^ to learn, "l^'? to teach ; ^^f to lie, S-I^'H to lay ; tSBC' to judge,
USB'i to contend. In other languages such formations are regarded
as new or derivative verbs, e. g. Germ, fallen (to fall), fallen (to fell) ;
trinken (to drink), tranken (to drench) ; Lat. lactere (to suck, Germ.
saugen), lactare (to suckle, Germ, sdugen) ; iacere (to throw), iacere
(to lie down) ; ytvofiai, yiwdo). In Hebrew, however, these fox-mations
are incomparably more regular and systematic than (e. g.) in Greek,
Latin, or English ; and, since the time of Eeuchlin, they have usually
been called conjugations of the primitive form (among the Jewish
grammarians C^J?!!, i.e. formations, or more correctly species), and are
always treated together in the grammar and lexicon.^
3. The changes in the primitive form consist either in internal d
modification by means of vowel-change and strengthening of the middle
consonant py^\>, ^^P; ^£?^p, b^V ; cf. to lie, to lay; to fall, to fell), or
in the repetition of one or two of the stem-consonants (''P^i?, ^^f^P),
or finally in the introduction of formative additions (■'^i??), which may
also be accompanied by internal change (^''^pn^ PtSj^J^n), Cf. § 31 b.
In Aramaic the formation of the conjugations is eifected more by formative
additions than by vowel-change. The vocalic distinctions have mostly become
obsolete, so that, e. g. the reflexives with the prefix nn^ HN HSI have entirely
usurped the place of the passives. On the other hand, Arabic has preserved
great wealth in both methods of formation, while Hebrew in this, as in other
respects, holds the middle place (§1 m).
4. Grammarians differ as to tlie number and arrangement of these C
conjugations. The common practice, however, of calling them by the
^ The term Conjugation thus has an entirely difiierent meaning in Hebrew
and Greek or Latin grammar.
I 2
ii6 The Verb [§39/.?
old grammatical terms, prevents any misunderstanding. The simple
form is called Qal (p\> light, because it has no formative additions) ; the
others (D''"!?3 heavy, being weighted, as it were, with the strengthening
of consonants or with formative additions) take their names from the
paradigm of bys he has done,^ which was used in the earliest Jewish
grammatical works. Several of these have passives which are dis-
tinguished from their actives by more obscure vowels. The common
conjugations (including Qal and the passives) are the seven following,
but very few verbs exhibit them all :
Active. Passive.
f I. Qal h\^\>tokill. (Cf. §52 6.)
2. Niph'al 7^1?? to kill oneself (rarely passive).
3. Pi'el 7^i? to kill many, to massacre. 4. Pu'al ?K)p.
5. Hiph'il ^'''Cipn to cause to kill. 6. Hoph'al ^^ipH.
7. Hithpa'el ''^ipnn to kill oneself. [Very rare, Hothpa al ?t?i^nn.]
p- There are besides several less frequent conjugations, some of which,
however, are more common in the kindred languages, and even in
Hebrew (in the weak verb) regularly take the place of the usual
conjugations (§ 55).
In Arabic there is a greater variety of conjugations, and their arrangement
is more appropriate. According to the Arabic method, the Hebrew con-
jugations would stand thus: i. Qal; 2. Pi'el and Pu'al; 3. Po'el and Po'al (see
§ 55 b) ; 4. Hiph'il and Hoph'al ; 5. Hithpa'H and Hothpa'al ; 6. Hithpo'el (see
§ 55 6) ; 7. Niph'al; 8. Hithpa'el (see § 54 5 9- ^^'^' (see § 55 d). A more
satisfactory division would be into three classes: (i) The intensive Pi'el with
the derived and analogous forms Pu'al and Hithpa'el. (2) The causative Hiph'il
with its passive Hoph'al, and the analogous forms {Saph'el and Tiph'el). (3) The
reflexive«or passive Niph'al.
1 This paradigm was borrowed from the Arabic grammarians, and, according
to Bacher, probably first adopted throughout by Abulwalid. It was, how-
ever, unsuitable ou account of the guttural, and was, therefore, usually
exchanged in later times for HpQ, after the example of Moses Qimhi. This
verb has the advantage, that all its conjugations are actually found in the Old
Testament. On the other hand, it has the disadvantage of indistinctness in
the pronunciation of some of its forms, e.g. n"Ii?El, Dri"1j5S. The paradigm
of pop, commonly used since the time of Danz, avoids this defect, and is
especially adapted for the comparative treatment of the Semitic dialects,
inasmuch as it is found with slight change (Arab, and Ethiop. ^T\p) in all of
them. It is true that in Hebrew it occurs only three times in Qal, and even
then only in poetic style (^ 139^', Jb 13^*, 24^*) ; yet it is worth retaining as
a model which has been sanctioned by usage. More serious is the defect,
that a number of forms of the paradigm of 7t3p leave the beginner in doubt
as to whether or not there should be a Dagei in the B^gadk^phath letters, and
consequently as to the correct division of the syllables.
§ 40 a-cl
Tenses. Moods. Flexion
117
§ 40. Tenses. Moods. Flexion.
A. Ungnad, ' Die gegenseitigen Beziehungen der Verbalformen im Grund-
stnmm des semit. Verbs,' in ZDMG. 59 (1905), 766 ff., and his 'Zum hebr.
Verbalsystem ', in Beitrdge sur Assyriologie ed. by Fr. Delitzsch and P. Haupt,
1907) P- 55 ff-
1. While the Hebrew verb, owing to these derivative forms or a
conjugatioBS, possesses a certain richness and copiousness, it is, on the
other band, poor in the matter of tenses and moods. The verb has
only two tense-iorms [Perfect and Imperfect, see the note on § 47 a),
besides an Imperative (but only in the active), two Infinitives and
a Particijple. All relations of time, absolute and relative, are expressed
either by these forms (hence a certain diversity in their meaning,
§ 106 flf.) or by syntactical combinations. Of moods properly so
called (besides the Imperfect Indicative and Imperative), only the
Jussive and Optative are sometimes indicated by express modifications
of the Imperfect-form (§ 48).
2. The inflexion of the Perfect, Imperfect, and Imperative as to b
persons, differs from that of the Western languages in having, to a
great extent, distinct forms for the two genders, which correspond to
the different forms of the personal pronoun. It is from the union
of the pronoun toith the verbal stem that the personal inflexions of these
tenses arise.
The following table will serve for the beginner as a provisional C
scheme of the formative syllables {afformatives and preformatives)
of the two tenses. The three stem-consonants of the strong verb are
denoted by dots. Cf. § 44 ff. and the Paradigms.
Pekfect.
Singular. Plural.
3. m.
3. /• "-.-
2. m. ^
2. /. ^
I. c. 'rt
c.
Impekfect.
Singular,
3. m.
3. /•
2. m.
2. /v
I. c.
n
n
n
2.
m. OPl
«
1 t
2.
/. 19
«
•
I.
c. «
«
• *
Plural.
3-
m. ^
^
3-
/na .
n
2.
m. ^ '
. n
2.
/n: .
• n
I.
C.
• :
1 18 The Verb [§§ 41 a-d, 42, 43 a
§ 41. Variations from the Ordinary Form of the
Strong Verb.
a The same laws which are normally exhibited in stems with strong
(unchangeable) consonants, hold good for all other verbs. Devia-
tions from the model of the strong verb are only modifications due to
the special character or weakness of certain consonants, viz. : —
(a) When one of the stem-consonants (or radicals) is a guttural.
In this case, however, the variations only occur in the vocalization
(according to § 22), not in the consonants. The guttural verbs
(§§ 62-65) are, therefore, only a variety of the strong verb.
If ib) When a stem-consonant {radical) disappears by assimilation
(§ 196-/), or when the stem originally consisted of only two con-
sonants {verbs rs, yy, and ^V, as K^«, bp_, Dip, §§ 66, 67, 72).
C (c) When one of the stem-consonants {radicals) is a weak letter.
In this case, through aphaeresis, elision, &c., of the weak consonant,
various important deviations from the regular form occur. Cf.
§ 68 ff. for these verbs, such as 2^1 «?», rhi.
d Taking the old paradigm pyS as a model, it is usual, following the example
of the Jewish grammarians, to call the first radical of any stem D, the second
V, and the third 7. Hence the expressions, verb N^S for a verb whose first
radical is X (primae radicalis \_sc. literae] N) ; Y'V for mediae radicalis 1 ; V^V for
a verb whose second radical is repeated to form a third.
I. The Strong Verb.
§42.
As the formation of the strong verb is the model also for the weak verb, a
statement of the general formative laws should precede the treatment of
special cases.
Paradigm B, together with the Table of the personal preformatives and
afformatives given in § 40 c, oifers a complete survey of the normal forms.
A full explanation of them is given in the following sections (§§ 4.V.«;6), where
each point is elucidated on its first occurrence ; thus e. g. the inflexion of the
Perfect, the Imperfect and its modifications, will be found under Qal, &c.
A. The Puke Stem, or Qal.
§ 43. Its Form and Meaning.
a The common form of the 3rd sing. masc. of the Perfect Qal is -'^ij,
with d {Pathah) in the second syllable, especially in transitive verbs
(but see § 44 c). There is also a form with e {Sere, originally ?),
and another with d {Holem, originally m) in the second syllable, both
of which, however, have almost always an intransitive^ meaning,
1 But cf. such instances as Jer 48^. In Arabic also, transitive verbs are
found with middle I, corresponding to Hebrew verbs with e in the second
§ 43 b, c, 44 a] Fo?in and Meaning of Qal 1 19
and serve to express states and qualities, e.g.*'?! to he heavy, ]^\l
to be small.
In Paradigm B a verb middle a, a verb middle 5, and a verb middle o are
accordingly given side by side. The second example TDS is chosen as showing,
at the same time, when the Dagei lene is to be inserted or omitted. ,
Rem. I. The vowel of the second syllable is the principal vowel, and hence
on it depends the distinction between the transitive and intransitive mean-
ing. The Qames of the first syllable is lengthened from an original d (cf.
Arabic qdtdld), but it can be retained in Hebrew only immediately before the
tone, or at the most (with an open ultima) in the counter-tone with Melheg ;
otherwise, like all the pretonic vowels (a, e), it becomes S^wd, e. g. Drip^p and
plur. niasc. In the Aramaic dialects the vowel of the first syllable is always
reduced to §«wa, as i't3p = Hebr. btOp- The intransitive forms in Arabic are
qdtild, qdiaid; in Hebrew (after the^ rejection of the final vowel) t being in
the tone-syllable has been regularly lengthened to e, and u to o.
2. Examples of denominaHves in Qal are : niOn to cover with pitch, from IDH C
pitth ; n^D to salt, from nbh salt ; -\2^ (usually Hiph.) to buy or sell corn, from
ly^ corn ; see above, § 38 c.
§ 44. Flexion of the Perfect of Qal}
1. The formation of the persons of the Perfect Is effected hy the a
addition of certain forms of the pei sonal pronoun, and marks of the 3rd
fem. sing, and 3rd pL (as afformatives) to the end of the verbal-stem,
which contains the idea of a predicate, and may be regarded, in
meaning if not in form, as a Participle or verbal adjective. For the
3rd pers. sing. masc. Perfect, the pronominal or subject idea inherent
in the finite verb is sufficient : thus, ^^i? he has killed, ^'^^\> thou hast
killed (as it were, killing thou, or a killer thou), a killer wast thou=
nriX ?l3p ; NT he was fearing, Dri"NT ye were fearing = ^^^ **'*V The
ending of the ist pers. plur. (W — ) is also certainly connected with
the termination of 1Jn5N, ^3N we {^ ^2 b, d). The aiformative of the
ist pers. sing. ('JJI) is to be referred, by an interchange of 3 and n
(cf- § 33 /), to that form of the pronoun which also underlies ^3l3^^, I.^
In the third person n__ (originally ri.^, cf. below,/) is the mark of
the feminine, as in a great number of nouns (§ 80 c), and ^ is the
termination of the plural ; of., for the latter, the termination of
the 3rd and 2nd pers. plur. Imperf. -Ana in Arabic and t? (often also p)
syllable. Hence P. Haupt {Proc. Amer. Or. Soc, 1894, p. ci f.) prefers to
distinguish them as verba voluntaria (actions which depend on the will of the
subject) and involuntaria (actions or states independent of the will of the
subject).
1 Cf. Noldeke, 'Die Endungen des Perfects' {Untersuchungen sur semit.
Gramm. ii.), in ZDMG. vol. 38, p. 407 ff., and more fully in Beitrdge sur sem.
Sprathwiss., Strassb. 1904, p. 15 if.
^ According to NOldeke, I.e., p. 419, the original Semitic termination of the
ist sing. Perf. was most probably kO, ; cf. the Ethiopic qatalku, Arabic qatdtu.
I20 The Verb [§44 J-/
in Hebrew, also ilna (in the construct state €) as the plural tei-mina-
tion of masc. nouns in literary Arabic.
b 2. The characteristic Pathah of the second syllable becomes S^wd
before an afformative beginning with a vowel, where it would otherwise
stand in an open syllable (as ^}^P^, '^^^^.', but in pause nb^i?, I^^i^).
Before an afformative beginning with a consonant the Pathah remains,
whether iu the tone-syllable ij!}^bp^, ^%?,, "'J?^^!?, ''^S'^i^; in pause
ripDi? &c.) or before it. In the latter case, however, the Qames of the
first syllable, being no longer a pretonic vowel, becomes vocal S'^wd ; as
C^^^i?, i^.S'^i?; cf. § 27 z and § 43 6. On the retention of o with
Melheg of the counter-tone in the PcTf. consecutive, cf. § 49 ^.
^ Kern. I. Verbs middle S in Hebrew (as in Ethiopic, but not in Arabic or
Aramaic) generally change thei'-sound in their inflexion into Pathah (frequently
so even in the 3rd sing. masc. Perf.). This tendency to assimilate to the more
common verbs middle a may also be explained from the laws of vocalization
of the tone-bearing closed penultima, which does not readily admit of Sere,
and never of Hireq, of which the Sere is a lengthening (cf. § 26 p). On the
other hand. Sere is retained in an open syllable ; regularly so in the weak
stems K"p (§ 74 g), before suffixes (§ 59 »), and in the pausal forms of the
strong stem in an open tone-syllable, e. g. Hpi^ it cleaveth, Jb 29^" (not
np^'n), cf. 2 S 1^^, Jb 41^*; even (contrary to § 29 3) in a closed pausal syllable,
e. g. ]2^, Dt 3312 (out of pause fSB', Is 32") ; but br.j) Is 33^ &c., according
, to § 29 g.
It 2. In some weak stems middle a, the Pathah under the second radical some-
times, in a closed toneless syllable, becomes and, in one example, __.
Thus from ^'V: r\i^^y) and thou shalt possess it, Dt 17"; DriB'"]"! Dt 19I ;
DriB''}^1 Dt 4I, and frequently ; from l^J to bring forth, to beget ; ^''J^ni'^ ^ 2'
(ciF."Nu II", Jer227, ipioy^ from ^^^q. J2WSA Mai 320 ; from b^f; VJ^hii.^
I have asked him, i S i*" (Ju 13*), and three times DribSB' i S 12", 25^ Jb 21 29.
Qimhi already suggests the explanation, that the i [s) of these forms of ^iW
and B'1' is the original vowel, since along with 7SK' and K'T' are also found
PNt^ and Kh'' (sec the Lexicon). The possibility of this explanation cannot
be denied (especially in the case of {{'"I"', see § 69 s) ; the i in these forms
might, however, equally well have arisen from an attenuation of a (§ 27 s),
such as must in any case be assumed in the other instances. Moreover, it is
worthy of notice that in all the above cases the t is favoured by the character
of the following consonant (a sibilant or dental), and in most of them also by
the tendency towards assimilation of the vowels (cf. § 54 A; and § 64/).
€ 3. In verbs middle 0, the Holem is retained in the tone-syllable, e. g. ri"li^ thou
didst tremble ; *pb^ in pause for \^y ihey were able ; but in a toneless closed
syllable the original short vowel appears in the form of a Qames hatvph ;
^^i]^P^^ / have prevailed against him, if/ i^^; FO^'*] (see § 49 h) then shalt thou be
able, Ex iS^*; in a toneless open syllable it becomes vocal S'wd, e.g. n?3',
T 4. Rarer forms ^ are: Sing. 3rd /em. in n__ (as in Arabic, Ethiopic, and
1 Many of these forms, which are uncommon in Hebrew, are usual in the
il,
§ 44 o-rr^'] FUocion of the Perfect of Qal 121
Aramaic), e.g. r\b]ii it is gone, Dt 3286; nnSK'SI Is 231^ (in the Aramaic form,
for nn3e'3'!); from^ a verb V'V , T\2^], cf. § 72 0. This original feminine
ending -a<A is regularly retained before suffixes, see § 59 a ; and similarly in
stems n"b, either in the form ath (which is frequent also in stems N"? § 74 9),
or with the Pathcuii weakened to vocal S'wd before the pleonastic ending n__,
e. g. nnba § 75 ». in Ez 31^ the Aramaic form Nn33 occurs instead of nn33 .
2nd masc. HPl for n (differing only orthographically), e.g. nnnall thou liasi g
dealt treacherously, Mai 2^^ ; cf. i S I6», Gn 312 (nrim which is twice as common
as nri3, cf. § 66 A) ; Gn 21-3, 2 S 226, 2 K 9S, Is a*, ^^ sG* (so also in Eiph'il ;
2K9^Is3723,\t6o'»). ,
2nd/ewi. has sometimes a Yodh at the end, as in ">n3pn thou wentest, Jer 31" ; fl
cf. 2^3, 3<-6, 419 (but read the ptcp. nyot^, with the LXX, instead of the 2nd
fem.),46", and so commonly in Jeremiah, and Ez (i6i«, &c.) ; see also Mi^^^,
Ru f*. TlD^'n &c., is really intended, for the vowel signs in the text belong
to the marginal reading flD^n (without '^)^ as in the corresponding pronoun
"nS (^nS) §32/1. The ordinary form has rejected the final i, but it regularly
reappears when pronominal suffixes are added (§ 59 a, c).
ist pers. comm. sometimes without Yodh, as riJ?T f 140") ^^ 42S 1 K. 8**, t
Ez i663 (all in K*thibh), ip 16^, without a Q«re ; in 2 K iS^o also nnpS is
really intended, as appears from Is 36^. The Q're requires the ordinary form,
to which the vowels of the text properly belong, whilst the K*thibh is
probably to be regarded as the remains of an earlier orthography, which
omitted vowel-letters even at the end of the word. -
jn as the termination of the 2nd plur. m. for DH Ez 3326, might just possibly k
be due to the following T\ (cf., for an analogous case. Mi i^"^, § 87 e\ but^ is
probably a copyist's error. Plur. 2nd /em. in nW- (according to others HSri-)
Am 4', but the reading is very doubtful ; since n follows, it is perhaps
merely due to dittography ; cf., however, HiriK § 32 ».
3rd plur. comm. has three times the very strange termination j^ ^ ; l^yil", I>t /
83i« (both before N, and hence, no doubt, if the text is correct, to avoid a
hiatus), and in the still more doubtful form ppjf Is 26^*; on p in the Imperf.
see § 47 m ; on the affixed K in Jos 10", Is 28^2, see § 23 i.
It is very doubtful whether, as in most Semitic languages (see § 47 c, note), 111
tlie 3rd-/em. plur. in Hebi-ew was originally distinguished from the 3rd masc.
other Semitic dialects, and may, therefore, be called Aramaisms (Syriasms)
or Arabisms. They must not, however, be regarded as cases of borrowing,
but as a return to original forms.
1 Where the Masora apparently regards the ""ri as the termination of the
2nd sing, fern., e.g. in Jer 2^^° (twice). Mi 4^^^ ifc has rather taken the form
as ist pers. sing. (cf. Stade, Gramm., p. 253) ; so in Ju s', where ^PiDp, on
account of verse 12, must either have originally been intended as 2nd sing,
/cm., or is due to an erroneous pronunciation of the form tHOp as riDj? instead
of 3rd sing. fern. DPp (as LXX).
2 That these examples can hardly be referred to a primitive Semitic ending
un in the 3rd plur. Pevf., has been shown by Noldeke in ZDMG. vol. 38, p. 409
ff. ; cf. also ZDMG. vol. 32, p. 757 f., where G. Hoifmann proves that the ter-
minations in NUn of the 3rd plur. in Aramaic, formerly adduced by us, are
secondary forms. [See also Driver, Heb. Tenses^, p. 6 note."]
122 The Verb [§§ 44 «, 0, 45 «
p?Mr. by the termination H ^ as in Biblical Aramaic. NOldeke (ZDMG. 38
[1884"', p. 411) referred doubtfully to the textual readings in Dt 21'^, Jos 15*,
j812.i«.i9^ Jer 2^^, 22®, where the Masora uniformly inserts the termination m,
and to Gn 4810 in the Samaritan Pentateuch, Gn 49^2, i S 4I5, f iS^s, Neh 1310.
In his Beitrcige sur sem. Sprachwiss., p. 19, however, he observes that the con-
struction of a fem. plural with the 3rd sing. fern, is not unexampled, and also
that n is often found as a mistake for 1. On the other hand Mayer Lambert
(Une serie de Qere ketib, Paris, 1891, p. 6 ff.) explains all these K®thibh, as well
as if/ 73', Jer 50* (?), and (against Naldeke) i K 22" (where n is undoubtedly
the article belonging to the next word), Jb 16^® (where the masc. ""JEB requires the
marginal reading), also Jer 48*^, 51^', Ez 26^, i// 68^*, as remains of the 3rd/e?n.
plur. in n . The form was abandoned as being indistinguishable from the
(later) form of the 3rd /em. sing., but tended to be retained in the perfect of
verbs n"b, as HTI K^thibh six times in the above examples.
ft 5. The afformatives ri^ {Pi\ ""Fl^ ^i are generally toneless, and the forms
with these inflexions are consequently Mil'el (npt)p, &c.) ; with all the other
aflformatives they are Milra' (§15 c). The place of the tone may, however, be
shifted : (a) by tbe pause (§ 29 i-v), whenever a vowel which has become
vocal §*>wa under the second stem-consonant is restored by the pause ; as
rhhp for ni)t3p mpy^ for r\hy^\ and ^hh\> for \%\> m^ for ^N^?^^ ; (&) in
certain cases after wdw consecutive of the Perfect (see § 49 h).
6. Contraction of a final n with the n of the afformative occurs e. g. in
'<rn3 Hag 2^, &c. ; cf. Is I420, &c., in the Per/. Po'el; Dt 4^5 in the Hiph'il of
rintJ' ; Is 21*, &c., in the Hiph'il of DSB'. Contraction of a final 3 with the
aflformative 13 occurs in 13ri3 Gn 34" ; in Niph. Ezr g', cf. 2 Ch 14^*' ; in Eiph.
2 Ch 29^^; with the afformative n3 in the Imperfect Qal Ez 17^ ; Pi'eltf) 71^,
where with Baer and Ginsburg HSjIiri is to be read, according to others
nasin (cf. in PoUl najipri Ez 32"), but certainly not n33in with the Mantua
ed., Opitius and Hahn ; with n3 in the Imperat. Eiph. Gn 4^2, Is 32^.
§ 45. The Infinitive.
P. Pratorius, ' Ueber den sog. Inf. absol. des Hebr,,' in ZDMG. 1902, p. 546 fif.
(I 1. The Infinitive is represented in Hebrew by two forms, a shorter
and a longer ; both are, however, strictly speaking, independent nouns
{verbal substantives). The shorter form, the Infinitive constrioct (in Qal
''tSpj' sometimes incorrectly ''i'^i?), is used in very various ways, gome-
times in connexion with pronominal suffixes, or governing a substantive
in the genitive, or with an accusative of the object (§ 1 15), sometimes
in connexion with prepositions (^t^P? to kill, § 114/), and sometimes
in dependence upon substantives as genitive, or upon verbs as accu-
sative of the object. On the other hand, the use of the longer form,
the Infinitive absolute (in Qal •''i'^i^, sometimes also Pbi^^ obscured from
original qdtdl), is restricted to those cases in which it empliasizes
1 Cf. the analogous forms of the noun, § 93 t.
§ 45 h-f} The Infinitive 123
the abstract verbal idea, without regard to the subject or object of the
action. It stands most frequently as an adverbial accusative with
a finite verb of the same stem (§113 h-s)}
The flexibility and versatility of the Infin. constr. and the rigidity u
and inflexibility of the Infin. absol. are reflected in their vocalization.
The latter has unchangeable vowels, while the of the Infin. constr.
may be lost. For bbj?, according to § 84**, e, goes back to the ground-
form qiltul.
Other forms of the Infin. constr, Qal of the strong verb are — C
(a) 7Dp, e. g. 33t^ to lie, Gn 34"^ ; bSK' to sink, Ec 12* ; especially with verbs
which have a in the second syllable of the Imperf. : hence sometimes also
with those, whose second or third radical is a guttural (frequently besides the
ordinary form). All the examples (except 235^, see above) occur in the
closest connexion with the following word, or with sufiixes (see § 61 c). In
Ez 2i33 the Masora seems to treat r\2hb (A'erse 20, in pause PlQCp) as an
Infinitive = n2pp; probably H^^P should be read,
(b) n^tii? and, attenuated from it, nb^f? ; 7]b^\) and H^Di^ (which are U
feminine forms' of ^tOp and bb|5, mostly from intransitive verbs, and some-
times found along with forms having no feminine ending in use), e.g.
HOB'S!) to be guilty, Lv 52*, HDnX to love, nK^b' to hate ; i^Hyb, often in Dt., to
fear ; n^p] to be old ; nN"!i5 to meet (in HNli?? § 19 A:) ; nWlp to lie down, Lv 20I6 ;
nnt^Db to anoint, Ex 29*^ ; r\)imb to wash, Ex 30^^, &c. ; nSOtsi) (also a subst. =*
t:t: ''^t:t; »t:t;
uncleanness, like HNDp) to be unclean, Lv 15^* ; H^l^p to approach, Ex 36^ &c. ;
cf. Lv 12^-^ Dt iiK is 30", Ez 21", Hag i^; alsoVl^nn to be far off, Ez 8« ;
n^pn to pity, Ez 16^; cf. Ho 7*. On the other hand in nbon Gn ly^^, the
original a has been modified to S ; cf. HJ^tH Is S^^, &c.
(c) In the Aramaic manner (ijpi?^ but cf. also Arab, maqtal) there occur as ^
Infin. Qal: nSb^D to send. Est 9" ; N"1pp to call and VDO to depart, Nu lo^ (Dt
10") ; ni^p to take, 2 Ch 19'', &c. ; iiw6 to carry, Nu 4", &c. (cf. even niN^!)
Ez 17^) ; also with a feminine ending ilbvp '0 9° wp> Ezr 7*, &c. ; cf. for these
forms (almost all very late) Ryssel, De Elohistae Pantateitchici sermone, p. 50, and
Strack on Nu 4^^*.
id) nSop in mh.\ Gn 8'; rb^2\ Nu I4'8; probably also nK'in Ex 31', 35".
2. A kind of Gerund is formed by the Infin. constr. with the prepo- f
sition P; as /'tip? ad interficiendum, ?33p ad cadendnm (see § 28 a).
1 The terms absolute and construct are of course not to be understood as
implying that the Infin, constr, pbp forms the construct state (see § 89) of the
Infin, absol. (PiDp ground-form qdtal). In the Paradigms the Inf. constr., as
the principal form, is placed before the other, under the name of Infinitive
simply.
* According to the remark of Elias Levita on Qimhi's Mikhlol, ed. Rittenb.,
14 a, these feminine forms occur almost exclusively in connexion with the
preposition b.
124 ^^^^ ^^f'b [§§45 3,46a-d
rr The blending of the p with the Infin. constr. into a single grammatical form
seems to be indicated by the fii-mly closed syllable, cf. 32K'? Gn 34'' ; PSJ?
ff/ iiS^', with Dage^ lene in the Q = linpol; hence, also liq-tol, &c. ; but ?sia
hin^phol, Jb 4" ; ^333 2 S 38*. Exceptions xax!) Nu 4^3, S^* ; J^iD?!?'! E'iDjb
Jer iw 18', 3i«8 ; nnK'jj Jer 47* ; nntD^) Jer 1 1^^, &c., ^ 37" ; pinnb 2 Ch 34IO ;
according to some also 330? Nu 21* and B'337 2 Ch 2810 (Baer tJ'SSp) ; on
the other hand f3K'3 Gn 3522; -|3)3 Jer 17^. ' For the meaningless Vinnb
EzrioiSreadCniJ'.
§ 46. 7%(2 Imperative.
CL 1. Tlie ground-forms of the Imperative, 7t3i? (properly qHul, which
is for an original qutul), and 7^P (see below, c), the same in pro-
nunciation as the forms of the Infin. constr. (§ 45), are also the basis
for the formation of the Imperfect (§ 47)." They represent the second
person, and have both fem. and plur. forms. The third person is
supplied by the Imperfect in the Jussive (§ 109 b); and even the second
person must always be expressed by the Jussive, if it be used with a
negative, e. g. Pbiprrbi? ne occidas (uot t't^ip'i'Ky The passives have no
Imperative, but it occurs in the reflexives, as Niph'al and Hithpa'el.*
h 2. The Afformatives of the 2nd sing. fem. and the 2')id plur. niasc.
and fem. are identical in every case with those of the Imperfect (§47 c).
In the same way, the Imperative of the 2nd sing, masc, in common
with the Imperfect, admits of the lengthening by tbe *^-^ paragogicum
(§48 i), as, on the other hand, there are certain shortened forms of
this person analogous to the Jussive (§ 48. 5).
C Rem. I. Instead of the form ?bp (sometimes also^kne, e.g. lilDB^ Ec la" ;
before Maqqeph "bt3p with Qames hatuph), those verbs which have an a in the
final syllable of the Imperf. (i. e. especially verbs middle I) make their
Imperative of the form ^^p, e.g. C^^b dress! (Perf. 1^3^ and {^3^) ; 33K' lie
down! in pause 33E' i S o^*-^.
7 at:
U 2. The first syllable of the sing. fem. and plur. masc. are usually to be
pronounced with S'wd mobile {qifli, qiL'lu, and so ''3DB', &c., without Bage^ lene,
and even ISB'D with Metheg, Ex 12^1; but cf. ''3DN Jer 10", and with the
same phonetic combination ''SiJ'n Is 47^ ; see analogous cases in § 93 w) ; less
frequently we find an 5 instead of the i, e.g. ""SPD rule, Juq^"; ^3K'D draw,
Ez 3220 ; 13"in Jer 2^^ (cf. >3"in Is 44I") ; on ^DDp i S 288 Q're, VVV Jer, 2220
(cf. I K 13'), see § ro /*. This arises (see above, a) from a singular ground-
form qHtul, not from a retraction of the original m of the second syllable.
We must abandon the view that the forms with t in the first syllable (cf. also
^ The Infin. ahsol., like the Greek Infin., is also sometimes used for the
Imperative (§ 113 66). Cf. in general, Koch, Ber semitische Inf. (Schaflfhausen,
1874).
2 In Hoph'al an Imperative is found only twice (Ez 32^®, Jer. 49*), and
closely approximating in meaning to the reflexive.
§§ 46 e,/, 47 a] The Imperative 125
■•■DDX njn ''"IIIO "'')3y) arise from a weakening of the characteristic vowel o.
They, or at least some of them, must rather be regarded with Bartli {ZDMG.
i889,'p- 182) as analogous to the original i-imperfects. See further analogies
in §§ 47 i and 481; 61 &, 63n. ...
The pausal form of the 2nd plur. masc. is nf3 i K 3"; from V?>?', ^^f, C
&c. ; similarly the 2nd sing. fem. in pause is nnj? Is 23" ; even without the
pause '^yhh Ju 910", KHh. ; >Db'i? i S 2S8, KHh. (of. with this also naibo, &c.,
§ 48 ; from nob, "•nOB' Jo 2".
3. In the 2nd plur. fem. lyOK' occurs once, in Gn 4=^ (for MJJJIOE') with loss f
of the n and insertion of a helping vowel, unless it is simply to be pointed
IVDEJ. Also instead of the abnormal IK-lj? Ex 220 (for njSnp) we should
perhaps read as in Eu i^o J^np (cf. jsk) i' and ^\2^ i").
On the examples of a 2nd plur. fem. in 1, Is 32^1, see § 48 i.
§ 47. The Imperfect and its Inflexion.
1. The persons of the Imperfect,^ in contradistinction to those of (I
the Perfect, are formed by placing abbreviated forms of the personal
pronoun (preformatives) before the stem, or rather before the abstract
form of the stem (''t^p). As, however, the tone is retained on the
characteristic vowel of the Stem-form, or even (as in the 2nd sing. fem.
and the -yrd and 2nd. plur. masc.) passes over to the afformatives, the
preformatives of the Imperfect appear in a much more abbreviated
form than the afformatives of the Perfect, only one consonant ("", ^, N, J)
remaining in each form. But as this preformative combined with the
1 On the use of the Semitic Perfect and Imperfect cf. § 106 ff. and the
literature cited in § 106. For our present purpose the following account will
suffice : — The name Imperfect is here used in direct contrast to the Perfect,
and is to be taken in a wider sense than in Latin and Greek grammar. The
Hebrew (Semitic) Per/, denotes in general that which is concluded, completed, , /
and past, that which has happened and has come into effect ; but at the same Ky
time, also that which is represented as accomplished, even though it be continued
into present time or even be actually still future. The Impetf. denotes, on the
other hand, the beginning, the unfinished, and the continuing, that which is just
happening, which is conceived as in process of coming to pass, and hence,
also, that which is yet future ; likewise also that which occurs repeatedly or
in a continuous sequence in the past (Latin Imperf.). It follows from the
above that the once common designation of the Imperf. as a Future emphasizes
only one side of its meaning. In fact, the use of Indo-Germanic tense-names
for the Semitic tenses, which was adopted by the Syrians under the influence
of the Greek grammarians, and after their example by the Arabs, and finally
by Jewish scholars, has involved many misconceptions. The Indo-Germanic
scheme of three periods of time (past, present, and future) is entirely foreign
to the Semitic tense-idea, which regards an occurrence only from the point of
view of completed or incomplete action. — In the formation of the two tenses
the chief distinction is that in the Perfect the verbal stem precedes and the
indication of the person is added afterwards for precision, while in the
Imperf. the subject, from which the action proceeds or about which a condition
is predicated, is expressed by a prefixed pronoun.
i
126 I'he Verb [§ 47 ^-^
stem-form was not always Bufficlent to express at the same time
differences both of gender and number, the distinction had to be
farther indicated, in several cases, by special afformatives. Cf. the
table, § 40 c.
h 2. The derivation and meaning, both of the preformatives and the
afformatives, can still, in most cases, be recognized.
In theirs* pers. ^i^P?, plur. ^t3p3, N is probably connected with
'3^? , and 3 with «n3 ; here no indication of gender or number by
a special ending was necessary. As regards the vocalization, the
Arabic points to the ground-forms 'dqtul and ndqtul : the ? of the ist
plur. is, therefore, as in the other preformatives, attenuated from a.
The S^ghol of the ist sing, is probably to be explained by the pre-
ference of the K for this sound (cf. §220, but also § 51 i'); according
to Qimhi, it arises from an endeavour to avoid the similarity of sound
between !?bpi< (which is the Babylonian punctuation) and ?bp^, which,
according to this view, was likewise pronounced iqtol}
C The preformative n of the second persons (P't^pn, ground-form
tdqtal, &c.) is, without doubt, connected with the n of nriS, DriS. &c.,
and the afformative "-^ of the 2nd fem. sing. V^pri with the i of the
original feminine form "Jjl^ (see § 32 A). The afformative 1 of the 2nd
masc. plur. l^tDpn (in its more complete form, p , see m) is the sign of
the plural, as in the 3rd pers., and also in the Perfect (§44 a). In
the Imperfect, however, it is restricted in both persons to the
masculine,^ while th*^ afformative '13 (also S) of the 3rd and 2nd plur.
fem. is probably connected with nan eae and HiriS vos (fem.).
d The preformatives of the third persons (' in the masc. ?bp^, ground-
form ydqtid, plur. ^^[^\ ground-form ydqtuM; n in the fem. ^'^k^,
plur, nibopn) have not yet met with any satisfactory explanation.
With n might most obviously be compared the original feminine
1 Cf. § 24 e. In favour of the above view of Qimhi may be \irged the
phonetic orthography l^N (in Pr iS^* B'^N), 2814" (unless, with Perles, SB'S
is to be read), Mi 610, for B?";, and ''B'^N i Ch 2" for '•B'^ (as verse 12). Also
HBtSn Mi 6" is probably for 'INH = 'rn, npQX Is 1012 for ipS^ ; IJDnJN Is 51"
foVTl'lOm"; and conversely SaB'B'^ is'for 'E'B'N = "13^' B'''^'. Similarly, ''Y^''
1 S I4«"'i3 probably for i^B'N or H^B'N; in 2 S 238 na'«i'n ^B''' is, according to
the LXX, an error for n^SB''' = DB'BB'N . In Assyrian also the simple t
corresponds to the Hebrew "• as the preformative of the Impf. Qal.
2 This is also the proper gender of the plural syllable u, vn. In Hebre^^',
indeed, it is used in the 3rd plur. Perfect for both genders, but in the kindred
languages even there only for the masculine, e.g. in Syriac qValu, g^talun,
with the feminine form cftdlen, in Western Aram, q^dlu, fem. <ftdla ; in Arab.
qdtalu, fem. qdtdlnd, Eth. qdtdlu, qdtdld.
§ 47 ^-'0 The Imperfect and its Inflexion 127
ending T\__ of nouns, and of the 3rd fern. sing, perfect. For the
afformatives ' (P) and HJ, see c.
3. The characteristic vowel of the second syllable becomes S^wd e
before tone-bearing afformatives which begin with a vowel, but is
retained (as being in the tone-syllable) before the toneless afformative
nj. Thus : ^!'9Pn, li'^p:, i^'tDjpn (but in pause ^S'bpri, &c.), mbbpn.
Pem. I. The o of the second syllable (as in the inf. constr. and imperat.), f
being lengthened from an original m in the tone-syllable, is only tone-long "^
(§ 9r). Hence it follows that: (a) it is incorrectly, although somewhat
frequently, written plene ; (&) before Maqqeph the short vowel appears as
Qames Jjaiuph, e.g. Dty'anilJI and he wrote there, Jos 8^2 (but cf. also Ex 21",
Jos 18^") ; (c) it becomes S^wd before the tone-bearing afformatives ^ and ^
(see above, e ; but Jerome still heard e.g. iezbuleni for ^3>3r ; cf. ZAW. iv. 83).
^ Quite anomalous are the three examples which, instead of a shortening to^
S'wd, exhibit a long u : Qn ^tDISB'^ Ex i82«, immediately before the principal
pause,but according to Qimhi(ed.JJi«m6. p. i8''),ed.Mant.,Ginsb.,Kittel against
the other editions, with the tone on the ultima ; likewise H^O """I^Dyn'N^
Ru 2^ ; D^lOK'ri (in principal pause) Pr 14'. In the first two cases perhaps
^CISBE'^ and nnyri (for ^I33B'^, &c.) are intended, in virtue of a retrogressive
effect of the pause ; in Pr 14^ D^ICB'n is to be read, with August Miiller.
2. The of the second syllable is to be found almost exclusively with transi- /*
tive verbs middle a, like ?^p. Intransitives middle a and e almost always take
d(Pathah)^ in the impf., e.g.l'n"), }>3")> to couch, 33B', 322'^ to lie domi (1)0^,
*llpi)^ to learn is also originally intransitive = to accustom oneself) ; pli^ ?^3^
to become great (but cf. |3B^ and |3K' imperf. |3B'^ to dwell and to inhabit, 733
imperf. ?i^ to wither) ; also from verbs middle 0, as jbp to be small, the imperf.
has the form |t3p^ .
Sometimes both forms occur together ; those with having a transitive, I
and those with a an intransitive meaning, e.g. "\2fp'' he cuts off, "^2fp'' he is cut
off, i.e. is short; B'pn impf. 0, to overcome. Ex 17" ; impf. a, to be overcome, Jb 14^'*.
More rarely both forms are used without any distinction, e. g. "F]i?^ and T]K'^
he bites, ^Sni and J^bn^ he is inclined (but only the latter with a transitive
meaning = ;ze bends, in Jb 40"). On the a of the impf. of verbs middle and
third guttural, cf. § 64 b ; § 65 b. In some verbs first guttural (§ 63 n),
V"V (§ 67 p), """Q (§ 69 b), and N"D (§ 68 c), and in ]Pi) for yinten from JflJ to give,
instead of « or 5 a movable Sere (originally t) is found in the second syllable.
A trace of these i-imperfects ^ in the ordinary strong verb is probably to be
found in ^3p^*1 2 K 7^, since [013 otherwise only occurs in Qal. We call these
three forms of the imperfect after their characteristic vowel impf. 0, impf. a,
impf. e.
3. For the yd sing. fem. pbpfl ( = tiq-tol), Baer requires in i S 25^^° {yjCri /j
(but read with ed. Mant.,&c. K'HSri). For the 2nd sing. fern. cljtOpri) the form
^ This a is, however, by no means restricted to intransitive strong verbs ;
apart from verbs third guttural (§ 65 b), it is to be found in j^'Q and ]}"]}, and
in many verbs K^D and ''"Q (§§ 69-71).
2 Cf. Barth, 'Das Mmperfekt im Nordsemitischen,' ZDMG. 18S9, p. 177 ff.
128 The Verb [§ 47 1,
m
bbpri is found in Is 57*, Jer 3^, Ez 22*, 23^'^, in every case after the regular
form; but cf. also Ez 26". In Is 171", where the 2nd fern, precedes and
follows, probably '31 pyiin is to be read with Marti for IH^Itn. — For the
ird plur. fern. n3pt3pri we find in Jer 49I1, in pause iriD^Pl (for nanD^ri), and
thrice (as if to distinguish it from the and pars.) the form nJptBp'' with the
preformative "• (as always in Western Aram., Arab., Eth., and Assyr.), in
Gn 30^^, I S 6^*, Dn 8". On the other hand, njpbpri appears in some cases
to be incorrectly used even for the fem. of the 3rd pers. or for the masc. of
the 2nd pers. sing, as njnbtJ'ri Ju 5^8 (where, however, perhaps HDripB'ri is to
be read), and Ob^', for 2nd sing, masc, according to Olshausen a corruption
of nj rb^n -, in Pr i^\ S^ for npri read TXpn as in Jb 392^ ; in Ex 1" read
ilJSIpri with the Samaritan. — In Is 27^1, 28', as also in Jb 171* (if we read
"•713113 with LXX for the 2nd Tllpn), it is equally possible to explain the
form as a plural. This small number of examples hardly justifies our finding
in the above-mentioned passages the remains of an emphatic form of the
Impf., analogous to the Arab. Modus energicus I, with the termination amid.
I For n3 we frequently find, especially in the Pentateuch and mostly
after wdw consecutive, simply ^| nd, e.g. Gn i9^'-38, 37'', Ex i^^i^, 152"', Nu 2f.2,
Ez 32", 16^5 ; in Arab, always nd. According to Elias Levita JK'Ipn
(2 S 13I*) is the only example of this kind in the strong verb. The form
ni'-najni (so also Oimhi and ed. Mant. ; but Baer, Ginsb. n3n33ni) for ninfjni
they were high, Ez 16'*, is irregular, with ■• inserted after the manner of
verbs ]}"]) and l^'J?, § 67 d ; §721; according to Olshausen it is an error caused
by the following form.
VI 4. Instead of the plural forms in ^ there are, especially in the older
books, over 300 forms ^ with the fuller ending P (with NUn paragogi-
cum), always bearing the tone ; cf. § 29 m and § 44 / ; on its retention
before stiffixes, see§ 60 e; also defectively 1^*1^ Ex 2I^^ 2 2^&c. This
usually expresses marked emphasis, and consequently occurs most
commonly at the end of sentences (in the principal pause), in which
case also the (pausal) vowel of the second syllable is generally retained.
Thus there arise full-sounding forms such as P^P?^ they collect, >//• 104^®;
ni?T ^^y tremble, Ex 15"; pVlOK^ri ye shall hear, Dt i"; cf. Ex 34'^
with Zaqeph qa^on, Athnah, and Silluq; Jos 24'*, with Segolta; Is 13^
and 17" with Zaqeph qaton, 17'^ with Athnah and Silluq, 41* after
wdw consec. Without the pause, e.g. ^ ii"^ HK'p P^IT, cf. 4^, Gn
,828.29.30 ff.^ 4^1^ j^^ 22^^ Jos 4« (ri^?^:); Is 8^ 'I'S 9'='','Ru2« (p-^ifp:
and PS**^^) ; Ju 1 1'* after waw consec.
Some of these examples maybe partly due to euphonic reasons, eg. certainlj'
Ex I7"'', Nu i629, 3220, I S 9", I K96, and often, to avoid a hiatus before N or V.
It was, however, the pause especially which exerted an influence on the
restoration of this older and fuller termination (cf. § 159 c, note), as is mani-
fest from Is 26": IK'd^l lin"' }VTn"'"?3 they see not; may they see and become
•• : vrlv ' AT -.-.n
1 [See details in F. B«ttcher, Lehrb., § 930 ; and cf. Driver on i S 2^'.]
§§47«-i'.48a,6] The Imperfect and its Inflexion 129
ashamed. All this applies also to the corresponding forms in the Imperfect
of the derived conjugations.^ In Aramaic and Arabic this earlier }^ (old
Arabic una\ is the regular termination ; but in some dialects of vulgar Arabic
it has also become u.
With an aflBied X we find (in the imperf. Niph'al) xVK'3"' Jer lo'', evidently fl
an error for ^NKT, caused by the preceding kVK'J. — In D^B'b'^ Is 55^ since
D follows, the D is no doubt only due to dittography.
5. Corresponding to the use of Jl for ^ there occurs in the 2nd sing, fem., Q
although much less frequently, the fuller ending p (as in Aram, and Arab. ;
old Arab, ina), also always with the tone, for ^ generally again in the
principal pause, and almost in all cases with retention of the vowel of the
penultima ; thus pi?3iri Ru 28-21, cf. 3<-i8, i S i^* (PliriK'n), Jer 3122, Is 45".
6. On the reappearance in pause of the which had become S*wd in the r)
forms ""p^pri , &c., see above, e ; similarly, the imperfects with a restore this
vowel in pause and at the same time lengthen it (as a tone-vowel) to a, hence,
e.g. ^!5"13n v^^V This influence of the pause extends even to the forms
without afformatives, e.g. ?'']3*1, in pause 7"n3*1. But the fuller forms in tin
and in have the tone always on the ultima, since the vowels u and t in a
closed final syllable never allow of the retraction of the tone.
7. On the numerous instances of passive forms in the imperfect, mostly n
treated as Hoph'al, see § 53 m.
§ 48. Shortening and Lengthening of the Imperfect and
Imperative. The Jussive and Cohortative.
1. Certain modifications which take place in the form of the CI
imperfect, and express invariably, or nearly so, a distinct shade of
meaning, serve to some extent as a compensation for the want of special
forms for the Temjyora relativa and for certain moods of the verb.
2. Along with the usual form of the imperfect, there exists also O
a lengthened form of it (the cohortative), tindL a shortened form (the
jussive)? The former occurs (with few exceptions) only in the ist
person, while the latter is mostly found in the 2nd and 3rd persons,
and less frequently in the 1st person. The laws of the tone, however,
and of the formation of syllables in Hebrew, not infrequently pre-
cluded the indication of the jussive by an actual shortening of the
form ; consequently it often — and, in the imjierfect forms with
aBPonnatives, always — coincides with the ordinary imperfect {indica-
tive) form.
In classical Arabic the difference is almost always evident. That language
distinguishes, besides the indicative yaqtiilu, (a) a subjunctive, ydqliild; {b) a
^ It is to be observed that the Chronicles often omit the Ni'm, where it is
found in the parallel passage in the Books of Kings ; cf. i K 8^8.43 with 2 Cli
529.33. I K i22«, 2 K 116 with 2 Ch II*, 23*.
' The perfect has only one form, since it cannot be used, like the imperfect,
to express mood-relations (see § 106 p).
OOWLXT IT
T30 The Verb [§48e-/
jussive, yaqtul', (c) a double 'energetic' mood of the impf., yaqtuldnna and
ydqtaldn, in pause ydqtuld, the last form thus corresponding to the Hebrew
cohortative.
C 3. The characteristic of the cohortative form is an d ('"'-r^) affixed
to the ist pars. sing, or plur., e.g. '"I?^!?? from /t^pS.' It occurs iu
ahnost r'll conjugations and classes of the strong and weak verb
(except of course in the passives), and this final n__ has the tone
wherever the afformatives 1 and ""-^ would have it. As before these
endings, so also before the n__ cohortative, the movable vowel of the
last syllable of the verbal form becomes o^wd, e.g. in Qal ""JD'^N
/ will observe,, in Pi'el 'Ij^nJi let us break asunder, V' 2'; on •^^R'^?
Is i8< Q^re (cf. also 27*, Ezr 8^\ &c.), see § 10 A; with the KHMbh of
these passages, compare the analogous cases IDIStyS &c., § 4^] g. — On
the other hand, an unchangeable vowel in the final syllable is retained
as tone-vowel before the n._, as (e.g.) in Hiph. '"l'^*?l^* / will praise.
In pause (as before -A and t), the vowel which became ci^wd is restored
as tone-vowel ; thus for the cohortative '"''J^?'^ ^^^ pausal form is
n-ibB?S ^ 5910 ; cf. Gn iS^S Is 41^".
(l The change of H into the obtuse H seems to occur in i S 28", unless,
with Nestle, we are to assume a conflate reading, S^pNI and ITIpNI ; and
with the 3rd pers. \p 20*, in a syllable sharpened by a following Bagei forte
conjunct. ; cf. similar cases of the change of H into the obtuse H in I and
in §§ 73 d, 80 i, 90 i. In tp 20*, however, hSb^'H^ — with suffix — is probably
intended. An H cohort, is also found with the 3rd pers. in Is 5^^ (twice) ;
Ez 23^0, and again in verse 16 according to the Q*re, but in both these cases
without any effect on the meaning. Probably another instance occurs
<
in Jb iii'^, although there nsyn might also, with Qimhi, be regarded as 2nd
masc. For the doubly irregular form nnNlSn Dt 33^* (explained by Olshausen
and Konig as a scribal error, due to a confusion with PNI^n inverse 14), read
niXUn. For '?jriNi3ri Jb 2 2^1 the noun ^JlN^Dri thine increase, might be
meant, but the Masora has evidently intended an imperfect with the ending
aih, instead of H ^ before the suffix, on the analogy of the 3rd sing. fern.
perfect, see § 59 a ; on TlSDm i S 25^*, see § 76 h.
€ The cohortative expresses the direction of the will to an action and
thus denotes especially self-encouragement (in the ist plur. an
exhortation to others at the same time), a resolution or a wish, as
an optative, &c., see § 108.
f 4. The general characteristic of the jussive form of the imperfect
is rapidity of pronunciation, combined with a tendency to retract
* Probably this d goes back to the syllable an, which in Arabic (see above,
Rem. to 6) is used for the formation of the 'energetic' mood, and in Hebrew
(see the footnote to § 58 t) often stands before suffixes.
I'
§ 48 g-i^ Shortening and Lengthening of Impej-fect 131
the tone from the final syllable, in order by that means to express
the urgency of the command in the very first syllable. This
tendency has, in certain forms, even caused a material shortening of
the termination of the word, so that the expression of the command
appears to be concentrated on a single syllable. In other cases,
however, the jussive is simply marked by a shortening of the vowel of
the second syllable, without its losing the tone, and very frequently
(see above, h) the nature of the form does not admit of any alteration.
It is not impossible, however, that even in such cases the jussive
in the living language was distinguished from the indicative by a
change in the place of the tone.
In the strong verb the jussive differs in form from the indicative g
only in Hiph'U (juss. T'|?P!, ind. ''''tpp!), and similarly in the weak verb,
wherever the imperfect indicative has i in the second syllable, e. g.
from 2K*J impf. Hiph. n^En\ juss. atJ'i^ ; from WO, ri^»^^ and nD> ; also
in Qal of the verbs Vy and ^"V, as rito>, ind. rao^; i??.^, ind. h^y^; in all
conjugations of verbs T\"7, so that the rejection {apocope) of the ending
n^^ in Qal and Hiph. gives rise to monosyllabic forms, with or
without a helping vowel under the second radical, e.g. Qal ind. nT>3^,
juss. ?5^ ; Hiph. ind. i^^T-, juss. ?2.'; ; and in the Pi'el "^V. from the
indie, n-ijf^ (called apocopated imperfects). But almost all ' the plural
forms of the jussive coincide with those of the indicative, except that
the jussive excludes the fuller ending P. Neither do the forms of the
2nd sing, fem., as v''t3p'?, '•niJSri, y'^'^, Sec, admit of any change in
the jussive, nor any forms, whether singular or plural, to which suffixes
<
are attached, e. g. ''3n''Ciri as ind. Jer 38'^ as jussive Jer 41^.
The meaning of the jussive is similar to that of the cohortative, h
except that in the jussive the command or with is limited almost
exclusively to the 2nd or 3rd pers. On special uses of the jussive,
e.g. in hypothetical sentences (even in the ist pers.), see § 109 h.
5. The imperative, in accordance with its other points of connexion i
with the imperfect in form and meaning, admits of a similar lengthening
(by n___j Arab, imper. energicus, with the ending -dnna or -dn, in pause
-a) and shortening. Thus in Qal of the strong verb, the lengthened
form of ^toK' guard is n'lDK's (^^/ym^rd, cf. ^ijOj? qUTi, § 46 d); atS|, nnw
Jer 49"; 2y^, nnDK' lie down; V^^, 'IVO^ Iiear, in lesser pause niDK'
^ Only in 1st plur. do we find a few shortened forms, as "(SB'S i S 14'*',
parallel with cohortatives ; and N"ip Is 41^ K'th.
2 On the reading mip*<i' (i. e. samara, according to the Jewish grammarians),
required by the Masora in \p 86*, 119'*'^ (cf. also Is 38'*, and ^J^DC f 16'), see
§ 9 u ; on HDvO, Ju 9^ K'lh., see § 46 e.
K 2
132 The Verb [§§ 48 h, i, 49 a
Dnp"; in Niph'al ny^l^n Gn 21^'. Cf., however, also -Tjar? sdl,
Gn 25='^ notwithstanding the impf. "130^ ; naij; Jb 33^ (cf. ^3"]y Jer 46=),
hut impf. t^T,.; '"ISO*? coZZec<, Nu ii^" (for 'DK cf. § 63 Z and the plural
^SDN), but 2nd masc. ^DN ; n"J^3 >//■ 141^ Barth (see above, § 471
note) finds in these forms a trace of old imperfects in i, cf. § 63 n.
On the other hand, nzi"]i5 ^ ep^** (also Imperat. 31p Lv 9^, &c.), but
impf. ^lip^ Without n, we have the form ^^ go, Nu2 3'^ Ju 19'^
2 Ch 25'^ The form 70\> in pause becomes '"iptap, the form bttp
becomes '"I??!?) c- g- '"^^H^ ^^^ SS'^'- But also without the pause we find
Tiy\% Ju 98 ir«</i. and nsifif v. 26' Z«<A., on which see § 46 e. On
the other hand HTJl, HDK'Si, ITiy, '"l^l^n Is 32" are to be explained as
aramaizing forms of the 2nd plur. fem. ; also for ^T|n v. 1 1 read *^']'m,
and for ClSip v. 12 read nYSD.
h The shortened imperative is found only in verbs T^T?, e.g. in Pi'el
y\ from n?a. The shade of meaning conveyed by the imperatives
with n__is not always so perceptible as in the cohortative forms of the
imperfect, but the longer form is frequently emphatic, e. g. D^P rise uj),
nop up ! \^ give, njri give up !
I Rem. The form T\^''\ for nyi, best attested in Pr 24" (where it is taken
by the Masora as imperat., not as infin., ny'l) is evidently due to the influence
of the n which follows it in close connexion (so Strack, on the analogy of
Jb 31^) ; for other examples of this change of a to S*ghol, see above, under d,
§ 73 d, and § 80 i. On the other hand, it is doubtful whether T\2l1 Ju 9^9 (from
TdX) is intended for n31 and not rather for the common form of the
T T-' T ->
imperative Pi'el HjII. In favour of the former explanation it may be urged
that the imperative nXV (from NJf) follows immediately after ; in favour of
the latter, that the ending t\~ , with imperatives of verbs H"/, is not found
elsewhere, and also that here no guttural follows (as in Pr 24^*).
§ 49. The Perfect and Imperfect with Wdw Consecutive.
a 1. The use of the two tense-forms, as is shown more fully in the
Syntax (§§ 106, 107, cf. above, § 47, note on a), is by no means
restricted to the expression of the past or future. One of the most
striking peculiarities in the Hebrew consecution of tenses ' is the
phenomenon that, in representing a series of past events, only the first
^ The other Semitic languages do not exhibit this peculiarity, excepting
the Phoenician, the most closely related to Hebrew, and of course the
Moabitish dialect of the AfeJa' inscription, which is practically identical with
Old Hebrew. It also appears in the inscription of "13T of Hamath (cf.
Noldeke, ZA. 1908, p. 379) where we find H^ NtJ'XI and I lifted up my hand,
*33yM and he answered me, after a perfect of narration.
§ 49 i-d] Perf. and Imperf. with Waw Consecutive 133
verb stands in the perfect, and the narration is continued in the
imperfect. Conversely, the representation of a series of future events
begins with the imperfect, and is continued in the perfect. Thus in
2 K 2o\ In those days was Hezekiah sick unto death (perf.), and
Isaiah . . . came (imperf.) to him, and said (imperf.) to him, &c. On
the other hand, Is 7", the Lord shall bring (imperf.) upon thee . . .
days, &.C., 7**, and it shall come to 2)ass (perf. H^HI) in that day . . .
This progress in the sequence of time, is regularly indicated by b
a pregnant and (called waw consecutive^), which in itself is really only
a variety of the ordinary waw copulative, but which sometimes (in the
imperf.) appears with a different vocalization. Further, the tenses
connected by waw consecutive sometimes undergo a change in the tone
and consequently are liable also to other variations.
2. The waw consecutive of the imperfect is (a) pronounced with c
Pathuh and a I) age} fort'} in the next letter, as TOp)] and he killed;
before N of the 1st pers. sing, (according to § 22 c) with Qames, as
bb\)^y and I killed. Exceptions are, ^E?!?^1 Ez 16'" according to the
Dikduke ha-famim, § 71 ; also ^'"inntoK"!. 2 S i'" according to Qimhi ;
but in Ju 6^ ^.J^lt should be read according to Baer, and '^^^ in both
places in Ju 2o^ Dages forte is always omitted in the preformative
^j in accordance with § 20 m.
(b) When a shortening of the imperfect form is possible (cf. § 48 g), d
it takes effect, as a rule (but cf. § 51 n), after waw consec, e.g. in
Hiphil b;?P!l (§53 n). The tendency to retract the tone from the
final syllable is even stronger after waw consec. than in the jussive.
The throwing back of the tone on to the penultima (conditional upon
its being an open syllable with a long vowel, § 29 a), further involves
the greatest possible shortening of the vowel of the ultima, since the
vowel then comes to stand in a toneless closed syllable, e.g. D'lp^, juss.
^ This name best expresses the prevailing syntactical relation, for by waw
consecutive an action is always represented as the direct, or at least temporal
consequence of a preceding action. Moreover, it is clear from the above examples,
that the waw consecutive can only be thus used in immediate conjunction with
the verb. As soon as waw, owing to an insertion (e. g. a negative), is separated
from the verb, the imperfect follows instead of the perfect consecutive, the
perfect instead of the imperfect consecutive. The fact that whole Books (Lev.,
Num., Josh., Jud., Sam., a Kings, Ezek., Ruth, Esth., Neb., 2 Chron.) begin
with the imperfect consecutive, and others (Exod., i Kings, Ezra) with waw
copulative, is taken as a sign of their close connexion with the historical Books
now or originally preceding them. Cf., on the other hand, the independent
beginning of Job and Daniel. It is a merely superficial description to call
the waw consecutive by the old-fashioned name waw conversive, on the ground
that it iilways converts the meaning of the respective tenses into its
opposite, i.e. according to the old view, the future into the preterite, and
vice versa.
134 '^^^ ^^'^^ [§ 49 «-*
Dp', with wdw consec. DI^Jl anci Ae arose (§ 67 ?i and x, § 68 c?, § 69 p,
§ 71. § 72 < and aa, § 736).'
f^' In ih.Q first pers. sing, alone the retraction of the tone and even the
reducing of the long vowel in the final syllable {d to o, i to e, and then
to and e) are not usual.^at least according to the Masoretic punctuation,
and the apocope in verbs n"? occurs more rarely ; e.g. always DIpKI (or
Dp^l, a merely orthographic difference) and I arose; Hiph. ^'^\^^\
(but generally written Dp^,\, implying the pronunciation wd'dqem,
as Dp?^,t implies wadqum); ^^1^}^ and I saw, more frequently than
N'lKI , §75^. On the other hand, the form with final n__ is often used in
the 1st pers. both sing, and plur., especially in the later books, e. g.
r\nbf^\ and I sent, Gn 32^ 41", 43^', Nu 8" (n3nN\, as in Ju 6«, i S 2^8,
and often, probably a sort of compensation for the lost j) ; Ju 6^°,
12', 2 s 22^*, f 3«, 7^ 90", rI9^^ Jb I^«^ 19^ ez f^, s^ 9^
Neh 2", 5"•'■'^ 6", 13'-^'"^ '•, &c. — Sometimes, as in \^3^, with a certain
emphasis of expression, and probably often, as in Ju lo^^ •''V • **il
before N, for euphonic reasons. In Is 8^ HTyXI^ may haA'^e been
originally intended ; in yJA 73^^ 'nxi^ and in Jb 30^* ^^^\. In Ez 3^ read
nbaxi or n^Dxi.
T -.• : I T T : I T
,/ This O is in meaning a strengthened wdw copulative, and resembles in pro-
nunciation the form which is retained in Arabic as the ordinary copula (tea).'
The close connexion of this wd with the following consonant, caused the latter
in Hebrew to take DageS, especially as a could not have been retained in an
open syllable. Cf. nji)3, ni33, lltS? (for nJ3p\ where the prepositions 2 and p
and the particle 3, are closely connected with HD in the same way (§ 102 k).
if The retraction of the tone also occurs in such combinations, as in HtS? (for
n73? § 102 I). — Tl.e identity of many consecutive forms with jussives of the
same conjugation must not mislead us into supposing an intimate relation
between the moods. In the consecutive forms the shortening of the vowel
(and the retraction of the tone) seems rather to be occasioned solely by the
strengthening of the preformative syllable, while in the jussives the shorten-
ing (and retraction) belongs to the character of the form.
/j 3. The counterpart of wdw consecutive of the imjperfect is wdw
consecutive of the perfect, by means of which perfects are placed as
^ The plural forms in p also occur less frequently after wdw consecutive ; cf.,
however, p3^1^1 Ju 8^, iii», Am 6», Ez 44*, Dt 4", s^". The 2nd fem. sing, in
p . never occurs after wdw consecutive.
''■ In the 1st plur. 1^0^31 Neh 4* is the only instance in which the vowel
remains unreduced (cf. nitTJI, i.e. 1\m\, 4' A'«</i. ; Q^re nB'il). On the
treatment of the tone in the imperfect, imperative, and infinitive Niph'al, see
§ .SI "•
* In usage the Hebrew icdw does duty for the Arabic /a (wato apoilosis, see
§ 143 d) as well as wd.
§ 49 »-™] Perf. and Imperf. with Waw Consecutive 135
the sequels in the future to preceding actions or events regarded as
incomplete at the time of speaking, and therefore in the imperfect,
imperative, or even participle. This wavu is in form an ordinary wdv)
cojmlative, and therefore shares its various vocalization (1, 1, J, as 2 K y'',
and 1); e.g. 'TJ})., after an imperfect, &c., and so it happens ■= and it
will happen. It has, however, the effect, in certain verbal forms, of
shifting the tone from the penultiina, generally on to the ultima, e.g.
^FlD^v' I went, consecutive form ^J???,9] and I will go, Ju i^, where it is
co-ordinated with another perfect consecutive, which again is the con-
secutive to an imperative. See further on this usage in § 112.
As innumerable examples show, tlie Qaines of the first syllable is retained I
in the strong perf. consec. Qal, as formerly before the tone, so now in the
secondary tone, and therefore necessarily takes Metheg. On the other hand,
the of the second syllable in verbs middle oupon losing the tone necessarily
becomes v, e.g. J^i'D'") Ex iS^^.
' ° T : T IT : J
The shifting forward of the tone after the waw consecutive of the perfect is, a
however, not consistently carried out. It is omitted — (a) always in the
istpers. pL, e. g. IJIIB'^I Gn 34^^ ; (6) regularly in Hiph'il before the afiformatives
n and ^ see § 53 r; and (c) in many cases in verbs N"? and n"?, almost
always in the ist sing, of N"P (Jer 29^*), and in n"p if the vowel of the
2nd syllable is i, Ex 176, 26*-^-''-'^'>^-, Ju 626, &c., except in Qal (only Lv 248,
before K) and the 2nd sing. masc. of Hiph'il-forms before N, Nu 20*, Dt 201^,
I S 15S, 2 K 13" ; similarly in Pi'el before X, Ex 25'*, Jer 27*. On the other
hand the tone is generally moved forward if the second syllable has e (in
«'6 Gn 2710 &c., in n"b Ex 40*, Jer 33«, Ez 327) ; but cf. also nS^JI Lv igi^"
and frequently, always before the counter-tone, Jo4''i, ^ ig^*.^ With a, in
the penultima the form is DNB'J'! Is 14*, and probably also HN'Jpl Jer 2', 3I*,
I S 10^ with little T*li!=a, a postpositive accent. .
But before a following N the ultima mostly bears the tone on phonetic /
grounds, e.g. "^K nSSI Gn 6^% Ex 3I8, Zc 6'° (by the side of flNfl), &c. (cf.,
however, niO?), before N, Gn 17", Jer f, Ez 362^) ; "HX n''3ri^ Ju 6", cf.
Ex 25", LV245 (but also -nS "•rT'W Lv 25"). L'kewise, before H, Am 8', and y,
e.g. Gn 2610, 2712, Lv 26» (cf., however, vbv ^nNliJI, Ez 3821) ; on verbs V"V,
see § 67 ft: and ee.
(d) The tone always keeps its place when such a perfect stands in pause, VI
e.g. ny^K'l Dt 6", 11'^; mOXI is 14*, Ju 4* ; sometimes even in the lesser
pause, as Dt 2^8, Ez 3^6, i S 29^ (where see Driver), with Zaqeph qaton ; and
frequently also immediately before a tone-syllable (according to § 29 e), as in
n3 nn3K'''i Dt 17", Ez 14" 17" Am i^-^o-w—but also Rn nptj'm Dt 21I1, 23".
AT T : - T : ' ' -tit' .,. T ■;_,., .
2419, I K 8«.
^ The irregularity in the tone of these perfects manifestly results from
following conflicting theories, not that of Ben Asher alone.
136 The Verb [§ 50 a~f
§ 60. The Participle.
a 1. Qal has both an active participle, called Poel from its form (''J?^),
and a passive, PaM (SlVS).'
Pa'ul is generally regarded as a survival of a passive of Qal, which still
exists throughout in Arabic, but has been lost in Hebrew (see, however, § 52 e),
just as in Aramaic the passives of Pi'el and Hiph'il are lost, except in the
participles. But instances of the form qutldl are better regarded as remnants
of the passive participle Qal (see §525), so that p^VQ must be considered as
an original verbal noun ; cf. Barth, Nominalbildung, p. 173 S.
h 2. In the intransitive veibs mid. e and mid. 0, the form of the
participle active of Qal coincides in form with the 3rd sing, of the
perfect, e. g. |K'J sleeping, from |K'J ; "liS^ (only orthographical ly different
from the perf. ">i^) fearing; cf. the formation of the participle in
Niph'al, § 51 a. On the other hand, the participle of verbs mid. a
takes the form «'t?'p (so even from the transitive ^<p,'^ to hate, part. NpB').
The o of these forms has arisen through an obscuring of the d, and is
therefore unchangeable, cf. § 9 5". The form 7^1^ (with a changeable
Qames in both syllables), which would correspond to the forms W\
and "li^, is only in use as a noun, cf. § 84"/. The formation of the
participle in Pi'el, Hiph'il, and Hithpa'el follows a different method.
C 3. Participles form their feminine ('"'^^ip or ri^^I^) and their plural
like other nouns (§ 80 e, § 84" r, », § 94).
(i Rem. I. From the above it follows, that the d of the form JK'"' is lengthened
from a, and consequently changeable (e.g. fern. n3tJ'^) ; and that the 6 of ?U\> on
the other hand is obscured from an unchangeable d.i In Arabic the verbal
adjective of the form qatil corresponds to the form qatel, and the part, qdtil to
qotel. In both cases, therefore, the e of the second syllable is lengthened from t,
and is consequently changeable (e. g. ?tpp ^ plur. Dyt3p ; 133 , constr. pi. ''133).
g 1]''Din ^ 16^, instead of the form qotel, is an anomaly; it is possible, how-
ever, that Tj^JDin (incorrectly written fully) is intended (cf. 3''3b 2 K S'^i), or
even the imperfect Hiph'il of T]lp^. The form f)D' in Is 29^*, 38^ appears to
stand for f)D*, but most probably the Masora here (as certainly in 5]^Di'' Ec 1")
intends the 3rd sing, imperf. Hiph., for which the better form would be
^DV ; b"'3iX I Ch 27^", being a proper name and a foreign word, need not
be considered. — n3N (constr. state of *13N), with d in the second syllable,
occurs in Dt 32^8 (cf. moreover, § 65 d). On obin Is 41' (for D?^n), see § 29/.
J 2. A form like the pass. ptcp. Pa'vil, but not to be confused with it, is
sometimes found from intransitive verbs, to denote an inherent quality, e. g.
]^r2ii faithful ; ^^2^ desperate, Jer 15'^ &c. ; TOD3 trustful, Is 26^ t/^ 112''; Q^vy
T ^ T *■ - T T
Strong; 1^35?' drunken, Is 51^^' ; and even from transitive verbs, T^PIX handling,
Ct 3^ ; 1^31 mindful, ^ 103"; yi*!^ knowing, Is 53* ; cf, § 84« m.
' The constr. st. DN3 in the formula niH"' DNJ, the word (properly the
whispering) of the Lord, &c., is always written defectively.
* Cf. Voilers, 'Das Qatil-partizipium,' in ZA. 1903, p. 313 ff.
§ 51 a-e] Niph'al l^J
B. Vekba Debivativa, ok Debited Conjugations.
§ 51. NipKal}
1. The essential characteristic of this conjugation consists in a «
prefix^ to the stem. This exists in two forms: (a) the (probably
original) prepositive na, as in the Hebrew perfect and participle,
although in the strong verb the a is always attenuated \ol: ?Cp!l for
original nd-qdtal, participle ''?!??, infinitive absolute sometimes ''itipJ;
(6) the (later) proclitic in (as in all the forms of the corresponding
Arabic conjugation vii. 'inqcUdld), found in the imperfect ^pi?^ for
yinqdtel, in the imperative and infinitive construct, with a secondary
n added, ^^^*} (for hinqdtel), and in the infinitive absolute bbj^n The
inflexion of Kijyh'al is perfectly analogous to that of Qal.
The features of Niph'al are accordingly in the perfect and participle the U
prefixed Nim, in the imperative, infinitive, and imperfect, the Dages in the
first radical. These characteristics hold good also for the weak verb. In
the case of an initial guttural, which, according to § 22 b, cannot take Dages
forte, the omission of the strengthening invariably causes the lengthening of
the preceding vowel (see § 63 h).
2. As regards its meaning, Niph'al bears some resemblance to the C
Gieek middle voice, in being — (a) primarily reflexive of Qal, e.g. )^D??
to thrust oneself {against), ""P^? to take heed to (yaeself, (fivXda-a-ea-dai,
V1D3 to hide oneself, i'WJ to redeem oneself; cf. also n||y3 to answer for
oneself. Equally characteristic of Niph'al is its frequent use to express
emotions which react upon the mind ; DD? to trouble oneself, ^3^^3 to
sigh {to bemoan oneself, cf. 6hvp^a-6ai, lamentari, contristari) ; as well
as to express actions which the subject allows to happen to himself,
or to have an effect upon himself {Niph'al tolerativum), e. g. tJ'liJ to
search, to inquire, Niph. to allow oneself to he inquired of, Is 65^
Ez I4^ &c.; so the Niph. of Nif^ to find, "Ip^ to warn, to correct,
Jer 6*, 31'', &c.
(6) It expresses reciprocal or mutual action, e.g. IB"^ to spea^, Niph. (l
to speak to one another; t^SB* to judge, Niph. to go to law with one
another; YT, to counsel, Niph. to take counsel, cf. the middle and
deponent verbs fiovXevea-OaL {Y^^^}, fiaxio-Oai (Dnp3), altercari, luctari
(njf3 to strive with one another) proeliari.
(c) It has also, like Hithpael (§ 54 /) and the Greek middle, the C
meaning of the active, with the addition of to oneself {sibi), for one-
^ Cf. A. Rieder, De linguae Hebr. verbis, quae vocanlur derivata nifal et hilpacl,
Gumbinnen (Progr. des Gymn.), 1884, a list of all the strong Niph'al forma
(81) andHithpa'el forms (36) in the Old Testament; and especially M. Lambert,
'L'emploi du Nifal en Hebreu,' REJ. 41, 196 ff.
» See Philippi in ZDMG-. 1886, p. 650, and Earth, ibid. 1S94, p. 8 f.
138 The Verb [§51/-*
self, e. g. ?i<f 3 to ask (something) for oneself (i S 20^-^, Neh 13®), cf.
alTovfxai ae tovto, ivSvcraaOaL ;(tTaiva, to put on (oneself) a tunic.
J {d) In consequence of a looseness of thought at an early period of
the language, Niph'al comes finally in many cases to represent the
passive^ of Qal, e. g. y>'\ to bear, Niph. to he horn; 1?iJ to hury, Niph.
to be buried. In cases where Qal is intransitive in meaning, or is not
used, JVi])h'al appears also as the passive of Pi'el and Hiph'il, e. g. "l??
to he in honour, Pi'el to honour, Niph. to be honoured (as well as Pu'al
n33) ; nns Pi'gl to conceal, Hiph. to destroy, Niph. passive of either.
In such cases I^ipKal may again coincide in meaning with Qal (n?n
Qal and Niph. to be ill) and even take an accusative.
cr Examples of denominatives are, "\3'\l to be born a male. Ex 34^' (from *13T ;
but probably "I3i}n should here be read) ; 33?3 cordatum fieri, Jb ii^' (from
33p cor) ; doubtless also n333 to obtain children, Gn iC^, 30^.
h The older grammarians were decidedly wrong in representing Niph'al simply
as the passive of Qal ; for Niph'al has (as the frequent use of its imperat. shows),
in no respect the character of the other passives, and in Arabic a special
conjugation ('inqdtdld) corresponds to it with a passive of its own. Moreover,
the forms mentioned in § 52 e point to a differently formed passive of Qal. —
The form vNJi Is 59^, La 4", is not to be regarded as a passive of Niph'al,
but with KSnig and Cheyne as a, forma mixta, in the sense that the punctuators
intended to combine two optional readings, IPNiS, perf. Niph., and V^^.3, perf.
Pu'al [cf. also Wright, Compar. Gramm., p. 224]. Although the passive use of
Niph'al was introduced at an early period, and became tolerably common, it
is nevertheless quite secondary to the reflexive use.
t Rem. I. The infin. absol. PIOpJ is connected in form with the perfect, to
which it bears the same relation as 7it3i? to P^p in Qal, the 6 in the second
syllable being obscured from an original a. Examples are, ^1033 Gn 31'";
Dnp3 Ju 11^*; i'NK'3 i S 2o«-^^ all in connexion with the perfect.
/i7 Examples of the form Pbi^H (in connexion with imperfects) are, ]h^T\ Jer
32*; ^bNH Lv 7I*; once B'l'IX Ez 14^, where, perhaps, the subsequent tJ'"}"|JN
has led to the substitution of K for n.— Moreover, the form bt^]^T} is not
infrequently used also for the infin. absol., « e.g. Ex 22*, Nu 15^1, Dt 4^8, i K
2o3^ On the other hand, f\'}iT)3 should simply be read for the wholly
abnormal e)'"n3n3 ip 68' (commonly explained as being intended to correspond
in sound with the subsequent fl^Jn, but probably a ' forma mixta ', combining
the readings PjlDHp and ^"133).
1 Cf. Halfmann, Beitrdge sur Syntax der hebrdischen Sprache, 1. Stiick.Wittenb.,
1888, 2. St. 1892 (Gymn.-Programm), statistics of the Niph'al (Pu'al, Hoph'al,
and qatul) forms at different periods of the language, for the purpose of
ascertaining the meaning of Niph. and its relation to the passive ; the selection
of periods is, however, very questionable from the standpoint of literary
criticism. ,
2 But, like 7bi?n, only in connexion with imperfects, except Jer 7^ Earth
is therefore right in describing {Nominalbildung, p. 74) both forms as later
analogous formations (in addition to the original Semitic ^iCj??), intended
to assimilate the infinitive to the imperfect which it strengthens.
i
§§ 51 ^-p. 52 fl] NipJial 139
Elision of the T\ after prepositions is required by the Masora in vK'UZl Pr /
24" (for '3n3), aina Ez 2615 and Pipyn La 2" ; also in verbs n'6 Ex lo^
(nijy';^.) ; 34'''*, Dt 31", is i" (niNl'p.); in verbs Vy Jb 2,f° Oi^<.^)■ It is, how-
ever, extremely doubtful whether the infin. Qal of tlie K'^thihh is not rather
intended in all these examples; it certainly is so in La 2^^, cf. ^ 6i'.
2. Instead of the Sere in the ultima of the imperfect, Paihah often occurs ///,
in pause, e.g. ?Da*1 Gn 21*; cf. Ex 31", 2812!^ (with final tJ*) ; 17^^ (with
p); Jon 1^ (with D) ; see § 29 q. In the 2nd and 3rd plur. fern. Pathah pre-
dominates, e.g. n3"1D?ri Is 65^^ ; Sere occurs only in njJyJj] Ru i'^ from pJJ^
and hence, with loss of the doubling, for n33yn • cf. even HSCNn Is 60*.—
With Nun paragogicum (see § 47 m) in the 2nd and 3rd plur. masc. are found,
fnS^'', pon^n, &c., in pause p>n2\ rnmm, &c. ; but Jb 19*' (cf. 24^*)
3. When the imperfect, the infinitive (in e), or the imperative is followed Jl
in close connexion by a monosyllable, or by a word with the tone on the first
syllable, the tone is, as a rule (but cf. B'"'S< p?f<*l Gn 32^^*), shifted back from
the ultima to the penultima, while the ultima, which thus loses the tone,
takes S^gm instead of Sere; e.g. HZl bph) Ez 331'; i^ Tny>1 Gn 25"; in the
imperative, 13*. — So always ^p "iptJ'n (since tjp counts as one syllable) Gn
246, &c., cf. I S 192; and even with Pathah in the ultima, yVH 3iyri Jb 18*
(but cf. D^n5x nnysi 2 S 21"). Although in isolated cases (e.g. Gn 322*, Ezr
S^) the tone is not thrown back, in spite of a tone-syllable following, the
retraction has become usual in certain forms, even when tlie next word
begins with a toneless syllable ; especially after 1 consec, e. g. "1XB'*1 Gn 7^';
Dn?|1 Nu 21^ and frequently, ipif*1 25*; and always so in the imperative
■HOE'n Ex 2321, Jb 36", and (before Metheg of the counter-tone) Dt 24*, 2 K 6».
On the avoidance of pausal-forms in the imperative (Am 2^* with Silluq, Zc
2" with Athnuh), and imperfect (Pr 24*, &c.), see § 29 0, and note ; on the
other hand, always toiJTiin Db?3^, &c.
In the imperative, ^2f3p3, for IJfDpn, with the rejection of the initial n O
occurs in Is 43', and in Joel 4^1 in pause ^V3p3 (cf. ^173 Jer 50^) ; but in these
examples either the reading or the explanation is doubtful. The 2nd sing.
imperat. of ySK'i is always (with H paragogicum) ''p HyDB'n swear to me,
Gn 21", &c. (also ""b riV^Wn Gn 47", i S 30I6).
4. For the ist sing, of the imperfect, the form /Pi?K is as frequent as Ptpi^X, W
e- g- K^l'IfrJ -f shall be inquired of, Ez 14*; V2fii I will swear, Gn 21"^*; cf. 16*,
Nu 23'^, Ez 2C/56j and so always in the cohortative, e. g. HOpSX / tcill avenge
me, Is 1"; cf. I S 12'', Ez 26^, and in the impf. Niph. of ro (§ 69 0- The
Babylonian punctuation admits only i under the preformative of the ist
person.
§ 52. Pi'el and Pu'al.
1. The characteristic of this conjugation consists in the strengthening ^
of the middle radical. From the simple stem qatal (cf. § 43 b) the
form ^isp (cf. the Arabic conj. 11. qdttdld) would naturally follow as
I40 The Verb [§526-*
the perfect of the active {Ptel). The Palhah of the first syllable is,
however, with one exception (see m), always attenuated to i in the
perfect. In the second syllable, d has been retained in the majority of
cases, so that the conjugation should more correctly be called Ptal ; but
very frequently ' this d also is attenuated to I, which is then regularly
lengthened to e, under the influence of the tone. Cf. in Aram. ?t3i5 ;
but in Biblical Aramaic almost always ?^\^. On the three cases in
which d before a final "\ or D has passed into S^ghol, see below, I. —
Hence, for the ^rd sing. masc. perfect, there arise forms like 13N,
l^b, E'^p; «]"^3, ^3^, &c. — Before afformatives beginning with a con-
sonant, however, d is always retained, thus ^f^\?, OriptSj?, ^3pi£)[?, &c.
In the infinitives {absol. 7^\^, obscured from qattdl ; constr. ?t2i?),
imperfect (p^?^), imperative {>W), and participle (p^PJ^) the original
d of the first syllable reappears throughout. The vocal S^wd of the
preformatives is weakened from a short vowel; cf. the Arabic
imperfect yHqdttU, participle miiqattU.
b The passive {Pu'al) is distinguished by the obscure vowel u, or
very rarely 6, in the first syllable, and d (in pause a) always in the
second. In Arabic, also, the passives are formed throughout with il
in the first syllable. The inflexion of both these conjugations is
analogous to that of Qal.
C Rem. I. The preformative D, which in the remaining conjugations also is
the prefix of the participle, is probably connected with the interrogative or
indefinite (cf.§ 37) pronoun ""DgMis? quicunque {fevn. i.e. neuter, nD);cf. §856.
U 2. The Dages forte, which according to the above is characteristic of the
whole of Pi'el and Pu'al, is often omitted (independently of verbs middle guttural,
§ 64 d) when the middle radical has S'wd iinder it (cf. § 20 m), e. g. JlVOp for
nn^K' Ez 1 7" ; ^n^pa 2 Ch 1 51^ (but in the imperatire always ^K'l^a i "S 28',
&c.), and so always in ibpH praise. The vocal character of the .S^wd under
the litera dagessanda is sometimes in such cases (according to § 10 h) expressly
emphasized by its taking the form of a Hateph, as in Jinp? Qn 2^, with
owing to the influence of the preceding u, cf. '"wVQ for vVS, &c. ; Gn 9^*, Ju
16'*. In the imperfect and participle the S^wd under the preformatives {Hateph-
Pathah under N in the ist sing, imperfect) serves at the same time as a character-
istic of both conjugations (Gn 261*').
€ 3. According to the convincing suggestion of BCttcher^ (Ausfilhrliches
Lehrbuch, § 904 ff. and § 1022), many supposed perfects of Pu'al are in reality
^ So in all verbs which end in Nun, and in almost all which end in Lamed
(Olsh. p. 538). Earth is probably right in supposing {ZDMO. 1894, p. i ff.)
that the vowels of the strengthened perfects have been influenced by the
imperfect.
* As Mayer Lambert obsei-ves, the same view was already expressed by Ibn
Ganah (see above, § 3 d) in the Kitab el-luma', p. 161. Cf. especially Barth,
'Das passive Qal und seine Participien,' in the Festschrift zum Juhildum Hildes-
heimer (Berlin, 1890), p. 145 ff.
§ 52/-A] Pi'el and Pu'al 141
passives of Qal. He reckons as such all those perfects, of which the Pi'el (which
ought to express the corresponding active) is either not found at all, or only
(as in the case of H?^) with a different meaning, and whicli form their
imperfect from another conjugation, generally Niph'al. Such perfects are the
quttal form of the stems b^H {imperfect ^ijIXn Is i""), B^Dn, FI^D, *1^\ "IX\
npb, nny, b:V^^ SIDK', •IEK'. Earth (see below) adds to the list the apparent
Pu'al-perfects o{ IDN, 113, HJT, 3Sn, niD, HBi, 2]]], nK'V, HST, and of verbs
with middle 1 (hence with m of the first syllable lengthened to o), jnn, n*in
Jb 33 [HIT, see § 6; m], yiT, p">T, fjlD, DID, N^p, eilb' ; also the infinitives
absolute ijnl ilH Is 59'^ In these cases there is no need to assume any
error on the part of the punctuators ; the sharpening of the second radical
may have taken place in order to retain the characteristic ic of the first
syllable (cf. Ai'ab. qutild as passive of qatMa), and the a of the second syllable
is in accordance with the vocalization of all the other passives (see § 39/).
Cf, §525 and § 53 u.
2. The fundamental idea of PHel, to which all the various shades f
of meaning in this conjugation may be referred, is to busy oneself
eagerly with the action indicated by the stem. This intensifying of
the idea of the stem, which is outwardly expressed by the strengthening
of the second radical, appears in individual cases as — (a) a strengthen-
ing and repetition of the action (cf. the intensive and iterative nouns with
the middle radical strengthened, § 84^),' e. g. PDif <o laugh, Pi'el to jest,
to make sport (to laugh repeatedly) ; b^^ to ask, Pi'el to beg ; hence
when an action has reference to many, e. g. "l?fj to bury (a person)
Gn 23'', Pi'el to bury (many) i K 11'*, and often so in Syr. and Arab.
Other varieties of the intensive and iterative meaning are, e. g. nns to
open,Vi'e\ to loose; "IQD to count, Pi'el to recount : [cf. 2F\^, 3K^n, :]?n,
NQ1, ben, iyssn; nnsD nnol
The eager pursuit of an action may also consist in urging and g'
causing others to do the same. Hence Fi'el has also — (6) a causative
sense (like Hiph'il), e. g. ^P^ to learn, Pi'el to teach. It may often be
turned by such phrases as toj^ermit to, to declare or hold as [the declara-
tive PHel), to help to, e. g. n*n to cause to live, P'jiV to declare innocent,
'^T. to help in child-bearing.
(c) Denominatives (see § 38 b) are frequently formed in this conju- h
gation, and generally express a being occupied with the object
expressed by the noun, either to form or to make use of it, e. g. ]}\>
to make a nest, to nest (from |p), isy to throw dust, to dust (from "l?V)>
1 Analogous examples, in which the strengthening of a letter has likewise
an intensive force, are such German words as reichen, recken (Eng. to reach, to
rack) ; streichen (stringo), strecken : cf. Strich (a stroke), Strecke {a stretch) ; wacker
from wachen ; others, in which it has the causative sense, are stechen, ste<ken ;
wachen {watch), wecken {wake) ; Tf\Kiu to bring to ayi end (cf. the stem TfAa; to end,
in TfKos, T(K((u) ; yevvaw to beget, from tlio stem ytvai to come into being (cf. 7«Vos).
142 The Verb [§ 52 i-n
?3.V to gather the clouds together (from f^V), ^'W to divide in three parts,
or to do a thing for the third time (from B'?K') ; probably also ">31
to speak, from 1^"1 a word. Or again, the denominative may express
taking away, injuring, &c., the object denoted by the noun {jyrivative
Pi el, cf. our to shin, to behead, to bone), e. g. ^^, from B^'^.b' to
root out, to extir2>ate, 33.T prop, to injure the tail (^JJ), hence to rout
the rear of an army, to attack it ; 3?? to ravish the heart ; W"^. to
remove the ashes (l!^"!J), ^^C ^o /^^e from sin (^<PD), ^KV ^o break any
one's bones (D2fJ^ ; cf., in the same sense, D1.3 from D^l) ', ^V.^ to lop the
boughs. Is lo^ (from ^''yo a bough). Some words are clearly denomina-
tives, although the noun from which they are derived is no longer
found, e. g. i'ijip to stone, to pelt with stones (also used in this sense in
Qal), and to remove stones (from a field), to clear away stones ; cf. our
to stone, used also in the sense of taking out the stones from fruit.
The meaning of the passive {Pu'al) follows naturally from the
above, e. g. C?*!!!? Pi'el to seek, Pu'al to be sought.
I In Pi'el the literal, concrete meaning of the verb has sometimes been
retained, when Qal has acquired a figurative sense, e.g. H^J, Pi'el to uncover,
Qal to reveal, also to emigrate, i.e. to make the land bare.
K Also with an intransitive sense Pi'el occurs as an intensive form, but only
in poetic language, e.g. DDU in Pi'el to be broken in pieces, Jersi^^; THIS to
tremble, Is 51^', Pr 28" ; T]T\ to be drunken, Is 34^-'' ; [t^J/JD to be few, Ec 12'] ; but
in Is 48*, 60I1 instead of the Pi'el of nnS the Niph'al is certainly to be read,
with Cheyne.
/ Rem. I. The (more frequent) form of the perfect with Patkah in the second
syllable appears especially before Maqqeph (Ec 9^^, 1 2') and in the middle of
sentences in continuous discourse, but at the end of the sentence (in pause)
the form with Sere is more common. Cf. P^3 Is 49" with b'lS Jos 4^*, Est 3^ ;
D^O Ez 33« with D^it? Ec g^^ ; y^^) 2 K 8'« with }*Jfp ^t 129* ; but Qames never
appears in this pausal form. The ^rd sing.fem. in pause is always of the form
nbtBp, except njfZlp Mi 1'' ; the 3rd plur. always as v^p; the 2nd and 1st sing.
and 1st plur. of course as DPlip n?t£p Tlp^p (but always '•mZl'n and ">rn?!)?V
I< t:t'. ';:t'.'':t'* •;"* •:-•/'
^JptSp. In the 3rd sing. per/. "12^ to speak, "1S3 to pardon, and D33 to uash
clothes (also D33 Gn 49^^) take S^ghol, but become in pause IS"! D33 (2 S 19^^*) ;
the pausal form of "133 does not occur.
Ifl Pathah in the first syllable (as in Aramaic and Arabic) occurs only once,
Gn 41*', ^3E'3 he made me forget, to emphasize more clearly the play on the
name Ht^SD.
fl 2. In the imperfect (and jussive Ju 16^^), infinitive, and imperative Pi'el (as also
in Hithpa'el) the Sere in the final syllable, when followed by Maqqeph, is
usually shortened into S^ghOl, e.g. ip"t^ij)3"' he seeks for himself, Is 40^" ; v'tJ*^^
sanctify unto me, Ex 13^. Pausal-forms with S'ghol instead of Sere, as ^H"!^
Dt 32", CiyyA Ho 2* (cf. Ex 32« in the infinitive, and Gn 21' in the participle),
owe their origin to some particular school of Masorctes, and are wrongly
accepted by Baer; cf. the analogous cases in § 75 w and hh. If the final
syllable of the imperfect Pi'el has Pathah (before a guttural or "1), it remains
§ 52 0-s'] Pi' el and Pu'al 143
even in pause ; cf. § 29 s and 65 e. In the ist sing, imperfect the e-sound
occurs in two words for Hateph-Pathah^ under thj preformative K; TV^^^
Lv 263^ Ez 5", 12" and D"iyDX) Zc 7" (in accordance with § 23 /»).— Before
the full plural ending p (see § 47 m) the Sere is retained in pause, e. g. p">3nri
\p 582 (but Gn 3220 P")3iri), cf. 2 K 6", Dt 12^ ; so before SiUuq \p 58^, Jb 21"
and even before Zaqeph qaton Dt 7". Instead of njp^pn, forms like nj^tspn
are also found, e.g. Is 31^, 13^8^ in both cases before a sibilant and in pause.
Also 3pQ ^ 55^" occurs as the 2nd sing, imperative (probably an intentional
imitation of the sound of the preceding Vv2) and Sip (for qarrabh) Ez 37^'^.
3. The infiniie absolute of Pi'el has sometimes the special form >t3p given in
the paradigm, e.g. "ID' castigando, \p 1181^ ; cf. Ex 21^^ i K 19I" (from a verb
H"7) ; \t 40^ (from a verb n"?) ; but much more frequently the form of the
infinitive construct (?t3p) is used instead. The latter has also, in exceptional
cases, the form PtSp (with a attenuated to i as in the perfect), e. g. in i Ch 8* iriptJ' ;
perhaps also (if not a substantive) "\^p Jer 44^1 ; and for the sake of assonance
even for infinitive absolute in 2 S 12" (nSN3 )*S3). On the other hand, D?B'
Dt 32^^ and "l^"! Jer 5I' are better regarded as substantives, while IB"! Ex 6^^,
Nu 3I, Dt 4I5 (in each case after QV2), Ho i' (after ni>nn), in all of which
places it is considered by KOnig (after Qimhi) to be infinitive construct, is really
perfect of Pi'el.
The infinitive construct Pi'U, with the fern, ending (cf. § 45 d), occurs in p
nno: Lv 26" ; rnipi \f> i^f ; with n of the fern, before a suffix ''i]rip'nX Ez 16^2. ^
On the verbal nouns after the form of the Aram. inf. Pa'il (n^lSp), see § 84'' e.
Instead of the abnormal VDOXO (so Baer, Is 62') as ptcp. Pi'el, read 'OHD
with ed. Mant. and Ginsburg.
4. In Pu'al is sometimes found instead of m in the initial syllable, e. g. q
CnSp dyed red, Ex 25", &c., Na 2*, cf. 3'' HTHK' ; Ez 16*, ^ 7220, 80". According ^
to Baer's reading also in ^njfin Jp 62*, and so also Ben Aier, but Ben Naphtali
^nSiri. It is merely an orthographic licence when w is written fully, e.g.
t^V JU 1829.
5. As infinitive absolute of Pu'al we find 2jl3 Gn 40''. — No instance of the inf. f
constr. occurs in the strong verb in Pu'al ; from n'6 with suffix SnSi^ ^ 132^.
6. A few examples occur of the^ participle Pu'al without the preformative (O), S
e.g. i53N Ex 32 ; I^V (for l^lD) Ju 138 ; n\^b 2 K 2" ; rTiyb Is 54". These
participles are distinguished from the perfect (as in Niph'al) by the a of the final
syllable. For other examples, see Is 302*, Ec 9" (where D^B'pV, according to
§ 20 n, stands for 'j?!" =:'i5^D) ; but, according to the Masora, not Ez 26", since
■^i*^'""! ^^ Mil'el can only be the perfect. The rejection of the D may be favoured
by an initial », as in Is 182'' (but also Tj^^D) ; Pr 25" (where, however, read
niyitD) ; so also in the participle Pi'el |Xlp Ex 727, 92 (always after DN, but cf.
also CJXlSn Jer 1310, where, however, D^JNOH = D'^JXCIDH is to be read, with
Brockelmann, Grundriss, p. 264 f.) and "ITO Zp 1" (and Is8is?). Notice,
however, Barth's suggestion {Nomiruxlbildung, p. 273) that, as the active of
forms like 73X only occurs in Qal, they are perfect participles of former
passives of Qal (see e), and in Jeri3io, 23^2, perfect participles of Pi'el.— On
yano Ez 452, see § 65 d.
144 "^he Verb [§53«-«
§ 53. Hiph'il and HopKal.
a 1. The characteristic of the active (Hiph'tl) is a prefixed n (on its
origin see § 55 i) in the perfect H (with the a attenuated to t, as in
Pi'el), which forms a closed syllable with the first consonant of the
stem. The second syllable of the perfect had also originally an d\
of. the Arabic conj. iv. 'aqtdld, and in Hebrew the return of the
Fathah in the 2nd and ist pers. IJlp^iP'"?, &c. After the attenuation of
this a to t, it ought by rule to have been lengthened to e in the tone-
syllable, as in Aramaic ^^P^ , beside PtJpn in Biblical Aramiiic. Instead
of this, however, it is always replaced in the strong verb by ^,* ^—^,
but sometimes written defectively -7- ; cf. § g g- Similarly in the
infinitive construct '''•^Pl', and in the imperfect and participle TtDj?^
and ''"'tppP, which are syncopated from ''"•t^pn^ and P^CpriD; § 23^.
The corresponding Arabic forms [juqtU and muqtiV) point to an
original i in the second syllable of these forms. In Hebrew the regular
lengthening of this ? to e appears in the strong verb at least in the
jussive 'Andi in the imperfect consecutive (seew), as also in the imperative
of the 2nd sing. masc. (seem) ; on njptpipri, njptOjpri cf. § 26 p. On the
return of the original a in the second syllable of the Imperat., Jussive,
&c , under the influence of a guttural, cf. § 65/.
b In the passive (Hoph'al) the preforraative is pronounced with an
obscure vowel, whilst the second syllable has a (in pause a), as its
characteristic, thus: — Perf. ^^P^ or ^^?k}, Im2)erf. -'Pi?^ (syncopated
from ^^pn;) or bap', Part. b^pO or ^Oipo (from ^^i?Q9); but the
infinitive absolute has the form ''IPP^'.
Thus the characteristics of both conjugations are the H preformative in the
perfect, imperative, and infinitive ; in the imperfect and participle Hiph'il, Pathah
under the preformatives, in the Hoph'al or u.
C 2. The meaning of Hiph'tl is primarily, and even more frequently
than in Pi'el (§52 g), causative of Qal, e. g. NXJ to go forth, Hiph. to
bring forth, to lead forth, to draw forth ; K'li' to be holy, Hiph. to sanctify.
Under the causative is also included (as in Ptel) the declarative sense,
e. g. p'^Vr' to pronounce just ; V^K^I^ to make one an evil doer {to pro-
nounce guilty) ; cf. B'pV, in Hiph'tl, Jb 9^°, to represent as 2>erverse. If
Qal has already a transitive meaning, Hiph'tl then takes two accusatives
(see § 1 1 7 cc). In some verbs, Pi'el and HipKtl occur side by side in
the same sense, e. g. *^?^!>pm^«, Pi'el and Hiph'il, perdidit ; as a rule,
1 This i may have been transferred originally from the imperfects of verb*
X'V, as a convenient means of distinction between the indicative and jussive,
to the imperfect of the strong verb and afterwards to the whole oi Hiph'il; so
Stade, Philippi, Praetorius, ZAW. 1883, p. 52 f.
§ 53 d-9] Hiph'il and Hoph'al 145
however, only one of these two conjugations is in use, or else they
differ from one another in meaning, e. g. 1?3 graveni esse, Pi'el to
honour, Hiph'il to bring to honour, also to make heavy. Verbs which
are intransitive in Qal simply become transitive in Hiph'il, e. g. "I^J
to bow oneself. Hiph. to bow, to bend.
Among the ideas expressed by the causative and transitive are included, u
moreover, according to the Hebrew point of view (and that of the Semitic
languages in general, especially Arabic), a series of actions and ideas, which
we have to express by periphrasis, in order to understand their being repre-
sented by the Hiph'il-form. To these inwardly transitive or intensive Hipli'ils
belong : (a) Hiph'il stems which express the obtaining or receiving of a
concrete or abstract quality. (In the following examples the Qal stems are
given, for the sake of brevity, with the addition of the meaning which — often
together with other meanings — belongs to the Hiph'il.) Thus pHN, IHT, VD',
yXi to he bright, to shine (to give forth brightness) ; opposed to TjtJ'n to become
dark; Y^H, 133 ^ pTPI to be strong (to develop strength), ffJDy to be weak; TI1N
to be long (to acquire length) ; n33 to he high ; Din to be in tumult, pyT to cry out,
yn, pT to make a noise, to exult ; fpH to sprout (to put forth shoots), cf. mS to
bloom, ^IV, pItJ' to overflow ; B'ln 7Vi}U, DSD, DDif to be silent (silentium facere,
Pliny) ; pDD to he sweet ; TO'H to have success ; PBB' to be low ; DTK to become red,
]y? to become white.
(h) Stems which express in Hiph'il the entering into a certain condition and, €
further, the being in the same : |IDN to become firm, to trust in ; t^N3 to become
stinking ; TlT to become boiling, to boil over ; npn to become ill ; IDH to come to want ;
mn to become hot ; \l}2'' to become dry, to become ashamed ; in"" to attain superiority ;
|3D to become familiar ; ~\"iy^ y^p to become awake ; HB'p to become hard ; yjl^ Dpt^
to become quiet (to keep quiet) ; DJD5J' to be astonished. The Hiph'il forms of some
verbs of motion constitute a variety of this class : {f'^S to draw near; Hip to
come near ; pm to withdraw far off (all these three are besides used as causatives) ;
mp to come before.
(c) Stems which express action in some particular direction : NDH to err ; j
p?n to flatter (to act smoothly) ; ^C to act well, to do good ; 730 to act foolishly,
PSB' to act wisely ; Diy to act craftily ; y3>f to act submissively ; yyi ytJ^T to act
wickedly, godlessly ; T)D'0 2VT\ to act corruptly, abominably ; D^t^ to act peacefully,
to be at peace, to be submissiie.
Further, there are in Hiph'il a considerable number of denominatives which rr
express the bringing out, the producing of a thing, and so are properly regarded
as causatives,^ e.g. lifX to set over the treasury, Neh 13^' (unless H^VNI is to be
read, as in Neh 7*) ; "133 to bring forth a flrstborn; OB'S to cause to rain ; y"H to
produce seed ; |0^ {Hiph'il Y^'^Tf) to go to the right, cf. ^'''NJOK'n to go to the left ; D"1Q
to get or to have hoofs ; y\p to get or to have horns ; 7315' to produce abortion ; i?^ to
become snow-white; )D{^ to grow fat; B'"I{J' to put forth roots, &c. ; so also according
to the ordinary acceptation ^IT'fTKn Is 19*, they have become stinking, from n31K
stinking or stench, with retention of the N prosthetic, § 19 to (but see below, p).
^ The same ideas are also paraphrased by the verb nb'y {to make), e. g. to
make fat, for, to produce fat upon his body, Jb 15" ; to make fruit, to wake
branches, for, to put forth, to yield, Jb 14^, Ho 8^, cf. the Lat. corpus, robur,
soholem, dividas facere, and the li&l. far cmpo, far forze, far frutto.
COWLBT Jj
146 The Vei'h C§53A-r«
Of a different kind are the denominatives from : |TX (scarcely to prick up the
ears, but) to act with the ears, to hear ; cf. |EJ'? to move the tongue, to slander, and
the German dugeln (to make eyes), /wsseZn, naseln, schwdnseln; "13B' to sell cor?i ;
DDB' to set out early (to load the back [of the camel, &c,] ?) ; opposed to T'lyn,
h 3. The meaning of Hoplial is (a) primarily that of a passive of
JJijjJitl, e. g. ^V^^r' proiecit, "^^y^ or '^^\} proiectus est ; (h) sometimes
equivalent to a passive of Qal, as DpJ to ivenge, Hoph. to he avenged
(but see below, u).
I Rem. I. The i of the 3rd sing. masc. perf. Hiph'il remains, without exception,
in the 3rd fern, (in the tone-syllable). That it was, however, only lengthened
from a short vowel, and consequently is changeable, is proved by the forms
of the imperative and imperfect where e (or, under the influence of gutturals, a)
takes its place. In an open syllable the i is retained almost tliroughout ;
only in veiy isolated instances has it been weakened to S^wd (see n and 0).
/c 2. The infinitive absolute commonly has Sere without Yodh, e.g. B'llpn Ju 17^ ;
less frequently it takes '•__, e.g. T'CK'n Am 9* ; cf. Dt 15", Is 59*, Jer ^^^,
2332, 4425^ j\y 2435^ Ec 10^". With N instead of n (probably a mere scribal
error, not an Aramaism) we find D''3K'S Jer 25^. Rare exceptions, where the
form with Sere stands for the infinitive construct, are, e.g. Dt 32^ (Sam. ?^n3ri3 •
read perhaps 7n3n3), Jer 44"-25, Pr 25^ Jb I3'(?); on the other hand, for
"ib'yb Dt 2612 (which looks like an infinitive Hiph'il with elision of the n,
for T'B'ynp) the right reading is simply "^W^p, since elsewhere the Pi'el alone
occurs with the meaning to tithe ; for "i^V^ Neh lo^^ perhaps the inf. Qal
("l"{^y3) was intended, as in i S S^'-^'' ( = <o take the tithe). At the same time it
is doubtful whether the present pi'nctuation does not arise from a conflation
of two different readings, the Qal and the Pi'el.
/ Instead of the ordinary form of the infinitive construct /'"'^i?n the form ^''tDpH
sometimes occurs, e.g. ^^J^5^^ to destroy, Dt 7^*, 28*8. (,f j^y i^46^ Jqs h^^
Jer 50^*, 51^^ and nixpn for niXpn Lv 14*' from Tilip ; scarcely, however,
Lv }'5 (see § 155 I), 2 S 22^ (jp iS^), i K ii^® (after 1^), and in the passages
so explained by KSnig (i. 276) where "l^XK'n appears after prepositions^;
[cf. Driver on Dt 3^, 4I6, f*, 2885].
With a in the second syllable there occurs DSlSin Ez 21^9 (cf. the
substantival infin. "l^QH i S 15^^). — In the Aram, manner rflV^pr\p is found
in Ez 242® (as a construct form) for the infinitive Iliph'il (cf. the infinitive
Hithpa'el, Dn ii'^'). On the elision of the H after prefixes, see q.
in 3. In the imperative the i is retained throughout in the open syllable,
according to i, and consequently also before suffixes (see § 61 g) and
n paragogic, e.g. HaVpn attend to, N3 ."lyB'in ^t nS^s, as in ed. Mant., Jabl.,
Baer, not N3 ny^tyin as Ginsb. and Kittel : with the tone at the end only
nrrilJ^fn ibid. v. 25''. On the other hand, in the 2nd sing. masc. the original t
(cf. Arabic 'dqtU) is lengthened to e, e. g. jCB'n make fat, and becomes S^ghol
before Maqqeph, e.g. N3"j3Dri Jb 22^1. — The form ^''Dpn for /tppH appears
anomalously a few times : ^ 94^, Is 43', Jer 17I8 (cf. § 69 v and § 721/);
elsewhere the Masora has preferred the punctuation b^tSpn , e. g. 2 K 8^ ; cf.
f 142^ — In La 5I ntS^fn is required by the Q*re for Can.
^ As to the doubtfulness, on general grounds, of this form of the Inf. Hiph.,
see Robertson Smith in the Journ. ofPhilol., xvi. p. 72 f.
§ 53 n-p] Hiph'il and HopKal 147
4. In the imperfect Hiph'il the shorter form with Sere prevails for the jussive 71
in the 3rd masc. and fern, and 2nd masc. sing., e.g. ?'1^F\~?^ make not great,
Ob '2 ; nip^ ie< Him cut off! if/ 12* ; even incorrectly i^-JPI Ex 19' and T"-!^
Ec ic***; cf. also "")J?T Ex 22*, where the jussive form is to be explained
according to § 109 h, and 13^"!. J'^ 39^6 before the principal pause. Similarly,
after 1 consec, e.g. b'j|3*^ and He divided, On 1*. On the other hand, i is
almost always retained in the ist sing., e.g. T'DB'NI Am 2' (but generally
without 1, as iriDNI Ez 39''''-, &c.) ; cf. §496 and § 74 I, but also § 72 aa ;
in 1st plur. only in Neli 4' ; in the 3rd sing. \p 105^*. With a in the principal
pause TTlini Ru 2^*, and in the lesser pause, Gn 49*; before a sibilant (see
§ 29 q) {^3*1 Ju 6^' ; in the lesser pause f]i5^1 La 3^ Before Maqqeph the Sere
becomes S'ghol, e.g. ^B'pin^ Ju 19*. In the plural again, and before suffixes,
i remains in the forms l^^bp^, v"'13i?ri even in the jussive and after 1 con-
secutive, e.g. p''Zn*1 Ju iS'^^. The only exceptions, where the i is weakened
to S^icd, are ^^ni'l Jer 92 ; ^p31»1 1 S 1422, 312, i Ch io2; ^"^2^1 Jer iii^;
nn^iNI Neh 13", if it is mph'il of IXS, but probably n|l>*S"l is to be read, as
in 7*; perhaps also ^ISHPl Jb 19^ (according to others, imperfect Qal). The
same weakening occurs also in the imperfect in 3rd and 2nd masc. sing,
before suffixes, i S 172^, i K 2c*^, Jp 6-,^'^, and in Jb 9'"^ unless the form be
Pi'gZ = ^3K'i?y"'1, since the Hiph'il is not found elsewhere. It is hardly likely
that in these isolated examples we have a trace of the ground-form, yaqtil, or
an Aramaism. More probably they are due partly to a misunderstanding of
the defective writing, which is found, by a purely orthographic licence, in
numerous other cases (even in 3rd sing. Ch^^ Is 442^), and partly are intended,
as formae mixtae, to combine the forms of Qal and Hiph'il. Instead of the
firmly closed syllable, the Masora requires in Gn 1^^ NK'nri, with euphonic
Ga'ya (see § 16 A).
5. In ihc participle, NlfiO ^t 135'' appears to be traceable to the ground-fonn,
maqfil ; yet the Sere may also possibly be explained by the retraction of the
tone. The Masora appears to require the weakening of the vowel to S*wd
(see above, n) in D^3?nip Zc 3' (probably, however, D^S^nO should be read),
also in D^O?nip Jer 29*, D^*liyip 2 Ch 282s (but as D precedes, and accordingly
dittography may well have taken place, the participle Qal is probably to be
read in both places ; the reading of the text is perhaps again intended to
combine Qal and Hiph'il, see above, n), and in the Q're D''"!Jfnp i Ch 152* &c.
(where the K^lhibh DHifVnD is better). — Tlie fem. is ordinarily pointed as
nihro Nu 6«, nJK'O Lv 1421'; in pause nSsK'D Pr 19".
6. In the perfect there occur occasionally such forms as ^3Dp3n i S 25' ; 7?
cf. Gn 4i28, 2 K 17", Jer 29I, Mi 6', Jb 16'; with the original a in the first
syllable ^niNini Na 3^— In Tlbx^X ^ / have stained, Is 63', N stands at the
beginning instead of n, cf. above, k, on D'>3K'K. On the other hand, ^n^3tXn^
^ Most probably, however, TlpKa {perfect Pi'H) is to be read, and the K is
only an indication of the change of the perfect into the imperfect, na also
previously, by a change of punctuation, D3"^TN1 and V) (instead of '"jSI^ and
)*^ are made future instead of past. Jewish exegesis applied these Edom-
oracles to the Roman (i.e. Christian) empire. So G. Moore in Tkeol. Literatur-
zeitung, 1887, col. 292.
L 2
148 The Verb [§ 53 q-u
Is 19* (see above, g) is a mere error of the scribe, who had the Aramaic form
in mind and corrected it by prefixing H,
n 7. In the imperfect and participle the characteristic H is regularly elided
after the preformatives, thus ?^t^^l ^^^pl? > but it is retained in the infinitive
after prepositions, e.g. P^tipHp. The exceptions are in the imperfect, y^E'in^
He will save for y^i'' i S 17*^, ^116^ (in pause) ; iTliri"' He will praise for mV
Neh ii^'', rp 28'', 45^* (cf. the proper name ??^n^ Jer 37', for which 38* 73V
[and fjOin^ ^ 8i6]) ; [^^'•J'^n^ (§ 70 d) Is 52^, ^^nn^ Jer 9*, ^^nnri Jb 139] and
niyypniS Ez 46^2 ; in the infinitive (where, however, as in Niph'al, § 51 Z, the
infinitive Qal is generally to be read) iriD? Is 29^^ for "l^JJItpHp • ?S3p and ni3ifp
NU522; Tny!? aS 19I9; pbrh Jer37i2; N'-enl? Ecs^; ]2hb (doubly anomalous
for rsbnb) Dn ii»B ; JJDB'b ^ 267 . y-^^^^ i S a^s ; 1C0 Is 33" ; n"'3K'^1 Am S*
(certainly corrupt) ; "l'»y3 for "1^yn3 \f/ 73^° (but in the city is probably meant) ;
N'nb Jer 397 (2 Ch 3ii«) ; nilCi^ Is 38, rp 78" ; Dnimb Ex 13" ; ni^23 (see,
however, § 20 h) Is 33I ; D3nN"lb Dt i'^ : cf. further, from verbs H"^, Nu s^',
Jer 2 7*0; on Dt 26" and Neh lo^*, see above, A; ; for n^niO^ Pr 31' read ninb|'
orninipt?5'.
' 8. "With regard to the tone it is to be observed that the afformatives ^
and n in Hiph'il have not the tone, even in the perfect with waw consecutive
(except in Ex 26^' before n, Lv 15^' before X, to avoid a hiatus) ; but the
<
plural ending p (see § 47 m) always has the tone, e.g. }^3'1pri Dt 1".
S 9. The passive (Hoph'al) has m instead of Qameshatuph in the first syllable
(/^pn), in the strong verb less frequently in the perfect and infinitive, but
generally in the participle, through the influence of the initial D (but cf.
nPIB'D Pr 2528) ; e.g. nSB'n Ez 32" (beside n^SB'n 32") ; TJ^B'n impf. T|^K'\
part, ^b^tp 2 S 20" (beside nS^B'n Is 14") nnpbn Ez i6< ; in the partic.
Hoph. without elision of the H : niVJfpHD Ez 46*2 ; on the other hand,
verbs \''Q always have m (in a sharpened syllable) : ^2^, IS]* (cf, § 9 n).
t 10. The infinitive absolute has in Hoph'al (as in Hiph'it) Sere in the last syllable,
e. g. ?nnn and n?On Ez 16* ; "IJn Jos g^*. An infinitive construct does not
occur in the strong verb.
II. With regard to the imperative Hoph'al, see above, § 46 o, note.
tl 12. According to BOttcher (Ausfiihrliches Lehrbuch, § 906) and Barth (see
above, § 52 e) a number of supposed imperfects Hoph'al are, in fact, imperfects
of the passive of Qal. As in the case of the perfects passive of Qal (see above,
§ 52 e) the question is again of verbs of which neither the corresponding
causative (i. e. here the Hiph'il), nor the other tense of the same conjugation
(i. e. here the perfect Hoph'al) is found ; so with DjT (for D|53"' ^ cf. yuqtdia as
imperfect Qal in Arabic) and jn'' , from Dpi and jri3 ; nj?'' from Hp? (cf.
§ 66 gr) ; IKV Nu 2 2« from TIX ; |ri'' from |3n ; im> Ho 10" (cf. Is 33I) from
TIB' ; Barth adds the verbs |"B : trrifl Ez 1912 from {TnJ ; J'W Lev iiSb from
yn: ; the verbs V"V : Ipn^ Jb 192s from ppH ; r\T &c. from nn3 ; the verb
ry : B'nV from mi; the verbs '"']}■. ^m\ IB'^^ DB'V from ^^H, 'T'B' and
IT'B'. On ti'^'^h &c., § 73/. In point of fact it would be very strange,
especially in the case of JR^ and n^ that of these frequently used verbs,
§ 54 a-e] Hiph'il and HopKal 149
amongst all the forms of Hiph'il and Hoph'al, only the imperfect Hoph'al
should have been preserved. A passive of Qal is also indicated in the Tell-
el-Amarna letters, according to Knudtzon, by a number of imperfect forms,
which are undoubtedly due to Canaanite influence, cf. Beitr. zur Assyriologie,
iv. 410.
§ 54. Hithpael.
1. The Hithpael ^ is connected with Pi'el, being formed by prefixing a
to the Pi el-stem {qattel, qattal) the syllable nn (Western Aramaic "K,
but in Biblical Aramaic nn ; Syr. 'et ^). Like the preformative ^ (3n)
of Ni])h'al, rin has also a reflexive force.
2. The n of the prefix in this conjugation, as also in Hothpaal U
(see h), Hithp'el, HithpaTel and Hithpalpel (§ 55), under certain
circumstances, suffers the following changes :
(a) When the stem begins with one of the harder sibilants D, V, or ^,
the n and the sibilant change places (cf. on this metathesis, § 19 w\
and at the same time the n after a V becomes the corresponding
emphatic D : thus ">sriK^n to take heed to oneself, for ~^WT\r} ; 73riDn to
become burdensome, for ^|Dnn ; \>'^}^'^T\ to justify oneself, from P*]^'.
The only exception is in Jer 49', nJtJDiC'rin^., to avoid the cacophony
of three successive ^-sounds.
(6) When the stem begins with a d- or <-sound (1,13, n), the D of c
the preformative is assimilated to it (§ 190?), e.g. "l?'^0 speaking,
conversing ; ^<^'^^ to he crushed, "^Vi^^ to purify oneself, NOtSn to defile
oneself, D^rin to act uprightly. (An exception occurs in Ju 19''^)
The assimilation of the n occurs also with 3 and 3 , e. g. ^<^3^l to
prophesy, as well as N3?rin (cf. Nu 24^ Ez 5", Dn 11"); |3i2n Nu 21*'
(cf. Is 54", y^ S9'')\ '"^??^ Pr 262«; with {:' Ec 7" ; with 1 Is 33>«.
Rem. Metathesis would likewise be expected, as in the cases under 6, (I
when n and T come together, as well as a change of n to T . Instead of this,
in the only instance of the kind {^3V} Is i^«) the n is assimilated to the T>
— unless indeed 13?n, imperative Niph'al of "J3t, is intended.
3. As in form, so also in meaning, Hithpa'el is primarily (a) reflexive
of Pi el, e. g. "1?.^^^' to gird oneself, K'"!!pnn to sanctify oneself. Although
in these examples the intensive meaning is not distinctly marked,
it is so in other cases, e. g. Dij!3nn to show oneself revengeful {Niph.
simply to take revenge), and in the numerous instances where the
Hithpa'el expresses to make oneself that which is predicated by the
stem, to conduct oneself as such, to show oneself, to imagine oneself, to
1 A. Stein, Der Stamm des Hithpael im Hvbr. pt. i, Schwerin, 1893, gives
alphabetical statistics of the 1151 forms.
» So also in Hebrew l^nnK 2 Ch 20" ; cf. ip 76^ (!|■>l3^nt^'K).
I50 The Verb [§ 54/-*
affect to be of a certain character. E.g. ^'^}^'} to make oneself great,
to act proudly ; 030^''? to show oneself wise, crafty ; '^^^'^^ to 2)retend
to be ill ; "'t?'^?'!' to make, i. e. to feign oneself rich ; 'T'.'JiK'n Nu 1 6^'*,
to make oneself a prince ; N??^^ i S i8'°, to act in an excited manner
like a prophet, to rave. The meaning of Hithpa'el sometimes coincides
with that of Qal, both forms being in use together, e. g. i'?^ to mourn,
in Qal only in poetic style, in Ilithpa'el in prose. On the accusative
after Hithpa'el (regarded as a transitive verb), see § 117 w.
/ (6) It expresses reciprocal action, like Niph'al, § 51 (Z, e.g. i^^"^'?'!'
to look upon one another, Gn 42' ; cf. >/' 41* ; — but
(c) It more often indicates an action less directly affecting the
subject, and describes it as performed with regard to ov for oneself, in
one's own special interest (cf. Niph'al, § 51 e). Hithpa'el in such
cascis readily takes an accusative, e.g. P"?.?'?'!' Ex 32^ and P?f?nn Ex 33^
to tear off from oneself; tS^fsrin exuit sibi (vestem), nrisnn solvit sibi
(vincula) ; 1* ^^i? Jos 9'^, to take (something) as one's provision ; without
an accusative, ^.?L'r^'? to walk about for oneself (ambulare) ; ^}^^^ sibi
intercedere (see Delitzsch on Is i'°) ; '"IJ^nrin to draw a line for oneself,
Job I3^S* on Is I4^ see § 57, note.
g (d) Only seldom is it passive, e.g. ^^'L'r^n X''n Pr3i^° she shall be
pjraised ; HZri^n to be forgotten, Ec 8'", where the reflexive sense {to
bring oneself into oblivion) has altogether disappeared. Cf. Niph'al,
§51/.
// The passive form Hothpa'al is found only in the few following examples :
N'StSn to he defiled, Dt 24* ; infinitive DSSn to he washed, Lv 1355.56. r\y^^r\ (for
nj^'^rin, the nj being treated as if it were the afiformative of the fem. plur.)
it is made fat, Is 348. On npSHn , see I.
I Denominatives with a reflexive meaning are in'riH to embrace Judaism,
from Tin^ ('^'J'''"'^) Judah; ^)'C)lf^ to provision oneself for a journey, from Hl^i*
provision for a journey (see § 72 m).
n' Rem. i. As in Pi'el, so in Hithpa'el, the perfect very frequently (in stems
ending in i^ p^ D, S) has retained the original Patha/i in the final syllable
(while in the ordinary form it is attenuated, as in Pi'el, to i and then length-
ened to e), e. g. ei3Snn Dt 4^1, &c. ; cf. 2 Ch 13'', 158; with ) consecutive Is S^i ;
so also in the imperfect and imperative, e.g. D3nriri Ec 7^^^ cf. Dt 98", i S
3W 2 S 10", I K 1 19, Is 552, 58", 6411, ^ 552 ; pjnnh I K 2o22, ^ 374, Est 510 ;
pBNnSI^ I S 1312.— In Lv 11", 20' and Ez 3S23, l tilkes the place of o in the
final syllable of the stem before B' (cf. § 44 d), and in the last passage before
7. In the ■perfect, imperfect (with the exception of Ec 7'^), and imperative of
Ilithpa'el (as well as of Hithpo'el, Hithpa'Ul, Hithpalpel, § 55) the original d alwaj's
returns in pause as Qame~, e. g. "I^XJIH ip 93' ; /3»<ri^ Ez 7"; Ijpnn^ Jb iS*;
ITsbn'' 38=" : V^npnn Jos 3' ; cf Jb 335 and § 74 b. — The « also appears before
the fuller ending 11 in the plural of the imperfect (cf. § 47 m) in <// 12^, Jb
§§ 54 h 55 «» t] Hithpael 151
9«, i6i°. — Like the Pl'el 7\':hhpT\ (§ 52 w), forms occur in Hithpa'el like n33?ririri
Zc 6'' ; cf. Am 8^^, and so in Hithpo'el, Jer 49', Am 9I' ; with g only in La 4I. —
In the Aramaic manner an infinitive Hithpa'el nOSnnn occurs in Dn ii^* (cf.
the Eiph'il inf. ntyOK'n in Ez 2426).
2. As instances of the reflexive b^\>T\T\ (connected with Pi'cl) a few reflexive /
forms of the verb li?S (to examine) are also probably to be reckoned. Instead
of a Pathah in a sharpened syllable after the first radical, these take Qamex in
an open syllable, e.g. npSnn Ju 20^°-i'', imperfect "IpBT)) 20^^, 21*. The corre-
sponding passive formnipEUnn also occurs four times, Ku 1*^, 2^^, 26^^, i K 20'^''.
According to others, these forms are rather reflexives of Qal, in the sense of
to present oneself for review, to be reviewed, like the Aramaic 'Ithpe'el (Western
Aramaic pppHN, Syr. /DpHK) and the Ethiopic taqat'la, Arab, 'iqtatala, the
last with the t always placed after the first radical (cf. above, h) ; but they are
more correctly explained, with Konig, as Hithpa'el forms, the doubling of the
p being abnormally omitted. — Such a reflexive of Qal, with the n transposed,
occurs in DnnPH (on the analogy of 0. T. Hebrew to be pronounced DPiripn)
in the inscription of the Moabite king Me^a', with the meaning of the 0. T.
Niph'al DHpi to fight, to wage war: see the inscription, lines it, 15, 19, and 32 ;
in the first two places in the imperfect with wdw consecutive DnriPXI ; in line 19
in the infinitive with suffix, ""^ ntonnPHB in his fighting against me.
§ 55. Less Common Conjugations.
Of the less common conjugations (§ 39 g) some may be classed with a
Piel, others with Hi'pHU. To the former belong those which arise
from the lengthening of the vowel or the repetition of one or even
two radicals, in fact, from an internal modification or development of
the stem; to the latter belong those which are formed by prefixing a
consonant, like the n of Hiph'il. Amongst the conjugations analogous
to Pill are included the passive forms distinguished by their vowels, as
well as the reflexives with the prefix nn , on the analogy of Hithpa'el.
The following conjugations are related to Piel, as regards their b
inflexion and partly in their meaning :
r. Po'U /Dip, passive Po'oi /'^ip, reflexive Hithpo'el PtpipHn, corresponding
to the Arabic conj. in. qdtdld, pass, qutila, and conj. vi. reflexive tdqdtdld ;
imperfect /Dlp^, participle PDipD, imperfect passive P^ip"" &c. Hence it appears
that in Hebrew the of the first syllable is in all the forms obscured from d,
while the passive form is distinguished simply by the a-sound in the second
syllable. In the strong verb these conjugations are rather rare. Examples :
participle "'DSK'D mine adversary, who would contend with me, Jb 9'' ; ''itt'iPD
(denominative from fw7 the tongue) slandering (as if intent on injuring with the
tongue) xp ioi« K^th. (The (^re requires ''3B'^0 mHoM as Na i^ "^njl) ; IDlf
Ihey have poured out, \p 77" (if not rather Pw'aO ; ^ri^HV I have appointed, i S 21^
(unless "riyn'in should be read) ; nj/D^ Ho 132 ; ^-fp to take root, passive
152 The rerb [§ 55 c-f
<
B'liK', denominative from K'"}.B' root (but EHK' <o root out) ; in Hithpo'el ^B^bnn
<Aey shall be moved, Jer 25^^ ; imperf. 46* ; from a verb H'v TlK'iB' Is lo^'. The
participle |*X)))p Is 52* is probably a, forma mixta combining the readings J^XbD
and }*Nlbnjp.
C Po'el proper (as distinguished from the corresponding conjugations of verbs
V"]3 § 67 I and Vy § 72 m, wliich take the place of the ordinary causative
Pi'el) expresses an aim or endeavour to perform the action, especially with
hostile intent, and is hence called, by Ewald, the stem expressing aim (Ziel-
stamm), endeavour (Suche-stamm) or attack (Angrififs-stamm) ; cf. the examples
given above from Jb 9'^ ^t loi^, and |''^y i S 18' Q«re (probably for J.''.iyD, cf.
§ £2 s ; § 55/: seeking to cast an evil eye).
With btpip is connected the formation of quadri literals by the insertion of
a consonant between the first and second radicals (§ 30 p, § 56).
d 2. Pa'lel, generally with the « attenuated to t = Pi'lel''^ {Pi'M), 7/tDi? and
bpDp ; the e in the final syllable also arises from i, and this again from a ;
passive Pu'lal bptOp reflexive Hithpa'lel PPtDprin, like the Arabic conjugations
IX. 'iqtdlld and xi. Hqtdlld, the former used of permanent, the latter of accidental
or changing conditions, e. g. of colours ; cf. |3KK' to he at rest, |3y"l to be green,
passive //JDX to be icithered, all of them found only in the perfect and with
no corresponding Qal form. (For the barbarous form ""J^nniS^f 1/' SS^'' read
''jnriDJf ; for bbp^ Ez 28^^, which has manifestly arisen only from confusion
with the following P^n, read ?D3). These forms are more common in verbs
^*'y, where they take the place of Pi'el and Hithpa'el (§ 72 m). Cf. also § 75 kk.
^ 3. P^'aVal : P^pDp with repetition of the last two radicals, used of move-
ments repeated in quick succession ; e. g. in")np to go about quickly, to palpitate
(of the heart) \p 38", from "IPID to go about ; passive "Ip^lDH to be in a fertnen',
to be heated, to be red, Jb 16^*, La 1^", 2^1. Probably this is also the explanation
of ^Jf*l2fn (denom. from mifivn a trumpet, but only in the participle, i Ch 15**
&c. Kfth.) for 1S")ifn, by absorption of the first "1, lengthening of a in the
open syllable, and subsequent obscuring of a to 5. On the other hand, for
the meaningless I3n ^3nX Ho 4^* (which could only be referred to this con-
jugation if it stood for ^SH^riK) read ^^HN ^ and for the equally meaningless
r)^a'<Q'» if, 458 read ri'B^. In both these cases a scribal error {dittography) has
been perpetuated by the punctuation, which did not venture to alter the
K'thibh. On the employment of P*'arai in the formation of nouns, cf § 84'' n.
Closely related to this form is —
r 4. PUpH (pass. Pblpal), with a strengthening of the two essential radicals in
•'' stems yy, ry, and -"'y, e.g. hl^l to roll, from ba=^^3; reflexive blbl^T} to
roll oneself down; P3?3 from 7^3, passive 73p3 ; cf. also NCNtS (so Baer and
Ginsb. after Qimhi ; others NDND) Is 14*^, and with a in both syllables
owing to the influence of "1^ "^PIP from "1p Nu 24'^ (cf. however, in the
parallel passage, Jer 48*^ 1p"!P) and Is 22", in the participle ; iK'jb' Is 17" to
hedge in, ace. to others make to grow. Probably to this form also belongs
^Vbvy, the emended reading of Jb 39^0 instead of the impossible ^ypy ; also
' Cf. Wolfensohn, 'The Pi'lel in Hebrew,' Amer. Joum. of Or. Studies, xxvii
(i907)» P- 303 ff.
§§55!7-*, 56] Less Common Conjugations 153
nSDSD Is 27*, if that form is to be referred to an infinitive NDKD ; perhaps
also Kti'B' Ez 39^ for XK'NB'. This form also commonly expresses rapidly
repeated movement, which all languages incline to indicate by a repetition of
the sound,! g^g. sj^q^ to chirp; cf. in the Lexicon the nouns derived from
T13, ei^y, and ^^'i.
As Hilhpalpel we find ]^pppn^) Na 2^ ; ijnijnnni Est 4* ; "IO"JC)n»l Dn S', g
11". Of the same form is n"1"lK Is 38l^ if contracted from n"nnnS or
mnriN from the root 11 or n), and also !|nDni?nn tarry ye, Is 39' (but read
probably inQFin), HDnipn^l (in pause) Gn 19"', &c., if it is to be derived from
Pino, and not Hithpa'el from HDrilp.
Only examples more or less doubtful can be adduced of — h
5. Tiph'el (properly Taph'el 2) : ^Dpri , with fl prefixed, cf. ^ripi^n to teach to
walk, to had (denominative from hv] afoot?) Ho ii^; from a stem n"7, the
imperfect iTnnn'' to contend with, Jer 12^; participle, 221^ (from nin to be hot,
eager). Similarly in Aramaic, DSTTI to interpret, whence also in Hebrew the
passive participle D3")np Ezr 4''.
6. taph'el : ^Cpti*, frequent in Syriac, e. g. 3npB' from 2TV7 to flame ; whence '/
in Hebrew Dlh^^ flame. Perhaps of the same form is P^?3B' a snail (unless
it be from the stem ^2^), and nil"iypti' hollow strakes, cf. § 85, No. 50. This
conjugation is perhaps the original of Hiph'il, in which case the H, by a
phonetic change which may be exemplified elsewhere, is weakened from a
sibilant.
*
Forms of which only isolated examples occur are : — /t^-
7. cbDj?, passiVe tiptop ; as DEOnD peeled off, like scales. Ex 16", from flpH,
tlBTI to peel, to scale.
8. P\yO\y, in ejMIJ a rain-storm, from ^"Tt.
9. btS*ri3 (regularly in Mishnic Hebrew^) a form compounded o{ Niph'al
and Hithpa'el ; as IID^ai for nDinJI that they may be taught, Ez 23^ ; 1333
probably an error for SsiPn to be forgiven, Dt 21^ On mPK'3 Pr 37l^ see
5 75 a;.
§ 56. Quadriliterals.
On the origin of these altogether secondary formations cf. § 30 p.
While quadriliteral nouns are tolerably numerous, only the following
examples of the verb occur :
! Cf. Lat. tinnio, tintinno, our tick-tack, ding-dong, and the German xcirrwarr,
kHngklang. The repetition of the radical in verbs VV also produces this
effect; as in \>pj) to lick, ppl to pound, e]Dt3 to trip along. The same thing is
expressed also by diminutive forms, as in Latin by the termination -illo, e. g.
eantillo, in German by -eln, -em, c. g. flimmcrn, trillcrn, trijpfeln, to trickle.
' The existence of a Taph'el is contested on good grounds by Barth, Nominal-
bildung, p. 279.
' [See Segal, Miinaic Hebrew, Oxf. 1909, p. 30 ff.]
154 The Verb [§ 56
(o) On the analogy of Pi'el : DD")3, imperfect (1300^3^ he doth ravage it, \p 8c"
from Dps, cf. D]a. Passive K'SOl to grow fresh again, Jb 33". Participle
?Il")3Tp girt, clothed (cf. Aramaic 733 to bind), I Ch 15", It is usual also to
include among the quadriliterals TBHS Jb 26', as a perfect of Aramaic form
with Patha/i not attenuated. It is more correctly, however, regarded, with
Delitzsch, as the infinitive absolute of a Pi'lel formation, from bns to spread out,
with euphonic change of the first B' to tJ', and the second to T. Moreover,
the reading TKHS also is very well attested, and is adopted by Baer in the
text of Job ; cf. the Rem. on p. 48 of his edition.
(6) On the analogy of Hiph'il : {'"'NOK'n ^ by syncope b''tXO\ifri and ^^DK'n
to turn to the left (denom. from i'NCfe') Gn 138, Is 30", &c. On ^n>3TSn cf. § 53 p.
C. Strong Verb with Pronominal Suffixes.'
§57.
The accusative of the personal pronoun, depending on an active
verb,'^ may be expressed (i) by a separate word, HX the accusative
sign (before a suffix HN, HN) with the pronominal suffix, e. g. ^HN p^i?
he has killed him; or (2) by a mere suffix, ^"^^^P or vDj? he has killed
him. The latter is the usual method (§ 33), and we are here con-
cerned with it alone.' Neither of these methods, however, is em-
ployed when the accusative of the pronoun is reflexive. In that case
a reflexive verb is used, viz. Niph'al or Hithpa'el (§§ 51 and 54),
e. g. B''|!i5nn he sanctijied himself, not i^"^i?, which could only mean he
sanctified him.*
Two points must be specially considered here : the form of the
suffix itself (§ 58), and the form which the verb takes when suffixes
are added to it (§§ 59-61).
* This subject of the verbal suffixes is treated here in connexion with the
strong verb, in order that both the forms of the suffixes and the general laws
which regulate their union with verbal forms may be clearly seen. The
rules which relate to the union of the suffixes with weak verbs will be given
under the several classes of those verbs.
^ An accusative suffix occurs with Niph'al in i// 109' (since Dnp3 is used in
the sense of to attack), and according to some, in Is 44*1 ; with Hithpa'el Is 14*
(bnjnn to appropriate somebody to oneself as a possession) ; cf. above, § 54/, and
§ 1 1 7 tc.
3 On the cases where DK is necessary, see § 117 e.
* The exceptions in Jer 7^', Ez j^^-S-'o are only apparent. In all these
instances the sharp antithesis between DriN {themselves) and another object
could only be expressed by retaining the same verb ; also in EX5I' DHN after
an active verb sei*ves to emphasize the idea of themselves.
§ 58 a- d] The Pronominal Suffixes of the Verb 1 55
§ 58. The Pronominal Suffixes of the Verb.
Cf. the statistics collected by H. Petri, Das Verbum mit Suffixen im Hebr.,
part ii, in the D'':CJ'N1 CNUJ, Leipzig, 1890. W. Diehl, Das Pronomen vers,
suff. . .. des Hebr., Giessen, 1895. J. Barth, ' Beitrage zur Sufifixlehre des
Nordsem.,' AJSL. xvii (1901), p. 205 f. Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., i.
159 f. ; Grundriss, p. 638 S.
1. The pronominal suffixes appended to the verb express the CL
accusative of the personal pronoun. They are the following : —
A.
B.
c.
To a
form ending in
To a form in ike Perf.
To a form in the Imperf.
a Vowel.
ending in a Consonant.
ending in a Consonant.
Sing
I. com. ^3
"•3 * (in pause ''3_1-)
•'3 ' me.
2. m. ''I *
1 (in pause 1 ' , also ^ ^ ) thee.
f. ^
^— 'n^, rarely ^—
^.^
3. m. in_l,i
^^^,H^)
in * /itm.
f- r
n
n * /wr.
Plur.
I. com. ^J *
13'*
T
W ' us.
2. m. DD
f. .. .'. .'
3. m. on,' D
D3_
V
- you {vos)
D (from on ; ), D :
D (from on * ) eos.
poet. i» "
in *
T
^d"*
f. ?
U,^^
* ea*.
2. That these suffixes are connected with the corresponding forms b
of the personal pronoun (§ 32) is for the most part self-evident, and
only a few of them require elucidation.
The suffixes ^3, 13, in, n (and ''J, when a long vowel in an open C
syllable precedes) never have the tone, which always rests on the pre-
ceding syllable ; on the other hand, D3 and On always take the tone.
In the 3rd pers. masc, m-l., by contraction of a and u after the a
rejection of the weak n , frequently gives rise to (§ 23 h), ordinarily
written i, much less frequently n (see § 7 c). In the feminine., the
suffix n should be pronounced with a preceding a (cf. below, /, note),
as n-1- or n-^, on the analogy of ahxl; instead of n^, however, it
was simply pronounced n__, with the rejection of the final vowel,
1 According to Diehl (see above), p. 61, 03 occurs only once with the
perfect (see § 59 e), 7 times with the imperfect, but never in pre-exilic
passages, whereas the accus. D^nX occurs 40 times in Jer. and 36 times
in Ezek. — Dn occurs only once as a verbal suffix (Dt 322'"', unless, with Kahan,
Infinitive u. Participien, p. 13, Dn^NDK from PINS is to be read), while the forms
15 (2nd/. pi.) and |_. and |n drdf. pi), added by Qimhi, never occur.
156 The Verb [§58e-i7
and with Mappiq, since the n is consonantal; but the weakening to
'"1__ is also found, see below, g.
^ 3. The variety of the suffix-forms is occasioned chiefly by the fact
that they are modified differently according to the form and tense of the
verb to which they are attached. For almost every suffix three forms
may be distinguished :
(a) One beginning with a consonant, as "•?— , ^'^—, 1 (only after i),
^— , (DH) D, &c. These are attached to verbal forms which end with
a vowel, e.g. ''?1^J?P^ ; ^'T'ripDpj for which by absorption of the n we
also get VripDp, pronounced q^talttu; cf. § 8 rn.
f (b) A second and third with what are called connecting voivels ^
{^3J_, ^3-^), used with verbal forms ending with a consonant (for
exceptions, see § 59 57 and § 60 e). This connecting vowel is a with
the forms of the perfect, e.g.*?^'^?, I^^'^i?, Q^^P (onTJ.^^ip, the ordinary
form of the 3rd masc. perf. with the 2nd fern, suffix, cf. below, g); and
e (less frequently a) with the forms of the imperfect and imperative, e.g.
'''"'.?pi??, 2.;Pi5 ; also with the infinitive and participles, when these do
not take noun-suffixes (cf. § 61 a and k). The form S also belongs to
the suffi.xes of the perfect, since it has arisen from '"^-^ (cf., however,
§ 60 d). With ^, 03, the connecting sound is only a vocal S^wd,
which has arisen from an original short vowel, thus ''I-^-, C5?-;-, e. g.
'i: n"? {ffiO'Vkh.a), or when the final consonant of the verb is a guttural,
1-=7- , e- g. ^^i^f • In pause, the original short vowel (a) reappears as
S^ghdl with the tone ^-^ (also ^-1-, see g). On the appending of
suffixes to the final |1 of the imperfect (§ 47 m), see § 60 e.
^ Rem. I. As rare forms may be mentioned sing. 2nd pers. masc. Hi Gn 27'',
1 K iS", &c., in pause also HS^ (see below, t) ; fern. *3 >3 ' \f/ 103*, 137*.
Instead of the form T]__, which is usual even in the perfect (e.g. Ju 4*",
Ez 27*^), TJ occurs as/em. Is 60^ (as masc. Dt 6^'', 28*^, Is 30^^, 55* always in
pause); with MunaJi Is 54*, Jer 23'''. — In the 3rd masc. H Ex 32*', Nu 23*;
in the T,rdfem. H without Mappiq (cf. § 91 e) Ex 2*, Jer 44**; Am i^*, with
1 We have kept the term connecting vowel, although it is rather a superficial
description, and moreover these vowels are of various origin. The connective
a is most probably the remains of the old verbal termination, like the « in
the 2nd pers./e»j. sing. ^iT'^lptOp. Observe e.g. the Hebrew form cftal-ani in
connexion with the Arabic qatala-ni, contrasted with Hebrew (ftalat-ni and
Arabic qatalat-ni. KOnig accordingly prefers the expression ' vocalic ending
of the stem', instead of 'connecting syllable'. The connective e, a, as
Pratorius {ZDMG. 55, 267 ft'.) and Barth (ibid. p. 205 f.) show by reference to
the Syriac connective at in the imperf. of the strong verb, is originally due
to the analogy of verbs ^"7 (^3nD = '3^110 from m^haini), in which the final e
was used as a connecting vowel first of the imperat., then of the impf.
(besides many forms with a, § 60 d), and of the infin. and participle.
§ 58 h, t] The Pronominal Suffixes of the Verb 157
retraction of the tone before a following tone-syllable, but read certainly
r\rh niOB'.— The forms iOJL, iOJ^, iOJL occur 33 times, all in poetry ^
(except Ex 23'^) [viz. with the perfect Ex 15^", 23", \\i 738 ; with the imperfect
Ex 155 (^D for to), 157.9.9.12.15.17.17^ ^36^ 21"'", 2 2^, 45", 8c«, 14010; with the
imperative \p 5^', 591*-'^, 83^*]. On the age of these forms, see § 91 Z 3 ; on
I and I . as suffixes of the 3rd fem. plur. of the imperfect, § 60 d. —
In Gn 48* N3"Dni:) (cf. DC'"D3*1 i Ch 14" according to Baer), D__ has lost
the tone before Maqqeph and so is shortened to D___. — In Ez 44* j^?2''B'ri1 is
probably only an error for DlD^B'rn .
2. From a comparison of these verbal suffixes with the noun-suffixes (§ 91) fl
we find that (o) there is a greater variety of forma amongst the verbal than
amongst the noun-sufiSxes, the foims and relations of the verb itself being
more various ; — (6) the verbal suffix, where it differs from that of the noun,
is longer; cf. e.g. ^3_1_, ^3 * ^3^ (me) with "• {my). The reason is that
the pronominal object is less closely connected with the verb than the
possessive pronoun (the genitive) is with the noun ; consequently the former
can also be expressed by a separate word (flN in 'flN, &c.).
4. A verbal form with a suffix gains additional strength, and some- 1
times intentional emphasis, when, instead of the mere connecting vowel,
a special connecting-syllable ^ (an) ^ is inserted between the suffix and
the verbal stem. Since, however, this syllable always has the tone,
the a is invariably (except in the ist pers. sing.) modified to tone-
bearing S^ghdl. This is called the iV't^n energicum* (less suitably
demonstrativum or epentheticum), and occurs principally (see, however,
Dt 32^" bis) in pausal forms of the imperfect, e. g. ^n33^1^ he will bless
him {yj/ 72'^ cf. Jer 5^^), ^^pJlK Jer 22^^*; ''??^33^ he will honour me
(y\r 50^) is unusual ; rarely in the perfect, Dt 24'' 4l?l-?. • On examples
like '3?"^ Gn 30*, cf. § 26 gr, § 59 /. In far the greatest number of
cases, however, this NUn is assimilated to the following consonant
(3, 3), or the latter is lost in pronunciation (so n), and the NUn
consequently sharpened. HeKce we get the following series of suffix-
forms : —
1 Thus in ^^ a iO occurs five times [four times attached to a noun or
preposition, §§ 91/, 103 c], and D__ only twice.
' It is, however, a question whether, instead of a connecting syllable, we
should not assume a special verbal form, analogous to the Arabic energetic mood
(see I, at the end) and probably also appearing in the Hebrew cohorta-
tive (see the footnote on § 48 c). — As M. Lambert has shown in REJ. 1903,
p. 1 78 ff. (* De I'emploi des suffixes pronominaux ...')» the suffixes of the 3rd
pers. with the impf. without waw in prose are ^3_1- and HHJL, but with
waw consec. in_L and n_l_ or H ; with the jussive in the 2nd and 3rd pers.
always in_!_ n_l_, . 1 the ist pers. more often ^Il_l_ than in_l_, and always
n34.. ■• ' " " ■•■ '
' According to Barth 'n-haltige Suffixe' in Sprachwiss, Untersuchungen, Lp;
1907, p. I ff., the connecting element, as in Aramaic, was originally in, whi
in Hebrew became en in a closed tone-syllable.
* So KOnig, Lehrgeb., i. p. 226.
y
158 The Verb [§§ 58 h i, 59 «, h
istpers. *3J_ (even in pause, Jb 7", &c.), "I^- (for *i3j-, *33J_).
2nrf pers. ^4- (Jer 22^* in pause ^?^ and, only orthographically
different,
n3_!_ (Is 10'^'', Pr 2" in pause),
yd pers. ^3-1- (for l'"!?^),^ fern. ^^-^ for i^ll-^.
[ist pers. 2>lur. 13-!^ (for ^^?-^), see the Rem.]
In the other persons Nun energetic does not occur.
A
Rem. The uncontracted forms with Nun are rare, and occur only in poetic
or elevated style (Ex 15*, Dt 32I" [bis'], Jer 5^^^, 22^^*) ; they are never found
in the yrdfem. $ing. and istiplur. On the other hand, the contracted forms
are tolerably frequent, even in prose. An example of ^3^ as isipiwr. occurs
perhaps in Jb 31I* [but read ^3__ and cf. § 72 cc\, hardly in Ho 12^; cf.
133n hehold us, Gn 44^^, 50^*, Nu 14*" for 133 H (instead of 133n ; see § 20»«). —
In Ez 4I* the Masora requires n33yri, without Dages in the Nun.
/ That the forms with Nun energicum are intended to give greater emphasis
to the verbal form is seen from their special frequency in pause. Apart from
the verb, however, Niin energicum occurs also in the union of suffixes with
certain particles (§ 100 0).
This Nun is frequent in Western Aramaic. In Arabic the corresponding
forms are the two energetic moods (see § 48 b) ending in an and anna, which
are used in connexion with suffixes (e.g. yaqtulan-ka or yaqtulanna-ka) as well
as without them.
§ 59. The Perfect with Pronominal Suflixes.
(I 1. The endings {afformatives) of the perfect occasionally vary
somewhat from the ordinary form, when connected with pronominal
suffixes ; viz. : —
(a) In the yd sing. fern, the original feminine ending n__ or n__ is
used for n_..
(b) In the 2nd sing. masc. besides ^ we find ^, to which the con-
necting vowel is directly attached, but the only clear instances of this
are with "'3_!_ .^
(c) In the 2nd sing. fern. ""J^ , the original form of W , appears ; cf.
^riN, "rip^i?, § 32/; § 44 g. This form can be distinguished from the
ist pers. only by the context.
{d) 2nd plur. masc. ^^^ for DW. The only examples are Nu 20*, 21^*,
Zc 7^ The fern. I^P^i? never occurs with suffixes; probably it had the
same form as the masculine.
• "We exhibit first the forms of the perfect HipJi'il, as used in con-
nexion with suffixes, since here no further changes take place in the
stem itself, except as regards the tone (see c).
^ On i3 = 13__ Nu 23", see § 67 0.
2 On the d as an original element of the verbal form, see § 58/, note.
§ 59 <^-/] ^^^ Perfect with Pronominal Suffixes 159
Singular.
3. m. i'^tJpn
2. m. riS'^pn, n!'!?pn
2. /. ^JiiS'^pn, i^S"?i?!?
I. c. 'ri^^pn
Plural.
2. //i.
wfjtDpn
I. c
. I^S'l??!?
The beginner should first practise connecting the suffixes with these Hiph'il
forms and then go on to unite them to the Perfect Qal (see d).
2. The addition of the suffix generally causes the tone to be thrown c
forward towards the end of the word, since it would otherwise fall,
in some cases, on the ante-penultima ; with the heavy suffixes (see e)
the tone is even transferred to the suffix itself. Considerations of
tone, especially in the Perfect Qal, occasion certain vowel changes :
(a) the Qames of the first syllable, no longer standing before the tone^
always becomes vocal S^wd ; (6) the original Pathah of the second
syllable, which in the 3rd sing. fern, and -^rd plur. had become S^wd,
reappeax's before the suffix, and, in an open syllable before the tone, is
lengthened to Qames ; similarly original I (as in the y'd sing. masc.
without a suffix) is lengthened to e, e. g. ^I^nt* i S 1 8^S Pr 1 9^
The forms of the perfect of Qal consequently appear as follows : — d
Singular.
3. m. b^\>
3. /. rb^\> (n^Pi?, see g)
2. m. ^}^\> {^^^\>, see h)
2. /. ^J!i.^^i?(nS'Cii?,seeA)
I. c. "fiiJCp
Plural,
c. 'h\$^
2, m.
^%\>
>^%\>
The connexion of these forms with all the suffixes is shown in
Paradigm C- It will be seen there also, how the Sere in the Perfect
Piel changes sometimes into S^ghol, and sometimes into vocal S^wd.
Rem. I. The suffixes of the 2nd and 3rd pers. plur. D3 and DH, since they e
end in a consonant and also always have the tone, are distinguished as heavy
suffixes (suffixa gravia) from the rest, which are called light suffixes. Compare
the connexion of these (and of the corresponding feminine forms J3 and JH)
with the 7ioun, § 91. With a perfect D2 alone occurs, if/ 11 8^6. The form b^j?
which is usually given as the connective form of the 3rd sing. masc. before
DD and p is only formed by analogy, and is without example in the 0. T.
2. In the yd sbig. masc. ^n?t3p (especially in verbs T]"p ; in the strong verb f
only in Jer 20" in Pi'el) is mostly contracted to \?Q\>, according to § 23 fc ; *
likewise in the 2nd sing. masc. ^n^p^p to inpDi?. — As a suffix of the ist sing.
^i_l_ occurs several times with the 3rd sing. masc. perf. Qal of verbs n'v, not
only in pause (as "•jSj? ^ 118' ; ^35p Pr 822 with D^/ii), but even with a con-
i6o The Verb [§§ 59 g-i, 60 a
junctive accent, as ^J'l'n Jb 30"; ^35y i S aS*' (where, however, the reading
••Jjy is also found). With a sharpened 3 : >|3"n Gn 30*, >f\^> \f> 118".
a- 3. The ^rd sing . fern. Vp^p (^zH^Bp) has the twofold peculiarity that (a) the
ending ath always takes the tone,i and consequently is joined to those sufiSxes
which form a syllable of themselves (*3^ ^^ IH H, 13), without a connecting
vowel, contrary to the general rule, § 58/; (b) before the other suffixes the
connecting vowel is indeed employed, but the tone is drawn back to the
penultima, so that they are pronounced with shortened vowels viz. T] '
D_ 1_^ e.g. TjnnnX she loves thee, Ru 4^^, cf. Is 47^°; Dn333 she has stolen them,
Gn 3i»2 ; DnS^K' it burns them. Is 47", Jos 2«, Ho 2", ^ 48'. For V^l-l-, 'T?-^
&c., in pause ^3n is found, Jer 8*^, \fi 6q^°, and ftn Ct 8* : and also without
the pause for the sake of the assonance ''JJiPBrt, she was in travail with thee, ibid.
The form inp^^p (e. g. Ru 4^') has arisen, through the loss of the H and the
consequent sharpening of the n (as in 13_L and n3_l. for in3JL and n3JL
cf. § 58 i), from the form innp'op, which is also found even in pause (?nri3nX
I S i8'8 ; elsewhere it takes in pause the form inJISDD Is 59^^) j go nript^j?
from nnptSp ; cf. I S I*, Is 34", Jer 49", Ru 3' ; in pause Ez 14'^, alwaj's, on
the authority of Qimhi, without Mappiq in the PI, which is consequently
always a mere vowel-letter.
n 4. In the 2nd sing. masc. the form ribop is mostly used, and the suffixes
have, therefore, no connecting vowel, e.g. IJniflD 13rin3t thou hast cast us off,
thou hast broken us down, \p 60^ ; but with the suflf. of the ist sing, the form
'3JlSop is used, e.g. "'3J^"!i5n ^ 139^; in pause, however, with Qames, e.g.
''3P12UI ^ 2 2^; Ju iio (with Zaqeph qaton) ; but cf. also ''^PiSrS ^ 17* "^yith
Mer'kka, — In the 2nd sing. fern, '•ri— is also written defectively, ^3J1''Q1 i S 19",
Ju i]36j Jer 15I", Ct 48. Occasionally the suffix is appended to the ordinary
form n__, viz. 13nV3B'ri thou (/em.) dost adjure us, Ct 5', Jos 2"*° ; cf. Jer 2",
and, quite abnormally, with Sere 13ri"1"}in thou {/em.) didst let us down, Jos 2^8^
where 13ri*l"}in would be expected. In Is 8" ^H?!! ^^ probably intended as
an imperfect.
2 5. In verbs middle e, the S remains even before suffixes (see above, c), e. g.
■^anX Dt 15", innnnK x S i8'», cf. 18^2 ; imN"!^ Jb 37". From a verb middle o
there occurs "I"'rip3"' I have prevailed against him, if/ 13', from bb"* with instead
of in a syllable which has lost the tone (§ 44 e).
§ 60. Imperfect with Pronominal Suffi-xes.
a In those forms of the imperfect Qal, which have no afformatives, the
vowel of the second syllable mostly becomes -^(simple S^wd mobile),
sometimes -^; thus in the principal ^aw»«, Nu 35^^", Is 27^ 62^, Jer 31",
Ez 35*, Ho 10'" ; before the principal jpawse, yj/ iig^; before a secondary
2)ause, Ez 17^ ; even before a conjunctive accent, Jos 23*. Before 'I^-,
^ ?iri73n Ct 8^ is an exception. D3 would probably even here have the tone
(see e) ; but no example of the kind occurs in theO.T. In 1351^ the imperfect
is used instead of the perfect with a suffix.
§6o6-/] Imperfect with Pronominal Siiffixes i6i
Q3__, however, it is shortened to Qames hatuph, e.g. T!'?^'^ (but in
pause TJ^f^ or liy^f); with Ndn energicum, tee §58?"), Cl?19f!, &c.
Instead of njpopn, the form 1?t3pri 1 is used for the 2nd and 3rd fern.
])lur. before suffixes in three places : Jer 2^^, Jb 19'^ Ct i".
Rem. I. ^")3n^ f 94^" is an anomalous form for ^"IBn' (cf. the analogous
^3m § 67 n) and' ^"^JQ"; (so Baer ; others ^K^3D^) Gn 32I8 for ^*<J'3aV To the
same category as ^")Iin^ belong also, according to the usual explanation,
Onnyri (from *lbyri);'Ex 206, 232*, Dt 5% and '2Vl Dt if. As a matter of
fact, the explanation of these forms as imperfects of Qal appears to be required
by the last of these passages ; yet why has the retraction of the 6 taken place
only in these examples (beside numerous forms like ''3"73y^)? Could the
Masora in the two Decalogues and in Ex 23^* (on the analogy of which Dt 13'
was then wrongly pointed) have intended an imperfect Hoph'al with the
suffix, meaning thou shall not allow thyself to he brought to worship them'i
Verbs whicli have a in the second syllable of the imperfect, and imperative, C
Qal (to which class especially verba tertiae and mediae gutluralis belong, § 64
and § 65) do not, as a rule, change tlie Pathah of the imperfect (nor of the impera-
tive, see 5 61 g) into S^wd before suffixes ; but the Pathah, coming to stand in
an open syllable before the tone, is lengthened to Qames, e.g. "•JK'3?*1 Jb 29^^ ;
^mi?V5r 35; Dn^K'*! Jos 83; inNip^ \p 145I8; but i^-ip^ Jer 236, Ys' probably
a, forma mixta combining the readings INIp^ and 1N")i?\ cf. § 74 e.
2. Not infrequently suffixes with the connecting vowel a are also found CL
with the imperfect, e.g. ^Ji^Zinri Gn 19", cf. 29^2, Ex 33^0, Nu22S3, j k 2^* Q«re,
Is 563, Jb 9I8; also '•3_;_, Gn 2f^-^^, Jb 71*, 93*, 1321 (in principal pause);
rlT3>1 Gn 3733, cf. 16^, 2 S ii^'', Is 265, j^ 2827, i Ch 202 ; ^3-;>3'_ Is 63I6
(manifestly owing to the influence of the preceding ^jyT") j DC'^l?'' Ex 29"°,
cf. 2", Nu 2i3o, Dt 7'5, xp 748; even D^^DN n8»o-'2; ry^^si Ex 2"Vand :n'»n'»
1- • -: ^T • I- l|- . ;
Hb 2''' (where, however, the ancient versions read ''jJ^n'') ; even iST)'' (ofrom
ahu) Ho 83 ; cf. Ex 222^, Jos 2* (but read D?QVI!11) ! ^ S is^ KHh., 21'* (where,
however, the text is corrupt) ; 2 S 14* (where read with the old versions T]*1) ;
Jer 23« (see § 74 e), ^ 35", Ec 4'2._On pausal S^ghol for Sere in DDn3N1_ Gn 489
and inV^Sni (so Baer, but ed. Mant., Ginsb. ^nvisSni) Ju 16", seeV'29 q.
3. Suffixes are also appended in twelve passages to the plural forms in p C
viz. ""jilXZliri will ye break me in pieces? Jb 192 ; Tji^mK''' (here necessarily with
a connecting vowel) Is 6o''i'' ; Pr 522 (i but probably corrupt) ; elsewhere
always without a connecting vowel ; ''33{<'1|5^ with two other examples Pr i28,
8", Ho 515 ; cf. ^31^ ^t 63*, 91" ; ^HJ^. Jer 522 ; n2iJ_ Jer 2", all in principal
pause. [See BSttcher, Lehrb., § 1047 f.]
4. In Pi'el, P6yi, and Po'lel, the Sere of the final syllable, like the 6 in Qal, /*
becomes vocal S^wd ; but before the suffixes ^ and DD it is shortened to
S^ghol, e.g. '^i'2i5^ Dt 30*, ^34'^, Is 51*. With a final guttural, however,
■^np^'K Gn 3227; j,]go in Pr 4*, where with Qimhi ^"13^ri is to be read, e is
' This form is also found as feminine without a suffix, in Jer 49'', Ez 37''.
In the latter passage ^D^lpril is probably to be regarded, witli Konig, as
a clumsy correction of the original 'p*1, intended to suggest the reading
njZIlpril, to agree with the usual gender of DilOJfy.
OOWLET M
i62 The Verb [^6og,h,6ia-c
<
retained in the tone-syllable ; an analogous case in Hiph'il is ^"13^1 Dt 32'.
Less frequently Sere is sharpened to I/ireq, e.g. DilfJSSK Jb 16°, cf. Ex 31",
Is i'^, 52^2 . gf) jn Po'lel, Is 25I, tp 30^, 37°^, 145', and probably also in Qal ^DDX
I S i5«; cf. § 68 ;?.
^ 5. In Hiph'il the i remains, e.g. "'JK'^Spri Jb lo^i (after wdw consecutive it is
often written defectively, e.g. D{J'3p*l Gn 3^1 and often); but cf. above,/,
Dt 32'. Forms like HS'lK'yri thou' enrichest it, ip 6c,^'>, i S 17^^, are rare.
Cf. § 53 n.
h 6. Instead of the suffix of the 3rd plur. fern. (|), the suffix of the 3rd plur.
masc. (D) is affixed to the afformative ^, to avoid a confusion with the personal
ending |1 ; cf. D!|Nplp''1 Gn 26'^ (previously also with a perf. DlOnp) ; Gn 26'*,
33", Ex 2^' (where jyB'i'l occurs immediately after) ; 39'*'^'', i S 6^" (where
also Dn^pS is for |ri"'?3, a neglect of gender which can only be explained by
§ 135 0). — For PIlII Zc 11^ read perhaps |2")ni with M. Lambert.
§ 61. Infinitive, Imjyerative and Participle with Pronominal
Suffixes.
a 1. The infinitive construct of an active verb may be construed with
an accusative, and therefore can also take a verbal suffix, i.e. the
accusative of the personal pronoun. The only undoubted instances of
the kind, however, in the O. T. are infinitives with the verbal suffix
of the ist pers. sing., e. g. ''3t?'"]'lp to inquire of vie, Jer 37^ As a rule
the infinitive (as a noun) takes ?ioMW-suffixes (in the genitive, which
may be either subjective or objective, cf. §115 c), e. g. ^I^y my passing
hy ) iSp^ '"* reigning, see § 115 a and e. The infinitive Qal, then,
usually has the form qotl, retaining the original short vowel under the
first radical (on the probable ground-form qutul, see § 46 a). The
resulting syllable as a rule allows a following B^gadk^phath to be
spirant, e. g. ^2^^?? in his writing, Jer 45' ; cf., however, ''22n Gu 19^' ;
iS33 (so ed. Mant. ; others iB33) Ex 12^' ; ^32fy i Ch 4" ; before ^^ and
D3_- also the syllable is completely closed, e.g. ''ISDK3 Ex 23'^ Lv 23'"
(but in pause '^■T^k}? Gn 27''^), unless the vowel be retained in the
second sylhible ; see cf. With the form Pbp generally, compare the
closely allied nouns of the form y^p (before a sufiix blpi? or •'^.p),
§ 84'' a; § 93 g'.
O Rem. I. The infin. of verbs which have in the last syllable of the imperfed
of Qal, sometimes takes the form qitt before suffixes, e.g. i*1333 Ex 21* ; D"1Dlp
Am 2« (but n-1D)p Ex 218), ii?D3 2 S i'« (but i^S3 i S 29'), i'^tpV^ Zc 3I, natJ'
Lv 26'^^, Ez 30^8 &c. According to Barth (see above, § 47 i with the note)
these forms with i in the first syllable point to former t-imperfects.
C Infinitives of the form pOp (§ 45 c) in verbs middle or third guttural (but
cf. also n33K^ Gn i9'3-3''— elsewhere "!]2DK' and iUDK') before suffixes sometimea
take the form qail, as isyi Jon i'^ (and, with the syllable loosely closed.
I
^ 6i dg'l Infinitive with Pronominal Siiffixes 163
iOyS Ju 13**), ^Knip and ^ypl Ez 25«; sometimes qill, with the a attenuated
to i, especially in verbs third guttural; as ^riC3, ''V^'^, DVl??. *'^??' ""C^?)
Piyan .—Contrary to § 58/ ^3^ (i Ch 12''') and 13_!_ (Ex 14'') are sometimes
found with tlie infinitive instead of ''34- ^^^ ^^4-- ^" "'Sm my following \p 3821
(but <^re ^3*11), cf. the analogous examples in § 46 e.
2. With the suffixes ^__ and D5__, contrary to the analogy of the corre- (i
spending nouns, forms occur like ''JP3K thy eating, Gn 2"; DSi'SK Gn 3^;
^"IDy (others "^"lOy) Ob ", i.e. with shortened in the same way as in the
imperfect, see § 60. But the analogy of the nouns is followed in such forms as
D3"|Xp your harvesting, Lv 19', 23^^ (^with retention of the original t<), and
DDDXb (read moos^khem) your despising, Is 2,0^^ ; cf. Dt 20* ; on D3SVb3 Gn 2,2^'^
(for 'i*D3), see § 74 h. — Very unusual are the infinitive suffixes of the 2nd sing,
masc. with 3 energicum (on the analogy of suffixes with the imperfect, § 58 2),
as T^D^ Dt 4'*, cf. 23', Jb 33'*, all in principal pause.
Exaimples of the infinitive Niph'al with suffixes are, n^in Ex 14'* ; ^"IDj^H' C
Dt 282« (in pause, Tj^JDE'n verse 24) ; iJ2SB>n ip ^f^; DDl'sn Ez 2i29; Dnbtfn
Dt 7^^. In the infinitive of Pi'el (as also in the imperfect, see § 60/) the e before
the suflf. ^__, DD^ becomes S'ghol, e.g. ^nS'l Ex 4'", and with a sharpening
to i DDB'ls'ls i'^ (see § 60/). In the infinitive Po'el, DSDK'O occurs (with a
for e or t) Am 5", but probably 030^3, with Wellhausen, is the right reading ;
the correction D has crept into the text alongside of the corrigendum {}'.
2. The leading form of the im2)erative Qal before suffixes (p^\l) is _/
due probably (see § 46 d) to tlie retention of the original short vowel
of the first syllable (ground-form qntul). In the imperative also 6 is
not followed by Dagei lene, e. g. D^O? kothhhem (not kothbem), &c.*
As in the imperfect (§ 60 d) and infinitive (see above, c), so also in the
imperative, suffixes are found united to the stem by an a-sound ; e. g.
n3n3 Is^o**; cf. 2812-^— The forms ^'?^\>, I^Pi?, which are not
exhibited in Paradigm C, undergo no change. Instead of '"'Jr't^i?, the
masc. form (1''t?i?) is used, as in the imj)erfect.
In verbs which form the imperative with a, like np^ (to which class />•
belong especially verbs middle and third guttural, §§ 64 and 65), this
a retains its place when pronominal suffixes are added, but, since it
then stands in an open sellable, is, as a matter of course, lengthened
to Qames (just as in imiierfects Qal in a, § 60 c), e. g. ''?D?^ send me.
Is 6S '35n3 y\t 26^ ^3^")p ^ 5o>S ""aiyw Gn 23». In Am 9*, DyX3 (so ed.
Mant., Baer, Ginsb., instead of the ordinary reading Dy?f3) is to be
explained, with Margolis, AJSL. xix, p. 45 ft"., from an original i^^yxs,
as Dr'37,n"i_ Am 9* from original ^'^r^^^'^?,"'.. — In the imperative Hiph'U,
the form used in conjunction with suffixes is not the 2nd sing. masc.
' ''3'lDK' Jdm-'rent required by the Masorain f 16^ (also mOB' f 86", iiq'^"' ;
cf. Is 38'* and ^IJOy Ob "), belongs to the disputed cases discussed in § 9 o
and § 48 t note.
M 2
164 The Ferb [§§ 61 a, 62
''^i?D, but ?'^f?p<] (with t on account of the open syllable, cf. § 60 g),
e.g. ^nnnpn pres(?«< it, Mai i*.
'i 3. Like the infinitives, the participles can also be united with either
verbal or noun-suffixes ; see § 1 1 6/. In both cases the vowel of the
participles is shortened or becomes S^wd before the suffix, as in the
corresponding noun-forms, e.g. from the form i'tpP : ^P"!^, ^^"l^j &c. ;
but before S^wd mobile Tj^"',, &c., or with the original t, ^'^)^ Ex 23^,
&c., "^SpX 2 K 22^" (coinciding in form with the ist sing, imperfect Qal,
I S 15^ cf. § 68 h) ; with a middle guttural ('['X3), '^W\ ; with a third
guttural, "^X^a Is 43', but ^nVlS', ^nW'O Jer 28^ cf. § 65 d. Tlie form
ij^i^tp, with suffix *S"?l'2»; before ^-'wd sometimes like V^'?^ Is 48'^
DDtpmtp 5ii2, sometimes like D3DD^ilD 52'^ In Is 47'" ''3XT is irregular
for *JNT ; instead of the meaningless '^'§l?\l^ ^^. Jer i $'" read 'JlBl^i? Onb .
Also unusual (see above, d) with participles are the suffixes of the 2nd sing,
niasc. with 3 energicum, as "^IS]! Jb 5'; cf. Dt 8^, i2"-2*,
§ 62. Verbs with Gutturals.
Brockelmann, Grundriss, p. 584 fif.
Verbs which have a guttural for one of the three radicals differ
in their inflexion from the ordinary strong verb, according to the
general rules in § 22. These differences do not affect the consonantal
part of the stem, and it is, therefore, more correct to regard the
guttural verbs as a subdivision of the strong verb. At the most, only
the entire omission of the strengthening in some of the verbs middle
guttural (as well as in the imperfect Niph'al of verbs first guttural)
can be regarded as a real weakness (§§ 63 A, 64 e). On the other
hand, some original elements have been preserved in guttural stems,
which have degenerated in the ordinary strong verb ; e. g. the a of the
initial syllable in the imperfect Qal, as in ^^n^, which elsewhere is
attenuated to i, ^bp^. — In guttural verbs N and n are only taken
into consideration when they are actual consonants, and not vowel-
letters like the N in some verbs N^D (§ 68), in a few h"]} (§ 73^),
and in most s"? (§ 74). In all these cases, however, the N was at
least originally a full consonant, while the n in verbs n'v was never
anything but a vowel letter, cf. § 75. The really consonantal n at
the end of the word is marked by Ifapjnq. — Verbs containing a 1
also, according to § 22 q, r, share some of the peculiaiities of the
guttural verbs. For more convenient treatment, the cases will be
distinguished, according as the guttural is the first, second, or third
radical. (Cf. the Paradigms D, E, F, in which only those conjugations
are omitted which are wholly regular.)
§ 6^ a-e^j Ve7^hs Fii'd Guttural 165
§ 63. Verhs Firtt Guttural, e.g. IPV to stand.
In this class the deviations frem the ordinary strong verb may he a
referred to the following cases : —
1. Instead of a simple S^ivd mohile, the initial guttural takes
a compound Shod {Hateph, § lo/, § 22 Z). Thus the infinitives 'iOV,
^3$< to eat, and the perfects, 2nd plur. masc. Q^*ipy, D'l^^'Sn from J^SH
to be inclined, correspond to the forms btSp and D^?'t?P ; also ii'9?!? to
^/^ip, and so always with initial -^r- before a suffix for an original a,
according to § 220.
2, When a preformative is placed before an initial guttural, either h
the two may form a closed syllable, or the vowel of the pre-
formative is repeated as a JIateph under the guttural. If the vowel
of the preformative was originally a, two methods of formation may
again be distinguished, according as this a remains or passes into
Seghol.
Examples : (a) of firmly closed syllables after the original vowel c
of the preformative (always with in the second syllable, except 33yri^
Ez 2 3\ ITiyri &c. from 'Tiy to adorn oneself, and ^'^T.; but cf. e):
nbn:, ^bn:, ab'n:, Tlb'n:, 2pv: Jerg' (probably to distinguish it from
the name ^^V)., just as in Jer 10'®, &c., the participle fem. Niph'al of
npn is npn3 to distinguish it from '"•^Dp-), &c., and so generally in the
imperfect Qal of stems beginning with n, although sometimes parallel
forms exist, which i*epeat the a as a Hateph, e. g. ^t^Dl"-, &c. The same
form appears also in the imperfect Hiph'll "l''Dn^, &c. Very rarely the
original a is retained in a closed syllable under the preformative 3 of
the perfect Nipth'al: ^^<3^J Gn3i"^; cf. 1819^ Jos 2'"; also the
infinitive absolute Difinj Est 8^ "iWy^ i Ch 5^", and the participle fern.
npna (see above), jj^wr, niirij?? Pr 27*. In these forms the original d is
commonly kept under the preformative and is followed by Halepli-
Pathah; thus in the perfect of some verbs T\"b , e.g. *^^V^., &c.; in the
infinitive absolute, 'H^SnJ. Est 9' ; in the participle H^p-) ^ 89*, &c.
(6) Of the corresponding Hateph after the original vowel : ^^Hf. "
(but B'Sn^ Jb 5'* in pause), D^D.l, "^^^1, t^'^H,!, and so almost always
with y and often with n in the imperfects of Qal and Hiph'll ; in
Hoph'al, npyn, ipr ; but cf. also =iN*3nn Is ^2-\ ^rinn Ez i6\
The d of the preformative before a guttural almost always (§22 i, C
cf. § 27^) becomes S^ghol (cf., however, 5-). This S^ghol again appeals
sometimes
(c) in a closed syllable, e.g. ^"2;% Ipn;;, Triy.% £3K'N^., always with
d in the second syllable, corresponding to the imperfects of verbs y"^,
1 66 The Verb [§63/-»"
with original I in the first and « in the second syllable, § 67 «, and
also to the imperfects of verbs 1"y, § 72 h; but of. also ^S'*."!, "^bxi,
and ^Mn.^; ill Mph., e. g. Tjani; ibn3 Am 6«, &c.; in //ep/t. "^'onn, D^Jivn
2K4'', &c.: sometimes
{d) followed by Hateph-S^gUl, e.g. pT.n;., si'DN;., ei'tyn;;,, aijj>_ in un-
pcrfectQal; '^VV'l Hiph'il; \i^}ll^'iph'al.
f Rem. With regard to the above examples the following points may also
he noted : (i) The foi-ms with a firmly closed syllable (called the hard com-
bination) frequently occur in the same verb with forms containing a loosely
closed syllable (the soft combination). (2) In the ist sing, imperfect Qal the
preformative K invariably takes S^ghol, whether in a firmly or loosely closed
syllable, e. g. CJ'a^^« (with the cohortative HB'anX), "IDnX (in pause), &c. In
Jb 32^^ njyX must unquestionably be Hiph'il, since elsewhere the pointing
is always 'JJX. Cohortatives like HJinN Gn 27« and n^'^HK Jb i6«, are
v: r.' T ; - 1~ * t : : - '
explained by the next remark. (3) The shifting of the tone towards the end
frequently causes the Pathah of the preformative to change into S'ghol, and
vice versa, e.g. nb'yi, but nflB'yj ^rd sing. fern. ; PlbX"' but '»SDS<n ; T'DVn.
T -:,-' ^ T J viv " , ' v:iv' : ~ i- • vav '
but with lodw consecutive rinioyn"!, &c. ; so^"lpn*1 Gn 8' the plur. of ">pn*1, cf.
Gn II* ; and thus generally a change of the stronger Hateph-S^ghol group
{ _ — _) into the lighter Hafeph-Palhak group takes place whenever the tone
is moved one place toward the end (cf. § 27 0).
^ 3. When in forms like Hbr, npj?3 , the vowel of the final syllable
becomes a vocal S^wd in consequence of the addition of an aflformative
(^, ''-^j ^-^) or suffix, the compound S^wd of the guttural is changed
into the corresponding short vowel, e. g. I^J?' , plur. ^"ipV!. {ya-'a-m^-dhu
as an equivalent for ya-in^-dhu); '"'^jj?,^.. she is forsaken. But even in
these forms the hard combination frequently occurs, e. g. ^PSn^ they
take as a p)ledge (cf. in the sing, .'arri, also ''^D,.) ; ^PIO."! (also PID))
they are strong. Cf. m and, in general, § 22 m, § 28 c.
h 4. In the infinitive, imperative, and imperfect Niph'al, where the
first radical should by rule be strengthened (•'Pi?'?, ^^\^)), the strengthen-
ing is always omitted, and the vowel of the preformative lengthened
to Sere; lOV;. for yi"dmed,^ &c. Cf. § 22 c— For nb'il^r) Ex 25"
(according to Dillmann, to prevent the pronunciation i^^V.^, which
tl;e LXX and Samaritan follow) read •"•^VJi!.
Remarks.
I. On Qal.
i I. In verbs N"D the infinitive construct and imperative take Hateph-S'ghol in
the first syllable (according to § 22 0), e. g. "ItN gird thou, Jb 38*, 2nN love thou,
• ri3VX Jb 19'' (so even the Mantua ed.) is altogether abnormal : read n3yN
with Baer, Ginsb.
§ 63 fc-m] Verbs First Guttural 167
Ho 3^, Th!;^ seize thou, Ex 4* (on ^BX hake ye, Ex 16^*, see § 76 d) ; PDX to ea< ;
infinitive with a prefix Xnvh ^bx!? ^3X3 Is 52* : ^HX^ Ec 38. Sometimes,
liowever, Haieph-Palhak is found as well, e. g. infinitive tnX i K 6* ; CXH 73X3
Nu 2610 (before a suffix ^|j3X, ^IDX, DD^^X, D?"!DX § 61 d) ; cf. Dt f°, I22»,
Ez 25', ^ 102^, Pr 25'' (^P"niDX), Jb 34^*, always in close connexion with the
following word. With a firmly closed syllable after 7 cf. nionp Is 30^* ; "ISH?
Jos 22f- (on Is 220, cf. § 84^ w) ; ninn^ Is 3oi«, Hag 2^^; 3^0? Ex 31*, &c. ;
ITV^ 2 S i83 g«re, but also ifys i Ch'i.s^e.
'ripnnn Ju ^snis jg altogether anomalous, and only a few authorities give A-"
^ripinn (Hlph'il), adopted by Moore in Haupt's Bible. According to Qimhi,
Olshausen, and others, the Masora intended a perfect Hoph'al with syncope of
the preformative after the n interrogative = ^rip*]nn PI, or (according to
Olshausen) with the omission of the n interrogative. But since the Hiph'il
and Hoph'al of pin nowhere occur, it is difficult to believe that such was the
intention of the Masora. We should expect the perfect Qal, "•Rp'inn, But the
Qames under the PI falling between the tone and counter-tone, was naturally
less emphasized than in Tlp'in without the H interrogative. Consequently
it was weakened, not to simple S^wd, but to in order to represent the
sound of the Qames (likewise pronounced as a) at least in a shortened form.
The S^ghol of the n interrogative is explained, in any case, from § 100 n (cf.
the similar pointing of the article, e. g. in CB'THH^ § 35 k). For the accusa-
tive after PIH, instead of the usual |0, Jb 3^^ affords sufficient evidence.
Also in the other forms of the imperative the guttural not infrequently /
influences the vowel, causing a change of i (on this i cf. § 48 i) into S^ghol, e. g.
nSDX gather thou, Nu ii^^ ; T]2~\V set in order, Jb 33^ ; ^EKTl strip off, Is 47^ (on
this irregular Dages cf. § 46 d), especially when the second radical is also a
guttural, e.g. 13nX Am 5I6, ,f, 3i2<; cf, Zc S^^ ; ^tHS Ct 2^^; cf. also in verbs
iT'bj ^3y sing ye, Nu 21", tf/ 147' (compared with ^3y answer ye, i S 12^) and
^pX Jo 1^ — Patha/i occurs in ^np3n hold him in pledge, Pr 20", and probably
also in ^ 9" CJp.Jn). — As a pausal form for '•3"!n (cf. theiJ^wr. Jer 2^'') we find
in Is 44" ''3"in (cf. the imperf, 3in"'\ with the 6 repeated in the form of a
Ifafeph-Qames. For other examples of this kind, see § 10 h and § 46 e.
2. The pronunciation (mentioned above. No. 2) of the imperfects in a with 111
H'ghdl under the preformative in a firmly closed syllable (e. g. ?^n' D?'!'"')
regularly gives way to the soft combination in verbs which are at the same
time n"^, e.g. nTm, H^fn^'.&c. (butcf. mnl &c., nrin: Pr6", ri'J^H ed. Mant.,
Ex 3^''). Even in the strong verb pin\\ is found along with pTHV Cf. albo
33j;ri1 Ez 238; ^J3PV>1 Gn 27^6 (so Ben-Asher; but Ben-Naphtali '\>Vl\);
□ppnril Nell 9^2, and so always in the imperfect Qal of "ITV with suffixes, Gn
4'j**, &c. — ^3nNri Pr 1^ is to be explained from the endeavour to avoid too
great an accumulation of short sounds by the insertion of a long vowel, but
it is a question whether we should not simply read ^3nXn with Haupt in
his Bible, Proverbs, p. 34, 1. 44 ff. ; cf. the analogous instances under p, and
1 68 The Verb [§637*9
such nouns as "1NI3, 3XT, § 93 *.— On ^"ll!!!^ \p 94'"' for ^l^n^ (according to
Qimhi, and others, rather Pii'al) cf. § 606.
n D^N^ ^ 58° an(i D"]V- '" ^««' suhtiUy, i S 2322, Pr 15^ 19'^^ may be explained
with Barth (ZDMG. 1889, p. 179) as i-imperfects (see above, § 47 i), — the latter
for the purpose of distinction from the causative D''^y'' f 83*. — Instead of the
unintelligible form Dp^n*1 (so ed. Mant. ; Baer and Ginsb. as in 24^) i Ch 23*
and 'riM 24' (partly analogous to Dinyri § 60 b) the Qal Dppn^l is to be read.
The form ^'I'V ip 7* which is, according to Qimhi (in Mikhlol ; but in his
Lexicon he explains it as Hithpa'el), a composite form of Qal (^IT!^) and Pi'el
(T!' -^)' ^^^ only be understood as a development of f)Tl^ (cf. § 64 A on pPIV^ ,
and § 69 X on Tjbnn Ex 9-^, ^ 73^;. Pathah has taken the place of Hakph-
Pathafi, but as a mere helping-vowel (as in fiyOK' § 28 e, note 2) and without
preventing the closing of the syllable. It is much simpler, however, to take
it as & forma mixta, combining the readings tjl"!^ (impf. Qal) and ^TV< (impf.
Pi'el).
II. On Hiph'il and Hoph'al.
3. The above-mentioned (/, 3) change of to occurs in the
perfect Hiph'il, especially when icCiw consecutive precedes, and the tone is in
consequence thrown forward upon the afformative, e. g. D'lipvn but W"ipy"1
Nu 36, 8", 2719; ^rinnyn, but '•ril^yn') Jer 15^*, Ez 2c?'^ -, even in the 3rd sing.
piKnl ^ 77^^. — On the contrary occurs instead of __ in the imperatire
Hiph'il, Jer 49*-^°; and in the infinitive Jer 31^*^. The preformative of "TTiy in
<
Hiph'il always takes a in a closed syllable : Ex 8* ^T'riyn ; verse 5 TfiyS ; also
verse 25 and Jb 22*''.
P 4. In the perfect Hiph'il is sometimes changed into ^ and in
Hoph'al ____ into • (cf. § 23 ;i) ; ri^nyn Jos f, n^yn Hb i^^, nbyn Ju
6"^^, 2 Ch 20^*, Na 2*, always before y, and hence evidently with the intention
of strengthening the countertone-syllable (n or 11) before the guttural. On
a further case of this kind (HDyf ) see § 64 c. Something similar occurs in the
formation of segholate nouns of the form qofl ; cf. § 93 q, and (on pCN &c. for
pTDN) § 84" q. — In the imperfect consecutive S2 pTn*1_ the tone is thrown
back on to the first syllable. On the Hoph'al D^riyn Ex 20^, &c., see § 60 b.
III. n^n and r^n
TT TT •
fj 5. In the verbs HTI to be, and n^H to live, the guttural hardly ever affects
the addition of preformatives : thus imperfect Qal n^n"' and iTn"' Niph'al D^DD •
but in the perfect Hiph'il rT^Pin (2nd plur. DH^nni Jos 2^^, and even without
v;dw consecutive, Ju 8'*). Initial H always has J/ateph-S'ghol instead of vocal
S'u:d; n;;!, nVn, Dni^l i S 25', Dr!''\T (except ^^n be thou! fem. Gn 24«»).
The 2nd sing. fem. imperative of iTH is ""^H live thou, Ez 16*; the infinitive,
with suffix, DnVn Jos 5^. After the prefixes 1, 3, 3, ^, O ( = fO) both H
and n retain the simple S'wa (§ 28 6) and tlie prefix takes i, as elsewhere
before strong consonants with S'ud ; hence in the perfect Qal Cn^^ni imperative
Vni, infinitive DVn?, DITIS &c. (cf. § 16/, f). The only exception is the and
; 1 • 11'* 1 1 *
sing, masc. of the imperative after vxiio ; H^HI Gn i2-',&c., iT'ni Gn 20'.
§64a c] Verbs Middle Guttural 169
§ 64. Verbs Middle Guttural, e.g. t^riK' to slaughter.
The slight deviations from the ordinary inflexion are confined a
chiefly to the following ' : —
1. When the guttural would stand at tlie beginning of a syllable
with simple Shvd, it necessarily takes a Hateph, and almost always
Hatej)h-Patliah, e.g. perfect ^t^n*^, imperfect 1£3n^^, imperative Niplial
IJOn^n. In the imperative Qal, before the afformatives i and H, the
original Pathah is retained in the first syllable, and is followed by
I/ateph-Pathah, thus, '\>VJ_, W}-, &c.; in I^HN the preference of the N
for S^yhol (but cf. also "n''in^"| Jer 13^') has caused the change from
d io e ; in IIHtJ' Jb 6"^, even I remains before a hard guttural.
So in the infinitive Qal fern., e.g. n3nX to love, n^K"! to pine; and in the
. T-:|- T :i-
infinitive with a suffix myo? Is 9* ; the doubtful form ntSHK' Ho 5^, is better
explained as infinitive Pi'el ( = nnnK').
2. Since the preference of the gutturals for the a-sound has less b
influence on the following than on the preceding vowel, not only is
Holem retained after the middle guttural in the infinitive Qal tSriK'
(with the fern, ending and retraction and shortening of the '"I^Ol and
'"'i5f!'^> of. § 45 &), but generally also the Sere in the imperfect Niph'al
and Pi el, e. g. DH?^ le fights, Ona^ he comforts, and even the more
feeble S^ghul after vxiw consecutive in such forms as DDf"!!, ^Jt't'!'!
Gn 41* (of., however, yw^, i K 12*, &c.). But in the imperative and
imperfect Qal, the final syllable, through the influence of the guttural,
mostly takes Pathah, even in transitive verbs, e.g. '^ni^, ^D^) ;
py|, Pyp ; "'D?, "^D?! ; with svjffixes (according to § 60 c), itnjyerative
^3Jn2, ':^^m, imperfect ^.V^^X3^
With o in the imperative Qal, the only instances are ?'V^ 2 S 13''; c
tnx Ex 4'', 2 S 2^', fern. "'TniS Ru 3'* (with the unusual repetition of the
lost as Ilateph-Qames; 2nd^;Zztr. masc. in pause ^TPIK Neh 7'; without
the pause ^THN Ct 2'*) ; "nyip Ju ipl^ Finally nDS?f for HloyT, Nu 23^
is an example of the same kind, see § 63 p. Just as rare are the im-
perfects in o of verbs middle guttural, as Dn3\ THN"; , yyon Lv 5'*, Nu 5^
(but ^yrp>1 2 Ch 26'«) ; cf. ^^^m Ez i6^» ; "^V?'^ Jb 35"- Also in the
perfect Piel, Pathah occurs somewhat more frequently than in the
strong verb, e.g. Dn3 to comfort (cf., however, M?, ^^^, l^'^^, nriE') ;
* Hopk'al, which is not exhibited in tlie paradigm, follows tlie analogy of
Qal; Hiph'il is regulnr.
"^ Also Ju 19' (where Qimhi would read s^'dd), read s^'ocl, and on the use
of the conjunctive accent (here Darga) as a substitute for Motheg, cf. § 9 u (c)
and § 16 b.
lyo The Verb [§64rf-«7
but X and JJ always have e in 3rd sing. — On tlie infinitive with suffixes,
cf. § 61 h.
d 3. In Piel, Pu'al, and Hithpa'el, the Dages forte being inadmissible
in the middle radical, the preceding vowel, especially before n, n, and
y, nevertheless, generally remains short, and the guttural is conse-
quently to be regarded as, at least, virtually strengthened, cf. § 22 c;
e.g. Piel pD^,*l^np. Jos i^\ 'J^IV^^ i K 14^ 3n: Ex io'» (cf., however,
""D?? Gn 34'^ ; T}?f}}. Ex 15'^ but in the imperfect and participle 7^3^,
&c.; in verbs r]"b, e.g. ny-\), infinitive pnb', Pw'a/ I'D! (but cf. ^ril
>//• 36'^ from nn'l^ also the unusual position of the tone in ID'^* Ez 21'*,
and in the perfect Hithpa'el 'J?^n"inn Jb 9^") ; Hithpa'el perfect and
im2)eratlve lin^"?, &c.; in ^^awse (see ^§ 22 c, 27 5', 29 ?;, 54 ^) ''"^fj^'?
Nu 8^ 2 Ch 3o'« ; Dnan^ Nu 23'^ &c.
e The complete omission of the strengthening, and a consequent
lengthening of the preceding vowel, occurs invariably only with
n (JTna Ez 16'' is an exception ; nri]])b also occurs, Ju 6-**), e. g. "HI? (in
pause 'H"'.?), imperfect ^l^^, Pu'al T]13. Before N it occurs regularly
in the stems "»???, ^X?., f^O, "1X3, and in the Hithpa'el of {^^3, nNT,
and nxt^; on the other hand, N is virtually strengthened in the
perfects, ^??3 (once in the imperfect, Jer 29^^^) to commit adultery, J^N3
to despise (in the participle, Nu 14^^ Is 60^'*, Jer 23'' ; according to
Baer, but not ed. Manfeq-t)r Ginsb., even in the imperfect Yi<T. ^ 74'°).
"1K3 to abhor La 2' (also nri-)^3 f 89''") and ^^^ -^ 109'"; moreover, in
the infinitive ^^1 Ec 2^", according to the best reading. On the
Mappiq in the Pu'al INT Jb 33-', cf. § 14 d.
f Rem. I. In the verb 7XB' to ask, to beg, some forms of the perfect Qal appear
to be based upon a secondary form middle e, which is Sere when the vowel of
the N stands in an open syllable, cf. •?j|)NB' Gn 32"8, Ju 420 ; '^^^f ^ I37^
but in a closed syllable, even without a suffix, Dri^KK' i S 12'', 25^ Jb 2i29;
'in^J^bxK' Ju 136, I S 1^0. Cf., however, similar cases of attenuation of an
original a, § 69 s, and especially § 44 d. In the first three examples, if
explained on that analogy, the i attenuated from a would have been lengthened
to e (before the tone) ; in the next three i would have been modified to i.
Also in the Hi2Jh'iliorm liT'nijNK'n i S i'« the N is merely attenuated from H.
fir 2. In Pi'cl and Hithpa'el the lengthening of the vowel before the guttural
" causes the tone to be thrown back upon the penultima, and consequently the
Sere of the ultima to be shortened to S^ghol. Thus (a) before monosyllables,
according to § 29 e, e.g. DC* VH^^ to minister there, Dt I'j^^, even in the case of
a guttural which is virtually strengthened, Gn 39'^, Jb 8" (see § 29 g). {b) after
wdw consecutive, e.g. T]'}i"'1 and he blessed, Gn 1" and frequently, ^"IJ^I and he
drove out, Ex 10", DJ^Snril Dn 2^.
^ |n3 is explained by Abulwalid as the 3rd pers. perfect Pu'al, but by Qimhi
as a noun.
§§ 64 h, i, 65 a, t] Verbs Middle Guttural 171
.5. The following are a few rarer anomalies ; in the imperfect Qal pnV"* Gn 216 /;
i^elsewliere pHXri, &c., in pause pHi^, cf. § 10 jr (c) and § 63 w) ; iriNJ Gn 32^
;,for inXSI) ; in the perfect Pi'el nnN Ju s'^ (perhaps primarily for nnN ;
according to Gn 34'* 1"inN would be expected), and similarly '30011 \ ^t 51'' ^^r
'jnipn'' ; in the imperative Pi'el 31^ Ez 37" (cf. above, § 52 n) ; finally, in the
imperative Hiph'il pny^ Jb 132' and lyCin ^ 692^, in both cases probably
influenced by the closing conso ant, arid by the preference for Pathah in
pause (according to § 29 5) ; without the pause pn")n Pr 4^^^, &c. ; but also
nmn Jo 4".
4". As infinitive Hithpa'll with a suffix we find DE^n^fin Ezr 8\ &c., with '/
a firmly closed syllable, also the participle D''b'n:ntp Neh 'f* ; Baer, however,
reads in all these cases, on good authority, Db'n''nn &c.— The quite meaningless
KHhibh "INK'NJI Ez 9* (for which the Q^re requires the equally unintelligible
"IXK'JI) evidently combines two different readings, viz. "iNip:"! {part. Niph.)
and "IXB'NII {imperf. consec); cf.Kbnig, Lehrgebaude,i. p. 266 f.— In ^n~lXr^ Is 44"
(also ^msn'' in the same verse) an imperfect Po'el appears to be intended by
the Masora with an irregular shortening of the 6 for ''"IXh^ ; cf. § 55 b ''3K'?p
\fi 10 1^ Q^re ; on the other hand Qimhi, with whom Delitzsch agrees, explains
the form as Pi'el, with an irregular __ for __, as in the reading Htp^^fc?
Ku 22T ; cf. § 10 A.
5. A few examples in which S, as middle radical, entirely loses its
consonantal value and quiesces in a vowel, will be found in § 73 g.
§ 65. Verbs Third Guttural, e.g. nbe' to send}
1. According to § 22 c?, when the last syllable has a vowel incom- d
patible with the guttural (i.e. not an a-sound), two possibilities present
themselves, viz. either the regular vowel remains, and the guttural
then takes furtive Pathah, or Pathah (in pause Qames) takes its place.
More paiiicularly it is to be remarked that —
(a) The unchangeable vowels ^-;-, \ ^ (§ 25 h) are always retained,
even under such circumstances; hence inf. abs. Qal ^'O^, jpart. jpass.
r\'h^, Hiph. D'J'K'n, imperf. tyhfl, part. D'f'fP. So also the less firm
o in the inf. constr. rvp is almost always retained : cf., however, npip,
in close connexion with a substantive, Is 58', and V)^ Nu 20^. Examples
of the infinitive with suffixes are IP")?? Gn 35' ; iV^M Nu 35"*; i^i'^l?
Lv 1 8^3, &c.
(6) The imperfect and imperative Qal almost alvirays have d in the
second syllable, sometimes, no doubt, due simply to the influence of
the guttural (for a tone-long 0, originally it), but sometimes as being
the original vowel, thus rhf), nbf, &c.; with suffixes '?n^f % '^D^f,
see § 60 c.
' Verbs n'v in which the H is consonantal obviously belong also to this class,
e. g. rl^a to be high, r\'CiF\ to be astonished, HriD (only in Hilhpalpel) to delay.
172 The Verb [§650-)^
Exceptions, in the impehrfect rivDX Jer 5'', K'Oi. (ripDNl Q*re) ; in the
imiierative PIDD Gn 43"./ On snch cases as nytJ'DX; Is 27*, cf. § 10 h.
C (c) Where Sere would be the regular vowel of the final syllable,
both forms (with i"! and a) are sometimes in use ; the choice of one or
the other is decided by the special circumstances of the tone, i. e. : —
CI Rem. I. In the absolute state of the participle Qal, Pi'el and Hithpa'el, the forms
nVt:' (with sufif. inbb', but •^n^B'), n^^tJ'tD (with suflf. Tin^^'p), and Vl^^'Q are
used exclusively ; except in verbs JJ"? where we find, in close connexion,
also JJDi ^ 94S yn Is 51^5, Jer 31S5, yj,^ jg ^j^, 442*, yi^il ^t i36«, yctr Lv ii^,
all with the tone on the last syllable.— The part. Pu'al is y3"ip £245^ accord-
ing to the best authorities (Kittel y3"llD).
€ 2. Similarly, in the imperf. and inf. Niph'al, and in the perf. inf. and imperf.
Pi'el the (probably more original) form with a commonly occurs in the body
of the sentence, and the fuller form with e* in pause (and even with the lesser
distinctives, e.g. with I]^hi ^86* in the imperative Pi'tl ; with Tiph/ja i K 12^*
in the infinitive Pi'el ; Jer 4" imperfect Hithpa'el ; Jer 16^ imperfect Niph'al), cf. e.g.
yia"" Nu 27* with U"i3^ 36*; yzU'M Dt 1^*, even with retraction of the tone in
the inf. abs. Niph'al ]}2Wi} Nu 30' (elsewhere V^Wi) Jer 7^, 12'^ twice, in each
case without the pause); "V^^ri Hb 3^, with yp^ri Ez 13''; y?3 to devovr
Hb I '3, Nu 420 with y^3 La 2» ; for infinitive Hithpa'el, cf. Is 2820. The ivfinitivf
absolute Pi'el has the form n?tJ' Dt 22'', i K ii^^ ; the infinitive construct, on the
other hand, when without the pause is always as PlpK' except n?^p Ex 10*. —
nar Hb i'^ has e, though not In^JflMse, and even n^ri 2 K 16*, 2 Ch 28*; but
a in pause in the imperative Niph'al n'XH Ez 21"; jussive Pi'el inXfl f 40^*;
of. § 52 n. An example of a in the imperative Pi'el under the influence of
a final 1 is — iri3 Jb 36^ in the imperfect Niph'al "l^yni Nu i f^, &c.— In nns^
Jb 14' (cf. ^ 92'*, Pr 14''), Barth (see above, § 63 n) finds an i-imperfect of Qal.
since the intransitive meaning is only found in Qal.
J 3. In the 2nd sing. masc. of the imperative, and in the forms of the jussive and
imperfect consecutive of Hiph'il which end in gutturals, a alone occurs, e.g. HpSri
prosper thou, n^3^ let him make to trust, riDif*'! and he made to grow (so in Uithpalpel
npnpn^, &c., Hb 2'); even in pause nipX^I i Ch 29^3, and, with the best
authorities, nSV'! i Ch 12" ; jDy*^'''! Is 35* is perhaps to be emended into '^V^),
( = ''y>^^"j). — In the infinitive absolute Sere remains, e.g. rl33n to make high; as
infinitive construct npiPI also occurs in close connexion (Jb G'^*) ; on yC'iH
as infinitive construct (i S 25'^^-^'), cf. § 53 k.
g 2. When the guttural with quiescent S^vjd stands at the end of
a syllable, the ordinary strong form remains when not connected
with suffixes, e. g. ^^2'^, ''^^2^. But in the 2nd sing. fern, perfect
a helping- Pathah takes the place of the ^^wd, JpnfiK' Jer 13"^ (§ 28 <?) ;
also in I K 14^, flDJ^p ig to be read, not Jpni^p.
fl Rem. The soft combination with compound S^ica occurs only in the ist plnr.
perfect with suffixes, since in these forms the tone is thrown one place farther
forward, e.g. '?Jl5i?n* u-e know thee, Ho 8^ (cf. Gn 26^9, ^ 44'«, i32«). Before the
sujjixes "fj and D3, the guttural must have __ e.g. ^n^B'K I will strui thee,
I S 16' ; "nnWxi Gn 31"; •qy^CK'K Jer i&\
On the weak verbs N*/, see especially § 74.
§ 66a-c] Verbs Primae Radicalis Nun 173
II. The Weak Verb.'
§ 66. Verbs Primae Radicalis N4n {fz), e.g. ^l^ to approach
Brockelmann, Seniit. S2}rachiciss., p. 138 ff.; Grundriss, p. 595 fif.
The weakness of initial 3 consists chiefly in its suffering apkaeresis (I
in the infinitive construct and imjjerative in some of these verbs (cf
§ 19^). On the other hand, the assimilation of the 3 (see below)
cannot properly be regarded as weakness, since the triliteral character
of the stem is still preserved by the strengthening of the second
consonant. The special points to be noticed are —
1. The apkaeresis of the Nun (a) in the infinitive construct. This
occurs only (though not necessarily) in those verbs which have a in
the second syllable of the imperfect. Thus from the stem ^'33,
imperfect tJ'5^, infinitive properly ^^, but always lengthened by the
feminine termination n to the segholate form ri'J'a 2 • with suffix 11^1^3
Gn 33' ; with the concurrence of a guttural Vl^ to touch, imperfect Vl],
infinitive Oyj (also y33, see below); V^J to 2>lant, infinitive nyo (also
yto3, see below); on the verb 1^3 to give, see especially h and i. On
the otlier hand, apkaeresis does not take place in verbs which have o
in the imperfect, e.g. -'23 to fall, imperfect ?^1, infinitive PQ3, with
suffix i^S3, also ibs3 ; 1"=13|' Nu 6^, &c. ; cf., moreover, V^)> Gn 20^ &c.,
y331 Ex 19'^ (even yia3!5 Jb 6' ; cf. Jer i'»); with suffix 1^333 Lv 15^.
Also yb3S) Is 5ii« (but ny6^ Ec 3^) ; Nb'3 Is i'*, 18^ ; with suffix 'Nf 33
>/. 2 8^ (elsewhere ns?', cf. § 74 i and § 76 b), '?^}^ 2 S 20^
(6) In the imperative. Here the Niln is always dropped in verbs C
with a in the imperfect, e.g. 5J'33, imperative tJ*? (more frequently with
paragogic a, n^'3 ; before Maqqepk also "C^3 Gn 19^), p/wr. 15J'3, &c.
Parallel with these there are the curious forms with o, ^K^'3 Ku 2'*
(with retarding Metheg in the second syllable, and also nasog 'a.hor,
accoiding to § 295, before D^H) and ^5^3 Jos 3° (before HSn), i S 14^
(before D^n) and 2 Ch 29'' ; in all these cases without the pause.
With Ntln retained, as if in a strong verb, 3n; drive, 2 K 4^^ {imperfect
3113% without assimilation oftheiV^Ti), iyt331 2 K 192", Is 37'", Jer 29'-^;
cf. also the verbs n"^, which are at the same time|"D; nn3 Ez 32'^ nn^
Ex 32^, np3 Ex8\ &c.; the verb x"^, ^^) ^ lo^^ (usually Nb'); cf.
§ 76 6. But, as in the infinitive, the aplmeresis never takes place in
verbs which have o in the imperfect, e.g. "*if3, yr\}, &c.
1 Cf. the summary, § 41.
* The law allowing the addition of the fominine termination to the un-
lengthened form, instead of a lengthening of the vowel, is suitably called by
Barth 'the law of compensation ' {Nominalbildung, p. xiii).
174 "^he Verb [§66«f-a
d 2. "When, through the addition of a preformative, NUn stands at
the end of a syllable, it is readily assimilated to the second radical
(§ 19c); thus in the imperfect Qal,^ e. g. bs^ for yinpol, he will fall ;
^l) for yingas ; \^\ for yinten, he will give (on this single example
of an imperfect with original i in the second syllable, cf. li) ^ ; also in
the perfect NipKo^ K'33 for ningas ; throughout HipJiil (K'^SH , &c.) and
HopKal (which in these verbs always has Qibhus, in a sharpened
syllable, cf. § 9 »*) ^l\}.
The other forms are all quite regular, e. g. the perfect, infinitive
absolute and partici2)le Qal, all Pi'el, Pu'al, &c.
In Paradigm H, only those conjugations are given which differ
from the regular form.
C The characteristic of these Terbs in all forms with a preformative is Dages
following it in the second radical. Such forms, however, are also found in
certain verbs '""Q (§71), and even in verbs yj? (§ 67). The infinitive riJJ'a and
the imperative 1^3, also'E^a (Gn 19^) and |ri, resemble the corresponding forms
of verbs V'Q (§ 69).— On nj^^, Hi?, and nn]5, from np^ to take, see g.—ln Q'\p)
{imperfect Niph'al of D^p), and in similar forms of verbs Vy (§ 72), the full
writing of the indicates, as a rule, that they are not to be regarded as
imperfects Qal of Dj^a, &c. — Also pDS {f 139*) is not to be derived from pD3,
but stands for pJtpS (with a sharpening of the-O as compensation for the loss
of the b), from ppD to ascend, see § 19/, and Kautzsch, Gramm. des BiU.-Aram.,
§ 44. Similarly the Hiph'il-torma ^p^Wn Ez 39*, p">E;^ Is 44I5, and the Niph'al
i^pW^ ^ 78^" are most probably from a stem [h)i^, not p'CJ.
■P Rem. I. The instances are comparatively few in which the forms retain
their NUn before a firm consonant, e.g. "HDJ, imperfect *lb3"' Jer 3^ (elsewhere
*lb^) ; also from "1X3 the pausal form is always ^")if3"» (without the pause ^"IJf
Pr 20^8) ; similarly in Is 29', 58', \J' 61*, 68' (where, however, ^IT\ is intended),
l4o''•^ Pr 2^1, Jb 40*', the retention of the Nxm is always connected wiUi the
pause. In Niph'al this never occurs (except in the irregular inf. ^"13113 \// 08',
cf. § 51 k), in Hiph'il and Hoph'al very seldom; e.g. 'ij"'ri3n|j Ez 222", pri3n
Ju 20'^ ; for ?53P Nu 5*' read 733?, according to § 53 q. On the other hand,
the Nun is regularly retained in all verbs, of which the second radical is
a guttural, e.g. 703^ he will possess, although there are rare cases like nn^ (also
rin3^) he will descend, Jer 21'' (even nn^l Pr 1710 ; without apparent reason
accented as Mil'el), plur. infl"* Jb 21^' (cf. § 20 z ; the Masora, however, probably
regards nrf^ and ^P\n\ as imperfect Niph'al from nnn) ; Niph'al DHS for Dn33
he has grieved.
g 2. The 7 of np7 to take is treated like the Nun of verbs |"Q (§ 19 d). Hence
imperfect Qal T\^, cohortativa (§ 20 m) nnpK, imperative Dp, in pause and
» Cf. Mayer Lambert, ' Le futur qal des verbes V'D J^D N"S ' in the REJ.
xxvii. 136 If. J • » >
^ An imperfect in a (pV') is given in the Paradigm, simply because it is
the actual form in use in this verb.
§§ 66 A-Jt, 67 a] Vei'hs Primae Radicalis Nun 175
before suffixes Up (on N3"Dnp^ Gn 48^, see § 61 g), paragogic form nnp ; 'Pip,
&c. (but cf. also npb Ex 291, Ez 37", Pr 2oi«, ""np^J i K 17", perhaps a
mistake for Tip rh, cf. LXX and Lucian) ; infinitive construct nnp (once nnp
2 K 12', cf. § 93 A) ; with b, nnp^ ; with suffix '•nnp ; Hoph'al (of., however,
§ 53 m) imperfect ni5'' • Niph'al, however, is always npp3.— The meaningless
form np Ez 17^ is a mistake ; for the equally meaningless DHp Ho 11^ read
3. The verb |n3 to give, mentioned above in d, is the only example of a h
verb |"D with imperfect in e (|n^ for yinten ; "|n3 ^ only in Ju 16^, elsewhere
before Maqqeph "jri"', &c.), and a corresponding imperative ]r\ or (very
frequently! H^n (but in if/ 8^ the very strange reading njn is no doubt
simply meant by the Masora to suggest njn^) ; before Maqqeph "jrij/em. 'Jfl^
&c. Moreover, this very common verb has the peculiarity that its final Nun,
< <
as a weak nasal, is also assimilated ; '•ririJ for ndthdntl, riJlJ or, very
frequently, nnn3, with a kind of orthographic compensation for the assimi-
lated Ni'm (cf. § 44 fir) ; Niph'al perfect Dnri3 Lv 26^5, Ezr g'.
In the infinitive consb-uct Qal the ground-form tint is not lengthened to tinetk I
(as nj^a from ^l}), but contracted to titt, which is then correctly length-
ened to nn, with the omission of Bage} forte in the final consonant, see § 20? ;
but with suffixes inn tan,&c. ; before Maqqeph with the prefix p="nri?,
e. g. Ex 521, and even when closely connected by other means, e. g. Gn 15''.
However, the strong formation of the infinitive construct also occurs in fn3 Nu
20^1 and -jn; Gn 38^ ; cf. § 69 m, note 2. On the other hand, for [nnb t K 6"
read either inn? or simply T\Tp, just as the Q^re, 1 K 17", requires nn
for jnn.
In other stems, the 3 is retained as the third radical, e.g. njDE', ^JJI^pT, cf. fc
§190 and § 44 0. On the entirely anomalous aphaeresis of the Nun with a
strong vowel in nnn (for nn3) 2 S 22*1, cf. § 19 f.— On the passive imperfect
]^l, cf- § 63 M.
§ 67. Verbs V'% e.g. 32D to surround.
Brockelmaun, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 155 ff. ; Grundriss, p. 632 ff.
1. A large number of Semitic stems have verbal forms with only a
two radicals, as well as forms in which the stem has been made
triliteral by a re2)etiiion of the second radical, hence called verbs y'y.
Forms with two radicals were formerly explained as being due to
contraction from original forms with three radicals. It is more correct
1 P. Haupt on Ju 16^ in his Bible, compares the form of the Assyrian
imperfect iddan or itlan (besides inddin, indmdin) from naddnu — \T\^. But
could this one passage be the only trace left in Hebrew of an imporf. in a
from jn:?
V]6 The Verb [§676-^
to regard them as representing the original stem (with two radicals),
and the forms with the second radical repeated as subsequently
developed from the monosyllabic stem.' The appearance of a general
contraction of triliteral stems is due to the fact that in biliteral forms
the second radical regularly receives Dages forte before afformatives,
except in the cases noted in § 226 and q. This points, however, not
to an actual doubling, but merely to a strengthening of the consonant,
giving more body to the monosyllabic stem, and making it approximate
more to the character of triliteral forms.
The development of biliteral to triliteral stems (y'^y) generally takes
place in the 3rd sing. masc. and fern, and 3rd plur. pei'fect Qal of
transitive verbs, or at any rate of verbs expressing an activity, e. g.
33D, ."1330, 13no : fjn Gn 33^ (but with suffix ''33n, ver. 11); sometimes
with an evident distinction between transitive and intransitive forms,
as "11^ to make strait, '^'^ to be in a strait; see further details, including
the exceptions, in aa. The development of the stem takes place (a)
necessarily whenever the strengthening of the 2nd radical is required
by the character of the form (e. g. /.?n, *T^'2'), and (h) as a rule, when-
ever the 2nd radical is followed or preceded by an essentially long
vowel, as, in Qal, 2i3D, 313D, in Po'el and Po'al, nniD, 3210.
b 2. The biliteral stern always (except in Hi2)h'il and the imjyerfect
Niph'al, see below) takes the vowel which would have been required
between the second and third radical of the Ordinary strong form, or
which stood in the ground-form, since that vowel is characteristic of
the form (§ 43 h), e.g. DJ? answering to b^i', n^Fi to the ground-form
qdtuldt, 1?3ri to the ground-form qdtdld ; infinitive, 30 to ^t^ip .
C 3. The insertion of Dages forte (mentioned under a), for the puipose
of strengthening the second radical, never takes place (see § 20 ?)
in the final consonant of the word, e.g. DJ?, 3b, not BR, 3b; but
it appears again on the addition of afformatives or suffixes, e. g. ^SJ?,
«D, ^:dp, &c.
d 4. When the afiformative begins with a consonant (3, n), and hence
the strongly pronounced second radical would properly come at the
end of a closed syllable, a separating vowel is inserted between the
stem-syllable and the affoimative. In the perfect this vowel is S,
in the imperative and imperfect ^—, e.g. ^"l^?, ^3130, imperfect '"'^''^P^
(for sabh-td, sahb-nit, tasobb-nd). The artificial opening of the syllable
^ So (partly following Ewald and BOttcher) A. Muller, ZDMG. xxxiii.
p. 698 ff. ; Stade, Lehrbuch, § 385 h, c ; Noldeke, and more recently Wellliausen,
' Ueber einige Arten schwacher Verba im Hebr.' {Skizzen v. Vorarb. vi. 250 ff.).
Against BOttcher see M. Lambert, KEJ. xxxv. 330 ff., and Brockelmann, as
above.
§67e-^] Verbs y^y 177
by this means is merely intended to make the strengthening of the
second radical audible.^
The perfect ^JOn (for IJitsn) Nu 1 7^8, ^ 64'' (Jer 44" !|30n with Silluq), owing 6
to omission of the separating vowel, approximates, if the text is right, to the
form of verbs Vy (cf. ^JJDi^ from D^p).
5. Since the preformatives of the imperfect Qal, of the iierject f
Ni2)h'al, and of Hi2)h'il and Hoph'al throughout, before a monosyllabic
stem form an open syllable, they take a long vowel before the tone
(according to § 27 e), e.g. imperfect Iliph'U 3D^ for yci-seb, imperative
3Dn for hd-seb, &c. Where the preformatives in the strong verb have
?, either the original a (from which the i was attenuated) is retained
and lengthened, e.g. 30^ in imperfect Qal for yd-sob, or the i itself is
lengthened to e, e. g. 3pn perfect Hiph'tl for Jn-seb (see further under h).
The vowel thus lengthened can be maintained, however, only before
the tone (except the 4 of the Hojih'al, Sp^n for hil-sdb); when the
tone is thrown forward it becomes S^wd, according to § 2 7 A; (under c<
and n compound ^^tvd), e.g. 3bri, but '"'J^??'p ; imperfect Hiph'il ^pn,
but ^^'|pj;i; 2)erfect 'nion, &c.
Besides the ordinary form of tho imperfects, there is another (common in fir
Aramaic), in which the imperfect Qal is pronounced 2B) or 3D\ the first
radical, not the second, being strengthened by Dages forte, cf. DB'^ i K 9^,
np'l Gn 2426 ; with a in the second syllable, la''^ Lv 11^, h"^"] Is 17*, nK''»l
Is 2^, &c., tn) Am 5" and frequently, DSXI Dt92i, &c., 2b) {turn intrans.)
1 S s', &c., 2p*\ Lv 24", Qk) Ez 4712, &c., 6r\) (with DagreJ forte implicitum)
1 K 1^; in the plural, TOR^ Nu 14'^, &c. (in pause Itsri^ \p 102^^) ; perhaps
also btS'' Tjlii^ (unless these forms are rather to be referred to Niph'al, like
1)3^'; I S 2^ ; 'hiy'^ Jb 24M) ; with suffix la^i^ri occurs (cf. § 10 h) in Nu 23" ;
Imperfect Hiph'il Dfl^, Hoph'al n?'' , &c. The vowel of the preformative (which
before Bage's is, of course, short) follows the analogy of the ordinary strong
form (cf. also u and y). The same method is then extended to forms with
afformatives or suffixes, so that even before these additions the second
radical is not strengthened, e. g. ^nip*1 Gn 43^^, &c., for 1"np'1 and they boiced the
head ; in3*1 and they beat down, Dt 1" (from nJlS) ; ^Dri^l Dt 32^ ; lO"!"; Ex 15",
Jb 2921 (cf., however, ^2B'>\ Ju iS^^, i S 58, in?'' Jer 46^, Jb 42°). To the
same class of apparently strong formations belongs Hi^J^rV (without the
separating vowel, for n^pifJI, cf. i S 3'^ and below, p) they shall tingle,
2 K 21^2^ Jer 19S. — On the various forms of the Niph'al, see under t,
1 Of all the explanations of these separating vowels the most satisfactory
is that of RMiger, who, both for the perfect and imperfect (Ewald and Stade,
for the imperfect at least), points to the analogy of verbs H"?. We must,
however, regard ni3D as formed on the analogy not of nv3, but (with
P. Haupt) of a form DvJ ( = galaiitd, cf. Arab, gazauta), while nySDPl follows
the analogy of njvJJjl. [See also Wright, Camp. Gr., 229 f.]
COWl.EY N
1 78 The Verb [§67 a-/
h 6. The original vowel is retained, see /, (a) in the preformative of
the im'perfect Qal 3bj for yd- sob (cf. §§ 47 i, 63 h, and for verbs V'y
§ 72) ; {h) in the perfect Ntph'al 3p3 for nd-sdb (§ 51a) ; (c) in Ilojc-h'al
aWHj with irregular lengthening (no doubt on the analogy of verbs
V'si) for hdsdb from hti-sab, imperfect 301'' from yu-sab, &c.
2 On the other hand, an already attenuated vowel (z) underlies the
intransitive imperfects Qal with a in the second syllable (probably
for the sake of dissimilating the two vowels), e.g. "ip* for yi-mdr
(see p) ; and in the preformative of Hiph'il 3Dn from hi-seb (ground-
form 7y?P\}, § 53 «), as "well as of the participle 3pD (ground-form
7tppP), on the analogy of the perfect. In the second syllable of the
Perf. the underlying vowel is ?, attenuated from an original d, which
in the strong verb is abnormally lengthened to ^ (§ 53 a). The e
lengthened from i is, of course, only tone-long, and hence when
without the tone and before Dages forte we have e.g. J!j)i2pn. On the
retention of the original a in the second syllable, cf. v.
k 7. The tone, as a general rule, tends to keep to the stem-syllable,
and does not (as in the strong verb) pass to the aflfoi-matives n__,
^ and ''-;_ (2nd sing. fern, imperfect); e.g. 3rd sing. fern. perfect nrin
in pause nnn ; with 1 and gutturals nno (for n^O), nriK' yj^ 44=6; on the
other hand, with wdvj consecutive Hllll Is 6'"^ (but n^ni Ex i^"). In the
^rd plnr. perfect the tone-syllable varies; along with ^?"^, ^?i2, we also
find =1^'^ and ^^?_, =131 Is 59'% IW Hb 3^ &c.; but in pause always
wn, Itsri, &c. The tone likewise remains on the stem-syllable in the
imperfect Qal in ''3Dri, ^3DJ ; perfect Hiph'il n2pn^ ^3pn; imperfect
^3prij 'l^pj, &c. In the forms with separating vowels, the tone is
moved forward to these vowels (or to the final syllable, cf. ee), e. g.
rii3p, ri3''3pri, &c.; except before the endings DH and (H in the perfect,
which always bear the tone. This shifting of the tone naturally
causes the shortening of the merely tone-long vowels e and o to t and
u (or 0, see n), hence JHI^pn from 3pn, n3"'3pri from 3DJ ; on cases in
which the vowel of the preformative becomes S^wd, see above, /.
/ 8. In several verbs y"y, instead oi PHel, Pu'al and Hithpa'el, the
less frequent conjugation Po'el, with its passive and reflexive, occurs
(most probably on the analogy of the corresponding forms of verbs ^"V,
cf. § 72m), generally with the same meaning,^ e.g. P.^iV to ill-treat,
passive V^'W , reflexive ^.^iV^pn (from V^V ; cf. the Hithpffcl from VV),
^ Sometimes both Pi'el and Po'el are formed from the same stem, though
with a difference of meaning, e. g. |»5f"l to break in pieces, J*XT to oppress; ^3/1
to make pleasing, |3in to have pity ; 330 to turn, to change, 3310 to go round, to
encompass.
§67m-o] Verbs v"v 179
and ">1Q Is 24'^'); in a few verbs also Pilpel (§ 55/) is found, e.g.
73^3 to roll, Ililhjpalpel PUpSHH to roll oneself (from ?/3) ; imperative
with suffix i^^opp exalt her, Pr 4- ; J'K'ytt* <o comfort, to delight in ; passive
yC'ytJ' to he caressed (from VV^). These foims cannot appear in a
hiliteral form any more than Pi'el, Pu'al, and Hithjpa'el ; cf. D^yiy
(Is 19") and 1i?1|^ (Is i8^>'').— For "^^^i^ 2 S 22" read, according to
^18", -»-j3nn.
Remarks.
I. On Qal.
1. In the perfect, isolated examples .nre found with in the first syllable, W.
which it is customary to refer to triliteral stems with middle (like pb*"
§ 43 a) ; viz. ^12n ihey arc exalted, Jb 24^* to Db"^ ; ^HT </(et/ s/io^, Gn 49^3 to 3il"l •
^^t Is 1® to I^T. But this explanation is very doubtful : ^nj especially is
T
rather to be classed among the passives of Qal mentioned in § 52 e.
2. Imperfects Qal with in the second syllable keep the original a in the /i
preformative, but lengthen it to S, as being in an open syllable, hence ^n"* ^
lb"* Tj?'' p'' JJ'T' (trans. ft« breaks in pieces, but yi^ intrans. =/je ts evil);
imperfects with a have, in the preformative, an e, lengthened from i. See
the examples below, under p, § 63 c and e, § 72 ;«, and specially Barth in
ZDMG. 1894, p. 5 f.
The Holem of the infinitive, imperative, and imperfect (3D 3D^) is only tone-
long, and therefore, as a rule, is written defectively (with a few exceptions,
chiefly in the later orthography, e. g. liv hind up, Is 8'« ; ^13 \p 37^ ; tX't.
ver. 7 ; 113? for 137 to plunder. Est 3", 8"j. When this 5 loses the tone, it
becomes in the final syllable 0, in a sharpened syllable ii, or not infrequently
even (see above, k). Examples of are : (a) in a toneless final syllable, i. e.
before Maqqeph or in the imperfect consecutive, ~p {7-on) to rejoice, Jb 38'' ; 3D'l
<
Ju 11^' (once even with il in a toneless final syllable, Dl*1 Ex 16^'') ; on the
other hand, in the plur. Msb''\, fern. ri3''3Dri1 ; (b) before a tone-bearing
afformative or suffix, e. g. imperative 2nd sing. fern. '•31 ^ ^^3 (cf. ff) ; ^3311 pity me ;
ni'pD Jer^o^S; DIK'^ Prii^Q^re; ^n3r!n Ex 12" (for the defective writing,
cf. ^nSD'' Jb 4o22). In ^3nj Gn 432^, Is 30" (for ?)3n^) this is thrown back
to the preformative.
On the 2nd plur, fem. imperat. "ily make yourselves naked Is 32", cf. the ()
analogous forms in § 48 ».— Quite abnormal is the infinitive absohite nyi Is 24^'
(as n follows, probably only a case of dittography for yi, cf. 3p Nu 23'^' and
PK' Ru 21"); so also are the imperatives *?~n3p Nu 22" ", and '';y~n"1X 22^, 2},'^,.
with n paragogic. We should expect n3p PI^N. If these forms arc to bt>
<
read qoballi, 'oralli, they would be analogous to such cases as n~13"1J0 (§ 90 j),
the addition oi the paragogic T\. causing no change in the form cf tl»e word
(~3p like ~)1 above). If, however, as Jewish tradition requires, they are to
be read qaballi, 'uralli, then in both cases the Qamex must be explained, witJi
N 2
i8o The Verb \}^ip-s
Stade, as the equivalent of o (^y~T\'l\>, &e. ; cf. § 9 v). Still more surprising
is iJ3p curse him, Nu 23^^, for i|33p or '3p.^
JJ 3. Examples with Palha/i in the infinitive, imperative, and imperfect are
13 (in Q~\'2b to prove them, Ec 3^') ; IT Is 45^ ; ^^^ Jer 5^^^ ; D2K'3 m </ietV error,
Gn 6' (so ed. Mant., but there is also good authority for DJtJ'B, from
•K' = •5J' = IJJ'X and D3 ako ; so Baer and Ginsburg). Also ?3 <aA;e away,
f 1 19^2 . and the imperfects DPI"' i< is hot, Dt 19^, &c. (on the e of the preforma-
tive cf. n) ; ")p_''_ z< is 6t«er, Is 24^ ; '1X"'_ i7 is straitened ; ?|n'' t« is soft, Is 7* ; DK'n
it is desolate, Ez 121^ (in pause Dt^JI Gn 47^^) ; 7pri1 s/te was despised, Gn 16* (but
elsewhere in the impf. consec. with the tone on the penultima, e. g. 12f*1 Gn 32^^
&c. ; yiM Gn 21", &c., cf. Ez 19'); in the 1st sing, imperfect DfT'S! ^ tp 19", abnor-
mally written fully for DriK, unless DnX is to be read, as in some MSS., on
the analogy of the 3rd sing. Dri\ — In the impf. Qal of 77B' the reading of
Hb 28 varies between ^I^V) (Baer, Ginsb.) and ^I^B') (ed. Mant., Jabl.).—
The following forms are to be explained with Barth (ZDMG. xliii. p. 178)
as imperfects Qal with original i in the second syllable, there being no
instances of their Hiph'il in the same sense : 73V Gn 2910 ; p"" Is 31^, &c. ;
■ilDJI Ex 4c2i, ^ c,i4^ 4;c_ . perhaps also H^l^n i S 3" and ^HJ Jbsi^^&c.; in
accordance with this last form, 'l?n(3) Jb 29^ would also be an infinitive Qal,
not Hiph'il (for i?nn3), as formerly explained below, under w. Finally the
very peculiar form J'^ril Ju 9^^ may probably be added to the list.
ft Imperfects, with an original u in the second syllable, are also found with
this il lengthened to m (instead of 0), e. g. pi'' , if the text is correct, in Pr 296 ;
IIK'^ ip 916 (unless it be simply an imperfect from "IV^ to he powerful, to prevail) ;
pV (if from ^^1) Is 42*, &c. (also defectively px ^ iS^*; but in Ec 126,
according to Baer, pijll) ; Dnjjl Ez 24^1 (on the sharpening of the D cf. g
above).'
T A similar analogy with verbs VJ? is seen in the infinitives 113? (for '^2)
Ec 9I ; ipnn Pr S^'^ (cf. ipina Pr 829) for ipnn, and in the imperfect ^K'CK
Gn 2721. (The forms n'iSn iii ^ 77"", fl'lGK' Ez 36s, "•ni^n f 77", formerly
treated here as infinitives from V"y stems, are rather to be referred to T\"?
stems, with Barth, Wurseluntersuchungen, Lpz. 1902, p. 21.) On other similar
cases, see below, under ee. For examples of the aramalzing imperfect, see
above, g.
S 4. In the participle, the aramai'zing form Tj^DXb' for !]^DDb' occurs in
K^thibh, Jer 30I6 (the Q're indicates a participle from nOtJ') ; njji Pr 25I'
appears to be a contraction from nyyi , part. fem. = breaking in pieces.
1 For ij as suffix of the 3rd person a parallel might be found in Si^\
§ 100 0, and probably also in the Niin of the Phoenician suffix D3 : cf. Barth,
ZDMG. xli. p. 643, and the nota on § 100 0.
2 Also in Ez 6*, instead of HJOK'^n , which could only come from DB'''
'\^''P\ is intended, and ID^XI ^'^ ^'^^ same verse is probably only an error for
3 According to Stade, Grammatik, § 95, Rem., the pronunciation with «,
since it also appears in Neo- Punic [and in Western Syriac, see Noldeke, Syr.
Grainm., § 48], was that of everyday life.
§ 6^ t-w2 Verbs y'y i8i
II. On Niph'al,
5. Besides the ordinary fonn of the perfect Dp3 with Pathah (in pmse t
3D3) &Tid the participle 3D3 with Qames in the second syllable, there is also
another with Sere, and a third with Holem, e.g. perfect D)03 it melts, Ez 21 '2,
2 215; pijpj ^foj. -,3^3) Ez 26^; part. D»3 moi^en, 1 S 159, Na 2"; b\?,} it is
a light thing, 2 K 20", Is 49^ (perf. \)\y^) ; with 5, e. g. ^^iji they are rolled together;
Is 34* ; cf. 6319, 642, Am 3", Na i«, Eci2«''. In the imperfect with in the
second syllable, on the analogy of verbs V'J? (from which KOnig would also
explain the perfects with 0), we find ^©""nfl thou shalt be brought to silence, Jer 48^
(unless this form should be referred to Qal with Qimhi, Olshausen, Konig) ;
yn''_ he suffers hurt, Pr lO^, 1320. p-jj^ (for <,>ro.?) Ez 297; with e in the
second syllable pnri she profanes herself, Lv 21', but PHXI Ez 22^6, and i?n^
Is 48'*, nn''_ Is 7', &c. For infinitives, cf. DSH to melt, \p 68' (as inf. constr. ;
2 S 17I" as m/. afcsoZ.) ; again, with compensatory lengthening in the first
syllable, i^nn Ez 20^, 14^2, but with suflSx i^nn Lv 21* ; also TIBH to he
plundered, and p^2n to he emptied, Is 24'; in the imperative, only ^"I3n 6e ye
clean, Is 52^^ On ^Q^H jre^ 2/ou wi?, Nu 171", and the corresponding imperf.
^tST Ez 10", &c., cf. 72 dd.
Examples of the perfect Niph'al with sharpening of the initial syllable are, u
?r\) it is profaned, Ez 22'*, 25' (from PpPI) ; in3 (from "TIH) if/ 69*, 102* (also
"inj Jer 629) . nn3 /rarfws esi (from nnPI) Mai 2^ ; cf. with this in the participle,
D"'ipn3 (for nihhamim) Is 57'', and Q'''1K3 Mai 3* : in the imperative and infinitive
Niph'al such a virtual strengthening of the guttural after preformatives nev^r
occurs. — The occurrence of u instead of 6 as a separating vowel in the perfect
^i^Vi Mic 2* is abnormal.
III. On EipKil and Hoph'al.
6. The second syllable in Eiph'il sometimes has Pathah instead of Sere, V
especially under the influence of 1 and the gutturals, e. g. perfect llon he made
hitter, TW^^ he howed, HDH he bath broken, Gn 1 7", in pause, cf. § 29 g ; other-
wise nsn, plur. nsn is 24B. in TSn \p 3310, Ez 17>9, cf. ^89'*, and in
^"T'OT Ho 8* (perhaps also in jri^n) Hab 2^'', but cf. § 20 n) there is an
assimilation to the corresponding forms of verbs Vy, see 0. Also "lifH
Dt 28'52^ tnn (in pause) Is 18^; inf. '\2n? to cleanse, Jer 4*', in pause. But
- •• I- t: .
also with other consonants, e.g. p*in 2 K 23^5, pj^n Is 82^; i]"]n Jb 23'^;
<
piur. ^3pn I S s'-i" (and so usually in the 3rd plur. perf, except before "I
and gutturals, e. g. ^JJ^n) ; imper. ygTI besmear, 18 61"; plur. ^tD'^PI be astonished,
Jb 21" ; imperfect yiri Thou dost afflict ; part. 72fD (on e in the first syllable, see
under t) shadowing, Ez 31* (but 1]*piO Ju 32* is assimilated to the form of
verbs ^*y, unless, with Moore, we simply read TjOD, or, with incorrect
spelling, 'i)''DD. So in the imperative ''3{5''JDn Ju i62« Q^re, and in the infinitive
?)Drin Is 33')." '
The e of the second syllable, when without the tone, may become S, e.g. H)
^3 pinn Gn 31'' (see also x). It is unusual (cf. § 53 k) to find the e written
fully as in the ir^nitive I^Snp Zc ii^^ Instead of Hateph-Pathah a Hatephr
i82 The Verb [§67^-00
S'ghol is found under the preformative in ''3ri?i?n 2 S 19", and a Pathah
occurs before 11 (with a virtual sharpening of the H) in such forms as
nnnn is q»; of. Gn ii«, Dt 2", 324^ i s 22J5, Est 6i3_in all these cases
before H.— On i?n3 Jb 29^ see above, p : on '•riFinni Jer 49", see below, dd.
U' 7. In the imperfect consecutive of verbs whose second radical is a guttural,
a is retained (§ 22 d) in the second syllable instead of I, e.g. yn'l i K i6«:
30 also with n, as isfl 2 Ch 2820, Dt 2"- I.ut cf. also IqJi Neh 49.
y 8. Aramaizing fornis (but cf. Rem. . § 67 g) in Hiph'il and Hoph'al are,
3E)''1 Ex 13", &c. ; cf. Ju. 18^3 ; "lEn-^JS Ex 23", but read "lOri~^S from TTVO :
^r\'2l\ Dt I** (cf. Nu I4«), but ^3|»1 Ju iS^s, l S 5*, 2 Ch 29^ ; hm prqfanabo,
Ez 39''; DPlPl Jb 22'; without elision of the H (cf. § 53 3), prinM i K 18",
but Jer 9^ 1^nn\ Jb 138 ^^nnri ; with i in the second syllable D^B*^ Jer 4950,
SC's ; cf. D''E'31 Nu 2i»'' ; in the perfect ni^'''^n La i^. In Hoph'al, ^3l3n ^Aey ajs
hrought low, Jb 242'; n?'' he is smitten, Is 24^2 {plur. ^ini' Jer 46*, Mi i') ; in
pause, ipn' Jb 192s, but also ^np; Jb 4*" (so Baer, Ginsb.,'but ed. Mant, Jabl.
^na'') ; with in the initial syllable, HSK'n {infinitive with su^x = HlSK'n,
cf."§ 91 e) Lv 263<'-, cf. 2 Ch 36"; n©K'n3, with irregular syncope for
''E'na, Lv 26«.
' • IV. In General.
~ 9. Verbs li'^j; are most closely related as regards inflexion to verbs Y)i
(§ 72). The form of verbs W is generally the shorter (cf. e.g. 30^ and
DP'' Spn and D'^pH) ; in a few cases, however, the two classes exactly
coincide, e.g. in the imperfect Qal and Hiph'il with icuw consecutive, in Hoph'al
and in the less common conjugations (see above, I).
act 10. The developed forms (with three radicals), as mentioned in a, are
especially frequent in the 3rd sing. masc. and fern., and the 3rd plur. perf. Qal
(i.e. in forms without an afformative or with an afformative beginning with
a vowel) of transitive verbs, or verbs, at any rate, expressing action, e.g.
33D !|3nD (but before a suflBx also ^3^3D, as well as ''312DD, "'31'nK', &c.);
Dot njDf^T 'ISSX &c. Sometimes the contracted, as iceZ/ as the uncontracted
form, is found, e.g. tn to plunder, plur. ^T13 : in other parts, only ^3112 Dt 2*^,
' -T : IT ^ :~T
as well as «i|3 Dt 3' ; '•riDCT Zc S"!^ and "•ritol Jer 4«8. Other examples of
biliteral forms in 2nd sing. masc. are Dt 25", Pr 30^2 j in ist sing., Jos 5*.
Apart from Qal the only example of a developed form is '•ririnni Jer 49*''.
hb On the otlier hand, the biliteral forms are the moie common in the
3rd sing, and plur. of perfects which are infransitiie, and express a state ; cf.
pi Dt 9** (Ex 32*^ p'1 ; elsewhere always a transitive verb) ; nPI, fern. nPin ;
"110, /m. nnip (for marrd) ; 1'S, fern. H")^ (cf. iTim Ez 24"); 'T]'!, HE', /em.
T^n^\ on , &c. ; phtr. WH , lEri , &c. (but on the tone, cf. ee below). Exception,
CC The intransitive but developed perfects ^bb/\ (also ^^), 7?^, ^"V.},, ''"'I'l
(in pattse nn3), niD HK'B'y (plur. in ;)«j(se ^B'tJ'y ^ 31"), ^^!?V, inntt' (also
iriK'), almost all have, as Mayer Lambert observes, at least an active, not
a stativo meaning. Triliteral forms of the infnitive after p are iZOb Nu 21* ;
l\l^b Jer 47*; Tbb Gn 3i»9 (also 13^ Gn 38"); cf. also DOnb Is 47", in
iubordinate iMUse, for Dpn^ ; with suffix DD33n'i Is 30", and, from the same
16-idd-ff] Kerbs y"y 183
form pn, with retraction and modification of the vowel, rl33ni) ^ 102'*; also
ninb' is 60", 1122 i S 25^, DDJOS is 10", tiiya Pr S"^, iSl^^Fr 26».—Iniperatire
niti' Jer 49'' (cf. § 20 6, and ibid, also on ''J33n ^' 9^*) ; in the imperfect,
nnf Na 3'' (i// 68" ; cf. Gn 31*") from IIJ ; the strong form here, after the
assimilation of the Nun, was'unavoidable. On the other hand, Dl'IB') Jer 5^ is
anomalous for D'HK'^ (Pr 1 1^ Q're ; the eastern school read the Po'el DITlK''
in the K^Odhh) ; the strengthening of^the second radical has been afterwards
resolved by the insertion of a vocal S^iid. Cf. also \^W Am 5'^ (elsewhere
fh''). In Niph'al, the triliteral form 2'2y is found, Jb ii''^; in Iliph'il, all
the forms of pT, thus imperative ^3"'5in, imperfect p3"!ri; infinitive DKJK'n
Mi 6"; participle D''?3K'10 Ez 3^^, That the developed (triliteral) forms
possess a certain emphasis is seen from their frequent use in pause, as in
^ 118" after a biliteral form ^jmO'DJ ^130).
1 1. The above-mentioned (see g) neglect of the strengthening in aramai'zing Cici
forms, such as ^D"!^ and the like, occurs elsewhere tolerably often ; in the
perfect Qal IJtpri for WllSil Nu 1 72* (Jer 44^^ ; cf. above, e) ; imperfect riT33
I S 14^^ (n parag. without any influence on the form, cf. 0); even with
tlie firm vowel reduced to vocal ^^ivd ; H^^? Gn 11'' for n?b3 (cohortativo
( r < < ' T :m t t ^
from ppa) ; ^JDV for VQV ibid. ver. 6, they purpose ; following the analogy of
verbs Vy^ ^K'J^X (see above, r) ; from intransitive imperfects Qal, ^"lifri Is 49^*
{plur. masc. Jb" 18^; ^yT" Neh 2^; also riJDli'^n Ez 6« (for which read
'^'"'0= tJ'ri) might be explained in the same way. —Perfect Niph'al HDipJ
for n3D3 Ez 41''; ^^^3 Ju j^ for ^))h Dn^lDJ for Dn'^03 Gn 17" (as if from
ppO not ,^1D (0 circumcise), cf. Is 19', Jer 8^*; imperfect H^pisri Zc 14^^;
participle D^DnJ , cf. m. So also ^D3 i S 13", HSW Gn 9" (cf! Is 338), are
perfects iVii)A'ai from ^^D (= pQ), not Qal from J*Q3.— In Hiph'il riSnn (for
ri'^nn) Ju i6'o (2 s 153*) ; nryn for n^ryn Pr 7" (cf. ct 6", f^).
No less irregular is the suppression of the vowel of the stem-syllable in
Da-lSnb Lv 2615.— On the perfect V^"^ Pr 26^, cf. § 75 m.
12. Cases in which the tone is thrown forward on the afformatives (see CC
k) are (a) in the perfect, the ist si7ig. regularly (but cf. ''ri^ifni_ Jer lo^^ before
On^) after 1 consec, Ex 33"-22, 2 K 19=*, &c., also Is 44I6 ('•nirsn before "I);
ip 92I1 (but the text is certainly corrupt ; see the Lexicon), 1 16", perhaps also
Jb 19*'', '•hSn'! (though in this passage, and in ip 17^, the form might bean
tnfnitive in 6th; see Delitzsch on Jb ig^'') ; in the 2nd sing, nnjfi^l (before
X) Dt 25" ; in the ^rd plural, ?£t multi sunt, ip 3', i04-<, Jer 5^, i S 251" ; 13T
they are soft, \p 55^2 :|^j5 t}^ey ^re swift, Jer 4", Hb i^ ; ^3] they are pure, Jb 15*^,
25^, La 4'' ; ^np they did, how, Hb 3^ ; HH they are burned, Is 246. A by form of
^n^ (vy, cf. § 72 dd) is ^m xp 49^', 73'.
(6) In the imperative (a command in an emphatic tone) ""il sing, Is 54*, it'
Zp 3", Ze 2i« ; 13-] Is 4423, 49", Jer 31^ (but >fi lament, La 2"), >ln keep {thy
feasts), Na 2\ Jer 72^ ; HJiy ( = njy) before «, ip 6829. Qn the retention of the
short vowels ii (0) and i before bagei forte, in place of the tone-long and e,
sie above, k; on the change of the vowel of the preformative into S''Kd,
wlien it no longer stands before the tone, see g.
184 The Verb [§ 68 a-d
The Weakest Vekbs {Verba Quiescentia).
§ 68. Verbs k"q e. g. b?K to eat.
Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss,, p. 140 ff. ; Grundriss, p. 589 ff.
a So far as N retains its full consonantal value as a guttural, these
verbs share all the peculiarities of verbs primae gutturalis, mentioned
in § 63. They are, however, to be treated as weak verbs, when the
!!< loses its value as a consonant, and coalesces with the preceding
vowel (originally short) to form one long syllable. This takes place
only in the following very common verbs and forms, as if through
phonetic decay : —
I) 1. In the im2)erfect Qal, five verbs (viz. *13X to perish, H^N to he
willing, /'?fr? to eat, "ipX to say, HDN to hake) regularly make the N
quiesce in a long 6, e. g. -'Di^.^ In a few others the ordinary (strong)
form is also in use, as triN^ (18 times) and TriXj". (^ times) he takes hold;
^D^ (see h), also ^^K^. , he collects. This 6 has primarily arisen from an
obscuring of <1 (§ 9 q), and the d from ^^^> the weak consonant N
coalescing with d io d ; of. § 23 a.
C In the second syllable o (for original U) never appears, but either e ^
or d ; and in j)ause almost always e, even before the tone-bearing
heavy afformative P, e. g. I^bas) Dt i8S without the pause P^^N', Dt 4^^
In the 3rd sing. masc. and ist sing, of 1P^, however, a is always
retained in pause, "P'<'' and "IDN ; but in the 2nd ma>^c. ""?,Nn i K 5"",
in the 3rd fem. ^ON^ Pr i^i ; in the plural 1">px^ Jer 5^ y^ \Ab^'\ ^"^^^^^
Jer 23'^ with S^golta; cf. also i'^^n i S i^ &c. But with conjunctive
accents in the body of the sentence, d (as being a lighter vowel) is
used, e. g. ''J?^ 13Nn ^^ g^^, but in pause "ip.t^^ ^^ i^ ; cf. a similar inter-
change of e and a in § 65 c. The 3rd fem. plur. imjif. always has the
form njS'PNn Zc 1 1\
d When the tone moves back, the final syllable of the imperfects of
n3N and ??K, with a conjunctive accent, also always takes Puthah,
e. g. Di^ nnN^ Jb 3^ h^\f>h and he did eat ; in np« the loss of the tone
from the final syllable only occurs in the form with wdw consecutive
' So in the modern vulgar Arabic of South Palestine, ya'kid (he eats)
becomes yokul.
* On this e (originally i) as a dissimilation from 5 (originally u), cf. § 37 re,
and F. Philippi, in the Zeiischri/t fur Vdlkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft,
xiv. 178. The latter rightly observes that the existence of an original u in
♦he imperfect of bSN is indicated by the form of the imperative ?bK, the Arabic
ya'kul .lud the Aramaic 73NV as well as by the fact that ^hX' and SIDN^
. -■ •• . '' VI IV ' v: IV
are found along with triN^ and ^DN*.
§68e-A] Verbs N'a 185
(but never in the ist sing. '^'Q^\ ; cf. •'P'^^J, and then the final syllable,
if without the jpause, always takes S^ghol, 'l^'**! and he said (except
Sb ipNni Pr f%
In pause, however, the imperfect consecutive (except the ist pers. of <?
''??, see below) always has the form ??*^*1 (but plur. always '''5^\
^pSn'I), "ipN»1 ; except 1PN*1 in the poetic portion of the book of Job,
as 3^, 4', &c., but not in 32^ in the middle of the verse. The weak
imperfect of triN is always IHN^ and T^^*l, but in the ist sing.,
according to § 49 e, THNI^ Ju 20* ; cf. ^'^^\ Gn. 3"'^ in pause. — n2N and
nsx are, at the same time, verbs n"?, hence imperfect n^N^ (§75 c).
Before light suffixes the vowel of the second syllable becomes vocal S*wa, as f
DT'DNV ^UpDNn, but D3i53Nn. — In a few cases, instead of the 6 in the first'
syllable an e is found, which is due to contraction from the group -r:; — — (or
_) in place of ; e.g. iiriNri it shall come, Mi 4*, from HriNn (from
nnX) ; 3nK (for 3nK) I lore, Pr S''', also (four times) 3nN Mai i^,' &'c., with
suffixes ^npriN Ho 11^, 14', &c. (but only in ist sing., otherwise 3nK' , &c.,
< ' ''
from 3nX, 3nX) ; IHSII and I stayed, Gn 32^ The infinitive construct of "IJDX
with {) is always "ibN^ dicendo, for "itox!^..— According to Barth {ZDMG. 1889,
p. 179) PifX'1 Nu 11^5 is to be regarded as an imperfect Qal, without the
obscuring of K to 0, not as imperfect Hiph'il, since plfX elsewhere occurs
only in the perfect Qal and Nijih'al; on the original i in the second syllable,
see above, § 67 p. For ^nSDNH Jb 20^8 we should simply emend 'P3Nn ; the
view that it is imperfect Po'el (which nowhere else occurs) can, as regards
the change of 6 to 0, be supported only by the very doubtful analogies of
\f/ 62* (see § 52 q^ and i/> loi® Q^re (see § 55 b), while the view that it is Pi'el
('3Nn = 'DXn = '3Kn\ rests on no analogy whatever. It would be more
admissible to suppose that 'DNn stands for ■'^^f^l, Pu'al (cf. ^pSX for 1?3fc<,
§ 27 q) ; but no reason has been discovered for this departure from the
natural punctuation '3Xn.
2. In the ist^;ers. sing, impe'ifect, where two x's would ordinarily «•
come together, the second (which is radical) is regularly dropped
(§ 23/), as *ipsi (for "IPNN), &c., and even plene ip'i«l^ Neh 2', &c.,
ITJOiN y^r 42'°. In the other cases, also, where the N is ordinarily
regarded as quiescing in 6 or e, it is only retained orthographical! y,
and on etymological grounds. Hence the possibility of its being
dropped in the following cases : —
Always in the contracted forms of ^IpN, as PlpJI for fjDNri ip 104^ ; 5]pM h
3 S 61 (but for SlpXI Jb 271^ read flpN^=^tlpi^ with the LXX) ; cf. also in
1 The regularity of this orthography indicates that the contraction of NX
to d in this ist pers. occurred at a time when in the 3rd and 2nd persons the
N was still audible as a consonant (which accordingly was almost always
retained in writing). NOldeke (ZDMO. xxxii. 593) infers this from the fact
that also in Arabic the 3rd and 2nd persons are still written yakiilii, takma,
but the ist pers. 'dAwiw, not 'd'kiUii,
1 86 IVie Verb [§§ 68 i, h, 69 a
the 1st pers. Mi 4" and ^QpN i S 156, which is apparently (from the Metheg
with the i), intended for an imperfect Hiph'U: instead of it, however, read,
with the Mantua edition, ^SDN (with ?, according to § 60/). But flDDNn
Ex 57 (for 'Din), F19^^*1 I S 18^^ (for siDi''5),and flDX'' Jb 2f^ (see above) are
due to a mistake, since all three forms must be derived from the stem P]D\
Furthermore, ^no^ ^p 139'''' (where certainly '"lO;; is to be read) ; Xnh Pr ii«
(cf. § 75 hh); iinsni I S 2S2'«; I^J^i^ Ez 42* ; T\'07\ 2 S 19'*; ThHi 2 S 20^ ;
'•pin <;joM gaddest about (from PIX), Jer 2^6 . ^^J^^ j)j. ^^zi (^foj. -|;pjj{-i ^^ according
toother readings (on the analogy of the cases mentioned in § 75 p) Nn*1
Nn'1 or ^<^l>1.
Paradigm I shows the weak forms of the imjyerfect Qal, and merely
indicates the other conjugation?, which are regular.
I Rem. I. In the derived conjugations only isolated weak forms occur :
Perfect Niphal Vtm^ Nu 3230, Jos 228; Hiph. ^ifNJI Nu ii^s (but the statement
in verse 17 is ''ri|'?fNl, therefore Qal) ; equally doubtfulis the punctuation of
3-|»1 (for 3"IXM?) and he laid wait, i S 158, and plK I listen, Jb 32I1 (^qq t^p
analogy of verbs VJ?) ; cf. also y2\i< (0 from a) I give to eat, Hos 11* ; ni'^^k
(0 from d) I tt)i7Z destroy, Jer 46^; "ini'l 2 S 20^ Q^re (for 'nX*1) ; the K^thibh
appears to require the Pi'tl "in;;^1, from "IH^ as a secondary form of "IPIN ; but
''D^'l = inX"! for ■inN*'\ as imperfect Qal is not impossible. On mxiNI
Neh 13", cf. § ^^ n.— infinitive ^>pnf) Ez 2i33 ( = /_3xni) unless it is rather
infin. Hiph. from 7=13) ; Participle JMD gireth ear, Pr 17^ (clearly by false analogy
of verbs V'J?, for P]XO 1 ; Imperative Vnr\ bring (from nnX) Jer 129. (^Qn the
same form used for the perfect in Is 21", cf. § 76 <?.)
/^- 2. In the Pi'eZ the K is sometimes elided (like n in 7^t3[5n"' ^""tOp^), thus
f)pP (as in Aramaic and Samaritan) teaching, for ejyifio Jb 35I1 ; ^n^ (if not
a mere scribal error) for 7T\^) Is 132O; ^J'lTril thou hast girded me, 2 S 22*«, for
••J^Wni, as ^ iS«>; '^laXI. Ez 28" ; cf. § 23 c.
§ 69. Verbs '•"d. First Class, or Verbs originally i"d,
e.g. 3^; to dwell.
Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachiviss., p. 141 f. ; Grundriss, p. 596 flF.
a Verbs which at present begin with Yodh when without preforma-
tives are divided into two classes according to their origin and
consequent inflexion : (a) Verbs which (as still in Arabic and Ethiopic)
originally began with Wmo, e. g. "^T^ to give birth to, Arab, and Eth.
tvdlddd. In consequence of a phonetic change which prevails also
with few exceptions in the noun, this Wdtv in Hebrew and Aramaic
always becomes a Yvdh, at least when it is the initial consonant ; but
after preformativcs it either reappears, or is again changed into
§ 69 b, c] Verbs ^"^. First Class 187
YCdh, or, lastly, is altogether elided ; (6) Verbd which (as in Arabic)
originally began with Yodh (called Verba cum lod originario, see § 70).
A few verbs again (some with original Yodh, and some with original
Wdw) form a special class, which in certain forms assimilates the Wdw
or Yodh to the following consonant on the analogy of the N-dn in
verbs j"3 (see § 71).
With regard to verbs ^"s (i. e. '•"a with original Wdw) it is to be b
noticed that —
1. In the imperfect, imperative and infinitive construct Qal there is
a twofold inflexion, according as the Wdw is wholly rejected or only
changed into Ycdh. The complete rejection (or elision) takes place
regularly in eight verbs (see h) in the following manner :
A. Imperfect 2K'^, VT with an unchangeable ' Sere in the first
syllable and original ? in the second, which in the tone-syllable
(according to §270) becomes e (thus "I.?.''., ^T.., ''"I"'.; ^.?!!, see x), or,
under the influence of a guttural, with a in the second (Vl."'., yp*, ID';),
The tone-long e of the second syllable is of course liable to be
shortened or to become ^^wd, e.g. ^'^'l, '^^,\, &c. ; in the same way
a becomes ^^wd in such cases as ^V^V, &c., but is lengthened to Qames
in pav^e i^V']'!) and before sufiixes (Q}^'!J,^).
B. Imperative 3^ Avith aphaeresis of the Wdw and with tone-long e,
from i, as in the imperfect.
C. Infinitive T)^^ from original sibh, by addition of the feminine
ending (n) lengthened to a segholate form ; as in verbs f*D (cf. § 66 b)
this lengthening affords a certain compensation for loss of the initial
consonant.
Rem. Since the infinitives nyi, mb (see below, w) point to a ground- C
form di'at, lidai, we must, with Philippi {ZDMO. xxxii. 42) and Barth (ibid.
xli. 606), assign to fl^B', &c., the ground-form Hibt (which, therefore,
reappears in ''ri3B', &c.) ; the apparent ground-form sabt rests upon the law
that the » of the stem-syllable is changed into a whenever the syllable
becomes doubly closed by the addition of the vowelless feminine ending.
^ The e of the first syllable is really e, not tone-long e, since it is retained
not merely before the tone, and in the counter-tone (e.g. DJ^T'I Ho 14'"),
but also in "^VJ^ Ex 33'''^. It is no objection to this view that the scriptio
plena of this e occurs (with the exception of "Ip""' if/ 72", elsewhere pointed
1)5"'>) only in Mi i* and Ez 35® K^ih. ; in tp 13S* the Masora prefers to point
VT^. — Of the various explanations of the e the most satisfactory is that of
Philippi (ZDMG. xl. p. 653) that an original ytiltd, for example (see above),
became yiJid by assimilation of the vowel of the first syllable to that of tlio
second ; this then became yeled instead of yeled, in an attempt to raise
the word again in this way fby writing e instead of e) to a trilitei-al form.
i88 The Verb [^6gd-i
d In more than half the number of verbs 1"d the original Wdw in the
above-mentioned forms gives place to Yddh, which, unless it suffers
aphaeresis (see /), appears : —
in the imperatives p'^\, K'lj and infinitives "IDJ, S"l^, as a strong
consonant, but
in the imperfect ^T), properly yiyras, merges with the preceding i
into t
In the second syllable imperfects of this form regularly have a,
C (a) That the latter forms are derived from verbs with an original Wdw
(not Yodh) is shown partly by the inflexion of these verbs in Niph'al, Hiph'il,
and Hoph'al (where the original Wdw reappears throughout), and partly by
the Arabic, in which verbs I^Q likewise exhibit a twofold formation ; cf.
wdldda, imperf. ydlidu, with elision of the Wdw, and wdglld, yaugalu, with
retention of the Wdw.
f (b) Sometimes both forms, the weaker and the stronger, occur in the same
•^ verb; cf. pS 2 K 4" and p)i) pour, Ez 24* (cf, !|p^\ i K 18" and the infin.
npy Ex 38^^) ; B'-l take possession, Dt 1", i K 21^5 (but cf. s), B*") {in pause for
E'l) Dt 22<" ; plur. ^B?") Dt 18, 923, but also, with H paragogic, HBH^ Dt 3322.
In the imperfect ^j5''^ Dt 32^2 and 1^ Is lo^" it shall be kindled; "Si'^''! it was
precious, i S 18^0 and "Ip^ ^49^ (cf.'-jp"'^ i^ 72").— The form IDHM Gn 30^9,
^ -,. " '' '"■'•'"
for ^Dn*1_, beside n3pn*1 verse 38, is remarkable ; cf. § 47 k.
g (c) On nn Ju 19" for IT and nity Jer 42" for the infinitive absolute 3'.K'J,
cf. § 19 t, — But Tl^ Ju 5'' (twice) is not intended by the Masora either as
perfect (for TT*, which really should be restored) or as imperative of H"!"*,
but as an apocopated imperfect Pi' U from mi ( = n'i|1^) to have dominion.
h {d) The eight verbs,^ of which the initial consonant in the above-
mentioned forms always suffers elision or aphaeresis, are Ip^ to bring forth,
NJf to go forth, 3B''' to sit, to dwell, TT to descend, also ^pH to go (cf. below, x) ;
and with o in the second syllable of the imperfect, yT to know, in^ to be united,
yp^ to be dislocated. Examples of the other formation (tJ'l^"' , &c. ) are FjJT'
to be wearied, ^JJJ to counsel, ]p'> to sleep, NT {imperfect NT"*, imperative N"l^)
to fear.
I 2. The original Wdw is retained as a firm consonant : (a) in the
infinitive, imperative, and imperfect Niph'al, being protected by the
strengthening, e.g. 3B'jn, 2??^^ which are consequently strong forms
like ijpi^n, ^'t?!?^; {b) in the Bithpael of some verbs, e.g. V^inn from
VX, nainn from r\^), n^nn from HT; otherwise a radical Wdw at the
beginning of a word is now found only in a few nouns, e.g. *ipi offspring
from *1?J to bear. At the end of a syllable Wdw with the homogeneous
^ A ninth f)p' to add, is also to be included. In the Mesa'-inscription,
1. 2f, the infinitive is written DDD? (cf. ^nSD'', 1. 29); hence read in Is 30'
(Nu 32^*, Dt 29'*) riDD for DiSD. The 2nd plur. masc. imperative ^DD Is 29',
Jer 721 corresponds to ^SB' ; thus in proof of a supposed HSD addere, there
remains only HSDN Dt 322^ for which, according to 2S 12*, read nSDX.
§ 69 h-n'] Fei'hs ^"s. First Class 189
vowel u coalesces into li ; so throughout Hoph'al, e g. 3^in for
huwsabh ; but with a preceding a the Ff'ato is contracted into 6 (^) ;
so in the perfect and participle Niph'al and throughout Iliph'tl, e. g.
SK'U from an original ndwsdhh, ^''B'in from an original hdwsthh.
The first radical always appears as YCdh in the perfect and partici2)h k
Qal, ^^), &c., nt?'^ yi^)^ even when ] precedes, e.g. ^B'^l (but DPi^K^^.,
according to § 24 6), also throughout Pi'el and Fu'al, e.g. Pn^ <o wa?^,
1?"! ^0 be born, and in the imperfect and 2>(i"''f'ici2^^ ''D-\ ^T.^ knotvn
(from yT), and, as a rule, also iu Hithpael, e.g. n.^rnn," nrnri^ B'n^nn
(as against y^l^"?, &c., with Wdw).
The beginner may recognize verbs I^D in the imperfect Qal partly by the '
Sere under the preformatives ; in Niph'al and Hiph'il by the Waw (1 V; before
the second radical. (The defective writing, as in IvH, is rare.) Verbs
V'D liave forms lilse 1^ (V"^), HIIB', in common with verbs )"Q. Similarly
Hiph'al has the same form as in verbs yj? and V'J? .
Rem. I. The infinitive Qal of the weaker form (DZIK', ground-form siht, T)l
ntJ'T ; cf. above, c) with suffixes is pointed as '•rillK' ' iritJ*"} (the strong form
only in ^3p'"}''p Ju 14^^). The masculine form is very rare, e.g. yi to knoio,
Jb 32^1", as also the feminine ending H , e.g. Hy"))^ Ex 2*, TTv? Is 37'
(2 K 19*) ; Jer 13^1, Ho 9^1 ; HTll^ (g descend, Gn 46', where the change of
the e into vocal S^wa is to be explained, with KOnig, from its position
between the principal and secondary tone. From yi^, under the influence
of the guttural, nyi is formed, with suff. ^riyi,&c. ; but from Ni*\ DNV.
From *11' thei-e occurs in \p 30* in Q're ^"l")*© (the K'th. requires ^Tli*D) a very
remarkable case of the strong form (for ^JjlHlfD). For H? i S 4^' (generally
explained as a case of assimilation of 1 to H in the supposed ground-form
ladt; according to Mayer Lambert pausal of Tw = Udt, see above, c) read
simply prj^.
Examples of the strong form of the infinitive are NT" to fear, Jos 22^^, with ^
preposition IDv Is .51^^ (but 2 Ch 31'' according to Ben Naphtali *lbv, where
the ^ is only retained orthographically, but is really assimilated to the D ;
the reading of Ben Asher, llDy, accepted by Baer, is meaningless) ; jiCJ'*?
Ec 5II; Nl^ I S ife29 is irregular, but probably Nn!) (for KT^) is in-
tended. With suff. \"!DJ3 Jb 38^ cf. Ju 14IS, Ezr 3" ; -with D fern. flSb*''
to he able, Nu 14^^ On Tf^1\, which is likewise usually referred to this class,
cf. the note on § 70 a.
^ *n3K'1 \p 23S can hardly be intended for an infin. with suffix from 3K'^
but rather for a perf. consec. from D^B' ; but read '•riDB'^V
^ The infinitives Hy^ and iM'\ belong to the source marked E (Dillmann's B)
in the modern criticism of the Pentateuch. The same document also has
Jh3 to give, for DPi ; Ipil to go, for Uj^ ; and nby to make, for DV^V' See
Dillmann, Die BB. Num., Deut., Jos., p. 618.
190 The Fe7'b [§690-5
O 2. The imperative Qui frequently has the leiigtliening by H , e.g. H^B'
sit thou, m") descend thou. From HH'' to give, Arab, tcdhdbd, only the imperative
is used in Hebrew ; it has the form 3n give, lengthened H^n generally with
the meaning age, go to, henee in Gn ii^* even addressed to sevei-al persons
(Gn 29''i nin before N to avoid the hiatus) ; fern. *3n Ru 3", Milra on the
< <
analogy of the phn-al ^HH (once in Jb 6^ ^n before the tone-syllable ; but cf.
Dt 32'), whilst, on the analogy of other imperatives Qal of verbs V'D ^2n ^2n
would be expected. — On ny'1 Pr 24^*, cf. § 48 i.
4) 3. The imperfect with 1 elided takes a in the second syllable, besides the
cases mentioned above (under/), also in Tin Jer 13'^ (cf. La 3^*) and in
the pausal form "^y Jb 27^', &c. (from Tl^n, see x) ; on 1J5'' Is 10** see above,/.
The a in the second syllable, when followed by the afiformative ri3 MJH^n
T \ T ; — -
&c.), is in accordance with the law mentioned above (under c), by whicli
d takes the place of t in a doubly closed syllable. Forms with e in the
second syllable shorten the e to S^ghol, when the tone is drawn back (before
a tone-syllable or after wdw consecutive), e.g. N3"3^'' Gn 44'^; *T}*1 3JJ'*1*
but t is retained in an open syllable, even with Mil'el-tone, in Ni'^ Ex 162'-',
Ju 9'', in both cases with nasog 'ahor, § 29 e. The pausal is either of the
form 2p*) Ku 4^ or TV1_ ip 18^°; the 1st pers. sing., whether in or out of
pause, isTlXI , n^XI, &c., except 7] ^XWb ig" see a:.— For yi^ \t 138^ (cf.the
note above, on b and the analogous cases in § 70 d) yT*"" is intended.
y The imperfect of the form {^T^ is frequently (especially before afformatives'
written defectively, in which case the i can always be recognized as a long
vowel by the Metheg (see § 16/), e.g. 1DV'' Is 40''', ^iW Is652^ ; and so always
^K"!'' they fear, as distinguished from ^N")^ therj see (imperf. Qal of nS"l).— On
Db'^1 Gn so'", 2433 K^th , and TJD''^ Ex 30*2, see § 73/.
^' From yy to prevail, to be able, the imperfect Qal is 7^, which can only have
arisen through a depression of the vowel from P^i"* (ground-form yaukhal^
yawkhcd), to distinguish it, according to Qimhi, from PDIN, just as, according
to § 47 b, bbpK is differentiated from ?hp\ Cf. the Arabic ijauru'u {yoru'ii'
from waru'a, yaujalu (yojalu) from wagila, as also the vulgar Arabic (among
towns-people) yusal, &c., from u:auda. Others regard bsV as an imperfect Hoph'al
{he is enabled = he can), always used instead of the imperfect Qal ; cf., howevci',
§ 53 w- — b^WI occurs in Jer 3^ as 2nd sing. fern, for ""^D^ni, according to
IT - • IT -
KOnig because the 2nd fern, had been sufficiently indicated previously. —
Further D'lV or HT is to be regarded with M. Lambert {KEJ. xxxvii, no. 73^
as impf. Qal (not Hiph'il) of m^ to throw, shoot (the supposed impf. Qal D"T'31
Nu 21^*' is critically very doubtful). This is shown especially by the pas-
sages in which the impf. T]'})'' is immediately preceded by the imperat. Qal
(2 K 13*'') or infn. Qal {\p 64^), or is followed by the participle Qal (2 Ch 35"'' ;
but in 2 S 11''^ by the participle Hiph'il).
S 4. The attenuation of d to i in the perfect (in a toneless, closed syllable)
which is discussed in § 44 d (cf. § 64/) occurs in verbs T'D in a few forms
of iy Nu 11''', Jer 2", \p 2'', &c. (always after "•), as well as of B'l'', e.g.
DWIM., &c., Dt 4', 81, i7'«, 19I, 261, 31'' (always after '"I for ^l). In both
cases the attenuation might be explained from the tendency to assimilate
the vowels, especially if the initial ^ was pronounced, as in Syriac, like i
(§ 47 h). In the case of U'T', however, a secondary form B''}^ (cf. § 44 d) is
probably to be assumed, since in Arabic also the verb is warita. The forms
§ 69 t-x'\ Verbs ^"s. Fi7^st Class 191
'?|?{5n''1 Ez 36^2 and H^tJ'TI \f/ 6g^^, &c., are most simply explained from the
return of this t.
5. As an exception, the imperfect Niph'al sometimes has a ^ instead of the t
1, e.g. 7n**1 and he stayed, Gn 8^2 (unless the Pi'el or pJ^^^, as in ver. 10, is to
be read), cf. Ex 19" ; i S 13* K^th'ihh. — The first person always has the form
3K'JX, not DK'IX, cf. §51 p.— In the participle the plural \S5|3 (from nj^,
with depression of 6 to u, cf. § 27 n) is found in Zp 3^^ ; cf. La 1*. While in
these cases some doubt may be felt as to the correctness of the Masoretic
pointing, much more is this so in the perfect HpU nuWdhu, i Ch 3^, 20*, for
^*1-5iJ which appears to be required by the waio in the initial syllable.
6. In the imperfect Pi'el elision of the first radical (') sometimes takes place U
after wdw consec, (as in the case of S, § 68 k), e.g. nH*1 for HS^'^I and he has
grieved, La 3'^, ^''1*1 for ^iy^] and they have cast, verse 53, from m'', which may
also be a true verb '"'D (on the other hand, in pl'li ^"1^ they have cast lots,
Jo 4', Ob ", Na 3'", a perfect Qal of T]'' is required by the context ; but as
this, being a transitive perfect, ought to have the form 'Til'' according to
§ 67 a, perhaps we should read ^T*). So from a verb ^"D, of the second class,
'.r|'2*1 for iinK'S^^I and he made it dry, Na 1*; cf. Q'}}^^ 2 Ch 52^° Q^re (the
K^th. points either to Pi'el Dn.B'^M, or Hiph'il DlK'^^l).
7. The imperative Hiph'il, instead of the usual form 2B'in, sometimes has i in d
the second syllable; {<''Jfin Is 43^; ysin ip 94^ (before n, hence probably
a mere mistake for njJ^Sin). On the uncertainty of the tone in N3~njJ^B'in
see § 53 m. When closed by a guttural the second syllable generally has a, as
ynin, yC'in, cf. also ni^h Pr 25" (as in the infin. constr. HSin Jb 6'^'' ; see
§ 65/). On the other hand, i always appears when the syllable is open, thus
nn^E'in "•^''^'in, and so also before suffixes (§ 61 g). Ni'^H Gn 8" Q're {KHh.
NViri, see § 70 h) is irregular. — The jussive and the imperfect consecutive Hiph'il
when the tone is drawn back take S''gh6l in the second syllable, as in Qal,
e.g. FIDV that he may increase, Pr i^ before r\p? ; cf. Ex lo'^^ and Dt 3*" after
"?S • FjDM (^Din Pr 30^ is anomalous) ; in pause, however, also fjpin as
jussive, Jb 40^2 (usual ^wssu'e in pause 2^V, &c., which occurs even without the
pause after wdw consecutive, Gn 47", Jos 24^, 2 S 8*, &c.). With a final
guttural VT and n^V (jussive) and n31*1, &c. ; with a final 1 in pause ~\r\F\\
Ru 2": on D3yL^'^"! Is 35*, cf. § 65/).— On forms like ^EnHV see § 53 g.
In Hoph'al 6 stands instead of 1, in V]in (for V"1in) Lv 423-28^ n^n 2 S 20", ^^,
and perhaps in NTli^ (for H^.V) Pr ii^S; but cf. Delitzsch on the passage. —
Ptcp. nyilO Is 125 qe^g (ny^jO K^th).—An infinitive Hoph'al with feminine
ending occurs in DlvT} Gn 4020, for n'1pn = vin ; cf. above, t, on ^np^3, and
§ 71 at the end.
8. The verb TJpH to go, also belongs in some respects to the 1"Q class, since it {](;
forms (as if from T]p1) imperfect '^?^, with wdw consecutive Tjb'l (in pause 1)7'.l
Gn 24", &c.), 1st sing. TI^NI (but in Jb 19'° Tj^NIN ; infinitive construct 03?
with suff. ""riD? {S'ghol under the influence of the following palatal, as in
'''=133, cf. also ^33) ; imperative '^b, "^2, ^" ^^^ lengthened form nSp (as an
interjection referring even to a feminine, Gn 19^2^ or a, plural, Gn 31^^) and "^p
(Nu 23", Ju 19", 2 Ch 25") ; Hiph. 'Ij-'bin (also in Ex 2^ ^3''9in 2nd fern,
imperative is to be read for ''3^p'''n, which probably arose merely through
192 The Vei^h [§70 a, J
confusion with the following 'ini?3''n) ; imperfect TJvi^ but in the ist sing, of
the imperfect consecutive always TjpiNI Lv 26I', Am 2!", &c. Rarely, and almost
exclusively late or in poetry, the regular inflexions of TI^H are also found :
imperf ^"Sn^ {^p 588, &c. ; but Tj^nn Ex 9^3, ^p 738; cf. § 64^0 and h) ; Tj'^nX
Jb i622, also Mesa' inscription, line 14, "jSlK; infin. '■^r\_ (Ex 3", Nu22"f-", 1
Ec 68-^) ; imperative plur. 13pn Jer si^o. On the other hand, the perfect Qal is
always T|7n, participle T]P"n, infinitive absolute !]i?n, Niph'al TJ^HJ , Pi'ei !]?n
Hithpa'el Tj^nJin, so that a "i never appears unmistakably as the first radical.
The usual explanation of the above forms is nevertheless based on a supposed
obsolete ^T. It is, however, more correct to regard the apparent V'Q
forms of 'y?T\ with Praetorius {ZAW. ii. 310 ff.) as originating with the
Hiph'il, of which the ground-form hahlikh became hdlikh, and this again, on
the analogy of the imperfect Qal of verbs X"D, holikh. This holikh being
referred to a supposed haulikh (properly haxclikh) gave rise to new formations
after the manner of verbs VS.
§ 70. Vey-hs ^"Q. Second Class, or Verbs jjroperly '•"s,
e. g. 3^J to be good. Paradigm L.
Brockelmann, Scmit. Sprachwiss., p. 143 fif. ; Grundriss, p. 603 ff.
Verbs properly '>"d differ from verbs /'s in the following points :
a 1. In Qal the initial Yodh never suffers aphaeresis or elision ; hence
the infinitive has the form K^^^^^ ^j^g im'perfect '^'^^\, )'\^\, \>V\ (in pause
lT-)> ^Iso written 3^', &c. ; and so always with a tone-bearing a in the
second syllable, even after ivciw consec, e.g. |*lT?l, except Yp^)] Gn g^*,
and "<?f^h Gn 2''», unless "^^f^ is to be included among verbs Ts (cf. "tJfi3
Is 43^")-
2. In HipliU the original form ^^Ip^H is regularly contracted to ^''^'•n
(rarely written y\:?\\, ^tD-n, &c.) ; imperfect 3''t3V., 2^^'1. Instances of
the uncontracted form are ^"'K'^! Pr 4^*, according to Earth (see above,
§ 67p), an example of an i-imperfect of Qal, since the Hijyh'tl is other-
wise always causative ; "IK'NT (imperative) ■^ 5' Q^re (the K^th. requires
"IB'in according to the form of verbs i"d ; cf. Is 45^ nB'IN A'«/A., "^tj'rt?
(^Ve), cf. Gn 8^' Q^re; D^^^O^P i Ch 12^ to be explained as a
denominative from fO^ ; DTP^^ Ho 7'" (§ 24/, note), but perhaps the
punctuation here is only intended to suggest another reading D"!Q!i<.
1 Cf. above, m, note 2.
2 This may be inferred from ^l"*^ (^''3) Is 27^^ which with its fern.
tV^yi Gn 8'', is the only example of an infinitive construct Qal of these verbs.
No example of the imperative Qal is found : consequently the forms 3D^, &c.
(in Paradigm L of the earlier editions of this Grammar), are only inferred
from the imperfect.
§§7oe, 7i] Verbs ^"Zi. Second Class 193
Rem. I. The only verbs of this kind are : DO"* to be good (only in the C
imperfect Qal and in Hiph'il ; in the perfect Qal 310, a verb V'y, is used instead),
py to suck, YP"* to awake, "lif"" to form (but see above, a), 7T only in Hiph'il
7^yn to bewail, "ItJ*^ to be straight, right, also B'H^ (Arabic yabisd) to be dry (but
Hiph'il E'^ain 2 S 198, on the analogy of verbs 1"a ; on Is 30^, cf. § 72 x), and
the Hiph'il po^n (denominative from pOp, infin. ^12^6 2 S 14" fo go to
the right.
2. In some examples of the imperfect Hiph'il the preformative has been
subsequently added to the contracted form: 3'^.1^ Jb 24"; 7^.'!'! ^^ I5*'^
r6^ ; ^*h^ Jer 4SS1 . pjur. ^^^f)'»^ Ho 7", cf. Is 65I*. Qimhi and others
explain the above forms from a phonetic interchange of Yodh and He, arising
from the unsyncopated forms /'y^'^% &c. (cf. Is 52^). It is, perhaps, more
correct to suppose that the regular forms (3''ip^\ ''vV.) were originally
intended, but that in the later pronunciation the syllable was broken up in
order to restore artificially the preformative which had become merged
in the first radical.
Isolated anomalies are : perfect Hiph'il ^rOl2''T^'\ Ez 36" with separating
vowel (for ^nab**)!) on the analogy of verbs V'V ', imperfect 3"'P\'' for 2''p\'*_
I K i<7; '•ntp^n {imperfect Qal for ''212''^) Na f ; 1np.''3ri1 imperfect Hiph'il Ex 2\
eitlier an error for 'pym, or an irregular shoiiening of the first syllable,
caused by the forward movement of the tone. Similarly, the Hiph'il ypT]
. < .<
(from yip) is always used instead of pp"*!! from yp"^ ; hence also Hlifpn ^ ''112? ^pH ,
imperat. r\Tpr\, infin. pj^n.— On =in^3*1 Na \*, see § 69 u).
§ 71. Verbs """d. Third Class, or Verbs with Yodh assimilated.
In some verbs '•"s, the YCdh (or the original JVdu^ does not quiesce
in the preceding vowel, but is regarded as a full consonant, and, like
iVjJw,^ is assimilated to the following consonant. These forms,
therefore, belong properly to the class of strong verbs. Assimilatioa
invariably takes place in ]1T^ (pi op. y^'l) to S2>read under; Iliph'tl T^>^,
Hoph'aU^r}; r\T to burn, imperfect nx^, Mph'al nS3, Iliph'tl n^i'n
(in Is 27" also HSn^^'K is to be read with Kiinig ; in 2 S 14^" the Masora
has rightly emended the KHhihh iTJT'Vini, which could only be the ist
sing. perf. of a verb "i"d, to the imperative i|)in''5fni in agreement with
the context and all the early versions); T£\, IlipJitl ^^^ to place,
Hoph'al 35fn ; and probably also in the forms ordinarily derived from
2XD, viz. 3^: (Niph'al), n^n, Tr, ^i'ri; at any rate a stem 3i:^ is
implied by the Ililhpa'el 32f^rin ; instead of the anomalous ^snpl Ex 2*
read with the Samaritan n^Tini, i.e. 32;'nril, Besides the common
form we find once p"^^ in Is 44^ (from PT, to pour) with a transitive
meaning, beside P??'l intransitive, i K 22^^. Elsewhere the imperfect
^ These verbs, like verbs JC'V (cf. above, note on § 67 jr), may perhaps havo
been influenced by the analogy of verbs |"a .
COWLKY O
194 The Verb [§ 72 a
consecutive has the form pi'H Gn 28'^, 35", &c., cf. § 69/, where also
other forms of \>T, are given ; ^If^fl and "lif^ (Is ^^'\ 49^, Jer i^ Q're),
from "^IfJ to form, are, however, used in the same sense. Cf. also
OIOS Ho 10" ; njlI'M (for 'n\ according to § 47 ^) i S 6'- ; ^b'S' 2 Cli 3 1^
(cf. § 69 w) and *TE10 Is 28'^ This assimilation is found always with
sibilants (most frequently with v) except in the case of "15*1 i K 3'*
(eo ed. Mant., Ginsb., Kittel ; but Jabl., Baer Y^->) and in nnVn
Gn 40-", Ez 16' (cf. nihn verse 4), infinitive Hoph'al of lb; (cf. =n^»
§69 0-
§ 72. Verhs ^"V (vulgo l"y), e. g. Dip to rise up. Paradigm M.
Brockelmann, Semit, Sprachwiss., p. 144 ff. ; Grunclriss, p. 605 fif.
a 1. According to § 67 a a large number of monosyllabic stems were
brought into agreement with the triliteral fonn by a strengthening,
or repetition, of the second radical, i. e. of the consonantal element
in the stem. In another large class of stems the same object has been
attained by strengthening the vocalic element. The ground-form
used for these verbs is not, as in other cases (§ 39 a), the 3rd sing,
masc. perfect, but always the infinitive construct form (§39 h), Xhe u
of which is characteristic also of the imperative and of the imperfect
indicative Qal. These stems are consequently termed verbs l"y or
more correctly (see below) 1"y,^
1 The term 1"y was consequent on the view that the Wdiv (or ^ in the case
of verbs ''"J?) in these stems was originally consonantal. This view seemed
especially to be supported by the return of the Wdw in Pi'el ("IIV, the 1
usually passing into "• as in D*p, cf. Arabic qdwwnma), and by certain forms
of the absolute state of the nouns of such stems, e.g. niD death, compared with
HTO to die. Hence in explaining the verbal forms a supposed stem qawam
(in verbs '•'''y e. g. sayat) was always assumed, and Dp'' was referred to an
original yaqwum, the infinitive absolute Dip to original qawom, the participle
passive G)p to original qawiim. It must, however, be admitted : (i) that
forms like H^y D'p (see to) are only to be found in the latest books, and are
hence evidently secondary as compared with the pure Hebrew forms DOip
&c. ; (2) that to refer the verbal forms invariably to the stem Dip) leads in
many cases to phonetic combinations which are essentially improbable,
wliereas the assumption of original middle-voicel stems renders a simple and
natural explanation almost always possible. These Vy stems are therefore
to be rigidly distinguished from the real Vy stems of the strong forms, such
as HIT J yia, &c. (see below, gg). — As early as the eleventh century the right
view with regard to Vy stems was taken by Samuel Hannagid (cf. Bacher,
Leben und Werke des AbulwaHd, p. 16) ; recently by B5ttcher {Lehrbuch,
§ I II 2), and (also as to y"y stems) especially by Miiller, Stade, and
Wellhausen (see above, § 67 a, note). On the other hand, the old view of
1 and 1 as consonants has been recently revived by Philippi, Barth,
M. Lambert, and especially Brockelmann (op. cit.).
§ 72 6-e] Terhs vy ^95
2. As in the case of verbs y^y, the monosyllabic stem of verbs ''"y b
generally takes the vowel which would have been required in the
second syllable of the ordinary strong form, or which belonged to
the ground-form, since this is essentially characteristic of the verbal
foiTQ (§436; § 676). However, it is to be remarked: (a) that the
vowel, short in itself, becomes of necessity long in an open syllable as
well as in a tone-bearing closed ultima (except in Hoph'dl, see d), e. g,
3rd sing. masc. perf. Di^, fern. "^9^, plur. *'^\^, but in a closed penultima
riDp, &c.^; (6) that in the forms as we now have them the lengthening
of the original short vowel sometimes takes place irregularly. Cf. /.
Intransitive verbs middle e in the j)erfect Qal have the form HJO he C
is dead; verbs middle o have the form liN he shone, tJ'S he v:as
ashamed, y^^ he was good.^ Cf. n-r.
3. In the imperfect Qal, perfect Niph'al, and throughout Hiph'il and (l
Iloph'al the short vowel of the preformatives in an open syllable before
the tone is changed into the corresponding tone-long vowel. In Qal
and Niph'al the original a is the basis of the form and not the t
attenuated from a (§ 67 /t; but cf. also h below, on ^'y.), hence Dlp^,
for ydqum, ; Dip3 for ndqom ; on the other hand, in the perfect Hiph'il
CPH for Mqtm ; participle Cj?^ (on the Sere cf. z) ; perfect Hoph'al
Dpin for hitqam.
A vowel thus lengthened before the tone is naturally changeable and 6
Y <
becomes vocal S^wd when the tone is moved foi-ward, e.g. ^lUT'D^ he will kill
him ; so also in the 3rd plur. imperfect Qal with Niin paragogic ; prJ^C (without
NUn ^n^D''). The wholly abnormal scriptio plena of e in "T'tp^nn Jer 2^^ (beside
■\^tOn in the same verse) should, with Konig, be emended to l""??^!!] ; the
incorrect repetition of the interrogative necessarily led to the pointing of
the form as perfect instead of imperfect. — But in Hoph'al the ?1 is retained
throughout as an unchangeable vowel, when it has been introduced by an
abnormal lengthening for the tone-long (as in the Hoph'al of verbs y"y).
^ In Aramaic, however, always DDp ; also in Hebrew grammars before
< < *
Qimhi flDp, "JjUOp, &c., are found, but in our editions of the Bible this occurs
only in pause, e.g. '•ijlDP^ Mi 7^, ynjD 2 K 7''*.
^ According to Stade {Grammatik, § 385 e and /) the e in HD is of the
nature of a diphthong (from ai, which arose from the union of the vowel 1,
the sign of tlie intransitive, with the d of the root', and likewise the in
"liN, &c. (from aw). But (from au) could not, by § 26 p, remain in a closed
penultima (n{^3, &c.) ; consequently the of these forms can only be
tone-long, i.e. due to lengthening of an original n, and similarly the e of
niO to lengthening of an original i. This is confirmed by the fact that the
6 in riK'3 ^riK'Il ^2^2 is always, and in ^^2, irdplur. perfect, nearly always
(the instances are 11 to 2), written defectively. Forms like HCIIl, ^tJ'13,
^■^iK, &e., are therefore due to orthographic licence.
2
196 The Verb [§72/-*
y 4. The cases of unusual vowel lengthening mentioned in h are :
imperfect Qal DIpJ (also in Arabic ydqAmu), but jussive with normal
lengthening (§ 48 gf), DpJ, with retraction of the tone Dj^J (ydqom),
Qj^*! (in pause Qp'l) ; i'ni2)erative Dip, with normal lengthening of the w
in the 2nd plur. fe7n. "^^PP, since, according to § 26 p, the tt cannot
be retained in a closed penultiraa ; infinitive construct D^P. In Hiph'U
the original i is naturally lengthened to i (C^pH, imperfect ^''Pl, jussive
< <
Di?T> with retraction of the tone Dp^, Dp*1) ; on the transference of this
? to the Hiph'U of the strong verb, cf. § 53 a.
fir The following forms require special consideration : the participle
Qtl DI? is to be traced to the ground-form with d unobscured, Arab.
qdtil, § 9 5', and § 50 h. On this analogy the form would be qdini,^
which after absorption of the i became D^, owing to the predominating
cliaracter of the d. The unchangeableness of the d {plur. D^'?i^, constr.
'^i;, &c.) favours this explanation.
// In the imperfect Qal, besides the forms with original ii (now ti) there
are also forms with original a. This a was lengthened to a, and then
farther obscured to 6 ; hence especially Ni3^ (^^t)' ^^t-> ^^-i from the
perfect N3 he has come. In the imperfects lifr^"" (but cf. i^^l^ril i S 14^^)
and K'il'' from the intransitive perfects "liX, B'3 (see above, c), most
probably also in ^nx"" 2K12', niW Gn 34'^ from an unused niN to
consent, and perhaps in D^^J^l i S 4°, &c., as in the cases noticed in
§ 63 e and especially § 67 n, the e of the preformative is lengthened
from I (which is attenuated from original a) and thus yi-hds became
yi-hds, and finally ye-hos. Finally the A'iph. OPJ (nd-qdm), imperfect
Di|3^ from yiqqdm, originally (§51 m) yinqdm, arises in the same way
from the obscuring of d lengthened from a.
f 5. In the perfect Niph'al and Hiph'U a i is inserted before the
afformatives beginning with a consonant in the ist and 2nd persons,
and ^-:7- regularly (but see Rem.) in the imperfect Qal, sometimes also
in the imperfect Hij^h'U (as in n3^X^2J;i Lv 7^", cf. HSD^nri Mi 2'% before
the termination of HJ. As in verbs ]}"]} (§ 6-j d and note) tliese
separating vowels serve as an artificial opening of the preceding
syllable, in order to preserve the long vowel ; in the perfect Hiph'U,
however, before the i, instead of the t an e is somewhat often found ^
(as a normal lengthening of the original i), especially after wdw con-
* So in Arabic, prop, qd'im, since tlie two vowels are kept apart by the
insertion of an N, cf. Aram. DXp ; but also contracted, as Mk, hdr, for jfd'ifc,
&c. (cf. Wright's Gramm. of the Arabic Language, 2nd ed. vol. i. p. 164).
" D|!!13^ti_'n 1 I S 6'' (cf. 2 Ch 6^2^) could only be an orthographic licence for
'y^TW ; perhaps, however, "y^^TW was originally intended.
§ 72 it-m] Verbs vy 197
seculive, Dt 4^^ 30', as well as befoi'e the afformatives DTI and fri or
before suffixes, Dt 22^, i S 6^ i K 8^\ Ez 34^ For in all these cases
the tone is removed from the S to the following syllable, and this
forward movement of the tone produces at the same time a weakening
of the itoe; thus D'i?n, niD^pn (or 'pr}^ ; on nnnyn Ex 19-^ cf. x), but
nbi^.ni, &c., Ex 26^", &c.; Dt 4^ Nu'iS^^ (cf., however, l3toi?r,i Mi 5^).
In the same way in the ist j)ers. sing, of the 'perfect Nifh'al, the 6
before the separating vowel is always modified to li (''niJ21p3) ; cf. v.
In the imperfect Qal and Hiph'il the separating vowel ''^:- always
bears tlie tone (nj^npn).
Without the separating vowel and consequently with the tone-long and /c
i instead of w and i we find in imperfect Qal njNQn (see § 76 gr) ; tP^'W Ez 16^^
(also ilJ^aiB'n in the same verse) ; Djnb'PlI i S 7" (cf. £235^ Q^ri; on the
KHhibh njac^'n cf. above, note on § 69 6) ; n^nNril 1 S 14" from "liX {K'thihh
njXiril and they saw, see § 75 to) ; in Hiph'il, e.g. nsjn Ex 20'^, also ^niD'^jn
Jb Si'^^ ; ""ripCni Jer 22-^; riiDK'n Jb 20!"; with a separating vowel, e.g.
n3''X''3ri Lv. 7 5'' from Ni3. S^ghol without ^ occurs in the imperfect Qal in
njnllDri Ez 13^^ Zc 1^'' ; and in Hiph'il Mi 2'^^ : the Dages in the Niin is, witli
Baer, to be rejected in all three cases according to the best authorities.
<
Wholly abnormal is njD^pn Jer 44^^ probably an erroneous transposition of
< * <
D* (for nJ''Dpri), unless it originates from an incorrect spelling n3p*j?n or
TV • :
6. The tone, as in verbs y"y (cf. § 67 ^), is also generally retained /
on the stem-syllable in verbs V'y before the afformatives i^-^, ^, ''-r- ',
thus nci? (but also 1? ""IT3 2 K 19'^', probably for the sake of rhythmical
uniformity with the following v '^JJ'!,, > after tvdw consecutive "^^^
Is 23''); ^0|^(but also 10^, cf. Is 28', 29», Na 3'*, f 76^ Pr 5^ La 4'«;
^i^ni I S 8" ; so especially before a following N, cf. § 49 I, Nu 13^^ ; ^V^]
I3i9>; before y, V' 131', Pr 3o'^ La 4'^); ^I?ipri, ^^P), but before
a suffix or with JViln j)aragogic DIDD^I 2 Ch 28'^ ; pCTp^ Dt 33", &c.
7. The formation of the conjugations Pi^el, Pu'al, and Hithpa'el is, m
strictly speaking, excluded by the nature of verbs ^'y. It is only in
the latest books that we begin to find a few secondary formations,
probably borrowed from Aramaic, on the analogy of verbs l"y (with
consonantal 1, see below, gg) ; e. g. the PHel 1;1.y to surround, only in
^T\}V ^/^ 119''; and with change of 1 to \ D'i? Est 9'", ^D>i? Est 9=',
impf. nn'.i5K\ y\r 1 1 9""', injln. D'p Ez \f, Ru 4^ &c.. Est 9^^ &c., imperat.
>3»»p r/.ii9'»; DPl^im Dni'« from 3in to he guilty. The Hithpa'el
''.^.^Vri Jos 9'^, which belongs to the older language, is probably a
denominative from *1^??. On the other liand the otherwise less common
conjugation Pclel (see § 55 c), with its passive and reflexive, is usually
198 The Ferb [§ 72 n-r
employed in the sense of Pl'el and as a substitute for it, e. g. D'i?^p to
set up from Dip; rifliD to slaughter, i S 14'^, 17*', 2 S i^ from niO;
DDi'l io exalt, passive O'O'n , from D1"> ; reflexive "l"liynn <c> stir up oneself
(cf. 'Ij^J'O? Jb 17'* in pause) from "11^; reciprocal 5J'K'3rin ^ fte ashamed
before one another, Gn 2^^. The conjugation Pilpel (§ 55/), on the
analogy of verbs v"y, is less common, e. g, ^!?PP to hurl away from ?1t3;
P3?3 to contain from ip^S ; "^[PP. to destroy from I^P.
Remarks.
I. On Qal.
n I. Of verbs middle e and 0, in which, as in the strong verb, the perfect and
participle have the same form (§ 50. 2), the follovring are the only examples :
< < <
no he is dead, fern. riDD, 2nd masc. nniO (cf. § 44 gr ; § 66 /») ; 1st sing. 'JJIO
< < < < .
"•npi (even in pause, Gn 19^^); i^Zwr. ^HD, i steers. WHO, in pause ^iflD • CS ^e
was ashamed, nK'S, ''JjlK'3, ^JK'i, lE'i ; "IIN it has shone, plur. Ilix ; 2113 to be good,
"13b. Participles DO a f?ea(i man {plur. D'^HO, ""riO) ; D^E'iS ashamed, Ez 32^".
For i: Is 27" read"n3, or, with LXX, ly.
Isolated anomalies in the perfect are : n3B'1 (with the original ending of
the fern, for nflKh) Ez 46" (see § 44 /) ; ppS Is 26" (see § 44 ;)•— In «3
I S 25* (for 1JN3 from Xi3) the N has been dropped contrary to custom. In
^S3 Jer 27'* (instead of ^X3) the Masora seems to point to the imperfect ^NS""
which is what would be expected ; as Todh precedes, it is perhaps simply
a scribal error.
p The form Dj^ occurs (cf. § 9 &) with N in the perfect, DNp Ho 10", also in
the participles DnS softly, Ju 421, cyXT poor, 2 S I2»-'*, Pr lO*, plur. 1323 ; D'^LJNE'
doing desjnte unto (unless D^lpXK' is to be read, from a stem 13NK' whence tSNK'
Ez 25'5, 365), Ez 282«-2''; /ew. '16"; also in Zc 14I0 n»N"J is to be read with
Ben-Naphtali for noXl. On the analogy of participles of verbs middle (like
D''B'i3, see above) D^Dip occurs for D^Dp 2 K 16' and even with a transitive
•L • '' L
meaning L3v occultans, Is 25'' ; D''D13 Zc lo^.— Participle passive, ?5|D circumcised;
but a^D a backslider, Pr 14I*, and n"llD 1im< aside, Is 49*1 (cf. Jer 17" <yre), are
verbal adjectives of the form qaful (§ 50 /), not passive participles. For
D'E'n hastening, Nu 32", read D"'C'Cn as in Ex 13" ; for ^^ItT Mi 2^ read "'3^.
ft 2. Imperfects in m almost always have the corresponding imperative and in-
finitive construct in u, as DIpJ , imperative and infinitive D5p (also defectively written
Dp^, Dip) ; but trn^ /je threshes {infn. E'n), has imperative "^mk {fern.), Mi 4" ;
I3^b »■< sZippe^;*, infinitive CiO (^J- 38", 46*); cf. HU (also TO) Nu n^s and yi3
Is 72 (elsewhere y^3) with the imperfects niJJ and y^r j Tiy^ Is 30^ ; 3i{y
Jos 2J'5; nil Ez 10" (verse 16 nn).
7' Where the imperfect (always intransitive in meaning) has the imperative
and infinitive also have it ; thus imperfect Ni3J (^^J)> '"^"- and mjper. NU or
N3' ; -1X»1 2 S 2S2, niN, niN; B'i3>, E'iS, &c.— tsipj Jb 8" (if it be a verb
at all and not rather a substantive) is formed on the analogy of verbs yy
^ In I K 1412 (nN33 before a genitive), the text is evidently corrupt : read
with Klostermann after the LXX TJXbS.
I § 72 s-v] Verbs vy 199
since the imperfect of b^p appears as D^pN in ^t 95^''. On the other hand
ptJ'p'' (as if from tJ'",p, on the analogy of NIT, &c,) occurs as imperfect of
K'p'' (''"D)- The imperfect pT*, with 0, Gn 6^, probably in the sense of to rule,
has no corresponding perfect, and is perhaps intentionally differentiated
from the common verb pT to judge (from p"n ''"]})■ Or can pT* be a, jussive
after N^ (cf. § 109 d) ? Similarly ("^J'^y) •'^y Dinn X^ might be taken as
a case of a jussive after NP, with irregular scriptio plena (as in Ju 16^"), in
Dt 7I6, 139, 1913.21^ 2512, Ez 6", 7*-9, 8", 910. But perhaps in all these cases
Dinn ii^ was originally intended, as in Is 13^*, Jer 21'', while cases like DH'
i// 72^3 are to be explained as in § 109 k. — The infinitive absolute always has 0,
e.g. llDIp; Dip Jer 4429.
3. In the imperative with afformatives (^D^p ^J2^p) the tone is on the stem 't
< < <
syllable (of., however, "'"liy Ju 5^^ intentionally varied from Hiy ; also "^Iri]}
Zc 137 and Is 51* beside ""DiS n^y ; '•b'"'? Zc 9^; n« Is 21^, ^£:iE; f 116^,
likewise for rhythmical reasons). So also the lengthened form, as HDIB'
Jer 3^2, i// 7*, and ni^y verse 7. But if an N follows in close connexion, the
lengthened imperative usually has the form HD^p, &c.,^ in order to avoid
a hiatus, e.g. Ju 4I*, ^ 82*; hence also before nin^, Q^re perpetuum ""yiX
(§ 17 c), e.g. if/ 38, •]'' riDlp (cf. , however, in the same verse n'^^)} and in Jer 40^,
nnB' before N), and so even before "> ^ 43I, 74^2, &c. (Han).
4. In the jussive, besides the form Dp"* (see above, /), Dip'' also occurs *
(as subjunctive, Ec 12* ; 3iDJ if/ So^^ may also, with Delitzsch, be regarded as
T <
a voluntative), incorrectly written plene, and Dp'' (Gn 27^1 ; cf. Ju 6^',
Pr 9^-^^), which, however, is only orthographically different from Dip"* (cf.
Jer 46^). In the imperfect consecutive (Dp*1 , in pause Dp'l , see above, /) if there
be a guttural or *1 in the last syllable, a often takes the place of 6, e. g.
< < <
nj>1 and he rested ; yj'l and it was moved ; 1D''< and he turned aside, Ju 4^*, Ru 4}
(distinguished only by the sense from Hiph'il "10*1 and he removed, Gn 8^*) ; "IX '1
Ex 21*, 2 K 52s, 175 (but also "ia>1 from both "153 to sojourn, and 1^3 to fear) ;
f]yM (to be distinguished from f\]!>\ and hefleio, Is 6*) and he was tveary, Ju 4^1,
1 S 1428-31, 2 S 2 lis, but probably in all these cases ^lyM for P|y^^1 from P]y'
is intended. For B'l^ni 2 S 13^ K^th., the Q«re rightly requires B'bni. On
< <
the other hand, in an open syllable always ^Dlp>1j niD*1, &c. On DpNI
(DpNI), see § 49 e.
Examples of the full plural ending p with the tone (see above, I) are ?^
pnpPl Gn f-* ; pD^r ^ 104'' ; p^n^ Jo i*-'^
II. On Niph'al.
< <
5. The form of the ist dng. ■perf. ""niD^pll , which frequently occurs CriilDJ , t'
^nil^D3, cf. also the ptcp. plur. D^D^33 Ex 14^), serves as a model for the
2nd sing. niDlp3 ni01p3, and the ist plur. ^jiD*p3 given in the paradigm,
although no instances of these forms are found ; but of the 2nd plur. the
^ Cf. Delitzsch's commentary on i^ 3*.
200 The Verb [§72M;-fla
only examples found have o (not m). "^iz. Dflifiaj ye have been scattered, Ez ii",
2c3<'«i, and Dnbpil and ye shall loathe tjourselves, Ez 20<3, 36^^— To the i (instead
of d) of the preformative may be traced the perfect ~liyo Zc 2" (analogous to
the perfect and participle ?te3, see below, ee), imperfect "1^V''_ for yi'or. — The
infinitive construct B'^'in occurs in Is 25^" ; in "liN7 Jb 3jS«, the Masora ass\imes
the elision of the H (for *liNn|5) ; but probably I'lXb {Qal) ii intended (see
J 51 i). — 3103 Is 1481^ jipj Is 5^13 are to be regarded as infinitives absolute,
III. On Hiph'il, Hoph'al, and Pi'lel.
Ii) 6. Examples of the perfect without a separating vowel (see above, k)
are : HXan , &c. (see further, § 76 gr) ; nriOH (from TilD) for hemdth-tu (of.
§ 20 a); 135n ist plur. perfect Hiph'il from pS 2 Ch 29", even Drijpn (§ 27 s)
Nu 176, &c. ; cf. I S 173B, 2 S 1328, also friDni Ex i^s, and Hinpni Ho 2^ ; but
elsewhere, with waw consecutive ""riion^ Is 14*"; cf. ""rip^ni Jer 16^^, and
riD3ni Ex 292^, &c. — In these cases the e of the first syllable is retained
in the secondary tone ; elsewhere in the second syllable before the tone
it becomes ^^^ (i Ch 15", &c.) or more frequently -^, and in the syllable
before the antepenultima it is necessarily -^ (e. g. '•ritopHV Gn 6^*). Before
a suffix in the 3rd sing. masc. (except Gn 40^^) and fem., and in the 3rd plur.,
the vowel of the initial syllable is Bafeph-S^ghol, in the other persons always
nateph-Fathah (KOnig) ; on 'inbpn 2 K 92, \t 89", cf. Ex 192s, Nu 3128, Dt ^39
22*, 272, 30^, Ez 34*, and above, t. The 3rd fem. perf. Hiph. nriDH i K 2129 is
<
quite abnormal for Hri'^pn from n^D or JVD,
X As in verbs ]i"V with n for their first radical (§ 67 w), all the forms of TlJ)
Ex 19^^ (where against the rule given under i we find nrnj^p with e instead
of I), Dt 8", Neh 9^*, Jer ^2^^, and "liy Is 4125, 45"^ take Pathah in these
conjugations instead of -^r. The irregular DiJli3K'ini Zc 10^ has evidently
arisen from a combination of two different readings, viz. D''ri2C''iri^ (from
2^'') and D^ni^vJ'ni (from nv^) : the latter is to be preferred.— On tr^n and
tynin as a (metaplastic) perfect Hiph'il of ^2, cf. § 78 6.
y 7. In the imperative, besides the short form Dpn (on 2t^n Is 42^2 with
Silluq, cf. § 29 5; but in Ez 2i35 for n^'H read the infinitive 2p7\) the
lengthened form i']12''pr\ is also found. With suffix ^3D^|?n, &c. The impera-
tive K^nn Jer 1 7I8' is ^irregular (for H^Ti Gn 43^^); perhaps N^nn (as in
I S 2C^" ; cf. 2 K 8«) is intended, or it was originally nN^DH.
Z In the infinitive, elision of the H occurs in N*nb Jer 39'', 2 Ch 311° (for
N'^Dni)) ; n fem. is added in nSJn!? Is 30"" ; cf. Est 2" and the analogous
• T ; ' T T T-:t
infinitive Ilciph'el in biblical Aramaic, Dn 52". — As infinitive absolute pDH occurs
in Ez 7" (perh. also Jos 4^, Jer ic"). — The participles have ?, on the analogy
of the perfect, as the vowel of the preformative, like verbs J?"y (§ 67 t). On
UO 2 S 52, &c. (in K'thibh), see § 74 k.
fia On the shortened forms of the imperfect (Dp^, Dpfl, but always ii2''\; in
the jussive also with retraction of the tone SK'rf/K i K 22") see above, /.
With a guttural or 1 the last syllable generally has Pathah (as in Qal), e.g.
nyn and he testified, 2 K ij" ; HT let him smell, 1 S 26" ; rnh Gn 82' ; nO'l
§ 72 bb-ee} Verbs vy 201
and he took away, Gn 8^^. The ist sing, of the imperfect consecutive commonly
has the form 3"'^N1 Neh 2^'>, or, more often, defectively nyxi i K 2*"^, less
frequently the form 2^ii\ Jos 14''.— For SIDN Zp i^ (after^'ei'DX) and in
verse 3, read ^Oii from ^DH, on the analogy of "\DX § 68 fir : similarly in
Jer S" DDDX instead of DE)''DS.
In the imp^Ject Polel the tone is moved backv^ards before a following tone- 00
syllable, but without a shortening of the vowel of the final syllable ; e.g.
''13 QDiin Pr i4»< ; 'b bbSm Jb 35" ; cf. Pr 252^, and ace. to Baer ^3 p'inm
Jb 30™ {ed. Mant., Ginsb. ^3 J33riri1), always in principal pause ; on the
Metheg with Sere, cf. § 16/ 7.— As Polal cf. yyi> Is iC^o.
As participle Eoph'al 3B'^!2n occurs in close connexion, Gn 43'^; cf. § 65 d.
Peculiar contracted forms of Poiel (unless they are transitives in Qal) are CC
1333^1 Jb 3115, !,3-^,y^ ^i2^ =l331Dri1 Is 64® for 13333^1, &c. [but read 13333^1
(§ 58 k), I3n;y^ or 133-lijJ^, and 1333001]; also DoSn Jb 17*, for DOD^n.— In
Is 1 5^ 1"^yy^ appears to have arisen from the PUpel ^'^V']V^ , the d after the loss
of the 1 having been lengthened to a, which has then been obscured to 0. —
For the strange form ^""DDipriS ^ i2>9^^> which cannot (according to §525)
be explained as a participle with the D omitted, read 'prijp3.
IV. In General.
8. The verbs V'y are primarily related to the verbs Vy (§ 67), which were UCl
also originally biliteral, so that it is especially necessary in analysing them
to pay attention to the differences between the inflexion of the two classes.
Several forms are exactly the same in both, e.g. imperfect Qal and Hiph'il with
wdw consecutive, the whole of Hoph'al, the Pi'M of verbs Vy, and the Po'eloi
verbs yy ; see § 67 s. Owing to this close relation, verbs l^y sometimes
have forms which follow the analogy of verbs yy, e.^. perfect Qal T3 he has
despised (from 113, as if from 113) Zc 4'" ; perfect Niph'al *1^3 Jer 48^^ (for ">iD3
from "yiD, as if from T1D). The same explanation equally applies to Ht^pJ
Jb loi for n^i53 (cf. § 67 cid)-n9*ip3 from Dip, and 1t£)'p3 Ez 6^ (for 1t3ip3) ;
IBin"" Ez 10" and IDn^l verse 15; IDhn {imperative) Nu 17"; 3D^ Mi 2« ;
Hiph'il perfect Iflll Is 18^ for inn (cf. § 29 g), which is for mn from lin. On
the other hand the imperfects ID^ Ez 48** (unless it be intended for "llD^
cf. ^ 15*) and ns^ Hb 2^, are to be regarded according to § 109 i, simply as
rhythmically shortened forms of l^JD^ and H^D"'.
9. In common with verbs y"y (§ 67 g) verbs 1*y sometimes have in Niph'al CC
and Hiph'il the quasi-Aramaic formation, by which, instead of the long
vowel under the preformative, they take a short vowel with Dagei forte in the
following consonant ; this variety is frequently found even along with
the ordinary form, e. g. iT'DH to incite, imperfect JT'D' (also n^DH D^D^) ;
TBT}^ imperfect yBl to remoce (from 31D), also Hoph'al 3Dn Is 59'* (on Djpn
cf. § 29 3) ; sometimes with a difference of meaning, as n*3n to cause to rest,^
but n"*!)!! {imperfect n*3^, consecutive niril Gn 39^' ; imperative nSH, plur. in^3n) to
<
set down ; for nn''3ni (Baer, Ginsburg '3ni) Zc 5^1 (which at any rate could
only be explained as an isolated passive of Hiph'il on the analogy of the
biblical Aramaic DD^pn Dn 7*) we should probably read nn^SHI with
* As the passive of this Hiph'il we should expect the Hoph'al n3ln, whicli
is, no doubt, to be read for n3in in La 5".
202 The Verb [§§72 J,!7i7, 73«
Kloste\;mann after the LXX. In Dn 8'i the KHhihh Dnn is intended for
a 2^erfect Hiph'il. There is also a distinction in meaning between pp^
to spend the night, to remain, and p^)^ Ex 16'^ Q'r'e {K^thibh ^JI^Pl ; conversely,
verse 2 K^ibh ^yfl, Q're ^31^^), participle p^l? Ex 168, Nu 1427, 1720, to be
stubborn, obstinate : in the latter sense from the form p?"* only p'l is found,
Ex 17^. Other examples are Niph'al 7"1133 he was circumcised, Gn I726'-;
participle 34^2 (from ^ID, not ^03) ; "I'lVp. .'»« is ivaAred wp, Zc 2^^ (see above, z)) ;
Hiph'il r\'^%r^ La i^ ; ^r^*' Pr 421.
T • •
ff Perhaps the same explanation applies to some forms of verbs first guttural
^'' with Dages forte implicitum, which others derive differently or would emend,
e. g. ^nm for B'nril and she hastened (from C'^H) Jb 31^ ; Dy*1 (another reading
is DJJ*1"), Dyril 1 S 1519, 25" (14" Q^re) from LIJ? or D^p to^Zt/ aC anything. Both,
as far as the form is concerned, would be correct apocopated imperfects from
ntJ'n and nJOy en"?), but these stems only occur with a wholly different
T T T T ^
meaning.
firnr 10. Verbs with a consonantal Waw for their second radical, are inflected
throughout like the strong form, provided the first or third radical is not
a weak letter, e. g. IIH, imperfect '■\\n\ to be white ; yi3, imperfect yi2^ to expire :
mi to be wide; mX to cry ; Pi' el ^-ly, mper/ec< b)T. to act wickedly; D^.y to bend,
Hithpa'el n.\ynn to bend oneself; and this is especially the case with verbs
which are at the same time T]"b , e. g. Hl^, Pi'el HJ^ to command, HJi? to wait,
mi to drink, Pi'el TW (on "HI'lS Is iC^, see § 75 dd) and Hiph'il miH <o ffiW to
drink, &c.
§ 73. Vej^hs middle i (vulgo '•"y), e.g. P? ^ discern.
Paradigm iV.
ft 1. These verbs agree, as regards their structure, exactly with verbs
Vy, and in contrast to them may be termed '•"y, or more correctly,
'ayin-i verbs, from the characteristic vowel of the imp/., imj)ei'., and
injin. constr. This distinction is justified in so far as it refers to a
difference in the pronunciation of the imperfect and its kindred forms,
the imperative and ivjin. constr. — the V'y verbs having il lengthened from
original ii and '•"y having t lengthened from original ?. In other respects
verbs ''"y simply belong to the class of really monosyllabic stems, which,
by a strengthening of their wcaZi'c element, have been assimilated to the
triliteral form ' (§ 67 a). In the perfect Qal the monosyllabic stem, as
in 1"y, has a lengthened from a, thus: DK' he has set; infinitive ri"'B',
infinitive absolute Hit:', i7nperative JT'K', imperfect T^^Pl, jussive T\pl
(§ 48 g), imperfect consecutive n^'JI. — The perfect Qal of some verbs
* Tliat verbs Vy and >"y are developed from biliteral roots at a period before
the differentiation of the Semitic languages is admitted even by NOldeke
{Beitrdge sur sem. Sprachwiss., Strassburg, 1904, p. 34 ff.), although he contests
the view that ''ri'3''3 and mi^l are to be referred to Hiph'il with the preforma-
tive dropped.
§ 73 ?>] Verbs ^''y 203
used to be treated as having a double set of forms, a regular series,
and others like Hiph'il without the preformative, e. g. P3 Dn lo' ; "T'i'?
Dn 9'-, also JHi? ^129^; JHi^n tliou strivesl, Jb 33''', also ^^1 La 3^*.
The above perfects (1*3, ^n^ &c.) might no doubt be taken as forms
middle e (properly i), the t of which has been lengthened to i (like
the u lengthened to xi in the imperfect Qal of D^ip). It is more
probable, however, that they are really shortened forms of Hiph'il.
This is supported by the fact that, especially in the case of p?, the
shortened forms are few and probably all late, while the corresponding
unshortened forms with the same meaning are very numerous, e. g.
2)erfect t^^ili (but f? only in Dn 10^), Drii3''3ri, infinitive f^H (but injin.
abs. P? only in Pr 23'), imperative *Q:'^ (only in Dn 9^^ P3^ immediately
before pn], also ^y^ three times, and HJ^a ^ 5^)^ particijde P^P.'
Elsewhere I{i2)h'tl-{oTms are in use along with actual ^aZ-forms with
the same meaning, thus : 3''"!? (also ^1), D'K'P placing (but only in
Jb 4-", which, with the critically untenable ''^''fe'n Ez 21^', is the only
instance of D^fe* in Hi2)h'il), n''2D breaking forth Ju 20^^, with injin. Qal
in>3; ilE^'m they rushed f<yrth Ju 2o'^ with B'n, 'nph ; pV? glancing,
also in perfect P^; X^pH he spat out, with imperat. Qal I"*?. As passives
we find a few apparent imperfects Hoph'al, which are really (according
to § 53%) imperfects passive of Qal, e.g. ^HT^ Is 66* from /'H to turn
round, IB'V from "IT <o ^m^f, HC'V from n^B' ^o «««.
2. The above-mentioned Hiph'U-forms might equally well be derived u
from verbs ^"V ; and the influence of the analogy of verbs V'y is
distinctly seen in the Niph'al fi^J (ground-form nahan), Folel fP.i3, and
Hithpolel i^i^nn. The very close relation existing between verbs """jr
and 1'y is evident also from the fact that from some stems both forms
occur side by side in Qal, thus from <'''n to turn round, imjterative also
V^n Mi 4'"; CK* to place, infinitive construct commonly D'lB' (2814''^
D'b' Q^re), imperfect D*^^, but Ex 4'' Dlb'^, In other verbs one form is,
at any rate, the more common, e. g. ?"'3 to exvXt (^1^3 only Pr 23** K^tMhh);
from p/ (perhaps denominative from ? v) <o spend the night, p?^ occurs
six times as infinitive construct, Pr-p only in Gn 24^^ ; but the imperative
is always P?, &c. — Of verbs '•"j? the most common are ri^C' to set,
3'''! to strive, P'1 to judge, K'''B' to rejoice ; cf. also perfect -'3 {middle
^ Since n33 ^ 139* might be intended for ri'33, there remains really no
form of pi which must necessarily be explained as a Qal, except the pkjK
plur. D''33 Jer 49'. Nevertheless it is highly probable that all the above
instances of Hiph'il-forms, parallel with Qal-forms of the same meaning,
are merely due to a secondary formation from the imperfects Qal pD^, ^""^^ ,
&c., which were wrongly r-egarded as imperfects Hiph'il : so Earth, ZDMG. xliii.
p. 190 f., and Nominalhildung, p. 119 f.
204 The Verb l^i^c-g
Yodh in Arabic) to comprehend, to measure, Is 40^^ ; ti^y (as in Arabic
and Syriac) to rush upon, and the denominative ^er/ec« )'[> (from ^i^) to
pass the summer, Is i8^ On the other hand, D13"'1^ and they shall fish
them, Jer 16", generally explained as perfect Qal, denominative from
i'^fish, probably represents a denominative Pi'el, '3*1^
C Corresponding to verbs properly V'V, mentioned in § 72 gg, there are
certain verbs ^"J? with consonantal Todh, as ^^^ to hate, ^'^V to faint, H^n
to become, to be, HTI to live.
d Rem. I. In the perfect Qal 3rd fern. sing. Jli?) occurs once, Zc 5*, fo,r Mip"),
with the weakening of the toneless a to e (as in the fern, participle nniT Is 59*) ;
cf. the analogous examples in § 48 i and § 80 t.— 2nd sing. masc. HTlK' ^ 90®, (^re
(before V; cf. § 72 s) ; ist sing, once ^n^ ip 73'*, milra', without any-
apparent reason ; ist plur. 13^1 Ju 19" for Idn-nu. The lengthened imperatixe
has the tone on the ultima before gutturals, nin" nn^"] ^ 35^ ; see further,
§ 72 s. — Examples of the infinitive absolute are : IT liligando, Ju 11^, Jb 4c*;
OVt? Jer 42i«; ni? ponendo, Is 22'. On the other hand, 3>n^ n"*! (for 3^1)
Jer 5o3<, pnn r3 Pr 23s ^Jinn Sn Ez 30" i:«fA., are irregular and perhaps
due to incorrect scriptio plena; for the last the Q^re requires 7^nri P^n^
but read ^"in ; cf. § 1 1 3 x.
e 2. The shortened imperfect usually has the form |3J, tfe'^, HE'^ ; more rarely,
with the tone moved back, e.g. 'b nT Ju 6'S cf. Ex 23^, n2'r)-^« i S 9^.
So with waw consecutive Ciph and he placed, fZl'1 and he perceived ; with a middle
guttural Ona tsy'l i S 35" (see § 72 ee) ; with 1 as 3rd radical, "l^W Ju 5I.
As jussive of pb, f^Pt is found in Ju 1920 (in pause) and Jb \f, for Jpri.— For
niin-^K Pr 3*> Keth. {Q^re 3nri) read 2~\n
once, Nell 1 3^^ ;
niDlb' 2 S 13^2^ in the
Q're, even according to the reading of the Oriental schools (see p. 38, note 2) !
the K'thibh has nD'''E', A passive of Qal (cf. above, § 52 c and s, and § 53 «)
from Wp may perhaps be seen in Db'^'l Gn 5c2« (also Gn 2^^ KHh'ibh DE'^'»1,
Q«re D'B"»'V. the Samaritan in both places has OK'^I), and also in TJD'^ Ex 30'^
Samaritan "JDV. Against the explanation of •]D"''' as a Hop/t'a^-form from
!]5|D, Barth {Jubelschrifl . .. Hildesheimer, Berlin, 1890, p. 151) rightly urges
that the only example of a Hiph'il of !J1D is the doubtful !]D»1, which is
probably an i-imperfect of gai.— The explanation of DB'"'\ &c., as a passive of
Qal arising from yiysam, kc. = yuysam (so Barth, ibid., note i), is certainly also
unconvincing, so that the correctness of the traditional reading is open to
question.
* *****
«• 4. In verbs N"y the S always retains its consonantal value ; these stems
are, therefore, to be regarded as verbs middle Guttural (§ 64). An exception
is Y^y Ec 12» if it be impeifed Hiph'il of yni (for yHT) ; but if the form has
really been correctly transmitted, it should rather be referred to y^^, and
regarded as incorrectly written for yT. On ViS3 (from HIXl), which was
formerly treated here as H"V, eee now § 75 x.
f 3. As participle active Qal J? spending the night, occurs
participle passive CB' Nu 242*, i 89^^*, Ob*; feminine HDlb
§ 74 a-0 Vei'hs ^"h 205
§ 74. Verbs ^"h, e. g. Nifo ^^ ^h<^. Paradigm 0.
The N in these verbs, as in verbs n'^D, is treated in some cases as CI
a consonant, i.e. as a guttural, in others as having no consonantal
value (as a quiescent or vowel letter), viz. :
1. In those forms which terminate with the N, the final syllable
always has the i-egular vowels, if long, e. g. ^V^, X2»*0, ^Vi^ , X''Vt3n, i. e.
the N simply quiesces in the long vowel, without the latter suffering
any change whatever. It is just possible that after the altogether
heterogeneous vowel u the N may originally have preserved a certain
consonantal value. On the other hand, if the final N quiesces in
a preceding d (as in the ferject, ini'perfect, and imperative Qal, in the
2)erfect KipKal, and in Pu'al and Hoph'aV) this d is necessarily
lengthened to a, by § 27 g, as standing in an open syllable ; e. g. ^'^'O
SXtp^, &c.
The imperfect and imperative Qal invariably have a in the final syllable, on O
the analogy of verbs tertiae gutturalis ; cf., however, § 76 e. — In the imperfect
Hithpa'el a occurs in the final syllable not only (according to § 54 k) in the
principal pause (Nu 31"'), or immediately laefore it (Jb 10^*'), or with
the lesser disjunctives (Lv zi^*, Nu 19^3.^0^^ ^ut even out of pause with
Mer^kha, Nu 6'', and even before Maqqeph in Nu 19'^.
2. When N stands at the end of a syllable before an afformatlve C
beginning with a consonant (n, 3), it likewise quiesces with the
preceding vowel ; thus in the perfect Qal (and Hcqjh'al, see below)
quiescing with a it regularly becomes Qames (^^-f^ for J?^'-??) &c.) ;
but in the perfect of all the other active and reflexive conjugations,
so far as they occur, it is preceded by Sere (riKi'DJ, &c.), and in the
imperative and imperfect hj S^ghul, njSVtp^ njxyjpri.
(a) The S^ghol of these forms of the imperfect and imperative might be (*
considered as a modification, and at the same time a lengthening of an
original a (see § 8 a^. In the same way the e of the perfect forms in Pi'el,
Hithpa'el, and Hiph'il might be traced to an original i (as in other cases the
e and i in the final syllable of the 3rd sing. masc. perfect of these conjuga-
tions), although this i may have only been attenuated from an original a.
According to another, and probably the correct explanation, however, both
tlie Sere and the S^ghol are due to the analogy of verbs n*? (§ 75 /) in
consequence of the close relation between the two classes, cf. § 75 nn. — No
form of this kind occurs in Pu'al ; in the perfect Hoph'al only the 2nd tnasc.
sing. nriKIin Ez 40*, lengthened according to rule.
(h) Before suffixes attached by a connecting vowel (e.g. *3X"1|5"') the N (^
retains its consonantal value; so before ^ and DD, e.g. ^XVIDX Ct 8';
''\Vr\3r} Ez 28" (cf. § 65 h), not ^Xi'DS, &c., since tliese suffixes, "by § 58/,
a^re likewise attached to the verb-form by a connecting vowel in the form of
S'wd mobile. — As infinitive Qal with suffix notice ^XTO Ez 25^ ; participle with
suffix ^X^'3 Is 43^; infinitive Pi'cl D3Nt3^2. — The doubly anomalous form
^Nlp^ Jer 23* (for ^HN^i?^ or ^SS^p^) is perhaps a forma mixta combining the
readings iNip^ and isipV
2o6 The Verb llnf-^
J" 3, Wlien N begins a syllable (consequently before afformatives
which consist of or begin with a vowel, as well as before suffixes)
it is necessarily a firm consonant, and the form then follows the
analogy of the strong verb, e.g. nS'lfO mdfa, 1^<5fO^ &c. {\.n j}ause
Remarks,
ioc I. Verbs middle e, like NpD to be full, retain the Sere also in the other
persons of the perfect, e. g. '•riKTb {Sn?^ Est 7' lias owing to its transitive
use ; for DnNT* Jos 4^* read with Ewald DnXT'). Instead of HNSO the form
r\in\) she names, on the analogy of the n'v-forms noticed in § 75 m, occurs in
Is 7" (from nt?"!P J cf. § 44 /), and with a different meaning {it befalls)
in Dt 31*', Jer 44*^, in both places before K, and hence, probably, to avoid
a hiatus (on the other hand, DNDni Ex 5^^, could only be the 2nd sing. masc. ;
the text which is evidently corrupt should probably be emended to
^Oyb nNOm with the LXX) ; in Niph'al HN^SJ ^ 118^; in Hopk'al nN^H
Gn 33I*. — The 2nd fern. sing, is written rHOp by Baer, Gen 1611, &c., according
to early MSS.
fl 2. The infn. Qal occurs sometimes on the analogy of verbs H"? (Hva, &c.,
see § 75 mm) in the feminine form ; so always DN^D to fill (as distinguished
from nS» fullness), Lv 8'^, i2*«, 25^0, Jer 29I0, Ez 5^, also written niN^D
Jer 2512/jb 2o22, &c., and riNi^t? Est i^. Cf. further, DNip Ju 8'; m:^
Pr 8" ; before suffixes, Ez 33'*, and likewise in Niph. Zc 13* ; also in Pi'el
nxVnb Ex 3i5, 353s, or niX^lO^ Dn 92, &c. KHhibh ; with suffix 2 S 212.— On
the (aramaizing) infinitives NE'D and niXK'D, see § 45 e; on DSIpp obviam,
§ 19 k. — DSKVtoll when ye find, Gn 3220, stands, according to § 93 q, for
D3KifD. The tone of the lengthened imperative nNS") Ps 41' as Mil^ra' (before
^K'SJ) is to be explained on rhythmical grounds; cf. the analogous cases in
§ 72 s. — The 2nd fern. plur. imperative in Ru i^ has, according to Qimhi, the
form T|N2fjp and in verse 20 ■,]Vr}\> ; on the other hand, the Mantua edition
and Ginsburg, on good authority, read T}Xytp 'JXIP.
I 3. The participle fern, is commonly contracted, e. g. HNifb (for JlX^b) 2 S iS^^,
cf. Est 215 ; SO Niph'al nN^Q? Dt 30", Zc c,'' (but HNE'? Is 30^5), and Hoph'al,
Gn 38^5 . less frequent forms are T\^'f\'0 Ct 8" ; nXB'J i K 1022 (cf. § 76 b,
rivVU' beside riNb? as infinitive construct from Nt^J) and without K (see k)
nSi'"" (from \^T) Dt 285''. In the forms ^''^'dn sinning, 1 S 1^^^, cf. ^ 99* ;
DSnln feigning them, Neh 6^, the K is elided, and is only retained ortho-
graphically (§ 23 c) after the retraction of its vowel ; see the analogous
cases in § 75 00. — On the plur. masc. ptcp. Niph. cf. § 93 00.
fC 4. Frequently an X which is quiescent is omitted in writing (§ 23 /) :
(a) in the middle of the word, e. g. 132 i S 258; TlXO Nu 11", cf. Jb i^i :
"•riDS Ju 4^9, cf. Jb 32". In the imperfect njjfn Jer 9", Zc 5^, Ru i" (but the
same form occurs with Yodh pleonastic after the manner of verbs n"P in
Ez 23^9, according to the common reading ; cf. § 76 6 and Jer 5020) ; in Pi'el
nutans (after elision of the N, cf. § 75 00) Gn 31*^; and also in Niph'al
Dnbpi Lv 1 1« ; cf. Jos 2>6. (6) at the end of the word ; 13*1 i K 1 2I- K'thibh ;
Hiph'il »L5nn 2 K I3«, cf. Is 53'« ci)nn for X''^nn perfect Hiph'U of H^H formed
• v;lv • v:iv ' V:iv t t
§§ 74 1 75 «, *] Verbs n"!> 207
after the manner of verbs N"b) ; in the imperfect Hiph'il ''E^^ tp 55^^ K^thilh ;
^J^ tf 141^; ""nN I K 21", Mi 1^5. in the infinitive, Jcr 32*^; in the participle,
2 S 52, I K 21=1, Jer 191-^, 39'6, all in KUhihh (^310, always before N, hence
perhaps only a scribal error).
5. In i\\e jussive, imperfect consecutive, and imperative Hiph'il a number of cases /
occur with i in the final syllable ; cf. NK'^ Is 36" (in the parallel passages
2 K 18M 2 Ch 3215 N''E'!); N"'2;i Neh s'^ (before V) ; {<pn>l 2 K 2i'i (cf.
I K i62, 2i22) ; N3nP11 2 K 629 . ^'^.^s^_ Dj; ^20^ j K 1112, ^. 78''67'i"o5" ; imperative
K>3n Jer 17I8; K^ifin Is 438 (in both cases before J?). If the tradition be
correct (which at least in the defectively written forms appears very doubtful)
the retention of the i is to be attributed to the open syllable ; while in the
closed syllable of the 3rd sing. masc. and fem., and the 2nd sing. masc. after 1
consecutive, the i is always reduced to e. In the examples before ]} considera-
tions of euphony may also have had some influence (cf. § 75 hh). — la
Ez 40^, Baer reads with the Western school N"'3'1, while the Orientals read
in the K^tMbh S1T1, and in the Q^re ii2^\.
On the transition of verbs H"? to forms of n"? see § 75 nn.
§75. Verbs n"7, e.g. npa to reveal. Paradigm P.
Brockelmann, Semit. Sprachwiss., p. 149 ff. ; Grundriss, p. 618 S. — G. R. Berry,
'Original Waw in n'v verbs' in AJSL. xx. 256 f.
These verbs, like the verbs ^"d (§§ 69, 70), belong to two different a
classes, viz. those originally \"7 and those originally ''"7,' which in
Arabic, and even more in Ethiopia, are still clearly distinguished.
In Hebrew, instead of the original 1 or ^ at the end of the word,
a n always appears (except in the ^;^cp. pass. Qal) as a purely ortho-
graphic indication of a final vowel (§ 23 A;); hence both classes are
called n"7, e. g. npa for vj he has revealed ; H^B' for 1?^' he has rested.
By far the greater number of these verbs are, however, treated as
originally "•"? ; only isolated forms occur of verbs l"?.
nbti' to be at rest may be recognized as originally Y'7, in the forms in which ^
the TVdw appears as a strong consonant, cf, 1st sing, perfect Qal ^flyti' Jb 3^*,
the participle )p^ and the derivative TW?^ rest; on the other hand the imperfect
is vbV^ (with Yodh). In Hjy (Arab, '•jy) to answer, and nJJ? (Arab. 13J?) 2 to be
afflicted, are to be seen two verbs originally distinct, which have been assimi-
lated in Hebrew (see the Lexicon, s. v, Hjy).
- According to Wellhausen, ' Ueber einige Arten schwacher Verba ' in his
Skissen, vi. p. 255 ff., the n"b verbs, apart from some true Y'p and some
probable ^"p, are to be regarded as originally biliteral. To compensate for
their arrested development they lengthened the vowel after the 2nd radical,
as the 1"y verbs did after the ist radical. But although there is much to be
said for this view, it fails to explain pausal forms like n^DH (see m). It seems
impossible that these should all be late formations.
2 In the Mesa' inscription, line 5, Ijyi and he oppressed occurs as 3rd sing.
masc. imperfect Pi'el, and in line 6, liVN I will oppress as ist sing.
2o8 The Verb [§ 75 <^-e
Of quite a different class are those yerbs of which the third radical is a
consonantal H (distinguished by Mappiq). These are inflected throughout like
verbs tertiae gutturalis. Cf. § 65 note on the heading.
C The grammatical structure of verbs n"^ (see Paradigm P) is based
on the following laws : —
1. In all forms in which the original YCdh or Wdw would stand at
the end of the word, it is dropped (cf. ^ 24 g) and n takes its place as
an orthographic indication of the preceding long vowel. Such an
indication would have been indispensable, on practical grounds, in the
still unvocalized consonantal text. But even after the addition of
the vowel signs, the orthographic rule remained, with insignificant
exceptions (see § 8 Jc, and a in J?^^!?, &c.), that a final vowel must be
indicated by a vowel letter. In verbs n^b the n which is here em-
ployed as a vowel letter is preceded by the same vowel in the same part
of the verb throughout all the conjugations. Thus the endings are—
n_ in all perfects, n^3, nb:3, n^3, &c.
n__ in all imperfects and participles, n?3\ n^a, &c.
n__ in all imperatives, n?a, n?a, &c.
ni_ in the infinitive absolute (n>a , &c.), except in H{2)h'il, Hojph'al,
and generally also Pi' el, see aa andjf.
The participle passive Qal alone forms an exception, the original
"I (or 1 , see v) reappearing at the end, ""va ; and so also some derived
nouns (§ 84", c, c, &c.).
The infinitive construct always has the ending ni (with T\ feminine);
Qal ni^a, Pi' el JTi^a, &c.; for exceptions, see n and y.
d These forms may be explained as follows:— in the ■perfect Qal TO^ stands,
according to the above, for 0)^3, and, similarly, in Niph'al, Pu'al, and Hoph'al.
The Pi'el and Hiihpa'el may be based on the forms b^\>, b^pj)^ (§ B^ ^ ', and
§ 54 k), and Hiph'il on the form ^CpH , on the analogy of the a in the second
syllable of the Arabic "dqtala (§ 53 a). Perhaps, however, the final a of these
conjugations simply follows the analogy of the other conjugations.
e The explanation of the final tone-bearing n__ of the imperfect is still a
matter of dispute. As to the various treatments of it, see Earth, Nominal-
bildung, i. p. xxx ff, with § 136, Rem., and ZDMG. xliv. 695 f., against
Philippi's objections in the Zeitschrift fur Volkerpsychologie, 1890, p. 356 f. ; also
ZDMO. Ivi. 244, where Earth appeals to the rule that, in the period before
the differentiation of the North Semitic dialects, final iy becomes __ {constr.
n ), not i ; M. Lambert, Joum.Asiat. 1893, p. 285 ; Pratorius, ZDMG. Iv. 365.
The most probable explanation now seems to be, first, that the uniform pro-
nunciation of a« imperfects and participles with SV'o' in the lastsyllable merely
follows the analogy of the impf. QaJ, and secondly, that the S^ghol of the impf.
Qal does perhaps ultimately represent a contraction of the original termina-
tion ''__ { = ai), although elsewhere (e.g. in the imperative of n"P) ai is usually
contracted to e.
§ 75/-0 ^^^^«y ^"^ 209
2. When the original Yodh stands at the end of the syllable before f
an afformative beginning with a consonant (n, 3) there arises (a) in
the perfects, primarily the diphthong ai C^:^). In the middle of the
word this ought always to be contracted to e O-it-), but this e is only
found consistently in the passive conjugations, whilst regularly in Qal,
and frequently in the other active and reflexive conjugations (especially
in Pi el), it appears as t (cf. x, z, ee). This i, however, in the perf.
Qal is not to be explained as a weakening of an original e, but as the
original vowel of the intransitive form. It then became usual also
in the transitive forms of Qal (and in some other conjugations on this
analogy), whereas e. g. in Syriac -ihe two kinds of forms are still
carefully distinguished. — (6) In the imperfects and imperatives, ""^^
with the tone always appears before the afformative n3. On the most
probable explanation of this ''-rr-, see above, e.
Summary. Accordingly before afformatives beginning with a con- g
sonant the principal vowel is —
In the perfect Qal i, e. g. rCpa ;
In the perfects of the other active and reflexive conjugations,
sometimes e, sometimes *, n\f3 and ri''^? ; ri\?33 and ^ V?? 5
In the perfects passive always e, e.g. jn\?2 ;
In the imperfects and imperatives always ^-rr-, e.g. '"'Jv?' ^t «i"^'
The diphthongal forms have been systematically retained in Arabic and
Ethiopic ; only as an exception and in the popular language is the diphthong
contracted. In Aramaic the contracted forms predominate, yet the Syriac,
for example, has in Qal 2nd pers. sing, g'lait (but 1st pers. sing. riyS), and so
too the Western Aramaic n"*?!!, but also JT'^a.
3. Before the vocalic afformatives (^ , ''-r-, i^-^) the Yodh Is usually h
dropped altogether, e. g. v2 (ground-form gdldyd), y^^, participle
fern, npa, plur. masc. Dy^; yet the old full forms also not infrequently
occur, especially in pause, see u. The elision of the Yodh takes place
regularly before suffixes, e. g. ^^3 (see II).
4. In the 3rd sivg. fern, perfect, the original feminine ending ri__ i
was appended to the stem ; hence, after elision of the YCdh, arose
properly forms like npa, -with a in the final syllable with the tone.
This form, however, has been but rarely preserved (see below, m).
The analogy of the other fonns had so much influence, that the
common ending n_. was added pleonastically to the ending ri__.
Before the il-^ the vowel of the ending T^-^, which thus loses the
tone, becomes ^^wd, and thus there arise such forms as nrip3 , nrip33,
&c. (but in pause nnpa , &c.).
For similar cases see § 70 c?; § 91 m.
COWLEY P
2IO The Verb L§75't-«
k 5. Finally, a strongly-marked peculiarity of verbs n"7 is the
rejection of the ending n__ in forming the jussive and the imperfect
consecutive. This shortening c curs in all the conjugations, and
Eometiraes also involves further changes in the vocalization (see o, y,
bb, gg). Similarly, in some conjugations a shortened imperative (cf.
§ 48 k) is formed by ajwcope of the final n__ (see cc, gg).
I 6. The ordinary form of the imperfect with the ending n__ serves
in verbs T]"^ to express the cohortative also (§ 48 c); cf. Gn i^®, 2'*,
2 Ch 25^^, &c. With a final n_- there occur only: in Qal, ^V^^
yj/ 119"', i^^^Qf!? (with the ■• retained, see below, u) ^ ']']'*; and in
Eithpa'el nyriipJI Is 41^^ (with Tiphha, therefore in lesser pause).
Remarks.
I. On Qal.
VI I. The older form of the/ew. of the 3rd sing. perf. TO^, mentioned above,
under i (cf. § 74 g), is preserved in Db'y (before N) Lv 25^^ (cf. 2 K 9" K^thibh) • ;
likewise in Hlph'il nXin (before X) Lv 26" ; nX^n Ez 24I2 ; and in Hoph'al
Dpjn (before "•) Jer 13". — The 2nd sing. fern, is also wntten H'' ; thus in the
textus receptus ri"'^n"l 2 S 14^^, and always in Baer's editions (since 1872), as in
most other verbs ; H'tn and n"'^? Is 57* ; rT'B'y Jer 228, Ez i6*% &c. (so nx;pni
I K 17'^ from XX''). In the 3rd pers. plur. the tone, instead of keeping its
usual place (^P3, &c.), is retracted in ip z'j^", ^P3, both on account o{ the paiise
and also in rhythmical antithesis to the preceding IPS ; also in Is 16^ IVri
(according to Delitzsch for the sake of the assonance with ^^33) ; and in
Jb 24^ ^TH. — On the tone of the perfect consecutive see § 49 fc.
n 2. The infin. absol. frequently has S (probably a survival of the older ortho-
graphy) for nL_, e. g. ^''n Gn iS^^ ; ib'J? Jer 4^^, &c., Ez 31" ; ijf? 2 S 242* ;
^X") Gn 2628, Is 69 (cf. i S 6")^ &c., beside nX"1. The form nintt' Is 22" (beside
iriK' in the same verse) appears to have been chosen on account of its simi-
larity in sound to uHK'; so in Is 422" (yre and Ho 10*. ni?N (unless it is a
substantive, oaths) and nT3 ; cf. also flilj? Hb 3*3. — Conversely, instead of the
infinitive construct DvH such forms are occasionally found as n73 or \p^ , cf. HXl
Gn 48" ; nip Pr 16I6 ; ntJ'y Gn 5020, ^ iqjS^ also V^J? Gn 3128 (cf. Pr'31*), and
even with the suffix in the very remarkable form iHK'y Ex 18'*. 2 — The feminine
form niXT (for H^X"!) Ez 28", analogous to nouns like niX3 (cf. § 45 d), is
strange, but iTTI as infin. Ez 21'^ is quite inexplicable. — The forms ijn and il"n
Is 59^8 are perhaps to be regarded with Barth, Nominalbildtmg, § 51a, as
infinitives absolute of the passive of Qal (see above, § 53 u), not of Po'el. — The 2nd
sing. masc. imperative n^m occurs in the principal pause in Pr 4* and 72 ; but
' In the Siloam inscription also (see above, § 2 d), line 3, n^H may be read
riTl quite as well as fnTlTt,
2 All these infinitives construct in 0, in the Pentateuch, belong to the
document called E ; cf. § 69 m, second note.
§75 0-0 Ferhs r\"\> 211
probably these forms are simply to be attributed to ." Masoretic school, which
in general marked the difference between certain forms by the use of e for e,
and conversely e for e ; cf. the analogous examples in § 52 n, and especially
§ 75 hh, also Kautzsch, Grammatik des Bihl.-Aram., § 17, 2, Rem. i. — On the
reading r\yky} Ct 3" (for n^Xn^ on the analogy of the reading njX^J?, &c.,
§ 74 h), see Baer's note on the passage.
3. The shortening of the imperfect (see above, k, and the note on hh) occasions
in Qal the following changes :
(a) As a rule the first radical takes a helping S'ghol, or, if the second radical
is a guttural, a helping Pathah (according to § 28 e). Thus P^"" for pj"" • TI1*1
and he despised, Gn 25'* ; |5!1 ^^'^ ^^ built; ytJ"^ he looks ; niD^I and he destroyed,
Gn 7M
(&) The i of the preformative is then sometimes lengthened to e, e.g. HCi^ JJ
he sees. This, however, mostly happens only after the preformative n, whilst
after i the homogeneous i remains, e.g. ?2F\\ (but by'), |Bri1 (but fQ^), 2'}h)
(but 2njl) ; with middle guttural J/HJl, n3P)1 Jb 17^ (from HnS). The unusual
< <
position of the tone in K"iri Zc 9', iOT}] Mi 7^° (so Baer and Ginsb. ; ed. Mant.
< < ' <
N'V, a.")!^)) is best explained (except in X'l'' Gn 41^3, before B) on the analogy
<
of riDIp, &c., § 72 s, as due to the following N, But cf. also hh.
(c) The helping vowel is elsewhere not used under the circumstances men- (J
tioned in § 28 d ; 2^]\ Nu 21I, Jer 4110, ^f. riSM Jb 312^ ; on the other hand,
with I lengthened intoe (seep) P\^^\, ^2'1, T^)^ Lb'''. The form XV he sees,
occurs parallel with X")*1 and he saw (but 3rd /em. always XHWI), the latter
with the original Paihah on account of the following "I , and identical with
the 3rd sing. masc. of the imperf. consec. Hiph'il, 2 K 11*.
id) Examples of verbs primae gutturalis (§ 63), and at the same time H"?, T
are K'yi, in pause B'ys^ and he made, from ntJ^J? • 1^1 and he answered, from Hjy
-T- T T ' ' ' T T
(always identical with the corresponding forms in Hiph'il), yVih and he divided,
from njfn. On some similar forms of X"D see § 76 d. — In the following cases
the initial (hard) guttural does not affect the form : in»1 and he was wroth,
|n*1_ and he encamped (3rd plur. ^Jn^l)^ "^H^ (with Bagei lene and S^wd) lei ii
rejoice, Jb 3« ; cf. Ex iS^.— On ))\^ n, t:>l {r\"b as well as f'B), &c., see § 76 b, c,f.
(e) The verbs njH to be, and H^H to live, of which the shortened imperfects S
ought to be yihy and yihy, change these forms to ^n"" and "Tl"', the second Yodf.
being resolved into i at the end of the word ; but in pause (§ 29 n) \T TV"
with the original a modified to S^ghol with the tone (cf. also nouns like ""DS
for hakhy. in pause '>22 ; '<jV for 'ony, &c., § 84" c, and § 93 x). For >^h,
however, in Dt 32!", since no verb H*^ exists, we must read either K'ri, or
better r\fn (Samaritan XBTl), as imperfect Qal of HB'J to forget.— Analogous to
••n^ from njn, there occurs once, from niH to be, the form X^liT' for IH^ Ae will be,
Ec 1 13, but no doubt X^n is the right reading.
The full forms (without apocope of the n__ , cf. § 49 c) not infrequently t
occur after waio consecutive, especially in the ist pers, and in the later books,
e. g. nX"|Sl and I saw, twenty times, and Jos 7" in KHhihh, but never in the
Pentateuch (X^XJ fifteen times, of which three are in the Pent.) ; also in the
F 2
212 The Verh [§ 75 u-x
3rd pers. nKn»1 Ez iS^^, Jb 42^6 ge^g ; nby^ a*^'^ ^« »»««^> four times (but fe^y^l
over 200 times) ; cf. also Ju 19^ (.13101) ; iK lo^^ (nbypi) ; Dt 1" (mXXI ), and
Gn 24*'. So also occasionally for the ^ussue, cf. Gn 1*, 41'*, Jer 28^. — For the
well attested, but meaningless ^KTR Jb 6^' (doubtless caused by the following
WIW), read ^X^Jjl ye see, with Ginsburg.
fj, 4. The original * sometimes appears even before afformatives beginning
with a vowel (cf. above, h and V), especially in and before the pause, and before
the full plural ending p ^ or where for any reason an emphasis rests on the
word. Perfect H^DPI rp 57", V>6t\ Dt 32'^ cf. \p 73^ <^re ; imperative Vy3 Is 21".
Imperfect VflNI) Jb 16*2, 30" (without the pause, \p 6832) . ^i^^^s ^122*, Jb 12*,
cf. xp 77< ; \lir\^ Dt 8i» ; .// 368 : more frequently like |Vri^^ ^ 78" ; Is 1712, 21",
26", 31S, 33^ 41', \p 368, 397, 83S ; before a suffix, Jb 326.' Also in Pr 26'' vSl,
&sperf. Qal from n^'T, was perhaps originally intended, but hardly V?1, since
these full forms, though they may stand out of pause, do not begin sentences ;
V'?\ probably points to ^pl from yy^ as the right reading, since the sense
requires an intransitive verb. Cf. further, v, x, dd, gg.
X) 5. The participle active (cf. Vollers, ' Das Qatil-Partizipium,' ZA. 1903,
p. 312 ff., and on the participles of T\"b, ibid., p. 316 ff.), besides feminine
forms like TV)} Ju 20*^, &c., nt<i Pr 20^2^ j^^s also a. feminine which retains the
3rd radical 1, viz. n*3i3 ( = n3l;l) weeping,'La,i'^^; H^Oin tumultuous. Is 22* {plur.
Pr i2i) ; n>Biv spying, Pr 3127, n*"!3 /ratyM?, if> 128', plur. ni*nk the things that
are to C7me, Is 412s, With the ordinary strong inflexion 1 appears in rT'CJ? Ct i'',
but perhaps there also n'Oy was intended, unless it should be n*yb a wanderer.
For '•3X1 Is 47", liNT is to be read.— On HB'y i K 20^0 for rp]}, cf. § 116 fir, note.
— In the participle passive the 3rd radical still sometimes appears as 1 (§ 24 &),
cf. lb^ made, Jb 4125, ^3^ jj, j^za^ contracted from Wy, 11D^ ; and before
a formative ending, it even has its consonantal sound, DIIK'yn (read DlVtyjjrt)
2 K 23<; nilBT? (read "'suwoth) i S 25" KHhihh, nilDJ (read n'tuwoth) Is 3"
KHhihh. The shortening of the m in ni>N"1 Est 2^ is irregular.
tjt) 6. The defective writing is rare in such forms as HMI 2 S 1 5^' ; ''jyyi i K 8",
cf. I K 98; njb'nril Ex 2" (cf. Jer 1821, 48*, i Ch 7", Jb 17", &c.), and the
pronunciation nS^Ann Mi 7^'>, cf. n33yri Ju 52* (unless they are sing, with suff.
of the 3rd sing. fern.). Both cases are probably to be explained according
to § 20 i.
II. On Niph'al.
OC 7. Here the forms with '•__ in the ist and 2nd pers. sing, of the perfect
predominate C" only in r\''^2 Gn 24^) ; on the other hand in the ist plur,
always "i , as IJ"'!'?? 1814^ No examples of the 2nd plur. occur. — With
"I retained in pause V^i Nu 24'; once with an initial guttural ^"in3 Ct i« for
Vinj , probably arising from the ordinary strong form nikru, but the harshness
of n immediately followed by T is avoided by pronouncing the n with Hateph-
Pathah.— In the 3rd sing. fem. n)r\m Pr 271" (in pause for nin^3) 1 and D may
be transposed for euphonic reasons ; but probably we should simply read
nniB'3. — Among Niph'al forms of n"b must be classed, with Buxtorf »nd
§ 75 y-^b'] Verbs n^fj 213
others (cf. Noldeke, ZUJlfG. xxx. 185), HIKJ from mX, not Pi'lel of nW=1W ;
hence, according to § 23 d, S1N3 they are beautiful (for ^1N3^) Is 52'', Ct i'** ; but
in tp 03", where Baer requires mK3 , read niX3 with ed. Mant., Ginsb.
' -^ T~:tT' T~:i- '
8. The apocope of the imperfect causes no further changes beyond the rejection V
of the n___, e.g. %) from nbs^ ; in one verb middle guttural, however, a form
occurs with the Qames shortened to Pathah, viz. n©) (for n©^) \p 109^^, as in
verbs VJ? ; but in pause nSJI verse 14. Cf. lib. — The infinitive absolute nv33
emphasizing an infinitive construct, 2 S 6^°, is very extraordinary; probably it
is a subsequent correction of an erroneous repetition of DviH. — The infin.
consir. HNinS occurs in Ju 13", 1 S 3^1 for riNinJj ; cf. above, n. — On the
T|-: " " T,-: ' .
infinitive Niph'al with the n elided, see § 51 I. — The irregular ^pV^ Ez 36^
has probably arisen from a combination of the readings VV^ (Qa^) and ^pyn
{Niph'al). Similarly the solecism HTIllpS 1815^ might be due to a combination
of the participle fern. Niph'al (n)33, cf. H^nS nSPli ncyj) with the Eoph'al
(HTIip) ; but it is more correct, with Wellhausen, to explain the D from
a confusion with DDJ and to read, in fact, JlDNipJI (1123.
III. On Pi'el, Po'el, Pu'al, and Hithpa'el.
9. In the 1st and 2nd persons of the perfect Pi'el the second syllable in z
most of the instances has *__ on the analogy of Qal (see/), as ri'D"! 'HMp •
always so in the first plur., and before suffixes, e.g. ^3">D3 Gn 37^6, ^in^S":!
^ 44'^". The form with "•___ is found only in the ist sing. (e. g. Jo 4^^ ; Is 5*,
8" along with the form with i). On the tone of the perf. consec. Pi'el of H"?,
see § 49 k. — Hithpa'el has (besides ^__ Jer 17^^) as a rule "• (Pr 24^", i K 2^6,
Jer 50^^*). On the other hand, Pu'al always has "• e.g. T)'']^)} ^ 139^^ — ^A
jst sing, perfect Po'el ""JTlt^'lB' ( = ^TT'DIB') occurs in Is lo^^
10. The infinitive absolute Pi'el takes the form n?3 HIP (like ?^p, the more (ICl
frequent form even in the strong verb, see §520); with only in ip 40^ rtp •
with 6th Hb 31^ n^iy (cf. above, n). On ii'n and *nn , infinitives absolute of the
passive of Qal, not of Po'el, see above, n. — As infinitive construct ^3n occurs in
Pi'el, Ho 6^ (only orthographically different from HSH, if the text is correct) ;
nb!) Dn 92* (on the N see rr) ; nb^-ny 2 Ch 24", 31I, for which in 2 Ki3"i9,
Ezr '9" n'^3~iy with in/in. abs. ; in Pu'al niSV ^ 132^
11. The apocopated imperfect must (according to § 20 I) lose the Dagei forte bb
of the second radical, hence llf^l and he commanded, *iyri (for niyO = <*'arre)
xf/ 141'; cf. Gn 2420 ; even in the principal pause ?3ri"i'N Pr 25'; Hithpa'il
^IK^Vl «"^ ^^ uncovered himself, Gn 9^1 ; ynnn Pr 22^* ; cf. f ^J^-''-^ With the
lengthening of Pathah to Qames, in^l and he made marks, 1821^* (but read with
Thenius f\^\''^, and instead of the meaningless SuVih) ibid, read ]^')). In
Hithpa'el ^srin~7K, in close connexion, Dt z^-^'; VnK'h Is 41^°; according to
Qimhi also iXH^, INJin f 45", Pr 233-8, 24^, i Ch 11", whilst Baer and Gins-
burg read with the best authorities ")Nn^ , I^JT"? Q^^^ ^^- KOnig, Lehrgebdude, i.
597).»— On ^inX Jb 15" (for ^^HS) cf. § 20 w ; on ?j|)3S Ex 33^, see § 27 3 ;
1 In Nu 34'"-, according to verse 10, ^Sriri ( = ^^Kriri) is intended to be
read for ^Sriri {imperfect Pi'el from nsn).
214 The Verb {Sn^cc-gj
on T]^ Ju 5", see § 69 g. Finally, on Vp"1, which is referred to Pi'el by some,
as a supposed imperative, see above, u.
CC 12. Examples of apocopated imperatives in Pi'el and Hithpa'el are : 12?; also
n^2f command thou, ?5 oi?en </ioit, ^ ii9i8-22 ; jp prepare thou, ip 61^ ; D3 for nB3
prove thou, Dn i^^ ; ^nnn /ci'Sfw thyself sick, 2 S 138 ; cf. Dt 2^^— On H?! Ju 92^,
of. § 48 I. — In if/ 137'^ ^iy rase i', is found twice instead of 'Ti'jJ (for 'arrii) for
rhythmical reasons (cf., however, ^IV*"") in the imperfect, 2 Ch 24").
f/^ 13- Examples of forms in which the Yodh is retained are the imperfects
/Vfi*iri Is 40^^, cf. verse 25 and 46'; ^D''DD^ they cover them. Ex 15^; participle
Pu'al D^n?;D Is 256 ; for T])n« Is 16^ (from HTJ) read with Margolis, TJ^H^.
IV. On Hiph'il and Hoph'al.
66 14. The 3rd sing.perfcctHiph'il sometimes h&SiS^ghol in the first syllable instead
of I (§ iiP), especially in n?2n (but perfect consecutive HpSni 2 K 24"), HN"!!!,
nxhn ; also with svffixes, e. g. nijjn i Ch 8'', lixbri Jb 16^, n"1Sni Ex 218. The
T 1 V T : V ^ -A^ : V T : v :
S^ghol also occurs in the ist sirig., e.g. ^TiKpH Mi 6'. On "•rT'S'in'j Na 3', cf.
§ 53 p. The forms with e in the second syllable (also written defectively, as
<
"•risn"! Jer 21^) are found throughout in the ist sing, (except Pr 5^^), rarely in
the 2nd sing, masc, and never in the ist plur. In the other persons they are
about equally common with i, except in the 2nd plur., where i predominates.
Before suffixes the forms with i predominate throughout ; cf., however, e in
Ex 4^2, Mi 6^, Pr 4^1. On the tone of the perf. consec. Hiph. of T\"7, see § 49 k.
In Hoph'al only '' occurs in the 2nd syllable.
^ 15. In the infinitive Hiph'il of n3T to he abundant, besides the construct fl'lS'in
we find the absolute riBIH taking the place of the common form nSIH, which
T : - V * .. . _ ^
had come to be used invariably (but Konig calls attention to its use as infini-
tive construct in Ez 2120) as an adverb, in the sense of much ; in 2 S 14^^ the
Q^ri requires n3")n for the K^thibh n''3"tn, an evident scribal error for niBIH,
Cf. Gn 41^3, 22", Dt 28«3; the pointing il'IHri Jer 42' probably arises from
regarding this form as a noun. — On niltSn Jb 17* (with Dagelf. dirimens) see
§ 20 h. — In 2 K 3^^ niSn (before N) is probably infinitive absolute, used in order
to avoid the hiatus, cf. § 113 x, and on a similar case in Qdl, see above, n. —
On the infinitives with elision of the H, cf. § 53 q.
P'fl^ 16. The shortened imperfect Hiph'il either takes no helping vowel, as flQ^ let
him enlarge, Gn 9" ; "IT he shall subdue, Is 41^ ; pK^'l and he watered, Gn 29I", &c. ;
K"]*! and he showed, 2 K 1 1* (see § 28 d) : or else has a helping vowel, as 73''
(for b^:, see § 27 r), e. g. 2 K 18" ; -\ph f 10524 ; ncril Ez 56 ynsi 2 Ch 33' ';
aiKl i.e. probably n^SI Jos 24' KHhibh (naiXI Q«re).— Examples of verbs ^rs*
guttural: by^l Nu 23^, ?yN1, &c., which can be distinguished as Hiph'il from
the similar forms in Qal only by the sense. — The apocopated imperative Hiph'il
always (except in verbs |"S, e. g. !jn tDH, § 76 c) has a helping vowel, S'ghol
<
or Pathah, e. g. 1'\T\ increase thou (for harb, n3"in) ^i- 51* <^re, also Ju 20'^ ; where,
however, it cannot be explained the text stands; f)"in let alone (for B)"in
r\^'yr\ Dt 9", &c. ; ^yn (for nbyn) Ex 8^, 33" ; but for y^n xp 39l^ wiiich
could only be imperative Hiph'il of yyB' { = smear over, as in Is &°), read with
Baethgen nyK* look away. — The imperfect Hiph'il with Yodh retained occurs only
in jifjin Jb 192, from HJV Cf. u.
§^5hh-mm] Verbs r\''h 215
V. In Oenercd.
17. In Aramaic the imperfect a.nd participle of all the conjugations terminate fl't
in K or '' . The Hebrew infinitives, imperatives, and imperfects in n__, less
frequently S or ^ , may be due to imitation of these forms. On the
infinitive construct Pi'el *3n, see above, aa ; imperative Qal KIH Jb 37^ (in the sense
of fall) ; imperfect X"l^ let him look out, Gn 41^3 (but see above, p) ; T\^V\ f^e will
do, Is 64'; n"'_nri'^K Jer if; Nin-^JK co7isent thou not, Pr i^o ; nb'jJn'^N do
thou not, 2 S I s^^ (the same form in Gn 2629, jog ^9^ jgr 4oi« Q're) ; h'^m (so
Baer and Ginsburg, after cod. Hillel, &c.) I will le, Jer 31I; HK^ySI Jos 9";
nXiri Dn i", Cf. also in Niph'al Hlf^^ Lv 5'; n33ri (according' to Qimhi)
Nu 21" ; in Pi'el n^Jfl Lv i8''-^"-i7^ 2oi9, in each case H^jn iib, beside rhm
with a minor distinctive ; np)3.''. (Baer ni33^) Na i^ ; iTTTK Ez 5I2 (with Zaqtph ;
Baer niTN). The fact, however, that a great number of these forms occur in
pause and represent at the same time a jussive or voluntative (Jos 7^), suggests
the view that the Sere is used merely to increase the emphasis of the
pausal form, and at the same time to make a distinction in sound between
the jussive or voluntative and the ordinary imperfect.''- Elsewhere (Gn 262*,
Lv 5*, Jer 40^^, Dn i^' ; according to Baer also Mi 7^", Zc 9*) the pronunciation
with e is probably intended to soften the hiatus caused by a following N or
y ; cf. the analogous cases above, § 74 I-
The ending "i. appears to stand for n__ in the imperfect Qal in fiK'""'3iri1 H
and there hath she played the harlot, Jer 3^ ; perhaps, however, the 2nd sing. fem.
is intended, or it may have been introduced into the text of Jeremiah from
Ez 16^^, &c. Still more strange is it in the imperfect Hiph'il "ripri'bK Jer iS^ ;
but the Mil'el-tone probably points to npri as the correct reading (cf. Neh 13").
The ^ stands for n in the perfect Hiph'tl ''pnn he made sick, Is 53!*', which
is probably for NvPin from N7n, a secondary form of n?n ; see rr. The plur.
VDDn (Baer VDtSn) they made to melt, Jos 14^, is a purely Aramaic form.
18. In two verbs the rare conjugation Pa'lel or its reflexive (§ 55 d) occurs: kk
\inDO archers, Gn 21" (from nntO) ; but most frequently in PiriK' to bend, Pa'lel
nin^ not in use, whence reflexive HinriB'n to bow oneself, to prostrate oneself,
2nd pers. in ri''_!_ and 1st pers. in ^n""-!-, imperfect ITinriK'^, consecutive 3rd sing,
masc. inriK'JI for wayyikahw (analogous to the noun-forms, like IHC' for sahw) ;
3rd plur. V\T\P\^'^. — Instead of the aramaizing infinitive with suffix ''n^''jnriK'n3
2 K 5" read with Konig "•riiinn^'na ; in Ez 8i« Dn''inriE'D is still more certainly
a scribal error for D''inriK'tp.
19. Before suffixes in all forms ending in n , a connecting vowel is employed //
instead of the n and the connecting vowel which precedes it (§ 58/), e.g.
^3n3 Gn 24^^; in pause ""jSy i K 2^", &c., even with lesser disjunctives, \p 118^,
Pr 8^2, or with a conjunctive accent, i S 28^5 (but Baer ""jEy), Jb 30" ; cf.
§ 59 /j ; ^3y , in pause Ijiy, Is 30^' (and even when not in pause Jer 23") or
like, '^3P bt 328; ^2T"!, ^^Dlll Gn 28'; cf. also !in5y, Djy, imperfect ln5y|'_,
kiV' , Hiph'il ^:ir\, ^bv^, ^nir^.
Only very seldom does the imperat. or impf. end in ^___ before suffixes, e. g. ffllH
1 Possibly these examples (like the cases of S^ghol in pause, see n) represent
the view of a particular Masoretic school, which was intended to be con-
sistently carried out.
nn-rr
2i6 The Verb [§ 75
Dn'-KSN Dt 3226 ; S)yhy>_ tp 140" (^re ; •>yiri smite me, i K 2oS5-37 ; cf. Hb 3",
Is 38^8. Even in these examples a return to the original ending ay might
be assumed ; but perhaps they are merely due to a less correct plene writing.
In the 3rd sing. per/, fern, the older form n?3 (see i) is always used before a
suffix, e. g. ^n^3 (for inn^3) Zc 5* ; in pause >3Wy Jb 33* ; ^HNT 42^.
VI. The Relation between Verbs H"!) and H"^.
nn 20. The close relation existing between verbs N'6 and n'6 is shown in
Hebrew by the fact that the verbs of one class often borrow forms from the
other, especially in the later writers and the poets.
00 21. Thus there are forms of verbs ^"^ —
(a) Which have adopted the vowels of verbs n'6 , e. g. perfect Qal TlNlja I have
refrained, ip 119101 ; participle NCiH (Ntsh) sinning, Ec 228, 8", g^" ; cf! Is 6520 ;
apO Ec 726 . ^fj^j lending, i S 222 ; p'i'el perfect H^'g he has filled, Jer 51S* ; cf.
I K 9", Am 42 (where, however, the perfect Niph. is perhaps intended), \p 89",
143'; in^ll I heal, 2 K 221 ; cf. Jer 518 j imperfect NQ2^ Jb 392^; Niph' al perfect
nnsSw (like nrip33) it was wonderful, 2 S i2e ; Hiph'il perfect N^Sn Dt 28" ;
nriNIinn (not nriX — , cf. above, 2 S i2<i) she hid, Jos 6". On the other hand,
forms like D^KDh i S 14^^, WiOp ip 99*, INS")? Ez 478, "ijSiliOnn, according to
the correct reading, Jb 192 (cf. Gn ^i^^ HJ^riN), and !|N"1) imperative plur. masc.
from NT Jos 24", i S 122*, f 3410^ are due to the elision of the N, see § 74 «.
On nVcs^ Jer lo^ and Nlb'J ^ 13920, see § 23 ».
pp (6) Forms in H, but keeping their N'v vowels, e.g. imperfect Qal HBIK
Jer 322 ; imperative HD") heal thou, tp 60* ; Niph'al n3n3 Jer 49" (which must
evidently be a perfect; read with Ewald the infinitive absolute T\'2T\} as in
verse 23), and H^nn to hide oneself, i K 222^, cf. Jer 19II; Pi' el imperfect n?p^
feeiwHyjZZ, Jb 821.
(]C[ (c) Forms entirely of a T\"? character, e. g. perfect Qal nplf"! and when thou art
athirst, Ru 2^, cf. 2 S 3^ ; 5^53 ^Aej/ shut up, i S 610 ; cf. 2583 ; ^^Q they are full,
Ez 28I8, cf. 3928 ; infinitive icn (see above, n) to sin, Gn 20* (on DNPD see above,
§ 74 ft) ; imperative sing. fern, ""^n Is 2620 ; imperfect n!?3^ (for Np3^) fte will keep
back, Gn 23^ ; n3^Q">n they heal, Jb 5I8 ; participle HtSia Pr 12I8 ; /em. Nif' Ec 10'' ;
plur. n"*Zlbf Is 29''; participle passive ^VB'J ^32^; Niph'al nns")3 Jer 51^; JTiflJ
<7ioM hast prophesied, Jer 26' (cf. \t 139", Jb 18') ; imperfect ^D"l>1_ 2 K 222 (^infinitive
Jer 19") ; PfeZ imperfect 1ST1 Jer 8", cf. Gn si^s ; Hiph'il participle njpD Ez 8^ ;
mthpa'el n^33nn i S io« ; infinitive ni33nn I S lo". For the K^thihh nwrh
2 K 1925, Jablonski and others require as Q^re the form ntax, § 1225-).
2. The masculine, as being the more common and important gender,
has no special indication.
Feminine nouns are also without an indication of gender when the
meaning of the word naturally denotes a feminine, as Di? mother, priN
a she-ass, T^ a she-goat, PHT an ewe (cf. § 122 6). As a rule, however,
the feminine had originally the ending ri__, as in the 3rd sing, perfect
of verbs (§44 a). This n_-, however, is regularly retained in Hebrew
only in close connexion with a following genitive or suffix (cf. §896
and § 910), except where the form has arisen through the addition of
a simple 0^ (see below, d). Otherwise, the feminine ending of the
independent form (the absolute state, § 89 a) is —
C (a) Most commonly a tone-bearing n__, e. g. D^D equus, HD^D equa.
Of nouns ending in ^-, like ''1?V> the feminine (by § 24 h) is ^p.?V>
cf. § 86 h. As in the 3rd sing. fern, perfect (^^IpP, &c.), this n__ seems
to have arisen by the rejection of the final n, and the lengthening of
the d in the open syllable, whereupon the n was added as an ortho-
graphic indication of the final long vowel : cf. the exactly similar
origin of such forms as <<^l for v?, § 75 c. It must, however, be
^ To speak of these changes as a declension of the Hebrew noun, as is usually
done, is accordingly incorrect.
2 In Mai i" nriB'D (so e.g. ed. Mant.) would stand for DnnW, the ptcp.
fem. Hoph'al ; but firiB'D (so Baer and Ginsb.) is also supported by good
authority.
§8od-<7] The Indication of Gender in Nouns 223
noticed that in Arabic (see m and note) the pausal formjof a< is ah, of
which a trace raay be preserved in the Hebrew n.-_.
(6) Simple n with nouns ending in a vowel, e. g. ''Iin^ Jew, JT'lin^. d
Jewess. The same ending n is very frequently added to stems ending
in a consonant, but only (except before suffixes) by means of a helping
vowel, which, as a rule, is S^ghol, but after gutturals Pathah, e. g. ^^?,
fern. n^;5p, hilling ; before suffixes, e.g. ''J^^^'p, according to the rule
given in § 69 c, cf. also § 84" s\ Vlio an acquaintance, f em. nyiio.
The forms which arise in this way follow in every respect the analogy
of the segholate forms (§ 94/). The forms which have been developed
by means of a helping vowel are retained even in the connective form
{construct state) ; except P^i^''] (for r\-fj\ which is used elsewhere)
Gn 16", Ju 13"; cf. Jer 22^^ and 51" Qfre, also ni^D i K i'\ par-
ticiple fern. Ft el, properly m«rara« = nnnK'»; also ^J?y?0 {participle
fem. Pi'el with suffix) arises from the form JpV?^ which was developed
into rinpo.
Rem. I. The fem. form in n is in general less frequent, and occurs e
almost exclusively when the form in n_. is also in use. It is only in the
participles and infinitives that it is the commoner, e. g. n?hp more common
than n^Dp m^ than r\Hb.
2. Rarer feminine endings are— (a) T)-^ with the tone, e. g. np"l3 emerald, J
Ez 28" (also npnn Ex 28") ; nVDB' « company, 2 K 9", unless the reading is
wrong ; more frequently in proper names, especially of places among the
Canaanites or Phoenicians (in whose language n__ was the usual fem. ending,
§ 2 d) and other neighbouring tribes,^ e. g. nSlji* Zarephath, ny33 Gibeath, nyp
Kiriath, D^^SI Greek Ailana in Idumea ; n^nX Gn 26^" : on the reading D]^^
cf. g. Cf., moreover, 03^23 i// 61I (prob. originally n'y^:) ; n»n LXX ni'H) 74"'"^;
nj^Q La 2^* ; [JIBT much, in 1// 651", 120®, 123*, 129^*, is a form borrowed from
the Aramaic (Syriac rahbaih) in which the original t of the/ew. is often retained
to form adverbs, see Wright, Comparative Grammar, p. 135.]
(6) n , which likewise occurs in some names of places, e.g. D^yB, T\\>bT\ xr
as well as in the wasc. proper name DvU 1S17*, &c. (in 17^', and 21'", ed. Mant.
lias rivU), and m the/em. proper name nyClJ'; otherwise, almost only in poetry,
viz. mO] Ex 1 5^ Is 1 2*, ^ 1 1 8^* (really for ^DIDI my song ; the absorption of the i,
however, can scarcely have ' taken place in the Aramaic manner', as suggested
by Duhm on Is 1 2^, nor is it due merely to the following Yodh, but is intended
'to facilitate the absorption of H"" ; so Geiger, Urschri/t, p. 277 f.) ; n?nj
heritage, if/ 16* (either again for TlpHJ my heritage, or for nn?n3_, cf. § 90 g, as
probably also Hliy help, \p 60", 108'^ for nmiV). These forms are possibly
1 In the list of Palestinian towns taken by Pharaoh Shoshenq, the feminine
town-names all end in t. Cf. also the Mesa' inscription, lino 3, nXT nJD3n
this high place; line 26, n^DDn the highway [see also Driver, Tenses, § 181, note'].
224 The Noun [§ 80 h-m
survivals from a period when even final voveels were not supported by a
vowel-letter. Cf. also ni3 fecunda (« fruitful tree) Gn 49^^^ ; mn'' abundance,
Jer 4S'* (before JJ ; but in Is 15'' '"TJO^) ; ^I^K' sleep (for nJB') tp 132*; and
(unless the P is radical) in prose flKp pelican (vehich reading is also preferable,
in Is 34II, jjo jijg form JlKp), also niHO the morrow, but in construct state always
niriDO.^ — n?nri Jer 45^5 Q''re is no doubt intended to indicate the reading
••ri^nri, parallel to i'K'VB'O ; cf, above, on n"JO), &c.
h (c) N , the Aramaic orthography for n , chiefly in the later writers;
NIT loathing, Nu ii™; NSH a terror-, Is 19" ; N3K' sZeep, ^ 127^; N*3p a lioness,
Ez 19* (unless N''!!? is intended) ; XllfllO a mark. La ^^^ ; cf. also NB'''I threshing
(participle Qal from {^^1) Jer 50^^ ; N"10 bitter, Ru i^". On the other hand,
according to the western Masora, nn^p baldness is to be read in Ez 2j'^ ; see
Baer on the passage.
i (d) n__, an obtuse form of n (§27 m), only in iTll^ri for iTI^P Is 59
(unless it is again a forma mixta combining the active ptcp. masc. iTli^n and the
passive ptcp. fern, mip) ; cf. n3? for n3? Zc 5* ; npN i K 2^^*^ (§ 90 i, and
§ 48 d).
k (e) n 5_ without the tone, e.g. noni Dt 14" [Lv ii^s On"!] ; n^p IISPl
an oven heated, Ho 7^ ; cf. Ez. 40", 2 K 15^29^ igw. In all these examples the
usual tone-bearing n is perhaps intended, but the Punctuators, who con-
sidered the feminine ending inappropriate, produced a kind of locative form
(see § 90 c) by the retraction of the tone, [In 2 K 16^*, Is 24^^, Ez 21'^ (note
in each case the following n), and in Jb 42^', Ho 7*, the text is probably in
error.]
/ (/) ■•___ as an old feminine termination, preserved also in Syriac (ai ; see
examples in Noldeke's Syrische Gram , § 83^ in Arabic and (contracted to e) in
Ethiopic, very probably occurs in the proper name '•"I'ti' Sarai, cf. Noldeke,
ZBMG. xl. 183, and xlii. 484; also iTl'K'y ten {fern.) undoubtedly arises
from an original 'esray ; so Wright, Comparative Grammar, p, 138; KOnig, Lehr-
gebdude, ii. 427.
ffl 3, It is wholly incorrect to regard the ^oweZ-ending H ^ as the original
termination of the feminine, and the consonantal ending fl as derived from
it. The Ethiopic still has the n throughout, so too the Assyrian (ai, it) ; in
Phoenician also the feminines end for the most part in n, which is pronounced
at in the words found in Greek and Latin authors ; less frequently in N (see
Gesenius, Monumm. Phoen., pp. 439, 440; Schroder, Phon. Spraclie, p. 169 ff.).
The ancient Arabic has the obtuse ending (ah) almost exclusively in pause ;
in modern Arabic the relation between the two endings is very much as in
Hebrew.
1 In I S 20^^ also, where the Masora (see Baer on Jos 5^1) for some unknown
reason requires JTinOD, read with ed. Mant., Jablonski, Opitius, and Ginsburg,
^ In this ending the H h can only be considered consonantal in the sense
that the n was originally aspirated, and afterwards * the mute n was dropped
before h, just as the old Persian mithra became in modern Persian mihr' ; so
Socin, who also points to the Arabic pausal form in ah, and observes that
among some of the modern Beduin an h is still heard as a fem. ending, cf,
Socin, Biwan aus Centralarabien, iii, 98, ed. by H. Stumme, Lpz. 1901. In
Hebrew this consonantal termination was entirely abandoned, at any rate in
later times.
§§ 8r a-d, 82] Derivation of Nouns 225
§ 81. DeHvation of Nouns.
Brockelmann, Grundriss, p. 329 ff.
Nouns are by their derivation either jynmitive, i. e. cannot be a
refened to any verbal stem at present extant (see § 82), such as
"2^ father, DK mother (but see both words in the Lexicon; according
to Stade and others 3N, DX, &c., are children's words and terms of
endearment, and so really primitive nouns), or derivative, i. e. either
Derivativa verhalia (§§ 83-5), e.g. D"J high, n»n high 2)lace, Ci"10
height, from D^"i to be high, or less frequently Derivativa denominaliva
(§ 86), e. g. rii73"jP the place at the feet, from ?y\foot.
Rem. I. The earlier grammarians consider the verb alone as stem, and q
therefore all nouns as verbals, dividing them into (a) Formae nudae, i.e. such
as have only the three (or two) radicals, and (6) Formae auciae, such as have
formative letters or syllables added at the beginning or end, e. g. ny^'D'O,
ni3|5p. The formative letters used for this purpose are "I '• fl 3 D N H
(Vriapxn)^! and the treatment of nouns formerly followed this order.
According to the view of roots and stems presented in § 30 d, nouns (other C
than denominatives) are derived not from the verbal stem, but either from the
(abstract) root or from the still undefined stem. In the following pages,
however, the arrangement according to the verbal stem is retained as being
simpler for the beginner. Cf. § 79 a.
2. Compound nouns as appellatives are very rare in Hebrew, e. g. PyvSl (I
worthlessness, baseness. On the other hand, they very frequently occur as
proper names, e.g. bsH^a {man of God), D'^p^in^ {Yahwe raises up), ]r\iS'^'] {Yahwe
gave), &c.*
§ 82. Primitive Nouns.
The number of primitive nouns in the sense used in § 81 is small,
since nouns, which in other languages are represented as independent
noun-stems, can easily be traced back in Hebrew to the verbal idea,
e.g. names of animals and natural objects, as "^^V^ he-goat (prop.
shaggy, from ">y?'), nijjb barley (prop, prickly, also from lyV). ^T^^
stork (prop. ;>7a, sc. avis), 3nT gold (from 3nT=3n^ to shine, to be
yellow). Thus there remain only a few nouns, e. g. several names of
members of the body in men or beasts, to which a corresponding
verbal stem cannot be assigned at all, or at any rate only indirectly
< <
(from other Semitic dialects), as Hi^ horn, I^y eye.
^ From this vox memorialis the nomina aucta are also called by the older
grammarians nomina heemantica.
* G. Rammelt (jjber die zusammengesetsten Nomina im Hebr., Halle, 1883, and
Leipzig, 1884) recognizes as appellatives only y'l'IBif (cf. below, § 85 w) and
niOpX (the latter certainly incorrectly [see, however, Noldeke, ZATW. 1897,
p. 183 ff.]). In p. 8 ff. the author gives a list of 'logical compounds', i. e.
new terms formed by composition with the negatives K?, y3, Vr"?.
COWLET Q
226 The Noun [§83a-rf
§ 83. Verbal Nouns in General.
a 1. In Hebrew, as in Greek and Latin, the verbal nouns are
connected in form and meaning primarily with certain forms of
the verb, especially the participles and infinitives, which are them-
selves, even in their ordinary form, frequently used precisely like
nouns, e. g. ^."l^* eozemy, riy^l to know, knowledge. Still oftener, however,
certain forms of the infinitive and participle, which are seldom or
never found as such in the strong verb, though in use in the weak
verb and in the kindred dialects, came to be commonly used for
the verbal noun; e.g. the participial form ?|?ij, the infinitives of the
(Aramaic) form ?t?ipp (as a noun also ^^P^), further ro'^p, '"l^^^,
nbpi^, nptpp (§ 45 d), &c. Others (as the Arabic shows) are properly
intensive forms of the participle.
If 2. As regards their meaning, it follows from the nature of the
case that nouns which have the form of the infinitive regularly denote
the action or state, with other closely related ideas, and are therefore
mostly abstract ; while the participial nouns, on the contrary, denote
for the most part the subject of the action or state, and are therefore
concrete. Moreover, it is to be noticed, that a particular meaning
is attached to many of the special forms of derivative nouns, although
it does not appear equally in them all.
C Hem. It need not appear strange, when we consider the analogy of other
languages, that a noun which in form is properly abs^rac^ afterwards acquired
a concrete sense, and vice versa. So in English, we say his acquaintance, for
the persons with whom he is acquainted; the Godhead for God himself; in
Hebrew y"liD acquaintance and aw acquaintance.
^ The inner connexion in thought between Semitic noun-forms and the
corresponding verbal forms is investigated in the works of De Lagarde and
Earth (see the titles at the head of § 79) on very different lines, but with
many points of agreement. De Lagarde starts from the fact that language
consists of sentences. A sentence which consists of only one word is called
a verb, and anything which serves as a complement to it is a noun. The
oldest form of the sentence is the imperative. Closely related to it are throe
kinds of sentences of the nature of verbal forms, differing according as the
property of the particular object of sense is to be represented as invariable
(form qatula). or as liable to change (form qatila), or, finally, as a circumstance
which takes place before our eyes (form qatala). Like the imperative, these
three forms of sentences have also been transformed into nouns, by means of
certain phonetic changes, — especially by the omission of the final vowels
and the addition of different terminations to the last consonant of the stem.
But just as the forms of the verbal sentence undergo numerous modifications
(in the tenses, moods, and conjugations), so also do tlie nouns, sometimes
by assimilation of the unessential to the characteristic vowel {qutul, qitil^,
sometimes by the lengthening of the characteristic vowel (qatHl, qatil, qatdl),
or else througli the displacement of the accent and the consequent reduction
of the noun to a monosyllabic form {qatl, qull, qitl), or, finally, by their being
formed from the derived stems (or conjugations), e.g. qaital, qattdl ; qi.'.il,
qitldl, &c. Further modifications arise from the use of the various imperfect
§ 84" a] Verbal Nouns in General 227
and infinitive forms, and also from the employment of the prefix m. Lastly,
denominalia are formed from deverbalia by appending certain suffixes.
De Lagarde does not, however, claim to be able to show in the case of each
particular noun the sense it conveyed in primitive times ; the origin of
a number of nouns can now no longer be detected. In those, however,
which are clearly derived from verbs, the original meaning is chiefly deter-
mined by the characteristic vowel.
Earth's system is based on the thesis that ' all Semitic nouns, adjectives,
and participles are derived from either the perfect or the imperfect stem '.
Thus, e. g. ^itOp is the infinitive of the perfect stem, pbp the infinitive of the
imperfect stem, 2^^ infinitive of DStJ'^ &c. In dissyllabic noun-forms the
second vowel is always alone characteristic and essential, the first vowel
unessential, and therefore variable. Further modifications of the simple
form are effected by strengthening (sharpening) the second or third conso-
nant, by lengthening the characteristic vowel (instead of which, however,
the feminine termination may also be used), or by 'metaplasm', i. e. by the
use of noun-forms derived from one of the two intransitive stems for the other,
e. g. qutl for qitl, and vice versa.
In nouns of the perfect stem, the vowels i and u indicate intransitive
formations, the vowel a a transitive sense. In nouns of the imperfect stem
on the contrary, u and i, being characteristic vowels, indicate a transitive
and a an intransitive sense : for yaqtulu is imperfect of the transitive perfect
qaiala, and yaqtaJu imperfect of the intransitive perfects qatila and qalula, &c.
This explains how nouns, apparently identical in form, may yet in sense
belong to different classes : a 5M«-form from a w-imperfect has a transitive
meaning, but the same form from a t<-perfect has an intransitive meaning.
This double system of perfect and imperfect forms runs through the vvhole
scheme of noun-formation, not only the forms connected with the conjuga-
tions, but also the forms with prefixes and suffixes.
Against the whole theory it has been urged that it postulates for the
development of the language a much too abstract mechanism, and further,
that the meanings of words as we find them may in many cases be due to
a modification of the original sense. But though many of the details (e.g.
the alleged unessential character of the vowel of the first syllable) remain
doubtful, yet the agreement between the characteristic vowel of certain noun
formations and that of the perfect or imperfect stem, is supported by such
a number of incontestable instances, that there can be no doubt as to a
systematic, intimate connexion between the two. At the same time it must
be admitted that De Lagarde has put forward many important and suggestive
points, and both scholars agree iu laying stress on one characteristic vowel as
indicative of the meaning.
§ 84'*. Nouns derived from the Simple Stem.
Pfeliminary remark. — From the statement made above, § 83 d, it follows that tt
an external similarity between forms is no proof of their similar origin, and,
vice versa, external difference does not exclude the possibility of their being
closely related both in origin and meaning.
I. Nouns with One Vowel, originally Short.
R. Rfizicka, 'Beitrage zur Erklarung der nomina segolata,* in Sitz.-ber. d.
bohmischen Ges. d. Wiss., Prag, 1904.
1. Nouns with one of the three short vowels after the first radical : present
ground-form qdtl, qitl, qHtl.
The supposition of monosyllahic ground-forms appeared to be required by
the character of forms now existing in Hebrew, as well as in Arabic, &c.
But there are strong reasons for believing that at least a large proportion of
these forms go back to original dissyllabic bases with a short vowel in each
syllable. When formative additions were made, the vowel of the 2nd syllable
<J 2
228 2'he Noun [§84" a
was dropped, i.e. before case-endings in Assyrian and early Arabic, and
before pronominal suffixes in Hebrew. From the forms thus produced, the
bases qatl, qiil, qutl have been assumed, although they never appear in Hebrew
except in the singular and then in connexion with suffixes.
In support of this view of a large number of original dissyllabic bases, we
must not, however, appeal to the S«gh6l or Pathah under the 2nd consonant
of the existing developed forms, "IDD, VIT, &c. These are in no sense
survivals or modifications of an original full vowel in the 2nd syllable, but
are mere helping-vowels (§ 28 e) to make the monosyllabic forms pronounce-
able,^ and consequently disappear when no longer needed. Under certain
circumstances even (e. g. in DK'p) they are not used at all. Actual proofs of
such original toneless full vowels in the 2nd syllable of existing Segholates
are —
1. Forms like Arab, mdlik, for which rarely malk, corresponding to the
Hebrew ground-form ; cf. De Lagarde, Uebersicht, p. 72 ff.
2. In Hebrew llj^ T]"!^^ 123^ ^r\3^ the connective forms of inS^ !]T, &c.,
which latter can only come from ground- forms gadir, yank, kdbid, kdtip.
3. The forms treated under e, which are in many ways related to the
Segholates proper, in so far as they are to be referred to original dissyllabic
bases.
4. The plurals of Hebrew Segholates, since, with very rare exceptions, they
take Qames under the 2nd radical before the termination D"*---, fem. fli — ,
of the absolute state, as D^S^O niD?D D"''1SD, &c. This Qames (see note 1 on
§ 26 e) can only be due to a lengthening of an original short vowel in the
2nd syllable, and hence it would seem as though the vowel were always a.
This is impossible from what has been said, especially under i and 2.
Hence the explanation of the consistent occurrence of Qatnes in the plurals
of all Segholates can only be that the regularly formed plurals (i.e. from
singulars with original a in the 2nd syllable) became the models for all the
others, and ultimately even for some really monosyllabic forms. -
(a) From the strong stem the above three ground-forms are further
developed to Pt3p 3 ''PP, ^^P C^^- § 27 r and in § 93 the explanations of
Paradigm I, a-c) ; without a helping vowel (§ 28 d) tOB'p truth. If the second
1 According to Delitzsch {Assyr. Gram., p. 157 f.) the same is true in
Assyrian of the corresponding qafl-fornis. Without case-endings they are
kalab, ^amas, aban ( = 373 t^B* J?^?)> with case-endings kalbu, iamsu, abnu.
On the other hand, ace. to Sievers, Metrik, i. 261, Hebrew ground-forms
probably have a twofold origin : they are shortened according to Hebrew
rules partly from old absolute forms like kdlbu, sifru, qudiu, and partly from
old construct-forms like the Assyrian types kalab, sifir, quduh
2 On the other hand, Ungnad, ZA. 1903, p. 333 ff., rejecting all previous
explanations, maintains that the a in m^ldkhim, mHakhoth is inserted merely
to facilitate the pronunciation. From qailim arose qatflim, then qafalim and
finally q^tdlim. See, however, Noldeke, 'Zur semit. Pluralendung,' ZA. 1904,
p. 68 ff., who points out that the Semitic nouns /a7, ^7, /m7 with their corre-
sponding feminines /a7a, &c., on assuming the plural termination commonly
take an a before the 3rd radical, but that no satisfactory account can be
given for it. M. Margolis, ' The plural of Segolates ' (Proc. of the Philol. Assoc,
of the Pacific Coast, San Francisco, 1903, p. 4 ff.), and S. Brooks, Vestiges of the
broken plural in Hebrew, Dublin, 1883, explain m*lakhim as n pluralis fractus.
' It is worthy of notice that St. Jerome also (cf, Siegfried, ZAW. iv. 76)
frequently represents the vowel of the first syllable by a, e. g. gader, aben,
ader, areb, for Tia^ |3N!^ "IIX^ ^1.^, ^^^ cedem, secel, deber, kc, for Dip, P\>'^ ,
"in-n.&c.
§84" h-d] Nouns derived from the Simple Stem 229
or third radical be a guttural, a helping PaiTjaiji takes the place of the helping
S^ghol, according to § 22 d, e.g. y^t seed, HJfJ eternity, pys work; but with
middle H or n, note DH^ hread, DHT (as well as DHn) womh, pHN tent, |n'£ thurnb ;
so with final K N"1S a wM ass, &c. ; with a middle guttural also the
modification of the principal vowel a to e does not occur, e.g. 2TO, "^V^^ }*D?
(exceptions, again, DH^, Oni). On the inflexion, cf. § 93, Paradigm I, a-/,
and the explanations. In NDPI sin, the N has wholly lost its consonantal
value. -
Examples of feminines: HB^IO (directly from the ground-form malk, king),
nnnp o covering (also TTID), ribsN food (also ^SN) ; with a middle guttural
myj girl, \\'\T\]^ purity (also "inb). Cf. § 94, Paradigm I.
(&) From weak stems : (a) from stems |"V, e. g. ^1^1 nose (from 'anp, hence C
with formative additions, e. g. ""QX for 'awp?, «;«/ nose) ; tj? a she-goat (ground-
form 'Im) ; fem. ni3n w^ieai ; (/3) from stems VV (§ 93, Paradigm I, l-n) ; na
a morsel, DV peppZe (so, when in close connexion with the next word ; uncon-
nected Dy ; with article Dyn, Dyb, &c.) ; 21 in the sense of much, but l"] great,
numerous (in close connexion also 31) ; yi evil, with the article in close con-
nexion yin, unconnected yin ; with the a always lengthened to a, D^ sea ;
fem. n>n ?Ve, and with attenuation of the a to t, n'TO measure ; from the
ground-form qifl, DX mother; fem. H^a a shearing ; from the ground-form qUtl,
p'n statute, fem. nj^n. (7) from stems Vy (Paradigm I, g and i) ; DID t^ea^A
(from md-ut, the u passing into the corresponding consonant, as in Tl)ri middle)
or contracted DV day, tilB' whip, "liB' a 6mZZ ; fem. n^iy perverseness (also con-
tracted nb'iy) ; from the ground-form qHtl, ">« a rocfc ; fem. HDID a s<onn.
(6) from stems "'"y (Paradigm I, h) ; n^T an olive-tree (with a helping Hireq
instead of a helping S'ghol) from zd-it, the i passing into the corresponding
consonant; or contracted p^FI bosom, 7^n 2 K 18" (elsewhere 7^n) host; fem.
ri3^{J> grey hair ; from the ground-form qitl, P"!) judgement ; fem. n^il wnrfer-
standing. (e) from stems H"? (Paradigm I, k) ; partly forms such as n33
weeping, nan murmuring, ni3 a present, njfp f/ie end, partly such as '33, "•'IK
a ?ion (ground-form baA:?/, ''dry) ; cf. also the forms from stems originally 1*?,
ini^ swimming (ground-form sd^w) ; fem. Hl;^ rfsf, n')K3_ exaitaiion ; from stems
"•"h •T'bK a fat tail, and with attenuation of d to i n'3K' captivity, also n''3B',
formed no doubt directly from the masc. '•3K' with the fem. termination D ;
from the ground-form qitl, lifH (from Msy) ; fem. nnil joy, nnj? and nny
nakedness ; from the gi-ound-form giJfi, ^n3 (from bohw) waste, ^riD emptiness;
ibl, for ''^'l, Jmcfcei; fem. H^JS a sAip (directly from ""aX a fleet).
The masculines as well as the feminines of these segholate forms may have (I
either an abstract or a concrete meaning. In the form btDJ? the passive or at any
<
rate the abstiact meaning is by far the more common (e. g. "ly'a youthfulness,
abstract of lya boy ; 73N/ood, &c.).i
1 M. Lambert also {REJ. 1896, p. 18 fif.), from statistics of the Segholates,
arrives at the conclusion that the qatl-fovra is especially used for concretes (in
nouns without gutturals he reckons twenty concretes as against two ab-.
Btracts), and the qitl-fovm, and less strictly the qufl, for abstracts.
230 The Noun [§84''e-/i
e 2. Nouns with one of the three short vowels under the second radical
(present ground-form q'M, (ftU, qHul), e. g. K'a'l honey, M"! sickness, nrin terror;
and so always with middle N, "1S3 a toell, 3N1 a wolf, {J'Nil stench. In reality
these forms, like the segholates mentioned in No. i (see above, a), are,
probably, for the most part to be referred to original dissyllabic forms, but the
tone has been shifted from its original place (the penultima) on to the ultima.
Thus dibds (originally dibas) as ground-form of tJ'2'n is supported both by
the Hebrew ''^2r\ (with suffix of the first person), and by the Arabic dibs, the
principal form ; bi'ir (according to Philippi with assimilation of the vowel of
the second syllable to that of the first) as ground-form of "1S3 is attested by
the Arabic 6t'?-; for {i'NIl (Arabic bu's) similarly a ground-form bu'us may be
inferred, just as a ground-form qutHl underlies the infinitives of the form
II. Nouns with an original Short Vowel in both Syllables.
f 3. The ground-form qdtal, fern, qatdtdt, developed in Hebrew to 7t3p (§ 93,
Paradigm II, a, b) and TO^p (§§ 94, 95, Paradigm II, a, b), mostly forms
intransitive adjectives, as DDPI rcise, B'^^ neio, IB'^ upright ; but also sub-
stantives, as "i^l a word, and even abstracts, as DtJ'N guilt, 3i,1 hunger, y^'C
satiety ; in the fem. frequently abstract, as nplif ^ righteousness ; with an initial
guttural nJD"75< earth. — Of the same formation from verbs ]}"]} are 113 alone,
py cloud ; passive b^n pierced. — In verbs n"P a final Yodh is almost always
rejected, and the « of the second syllable lengthened to e. Thus "ilC field, after
rejection of the * and addition of n as a vowel-letter, becomes iT}\y (cf. § 93,
Paradigm II, /) ; fem. e. g. ilJK' year ; cf. § 95, Paradigm II, c. From a verb
I^P the strong form ISy afflicted occurs.
<rr 4. The gi-ound-form qdtU, fem. qdttldt, developed to 7t3p (§ 93, Paradigm II,
c-e) and nbpp, is frequently used as participle of verbs middle e (§ 50 b), and
hence mostly with an intransitive meaning ; cf. ]p\ old, an old man ; 133 heavy;
fem. n?Dn3 cattle, HPDN and H^B^n darkness.— From, verbs ^"D : irregularlv,
VnVpl the branches of it, Jer ii'^, &c., generally referred to a sing. Dvl (stem
npT), and Vni*"in Ho 14* their women with child (from mn, st. constr. n~in
plur. St. absol. and constr. Diin). — From a verb 1"? with consonantal Waw : "l^jy
at ease, incorrectly written j^lene 1\pt^ Jb 21^'.
h 5. The ground-form qalul, developed to ?bp (also written 7iDp), generally
forms adjectives, e.g. D'X terrille, 113 piebald, pijIO sweet, l"p3 speckled, nby
interwoven, ?iy round, pby deep, 3'py hilly, 312? golden ; [bp small, only in sing,
masc, with a parallel form [Dp of the class treated under/, fem. ilSDp, plur.
D''ilDp. These forms are not to be confounded with those in No. Ill, from
1 On this theory cf. Stade, Hehrtiische Grammatik, § 1996; Do Lagarde,
Ubersicht, p. 57 f ; A. Miiller, ZDMG. xlv, p. 226, and especially Philippi,
ZDMG. xlix, p. 208.
"^ In St. Jerome's time these forms were still pronounced mdaca (np12f\
saaca (ilpyif), nabala (n?33), &c., see Siegfried, ZAW. iv. 79. Moreover, the
numerous abstracts of this form (e.g. even ilSlfp a splintering, iiniif a crying,
&c.) are undoubtedly to be regarded (with Barth, Nominalbildung, p. 87) as
feminines of infinitives of the foi'm qdfdl, the lengthening of the second
syllable being balanced, as in other cases, by the addition of the feminine
termination.
§ 84° i-n] Nouns derived from the Simple Stem 231
the ground-form qaial.—'Fem. n^"'X, iT^iaa (glorious), HTiay, najy (delicate),
n^jy , nplOy , with sharpening of the third radical, in order to keep tlie original
i< short, and similarly in the plurals D'''=]"13, D'^'^ipJ, D^Jy, D^SDX stores, &c.
6. The ground-form qifal develops to ^JDj? (cf. § 93, Paradigm II, Rem. i), i
e. g. 22b heart, 3jy a bunch of grapes, "irtJ' strong drink; from a verb n"7, probably
" T '* ' T •• T *•
of this class is ny"), generally contracted to y"| friend, ground-form ri'ay : the
< <
full form is preserved in 5ny"l his friend, for liT'yt.
III. Nouns with an original Short Vowel in (he First and a Long Vowel
in the Second Syllable.
7. The ground-form qdtdl in Hebrew always develops to the form ?)\2\) , the k
d becoming an obscure 6. The fact that this form is also written 70\) must
not lead to the confusion of these forms with those mentioned in No. 5, from
the ground-foi-m qdtul.^ Moreover the qafdl-c}as3 includes forms of various
origin, and therefore of various meaning, as (a) intransitive adjectives like
i?n3 great, ^Slp holy, fem. rhSl^, the short vowel becoming §«wa, whereas in
bna, &c., before the tone it is lengthened to a ; (b) the infinitives absolute of the
form ?*\Dp (§ 45 a) as representing the abstract idea of the verb, and abstract
substantives like 1*133 honour, Di?ti' peace (Arab, sdldm) ; (c) substantives and
adjectives in an active sense, as jinS assayer (of metals), p'lt^y an oppressor,
J'icn oppressing ; in the feminine niiJ3 treacherous Jer s''-^", the irregular
retention of the a in the third syllable from the end is no doubt to be
explained, with Brockelmann, from Aramaic influence, the punctuator having
in mind the Aramaic nomen agentis qdfol.
8. The ground-form qdiil develops to ^^\) (cf. § 93, Paradigm IV, a and b). I
Here also forms of various origin and meaning are to be distinguished :
(a) adjectives used substantivally with a passive meaning to denote duration
in a state, as "l^DN a prisoner, r\^&12 an anointed one. These proper qafil-forms
are parallel to the purely passive qaful-torms (see m.), but others are due to
a strengthening of original gafj^-forms. These are either (b) intransitive in
meaning, as "Tiyif srnall, and, from ''"? stems, ''pi pure, ""jy poor (see § 93 vv), or (c)
active, as X''33 a speaker (prophet), TipES an overseer.— Ot a different kind again
(according to Do Lagarde, infinitives) are (d) forms like ^''DH the ingathering,
1^i*3 vintage, ^''~\U ploughing time, 'T'yp harvest. On qcittU forms with a kindred
meaning, cf, § 84''/.
9. The ground-form qaful develops to /5Dp. As in the qatdl and qatil-fovms 7)1
(see k and I), so here forms of various kinds are to be distinguished : (a)
gafi/Z-forms proper, with passive meaning, especially all the passive participles
of Qal ; fem. e.g. HpiriB virgin (properly secluded). On the other hand, by
strengthening an original qatiil-form. we get (b) certain stative adjectives
(§ 50/), as B'^IJN incurable, D1i*y strong, Dliy subtil, or even transitive, as t^riN
holding; (c) active substantives, as B'lp'' a fowler. Further, some of the forms
mentioned in § 84^ g belong to this class ; see above, the remark on I.
10. The ground-form qitdl or qutdl "^ in Hebrew changes the i to vocal S'wd, 71
1 In Na 1^ only the Q're requires ~?*l|l (in the constr. state) for the KHhibh
bin?.
2 On the/w'di- forms (regarded by Wellhausen as original diminutives) see
Noldeke, Beitrage (Strassb. 1904), p. 30 ff. He includes among them Pny? *''^''»
and D''"inD hemonhoids.
232 The Noun [§ 84" o-u
and develops to 7t5i? (cf. § 93, Paradigm IV, c) or pitSp, with a obscured to 6
(as above, k). Cf. "1 j<{5' remnant, "1p^ honour, 203 600A; (Arab. H^ab), ^Ip war (the
last three probably loan-words from the Aramaic) ; of the other form, Di?n
a dream, lion an ass (Arab, hlmdr), rIvX God (Arab, 'ildh) ; with N prosthetic
(§ 19 »0, JJiltS an» (twice: usually yi"ll) ; fern. niVB'3 good news (Arab.
Uidrat) ; mi3y service, flDri? (Arab. Jdtdbat) tattooing.
II. The ground-form qitU seems to occur e. g, in Hebrew 7'')^, foolish, ^vN
vanity, ^''13 Zeai, ?''p3 a fool, "l^tH a swi'we (the prop, name l^tH points to the
ground-form qitil, cf. Arab, hinsir).
P 12. The ground-form qitHl or 9m<mZ, Hebr. b^Cp, e.g. P^33 a boundary, \j^2p
a garment; fern, rm23 sirewgr^A, HJ^lDN/aiWMZness.
flr Bem. When the forms g^tiil and g^tol begin with N, they almost invariably
take in the singular a Sere under the N instead of the ordinary Eaieph-S^ghol;
cf. D?3N! a crib, |1DN thread, j^DS faithful, 3itN hyss<yp, "liTX a wafsi-bawd,"! ^DX
a bond, lIDN an * ephod' ; cf. § 23 h, and the analogous cases of Sere for Hateph-
S^ghol in verbal forms § 52 w, § 63 j), § 76 d.
rV. Nouns with a Long Vocal in the First Syllable and originally
a Short Vowel in the Second Syllable.
T 13. The ground- form qdtdl, in Hebrew, always changes the d into an obscure
6, bC^p (bCp), e. g. D?iy (§ 93, Paradigm III, a), Arab, 'alam, eternity ; DHin
(Arab, hdtdm) a seal (according to Barth a loan-word of Egyptian origin), fem.
norih (from /^otdmt) ; ybifl worm (unless from a stem y?), like StJ'in from
DB'I ; see the analogous cases in § 85 b). On the participles Qal of verbs n'v
(§ 93, Paradigm III, c), cf. § 75 e; on the feminines of the participles Qal,
which are formed with the termination D, see below, s.
Rem. Of a different kind (probably from a ground-form qaufal) are such
forms as fSiK (or |aiN Ez 10^ in the same verse) a wheel ; PTiS a young bird, 33n
wax, &c. .
S 14. The ground-form qdtil also becomes in Hebrew almost invariably bc^p
(bCp). Besides participles active masc. Qal this class includes also fem.iniDes of
the form flb^j? , if their ground-form qotalt (§ 69 c) goes back to an original
qdfilt. The substantives of this form, such as ]iy3 priest (Arsih. kdhin), were
also originally participles Qal. The fem. of the substantives has S (lengthened
from i) retained before the tone, e.g. mb^ a woman in travail (cf. also m3l3
the treacherous woman, Jer 3^ ; HVpifLl ^^'^ ^«' halteth, Mi 4* *•, Zp 3" ; H^nb
a buckler, ^91*); the participles as a rule have the form mbS &Cm the
original i having become .i^wd ; however, the form with Sere occurs also in the
latter. Is 2988, 348, ^ 682«, 118^8 ^all in principal paitse ; in subordinate ^uuse
2 S 13^", Is 33" ; with a conjunctive accent, Ct i«).
t 15. The ground-form quidl, Hebrew bo^p (as bsV river, Jer 17*) or bc^p e. g.
3J^y a ^ipe, commonly 32y, and to be so read, with Baer, also in f igo*,
not 33);.
V. Nouns with a Long Vowel in each Syllable.
U 16. b^Cp, e.g. "ito^p smoke. The few forms of this kind are probably
derived from the ground-form cp.tdl {qittdl ?), i. e. the original d has become an
obscure d.
l!
l!
§ 84'' a-e] Formation of Nouns from Intensive Stem 233
§ 84^ Formation of Nouns from the Intensive Stem.
This includes all forms which have arisen, either through the a
doubling of the middle radical, or the repetition of one or of two
consonants of the simple stem.
VI. Nouns vcith the Middle Consonant sharpened.
As in the corresponding verbal stems (cf. § 52/), so also in some noun-
formations of this class, the DageS in the second radical expresses an
intensification of the idea of the stem, either emphasizing the energy of the
action or relation, or else indicating a longer continuance of the relation or
state. Other nouns of this character are evidently only by-forms of the
nouns derived from the simple stem, which were treated in the last section :
cf. the instances adduced under/and g, and Barth, Nominalbildung, Introd., p. x,
1 7. The gi-ound-form qattal is mostly lengthened in Hebrew to ?^j5 ; cf.
b*X a stag, fem. H^JK , constr. st. nb*K (from 'ayyalt) ; cf. also the fem. (origi-
nating from QaV) TOTO a flame (according to § 27 3 for Idhhdbha), n^in dryland
(for harrabha), Hp^'l and nn"ni? a burning fever, flB'Zl^ and nSJ'B^ dry land, r)V^Q
a seal-ring, HCnB' consumption. Adjectives of this class ('intensified participles
of the active Verb', Barth, ibid., § 33) are N^H sinful, na3 wont to gore, Wj?
jealous, B'na (for kahhdi, by § 22 c) lying. Nomina opificum also, curiously
enough, are so treated in Hebrew (at least in the amstr. state of the sing.),
although the corresponding Arabic form qdtidl points to an original (unchange-
able) d in the second syllable ; cf. 333 a thief, jS'^ a judge {constr. st. |>"^ ip 68*),
naC a cook, {yin (for harrds) artificer {constr. st. B'nn , hut plur. constr. ''KHH) ; {^"18
horseman {for parrdT), const, st. BHS Ez 26^°.
18. The ground -form qittdl appears in nnX dry, nS,3 haughty (the i being C
lengthened to e according to § 22 c), if these forms go back to original sihhdy,
gi"dy. On the analogy, however, of the adjectives denoting defects (see d
below), we should rather expect a ground-form qitM; moreoveT,'iwwalt, ground-
form of the fem. rQ}ii foolishness, goes back to an original iwwilt, see § 69 c.
• • " < .<
1 9. The ground-form qUftdl and qHUiil ; cf. the fem. nt2E)3 spelt, nSFlB coat.
20. The ground-form qattU ; from the intensive stem, the infinitives Pi'il of U
the form p^p.
21. The ground-form qiUil, in Hebrew lengthened to 7^j?. Of this form
are a considerable number of adjectives which denote a bodily or mental fault
or defect. Cf. 113N disabled, D.^N dumb, |3a hump-backed, I^J? blind, K'ln deaf {for
hirrei), nDS) lame, Pip bald, K'ijiy perverse ; nj59 open-eyed follows the same
analogy.
22. The ground-form qattal, cf. the remarks in b above, on the nomina e
opificum ; moreover, to this class belong infinitives Pi'el of the Aramaic form
n"ii32 a searching out ; nC'i^S a request ; with middle guttural (see § 22 c) nXNJ
contumely ; but cf. also ^^niXNi Ez 35", with full lengthening of the original
d before N ; HOnj comfort. From the attenuation of the d of this form to »,
arises undoubtedly :
23. The ground-form ^tfdl, e. g. "I3N husbandman (Arab, ^dkkdr).
24. The ground-form qHtol, most probably only a variety of the form qdttdl
with the d attenuated to i (as in No. 33), and the d obscured to 6 (as in n and
234 '^'he Noun [§ 84''/-'»
r) ; cf. "liaa hero (Arab, gabbdr), ~\Sq) caviller, "liS^f (piper or chirper) a bird, "liSK*
drunkard. On the other hand, nip^ 6orn probably arises from yullod, au old
participle passive of ^i, the m being dissimilated in the sharpened syllable
before 6 : so Barth, ibid., p. 41 f.
f 25. The ground-form 5rt/fi7, ?''^\), almost exclusively of persons, who possess
some quality in an intensive manner, e.g. *1''3X strong, p^"n^ righteous, ri''"}3
fxigiiive (for barri^'h), Y^~\V violent (for 'arris).
That some of these are only by-forms of the qd!il-c\as% (see above, remark
on a), appears from the constr. st. ^HES ravenous, Is 35^ (but D'^irns ''Jf^B
always), and according to Barth (ibid., 35 a) also from the constr. st. "1^3S (but
also T'llX I S 21*) of "1''ZlX. However, the form 1^3S, as a name of God, may
be intentionally differentiated from 1^3X, a poetic term for the bull.
In the same way 1'DS prisoner, C^D eunuch (constr. st. always D^TD, plur.
D''D"'"1D , constr, st. ""DHD Gn 40'', but in the book of Esther always ''DHD
with suffix VD''"]D, &c.), and p''riy weaned, may be regarded as by-forms of the
qdfU-cla.sa w ''-'^ passive meaning, see § 84* I.
P* 26. The ground-form qanUl, ?Vi3p, e.g. psn gracious, Q^VH compassionate
(with virtual strengthening of the n), J'^^H diligent (for harriis), probably,
again, to a large extent by-forms of the qatul-c\a,ss, § 84" m. The same
applies to substantives like ■ntj;K a step (in ''*)E'K, as well as ilK^S, &c.), l^SJ?
pillar; fem. n^inn a stripe {also im^n), nini33 security : cf. Barth, ibid., § 84.
// 27. The ground-form q&ttol; besides the infinitives absolute Pi'H of the
form bt2p, also NiHpjeaZows (as well as K3p, an obscured form of qdltdl, see e).
i 28. The ground-form gif/ili, 7^t3p, e.g. ''^Qlf a coating of metal, DI^E' requital,
''^pB' drink, P)^2^ detestable thing ; with concrete meaning l^Qp a disciple, T^^J?
strong ; frequently in the plural in an abstract sense, as CQI'tJ reproach, Q'iipip
filling (the induction of a priest), D''Dn3 consolations, compassion, D''p3C' bereave-
ment, DTi?K' dismissal, D''"1I3K' observance.
VII. Nouns with the Third Consonant repeated.
J^ 29. The ground-form qdfldl, e. g. fJXtJ^ quiet, fem. HS^XtJ^ (with sharpening
of the second Nun, in order to keep the preceding vowel short) ; pyT green,
plur. D''il3Sn.
/ 30. The ground-form -qMil, in Hebrew P.7'^'5; of this form are e.g. the
infinitives Pi'lel (prop. Pa'lil), cf § 55 d.
in, 31. The ground-form qatUd ; so the plur. D"'3;33 ridges (with sharpening of
the Nun, as in No. 29).
32. The ground-form qiUal, in niTlQ a brood.
33. The ground- form qittlal, in 770N/am*.
34. The ground-form qaflil, e. g, t3^D3y plunder, "("'^JD ram-sform, T'*)DK'
glittering tapestry, Jer 43I" Q^re ; with attenuation of the a to i D''']''")103 all that
makelh black, Jb 3" (but the better reading is nnJOS).
35. The ground-form qallul, e.g. inSB' Jer ^2,^°Knh.; D"'D1DX3_ adaZteries.
VIII. Noxms with the Secotid and Third Consonants repeated,
n 36-39' Q^laUid, q^udiil, q'taltiXl; q^ldllul, q'tdltol (in fem. and plur. often with
the last consonant sharpened for the reason given in a above) ; cf. !|3DEin
§§ 84*0,^,85 a, &] Nouns with Pref or matives, etc. 235
crooked, nipPppH slippery places, niPi^pj^y crooked (ways) ; i^FlpflS tortuous; also
words denoting colours, D"nDnX (Lv i3*2.'i9 jn pause) reddish, fern. JlO^DnX
plur. nb'np'IN ; p1\>T greenish, plur. fern, nplpl^ ; (ffallU, H'S^D^ very fair (to
be read in Jer 4620 for iT'BnD'') ; q'taltul, JT^ninK' (fern.) blackish ; flpDDX
a rabble (augmented from FlIDX collected). From a verb ""'S with aphaeresis
of the initial syllable D''NyNV offspring. Moreover, of the same form, probably,
is nn^iVn a trumpet (for Hn^^Xn, cf. § 55 e). Also in Is 2"^ nnBnsnb is to be
read instead of ni"13 1302 (from the sing, n"lQ"1Dn a digging or burrowing
animal, perhaps the mole). But nipnj5Q opening, Is 61* (ed. Mant, Baer, Ginsb.
nipTlpQ), is an evident mistake due to dittography ; read HpQ as in 42''.
IX. Nouns in which the Whole (Bilileral) Stem is repeated.
Naturally this class includes only isolated forms of the stems Vy and y"y
(on ni*Q''S see § 96 under HQ). Thus : —
40. ?p3 a wheel, and, with attenuation of the first a to i, 73p3 (from p?J) ;
fem. nbn^n anguish (from Pin or pTl) ; "133 (for kirkar) a talent; cf. also 3313
a star (fi-om kdwkdb, Arabic kaukdb, for 3333), DStOiU bands, for nbt3Dt3 ;
/^!5if probably o whirring locust.
41. /3i33 infin. PiTpe^ (prop. PalpiT) from p^S ; fem. nbtOpC a hurling (from ?;
blO). "'"
42. ISIS perhaps a ruby (for kddkiid), from 113.
43. I'pIP <^e crotvn of the head (for qudqiid), from ITp ; fem. np3p3 a skull (for
grilgult), from p^J.
44. inil ffi^f^erf, from 11] ; p13p3 a 60/tte, from pp3 ; D^"13"!3 /a^enetZ 6/rrfs(?).
§ 85. Nouns luith Preformatives and Afformatives.
These include nouns which are directly derived from verbal forms a
liaving preformatives [Hiph'U, Hof)h'al, Hithpa'el, Niph'al, ^c), as
well as those which are formed with other preformatives (x, *, 12, 3, n),
and finally those which are formed with afformatives. The quadri-
literals and quinqueliterals also are taken in connexion with these
formations, inasmuch as they arise almost always by the addition
or insertion of one or two consonants to the triliteral stem.
X. Nouns with Preformatives.
45. Nouns with X prefixed. Cf. the substantives with H prosthetic (§ 19 m), J)
such as yillX arm (Jer 32^1, Jb 31^^-; elsewhere always Jjni) ; y3ii*K a finger,
n3")t<l a locust, PjnjK^si; (others mattock, or clod\ nllCK'S or ni'CK'K a watch. In
these examples the N is a 'euphonic ' prefix (Barth, ibid., § 150 b) ; in other
cases it is ' essential ' ; cf. especially the adjectives, 3T3S deceitful, ■n3K cruel^
jn^N perennial (for 'aitan) [ = the Arab, 'clative', used for expressing the
compar. and superl. degrees]. The fem. n'\3]^ fragrant part *^ (of the meal-
^ Or perhaps more correctly with Jacob, ZAW. 1897, p. 79, ' declaration,' i.e.
the part of tlie meal-offering which ' announces the sacrifice and its object '.
236 The Noun [§ 85 c-a
offering) is a women verbaU of Hiph'il, answering to the Aramaic infinitive of
the causal stem ('ylp/i'eO, hence with suff. nm31t< Lv 2^, &c.
T tit: - '
C 46. Nouns with n prefixed. Besides the ordinary infinitives of Hiph'il
PtDpn and ^''t^pH, of Niph'al ^CpH bopn (for hinq.), and of the conjugations
formed with the prefix Dn , tliis class also includes some rare nomina verbalia
derived from Hiph'il (cf. § 72 s), viz. mSH appearance (from "133), Is 3^; nSJH
a swinging (from 51^3), [Is 30^® ; nrUH a rest-giving, Est 2 ^8] ; npjfn deliverance
(from ?Jf3), [Est 4'* an Aram, form : cf. mTH Dn 5^"] ; perhaps also 73^n
palace, from kaikdl, unless it is borrowed from the Assyrian ; see the Lexicon.
d 47. Nouns with '' prefixed, aslilif^ oil, I3pp^ wallet, ^Wy owl{?) • from verbs
Vy, e. g. Dlp^ a Zu'tng t/tmsr, "l^Tl'' a range ; from a verb ^"]3, yy an adversary.
Of a different character are the many proper names which have simply
adopted the imperfect form, as 2p]}\, pHX^, &c.
C 48. Nouns with D prefixed. This preformative Mem, which is no doubt
connected with "'JO who, and HO what (see §37 and §520), appears in a very
lai-ge number of nouns, and serves to express the most varied modifications of
the idea of the stem: (i) D subjective, when preformative of the participles
Ptel, Hiph'il, Hithpa'el, and other active conjugations. (2) 12 objective, when
preformative of the participles Pu'al, Hoph'al, and other passive conjugations,
as well as of numerous nouns. (3) D instrumental, as in HriBD a key, &c. (4)
O local, as in "13*10 a drive for cattle, &c.
/ As regards the formation of these nouns, it is to be remarked that the pre-
formative tt was originally in most cases followed by a short a. This a,
however, in a closed syllable is frequently attenuated to i ; in an open syllable
before the tone it is lengthened to a (so also the i, attenuated from a, is
lengthened to e), and in |3tD shield (with suff. ''33C) it even becomes unchange-
able a. But in an open syllable which does not stand before the tone, the a
necessarily becomes S^wd.
^ The following forms are especially to be noticed : (a) ground-form maqtal, in
Hebrew ^IDplD,^ e. g. ij3XO/ood : fem. naboiD kingdom, 71^5^0 a knife, naX^D
(for riDKpP by § 23 c) business; from a verb ]"Q^ (DD a gift; from verbs Y'Q,
NSiD a going forth, SC'ID a seat ; from verbs '•"S ^CD the best (from maitab) ;
with ^ (or 1) assimilated, ySD a bed ; from verbs JJ"]? ^DD a screen, and with
the shortening of the a under the preformative, 1)d6 bitterness (from "IDD
developed to a segholate), fem. HTSK'D desolation; from a verb Vy, probably
of this class is DipD place, the a lengthened to o and obscured to (Arabic
maqdm) ; from verbs T\"?, nS")P appearance, |yp (for HiyO) prop, intention, only
in lypp on account of, in order that.
fl (b) Ground-form miqtdl (the usual form of the infin. Qal in Aramaic), Hebr.
rCpD, e. g. "1310 (in Jer 2*1 also, where Baer requires ISHDn, read with ed.
Mant., Ginsburg, &c. "ISIDH) a cattle-drive, fem. noripD war, n331D a chariot
' °' T : • -:' T T : • ' t t : v
(with S'ghol instead of t, but in constr. st. 713310 Gn 41*^ ; cf. pn")0 distance),
ri'lDB'O a watch ; from verbs y"y, e. g. 3pO surroundings (from mi-sab ; i in the
open syllable being lengthened to e ; but cf. also pE'P Is 33* as constr. state
from ppv) with sharpening of the first radical ; cf. § 67 gr) ; from verbs T\"?,
njlpD a possession, fem. njpD.
» In O'lpnO"? Ct 6'«, Neh 8I", the first syllable is artificially opened to avoid
the cacophony ; on the a of the second syllable cf. § 93 ee.
§851-9] Nouns with PreformativeSf etc, 237
(c) Ground-form maqni, Hebr. ^tSpO, e.g. IJJB'IO a support (fern. njVK'P), «
"^3DJD a smt</8, ib'UO a tithe ; fem. n?JJ'30 a ruin : from a verb K'S nD3D an
overthrow, n32kl? a i3»7tar ; from verbs ^"V , fpJD a shield ; fem. npJO a roll (from
773)) 'T^^'2 « <^"''s« (f*^i" m^^irrd from "I^X) ; from a verb 1"D, ^pi^ « snare
(from wdit'gis). .
(d) Ground-form mjgfiZ, Hebr. PppO, e. g. IStpD mourning, n31tD an aZtar A;
{place of sacrifice) ; from a verb V'y, e.g. 3DD (DDO?) consessus ; (e) ground-
form mdqiul, Hebr. ^bpiO ; fem. rh'6^;t2 food, n^fblO tcagres ; from a verb J)"y,
fem. n3CD a covering (from T|3D). Also from yy, according to the Masora,
TiyjO a re/wfife, with suffixes "'^yo and MIVD, plur. D''?yO, but, very probably,
most if not all of these forms are to be referred to the stem t^y to flee for safety,
and therefore should be written "'tiyO, &c. The form TyO, if derived from
the stem ]]]} , would mean stronghold, — Cf. also '•[ifi faintness, developed to a
segholate, probably from TjlD, for marokh from T|31, like DhD soundness of
body, from DlOri.
With a long vowel in the second syllable : (/) ground-form maqtdl, with d t
always obscured to o, e. g. "^^Dnip want, nippO ^°°^y > from verbs Vy , e. g. "liJD
fear, fem. mijlO and miJD (with the o depressed to m in a toneless syllable ;
tit; » ,
cf. § 27 n), no^riD, &c.. Is 22^ (gr) Ground-form miqtdl, in Hebr. again ?1t3p?0,
e.g. liriDD a covert, pil^SD a stumUing -block (cf. above under i, makhseld) ; fem.
07630 a fishing-net ; (A) the ground-forms maqtil, miqtU (cf. D''pD) are found
only in participles Eiph'il ; the fem. n''3"'p3p, cheerfulness, is a denominative
formed from a participle Hiph'il ; (t) ground-form maqtul, as K^l^piO a garment.
Eem. On ID as preformative of the participles of all the conjugations except VI
Qal and Niph'al, cf. § 52 c. Many of these participles have become substantives,
as JTIBIO snuffers, JTTIK'IO destroyer, destruction.
49. Nouns with J prefixed. Besides the participles Niph'al (ground-form n
ndqtal, still retained e.g. in 1?i3 for ndwldcJ, but commonly attenuated to niqtdl,
Hebr. ^t3p3) and the infinitive Niph'al of the form ^b[>^, the prefix 3 is found
in Dv'J^S? wrestlings, Gn 30*, which is also to be referred to Niph'al, and *1^|3
boiled pottage (stem T*!).
50. With K* prefixed, e.g. r\2np\^afiame. On this Saph'sl formation, cf. § 552.
51. Nouns with n prefixed. Examples of this formation are numerous, p
especially from weak stems, for the purpose of strengthening them phoneti-
cally (see Barth, ibid., p. 283), and notably from verbs l^'D and Vy. They
may be classified as follows :— (a) the ground- form tdqfdl in DOnri ostrich (?) ;
from verbs VB^ DE'in a settler; fem. Jlbnin expectation, nnpin (from the Hiph'il
n^ain) correction ; from a verb """D \D''Pl the south ; from verbs 1"Q and T\"b,
min thanksgiving, and min law, both from Eiph'il ; from a verb V'B and i<"7,
niNJfin issues ; probably belonging to this class, from verbs ])"V, P^ confusion,
and Dpri a melting away (developed from 730 and 0100 , from Pp? ^'^'^ ODD).
(6) Tiqfdl, e.g. fem. n■^^<Eln and JTlKSn glory; from a verb n'6, e.g. nipijl <y
ftope; (c) to^/tZ, o.g. J'SK'ri^ cAegwer Mor/c';'feni, nO^^ri deep sleep (probably from
the Niph'al D'^")3) ; from a verb V'Q^ nnS^D correction (from the Eiph'il-atem,
like the constr. st. plur. niTpin generations) ; from verbs yy^ n?nri praise, n?B))l
prayer (from the Pt'6{ of the stems ppn and ?2B).
238 IVie Noun [§85r-M
7' With a long vowel in the second syllable : {d) tiqfdl, as D^nfl the ocean, the
deep (for iOuim ; in Assyrian the fem. tidmtu, constr, st. tidmat, is the usual word
for sea), unless it is to be derived with Delitzseh, Prolegomena, p. J13, from the
stem Dnn ; (e) tdqfil (in Arabic the usual form of the infinitive of conjugation
II. which corresponds to the Hebrew Pi'el), e.g. from a verb H"?, fem, rivDn
completeness ; JT'Iliri increase, usury, with a parallel form TT'B'ip ; in a passive
sense, l^tp^R a disciple; (/) piDpri, e.g. HlSri an apple (for tdnpuP'h) ; very
frequently used to form abstracts, e.g. ?TO2ri a benefit (also ?^D3) ; from verbs
Vy^ nD13ri « treading down, r[Z''iir\ a leaving (like HD^Iljl a lifting up, from the
Hiph'il stem), HplK'n a longing, &c. ; very frequently also as an abstract plural,
e.g. ni^Snri perverseness, nv3nri guidance, D''")1"Hpri bitterness, D''0^n3n and
niDinjri consolation ; from a verb VJ? D^3Xri toil.
XI. Nouns with Afformatives.
S 52. Nouns with 7 affixed. Perhaps /DK'n amber (?), and probably PP^
iron, P013 garden-land {S'ghol in both cases is probably a modification of the
original a in the tone-syllable), ?y32 bloom, cf. § 30 q. — According to Pratorius,
ZDMG. 1903, p. 530 ff., al is an affix of endearment in the proper names pD''0
bL)«n {little lizard ?) b:''3N (also ^^^DK).
t 53. Nouns with D affixed. With an original dm as afiformative, QplX
vestibule (although the a in the sing, remains unchangeable), plur. D"'132N •
but in D33 a swarm of gnats, the D. is radical. With original afformative iim,
Dh'j; (also rh^) naked (from niV), plur. CBT'y Gn s', parallel form Di"»y,
plur. D"'ti)l"lJ? Gn 2^^ —To this class also belong the adverbs in dm and dm,
mentioned in § 100 g, and many proper names, as DkJ'")3, also DiB'lS, and
\r^-\l {patronymic ^SK'ia), DbijD, DlOy, &c. ; but for DV"13 ransom (?), Nu 3",
probably D^HQ is to be read.
11 54. Nouns with | affixed. The | is added by means of a simple helping
< .<
vowel in fyjl) Canaan, and p.3if a finger nail ; more frequently the addition is
made by means of a tone-bearing n, which in Hebrew is modified to S^ghol (as
|"I"13 axe) or lengthened to a (but cf. also JT'DIHt^ and fT'Sl^p) ; e.g. "C^ip a posses-
nion, IHptJ' a table, |3")p an offering. From an original d being changed into an
obscure 6 we may probably explain such forms as ]\2iir\ a pining away ; IQ"!"! (also
p'll) a goad ; I^Dyi hunger ; from verbs H"? pSH pride, ^\}2T\ noise, ptPI a vision ;
|i''")E' a coaf of mail; from a verb |"D^ fiXE'lO guile (the only instance with both
O preformative and on afformative) ^ ; very frequently from the simple stem
with an unorganic sharpening of the second radical, e. g P"13] memorial, |V?3
destruction {constr. st. IHOl and pv3), &c. ; cf. also ^)''~\7^ pregnancy (for '^n) and
§ 93 MM ; |Vp""p shame, for P^ppp. Proper names occur with the termination
im, as flT-i'^, § 86 g, and others.
' The plurals Q''2^i flowers, Ct 2'^, and D^3b't3p /^^jorns appear to be formed
directly from the singulars ^3 (cf. n5f3) and biOp with the insertion of an
(which in 'Op is obscured to on). See NOldeke, Mand. Gr., p. 169, Rem. 3 ;
similarly, according to Hoffmann, ' Einige phOniz. Inschriften,' p. 15 [Abh.
der Gott. Ges. der Wiss., xxxvi), D"'3U^y wares, Ez 27'<i«from 2W = 2^}!.
§§85v,w,86a-J] Nouns xvith Afformatives, etc. 239
Rem. A large number of proper names now ending in TM or \ — used to V
be classed as nouns originally formed with the affix \S The subsequent
rejection of the final Nun seemed to be confirmed by the form jn^tp, once
used (Zc 12") for HJO (and conversely in Pr 27^0 KHhihh n'"^nS, Q're HaX for
pinX destruction), also by the fact that for r\b^p the LXX 'give the form
'S.oKwfj.iiv or "ZaXwtiitiv , and especially that in patronymics and tribal names
(§ 86 h) a Nun appears before the termination 5, as '^'p^'l Gilonite from nl53 and
^y?''^ from n!5''E' (modern name Sailun). Wetzstein, however (in Delitzsch's
Commentary on Job, ist ed., p. 599), explained the Niin in fn^jp as a secondary
addition to the common old-Palestinian termination (inn^^ i3y, i^itD"),
&c.), and Barth {Nominalhildung , § 224 6) has since shown the unsoundness of
the prevailing view on other grounds: the rejection of ihQ Nim would be
much more likely to occur in the numerous appellatives in on than in proper
names, and "'^Vs and "'f?''^ are due to the necessity of avoiding, for euphonic
reasons, such forms as gllo-i, iilo-i, &c, ; cf. also '3?{^' from HpK'.
On the afformatives ^__j *___^ ni H''-— , see below, § 86 h-l.
XII. Quadriliteruls and Quinqueliterals.
55. "110^3 barren, tJ'''D^n a flint, and the fem nSV^T heat, &c., have probably IC
arisen from the insertion of a 7 ; ?;"i"!n a locust, D'Tij? an axe, nByip a branch,
Ez 316 (verses 6, 8 nS.VD), D^Syib' (also D''3yb') anxious thoughts, i3''3"1t^ sceptre,
from insertion of a *1 which is common in Aramaic. Cf., moreover, CD^n
u sickle, "nOD vine-blossom ; with an initial ]! ^ ^.?^y« &«', K'OSV a spider, *133y
a mouse, 3"li5y a scorpion,^ &c. — Quinquelitei'al, yi|"lSif a frog.
§ 86. Denominative Nouns.
1. Such are all nouns formed immediately from another noun, (L
whether the latter be primitive or derived from a verb, e. g. P'^l^
eastern, immediately from D"]!?. the east (verbal stem D"1P to he in front).
2. Most of the forms which nouns of this class assume have already (j
been given in §§ 84 and 85, since the denominatives, as secondary
(although in some cases very old) forms, invariably follow the analogy
of the verbal derivatives. As, for instance, the verbals with a prefixed
D (§ 85 g to m) express the place, &c., of an action, so the denomina-
tives with ?3 local represent the place where a thing is found or its
neighbourhood (see e).
The most common forms of denominatives are — C
1. Those like the participle Qal (§ 84« s), e. g. "lyc a porter, from '^W « 9'«'« ;
"1P3 a herdsman, from IpS a herd ; D"13 a vinedresser, from D"13 a vineyard.
2. Those like the form qatjal (§ 84** 6\ e.g. T\'^\) an archer, from 0^*1"? a bow. (J
1 Derenbourg {REJ., 1883, p. 165) infers from the above examples and a
comparison of the Arabic 'uiffur, sparrow (from safara, to chirp), that V was
especially employed to form quadriliteral names of animals.
240 IVie Noun [§86
e-t
Both these forms (c and d) indicate customary occupations, inhering in the
subject, like Greek nouns in ttjs, revs, e. g. iroXir^y, ypafjuarevs.
C 3. Nouns with D prefixed, denoting the place where a thing is (cf. § 85 e),
or its neighbourhood, e. g. pyo a place of fountains, from py ; ni?a"!ip the place
about the feet, niB'Nip the place about the head, from ^n, K'NT ; HB'pO (for
nStJ'pD) a cucumber field, from NE^p cucumber. Cf. d/iweXtoj' from cifive\os.
f 4. Nouns with the termination f or \S expressing adjectival ideas: ]\Cr\Ji
eastern, irom "Olp ; p"inS posfenor, from inS ; jilfn exterior, from ^^H ; probably
also irT'lp coi7e«i, hence co«7ed animal, serpent, from iT'p a winding ; \T\'^Xyi brazen,
from riB'ni brass. Also abstracts, e. g. jil^y blindness, from *l-iy. Cf. § 85 m. —
With a double termination {on or an with i) '•iDlK reddish, ''i)}'^) « knounng
(spirit) ; ''3'yDif basilisk ; ni*3Dn"l merciful [fem. plur.].
^ |i appears to be used as a diminutive ending (cf. the Syriac p) in |iB'''X
little man (in the eye), appk of the eye, from K'''N^; on the other hand lb''BB'
adder, which was formerly regarded as a diminutive, is properly an adjectival
form from flDC to rub (hence, as it were, a rubbing creature) ; in the same way
P"1B'"' is a denominative from I^K''' (="\B''), properly wpngrA* {righteous people), and
not a diminutive (^nous little people, and the like) ; finally, p'inb' is not lunula,
but an artificial moon (used as an ornament), and CJi^X not Utile neck, but
necklace (from 1N1S neck). Cf. Delitzsch on Ct 4'.
h 5. Peculiar to denominatives is the termination *•__, which converts a
substantive into an adjective, and is added especially to numerals and names
of persons and countries, in order to form ordinals, patronymics, and tribal
names; e.g. ^^T[ footman, plur. Dv21, from ^y\foot; ''"1T3N cruel, """IDJ strange,
from 1D3 strangeness, ""rinri lotcer, from nnri below, fem. JT'Onn and iTrinri,
plur. C'^nnn ni»nnn ; ^tU the sixth, from E^B' six ; "•2X10 Moabite, from nxiO
plur. D''3Kb, fem. n>3NiO and D^S'lO, plur. nV^XID ; nny Hebrew, plur.
nnny and'cnny, fem.' nnny, plur. ri'in^y; ^b^lV^'^' Israelite, from f'N■)■B'^
When the original substantive is a compound, it is resolved again into two
words, e. g. ^3''ip''"f3 Benjamite, from p0^33 (cf. on the use of the article in
. such cases, § 127 d).
t Instead of "i we find in a few cases (a) the ending '__. (as in Aram.),
e. g. ""P^a {crafty, or, according to others, churlish) if it stands for ''TS? and is
not rather from a stem t02 or nbs ; "'">in white cloth. Is 19^ in pause ; perhaps
also "'33 a swarm ofloaists, Am 71 C^iU Na 3") ; hardly ^n'lrjJ Is 38^^°, Hb 3" ;
AT , - !•:
but certainly in proper names as 'ptIB {ferreus) Barsillai;^ and (6) n__,
[} Cf. Barth, § 212 ; KOnig, ii. i, 413. Diminutives in Semitic languages
are, however, most commonly formed by inserting a «/ after the second radical,
e. g. Aram. XC'/^y, Syr. f Vi « ^\ , Arab. *-P^ a very young man, kulaib, a little
dog, &c. Since Olshausen (§ 180), y^^] a little (Is 28'<'-i'', Jb 36*) has commonly
been regarded as an example of the same form, to which others have added
D^D^DK' Is 3'" (as though a foreign dialectical form for JiMwais, little sun), and
|^3"'tDK 2 S 1^"^°, as a contemptuous diminutive form of pJCK ; cf. Ewald, § 167,
W. Wright, Arab. Gramm^ i. § 269, De Lagarde, Kominalbildung, pp-. 85-87,
Konig. ii. 1, p. 143 f. The existence of the form in Hebrew is disputed by
Barth, § 192 of.]
1 On * as an old fem. ending, see above, § So I.
§ 86 k, 1, 87 a-c'] Denominative Nouns 241
arising from ay, in HE'N belonging to fire (K'NI), i. e. a sacrifice offered by fire ; HJlS?
(prop, milky) the storax-shrub, Arabic lubnay.
6. Abstract nouns formed from concretes by the addition of HI , nr'__l ]^
(§ 95 0> cf. our terminations -dom, -hood, -ness, e.g. Jl^n?' youth, ^\^^J>^ kingdom
(the omission of the Dage^ in 3 shows that the ^^icd is weakened from a full
vowel ; on malik as underlying the present form T|^D cf. § 84" a) ; DIJOj^N
widowhood, from lObX widower, n30l?K widow. In Aram, this fem. ending fl^
(or ^ with rejection of the n) is a common termination of the infinitive in the
derived conjugations (cf., as substantival infinitives of this kind, niVDB'n the
announcing, Ez 24^^^, and n^lSPfin the making 0/ a league, Dn 11^) ; in Hebr. Tfl
as a termination to express abstract ideas (including some which ap.pear to
be directly derived from the verbal stem, as DvSD folly, niNQ"! a healing ^)
becomes more common only in the later books. It is affixed to adjectives
ending in i (see above, h) in n^*")T3X cruelty, and fl^'DtOip upright position
(Lv 26'^, used adverbially). , .
The ending D^ is found earlier, e.g. in JT'INB' remainder, n^K'NT prin- I
cipium, from B'X'l = B'NI {head) princeps. The termination 6<ft seems to occur in
niODH wisdom (in Pr 1^", 9', joined to a singular ; so also DiDpn Pr 14^, where,
probably, DiMn should likewise be read) and in DibpiH Ec 1", &c., with the
parallel form Dv^in Ec 10''.
§ 87. Of the Plural.
Brockelmann, Grundriss, i. 426 S., and on the feminines, p. 441 ff ;
M. Lambert, ' Remarques sur la formation du pluriel hebreu,' REJ. xxiv.
99 ff., and ' Les anomalies du pluriel des noms en Hebreu,' REJ. xliii. 206 ff. ;
P. LajCiak, Die Plural- u. Dualendungen im semit. Nomen, Lpz. 1903 ; J. Barth,
•Beitrage zur Pluralbildung des Semit.,' ZDMG. 1904, p. 431 ff., i. 'the ai of
the constr. st.'
1. The regular jdural termination for the masculine gender is ^*-r-, a
always with the tone, e.g. D^D horse, plur. D^plD horses; but also very
often written defectively D-^-, especially when in the same word one
of the vowel letters, 1 or \ precedes, e.g. Gn i^^ D?''?^. Nouns in ^-r-
make their plural in C?-^, e. g. ''l^V a Hebrew, plur. Ci'^nny (Ex 3^^) ;
but usually contraction takes place, e. g. ^'^l^V ; D^^V' crimson garments,
from 'if.
Nouns in n__ lose this termination when they take the plural J)
ending, e.g. iTth seer, plur. D^th (cf. § 75 /t). — In regard to Ihe loss
of the tone fiora the D-^ in the two old plurals D^P water and ^)'0^
heaven, cf. § 88 c? and § 96.
The termination D* — is sometimes assumed also by feminines (cf. C
DT? ivomen, § 96 under T\fii ; D"'3K' i/pars, from HJB'; OvDl ^^'^^' ^^'^^
''Dl), so that an indication of gender is not necessarily implied in
it (cf. also below, m-/)). — On the use of this termination C-t- to
express abstract, extensive, and intensive ideas, cf. § 124.
^ [See a complete list of instances in KOnig, Lehrgetaude, ii. i, p. 205 f.]
COWLET B
242 The Noun [§ 87 d-i
Cl The ending im is also common in Phoenician, e. g. D3*lif Sidonii ; Assyrian
lias dni (ace. to P. Haupt originally ami, cf. § 88 d) ; Aramaic has in ; Arabic
una (nominative) and ina (in the oblique cases, but in vulgar Arabic in is
also used for the nominative) ; Ethiopic an. Cf. also the verbal ending p in
the 3rd plur. perf. (§ 44 I) and in the 3rd and 2nd plur. impf. (§ 47 m).^
£ Less frequent, or only apparent terminations of the plur. masc. are —
(a) p , as in Aramaic, ^ found almost exclusively in the later books of the
0. T. (apart from the poetical use in some of the older and even the oldest
portions), viz. pa^O Mngs, Pr 31^, fllllj* i K ii^^^ |ij{-) ijig guard, 2 K ii"^
Y^^r^ wheat, Ez4^; defectively f*X islands, Ez 26^^; pO'' days, Dn 12^'. Cf. also
P'ntp carpets, Ju 5'", in the North-Palestinian song of Deborah, which also has
other linguistic peculiarities ; p*y heaps. Mi 3^^ (before T\; cf. § 44 k) ; p-lQ
words (from the really Aram. Th^), Jb 4^, and twelve other places in Job
(beside D^^O, ten times in Job) ;" further, p*n Jb 24^2, pnnX 31I0, and pOCIB'
La I*, piin 4*. — The following forms are doubtful :
/(6) 1 (with the D rejected, as, according to some, in the dual ^T" for CT
-T • -T
Ez 13'^, cf. § 88 c), e.g. 'ilO stringed instrument?, \p 45' for ClIO (unless it is to
be so written) 3 ; ^!3y peoples, \p 144^, and, probably, also La 3^* (in 2 S 22" it
may be taken as ""Qy my people ; cf. in the parallel passage \p 18^* DV ; also in
Ct 82 the i of ^Jb") is better regarded as a suffix) ; see also 2 S 23^ as compared
with I Ch 1 1^1, and on the whole question Gesenius, Lehrgebdude, p. 524 ff.
More doubtful still is —
^ (c) ''___ (like the constr. state in Syriac), which is supposed to appear in
e. g. iYb' princes, Ju 5^^ (perhaps my princes is intended : read either the constr.
st. nb', which also has good authority, or with LXX Dn'C') ; for 'D1 '•Ji^PI
Jer 22^* (according to others dual, see § 88 c, or a loan word, cf. ZA. iii. 93)
read pDD VJi^n. On i^iS and nin, which have also been so explained, see
above, § 86 2.— ^Dlb'n Is 20* (where the right reading is certainly "•SIK'n)
must be intended by the Masora either as a singular with the formative
syllable ''__ =bareness or, more probably, as a constr. st. with the original
termination ay (cf. § 89 d) to avoid the harsh combination h"sufe set*; in ""JIX
the Lord (prop, my lord, from the plur. majesiatis, D^3"tX lord), the ay was
originally a suffix, § is.s </.
h (d) D a supposed pZwra? ending in D33 = D''33 ffwate (or ?tce), and D?p ladder
(supposed by some to be a plur. like our stairs) ; but cf. on the former, § 85 t.
I 2. The plural termination of the feminine gender is generally
indicated by the termination ni (often written defectively n' — , e. g.
n?nri song of praise, 2>salm, plur. ni?nn (only in post-bihlical Hebrew
^ On the connexion between all these endings see Dietrich's Ahhandl. sur
hebr. Gramm., Leipzig, 1846, p. 51 fif. ; Hal^vy, RE J. 18S8, p. 138 ff. [cf. also
Driver, Tenses, § 6, Obs. 2].
2 So also always in the MeSa' inscription, e.g. line 2 ]\^?iy thirty; line 4
p/D kings ; line 5 \2~\ fC many days, &c.
^ According to some tliis t is simply due to a neglect of the point (§ 5 m),
which In MSS. and elsewhere marked the abbreviation of the plur. ending.
* Priltorlus, ZDMG. 1903, p. 525, regards 'QVKTI as an instance of the affix
of endearment (cf. '•pinX, "'3v3) transferred to an appellative, but such an
explanation is rendered unlikely by the meaning of this isolated instance.
§ 87 A-i^] Of the Plui^al 243
D^nri, as in the headings of the printed editions, as well as nipnri "130
the Booh of Psalms) ; nnjx a letter, plur. rii"l?X ; nX2 a loell, plur.
nhS3. Feminines in r)^__ form their plural in rii>__, e.g. ri'"")^rj
an E(j'>/j)tian looman, plur. rii'"]V'? ; and those in T\'^ either make riV__j
as ni3b» kingdom, plur. T\S'>p^)p, Dn S^^ (cf. ni'Jn ceZZs, Jer 37'«), or are
inflected like J^i"!V. testimonies (pronounced 'edh^wuth for 'edhuiooth).
It is only from a mistake or disregard of these feminine endings HI and A;
n'' that some words ending with them form their plural by the addition
of DV__ or ni , e.g. JT'^n S2}ear, plur. D''ri''3n and niJT'jn ; m] whoredom,
plur. D''n^Jl (by the side of D''31J1) ; D'^niJID^K widoichood ; nSn^np pits, niJlDS
amulets (if connected with Assyr. kdsu, to 6mrf), &c. ,
The termination -oth stands primarily for -dlh (which is the-form it has in I
Arab., Eth., in the consfr. st. of Western Aramaic, in Eastern Syriac, and also
in Assyrian ; on the change of d into an obscure o, see § 9 q). On the other
hand, it is doubtful whether this dth is to be regarded as a lengthened and
stronger form of the singular fem. ending ath (cf. § 80 5^.
How the changeable vowels of a noun are shortened or become
Shed in consequence of the addition of the plural endings is explained
in §§ 92-5-
3. Words which in the singular are used both as masculine and Ifl
feminine (§122 d), often have in the plural parallel forms with the
masculine and feminine terminations, e. g. 3y cloud, plur. D^^y and
ritay ; and each form may be treated either as masculine or feminine,
according to the usage of the particular word. — But even those words,
of which the gender is invariable, sometimes have both plural forms,
e. g. in masc. a generation, plur. D'^'ii'^ and riiiH ; T\W fem. a year,
plur. 0"?^' and DiJ^ (see the Rem.). In these words the gender of
both plural forms remains the same as in the singular, e. g. ^1^ masc.
a lion, plur. ri^ns* masc, Zp 3^ riilil masc, Jb 42".
Sometimes usage makes a distinction between the two plural forms of the n
same word. Thus, D^O^ days, D^3B' years are the usual, but niJD^ (only twice,
in the constr. st. Dt 32'', -i 90^^) and niJK' (also only in the constr. st. and before
suffixes') are rarer poetic forms.
A difference of meaning appears in several names of members of the body, o
the dual (see § 88) denoting the living members themselves, while the plur.
in ni expresses something like them, but without life (§ 122 u), e. g. D^T
hands, niT' artificial hands, also e.g. the arms of a throne ; D''Q3 hands, ni33
handles (Lat. manuhria) ; QV^foot, HICyQ artificial feet (of the ark), Q)PJ> horns,
ni3"lp horns (of the altar) ; D^^y eyes, nS^V fountains; cf. also D''^1X lions, J^V■^^<
the^ figiires of lions on Solomon's throne, "iiori palm, nibn a palm-like column,
plur. onton and Diibn .
4. A considerable number of masculines form their plural in r\S,p
while many feminines have a plural in D^^-. The gender of the
singular, however, is as a rule retained in the plural.
B 2
244 The Noun [§§ 87 q~t, 88 a
Undoubted instances of masculines with (masculine) plural in Jii are :
2X father, "lifit< treasure, 1X3 and "113 cistern, D3t tail, Di^n dream, XE)3 throne,
3_^ and 23^ /jeart, m^ <a6Ze<, ^^b' and H^^b' wzgr/t', HSIJp altar, DipO p?ace, nX3
skin-bottle, "13 ?a?wj(?, lij} sfcm, pip voice, \rib^ table, Dki' wame, "131^' trumpet.
fj Feminines ending in H which take in the plural the termination D^
are HpX terebinth, nD''X terror (but also niJD''X), np3"^ a cafce of figs, ntSPI loAeai,
n33!3 a brick, n?J3 (only in poetry) a «<;or(Z, nXD sea, a dry measure, miyb' barley,
and the following names of animals miST a bee and HJi'' a dove ; also, for
CiifS fem. eggs, a singular njf^3 is to be assumed. n?t)pN s/jc-a/ and HJK' «/ear
(see above, w) take both C . and T\\ ', of. finally n?3K' an ear o/ corn, plur.
DvIEJ', and without the fem. termination in the singular t^:ip''2 concubine,
V 5. A strict distinction in gender between the two plural endings
is found, in fact, only in adjectives and participles, e. g. D^^ID honi,
niS'iD honae, D^PtDp masc, OvtOp fem. So also in substantives of the
same stem, where there is nn express distinction of sex, as ^''^'^JUii,
T\Si'^Jiliae; ^"'PPP reges, rii^po reginae.
S Eem. I. In iome few words there is added to the plural ending ni a
second (masculine) plural termination (in the form of the constr. st. '' , cf.
§ 89 c), or a dual ending D''^, e.g. riD3 a high p'ace, plur. niD3, constr. s'.
■•riiJDS (also ''1)03 bam^the, Is 14^^, Jb 9*, &c., sometimes as Q^re to the K^thibh
Tnoa ; see § 95 0) ; ^^NK' 'nb'X'lD from SauVs head, i S 26" ; noin u-all, plur.
niOin moenia, whence dual D^nto^.n douV.e walls. This double indication of
the plural appears also in the connexion of suffixes with the plural ending
ni (§ 91 m).
t 2. Some nouns are only used in the singular (e. g. D*7X man, and collectively
me7i) ; a number of other nouns only in the plural, e. g. D\"lp men (the old
sing, ino is only preserved in proper names, see § 90 ; in Eth. the sing, is
mSt, man) ; some of these have, moreover, a singular meaning (§ 124 a\ as
D'3E3 /ace. In such cases, however, the same form can also express plurality,
e.g. 0^33 means also /aces, Gn 40'', Ez i^ ; cf. D\n?X God, and also gods (the
sing. i^pX, a later formation from it, occurs only ten times, except in Job
forty-one and in Daniel four times).
§ 88. Of the Dual.
Cf. the literature on the Semitic dual in Griinert, Die Begriffs-Praponderam
und die Duals a potiori im Altarab. (Wien, 1886), p. 21 ; Brockelmann, Grundriss,
P- 455 ff-
a 1. The dual is a further indication of number, which originated
in early times. In Hebrew, however, it is almost exclusively used
to denote those objects which naturally occur in pairs (see e). The
dual termination is never found in adjectives, verbs, or pronouns.
In the noun it is indicated in both genders by the termination D^-4-
§ 88 b, c] Of the Dual 245
appended to the ground-form,^ e. g. D^*1J hotli hands, D^.PV two days.
In the feminine the dual termination is always added to the old ending
ath (instead of n_^), but necessarily with a (since it is in an open syllable
before the tone), thus 0^6^, e. g. HDb' U^:,,^ D^D?^ hoth lips. From
a feminine with the ending ri-__i-, e.g. riK'nj (from nPhust) the dual
is formed like C)^^r}} double fetters.
With nouns which in the singular have not a feminine ending, the
dual termination is likewise really added to the ground-form; but
the latter generally undergoes certain changes in consequence of^the
shifting of the tone, e.g. H?? wing (ground-form kdnaph), dual D^?>5|,
the first a becoming ^^wd, since it no longer stands before the tone,
and the second a being lengthened before the new tone-syllable.
In I K 16^^ 2 K 5^3^ the form Oni? (which should be D^??) evidently
merely points to the cor)^tr. st. ''133, which would be expected before
fipl; cf. 0^133 in 2 Ks"^"^ and on the syntax see § 131 cZ. In the
segholate forms (§ 84^ a) the dual ending is mostly added to the
ground-form, e. g. hy\foot (ground-form rdgl), dual D^pp ; of., however,
D^?li? (only in the book of Daniel), as well as D^?"]i2 from HP. horn, and
^t^^ from ""rh cheek (as if from the plurals T\Sy\^, D^nj)).— A feminine
dual of an adjective used substantivally occurs in t3^.I?j't?K a sluggish
pair (of hands) Ec 10'® from the sing. ??fy.
Rem. I. Certain place-names were formerly reckoned as dual-forms (so in C
earlier editions of this Grammar, and still in Konig's Lehrgebdude, ii. 437), viz. —
(a) those in |>J_ and |_, e.g. J^nM Gn 37''?« (locative nj^rfl, but in "'' fnM),
and ^nM 2 K 6" ; jnip Jos 21", identical with D^nnp in i Ch 6« (cf. also the
Moabite names of towns in the MeSa' inscription, line 10 |n^1p = Hebrew
D^nnp; line 30 |n^3n n3 = D^ri^3'^ n''3 Jer 48^2 ; lines 31, 32 plin = Dfonh
Is 15^ &c.) ; (&) in D_, Jos 15" Dy};n ( = 0^5''); Gn 3821). The view that
f and D arise from a contraction of the dual terminations pjl. (as in
T T * ~
Western Aramaic, cf. also nom. dni, accus. aini, of the dual in Arabic) and
D"<4- seemed to be supported by the MeV inscription, where we find
(line 20) inXO two hundred = ]'T\it.'0 , Hebrew D^nSD. But in many of these
supposed duals either a dual sense cannot be detected at all, or it does not
agree at any rate with the nature of the Semitic dual, as found elsewhere.
Hence it can hardly be doubted that f^_!_ and D^J_ in these place-names
only arise from a subsequent expansion of the terminations J__ and D__ : so
Wellhausen, Jahrbiicher fiir Deutsche Hieologie, xxi. 433 ; Philippi, ZDMG. xxxii.
65 f. ; Barth, Nominalhildung, p. 319, note 5; Strack, Kommentar zur Genesis,
p. 135. The strongest argument in favour of this opinion is that we have
a clear ease of such an expansion in the Q^re perpetuum (§170) D)?K'^1^ for
□ yWl"' fso, according to Strack, even in old MSS. of the MiSna ; cf. Urusalimi
in the Tel-el-Amarna tablets, and the Aramaic form- Dp^l"!^) : similarly in S
' On dual endings appended to the plural see § 87 s and § 95 at the
beginning.
246 The Noun [§ 88 d-g
the Aramaic \'fl\y^ = pp'.i^ for the Hebrew filDb' Samaria.— We may add to
this list D^IDK ClHS the river country (in the Tel-el-Amarna letters narima,
na^rma), Cl^O Eg^jpt, Phoenician D"l>fD ; also the words denoting time,
D^■^^^f midday (Mesa' inscription, line 15 DIHif), and perhaps D^^iy in the
evening^ if the regular expression D^llV'"}"!"'? Ex 12®, 16^2^ &c., is only due to
mistaking D''3"iy for a dual : LXX -npos iffirtpav, to SeiXivov, dipt, and only in
Lv 23S dva fxtaov toiv ((Trrepivwi'. The Arabs also say el 'isd'dn, the two evenings,
of. Kuhn's Literaturhlatt, iii. 48.
Instead of the supposed dual "•"]'' Ez 13** read D^T. On "•ii^H (generally
taken to be a double window) Jer 22", see above, § 87 g,
^ 2. Only apparently dual-forms (but really plural) are the words D^O water
and D^lpE' heaven. According to P. Haupt in SBOT. (critical notes on Isaiah,
p. 157, line 18 fif.), they are to be derived from the old plural forms (found in
Assyrian) mdmi, samdmi, whence the Hebr. D''D D''DK' arose by inversion of
the i, mdmi, mdimi, maim. It is simpler, however, to suppose that the primi-
tive singulars marj and samay, when they took the plural of extension (§ 124&),
kept the tone on the ay, thus causing the im (which otherwise always has the
tone, § 87 a) to be shortened to im. Cf. the analogous formations, Arab.
tardaina, 2nd fern, sing, imperf. of a verb """p, for iarday + ina, corresponding
to taqtidina in the strong verb ; also bibl.-Aram. p33 the abs. st. plur. of the ptcp,
Qal of ri33 (^"''), which otherwise always ends in in with the tone, e.g. in the
p'cp. Qal of the strong verb, pn^T sacrificing.
e 2. The use of the dual in Hebrew is confined, except in the
numerals 2, 12, 200, &c'. (see § 97), practically to those objects
which are by nature or art always found in pairs, especially to the
double membex's of the body (but not necessarily so, cf. D^P"!! and
riiy*^T armSy never in the dual), e.g. DJ'T* both hands, ^^5]^? both ears,
Ci)W teeth (of both rows), also ^)2V.-L a pair of sandals, D??^^ " P^^'''
of scales, Lat. hilanx, Sec. ; or things which are at least thought of
as forming a pair, e.g. D^pV two (successive) days, Lat. biduuni; D^y^ip
two weeks ; D^DJ^ two years (in succession), Lat. hiennium ; D^n^^
two cubits.^
f In the former case the dual may be used for a plural, either indefinite or
defined by a numeral, where it is thought of in a double arrangement, e. g.
D^^n yil~!S/oMr/«e<, Lvii"; 0^233 ^^^ six wings (i.e. three pairs). Is 6^, Ezi«;
even D"':''y iiy^B' seven eyes, Zc ^^, D''3"I3"^3 all knees, Ez 7" : D''l"'~b3 all hands,
Ez 2il= ; D*ripifp cymbals, Ezr 3^" ; D^RDK' douUe-hooks, Ez 40". — To express
a certain empliasis the numeral two is used with the dual, as in Ju 16'^*, Am
3^^ — See some other remarks on the use of the dual in § 87 and s.
£" It is not impossible tliat Hebrew at an earlier period made a more extensive
and freer use of the dual, and that the restrictions and limitations of its use,
mentioned above, belong to a relatively later phase of development. The
^ But for D^a")"! Pr 28''-i* (which the Masora takes as two roads leading from
the cross- ways) D'^jI"! is to be read,
§ 89 a] Of the Dual 24-/
Arabic literary language forms the dual in the noun, pronoun, and verb,
almost as extensively as the Sanskrit or Greek ; but in modern Arabic it has
almost entirely disappeared in the verb, pronoun, and adjective. The Syriac
has preserved it only in a few stereotyped forms, with which such duals as
tiie Latin duo, arnho, odo may be compared. In the same way, the dual of the
Sanskrit is lost in the modern Indian languages, and its full use in Old
Slavonic has been restricted later, e.g. in Bohemian, just as in Hebrew, to
pairs, such as hands, feet, eyes, ears. On the Germanic dual, see Grimm's
Gramm., 2nd ed., i. p. 814.
§ 89. The Genitive and the Construct State.
Philippi, Wesen und Ursprung des Stat. Constr. im Hebr. . . ., Weimar, 1871,
p. 98 ff: on which cf. NOldeke in the Gott. Gel. Anzeigen, 1871, p. 23. —
Brockelmann, Grundriss, p. 459 fif.
1. The Hebrew language no longer makes a living use of case- 0.
endings,^ but either has no external indication of case (this is so for
the nominative, generally also for the accusative) or expresses the
relation by means of prepositions (§ 119), while the genitive is mostly
indicated by a close connexion (or interdependence) of the Nomen
regens and the Nomen rectum. That is to say, the noun which as
genitive serves to define more particularly an immediately preceding
Nomen regens, remains entirely unchanged in its form. The close
combination, however, of the governing with the governed noun causes
the tone first of all to be forced on to the latter,^ and the consequently
weakened tone of the former word then usually involves further
changes in it. These changes to some extent aff"ect the consonants,
but moi-e especially the vocalization, since vowels which had been
lengthened by their position in or before the tone-syllable necessarily
become shortened, or are reduced to S^v^d (cf. § 9 a, c, ^ ; § 27 e-r)i) ;
e. g. "'3'n toord, C'y.^ '^?"1 word of God (a sort of compound, as with
us in inverted order, God's-word, hous^^o]), landlord) ; ^^ hand, 1!
T|7Dn the hand of the king ; C"!?"^ tvords, ^V\} ''')!y^. the words of the
2)eople. Thus in Hebrew only the noun which stands before a genitive
suffers a change, and in grammatical language is said to be dependent,
or in the construct state, while a noun which has not a genitive after
it is said to be in the absolute state. It is sufficiently evident from
the above that the construct state is not strictly to be .regarded as
a syntactical and logical phenomenon, but rather as simply 2'honetic
and rhythmical, depending on the circumstances of the tone.
^ On some remains of obsolete case-endings see § 90.
' The same phenomenon of the tone may also bo easily seen in other
languages, when two words are closely connected in a similar way. Observe,
for example, in German the natural stress on the last word in ' der Thron des
Konigs'; though here the other order of the words (inadmissible in Hebrew)
' des Mnigs Thron ' exhibits the same peculiarity.
248 The Noun [§§ 89 i-f, 93 a
b Very frequently such interdependent words are also united by Maqqeph
(§ 16 a) ; tliis, however, is not necessary, but depends on the accentuation in
the particular case. On the wider uses of the constr. st. see the Syntax, § 130.
C 2. The voivel changes which are occasioned in many nouns by the
construct state are more fully described in §§ 92-5. But besides these,
the terminations of the noun in the construct state sometimes assume
a special form. Thus :
(a) In the construct state, plural and dual, the termination is ''-v^,
e. g. D'WD horses, nj^nQ ""DID the horses of Pharaoh ; D^^y eyes. ^.''5/
"nPin the eyes of the king.
(I Rem. The ^__ of the dual has evidently arisen from ""^ (cf. D''^^), but the
origin of the termination ''__ in the constr. st. plur. is disputed. The Syriac
constr. St. in ay and the form of the plural noun before suffixes CDID T]"'D^D
&c., § 91 h) would point to a contraction of an original "•__, as in the dual.
But whether this a?/ was only transferred from the dual to the plural (so
Olshausen, and Noldeke, Beitr. sur sem. Sprachwiss., Strassb. 1904, p. 48 ff.),
or is to be regarded as the abstract, collective termination, as in Hl^N (see/) and
nin (so Philippi, ThLZ. 1890, col. 419 ; Earth, ZDMG. 1904, p. 431 if.), must be
left undecided.
e (b) The original ri__ is regularly retained as the feminine termina-
tion in the construct state sing, of those nouns which in the absolute
state end in n_^j e. g. '"Ilpp queen, i^^P nspO the queen of Sheha. But
the feminine endings T\ * ., n__l., and also the plural Hi — , remain
unchanged in the construct state.
J (c) Nouns in n__ (cf. § 75e) from verbs n"? (§ 93, Paradigm III c)
form their constr. st. in n__j e.g. niSli seer, constr. •I^?"'. If this n___
is due to contraction of the original *'~^, with n added as a vowel
letter, we may compare '''^, constr. '''?| sufficiency, ""n, constr. ""n life;
«;3 (^3), constr. N\3 (\a) valley.
On the terminations i and ''-r- in the constr. st. see § 90.
§ 90. Real and Supposed Remains of Early Gase-endings.
'"i-^ local, ^ in compound proper names, ""-r- and ^ in the
Construct State.
K. U. Nylander, Om Kasuscindelserna i Ilehrdiskan, Upsala, 1882 ; J. Earth,
' Die Casusreste im Hebr.,' ZDMQ. liii. 593 ff.
CI 1. As the Assyrian and old Arabic distinguish three cases by special
endings, so also in the Hebrew noun there are three endings which,
in the main, correspond to those of the Arabic. It is, however, a
question whether they are all to be regarded as real remnants of
former case-endings, or are in some instances to be explained other-
§ po b, c] Remains of Early Case-Endmgs 249
wise. It can hardly be doubted (but cf. h, Rem.) that the (locative)
termination n__ is a survival of the old accusative termination «, and
that 1 in cei'tain compound proper names is the old sign of the
nominative. The explanation of the i as an old genitive sign, which,
as being no longer understood in Hebrew, was used for quite different
purposes, and the view that i is a form of the nominative termination
1, are open to grave doubts.
In Assyrian the rule is that u marks the nominative, i the genitive, and
a the accusative,! ' in spite of the many and various exceptions to this rule
which occur' (Delitzsch, Assyrische Gramm., § 66). Similarly, the Arabic
case-endings in the fully declined nouns {Triptotes) are : -u for the nominative,
-i for the genitive, and -a for the accusative ; in the Biptotes the ending -a
represents the genitive also. In modern Arabic these endings have almost
entirely disappeared, and if they are now and then used, as among the
Beduin, it is done without regularity, and one is interchanged Avith another
(Wallin, in ZDMG. v, p. 9, xii, p. 874; Wetzstein, ihid., xxii, p. 113 f.,
and especially Spitta, Gramm. des arab. Vulgdrdialekts ron Agypien, Lpz. 1880,
p. 147 fif.). Even as early as the Sinaitic inscriptions, their regular use is
not maintained (Beer, Stvdia Asiatica, iii. 1840, p. xviii ; Tuch, ZDMG. iii.
139 f."). Ethiopic has preserved only the -a (in proper names -hd), which
is, however, still used for the whole range of the aceusative, and also (the
distinction of case being lost) as a termination of the consir. st. to connect it
with a following genitive.
2. As remarked above, under a, the accusative form is preserved C
in Hebrew most certainly and clearly in the (usually toneless) ending
'"l-^, originally a, as in the old Arabic accusative. This is appended
to the substantive :
(a) Most commonly to express direction towards an object, or
motion to a 2)lace," e. g. ^©^ seaward, westward, ""l^li? eastward, '"IJ^S^
northward, rniU'N to Assyria, '"ip^^ to Babylon, iTin (from "IH) to the
mountain, Gn 14'", nirns to the earth, nn^2 to the house, >^^'^y^ to Tirzah
(nx-iri) I K 14'^ &c.,^nri|y to Gaza (njy)'ju i6' ; with the article nnnn
to the mountain, '"in^jn into the house, '1'i'inn into the chamber, i K i'*;
'"'?J!!^'^^ into tlie tent, Gn 18^, &c. ; similarly with adverbs, as HEK'
thither, HJN whither ? ; even with the constr. st. before a genitive nri^3
..-SI - * *
n(?V into Jose2>h's house, Gn 43'''^^; ^^sn HiflK toward the land of the
south, Gn 20' ; D^i^fJ? nxnN to the land of Egypt, Ex 4^" ; pb'DI H-jf-ip
to the wilderness of Damascus, 1X19'^; CW nnilO toward tlie sun-
rising, Dt 4" ; and even with the plural no'^'IK'? into Chaldea, Ez 11";
no^DE'n towards the heavens.
1 This rule is almost always observed in the Tellel-Amarna letters (see
§ 2/) ; cf. the instances cited by Barth, 1. c, p. 595, f rom Winckler's edition.
^ On this meaning of the accusative see the Syntax, § 118 rf, and cf. the
Latin accusative of motion to a place, as in Romam profectus est, domum reverti,
rus ire.
^ n^riNn in Baer's text, Gn i8', is an error, according to bis preface to
Isaiah, p. v.
250 The Noun [§ 90 d-f
Rem. The above examples are mostly rendered definite by the article, or
by a following genitive of definition, or are proper names. But cases like
ntS^ mn nrr'Il show that the locative form of itself possessed a defining
power.
d {b) In a somewliat weakened sense, indicating the place where
something is or happens (cf. § n8 d), e.g. no^'^Jnp m Mahanaim,
I K 4"; n^^ there (usually thither, see c), Jer i8^, cf. 2 K 23*, and the
expression to offer a sacrifice nn3|Qn, properly towards the altar for on
the altar. On the other hand, n733 Jer 29^^ and n73| Hb 3", are to
be regarded as ordinary accusatives of direction, to Babylon, into the
habitation; also expressions like i^JiS^ ^^^ the quarter towards the
north, Jos 15* (at the beginning of the verse, i^^li^ ■'''"'? ^^'* border
toward the east), cf. i8^^-^", Ex 26^^ Jer 23*.
e (c) The original force of the ending n__ is also disregarded when
it is added to a substantive with a preposition prefixed (cf. also
njx~iy how long ?), and this not only after f, ~?^ or "IJ? (which are
easily explained), e.g. '^^Vv? wpwards, ntSOp downwards, npiSK'p to
Sheol, ^ 9'^ ni^S>^"^y unto Ajihek, Jos I3^ n:'i£5rn-^S toward the north,
Ez 8", cf. Ju 20'^ ; but also after 2, and even after fO, e.g. ^3333 in the
south, Jos 15% cf. Jui4^ iS23>-'», 31", 2820^ Jer52"'i r\b22^
from Babylon, Jer 27^^ cf. i^\ Jos lo^^ 15'", Ju 21", Is 45*.
/ Rem. Old locative forms (or original accusatives) are, according to the
Masora, still to be found in
(a) nyy, in pause nbv, the usual word in prose for night, which is always
construed as masculine. The nominative of this supposed old accusative ^
appeared to be preserved in the form by, only used in poetry, Is 16', constt: st.
b^b (even used for the ahsol. st, in pause Is 21^^). Most probably, however,
T^yb is to be referred, with Noldeke and others, to a reduplicated form vv ;
cf. especially the western Aramaic N v''.^, Syr. lilya, &c. — Another instance is
HDIXID something, probably from DIND, D^O spot, point, generally with a negative
= nothing. Similarly nX"lS Is S^ and (in pause) Jb 34", nnSID Ho 8'', and
the place-name Hifn^ i Ch 6**, might be explained as accusatives. Elsewhere,
however, the toneless n can be regarded only as a meaningless appendage,
or at the most as expressing poetic emphasis ; thus niflX (in pause) Jb 37^* ;
nnyihr} death, i/- 1 1 615; {^pT^JJ \t ii6"i8 . p|l,i-,5 streatn, ^12^*; H^DC'riri amber,
Ez Sz [in 1* ^PK'nn, cf. §8ofc],&c. InJoais" niS'n is probably only a scribal
error (dittography). In Ju 14^8 instead of the quite unsuitable poetic word
nD")nn (towards the sun??) read as in 15^ n"l*inn to the bride-chamber.
^ Brockelmann, Sem. Sprachwiss., p. 113, also takes it as such, Idyld being
properly ui night, then M«^/t< simply. Barth, however {Sprachwiss. Abhandlungen,
p. 16, note i), refers it to an original nbv; like n3J< from ^5^<.
§90^-;^] Remains of Early Case-endings 251
(&) In the termination nn J_ often used in poetry with feminines, viz. g
nn6\Ni terror (=nD''N), Ex 15I6 ; nmiy help (=.Tity), '/'44"> 638, 94"; nnyic'^
salvation ( = 1!))^,^)), \p }?, 80^, Jon 21°; iinS'iy unrighteousness { = r\b)V), Ez 2815,
Ho 10", ^t 1258; nnb'y "A 92^3 a'«/;j. Jb 5I6; nnny i/- 120I; nriD'^j; darkness,
•Jb lo^'^ ; nntspn Jer ii^^ is corrupt, see the LXX and Commentaries. These
cases are not to be taken as double feminine endings, since the loss of the
tone on the final syllable could then hardly be explained, but they are
further instances of an old accusative of direction or intention. In examples
like nrr\]V for help (^ 44") this is still quite apparent, but elsevphere it has
become meaningless and is used merely for the sake of poetical emphasis. ^
This termination n__ usually has reference to pZrtce (hence called k
n__ locale -) ; sometimes, however, its use is extended to time, as in
no''pj D^OJO froiyi year to year. Its use in HTpn, properly ad pro-
fanum/=absit/ is peculiar.
As the termination H is almost always toneless (except in nn^tO constr. st. t
Dt 4*1 ; nns and nny Jos 19^^) it generally, as the above examples show,
exercises no influence whatever upon the vowels of the word ; in the constr. st.
iTli'ltp Jos 1812, I K 19!^, and in the proper names iini i K 2*°, nj"^ 2 S 24®
(so Baer; ed. Mant. and Ginsb. Hi^), ."ins^f 2 Ch 149, nnDIV iKif, HiniV
^ TTT-; ^'t-;it 't-.-.t
I K 4^2, an a is retained even in an open tone-syllable (cf., however, r\'^r\
Gn 14^", 1*1319 Gn 28* from HS, with modification of the a to e : also n?D"l3
1 S 25^ from 71p")3). In segholate forms, as a general rule, the n local is
joined to the already developed form of the ahsol. st., except that the helping-
vowel before H naturally becomes S^icd, e.g. nn"'3 n^HNn Gn iS«, &c. :
T , T ;- > T V: T '
my'n Jos 17'^, my^n ^ Ju 20^', &c., but also n^n3 Nu 34^ (constr. si. ; likewise
to be read in the 'absolute in Ez 47", 4828) and h'ly'.J' Is 28^ (with Silluq) ; cf.
n33p Ez 47^^ and n3"ia (Baer, incorrectly, n3")3) Mi 4I2 (both in pause). — In
the case of feminines ending in H the H . local is added to the original
T T
feminine ending n__ (§ 80 h), the a of which (since it then stands in an
<
open tone-syllable) is lengthened to a, e. g. iinifiri . — Moreover the termination
n is even weakened to n in n33 to Nob, i S 21^, 22' : n3N whither, 1 K 2^'^'^'^
T V V ' V T '
and np'I'n to Dedan, Ez 25^^
3. Of the three other terminations 1 may still be regarded as a /^;
survival of the old nominative ending. It occurs only in the middle
[1 The form clings also to a few place-names, as m3"13 Dt 10'' ; Hti'pt^ i S 9*,
2 K 4« ; nnb'np Nu 3322 '• ; nnit:"' verso 33 f. ; nnjon Jos i9«, &c. : nmss
Mi 5I, &c.]
2 Cf. Sarauw, * Der hebr. Lokativ,' ZA. 1907, p. 183 ff. Ho derives the
n from the adverbs HTSK' n3N and holds that it lias nothing whatever to
T T T ' T T
do with the old accxisative.
» So Qimhi, and the Mant. ed. (Baer iTjyjI'n), i.e. locative from ly"^ (Is 72*';.
The reading niytJ'n (Opit., Ginsb.) implies a feminine in H .
252 The Noun [§ 90 /r
of a few (often undoubtedly very old) proper names,' viz. ''P'lnx (if
compounded of IPN and ''JO), h^^Kin (for which in Jer 52' KHh. ^^"pn),
TX^inp and HptJ'^nrp (otherwise in Hebrew only in the plur. Cno
men\ to ino corresponds most probably 103 in 7X103), ?N1JQ Gn 32^'
(but in ver. 3 2 P??''??) face of God (otherwise only in the plur. 0*33
constr. St. *?.?).- — 1'2K'3 Neh 6^ (elsewhere D?'?.), is the name of an Arab,
cf. 6'. On the other hand the terminations ■•-:- and i are most probably
to be regarded (with Earth, I.e., p. 597) as having originated on
Hebrew soil in order to emphasize the constr. st., on the analogy of
the constr. st. of terms expressing relationship.
In view of the analogies in other languages (see b) there is nothing
impossible in the view formerly taken here that the Utterae compaginis ''___
and i are obsolete (and hence no longer understood) case-endings, I being the
old genitive and for the nominative sign u. Barth objects that the i and 6
almost invariably have the tone, whereas the accusative H . is toneless, and
that they are long, where the Arab, i and ii are short. Both these objections,
however, lose their force if we consider the special laws of the tone and
syllable in Hebrew. The language does not admit a final i or li, and the
necessarily lengthened vowel might easily attract the tone to itself. On the
other hand a strong argument for Barth's theory is the fact that these
Utterae compaginis are almost exclusively used to emphasize the close connexion
of one noun with another, hence especially in the constr. st. Consequently it
seems in the highest degree probable that all these uses are based upon forms
in which the constr. st. is expressly emphasized by a special termination, i. e.
the constr. st. of terms of relationship, ^3X TlX 'JOn from 3N father, HN
brother, Utl father-in-law (cf. § 96). The instances given under I and m followed
this analogy.
Like I, i is also used only to emphasize the constr. st. (see 0), and must
therefore have a similar origin, but its exact explanation is difficult. Accord-
ing to Barth, this 1 cori-esponds to a primitive Semitic a (cf. § 9 3) and is
traceable to 'aba, 'aha, the accusatives of terms of relationship in the constr. st.,
which have a only before a genitive. Against this explanation it may be
objected that there is no trace of the supposed Hebrew accusatives i3X, iHK,
IDn, and only of the analogous iJ3. It is also i-emarkable that so archaic
a form should have been preserved (except in iJ3) only in two words and
those in quite late passages. However we have no better explanation to offer
in place of Barth's.
Finally we cannot deny the possibility, in some cases, of Barth's explana-
tion of the 1 in compound proper names like PNIinS, &c. (see above), as duo to
the analogy of terms of relationship with nominative in 1. But this in no
way militates against the view expressed above, that in some very old
names, like 7S1JQ, 7X103, &c., the original common nominative sign has
simply been preserved.
^ Cf. the list in L. Kaila, Zttr Syntax des in verbaler Abhiingiglceil stvhenden
N omens im alttest. Hehr., Helsingfors, 1906, p. 54.
^ The name 7S1DK' formerly regarded as a compound of IDtJ' = □!!>" name
and 7SI, is better explained with PriUorius, ZDMG. 1903, p. 777, as a name of
affection, for bx PIDK' - i'XyOE'^ [but see Driver on i S i^o] ; similarly,
according to Priitorius, PNinS = 7X niflQ and many others.
§ 90 z-n] Eemains of Early Case-endings 253
Tlie instances found are :
(a) Of the ending "'-^: iJhX \32 Ms asss colt, Gn 49" ; JX^^n >3Vy /
//ia< havetJi the flock, Zc 11'' (of. the preceding ^\^>^n ^p); n3D ^33b' </ie
fZit'eZ/er m ^/te ftus/t, Dt 33'"^ (on ^33^' cf. below Jar 49""', Ob^j;
appended to the feminine '"ipl? '''??,??'' 0*''' T'?,-.? whether stolen hy <Jiay or
stolen hy night, Gn 31^^ (in prose, but in very emphatic speech);
DEtro '•nxbD plena iustitiae, Is i^^- DV ''nil /mZ^ of jpeofle, La i' (on
the retraction of the tone befoie a following tone-syllable, cf. § 29^;
in the same verse the second Tl^"! and T'l^i see below, follow the
example of ''ri3l, although no tone-syllable follows; cf. also Ho 10"
l)elow) ; P"!Jf"''2pp ''n"in"1~^y after the order of Melchizedek, y\r iio^', cf.
also >//■ 1 13', Jer49'^''. To the same category belong the rather numerous
cases, in which a preposition is inserted between the construct state
and its genitive (cf. § 130 a), without actually abolishing the dependent
relation, e. g. 0^13? ''H?! she that was great among the nations, "T'l?'
ni3''"lti)2 j)rincess among the jrrovinces, La 1' ; K'n? '•ri^HN that loveth to
tread, Ho 10"; cf. also Jer 49»°^ Obi— In Ex 15^ ^■!^^{2 can only
be so explained if it is a vocative referring to mn'', but perhaps we
should read "^T^^?. as predicate to '^T'''-\'
Further, i\\e Hireq com2)aginis is found with certain particles which
are really also nouns in the constr. st., as ''riplt ( = ri7lT) except, ^l^
(poetical for lO) from, "•Pp? 7iot, ^DDt< not (thrice in the formula ^3?^
liy '•DDSI / am, and there is none else beside me ; but many take the
^^ as a suffix here). Is 47*'", Zp 2'^ [The above are all the cases in
which this ""-r- is attached to independent words in the O.T. ; it
occurs, however, besides] in compound proper names (again attached
to the constr. St.), as pl?f"''?pP {king of righteousness), ?^''1?2 {7nan of
God), b>?"'3n {favour of God), and others (cf. also the Punic name
Hannibal, i. e. ''y?"'?D favour of Ba'al).
Otherwise than in the constr. st. the Hireq. compaginis is only found VI
in participial forms, evidently with the object of giving them more
dignity, just as in the case of the construct forms in i. AVe must
distinguish, however, between passages in which the participle never-
theless does stand in close connexion, as Gn 49", Is 22'" (^T^^ and 'i?i?n,
also in impassioned speech), Mi 7'* (probably influenced by Dt 33"^),
\// loi^, 113'^; and passages in which the t added to the participle
with the article merely serves as an ornamental device of poetic style,
e.g. in the late Psalms, w^^-^-''-^ (on verse 8 see n), II4^ 123'.
In KHhihh the termination i also occurs four times in ^fiaK'IS i.e. ''J1!l^\ n
Jer iqIt, 2 223 (before 2), Ez 278 (before "^JJ), La 4^1 (before 3). The (fre always
254 ^'^'^ Noun [§§ 90 0, 91 fl, 6
requires for it D^B'i'' (or '^>), except in Jer 222' ra:& ; cf. ibid. "riJJpO KHh.,
naSpp Q're, and finally Jer 51" TlJ^t^ X«<;i., ri3Db^* QVe. Perhaps '•fl^B''' and
'•JTIJDK' are /ormae mlxtae, combining the readings n3J^\ &c. and fl^Ji'^ {2nd fern.
2>erf.), &c., but ''riJ3pJD may be merely assimilated to "'Jjl^ti''' which immediately
precedes it. .
The following are simply textual errors : 2 K 4^' TlsSin K^th., due to the
preceding TlX, and to be read flD^nn as in the Q^re; \p 30^ (read ''~ir}'l)) ^^3*
(read *l2''K'inp), 116I (read 'Tin ?ip, as in five other places). On WIS,
thrice, in Lv'26«, cf. § 128 d.
{h) Of the ending i ' (always with the tone) : in prose only in the
Pentateuch, but in elevated style, Gn i^'' J*T!^"''n^.n the beast of the earth
( = }^7.Sn n>n ver. 25) ; similarly in ^ 50'", 79-, 104"-^°, Is 56^ (twice),
Zp a'"*; otherwise only in "tQ-f i33 son of Zippor, Nu 23'*; "^V^ iJ3 son
of Beor, Nu 24^-^^; and 0^9 ^^''.VP a fountain of waters, >//■ 114*.
§ 91. The Noun with Pronominal Suffixes.
W. Diehl, JDas Pronomen pers. suffixum 2 m. 3 pers. plur. des Hehr., Giessen,
1895 ; A. Ungnad, 'DasNomen mit Suffixen im Semit.,' Vienna OrientalJournal,
XX, p. 167 if.
a With regard to the connexion of the noun with pronominal suffixes,
which then stand in a genitive relation (§ 33 c) and are, therefore,
necessarily appended to the construct state of the noun, we shall first
consider, as in the verb (§57 ff.), the forms of the suffixes themselves,
and then the various changes in the form of the noun to which they
are attached. The nouns are also tabulated in the Paradigms of the
flexion of the noun in § 92 ff. Cf. also Paradigm A in the Appendix.
We are here primarily concerned with the different forms of the
suffixes when added to the singular, plural, and dual.
I) 1. The Suffixes of the singular are —
With nouns ending in a —
Vowel.
Consonant
Sing. I. c. ■•
^ . my.
(in. T
^ . {pause V. )]
thy.
m. in, 1
i (n-), in ' his.
n__., n4_ her.
1 Cf. Kaila, I.e., p. 59 ff.
§ 91 c-e] The Noun with Pronominal Suffixes 255
Vowel.
Const
mant.
n\ I. c. ^3
« ' our.
m. D?
2.
i/f?
(7n. on
°T }
3-^
io
(poet. to;)j
eorum.
. /. ?? (?n)
U
earuin
Rem. I. There is less variety of forms in these than in tho verbal suffixes ; C
the particular forms are used as follows : —
(a) Those without a connecting vowel (on the derivation of these 'con-
necting vowels' from original stem-vowels, see note on § 58/) are generally
joined to nouns of a peculiar form (see § 96), the constr. s(. of which ends in
a vowel, as ?I''3N ^n"'3K and V3X, n-ifx, l^flS DD'-aS* p''3S* Dn^N, pn^
sometimes also to segholate forms ending in i from n"? stems (see § 93 x,y),
0. g. Dri''*lQ the fruit of them, Am 9^^ (also D^lS Is 37'", &c.), fPinS Jer 29^8 (also
p"13 verses); cf., moreover, fHSpPI Lv S^''-^^ and similar examples with JH
(Is' 3" ]r\) Gn 2i28, E2 ijn 1663; i '■ Also in Gn i^i, 4*, Ez 10", Nah 2», &c., the
K't i. perhaps intends the singular, DH^VIip, &c., but the Masora requires the
plural with defective e.
(6) The forms with connecting vowels (§ 58/") are joined to nouns ending u
in a consonant. The connecting vowel is regularly a in the 3rd sing. fern. H
^ (for aha) and 3r(ZpZMr. D iP " ] also in the 3rd sing. masc. S (H), since
the 6 is contracted from «[/»]«, and in the pausal form of the 2nd masc. "^JL-
(a modification of original ^-L).
The f rms with e in the above-mentioned persons are common only with
nouns in n__ (from stems T\"?), constr. st. H (cf. § 89/), e.g. liTlK' (from
sadaihix) his field ; H^J? its leaf, Is 1'"; nX"llO the appearance thereof, Lv 13* (from
maraiha ; on the S^ghol see k) ; but mC her field. The orthographic retention
of the ""j e. g. ^''CJ'yO, V^yO^ gives to many forms the appearance of plurals ;
see the instances in § 93 ss.
Apart from these H"? forms the connecting vowel e in the 3rd pers. occurs
only in isolated cases; 1nT^? his light, Jb 25^; 'inp/ttp after its kind, Gn ii^-^s
[+12 times] ; Na i^^ ; in Ju 192* read iK'|ip''Q as in vv. 2, 25. On the other
hand '^___ in the 2nd sing. fern, and ^3_L in the ist plur. are by far the more
common forms, while '^. ^ 13_^ are of rare occurrence ; see e. — Instead of
^—. (nD^_ in Gn 10", Ex 13^6, Jer 2925, &c., cf. n33, Hd!? § 103 g), D3_ , |3^_
(with S^ud mobile), if the last consonant of the noun is a guttural, the forms
are ^__ DD__^ P-^:-) ®'S* ^H'''^ ^^^ spirit, ^X"13 thy creator, Is 43I, DDi)n your
friend, Jb 6^'' (on such cases as D33in3 Hag 2^, see § 10 g). — With Nmi
energicum (cf. § 58 i, and on "^IJij? Jb 5^, &c., cf. § 61 h) 1*T_ occurs in Pr 25^^,
in principal pause.
2. Kare or incorrect forms are —
Sing. 1st pers. ^3_1_ in ^Jlllf'Il Ez 47'' (certainly only a scribal error, caused C
by V?^!! in verse 6).
1 Also in Jer 15I0 read (according to § 61 /}, end) ''3wfP Dl"?? ; in Ho 7«
probably DnSK for DnDX.
256 The Noun [.U^Lo
2nd pers, m. in pause n3_l-, e.g. nSQS {thy hand), \(/ 139^, cf. Pr 24I'; once
^'^P ^ hZ^ (cf- the analogous cases in the verbal suffix § 75 II) ; ftm. !)"• Ez 5^2
(in i663 also for Tl^n"'aK' probably '!]''n''3K' is intended), >'2JL. Jer iii^, ^ 1038,
ii6i^, 1358 (corresponding to the Aramaic suffix of the 2nd fern. sing. ; on the
wholly abnormal n^JL Na 2", cf. I), ''3_7 Km. 2 K 42, Ct 2". Also TJ_L Is 22^,
Ez 2328, as''. _ "■
3rd pers. ri (cf. § 7 c), e.g. ii^^i< Gn g!^\ 12^ 13^, 35^1 (always with Q^re
i^nX); nm Nu lo^S; nhb Dt 34''";' ri->3 Jer 20^, Na 2I Q«re; nj^p 2 K 1923
A'^^X., for which iSj? is read in Is 37^^ ; nh''J? and nniD Gn 49", cf. Ex 2226
(Q'-re "iTy, "iniD); nsD ^ io9, 2f K^ih.; nii*iDn EZ31I8, &c., A'«</j. ; nhx^n
Ez48'8 [altogether fourteen times in the Pentateuch, and some forty times in
other books : see Driver, Samuel, p. xxxv, and on 2 S 2^, 21^].
^rclfeni. n for PI (with the softening of the Mappiq, cf. § 23 k, and the
analogous cases in § 58 g) occurs repeatedly before B'ghadhk'^phath and other
soft consonants, Ex 9^^ (before 1, if the text is right), Lv 13* (before ?),
Nu 1528-31^ I S 1' (unless DppK, the infin. with fem. termination, is intended ;
nh^ follows), Ez i6«, 246" (before n), 1 S 2020, 2 K 8«, Pr 1 228 (before S), Na 3^
(before 1), ^t 48^* (before D), Ez 4710, Jb 3122 twice (before n), Is 212, Jer 20"
(before H), Nu 32*2, Am i^^ (before 3), Lv62 (before J?) ; even in pause, Lv 12*"
and 5''; Is 23", Pr 2122, also with Zaqeph, Is 45^, Jer 6^ (probably), 44"; on
riQB'n Lv 26^*, &c., see § 67 y, Cf. also N Ez 36^ — Sometimes the Masora
appears (but this is very doubtful) to regard the H with feminines as
a shortening of HD. , e.g. rlS3 Gn 4010 for HD^J v\lB Pr 78 for rin3Q; also
D for on in 03^303 Ho T32 and DDIU Jb j^^. The examples, however,
are for the most part uncertain, e.g. in Is 28* the reading is simply to be
emended to nni33, and in Zc 42 to n^3, Jb ii^ to iT^O, Neh 5" to nns. [See
also, after prepositions, § 103 gr.]
J Plur. 1st pers. ^3_L, in pause ^JD"*!? Jb 2220 (where, however, ^JDp is certainly
to be read) ; cf. Ru 32 [Is 471", cf. § 61 c, h], and so always ^J?3 aU of us,
Gn 42", &c [cf. !|33, IjS ijnK iJtSyl.
<
2nd pers. /em. HJD Ez 23*8-^^
3rd pers. masc. i?3_L ^ 17^" (on ID in )J2^Q in the same verse, and in ip 58''
see I) ; DH 2 S 23', according to Sievers probably to call attention to the
reading 0,1^3. Fem. HjnJ- i K 7'^, Ez 16^3 (in pause) ; HJJL Gn 4121 ; n34_
Gn3o*'; nJJL Ru i^*; elsewhere generally in pause (Gn 212', ^2^^, Jer S'',
Pr 3129, Jb 2^2^ . finally JH as suffix to a noun, only in Is 3".
For examples of singulars with plural suffixes see I.
g 2. In the iJlural masc. and in the dual the suffixes are to be
regarded primarily as affixed to the original ending of the construct
state ('-1., cf. § 89 d). This ending, however, has been preserved
unchanged only in the 2nd fem. In most cases it is contracted to ^-^,
as in the constr. at. without suffixes (so throughout the plur. and in
the poetical suffix ^'"l"".!, of the -^rd sing, masc.) ; in the 2nd masc. and
■^rd fem. sing, it is *'^r- (cf. k). On the ist pers. and '^rd masc. sing.
see i. — Thus there arise the following
1
§9iA-A;] 2Vie Noun with Pronominal Suffixes 257
Suffixes of Plural Nouns. Ji
1
Singular,
c. ''-^-, pause "•-r^ my.
{f.r.l, pause T.4-Y^'^'
m. 1"'^p-, poet. ^n''4- his.
f. n^4- her.
Plural.
I. c. ^3^4-
(m. Dnv, poet, ^t:^-!-) , .
our.
ycur.
Thus the original ''^:r- is (a) contracted in the 3rc? sing. masc. i
^n^JL and throughout the jdural, as IIT'DID, 13''piD, &c.; (6) retained
unchanged in the ist sing. "'DID, the real suffix-ending '' (see b) being
united with the final Yodh of the ending ''-^-; and in the 2nd fern.
sing. '^?WD, with a heljnng-Hireq after the Yodh. On the other hand
(c) the yd(Z^ of ""-^ is lost in pronunciation and the a lengthened to a,
in the ^rd masc. sing. VD1D, i. e. sUsaw (pronounced susd-u).^ The
2nd masc. sing. 'J''P^D and the "^rd fern. sing. i^"'P^D were formerly
also explained here as having really lost the \ and modified the a of
silsakd, sUsahd to S^ghol ; but cf. the view now given in g and k.
< < < f
Rem. I. As ^J^D^D represents susai-nu, so^'^D^D and n^D^D represent susai-kd, A;
susai-hd, and the use of S^ghol instead of the more regular Sere is to be explained
from the character of the following syllable, — so P. Haupt who points to
n?tpi?^ as compared with iH^DpV In support of the view formerly adopted
by us that the "i is only orthographically retained, too much stress must not
be laid on the fact that it is sometimes omitted,^ thereby causing confusion
in an unpointed text with the singular noun. A number of the examples
which follow may be due to an erroneous assumption that the noun is a plural,
where in reality it is a singular, and others may be incorrect readings. Cf.
^5"1"'| thy ways (probably ^|l"|"n is intended), Ex 33^^, Jos i^, ip 119^'' ; for other
examples, see Jos 21" *f- (ilBnjjp ; but in i Ch 6^* *^- always n"*.!.), Ju 19^
I K 8^9, Is 58'^, f ii94i<3-98 (probably, however, in all these cases the sing.
is intended); nnON Nu 30* (cf. v. 5); nnSQ Jer 198, 49"; nA''3?D Dn 118.
For tlie orthographic omission of ^ before suffixes cf. ^ny"l for IJT'yi his friends
I S 30^2^, Pr 29^* ; Jb 42^" (but it is possible to explain it here as a collective
singular) ; ^Jjiy our iniquities, Is 64^-^, Jer 14'' ; Ex 10^, Neh 10^ (^J>v fi"om D*v
which is always written defectively) ; D33D3 Nu 29^^ . 03^1^)^ Jer 44^ ; DSl"*
\p 134''; Dnyop after their kinds, Gn i" (but see c), cf. 4* and Na 2^ The
^ In the papyrus of the decalogue from the Fayyum, line 16, VC^p'"'! occurs
for intinp^l Ex 20". Gall, ZAW. 1903, p. 349, takes this as an indication
that the traditional forms of the noun-suffix V or 1 represent am or eu.
P. Haupt aptly compares the Greek use of the iota subscript (a).
2 So in the MSIa' inscription, 1. 22 nnblJlO its towers (along with n^iyty its
gates). Can it have been the rule to omit ^ after the termination 6th ? Cf.
below, n.
COWLKT g
258 ' The Noun [§ 91 i-n
defective writing is especially frequent in the 3r(i masc. sing. 1 , which in
Q^re is almost always changed to V , e.g. 1J?n his arrows, \p 58^, Q^e VSH.
On 1"'in^, only three times V^H^, cf. § 135 r.
/ 2. Unusual forms (but for the most part probably only scribal errors) are —
Sing. 2nd pers. Jhn T]^__ (after ^"IK'X happy! Ec lo^'', which has become
stereotyped as an interjection, and is therefore unchangeable; cf. Delitzsch
on the passage) ; '<:?'' JL (cf. Syr. ''3__) 2 K 4^, and '^ in K^th., ^ loa'-s, 116''
(*3^_1_ in pause).— In Ez 16^1 T]^_I- (^o D?^-^ ^^ 6^) occurs with an infiti.
ending in Di, the fli being therefore treated as a plural ending ; similarly,
the plural suffix is sometimes found with the feminine ending ni (Nu 1423,
Is 54<, Jer 3^ Ez 16^^, 23'', as well as in 16^° Q^re, and Zp 3^0), with the ending
ith (Lv 5^^*, reading iDK'JDn), and even with the ordinary feminine ending ath ;
Is 47's, Ez 35^^, xp g^^, Ezr g^^. — Wholly abnormal is naSxplO thy messengers,
Na 2", evidently a case of dittography of the following H : read !]''3n?P.
3rd masc. 5in''_l. Hb 310, Jb 24^3 ; !|n_l. i S 3o2«, Ez 43", Na 2* ; '<riS (a
purely Aramaic form) >// 116^^. — ^rdfem. Nn^_L Ez 41^^.
Plur. The strange 2nd pers. masc. DDTliViDW (with t, so Qimhi ; cf. Norzi)
Jer 253*, is probably a mixed form combining ^2flDn and DD''ni^''Qn ; fern.
n35"'__ Ez 13"'.
2,rd masc. nDn''__ Ez 40^6 ; fern. T]ir\''^^ Ez 1".
3. The termination iD_!- (also with the dual, e.g. if> 58'', 59"), like \T2 and
iD_L, occurs with the noun (as with the verb, § 58 gr) almost exclusively in
the later poets [viz. with a substantive in the singular, if/ 21^^ I7i''-i", 58'',
5913, 89IS; with a dual or plural, Dt ^2^^■32.3■!.3S^ 33=^ i/- 23-3, 11'', 35I6, 49I2, 58^
69"» 73^'^> 83"•^^ 140*1'*, Jb 27^3. after prepositions, see § 103/, 0, notes], and
cannot, therefore, by itself be taken as an indication of archaic language.
On the other hand there can be no doubt that these are revivals of really old
forms. That they are consciously and artificially used is shown by the evi-
dently intentional accumulation of them, e. g. in Ex is^''-^ >p 2^-'^, and i^o*'^'',
and also by the fact observed by Diehl (see the heading of this section) that
in Ex 15 they occur only as verbal suffixes, in Dt 32 only as noun suffixes.
171 3. It is clear and beyond doubt that the Yodh in these suffixes
with the plural noun belongs, in reality, to the ending of the construct
state of the masculine plural. Yet the consciousness of this fact
became so completely lost as to admit of the striking peculiarity
(or rather inaccuracy) of appending those SM^cc-forms which include
the plural ending ''-^, even to the feminine plural in T\S (l^'niDID,
^'niDip, &c.), so that in reality the result is a double indication of
the plural.^
^ Such is the rule : the singular suffix, however (see b), also occurs with the
ending HI (probably through the influence of Aramaic), e.g. Tlinj? ^ 132"
(unless it be sing, for '•ri'ny, as, according to Qimhi in his Lexicon, '"Jlinn 2 K
68 is for ''ni^nn); ^nbO Dt 28^9 (treated on the analogy of an infin.''n''b);
1 See an analogous case in § 87 s. Cf. also the double feminine ending in
the 3rd sing. per/, of verbs T]"p, § 75 i.
§ 91 o~q'\ The Noun with Pronominal Suffixes 259
l]nvn« Ez i652_ On the other hand ^Oi^O (so Baor, Ginsb. ; but Opit. Tj-JL)
^t 11958, Dn 9^ is merely written defectively, like ^niSlS according to Baer
(not Ginsb.) in Pr i^, «&c. In the ird plur. the use of the singular suffix is
even the rule in the earlier Books (see the instances in Diehl, 1. c, p. 8),
e.g. DnnX (their fathers) oftener than DH^'niX (this only in i K 14^^ and in
Jer, Ezr, Neh, and Ch [in i K, Jer, Ezr, however, DHUX is more common]) ;
so always DJliOB' JJliCB' their names, DOII^I their (fenerations. From parallel
passages like 2822*^ compared with \// iS<«, Is 2* with Mi 4^ it appears that
in many cases the longer form in DH"'-;^ can only subsequently have taken
the place of D .
4. The following Paradigm of a maeouline and feminine noun
with suffixes is based upon a monosyllabic noun with one unchangeable
vowel. "With regurd to the ending n.^ in the constr. st. of the fem.
it should be further remarked that the short a of this ending is only
retained before the grave suffixes D? and |3 ; before all the others
(the light suffixes) it is lengthened to a.
Singular. p
Masculine.
DID a horse.
^p^D my horse.
^P^D thy horse.
!]plD thy horse.
IDID equus eius (suus).
HDID equus eius {suus).
Sing. I. com
nn.
/■
Im.
I,
3-
Feviinine.
noiD a mare.
"irip^D my mare.
^npID thy mare.
!|rip1D thy mare.
inp^p equa eius (sua).
/.
rinp^p equa eius {sua).
riur.
2.
com. ^3p^D our horse,
m. D3pip your horse.
f-
m.
f.
Sing.
com.
m.
I/.
m.
/•
15 pip your horss.
Dp^D equus corum {suus).
ip^D equus earum {suus).
Plural.
Masculine.
D'piD horses.
^pID my horses.
<
^■•pID thy horses.
<
Tj^p'iD thy horses.
VpiD equi eius (lui).
n^piD equi eius {sui).
Plur. I . com. 1J''plD our horses.
m. D?'pip your horses.
y. J^'piD your horses.
\m. Diil^P^p equi eorum, {sui).
^ 1 /. in^pID equi earum {sui).
s 2
l^npip our mare.
DDr^P^p your mare.
l^ripID your mare.
Drip^D equa eorum (sua).
|rip1D equa earum {sua).
Feminine.
niD^D mares.
"•n'lDID my mares.
^"•niD^p thy mares.
•il^niDlp thy mares.
VriiD^p equae eius (suae).
n^rilDID equae eius {suae).
^JTllDID our mares.
DD''riiDlD your mares.
]yiy\D^D your mares.
Dn'niDID equae eorum (suae).
{n'rilDID equae earum {bUMe).
26o The Noun [§ 92 a-a.
§ 92. Vowel Changes in the Noun,
a 1. Vowel changes in the noun may be caused (a) by dependence
on a following genitive,* (6) by connexion with pronominal suffixes,
(c) by the plural and dual terminations, whether in the form of the
absolute state or of the construct (before a following genitive of
a noun or suffix).
h 2. In all these cases, the tone of the noun is moved forward either
one or two syllables, while the tone of the construct state may even
be thrown upon the following word. In this way the following
changes may arise : —
(a) When the tone is moved forward only one place, as is the case
when the plural and dual endings ^''-r-, riT and D?-l- are affixed, as
well as with all monosyllabic or paroxytone suffixes, then in dissyllabic
nouns the originally short vowel of the first syllable (which was
lengthened as being in an open syllable before the tone) becomes
§^wd, since it no longer stands before the tone. On the other hand,
the originally short, but tone-lengthened vowel, of the second syllable
is retained as being now the pretonic vowel ; e. g. "i^'l word (ground-
form ddbdr), plur. ^''l.'^'l ', with a light suffix beginning with a vowel,
na-n, ^ann^; plur. n3"=|, ^i?^, &c.; «133 mng, dual D)DJ3. With an
unchangeable vowel in the second syllable : ^N?? overseer, plur. C'l^'^Q;
with the suffix of the sing. 'I'i?^, «Ti?Q, &c.; with the suff. of the
plur. ^1''i?S, ^''^.''pS, &c. With an unchangeable vowel in the first
syllable: D^iy eternity, plur. D'»^iy, with mff. ^^h^V, &c.'
C But in participles of the form ?^p, with tone-lengthened e (originally
i) in the second syllable, the e regularly becomes S^wd mobile before
a tone-bearing affix, e. g. ^.I^^ enemy, plur. Q""?^**, with suffi. ^^^M, &c.
Likewise in words of the form b^i?, b^i?, &c. (with e in the second
syllable ; § 84* d, I, j); § 85 i and k), e. g. uPH dumb, plur. CD^i^.
d (b) When the tone of the constritct state, plural or dual, is carried
over to the following word, or, in consequence of the addition of
the grave suffixes to the constr. st. plur. or dual, is moved forward
two places within the word itself, in such cases the originally short
vowel of the second syllable becomes ^^wd, while the vowel of the
first syllable reverts to its original shortness, e. g. DVn '"i?"l the words
of the people, D3^"13'7 your words, D^^"'.?'^ their words (in all which
instances the i of the first syllable is attenuated from an original a).
* The participles Niph'al '^H'Ti Dt 30*, irTIS 2 S 14", and some plurals of the
participle Niph. of verbs N"b form an exception ; cf. § 93 00.
§ 92 e-fc] Vowel Changes in the Noun 261
In the segholate forms in the singular and mostly in the dual the suflfix is C
appended to the ground-form C'SpD my king, ^33plD, &c.) ; on the other hand,
before the endings D"* HI (sometimes also before D''_L) a Qames regularly
occurs,^ before which the vowel of the first syllable then becomes vocal S'wd
(D^3?D niaPD). This Qames (on which cf. § 84" a) remains even before the
light suffixes, when attached to the plur. masc. CS/D, ^"'5''^) &c.). On
the other hand, the constr. st. plur. and dual, regularly, according to d, has
the form ""^PD, with grave suffix D5''3''P)&c., ^71?"^ from D^rib'l folding-doors.
(c) Before the o^wd mobile which precedes the suffix ^ when f
following a consonant, the a-sound, as a rule, is the only tone-
lengthened vowel which remains in the final syllable (being now
m an open syllable before the tone), e.g. ''JOT, 'J"!,?"^, &c. (on the
forms with e in the second syllable, see § 93 5^5-) ; but before the grave
suffixes D^-r ^°*^ '?-^ ^^ ^^^ same position it reverts to its original
shortness, as ^5'!?"^ {d^bhdrkhem), &c. In the same way the tone-
lengthened a or e of the second syllable in the constr. st. sing, also
becomes short again, since the constr. st. resigns the principal tone to
the following word, e. g. D^D'Sk in"! ; n^|n ixn (from ivn).
Rem. The Masora (cf. Liqduqe ha-famim, p. 37) reckons thirteen words jo*
which retain Qames in the constr. st., some of which had originally d and
therefore need not be considered. On the other hand, Dp^S or D?N i K 7*,
Ez 40", &c. (in spite of the constr. si. plur. ''GiSs) ; nC3» ^ 65*, Pr 25*9 ; D^O
1 S 1 323 (so Baer, but ed. Mant., Ginsburg, &c. 35fp) ; iJpK'D Ezr 8*° and |riD
Pr 18'* are very peculiar.
3. The vowel changes in the inflexion of feminine nouns (§ 95) are h
not so considerable, since generally in the formation of the feminine
either the original vowels have been retained, or they have already
become S^wd.
Besides the vowel changes discussed above in a-g, which take place according t
to the general formative laws (§§ 25-28), certain further phenomena must also
be considered in the inflexion of nouns, an accurate knowledge of which
requires in each case an investigation of the original form of the words in
question (see §§ 84-86). Such are, e.g., the rejection of the n of n'v stems
before all formative additions (cf. § 91 d), the sharpening of the final consonant
of y"y stems in such cases as ph ^jpn, &c.
A striking difference between the vowel changes in the verb and noun is ^
that in a verb when terminations are added it is mostly the second of two
changeable vowels which becomes S^wd (bcp rOt2p \?Dp), but in a noun,
the first 02"^^ nn'n , onn-i), cf. § 27. 3. - •" ^ = •'' = >"
* For the rare exceptions see § 93 I and § 97/, note 2.
262 The Noun [§ 93 a-d
§ 93. Paradigms of Masculine Nouns}
Cl Masculine nouns fiom the simple stem may, as regards their form
and the vowel changes connected with it, be divided into four classes.
A synopsis of them is given on pp. 264, 265, and they are further
explained below. Two general remarks may be premised :
(a) That all feminines without a distinctive termination (§ 122 /i)
are treated like these masculine nouns, e.g. ^l^/. sward, like \yb m.
king, except that in the ^^Zwra/ they usually take the termination Hi ;
thus J^i3")n, constr. T\\2~\n (and so always before suffixes, see § 95). ^
b (b) That in the plural of the first three classes a changeable vowel
is always retained even before the light suffixes as a lengthened
pretonic vowel, whenever it also stands before the plural ending C^-.
All suffixes, except M, f3, DH, jn (D3V, f?V , °?W> lO'-^)- are
called light. Cf. § 92 e.
Exjplanations of the Paradigms (see pp. 264, 265).
6' 1. Paradigm I comprises the large class of segholate nouns (§ 84*^
a-e). In the first three examples, from a strong stem, the ground-
forms, mdlk, siphr, quds have been developed by the adoption of a
helping S^ghol to '^b'O (with o modified to e), ^Sp (i lengthened to e),
^IP {u lengthened to o).^ The next three examples, instead of the
helping S^ijhol, have a helping Paf^aA, on account of the middle {d, f)
or final guttural (e). In all these cases the constr. st. sing, coincides
exactly with the absolute. The singular suffixes are added to the
ground-form ; but in c and /an 6 takes the place of the original u,
and in d and/ the guttural requires a repetition of the a and 6 in the
form of a Hateph CI^P-, V^,?) ; before a following ^^wd this ITafeph
passes into a simple helping vowel (a, 0), according to § 28 c; hence
V^}-, &c.
d In the plural an a-sound almost always appears before the tone-
bearing affix D''-r- (on the analogy of forms with original a in the
^ A sort of detailed commentary on the following scheme of Hebrew
declensions is supplied by E. Konig in his Sist.-krit. Lehrgeb. der hebr. Spr.,
ii. I, p. I fif.
'^ According to P. Haupt 'The book of Nahum' in the Joum. of bibl. Lit,
1907, p. 29, the e in "lElp and the in {yip are not long but accented, and
hence to be pronounced ai^p, 6^v (flN), a theory unknown at any rate to the
Jewish grammarians.
§ 93 e-A] Paradigms of Masculine Nouns 263
second syllable ; cf. § 84'' a), in the form of a pretonic Qames, whilst
the short vowel of the first syllable becomes vocal S'^wd. The original
a of the 2nd syllable is elided in the constTuct state, so that the
short vowel under the first radical then stands in a closed syllable.
The omission of Dages in a following Begadkephath ("'?f'P, not *lr"Pj
&c.) is due to the loss of a vowel between ? and 3. On the other
hand, the pretonic Qames of the absolute state is retained before the
light plural suffixes, whilst the grave suffixes are added to the form
of the construct state. — The ending of the absolute state of the dual
is added, as a rule, to the ground-form (so in a-d and h, but cf. k).
The construct state of the dual is generally the same as that of the
plural, except, of course, in cases like m.
Paradigms g and h exhibit forms with middle u and i (§ 84*^ c, y g
and 8) ; the ground forms maul and zait are always contracted to moth,
zeth, except in the absol. sing., where u and i are changed into the
corresponding consonants 1 and V
Paradigm i exhibits one of the numerous forms in which the
contraction of a middle u or i has already taken place in the absol.
sing, (ground-form saut).
Paradigm A is a formation from a stem n ? (§ 84" c, e).
Paradigms I, m, n are forms from stems y''y, and hence (see § 6*] a) J
originally biliteral, yam, 'im, huq, with the regular lengthening to
^\, 0^, pn. Before formative additions a sharpening, as in the
inflexion of verbs y'^y, takes place in the second radical, e.g. ^^^,
D^s:, &c. (see § 84" c, /?).
Kemaeks.
I. A. On I. a and d (ground-form qatl). In pause the full lengthening to a />*
generally takes place, thus D'li) vineyard, "iy5, yi] seed (from Vl)), and so
always (except xp 48^'), in y}^ earth with the article, ^^.'^^j according to § 35
(cf. also in the LXX the forms 'Aj3e'X, 'la<pie for ^nn^ DD^). However, the
form with e is also sometimes found in pause, along with that in a, e.g. ^p^
together with ^p^ ; and very frequently only the form with S^ghol, c. g. TJ^D,
.< < ' t < < < * '.<
KB'T grass, nX3 perpetuity, NpQ a wonder, pl2f righteousness, Dip the East, 2^^^
help, &c. — With two S'ghols, although with a middle guttural, we find QVO
(< < < <
Iread (in pause Dn^) and DPIT womb (in pau^e DD'')> besides DHT Ju 5^" (in pause
Dni). A helping S^ghol always stands before a final N, as KJ^"1 t<J)t3 (with
suff. "^N3^), xbi, N"?.S (also written ITIB), except in N^3, see v.
B. The constr. st. is almost always the same as the absolute. Sometimes, /t,
however, under the influence of a final guttural or T, Pathah appeai-s in the
second syllable as the principal vowel (see below, s), e.g. 133 f 18**; VI]
264
The Noun
[§93
I.
Paradigms of
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
/•
Sing, absolute
^^?
IDD
^i>
ny3
1^^?.
bya
„ construct
(Icing)
(book)
{sanduury)
(a 2/0M«/i)
{perpetuity)
ml
{work)
bya
„ with light suj^.
^?!'p
"•"ISD
'^1^
nyj
^nx3
^f>y3
• t:it
ir>)>^
^"Ipp
^ni?
'^T^^
"^nv?
^^yQ
': Tit
„ with g rave suff.
D??!'^
0?1?>D
'3?t:'"!i?
V : 1^
Dsn^j
DD^ya
v: TIT
Flur. absolute
• T J
onsD
• t't:.
Dny3
' T :
D^ni'3
D\byQ
„ construct
^?^P
nsp
^^15
nyp_
"•rii'a
iva
„ loith light suff.
"•P^l?
T !
. - t't:.
^ny;
>nv3
~ T :
'-^V?
„ with grave suff .
oa^^bp
t^?^"*.??
ds'-K'ni^
Danyj
D?^nv?
D3''bya
V ••t:it
Dual absolute
i^in
D^pi?
^5y?-
{feet) {two heaps) {loins)
[proper name.]
{sandals)
„ construct
\^?1
'>:m
^!?y3
II.
a.
b.
c.
Sing, absolute
T T
D3n
T T
m
{word)
{wise)
{an old ma
„ construct
"'^'l
D?n
m
„ loiih light suff.
"T :
^Dsn
'm
IW
^p3n
„ with grave suff.
13?'!?"=!
D5»Dn
Flur. absolute
D''??n
^'^p\
„ construct
nn-n
'??D
V.i?!
„ with light suff.
'^i?l
„ with grave suff.
D?^?3D
^Tm
Dual absolute
D^S32
• -T ;
• - T -:
^)^y.
{wings)
(Joins)
{thighs)
,, construct
*B?3
d.
^sna
e.
/.
•• T
V T
{court)
(/e?d)
■1^0
*i>*n
• T
v^
D''?;?n
D-3S
• T
■•IIVD
^3
nyn
*3a
- T
Danxn
D3^3a
{/ace)
§93]
Paradigms of Masculine Nouns
265
Masculine Kouiis.
^'<
h.
z".
k.
I.
m.
n.
DID
VT
r>:i
CiE'
na
T
Q^?
pn
(death)
(olive)
(whip)
(fruit)
(sea)
(mother)
(statute)
"PC
>pn
DDnio
V : 1
D2nn
V : 1-
V : 1
T1#
D^nio"
n^n\t
D'DiB'
• t:
d^q:
niBK
D^-pn
^rii»
'm
^DiB'
«n3
•• t;
^»:
niBN
^m
^ciK'
(kids)
^s:
^niBK
"•i^n
DD^nn^
V •• 1
D?'^-
D?'!?"
D^rjj
D^PV
nynb
D^B3
D^3E>
(ei/es)
(two days,
biduum)
(cheeks)
(hands)
(teeth)
III.
IV.
a.
h.
C.
a.
b.
c.
Dj>iy
a-k
mh
^^!?S
• T
3n3
(eternity)
(ene^ny)
(seer)
(overseer)
(poor)
(Mjrt^mg)
D.^iy
n^K
nth
n^pa
^n
3n3
T ;
^»biy
^3^X
*th
n-ipQ
''3n3
• T ;
^»^<iy
'^rk
^t
^I'ij'S
^m
Dicbiy
V : - 1
D3Tn
V : 1
D51^pa
D33n3
V : |T :
• J' 1
• : 1
DMh
D^'i??
D^»3y
■D^3n3'
• T ; _
••Dbiy
•■: 1
•• : 1
\in
n>p3
\>3J?
>3n3"
^iD^iy
- : 1
nh
^Ti?s
- T ; _
Ds^ofjiy
V •• : 1
V *• : 1
V " 1
Dan^pa
V ** 1* I
D5\>3X?
■D3^3n3'
_ V " IT : -
DlDi^.^B
D^5iko
D;yn^
(pair of tongs)
(balance)
(<m;o weeks)
^:wD
266 The Noun [§ 93 i-n
(only in Nu ii', before Maqqeph), nnn Ju 32* (but Ct 3* lin), yD3, iriD as
well as y^l, &c. ; cf., moreover, Jinp 2 K 12® (for HPIp, in/zn. constr, from npT5).
• '■* ~ • *~ " "■''
I C. The n locale is, according to § 90 i, regularly added to the already
developed form, e.g. mjp ^ ii6"-^8: nnriEn Gn 19^, to the door ; but also with
a firmly closed syllable 11333 Ex 40^* ; under the influence of a guttural or *1
mnn, nXIX, in pause 7Vi'\k (cf. mia i Ch I4i« from-ltE).
■9 T : - ? T : - T : T ^ T;t ' vv'
K D. The suffixes of the singular are likewise added to the ground-form, but
forms with middle guttural take Hafeph-PathaA instead of the i^wd quiescens ;
'''iy3, &c. (but also *pnp, ''ipVL &o.). In a rather large number of grt/Z-forms,
however, before, suffixes in the sing., as well as in the constr. st. plur. and
dual, the a of the first syllable is attenuated to i,^ thus ''3D3 my wumb, ilTl^ •
so in n3|, yxi, vi?., nnf, n^h, v^b, nn|, pif , inj?, nn^, vk't, B'dk', and
many others. In some cases of this kind besides the form with a there most
probably existed another with original i in the first syllable ; thus certainly
with y^''' beside JJtJ*'' ns 3 beside nif3 , &c. (According to the Diqduqe ha-famim,
§ 36, the absolute st. in such cases takes e, the constr. e ; cf. T13 Nu 30* (^absol.)
and lip. 301° (constr.) ; 12B' Lv 2420 (absol.) and ~I3B' Am 6^ {constr.). According
to this theory ^ KPQ (so the best authorities) Is 9^ would be the constr. st.,
although the accentuation requires an absol. st.) — A weakening of the firmly
closed syllable occurs in ''133, &c. from 133 and ?J3p^ Dt 15", 16", in both
cases evidently owing to the influence of the palatal in the middle of the
stem. With S^ghol for i : ""Jjan, ^VB'.I, ''"133, &c.
/ E. In the plural the termination ni is found as well as D"* , e.g. n^B'D3
niDXy together with Wmi (Ez 1320 [but read D'»B'3n ; see'comm.]), &c'',
constr. St. n^,B'D3. Other nouns have only the ending flT, e.g. DIXIX, constr.
niiflN from yik. Without Qames before the ending D^__ we find D^DHl
(bowels) mercy. On the numerals □"'"ib'y twenty, &c., cf. § 97/, note 2. More-
over a is not inserted before plural suffixes with the tone on the penultima
in 'J'''12'S, &c., properly thy happiness ! (a word which is only used in the constr.
st.pl. and at an early period became stereotyped as a kind of interjection).
Wi f , In the constr. st. plural a firmly closed syllable is sometimes found,
contrary to the rule, e.g. Dn''Qp3 Gn 4226-»5; ig^-i ct S^ CBB'"} ^ 76*) ; ''*3"!t3
Ez 179; '•'IDif Is s'o, and so always in 03^303 Nu 29»9, Dn"'3p3 ^ 16*, &c. (on
the other hand, according to the best authorities not in ^lOn Is 55^, &c.,
though in f 107" Ginsburg reads ^'ICn) ; cf. § 46 d. Even with a middle
guttural |n SyS Est i"-20._The attenuation of a to i also occurs sometimes
in this form Csee above, k), e.g. ^TM), &c., even ''Ipi Is 57* beside ^liT
Ho i2, &c. "'" "' ' ■"'
n G. In the dual absol. beside forms like D''!>3"l /eei, with suff. ^''S"3"> vb3"l, &c.
< I .< < .- . - ' I v: -> t: -'
D^BpK two thousand, Dyy3_ sandals, D^3"!3 knees (a attenuated to i, constr, st. ''3'I3
with a firmly closed syllable), with suffixes ^313, &c. (cf., however, Dn''3'13
Ju 7*), forms with pretonic Qames are also found (in consequence of the
1 According to M. Lambert, REJ. 1896, p. 21, a tends to remain with labials ;
so in 14 cases out of 22 masculines, and in 3 out of 6 feminines.
2 Probably only a theory of one particular school and not generally accepted,
or at any rate not consistently carried out ; cf. KOnig, Lehrgeb., ii. 22.
§93o-r] Paradigms of Masculine Nouns 267
tendency to assimilate the dual to the plural in form : so KOnig, Lehrgeb.,
ii. 17), as D^Slp horns, with suff. V3">ip (Dn S^ ^- ; elsewhere always D''5")i5j
V3")i5, &c.), and so always D^ri?*1, constr. st. ''rO''\ folding-doors, Q^DT'j (?) double
way.
2. On Paradigms b and e. With a final X rejected (but retained ortho-
graphically) we find NOn sin. An initial guttural before suffixes generally
receives S'^ghol instead of the original i, e.g. ''\>?r\, ''")ty, &c., so in the constr. st.
plur. "i^Jj;, &c. ; NtJn forms ""N^n 2 K lo^*, &c.' retaining the Qames of h'^^Xin
before the weak N. — The pausal forms "TTID and MC (out of pause always
"inp, D3K') go back to by-forms "TTlD, CDK'.— On n*l3B'y {constr. st. plur, of y^^)
Pr 2)"^^, cf. § 20 A; CippB' sycamores, without Qames before the termination
D^__ (see above, I), is probably from the sing. ViO\^V^ found in the MiSna.
3. On Paradigms c and/. ^B'p occurs in Pr 22^^ without a helping vowel ; p
with a middle guttural 7^3, &c., but with n also pHNj |ri'£ ; with a final
guttural nna, J?2n, &c., but with K, NDfl ; with a firmly closed syllable ""SlDK
Mi 7I.
Before suffixes the original it sometimes reappears in the sing., e.g. wli (J^
{\p I so'*) beside ^^"13, from Plh greatness; V3p (with Bagel forte dirimens, and
the M repeated in the form of a Hateph-Qames, cf. § 10 h) Is 9^, &c, ; PICK'S
Ez 22^*. — Correspondiotg to the form D3pVQ pobFkhem we find ^3t3p Ho 13'*,
even without a middle guttural ; similarly ^3pp (so Jablonski and Opitius)
I K 1 2^°, 2 Ch 10^", from |tD*p Utile finger ; but the better reading is, no doubt,
"'ilMP (so ed. Mant., 'the p proleptically assuming the vowel of the following
syllable ' ; Konig, Lehrgeb., ii. 69), and the form is to be derived, with KOnig,
from '(^\>, not qutixn, as Brockelmann quotes him, in Grundriss, p. 103. The
reading ^iJDp (Baer and Ginsburg) is probably not due to a confusion of the
above two readings, but __ is merely intended to mark the vowel expressly
as 0. In the forms i^ys Is 1" (for Sbv^) and ^HNPl Is 52" (for ilNPI 1 S 28^*),
-: I ^ t:it -: I ^ ^ t: ir ''
the lengthening of the original m to has been retained even before the suffix ;
cf. § 63 p and § 74 A (D3NVb3 Gn 322").— In the same way remains before
n locale, e.g. n3"13. npHNn Gn 18', 24*^, &c. Dissimilation of the vowel (or
T ' T : ' T v: T 7 T » \
a by-form nD3?) seems to occur in in33 Ex 14^, Ez 46', for ^n33.
In the absol. st.plur. the original m generally becomes S^wd before the Qames, T
e. g. D"'")p3 from *1p'3 morning, CpyS works, W^V!Cr\ lances, C^plip handfuls {constr.
St. yytJ' Ez 13^') ; on the other hand, with an initial guttural the w-sound re-
appears as Hafeph Qames, e. g. D^E'TH months, DHSy gaselles, nin"lt< ways ; and
so even without an initial guttural, niJISH (he threshing -floors, 1 S 23', Jo 2^* ;
D"'B'Tp sanctuaries, and D'^B'IJJ' roots {qodhasim, &c., with for - ) ; also '•K'Tp
[but ^"B'npj VK'IP, once 'P], where, however, the reading frequently fluctuates
between''}? and 'p ; with the article 'i^n ^ '(53, 'pp, according to Baer and
Ginsburg. On these forms cf. especially § 9 v. From ?nK tent, both
DvnN3 and D^pnX (cf. §23/1 and ipy'a above) are found ; with light suffixes
"•pnx, &c.; so from niX way, Vrih^X (also ""nhlX)— hence only with initial K,
' on account of its weak articulation' (Konig, Lehrgeb., ii. 45). It seems that
by these different ways of writing a distinction was intended between the
268 The Noun [§ 93 s-v
plural of nn")X caravan, and of U'^A way ; however, DiniN is also found in
the former sense (in constr. st. Jb 6^') and nifTlX in the latter (e.g. Jb 132^
according to the reading of Ben Naphtali and Qinihi) ; cf. also r)i*3^X 2 Ch 8^^
K^th. ('3N Q^re).— The constr. st. plural of ?ni thumh is ni3'n3 Ju i^'-, as if from
a sing. \T\'^ : of ^1^3 brightness, Is 59* ninil3 (on these 9*/o/-forms, cf. t). — If
V3DX Pr 25^1 is not dual but plural (see the Lexicon) it is then analogous to
the examples, given in I and 0, of plurals without a pretonic Qames ; cf. CiDa
pistachio nuts, probably from a sing. n3D3. According to Barth, ZDMG. xlii,
345 f. V3SK is a sing. CSDN, the ground-form of npQK, with suffix).
In the constr. st. plur. the only example with original u is ""DS"! ^ 31*^ ; other-
wise like "'B'np ••bnN, &c.
•• :'t > •• t; it'
S 4. Besides the forms treated hitherto we have to consider also a series of
formations, which have their characteristic vowel under the second radical,
as is ordinarily the case in Aramaic (on the origin of these forms see further,
§ 84« e). Thus (a) of the form bt2\> ; K'^'H honey, LyO little; in pause, E'n'n,
BJJD ; 135 man (as constr. s'., see above, h), \p 18'^ (elsewhere always *1I13), and
infinitives like 33^' (§ 45 c; on Dnp, see above, h); D3{J' shoulder, a being
modified to e (but in pause D^B') ; locative T\'oip, also HMK' Ho 6^. With
suffixes in the usual manner ""ME^, rlDSB' Gn 19SS.35 (^n infin. with suffix,
therefore not n23EJ'). On the other hand, the a is retained in the plur. absol.
by sharpening the final consonant: D^BiN {constr. ''1D3N) marshes, D"'D*in
myrtles, Q^jpyTi few.
t (b) Of the form bt;i\> : "IN3 a well, 2Nt wolf, &c.' ; locative iTlN3, with suff.
"•1X3 »Zj<r, n"'3XT "'3Kt : butnilSS constr. nilNS; on the infin.' constr. m^,
cf. § 76 ft.
(c) of the form bbp: {^X3 s^encft (with suff. iK'N3, just as 1330 occurs in
Jer 4' along with the constr. st. "T]3tp ^ 74^ ; cf. for the Dages, § 20 }i), perhaps
also DXp nation, pi. D^Bn|).
U 5. Paradigms g-i comprise the segholate forms with middle T or * : (a) of the
form qdtl with Wdw as a strong consonant, in which cases the original d is
almost always lengthened to d (Paradigm g), thus DID |"IN vanity, Piy iniquity,
T]iri TOJdsi ; with final S XIB' falsehood ; cf. however, also niT space. In the
constr. St. contraction always occurs, niO, &c. (from original mauf), and like-
wise before suffixes ifliD, &c. Exception, piy as constr. st. Ez 28'^ (according
to Qimhi) and with suff. viy. The contraction remains also in all cases in
the plural (but see below, w).
D (6) Of the form qdtl with consonantal Yodh (Paradigm h). With final K
N^5 (also ^a), in Is 40* K^3, in the constr. st. (also absol. Zc 14*) N\3 (also \3);
plur. 2 K 2" and Ez 6' K^lh. according to Baer TY\M, i.e. doubtless DiSa
(cf. ^''riiK''3 Ez 35* ; according to another reading [and so Ginsburg] niK"'3,
1 The proposal of Haupt (SBOT. ' Proverbs ', p. 34, 1. 44 ff.) to read "INS^ 3X1,
&c., does not seem to be warranted. The case here is quite different from
that in Pr 1=2 where the Masora requires ^3nNri ^ no doubt on the analogy of
"1X3, &c. , for ^3nNJi] , which was probably intended, see § 63 »n.
§ 93 w-z} Paradigms of Masculine Nouns 269
i. e. doubtless niN''a), but in (yre, and all other passages, ni''N3 , The uncon-
tracted form (in the absol. st. with helping Hireq) remains also before H
locale, e.g. nn^i (but in the constr. st. e.g. f\QV nri''£).— H^''^ (fromn^y) Gn49"
is peculiar, so also iJT'C' Is lo" (from D^K').— In the plural absol. uncontracted
forms occur, like D^b^n hosts, ViS^'^V springs, D"*")^ young asses, W^p^T) he-goats,
&c. ; as constr. st. Pr 828'ni3''y for nirV.
(c) With the contraction of the 1 and "• even in the absol. st. sing. (Para- IV
digm i). In this way there arise formations which are unchangeable
throughout ; thus from the ground-form qcitl : QV (of., however, § 96), PliD,
niB', &c. ; with middle Yodh, b'^H 1 Ch g^^ (elsewhere ^^H), ^\b Is 21" (else-
where ^'<^ in prose n^''^', see above, § 90/) ; from the ground-form qifl, pT^
1>B> "l"iy (see, however, § 96) ; from the ground-foi-m qiitl, 1^3^ UX^^ &c. The
plurals Dnn pots, D''p1B' streets, D^IB' oxen, have a strong formation (but for
D^nin I S 138 read Dnin as in 14^^). Finally, forms with a quiescent middle
N also belong to this class, such as E'N"! head (obscured from ^iO = ra% see
§ 96) and JNJf sheep.
6. On Paradigm A; : segholate forms from iT^? stems. Besides the formations ,V
mentioned in § 84" c, e, like 1133, &c., and ^H^ Ez 47^, with the original 1
resolved, according to § 24 d (cf. the constr. plur. ""^jn clefts, Ob ', &c., and Mifj^
ends, i/'48", &c., where the ^ becomes again a strong consonant,^ from 13n and
IXp or ^an and ^Xp), there occur also (a) commonly, of the ground-form qall,
foi-ms like nQ, ip3, ""na, '•n!?, ''3V, ""li^r&c. ; in pause n|, »33, >n5, ""3^ (cf.
§ 29 m), but ""Sn Ju 14I* ; with suffixes i"'"l3 (attenuated from pdryo), "^^SS \p 6',
but also ^">")3 Vn!?) &c.; before a grave suffix Dn'''15, but also DS^'lEl. Plur.
ens (constr.' ''na , see above, 0, ""XtSn), D"''*">N and ni^N ; with softening of the
■• to N (as elsewhere in 'XIPZl Jer 38^2 for which there is ivll in verse 11,
according to § 8 fc ; D"'X''3"iy 2 Ch 17", cf. 26' KHh.', probably in D^NW, T\S^b)>
from ""Tn and "hi^ ; also b^N3^n ^ ic" A'*<A., divided into two words by the
Masora, is to be referred to a sing. ^3pn hapless) : D^XPn jewels, Ct 7^ (from
''bn), D''Nbp Zawfts, Is 40" (from '>^0) ; but instead of D''NriQ and D"'N3if (from
■•riQ and >3if) the Masora requires D^sriQ and D^N3X ; dual : D^'PIp, constr. st.
**n^, with suff. '•;;np, &c. On PT door, cf. § 95/, and on such formations
generally, see Earth on biliteral nouns in ZDMG. 1887, p. 603 ff., and Nominal-
bildung (isolated nouns), p. i ff.
(6) From the ground-form qitl, ''Ifn half, in pause ""ifn^ with suff. i^^n, &c. — y
From stems with middle Waw arise such forms as ^N (from 'iwy), >]}^ ^If
ship, plur. D"'*{< D''*^, &c. ; instead of the extraordinary plur. D^if Nu 24^^ read
i with the Samaritan D''NXi\ and for QiifS Ez 30^ read probably with Cornill
^ .< .<
(c) From the ground- form qiifl sometimes forms like inn^ ^n'3 (from trthw, ;v
biikw), sometimes like "'pn ^ ^3y, and even without an initial guttural ""pT^ ""D^^^
^ Noldeke, Beitriige, p. 58 : the direct or indirect retention of this "I is hardly
a feature of early Hebrew. The true Hebrew forms from DYp would be HVp^
! niXi?, niXp, the aramaizlng forms Hi'i?, n^p, flilSp.
?
270 The Noun [§ 93 aa-dd
nV (also ip'n '>D^, nif), ""Xn, &c ; in pause "i!)n,&c.,with suflf.i^bn, plur. D^^^f).
From '•Dy branch, there occurs in ^i- 104I2 the plur. D^XQJ? (analogous to D^XriS^
&c., see above, x) ; the K^lh. evidently intends CNDi? (so Opitius and others).
Dual, with suffA'O'^ NU24'', &uc&e< (from ipT, for ''p"!), more correctly, with the
Masora, V?"1 with Munah for Metheg, This unusual Metheg is to be treated
as following the analogy of the cases mentioned in § 91'.
Cld 7. On Paradigms l-n : segholate forms from stems j;"y (see § 84" c, ^).
(n) In the g-afZ-form the a of the contracted formation is sometimes lengthened
in the ahsol. sL, sing, as in D'' (so also in the constr. st., except in the combina-
tion t)lD~D^ the Bed sea ; and even before Maqqeph, npBH'D"' the salt sea),
sometimes it remains short, e. g. nS morsel, Dy people, but even these forma-
tions generally have Qames in pause, as well as after the article (e. g. Dyn).
Adjectives under the influence of a guttural either have forms like DTlp
DTlJf or, with compensatory lengthening, Ciyi "'JJ"). In the constr. st. TI living
(in the plural D''^n also a substantive, life), and '•"I sufficiency, are contracted to
TI ^ and '''H. As a locative form notice mn to the mountain, Gn 14^0 (see § 27 q)
beside mnn , The stem is expanded to a triliteral form in "''1'in (unless it is
simply derived from a by-form "i"in on the analogy of gaia^forms) Jeri7'
(but in ip 30^ for ^"IIH read ''1")n) and D"l")n Gn 14^ ; plur. constr. """nn Nu 23'',
&c. (but only in poetical passages), with suffix, H^^.'^n Dt S^ ; Q^Doy Ju 5^^
(where, however, read probably Tjcya), Neh 9^2 ; '•lOCy Neh 9^4 . elsewhere
D^Sy ^Dy. — Before suffixes and in the plur. a is sometimes attenuated to i,
e.g. ''m^ D''P13, from nS ; D*3p and niSD (also DiSD 2 S 17^8) from 5]p.
Before n a is retained in a virtually sharpened syllable, e.g. D^HS traps.
bb (&) Qi«-forms: DX, ^Vt fire (with suff. '>m, but of. also DDB't? Is 50"),
< • • •
fV} favour, &c. ; of a triliteral form, the plur. ^'•ifVn ^ 77^*.
(c) QHtl-forms : pH, ^3 totality, before Maqqeph "pPI^ "73^ with suff. ""pn, &c.,
with omission of Bages forte (according to § 20 m) always ^pH^ D2pri, but from
T'y, ''^y, "^IV, D3)y, for which ny and ^^y are also found. '''\>J>n^ expanded to
a triliteral form, Ju 5^^ and Is lo^, generally explained as a secondary form
of ""ppn with abnormal weakening of the m to i, is more probably to be referred
to a qitl-form = Arabic Mqq.
CC The forms with assimilated middle Nun likewise follow the analogy of
Paradigms l-n, e.g. e)K nose, anger CSX, dual D^QS, also/ace) for 'anp ; TJPl 2^alate
for Mnk, Q'^^] fetters, Tj; goat, plur. W^]]}, for 'im, probably also 3N green herb,
for 'inb.
(Id 2. Paradigm II comprises all formations witli original short vowels,
whether in the first or second syllable ; of. § 84"' f-i, and the general
laws of formation, § 92 b-g.
^ ""n only in Dn 12'' as constr. st., since in the asseverative formulae (cf*
§ 149) "ly-jQ '•n, '?JK'p3 ^n (otherwise only in 2 S 1521, after mn> '•n, and
Amos 8"), ''H is a contracted form of the absol. st. (prop, living is Pharaoh ! &c.).
It is evidently only a rabbinical refinement which makes the pronunciation
in distinctive of an oath by God (or of God by himself), as in the regular
formulae ""JN TI (iDbX -n Dt 32") and nin^ "TI ^ = *ynX Ti)
§ 93 ee-kk^ Paradigms of Masculine Nouns 271
Rem. I. On Paradigms a and h : ground-form qatul. Tlie lengthening of the
second a to « is maintained in the constr. st. sing, only in t<"7-forms, e.g. X32f
army, N3if. For the construct forms 3^n millt, ~|3|J white, Gn 49^^^, instead of
the ordinary absolutes l^n H^, a secondary form ibu ]2b must be assumed ;
from jtJ'y smoke, the constr, st. jK'^ occurs once, Ex 19^*, beside jt^J?, from *l"in
ornament the constr. st. "CIH Dn ii^o, beside the common form "IIH. — The plur.
D^B'^Q horses, Is 21'' (instead of D''ki'"lQ, ground-form paras) is no doubt due to
a confusion with the qattdl-form. 5^">Q horseman.
A. Sometimes a sharpening of the third radical takes place, in order to C6
keep the preceding vowel short, e. g. D^?103 camels, D^3Dp stnall ones, DijpS
brooks (see § 20 a). — The attenuation of the a of the iirst syllable to i does not
take place in the constr. st. plur. as a rule after an initial guttural, as '•ODn^
'Ijy, but '•[pin, and never before a middle guttural, e.g. nn3 ; nor (according
to Konig, owing to the influence of the nasal) in the non-guttural forms
nU:T tails, niS33, and (in the dual) ''D33 wings, from 3JT, ^133.— The dual
CiriJ from "inj river, shows an abnormal omission of the lengthening of the
• --:r TT ' ij '^
a before a tone-bearing termination, but cf. § 88 c.
B. From J?"y stems, forms like pbn^ |3y, &c., belong to this class. ^
C. The few nouns of the ground-form qitdl follow the same analogy, such as rrior
22b heart, "ISB' strong drink, 33)/ grape, &c. From'iyK' hair, in the constr. st. besides
"lyb* the form ~iyb' is also found (perhaps a survival of a secondary form like
those in Paradigm I, d) ; so from y^if rib, yb^ and even yp^ 2 S 16^' (so ed.
Maut., Ginsb. ; but Baer ypV), both, probably, old secondary forms (also
used for the absol. st.) of y^if ; cf. also ""ypif and iypS, as well as the constr. st.
plnr. niypS ; also from "133 strangeness, the constr. st. ~1D3 is found, Dt 31'®.
2. On Paradigms c-e : ground-form qdtil, developed to qdtel', with a final /i/f
guttural, e. g. y^B' satisfied. In the constr. st. the original i of the second syllable,
probably on the analogy of the forms discussed in § 69 c, becomes a, e. g. |j5t ,
Hn ^ "Ipn, &c., but not before suffixes, ''Dns, &e., nor in forms from N'v stems,
e. g. N^D full, N^l? ; cf., moreover, 2\>V Gn 25^6 from 2pV heel, and "^nX f 35^*,
mourning. Paradigm d represents forms which in the constr. st. instead of
the ordinary f]ri3, &c., have a segholate form, as'Tj'IX, "I'la, I]'!'', ?13, /"^y
(Ez 44^), constr. st. of !]1X long, 113 wall, "^y thigh, pia robbery, 7")^ uncircumcised.
In Is 11" ^033 would be altogether without precedent as a constr. st. (for
P]ri33) ; most probably the absol. st. is intended by the Masora (according to
Noideke, Gott. Gel. Anseigen, 1871, No. 23 [p. 896] for inS ''33 with one shoulder,
i.e. shoulder to shoulder) ; [cf. Driver, Tenses, § 190, Obs.'].
In the plur. constr. the e lengthened from i is frequently retained in verbal H
adjectives of this formation, e.g. •«n3E', ^HOK', ""b^S, "'3??'!, ''rf??r! > cf- also
Vnin^ (with e under the protection of the secondary tone) from inj tent-peg.
On the other hand from Nl'' fearing, always ''X"(^ ; cf. also ^^3") f 2^"^° from
yST.— With a retained in the initial syllable of. nriN alius (with a virtual
sharpening of the PI). — From Vy stems come forms like HO dead person, "13
resident stranger, ny witness, with unchangeable Sere ; hence D^JID, 'riD, &c.
Kindred in character are the formations from the ground-form qdlul. This A'A'
I
272 The Noun [§ 93 ii-oo
ground-form is regularly lengthened to qdtol,B.g. ?'j]} round, ^>)2]} deep, CHHred ;
but before formative additions the short u returns, protected by the sharpen-
ing of the following consonant (see ee above), as D'pJV , &c. (but in stems with
a third guttural or T^ nnb?, DnPIt^). The form ^Jijy, i K lo^', is abnormal ;
likewise nplDJ? Pr 22,^^, Jablonski (ed.Mant. Hppy, Baer and Ginsburg HpDy).
// 3. On Paradigm /: ground-form qdtdl from T]"^ stems. As in verbs n'v
§ 75 h, the general rule is that before the terminations of the plur. and dual
and before suffixes beginning with a vowel, the third radical is usually elided
altogether. But besides mb* the form Hb', with the final Todh retained, is
V T - T . '
also found in poetry (cf. also the singulars with suffixes, like Dn"'WK'0, in ss) ;
in the same way final 1 is retained in DM^V the poor, constr. ""ISy. The plur. of
rrib' is ninb', constr. nilb' (also '•HB', unless this is a sing., contracted from HK' •
so Barth, ZBMQ. xlii, p. 351). The qitdl-form (see § 84" i) nj?! 2 S 15", 16I6,
I K 4^ is remarkable as a constr. st. (the reading HV"! of Opitius and others is
opposed to the express statement of the Masoi-a). To the category of these
forms also belongs without doubt CiS/ace (only in phir.), ^pS, ^JS^ DD""3S, &c.
WDl In a few formations of this kind the vowel of the second syllable appears
to have been already lost in the absol. st. sing, ; so according to the ordinary
view, in T* hand, constr. T* with suff. i^^. but DDT* ; plur. niT* constr. niT".
dual D^"!^ *1^ with suff. ^T* D3"'T' &c., and in Ul blood, constr. D'T with
suff. "©"n, but Dpl?'^ (a attenuated to i), plur. □'•O'T "10'^. But perhaps both
these nouns are to be regarded as primitive (§ 81), and as original mono-
syllabic formations.
nn 3. Paradigm III comprises forms "vvith an unchangeable vowel
in the first syllable, whilst the vowel of the second syllable has been
lengthened from an original short vowel, and is therefore changeable.
The special cases are to be distinguished in which the original short
vowel is lengthened both in and before the tone, but in an open
syllable becomes S^wd (Paradigm a, but cf. also examples like D^ilDiN
wheels, for C??!^, and Cw^f porches), secondly, the cases in which the
vowel becomes S^wd even before the tone (Paradigm b), and finally,
those in which the termination of n"? formations is entirely lost
(Paradigm c).
00 Rem. i. On the model of CibSV (which, moreover, is obscured from 'dlam),
the following forms also are inflected : btSpO (§ 85 h), in some cases with
virtual sharpening of the third radical (see § 20 a), as iflD^jp Jer 17'', ip 40®,
Jb 8^*, &c. ; N"? nouns of this form maintain the Qames in the constr. st. plur,,
e. g. ''X'lipjp from K"lpO ^ ; on the other hand, in the plur. of the participles
Niph. (§ 85 n) of verbs N"/ (which likewise belong to this class), are found
not only regular forms like D^N^p: but also CN^np Jos 10", D*NOt33 Ez 2osof-,
1 Dn''K'npD Ez 724 for 'EJ''np» (from K''npt?) is wholly irregular; perhaps,
however, the part. Pi'elis intended, without Dagei in the T (jtccording to
§ 20 w).
§ 93 pp-ss'] Pa?'adigms of Masculine Nouns 273
and so always D''N33 (except Ez 132 DVX33n) and D'XXJ?? i S 13I', 2 K 14'*,
&c. (except Ezr 8^5 D^K^'Ojin in pause).i
Moreover, the other participles in d also follow the analogy of Uy>V as pi)
regards the final syllable (biSpO /tSpD ; cf., however, 3K'^tSn Gn 43^2 j^ close
connexion ; see the analogous cases in § 65 d) ; also \T0^ table (§ 85 u ; plur.
nijripK', constr. rS^rp^), \^')p, constr. f3"lP, hence in plur. constr. with svff.
Dn''331i5 Lv 788 ; nnpy (§ 85 w), plur. D'^lpy (with sharpening of the final
consonant for DU^py, cf. also D^T^y naked, plur. G'^tpyV Gn ^^ [but in 2^5
D^tS^iy, according to §90 an orthographic licence for D''l3iy from D^y], D''J3~iyD
nakedtiess, 2 Ch 28"; D'Tlp, itS'^'lp ; 'ipOyO Is 511"; i^3D3 Is 238'-; ^ZW'O
^i' iS' ; even with attenuation of the a to i, D''3")*ID threshing instruments, 2 S 24^^^
I Ch 2i23, from J-JIJD), |ril? (§ 85 g), |2C (§ 85 «), TyCi (§ 85 k), inasmuch as they
retain the a of the first syllable, contrary to rule, even when not pretonic.
e.g. ""sarD, "^yo ; 2K'to (§ 85 g) ; 3B^n (§ 85 p), constr. at. plur. "'^K'ri i K 17I ;
also isolated forms according to § 84" t, and § 84** b, c, k, m, n, 0. Cf. finally,
1N1X neck (from sdw'ar), constr. st. "^WX Jer 281"^-, constr. st. plur. ^~\\^\'i
Gn 45'*, &c.
2. (Paradigm 6 ; cf. § 84" s.) Instead of the original i in such forms as gn
DD3''X (cf. 2 K 22^^), the second syllable more frequently has e, e.g. ^"IX^ thy
creator ; with a closing guttural (according to § 91 d ; but cf. also IDJ? Dt 32^*)
forms are found sometimes like ^H^'B', sometimes like ^XIB ; constr. st. without
suff. yob ^ 94^* (according to § 65 d) ; with a middle guttural ^pK2 Is 48" ; cf.
43!*. — The same analogy also is followed in the flexion of the other participles
which have e in the final syllable (^tSpD^ b^pOD, &c.), see further, in § 84** d,
|32, &c. (but with exceptions, as D''B>_W, D''y31), and ibid. I, p ; § 85 i, k
(nap altar, constr. st. 11310, plur. Din^TO), and ibid, q, but here also there are
exceptions like D vHpp >p 26'*.
3. (Paradigm c: part. Qal of verbs H'v, differing from Paradigm II,/in the TV
unchangeableness of the vowel of the first syllable.) In Ez 17^^ e in the
absol. st. is abnormal, and S^ghol in the constr. st. in 2 S 24^' (so Opitius,
Ginsburg ; but Baer HTh), Ec 2'^ (according to Baer, but not the Mantua ed. ;
iTIpD Ec 3'^ is in the absol. st.). To this class belong, as regards their formation,
the ri'^i'-forms mentioned in § 84" r, § 85 jr (with suff., e.g. ^pyOH Dt 20',
which brought thee up), and h.
In a few instances, before a suffix beginning with a consonant, the original SS
(iij of the termination has been contracted to (•, and thus there arise forms
which have apparently pZura? sM#xes ; as Dil^r^O Is s'^ Dn I'o.ie; Qn-NIP
their appearance, Dn i'^, Gn 41^', cf. Na 2^; Dn"'pi3 who stretched them forth,
Is 42^ ; defectively DnSX Ho 7^ (cf. Dni3 Ez 34'*) ; on the other hand, the
examples in Is 14", Gn 47^'', which were formerly classed with the above,
are really plurals. But ^''5nO thy camp, Dt 23^^^ (^jino occurs just before),
^ Brockelmann, Grundrxss, p. 659, observes that except in 2 Ch 5^1, 35^^
D"'KXtD3n is always followed by a preposition governing a word, so that the
punctuators perhaps intended to indicate a sort of constr. st.
COWLKY
\
274 '^^^^ Noun [§ 93 ti-xx
^ifpO thy cattle, Is y)^^ (probably also ?)n.B' i K 2^^), Tj^KniO Ct 2", and "fXIP
the sight of him, Jb 41^ (with the '• here retained orthographically), IvJJ^
Ez 40^1, &c., are still to be explained as singulars. — On a few other examples
which may perhaps be thus explained, see § 1 24 A:. Before the plural ending
the original termination ay reappears in D^nOD Is 25^ (^part. Pu. from
nno).
tt 4. Paradigm IV comprises the forms with a changeable vowel (a, b),
or a vowel which has already become S'^wd (c), in the first syllable,
and an unchangeable vowel in the second. With Paradigm c (which,
however, for the most part consists merely of forms based on analogy,
without biblical parallels) are also connected all the forms which
have unchangeable vowels in both syllables, and therefore (like 3^3)
cannot undergo any vowel changes.
UU Rem. i. Analogous to T'pQ (ground-form paq'id) are § 84" k, ?n3, &c.
(with 6, not changeable for ?<) ; in substantives like DipK', this 6 is demonstrably
obscured from d (Arab, sdldm) ; ibid. I, m, I^DN, "T'DK, &c. ; § 85 m, |i^3t,
constr. |n3T • fl^lH, constr. ]V]r\ • |i''?3, consir. jVp3 (cf., however, the forms in
the constr. at. ]'\2'^V, \S^l\>, and with the plural suffix T]^5in^y Ez 27'2 ff.) ; § 85 w,
tJ'-'O^n, constr. ^^Ipbn ; § 85 ^, Dip», &c.
W 2. ""jy (ground-form 'dniy, stem njy) represents forms in which a final
Yodh has been resolved into i ; before formative additions the original Yodh
under the protection of a Dages forte again becomes audible as a firm consonant,
whilst the (originally short) vowel of the first syllable becomes S^ud ; cf.
§ 84" Z, ''pj, plur. D"*!?:, and § 87 a.
WW 3. 303 with unchangeable a in the second syllable, whilst the S'wd is
weakened from a short vowel (Arab, kitdb) ; constr. st. "303 Est 4^ (readings
like 3113 2 Ch 35* are incorrect, although "Ij?'' Est 1^ and "303 4* are supported
by fairly good authority; however, these 5*_;dZ-forms in Hebrew are probably
all loan-words from the Aramaic). The only plufal form found in the 0. T.
is Dn''T3y their deeds, Ec 9^ In a narrower sense the forms enumerated
in § 84" n-p belong to this class ; in a wider sense all those which have
unchangeable vowels throughout, thus § 84" m, § 84^6 (blSp, cf., however, the
anomalous forms mentioned there), ibid, f-i, m (No. 34 f.), n (No. 39), p
(No. 44), also partly § 85 h-ic (especially I and r). ,
XOC In opposition to the anomalous shortening of the form Pt^i? (see above),
cases are also found where pretonic vowels are retained even in the ante-
penultima (with the secondary tone) ; cf. above, it and pp, also of the form
^■•tap (properly qdtil) the examples CD'^'ID, Ci^lQ, D''K'^^E', whilst the constr.
st. sing, according to the rule, changes the ainto S^wd (D"'"ip, p^Q). (These
are not to be confounded with forms like piy tyrant, which is for p'ly, and
consequently has an unchangeable Qames.) Of the form b^Dp (qaft'd) in this
class are yi3B' week, plur. D^y3C' and DSV^^, constr. T)\V2^, but with Metheg
of the secondary tone in the fifth syllable from the end, D3^riy3ti*. — On liyo
''?yD,&C., cf. § 85 A:.
§ 94 a-d] Formation of Feminine Nouns 275
§ 94. Formation of Feminine Nouns.
1. The feminine ending ""l__, when appended to the masculine d
forms treated in § 93, effects in ahnost all cases the same changes
as are produced in the masculine forms by the addition of a light suffix,
since in both cases the tone is moved one place farther forward (see
§ 92 6). The following scheme is based on the same division into four
classes, with their subdivisions, as in § 93 ; a few special forms
will be treated in § 95 in connexion with the paradigms of feminine
nouns.
Paradigm I : segholate forms, with the feminine ending always O
added to the ground-form, (a) HSpp queen, '"iV??, and with attenuation
of fl to ? nb'33 lamh, nsif"! hot stone, Is 6^ (from another root '1?^7'' ^^^
Baer on Ez 40'^), Hj^tn strength (unless belonging to Paradigm h);
(6) '"l^riD covering (masc. "WD) ^ HJIJ; pleasure (n.i'), not to be con-
founded with the unchangeable forms with a prefixed O, derived
from n'6 stems, as HJlfrD command, plur. rii^rp; (c) '"T^pn, proper
name (nSK mole), rh^^' food (^3X) ; {d) n-;j?p_'^zW 0^]);'{f) HB'Kn
weed, n^HD 2)uriti/ (lili^) ; {g) npiy wrong (also '"ipiV, Paradigm i) ;
(i) riTJf victuals (masc. 1.''?, cf. Paradigm h) ; from ^z.^Z and qutl-iorms,
nj'a understanding, nsID tempest ; (A;) H^pN /«< iai7 (as if from v^),
n^n^ (a attenuated to ?) captivity C?^), '"Illy wreath (probably an
original qitl-iovm) ; (Z) n*n Z?ye, ITltp measure (attenuated from "T^P).
Adjectives derived from y"y stems also belong in flexion to this class,
as nan multa, with middle guttural T\y\ mala ; (m) H^] plan ; («) ni^n
s<a^«<e (pn).
Paradigm II : ground-form qdtdldt, &c., (a) n»^3 vengeance (Di^J) ; c
(5) nnnx ga?-<A ; (c) n^?3 corpse ; (d) n^'!;^Janguida ; {f\^^l beautiful,
n^i? e/icZ (from HDJ, Hifi?). From stems V'y arise such forms as 'Tlj;
(masc. "ly, properly ;;ar<. <2aZ from I^V) female tvilness. From the
ground-form g'a^wZ, Hi^OJ? profunda (masc. P^V), rrnnj? servitude, &c.
Paradigm III : unchangeable vowel in the first, changeable in the d
second syllable, (a) nnT a woman with child (cf. the examples in
§ 84«s, and the retention of the e in the part. Ft el, Ex 22'', 23^*;
in the Hithpa'el i K 14^^), but also with the change of the e
(originally ?) into ^hod, nnip* dwelling, Na 3^ However, in these
participial forms the feminine is mostly indicated by ri__ (see below, h);
(c) n^ia those of the captivity (masc. nbia), but also with a return
of the final Yodh, H^ton clamorous, Pr 7", and the examples in § 75 v.
On the d of the participles of verbs ^"V, which also belong to this
class, such as H^J peregrina, cf. § 7 2 g.
1 2
276 The Noun [§§ 94 e-h, 95 a
e Paradigm IV : originally changeable vowel in the first syllable,
unchangeable in the second, (a) np"ia magna, '"iTDn stork, properly
jna ; np^DIl virgin, properly seiuncta ; (b) n^3y misera.
f 2. A simple n is added as feminine ending in forms like ^"'33
weeping (masc. ''3?, § 93 sr,,a), ri^"l2 covenant; hnt feminine participles
of verbs n"?, as riNlf, riN?fb, may be due to contraction from yoseet,
&c. (hardly to lengthening of the i in the ground-form most), whilst
forms like riXlfiD, riNK'J (see § 74 t) are to be explained on the analogy
of the forms treated in § 93 ^. Apart from the n*? formations, we
find the simple n in the participle ni^O i K i'^, contracted from
riniK'D. But r^i?^] Gn 16", Ju 13'' is the ground-form of the ptcp.
^i?^) (as in the same connexion in Gn 17'^, Is 7'''), cf. § 80c? and the
Q^re ri^^, &c., discussed in § 90 n.
g The forms which arise by appending the T\ feminine to masculine
nouns with a changeable vowel in a closed final syllable are, as a rule,
developed exactly in the same way as masculine segliolate forms.
Thus there arise in Paradigm I (a) from ^1?3 (for original g%irt;
§ 69 c), the form JT?.^? mistress (but only in construct St.; in Is 47' also
<
ny n^.^a are to be taken together; the absolute st. is •TJ"'??); from
ri32», nD^D queen (in Paradigm II, a); rinriQ (nm = r\nh pit) Lv 13^*;
(c) I'llS tcall, rT?!"ia (from J^'\'\i=g^dirt ; cf. ?i?T as construct st. of ?i?T) ; on
the other hand, flK'pn is construct st. of ^^^DJive, with lengthening of
the original t of ^^^^i.
h Formations with a changeable o in the second syllable belonging to
this class are riKTia bronze (from ^I^Q?), J^^^S the constr. st. of rians coat,
perhaps also ^'^^^ writing (unless it be obscured from 3ri3, § 93,
Paradigm IV, c). — Paradigm III, (a) ri^nh (from J^Jprih)^ masc. £3ri*in
seal; (b) ^Ip^/l'' (properly sucking) sprout (in pause, e.g. ^11^^ Ex 26'',
&c.), and so most feminines of participles ?^p. On this transition
of the ground-form qotilt to ijip^p (regularly before suffixes in ^'^t??i*,
i^l?), &c.), cf. § 69 c; qdtalt serves as the ground-form under the in-
fluence of a guttural as well as before suffixes, e.g. njJT, feminine of
Vy knowing ; in a wider sense, J^^^pa skull may also be included here,
see § 95, Paradigm IV, c.
On the endings W and ^T'-t-, see § 86 k, I, § 95 at the end.
§ 95. Paradigms of Feminine Nouns.
Ct In accordance with the general formative laws, stated in § 92 b-k,
the following cases have chiefly to be considered in the flexion of
§ 95 b] Paradigms of Feminine Nouns
277
feminiRes also: (i) a tone-lengthened vowel on the removal of the
tone reverts to its original shortness (thus the a of the termination
n__ becomes again d in the construct st. ^^^). On the other hand,
even an originally short vowel is retained as (a long) pretonic vowel
before the endings n__ and T\S in the abs. st., e.g. '^1?']^^; (2) without
the tone or foretone an originally short vowel almost always becomes
S^wd ; on the other hand, before a vowel which had thus become S^icd
the a in the first syllable which had hitherto also been reduced to
S^wd returns, although usually attenuated to t, e. g. ni5"l5f from
sddhdqdth ; (3) in the plural of the feminines of segholate forms before
the termination of Hi or C-r-, and in formations of the latter kind also
before the light suffixes, a pretonic Qames reappears, while the short
vowel of the first syllable becomes S^wd. This short vowel, however,
returns in the construct st. j)lur., whether ending in T\\ or ^-t^- I in
formations of the latter kind also before the grave suffixes.
The following Paradigms (with the exception of I, d) deal only with
such of the forms treated in § 94 as incur some vowel changes or
other. AU forms with unchangeable vowels follow the analogy of
Paradigm I, d.
<>ng. absolute
„ construct
a.
(queen)
b.
C.
n3"in
T :t
(waste)
nann
d.
ni5n
(statute)
e.
n-'bal nsnn
t; ' J T ; •,-
(kidney) (reproach)
nsnn
(mistress)
V V :
,, with light
suff.
• T : -
^nsin
T :t
^ri|5n
"Jji")??
„ with grave siiff.
nansfjp
D?n??in
V : - ; T
Dsn^n
Damna
V ; : • :
^lur. absolute
T :
nv^3 niDin
T : T-;
nbin
nSpn
,, construct
nb^p
nvb? ' niBin
nuin
nipn
„ with suff.
^niDjjp
'Oi'1'3
-niain
•'nipn
^ual absolute
(a double piece
(/ embroidery)
(cymbals)
* Only in ^ 69'", contrary to rule, with a firmly closed syllable, cf. § 93 m.
278
T/te Noun
[§95
c-f
II.
III.
a.
b.
c.
a.
b.
Sing, ahsohite
"1^1?
^m
T T
ni5?.i^
nbhii
(
righteousness)
{outcry)
(year)
(sproM^)
{skidl)
„ construct
fll'51^
DllVf.
r\:f
i^i?3.i^
••• : ■:
„ with light .
niff.
""i'lV
'rii?i»
' T :
^J?!??^^
•-.■'•.■■.
,, with grave
suff.
C5?^l"?1V
D?ri2yf.
D?n3K'
D3i;ip3^^
D3n!?3^a
V : : T : ■•.
Phir. absolute
nip-iif
iniaB'
nipai;"
„ construct
nipnx
niiB?
nip3i^
1^1^53
„ with suff.
^Oipis
"niatj'
^nip3i^
Dual absolute
"D^riB'ny
D^nsB*
{fetters of brass)
(Zj^js)
j
„ construct
^nE)B>
J
Eediares.
a I. Paradigm I : feminines of segholate forms, (a) The locative of this
class has the form Hriyna towards Gibeah (masc. V^a). In some cases, especially
with an initial guttural, there is no means of deciding whether the form in
question is to be referred to a qatl or a gttl base, e. g. npin strength (cf. HS'in
under b). A dual of this form occurs in D^nySB' seven times (cf ynK' seven, fem.).
Analogous to masculine forms like B'n'l (§ 93 s) is HDIH myrtle. — From
masculines of the form ns (n'6 , cf. § 93 I, k) arise feminines sometimes like
'^l^}i, '^l?^, ^1?^ (see above, § 94 b), sometimes like n''33 (§ 94/) ; occasion-
ally the final n is retained before the plural ending, as if it belonged to the
stem (cf. § 87 k), e.g. niJT'jn spears. Forms like ,1**13 (cf. iT3N a qiltl form)
are derived directly from the masculine forms na kid, "'3K a fleet.— {b) From
astern |*y^ ntSH w^ica^ (for n^3n), plur. □'•tsn.— (c) From nh'^]} foreskin, the
plur. absol is ni^Jiy (cf. D''bya, § 93, Paradigm I, /), constr. ni!)"!y.— (<f)
Example of a feminine segholate form from a stem y"y (ground-form qHtl,
like n>n of the form qafl, HDT of the form qitl), with for it, Nan /error, Is 19"
(Aramaic orthography for naH).
^ (e) To the list of segholate forms with D fem. belong also the infinitives of
verbs V'D and f'Q^ which have rejected the weak consonant at the beginning,
as nnB* (from yi}>), nv\ (from yT), T)pl (from B^JJ), as well as nnp (from
npp) ; cf. § 69 rn and § 66 fc and g. The infinitives of verbs 1*Q ai-e, however,
also found in the form i^V"^, m_p, HNJf, and of the same origin also are mj;
congregation (from ny^), Hiry counsel (from ^yj), HJ^ sZeep (from fB'p, cons?r.
J^^y, J^?^, while in the constr. forms r\V\ SKeat, Gn 3" (from VV to Jlow), and
riNV excrement, Ez 4", the Sere has remained firm.
f From a stem Vy (cf. K''l3 <o be ashamed) is WB sfcawie, with suffix ^riy^B.
^ On niJB' as a leas frequent (poetio) form for D^3K' see § 87 n.
§ 95 Hi Paradigms of Feminine Nouns 279
From a stem T["b ('^^'^, cf., however, Barth, ZDMG. 1887, p. 607, who
assumes a stem PI"'') the masculine p'l appears to have been formed after the
rejection of the final Yodh, and afterwards the feminine n^^ door ; but in
the plural n^fl?''! constr. ninl5"n, the n of the termination is retained
(see above, d, nin*3n). In a similar way D''ri2"| stalls, Hb 3", has arisen, if it is
from the stem riQT and DpK' trough (from HpB'), of which the masc. must
have been p^ = ip^j ; on the other hand, the plur. constr. ninj^K' Gn 30^8 (again
retaining the feminine n as an apparent radical) can only be an abnormal
formation from the singular Dpt^, not from a kindred form npK' or DpK'.
2. Paradigm II : ground-form qatdlat, &c., cf. § 94 c, Paradigm II, a and b. g
Analogous to the masculine forms like j^j^^ plur. D''|l^p, we find HS^p Ibarra,
&c.— The constr. forms, like npHX (sidh^qath), are distinguished by the vocal
S^wd (§ 10 d) from the segholate forms, likenK'33 {kibh-sath). Consequently the
constr. St. nS^a Gn 28*, &c. (from n3";3 blessing], and n"n"|n 1 S 14^5, &c. (from
min a trembling), are abnormal. — Under the influence of a guttural (see
Paradigm b) the original a is retained in the first syllable in the constr. st.
(cf. also nons earth, HOnK) : in other cases it is modified to S^ghol, e. g. npjy
wagon, ^DbiV . Frequently from an absol. st in H the constr. is formed with
the termination n, e. g. n")Cy crown, constr. T\'VgV (from tpJt^V) ] along with
msy assembly, JTlJy is found usually, even in the absoL st. ; DOD^ (from QT
levir) before suffixes is pointed as in "'POn^ and thus entirely agrees with
n??? (Paradigm I e). From a stem |"5? (JDK) is formed DOX <rM/7j (from 'dmant,
and this no doubt for an original ^dmint, § 69 c) before suffixes ^IjlJpX., &c.
From the masc. form i^tpp (gahl) are formed, according to rule, n"113 tt-aZ?, h
n!333 corpse, constr. n^n3 ; HDnS ca«Ze, constr. npHB (for fipna), with suffix
^riDri3 Lv 19'^. More frequently, however, the e of the second syllable is
retained before the termination ath of the constr. st. ; thus from npD3 once
•ribnj Is 26^9, and always n3"l3 pool, nSlS pre?/, nSD^ unclean, "'JlN/D /w^^, Is 1"
(with Hireq compaginis, see § 90 0, ^rTJ^O Jb i6'3;' ^n^NB' i S i^'', &c. (with
elision of the X, !]n5>Kf i S i"), also "•nbxK' Jb 6\ Cf. the analogous forms
of the constr. st. nsajp plagu£, nip"j!"!ri rfee;? s?eep, from nD310, nOiJin,
As dual we find D'nDT sides (cf. inan^ Gn 49", from the obsolete nsi.^, f
feminine of !]T) ; the constr. s<. ''ri3T is perhaps to be referred to a segholate
form (nS"!" , cf. "iiy as constr. st. of ^IT), unless the closed syllable be due to
the analogy of n3"!3 and DTTi (see g).
In the forms with simple n feminine the ground-form qdtiU is developed rC
(§ 69 c) to q^talt, and this again regularly to rbh\). Thus the feminine of 1311
comi)amo?i is JTinn (with suffix nni3n Mai 2", cf. rlP133^ Ex 322), of 112 fern,
nina besides n"Tia.— Of Vy stems the segholate forms nn3 rest and nriK' Pi<
(from ny mC') belong to this class; BOttcher {Gratn. i. 411) rightly distin-
guished the latter from nn|' corruption (stem nnC') ; in the same way also
nn5 rest is distinct from nrii a lighting doicn (stem DIIJ).
The feminines of the form qa:il from stems V'V, as nriD mortua, iTl); fem. /
28o The Noun [§95^-?
icitness (from T\\'0 *Tiy\ have likewise an unchangeable vowel in the first
syllable. Cf., on the other hand, the forms from """D stems mentioned above,
under e, such as nJK' sleep, constr. st. fli^ ; moreover, nOH anger, constr. st.
npn (but npn a Uathem bottle, in pause HOn [so Baer, Ginsb., but Kittel 'PI]
< <
Gn 21^^, constr. st. D^D niOn Gn 21^^, perhaps from a stem nCPl).
>fl The feminines of the form qatul, like PlpOy (masc. pby)> maintain the
original u by sharpening the following consonant (cf. § 93 kk) ; on the other
hand, by appending the fem. n, segholate forms arise like ntJ'ilJ, before suff.
nntrnj, &c. Dual D'^riK'm (see Paradigm II, a) ; but cf. ''mn: La 3',
Jl A few (aramaising) feminines from H'v stems (Paradigm II, c) are found
with the ending dth, due to the rejection of the final Wuw or Yodh and con-
traction of the preceding d with the d of the termination ath ; thus HJO
portion (for mdndyaih or mdndimth), T\t\> end (also nifi? and Hifp), plur. ni''3D
{constr. St. Neh 12^^, 13") and DiXJC (Neh 12") ; Diifp Ex 388 ; cf. zf and 39*
K'th. ; on ^'^<3 valleys, see § 93 v. — niN sign (stem mN) is obscured from DN,
and this is contracted from ^dydth^'divdyath; plur. niDN, with the double
feminine ending ; cf. above, /, and § 87 k. — The retention of the d in the first
syllable in Tl^X, &c., Gn 24^1, &c., is abnormal.
3. Paradigm III, cf. the various forms in § 94 ci and /-A. The dual D^nbin
two walls, Is 22", &c., taken directly from the plur, rilDln, for D^nOin, is
abnoi-mal (cf. § 87 s, and the proper name D^ri^"]3 Jos 15^®). — Among the
forms resembling participles Qal of verbs V'y, such as iT\) (masc. "IT from sdir,
hence with unchangeable d), must be reckoned also niDZl high place (from D^3),
which has for its constr. st. plur. the pleonastic form ""niDS, or written
defectively Tib!! (see § 87 s) ; for this the Masora everywhere requires ''1103,
which is to be read hdyn^the (not honfthe), with an anomalous shortening of
the 6 to ; but with suffixes "TlilDB, &c.
P In a wider sense the feminines of the form ?'^\> (§ 84'' e) belong to this
clas?, in so far as they shorten the a of the second syllable before the termina-
ls o *
tion n, e.g. rip?'n injlammation (from dalldqt), with suff. TlPlp"!!? Ez 16^^; riyilC
signet ; also fem. of the forms ?t3p and bt2f5 (§ 84^ c and d), as r\b}i(, folly (for
Hwwdlt), and of all the forms which have a changeable vowel in the second
syllable, and are formed with the prefix D (§ 85 g-k), e.g. nDbOlO kingdom,
constr. always nS^DlO; mOlCl (not used in the sing.) pruning-hook, plur. nilDtp ;
nnsbO reward, with suff. ''^l"l^t^'^p ; cf. also the examples given in § 85 gr andjs,
like KJiyO birth (but from i^"b, HNXip outgoing), JTlS^in generation, n^yiPl
abomination, constr. n^yiri , &e,
fj Sometimes the plural of these forms is to be traced to a secondary form,
e.g. nnSN a letter, plur. nilJX (as if from niSN) ; also Hip^i^, which is merely
formed on the analogy of the other plur. fem. of participles Qal, is to be
referred to a sing. npiiV Cf., moreover, r\^'}r]'0 ploughshare, plur. flit^inO
(as if from ntjnno) ^ ; on the other hand, rii"iri3 capitals (of columns), and
niriDin reproofs, are the regular plurals of nins and nnDlD.
J JTlHK'y Astarte (plur. niintJ'y), which was formerly included among
these examples, is most probably due to an intentional alteration of the
§§ 95 '•-«' 96] Paradigms of Feminine Nouns 281
In ri3Fl3 coat the original m of the first syllable is maintained by the V
sharpening of the following consonant (cf. Arab, quiun), with suff. ""n^riS ,
<
the constr. st., however, is n3ri3 (as also in the absol. st in Ex 28'^) ; plur.
nijriS, constr. niinS.— The form vhlbii given in Paradigm III, 6 is a Pulpiil-
form of the stem ^^2, cf. ipn^, § 84^ p.
4. To the fourth class, for which no Paradigm is required, belong all the s
numerous forms which in classical Hebrew have unchangeable vowels
throughout, the originally short vowel of the first syllable having become
S^wd, owing to the tone being thrown forward. Of the forms mentioned in
§§84 and 85 those from JJ"y stems especially belong to this class, as npjip
scroll, n^nn praise. niS>pPi prayer (§ 85 i and q), as well as the feminine of the
participle Hiph'il of verbs V'V, e.g. nTNID enlightening {h-om''\''ii'g), and generally
the feminines of VJ? stems which are compounded with the preformaiixe D, as
nm^D rest (from Hi^D), see § 85 i ; from T\"\) stems perhaps also ."ipyn conduit
(consir. st. T)b]}^ Is 7^, &c.) and HX^ri travail. Thus all these forms coincide
externally with those which already, in the masculine form, have unchange-
able vowels throughout (see the list of them in § 93 wiv).
5. The feminine ending rT"-— (apart from n"7-forms like n''33, § 94/) arises t
from the addition of the feminine H to the ending ''__, which is employed
to form adjectives, &c., see § 86 d, h, and k. The ending nl , mentioned there,
is attached, in segholate forms, sometimes to the ground-form, as niDipy
Jb 12^ (v.l. niriK'y), sometimes to forms with a loosely-closed syllable, as
noblO kingdom ; from n"b stems we find forms sometimes like rfi2^ captivity
(according to others from the stem 3^K', like DVlb perzerseness from W), some-
times like n03 weeping, Vfibt exile, miH vision ; the latter retain the a of the
first syllable even in the constr. st. and before suffixes. From a gaftl-form is
formed 71^133 heaviness; from a qdiil-form raifpS, &c.
In the plural of these forms different methods of treatment may be dislin- U
guished. In some cases the whole ending ni is retained, as if belonging to
the stem (cf. above,/), e.g. "ij^niaO^X from n«obs, in others this ending is
resolved, as in rt^pblO Dn S^* (no doubt for mdVkhuwwoth), and DilV 'edh^woth,
from nnj; testimony, but only with suffixes, T^^I.V. ^ "9"> &c. ; Vni"jU
I K 2^, &c.
§ 96. Nouns of Peculiar Formation.
In the following Paradigms,' pp. 282 to 284, a number of frequently-
used nouns are arranged, wliose flexion presents more or less striking
peculiarities. These peculiarities, however, are almost always subor-
dinate to the usual phonetic laws, and the usual designation of the
nouns as irregular is, therefore, not justified, when once the ground-
forms are properly recognized on which the present forms are based.
original nnPIB'y, like '^bta Lv 18^1, &c. (for ^h), with the vowels of nK'f
shame, the latter word being substituted in reading for the name of the goddess.
1 The only omissions from these Paradigms are THK, Cn, and niDil (on
which see the remarks), and all forms which are not found in the 0. T.
282
T/ie Noun
[§96
ing
'. absolute
T
T
ninx
T
ly^N
r\m ipl
(father)
(prother)
(sister)
(man)
(woman)
>i
construct
^n«
^l?«
ninx
B'^K
r&k
))
with suff. of 1
[ sing.
• T
• T
"•nhN
••^'N
^PI^K
)>
2 wasc.
T?«
^^nN
^niip??
I^B'K
>)
2 /em.
^^?«
^^PIK
T]ninx
^t?'''?
))
3 masc.
(^n^iflN) V3K
(!in^nN) VHN
inns
ity^N
WB'N
1)
3 fern.
T • T
T • T
nnhs
T
)>
1 PL
• T
• T
ijnhs
•
>>
2 masc.
D513K
C3?'nK
■Qaninx"
>)
2 fern.
t?'?^
>5
3 masc.
DH'?^
Di?^'?^
onhK
>)
3 /em.
fn^3J?
P/wr. absolute . rS^A
,, ctms^rwci nuX
„ with suff. of I sing. 'nbS "•ns, pawse ^ns
>)
2 masc.
»>
2 fern.
J)
3 masc.
T ~;
)1
3 /em.
))
I PL
lynbs
))
2 masc.
D3"'n3K
V ■• 1 -:
))
3 masc.
(Dn^nbN) onbs
)}
3 /«^«-
D^nK
T
••riK
^m^
T?
se ^ns
"•n'l-'nN
*B'3S
- T-;
''B'3
— T
t6^
T'B>3S
' V T-:
Tr?
^^nx
!j^nin«
vns
vn'ns
T T -:
T T
n^ns
T V ■"
n"'K'3X
T V T-:
«^nK
«^B'3K
•• T
D3>nN
D3^nin«
V •• 1 -:
D?^??'?
Dn-inK
Dn^n'^nK
Dn^B'JN
DH^B'a
Remarks.
3X father; the constr. '»2S, like ^nN and ""ja (which occurs once), belongs to
the connective forms discussed in § 90 A;, which serve as the model for the
Hireq compaginis. However, 3S also occurs in compound proper names, e.g.
Di^t^nS, beside dii'B'^aS, &c. ; also Gn 17* '• |ton~nS for the purpose of
explaining the name Dn["l]3X. On the plur. ni3N see § 87 p.
nS brother. The plur. absol. D^nX has Dagei forte implicitum (§ 22 c) ; VnS
stands for VnS according to the phonetic law stated in § 27 3, and so also
••nS in pause for ""nX. The sharpening of the n merely serves to keep the
It v. it - .
preceding Pathah short, as in D^iP?, &c. (§ 93 ee).
nnS one (for inS. likewise with Dagei fo)ie implicitum, § 22 c, cf. § 27 q),
constr. and otherwise in close connexion, inS, Gn 48^*, 2 S 17'^^, Is 27",
§96]
Nouns of Peculiar Formation
283
T T
n^l
|3
n3
DV
^!'?
dmaid)
{house)
(sow)
{daughter)
(day)
(I'tssei)
n^3
11
n3
Dr
-^?
m,
^?3
<
2)ause ^3?
"l^??,
-ri3
<
pause ^^13
I'S'i
T ~:
in"?
i33
ir.3
ior
T T-:
rin>3
T ■•
n33
T :
T •
«33
D3n>3
D3n3
Dn^3
DDV
nin»K
nines
"•nrioK
vnntDK
T ; —
D3''n-cs
^n3
^'•03
D3''P13
V "IT
Dn''n3
V •• IT
£3^33
• T
^33
" T
^>33
V33
T T
n^33
T V T
!|3>33
•• T
D3''33
Dn''33
ni33
T
• T
D^bs
ni33
•• •
^b3
"•nil
- T
^^1
^'rib3
rt
r%
•|*nl33
tp:
vn33
VOJ
V^3
n"'nb3
0"^'
^'^
T V I
?3^rii3
"T
^^'%
^^V.
D3\^?
Dn^n!)3
Dn-o"*
DnvS*?
rn-nnos |n'Pi3
Zc 11'' ; and especially before |0 (») Gn s'^, Ex sc'^, Nu i6'=, Ju 17', i S 9',
Ez iS'" ; fern. nnX wna (for ri"inS, according to § 19 d), in pawse Ont?. Once
in masc, (by aphaeresis, § 19 A), Ez 333", as in Aramaic ; plur, D^riN some,
but also iidem.
ninN sister, from 'd/idwat or ^dhayat, with elision of the "I or ""^ and with the «,
which has arisen from dd, obscured to 6.^ In Nu (P inhS stands for ilinX
(with virtual sharpening of the H). The plur. ahsol. (ni^n«) does not happen
1 This explanation of DinS (and niori q. v.) still seems to us more probable
than the assumption that the fom. ending dlh is lengthened to compensate
for the loss of the 3rd radical (so Wellhausen, Skiszen, vi. 258), or that the
form is derived from ^ahd, the old-semitic constr. st. of the accusative, with
n feminine (so Earth, ZDMG. 1S99, p. 598).
284
The
Noun
[§96
Sing, absolute
"'»"
i^y
n|
K'SI
Dty
_ ~ T
{water)
{city)
(moi«</i)
{head)
(name) {heaven)
„ construct
i^V
•.Q
m-y
^^, "D?'
„ withsuff.
of^
sing.
nty
^3
^B'NI
''PB'
„ 2 masc.
^17
T?
^^N-l ^OB>,25a«5e'^OB?
i
., 2 fern.
•jK'N-l
^'PK'
1'
„ 3 masc.
^i-iy va, i.T-s
Sm-\
)D^
1
„ Zfem.
HTy
T •
T
T ;
^■1
„ I PI.
«^3
13t?'X-l
!ij6b'
„ 2 masc.
03*3
D^B'Nl
DrP^
„ 3 masc.
DTy
Dn^a
T
T ;
„ 3 fern.
jr^a
JK'N-l
Plur. absolute
D^p
Dny
ni>a
T
niJDB'
• ~ T
„ construct
••p, '"O")?
ny
•• T
•* T
r\S^0
•'CK'
„ withsuff. of I
sing. *P^O
n_y
,, 2 masc.
f^V
TIV
rw
,, 2 fern.
^nv
„ 3 masc.
T ■•
vnv
T T
T T
„ 3 f«"i-
„ I PI.
T V T
T
„ 2 nmsc.
03 ny
D?'l?^
„ 3 masc.
... .. ,..
Dnny
V --iT
V " ir
DJpic^
„ 3 f^ff^-
]\}V^1
intoB'
to occur. In Ez le^^ TjOi'inX occurs (for ?i;n'nK). In the forms ^ninS
Jos 2" K^th., "q'ninX Ez i6"-65.«i (to be read also in verse 45 for TjninX, which
has been erroneously assimilated to the singular occurring in vv. 48, 49, 56),
and DD^ninS Ho 2^ (for which, however, read DSflinK), the third radical has
been entirely lost.
K'''X man, according to the common opinion either incorrectly lengthened
for B'NI (from 'iJJ, with assimilation of the Nun of the ground-form 'injf, which
again has been attenuated from 'ani from the stem B'JX), or softened directly
from 'ini. It is, however, probable that a separate stem (E'^K to be strong?) is
to be assumed for the singular* ; consequently the stem K'3K to he sociable,
' So already Gesenius in his Thes. linguae Hehr., i. 83 f., and recently again
Friedr. Delitzsch, Prolegg., p. 160 ff., Praetorius in Kuhn's Orient. L.-B., 1884,
p. 196 ; Konig, Lehryeb., ii. 38 ; while Noldoke {ZDMG. 1886, p. 739 f.), against
Delitzsch, would connect both B'''X and D''B'3 with the stem EJ'JX.
§ 96] Nouns of Peculiar Formation 285
would be connected only with the plur. D''t^'3^{ (D''K''X is found only in Is 53^,
^ 141^ Pr 8<).
nJOX slave, handmaid; with the plur. ninJDX, with consonantal n, of. in
Aram. \T\'2.'^^ fathers, and similarly in Phoen. nn?T from ri/T, also Arab.
'abahcU (fathers), 'ummahdt (mothers), with an artificial expansion into a
triliteral stem.
ntJ'X woman, probably for ntJ'JN ; from t^3K i.e. not (as Aram. XJlFlX shows)
{}'3N to be sociable (see above, on EJ'^N) but t'5^ (0 be weak (Arab, 'unuffi). So
De Lagarde, Uebersicht, p. 68 ; K6nig, Lehrgeb., ii. 159 f. The form HB'X (for
'ist, with nfem., {roia'iss, after rejection of the doubling and lengthening of
the t to e) occurs in Dt 21", i S 28'', \p 58', even in absol. st. [cf., however,
below, § 130. 4, 5]. — In ^ 128^ 'T!!^^ is found for 'TjriB'K. Instead of the plur.
Qi^:, we find in Ez 23" nts'N.i " "
< < < < < <
n^2 fwuse, locative nn*3 nn"'3n in pause HIT'S n/T'Bn consir. nri''3 plur.
D'ri3 (but in Dt 6", i Ch 28" CFlU without Metheg), pronounced bdttim.
The explanation of the Dages in the fl is still a matter of dispute. The
Syriac bdttin, however, shows that the Dages is original, and belongs to the
character of the form.^ According to "Wright, Comparative Grammar, p. 88,
< <
u''ri3 is simply contracted from bai-tim (as JX from pX^ tlT)l from D''^''}^, &c.),
and the Dages, therefore, is lene; Konig, Lehrgeh., ii. 56, proposes the name
Dages forte orthoconsonanticum ; on the other hand Rahlfs, ThLZ. 1896, col. 587,
suggests that the ^ is assimilated to the fl, while Philippi, ZDMG. xlix, p. 206,
assumes for the plural a stem distinct from that of the singular. A definite
solution is at present impossible. The incorrectness of the formerly common
pronunciation bottim is sufficiently shown by the Babylonian punctuation
(see § 8 jr, note 3), which leaves no doubt as to the d.
|3 son (Gn 30'^ ^E'K'"|3) co«s<r. usually "|3 (also with a conjunctive accent as
an equivalent for Maqqeph, Gn 17^'', Is 8^, &c., i Ch 9^1 ; even with smaller
disjunctives, especially in the combination |jlO, Ex 30'*, Lv 27-', &c. ["fSD
only after DNI and before S'ln, also in Is 51 '2; see Strack on Ex 30^*]), rarely
~|3 (Dt 252, Jon 4'° twice, Pr 30^, and so always in the combination p3~f3
and in the proper names pC'JB [but ''3''D"'"f3 Benjamite'] and np^"|3 Pr 30'),
once 133 (cf. § 90 Gn49ii, aiid i:3 (§ 90o)'Nu 23I8, 24315.— In Gn 49^2 |3^
for which "}3 ought to be read, is intended by the Masora for the absol. st.,
not the constr.
' Friedr. Delitzsch (in his Babylonian glosses to Baer's text of Ezekiel,
p. xi) on Ez 23^* remarks that in Assyro-Babylonian the plur. of assatu
(woman) is assdti, coriesponding, therefore, to p'ltJ'N, not to the ordinary
plur. D^^3. The a of D''C'3 (instead of i as in Arab, or e as in Syr.) is to be
explained with Earth {Orient. Studien su Ehren Th. Nbldekes, Giessen, _ 1906,
p. 792) from the natural connexion of the ideas ' men ' and ' women ', D^C'3 and
D"'K':x.
* This disposes of the traditional view that the Dage^ (after a firm Metheg,
see § 16/Q only serves to distinguish it from W^DH passing the night, ptcp. Qal
of nl3, a stem which never occurs in the 0. T, According to P. Haupt the
stem is N3 to go in, D therefore being the feminine termination, as in lint
daughter, and the original form ba'tu, baiu (entrance) is preserved in the plural
Idltim where the tt is to be explained as due to the analogy of trisyllabrc
stems. In the singular bat passed into bet (?), and this was resolved into bait,
as Y'rHsdlem into Y^ruidlaijim.
286 The Noun [§97a
n!!l daughter (from hant, and this again, according to the law stated in § 69 c,
for hint, fem. of JB), with suff. "'02 for "•riJB. Plur. ni:3, from the sing. n33,
comp. CIS sons.
DH husband's father, only with suff. Tl'ipn^ iT'On ; and nion husband' smother,
only with suff, 7]ni?0n, nnton. Cf. nX, n«i and especially niHK.
Di'» da!/ (Arab, yaum),'^ dual D^6i^ ; the plur. D^jpiJ is probably from a
different sing. (C yam), constr. ""D^ and (poetically) r\S'0), Dt 32'', ^ 90^^.
■•pS ressei, in pause ipl (with suff. ^y3 Dt 232B) from n?3 to contom, plur.
Dv3 (as if from 73 n?3 ; according to Konig, ii. 63, shortened from kilyim).
D^P tcater ; on the plur. cf. § 88 d.
"T'y city. The plur. D'>")y is scarcely syncopated from D''*1''y , as it is pointed
in Ju 10* (no doubt erroneously, in imitation of the preceding CI^JJ ass colts),
but from a kindred sing. IJJ, which still occurs in proper names.
ns mouth, constr. st. ""Q (for original ""3 = DS?). Its origin is still disputed.
According to Gesenius and Konig (ii. 103), nS stands for nXS (ground-form
pi'ay) from HNB to breathe, to blow ; according to Olshausen, for ^Q, from a stem
rfB or niS. But parallel with the Hebrew HQ are Assyr. pH, Arab. /ii, /am,
■I T T T '^
famm, fumm, bibl. Aram. DQ, N)i)Q, Syr. pirn, pHrnd, so that Earth, ZLMG.
xli, p. 634, assumes two forms of development from the same stem ("IJ2D), viz.
fm and/w. ''Q my mouth, from pi-y ; for DrCSl we find in ^ 17I", 58'', 59'^ iD''3.
The supposed plur. D"»3 i S is'^i is generally explained as a contraction from
D^SQ, but the text is altogether corrupt. The plur. JVI'B, for the edges of
a sword, occurs in Pr 5* ; reduplicated ni*Q''Q Is 41^^, if> 149^.
K'N"! head (obscured from B'N-J = ra'J); plur. D'B'NT (for D'^B'X'], § 23 c);
Virx") only in Is 152.
nb* a /iead 0/ small cattle (sheep or firoa<)) constr. st. nK*, with suff. ^rfE' 1814'^
and Vb' Dt 22^, according to Konig, ii. 131, from a ground-form si^ay, but
according to De Lagarde, Uebersicht, 81 f., from a stem ""ti'l (Ti^ = say =^ unsay).
D{^ name, constr, generally DK' (only six times "02') ; cf. |3.
D^DB' heaven (§ 88 d).
§ 97. Numerals, (a) Cardinal Numbers.
Brockelmann, Sew. Sprachmss. , p. 116 ff. ; Grundriss, i. 484 ff.
a, 1. The formation of the cardinal numbers from 3 to 10 (on i and 2
see below) has this peculiarity, that numerals connected with a mascu-
1 Cf. Noldeke, Beilrdge, p. 58, yaum, probably an extension of a biliteral
word which has survived in D''P\ ""O^ . Earth, however, Orient. Studien,
p. 791 (see above on nB^K),seesinD"'J?;j, ""b^, niD^ new formations in Hebrew,
caused by the naturally close connexion and association of these plurals
with D^3B' ''W T\SW years, to which they became assimilated in form. The
view that DV is merely an incorrect obscuring of D^, and therefore distinct
from the Arab, yaum, is contradicted by the invariable spelling Di% &c.,
notwithstanding the spelling D'HI ( = D'31?) in the Siloam inscription, line 3
Ccf- § 7/)) an<i la^C^Jp Ho 6^. Cf. also the note on § 100 g.
J
§ 97 a] Numerals. Cardinal Numhers 287
line substantive take the feminine form, and those with a feminine
substantive take the masculine form. The common explanation of this
strange phenomenon used to be that the primary form of the numeral
was an abstract noun in the feminine (cf. § 1 22p). This was originally
attached in the constr. st. to the word qualified, then came to be also
used in apposition to it, and finally was placed after it like an adjective.
The consequence of the appositional, and finally adjectival, construction
was, that for numerals connected with feminine nouns a special shorter
form came to be used, whilst the original forms, with the abstract
feminine ending, were used in connexion with masculine nouns, after
as well as before them.
On this view the historical process would have been that originally the
abstract numerals (like Latin trias, decas, Greek nfVTas, Sf/cdy, &c.) were placed
in the constr. st. before masculines and feminines alike, e. g. D"'3]l D^i^p^ trias
filiorum , D''K'J H'lb'y decas muUerum. A trace of this earlier usage was seen in
the examples mentioned under c, like D"'K'3 nCJ'bV-— F"*'*^®'"' ^^ ""'^^ possible to
say D^p nC'^B' trias, sc. Jtlii, as well as n^b^ D''3Il fiUi, tiias. From this
second appositional construction it was only a step to the treatment of
the abstract numeral as an adjective, filii tres. Similarly the subsequently
shortened forms of the abstract numeral, which were used in connexion with
feminines, might stand either in the constr. st. before, or in apposition before
or after the word numbered, thus ni33 B'^B' trias filiarum, or niill U?^ trias,
sc. filiae, or B'PB' 01^3 filial, i'rias, or adjectivally yitoe tres.
A different and much more intelligible explanation of the striking
disagreement between the gender of the numeral and that of the word
numbered has recently been given by Reckendorf, Die syntaktischen
Verhdltnisse des Arabischen, pt. ii, Leiden, 1898, p. 265 ff. He also
considers that the earliest forms were abstract numerals which were
placed in the constr. st. before the noun numbered, the latter depending
on them in the genitive. The original form, however, of the abstract
numerals from 3 to 9 is not the feminine, but the masculine, used for
both genders, as it still is in the tens, 20, 30, &c. The feminine
abstract numeral was first distinguished by a special form in the
numbers from 13 to 19 (see further, below) when connected witli
masculines, and this distinction was afterwards extended to the numbers
from 3 to 10. This explanation does not affect the view stated above
that the appositional and adjectival use of the abstract numerals was
only adopted later in addition to their use in the genitive construction.
The differentiation of the numerals (originally of common gender) into
masculine and feminine forms in the second decade, was occasioned, accord-
ing to Reckendorf, by the use of the abstract feminine iT}.^)^ ^^ compounds.
288
The Noun
[§97^
So long as it was felt that H^k'y K'/K' simply meant the three of the decade, the
gender of the noun numbered made no difference. When, however, the
consciousness of this meaning became weakened and the combination of
units and tens came to be felt as a copulative rather than a genitive relation,
it seemed suitable to connect only feminine nouns with the feminine form
mb'y. New forms were therefore invented, both of the units and the tens,
for use with masculine nouns. The former, however, no longer had the
form of the constr. but of the absolute state, clearly showing that the con-
sciousness of the original syntactical relation in HIK'y ^7^, &c., was lost.
On the other hand, after the extension of these new formations to the first
decade, the new feminine forms readily came to be used also in the genitive
construction (and therefore in the constr, st.) on the analogy of the earlier
masculine forms.
Of the first two numerals, *in>* one, with its fera. nns (see § 96), may-
be recognized, from its form aud use, as an adjective, although even so
it admits of such combinations as C3''Tnn TriK unus e montibus. The
numeral two, as would be expected, appears as an abstract in the
dual, but, like the other numerals, can also stand in apposition to
the noun numbered. In form it always agrees with the gender of
its noun. Accordingly, the numerals from i to 10 are as follows :
With the Masculine.
With the Feminine.
Absol.
Constr.
Absol.
Constr.
I.
ma
T V
im
nns
nnx
2.
n<2;y
'?.f
^n)m
in^
3-
T I
n0f
\hv
4-
"V?l^
nyiiK
y3is
ya-isi
5-
2nKn?n
npbn
^m
K'on
6
T
^W
W
K^SjJ
7-
r\V2p
nyDB'
v^f
3 j-yntj;-
8.
T ;
n3bK'
nabK'
nabB'
9-
T ; *
nyK'n
y^'jri
'[yK'ri"
10.
nnc'y
^"W^.
"^'?'y
'>?'^
^ Shortened from D^ri3K', which would be the regular feminine form of
DW. Nevertheless, the Bages in D^W, &c. (even after |p ; D^riK'p Jon 4I' ;
of., however, iriK'D Ju i6'''*), can by no means be regarded as a.Bagesforte arising
from assimilation of the Nun, for in that case the word could only be CriB'
(cf. Arab, tjntuni). This form does occur in the Codex Babylonicus of a. d. 916,
but it is only a later correction for D'"nK', while in the Berlin MS. or. qu. 680
descvibed by Kahle (Lpz. 1902) there is no trace of the DageS. It is rather
to be read hdyim, ite (with Dagei lene), cf. D^riK'Nl, representing the later
Palestinian pronunciation (Philippi, ZBMG. xlix, p. 206), and Arab. Htniitdni
(with a kind of prosthetic N ; cf. § 19 m), aa a further feminine form of
§ 97 c, rf] Numerals. Cardinal Niimhers 289
On the connective forms yaB', VK'n, of. the analogous forms in § 93 h.
The other Semitic languages also exhibit the same peculiarity in the C
external differentiation of the numerals from 3 to 10 as regards gender. The
fem. form of the numeral abstracts is only rarely found in connexion with
feminine nouns,* e. g. D''B'J HK'bV ^^ 7"' ^ ^ '°'» ^^ ^*' ^^ ^^ ^'^^- ' Probably
also Jos 17", where we should read with Dillmann niDSn '^. In apposition,
Zc 3^, 4', cf. Jer 36^. From what was said above, under a, it follows that
these cases are not a return to original usage, but only an intrusion of the
form used before masculines into the sphere of the feminine. Conversely in
Gn 38** CB^nn B'^B' (but in the Samaritan DB'^B').— For ny^tJ' seven, there
occurs in Jb 42!^ the strange form njyDB', according to Ewald lAusfuhrl,
Lehrb.^, § 269 b] an old feminine substantive (German ein Siebcnd, a set of
seven), but more probably a scribal error.
2. The numerals from 1 1 to 1 9 are formed by placing the units, d
without the copula, before the number ten (in the form "I'^P masc,
•T?.f V fem.), but without the two words being joined into one. As was
said above, under a, and as is proved by the use of '^^^4J nns in the
numeral 1 1 , the feminine numerals from 1 3 to 19 are to be regarded
as construct forms in a genitive connexion. The connective forms of
the masculine abstracts, like HB'Pip, &c., are not admitted in combina-
tion with "^VV) since they are merely in apposition, and not in a
genitive relation (see the rare exceptions at the end of e). On the
other hand ''?.K' and ''riB' in the numeral 12 are undoubtedly true
constructs, like IHS and the fem. numerals 13-19. But instead of ''?^
(Ex 28^^ Jos 3^^ and four other places) and ^^if (Jos 4* and three times
in Ezek.), we generally find D''?.K' and ^''P}^. Two explanations have
been given of these forms: (1) that the K^tMbh really intends ^\}f,
D^FltJ', in the ahsol. St., which was first introduced in the case of D^?B',
on the analogy of m/W , &c., and then extended to D'^IB' ; the Masora,
however, required V.^, ''^'f (but see below), and therefore pointed
D''3B', D^riB'as a Q^re j)erpetuum (see § 17). — (2) that the absolute forma
D>3K', n)F\^ (introduced on the analogy of HB'?^, &c.) were contracted
to Q''3B', D^riB' to facilitate the pronunciation of the duals when closely
Htnani, duo. According to Barth {Orient. Studien . . . Th. Noldeke, ii. 792 f.) the
irregularity of D'^riB' (he takes the DageS as Dagei forte) is due to the complete
assimilation of its vowels to those of the masc. D^3E' where the S^iod mobile ia
normal.
2 With DageS probably on the analogy of HK^, as DB'B' on the analogy of
mhn. Cf. also J. K. Blake on HE-pn, □'•E'lOn in JAOS. 1905, p. 117 ff.
' yilB' and yC'ri appear only as connective forms before n"lb'J? and niND.
* In the vulgar dialects of Arabic, and in Ethiopic, the feminine form of
the numeral is by far the more common. This form appears also in Hebrew,
when the number is regarded in the abstract, as in the multiplicatives
(see § 97 h).
cow LET \J
I
I
II.
12
13-
290 The Noun [§ 97 e.f
connected with "i^'V and ^^IPV. , and that the contraction is founded on
an early and correct tradition. The second explanation is supported
by the large number of examples of D''3C' (66) and D^ntJ^ (34)' ^^
would be strange if the Masora required the alteration of the far
commoner forms on account of isolated instances of ''?.^ and ''^^. As
a matter of fact even in regard to the latter forms the tradition often
varies between V.^ and ^\VP, &c., cf. e. g. Ginsburg on Jos 3'^ We
cannot therefore assume a Q^re perjyetuum.
6 Accordingly the numbers from 1 1 upwards are —
Masculine, Feminine.
j , , -- ... .,
, -ib'y D''3B» n-pv wm
{ ib'y "'2B' ni.K'y 'Pif
&c., on the analogy of the last. These numerals regularly have only
the above form. In regard to their syntax, cf. § 134/.
• <
Very rarely the units appear in the masc. in the constr. sL, as "iCy riB'Dn
fifteen, Ju S"", 2 S 19'^ ; -\K^y DitoK' eighteen, Ju ao^^.— Connected by "1 we find
nBnsni mb'y in ex 4512. ' '^ '
/* 3. The tens from 30 to 90 are expressed by the plural forms of the
units (so that the plural here always stands for ten times the unit),
thus, n^pb^ 30, D^yni« 40, dtpD 50, c^T 60, cy?^ 70, d^pf 80,
D^y^n 90. But twenty is expressed by ^I'^'J^, plur. of "l^y <e?i.^
These numerals are all of common gender, and do not admit of the
construct state. — In compound numerals, like 22, 23, 44, &c., the units
1 ^ntJ'y, which remained for a long time unexplained, was recognized (first
by J. Oppert) in the Assyro-Babylonian inscriptions in the form istin or {"sten ;
cf. Friedr. Delitzsch, Assyrische Grammatik, p. 203, and P. Haupt, in the
American Journal of Philology, viii. 279. Accordingly, "ib'y ''riK'y is a compound,
like the Sansk. ekddar^an, tvSfKa, undecim (analogous to the combination of
units and tens in the numerals from 12 to 19), and is used at the same time in
the composition of the feminine numeral eleven. On the gradual substitution
of 'y "•riK'y for 'y nnX and ^y n^^t see Glesebrecht in ZAW. 1881, p. 226;
'V "TlK'y occurs only in Jer., Ez., in the prologue to Deuteronomy (i^), in
the Priestly Code, and in passages undoubtedly post-exilic, so that it may
very well be a loan-word from the Babylonian.
2 For D'^lb'y, D''y3B', D''yE'n (from the segholates "IB'y, V?^, Vth)> ""'^ should
expect ''^sdrim, Fbhd'im, i^su'im. Is this very unusual deviation from the
common formation (see above, § 93 I, 0, r) connected with the special meaning
of these plurals, or are these survivals of an older form of the plural of
segholates ?
P
§97^0 Numerals. Cardinal Numbers 291
may precede {two and twenty, as in Arabic and English), e.g. Nu 3^',
26'*. Very frequently, however, the reverse order is found {liventy
and two, as in Syriac, of. French and English twenty-two), e.g.
I Ch 1 2^, 1 8^ ^ In all cases the units and tens are connected by the
copula, ordinarily 1, but 1 before numerals with the tone on the
penultima, 1 before -^, ^ before S^wd; see § 104 c?, e, g.
The remaining numerals are the substantives — g
100 HNO fern., constr. nstp.
200 D^riNO dual (contracted from D'nXD; cf. § 23 c).
300 niND thf plur. (but in 2 K n^sioi^^ K'th. WNSn).
1000 ^^^ masc.
2000 D^l?^ dual.
3000 D'B^>^ n'/pV plur., and so on (except ^'^)^^ ^1? ia 2 S I8^
2 K 24" KHh.; elsewhere always D^sbx nn§'i|).
1 0000 i^^?"!, in the later books the aramaising^ forms ^3*1, ^^3"!,
niS") (properly multitude, cf. /Avpias).
20000 D^nal dual (see below, h); but ni3"l -rif Neh f"" (also '^f
Ki3-! Neh 7'').
40000 Ki3-i. ya-is Neh f\
60000 niK2TtJ^K' Ezr 2«« (Baer and Ginsburg n^Na-i, as in Dn ii^^y
nrin"! '•ppX thousands of myriads, Gn 24^
,60
Rem. I. The dual form which occurs in some of the units has the meaning fl
of our ending -fold, e. g. D^riV?"!^ fourfold, 2 S i2« ; D^nV'^K' sevenfold, Gn 4^^-*,
Is 3o26, ip 1 2'', 7912 (cf. § 1 34 r). The dual D';ri3"! ^ 68" (explained by }X3K^ ''pb^
thousands of duplication) is not meant to be taken in the sense oitwo myriads or
tivice the number of myriads, but in a multiplicative sense.^ — Besides the plural
which denotes the tens, there are also the plurals C'lHS some, also iidem, and
nnb'y decades (not decern) Ex iS^'-'^
2. The suffixes to numerals are, as with other nouns, properly genitives, I
although they are translated in English as nominatives, e. g. DSritJ*?!^ your
triad, i.e. you three, Nu 12*; VB'IOn his fifty (i.e. the 50 belonging to him)
2 K i9-i3, and ^''B'Cin 2 K iwi^.
1 According to the conclusions of Konig {De Criticae Sacrae Argvmento, p. 6r,
and Lehrgeb., ii. p. 215 &.), the smaller number more commonly precedes in
Ezek. and the Priestly Code, but the larger always elsewhere. S. Herner
{Syntax der Zahlworter im A. T., Lund, 1S93, p. 71 ff.) arrives at the same
conclusion by a full examination of the statistics ; cf. also his remarks on
Konig in ZAW. 1896, p. 123, and Konig's replj^, ibid., p. 32S f.
2 Cf. Kautzsch, I)ie Aramaismen im A.T. (Halle, 1902% p. 79 f.
^ Cf. D. H. Miiiler, 'Die numeralia multiplicativa in den Amai'natafeln u.
im Hebr.,' Semilica, i, Wien, 1906, p. 13 if.
U 2
292 The Noun [§ 98 a, b
§ 98. Numerals, (b) Ordinal Numbers.
a The ordinal numbers from 2 to 10 are formed from the correspond-
ing cardinals by adding the termination ''-^ (§ 86 h), before which
another ^-r- also is generally inserted between the second and
third radicals. They are as follows: ^32' second, ''^V^', ''T'2'] (like
V^l, y?1, !2'V?"} without the prosthetic N, which appears in J??")*?,
&c.), ""K^'pn or ■'E'pn (which, according to Strack, is always to be read
for 'mn),''^^, ^V'??', '?'^f , T^^, 'yW. The ordinal /rs« is ex-
pressed by lit^XI. (cf. § 27 w), from t^N"> head, beginning, with the
termination H (§ 86/). On the use of ^1^^ as an ordinal in numbering
the days of the month, cf. § 134 ^j; in such cases as Gn 1*, 2", the
meaning ofjlrst is derived solely from the context.
b The feminine forms have the termination ri^__, more rarely (and
only in the case of 3 and 10) '*1J-t-- They are employed also to express
fractions, e.g. r\>^^n fifth or fifth 'part, nn.^b'j; and nn^B'J? tenth far I.
Side by side with these, in the same sense, there are also forms like
y?1 and y?7 a quarter, C^H a fifth fart, and with the aflformative p,
pilE^y (plur. D'3'iib'};) a tenth fart ; these are to be regarded as abstracts,
and are denominatives from the cardinal numbers. Cf. finally y'i3K'
£/38o/xas, a week ; "ilB'i? a decade (of days), and also the tenth day.
On the expression of the other relations of number, for which the Hebrew
has no special forms, see the Syntax, § 134 2 and r.
\
CHAPTER IV
THE PARTICLES
§ 00. General View.
Brockelmann, Grundriss, i. 492 f.
1. The particles, which in general express the secondary modi- CL
fications of thought in speech, the closer relation of words to one
another, and the mutual connexion of sentences, are for the most part
either borrowed or derived from noun-forms, sometimes also from
pronouns and verbs (§ 30 s). Primitive particles (apart from a few
demonstrative forms, see § 100 t) can only be so called in the sense
defined in § 81 f,
2. So far as the origin of the particles can be discovered with u
certainty, they are either ( i ) borrowed from other parts of speech ;
i. e. certain forms of the noun, pronoun, or verb, with more or less
loss of their original meaning, have come to be employed as particles ;
cf. in the Indo-Germanic languages, e. g. the Latin certo, falso, partim,
verum, causa, the German statt, anstatt, wegen, weg, and the English
instead, away; or (2) derived from other parts of speech, either (a)
by the addition of formative syllables, as D^^'' ^1/ ^^^V^ from 01'' (cf.,
however, \ 100 g); or most commonly (6) by abbreviations effected in
various ways, the extent of their mutilation being in pi-oportion to
the frequency of their use, so that in some cases (see below) the
original stem has become wholly unrecognizable.
Cf. in German gen, from gegen, Gegend; seit, from Seite; well (originally
a particle of time, like our vchile), from Weile.
Still more violent abbreviations occur in Greek, Latin, and the Romance
languages, e. g. avo, ah, a ; i^, ex, e ; ad, Fr. a ; ant, Fr. ou, Ital. ; sitter,
Ital. sM.i
The greatest shortening occurs in those particles which have c
entirely lost the character of an independent word, by being reduced
to a single consonant with its vowel (generally short) or S^wd.
According to the laws of syllable formation in Hebrew (§26 m),
1 Even short phrases are contracted into one word : Lat. forsitan, from
fors sit an, 5r]Kov6Ti, SijAaSij, Fr. peut-etre, Eng. prithee from I pray ihec.—ln
Chinese most of the particles are verbs or nouns ; e.g. ik (to give), also the
sign of the dative ; i (to make use of), to, for ; nti (the interior), in.
I
294 The Particles [§§ 99 d,e, 100 a-c
such particles cannot stand by themselves, but are united, as prefixes,
with the following word {§ 102), very much like the preformatives of
the imperfect (§47 a-d).
(J The view that this shortening of whole words to single letters has actually
taken place in the gradual course of linguistic development is rendered
highly probable by the fact that similar abbreviations in later Hebrew and
in Aramaic, i.e. as the development of the original Semitic speech progresses,
become more and more striking and frequent. Thus the -Biblical Aramaic '•'i
becomes at a later period "H ; in modern Arabic, e.g. hallaq (now) is from
halwaqt ; Us (Avhy ?) from li-ayyi-saitn, &c. Cf. also the analogous cases men-
tioned above from the Western languages. Nevertheless, the use of the
simplest particles is found already in the earliest periods of the Hebrew
language, or, at any rate, in the earliest documents which have come
down to us.
e 3, Less frequently particles are formed by composition; as V^'^P
wherefore ? for y^*l*"nip quid edoctus ? {ri fiaOwv ;) or quid cognitum ? ;
^nj?b3 (from ^3 and ^'}V) besides; rh'Sllhh^ (from |r?, !?, n^yp) from
above, above.
More frequent is the combination of two words into one without contraction,
e.g. |D"nnX, ''?"flK, CX""?, iS'^yiS; cf. also the compounds of '"N with
demonstrative pronouns, as T\^'Cr^^ from what?; nXT? ""SI wherefore? [R.V. hoicl.
See the lexicon under iX.
§ 100. Adverbs.
On demonstrative adverbs cf. Brockelmann, Grundriss, i. 323 ; on inten-o-
gative adverbs, ibid., i. 328 ; on adverbs in general, i. 492 fif.
a 1. The negative ^^ not, and a few particles of place and time, as
DK* there, are of obscure origin.
b 2. Forms of other parts of speech, which are used adverbially
without further change, are —
(a) Substantives with prepositions, e. g. li<9? (with might) very ;
n?? alone (prop, in separation, Fr. ct part), with suffix '''^.^f I alone ;
n^ip frmux within, within ; cf. also *1C?3 (as one) together, npVp and
npypp (originally in connexion with) near to, corresponding to, like,
&c., cf. § 161 6.
C {b) Substantives in the accusative (the adverbial case of the Semites, ^j
§ 1 1 8 m), cf. rqv apxvv, Swpcdj', e. g. "INO (might) very, DDK (cessation) H
no more, Di*!? (the day) to-day (cf. § 1 26 b), "inn ' to-morrow, in]
(union) together. Several of these continued to be used, though rarely,
as substantives, e.g. ^20, plur. D''3''3tp and rii^no, circuit, as adverb
* Generally derived from the j^tl^- ft«'«^ "l^^P m^'o/iur {=m'''oIihar) and
hence to be read mohar (cf. mnQ mominrj) ; but according to P. Haupt (notes
to Ksthor, p. 159) from "inS QV.
§ 100 d-h] Adverbs 295
circum, around ; others have quite ceased to be so used, e.g. "133 (length)
long ago [Aram. : only in Ec.]; liy (repetition, duration) again or further.
(c) Adjectives, especially in the feminine (corresponding to the d
Indo-Germanic neuter), e.g. Hjiti'N'i primum, formerly (more frequently
n3iK'N^3,also njiK'N"!?); nan and nil [both rare] multum, much, enough]
niK?S3 wonderfully (properly mirabilibus, sc. modis), T)'^yir\) Jewish,
i. e. in the Jewish language.
(d) Verbs in the infinitive absolute, especially in Hi2)h'il, which e
are likewise to be regarded as accusatives (§113 h), e. g. •■'3"]n (prop.
a multiplying) much [frequent], i"13"inp [rare and late] in multitude]
^I'Pl' {mane faciendo) early; 3"iyn {yespere faciendo) in the evening.
(e) Pronouns and numerals, e.g. HT (prop. there=^at this place) here, J
nan here, hither (also of time, 'ISn'ny till now, cf. the late and rare J'ly
and n3"iy = |n-iy); nnx, D'riip, yne', nxo once, twice, seven times, a
hundred times ] ri'':ti' for the second time.
3. Some adverbs are formed by the addition of formative syllables £^
(most frequently ^^r) to substantives or adjectives, e.g. 0^^?^ and
^T?^ truly (from I^N truth) ; D3n (by favour) gratis (from JH gratia) ;
^i^''"?. in vain, frustra, but also empty (from P'"! empty, emptiness,
vanum), Ru i^^ parallel with the /em. Ti^^r^full] D^^"* ^U day (from Di"')^'
with 6 in the last syllable, DJ^^S^ for Dyn?, in a twinkling, suddenly
(from yns a twinkling, the o being probably obscured from an original
d).2— Moreover, cf. ri"'3in« backward, and JT'Ilinp darkly attired, Mai 3".
In both these cases, the formative syllable an has been first attached
to the stem, and then the feminine ending Uh, which is elsewhere
used to form adverbs, has been added to it.
The termination D occurs also in the formation of substantives, e.g. ](,
D?1N porch, and hence the above adverbs may equally well be regarded as
nouns used adverbially, so that D _ D_:_ would correspond to | |i (§ 85)
Nos. 53, 54), cf. DNnD3(witli prep.) suddenly, 2 Ch 29'^. According to others,
this am is an obsolete accusative ending, to be compared with the indeter-
minate accusative sing, in an in Arabic.
^ Is this D an instance of the locative or temporal termination (cf.
especially DlPli) mentioned in § 88 c? NOldeke, ZDMG. xl. p. 721, considers
DOV a secondary substantival form (used adverbially like n?v noctn), corre-
sponding to the Phoenician and Aramaic DD"*, Syr. 'imdmd; cf. on the other
hand, KOnig, ii. 255, who follows Olshausen in maintaining that the am is an
adverbial termination.
* DOIl silent (an adjective in Is 47", La 32'; a substantive in Hb 2'^), which
was formerly included under this head, is better taken, with Earth {Nominal-
bildung, p. 352, Rem. 2), as a participle formed like 331^^ PP'iV) so that DOH
(perhaps assimilated to r\}2M) stands for original DIDH .
I
296 The Particles [§ 100 i-o
Z 4. A number of forms standing in very close relation to the
demonstrative pronoun may be regarded as primitive adverbs, since
they arise diiectly from a combination of demonstrative sounds. Some
of these have subsequently suffered great mutilation, the extent of
which, however, can now very rarely be ascertained with certainty.
Such are e.g. TX the7i, HSn here (according to Earth, Sprachwiss.
Ahhandlungen, p. 1 6, formed from the two demonstrative elements hin
and na), |3, '"133 thus (cf. na^N, nD3^X how ?),'n« only, |?K truly (on all
these adverbs, see the Lexicon), and especially tlie interrogative \\
i^He interrogativurn), e. g. ^^7n ^Dt 3'* ^^Vi) nonne .?, D^n num etiam ?
This He interrogativurn is perhaps shortened from ?i^, which is still
used in Arabic, and, according to the view of a certain Echool of
Masoretes, occurs also in Hebrew in Dt 32^. ^
Ic The n interrogative takes — (i ) Haieph-Palhah generally before non-gutturals
(even before *1), with a firm vowel, e.g. njOt^n hast thou set? see the interroga-
tive clause, § 150 c (3D''*n Lv 10^* is an exception).
/ (2) Before a consonant with S^wd, usually Pa^W? without a following BagieJ
forte, e.g. nSlIin Gn 27^*, cf. 18^'', 2g^, 30", 34^' ; less frequently (in about ten
passages), Pathak with a following Dagei forte, e. g. ^Tll^n num in via, Ez 2o'<*,
jn^n Gn 17", 18", 37»2, Nu 13", Jb 23* ; even in 1, i sVo"*, 1725, 2 K 6^2.
fn (3) Before gutturals, not pointed with either Qa we.? or Hateph-Qamex, it takes
Patha/i, e.g. TjbxH shall I go?, nnSH num tu?, DNH num si; D^nxn Mai 1";
also in Ju 6'^ read DriNH (not 'ND), likewise n in Ju I2^ Jer 8", Neh 6'i. —
In tJ'''Nn Nu 1 622, the Masora intends the article ; read B'"'Kn , and cf. Dt 2o'8;
in Ec 321 read iT?]}i^ and rn"l*n : the article is a correction due to doctrinal
considerations.
91 (4) The n takes S^ghol before gutturals pointed with Qames or (as in Ju 9"^-)
Hateph-Qames, e.g. I^OKH Mi 2''; i^bsn Jb 2i<; nnVIH Jo i2; 2^rV-\ Gn 248
(cf. the analogous instances in § 22 c, § 35 k, § 63 Jc). The place of this inter-
rogative particle is always at the beginning of the clause [but see Jb 34'^,
Neh 132'', Jer 22^^, where one or more words are prefixed for emphasis].
O 5. Some adverbs occur also in connexion with suffixes, thus ICJ*."!
thou art there, 3rd sing. masc. iJB'^. ^ (but see note below), 2nd plur.
masc. ^^fl; ''?\'^ I am not, 2nd sing. 'fJi'-X, fem. "^y^, 3rd sing. =I33;K,
fcm. '"IsrN, 2nd plur. DD3''SI, 3rd plur. masc. D3''SI. — Also *3l'iy / am yet
(n*iy only in niy2 and hiyo), ^n'ly, ^-fw, i3niy (La 4^7 Q're; n^niy
* The separation of the n at the beginning of Dt 32', expressly noticed by
Qlmhi (ed. Rittenb., p. 40 b) as an unique instance, is perhaps a protest
against admitting a particle pn .
* This form, which occurs in Dt 29'*, i S 14^*, 23*', Est 3*, is textually very
doubtful, and cannot be supported by the equally doubtful ijDp (for ^33p)
Nu 23''. Most probably, with Stade, Gramm., § 370 b, and P. Uaupt, SBOT
Numbers, p. 57, line 37, we should read ^3B'"|.
§§ ioo;j, 101 a, 6] Adverbs 297
KHh.; the oriental school [see above, p. 38, note 2] recognize only
the reading IJ^iy), a'}'\V .—n^*JA where art thou ?, ^*« where is Jie ?, DJ«
where are they ? The same applies to |n ("fH) and nan behold/ (prop.
/(ere, ^ere zs ; see § 105 6), only in Gn 19^ *<3""'?'^; with suffixes, ''?3n,
once ''33n (Gn 22" with Munah), in 2>««se ''?3n behold me {here am I),
^an {pause 4l3n >/' 139*), ^3!?, 'isn, and insn [both very rare], ^33n (fte/toZ(Z
ws). and13.3n (in 2>ause IJSn)^ Q??'?, ^I"? ; [see more fully in the Lexicon,
p. 243].
The usual explanation of these suffixes (especially of the forms with Nun p
energicum) as verbal suffixes, which ascribes some power of verbal government
even to forms originally substantival (e.g. ^JK*]! there is, he is), is at least
inadmissible for forms (like VSI, '''fiV^) which are evidently connected with
noun- suffixes ; even for the other forms it is questionable. Brockelmann
suggests that the J in connexion with these particles is a survival from nJH
corresponding to the Arab, 'anna which introduces dependent clauses.
101. Prepositions.
Brockelmann, Grundriss, i. 494 ffi
1. All words, which by usage serve as prepositions, were originally Ct
substantives, viz. :
(a) Substantives in the accusative and in the construct state, so that
the noun governed by them is to be considered as in the genitive,
and in Arabic actually has the genitive ending, cf. in German stalt
desxeri, kraft dessen, in Greek tovtov x^P'-^> ^^ Latin huius rei causa,
or gratia, mantis instar} Cf. "inx (hinder part*) behind, after {MiVel
in I? -^DK Lv i^'\ Dt2i'\ I S lo^ HT iriK 2 Ch 32^); h^^ (side)
dose by; p3 (intermediate space*) between; lys, "IVi (distance")
behind, around ; T\y!\, or with Hireq compaginis ^Op^T (removal, want)
except ; \T. (purpose) on account of; ^^'^ (?iO only in Dt i^) before, over
against; "fO (separation; cf. § 119 v) from, out of; "155 (coming in
front, that which is over against) before, over against; "ly (progress,
duration*) during, until; "?y (height, upper part*) upon, over; "Dy
(connexion 1) with ; it is doubtful whether this is to be derived from
the same stem as HBiy, ns^p near, beside, like; ^nri (under part*)
under, instead of.
(b) Substantives in the construct state, but to be regarded as in the
genitive, since they depend on prepositions (especially the inseparable),
e. g. ^pSp (in the face of *) before ; ^B3 , "•Sp' (according to the mouth,
^ In the examples which follow, the meaning of the noun is added in
parentheses, and, when it is actually in use [though it is mostly in such cases
very rare], is marked with an asterisk. — On a similar use in other languages,
see W. von Humboldt, tjber die Kawisprache, iii, p. 621.
* So also J. Hoch de Long, Die hebr. Ptdpos. lys^ Lpz. 1905.
298 IVie Particles [§§ 1010,102 a-d
i.e. the command of*) according to; ''?|i? (in the concern of) on
account of; fyp^ (for the purpose of) on account of.
C 2. Substantives used adverbially very frequently become preposi-
tions in this way, e.g. ''bll, ^^3, ^fiao, ^n^3, pN3, DDK3(with cessation)
without, "liys (in the duration of) during ; '^'S^, ''ll (according to the
requirement of) for, according to.
§ 102. Prefixed Prepositions.
a 1. Of the words mentioned in § loi, "|J? from, out of frequently
occurs as a prefix (§ 99 c), with its Niin assimilated to the following
consonant (by means of D ages forte), e. g. 1^10 out of a forest.
J) Rem, The separate "JD (always with a following Maqqeph) is usual (but not
necessary, cf. Ju 20^* with verse 15, Ez 43*, &c.) only before the article, e.g.
J>lKn"f?D, and sometimes occurs before the softer consonants, e.g. IN"}!^
Jer44", ''pn-fO Jo 112, i Ch 5I8 ; cf. Ex 18'*, Lv 1", 1480, Ju 723, 10", i9i«,
\p 104'' (2 K 23^6 before "1; also before p in ^ iS*^)( and elsewhere in the later
books (as in Aramaic) ^ ; there is besides a poetic by-form ^30 (cf. § 90 m) and
"•JlD Is 30!^. Its form is most commonly '"0 with a following Dages, which may,
however, be omitted in letters which have S^wd (cf. § 20 m). With a follow-
ing 1 the O is, as a rule, contracted to ""D, e. g. "•n"'© = ^TD or ''l^D (but cf.
^pK'^D Dn 12^ ; ^fltS'TO 2 Ch 20") ; before gutturals it becomes D (according
to § 22 c), e.g. DnXO Dyi3 ; before n the tt occurs with the guttural virtually
' ^ T T 1"' T "
sharpened in ^^ino on the outside, and in DiniD Gn 14^' ; before n in flVHO (cf.
§ 28 6 and § 63 q. The closed syllable here is inconsistent with the required
virtual sharpening of the n ; probably nVHO is merely due to the analogy of
nvn^) ; similarly Is 14^ before n; but in i S 2328, 2 S 18^6 fp'^Ki is to be read,
according to § 22 s.
C 2. There are also three other particles, the most commonly used
prepositions and the particle of comparison, which liave been reduced
by abbreviation (§ 99 c) to a single prefixed consonant with S^wd (but
see below, and § 103 e), viz. :
3 [poet. ^03] in, at, with.
? [poet. ^^P] towards, (belonging) to, for, Lat. ad.
3 [poet. iJOS] like, as, according to (no doubt the remnant of a sub-
stantive with the meaning of matter, kind, instar).
(t With regard to the pointing it is to be observed that —
(a) The ^''wd mobile, with which the above prefixes are usually pronounced,
has resulted from the weakening of a short vowel (an original a, according
to/) 2 ; the short vowel is regularly retained before S'wd : before S^wd simplex
^ KOnig, Einleitung ins A. T., p. 393 (cf. also the almost exhaustive statistics
in his Lehrgebdude, ii. 292 ff.), enumerates eight instances of |p before a word
without the article in 2 Samuel and Kings, and forty-five in Chronicles.
2 Jerome (see Siegfried, ZAW. iv. 79) almost always represents 3 by ba.
§ 102 e-i] Prefixed Prepositions 299
in the form of an i, attenuated from a : before a Hateph the prefix takes the
vowel of the flafeph, e.g. '''\Z)b for fruit, ^"1X3 as a lion, '»3i;3 bd">m, in affliction
(sometimes with the syllable subsequently closed, of. § 28 b, and the infinitives
with ^ § 63 i) : before weak consonants it follows the rule given in § 24 c, e.g.
m^n''') for '^b. When the prefixes 2.1 3. ? precede Cn'^N God, the S^wd
T p ;• "^ :':':': ■L ' ''"' L
and Hafeph S^ghol regularly coalesce in Sere, e.g. D\n?X3, &c., for '7N3 ; so
with suffixes Vnl'NI., &c. (once also in the sing. \r\Wb Hb i") ; also regularly
Ibab to say, for "iOV^b, see § 23 d.
(6) When the prefixes precede the article, the il is almost always dropped, e
and they take its vowel. See further in § 35 n.
(c) Immediately before the tone-syllable, i.e. before monosyllables and dis- /*
syllables with the tone on the penultima (in the fore-tone), they take Qames ^
(undoubtedly a lengthening of an original a, cf. § 26 e, § 28 a), but only in
the following cases :
(aa) b before infinitives of the above-mentioned forms, as nn? to give, P"!?
to judge, 13^ to plunder, Tbb to shear, ih? to keep a festival, fTlP? to bring forth,
D^^b to go, nnpb to take, except when the infinitive (as a nomen regens) is closely
connected with another word (especially its subject, § 115 e), and consequently,
as being in a sort of constr. state, loses the principal tone, e.g. HXiv Ex 19^,
n3K'^ Gn 16', and so always DOn Hlb Nu 13", &c. (in such cases as 2T|rrnri7
Ex 521 the a is protected by the secondary tone ; before infinitives of verbs
Vy, the b is retained even in close connexion ; cf. Ez 2120-25, 22^) ;
(66) before many pronominal forms, e.g. nn (so also in i S 211"; not rlQ), g'
m^ mS nXlb (in close connexion, however, niiV Gn 2^3 ; riKt3 Gn 452^) ;
vT ) •.■ T » T ^ : . :
nV^II as these ; and especially 033^ 03^^ D33 (D33) and Cin3 Dnp, DHS (DHS),
see § 103 e ;
(cc) b before monosyllables or fore-toned nouns in such combinations as ft
npb T\B mouth to mouth, 2 K lo^i, D>Dp D^lp p5 between waters and waters, Gn ]« ;
tXyobfor a trouble, Is i", but always before the principal pause. The instructive
example in Dt 17^ also shows that the punctuation 7 is only possible with at
least the lesser pause after it; in Is 28i''i3 the S is twice repeated, even
before the small and smallest disjunctives ;
(drf) in certain standing expressions, which have become stereotyped almost I
as adverbs, e.g. -\vb to eternity, 3^S in multitude, H^?? in security, njf37 to
eternity, but DTIY: W^lb to all eternity. Is 34". Cf. also B'SD? for the dead,
Lv 1928, Nu 5S 9'V ' ;
(d) With the interrogative HO they are pointed as in nS? ; in pause and K
before N as in n^3 by what? (before a following relative clause, as in Ec 3^2,
np3; cf. Delitzsch, Jesaia, 4th ed., on Is 2^^) ; J^r^^ how much ? but also n©3
1 k 22", in close connexion, and at a greater distance from the pause. The
S^ghol in these forms arises from a modification of the original u, while the
D is sharpened in order to maintain the original a of the prefixes.
When b (prop, la) is united to HO, it takes, according to § 49/, g, the form /
ntsS* (Jb 72° nO^, I S i« no!?, all Mini, and hence the a in the tone is
tt^'tt' vt' <[
lengthened to a) for what? why? Before the gutturals K, H, V, HD? is used
for euphonic reasons (exceptions 1 S 28'*, 2 S 143', Jer i^^^, before H ; 2 S 2^,
300 The Particles [§§ 102 m, 103 a, b
\p 49^, before N) ; T\q), however, remains before H. Before letters which are
not gutturals, T]\j? is found in f 42I', 43^^ (immediately after a tone-syllable),
t)l Rem. The divine name Tf\T\\, which has not its original vowels (riin'\
but those of ""JIK (see § 17 c), except that the 1 has simple not compound S^wa,
takes the prefixes also, after the manner of "•yiX, thus niH^I Hiriv nin^3
T -: T |-, T l-> T 1- J
niiTO (since they are to be read inXI ""inxS ""y-INS, ""31X0) : for the K of
^JIX, as of ■'yiN 2'3"IX , &c. (see below), quiesces after the prefixes 3 3 2 1
but is audible after O (for |D), ^ (no instance in the 0. T.), and n (in D^JlSn
Dt 10^'',^ 136^, the article, not H interrog., is intended; the only example
with n interrog.,- Jer 8", is to be pointed ninTl, i.e. '•jhXH, not nin^H).
Hence the rule, N'^iflD n^J3 Moses brought out (i. e. D, V^ PI make the N audible),
D''33p ^^^l ^''^'^ Caleb brought in (i.e. 1 3 ^ 3 allow it to quiesce).' — As
regards the other plural forms of (HN, elision of the N always takes place
after 3, 1, 3, b, except in the form ''jn>{, thus VpX^, ^''ns^,&c. ; but
"•piN^, &c., ^^vnx^^, &c., DH'-ynNb.
§ 103. Prepositions with Pronominal Suffixes and in the
Plural Form.
a 1. As all prepositions were originally nouns (§ loi) in the accusative,
they may he united with the noun-suffixes (§91 h-l), e.g. vV^ (p^'op-
at my side) hy me, ""JJIX (in my proximity) with me, Drinri (in their place)
instead of them, like the Latin mea causa, for my sake.
Jj Rem. I. The preposition HN (usually TlS:) near, with, is distinguished
from nSI (see below, and § 117 a, note 4), the sign of the definite accusative
(§ 117 a), in its connexion with suflSxes, by a difference of pointing, the
former making iriX^ 'ir''!!', i" iJaitse ^riX, 2nd fem. 'ijnx (Is 54^" 'n^'<)> '^^^,
PinX, ^3^X, D3riX, DriX (also in the later books, especially in Kings, and
always in Jer. and Ezek., incorrectly ^Tlix with me ; T]niXt5 /?om thee, i K 20''* ;
inXD from him, i K 22' ; DriX with them), while the latter retains its (obscured
from d) before the light sufiixes, but before grave suffixes is pointed with
S'ghol. This S'ghol is to be explained, with Praetorius, ZDMG. Iv. 369 f., as the
modification of an d which again was shortened from original a (in 'dthi, ^dtho,
&c.) in a closed syllable {'dth-hem, &c.). The same shortening and modification
of the original d takes place before words in close connexion, hence ?3~nX ,
&c. When not in close connexion, the toneless flX becomes tone-long flX,
e.g. D^DE'n nX Gn i\ Hence the following forms arise: —
Sing. ^ Plur.
I. ^nX me. ^3riX MS.
m. ^nx patise TjOkj D3nX you.
/. Tinii'. . . /. l""''- .V;. . .
w. inx him, Dnk, rarely DHflX
/. nnX her. |nnX, rarely |riX
* Another vox memor. is Q?V^ i3~/'3 all is hidden in hitn.
them.
§ 103 '^-f'\ Prepositions xdth Pronominal Suffixes 301
Less common are the plene forms 'nis, ^n^K (Nu 2 2^3 nrnX before n), !]riit<
(Ex ap'f' HDnX), iniN, nniX, IJniK, OriiX. Moreover, for D3nK we find
DDniS Jos 23'"; for DnX, five times DHnK (Gn 32', Ex iS^o, &c.), and in
Ez 23''« DnniS ; for jnnS (GniQS &c, [13 times]), |nN (only found in Ez 16" ;
Ex 35''« njnx ; Ez 34" Hjn'lN), and fnniN Ez 23*''.— No instance of the 2nd
fern. plurJpnS occurs in the O. T. ; in Cant 2', &c., DSn^^i is used instead.
3. The preposition "Dy with (with suffixes on the model of stems V'^V, "^^V , ^
^©y [i S i2« naisy], in pawse !]?3y ; 2nd fem. T]^y; TOJ?, H^i?) is united with
the suffixes 13 DD, and DH by a (pretonic) Qames, which causes the sharpening
of the Mem to be distinctly audible: Ijisy, ^r)^V, ^>I}^V (so in Nu 22'^,
Dt 29'^, both in principal pause, and often in very late passages, otherwise
DISy is generally used). In the first person, besides ""tsy, we also find Hisy
(probably from original ''Ijy ; cf. Arab, 'inda, beside, with).
3. It is but seldom that prepositions occur with verbal suffixes, as ""irinri d
2 s 22S''*o.43 (for which f iS^-'-mas -"jrinri), nsrinn Gn 2" and '•3nya ip 139'!
(here probably for the sake of the rhyme with '•JWJ:'^).'
2. When pronominal suffixes are added to the prefixes (§ 102), there e
appears occasionally, especially in the case of the shorter suffixes,
an endeavour to lengthen the preposition, so as to give it more strength
and body. Hence to 3 is appended the syllable io (see below, k),
and ? and b take at least a full vowel, 3 and ^ (§ 102 d, f). — The
following deviations from the analogy of the noun with suffixes are
to be noticed (a) in the pausal forms ^3, "q^, "^J?^<, "^^i^, "^^V (not
bekhd, &c.) ; (6) in the similar forms with the suffix of the 2nd sing,
fem. (not bekh, &c.) and in ^l. ^^% ''^W, &c. (not bmu, &c.).
(a) ? with Pronominal Suffixes. f
Sing. Plur.
I. y to me. 13? to us.
J ': \ t:/. jr ^ [to thee. , r „^ <i\to you.
Sb to him. DnJ', r^^b^, poet. S^^)
3.
[53 times] =
f.^btoher. in^/f^jn^
■to them.
' Fini and bini (in me), in vulgar Arabic for fyya and bi, are compared by
Socin. Brockelmann, ZA. xiv. 347, note i, suggests that ""jrinn Hinnn ,
<
''3^y3 are later formations on the model of ^|QJp when its origin from the
reduplication of the preposition had become obscured, but see below, »n.
' p? does not occur in the 0. T., by a mere accident, no doubt ; Ez 13'*
1133^.
T V T
[For notes 3 and 4 see next page.]
302
The Particles
[§ 103 y, h
g 3 takes suffixes in the same manner : ^3, ^3 (Ex '7^^ 2 S 22^", ^/' 141*
'133, as in Gu 2f\ 2 S i%'\ Is 3^ Hsf) [for 2nd fem. i^ the KHh%h ^3^
occurs in 2 K 4^ Ct 2'^ cf. § 91 e]), ia, &c.; except that for the 3rd
plur., besides 0^3 (especially in the later books) and '"I^O? (only in
Ex 30", 36S Hb i'®; n^n? only in Jer 14'^), the form 03 is also used;
and for the fominine, besides '"l^nil (three times), 1^3 is found fifteen
times, and 1^3 only in i S 31^ Is 38'^, Ez 42". — According to the
Masora, Np is found fifteen times for v (as conversely in i S 2", 20*
V for xb), e.g. Ex 21*, I S 2^ Is 9^, i/' 100^ (and, as has been con-
jectured, also Jb 41^); cf. Delitzsch on -^ IOO^ — In Nu 32''^, Zc 5",
Eu 2", the Masora requires np instead of "ip (in all three places before
a following tone-syllable; cf. § 23^, and the analogous cases of the
loss of Mappiq in § 58 ^, § 91 e).
h
{b) 3 with Pronominal Suffixes.
Sing.
^31035 as I.
m. ^ib3\
. '' [as thou.
. <
m. ^rriDS as he.
f. ni03 as she.
Plur.
, <
131D3 as we.
DD3, DDS, rarely D3'lD3
Dn3, rDn3, nQn3l, Dni»3
•• T ' L V T ' T •• T J' V :
mi ^3n3
as ye.
as they.
' The question whether ilD? can also stand for the sing, ib, which Rsdiger
and recently W. Diehl {Das Pronomen pers. svff. . . . des Hebr., p. 20 f.) and
P. Haupt (SBOT. on Pr 23^2'', a contraction of la-hmnu) have altogether denied,
must be answered in the affirmative unless we conclude with Diehl and
Haupt that all the instances concerned are due to corruptions of the text.
It is true that in such places as Gn 9^6.27^ jyi ^^^2^ jg ^qS^ ^ ►^^i" (all in or
immediately before the principal pause ; in Dt 33^ with Zaqeph qafon at least)
\D? can be better explained as plural (in reference to collective nouns) ; and
in Is 538 for S'O^ yj5 we should read with the LXX njhb ^33. On the other
hand, in Is 44^® its explanation as plural would be extremely forced. Even
then there would remain — presuming the traditional text to be correct —
iO^JQ if' ii' and iD''Q3 Jb 27^3, as well as iD\by, three times, Jb 20", 27"
(beside V^V), and especially Jb 22^. In all these places the most extreme
exegetical artifices can only be avoided by simply admitting a singular suffix
( = 1''35 VQ3 vbV)- — On the question of the antiquity of the suffixes in ST2
see § 91 I.
* The form jHS in Ru i^^ is Aramaic ( = iherefore).
® The use of ""i here for '* (cf. above, d) might be due to euphonic
.< <
reasons.— ^iD3 (defectively) only in the Pentateuch, ^b3 Ex 15".
§ 103 »-"»] Prepositions with Pronominal Suffixes 303
(c) "fP with Pronominal Suffixes.
Sing. Plur.
■•jiDD, poet. ''?'? [4 times], in pause 13I3D /rom ms.
also "•?? [6 times] /rwft me.
(m. '^eo, in ?)awse inlP) ^ , ^3213
I
/m. ^SBO, Jb 4^2 in j)ause ^n:D, [inSD DHD, ni^hip [twice], I
3. J or ^narp: see belovv]/ro7/i him. Jb 11^ 0^3'? I
( f. n3|» from her. ]\}^, HSnO [7 times] ) *^"*'
The syllable iO (in Arabic wa KO = Heb. HO tc;taO in '•jiCS (probably from ^•
''3K nD3, prop, according to what I, for as I) is, in poeti-y, appended to the
three simple prefixes 3 3 ? even without suffixes, so that ^03^ iD3, ^Dp
appear as independent words, equivalent in meaning to 3, 3, p. Poetry is
here distinguished from prose by the use of longer forms ; in the case of JD^
T on the other hand, it prefers the shorter, which resemble the Syriac and
Arabic.
The form DHS, enclosed in brackets above, occurs only in 2 K 17'^ (in /
pause), n?2n3 only in Jer 36'^ (in pause) ; |n3 (Baer following Qimhi \T\3) only
in Ez 18^*. Cf. Frensdorff, Massora Magna, p. 234 fif. — For D33 as ye, Qimhi
requires D33 (invariably or only in Jb 16^?) ; in Jos 1'^, Ju 8^, Ezr 4^^ Baer
gives DD3.
<
With regard to fO with suffixes, ^SJ^'Ofrom mo is usually explained as arising, ffi,
by a reduplication of |p, from an original ''3J03D, just as ^3EO/»o»n him, from
in-3JD3D, identical in form with ^3J3p ^/rom us, from 13-3030, while n3)2ip/rom
her, goes back to 113030. Far simpler, however, is Mayer Lambert's explanation
{REJ. xxiii. 302 ff.), that ""llOp, &c., have arisen from ""ilSp, &c., and that the
forms of the suffixes are to be explained on the analogy of ''33"'SI, ^ll^V, HSrinri ^
§ 100 0. — The bracketed form ^n30, for which Baer, following Qimhi and
others, writes ^113?^, occurs only in i// 68^*, and is there regarded by Delitzsch,
Hupfeld, and others (following Simonis) as a substantive(|0^£ort!;o2i},__Ihe
expression NliTjO (for ^300?) Is 18^'' is very strange. — HOHO occurs only in
Jer io2, Ec 12^2 (^jb 1 120 QnaO) ; fHO (so Baer and Ginsburg, following the
best authorities, instead of the ordinary reading |np) only in Ez 16"".
^ The Babylonian Masora writes ^300 (to distinguish it from the 3rd sing.),
which is justly blamed by Ibn Ezra.
304 The Particles [§ 103 n,
n 3. Several prepositions, especially those which express relations of
space and time, are (like the German wegen) properly plural nouns
(for the reason, see § 124 a), and are, therefore, joined with the pro-
nominal suffixes in the form of the plural construct state, just like other
plural nouns (§91 g). On the other hand, the apparent connexion of
"•'^j ~iy, "-'5? with plural suffixes is explained from the ground-forms
of those prepositions (from stems H"?) ^JN (7*?), ""IJ?, VJ! (contracted to
'b^., \^^, &c.).'
Without suffixes these prepositions are —
ins, more frequently ''"in|^ (prop, hinder 2>arts) behind, after.
~''?>^ poet. [4 times in Job] also \?i^ {region, direction), tovjards, to,
according to.
P? {interval) between ; the suffixes indicating the singular are added
to the singular PI, thus ^^5, l^^?, &c. (Gn i6^ T?/?, the second Yodh
is, however, marked with a point as critically doubtful ; 1*J^?, which
occurs three times, is only the Masoretic Q^re for i^''?, which is found
e. g. in Gn 30^^). On the other hand, the suffixes indicating a plural
are attached to the plural forms ''P.''? or rii^a,
2''3D {circuit) around, as a preposition, always has the plural form,
sometimes masc. ^"'5''??, &c. [10 times], but much more frequently in
the fern. rii3"'3D {surroundings). In Ez 43"^ nniN 3''ap is a corruption
of ri''rib''3p ; [in I K 6' ritj 2^20 also is so contraiy to usage, that it
must be due to some textual error].
"iy {continuation, duration, from 'Tiy) as far as, unto, poet, ''^y [12
times]. In Jb 32'^ ^?"'"1V> with the a, retained in the secondary tone,
is abnormal. Also in 2 K 9'* for ^>I\~^V read 0'!?'''!]^.
vy upon, over (cf. the rare subst. ^V height [see Lexicon], from ^pV
to ascend), poet. \?y [40 times, and 2 Q^re].
< <
nnri under (prop, what is beneath). On ^3rinri^ &c.; cf. above, d.
^ The reference of these forms to original plurals has been again expressly
supported by De Lagarde, Symmida, ii. loi ff. ; Nachrichten der G. g. G., 1881,
p. 376, cf. Mittheilungen, 1884, p. 63 ; also GGA. 1884, p. 280 f. According
to Earth, ZDMG. xlii. p. 348 £f., and Nominalbildung, p. 375 ff., ^^rinjPl, &c.,
was only formed on the analogy of ^ vV, &c., and ^'7.nX, &c., only on the
analogy of '*}pP, &c., since the real plural forms ouglit to be ^'rinri^ "'l^lll'^,
&c. ; cf., however, Konig, Lehrgebdude, ii. 305 f.
2 On the use of this particle see § 1193.
rS^
^i'v
T "
viy
T T
v)v
T V ••
n'ny
T VT
T V T
5ir!5X
ir5y
§§io3i), 104 a] Prepositions with Pronominal Suffixes 305
TJ^^■<^ Suffixes.
Sing. nnK "r? ^^113^30 'ripin 'bs ny ^byp
(a/ifer me) (between me) {around me) {beneath me) (to me) (\into me) (on me)
5. /: T^riH Tl*n'i3'3D
S.vi. vinx ij^s rni3'3D vnnn
, T-;|- •• T I* : T : -
I & V3'3D
5. f. nnnx n'n'i3'3D n^rinn
-"• y T v-:i- T V r : t v : -
PZwr. ^jnnx ij-ys irn*i3"'3D irrinn
:PZ.7n. D3nnx D3'y3 D3^n^r3D QS'jnnn Ds^bs D3'ny D3'by
PI. m. Dnnnx an^ys Dn'n*i3'3D Dn^nnn nr\^b\^ ronnyi Dn^^y
j & Dn"iy3 & Dn^3'3tp usually orinri & D^l>^{ [2 'Wv]
PI. f. pnnx rn^nnn |n'bx |n\^y
i & mba
i V -:
1
§ 104. Conjunctions.
1. The conjunctions serve to connect sentences, and to express their a
relations one to another. They may be either —
(a) Original pronouns, e. g. the demonstrative "? that, because, for.
[b] Original substantives, which afterwards were reduced to the
rank of pronouns, adverbs, or conjunctions ; so perhaps "IK'S (see § 36),
which is sometimes used to express the general idea of relation,
sometimes as a relative pronoun (properly a demonstrative), but in
many cases stands simply for '? ; also vt< {nothing), that not ; "fS that
not (the Greek /X17 of jyrohibition), &c. To these may be added the
adverbial combination of substantives with prepositions, e.g. D^.^S
* As Mayer Lambert observes, usage (cf. esp. Gn 2628) distinguishes between
the two forms : 13"'niy3 means between us and you, wliereas 1^3*3 (Jos 2 225-".28
before D3"'3*31) means between us on the one side.
« The poetical form iJD\'?S only in ^^2' ; iCi\by, on which see note 3 on /,
13 times [viz. Dt 32*', f 5", 55", 6^\ JbG's, 20^3,' 21". 2 22, 27", 2922, 3025].
COWLEY X
3o6 The Particles [§ 104 h-g
{in the not yeC) earlier, hefore, for which Q^-^J? is also used. Oa the
combiuatiou of two particles to express complex ideas (e. g. '2"^??
added to this, that=:much more), see the Syntax, § 163 f.
5 (c) Prepositions, which with the addition of the conjunction T^8<
or '3 together form one single conjunction, e.g. "^^^ Wl because, prop.
on account of the fact that; T^?< inx, and more frequently '^B'^{ ""inx^
after that ; "1!^*?3 according as (with 3) ; '3 ^^^ and '^^^. ^\>V in conse-
quence of the fact that, for the reason that, because. Sometimes, how-
ever, the conjunction in such cases is omitted, and the preposition
itself used as a conjunction, e.g. vV (for "1K'>^"7y) although, Jb 16'^.
So, at any rate, according to our linguistic principles. It would, however,
be more correct to say, that instead of the intermediary "1t^^{ the whole of the
succeeding sentence is regarded as one substantival idea, under the immediate
government of the preposition. In the same way, all prepositions governing
the gerund in English may be paraphrased by conjunctions with the finite
verb, see §§114 and 115, passim.
C 2. Besides those already mentioned, there are certain other small
words now used as conjunctions, of which the derivation or original
meaning is altogether obscure, thus ^X or, "DK if (also or before the
second member of a double question), ^^ also, \ and, and others.
a Rem. The pointing of the \ (originally \, as still before Hateph Pathah
and — with a following Bagei forte — in wdw consecutive of the imperfect; cf.
§ 49/) is in many respects analogous to that of the prefixes 3 3 p (§ 102 d-i),
but as being a weak consonant, the wdw copulative has some further pecu-
liarities :
(a) Usually it takes simple S^wd ("l\
(b) Before words wliich begin with a guttural having a compound S^wd,
it takes the vowel with which the S"wd is compounded (according to § 28 b),
e. g. D3ni and be thou wise, D^13yi and servants, ]^)y ^ and strength, PbNI and eat
--:r -ry .,:,v v:,..-
thou, vn* and sickness. On DTl^XI Tir'N^ fee, see § 102 d ; on "•JISI &c.,
• T;|T • ' I"' - I"' ' - l-> '
see § 102 m ; on such cases as ~\)l]}\ Jb ^^, cf. § 28 b.
e (c) Before words with simple S^wd under the first consonant (except in the
cases under/), the Wdw becomes the vowel m (cf. § 26 a), e. g, /bpl and to all,
so also (except in the case under g) before the cognate labials 3, D, D, hence
!]p6^ . On the cases in which simple S^wd has become a Hateph after 1 copulative
(e.g. ann Gn 2"), cf. § 10 jr.
■f^ (d) With a following ^ the 1 coalesces to form ""I according to § 24 b, as ^HM
and let him be. On the peculiar punctuation of the wdw copulative before forms
with initial S^wd from iTn to be and iTH to live (e. g. DrTiMI Jos 8*, n*ni Gn 20''),
T T T T V • : !• •' : IV
cf. § 63 q.
tr (e) Immediately before the tone-syllable it frequently takes Qame.^, like
3, 3, p (see § 102/), but in most cases only at the end of a sentence or clause
(but cf. also N31 2 K 22^";, e.g. nOI Ex 21" (on the other hand, in verse 20
§ 105 a, *] Conjunctions 307
nJ3^ is in closer logical connexion with what follows) ; 2 K 7* DB' ^3rrt3"l , IJJT^I
.,. • ° . ,. ■^ : j-t'. : A'T
and 5|in01 ; Ku 38 rippl ; ^ lo^s ynf; i S 9^ |^N1 ; 2 S 1326 n1?i ; Ez 47^ ^Hl ; cf.
also (with Tiph/ia) Gn 33^^, 2 S 15^^^. The very frequent connexion of nouns
expressing kindred ideas, by means of 1, is due simply to considerations of
rhythm, for even in such cases the Wdio must immediately precede the tone-
syllable, which must be marked by a disjunctive accent, e. g. ^HDI ^nri Gn i^,
HTpl Di^ Gn 8** (see also the previous examples) ; Gn 13I* (thrice) ; Ex 25'
^P?J ^\}l > 'P 96^ ^V] Ii33 ; ip 76' D1D1 nDll ; Gn 7" DD^I DCTtlKn nb ; i K 2110
TlS»1 D^nl5S • nbl nb thus and thus : Est i^ tJ'"'XrE'"'K at the end of the verse,
'v AV • v: ^ T ' l-T •
but in ^ 875 K'-XI B'^N in spite of the D'/ii with the second B'"'K, because it is
closely connected with the following predicate. Also with three words
riQI nriBI in3ls24i''. On the other hand, the rapid pronunciation "1 occurs
before a conjunctive accent (and, when farther removed from the principal
pause, even with the smaller disjunctives, in spite of a following tone-syllable),
e.g. T3y"! |KX Gn 326; cf. Gn 31", Lv 72s, Dt 2^1, and among the examples
given above, Gn 7^ and tl 76''. (Exceptions : ntD*1p"l Gn 13^*, where evidently
the ) is intended to ensure the slow and solemn recitation of the promise,
T
but also H^n Jos 15^^, inyi 19', 1^31 19*^, all immediately before the pause.)
For the same rhythmical reason ) (not 1) is used regularly with certain
monosyllables which, by their nature, lean more closely upon the following
word, thus nil, JINI, D^^ N?1 (to be distinguished fromNPI if not, -with Zaqej'h
gadol, 2 K 5^''), and others.
§ 105. Interjection?.
1. Among the interjections some (as in all languages) are simply O,
natural sounds, or, as it were, vocal gestures, called forth involuntarily
by certain impressions or sensations, e. g. •'inN (Ez 30^ ^^), HK ah ! Hxn
aha! (cf. this HX also in '^HK and '^r\it utmam J), N3>< Ex 32^'. &c.
(Gn 50'^ N3X) ah/ (from PIN and W), otherwise written HSN 2 K 20^
Jn i'*, yjr 116*; also DPI (in pause Dn, even in the plural ^DH hold yovr
feace! Neh 8") hush ! '^H (Am 5^« inin) ha/ woe/ '^N, .T^N (,/, 120*),
-N (in ^fj'N Ec 4'"; ^W io'«) woe/
2. Others, however, originally expressed independent ideas, and
hecome interjections only by rapid pronunciation and by uf age, e. g.
in (**n) or nan behold ! (prop, here) ; HN"! hehold I (prop, imperative) ;
>^'^'^ , plur. 'fln (prop, give, imperative of ^DJ ,* as to the tone, cf. § 690),
come, the Latin age, agite/ HDp (also \?), ^3 p (prop, go, imperative
of 'n?ij)) with the same meaning ' ; '"l^vC /«** ^^ it ^ (prop, ad frofanum/)
^ nSI (Dt 1^), nan and nap are also used in connexion with the feminine
•• ; ^ '' T T T ;
and the plural, which proves that they have become quite stereotyped as
interjections.
X 2
3o8 The Particles [§ 105 h
^? (see the Lexicon) / beseech, hear me ! t^J ipray ! ' used to emphasize
a demand, warning, or enti'eaty, and always placed after the expres-
sion to which it belongs.^
1 W serves to express the most various shades of expression, which are
discussed in the various parts of the syntax. It is used especially (a) after
the imperative, either in commands or entreaty, see § nod; (b) with the
imperfect, either in the cohortative (§ io8 6) or jussive (§ 109 b) ; (c) once with
perfect, Gn 40" ; (d) after various particles : Wn3n behold now ; particularly
after the conjunctions b^? and DN : N3"/K ne quaeso and N3~DX if now, untp,
ttTTOTf, if, in a deprecatory sense, expressive of politeness or modesty. In
Nu 1213 X3 stands after a noun; but we ought certainly to read K3"?S. —
In polite language this particle is used constantly in all these ways, Gn 18^*,
i9''-8-", and 50".
2 Against the usual view which regards N3 as a hortatory particle ( = up !
come ! analogous to the original imperatives HDH and n3p and the Ethiopic
na'd, properly hither, also come!), P. Haupt, in the Johns Hopkins University
Circulars, xiii, no. 114, p. 109, justly observes that we should then expect the
particle to be prefixed to the imperative, &c. He proposes to describe N3 as an
emphatic particle. Haupt's suggested identification of this {<3 with the
Assyrian, Arabic, and Ethiopic particle ma (which is also an enclitic of
emphasis), and ultimately with the interrogative mo, we shall not dis-
cuss here.
THIRD PART
SYNTAX 1
CHAPTER I
THE PARTS OF SPEECH
I. Syntax of the Verb.
A. Use or the Tenses and Moods.^
§ 106. Use of the Perfect.
The perfect serves to express actions, events, or states, wliich the Ci
speaker wishes to represent from the point of view of completion,
whether they belong to a determinate past time, or extend into the
present, or. while still future, are pictured as in their completed state.
The definition formerly given here (' the perfect serves to express completed
actions') applies, strictly speaking, only to some of the varieties of the perfect
discussed under b-p : hence the above modification based on the arguments
of Knudtzon (for the title see note 2, and cf. further § 107 a).
More particularly the uses of the perfect may be distinguished as
follows : —
1. To represent actions, events, or states, which, after a shorter Jj
1 Recent works on Hebrew syntax are : A. B. Davidson, Introductory Heb.
Gram., vol. ii, Heb. Syntax, Edinburgh, 1894; Ed. KOnig. Hist.-compar. Syntax
der hebr. Sprache, Lpz. 1897 (see above, § 3/). Important contributions to
Hebrew syntax are also contained in H. Reckendorfs work Die syntakt.
Verhciltnisse desArab., 2 pts., Leiden, 1895, 1898, of which we have already made
use in § 97 a. Cf. also the same author's very instructive discussions Utber
syntakt. Forschung, Munich, 1 899.
2 Cf. the sketch of the tenses and moods used in Hebrew in § 40 ; and on
the general characteristics of the perfect and imperfect see the note on § 47 a ;
also Driver, A Treatise on the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew (Oxford, 1874; 3rd ed.
1892) ; Bennett, 'Notes on the Use of the Hebrew Tenses' {Hebraica, 1886,
vols, ii, iii). A partial modification of the accepted definition of the Semitic
perfect and imperfect was proposed by J. A. Knudtzon, Om det saakaldte
Per/ektum og Imperfektum i Hebraisk, Kristiania, 1890; of which a summary
entitled ' Vom sogenannten Perf. und Imperf. im Hebr.' appeared in the
Transactions of the Oriental Congress at Stockholm, section semitique b, p. 73 flf.
(Leiden, 1893), Cf. also Kimdtzon's articles, ' Zur assyrischen und allgemein
semitischen Grammatik ' in the Zeitachriftfiir Assyriologie, especially vi. 422 ff.
and vii. 33 ff.
3IO The Parts of Speech [§io6c-/
or longer duration, were terminated in the past, and hence are finally
concluded, viz.:
(a) Corresponding to the perfect proper in Latin and the English
perfect definite, in assertions, negations, confirmations, interrogations,
&c., e. g. Gn 1 8^^ then Sarah denied, saying, I laughed not (N?
*ripnif) ; and lie said, Nay, hut thou didst laugh (rii?n2f); Gn 3"
f\h n>an ^Q loho told thee ? Cf. 3»i4.i7.22^ ^jg^ pointing to some
undefined time in the past, e.g. Is 66* HND ypK'"''D loko hath {ever yet)
heard such a thing ?
C Rem. In opposition to this express use of the perfect to emphasize the
completion of an event, the imperfect is not infrequently used to emphasize
that which is still future, e.g. Jos 1^ as I was (W^H) ivith Moses, so will I be
(ninN) with thee; Jos ii''. Ex lo^*, Dt Z2^\ i K 288/ Ig 46411, Jo 2^, Ec i^.
d {b) As a simple temjms historicum (corresponding to the Greek
aorist) in narrating past events, e. g, Gn 4* and Abel, he also brought
(N'nn), &c.; Gn 7" the waters did irrevail (^'l?^), &c.; Jb i' there was
a man (H^n ^'N) in the land of Uz, &c.; even in relating repeated
actions, i S 18'".
^ Rem. As the above examples indicate, the perfect of narration occurs
especially at the head of an entire narrative (Jb i^ ; cf. Dn 2^) or an indepen-
dent sentence (e.g. Gn 7^^-^'), but in co-ordinate sentences, as a rule, only
when the verb is separated from the copulative l by one or more words (cf.
above Gn 4* and 7^8). In other cases, the narrative is continued in the
imperfect consecutive, according to § ma. The direct connexion of the
narrative perfect with l copulative (not to be confounded with the perfect
consecutive proper, § 112) agrees rather with Aramaic syntax (cf. Kautzsch,
Gramm. des Biblisch-Aram., § 71, i 6). On the examples (which are in many
respects doubtful) in the earlier texts, see § 112 pp-uu.
f (c) To represent actions, &c., which were already completed in the
past, at the time when other actions or conditions took place (plu-
perfect),' e.g. I S 28^ now Samuel was {long since) dead"^ . . . and Saul
had j>ut avmy (T'DH) those that had familiar sjoirits . . . out of the land.
Both these statements, being as it were in parentheses, merely assign
a reason for the narrative beginning at verse 6. Cf. i 89'^, 25"',
2 S i8'l— Gn 20'* {for the Lord had fast closed up, &c.); 27^, 31'^-^,
Dt 2"; and in a negative statement, Gn 2^ for the Lord God had not
(up to that time) caused it to rain, &c. This is especially frequent,
from the nature of the case, in relative, causal, and temporal clauses,
when the main clause contains a tense referring to the past, e.g. Gn 2"
and he rested . . . from all his work which he liad made ('"'VV) > ^In 7',
1 Cf. P. Haupt in the Notes on Esther, 9*.
* Incorrectly, e.g. in the Vulgate, Samuel autem moiiuus est .. . efSaul abstulit
magos, &c.
§io6(7-0 ^s^ of the Perfect 311
19% &c.; 29" now when Jacob had seen Rachel ('160 1B'K3) . . . , Jacob
went near, &c.; so also in clauses which express the completiou or
incompleteness of one action, &c., on the occurrence of another, as in
Gn 24'^, 27^", &c.; cf. § 164 b, with the note, and c,
2. To represent actions, events, or states, which, although completed g
in the past, nevertheless extend their influence into the present (in
English generally rendered by the present) :
(a) Expressing facts which were accomplished long before, or con-
ditions and attributes which were acquired long before, but of which
the effects still remain in the present (present perfect), e.g. i/r 10"
VJS "rriDH Jie hath hidden his face {and still keeps it hidden) ; {{/ 143®
'jjl^ns / Jiave spread forth my hands {and still keep them spread forth).
This applies particularly to a large number of perfects (almost ex-
clusively of intransitive* verbs, denoting affections or states of the
mind) which in English can be rendered only by the present, or, in
<
the case mentioned above under /, by the imperfect.^ Thus, "^Vll
I know (prop. / have 2>erceived, have experienced) Jb 9^, 10", '^V'V X7
/ knoio not Gn 4^ &c.; on the other hand, e.g. in Gn 28", Nu 22^*,
the context requires / knew not ; ^^'pl we remember Nu 1 1^ ; ""'J^?'? she
refuseth Jb 6' ; Y2V it exulteth ; 'JjinpC' / rejoice 182^; tJ'i?.? he requireth
Is I ••2; -nli? / wait Gn 49", i/r 130^ (parallel with 'J^^nin) ; 'man
/ delight ij/ 40^ (mostly negative, Is 1'^, &c.) ; 'J?^']^ / love Gn 27'';
'riKpb' / hate i/^ 31' ; 'JjlD^? ^ despise Am 5'*; "il^J/n they abhor me
Jb 30'" ; 'Jyinon / trust i/r 25^; "fl'DH I put my trust 1/^31^; 'Jjlpl? ^ «"*
righteous Jb 34^; 'J?1i2? / have decided to requite i S 15^. — We may
further include a number of verbs which express bodily characteristics
Or states, such as JJiplJ thou art great \(/ 104' ; J^^isj? / am little Gn 32";
^ri33^ they are high Is 55'; PDJ^ they stand aloof Jb 30'"; ^3b they are
goodly Nu 24^ ; ^1W they are beautiful Is 52'' ; ''^^i>l I am old Gn 18" ;
'riV5I / am weary if, (P ; 'PiV??' / am full Is i", &c.
Rem. To the same category probably belong also the perfects after ''riD~*iy ]i
Ex 10^ how long hast thou already been refusing (and refusest still . . . ? which
really amounts to how long wilt thou refuse ?), f 80^, Pr i^^ (co-ordinate with the
imperf.), and after njN-ny Ex i628, Hb i^.
(i) In direct narration to express actions which, although really t
only in process of accomplishment, are nevertheless meant to be repre-
^ With regard to the great but very natural preponderance of intransitive
verbs (expressing an existing state), cf. the lists in Knudtzon (see above,
p. 309, note 2), pp. 117 and 122 in the Danish text.
2 Cf. novi, odi, memini ; oT5a, (iffivrj/xai, ioma, SiSopfca, KtKpaya ; in the New
Testament, ^\mKa, ■qfdiTTjKa.
312 I'^he Parts of Speech [§ io6 h-n
sented as already accomplished in the conception of the speaker, e. g.
"nbin 7 lift up (my hand in ratifying an oath) Gn 1 4^- ; 'Jj^V??'? I swear
Jer2 2^; 'nnVp / testify Dt 8>« ; ^^T I counsel 2S17" (but in a
different context in ver. 15, 7 have counselled); ""^"^^^ (p^op- I say)
I decide (7 consider as hereby settled) 2 S 19^°; 7 declare Jb 9^^, 32'".
fc (c) To express facts which have formerly taken place, and are still
of constant recurrence, and hence are matters of common experience
(the Greek gnomic aorist), e. g. if/ g}^ for thou, Lord, hast not forsaken
(ri3iy"N7) them that seek thee. Of. ver. 13, also ij/ 10^, 119*" and Gn 49"
(033).
/ Rem. In almost all the cases discussed in No. 2 (included under the English
present) the imperfect can be used instead of the perfect, wherever the action
or state in question is regarded, not as already completed, but as still con-
tinuing or just taking place (see § 107 a). Thus, '•ripD'' NP I am not able \p 40"
and bp^K X^ Gn 31'^ have practically the same meaning. Hence also it very
frequently happens that the imperfect corresponds to such perfects in poetic
or prophetic parallelism, e.g. Is 5^^, ^ 2^'-, Pr i**, Jb 3I''.
711 3. To express future actions, when the speaker intends by an
express assurance to represent them as finished, or as equivalent to
accomplished facts :
(a) In contracts or other express stipulations (again corresponding
to the English present, and therefore closely related to the instances
noted under i), e.g. Gn 23^' the field I give Cj"!??) thee; cf. ver. 13 and
48^^ 2 S i4^\ 24^^^, Jer 40^; in a threat, i S 2'^, 285^ (unless, with
"Wellhausen, "^y^) is to be read). — Especially in promises made by God,
n (h) To express facts which are undoubtedly imminent, and, therefore,
in the imagination of the speaker, already accomplished {perfectum
conjidentiae), e.g. Nu 17^^ I^I^K y?3 W13N Ijyia |n behold, we perish, we
are undone, we are all undone. Gn 30", Is 6* ( v^?"!? I «w* undone '),
Pr 4^ Even in interrogative sentences, Gn i8^^ Nu 17^, 23'°, Ju 9^",
Zc 4'" (?), Pr 2 2^".^ This use of the perfect occurs most frequently in
prophetic language (^perfectum pro2)heticum). The prophet so ti'ans-
^ Cf. the similar use of 6\ai\a {Sii<p6opas, II. 15. 128) ^ndiperii! On the
kindred use of the perfect in conditional sentences, cf. below, p.
^ In Gn 40^* a perf. conjidentiae (after DN *3 ; but cf. § 163 d) appears to be
used in the expression of an earnest desire that something may happen {hut
have me in thy remembrance, &c.). Neither this passage, however, nor the use of
the perfect in Arabic to express a wish or imprecation, justifies us in assuming
the existence of a precaiive perfect in Hebrew. In Jb 21^*, 22^*, also, translate
the counsel of the wicked is far from me. Cf. Driver, Tenses^, p. 25 f. In Is 43^
either ^if3i?3 is imperative (see § 51 0) or we must read 'XIlp^, cori-esponding to
IBDX* which follows.
§§io6o,p,io'j a] Use of the Perfect 313
ports himself in imagination into the future that he describes the future
event as if it had been ah-eady seen or heard by him, e. g. Is 5" there-
fore my peojile are gone into captivity (p^^) ', g^^', 10^^, ii® (after ""a, as
frequently elsewhere); 19^ Jbs*", 2 Ch 20^'^. Not infrequently the
imperfect interchanges with such perfects either in the parallel member
or further on in the narrative.
(c) To express actions or facts, which are meant to be indicated as
existing in the future in a completed state {futurum exactum), e. g.
Is 4'' Y^l ^^ ichen he has washed away=when he shall have washed
away (an imperfect follows in the co-ordinate sentence ; cf. the con-
ditional sentences in § 107 a;); Is 6" (after Di< "^^^ "'y, as in Gn 28^^,
Nu 32" ; also 2 S 17^^ after IB'K ny, Gn 24" after DX ny and elsewhere
frequently after temporal conjunctions); Mi 5^ ('^l^,?^) 5 Glii 43^ ''^^V
"''J'PpV' ""^P^^ "^-^-r ^'^^ ^ — ^f ^ ^''^ bereaved (orhus fuero), I am
bereaved, an expression of despairing resignation. Cf. Pr 23'^ E&t 4'^
4. To express actions and facts, whose accomplishment in the past J9
is to be represented, not as actual, but only as possible (generally
corresponding to the Latin imperfect or pluperfect subjunctive), e.g.
Gn 31''^ except the God of my father . . . had been with me, surely now
hadst thou sent me away empty C^^^W) ; Gn 43*", Ex 9'* (''J?0?V I^i'dd
almost put forth, &c.); Nu 22^S Ju ^3^^ i4»«, i S 13" (Ppn) ; 2 K 13'%-
so frequently after t3yD3 easily, almost, Gn 26^", Is i' (where i^V^V is
probably to be connected with the word after it), ^/'73^ 94'^ 119"',
Pr 5» Cf. also Jb 3'^ 23'" 035(12), Ku i^^ (if I should think, &c.; cf.
2 K 7^); in the apodosis of a conditional sentence, i S 25^^ — So also
to express an unfulfilled desire, Nu 14^ ^3n6 V? would that we had
died . , . / (v with the imperfect would mean would that we might
die/ I S 14^°). Finally, also in a question indicating astonishment,
Gn 21^ t'.?'? ■'0 who would have said . . . ? quia dixeril ? yjr 73".
§ 107. Use of the Imperfect
The imperfect, as opposed to the perfect, represents actions, events, a
or states which are regarded by the speaker at any moment as still
continuing, or in process of accomplishment, or even as just taking
place. In the last case, its occurrence may be represented as certainly
imminent, or merely as conceived in the mind of the speaker, or
simply as desired, and therefore only contingent (the modal use of the
imperfect).
^ Cf. the literature cited above, p. 309, note a.
314 1^^^^ Parts of Speech [§ 107 b, c
Knudtzon (see above, Rem. on § io6 a), comparing the Ass. -Bab. usage,
would prefer the term present rather than imperfect, on the ground that the
tense expresses what is either actually or mentally present. In any case,
the essential difference between the perfect and imperfect consists, he argues,
in this, that the perfect simply indicates what is actually complete, while
the imperfect places the action, &c., in a more direct relation to the judgement
or feeling of the speaker.
More precisely the imperfect serves—
1. In the sphere oi past time'.
b (a) To express actions, &c., which continued throughout a longer
or shorter period,' e.g. Gn 2^ a mist vjent up continually ('"1?^^.), 2^",
37", 48'", Ex I'^ 8^ 13^ i5«i2.u.u Nu 9^^'- ^«S 23\ Ju 2\ 5','i S 3',
13"S 2 S 2^ 23'", I K 3^ f, 2i«, Is i'\ 6^{xf^:), if"'; 5I^^ Jer 13',
36", yjr i8'-"''''^-38'^-, 24^ 32^-^ On^^), 4f, 68"'•'^ 104^^-, io6^ lof^"",
139'^, Jb 3'\ 4^^-^^'-, 10'°^, I5''- — very frequently alternating with a
perfect (especially with a frequentative perfect; cf. Nu 9'^"^' and
§ 1 1 2 e), or when the narration is continued by means of an imperfect
consecutive.^
C Rem. I. The imperfect is frequently used in this way after the particles
TN then, 0^6 not yet, D163 before, "nj? until, e.g. Ex 15I HK'Cl'T'K'J TN then sang
Moses, &c. ;' ku 21", Dt"4«', Jos 10", i K 3^6, 8^, ip 126^ Jb 3821. (The perfect
is used after TX when stress is to be laid on the fact that the action has really
taken place, and not upon its gradual accomplishment or duration in the
past, e. g. Gn 4^^ Pffln IK then began, &c. ; Gn 49*, Ex 15", Jos 22*1, Ju 5",
^ 8920.) 3 After Dn6 e.g. Gn 19^ ^33B'^ Dn6 before they lay do^cn; Gn 2^, 24^,
I S 38'', always in the sense of our ^ZM^er/ed, (In Gn 24^^ instead of the perf.
n^3, the imperf. should be read, as in verse 45 ; so also in i S 3''' [H^SI] an
imperf. is co-ordinated with VT'). After D"1D3 (sometimes also simply CHD
Ex 12", Jos 3I), e.g. Jer i^ NSffl D"l6ll before thou earnest forth ', Gn 27'', 37^*,
41^", Ru 3I* (perhaps also in ^ 90* an imperf. was intended instead of H?' •
cf. Wellhausen on 2 S 3^ ; but note also Pr 8^', in a similar context, before the
mountains ivere settled, ^y3Dn, the predicate being separated fromD^£)3 by C^H^
as in ip 90'). After "ij] Jos lo^', 1// 73^^ (until I went), 2 Ch 29^* ; on the other
^ Cf. the Mesa' inscription, 1. 5, n2f^K3 t^'03 fjiX^ ^2 for Chemosh was angi-y
ivith his land. As Driver, Tenses, 3rd ed., § 27, la, remarks, this vivid
I'ealization of the accomplishment of the action is especially frequent in
poetic and prophetic style.
" According to the Masora such imperfects occur in Is lo^^ '"* (where,
however, "T'DNI might also mean I am wont to remove, &c.). Is 48', 57", ip 18"",
also (according to § 49 c) in 2 S 1^" and Ez 16'**. In some other cases ) is no
doubt a dogmatic emendation for "I (imperf. consec.) in order to represent
historical statements as promises; cf. Is 42*, 43*' [contrasted with 42^^],
gi2 bis^ 5^8 ff. r^J^^ the note on § 53 p.
' After TK then (to announce future events) the imperf. is naturally used in
the sense of a future, Gn 24*1, Ex 12**, Mi 3*, Zp 3^ ip 51".
§ 107 d-9] Use of the Imperfeci\ 315
/ \ « "^
hand, with the perf., e.g. Jos 2"^. As after IX, so also after D")p Q'?^i?fi, *"^
~iy the iuiperf. may be used, according to the context, in wie arfise of our
future, e.g. 2 K 2', Is 65^*, Jb lo^i ; after ~*iy e. g. Is 22". The knperf. is used
<
in the sense of our present after D"lt3 in Ex 9''', 10'^.
2. Driver (Tenses^, p. 35 f.) rightly lays stress upon the inherent distinction CI
between the participle as expressing mere duration, and the imperfect as ex-
pressing ^rogrre.ssn'e duration (in the present, past, or future). Thus the words
NV' "injl Gn 2^° represent the river of Paradise as going out of Eden in
a continuous, uninterrupted stream, but TIB"", which immediately follows,
describes how the parting of its waters is always taking place afresh. In the
same way Hpy' Gn 2* represents new mists as constantly arising, and N??2^
Is 6* new clouds of smoke. Also those actions, &c., which might be regarded
in themselves as single or even momentaiy, are, as it were, broken up by
the imperfect into their component parts, and so pictured as gradually com-
pleting themselves. Hence iO^^Sri Ex 15" (after a perf. as in verse 14)
represents the Egyptians, in a vivid, poetic description, as being swallowed
up one after another, and ^iHi^ Nu 23'' the leading on by stages, &c.
{b) To express actions, &c., which were repeated in the past, either e
at fixed intervals or occasionally (the modus ret repetitae), e. g. Jb i*
thus did (n^'IT ) Job continually (after each occasion of his sons'
festivities); V'-, 22"'-, 23", 29"-''-'-'-, Gn 6*, 29^ 30-», 42"-3« {I used
to bear the loss of it), Ex i'^, 19^', 33'"^' (ni5^ used to take every time),
40^^^-, Nu 9"'-=«"^., 11^.9, Ju 6\ I4'», 2 1^% I S I^ 2^, 9^ I3'^ i8\
27^, 2 S i^^, 12^ 13**, I K 5-* (of tribute repeated year by year), io%
I3^^ I4^^ 2 K4«, 8^ 13^ 25'^ Jer36^^ yjr 42% 44^ 78'^-^", I03^
Est 2"; even in a negative dependent clause, i K 18^".
2. In the sphere of present time, again /*
(a) To express actions, events, or states, which are continued for
a shorter or longer time,' e.g. Gn 37'* C'lpsriTlD wJiat seekest thou ?
19I9 ?21X"N7 / cannot ; 24*", 31^, Is i". Other examples are Gn 2'",
24'', I S I*, II*, I K 3', yjr 2^, and in the prophetic formula ^\>^) 'V^''
saith the Lord, Is i"*'^, &c., cf. 40'. So especially to express facts
known by experience, which occur at all times, and consequently
hold good at any moment, e.g. Pr 15'° a wise son maketh a glad
father; hence especially frequent in Job and Proverbs. In an
interrogative sentence, e. g. Jb 4'^ is mortal man just before God t lu
a negative sentence, Jb 4'*, &c.
(6) To express actions, &c., which may be repeated at any time, /r
including therefore the present, or are customarily repeated on a
given occasion (cf. above, e), e. g. Dt 1*^ as bees do (are accustomed to
' It is not always possible to carry out with certainty the distinction between
continued and repeated actions. Some of the examples given under/ might
equally be referred to y.
3i6 The Parts of Speech [§ 107 ^-
ira
do) ; Gn 6'S 32^', 43''. Ju n'", i S 2«, sS 20^ 2 S I5'^ Is i^, 3^
•<^ i^ So again (see/) especially to express facts known by experience
which may at any time come into effect again, e.g. Ex 23* a gift
blmdeth (11.y;), &c. ; Gn 2^ 22", Is 32«, Am 3', Mai I^ Jb 2^ &c.
Of the same kind also is the imperfect in such relative clauses (see
§ 155)) ^■s Gn 49^' Benjamin is ^1^) 3X| a wolf that ravineth (properly,
is accustomed to ravin). Finally, compare also the formulae "^^^l. it
is (wont to be) said (to introduce proverbial expressions) Gn 10',
22", &c. ; I? nb'y''"N7 it is not (wont to be) so done (and hence mai/
not, shall not be, see u), Gn 29^®, 20^, 34'', 2 S 13'^
ll (c) To express actions, &c., which although, strictly speaking, they
are already finished, are regarded as still lasting on into the present
time, or continuing to operate in it, e.g. Gn 32^° wherefore is it that
thou dost ask (/W^) after my name ? 24^', 44^ Ex 5*% 2 S i6l In
such cases, naturally, the perfect is also admissible, and is sometimes
found in the same formula as the imperfect, e.g. Jb i'^ (2^) t<3ri J^XO
whence comest thou (just now) 1 but Gn 16^ (cf. 42') T\t<'2 n?)0"^X whence
earnest thou ? The imperfect represents the coming as still in its last
stage, whereas the perfect represents it as an accomplished fact.
i 3. In the sphere of future time. To express actions, &c., which
are to be represented as about to take place, and as continuing a
shorter or longer time in the future, or as being repeated ; thus :
(a) From the standpoint of the speaker's present time, e. g. Ex 4*
thet/ will not believe (^3''DX^_) me, nor hearken (^VDB'^) unto my voice :
for they will say (IIOX^), &c., 6\ 9^ &c.
^ (6) In dependent clauses to represent actions, &c., which from
some point of time in the past are to be represented as future, e. g.
Gn 43'' could we in any wise know that he would say CT?*^') ? 2'®, 43"*,
Ex 2*, 2 K 3^^ '!1^1?^"1B'X qui regnaturus erat ; 1 3''', Jon 4*, Jb 3^
Ec 2', V' 7^* ^^^^ '^'^ generation to come might know, ^1.?5! D'33 the
children ivhich should he bom {qui nascituri essent ; the imperfect
here with the collateral idea of the occurrence being repeated in the
future).
/ (c) To represent a futxirum exactum; cf. Is 4*, 6" (co-ordinated
with a perfect used in the same sense, see § 106 0) ; so also sometimes
after the temporal particles IV, >//■ 132*, and I^X 1^ until, Gn29*,
Nu 2o'% &c.
M 4. Finally to the sphere of future time belong also those cases in
which the (modal) imperfect serves to express actions, events, or
states, the occurrence of which is to be represented as willed (or not
§ 107 n-p] Use of the Imperfect 317
willed), or as in some way conditional, and consequently only contingent.
More particularly such imperfects serve —
(a) As an expression of will, whether it be a definite intention and 71
arrangement, or a simple desire, viz. :
(i) Sometimes in positive sentences in place of the cohortative (cf.
e-g- lA 59" with verse 18; 2 S 22^° with ^ 18'"; Ju 19", &c.), of the
imperative (Is 18^), or of the jussive (which, however, in most cases,
does not differ from the ordinary form of the imperfect), e. g. ^^y^. let
it appear Gn i', 41^*, Lv 19^^ 2 S 10'^ (and so frequently in verbs n"b;
cf. § 109 a, note 2); Zc 9^ (^'•nPi) ; ij/ 61' (Tpi^^); Pr 22^^ {^T^); 23',
Jb 6^' (co-ordinated with the imperative), io^° KHh.] so probably also
rij let him judge! ij/ 72^ — So also in the ist pers., to express a wish
which is asserted subsequently with reference to a fixed point of time
in the past, e. g. Jb 10'* V]'^^ I ought to [not should as A.V., R.V.] have,
(then,»immediately after being born) given up the ghost ; cf. verse 19
'T'7^ ^^^^ ''^^^ I^v 10^^, Nu 35^. Even to express an obligation or
necessity according to the judgement of another person, e. g. Jb 9^^' V^'l^?
/ am to be guilty, 12*. Cp. Jb 9'^, 19^®; iu a question, if/ 42'°, 43^^.
(2) To express the definite expectation that something will not
happen. The imperfect with i<^ represents a more emphatic form of
prohibition than the jussive^ with "bx (cf. § 109 c), and corresponds
to our thou shalt not do it ! with the strongest expectation of obedience,
while "''^ with the jussive is rather a simple warning, do not that I
Thus N/ with the imperfect is especially used in enforcing the divine
commands, e.g. ^i^n iO thou shalt not steal Ex 20"; cf. verses 3, 4, 5,
7, 10 ff. So K? with the 3rd pers. perhaps in Pr i6^°.
Rem. The jussive, which is to be expected after "pK , does not, as a rule p
(according to n, and § 109 a, note 2), differ in form from the simple imperfect.
That many supposed jussives are intended as simple imperfects is possible
from the occurrence after "PS of what are undoubtedly imperfect forms, not
only from verbs H'v (cf. § 109 a, note 2), but also from verbs V'JJ, to express
a prohibition or negative wish, O^ari'i'X Gn 19", "IIDIT^JK Jos i'', Clp^ N3"^N
I S 25*5. Even with the ist pers. plur. (after an imperative) niD3"?X1 that we
die not, i S 12^'. Also to express the conviction that something cannot happen,
D^ypt;! he will not slumber,^ \f/ 121^ ; cf. Jer 46®, a Ch i^^".
^ As stated in § 46 a, a prohibition cannot be expressed by "^K and the
imperative.
^ To regard this as an optative (so Hupfeld) is from the context impossible.
It is more probably a strong pregnant construction, or fusion of two sentences
(such as, do not think he will slumber!). Verse 4 contains the objective con-
firmation, by means of X? with the imperf., of that which was previously
only a subjective conviction.
3i8 The Parts of Speech [§ 107 q-u
q (3) In dependent clauses after final conjunctions (§ 1656), as '^'f^.,
Gn 11^ (lytp^^ nS '\m that they may not understand); ninya. Gn 21^",
27^-'«, Ex 9", &c.; ■iK'X lypij Nui7^; lyp^ Dt 4', ^ $i\ 78^, and \t
1.^« 1 Ez 1 2'^ m order that^ ; 'J!>|'?^ «/ia< . . . not, Ex 20=", 2 S 14" ; also
after '']^ that not, lest, Gn 3^^, ri"*, 19'^ &c.^ ; cf. also the instances intro-
duced by Nbl in § 109 g. — In Lv 9* such an imperfect (or jussive 1 see
the examples in § 109/) is added to the expression of the command
by an asyndeton, and in Lai^^ to the principal clause simply by ^. :
while they sought them food dppTT)^ ^^'^^)) to refresh their souls (cf.
also La 3^^*, it is good and let him hope, i. e. that he should hope) ; so
after an interrogative clause, Ex 2''. Finally also in a relative clause,
j/' 32^ ^.?ri irTjinil in the way which thou shouldst go.
r {b) To express actions, &c., which are to be represented as possibly
taking place or not taking place (sometimes corresponding to the
potential of the classical languages, as also to our periphrases with
can, may, should*). More particularly such imperfects are used —
S (i) In a permissive sense, e. g. Gn 2'^ of every tree of tlie garden
(?5Nn 7bN) thou mayest freely eat (the opposite in verse 17) ; 3^, 42^^,
Lv 2i'-^'', Jb 2 1^ In the ist pers. ^ 5^ 22^^ {J may, or caw, telV)-, in
a negative sentence, e. g. >//• 5*.
t (2) In interrogative sentences, e.g. Pr 20® "ipN^'V^ quis dixeritl
Cf. Gn 17'', 18", 3i«, I S 1 1^ 2 K 5^2 Ons KOir^S'n may I not wash
in them ? Is 33'^, ^ i5\ 24^ Ec 5^ So especially in a question ex-
pressing surprise after ^'X, e.g. Gn 39' how then can I . . . ? 44^*,
Is 19", i]/ 137^ and even with regard to some point of time in the past,
looking forward from which an event might have been expected to
take place, e. g. Gn 43^ V"!?. y''*ljn could we in any vnse know . . . ?
Cf. 283^ (niDJ tvas A bnev to die as a fool, i. e. was he destined to
die ...?), and so probably also Gn 34" {should he deal ..,?). Very
closely connected with this is the use of the imperfect —
II (3) In a consecutive clause depending on an interrogative clause,
e.g. Ex 3", who am I (^2X "•?) that I should (ought, could) go? 16',
Nu II'^ Ju 92\ I S i8'«, 2 K 8'^ Is 29^ Jb 6", 21'% similarly after
Tf ^ Gn 38i», Ex 5^
^ But ItJ'J^ |y' in a causal sense (because, since), e. g. Ju 2^" (as '\pH Gn 34'^)
is followed by the perfect. On Jos 4^^* see above, § 74 g.
[* R.V. because he shall not see.]
' In 2 K 2'^ "|Q occurs with the perf. in a vivid presentment of the time
when the fear is realized and the remedy comes too late. (In 2 S 2c*, since
a perfect consec. follows, read with Driver Nif)3''.)
* By this, of course, is not meant that these finer distinctions were con-
sciously present to the Hebrew mind. They are rather mere expedients for
making intelligible to ourselves the full significance of the Semitic imperfect.
I
§§ 107 »-^. io8 «,b] Use of the Imperfect 319
Rem. In passages like i S u"*, \p %^, 114^ the context shows that the V
imperfect corresponds rather to our present. lu such sentences the perfect
also is naturally used in referring to completed actions, e.g. Gn 20'", Ju 18^',
aS 7I8, Is 22I.
(4) In negative sentences to express actions, &c., which cannot or W
should not happen, e.g. Gn 32^* i'lO 1313^^'^ "1E'« which cannot he
numbered for multitude; ao'' deeds (IJ^V''."^'' "V^d ^'*«* ^^d^^*- '^^^ ^^
he done (cf. above, g) ; >//• 5^
(5) In conditional clauses (the modus condit'ionalis corresponding X
to the Latin present or imperfect conjunctive) both in the protasis
and apodosis, or only in the latter, >/^ 23* y"J Kn*X"N^^ . . . ^P^^'S Q?
yea, though I walk (or had to walk) . . . I fear (or / would fear) no
evil', Jb 9^ though I he righteous, mine own mouth shall condemn me.
After a perfect in the protasis, e.g. Jb 23'°. Very frequently also in
an apodosis, the protasis to which must be supplied from the context,
e. g. Jb 5* but as for me, I would seek unto God (were I in thy place) ;
3"'8^ 14""-, >/r 55'3, Eu i^l However, some of the imperfects in these
examples are probably intended as jussive forms. Cf. § 109 h.
§ 108. Use of the Cohortative.
The- cohortative, i.e. according to § 48 c, the ist pers.^ sing, or a
plur. of the imperfect lengthened by the ending <"'-_,2 represents in
general an endeavour directed expressly towards a definite object.
"While the corresponding forms of the indicative rather express the
mere announcement that an action will be undertaken, the cohortative
lays stress on the determination underlying the action, and the
personal interest in it.
Its uses may be divided into —
1. The cohortative standing alone, or co-ordinated with another h
cohortative, and frequently strengthened by the addition of the
particle S3 :
(a) To express self-encouragement, e. g. Ex 3^ 'J"l X3~n")pN / iciU
turn aside now, and see . . . ! So especially as the result of inward
deliberation (in soliloquies), e.g. Gn i8^\ 32^' (rarely so used after
'^^, Gn 21^" ht me not look . . .! Jer 18'*), and also as a more or less
emphatic statement of a fixed determination, e. g. Is 5^ / ivill sing ^
....'' 5®, 3 il Cf. also Gn 46^*' now let me die (/ am uniting to die),
1 For the few examples of cohortatives in the 3rd sing., see § 48^.
2 But verbs n"?, according to § 75 1, even in the cohortative, almost ahv.iya
have the ending n__ ; cf. e.g. in Dt 32^0 nX-lX after HTripK.
[' R.V. let me sing.']
320 The Parts of Speech [§ io8 c-g
since I have seen thy face; and V' 31^ In the ist pers, plur. the
cohortative includes a summons to others to help in doing something,
e. g. \^ 2^ '"^1?^^? come ! let us break asunder ! &c., and Gn 1 1^
C ip) To express a wish, or a request for permission, that one should
be allowed to do something, e. g. Dt 2^ '"ll^V^ may I he allowed to
pass through {let me pass through) ! Nu 20'^ N3"n"i3y3 may we be
allowed to pass through ! Jer 40^* let me go, I pray thee ! &c. ; 2 S 1 6' ;
so after X^ 2 S 18'"; after "^K 2 S 24^^ Jer \f\ if, 25^ (HK'iix-^K Ut
me not be ashamed; of. ij/ 31^'^*, 71^); 69'*. After W"?i? Jon i'"*.
d 2. The cohortative in dependence on other moods, as well as in
conditional sentences : (a) In dependence (with wdw copulative ; \J/ 9^^
after lyPp) on an imperative or jussive to express an intention or
intended consequence, e.g. Gn 27'* bring it to me, i^/^M) that I may
eat, prop, then will I eat; Gn 19°, 23^ 24^^, 27^^, 29^^ 30^^'', 42^, 49',
Dt 32^ Ho 6\ ij/ 2^ 39", Jb lo^o Q^re; Is 5'^ and let the cowisel of
the Holy One of Israel draw nigh and come, •"'Vi]?.'! ^^*«^ w^ may know
(it) I Gn 26^, I S 27". Also after negative sentences, Gn iS'"'-^^,
Ju 6^^, and after interrogative sentences, i K 22'^, Is 46^^, 41"^, Am 8°.
e {b) In conditional sentences (with or without DN) to express a con-
tingent intention, e.g. Jb 16* '"'')?1^"Q^' should I determine to speak,
my grief is not assuaged, i^^y}^\ and should I forbear, what am I eased ?
without Di< Jb 1 9'*, 30^^ (where, however, n?n"Nl is probably intended) ;
xf/ 73'^ (unless TINI^ should be read), I39*'". After the 3rd person,
Jb ii'^ though it be dark, &c. So perhaps also 2 S 22^ '1?11^ if
I determined to jmrsue, then . . . , but cf. \p 1 8^^.
J (c) Likewise in the apodosis of conditional sentences, e.g. Jb 31^''
if my step hath turned out of the way • . . , "^Vl-? ^^*^** ^^' ^^ sow; cf.
i6'"' / also could S2)eak as ye do, if . , , ./ So even when the con-
dition must be supplied from the context, e.g. i/'40^ else would I
declare and speak of them; 51^^ else would I (gladly) give it, i.e. if
thou didst require it (cf. the precisely similar >5K*N1 ij/ 55"^ ; Jb 6^°.
In the 1st plur. Jer 20^". To the same category belong the cohortatives
after the formula expressing a wish i^r^^, '??.'i'r''Pf e- g- Jer 9' oh, that
I had . . . , "^^IXf^l then (i. e. if I had) should I (or would I) leave my
people, &c. ; Ju 9^^'; without Wdw Is 27'', if/ 55^, Jb 23'' (cf. also verse 7).
jor Rem. i. The question, whether a resolution formed under compulsion
(a necessity) is also expressed by the cohortative (so, according to the prevailing
opinion, in Is 38^" naSx ; Jer 325^ 4'9-2i, 6^°, if> 55»-'« (?) ; 57^, where, however,
with Hupfeld, HM^ should be read ; 77'', 88^«, and in the ist plur. Is 59»0),
is to be answered in the sense that in these examples the cohortative /onn is
used after its meaning has become entirely lost, merely for the sake of its
fuller sound, instead of the ordinary imperfect. This view is strongly
§§io8 A, 109 a-c] ^*^ ^f ^^^^ CoJiortative 321
supported by the rather numerous examples of cohortative forms after waw
consec. of the imperfect (cf. § 49 e, as also ^ 66^ nnpb'3 DtJ' there did we rejoice ^ ;
ip ii9'63 nnvri'*'' j P"* 7')t which can likewise only be explained as forms
chosen merely for euphony, and therefore due to considerations of rhythm.
2. The cohortative is strange after "ly ip 73" until I went . . . H^'^N / con- ll
sidered their latter end ; possibly a pregnant construction for ' until I made up
my mind, saying, I will consider', &c. (but n^^X Pr 7'' is still dependent
on the preceding 1) ; ny''3"lX~*iy Pr 12^^ is at any rate to be explained in the
same way (in Jer 49'^, 50** we have ''N"''3 with a similar meaning), as long
as I (intentionally) wink with the eyelashes (shall wink). On the other hand, in
Ex 32^" "IQ3X is to be read, with the Samaritan, instead of mQ3X after v^X.
§ 109. Use of the Jussive.
As the cohortative is used ia the ist pars., so the jussive is especially Ct
found in the 2nd and 3rd pers. sing, and plur. to express a more or
less definite desire that something should or should not happen (cf.
for its form, which frequently coincides with that of the ordinary
imperfectj' § 48 /, g). More particularly its uses may be distinguished
as follows :
1. 1h.e jussive standing alone, or co-ordinated with another jussive :
(a) In afl5rmative sentences to express a command, a wish (or a u
blessing), advice, or a request ; in the last case (the optative or pre-
cative) it is frequently strengthened by the addition of ^3. Examples :
Gn 1^ "liX ""n^ let there he light! Gn i®-^-", &c. (the creative commands);
Nu 6^® the Lord lift uj) his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace!
cf. verse 25. After particles expressing a wish, Gn 30^ ''1)) v I would
it might be; i/^ 81^ ''p"ypK'ri"DX if thou wouldest hearhn unto me! As
a humble request, Gn 44^^ . . . ^v! "lyini . . . "f^^^ ^V^f^. let thy servant,
I fray thee, abide, &c., and let the lad go up, &c., Gn 47*.
(6) In negative sentences to express prohibition or dissuasion, C
warning, a negative wish (or imprecation), and a request. The
prohibitive particle used before the jussive (according to § 107 0)
is almost always "/X (in negative desires and requests frequently
^ Analogous to this cohortative (as equivalent to the imperfect) after DK'
is the use of the historic imperf. after tX, § 107 c.
2 With regard to verbs n'v , it is true that the full form of the imperfect
is frequently used with the meaning of the jussive (as also for the cohortative,
see § 108 a, note 2), e.g. nX"l^~pK Jb 3^ (but previously 1j5^ let it look for!) :
especially in (Neh 2') and immediately be/ore the principal pause, Gn 1'
nX"in ; Ju 6^9 ,Tn\ but previously Xpn^ ; Is 47^ nX"in, previously ^JJjl ;
t// 109''. On the attempt to distinguish such jussives from the imperfect by
means of a special meaning n__, see § 75 hh.
COWLKY Y
322 The Parts of Speech [§ 109 d-f
^i?^); e.,er. Ex 34^ ^T"''^ ^'^' neither let any man he seen/ Pr 3^
he not (''nri"?^) wise in thine oivn eyes! Jb 15^' f^^,!"''^ ne confidat. In
the form of a request (prayer), Dt 9-" rin^ri"7X destroy not / i K 2-",
ci Rem. I. The few examples of N^ with the jussive could at most have
arisen from the attempt to moderate subsequently by means of the jussive
(voluntative) form what was at first intended to be a strict command
(X7 with imperf, indie.) ; probably, however, they are either cases in which
the defective writing has been misunderstood (as in 1 K 2', Ez 48'*), or (as
in Gn 24*) instances of the purely rhythmical jussive form treated below,
under k. Moreover, of. f]Di'' VO Jo 2^ and from the same verb Gn 4" (unless
it is to be referred to K) and Dt 13'. The same form, however, appears also
to stand three times for the cohortative (see below), and in Nu 22'' for the
ordinary imperfect (but see below, i). Thus it is doubtful whether an
imaginary by-form of the ordinary imperf. is not intended by the Masora in
all these cases, and whether consequently fjDV, &c., should not be restored. —
On '^V'V O'lnn-Nfj, &c., Dt 7'6, 139, &c., Ez 5'^ &c., cf. § 72 r, according to
which Dinn should probably be read in every case. — The jussive appears in
the place of the cohortative after N? i S 14^^ (■1NB'5~^''1 co-ordinated with
two cohortatives), 2 S 17"; ef. Is 4123 K'th. (N1J1, i.e. Nlfl, after another
cohortative) ; also (see above) FjDN Nj Dt 18^^, Ho 9^^, and even without N?
Ez 5i«.
^ 2. "bs with the jussive (or imperf., cf. § 107 p) is used sometimes to express
the conviction that something cannot or should not happen ; cf. Is 2^ (where,
however, the text is very doubtful) Dh!' XK'ri'PX'l and thou canst not possibly
forgive them [R.V, there/ore forgive them not'] ; \// 34®, 41', 50', 121^ (|ri^"pK) ; Pr 3^,
Jb s'^^ N'T'n~bx neither needest thou be afraid ; 20''', 40'*.
f* 2. The jussive depending on other moods, or in conditional sentences :
(a) Depending ' (with Wdic) on an imperative or cohortative to
express an intention or an assurance of a contingent occurrence, e. g.
Gn 24*' take her and go^ and let her he (^n^l^ prop, and she vjill he) . . .;
30^ 3r♦^ 38=^ Ex 8^ 9'^ lo^ 14', Jos 4^" Ju 6^», I S 5", 7^ I K 2i'°,
if/ 144^, Pr 20^^, Jbi4''. Also after interrogative sentences, which include
a demand. Est 7^ (say) tvhat is thy desire . . ., t^V^^ '^"^ *' shall (i. e. in
order that it may) he granted ! i K 22"", Is 19^^, Jb 38^^'' Depending on
a cohortative, e.g. Gn 19^° HS^ X3 n^ppBN oh, let me escape thither . . .
^B'33 ""nril that my soul may live; even after a simple imperf. (cf.
below, g), 1X13*^ whosoever ivould, he consecrated him . . . 'H^l that he
might he a priest (read JH^) of the high j^laces, but probably the LXX
reading 'n^l is to be preferred.
' This does not include the cases in which the jussive is not logically
dependent on a preceding imperat., but is merely co-ordinated, e. g. Gn 20'',
f 2f*, &C.
§ I09 g-^l Use of the Jussive 323
Rem. In 2 Ch 35^1 a negative final clause with "PNI is dependent on an ff
imperative, forbear from (meddling with) God . . . that he destroy thee not.
As a rule, however, negative final clauses are attached to the principal
sentence by means of Np") and a following imperfect ; so after an imperative,
Gn 42^, I K 14^ 18" ; after a jussive, Ex 3020, Neh 6'; after a perfect consec,
Ex 2835« 30", Nu 18"; after iib with an imperfect, Lv ics, Nu iS^, Dt 17"
neither shall he multiply vnves unto himself 033p "^^D^ N/l) that his heart turn not
away; i S 20", 2 S 21", Jer ii'^i; after ~h\^ with jussive, Lv lo^, n", 16^,
2 S 13^^^, Jer 258, 3720, 332* '• ; after the asseverative DK with the impft., Gn 14" ;
even after a simple imperfect, Jer 10* with nails . . . they fasten it (p''DJ ti?)) that
it move not ; after a participle, Jb 9'.
(6) Frequently in conditional sentences (as in Arabic), either in the /*
protasis or in the apodosis, cf. ij/ 45'^ 1^^^ should he desire . . . then . . . ;
104^ '•n'''! • • • riK'ri if thou makest darkness, then it is night ; so also in
the protasis, Ex 2 2^ Lv 15^ Is 41^8, Ez 14^ (?t\), ^h 34^ ; in the
apodosis, Ex 7' then will it (not, then shall it) become a serpent ; Pr 9®
after an imperat. in the protasis; Jb lo'^ 13°, 22'^ In a negative
apodosis, Gn 4'' {^oh-iib , but see above, d). In 2X6^ ^JiK^V-Sk (if
the Lord do not help thee, &c.) is to be explained as a jussive in
a negative protasis.
Rem. Undoubtedly this use of the jussive (in conditional sentences) is based t
on its original voluntative meaning ; let something be so and so, then this or
that must happen as a consequence. Certain other examples of the jussive,
however, show that in the consciousness of the language the voluntative has
in such cases become weakened almost to a potential mood, and hence the
jussive serves to express facts which may happen contingently, or may be
expected, e.g. Nu 22^^ (t)D^~nilD, but cf. above, d) ; Jb 9'^ there is no daysman
betwixt us, that might lay (HJi'"', hence plainly a subjunctive = qui ponat; also in
Nu 2315 3^3"'1 that he should lie is probably intended as a jussive) ; Ec5^* ; so
after interrogative sentences, Jer 9^^ who is the wise man, J!l'*1 qui intelligai hoc?',
Ho 14K'. '"" ,
Moreover, in not a few cases, the jussive is used, without any collateral K
sense, for the ordinary imperfect form, and this occurs not alone in forma,
which mayarise from a misunderstanding of the defective writing,asDt 282^-^',
328, I K 8\ Is 12I, Mi 3S 58, .1/ ii«, 1812, 2i2 Q^re (^j'^-HO , X«<A. b^'i)), 259,47*,9o8,
91*, 10723, Pr 152B, Jb 13", 1533, i89, 2o2- 1722, 33"736", 382^ Ec i'2« (verse 7 2]ih^
but immediately afterwards S^tJ'n), Dn S'2, — but also in shortened forms,
such as "in^ Gu 49" (Sam. n^niy Dt 288, i S lo^, 2 S 52*, Ho 6\ 1 1*, Am 5", Mi i2,
Zp 2", Zc" 96, ip 72«f- (after other jussives), 1048', Jb 1812, 2o23-26.28^ 278, 3321. 3437^
Ru 3*. This use of the jussive can hardly be due merely to poetic licence, but
is rather to be explained on rhythmical grounds. In all the above-'»ited
examples, in fact, the jussive stands at the beginning of the sentence (and
hence removed as far as possible from the principal tone), in others it is
immediately before the principal pause (Is 42^, 502, ^^68^'', Pr 2328, Jb 24^*, 29^,
40^^), or actually in pause (Dt32^8^ Jb 23'ii, La 3^"), and is then a simply
rhythmical shortening due to the strong influence of the tone. Moreover,
since the jussive in numerous cases is not distinguished in form from the
imperfect (§48 g), it is frequently doubtful which of the two the writer
intended. This especially applies to those cases, in which a subjunctive is to be
expressed by one or other of the forms (cf. § 107 A: and rn-x),
Y 2
324 The Parts of Speech [§ i lo a-f
§ 110. The Imperative.
Mayer Lambert, 'Sur la syntaxe de I'imp^ratif en hebreu,' in
REJ. 1897, p. 106 ff.
a 1. The imperative,^ which, according to § 46, is restricted to the
2nd pers. sing, and plur., and to 2^ositive commands, &c., may stand
either alone, or in simple co-ordination (as in i K 18", Is 56^ 65^*)
with other imperatives :
(a) To express real commands, e.g. Gn 12^ get thee out of thy
country, or (like the jussive) mere admonitions (Ho lo''^) and requests,
2 K 5^^, Is 5*; on the addition of W see below. Rem. i. The imperative
is used in the sense of an ironical challenge (often including a threat)
in I K 2'^ ask for him the kingdom also; 22^^, Ju 10", Is 47'^ (with
W), Jer f\ Ez 20^ Am 4', Jb 38^'-, 40"^-, La 4^1. The imperative
has a concessive sense in Na 3'^ (though thou make thyself many, &c.),
and in the cases discussed under/, e.g. Is8^'^', 29'.
{b) To express permission, e.g. 2 S 18^^ after previous dissuasion,
(then) run (as far as I am concerned) ! Is 21^^, 45'^
C (c) To express a distinct assurance (like our expression, thou shalt
have it) ^ or promise, e. g. Is 65^^ but be ye glad, &c. (i. e. ye will have
continually occasion to be glad); and Is 37^, yf^iio^; in a threat,
Jer 2''. So especially in commands, the fulfilment of which is
altogether out of the power of the person addressed, e. g. Is 54" be far
from anxiety (meaning, thou needst not fear any more) ; Gn i^, &c. (for
other examples, such as i K 22}"^, 2 K 5", see below,/). Most clearly
in the case of the imperative Nij)h!al with a passive meaning, e. g.
Gn 42>« llDNn DriK-i and ye shall be bound; Dt ^2"'", Is 49^ (Is 45^2, see
below, /).
U Eem. I. The particle N3 age ! (§ 105) is frequently added to the imperative,
as to the jussive, sometimes to soften down a command, or to make a request
in a more courteous form (see above, a), Gn la^^, 24^, sometimes to strengthen
an exhortation uttered as a rebuke or threat (Nu 16''*, 2oi°) or in ridicule
(Is 4712).
e 2. The imperative after the desiderative particle V? Gn 23I' (at the end of
verses 5 and 14 also read v for i? and join it to the following imperative) is
due to an anacoluthou. Instead of the imperfect which would be expected
here after v, the more forcible imperative is used in a new sentence.
J 2. The imperative in logical dependence upon a preceding impera-
tive, jussive (or cohortative), or an interrogative sentence, serves to
^ On the close relation between the imperative and jussive (both in mean-
ing and form), cf. § 46 and § 48 i.
2 Like the threatening formulae in the Latin comic writers, e. g. vapula,
Xer. Phorm. v. 6, io = vapulare te iubeo, Plaut. Cure. vi. 4, 12.
§iiop-fc] The Imperative 325
express the distinct assurance or promise that an action or state will
ensue as the certain consequence of a previous action. So especially:
(«) The imperative when depending (with wdio cox^ulative) upon
another imperative. In this case the first imperative contains, as a
rule, a condition, while the second declares the consequence which the
fulfilment of the condition will involve. The imperative is used for
this declaration, since the consequence is, as a matter of fact, intended
or desired by the speaker (of. divide et impera), e.g. Gn 42'^ ^^V ^^5l
Vni this do, and live, i.e. thus sliall ye continue to live. Gn 17^,
I K 22>2, 2 K 5>^ Is 36^ 45^2 (^yB;5m), Jcr 6">, Am 5^«, ^ 37% Pr 3^%
4\ 7^ 132" KHh., Jb 2^ 2 Ch 20'°; in Jer 25% Jb 22^' W is added to
the first imperative. In other cases, the first imperative contains a
mocking concession, the second an irrevocable denunciation, e. g. Is S'
inni D''13y ^yi (continue to) make an uproar, ye peoples, and ye shall
he broken in pieces ; cf. verse 9 h.
Rem. I. If a promise or threat dependent on an imperative be expressed in P
the 3rd pers. then the jussive is naturally used instead of the 2nd imperative
Is 810, 552.
2. In Pr 20'^ the second imperative (containing a promise) is attached by fi
asyndeton ; elsewhere two imperatives occur side by sic! 1 without the copula,
where the second might be expected to be subordinated to the first, e. g.
Dt 2" {jh pnn (where B'T is virtually, as it were, an object to bnn) begin, take
in possession for to take in possession (cf., however, Ju 19^ ppl N3~?Nin be content,
I pray thee, and tarry all night, and on this kind of co-ordination in general,
cf. § 120 d). But such imperatives as !]p (l^p), Dp (^JO^p), when immediately
preceding a second imperative, are for the most part only equivalent to inter-
jections, come ! up !
(b) The imperative, when depending (with wdw copulative) upon i
a jussive (cohortative), or an interrogative sentence, frequently ex-
presses also a consequence which is to be expected with certainty,
and often a consequence which is intended, or in fact an intention ;
cf. Gn 20' and he shall pray for thee, n''Jl1. and thou shall live; cf.
Ex 14'*, 2 K 5'°, Jb 11^ ^ 128^ the Lord bless thee . . . so that (or in
order that) thou seest, &c.; Ru 1®, 4*'; after a cohortative, Gn 12^
45'^ Ex 3'° K^f^ilTl that thou may est bring forth) Ex iS-'^, 1812'^,
I K i'^; Jer 35^^ (after imperative and jussive) ; after an interrogative
sentence, 2821^ wherewith shall I make atonement, '^r'.-?'' that ye may
bless, &c. — In Nu 5" the imperative without ] (in 32-^ with 1.) is used
after a conditional clause in the sense of a definite promise.
Rem. The 2nd sing. masc. occurs in addressing feminine persons in Ju 4'° fc
(*lby, according to Qimhi an infinitive, in which case, however, the infinitive
absolute *lby should be read ; but probably we should simply read ""IDy with
T • : •
Moore), Mi 1^^ and Zc 13'' (after n^y) ; and in Is 23^, the 2nd plur. masc. (On
326 The Paints of Speech {^ma-d
the four forms of the indfem. plur. imperative in Is 32'*, erroneously explained
here in former editions, see now § 48 i). In Na 3^^ the interchange of masc.
and fem. serves to e'^press totality (the nation in all its aspects). Cf.,
moreover, § 145 p on other noticeable attempts to substitute the corresponding
masculine forms for the feminine.
§ 111. The Imperfect with Wdw Consecutive.
(I 1. The imperfect with wdw consecutive (§ 49 a-g) serves to express
actions, events, or states, which are to be regarded as the temporal
or logical sequel of actions, events, or states mentioned immediately *
before. The im2>erfect consecutive is used in this way most frequently
as the narrative tense, corresponding to the Greek aorist or the Latin
historic perfect. As a rule the narrative is introduced by a perfect,
and then continued by means of imperfects with wdw consecutive (on
this interchange of tenses cf. § 49a, and especially § 112a), e.g.
Gn 3' now the serpent was if^lyf) more subtil . . . and he said p^^*-)
unto the woman; 4', 6^^ io»S 15'', ji^^«-^'«; 14''; 151'-, i6'S 2Il^
24"; 25'«^-, 36^^ 37^
b Rem. I. To this class belong some of the numerous imperfects consec. after
various expressions of time, whenever such expressions are equivalent in
meaning to a perfect^ (viz. n^H it came to pass), e. g. Is6i in the year (hat king
Vzziah died, I saw {T\Vr\^\), &c.; Gn 22*, 278*, Ju ii-", 1 S 4"; if, 216, Ho ii^:
on the use of *n''1 to connect expressions of time, see below, g. — It is only in
late books or passages that we find the simple perfect in a clause following an
expression of time, as i S 17*' (cf. Driver on the passage), 2 Ch 12^, 15*, &c.,
Dn lo^i, 15^*; the Perfect after "j and the subject, 3 Ch 7^.
Q 2. The continuation of the narrative by means of the imperfect consec. may
result in a series of any number of such imperfects, e. g. there are forty-nine
in Gn. i. As soon, however, as the connecting Waw becomes separated
from the verb to which it belongs, by the insertion of any word, the perfect
necessarily takes the place of the imperfect, e.g. Gn 1* and God called (,^^"^i5*^)
the light Bay, and the darkness he called (N"lp '^^np"!) Night ; verse 10, 2°°, 11' and
frequently.
tt 3. Of two co-ordinate imperfects consecutive the former (as equivalent to
a temporal clause) is most frequently subordinate in sense to the latter, e. g.
Gn 28^ ''■ T]p>1 . . . lb*JJ K")*1 when Esau saic that . . . , he tvent, &c. ; so also,
frequently yDtJ**!, &c., Gn 37'^^, &c. On the other hand, a second imperfect
consecutive is seldom used in an explanatory sense, e.g. Ex 2^" ("IDNni/or she
said) ; cf. I S 7^2. Other examples of the imperfect consecutive, which
apparently represent a progress in the narrative, in reality only refer to the
same time, or explain what precedes, see Gn 2*^ 0''"}!! '^*^2/ were; but Jos 4',
1 K 88 they are) ; Gn 36" (n|?ni), 36^2 (!]5lO»1), 1 K 1".
1 On an apparent exception (the imperf. consec. at the beginning of whole
books) see § 49 & note.
'^ Cf. Is 45*, where the imperf. consec. is joined to an abrupt statement of the
cause, and Jb 36^, where it is joined to an abrupt statement of the place.
§111 e-h'] The Imperfect with Wdw Consecutive 327
4. The imperfect consecutive sometimes has such a merely external con- C
nexion with an immediately preceding perfect, that in reality it represents
an antithesis to it, e.g. Gn 32^' and {yet) my life is preserved ; 2 S 3' and yet thou
chargest me ; Jb 10*, 32^ ; similarly in dependence on noun-clauses, Pr 30^^^ ^•
2. The introduction of independent narratives, or of a new section f
of the narrative, by means of an imperfect consecutive, likewise aims
at a connexion, though again loose and external, with that which has
been narrated previously. Such a connexion is especially often
established by means of ^'l^l {koX iyevero) and it came to pass, after
which there then follows either (most commonly) an imperfect con-
secutive (Gn 4^-^, 8^ ii'^, Exi2^^ 13", &c.), or Wdw with the perfect
(separated from it), Gn 7^", 15'^, 22', 27^", or even a perfect without
Wdw (Gn 8", 14^'-, 40', Ex i2^\ 16^^ Nu 10", Dt I^ i S iS^"*, 2 K 8",
&c.), or finally a noun-clause introduced by Wdw, Gn 4 1 ^
Rem. I. This loose connexion by means of \T'1^ is especially common, a-
when the narrative or a new section of it begins with any expression of time,
see above, ; cf., in addition to the above-mentioned examples (e.g. Gn 22^
and it came to pass after these things, that God did prove Abraham), the similar cases
in Gn 19^*, 21^2^ i S 1 1^^, Ru i^. Elsewhere the statement of time is expressed
by 3 or 3 with an infinitive (Gn 12^*, ig"-^^ 39^3, 15^8 f.^ jy jgzs^ qj. jjy
an independent sentence with the perfect (equivalent to a pluperfect, cf.
§ 106/), e.g. Gn 151'', 24^^ 273", or by a temporal clause introduced by "iS uhen,
Gn 268, 27I, Ju i6i«, ■^B'K? when, Gn 12", 20", '\^12from the time that, Gn 39^;
or, finally, by a noun-ciause (cf. § 116 m), e.g. 2 K 13" B'"'K Dn3p Dn ^'^'''l
and it came to pass, as they wens (just) burying a man (prop, they burying),
that . . . ; Gn 42^*, 2 K 2^1 (the apodosis in both these cases being introduced
by nam); iSf", 2S13S0, 2K65-2«, i93T( = Is3738)._ln iSio", ii", 28223,152
a noun standing absolutely follows ^ri"'1 (as the equivalent of a complete
sentence ; see below, h), and then an imperfect consecutive follows.
2. Closely related to the cases noticed in g are those in which the imperfect Jl
consecutive, even, without a preceding TT'I, introduces the apodosis either —
(a) to whole sentences, or (6) to what are equivalent to whole sentences,
especially to nouns standing absolutely. As in certain cases of the perfect
consecutive (see § 112 z), so the imperfect consecutive has here acquired a sort of
independent foi"ce. Cf. for (a) i S 15** because thou hast rejected the word of the
Lord, ^DXp*1 he hath rejected thee (cf. Nu 14^^, Is 48*, where the causal clause
precedes in the form of an infinitive with preposition). Ex 9^1 ; for (&) Gn 22^*
iB'3?*2^ and (as to) his concubine..., *1)?rn_ she bare, &c. ; Ex 382'*, Nu i^^'^'-,
I S 14", 17", 2 S 4I", 19" KHh., 21I6, I k 92<'f-, 12", 2 K 2522, Jer 6", 28*, 332*,
442". 2 — In I K l5^^ 2 K 16^* the preceding noun, used absolutely, is even
regarded as the object of the following imperfect consecutive, and is therefore
introduced by "HK.
^ Exhaustive statistics of the use of TT'I in its many and various connexions
are given by Konig in ZAW. 1899, p. 260 ff.
2 Cf. the Mesa' inscription, 1. 5 {Omri) the king of Israel, Ijyi he oppressed
Moab, &c. — The peculiar imperfect consecutive in Gn 302"''' (in the earlier
editions explained as equivalent to an object-clause) arises rather from a preg-
nant brevity of expression : I have observed a7id have come to the conclusion, tho
Lord hath blessed me, &c.— In Gn a?^* read, with LXX, ^T)"') before ybtJ'3.
328 The Paris of Speech [§ m i-q
i 3. The imperfect consecutive serves, in the cases treated under a-h,
to represent either expressly, or at least to a great extent, a chrono-
logical succession of actions or events ; elsewhere it expresses those
actions, &c., which represent the logical consequence of what preceded,
or a result arising from it by an inherent necessity. Thus the
imperfect consecutive is used —
k (a) As a final summing up of the preceding narrative, e. g. Gn 2^,
23^^" 01 iTW^ DiJJlso (in this weij) the Jield became (legally) the pro2)erty
of Abraham, &c. ; i S 17^°, 3I^
/ (6) To express a logical or necessary consequence of that which
immediately precedes, e. g. Gn 39^, Jb 2^ and he still holdeth fast his
integrity, '31 ^3ri''tpri1 so that thou thus (as it now appears) grov.ndlessly
movedst me against him ; >//■ 65^ «o that they are afraid . . . ; even
a consequence which happens conditionally, Jer 20'' ^7^1 so that my
mother should have been . . . Another instance of the kind perhaps (if
the text be correct) is Jer 38^ riD*l so that he dies (must die).
m Rem. Such consecutive clauses frequently occur after interrogative sen-
tences, e. g. Is 51^^ who art thou (i.e. art thou so helpless), ''N"l^ni that thou art
(^rnust needs be) afraid? \p 144* (of. ^ 8^, where in a very similar context ""S that
is used with the imperfect) ; Gn 12^^ (nj^Nll) ; 31^'^ 'jn?K'i<1 so that I might have
sent thee away.
4. As regards the range of time it is to be carefully noticed —
11 (a) That the imperfect consecutive may represent all varieties in the
relations of tense and mood, which, according to § 107 a, follow from
the idea of the imperfect ;
(fe) That the more precise determination of the range of time to
which an imperfect consecutive relates must be inferred in each case
from the character of the preceding tense (or tense-equivalent), to
which it is attached, in a more or less close relation, as temporal or
logical sequence. Thus the imperfect consecutive serves —
p (i) To represent actions, events, or states, which are past (or were
repeated in past time), when it is united with tenses, or their
equivalents, which refer to an actual past.
Q Cf. the examples given above, under a and /, of the imperfect consecutive
-^ as an historic tense. The imperfect consecutive also frequently occurs as the
continuation of a perfect {preterite) in a subordinate clause; e.g. Gn 27*,
Nu ii^o, Dt 4", I S 8», I K 2», iiS3, 18", &c.; also in Is 49'' ^inn^l is the
continuation of a preterite, contained, according to the sense, in the preceding
(DN3 '^SJ'fr^. — In Jb 3i28s« the imperfect consecutive is joined to an imperfect
denoting the past in a conditional sentence. An imperfect consecutive
occurs in dependence on a perfect which has the sense of a pluperfect (§ 106/),
e. g. in Gn 26'*, 289'-, 3119-3* {now Rachel had taken the teraphim, DDB'ril and had
§ III r-w] The Imperfect with Wdw Consecutive 329
put them, &c.) ; Nu 14^5, i S 28', 2 S 2"^^, Is 39I. Finally there are the cases in
which an infinitival or participial construction representing past time,
according to §ii3r, § ii6x, is taken up and continued by an imperfect
consecutive.
(2) To represent present actions, &c., in connexion with tenses, or r
their equivalents, which describe actions and states as being either
present or lasting on into the present (continuing in their effect) ; so
especially,
(a) In connexion with the present perfects,, described in § 106 g,
e.g. >// 16' therefore my heart is glad (nOK*) and my glory rejoiceth
(''5'!) j Is 3'® (parallel with a simple imperfect). Cf. also such
examples as ■*//• 29'" 3^;''.l (prop, he sat down, and has been enthroned
ever since), -^ 41".
(/3) In connexion with those perfects which represent experiences S
frequently confirmed (see § 106 k), e.g. Jb 14^ he cometh uj) {^'^'))
like a flower, and is cut down (''^*1) ; hefleeth (HID^I) also as a shadoiv,
'^^'^X- \ ^'"'^ contimieth not ; Jb 20'*, 24^*", Is 40^^, Pr 1 1'^.
(y) In connexion with imperfects which, in one of the ways t
described in § 107. 2, are used in the sense of the present; e.g.
Jb 14'" hut man dieth (J^I^IJ) and becometh j^owerless (tl'^n*!), &c., i. e.
remains powerless; Jb 4^, Ho 8'^ Hb i^% >A 55'^ 9°^ Jb 5^°, 7^^ n^
{when thou mockest), 12^^, 34^'', 37* (parallel with a simple imperfect);
39**. In the apodosis of a conditional sentence, ^ 59^*, so also after
an interrogative imperfect, i S 2"^^, yj^ 42^ (''*?n|^l for which in verse 1 2
and in 43^ we have ""ipni^Tip^ and why art thou disquieted ?).
(8) In dependence on participles, which represent what at present U
continues or is being repeated, e.g. Nu 22", i S 2®, 2 S 19"^ behold the
king weepelh ('"I^^) and mourneth (P-^^^))) for Absalom; Am 5*, 9^'",
Na i^ V^ 34", Pr 2o2«, Jb 122"*-, but cf. e.g. Jb 12^ r\'ibvh, N-i.p u-ho
called ujpon God, ^"^P.y'.l and he answered him.
(c) In dependence on other equivalents of the present, as in Is 5 1 '^, V
^\t 144^ (see above, m) ; Jb lo'^^. So especially as the continuation of
an infinitive, which is governed by a preposition (cf. § 114 r), Is 30'^,
Jer lo'^ y\f 92*, &c.
(3) To represent future actions, &c., in dependence on — (a) an W
imperfect which refers to the future, -^ 49'^ 94^^'*; — (/?) a perfect
consecutive, or those perfects which, according to § 106 n, are intended
to represent future events as undoubtedly certain, and therefore as
though already accomplished { perf. propJieticum) ; cf. Is 5'* (parallel
with a simple imperfect separated from )) ; 5'® (cf. 2"-''^, wliere the
same threat is expressed by the perfect consecutive); 5^^ 9^-^'"-»
330 The Parts of Speech [§§ m a^, 112 o, 6
igis.uff.^ 22'''-, Jo 2^^ Mi 2'^ Ez 33^-\ ,/, 7'3, 648^- ;— (y) a future
participle, Jer 4'^ '
i27 Rem. An imperfect consecutive in dependence on a perfect or imperfect,
which represents an action occurring only conditionally, is likewise used
only in a hypothetical sense, e. g. Jb 9'^ '^P.yil ''ONIp'OK if I had called, and he
had answered me, yet . . . ; \p 139^^ "ipi<1 if I should say (previously, in verse 8 f.,
hypothetical imperfects are used). — In Is 48^^ '■ an imperfect consecutive occurs
in dependence on a sentence expressing a wish introduced by Nv utinam CHM
and it, or so that it were, equivalent to then should it be). Cf. also the examples
mentioned above, under I (Jer 20") and m (Gn 31^''), where the imperfect
consecutive expresses facts occurring contingently.
§ 112. The Perfect with Wdiv Consecutive.
O. R. Berry, ' Waw consecutive with the perfect in Hebrew,' in Bibl. Lit.,
xxii. (1903), pp. 60-69.
a 1. The perfect, like the imperfect (§ m), is used with wdw con-
secutive (cf § 49 a ; on the external differentiation of the perfect
consecutive by a change in the position of the tone, see § 49 h) to
express actions, events, or states, which are to be attached to what
precedes, in a more or less close relation, as its temporal or logical
consequence. And as, according to § ill a, the narrative which
begins with a peifect, or its equivalent, is continued in the imperfect
consecutive, so, vice versa, the perfect consecutive forms the regular
continuation to a preceding imperfect, or its equivalent.
}) Rem. I. This alternation of perfect and imperfect or their equivalents is
a striking peculiarity of the consecutio temporum in Hebrew. It not only
affords a certain compensation for the lack of forms for tenses and moods,
but also gives to Hebrew style the charm of an expressive variety, an action
conceived as being still in progress {imperfect, &c.), reaching afterwards in the
perfect a calm and settled conclusion, in order to be again exhibited in
movement in the imperfect, and vice versa.* The strict regularity of this
^ Also in Jer 51*^ the imperfects consecutive are attached to the threat
virtually contained in the preceding imperatives. On the other hand \?TV\
Ho 81" would be very remarkable as expressing a future ; the text is, however,
certainly corrupt, and hence the Cod. Babyl. and the Erfurt MS. 3 endeavour
to remedy it by 'n""!, and Ewald reads ^l^n^l.— In Ez 28i« (cf. Jer i6«f-) ^b^HKI^
appears to announce an action irrevocably determined upon, and therefore
represented as already accomplished ; cf. the prophetic perfects in verse 1 7 ff.
2 It is difficult to give a proper explanation of this phenomenon (according
to § 49 a, note, to be found only in the Canaanitish group of languages), when
we have given up the theory of a special wdw conversivum in the unseientitic
sense mentioned in § 49 b, note, at the end, and if we accept the fact that the
perfect and imperfect consecutive cannot possibly be used in a way which con-
tradicts their fundamental cliaracter as described in §§ 106 and 107. In
other words, even the perfect consecutive originally represents a finally com-
pleted action, &c., just as the imperfect consecutive represents an action which
§ii2c-e] TJie Perfect with Wdw Consecutive 331
alternation belongs indeed rather to the higher style, and even then it depends
upon the view and intention of the speaker, whether he wishes the action,
&c., to be regarded as the logical consequence of what has preceded, or as
simply co-ordinate with it, and so in the same tense.
2. A succession of any number of other peifects consecutive may be co-or- C
dinated with a perfect consecutive (cf. e. g. Ez 14'^, Am 5'', Ru 3', four perfects in
each case, Is 8'' five, Ex 6^'- eight). It is true, however, of the perfect (as
conversely of the imperfect, § 1 1 1 c), that as soon as the Waw is separated by any
intervening word from the verb to which it belongs, an imperfect necessarily
takes the place of the perfect, e.g. Gn li^"^ when the Egyptians shall see thee, they
shall say (^"ItDSI) , This is his wife : and they will kill me PHK 15")n 1) but thee they
will save alive H'n^ TjriNI).
2. The perfect consecutive, like the imperfect consecutive, always (l
belongs to the period of time expressed by the preceding tense, or
its equivalent, vrith which it is connected as the temporal or logical
consequence. The particular cases may be classed under three heads :
(a) the perfect consecutive in immediate dependence (see e), {b) in
loose connexion (see x) with the preceding, and (c) the perfect con-
secutive at the beginning of the apodosis to other sentences, or their
equivalents (seej^).
3. The perfect consecutive in immediate dependence on the pre- e
ceding tense, or its equivalent, serves
(a) As a frequentative tense to express past actions, &c., i.e. actions
repeatedly brought to a conclusion in the past, and follows tenses,
or their equivalents, representing actions which have continued or
been repeated in the past :
(a) After a simple imperfect, e. g. Gn 2* n^V). "1^ there went up
a mist (again and again) from the earth, H^lpn^ and watered (as it
were, and ever watered afresh), &c. This frequentative use of the
perfect consecutive is equally evident after frequentative imperfects,
Gn 2'° ("^TT^ ^^ ^^ became again every time; ''0^1 would mean, and it
became so once for all); 2 9" '• (four perfects consecutive referring to
actions repeated daily); Ex 33^"" ^\^) he used to take at each new
encampment the tent, H^JI and to pitcji it again every time without the
camp; notice, amongst the numerous frequent, perff. consec, the
imperf. in vv. 7, 8, 9, 1 1, always in a frequentative sense; 34^'',
Nu 9"-^' (among several simple imperfects), 10''', Ju 2'®, i S 2'® >^^V^
is only beginning, becoming or still continuing, and hence in any case incom-
plete. The simplest view is to suppose, that the use of the perfect consecutive
originated from those cases, in which it had to express the conclusion (or
final consequence) of an action which was continued (or repeated) in past time
(see the examples above), and that this use was afterwards extended to other
cases, in which it had to represent the temporal or logical consequence
of actions, &c., still in progress, and thus in the end a regular interchange
of the two tenses became I'ecognized.
332 The Parts of Speech [§ii2/-»»
she used to make . . . i^T}}'!^\]\ and hrought it to him from year to year ;
27' C^i^?!), I K 14^*, 2 K 3'^^, 12'^ (in verses i6'- imperfects occur
again). So also in dependent sentences, Gn 6'* i^vl). as a continuation
J {jS) After an imperfect consecutive, e. g. Ex 39^ (Samaritan IXVpl),
1 S 5^ (?see § 112 rr), 7**, 2 S li^^-^, 16" and he threw stones at him,
■^Syi. and cast dust continually ; 1 2^^-'\ 2 K 6^", 1 2" ^- ^^, Jer 37^*, Jb i\
^' Rem. The frequentative perfect consecutive is sometimes joined even with
imperfects consecutive which simply express one single action or occurrence
in the past ; thus Ex iS^s, 4^31 '-, i S l^ 2 S 151'-, i K 14" (cf. verse 28) ; i K i8^
2 K 12^". For other examples of a loosely connected frequentative perfect
consecutive, see below, dd.
h (y) After a perfect, Gn 37^ (i? nb'yi, i.e. as often as h3 needed
a new garment)^; Gn 31'^, Nu 11^, i S 16", 2 K 3", -^ 22^-^ in
interrogative sentences, 1826^ who has ever, &c.; if/ 80", Jb i'-^ Ru 4^.
i (8) After an infinitive, Am i'' ^ISII'-'V because he did pursue his
brother, nnc'^ and (on each occasion) did cast off all 2)ity (then an
imperfect consecutive); after an infinitive absolute, Jos 6", 2 S 13",
Jer 23''*.
k («) After a participle. Is 6' (^^i?)), &c., frequentative, as a con-
tinuation of D'ltp'y, verse 2); i S 2-^, 2 S 17^^*
/ (C) After other equivalents of tenses, e. g. Gn 47^ the priests had
a portion from Pharaoh, ^^'?^\ and did eat (year by year), &c. ; i K 4'.
■)}l (6) To express present actions, &c., as the temporal or logical con-
sequence of actions or events which continue or are repeated in the
present, especially such as have, according to experience, been at all
times frequently repeated, and may be repeated at any time :
(a) After a simple imperfect, e, g. Gn 2^^ therefore a man leaves
(3TJ|^_ is accustomed to leave) . . . p^]). and cleaves, &c., here, as
frequently elsewhere, clearly with the secondary idea of purpose, i.e.
in order to cleave ; Is 5" (if HMI is to be taken as a continuation
* Also in Ez 44" (where Stade, ZAW. v, 293, would read ^TCW and Vn*1)
the unusual tenses may have been intentionally chosen : becaxise they continually
ministered and so always became afresh . . .
* Driver, on this passage, rightly refers to 1 S 2''.
' Am 4'' would also come under this head, if ^fTltDDni is really intended,
and the statement refers to the past ; ""riyiD might, however, also be a perfect
expressing positive assurance (§ 106 m), and the passage would then come
under s.
* That nspni, &c., are frequentatives {the maidservant used to go repeatedly and
tell them) may be seen from ^3p^ (necessarily an imperfect, since it is separated
from 1 by DH) and ^?3V : on the other hand in verse 18 KT1 and W^J'T of
actions which happened only once.
§ii2n-<] The Perfect with JVdw Consecutive 333
of Dp^S'T); la 2S^, Jer I2^ Ho 4\ f, ij/go\ Jb 14%- also in dependent
clauses, Lv 20^^ Is 29^-"'-, Am 5'°.
(^) After a participle, as the equivalent of a sentence representing fl
a contingent action, &c., e.g. Ex 21^^ ri»1 {^^N nsp (instead of n3»
there is in verse 20, &c. 55''^ n3^ '•3']) ty or^e smite a man and (so that)
he die, &c., Ex 2I'^ Is 29'^ Am 6', Hb 2'\
(y) After an infinitive absolute, Jer 7''' will ye steal, murder, and
commit adxdtery (simple infinitives absolute ; of. § 113 ee), DriN3^ and
then come and stand before me . . . and say, &c. ; cf. below, u.
(c) To express /w^wre actions, &c., as the temporal or logical con-jp
sequence of tenses, or their equivalents, which announce or require
such future actions or events. Thus— -
(a) After impei'fects in the sense of a simple future, e.g. Am g^'-
Crini??'! {f QnX DK'O / will search and take them out thence, &c. ; Gn 4",
40'^ Ex 7^ I S 1 7*^ 2 K 5", Jb 8^'- (also with a change of subject,
Gn 27'^, Ju 6'^, &c.); and in interrogative sentences, Gn 39^, Ex 2^,
2 8 12'^ 2 K 14'", Am 8*, \j/ 41^; cf. also Ru i"; in sentences
expressing a wish, 2 S iS*; as well as in almost all kinds of dependent
clauses. Also in conditional clauses after "DN Gn 32**, Ex 19^ i S i",
or "'3 Gn 37^, or |n Jer 3' ; in final clauses after m'? Gn I2»^ Nu 15'",
Is 28'3; after T^K Dt 2^ or '\Q Gn f\ ig'\ 32^^ Is 6'«, Am 5« ; in
temporal clauses, Is 32'°, Jer 13'®; and in relative clauses, Gn 24'*,
Ju I'^ I S if\
()S) After the jussive (or an imperfect in the sense of a jussive or g
optative) or cohortative, with the same or a different subject, e. g.
Gn i"'- ''•n'! • • rinXD '•n^ Ut there be lights . . . and let them be, &c. ;
Gn 24", 28^ 31'", I K i^, 22", Ru 2', I Ch 22"; after a jussive
expressing an imprecation, i/r 109'".
(y) After an imperative, also with the same or a different subject, r
e. g. 2 S 7^ ?l'?f?l '=!.? go and tell (that thou mayst tell), &c., and often,
perf. consec. after ^.? (as also the perf. consec. of "1P^? and "^1"^ very
frequently follows other imperatives);, Gn 6", 8'^ 27^'-, i S I5'•'^
I K 2^, Jer 482«.
(8) After perfects which express a definite expectation or assurance S
(cf. § 106 m and n), e.g. Gn 17^0 ink ^niQni inx ^n313 niin behold,
I have blessed him, and will make him fruitful, &c. ; Is 2", 5''*; on
Am 4^ see above, note 3 on A ; in an interrogative sentence, Ju 9^, 11".
(c) After a participle, e. g. Gn 7'' for yet seven days, "^''^DD ""SiX t
and I will cause it to rain . . . ^^''0?^ ^''^ I i^iH (i- g. in order to)
destroy, &c.; Jer 21'; also with a different subject, Gn 24^^'* the
334 '^he Parts of Speech [§ 112 u-a?
maiden which cometh forth (HNJf'n) . . , , H^K "^^IPf?) to whom I shall
say . . . , n"llDN'! and she (then) shall say, &c. This use of the perfect
consecutive is especially frequent after a participle introduced by
'^?.'?> e.g. Gn 6"'-; with a different subject i K 20^^ Am 6'^; after
a complete noun-clause introduced by ^PJ} (cf. § 140), Ex 3^* behold,
I come (i.e. if I shall come) • • DH^ "'^"]'?f!j^. and shall say unto them
. . ., ^"I»J?1 and they (then) shall say, &c. ; i S 14^^; Is f\ S"; 39".
U (0 After an infinitive absolute, whether the infinitive absolute serves
to strengthen the finite verb (see §113 t),e. g. Is 31*, or is used as an
emphatic substitute for a cohortative or imperfect (§ i r 3 c?c? and ee),
e. g. Lv 2^ Dt i'\ Is 5^ Ez 23*^'-
y (rj) After an infinitive construct governed by a preposition (for
this change from the infinitive construction to the finite verb, cf.
§ 114 r), e.g. I S 10^ '^5' ''^Vi^^) T^^ '''<'i2""'y till I come unto thee
(prop, until my coming) and show thee, &c. ; Gn i8"^', 27'^, Ju 6'^
Ez 39-'; cf. I K 2''-'\
^ Rem. To the same class belong i S 14^*, where the idea of time precedes,
until it be evening and until I be avenged, &c., and Is 5^, where the idea of place
precedes, in both cases governed by "ly.
07 4. The very frequent use of the perfect consecutive in direct
dependence upon other tenses (see above, d-v) explains how it finally
obtained a kind of independent force — especially for the purpose of
announcing future events — and might depend loosely on sentences to
which it stood only in a wider sense in the relation of a temporal
or logical consequence. Thus the perfect consecutive is used —
(a) To announce future events, &c., in loose connexion with a
further announcement, e. g. Gn 41^" ^^\>] and two co-ordinate perfects
consecutive, equivalent to but then shall arise, &c. ; frequently so after
nan with a following substantive (i S 9®), or a participial clause (cf.
the analogous instances above, under t), e.g. i S 2'' behold, the days
come, ''^Vl}): that I will cut off, &c. ; Is 39®, Am 4^ 8'\ 9", and very
often in Jeremiah; after an expression of time, Ex 17*, Is 10^, 29'',
Jer 51^, Ho I*. Further, when joined to a statement concerning
pi-esent or past facts, especially when these contain the reason for the
action, &c., expressed in the perfect consecutive ; cf. Is 6'' lo, this hath
touched thy lips, ">pi therefore thine iniquity shall be taken away, &c.
(not copulative and it is taken away, since it is parallel with a simple
imperfect), Gn 20", 26^^^, Ju 13^ (here in an adversative sense);
Ho 8'\ In loose connexion with a noun-clause, a long succession of
perfects consecutive occurs in Ex 6^"- Also in Amos 5^® D'^Nb'?^ may
be an announcement yea, ye shall take up ; but cf. below, rr.
§ 112 y-dd'\ The Perfect with Wdzv Consecutive 335
Rem. I. Very frequently the announcement of a future event is attached y
by means of HMI ^ and if shall come to pass (cf. the analogous continuation in
the past by means of ^H^l, § iii, 2), after which the event announced (some-
times after a long parenthesis) follows in one or more (co-ordinate) perfects
consecutive, Gn 9^*, 12^2 C^ iTni = j/, as in 46^3, Ex i^", 2 2^25 and frequently),
I K 1812, Is 148 f-, Am 8*; or in the imperfect, Gn 4", Is 2^, 32^, 48, 7I8.21 ff.
(cf. 29') ; or in the jussive, Lv 14^ It very rarely happens that the verb
which is thus loosely added, agrees in gender and number with the following
<
subject, as in Nu 5*'', Jer42i6 ^n^^1 (before 3"inn), and in Jer 42" ViT'l (before
• T-:|T T
2. The jussive form \'T'1 occurs (in the sense described in y) instead of H^ni Z
in I S 10^, 2 S 52^ (i Ch 14^^), 1 K 14", Ru 3*, although in the first three places
a jussive is wholly inadmissible in the context, and even in Ru 3* (where an
admonition follows) iTTII would be expected (see below, hb). In 1X14^ the
form is a textual error, and the pointing should simply be Tl^l. In the other
passages TT'I (always before an infinitive with a preposition) stands at the
beginning of the sentence at an unusually long distance from the principal
tone, and hence is certainly to be explained according to § 109 k, except that
in I S 10", &c., the simply rhythmical jussive form takes the place, not of the
full imperfect form, but (exceptionally) of the perfect consecutive.
(6) To introduce a command or wish : Dt 10" love ye therefore the aa
stranger; i S 6^, 24'®, i K 2® (in Gn 40''' the precative perfect con-
secutive, as elsewhere the cohortative, jussive, and imperative, is
strengthened by means of W). So, also, in loose connexion with
participial and other noun-clauses (see above, a;), Gn 45'^'^-, i K 2^^',
I'^i 3^'> 3^- — In Gn 17" the perfect consecutive (OripP^I and ye shall
be circumcised, &c.) is used to explain a preceding command.
Rem. As in the cases mentioned above under j/, the connexion may be UU
made by means of iTrTl. Thus with a following perfect consecutive, e.g.
Gn 4688^ 4^24^ ju ^2o_ Cf also Gn 24^*, where the real wish, at least as regards
the sense, is contained in the next sentence.
(c) To introduce a question, wliether in loose connexion with CC
another interrogative sentence (see above, p), e.g. Gn 29'* art thou my
brother (equivalent to. Surely thou art), ""^ril^yi. and shouldest thou then
serve me for naught ? or with a positive statement, e.g. Ex 5^ (□riBB'ni
will ye then make them rest ?) ; Nu 16'", i S 25", and (if it is Mil^ra)
f 50-' ('W'lnni).
{d) To introduce actions frequently repeated (hence analogous to dct
the numerous examples of a frequentative perfect consecutive, above,
under e), e.g. i S i^ ('"'<V^ of annual festival journeys); 13"' (where,
however, the text appears radically corrupt); 27^ ('"'?''!'1, i.e. every
time, therefore continued by means of '"1*0^ '^^l) ; i K s'' (v???!,
1 On the various combinations with DTl) see KOnig's statistics in ZAW.
xix. 372 ff.
336 The Parts of speech [§ii2ee-M
parallel with a simple imperfect); g^^, Jer 25*, Ho 12", Dn 8*. — In
Jb i^'' a series of frequentative perfects consecutive is interrupted by
an imperfect consecutive, while a simple imperfect (as the modus rei
repetitae) forms the conclusion. In Jer 6^^ a similar perfect is expressly
marked, by placing the tone on the final syllable (according to § 49 h),
as parallel with the real perfects consecutive.
Ce Rem. The loose connexion of tempora frequenlativa by \VT\\ (cf. the Rem. on
tj and &&) is also very common in this sense ; thus with a following perfect
consecutive, Gn 30*1^- (but in verse 42", where the verb is separated from
the Waw by an insertion, we find D'^b*'' Xb he used not to put them in, according
to § 107 e) ; Gn 389, Ex 17", 33^^- (see above, e), Nu 2i9, .Tu 6^, 19SO, j s i623
(followed by five perfects consecutive) ; 2 S 15^; with a following imperfect
(as the modus rei repetitae), Ju 2^*, 2 S 14^'. — In Ju 12^'- H^ni, contrary to what
would be expected, is continued by means of the imperfect consecutive, and
in I S 13^2 by j^^i with the perfect (instead of the imperfect).
^ 5. Further, the perfect consecutive is very frequently employed with
a certain emphasis to introduce the apodosis after sentences (or their
equivalents) which contain a condition, a reason, or a statement of
time. Such an apodosis, as in the cases already treated, may represent
either future events, or commands and wishes, or even events which
have been often repeated in the past. Thus —
(a) The perfect consecutive occurs in the apodosis to conditional
sentences ^ (§ 159 g, 0, s) :
(a) After D«< with the imperfect, e.g. 2 K 7^* ^Jnci «n^J?;-DX if they
kill us, (well then) we sh 
TVNews
OpenLibrary