FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT
or THE
.«^
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
TO THE
SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
1892-93
BT
J . ^V. P» O ^^ E L L
DIRECTOR
PART 2
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GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
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THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
SIOUX OUTBREAK OF 1890
BT
JAMES MOONET
641
Say, shall not I at lant attain
Some height, from ■vfhenci) the Past is clear,
In ■whose immortal atmosphere
I shall behold my dead again t
Bayard Taylor.
For the fires grow cold and the dances fail,
And the songs in their echoes die ;
And what have we left hut the graves beneath,
And, above, the waiting sky?
The Song of the Ancient People,
My Father, have pity on me!
I have notliiug to eat,
I am dying of thirst —
Everything is gone 1
Arapaho (ihoat Song.
643
CONTENTS ,A)
Page
Introduction 653
The narrative 657
Chapter I — Paradise lost , 657
II — The Delaware prophet and Pontiac 662
III — Tenskwatawa the Shawiino prophet 670
IV — Tecumtha aud Tippecanoe 681
,V — KauakOk and minor prophets 692
/ Kanakftk 692
fl Pa'thCskS 700
/ Ta'vibo 701/
Nakai-dokH'ni 704
The Potawatomi prophet 705
Cheez-tah-paezh the Sword-bearer 706 /
VI — The Smohalla religion of the Columbia region 708
Smohalla 708
Joseph and the Nez Perc^ war 711
VII — Smohalla and his doctri^ne 716
VIII — The Shakers of Puget sound "^"^^U
IX — \Vovnk^.±^ jf flssijih '^'/T
The doctrine of the Ghost dance rrrr. "^^'M
Appendix: ' "
The Mormons and the Indians 792 ^
Porcupine's account of the messiah 793 S
The Ghost dance among the Sioux 796 >$■
,;^ Selwyn's interview with Kuwapi 798
XI — The Ghost dance west of the Rockies 802 -f.
■XII -♦The Ghost dance east of the Rockies — among the Sioux 816 "{-
\\ vy' Appendix: Causes of the outbreak 829
Commissioner Morgan's statement 829
Ex- Agent McGillycuddy's statement 831
Statement of General Miles 833
; Report of Captain Hurst 836
\ Statement of American Horse .-- 839
. Statement of ISishop Hare 84(U
rxmVThe Sioux outbreak— Sitting Bull aud Wounded Knee ^43*
^ -^ Appendix: The Indian story of Wounded Knee 884 1 ^
XIV— Close of the outbreak — The Ghost dance in the south 9»TJ^
V— -The ceremony of the Ghost dance 915 >)
Among the northern Cheyenne 915
CAmoug the Sioux.^ 915
Song rehearsals 918
Preparations for the dance 918
Giving the feather 919
The painting of the dancers 919
645
646 CONTENTS [ETH.ANN.U
The narrative — Continued Page
Chapter XV^The ceremony of the Ghost ilance — Continued
The ceremony 920
The crow dance 921
The hypnotic process 922
The area covered by the dance 926'*^
Present condition of the dance 927
XVI — Parallels in other systems 928
The BiJjlical period 928
Mohammedanism 930
Joan of Arc 932
Dance of Saint John 935
The Flagellants 935
Ranters, Quakers, and Fifth-Monarchy men 936
French prophets 938
Jumpers 939
Methodists 939
Shakers 94I
Kentucky revival 942
Adventists 944
Other parallels 945
Beekmanites 945
Patterson and Brown's mission 946
Wilderness worshipers 946
Heavenly recruits 947
Appendix: Hypnotism and the dance among the Der-
vishes 948 ,,
The Bongs 953
Introductory 953
/The Arapaho 953
Tribal synonymy 953
Tribal signs 954
Sketch of the tribe 954
Songs of the Arapaho 958 -"'^
1. Opening song: Eyehe'! nii'nisa'na — O, uiy children! 958
2. Se'icha' heita'icuni'na — The sacred pipe tells me 959
3. Ate'M tiawu'ndnu' — When at first I liked the whites 961
4. A'iS'ni'hi' — My partner 962
5. A'-nlsuna'a'hu — My father 962
6. E'yehe'! Wu'natju'uhu' — E'yehe'! They are new 963
7. Hi'sdhi'hi — My partner! My partner. 964
8. A'-nani'ni'bi'na'si waku'na — The wind makes the head-feathers
sing 965
9. He'! Ndne'th bishiqa'wd — When I met him approaching 965
10. Hana'na'wtmdtm — I take pity on those 966
11. A-ni'qii wa'tvand'niba'tia' — Father, now I am singing it 966
12. Ha'yana'-nsi'ya' — How bright is the moonlight ! 966
13. Ha'Hni'bdt — The Cottonwood song 967
14. Eyehe'.' A' nie'sa'na'—The young Thunderbirds 968
15. A'he'suna'nini ndya'quti'hi — Our father, the Wliirlwind 970
16. A'he'suna'nini ndya'qiiti' — Our father, the Whirlwind 970
17. Ninad'niahu'na — I circle around 970
18. -ffa'jiaftauiu'Ben fteni'ni'Ma— The -Tfana/iaioMnt^tt gave it to me ... 971
19. Ate'be' iana'-iee'ti — When first our father came 971
20. A-ni'ane'thdhi'nani'na — My father did not recognize me 972
MooNKY] CONTENTS 647
The songs — Continued r»n
The Arapaho — Continued
Songs of the Arapalio — Continued
21. Ni'-atliu'-a-u' ii'hakii'nUh'ii — The whites are crazy 972
22. Na'ha'ta hi'taa'wu — The earth is about to move 973
23. Ahe'ai'tna'nini iickiqa'hd'wa-u' — I am looking at my father 973
24. Ila'dnake'i — Tlio rock 973
25. Wa'wa'na' datid' did' — 1 am about to hum 974
26. A-te'M (In'neiita'nUy — At the beginning of existence ^1^5
27. Tahu'na'dnd'nia'huna — It is I who make the thunder J^ 916
28. Ani' qu ne' chawu' nani' — Fatlier, have pity on me .'. 977
29. A-ni'niha'niahu'na—l fly around yellow ^ 977
30. Niha'nata'yeche' li — The yellow hide mw- ^^
31. A-bdd'thina'hu — The cedar tree tW. 978
32. Wa'tra nu'nanu'nakit'ii — Now I am waving au eagle feather.. . 979
33. A-ni'qana'ga — There is a solitary bull 980
34. A-nfU'thibiwd'hand — The place where crying begins 981
35. Thi'dya' he'ndd'atvd — When I see the thi'iiya 981
36. A-hu'hu ha'geiii'iiti'ti — The crow is making a road 982
37. Jii'taa'tvu hu'hu' — The crow brought the earth 983
38. Ni'nini'tiihi'na hu'hu' (I) — The crow has called me 983
39. y&'nanii'naa'tdni'na hu'hu' (I) — The crow is circlingaboveme. 984
40. lyu ha'thabe'nawa' — Here it is, I hand it to you 984
41. Hanaii'hi ya'ga'ahi'na — I^ittle boy, the coyote gun 984
42. He'auna' na'nahatha'hi — The father showed me 985
43. Kdnisa'tdqu'thiChlnachi'chibd'iha' — Theseven venerable priests. 986
44. Xd'nisa'tdqi Chi'ndchi'chibd'iha' — The seven venerable priests . 990
45. Xu'nanu'naa'tani'na hu'hu' (II; 990
46. Na'tunu'ya chffbi'nh — The pemmican that I am using 991
47. Hai'nawa' hd'm'ia'quna'ni — I know, in the pitfall 991
48. Jid'hina'nina'ta ni'taba'na — I hear everything 993
49. A-ba'qati' hd'nichd'bi'hind'na — With the wheel I am gambling. 994
50. Ani'dsa'kua'na — I am watching 995
51. Ni'chi'd i'iheti'hi — (There) is a good river 995
52. Ni'nini'tubi'na hu'hu' (II) 996
53. AnihU'ya atani'td'nu'nawa' — I use the yellow (paint) 997
54. Ki'naW niahu' taioa hi'taa'iou — I am flying about the earth 997
55. I'nita'ta'-usd'na — Stand ready 998
56. Wa'wathd'bi — I have given you magpie feathers 998
57. Ani'qa hf'tabi'nuhu'ni'na — My father, I am poor 999
58. Nd'nisa'taqu'thi hu'na — The seven crows 999
59. Ahu'nU he'suna'nin — There is our father 1000
60. Ga'aira'Ait — The ball, the ball 1000
61. Ahu' ni'higa'hu — The Crow is running 1000
62. Ya'tha-yii'na — He put me in live places 1001
63. Ni'vad'qa'ua chibd'ti — I am going around the sweat-house 1001
64. Hiae'hi — My comrade 1002
65. Na'tu'uani'sa — My top, my top 1005
66. Ile'na'ga'nawa'nen — When we dance until daylight 1006
67. Xi'nd'nina'ti'naku'ni'na — I wear the morning star 1006
68. A-ne'na' tabi'ni'na — My mother gave it to me 1007
69. ri'Aa'a'o'/ii'Ai' — Gambling song (Paiute gambling songs) 1008
70. m'qa-hu'hu' — 'My father, my father 1010
71. A'hu'nawu'hu' — With red paint 1010
72. Ani'qa »ia<7o'(/H — Father, the Morning Star 1010
73. Ahu'yu hdthi'na — Closing song 1011
Arapaho glossary 10i2
648 CONTENTS [ETH.AHK. U
The songs — Continued Pa^e
The Cheyenne 1023
Tribal synonymy 1023 "^
Tribal sign 1024^
Sketch of the tribe 1024 ^
Songs of the Cheyenne 1028
1. O'tii na'nisi'nasisis — -Well, my children 1028
2. Ehd'n esho'ini' — Our father has come 1028
3. Nd' niso' nasV stsilii' ■ — My children 1029
4. Xd' see' nehe' ehe'yotvo'mi — I waded into the yellow river 1030
5. Wosi'vd-a'a' — The mountain is circling 1030
6. Jfi'ha-i'hi'hi' — >Iy father, I come 1031
7. Sl'awii'hi- — We have put the devil aside 1031
8. Ni'ha e'yehe' ! — My father, my father 1031
9. A'minii'qi — My comrade 1032
10. He'stutu'ai —The buffalo head 1032
11. Na'mio'ts — I am coming in sight 1034
12. A'gachi'hi — The crow is circling 1034
13. Nd' niae' nasi' stse — My children, I am now humming 1034
14. Ogo'ch ehe'ei/e' ! — The crow, the crow 1035
15. Tsiao'soyo'tsito'ho — While I was going about 1035
16. Ni'ha e'yehe'e'yeye' ! — My father, my father 1036
17. A'ga'ch ehe'e'ye' .' — The crow, the crow 1037
18. Nd'niso'ndai'sMlie'e'ye' .' — My children, my children 1037
19. Agii'ga'-ihi — The crow woman 1038
Cheyenne glossary 1039 *
/The Comanche 1043
/ Tribal synonymy 1043
Tribal sign 1043
Sketch of the tribe 1043
Songs of the Comanche 1046
1. Heyo'hdnd hde'yo 1046
2. Ta'hi'yu'niva'hu 1047
3. Tani tsini'hawa'na 1047
4. Xi'nini'tuwi'na 1047
The Paiute, Washo, and Pit River tribes 1048 ^
Paiute tribal synonymy 1048
Sketch of the Paiute 1048
Characteristics 1048
Genesis myth 1050
The Washo 1051
The Pit River Indians 1052
Songs of the Paiute 1052
1. NUvU lea ro'rani' — The snow lies there 1052
2. Delia' gayo'n — A slender antelope 1053
3. Do <r'm6i— The black rock 1053
4. Pdail' wi'noghdn — The wind stirs the willows 1053
5. Pdgil'ndvd' — Fog! Fog! 1054
6. Wiunbi' ndomd'n — The whirlwind 1054
7. Koai' wiimbi'ndomd' — There is dust from the whirlwind 1054
8. Domhi'na so' wind' — The rocks are ringing 1055
9. Su'ng-d ro'yonji' — The cottonwoods are growing tall 1055
Paiute glossary 1056
The Sioux 1057
Tribal synonymy 1057
Tribal sign 1057
)48f
)48-l
)48 T
)50 I
)51 \
052 ,1 I
052 V
MooNEY] CONTENTS 649
The songs — Continued Pag®
The Sioux — Continued
Sketch of the tiil>e 1058
Songs of the Sioux 1061
1. OpemngHoug: A' tehe' ye e'yayo — The father says so 1061
2. Michi'nkshi naiipe — My son, let me grasp your hand 1061
3. Be tiiwe'cha he — Wlio thinlc you comes there? 1064
4. Wana'ijan ma'niije — Now ho is walking 1064
5. Lecliel miyo' qaii-kte — This is to be my work 1065
6. Mickinhshi' iji iewa'qila die — I love my children 1065
7. Mila kin hi yu'michi' chiyaiia — Give me my knife 1065
8. Le he'yahe' — This one says 1068
9. Niya'tc-ye' he'u'roe — It is your father coming 1068
10. Miyo' (jan kill waiila'ki — You see what I can do j 1068
11. Michlnkihi mita'waye — It is my own child 1069
12. A'te he' «-ice^There is the father coming 1069
13. Wa'sna ua'tih-kla — I shall eat pemmican 1069
14. A'te Una ma'qu-tve — The father gave us these 1069
15. Ilia' lie'kuwo' — Mother, come home 1070
16. Wa'na wanasa'pi-kta — Now they are about to chase the buffalo. 1070
17. He! Kii'ujianka a'gali'-ye — He ! They have come back racing . . 1071
18. Mi'ye wafima' i/anka-yo ! — Look at me ! 1071
19. Maka' sito'maniyan — The whole world is coming 1072
20. Le'na wa'kaii — These sacred things 1072
21. Miijo'qaii kin chichu'-che — I have given you my strength 1072
22. Michi'nkshi tahe'na — My child, come this way 1073
23. IVana wivhe'shka — Now set up the tipi 1073
24. A'temi'chuye — Father, give them to me 1074
25. Hat'ipa wecha'ghe — I made moccasins for him 1074
26. Waka'nyan iiiya'nkin-kte — The holy (hoop) shall run _]ft7'' /^
Sioux glosfery 1075
The Kiowa and Kiowa Apache 1078
Kiowa tribal synonymy 1078
Kiowa tribal sign 1078
Sketch of the Kiowa 1078
The Kiowa Apache 1081 ♦
Songs of the Kiowa 1081
1. Da'ta-i so'da'te — The father will descend 1081
2. Dak' in' ago (tm) s/i' nteiihe' dal — The spirit army is approaching. 1082
3. Gu'ato iidd'ga — I scream because I am a bird 1082
4. Da'ta-i nyd'honnga'mo — The father shows me the road 1083
5. Dak'in'a bate'yd — The spirit (God) is approaching 1083
6. Na'da'g d ka'na — Because I am poor 1084
7. Ze'hdt-gd'ga igu'anpa'-ima' — He makes me dance with arrows . 1084
8. lie'ta! To'ngya-gu'adal — Red Tail has been sent 1085
9. Da'ta-i dnka'ngo'na — My father has much pity for us 1085
10. Da' ta-i ii'ika' ntdhe' dal — My father has had pity on me 1085
11. Dak'iii'ago dho'dhe'dal — The spirit host is advancing 1086
12. E'hyiiu'i degid'ta — I am mashing the berries 1087
13. Go'mgyd-da'ga — That wind shakes my tipi 1087
14. Dak'in'a dakan'tdhe'dal — God has had pity on us 1087
15. Anao' gydld'to — I shall cat off his feet 1088
Kiowa glossary 1088
>^he Caddo and .associated tribes 10it2
Caddo tribal synonymy 1092
Caddo tribal sign 1092
G50 CONTENTS [BTH. ANN. u
The songs — Coutiimed rage
The Caddo and associated tribes — Continued
Sketch of the Caddo 1092
The Wichita, Kicliai, and Delaware 1095
Songs of the Caddo 1096
1. Ha'yo ta'ia' a'a' — Our father dwells above 1096
2. Wu'niilta'yano' di'witi'a — All our people are going up 1096
3. N&nai'tsiya' — I have come 1097
4. Xa'tsiu'a'ya — I am coming 1097
5. Na'-iye' ino' ga'nio'aii — My sister above 1097
6. Xa'a ha'yo ha'wano — Our father above (has) paint 1098
7. Wu'nti ha'yano ka'ka'na' — All the people cried 1098
8. Na'ui i'lia — We have our mother below 1098
9. Ni' ika' na'a — Our grandmother and our father above 1099
10. Hi'na ha'natobi'na — The eagle feather headdress 1099
11. iVa' aa' o'wi'ta' — The father comes from above 1099
12. Xa' iwi' o'wi'ta' — See ! the eagle comes 1100
13. A' nana' hana'niio' — The feather has come back 1101
14. Na' iwi' ha'naa' — There is an eagle above 1101
15. Wi'tu' Ha'sini' — Come on, Caddo 1101
Caddo glossary 1102
Authorities cited 1104
ILLUSTRATIONS
Page
Platk IjXXXV. Map of the Indian regervationa of the United States showing
the approximate area of the Ghost dance 653
LXXXVI. The prayer-stick 698
LXXXVII. Chief Joseph 712
LXXXVIII. Map showiuK the distribution of the tribes of the upper
Columbia 716
LXXXIX. Smohalla and his priests 721
XC. Smohalla church on Vakima reservation 723
XCI. Interior of Smohalla church 727
XCII. Winter view in Mason valley showing snow-oovered sage-
brush 769
XCIII. Sioux ghost shirts from Wounded Knee battlefield 789
XCIV. Sioux sweat-house and sacrifice polo 823
XCV. Map of the country embraced in the campaign against the
Sioux 850
XCVI. Map of Standing Rock agency and vicinity 855
XCVII. Map of Wounded Knee battlefield 869
XCVIII. After the battle 873
XCIX. Battlefield of Wounded Knee 875
C. Burying the dead 877
CI. Grave of the dead at Wounded Knee 879
CII. liattlefield after the blizzard 881
CIII. Arapaho ghost shirt, showing coloring 895
CIV. Arapaho ghost shirt — reverse 897
CV. Black Coyote 898
C VI. BiJiuki, the Kiowa dreamer 908
CVII. Biiinki's vision 910
CVIII. Kiowa summer shelter 913
CIX. The Ghost dance (buckskin painting) 915
ex. Sacred objects from the Sionx Ghost dance 916
CXI. Sacred objects from the Sioux Ghost dance 918
CXII. TheGhost dance — small circle 921
CXIII. The Ghost dance — larger circle 923
CXI V. The Ghost dance — large circle 925
CXV. TheGhost dance — praying 927
CXVI. TheGhost dance — inspiration 929
CXVII. The Ghost dance — rigid 931
CXVIII. The Ghost dance — unconscious 933
CXIX. The crow dance 935
CXX. Arapahobed 962
CXXI. The sweat-lodge : Kiowa camp on the Washita 981
CXXII. Dog-soldier insignia 988
Figure 56. Tenskwatawa tlie Shawano prophet, 1808 and 1831 670
57. Greenville treaty medal 671
58. Tecumtha 682
59. Harrison treaty pipe 688
60. Kiinakftk the Kickapoo prophet 693
651
652 ILLUSTRATIONS [eth.ann.U
Pajre
Figure 61. Kiinakflk's heaven 694
62. Oiisawkie : 698
63. Nakai'-ilokll'ui's dance wlieel 704
64. Smohalla's Hag 726
65. Charles Ike, Smohalla interpreter 728
66. Diagram showing arrangement of worshipers at Smohalla service. . 729
67. John Slocum and Louis Yowaluch 746
68. Shaker church at Mud hay 758
69. Wovoka 764
70. Navaho Indians 810
71. Vista in the Hopi puehlo of Walpi 812
72. A Sioux warrior — Weasel Bear 844
73. Red Cloud 846
74. Short Bull 851
75. Kicking Bear 853
76. Red Tomahawk 856
77. Sitting Bu 11 the Sioux medicine-man 858
78. Sketch of the country of the Sitting Bull fight, December 15, 1890. 859
79. Survivors of Wounded Knee — Blue Whirlwind and children 877
80. Survivors of Wounded Knee — Marguerite Zitkala-noni 878
81. Survivors of Wounded Knee — Jennie Sword 879
82. Survivors of Wounded Knee — Herbert Zitkalazi 880
83. Sitting Bull the Arapabo apostle 896
84. Two Kiowa prophecies (from a Kiowa calendar) 907
85. Poor Buffalo 908
86. Sitting Bull comes down (from a Kiowa calendar) 909
87. A'piatan 912
88. Arapabo tipi and windbreak 957
89. Bed of the prairie tribes 963
90. Shinny stick and ball 964
91. Wakuna or head-feathers 964
92. The Thunderbird 969
93. Hummer and bullroarer 974
94. Dog-soldier insignia — rattle and qnirt 987
95. Diagram of awl game 1002
96. Sticks used in awl game 1003
97. Trump sticks used in awl game 1003
98. Baskets used in dice game 1004
99. Dice used in dice game 1005
J' 100. Cheyenne camping circle 1026
101. Paiute wikiup 1019
102. Native drawings of Ghost dance — A, Comanche; B, Sioux 1060
103. Jerking beef 1066
104. Kiowa camping circle 1080
'f-<^^*' or Tua"^^
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
By James Mooney
INTRODUCTION
In tlie fall of 1890 the author was preparing to go to Indian Ter-
ritory, under the auspices of the Bureau of Ethnology, to continue
researches among the Cherokee, when the Ghost dance began to attract
attention, and i>ermission was asked and received to investigate that
subject also among the wilder tribes in the western part of the terri-
tory. Proceeding directly to the Cheyenne and Arapaho, it soon
be(!ame evident that there was more in the Ghost dance than had
been suspected, with the result that the investigation, to which it
had been intended to devote only a few weeks, has extended over a
period of more than three years, and might be continued indeiinitely,
as tlie dance still exists (in 1890) and is developing new features at
every performance. The uprising among the Sioux in the meantime
made necessary also the examination of a mass of documentary material
in the files of the Indian Office and the War Department bearing on
the outbreak, in addition to the study in the field of the strictly reli-
gious features of the dance.
The first visit of about four months (December, 1890-April, 1891)
was made to the Arapahn, Qheyeune, Ki^jwa, Comanche, Af^che, Caddo,—-
and Wichita, all living near together in the western part of what was
then Indian Territory, but is now Oklahoma. These tribes were all
more or less under the influence of the new religion, ^he principal
study was uuide among the Arapaho, who were the most active propa-
gators of the "Messiah" doctrine among the southern tribes and are
especially friendly and cordial in disposition.
On returning to Washington, the author received a commission to
make an ethnologic collection for the World's Columbian Exposition,
and, selecting the Kiowa for that purpose as a representative prairie
tribe, started out again vaj.iviost immediately to the same field. This
trii), lasting three months, gave further opportunity for study of the.
Ghost dance among the same tribes. After retuniing and attending
to the labeling and arranging of the collection, a study was made of all
documents bearing on the subject in possession of the Indian Office and
653
654 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.axn.U
the War Department. ATiotlier trip was then made to the field for the
purpose of investigating the dance among the Sioux, wliere it had
attracted most attention, and among the Paiute, wliere it originated.
On this journey the author visited the Omaha, Winnebago, Sioux of
Pine llidge, Paiute, Cheyeniie, and Arapaho; met and talked with the
messiah himself, and afterward, on the strength of this fact, obtained
from the Cheyenne the original letter containing his message and
instructions, to the southern tribes. This triji occupied about three
months.
A few months later, in the summer of 1892, another journey was
made to the West, in the coarse of which the southern tribes and the
Sioux were revisited, and some time was spent in Wyoming with the
Shoshoni and northern Arapaho, the latter of whom were perhaps
the most earnest followers of the messiah in the north. This trip con-
sumed four months. After some time spent in Washington in elabo-
, rating notes already obtained, a winter trip (1892-93) was made under
another commission from the World's Fair to the N^avaho and the Hopi
or Moki, of 'Sew Mexico and Arizona. Although these tribes were not
directly concerned in the Ghost dance, they had been visited by apostles
of the new doctrine, and were able to give some account of the cere-
mony as it existed among the Havasupai or Cohonino and others farther
to the west. •♦ On thereturn journey another short stay was made among
the Kiowa and Arapaho. In the summer of 1893 a final visit, covering
a period of five months, was made to the western tribes of Oklahoma,
bringing the jjersonal observation and study of the Ghost dance down
to the beginning of 1894.
The field inves igation therefore occupied twenty-two months, involv-
ing nearly 32,000 miles of travel and more or less time spent with about
twenty tribes. To obtain exact knowledge of the ceremony, the author
t^ook part in the dance among the Arapaho and Cheyenne. He also
carried a kodak and a tripod camera, with which he made photographs
of the dance and the trance both without and within the circle. Sev-
eral months were spent in consulting manuscript documents and printed
sources of information in the departments and libraries at Washington,
and correspondence was carried on with persons in various parts of the
country who might be able to give additional facts. From the begin-
ning every effort was made to get a correct statement of the subject.
Beyond this, the work must speak for itself.
As the Ghost dance doctrine is only the latest of a series of Indian
religious revivals, and as the idea on which it is founded is a hope
common to all humanity, considerable space has been given to a discus-
sion of the primitive messiah belief and of the teachings of the various
Indian prophets who have preceded Wovoka, together with brief
sketches of several Indian wars belonging to the same x^eriods.
In the songs the effort has been to give the spirit and exact render-
ing, without going into analytic details. The main purpose of the work
MooNEYj INTRODUCTION 655
is not linguistic, and as nearly every tribe concerned speaks a different
language from all the others, any close linguistic study must be left
to the philologist who can afford to devote a year or more to an indi-
vidual tribe. The only one of these tribes of which the author claims
intimate knowledge is the Kiowa.
Acknowledgments are due the officers and members of the Office
of Indian Affairs and the War Department for courteous assistance
in obtaining documentary information and in replying to letters of
inquiry; to Mr De Lancey W. Gill and Mr J. K. ITiners and their
assistants of the art and photographic divisions of the United States
Geological Survey; to Mr A. E. Spofford, X-ibrarian of Congress; to
Mr F. V. Coville, botanist, Agricultural Department; Honorable T. J.
Morgan, former Commissioner of Indian Affairs; Major J. W. Mac-
Murray, first artillery. United States Army; Dr Washington Mat-
thews, surgeon, United States Army; Captain H. L. Scott, seventh
cavalry. United States Army ; Captain J. M. Lee, ninth infantry. United
States Army; Captain E. L. Huggins, second cavalry. United States
Army, of the staft" of General Miles; the late Captain J. G. Bourke,
third cavalry. United States Army; Captain H. G. Browne, twelfth
infantry, United States Army; Judge James Wickersham, Tacoma,
Washington; Dr George Bird Grinnell, editor of "Forest and Stream,"
New York city ; Mr Thomas V, Keam and the late A. M. Stephen, Keams
Canyon, Arizona; Rev. H. R. Voth, Oraibi, Arizona; General L. W.
Colby, Washington, District of Columbia; Mr D. B. Dyer, Augusta,
Georgia: Rev. Myron Eells, Tacoma, Washington ; Mr Emile Berliner
and the Berliner Gramophone Company, fin* recording, and Professors
John riiilip Sousa and F. W. V. Gaisberg, for arranging the Indian
music; W. S. Godbe, Bullion ville, Nevada; Miss L. McLain, Washing-
ton City; Addison Cooper, Nashville, Tennessee; Miss Emma C.
Sickels, Chicago; Professor A. H. Thompson, United States Geological
Survey, Washington; Mrs L. B, Arnold, Standing Rock, North Dakota;
Mr C. H. Bartlett, South Bend, Indiana; Dr T. P. .Martin, Taos, New
Mexico, and to the following Indian informants and interpreters : Philip
Wells, Louis Menard, Ellis Standing Bear, American Horse, George
Sword, and Fire Thunder, of Pine Ridge, South Dakota; Henry Reid,
Rev. Sherman Coolidge, Norcok, Sage, and Sharp Nose, of Fort
Washakie, Wyoming; Charley Sheej) of Walker river, Nevada; Black
Coj'ote, Sitting Bull, Black Short Nose, George Bent, Paul Boyntou,
Robert Burns, Jesse Bent, Clever Warden, Grant Left-hand, and the
Arapaho i)olice at Darlington, Oklahoma; Andres Martinez, Belo
Cozad, Paul Setkopti, Henry Poloi, Little Bow, William Tivis, (ieorge
Parton, Towakoui Jim, Robert Dunlaj), Kichai, John Wilson, Tama,
Igiagyahona, Deon, Mary Zotom, and Eliza Parton of Anadarko,
Oklahoma.
14 EI'H — PT 2 2
'y*^ or Tua '^^
|IIBri7ER3ITTl
THE NARRATIVE
Chapter 1 •
PARADISE LOST
There arc hniii-H long (leparted wliicb memory l)riDg8
Like l)l<i88oiiis of Kilen to twine round tUe lieart.
Moore.
Tlie wise men tell us tluit the world is growing happier — that we live
longer than did our fathers, have more of comfort and less of toil, fewer
wars and discords, and higher hopes and aspirations. So say the wise
men; but deep in our own hearts we know they are wrong. For were
not we, too, born in Arcadia, and have we not — each one of us — in that
May of life when the world was young, started out lightly and airily
along the path that led through green meadows to the blue mountains
on the distant horizon, beyond which lay the great world we were to
conquer! And though others dropped behind, have we not gone on
through morning brightness and noonday heat, with eyes always
steadily forward, until the fresh grass began to be parched and
withered, and the way grew hard and stony, and the blue mountains
resolved into gray rocks and thorny cliffs? And when at last we
reached the toilsome summits, we found the glory that had lured us
onward was only the sunset glow that fades into darkness while we
look, and leaves us at the very goal to sink down, tired in body and
sick at heart, with strength and courage gone, to close our eyes and
dream again, not of the fame and fortune that were to be ours, but only
of the old-time happiness that we have left so far behind.
As with men, so is it with nations. The lost paradise is the world's
dreamland of youth. What tribe or people has not had its golden
age, before Pandora's box was loosed, when women were nymphs and
dryads and men were gods and heroes? And when the race lies
crushed and groaning beneath an alien yoke, how natural is the dream
of a redeemer, an Arthur, who shall return from exile or awake from
some long sleep to drive out the usurper and win back for his people
what they have lost. The hope becomes a faith and the faith becomes
the creed of priests and prophets, until the hero is a god and the dream
a religion, looking to some great miracle of nature for its culmination
and accomplishment. The doctrines of the Hindu avatar, the Hebrew
Messiah, the Christian millennium, and the Hesnnanin of the Indian
Ghost dance are essentially the same, and have their origin in a hope
and longing common to all humanity.
657
658 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (eth.ann.u
Probably every Indian tribe, north and south, had its early hero god,
the great doer or teacher of all first things, from the luskeha and
Manabozho of the rude Iro(iuoian and Algonquian to the Quetzalcoatl,
the Bochica, and the Viracocha of the more cultivated Aztecs, Muyscas,
and Quichuas of the milder southland. Among the roving tribes of
the north this hero is hardly more than an expert magician, frequently
degraded to the level of a common trickster, who, after ridding the
world of giants and, monsters, and teaching his people a few simple
arts, retires to the upper world to rest and smoke until some urgent
necessity again requires his presence below. Under softer southern
skies the myth takes more poetic form and the hero becomes a person
of dignified presence, a father and teacher of his children, a very
Christ, worthy of all love and reverence, who gathers together the
wandering nomads and leads them to their destined country, where he
instructs them in agriculture, house building, and the art of govern-
ment, regulates authority, and inculcates peaceful modes of life.
" Under him, the earth teemed with fruits and flowers without the
l)ains of culture. An ear of Indian corn was as much as a single man
could carry. The cotton, as it grew, took of its own accord the rich dyes
of human art. The aii* was filled with intoxicating perfumes and the
sweet melody of birds. In short, these were the halcyon days, which
find a place in the mythic systems of so many nations in the Old World.
It was the golden age of Anahuac." {Prescott, l.f When at last his
work is well accomplished, he bids farewell to his sorrowing subjects,
whom he consoles with tlie sacred promise that he will one day return
and resume his kingdom, steps into his magic boat by the seasliore,
and sails away out of their sight to the distant land of sunrise.
Such was Quetzalcoatl of the Aztecs, and such in all essential
respects was the culture god of the more southern semicivilized races.
Curiously enough, this god, at once a Moses and a messiah, is usually
described as a white man with flowing beard. From this and other
circumstances it has been argued that the whole story is only another
form of the dawn myth, but whether the Indian god be an ancient
deified lawgiver of their own race, or some nameless missionary who
found his way across the trackless ocean in the early ages of Chris-
tianity, or whether we have here only a veiled parable of tiie morning
light bringing life and joy to the world and then vanishing to return
(again from the east with the dawn, it is sufficient to our purpose that
the belief in, the coming of a messiah, who should restore them to their
original happy condition, was well nigh universal among the American
tribes. ) i
This faith in the return of a white deliverer from the east opened the
gate to the Spaniards at their first coming alike in Haiti, Mexico,
Yucatan, and Peru. {Brinfoti, 1.) The simple native welcomed the
white strangers as the children or kindred of their long-lost benefactor.
1 Parenthetic refereuces tliroaghout the memoir are to bibliographic notes following The Songa.
MOONKY] PUEBLO REVOLT OF 1680 659
immortal beings whose near advent liacl been foretold by oracles and
omens, whose faces borrowed from the brightness of the dawn, wliose
glistening armor seemed woven from the rays of sunlight, and whose
godlike weapons werti tlu^ lightning and the thunderbolt. Their
tirst overbearing demands awakened no resentment; for may not the
goils claim their own, and is not resistance to the divine will a crime?
Xot until their most sacred things were trampled under foot, and the
streets of the holy city itself ran red with the blood of their slaughtered
princes, did they read aright the awful prophecy by the light of their
blazing temples, and know that instead of the children of an incarnate
god they had welcomed a horde of incarnate devils. "The light of
civilization would be poured on their land. But it wouhl be the light
of a consuming fire, before which their barbaric glory, their institu
tions, their very existence and name as a nation, would wither and
become extinct. Their doom was sealed when the white man had set
his foot on their soil." {Prescott, ^^)
The great revolt of the Pueblo Indians in August, 1680, was one of the 7^
first determined efforts made by the natives on the northern continent
to throw oft" the yoke of a foreign oppressor. The Pueblo tribes along
the Kio Grande and farther to the west, a gentle, peaceful race, had early
welcomed the coming of the Spaniards, with tlieir soldiers and priests,
as friends who would protect them against the wild marauding tribes
about them and- teach them the mysteries of a greater " medicine" than
belonged to their own kachiiias. The hope soon faded into bitter dis-
appointment. The soldiers, while rough and overbearing toward their
brown-skin allies, were yet unable to protect them from the inroads of
their enemies. The priests prohibited their dances and simple amuse-
ments, yet all their ringing of bells and chanting of hymns availed not
to bring more rain on the crops or to turn aside the vengeful Apache.
"What have we gained by all this?" said tlie Pueblos one to another;
"not peace and not happiness, for these new rulers will not protect us
from our enemies, and take from us all the enjoyments we once knew."
The pear was ripe. Pope, a medicine-man of the Tewa, had come ^
'back from a pilgrimage to the far north, where he claimed to have vis-
ited the magic lagoon of Shipapu, whence his people traced their origin
and to which the souls of their dead returned after leaving this life.
By these ancestral spirits he had been eiulowed with occult powers and
commanded to go back and rouse the Pueblos to concerted effort for
deliverance from the foreign yoke of the strangers.
Wonderful beings were these spirit messengers. Swift as light and
impalpable as thought, they passed under the earth from the magic
lake to the secret subterranean chamber of the oratSe and stood before
him as shapes of fire, and spoke, telling him to prepare the strings of
yucca knots and send them with the message to all the Pueblos far and
near, so that in every village the chiefs might untie one knot from the
string each day, and know when they came to the last knot that then
was ^he time to strike.
660 THE GHOST-DAN'CE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
From the Pecos, across the llio Grande to Zuni and the far-distant
Hopi mesas, every Pueblo village accepted the yucca string and began
secret preparation for the rising. The time chosen was the new moon
of August, 1680, but, through a partial discovery of the plot, the explo-
sion was precipitated on the 10th. So sudden and complete was thel
surprise that many Spaniards in the Pueblo country, juiests, soldiers,
and civilians, were killed, and the survivors, after holding out for a
time under Governor Otermin at Santa Fe, fled to El Paso, and in
October there remained not a single Sx)auiard in all New Mexico.
{Bandelier, la, lb.)
Despite their bitter disappointment, tlie southern nations continued
to cherish the hope of a coming redeemer, who now assumed the charac-
ter of a terrible avenger of their wrongs, and the white-skin conqueror
has had bloody occasion to remember that his silent peon, as he toils
by blue Chapala or sits amid the ruins of his former grandeur in the
dark forests of Yucatan, yet waits ever and always the coming of
the day which shall break the power of the alien Spaniard and restore
to their inheritance the children of Anahuac and Mayapan. In Peru
the natives refused to believe that the last of the Incas had i)erished a
wanderer in the forests of the eastern Cordilleras. For more than two
centuries they cherished the tradition that he had only retired to
another kingdom beyond the mountains, from which he would return
in his own good time to sweep their haughty oppressors from the land.
In 1781 the slumbering hope found expression in a terrible insurrection
under the leadership of the mestizo Condorcanqui, a descendant of the
ancient royal family, who boldly i)roclaimed himt-elf the long lo.st
Tupac Amaru, child of the sun and Inca of Peru. With mad enthu-
siasm the Quichua highlanders hailed him as their destined deliverer
and rightful sovereign, and binding around his forehead the imperial
fillet of the Incas, he advanced at the head of an immense army to the
walls of Cuzco, declaring his purpose to blot out the very memory of
the white man and reestablish the Indian em])ire in the City of the
Sun. Inspired by the hope of vengeance on the conqueror, even boys
became leaders of their people, and it was only after a bloody struggle
of two years' duration that the Spaniards were able to regain the
mastery and consigned the captive Inca, with all his family, to an
ignominious and barbarous death. Even then so great was the feeling
of veneration which he had inspired in the breasts of the Indians that
"notwithstanding their fear of the Spaniards, and though they were
suiTouuded by soldiers of the victorious army, they prostrated them-
selves at the sight of the last of the children of the sun, as he passed
along the streets to the place of execution." {Humboldt, 1.)
In the New World, as in the Old, the advent of the deliverer was to be
heralded by signs and wonders. Thus in Mexico, a mysterious rising
of the waters of Lake Tezcuco, three comets blazing in the sky, and a
strange light in the east, prepared the minds of the people for the near
MooNRT] A WINNEBAGO PROPHECY 661
coiniiifj of the Spaniards. (Prescott, 3.) In this counectioii, also, there
was usually a belief in a series of previous destructions by flood, fire,
famine, or pestilence, followed by a regeneration through the omnipotent
might of the savior. The doctrine that the world is old and worn out, \
and that the time for its renewal is near at hand, is an essential part
of the teaching of the Ghost dance. The number of these cycles of
destruction was variously stated among different tribes, but perhaps
the most sadly jirophetic form of the myth was found among the Win-
nebago, who forty years ago held that the tenth generation of their
peojile was near its close, and that at the end of the thirteenth the red
race would be destroyed. By prayers and ceremonies they were then
endeavoring to placate their angry gods and put farther away the doom
that now seems rapidly closing in on them. {Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 1.)
Chapter II
THE DELAWABE PEOPHET AND PONTIAC
Hear what the Great Spirit has ordered iiie to tell you: Put off entirely the cus-
toms which you have adopted since the white people came among us. — Thi Delauare
Prophet.
This is our land, and not yours. — The Confederate Tribes, 1752.
The English advances were slow and halting, for a long period almost
imperceptible, while the establishment of a few small garrisons and
isolated trading stations by the French hardly deserved to be called an
occupancy of the country. As a consequence, the warlike northern
tribes were slow to realize that an empire was slipping from their grasp,
and it was not until the two great nations i)repared for the final strug-
gle in the New World that the native proprietors began to read the stars
aright. Then it was, in 1752, that the Lenape chiefs sent to the British
agent the pointed interrogatory: "The English claim all on one side of
the river, the French claim all on the other — where is the land of the
Indians?" {Bancroft., 1.) Then, as they saw the French strengthening
themselves along the lakes, there came a stronger protest from the
council ground of the confederate tribes of the west: "This is our laud
and not yours. Fathers, both you and the English are white; the land
belongs to neither the one nor the other of you, but the Great Being
above allotted it to be a dwelling place for us; so, fathers, I desire you
to withdraw, as I have desired our brothers, the English." A wampum
belt gave weight to the words. {Bancroft, 2.) The French commander's
reply was blunt, but more practiced diplomats assured the red men
that all belonged to the Indian, and that the great king of the French
desired only to set up a boundary against the further encroachments
of the English, who would otherwise sweep the red tribes from the Ohio
as they had already driven them from the Atlantic. The argument
was plausible. In every tribe were French missionaries, whose fear-
less courage and devotion had won the admiration and love of the
' savage; in every village was domiciliated a hardy voyageur, with his
Indian wife and family of children, in whose veins commingled the
blood of the two races and whose ears .were attuned alike to the wild
songs of the forest and the rondeaus of Normandy or Provence. It
was no common tie that bound together the Indians and the French,
and when a governor of Canada and the general of his army stepped
into the circle of braves to dance the war dance and sing the war song
with their red allies, thirty-three wild tribes declared on the wampum
belt, "The French are our brothers and their king is our father. We
662
MOONEY] JOURNEY TO THE SPIRIT WORLD 663
will try his hatchet upon the Knglish " {Bancroft, 3), and through seven
years of blood and death the lily and the totem were borne abreast
until the Hag of France went down forever on the heights of (Juebec.
For sometime after the surrender the unrest of the native tribes was
soothed into a semblance of quiet by the belief, artfully inculcated by
their old allies, that the king of France, wearied by his great exertions,
had fallen asleep for a little while, but would soon awake to take ven
geance on the English for the wrongs they had inflicted on his red
children. Then, as they saw English garrisons occui)ying the aban-
doned posts and English traders passing up the lakes even to the
sacred island of the Great Turtle, the despairing warriors said to one
another, " We have been deceived. Jiu^lish and French alike are
white men and liars. We must turn from both and seek help from our
Indian gods."
In 1762 a prophet appeared among the Delawares, at Tuscarawas,
on the Muskingum, who ])reached a union of all the red tribes and a
return to the old Indian life, which he declared to be the divine com-
mand, as revealed to himself in a wonderful vision. From an old French
manuscript, written by an anonymous eyewitness of the scene which he
describes, we have the details of this vision, as related byJ^fliUiiictw-his iv
savage auditors at the great council of the tribes held near Detroit in
r April, 1763. Parkman gives the story on the authority of this manu-
script, which ho refers to as the " Pontiac manuscript," and states that
it was long preserved in a Canadian family at Detroit, and afterward
deposited with the Historical Society of Michigan. It bears internal
evidence of genuineness, and is supposed to have been written by a
French ])riest. (Parkman, 1.) The vision, from the same manuscript,
is related at length in Schoolcraft's Algic Researches.
A, According to tlie prophet's story, being anxious to know the " Master
of Life," he determined, without mentioning his desire to anyone, to
undertake a journey to the spirit world. Ignorant of the way, and not
knowing any i)erson who, having been there, (iould direct him, he per-
formed a mystic rite in the hope of receiving some light as to the course ,
he should pursue. He then fell into a deep sleep, in which he dreamed
that it was only necessary to begin his Journey and that by continuing
to walk forward he would at last arrive at his destination.
Early the next morning, taking his gun, ammunition, and kettle, he
started off, firmly convinced that by pressing onward without discour-
agement he should accomplish his object. Day after day he proceeded
without incident, until at sunset of the eighth day, while preparing to
encamp for the night by the . .Je of a small stream in a little opening
in the forest, he noticed, running out from the edge of the prairie, three
wide and well trodden paths. Wondering somewhat that they should
be there, he finished his temporary lodging and, lighting a fire, began
to prepare his supper. While thus engaged, he observed with astonish-
ment that the paths became more distinct as the night grew darker.
664 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. axx.U
Alarmed at the strange appearance, he was about to abandon liis
encampment and seek another at a safer distance, when he remembered
his dream and the purpose of his journey. It seemed to him that one
of these roads must lead to the place of which he was in search, and he
determined, therefore, to remain where he was until morning, and then
take one of the three and follow it to the end. Accordingly, the next
morning, after a hasty meal, he left his encampment, and, burning with
the ardor of discovery, took the widest path, which he followed until
noon, when he suddenly saw a large fire issuing apparently from the
earth. His curiosity being aroused, he went toward it, but the fire
increased to such a degree that he became frightened and turned back.
He now took the next widest of the three paths, which he followed
as before until noon, when a similar fire again drove him sback and
compelled him to take the third road, which he kept a whole day witii-
out meeting anything unusual, when suddenly he saw a precipitous
mountain of dazzling brightness directly in his jtath. Recovering from
his wonder, he drew near and examined it, but could see no sign of a
road to the summit. He was about to give way to disappointment, when,
looking up, he saw seated a short distance up the mountain a woman
of bright beauty and clad in snow-white garments, who addressed him
in his own language, telling him that on the summit of the mountain
was the abode of the Master of Life, whom he had journeyed so far
to meet. " But to reach it," said she, "you must leave all your cumber-
some dress and equipments at the foot, then go and wash in the river
which I show you, and afterward ascend the mountain."
He obeyed her instructions, and on asking how he could hope to
climb the mountain, which was steep and slippery as glass, she replied
that in order to mount he must use only his left hand and foot. This
seemed to him almost impossible, but, encouraged by the woman, iie
began to climb, and at length, after much difficulty, reached the top.
Here the woman suddenly vanished, and he found himself alone with-
out a guide. On looking about, he saw before him a plain, in the midst
of which were three villages, with well-built houses disposed in orderly
arrangement. He bent his steps toward the principal one, but after
going a short distance he remembered that he was naked, and was
about to turu back when a voice told him that as he had washed himself
in the river he might go on without fear. Thus bidden, he advanced
without hesitation to the gate of the village, where he was admitted
and saw approaching a handsome man in white garments, who offered
to lead him into the presence of the Master of Life. Admiring the
beauty of everything about him, he was then conducted to the Master
of Life, who took him by the hand and gave him for a seat a hat
bordered with gold. Afraid of spoiling the hat, he hesitated to sit
down until again told to do so, when he obeyed, and the Master of
Life thus addressed him :
I am the Master of Life, whom yi>ii wish to see and with whom you wish tospeak.
Listen to what I shall tell von for yourself and for all the Indians.
MooxEY] VISIT TO THE MASTER OK LIFE 665
He tlicM coimnaiidt'd liim to exhort his ])e()i)lc to cease from druuken- t^--
iiesSj wars, jwlygainy, and the mediciue soug, and coutiiiued:
/The land on which yon are, I have mifde for you, not for others. Wherefore do you
sutler the whites to dwell upon your lands? Can you not do without them ? I know
that those whom you call the children of your Great Father [the King of Franco]
supply your wants; hut were you not wicked as you are you would not need them.
Von niiglit live as you did before you knew them. IJefore those whom you call your
\, liiiilhers [the French] had arrived, did not your bow and arrow maintain you? You
needed m^ither gun, powder, :ior any other object. Tlie Hesh of animals was your
food; their skins your raiment, lint when I saw you inclined to evil, I removed the
animals into tlio depths of the forest that you might depend on your brothers for
your necessaries, for your clothing. Again become good and do my will and I will
send animals for your sustenance. I do not, however, forbid suffering among you your
Father's children. I love them; they know me; they pray tome. I supply their
own wants, and give them that which they bring to you. Not so with those who
are come to trouble your possessions [the English]. Drive them away; wage war
against them; J love them not; they know me not; they are my enemies; they are
your brothers' enemies. Scud them back to the lauds I have made for them. Let
thcra remain there. {Schoolcraft, Alg. lies.,!.)
The Master of Life then gave him a prayer, carved in Indian hiero- v
glyphics upon a wooden stick, which he was told to deliver to his chief
on" returning to earth. [Parkman, 3.) His instructor continued:
Learn it by heart, and teach it to all the Indians and children. It must be repeated
morning and evening. Uo all that I have told thee, and announce it to all the
Indians as coming from the Master of Life. Let them drink but one draught, or two
at most, in one day. Let tliem have but one wife, and discontinue running after
other people's wives and daughters. Let them not fight one another. Let them
not sing the medicine song, for in singing the medicine song they speak to the evil
spirit. Drive from your lands those dogs in red clothing; they are only an injury to
you. When you want anything, apply to me, as your brothers do, and I will give to
both. Do not sell to your brothers that which I have placed on the earth as food. In
short, become good, and you shall want nothing. When you meet one another, bow
and give one another the [left] hand of the heart. Above all, I command thee to
repeat morning and evening the prayer which I have given thee.
The Indian received the prayer, promising to do as he had been
commanded and to recommend the same course to others. His former
conductor then came and, leading him to the foot of the mountain, bid
him resume his garments and go back to his village. His return
excited much surprise among his friends, who had supposed him lost.
They asked him where he had been, but as he had been commanded
to speak to no one until he had seen the chief, he motioned with his
hand to signify that ho had come from above. On entering the village
he went at once to the wigwam of the chief, to whom he delivered the
prayer and the message which he had received from the Master of Life.
(Schoolcraft, Alg. Res., 3.)
Although the story as here_givpp iwara plftln impress of the white
man's ideas, it is essentiallv iLboriiiHml. While the discrimination
expressed by the Master of Life in favor of the French and against
the English may have been due to the fact that the author of the
666 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann,14
mauuscript was a Frenchman, it is more probable that we have here
set forth only the well-known preference of the wild tribes. The
occupancy of a region by the English always meant the speedy expul-
sion of the natives. The Frenc^h, on the contrary, lived side by side
•with the red men, joining in their dances and simple amusements, and
entering with fullest sympathy into their wild life, so that they were '
regarded rather as brethren of an allied tribe than as intruders of an
alien race. This feeling is well indicated in the prophet's narrative,
where the Indians, while urged to discard everything that they have
adopted from the whites, are yet to allow the French to remain among
them, though exhorted to relentless war on the English. The differ-
ence received tragic exemplification at Michilimackinac a year later,
when a handful of French traders looked on unarmed and unhurt
while a crew of maddened savages were butchering, scalping, and
drinking the blood of British soldiers. The introduction of the trivial
incident of the hat is characteristically Indian, and the confounding
of dreams and visions with actual happenings is a frecpient result of
mental exaltation of common occurrence in the history of religious
enthusiasts. The Delaware prophet regards the whole experience as
an actual fact instead of a distempered vision induced by long fasts
and vigils, and the hieroglyphii; prayer — undoubtedly graven by him-
self while under the ecstasy — is to him a real gift from heaven. The
y/ 'whole story is a striking parallel of the miraculous experiences
recounted by the modern apostles of the Ghost dance. The prayer-stick
also and the heavenly map, later described and illustrated, reappear in
I the account of Kiinakiik, the Kickapoo prophet, seventy years after-
ward, showing in a striking manner the continuity of aboriginal ideas
, and methods.
The celebrated missionary, Heckewelder, who spent fifty years
among the Delawares, was personally acquainted with this prophet
and gives a detailed account of his teachings and of his symbolic
parchments. He says:
In the year 1762 there was a lamous preacher of the Delaware nation, who resided
at Cayahaga, near Lake Erie, and travelled about the conntry, among the Indians,
endeavouring to persuade them that he had been api)ointed by the Great Spirit to
instruct them in those things that were agreeable to him, and point out to them the
offences by which they had drawn his displeasure on themselves, and the means by
which they might recover his favour for the future. He had drawn, as he pretended,
by the direction of the Great Spirit, a kind of map on a piece of deerskin, some-
what dressed like parchment, which he called "the great Hook or Writing." This,
he said, he had been ordered to shew to the Indians, that they might see the
situation in which the Mannitto had originally placed them, the misery which they
had brought upon themselves by neglecting their duty, and the only way that was
now left them to regain what they had lost. This map he held before him while
preaching, frequently pointing to particular marks and spots upon it, and giving
explanations as he went along.
The size of this map was about fifteen inches square, or, perhaps, something more.
An inside square was formed by lines drawn within it, of ab(mt eight inches each
way; two of these lines, however, were not <tlosed by about half an inch at the corners.
MooNEvl HECKE WELDER ON THE PROPHET 667
Across tlieso inside lines, otiiers of about an incli in lengtli were cirawn witli sundry
other lines and niarlis, all which was intended to represent a strong inaccessible
barrier, to jirevent those without from enteriuf; the spaie within, otherwise than at
the place appointed for that i)uri>o8e. When the map was Jrtld as he directed, the
corners which were not closed lay at the left-hand side, directly opposite to each
other, the one being at the southeast by south, and the nearest at the northeast by
north. In explaining or describing the particular points on this map, with his fingers
always ])ointing to tho place he was describing, he called the space within the inside
lines "the hea\ only regions," or the place destined by the (ireat Spirit for the habita-
tion of the Indians in future life. The space left open at the southeast corner be
called the ''avenue," which had been intended for the Indians to enter into this
heaven, but wliich was now in the ])osse8sion of tho white people; wherefore the;
(ireat .'Spirit had since caused another "avenue" to be iiiadt; on the opposite side, at'
which, however, it was Ijoth dillicult and dangerous for them to enter, there being
many imi)ediments in their way, besides a large ditch leading to a gulf below, over
which they had to leap ; but the evil spirit kept at this very spot a continual watcli
for Indians, and whoever he laid hold of never could get away from liim again, bii
was carried to his regions, where there was nothing but extreme poverty; where tb
ground was jjarched up by the heat for want of rain, no fruit came to perfection
the game was ahuost starved for want of pasture, and where the evil spirit, at hi i
pleasure, ti'ansformed men into horses and dogs, to be ridden by him and follow hii i
in his hunts and wherever he went.
The space cm the outside of this interior square was intended to represent th s
country given to the Indi.ans to hunt, fish, .and dwell in while in this world ; tire
east side of it was called the ocean or "great salt-water lake." Then the preacher,
drawing the attention of his hearers particularly to the southeast avenue, would say
to them, "Look here! See what we have lost by neglect and disobedience; by
being remiss in the expression of our gratitude to the Oreat .Spirit for wh.at he has
bestowed upon us; by neglecting to make to him sufficient sacrifices; by looking
upon .a people of a different colour from our own, who had come across a great lake,
as if they were a part of ourselves; by suffering them to sit down by our side, and
looking at them with indifl'erenco, while they were not only taking rtur country from
us, but this (pointing to the spot), this, our own avenue, leading into those beautiful
regions which were destined for us. Such is the sad condition to which we are
reduced. What is now to be done, and what remedy is to be .applied? 1 will tell
you, my friends. Hear what the Groat Spirit has ordered me to tell you ! You are
to make sacrifices, in the manner that I shall direct; to put off entirely from your-
selves tho customs which you have adopted since tho white people came among us.
You are to return to that former happy state, in which we lived in ])eaee and plenty,
before these strangers came to disturb us; and, above all, you must abstain from
drinking their deadly hison, which they have forced upon us, for the sake of increas-
ing their gains and diminishing our numbers. Tlien will the Great Spirit give
success to our arms; then he will give us strength to conquer our enemies, to drive
them from hence, and recover the passage to the heavenly regions which they have
taken from us."
Such was in general the substance of his discourses. After having dilated more
or less on tho various topics which I have mentioned, he commonly concluded in
this manner: "And now, my friends, in order that what I have told you may remain
firmly impressed on your minds, and to refresh your memories from time to time, I
advise you to preserve, in every family at least, such a hook or writing as this, which
I will finish ofi' for you, provided you bring me tho price, which is only one buck-
skin or two doeskins apiece." The price was of course bought (sic), and the book
purchased. In some of those maps, the figure of a deer or turkey, or both, was
placed in tho heavenly regions, and also in the dieary region of the evil spirit. The
former, however, ajipeared fat and plump, while the latter seemed to have nothing
but skin and bones. {Heckeivelder, 1.)
668 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.an.v.U
From the narrative of John McCullougb, who had been taken by tlie
Indians when a child of 8 years, and lived for some years as an adopted
son in a Delaware family in northeastern Ohio, we gather some addi-
tional particulars concerning this prophet, whose name seems to be lost
to history. McCullough himself, who was then but a boy, never met
the prophet, but obtained his information from others who had, espe-
cially from his Indian brother, who went to Tuscarawas (or Tuscalaways)
to see and hear the new apostle on his first appearance.
It was said by those who went to see him that he liad certain liieroglyphics marked
on a piece of iiarchment, denoting tlie probation that hnmau beings were subjected
to whilst they were living on earth, and also denoting something of a future state.
They informed me that ho was almost constantly crying whilst he was exhorting
them. I saw a copy of his hieroglyphics, as numbers of them had got them copied
and undertook to preach or instruct others. The first or principal doctrine they
taught them was to purify themselves from sin, which they taught they could do by
the use of emetics and abstinence from carnal knowledge of the different sexes ; to
quit the use of firearms, and to live entirely in the original state that they were in
before the white people found out their country. Xay, they taught that that fire
was hot pure that was made by steel and flint, but that they should make it by
rubbing two sticks together. : . . It was said that their prophet taught them,
or made them believe, that he had his instructions immediately from Keesh-she-la-
millang-up, or a being that tliought us into being, and that by following his instruc-
tions they would, in a few years, be able to drive the white peo])le out of their
country.
I knew a company of tliera who had secluded themselves for the purpose of purify-
ing from sin, as they thought they could do. I believe they made no use of firearms.
They had been out more than two years before I left them. ... It was said that
they made use of no other weapons than their bows an<l arrows. Tbey also taught,
in shaking hands, to give the left hand in token of friendship, as it denoted that
they gave the heart along with the hand. (Priits, 1.)
The religious ferment produced by the exhortations of the Delaware
prophet sx)read rapidly from tribe to tribe, until, under the guidance of
the master mind of the celebrated chief, Pontiac, it took shape in a
grand confederacy of all the northwestern tribes to oppose the further
progress of the English. The coast lands were lost to the Indians. The
Ohio and the lakes were still theirs, and the Alleghanies marked a nat-
ural boundary between the two sections. Kehind this mountain barrier
Pontiac determined to make his stand. Though the prospect of a res-
toration of the French iwwer might enable him to rally a following, he
himself knew he could expect no aid from the French, for their armies
had been defeated and their garrisons were already withdrawn; but,
relying on the patriotism of his own red warriors, when told that the
English were on their way to take possession of the abandoned i>ost8,
he sent back the haughty challenge, "I stand in the path."
To Pontiac must be ascribed the highest position among the leaders
of the Algonquian race. Born the son of a (ihief, he became in turn the
chief of his own people, the Ottawa, whom it is said he commanded on
the oc(;asion of Braddock's defeat. For this or other services in behalf
of the French he had received marks of distinguished consideration from
MooNEv] PONTIAC'S PLAN OF CONFEDERATION 669
Moiitciiliii himself. By reason of his iiatural ability, his iutlueiice was
felt aud respected wherever the name of his tribe was spoken, while to
Lis (lifiiiity as cliief he added the saered character of high priest of the
l)owerful secret order of the Mide. {rarhiian. 3.) Xow, in the prime
of inanhood, he originated and fonnulated the policy of a confederation
of all the tribes, a'l idea afterward taken np and carried almost to a
successful iiccomplishinent by the great Tecumtha. As principal chief
of the lake tribes, be summoned them to the great council near Detroit,
in April, 17(53, and, as high priest and keeper of the faith, he there
aimounced to them the will of the Master of Life, as revealed to the
Delaware prophet, and called on them to unite for the recovery of
their ancient territories and the jireservation of their national life.
Under the spell of his burning words the chiefs listened as to an oracle,
and cried out that he had only to declare his will to be obeyed.
(rarkman, 4.) His project being unanimously approved, runners were
sent out to secure the cooperation of the more remote nations, and in a
short time the confederation embraeed every important tribe of Algon-
quian lineage, together with the Wyandot, Seneca, Winnebago, aud
some of those to the southward. {Parkman, '>.)
Only the genius of a Pontiac could have molded into a working unit
such an aggregation of diverse elements of savagery. His executive
ability is suflQciently proven by his creation of a regular commissary
department based on promissory notes — hieroglyphics graven on birch-
bark and signed with the otter, the totem of bis tribe; his diplomatic
bent appeared in his employment of two secretaries to attend to this
unique correspondence, each of whom he managed to keep in ignorance
of the business transacted by the other (Parkman, (1) ; while his military
capacity was soon to be evinced in the carefully laid plan which enabled
his warriors to strike simultaneously a crushing blow at every British
post scattered throughout the oOO miles of wilderness from Pittsburg
to the straits of Mackinaw.
The history of this war, so eloquently told by Parkman, reads like
some old knightly romance. The warning of the Indian girl; the con-
certed attack on the garrisons; the ball play at Mackinac on the king's
birthday, aud the massacre that followed; the siege of Fort Pitt and
the heroic defense of Detroit; the bloody battle of Bushy run, where
the painted savage recoiled before the kilted Highlander, as brave and
almost as wild; Bouquet's march into the forests of the Ohio, and the
submission of the vanquished tribes — all these things must be passed
over here. They have already been told by a master of language.
But the contest of savagery against civilization has but one ending, and
the scene closes with the death of Pontiac, a broken-spirited wanderer,
cut down at last by a hired assassin of his own race, for whose crime
the blood of whole tribes was poured out in atonement. [Parkman, 7.)
Chapter III
TENSKWATAWA THE SHAWANO PROPHET
I told all the redskins that the Avay they were in was not good, and that they
ought to abandon it. — Tenskwatawa.
A very shrewd and influential man, but circumstances have destroyed him. —
Catliii .
Forty years had passed away and cliaiiges had come to the western
territory. The cross of Saint fxcorge, erected in the place of the lilies
of France, had been supplanted by the flag of the young republic,
which in one generation had e.xtended its sway from the lakes to the
f —
.. „^
J
^^"^B^^^
"^%^
I
m
l|
'1
4
Fio. 56— Tenskwatawa tlic Sliawano prophet, I8118 iiiid ISIJl.
gulf and from the Atlantic to the Eocky mountains. By treaties made
in 1768 with the Iroquois and Clierokee, the two leading Indian con-
federacies in the east, the Ohio and the Kanawha had been fixed as the
boundary between the two races, the Indians renouncing forever their
claims to the seaboard, the Delaware, and the Susquehanna, while they
were confirmed in their possession of the Alleghany, the Ohio, and the
great northwest. But the restless borderer would not be limited, and
encroachments on the native domain were constantly being made,
resulting in a chronic warfare which kept alive the spirit of resentment.
The consequence was that in the final struggle of the Revolution the
670
KXPLANATION OF FTOURK 56
The tirst portrait is taken from oue given in Lossiug's An>urican Revolution and
M'ar of 1812, iil (1875), page 189, and thus described: "'I'he portrait of the Prophet
is from a pencil sketch made by Pierre Le IJru, a yoiini; French trader, at Viucennes,
In 1808. He made a sketch of Tecnmtha at abont the same time, both of which
1 fonnd in possession of his son at Quebec in 1848, and by whom I was kindly per-
mitted to copy them.'" The other is a copy of the picture painted by Catlin in 1831,
after the tribe had removed to Kansas. The artist describes him as blind in his
left (f) eye, and painted him holding his medicine tire in his right hand and his
sacred string of beans in the other.
MOONEY]
THE TRKATY OF GKEENVILLE
671
Indian tribes ranged themselves ou the British side. When the war
ended and a treaty of peace was made between the new goveriiment
and tlie old, no provision was made for the red allies of the king, and
they were left to continue the struggle single-handed. The Indians
claimed the Ohio country as theirs by virtue of the most solemn trea-
ties, but pioneers had already occupied western I'ennsylvania, western
Virginia, and Kentucky, and were listening with eager attention to the
reports brought back by adventurous hunters from t\\e fertile lands of
the Muskingum and the Scioto. They refused to be bound by the trea-
ties of a government they had repudiated, and the tribes of the north-
west were obliged to fight to defend their territories. Under the able
FlQ. 57 — Greenville treaty medal, obverse and reverse.
leadership of Little Turtle they twice rolled back the tide of white
invasion, defeating two of the finest armies ever sent into the western
country, until, worn out by twenty years of unceasing warfare, and
crushed and broken by the decisive victory of Wayne at the Fallen
Timbers, their villages in ashes and their cornfields cut down, the
dispirited chiefs met their conqueror at Greenville in 1795 and signed
away the rights for which they had so long contended.
By this treaty, which marks the beginning of the end with the east-
ern tribes, the Indians renounced their claims to all territory east of a
line running in a general way from the mouth of the Cuyahoga on Lake
Erie to the mouth of the Kentucky on the Ohio, leaving to the whites
the better iwrtion of Ohio valley, including their favorite hunting
14 ETII — PT 2 3
^'-M
672 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.i4
ground of Kentucky. The Delaware, the Wyandot, and the Shawano,
three of the leading tribes, were almost completely shorn of their ancient
inheritance and driven back as refugees among the Miami.
The Canadian boundary had been established along the lakes; the
Ohio was lost to the Indians; for them there was left only extermina-
tion or removal to the west. Their bravest warriors were slain. Their
ablest chieftain, who had led them to victory against St Clair, had
bowed to the inevitable, and was now regarded as one with a white
man's heart and a traitor to his race. A brooding dissatisfaction set-
\^ tied dowji on the tribes. Who shall deliver them from the desolation
that Ijas come on them !
Now arbse among the Shawano another prophet to point out to his
people the "open door" leading to happiness. In November, 1805, a
y young man named LaalewasikawfLalawe'thika. a rattleor similar instru-
ment— (latschet), then hardly more than 30 years of age, called around
him his tribesmen and their allies at their ancient capital of Wapa-
koneta, within the present limits of Ohio, and there announced himself
as the bearer of a new revelation from the Master of Life, who had
taken pity on his red children and wished to save them from the
threatened destruction. He declared that he had been taken up to the
spirit world aiid had been permitted to lift the veil of the past and the
future — had seen the misery of evil doers and learned the happiness
that awaited those who followed the precepts of the Indian god. He
then began an earnest exhortation, denouncing the witchcraft practices
and medicine juggleries of the tribe, and solemnly warning liis hearers
that none who had part in such things would ever taste of the future
happiness. The firewater of the whites was poison and accursed; and
those who continued its use would after death be tormented with all
the pains of flre, while flames would continually issue from their mouths.
f This idea may have been derived from some white man's teaching or
irom the Indian practice of torture by fire. The young must cherish
and respect the aged and inflrm. All property must be in common,
according to the ancient law of their ancestors. Indian women must
') cease to intermarry with ^^hite men ; the two races were distinct and
must remain so. The white man's dress, with his flint-and-steel, must
be discarded for the old time buckskin and the flrestick. More than
this, every tool and every custom derived from the whites must be put
away, and they must return to the methods which the Master of Life
had taught them. When they should do all this, he promised that they
would again be taken into the divine favor, and And the happiness
which their fathers had known before the coming of the whites. Finally,
in proof of his divine mission, he announced that he had received power
to cure all diseases and to arrest the hand of death in sickness or on
the battlefield. (Drake, Tecnmseh, 1. To avoid repetition, it may be
stated that, except when otherwise noted, the principal facts concern-
ing Tecumtha and the prophet are taken from Drake's work, the most
MooNEv] THE prophet's tkance 673
valuable published on the subject. The prophet and his doctrines are
also spoken of at some length by Tanner, Kendall, Warren, and Catlin,
as hereafter quoted, while the history of Tecumtha is a part of the his-
tory of Ohio valley, to be found in any work treating of that section
and i)eri()d )
In an account (juoted by Drake, probably from au English writer, it
is stated that the prophet was noted for his stupidity and intoxication
until his fiftieth (?) year, when one day, while lighting his j)ii)e in his
cabin, he suddenly fell back apparently lifeless and remained in that
condition until his friends had assembled for the funeral, when lie
revived from his trance, and after quieting their alarm, announced that
he hiul been to the spirit world and commanded them to call the ])eople
together that he might tell them what he had seen. When they had
assembled, he declared that he had been conducted to the border tJf the
spirit world by two young iLion, who had permitted him to look in upon
its pleasures, but not to enter, and who, after charging him with the
message to his people already noted, had left him, promising to visit
him again at a future time. {Drake, Ab. Races, 1.)
Although the language of this account is somewhat overdrawn, the
main statements are probably correct, as it is in complete accordance
with the Indian system by which all truth has been revealed in dreams
and trances from the first dawn of tradition down to Smohalla and the
messiah of the Ghost dance.
His words aroused an intense excitement among his hearers, and the i
impression deepened as the tidings of the new gospel were carried from
camp to camp. Those who were addicted to drunkenness — the beset-
ting sin of the Indians since their acquaintance with the whites — were'
so thoroughly alarmed at the prospect of a fiery punishment in the spirit
world that for a long time intoxication became practically unknown
among the western tribes. Their zeal led also to the inauguration of a
crusade against all who were suspecte^l of dealing in witchcraft or
magic arts; but here the prophet took advantage of this feeling to
eflfectually rid himself of all who opposed his sacred claims. It was
only necessary for him to denounce such a person as a witch to have
him pay the forfeit with reputation, if not with life.
Amoug the lirst of his victims were several Delawares — Tatepocoshe (more gener-
ally known as Teteboxti), Patterson, his nephew, Coltoa, an old woman, and an aged
man called Joshua. These were successively marked by the prophet, and doomed
to be burnt alive. The tragedy was commenced with the old woman. The Indians
roasted her slowly over a fire for four days, calling upon her frequently to deliver
up her charm and medicine bag. Just as she was dying, she exclaimed that her
grandson, who was then out hunting, had it in his possession. Messengers were
sent in pursuit of him, and when found he was tied and brought into camp. He
acknowledged that on one occasion he had borrowed the charm of his grandmother,
by means of which he had flown through the air over Kentucky, to the banks of the
Mississippi, and back again, between twilight and bedtime; but he insisted that he
had returned the charm to its owner, and, after some consuitation, he was set at
liberty. The following day a council was held over the case of the venerable chief
674 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
TatepocosUe, he being present. His death was decided upon after full deliberation;
and, arrayed iu his finest apparel, ho calmly assisted in building his own funeral
pile, fully aware that there was no escape from the judgment that had been passed
upon him. The respect due to his whitened locks induced his executioners to treat
him with mercy. He was deliberately tomahawked by a young man, and his body
was then placed upon the blazing fagots and consumed. The next d.iy the old
preacher Joshua met a similar fate. The wife of Tatepocoslie and his nephew
Billy Patterson were then brought into the council house and seated side by side.
The latter had led an irreproachable life, and died like a Christian, singing and pray-
ing amid the flames which destroyed his body. While preparations were making
for the immolation of Tatecoposhe's wife, her brother, a youth of 20 years of age,
suddenly started up, took her by the hand, and, to the amazement of the council, led
her out of the house. He soon returned, and exclaiming, " The devil has come among
us (alluding to the jnophet), and we are killing each other," he reseated himself in
the midst of the crowd. This bold step checked the wild fren?^ of the Indians, put
an end to these cruel scenes, and for a time greatly impaired the impostor's influence
among the Delawares. {Drake, Tecumseh, 2.)
The prophet now changed his name to Tenskwatawa, "The Open
Door" (from skica'te, a door, and the'nui, to be open ; frequently spelled
Elskwatawa), significant of the new mode of life which he had come to
point out to his people, and fixed his headquarters at Greenville, Ohio,
where representatives from the various scattered tribes of the northwest
gathered about him to learn the new doctrines. Some, especially the
Kickapoo, entered fervently into his spirit, while others were dis[)osed
to oppose him. The Miami, who regarded the Shawano as intruders,
were jealous of his influence, and the chiefs of his own tribe were
somewhat inclined to consider him iu the light of a rival. To estab-
lish his sacred character and to dispel the doubts of the unbelievers, he
continued to dream dreams and announce wonderful revelations from
time to time, when an event occurred which effectually silenced opposi-
tion and stamped him as one inspired.
By some means he had learned that an eclipse of the sun was to
take place in the summer of 1806. As the time drew near, he called
about him the scoffers and boldly announced that on a certain day he
would prove to them his supernatural authority by causing the sun to
become dark. When the day and hour arrived and the earth at mid-
day was enveloped in the gloom of twilight, Tenskwatawa, standing in
the midst of the terrified Indians, pointed to the sky and cried, "Did
I not speak truth? See, the sun is dark!" There were no more
doubters now. All proclaimed him a true prophet and the messenger
of the Master of Life. His fame spread abroad and apostles began to
carry his revelations to the remotest tribes.
We get but fragmentary light in regard to the details of the doctrine
and ceremonies of this religious revival, as well as of that which ]ire-
ceded it. There were then no railroads, no newspaper correspondents
to gather each day's proceedings, and no telegraph to flash tlie news
across the continent before nightfall; no reservation system, with its
attendant army of employees, everyone a spy when an emergency
arose; and no investigators to go among the tribes and study the
jiooNBY] DISSEMINATION OF THE DOCTRINE 675
matter from an ethnologic point of view. Our information is derived
chiefly from military officers, who knew these things only as vague
rumors of Indian unrest fomented by British agents; from the state-
ments of a few illiterate interpreters or captives among the savages,
and from the misty reccJllections of old men long after the excitement
liad passed away. Of the dances which are a part of every important
Indian ceremony, tlie songs which they chanted, the peculiar dress or
adornments which probably distinguished the believers — of all these
we know nothing; but we may well surmise that the whole elaborsite
system of Indian mythology and ceremonial was brought into play to
give weight to the words of the propliet, and enough is known to show
that in its leadin^j features the movement closely resembled the modern
Ghost dance.
It is impossible to know how far the prophet was responsible for the
final shaping of the doctrine. Like all such movements, it undoubtedly
grew and took more definite form under the hands of the apostles who
went out from the presence of its originator to preach to the various
tribes. A religion which found adherents alike in the everglades of
Florida and on the plains of the Saskatchewan must necessarily have
undergone local modifications. From a comparison of the various
accounts we can arrive at a general st.atement of the belief.
The prophet was held to be an incarnation of Manabozho, the great
"first doer " of the Algonquiau system. His words were believed to be
the direct utterances of a deity. Maiuibozho had taught his people
certain modes of living best suited to their condition and capacity. A
new race had come upon them, and the Indians had thrown aside their
primitive purity of life and adopted the innovations of the whites, which
had now brought them to degradation and misery and threatened them
with swift and entire destruction. To punish them for their disobe-
dience and bring them to a sense of their duty, Manabozho had called
the game from the forests and shut it up under the earth, so that the ;
tribes were now on the verge of starvation and obliged to eat the flesh J
of filthy hogs. They had also lost their old love for one another and
become addicted to the secret practices of the poisoner and the wizard,
together with the abominable ceremonies of the calumet dance. They
must now put aside all these things, throw away the weapons and the
dress of the white man, pluck out their hair as in ancient times, wear
the eagle feather on their heads, and clothe themselves again with the
breechcloth and the skins of animals slain with the bows and arrows
which Manabozho had given them. [Kendall, 1.) They must have done
with the white man's flint-and-steel, and cook their food over a fire
made by rubbing together two sticks, and this fire must always be kept
burning in their lodges, as it was a symbol of the eternal life, and their
care for it was an evidence of their heed to the divine commands. The
firewater nuist forever be put away, togetlier with the medicine bags
and poisons and the wicked juggleries which had corrupted the ancient
676 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
l)urity of the Mide rites. lustead of these the prophet gave them uew
songs and new medicines. Their women must cease from any connec-
tion with white men. They were to love one another and make an end
I of their constant wars, to be kind to their children, to keep but one dog
in a family, and to abstain from lying and stealing. If they would listen
to his voice and follow his instructions, the incarnate Manabozho prom-
ised that at the end of four years (i. e., in 1811) he would bring on two
days of darkness, during which he would travel invisibly throughout
the land, and cause the animals which he had created to come forth
again out of the earth. {Kendall, 3.) They were also promised that
their dead friends would be restored to them.
The ideas as to the catasti'ophe that was to usher in the new era seem
to have varied according to the interpreter of the belief. Among the
OttaM'a, and perhaps among the lake tribes generally, there was to be
a period of darkness, as already stated. Among the Cherokee, and
probably also among the Creek, it was believed that there would be a
terrible hailstorm, which would overwhelm with destruction both the
whites and the unbelievers of the red race, while the elect would be
warned in time to save theniselves by fleeing to the high mountain tops.
The idea of any hostile combination against the white race seems to
have been no part of the doctrine. In the north, however, there is
always a plain discrimination against the Americans. The Great Father,
through his prophet, is represented as declaring himself to be the com-
mon parent alike of Indians, English, French, and Si)aniards; while the
Americans, on the contrary, "are not my children, but the children of
the evil spirit. They grew from the scum of the great water, when it
was troubled by an evil spirit and the froth was driven into the woods
by a strong east wind. They are numerous, but I hate them. They
are unjust; they have taken away your lands, which were not made for
them." {Kendall, 3.)
From the venerable James Wafford, of the Cherokee nation, the
author in 1891 obtained some interesting details in regard to the excite-
ment among the Cherokee. According to his statement, the doctrine
first came ^ them through the Creek about 1812 or 1813. It was prob-
ably given to the Creek by Tecumtha and his party on their visit to that
tribe in the fall of 1811, as will be related hereafter. The Creek were
taught by their prophets that the old Indian life was soon to return,
when "insteadof beef and bacon they would have venison, and instead
of chickens they would have turkeys." Great sacred dances were
inaugurated, and the people were exhorted to be ready for what was to
come. From the south the movement spread to the Cherokee, and one
of their priests, living in what is now upper Georgia, began to i)reach
that on a day near at hand there would be a terrible storm, with a
mighty wind and hailstones as large as hominy mortars, which would
destroy from the face of the earth all but the true believers who had
previously taken refuge on the highest summits of the Great Smoky
MooKKY] THE EXCITEMENT AMONG TllK CHEROKEE 677
mountains. Full of this belief, numbers of tiie tribe in Alabama and
Georgia abandoned their bees, their orchards, their slaves, and every-
thing else that might have come to them through the white man, and,
in spite of the entreaties and remonstrances of friends wlio put no
faith in the i)re(liction, took up theii' toilsome march for the mountains
of Carolina. VVafltbrd, who was then about 10 years of age, lived with
his mother and stepfather on Valley river, and vividly remembers
the troo])S of ])ilgrims, with their packs on their backs, tleeing from
the lower country to escai)e from the wrath to come. Many of them
stopped at the bouse of his stepfather, who, being a white man, was
somcwliat better prepared than his neighbors to entertain travelers,
and who took the opportunity to endeavor to persuade them to turn
back, telling them that their hopes and fears alike were groundless.
Some listened to hiiu and returned to their homes, but others went ou
and climbed the mountain, where they waited until the appointed day
arrived, only to find themselves disappointed. Slowly and sadly then
they took np tlieir packs once more and turned their faces homeward,
dreading the ridicule they were sure to meet there, but yet believing
in their hearts that the glorious coming was only postponed for a time.
This excitement atnong the Cherokee is noted at some length in the
Cherokee Advocate of November 16, 1844, published at Tahlequah,
Cherokee Nation. Among the Creek the excitement, intensified by
reports of tlie struggle now going on in the north, and fostered and
encouraged by the emissaries of Spain and England, grew and spread
until it culminated in the summer of 181.'} in the terrible Creek war.
Enough is known of the ceremonial of this religion to show that it
must have had an elaborate ritual. We learn from Warren that the
adherents of the prophet were accustomed to i^erform certain cere
monies in solemn councils, and that, after he had proliibited the corrupt
secret rites, he introduced instead new medicines and songs, and that
at the ancient capital of the Ojibwa on Lake Superior the Indians col-
lected iu great numbers and i)erformed these dances and ceremonies
day and night. ( Warren, 1.) They were also instructed to dance
naked, with their bodies painted and with the warclub in their hands.
(KeiidalL 4.) The solemn rite of confirmation, known as "shaking
hands with the prophet," was particularly impressive. From the nar-
rative of John Tanner, a white man captured when a child from his
home in Kentucky and brought up among the wild Ojibwa, we get the
best contemporary account of the advent of the new doctrine in the
north and its effect on the lake tribes. He says:
It was while I was living here at Great Wood river that news came of a great man
among the Shawneese, who had heen favoure<l hy a revelation of the mind and will
of the Great Spirit. I was hunting iu the prairie, at a great distance from my lodge,
when I saw a stranger approaching. At first I was apprehensive of an enemy, but
as he drew nearer, his dress showed him to he an Ojibheway; but when he came up,
there was something very strange and peculiar iu his manner. He signified to me
that I must go home, but gave no explanation of the cause. He refn8e<l to look at
678 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
me or enter into any kind of conversation. I thought lie must ho crazy, hut never-
theless accompauied him to my lodge. When we had smoked, he remained a long
time silent, hut at last hegan to tell me he had come with a message from the
prophet of the Shawueese. " Henceforth," said he, "the fire must never he suffered
to go out in your lodge. Summer and winter, day and night, in the storm, or when it
is calm, you must remember that the life in your body and the Are in your lodge are
the same and of the same date. If you suifer your fire to be extinguished, at that
moment your life will heat its end. You must not suifer a dog to live; you must
never strike either a man, a woman, a child, or a dog. The prophet himself is com-
ing to shake hands with you ; but I have come before, that you may know what is
the will of the Great Spirit, communicated to us by him, and to inform you that the
preservation of your life, for a single moment, depends on your entire obedience.
From this time forward we are neither to be drunk, to steal, to lie, or to go against
our enemies. While we yield an entire obedience to these commands of the Great
Spirit, the Sioux, even if they come to our country, will not bo able to see us ; we
shall be protected and made happy." I listened to all he had to say, but told him,
in answer, that I could not believe we should all die in case our fire went out; in
many instances, also, it would be difficult to avoid punishing our children ; our dogs
were useful in aiding us to hunt and take animals, so that I could not believe the
Great Spirit had any wish to take them from us. He continued talking to us until
late at night; then he lay down to sleep in my lodge. I happened to wake first in
the morning, and, perceiving the fire had gone out, I called him to get up and see
how many of us were living and how many dead. He was prepared for the ridicule
I attempted to throw upon his doctrine, and told me that I had not yet shaken
hands with the prophet. His visit had been to prepare me for this important event,
and to make me aware of tlie obligations and risks I should incur, by entering into
the engagement implied in taking in my hand the message of the prophet. I did
not rest entirely easy in my unbelief. The Indians, generally, received the doctrine
of this man with great humility and fear. Distress and anxiety was visible in every
countenance. Many killed their dogs, and endeavored to practice obedience to all
the commands of this new preacher, who still remained among us. Hut, as was
usual with me, in any emergency of this kind, I went to the traders, firmly believing
that if the Deity had any communications to make to men, they would be given, in
the first instance, to white men. The traders ridiculed and despised the idea of a
new revelation of the Divine will, and the thought that it should be given to a poor
Shawnee. Thus was I confirmed in my infidelity. Nevertheless, I did not openly
avow my unbelief to the Indians, only T refused to kill my dogs, and showeil no
great degree of anxiety to comply with his other requirements. As long as I
remained among the Indians, I made it my business to conform, as far as appeared
consistent with my immediate convenience and comfort, with all their customs.
Many of their ideas I have adopted, but I always found among them opinions which
I could not hold. The Ojibbeway whom I have mentioned remained some time
among the Indians in my neighborhood, and gained the attention of the principal
men so effectually that a time was appointed and a lodge prepared for the solemn
and public espousing of the doctrines of the prophet. When the people, and I
among them, were brought into the long lodge, prepared for this solemnity, we saw
/ something carefully concealed under a blanket, in figure and dimensions bearing
some resemblance to the form of a man. This was accompanied by two young men,
who, it was understood, attended constantly upon it, made its bed at night, us for
a man, and slept near it. But while we remained no one went near it or raised the
blanket which was ejiread over its iinknown contents. Four strings of mouldy and
discoloured beans were all the remaining visible insignia of this important mission.
After a long harangue, in which the prominent features of the new revelation were
stated and urged upon the attention of all, the four strings of beans, which we were
told were made of the flesh itself of the prophet, were carried with much solemnity
to each man in the lodge, and he was expected to take hold of each string at the
top, and draw them gently through his hand. This was called shaking hands with
MooNEY] THE DOCTKINE IN THE NORTH 679
tlie prophet, !ind was considered as solemnly engaginj; to oliey his injunctions, and
accept his mission as from the Supreme. All the Indians who touched the beans had
previously killed their dogs; they gave up their medicine bags, and showed a
disposition to comply witli all tliat should be required of them.
We had now liei^n for some time assembled in considerable numbers. Much agita-
tion and terror had ])rovailed among us, and now famine l)egau to be felt. The faces
of men wore an aspect of unusual gloominess; tlie active became indolent, and the
s])irits of the bravest seemed to bo subdued. I started to litint with my dogs, which
I had constantly refused to kill or suli'er to be killed. Hy their assistance, I found
and killed a bear. On returning home, I said to some of the Indian.s, " Has not the
Great Spirit given us our dogs to aid us in procuring what is needful for the support
of our life, and can you believe he wishes now to deprive us of their services? The
propliet, we are told, has forbid us to suffer our iiro to be extinguished in our lodges,
and when we travel or hunt, lie will not allow us to use a flint and steel, and we are
told ho requires that no man should give fire to another. Can it please tlie (ireat
Spirit that we should lie in our hunting camps without fire, or is it more agreeable to
him that we should make fire by rubbing together two sticks than with a flint and a
piece of steel?" But they would not listen tome; and th(^ serious enthusiasm which
prevailed among them so far aff'ected me that I threw away my flint and steel, laid
aside my medicine bag, and, in many particulars, complied with the new doctrines;
but I would not kill my dogs. I soon learned to kindle a fire by rubbing some dry
cedar, which I was careful to carry always about me, but the discontinuance of the
use of flint and steel subjected many of the Indians to much inconvenience and
suffering. The influence of the Shawnee prophet was very sensibly and painfully
felt by the remotest Ojibbeways of whom I had any knowledge, but it was not the
common Impression among them that his doctrines had any tendency to unite them
in the accomplishment of any human purpose. For two or three years drunkenness
was much less frequent than formerly, war was less thought of, and the entire aspect
of affairs among them was somewhat changed by the influence of one man. Hut
gradually the impression was obliterated; medicine bags, flints, and steels were
resumed; dogs were raised, women and children were beaten as before, and the
Shawnee prophet was despised. At this day he is looked upon by the Indians as an
impostor and a bad man. (Tanner, 1.)
Tauiier's accouut is confirmed by Warren, from the .statements of old
men among the Ojibwa who had taken part in the revival. According
to their story the ambassadors of the new revelation appeared at the
^ ditt'erent villages, acting strangely and with their faces painted black —
perhaps to signify tlieir character as messengers from the world of
shades. They told the people that they must light a fire with two dry
sticks in esich of their principal settlements, and that this fire must
always be kept sacred and burning. They predicted the speedy return
of the old Indian life, and asserted that the prophet would cause the
dead to rise from the grave. The new belief took sudden and complete
possession of the minds of the Ojibwa and spread "like wildfire" from
end to end of their widely extended territory, and even to the remote
northern tribes in alliance with theCreeand Asiniboin. The strongest
evidence of their implicit obedience to the new revelation was given by
their attention to the command to throw away their medicine bags, the
one thing whicli every Indian holds most sacred. It is said that tlie
shores of Lake Superior, in the vicinity of the great village of Shaga-
wauniikong (Bayfield, Wisconsin), were strewn with these medicine
bags, which had been cast into the water. At this ancient capital of
680 THE GHOST-DAKCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
the tribe the Ojibwa gathered in great numbers, to dance the dances
and sing the songs of the new ritual, until a message was received
from the prophet inviting them to come to him at Detroit, where he
would explain in person the will of the Master of Life. This was in
^ ■ 1808. The excitement was now at fever heat, and it was determined
to go in a body to Detroit. It is said that 150 canoe loads of Ojibwa
actually started on this pilgrimage, and one family even brought with
them a dead child to be restored to life by the prophet. They had pro-
ceeded a considerable distance when they were met by an influential
French trader, who reported, on the word of some who had already
visited the prophet's camp and returned, that the devotees there were
on the brink of starvation — which was true, as the great multitude
had consumed their entire supply of provisions, and had been so occu-
pied with religious ceremonies that they had neglected to plant their
corn. It was also asserted that during the prophet's frequeut periods
of absence from the camp, when he would disappear for several days,
claiming on his return that he had been to the spirit world in converse
with the Master of Life, that he was really concealed in a hollow log in
the woods. This is quite probable, and entirely consistent with the
Indian theory of trances and soul pilgrimages while the body remains
unconscious in one spot. These reports, however, put such a damper
on the ardor of the Ojibwa that they returned to their homes and
gradually ceased to think about the new revelation. As time went on
a reaction set in, and those who had been most active evangelists of the
doctrine among the tribe became most anxious to efface the remem-
■ brance of it. One good, however, resulted to the Ojibwa from the
; throwing away of the poisonous compounds formerly in common use
I by the lower order of doctors, and secret poisoning became almost
\ unknown. ( Warren, 2.)
When the celebrated traveler Catlin went among the prairie tribes
some thirty years later, he found that the prophet's emissaries — he says
the prophet himself, which is certainly a mistake — had carried the Hying
fire, the sacred image, and the mystic strings (see portrait and descrip-
tion) even to the Blackfeet on the plains of the Saskatchewan, going
without hindrance among warring tribes where the name of the Sha-
wano had never been spoken, protected only by the reverence that
attached to their jiriestly character. There seems no doubt that by
this time they had developed the plan of a confederacy for driving back
y, the whites, and Catlin asserts that thousands of warriors among those
^ remote tribes had pledged themselves to fight under the lead of Tecum-
tha at the proper time. His account of the prophet's methods in the
extreme northwest agrees with what Tanner has reported from the
Ojibwa country. [Catlin, 1.) But disaster followed him like a shadow.
Bivals, jealous of his success, came after him to denounce his plans as
visionary and himself as an impostor. The ambassadors were obliged
to turn back to save tlieir lives and retrace their way in haste to the far
distant Wabash, where the fatal battle of Tippecanoe and the death of
his great brother, Tecumtha, put an end to all his splendid dreams.
Chapter IV
TECUMTHA AND TIPrECANOE
These lands aro ours. No one has a right to remove lis, l>eeiiiise we were the first
owners. — Tecnmtha to Veils, 1807.
The Great Spirit gave this great island to his red children. Ho placed the whites
on the other side of the big water. They were not contented with their own, but
came to take ours from us. They have driven us from the sea to the lakes — we can
go no farther. — Tecumtha, 1810.
The President may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and I will
have to fight it out. — Tecumtha to Harrison, 1810.
And uow we begin to hear of the prophet's brother, Tecumtha. the
most heroic character in Indian history. Tecumtha, " The Meleor," wa«
the son of a chief and the worthy scion of a warrior race. His tribe,
the Shawano, made it their proud boast that they of all tribes had
opposed the most determined resistance to the encroachments of the
whites. His father had fallen under the bullets of the Virginians while
leading his warriors at the bloody battle of Point Pleasant, in 1774.
His eldest and dearest brother had lost his life in an attack on a southern
frontier post, and another had been killed fighting by his side at
Wayne's victory in 1794. What wonder that the young Tecumtha
declared that his flesh crept at the hight of a white man !
But his was no mean spirit of personal revenge; his mind was too
noble for that. He hated the whites as the destroyers of his race, but
prisoners and the defenseless knew well that they could rely on his
honor and humanity and were -^fe under his protection. When only a
boy — for his military career began in childhood — he had witnessed the
burning of a prisoner, and the spectacle was so abhorrent to his feel-
ings that by an earnest and eloquent harangue he induced the party
to give up the practice forever. In later years his name was accepted
by helpless women and children as a guaranty of protection even in
the midst of hostile Indians. Of commanding figure, nearly six feet in
height and compactly built; of dignified bearing and piercing eye,
before whose lightning even a British general quailed; with the fiery
eloquence of a Clay and the clear-cut logic of a Webster; abstemious
in habit, charitable in thought and action, brave as a lion, but humane
and generous withal — in a word, an aboriginal American knight — his
life was given to his people, and he fell at last, like his father and his
brothers before him, in battle with the destroyers of his nation, the
champion of a lost cause and a dying race.
His name has been rendered "The Shooting Star" and "The Panther
Crouching, or Lying in Wait." From a reply to a letter of inquiry
681
682
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[BTH. ANN. 14
addressed to Professor A, S. Gatschet, the well-known philologist, I
extract the following, which throws valuable light on the n*me system
and mythology of the Shawano, and shows also that the two render-
ings, apparently so dissimilar, have a common origin :
Shawano personal names are nearly all clan names, and by their interpretation
the clan to which the individual or his father or mother belongs may be discovered.
Thus, when a man is called "tight fitting" or "good fit," he is of the Babbit clan,
because the fur tits the rabbit very tightly and closely. The name of Tecumtha is
FlO. 58— Tecunitlia.
One of the fiuHBt looking men I ever saw — about 6 feet high, straight, with large, fine features, and
altogether a daring, bold-looking fellow. — Captain Floyd, 1810.
One of those uuconiuou geniuses which spring up occasionally to produce revolutions and overturn
the established order of things. — Governor Harrison,
derived from nila ni tka'mthka, " I cross the path or way of somebody, or of an ani-
mal." This indicates that the one so named belongs to the clan of the round- foot or
claw-foot animals, as panther, lion, or even raccoon. Tecumtha and his brother
belonged to the clan of the manetuwi maipessi or "miraculous panther" {msi, great,
big; pishhci, abbreviated pessi, cat, both combined meaning the American lion). So
the translations " panther lying in wait," or "crouching lion," give only the sense
of the name, and no animal is named in it. But the msi-pessi, when the epithet
miraculous (manetuwi) is added to it, means a "celestial tiger," i. e., a meteor or
shooting star. The manetuwi msi-peasi lives in water only and is visible not as an
EXPLANATION OK FIGITRE 58
This portrait is a copy <>1" tlio one given by Lossiuj; in Ii is American ReTolution
and tlie War of 1812. Ill (187r>), page 28S. lie ([notes a description of Tecnmtba's
personal ii]i|iearauoe liy a Itritisli ollieer wlio saw liim in 1812, and then goes on to
give tlie liistory of tlie portrait. "Captain J. 15. (Jlegg, Hrock"s aid-de-canip, has
left on record tlie following descri))tion of Teeunitha at that interview : ' Tecnmaeh's
appearance was very pre]>ossessing; his lignre light and finely proportioned; his
age I imagined to be about live and thirty (he was abont forty"); in height, 5 feet
9 or 10 inches; his lomplcxion light copper; conntenauie oval, with bright hazel
eyes, bearing ilieerfnlness, energy, and decision. Three small silver crosses or
coronets were suspended from the lower cartilage of his aqniliue nose, and a large
si'ver medallion of George the Third, wliich I believe his ancestor had received
from Lord Dorcliester when governor-general of Canada, was attached to a mixed-
colored wampnin string an<l hung round his neck. His dress consisted of a plain,
neat uniform, tanned deersiiin jacket, with long trow.sers of the same material, the
seams of lioth being covered with neatly cut fringe, an<l he had on his feet leather
moccasins, iiiucli ornamented with work made from the dyed ([Uills of the porcu-
pine.' The i)ortrait of Tecumtha above given is from a i)ennil sketch by Pierre Le
Dru. ... In this I have given only the head by Le Dm. The cap was red, and
in front was a .single eagle's feather, black, with a wliite tiji. The sketch of his
dress (and the nieilal above described), in which he appears as a brigadier-general
of the British army, is from a rough drawing, which I saw in Montreal in the sum-
mer of 1858, made at Maiden soon after the surrender of Detroit, where the Indians
celebrated that event by a grand least. It was only on gala occasions that Tecumtha
was seen in full dress. The sketch did not pretend to give a true likeness of the
chief, and was valuable only as a delineation of his costume. From the two we are
enabled to give a pretty faithful picture of tlie great Shawnoese warrior and states-
man as he appeared in his best mood. When in full dress lie wore a cocked hat and
Illume, but would not give up his blue breechcloth, red legglus fringed with buck-
skin, and buckskin moccasins,"
MooNBT] TECUMTHA AT GREENVILLE 683
animal, bnt as a shooting star, and exceiMling in size other sbuotini; stars. This
monster <;avo name to a ^<ha\vano cliiu, and this clan, to which Ti'cumtha belonged,
was classed among the claw-foot animals also. The ([iiick motion of the shooting
star was correctly likened to that of a tiger or wildcat rnshing npou his prey.
Shooting stars are supposed to be souls of great men all over America. The home
of the dead is always in the west, where the celestial bodies set, and since meteors
travel westward they were supposed to return to their western home.
Tecuintha was now in tlio prime of manhood, being about 40 years of
ago, and had already thouglitout hia scheme of uniting all the tribes in
one grand confederation to resist the further encroachments of the
whites, on the principle that the Indians had common interests, and that
what concerned one tril)e concerned all. As the tribes were constantly
shifting about, following the game in its migrations, he held that no one
tribe had any more than a posses.sory right to the land while in actual
occupancy, and that any sale of lands, to be valid, must be sanctioned
by all the tribes concerned. His claim was certainly founded in justice,
bnt the government refused to admit the principle in theory, although
repeatedly acting on it in i)ractice, for every important treaty after-
ward made in Mississippi valley was a joint treaty, as it was found
impossible to assign the ownership of any considerable section to any one
particular tribe. The Shawano themselves hunted from the Cumber-
land to the Sus(iuehanna. As a basal proposition, Tecumtha claimed
that the Greenville treaty, having been forced on the Indians, was
invalid ; that the only true boundary was the Ohio, as established in
17(i8, and that all future cessions must have the sanction of all the
tribes claiming rights in that region,
By this time there were assembled at Greenville to listen to the teach-
ings of the prophet hundreds of savages, representing all the widely
extended tribes of the lake region and the great northwest, all wrought
up to the highest pitch of excitement over the prospect of a revival of
the old Indian life and the perpetuation of aboriginal sovereignty.
This was Tecumtha's opportunity, and he was quick to improve it.
Even those who doubted the spiritual revelations could see that they
were in danger from the continued advances of the whites, and were
easily convinced that safety reciuired that they should unite as one
people for the preservation of a common b<mndary. The pilgrims car-
ried back these ideas to their several tribes, and thus what was at first
a simple religious revival soon became a political agitation. They were
equally patriotic from the Indian point of view, and under the circum-
stances one was almost the natural complement of the other. All the
evidence goes to show that the movement in its inception was purely
religious and peaceable ; but the military spirit of Tecumtha afterward ;
gave to it a warlike and even aggressive character, and henceforth the
apostles of the prophet became also recruiting agents for his brother.
Tecumtha himself was too sensible to think that the whites would be
destroyed by any interposition of heaven, or that they could be driven
out by any combination of the Indians, but he did believe it possible
684 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
that the westward advance of the Americans could be stopped at the
Ohio, leaving his people in undisturbed possession of what lay beyond.
In this hope he was encouraged by the British officials iu Canada,
and it is doubtful if the movement would ever have become formid-
able if it had not been incited and assisted from across the line.
In the spring of 1807 it was estimated that at Fort Wayne fifteen hun-
dred Indians had recently passed that post on their way to visit the
prophet, while councils were constantly being held and runners were
going from tribe to tribe with pipes and belts of wampum. It was
plain that some uncommon movement was going on among them, and
it also was evident that the British agents had a hand in keeping up
the excitement. The government became alarmed, and the crisis came
when an order was sent from the President to Tecumtha at Greenville
to remove his party beyond the boundary of 1795 (the Greenville treaty).
Trembling with excitement, Tecumtha rose and addressed his followers
in a passionate speech, dwelling on the wrongs of the Indians and
the continued encroachments of the whites. Then, turning to the mes-
senger, he said, ''These lands are ours. No one has a right to remove
ius, because we were the first owners The Great Spirit above has
' appointed this place for us, on which to light our fires, and here we will
i remain. As to boundaries, the Great Spirit above knows no bounda-
ries nor will his red children acknowledge any." (Drake, Tecumseh, 3.)
' From this time it was understood that the Indians were preparing to
make a final stand for the valley of the Ohio. The i>rophet continued
to arouse their enthusiasm by his inspired utterances, while Tecumtha
became the general and active organizer of the warriors. At a confer-
ence with the governor of Ohio in the autumn of 1807 he fearlessly
denied the validity of the former treaties, and declared his intention to
resist the further extension of the white settlements on Indian lands.
The next spring great numbers of Indians came down from the lakes
to visit Tecumtha and his brother, who, flndin g their following increasing
80 rapidly, accepted an invitation from the Potawatomi and Kickapoo,
and removed their headquarters to a more central location on the
Wabash. The Delaware and Miami, who claimed precedence in that
region and who had all along opposed the prophet and Tecumtha, pro-
tested against this move, but without eifect. The new settlement,
which was on the western bank of the river, just below the mouth of
the Tippecanoe, was known to the Indians as Kehtipaquononk, "the
great clearing," and was an old and favorite location with them. It had
been the site of a large Shawano village which had been destroyed by
the Americans in 1791, and some years later the Potawatomi had rebuilt
upon the same place, to which they now Invited the disciples of the
new religion. The whites had corrupted the name to Tippecanoe, and
it now generally became known as the Prophet's town.
Nothing else of moment occurred during this year, but it was learned
that Tecumtha contemplated visiting the southern tribes in the near
MooNKvl THK CONFERENCE WITH HARBISON 685
future to enlist tlicm iilso in liis confederacy. In 1S()9, liowever, rumors
of an apitroacliing outbreak bejfan to fill the air, and it was evident
that the Ihitish were instigating the Indians to miscliief in anticipa-
tion of a war between England and the United States. Just at this
juncture tlie anger of Tecunitha's party was still further inflamed by
the negotiation of treaties with four tribes by which additional large
tracts were ceded in Indiana and Illiuois. The Indians now refused to
buy ammunition from the Americi'ji traders, saying that they could
obtain all they wanted for nothing in another quarter. In view of the
signs of increasing hostility. Governor Harrison was authorized to take
such steps as might be necessary to protect the frontier. Tecumtha had
now gained over the Wyandot, the most influential tribe of the Ohio
region, the keei)ers of the great wampum belt of union and the lighters
of the council fire of the allied tribes,. Their example was si)eedily
followed by the Miami, whose adhesion made the tribes of the Ohio and
the lakes practically unanimous. The prophet now declared that he
would follow in the steps of Poutiac, and called on the remote tribes
to assist those on the border to roll back the tide which would other-
wise overwhelm them all. In return, the Sauk and Fox sent word that
they were ready whenever he should say the word.
In the summer of 1810, according to a previous arrangement, Tecum-
tha, attended by several hundred warriors, descended the river to Vin-
cennes to confer with (iovernor Harrison on the situation. The con-
ference began on the 15th of August and lasted three days. Tecum-
tha reiterated his former claims, saying that in uniting the tribes he
was endeavoring to dam the mighty water that was ready to overflow
his peojile. The Americans had driven the Indians from the sea and
threatened to push them into the lakes; and, although he disclaimed
any intention of making war against the United States, he declared his
fixed resolution to insist on the old boundary and to oppose the further
intrusion of the whites on the lands of the Indians, and to resist the
survey of the lands recently ceded. He was followed by chiefs of five
different tribes, each of whom in turn declared that he would sujjport
the principles of Tecumtha. Harrison replied that the government
would never admit that any section belonged to all the Indians in com-
mon, and that, having bought the ceded lands from the tribes who were
first found in possession of them, it would defend its title by arms. To
this Tecumtha said that he x)referred to be on the side of the Americans,
and that if his terms were conceded he would bring his forces to the
aid of the United States in the war which he knew"^as soon to break out
with England, but that otherwise he would be compelled to join the
British. The governor replied that li£.would state the case to the Pres-
ident, but that it was altogether unlikely that he would consent to the
conditions. Recognizing the inevitable, Tecumtha expressed the hope
that, as the Pjjesident was to determine the matter, the Great Spirit
would put sense into his head to induce him to give up the lands, adding^
/r
TT* TV HP. SIT
686 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
"It is true, lie is so far off lie will not be injured by the war. He may
sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and I will have to
fij^lit it out." The governor then requested that in the event of an
Indian war Tecumtha would use his influence to prevent the practice
of cruelties on women and children and defenseless prisoners. To
this he readily agreed, and the promise was faithfully kept. [Brake,
Tecumseh, 4.)
The conference had ended with a tacit understanding that war must
come, and both sides began to i)repare for the struggle. Soon after it
was learned that the prophet had sent belts to the tribes west of the
Mississippi, inviting them to join in a war against the United States.
Outrages on the Indians by settlers intensified the hostile feeling,
and the Delawares refused to deliver up a murderer until some of the
whites who had killed their people were first punished. Harrison him-
self states that the Indians could rarely obtain satisfaction for the most
unprovoked wrongs. In another letter he says that Tecumtha " has
taken for his model the celebrated Pontiac, and I am persuaded he
will bear a favorable comparison in every respect with that far-famed
warrior."
In July, 1811, Tecumtha again visited Harrison at Vinceunes. In
the course of his talk he said that the whites were unnecessarily
alarmed, as the Indians were only following the example set them by
the colonies in uniting for the furtherance of common interests. He
added that he was now on his way to the southern tribes to obtain
their adhesion also to the league, and that on his return in the spring
he intended to visit the President to explain his puri)oses fully and to
clear away all difficulties. lu the meantime he expected that a large
number of Indians would join his colony on the Wabash during the
winter, and to avoid any danger of collision between them and the
whites, he requested that no settlements should be made on the dis-
puted lands until he should have an opportunity to see the President.
To this Harrison replied that the President would never give up a
country which he had bought from its rightful owners, nor would he
suffer his people to be injured with impunity. This closed the interview,
and the next day Tecumtha started with his party for the south to
visit the Creek and Choctaw. About the same time it was learned
that the British had sent a message to the prophet, telling him that
the time had now come for him to take up the hatchet, and inviting
him to send a party to their headquarters at Maiden (now Amherst-
burg, Ontario) to receive the necessary supplies. In view of these
things Harrison suggested to the War De])artment that opportunity
be taken of Tecumtha's absence in the south to strike a blow against
his confederacy. Continuing in the same letter, he says of the great
Indian leader:
Tho implicit obedience and respect which the followers of Tecumseli pay to him
IB really astonishing, and more than any other circumstance bespeaks Iiim one of
MoosEvj TECUMTHA AMONG THE CRKEK 687
those uiicomniou goninsest which spring up occasionally to produce revolutions and |
overturn the established order of thiugs. If it were not for the vicinity of the
United States, lie would perhaps he the founder of an empire that would rival in
glory Mexico or Peru. No diflicultics deter him. For four years he has been in con-
stant motion. You see him today on the Wabash, and in a short time hear of him
on the shores of Lake Erie or Michigan or on the banks of the Mississippi, antj
wherever he goes he makes au impression favorable to his purposes. He is i)ow
upon the last round, to put a finishing stroke to his work. I hope, however, before
his return that that part of the fabric which he considered complete will be demol-
ished, an<l even its foundations rooted up. {Drake, Tecumseh, 5.)
On tliis trip Tecumtha went as far as Florida and engaged the Semi-
nole for his confederacy. Then, retracing his steps into Alabama, he
came to the ancient Creek town of Tnkabachi, on the Tallapoosa, near
the present site of Montgomery. What happened here is best told in
the words of McKenney and Hall, who derived their information from
Indians at the same town a few years later:
He made his way to the lodge of the chief called the Big Warrior. He explained
his object, delivered his war talk, presented a bundle of sticks, gave a piece of wam-
pum and a war hatchet — all which the liig Warrior took — when Tecumth<5, reading
the spirit and intentions of the Big Warrior, looked him in the eye, and, pointing
his finger toward his face, said: "Your blood is white. You have taken my talk,
and the sticks, and the wampum, and the hatchet, but yon do not mean to fight.
I know the reason. You do not believe the Great Spirit has sent me. You shall
know. I leave Tuokhabatchee directly, and shall go straight to Detroit. When I
arrive there, I will stamp on the ground with my foot and shake down every house
in Tuckhabatchee." So saying, he turned and left the Big Warrior in utter amaze-
ment at both his manner and his threat, and pursued his journey. The Indians
were struck no less with his conduct than was the Big Warrior, and began to dread
the arrival of the day when the threatened calamity would befall them. They met
often and talked over this matter, and counted the days carefully to know the day
when Tecumth(5 would reach Detroit. The morning they had fixed upon as the
day of his arrival at last came. A mighty rumbling was heard — the Indians all ran
out of their houses — the earth began to shake; when at last, sure enough, every
house in Tuckhabatchee was shaken down. The exclamation was in every mouth,
"Tecumtho has got to Detroit 1 " The eft'ect was electric. The message he had deliv-
ered to the Big Warrior was believed, and many of the Indians took their rifles and
prepared for the war. The reader will not be surprised to learn that an earthquake
had produced all this ; but ho will be, doubtless, that it should happen on the very
day on which Tecumthe arrived at Detroit, and in exact fulfillment of his threat, i.
It was the famous earthquake of New Madrid on the Mississippi. (McKenney and 'I
Hall, 1.)
The fire thus kindled among the Creek by Tecumtha was fanned
into a blaze by the British and Spanish traders until the opening of
the war of 1812 gave the opportunity for the terrible outbreak known
in history as the Creek war.
While Tecumtha was absent in the south, affairs were rapidly
approaching a crisis on the Wabash. The border settlers demanded
the removal of the prophet's followers, stating in their memorial to the
President that they were "fully convinced that the formation of this
combination headed by the Shawano prophet was a British scheme, and
that the agents of that power were constantly exciting the Indians to
14 ETH — I'T 2 1
688
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
hostility against the United States." Governor Harrison
messages to the different tribes earnestly warning them of
sequences of a hostile outbreak, but about the same
prophet himself announced that he had now taken up
ahawk against the United States, and would only lay
with his life, unless the wrongs of the Indians
dressed. It was known also that he was arousing
lowers to a feverish pitch of excitement by the daily
mystic rites.
Harrison now determined to break up the pro
Accordingly, at the head of about 900 men, in
250 regulars, he marclied from Vincennes, and
vember, 1811, encamped within a few miles
town. The Indians had fortified the place
and labor. It was sacred to them as the spot
the new religion had been so long enacted,
they believed it had been rendered impregna
the wliite man. The next day he approached
met by messengers from the town, who stated
anxious to avoid hostilities and had already
by several cliiefs, who had unfortunately
side of the river and thus had
eral. A truce was accord
the next day, when terms
ranged between the gov
The army encamjied on a
Indians, an elevated piece
a marshy prairie, within a
though Harrison did not
would make a night attack, yet
the troops sleep on their arms
low sent
the con-
time the
the tom-
it down
were re-
his fol-
practice of
phet's camp.
eluding about
on the 5th of No-
of the prophet's
with great care
where the rites of
and by these rites
ble to the attacks of
still nearer, and was
tliat the prophet was
sent a pacific message
gone do wn on the other
failed to find the gen-
ingly agreed on until
of peace were to be ar-
ernor and the chiefs.
si)ot pointed out by the
of ground rising out of
mile of the town. Al-
believe that the Indians •
as a in-ecaution he had
in order of battle.
At 4 o'clock in the morning of the
cording to his practice, liad risen pre
the troops, anil
on his boots by
with Gen
and Majors
derly drum
purpose of
troops to
of the In
upon the
The whole
feet, the camp
governor mounted
the point of attack,
had taken their
forty seconds from
whole of the troops were
Tig. 59 — Harrison treaty pipe.
7th, Governor Harrison, ac-
paratory to the calling up
was engaged, while drawing
the fire, in conversation
eral Wells, Colonel Owen,
Taylor and Hurst. The or-
had been roused for the
giving the signal for the
turn out, when the attack
dians suddenly commenced
left flank of the camp.
army was instantly on its
fires were extinguished, the
his horse and proceeded to
Several of the companies
places in the line within
the report of the first gun, and the
prepared for action in tlie course
MooNET] THE BATTLE OF PBOPHRT's TOWN 689
of two minutes, a fact as creditable to their own activity and bravery as to the skill
and bravery of their officers. The battle soon became general, and was maintained
on both sides with signal and even desperate valor. The Indians advanced and
retreated by the aid of a rattling noise, made with deer hoofs, and persevered in
their treacherous attaclt with an apparent determination to conquer or die upon the
spot. The battle raged with unabated fury and mutual slaughter until daylight,
when a gallant and successful charge by our troops drove the enemy into the swamp
and put an end to the coullict.
Prior to the assault the prophet had given assurances to his followers that in the
coming contest the Great Spirit would renderthe arms of the Americans unavailing;
that their bullets would fall harmless at the feet of the Indians; that the latter
should have light in abundance, while the former would be involved in thick dark-
ness. Availing himself of the privilege conferred by his peculiar office, and perhaps
unwilling in his own person to attest at once the rival powers of a sham prophecy
and a real American bullet, he prudently took a position on an adjacent eminence,
and when the action began, he entered upon the performance of certain mystic rites,
at the same time singing a war song. In the course of the engagement he was
informed that his men were falling. He told them to fight on — it would soon be as
he had predicted. And then, in louder and wilder strains, his inspiring battle song
was heard commingling with the sharp crack of the rifle and the shrill war whoop of
his brave but deluded followers. (Drake, Tecumseh, G.)
■ Drake estimates the whole number of Indians engaged in the battle
at between 800 and 1,000, representing all the princii)al tribes of
the region, and puts tlie killed at probably not less than 50, with
an unusually Lirge proportion of wounded. Harrison's estimate would
seem to jmt the numbers much higher. The Americans lost 60 killed
or mortally wounded, and 188 in all. {Brake, Tecumseh, 7.) In their
hurried retreat the Indians left a large number of dead on the fi«id.
Believing on the word of the prophet that they would receive s^per- \^
natural aid from above, they had fought with desperate l^avery, and I
their defeat completely disheartened them. They alnonce abandoned
their town and dispersed, each to his own tribe. Tecumtha's great
fabric was indeed demolished, and even its fouiwlations rooted up.
The night before the engagement the prophet had performed some
medicine rites by virtue of which he had assured his follqwers that
half of the soldiers were already deiad and the other half bereft of
their senses, so that the Indians would have little to do but rush into
their camp and finish them with the hatchet. The result infuriated
the savages. They refused to listen to the excuses which are always
ready to the tongue of the unsuccessful medicineman, denounced him
as a liar, and even threatened him with death. Deserted by all but a
few of his own tribe, warned away from several villages toward which
he turned his steps, he found refuge at last among a small band of
Wyandot; but his influence and his sacred prestige were gone forever,
and he lived out his remaining days in the gloom of obscurity.
From the south Tecumtha returned through Missouri, Iowa, and
Illinois, everywhere making accessions to his cause, but reached the
Wabash at last, ju.st a few days after the battle, only to find his fol-
lowers scattered to the four winds, his brother a refugee, and the great
690 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [etii. axx.U
object of his life — a confederatiou of all the tribes — brought to nothing.
His grief and disappointment were bitter. He reproached his brother
in unmeasured terms for disobeying his instructions to preserve peace
in his absence, and when the prophet attempted to reply, it is said that
Tecumtha so far forgot his dignity as to seize his brother by the hair
and give him a violent shaking, threatening to take his life.
Early in 1812 Tecumtha sent a message to Governor Harrison, inform-
ing him of his return from the south, and stating that he was now
ready to make the proposed visit to the President. To this Harrison
replied, giving his permission, but refusing to allow any party to accom-
pany him. This stipulation did not please the great leader, who had
been accustomed to the attendance of a retinue of warriors wherever
he went. He declined the terms, and thus terminated his intercourse
with the governor. In June, 1812, he visited the agent at Fort Wayne,
and there reiterated the justice of his position in regard to the owner-
ship of the Indian lauds, again disclaimed having had any intention
of making war against the United States, and reproached Harrison
for marching against his people in his absence. In return, the agent
endeavored to persuade him now to join forces with the United States
in the approaching conflict with England. "Tecumtha listened with
frigid indifference, made a few general remarks in rei)ly, and then with
a haughty air left the council house and took his departure for Maiden,
where he joined the British standard." {Drake, Tecumseh, 8.) His
subsequent career is a part of the history of the war of 1812.
Formal declaration of war against Great Britain was made by the
United States on June 18, 1812. Tecumtha was already at Maiden,
the British headquarters on the Canadian side, and when invited by
some friendly Indians to attend a council near Detroit in order to make
arrangements for remaining neutral, he sent back word that he had
taken sides with the king, and that his bones would bleach on the
Canadian shore before he would recross the river to join in any council
of neutrality. A few days later he led his Indians into battle on the
British side. For his services at Maguaga he was soon afterward
regularly commissioned a brigadier general in the British army.
We pass over the numerous events of this war — Maguaga, the
Raisin, Fort Meigs, Perry's victory — as being outside the scope of our
narrative, and come to the battle of the Thames, October 5, 1813, the
last ever fought by Tecumtha. After Perry's decisive victory on
the lake. Proctor hastily prepared to retreat into the interior, despite
the earnest protests of Tecumtha, who charged him with cowardice, an
imputation which the British general did not dare to resent. The
retreat was begun with Harrison in close pursuit, until the British and
Indians reached a spot on the north bank of the Tliames, in the vicin-
ity of the present Chatham, Ontario. Here, finding the ground favora-
ble for defense, Tecumtha resolved to retreat no farther, and practically
compelled Proctor to make a stand. The Indian leader had no hope of
MooKKY] THE END OF TECUMTHA 691
triumph in tLe issue. His sun bad gone down, and he felt himself
already standing in the shadow of death. He was done with life and
desired only to close it, as became a warrior, striking a last blow
against the hereditary enemy of his race. When he ha<l posted his
men, he called his chiefs abont him and calmly said, "Brother warriors,
we are now about to enter into an engagement from which I shall never
come out — my body will remain on the field of battle." He then
unbuckled his sword, and, i)lacing it in the hands of one of them, said,
"When my son becomes a noted warrior and able to wield a sword,
give this to him." He then laid aside Lis British military dress and
took his place in the line, clothed only in the ordinary deerskin bunt-
ing shirt. (Drake, Tecumseh, 9.) When the battle began, bis voice was
beard encouraging his men until be fell under the cavalry charge
of the Americans, who had already broken the ranks of the British
regulars ami forced them to surrender. Deprived of their leader and
deserted by their white allies, the Indians gave up the unequal contest
and fled from the field. Tecumtha died in his forty-fourth year.
After the close of the war the prophet returned from Canada by per-
mission of this government and rejoined bis tribe in Ohio, with whom
bo removed to the west in 1827. (Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, 2.) Catlin,
who met and talked with him in 1832, thus speaks of him:
This, no doubt, has beeu a very shrewd and influential man, but circunmtances
have destroyed him, as tliey have many other great men before him, and he now
lives respected, but silent and melancholy, in his tribe. I conversed with him a great
deal about his brother Tecuniseh, of whom he spoke frankly, and seemingly with
great pleasure; but of himself and his own fjreat schemes he wovild say nothing.
Ho told me that Tecumseli's plans were to embody all the Indian tribes in a grand
confederacy, from the province of Mexico to the Great Lakes, to unite their forces
in an army that would be able to meet and drive hack the white people, who were
continually advancing on the Indian tribes and forcing them from their lands
toward the.Kocky mountains; that Tecumseh was a great general, and that nothing
but his premature death defeated his grand plan. (Catlin, 5.1
Chapter V
KANAKtTK AXD MINOK PEOPHETS
kanakCk
My father, the Great Spirit holds all the world in his hands. I pray to him that
we may not be removed from our lands. . . . Take pity on us and let us remain
where we are. — Kanakilk.
I was singularly struck with the noble efforts of this champion of the mere rem-
nant of a poisoned race, so strenuously laboring to rescue the remainder of his
people from the deadly bane that has been brought amongst them by enlightened
Christians. — Catlin.
The scene now shifts to the west of the Mississippi. With the death
of Tecumtha the confederacy of the northwestern tribes fell to pieces,
and on the closin , of the war of 1812 the government inaugurated
a series of treaties resulting, within twenty years, in the removal of
almost every tribe beyond the Mississippi and the appropriation of
their former country by the whites. Among others the Kickapoo, by
the treaty of Edwardsville in 1819, had ceded the whole of their ancient
territory in Illinois, comprising nearly one-half the area of the state, in
exchange for a much smaller tract on Osage river in Missouri and $3,000
in goods. {Treaties, 1.) The government also agreed to fui-nish two
boats to take them up the river to their new home, where " the United
States promise to guarantee to the said tribe the peaceable possession
of the tract of land liereby ceded to them, and to restrain and prevent
all white, persons from hunting, settling, or otherwise intruding" upon it."
For some reason, however, the Kickapoo manifested no overwhelming
desire to remove from their villages and cornfields on the broad prai-
ries of Illinois to the rugged hills of Missouri. This may have been
due to the innate perversity of the savage, or possibly to the fact that
the new country guaranteed to them was already occupied by their
hereditary enemies, the Osage, who outnumbered the Kickapoo three
to one. To be sure, these aboriginal proprietors had agreed to surrender
the territory to the United States, but they were still at home to all
visitors, as the immigrant Cherokee had learned to their cost. Be that
as it may, several years passed and it began to be suspected that the
Kickapoo were not anxious to go west and grow np with the country
Investigation disclosed the fact that, instead of removing to the reser-
vation on Osage river, one-half of the tribe had gone southward in a
body and crossed over to the Spanish side of Eed river (now Texas),
where they might reasonably hope to be secure from the further advance
of the Americans. Others were preparing to follow, and the govern-
692
MOONKY]
kanakOk the kickapoo prophet
693
meiit agents were instructed to make a strong effort to eflFect the imme.
diate removal of the tribe to Missouri and to prevent the eniigratioa
of any more to the south.
It now appeared that they were encouraged to hold their ground by a
new xirophet who had sprung up among them, named Kiinakuk. The
Fio. 60— Kiinakfik the Kickapoo prophet.
name (also spelled Kee-an-ne kuk and Kanacuk), refers to putting the
foot upon a fallen object, and does not denote " the foremost man," as
rendered by Catlin. In a letter written to General Clark, in February,
1827 — a few days after the prophet himself had visited General Clark —
the agent, Mr Graham, after reporting his failure to induce the tribe to
694
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[eth. an-n-. 11
remove, states that the prophet "liail no idea of giving up his hmds,"
and continues:
This man has acquired an influence over his people through supposed revelations
from God, which he urges on them with an eloquence, mildness, and firmness of man-
ner that carries to their credulous ears conviction of his commuuicatious with God.
To give a favorable turn to his mind, I apparently gave credence to his statements
of these revelations, and attempted to put a construction on them for him. He
listened to me with great attention, and, after I liad finished, said I might be right;
that God would talk to him again and he would let me know what he said. In the
meantime he would use his influence to get his people to move, but that he could not
himself come over until all had removed ; that there were many bad men yet among
them, whom he hoped to convert to the ways of God, and then all would come over.
He would preach to his men and warn them from taking away or injuring the prop-
erty of the white people, and if any white man struck them — to use his own expres-
sion-— he would bow his head and not complain ; he would stop any attempt to take
revenge. He seems to have a wonderful influence over those Indians who accom-
panied him. They neither drank nor painted, were serious, though not gloomy.
(]„d. Off., 1.)
In the same month Kiinakuk himself visited General Clark at Saint
Louis, and in the course of <i long talk explained the origin of his divine
niission and the nature of his doctrine, illustrating the subject by means
of a peculiar diagram (figure Gl), and clos-
ing with an earnest appeal in behalf of his
people that they should be allowed to re-
main undisturbed. Although it was said
by the traders that he had stolen his ia-
sjiiration from a Methodist i)reacher, it is
plain from an examination of his doctrine
that he was the direct spiritual successor of
Tenskwatawa and the Delaware prophet,
who in their generation had preached to
the same tribe. Like his predecessors,
also, he condemned the use of "medicine
bags" and medicine songs, which, although
universal among the tribes, seem to have
been regarded by the better class of In-
dians as witchcraft Avas in former days
among the whites.
After the usual preliminary expressions
of mutual friendship and good will, Kiinakfik stated that all his people
were united iu sentiment, and then proceeded to explain his religious
views as follows:
My father, the Great Spirit has placed us all on this earth ; he has given to our
nation a piece of land. Wliy do you want to take it away and give us so much
trouble? We ought to live in peace and happiness among ourselves ami witli you.
We have heard of some troiible about our land. I have come down to see you and
have all explained.
Flo, 01 — Kiinakdk's heaven.
MooNRvj kanakuk's heaven 695
My father, the Great Spirit a!)peare<l to me ; lie saw luy heart was in sorrow about
our land; lie told me not to give np the Inisiness, but go to luy Great Father and he
would listen to me. My father, when I talked to the Great Spirit, I saw the chiefs
holding the land fast, lie told me the life of our children was short and that the
earth would sink.
My father, I will explain to you what the Great Spirit said to me — to do so, I must
make some marks. The Great Spirit says: My father, we started from this point
(A, figure 61). We are here now (IJ). When we get here (C), the Great Spirit will
appear to me again. Here (1?) the Great Spirit gave his blessings to the Indians and
told them to tell his people to throw away their medicine bags and not to steal, not to
tell lies, not to murder, not to quarrel, and to burn their medicine bags. If they
did not, they could not get on the straight way, but would have to go the crooked path
of the bad here (D); that when we got to this place (the curved line, K), we would not
he able to cross it unless we were all good. It was lire. That we should go to this
place (E), where there would be collected all the red chiefs and there would be a
great preaching. That if we had not thrown away all our b^id doings, these two
points would meet (D and E), and then the Great Spirit would destroy everything
and the world would be turned over. That if we would be good and throw away all
our bad doings, we would cross this fire, when we would [come] to water (second
line), which we would cross. There we would come to a country where there was
nothing but a prairie and nothing grew upon it. There the sun would be hid from
lis by four black clouds. When we get here (C), the Great Spirit will explain these
round marks.
My father, I have now explained as well as I can, with much paius, our situation,
I wish you to tell me the truth and hide nothing from me. I have heard that some
of your warriors are going to take up the tomahawk. I explained to you last fall
our situation. We are now here (li), where we are in great trouble. I told you of
all our troubles. I asked you to reflect on our situation and that we would come
back to see you.
My father, you call all the redskins your children. When we have children, we
treat them well. That is the reason I make this long talk to get you to take pity on
us and let us remain where we are.
My father, I wish after my talk is over you would write to my Great Father, the
president, that we have a desire to remain a little longer where we now are. I have
explained to you that we have thrown all our badness away and keep the good path.
I wish our Great Father could hear that. I will now talk to my Great Father, the
president.
My Great Father, I don't know if you are the right chief, because I have heard
some things go wrong. I wish you to reflect on our situation and let me know. I
want to talk to yon mildly and in jieace, so tliat we may understand each other.
When I saw the Great Spirit, he told me to throw all our bad acts away. We did so.
Some of our chiefs said the land belonged to us, the Kickapoos; but this is not what
the Great Spirit t(dd lue — the lands belong to him. The Great Spirit told me that
no people owned the lands — that all was his, and not to forget to tell the white peo-
ple that when we went into council. AVlien I saw the Great Spirit, he told me, Men-
tion all this to your Great Father. He will take pity on your situation and let you
remain on the lands where you are for some years, when you will bo able to get
through all the bad places (the marks iu the figure), and where you will get to a
clear piece of land where you will all live happy. When I talked to the Great Spirit,
he told me to make my warriors throw their tomahawks in the bad place. I did so,
and every night and morning I raise ray hands to the Great Spirit and pray to him
to give U8 success. I expect, my father, that God has put me in a good way — that
our children shall see their sisters and brothers and our women see their children.
Tliey will grow up and travel and sec their totems. The Great Spirit told me, '• Our
old men had totems. They were good and had many totems. Xow you have scarcely
696 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [kth. ann. U
any. If you follow my advice, you will soou have totems again." Say this to my
Great Father for me.'
My father, since I talked with the Great Spirit, our women and children and our-
selves, we have not such good clothes, but we don't mind that. We think of jiraying
every day to the Great Spirit to get us safe to the good lands, where all will he
peace and happiness.
My father, the Great Spirit holds all the world in his hands. I pray to him that
we may not be removed from our land until we can see and talk to all our
totems. . . .
My father, when I left my women and children, they told me, "As you are going
to see our Great Father, tell him to let us alone and let us eat our victuals with a
good heart."
My father, since my talk with the Great Spirit we have nothing cooked until the
middle of the day. The children get nothing in the morning to eat. We collect
them all to pray to the Great Spirit to make our hearts pure, and then eat. We
bring our children up to be good.
My father, I will tell you all I know. I will put nothing on my back. God told
me, Whenever you make a talk, tell everything true. Keep nothing behind, and
then you will find everything go right.
^ # # ^ # * #
My father, when I talked with the Great Spirit, he did not tell me to sell my lands,
because I did not know how much was a dollar's worth, or the game that run on it.
If he told me so, I would tell you to-day.
My father, you have heard what I have said. I have represented to you our situ-
ation, and ask you to take pity on us and let us remain where we are. . . .
My father, I have shown you in the lines I have made the bad places. Our war-
riors even are afraid of those dark places you see there. That is the reason they
ttrew their tomahawks aside and i)ut up their hands to the Great Spirit.
* * * v. J, - *
My father, every time we eat we raise our han<ls to the Great Spirit to give us
success.
My father, we are sitting by each other here to tell the truth. If you write any-
thing wrong, the Great Spirit will know it. If I say anything not true, the Great
Spirit will hear it.
My father, you know how to write and can take down what is said for your satis-
faction. I can not; all I do is through the Great Spirit for the benefit of my women
and children.
My father, everything belongs to the Great Spirit. If he chooses to make the
earth shake, or turn it over, all the skins, white and red, can not stop it. I have
done. I trust to the Great Spirit. {Ind. Off., 2.)
A few years later, in 1831, Catlin visited Kiinakuk, who was still living
with the remnant of his people in Illinois, and was then regarded as
their chief. He still preached the same doctrine, which the artist incor-
rectly supposed was the Christian religion — probably from the fact that
the meetings were held on Sunday in imitation of the whites — and
especially was constantly and earnestly exhorting his tribesmen to cease
from drinking whisky, which threatened to destroy their race. His
influence had extended into Michigan, and many of the Potawatomi
' The totem is the badge of a clan or gens of a tribe. The meaning is that by disease and death
many of tlieir gentes had become entirely extinct, but that by heeding the prophet's advice they would
again become a numerous people.
MooNET] CATLIN ON KANAKUK 697
were counted amonj; his disciples. Catliii, who painted his portrait
(of which figure CO is a reproduction), heard him preach, and expressed
surprise and admiration at the ease and grace of liis manner and his
evident eloquent command of language. The traveler continues:
I was singularly struck with the nolile eilbrts of this champion of the mere rem-
nant of a poisoned race so strenviously laljoring to rescue the remainder of his people -
from the deadly l>aiie that has been brought amongst them by enlightened Christians^' K\l^^
How far the efforts of this zealous man have succeeded in Christianizing, I can ncA -7''^
tell, but it is quite certain that his exemplary and constant endeavors have com-
pletely abolished the practice of drinking whisky in his tribe, which alone is a very
praiseworthy achievement, and the first and indispensable step toward all other
improvements. I was some time amongst those people, and was exceedingly pleased
and surprised also to witness their sobriety and their peaceable conduct, not having
seen an instance of drunkenness, or seen or heard of any use made of spirituous
liquors whilst I was amongst the tribe. (Catlin, 3.)
After mentioning, although apparently not crediting the assertion of
the traders, that the prophet had borrowed his doctrines from a white
man, Catlin goes on to describe a peculiar prayer-stick which Kiinakfik
had given to his followers, and which reminds us at once of the similar ,
device of the Delaware prophet of 17G4, and is in line with the whole
system of birclibark pictographs among the northern tribes. These
sticks were of maple, graven with hieroglyphic prayers and other
religious symbols. They were carved by the prophet himself, who dis-
tributed them to every family in the tribe, deriving quite a revenue
from their sale, and in this way increasing his influence both as a priest
and as a man of property. Apparently every man, woman, and child
in the tribe was at this time in the habit of reciting the i^rayers from I
these sticks on rising in the morning and before retiring for the night.
This was done by placing the right index finger first under the upper
character while repeating a short prayer which it suggested, then under
the next, and the next, and so on to the bottom, the whole prayer,
which was sung as a sort of chant, occupying about ten minutes.
Without undertaking to pass judgment on the purity of the prophet's
motives, Catlin strongly asserts that his influence and example were
good and had effectually turned his people from vice and dissipation to
temperance and industry, notwithstanding the debasing tendency of
association with a frontier white population.
The veteran missionary, Allis, also notes the use of this prayer stick
as he observed it in 1834 among the Kickapoo, then living near Fort
Leavenworth, in Kansas. The prophet's followers were accustomed to
meet for worship on Sunday, when Kiinakfik delivered an exhortation
in their own language, after wjiich they formed in line and mar'ched
around several times in single file, reciting the chant from their prayer-
sticks and shaking hands with the bystanders as they passed. As they
departed they continued to chant until they arrived at the "father's
house" or heaven, indicated by the figure of a horn at the top of the
prayer-stick. The worshipers met also on Fridays and made confessioa
698
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. AXK. U
of their sins, after which certain persons appointed for the purpose
gave each penitent several strokes with a rod of hickory, according to
the gravity 6f his offense. {Allis, 1.)
Through the kindness of 3Ir C. H. Bartlett, of South Bend, Indiana,
the United States National Museum has recently come into possession
Fig. 62— Onsawkie.
of one of these prayer-sticks. The stick, of which jilate lxxxvi gives
a good idea, is of maple, a little more than 12 inches in length, 2^^
inches in its greatest width, and three-eighths of an inch thick. It is
said to have been painted a bright red on one side and a vivid green
on the other. The paint has now disappeared, however, leaving bare
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGV
FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPOfiT PL. LJtXXVI
THE PRAYER-STICK
'^'^ Of THl ^^
[TJII7BRSIT71
MoosEv] THK PRAYER-STICK 699
the surface of tlie wood, polislied from long use. Oue side is carved
with the symbolic figures already mentioned, while the other is smooth.
In all its details it is a neat si)ecimen of Indian workmanship. Accord"
ing to the tradition of the Armstrong family, its former owners, the
small square iu the lower left-hand corner represents hell or the final
abode of the wicked, while the house with the four pine ( ?) trees, at
the tof), symbolizes the spiritual home of the devout fo!h)wers of the
prophet. As is well known, four is the sacred number of many Indian
tribes. The significance of several other lines above and below is
unknown. Ahmg the shaft of the stick from bottom to top are the
prayer characters, arranged in three groups of five each, one group
being near the bottom, while the others are along the upper portion of
the shaft and are separated one from the other by a small circle. The
characters bear some resemblance to the old black-letter type of a
missal, while the peculiar arrangement is strongly suggestive of the
Catholic rosary with its fifteen "mysteries" in three groups of five
each. It will be remembered that the earliest and most constant mis-
sionaries among the Kickapoo and other lake tribes were Catholic, and
we may readily see that their teachings and ceremonies influenced this
native religion, as was afterward the case with the religions of Smo-
halla and the Ghost dance. Neither three nor five are commonly known
as sacred numbers among the Indians, while three is distinctly Chris-
tian iu its symbolism. It is perhaps superfluous to state that the ideas
^ of heaven and hell are not aboriginal, but were among the first incor-
porated from the teachings of the white missionaries. The characters
resembling letters may be from the alphabetic system of sixteen char-
acters which it is said the Ojibwa invented for recording their own
language, and taught to the Kickapoo and Sauk, and which resembled
somewhat the letters of the Roman alphabet, from which they appar-
ently were derived. (Hamilton, 1.)
This prayer-stick or ''bible," as it has been called, was obtained by
Mr Bartlett from Mr li. V. Armstrong, of Mill Creek, Indiana, who
stated that it was the only remaining one of a large number which had
been in possession of the family for many years. The story of the
manner in which it was originally obtained, as told by Mr Armstrong,
is interesting. "His father. Reverend James Armstrong, was a Meth-
odist minister and missionary who had been sent to northern Indiana
in the early part of this century. In 1830, while living on Shawnee
prairie, 3 miles from the present site of Attica, Indiana, a large band
of Kickapoo Indians came to his house to visit the missionary, and
ap])arently regarded the interview as of great importance to them-
selves. They declared that they were from beyond the Mississippi
river, that they had heard of Mr Armstrong and his missionary labors,
and that they believed him to be the one for whom their people had
long been looking. Each Indian held in his hand one of these wooden
crosses, and as they knelt on the gi'ass in front of the missionary's
700 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann. 14
house, they went through their devotions in their own tongue, moving
their fingers over the inscription tliat ascends the shaft of the cross.
The missionary understood them to state that this cross was their
" bible," that they knew that it was not the true bible, but that they
had been told to use it until one should come who would give them in
exchange the genuine word of God. Thereupon the missionary gath-
ered up their crosses — and there were more than a large basketful of
them — and gave in exchange to each a copy of the Kew Testament.
The Indians received the books with profuse expressions of gratitude
and apparently viewed them at once as sacred possessions. These
wise men from the west then went away to their far country."
Kanakuk died of smallpox in 1852, in Kansas, where his people had
been removed in spite of his eloquent appeals in their behalf. For
many years he had been recognized as the chief of his tribe, and as
such exerted a most beneficial influence over the Kickapoo in restrain-
ing the introduction and use of liquor among them. At the same time
he stanchly upheld the old Indian idea and resisted every advance of
the missionaries and civilization to the last. He was regarded as pos-
sessed of supernatural powers, and in his last illness asserted that he
would arise again three days after death. In expectation of the fulfill-
ment of the prophecy, a number of his followers remained watching
near the corpse until they too contracted the contagion and died like-
wise. [Comr., 1.) After his death, the decline of his tribe was rapid
^ and without check. In 1894 there remained only 514, about equally
divided between Kansas and Oklahoma. These few survivors of a
large tribe still hold in loving reverence the name of their chief and
prophet.
PA'THfeSKE
Recent personal investigation among the Winnebago failed to de-
velop any knowledge of a former doctrine of an approaching destruc-
tion of the world, as mentioned in a statement already quoted (see
page 661). It appeared, however, that at the time indicated, about 1852
or 1853, while the tribe was still living on Turkey river, Iowa, a prophet
known as Pa'th6sk6, or Long Nose, announced that he had been
instructed in a vision to teach his people a new dance, which he called
the friendship dance (chu'^koraki'). This they were to perform at
intervals for one whole year, at the end of which time, in the spring,
they must take the warpath against their hereditary enemy, the
Sioux, and would then reap a rich harvest of scalps. The dance, as
he taught it to them, he claimed to have seen performed by a band of
spirits in the other world, whither he had been taken after a ceremo-
nial fast of several days' duration. It differed from their other dances,
and, although warlike in its ultimate purpose, was not a war dance.
It was performed by the men alone, circling around a fire within the
lodge. He also designated a young man named Sara'mini'ika, or " Indis-
tinct," as the proper one to lead the expedition at the appointed time.
MooNKY) ACCOUNT OF PA'THKSKfi 701
The friendship dance went on all tlirough the summer and winter
until spiinfj, when the prophet announced that he had received a new
revelation forbidding the proposed expedition. His digusted followers
at once denounced him as an impostor and abandoned the dance.
Sara'minuka was soon afterward killed by an a(!cident, which was con-
sidered by the Indians a direct retribution for his failure to carry out
his part of the program. The pro])het died a few years later while on
a visit to Washington with a delegation of his tribe.
Although the old men consulted on the subject seemed to know
nothing of any predicted destruction of the world in this connection,
it is probable that the statement given by Agent Fletcher at the time
was correct, as such cycle myths are very general among the Indian
and other primitive tribes. The Arapaho informed the author that
we are now living in the sixth cycle, and that the final catastrophe will
take T)lace at the close of the seventh.
TA'VIBO
About 1870 another prophet arose among the Paiute in li^'evada. As
most Indian movements are unknown to the whites at their inception,
the date is variously put from 18G9 to 1872. He is said to have been
the father of the present "messiah," who has unquestionably derived
many of his ideas from him, and lived, as does his son, in Mason val-
ley, about 60 miles south of Virginia City, not far from Walker Kiver
reservation. In talking with his son, he said that his father's name
was Tii'vibo or "White man,'- and that he was a capita (Spanish, capi-
tan) or petty (ihief, but not a prophet or preacher, although he used
to have visions and was invulnerable. From concurrent testimony of
Indians and white men, however, there seems to be no doubt that he
did preach and prophesy and introduce a new religious dance among
his people, and that the doctrine which he promulgated and the hopes
which he held out twenty years ago were the foundation on which his
son has built the structure of the present messiah religion. He was
visited by Indians from Oregon and Idaho, and his teachings made
their influence felt among the Bannock and Shoshoni, as well as
among all the scattered bands of the Paiute, to whom he continued to
preach until his death a year or two later. {G. 1)., 1 and 2; A. O. 0., 1;
Pliister, 1.)
Captain J. M. Lee, Ninth infantry, formerly on the staff' of General
Miles, was on duty in that neighborhood at the time and gives the fol-
lowing account of the prophet and his doctrines in a personal letter to
the author :
I was on ludiau duty in Nevada in 1869, 1870, and 1871. When visiting Walker
Lake reservation in 1869-70, I became acquainted witli several superstitious beliefs
then prevailing among the Paiute Indians. It was a rough, mountainous region
roundabont, and mysterious hapi)enings, according to tradition, always occurred
when the prophet or luedicine-men weut up into the mountains and there received
their revelations from the divine spirits. In the earlier ijart of the sixties the whites
702 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. ann.U
began to come in and appropriate mucli of the Indian country in Nevada, and iu the
usual course it turned out that the medic ne-men or prophets were looked to for relief.
The most influential went up alone into the mountain and there met the Great Spirit.
He brought back with him no tablets of stone, but he was a messenger of good
tidings to the effect that within a few moons there was to be a great upheaval or
earthquake. All the improvements of the whites — all their houses, their goods,
stores, etc. — would remain, bvit the whites would ba swallowed up, while the Indians
would be saved and permitted to enjoy the earth and all the fullness thereof, in-
cluding anything left by the wicked whites. This revelation was duly proclaimed
by the prophet, and attracted a few believers, but the doubting skeptics were too
many, and they ridiculed the idea that the white men would fall into the holes and
be swallowed up while the Indians would not. As the prophet could not enforce liis
belief, he went up into the mountain again and came back with a second revelation,
which was that when the great disaster came, all, both Indians and whites, would be
swallowed up or overwhelmed, but that at the end of three days (or a few days) the
Indians would be resurrected in the flesh, and would live forever to enjoy the earth,
with plenty of game, fish, and pine nuts, while their enemies, the whites, would
be destroyed forever. There would thus be a final and eternal separation between
Indians and whites.
This revelation, which seemed more reasonable, was rather popular for awhile,
but as time wore along faith seemed to weaken and the prophet was without honor
even in his own country. After ranch fasting and prayer, he made a third trip to
the mountain, where he secured a final revelation or message to the people. The
divine spirit had become so much incensed at the lack of faith in the prophecies,
that ft was revealed to his chosen one that those Indians who believed in the
prophecy would be resurrected and be happy, but those who did not believe in it
would stay in the ground and be damned forever with the whites.
It was not long after this that the prophet died, and the poor miserable Indians
worried along for nearly two decades, eating grasshoppers, lizards, and fish, and
trying to be civilized until the appearance of this new prophet Quoit-tsow, who is
said to be the sou, either actual or spiritual, of the first one.
Additional details are given in the following interesting extract
from a letter addressed to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, under
date of November 19, 1890, by Mr Frank Campbell, who has an inti-
mate acquaintance with the tribe and was employed iu an oflflcial
capacity on the reservation at the time when Tavibo first anuounced
the new revelation. It would appear from Mr Cami)beirs statement
that under the new dispensation both races were to meet on a common
level, and, as this agrees with what Professor Thompson, referred to later
on, afterward found among the eastern Paiute, it is probable that the
original doctrine had been very considerably modified since its first
promulgation a few years before.
Eighteen years ago I was resident farmer on Walker Lake Indian reserve, Nevada.
I had previously been connected with the Indian service at the reserve for ten years,
was familiar with the Paiute customs, and personally acquainted with all the
Indians in that region. In 1872 an Indian couynenced preaching a new religion
at that reserve that caused a profound sensation among the Paiute. For several
months I was kept in ignorance of the cause of the excitement — which was remark-
able, considering the confidence they had always reposed in me. They no doubt
expected me to ridicule the sayings of the new messiah, as I had always labored
among them to break down their superstitious beliefs. When finally I was made
MooxEY] ACCOUNT OF Ta'vIBO 703
ac(|"a'nte(l with the triio facts of the case, I toM them tho prcachin;;s of \Vau);h-zee-
\vau;;h-l)cr were }j;<)0(l and no harm could conic from it. luiliaii emissaries visited
the reserve from Idaho, f)rej;oii, and other places, to investigate the new relijfiou.
I visited the Indian camp while the prophet was in a trance and remained until he
came to. In accordance with instructions, the Indians gathered around him and
joined in a song that was to guide the sjiirit back to the body. Upon reanimatiou
he gave a long account of his visit in the spirit to the .Supreme Ruler, who was then
on the way with all the spirits of the departed dead to again reside upon this earth
and change it into a paradise. Life was to bo eternal, and no distinction was to
exist between races.
This morning's press dispatches contain an account of Porcupine's visit to Walker
lake . . . that proves to me that the religion started at Walker lake eighteen
years ago is the same that is now agitating the Indian world. There is nothing in
it to cause trouble between whites and Indians unless the new Messiah is misquoted
and his doctrine misconstrued. I left Walker I^ake reserve in .June, 1873, and at the
time supposed this craze would die out, but have several times since been reminded
by Nevada papers and letters that it was gradually spreading. (G. 1)., S.)
The name given by Campbell certainly does not much resemble
Tiivibo, but it is (juite possible that the father, like the son, had more
than one name. It is also i>ossible that '• Waughzeewaughber'' was not
the prophet described by Captain Lee, but one of his disciples who had
taken up and modified the original doctrine. The name Tiivibo refers
to the oast {tdviinagicat) or place where the sun {tdhi) rises. By the
cognate Shoshoni and Comanche the whites are called Taivo.
From oral information of Professor A. IT. Thompson, of the United
States Geological Survey, I learn some particulars of the advent of the
new doctrine among the Paiute of southwestern Utah. While his
party was engaged in that section in the spring of 1875, a great excite-
ment was caused among the Indians by the report that two mysterious
beings with white skins (it will be remembered that the father of Wovoka
was named Tiivibo or "white man") had appeared among the Paiute
far to the west and announced a speedy resurrection of all the dead
Indians, the restoration of the game, and the return of the old-time
primitive life. Under the new order of things, moreover, both races
alike were to be white. A number of Indians from Utah went over
into Nevada, where they met others who claimed to have seen these
mysterious visitors farther in the west. On their return to Utah they
brought back with them the ceremonial of the new belief, the chief
part of the ritual being a dance performed at night in a circle, with no
Are in the center, very much as in the modern Ghost dance.
It is said that the Mormons, who hold the theory that the Indians are
the descendants of the sup])osititious "ten lost tribes," cherish, as a part
of their faith, the tradition that some of the lost Hebrew emigrants are
still ice-bound in the frozen north, whence they Avill one day emerge to
rejoin their brethren in the south. When the news of this Indian revela-
tion came to their ears, the Mormon priests accepted it as a prophecy
of speedy fultillinent of their own traditions, and Orson Pratt, one of
the most i)rominent leaders, preached a sermon, which was extensively
14 ETH — PT 2 5
704 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [kth.ann.14
copied and commented on at tlie time, nrging the faitliful to arrange
their affairs and put their houses in order to receive the long-awaited
wanderers.
According to the statement of the agent then in charge at Fort Hall,
in Idaho, the Mormons at the same time — the early spring of 1875 —
sent emissaries to the Bannock, urging them to go to Salt Lake City to
be baptized into the Mormon religion. A large number accepted the
invitation without the knowledge of the agent, went down to Utah, and
were there baptized, and then returned to work as missionaries of the
new faith among their tribes. As an additional inducement, free rations
were furnished by the Mormons to all who would come and be baptized,
and "they were told that by being baptized and going to church the
old men would all become young, the yonng men would never be sick,
that the Lord had a work for them to do, and that they were the chosen
people of God to establish his kingdom upon the earth," etc. It is also
asserted that they were encouraged to resist the authority of the gov-
ernment. {Comr., 2.) However much of truth there may be in these
reports, and we must make considerable allowance for local prejudice,
it is suf&ciently evident that the Mormons took an active interest in
the religious ferment then existing among the neigliboring tribes and
helped to give shape to the doctrine which crystallized some years later
in the Ghost dance.
NAKAI'-DOKLlNI
Various other prophets of more or less local celebrity have arisen
from time to time among the tribes, and the resurrection of the dead
and the return of the olden things have usually figured prominently
^. ~^----.^_iu their prophecies. In fact, this idea
• \has probably been the day-dream of
• Vvery Indian medicine-man since the
^ # , Whites first landed in America. Most
• , • OT these, however, have been unknown
• • to fame outside of their own nari'ow
*** • •••• circles, except where chance or delib-
* • * erate purpose has given a warlike mean-
« « , ■ ing to their teachings and thus made
• , • them the subjects of official notice.
Among these may be mentioned the
Apache medicine-man Nakai' dokli'ni.
Fig. 6a— Nsikai'-doklVui'a dance-wheel. , ^ , -, ,\ , • p
who attracted some attention for a time
in southern Arizona in 1881. (BourJce, 1.) In the early part of this
year he began to advertise his supernatural powers, claiming to be
able to raise the dead and commune with spirits, and predicting
that the whites would soon be driven from the land. He taught his
followers a new and peculiar dance, in which the performers were
ranged like the spokes of a wheel, all facing inward, while he, stand-
MooNKYi nakai'-doklY'ni's prophecy 705
ing in the center, sprinkled them with the sacred hoddentin} as they
circled around liiui.
In June of 18S1 lie iiuuouuced to his people, tlie White Mountain
band of Apache on San Carlos reservation, that on condition of receiv-
ing a sullicient number of horses and blankets for his trouble he would
bring back from the dead two chiefs who had been killed a few months
before. The pn^position naturally aroused great excitement among the
Indians. Eager to have once more with them their beloved chiefs, they
willingly produced the required ponies, and when remonstrated with by
the agent, replied that they would wait until the specified time for the
fulfillment of the prediction, when, if the dead chiefs failed to materi-
alize, they would demand the restoration of the property. (Cotnr., 3.)
Accordingly Nakai' dokU'ni began his i)rayers and ceremonies, and
the dance was kept uj) regularly at his camp on Cibicu creek until
August, when it was reported to Colonel E. A. Carr, commanding at
Fort Apache, that the medicine -man had announced that the dead
chiefs refused to return because of the presence of the whites, but that
when the whites left, the dead would return, and that the whites would
be out of the country when the corn was ripe.
As matters seemed to be getting serious, the agent now called on the
commanding oflticer to " arrest or kill him, or both." The officer pre-
pared to make the arrest when ^Nakai'-doklT'ni should come down to the
post to lead the dance which had been arranged to take place in a
few days. The projjhet failed to put in an appearance, however, and
messengers were sent to his camp to ask him to come to the fort the
next Sunday. To this message he returned an evasive reply, whereon
Colonel Carr, with 85 white troops and 23 Apache scouts, started for
his camp in Cibicu canyon to put him under arrest. They arrived at the
village on August 30. Nakai'-dokll'ni submitted quietly to arrest, but
as the troops were making camp for the night, their own scouts, joined
by others of the Indians, opened fire on them. A sharp skirmish
ensued, in which several soldiers were killed or wounded, but the I:-
dians were repulsed with considerable loss, including the proi)h£t him-
self, who was killed at the first fire. The result was another in the long
series of Apache outbreaks. (Comr., 4; Sec. War, 1; A. G. O., 3.)
THE POTAWATOMI PROPHET
In 1883 a new religion was introduced among the Potawatomi and
Kickapoo, of the Pottawotomie and Great Nemaha agency in north-
>nadn-Hn or hoddentin, in Navalio tadatin, ia a sacred yellow powder from the pollen of the tnle
rush, or, amouj^ the Navaho, of corn. It euiora into every important ceremonial performance of the
Apache and Navaho. The latter always sprinkle sinne upon the surface of the water before crossing a
stream. The name of the niodieine-mau is written also Nakay-doklunni or Nockay Delklinne. and he
was commonly called Bobbycloklinny by the whites. I)r Washington Matthews, the best authority
on the closely related dialect of the Navaho, thinks the name might mean "spotted or freckled Mexi-
can," .Voiai, literally "white alien," being the name for Mexican in Ijoth dialects. The name would
not necessarily indicate that the medicine-man was of Mexican origin, but might have been given, in
accordance with the custom of some tribes, to commemorate the fact that he ha<l killed a freckled
Mexican.
706 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.axn.14
eastern Kansas, by visiting Potawatomi, Winnebago, and Ojibwa from
Wisconsin. As usual, tbe ritual part consists chiefly of a ceremonial
dance. In doctrine it teaches the same code of morality enjoined
by the ten commandments, and especially prohibits liquor drinking,
gambling, and horse racing, for which reason the agents generally have
not seen fit to interfere with it, and in some cases have rather encour-
aged it as a civilizing influence among that portion of the tribes not i
yet enrolled in Christian denominations. The movement is entirely!
distinct from the Ghost dance, and may perhaps be a revival of the
system i>reached by Kiinakuk more than fifty years before. In 1891
the majority of the two tribes, numbering in all 749, were rej^orted as
adherents of the doctrine. {Comr., 5, 0, 7; also reports from the same
agency for 1887 and 1889.) A large number of the Sauk and Fox. Kick-
apoo, and Potawatomi of Oklahoma are also believers in the religion.
In 1885 Agent Patrick says on this subject:
These Iiidiaus .are chaste, cleanly, and industrious, and would be a valuable
acquisition to tbe Prairie band if it were not for their intense devotion to a religious
dance started among the northern Indians some years since. This dance was intro-
duced to the Prairie baud about two years .ago by the Absentee Pottawatomies and
Wiunebagoes, and has sjiread throughout tbe tribes in tbe agency. They seem to
Lave adoi)ted tbe religion as a means of expressing their belief in the justice aud
mercy of the Great Spirit and of their devotion to hiui, and are so earnest in their
convictions as to its affording them eternal happiness that I have thought it impoli-
tic so far to interfere with it any further than to advise as few meetings as possible
and to discountenauce it in my intercourse with the individuals practicing tlie
religion. It is not an unmixed evil, as under its teaching drunkenness and gambliug
have been reduced 75 per cent, and a departure from virtue on the part of its mem-
bers meets with the severest condemnation. As some tenets of revealed religion are
embraced in its doctrines, I do not consider it a backward step for the Indi.ans who
have not heretofore professed belief in any Christian religion, and believe its worst
features are summed up in the loss of time it occasions and tbe fanatical train of
thought involved in the constant contemplation of the subject. (Comr., 6.)
CHEEZ-TAH-PAEZH THE SWORD-BEARER
It is probable that something of the messiah idea entered into the
promises held out to his followers by Sword-bearer, a Crow medicine-
man, in Montana in 1887. The ofiicial records are silent on this point,
although it is definitely stated that he asserted his own invulnerability,
and that his claims in this respect were implicitly believed by his
people. Cheez-tah-paezh, literally " Wraps his tail" (also written Chees-
chapahdisch, Cheschopah, Chese cha-pahdish, and Chese-Topah), was
without any special prominence in his tribe until the summer of 1887,
when, in company with several other young men of the Crows, he par-
ticipated in the sun dance of the Cheyenne, and showed such fortitude
in enduring tJie dreadful torture that he was presented by the Cheyenne
with a medicine saber painted red, in virtue of which he took the title
of Sword-bearer. This naturally brought him into notice at home, and
he soon aspired to become a cliief and medicine-man. Among other
things, he asserted that no bullet or weapon had i)ower to harm him.
MooNEv] THi: SWORU-HEAKER AFFAIR 707
What other claims he made are not known, but his words produced
such an iuii)ression, it is said, tliat for a time every full-blood and half-
blood among the Crows believed in him.
In a few months he had become one of the most inflnential leaders in
the tribe, when, taking advantage of some dissatisfaction toward the
agent, he headed a demonstration against the agency on September 30.
Troops under General Ruger were called on to arrest him and the others
concerned, and in attempting to do this, on November 5, 1887, a skir-
mish ensued in which Sword-bearer was killed. His death convinced
his followers of the falsehood of his pretensions, and the tribe, which
hitherto had always been loyal to the government, soon resumed its
friendly attitude. (Sec. Wur, 3; A. G. 0., 3; additional details from a
personal letter by Colonel Simon Snyder, Fifteenth infantry.)
The action is graphically described by Itoosevelt on the authority of
one of the oflQcers engaged. When the troops arrived, they found the
Crow warriors awaiting them on a hill, mounted on their war pouies
and in full paint and buckskin. In this author's words —
The Crows od the liilltop showed a sullen and threatening front, and the troops
advanced slowly toward them, and then halted for a parley. Meanwhile a mass of
black thunder clouds gathering on the horizon threatened one of those cloudbursts
of extreme severity and suddenness bO characteristic of the plains country. While
still trying to make arrangements for a parley, a horseman started out of the Crow
ranks and galloiied headlong down toward the troops. It was the medicine chief
Sword-bearer. lie was painted .and in his battle dress, wi'ariug his war bonnet of
floating, trailing eagle feathers, and with the plumes of the same bird braided in the
mane and tail of his fiery little horse. On he came at a gallop almost up to the
troops, and then began to circle around them, calling and singing, and throwing his
red sword into the air, catching it by the hilt as it fell. Twice he rode completely
around the troops, who stood in uncertainty, not knowing what to make of his per-
formance, and expressly forbidden to shoot at him. Then, i)aying no further heed
to them, he rode back toward the Crows. It appears that he had told the latter
that he would ride twice around the hostile force, and by his incantations would
call down rain from heaven, which would make the hearts of the white men like
water, so that they would go back to tlieir homes. Sure enough, while the arrange-
ments for the parley were still going forward, down came the cloudburst, drenching
the command, and making the ground on the hills in front nearly impassable; and
before it dried a courier arrived with orders to the troops to go back to camp.
This fulfillment of Sword-bearer's prophecy of course raised his reputation to the
zenith, and the young men of the tribe prepared for war, while the older chiefs, who
more fully realized the power of the whites, still hung back. When the troops next
appeared, they came upon the entire Crow force, the women and children with their
tepees being off to one side beyond a little stream, while almost all the warriors of
the tribe were gathered in front. Sword-bearer started to repeat his former ride, to
the intense irritation of the soldiers. Luckily, however, this time some of his young
men could not be restraine<l. They, too, l)egan to ride near the troops, and one of
them was unable to refrain from firing on Captain Edwards's troop, which was
in the van. This gave the soldiers their chance. They instantly responded with
a volley, and Edwards's troop charged. The fight lasted only a minute or two, for
Sword-bearer was struck by a bullet and fell; and as he had boasted himself
invulnerable and promised that his warriors should be invulnerable also if they
would follow liiui, the hearts of the latter became as water, and they broke in every
direction. (Roosevelt, 1.)
Chapter VI
THE SMOHALLA KELIGION OF THE COLUMBIA EEGION"
SMOHALLA
I have only one lieart. Althongh yon say, Go to another country, my heart is not
that way. I do not want money for my land. I am here, and here is where I am
jioing to be. I will not part with lands, and if you come again I will say the same
thing. I will not part with my lands. — Umatilla Chief.
We have never made any trade. The earth is part of my body, and I never gave
up the earth. So long as the earth keeps me I want to be let alone. — Toohulhnhote.
Their only troubles arise from the attempts of white men to encroach upon the
reservations. I verily believe that were the snow-crowned summits of Mount
Kainier set apart as an Indian reservation, white men would immediately commence
jumping them. — Superintendent Boss.
About the time that the Paiiite were preparing for the millennial
dawn, we begin to hear of a "dreamer i)rophet" on the Columbia, called
Smohalla, who was becoming a thorn in the flesh of the Indian agents
in that quarter, and was reported to be organizing among the Indians a
new religion which taught the destruction of the whites and resistance
to the government, and made moral virtues of all the crimes in the
catalog. One agent, in disregard of grammar if not of veracity,
gravely reported that "the main object is to allow a plurality of
wives, immunity from punishment for lawbreaking, and allowance
of all the vices — especially drinking and gambling — are chief virtues
in the believers of this religion." {Comr., 8.)
This was bad enough, but worse was behind it. It appeai-ed that
Smohalla and his followers, numbering i)erhaps about 2,000 Indians of
various tribes along the Columbia in eastern Washington and Oregon,
had never made treaties giving up any of their lands, and consequently
claimed the right to take salmon in tlie streams and dig kamas in the
prairies of their ancestral country undisturbed and unmolested, and
stoutly objected to going on any of the neighboring reservations at
Yakima, Umatilla, or Warmspring. There is no doubt that justice
and common sense were on the side of the Indians, for by the reports
of the agents themselves it is shown that the dwellers on the reserva-
tions were generally neglected, poor, and miserable, and subjected to
constant encroachments by the whites in spite of treaties and treaty
lines, while at the same time that agents and superintendents Avere
invoking the aid of the military to compel Smohalla's followers to go
on a reservation these same men were moving heaven and earth to
force the Indians already on a reservation to give up their treaty rights
and remove to another and less valuable location — to begin life anew
708
MooNKY] AFFAIRS IN THE NORTHWEST 709
nuclei- the fosteriiiff care of the goveniineiit until such tipie as the
wliite man should want them to move on again.
These matters are treated at length in the anuual reports of the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, with the accompanying reports of
superintendents and agents in charge of the reservations concerned,
from 1870 to 1875. With regard to the Umatilla reservation, to which
most strenuous efforts were made to remove the "renegades," as they
were called. Agent Boyle reports in 1870 {Comr., !)) that the Indians are
"dispirited . . . in consequence of the oft-repeated theme that their
farms are to be taken from them and given to the white settlers." lie
continues, "It is hardly to be expected that the Indians can retain
this reservation much longer unless the strong arm of the government
protects them. Daily I am called upon to notify the white settlers
that they are encroaching upon the Indian lands." He advises their
removal to a permanent reservation, "knowing as I do that they must
go sooner or later." Again, "The agency has been established for the
space of ten years, and I regret exceedingly that I have been most
completely disappointed with what I see about me." In discussing
the removal of the Indians to a new reservation, Superintendent
Meacham says of a considerable portion of them that it "would suit
them better to be turned loose to look out for themselves." {Comr., 10.
In 1873 Agent Cornoyer reported that the Indians numbered 837,
by the census of 1870, which he believes was as correct as could then
be taken, but-itthis number I think is now too high.Zl He continues
Of the appropriation of $4,0()0 per annum for V>eneticial objects, not one single
dollar of that fund has been turned over to me since September, 1871; and of the
appropriation for incidehtal expenses of $40,000 per annum for the Indian service in
this state, only $200 of that appropriation has been turned over to me during the
same period of two years. ... I would also beg leave to call your attention to
that portion of my last annual report wherein I called the attention of the Depart-
ment to the nnfultilled stipulations of the treaty of June 9, 1855, with these Indians.
{Comr., 11.)
Commissioner Brunot, in 1871, stated that the estimated number of
Indians coming under the provisions of the treaty at the time it was
made in ISo.'i was 3,500, and "by the census taken in 1870 the number
was 1,G22" — a decrease of nearly one-half in fifteen years. Of these
only about half were on the reservation, the rest being on Columbia
river, "never having partaken of the benefits of the treaty." On the
next page he tells us Avhat some of these benefits are: "Maladminis-
tration of agents, and the misapi)lication of funds, the failure of the
government to perform the promises of the treaty, and the fact that
the Indians have been constantly agitated by assertions that the gov-
ernment intended their removal, and that their removal was urged for
several years in succession in the reports of a former agent, thus tak-
ing away from them all incentives to improve their lands." ( Comr., 13.)
In 1871 a commission was sent to Umatilla and other reservations,
which gave the Indians a chance to speak for themselves. The Cayuse
«7,
leu/
710 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. ajw. U
chief, described as a Catholic Indian, in dress, personal appearance,
and bearing superior to the average American farmer, said:
This reservation ia marked out for us. We see it witb our eyes and our hearts.
We all hold it with our bodies and our souls. Right out here are my father and
mother, and brothers and sislers and children, all buried. I am guarding their
graves. My friend, this reservation, this small piece of land, we look upon it as
our mother, as if she were raising us. Vou come to ask nie for my land. It is like
as if we who are Indians were to be sent away and get lost. . . . What is the
reason you white men who live near the reservation like my land and waut to
get it? Yon must not think so. My friends, yon must not talk too strong about
getting my land. I like my land and will not let it go.
The Wallawalla chief said :
I have tied all the reservation in my heart and it can not be loosened. It is dear
as our bodies to us.
The Umatilla chief said:
Our red people were brought up here. . . . When my father and mother died,
1 was left here. They gave mo rules and gave me their land to live upon. They left
me to take care of them after they were buried. I was to watch over their graves.
I do not wish to part with my land. I have felt tired working on my land, so tired
that the sweat dropped off me on the ground. Where is all that Governor Stevens
or General Palmer said [i. e., that it was to be a reservation for the Indians forever] ?
I am very fond of this land that is marked out for me. . . . Should I take only
a small piece of ground and a white man sit down beside me, I fear there would be
trouble all the time.
An old man said :
I am getting old now, an<l I want to die where my father and mother and cliildren
have died. I do not wish to leave this land and go off to some other land. . . .
I see where I have sweat and worked in trying to get food. I love my church, my
mills, my farm, the graves of my parents and children. I do not wish to leave
my land. That is all my heart, and I show it to you.
A young chief said:
I have only one heart, one tongue. Although you say. Go to another country, my
heart is not that way. I do not wish for any money for my land. I am here, and
here is where I am going to be. . . . I will not part with lands, and if you come
again I will say the same thing. I will not part with my lands.
The commissioner who was conducting the negotiations, after enu-
merating the promises made to the Indians in return for the lands which
they had surrendered under the original treaty of 1855, tells how some
of these promises have been fulfilled :
. . . A miserably inadequate supply of worn-out agricultural implements. A
group of eight or ten dilapidated shanties used for the agency buildings. The
physician promised has never resided upon the reservation, but lives and practices
his profession at Pendleton. The hospital promised (fifteen years ago) has not yet
been erected.
Of their ever-living grievance Colonel Itoss, superintendent of the
Washington agencies, says :
Their only troubles arise from the attempts of white men to encroach upon the reser-
vations. A mania jjrevails among a certain class of citizens in this direction. I verily
MooNEY] THE BEOTNNING OK SMOHALLA 711
believe that were the siiow-crowned summits of Mount Rainier set apart as an Indian
reservation, white men woulil immediately commence jumi)infj them. (Conir., 1-1.)
JOSEPH AND THE NEZ PERCE WAR
We liist hear offlcially of Siiioliallii and his i)eoi)le from A. B.
Meachaiii, suporinteudent of Indian affairs in Orej^on, who states, iu
September, 1870, that —
. . . One serious drawback [to the adoption of the white nuin's road] is the
existence among the Indians of Oregon of a peculiar religion called Smokeller or
Dreamers, the chief doctrine of which is that the red man is again to rule the coun-
try, and this sometimes loads to rebellion against lawful anthority.
A few paj^es farther on we learn the nature of tliis rebellion:
The next largest band (not on a reservation) is Smokeller's, at Priest rapids,
Washington territory. They also refused to obey my order to come in, made to them
during the month of Fobraary last, of which full report was made. I would also
recommend that they be removed to Umatilla by the military. {Conir., I'l.)
Three months before this report Congress had passed a bill appoint-
ing commissioners to negotiate with the tribes of Umatilla reservation
"to ascertain npouAvhat terms they would be willing to sell their lands
and remove elsewhere," and Meacham himself was the i)rincipal member
of this commission. (Comr., 15.)
In 1873 Smohalla's followers along the Columbia were reported to
number 2,000, and his apostles were represented as constantly traveling
from one reservation to another to win over new converts to his teach-
ings, liepeated efforts had been made to induce them to go on the
reservations in eastern Oregon and Washington, but without success.
We ace told now that —
They have a new and jx'culiar religion, by the doctrines of which they are taught
that a new god is coming to their rescue; that all the Indians who have died hereto-
fore, and who shall die hereafter, are to be resurrected; that as they will then be
very numerous and powerful, they will be able to conquer the whites, recover their
lands, and live as free and unrestrained as their fathers lived In olden times. Their
model of a man is an Indian. They .aspire to be Indians and nothing else. . . .
It is thought by those who know them best that they can not be made f o go upon
their reservations without at least being intimidated by the presence of a military
force. (Comr., 17.)
We hear but little more of Sinohalla and his doctrines for several
years, until attention was again attracted to Indian affairs in the north.
west by the growing dissatisfaction which culminated in the Kez Perce
war of 1877. The Xez Perces, especially those who ackTiowledged the
leadership of Chief Jo.seph, were largely under the influence of the
Dreamer prophets, and there was reason to believe that an uprising
inaugurated by so prominent a tribe would involve all the smaller tribes
in sympathy with the general Indian belief. As soon therefore as it
became evident that matters were approaching a crisis, a commission, of
which General O. O. Howard was chief, was appointed to make some
peaceable arrangement with the so-called "renegades" on the upper
Columbia. The commissioners met Smohalla and his principal men
712 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.axnu
at Wiillula, Wasliingtou territory, on April 23, 1877, and as a result of
the council then held these non-treaty tribes, although insisting- as
strongly as ever on their right to live undisturbed in their own coun-
try, yet refrained from taking part in the war which broke out a few
weeks later.
It is foreign to our purpose to recount the history of the Nez Perc4
war of 1877. As is generally the case with Indian wars, it originated
in the unauthorized intrusion of lawless whites on lands which the
Indians claimed as theirs by virtue of occupancy from time immemorial.
The Nez Perccs, whom all authorities agree in representing as a supe-
rior tribe of Indians, originally inhabited the valleys of Clearwater and
Salmon rivers in Idaho, with the country extending west of Snake
river into Washington and Oregon as far as the Blue mountains. They
are first officially noticed in the report of the Indian Commissioner for
1843, where they are described as "noble, industrious, sensible," and
well disposed toward the whites, while "though brave as Ciesar, the
whites have nothing to dread at their hands in case of their dealing out
to them what they conceive to be right and equitable." {Comr., 18.)
It being deemed advisable to bring them into more direct relations
with the United States, the agent who made the report called the
chiefs together in this year and "assured them of the kind intentions of
our government, and of the sad consequences that would ensue to any
white man, from this time, who should invade their rights." {Gomr., 19.)
On the strength of these fair promises a portion of the tribe, in 1855,
entered into a treaty by which they ceded a large part of their terri-
tory, and were guaranteed possession of the rest. In 1860, however,
gold was discovered in the country, and the usual result followed. " In
defiance of law, and despite the protestations of the Indian agent, a
townsite was laid off in October, 1861, on the reservation, and Lewis-
ton, with a pojmlation of 1,200, sprung into existence." {Comr., 20.) A
new treaty was then made in 1863, by which the intruders were secured
iii possession of what they had thus seized, and the Nez Perces were
restricted within much narrower limits. By this treaty the Wallowa
valley, in northeastern Oregon, the ancestral home of that part of the
tribe under the leadership of Chief Joseph, was taken from the Indians.
This portion of the tribe, however, had refused to have i^art in the
negotiations, and "Chief Joseph and his band, utterly ignoring the
treaty of 1863, continued to claim the Wallowa valley, where he was
tacitly permitted to roam without restraint, until the encroachments
of white settlers induced the government to take some definite action
respecting this band of non-treaty Nez Percys." {Comr., 21.) At this
time the tribe numbered about 2,800, of whom about 500 acknowledged
Joseph as their chief.
Collisions between the whites and Indians in the valley became more
frequent, and one of Joseph's band had been killed, when a commission
was appointed in 1876 to induce the Indians to give up the Wallowa
valley and remove to Lapwai reservation in Idaho. Joseph still refus-
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
rnttRTTF'.T
CHIEF JOSEPH
MOONEY]
CAUSE OF THE NEZ PEECK WAE 713
ing to remove, the matter was turned over to General Howard. On
May .'{, 1877, he held the first council with Joseph and his followers at
Fort Lapwai. Their ceremdnial approach, which was probably in accord
with the ritual teachings of the Dreamer religion, is thus described by
the general :
A long rank ol' men, followed by women and children, with faces painted, the red
paint Hxtendinj^ back into the partings of tho hair— the men's hair braided and tied
up with showy strings— ornamented in dross, in hats, in blankets with variegated
colors, in loggings of buckskin and moccasins beaded and plain; -women with bright
shawls or blankets, and skirts to the ankle and top moccasins. All were mounted on
Indian ponies as various in color as the dress of the riders. These picturesque people,
after keeping us waiting long enough for effect, came in sight from up the valley from
the direction of their temporary camp just above the company gardens. They drew
near to the hollow square of the post and in front of the small company to be inter-
viewed. Then they struck up their song. They were not armed except with a few
tomahawk pipes that could be smoked with the peaceful tobacco or penetrate the
skull bone of an enemy, at the will of the holder. Yet somehow this wild sound
produced a strange effect. It made one feel glad that there were but fifty of them,
and not five hundred. It was shrill and searching ; sad, like a wail, and yet defiant
in its close. The Indians swept around outside the feni'e and made the entire circuit,
still keeping up the song as they rode. The buildiugs broke the refrain into irreg-
ular bubblings of sound until the ceremony was completed. (Howard, 1.)
At this confereni-e Toohulhulsote, the principal Dreamer priest of
Joseph's baud, acted as spokesman for the Indians, and insisted, accord-
ing to the Smohalla doctrine, that the earth was his mother, that she
should not be disturbed by hoe or plow, that men should subsist by
the spontaneous productions of nature, and that the sovereignty of the
earth could not be sold or given away. Continuing, he asserted, " We
never have made any trade. Part of the Indians gave up their land.
I never did. The earth is part of my body, and I never gave up the
earth. So long as the earth keeps me I want to be left alone." Gen-
eral Howard finally ordered him under arrest, after which the Indians
at last agreed to go on a reservation by June 14. (Howard, 2.) A few
days later, councils were held with Smohalla and his people, and with
Moses, anotlier noted "renegade" chief with a considerable following
farther up the Columbia. Both chiefs, representing at least 500 war-
riors, disclaimed any hostile intentions and agreed to goon reservations.
Smohalla said, "Your law is my law. I say to you, yes. I will be on
a reservation by September." [Howard, 3.) Parties under Joseph and
other leading chiefs then went out to select suitable locations for reser-
vations, Joseph and his band deciding in favor of Lapwai valley. Every-
thing was moving smoothly toward a speedy and peaceful settlement
of all difficulties, and the commission had already reported the success-
ful accomplishment of the work, when a single act of lawless violence
undid the labor of weeks and ijrecipitated a bloody war. (Comr., 23.)
One of Joseph's band had been murdered by whites some time before,
but the Indians had remained quiet. ( Comr., 23.) Now, while the Nez
Perces were gathering up their stock to remove to the reservation
selected, a baud of white robbers attacked them, ran oft" the cattle, and
714 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. axn. 14
killed one of the party in charge. Joseph could no longer restrain his
warriors, and on June 13, 1877 — one day before the date that had been
appointed for going on the reservation — the enraged Nez Perces
attacked the neighboring settlement on White Bird creek, Idaho, and
killed 21 persons.' The war was begun. The troops under Howard
were ordered out. The first fight occurred on .Tune 17 at Hangman's
creek and resulted in the loss of 34 soldiers. Then came another on
July 4 with a loss of 13 more. Then on July 12 another encounter by
troops under General Howard himself, in which 11 soldiers were killed
and 26 wounded. {Comr., 21.)
Then began one of the most remarkable exhibitions of generalship in
the history of our Indian wars, a retreat worthy to be remembered
with tliat of the storied ten thousand. With hardly a hundred war-
riors, and imi)eded by more than S'li) helpless women and children — with
General Howard behind, with Colonel (General) Miles in front, and
with Colonel Sturgis and the Crow scouts coming down upon his flank —
Chief Joseph led his little baud up the Clearwater and across the moun-
tains into Montana, turning at Big Hole pass long enough to beat back
his pursuers with a loss of 60 men; then on by devious mountain trails
southeast into Yellowstone park, where he again turned on Howard
and drove him back with additional loss of men and horses; then out
of Wyoming and north into Montana again, hoping to find safety on
Canadian soil, until intercepted in the neighborhood of the Yellowstone
by Colonel Sturgis in front with fresh troops and a detachment of Crow
scouts, with whom they sustained two more eucounters, this time with
heavy loss of men and horses to themselves ; then again eluding their
pursuers, this handful of starving and worn-out warriors, now reduced
to scarcely fifty able men, carrying their wounded and their helpless
families, crossed the Missouri and entered the Bearpaw mountains.
But new enemies were on their trail, and at last, when Avithin 50 miles
of the land of refuge. Miles, with a fresh army, cut off their retreat by a
decisive blow, capturing more than half their horses, killing a number
of the band, including Joseph's brother and the noted chief Looking
Glass, and wounding 40 others. {Gomr., 2'>.)
Forced either to surrender or to abandon the helpless wounded, the
women, and children, Joseph chose to surrender to Colonel Miles, on
October 5, 1877, after a masterly retreat of more than a thousand miles.
He claimed that this was " a conditional surrender, with a distinct
promise that he should go back to Idaho in the spring." (Comr., 26.)
The statement of General Howard's aid-de-camp is explicit on this
point:
It -was promised .Joseph that he would be taken to Tongue river and kept there till
spring, and then be returned to Idaho. General Sheridan, ignoring the promises made
' The details of the attack on the cattle guards is given by Helen Hunt Jacksuii (Century of Dis-
honor, page 131). The Indian Commissioner, in his oflBcial report, says: " Open hostilities by tliese
Indians began by the murder of 21 white men and women on White Bird creek, near Mount Idalio, in
revenge for the murder of one of their tribe." (Comr. Kept., 1877, page 12.)
MooxEY] CHARACTER OF THE NEZ PERCES 715
ou the battlefield, ostensibly on aooount of the difficulty of getting supjilies there
from Fort liuforil, ordered the hostiles to Leavenworth, . . . but ditferent treat-
ment was promised them when they held ritles in their hands. (Sutherland, I.)
Seven years passed before tlie promise was kept, and iu the ineau-
time the band had been reduced by disease and death iu Indian Terri-
tory from about 450 to about 280.
Tliis strong testimony to the liigh character of Joseph and his people
and the justice of their cause comes from the commissioner at the head
of Indian affairs during and immediately after the outbreak:
I traveled with him iu Kansas and the Indian Territory for nearly a week and found
him to be one of the most gentlemanly and well-behavedlndians that levermet. He
is bright and intelligent, and is anxious for the welfare of his people. . . . The
Nez Percos are very mueh superior to the Osages and Pawnees in the Indian Territory ;
they are even brighter than the Poneas, and eare should be taken to place them where
they will thrive. ... It will bo borne in miud that .Joseph has never made a
treaty with the United States, and that he has never surrendered to the government
the lands he claimed to own in Idaho. ... I had occasion in my last anuual
report to say that ".Joseph and his followers have shown themselves to Ije brave men
and skilled soldiers, who, with one exception, have observed the rules of civilized
warfare, and have not mutilated their dead enemies." These Indians were encroached
upon by white settlers on soil they believed to be their own, and when these encroach-
ments became intolerable they were compelled, in their own estimation, to take up
arms. (Comr., 27a.)
In all our sad Indian history there is nothing to exceed in ])athetic
eloquence the surrender speech of the Nez Perc6 chief:
I am tired of fighting. Our chiefs are killed. Looking Glass is dead. Toohnl-
hulsote is dead. The old men are all dead. It is the young men who say yes or no.
He who led the young men is dead. It is cold and we have no blankets. The little
children are freezing to death. My people, some of them, have run away to the hills
and have no blankets, no food. No one knows where they are — ])erhaps freezing to
death. I want to have time to look for my children and see how many of them I
can find. Maybe I shall find them among the dead. Hear me, my chiefs. I am
tired. My heart is sick and sad. From where the sun now stands I will fight no
more forever. (Sec. War, 3.)
/
Chapter VII
SMOHALLA AND HIS DOCTEINE
My youn^ meu shall never work. Men who work can not droam, and wisdom
comes to us in dreams. _j . . You ask me toplow thcKroiiud. Shalll take a knife
and tear my mother's bosom? You ask me to dig for stone. Shall I dig under her
skin for her bones? You ask me to cut gra-ss and make hay and sell it and be rich
like white men. But bow dare I cut off my mother's hairt—Smohnlla.
We hear little of Smohalla for several years after the Nez Perc^ war
until the opening of the Northern Pacific railroad in 1883 once more
brought to a focus the land grievances of the Indians in that section.
Along Yakima valley the railroad "was located through Indian fields
and orchards, with little respect for individual rights," while the host
of prospective settlers who at once swarmed into the country showed
the usual white man's consideration for the native proprietors. Some
of the Indians, breaking away from their old traditions in order to
obtain permanent homes before everything should be taken up by the
whites, had gone out and selected homesteads under the law, and
the agent was now using the Indian police to compel them to return to
the reservation, "and the singular anomaly was presented of the United
States Indian agent on the one hand applying for troops to drive the
Indians from their homestead settlements to the reservation a hundred
miles away, and on the other the Indians telegraphing to the military
authorities to send troops ta protect them from the Indian police."
(MacMurray MS.) In addition to their laud troubles the Yakima and
their confederated tribes, among whom were many progressive and even
prosperous Indians, were restive under constant interference with their
religious (Smohalla) ceremonies, to which a large proportion adhered.
In order to learn the nature of the dissatisfaction of the Indians, and
if possible to remove the cause, General Miles, then commanding the
military department of the Columbia, sent Major J. W. MacMurray to
the scene of the disturbance in June, 1884. He spent about a year in
the work, visiting the various villages of the upper Columbia, especially
P nil at Priest rapids, where he met Smohalla, the high priest of the
Dreamer theology, and his report on the subject is invaluable.
Smohalla is the chief of the Wa'na|)fun, a small tribe in Washington,
numbering probably less than 200 souls, commonly known rather indefi-
nitely as "Columbia River Indians," and roaming along both banks of
the Columbia from the neighborhood of Priest rapids down to the
entrance of Snake river. They are of Shalia])tian stock and closely
akin to the Yakima and Nez Percys, and have never nmde a treaty with
716
MooNEY) DESCRIPTION OF SMOHALLA 717
the government. Among his own people and his disciples in the neigh-
boring- tribes lie is known as Shnioqfila, "The Preacher.'" He is also
fre(|uently called Yn'ynnipl'tijana, "The Hhouting Mountain," from a
belief among his followers that a part of his revelation came to him
from a mountain which became instinct with life and spoke into his
soul while he lay dreaming upon it. Still another name by which he is
sometimes known is Waip-shwa, or " Kock Carrier," the reason for which
does not appear. The name which belonged to him in youth, before
assuming his priestly function, is now forgotten. For more than forty
years he has resided at the Wanapum village of P'nii on the west bank
of the Columbia, at the foot of Priest rapids, in what is now Yakima
county, Washington. The name P nii signifies "a fish weir," this point
being a great rendezvous for the neighboring tribes during the salmon-
fishing season. These frequent gatherings afford abundant opportunity
for the teaching and dissemination of his peculiar doctrines, as is suffi-
ciently evident from the fact that, while his own tribe numbers hardly
two score families, his disciples along the river are counted by thousands.
Smohalla was born about 1.S15 or 1820, and is consequently now
an old nuin, although still well preserved, and with his few scattering
locks unchanged in color. At the time of the Nez Perc6 war he was in
the full vigor of manhood. His appearance in 1884 is thus described by
Major MacMurray: "In person Smohalla is peculiar. Short, thick-set,
bald-headed and almost hunch-backed, he is not prepossessing at first
sight, but he has an almost Websteriau head, with a deep brow over
bright, intelligent eyes. He is a finished orator. His manner is mostly
of the bland, insinuating, persuasive style, but when aroused he is
full of fire and seems to handle invectives effectively. His audience
seemed spellbound under his magic manner, and it never lost interest
to me, though he spoke in a language comprehended by few white men
and translated to nie at second or third hand." By another writer who
met him a year later he is described as rather undersized and inclining
toward obesity, with "a reserved and cunning but not ill-natured coun-
tenance, and a large, well-shaped head. His manners were more suave
and insinuating than is usual with Indians." He had a comfortable
appearance, his moccasins and leggins were new, and he rode a good
pinto pony. {Huggins, 1.)
In his youth he had frequented the Catholic mission of Atahnam
among the Yakima, where he became familiar with the forms of that
service and also acquired a slight knowledge of French. Whether or
not he was a regular member of the mission school is a disputed point,
as it is asserted by some that he has never worn the white man's dress
'Bureau of Ethnology alphabet. Like most Indian names, it appears in a variety of forms. Other
spollinpsarc: Imoholla (misprint), Smawhola, Smohaller, Smoballow, Smohanlee, SmohoUie, Smoke-
holer, Sniokfller. Sinuxale, Snohollio. Snoohoiler, Soinahallje. As the correct pronunciation is difficult
to English speakers, T have chosen the popular form. In one official report he is mentioned as " Smo-
hal-ler. or Big-talk, or Four Mountains;" in another, probably by misprint, as "Big talk on four
mountains."
718 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ethaxn.14
or bad his hair cnt. Tiie influence of the Catholic ceremonial is plainly
visible in his own ritual performance. In his early manhood he distin-
guished himself as a warrior, and had already come to be regarded as
a prominent man when he first began to preach his peculiar theology
about the year 1850. There can be no question that the rapid spread of
his doctrines among the tribes of the Columbia materially facilitated
their confederation in tlie Yakima war of 1855-56. It is said that he
aspired to be the leader in this war, and that, to attain this end, he
invited all the neighboring bands to attend a council at his village of
P nil, but failed to accomplish his object.
Shortly after the close of tiie war, probably about 1860, the incident
occurred which wrought an entire change in his life, stamping him as
an oracle and prophet beyond peradventure, and giving to his reli-
gious system the force of authority which it has ever since retained.
He had already established a reputation as a medicine-man, and was
believed to be "making medicine" against the life of Moses, the noted
chief of a tribe farther up the river, who was greatly in dread of his
occult powers, and forced a quarrel in order to rid himself forever of
his rival. A fight resulted, and Smohalla was nearly killed.' It is said
that he was left on the ground as dead, but revived sufficiently to crawl
away and get into a boat on the bank of the Columbia near by. Bleed-
ing and disabled, he was carried down at the mercy of the current until
he wiis finally rescued irom his ])erilous i)osition by some white men,
far below. His recovery was slow. Wlien it was completed, unwilling
to return ia disgrace to his own country and probably still dreading
the anger of Moses, he determined to become a wanderer.
Then began one of the most remarkable series of journeyings ever
undertaken by an uncivilized Indian. Coing down the Columbia to
Portland and the coast, he turned south, and, stopping on the way at
various points in Oregon and California, continued beyond San Diego
into Mexico. Then, turning again, he came back through Arizona,
Utah, and Nevada to his former homo on the Columbia, where he an-
nounced that he had been dead and in the spirit world and had now
returned by divine command to guide his i)eople. As he was thought
to have been killed in the encounter with Moses, and as he had disap-
peared so comi)letely until now, his awe-stricken hearers readily believed
that they were actually in the presence of one who had been taken
bodily into the spirit world, whence he was now sent back as a teacher.
On the occasion of MacMurray's visit, says that authority, " Smo-
halla asked me many geogra])hic (juestions, and I spread out a railroad
map, marking the situation of Priest ra])ids, Portland, and Vancouver
barracks, and he traced witli a straw down the coast line to below San
Diego. He asked where San liernardino was, and paused long over this.
He recognized tlie ocean or ' salt chuck,' with many other geographic
features and localities, but he would neither admit nor deny having
been at Salt Lake City, although he admitted having been in Utah,
MooNKT] THE DECLARATION OF SMOHALLA 719
knew tlie lake and adjacent mountain chains, and said that he had
seen Mormon priests getting commands direct from heaven. He dwelt
long over Arizona, and remarked, ' ba>l-a Inchun.^ "
Smohalla now declared to his people that the Sa'ghalee Tyee, the
Great Chief Above, was angry at their apostasy, and commanded them
through him to return to their primitive manners, as their present mis- '
erable condition in the presence of the intrusive race was due to their |
having abandoned their own religion and violated the laws of nature
and the precepts of their ancestors. /He then explained in detail the
system to which they must adhere in future if they would conform to
the expressed will of the higher jiower. It was a system based on the
Ijriniitive aboriginal mythology and usage, with an elaborate ritual
which combined with the genuine Indian features much of what he
had seen and remembered of Catholic ceremonial and military iiarade,
with perhaps also some additions from Mormon forms.
His words made a deep impression on his hearers. They had indeed
abandoned their primitive simplicity to a great extent, and were now
suffering the penalty in all the misery that had come to them with the
advent of the M'hite-skin race that threatened to blot them out from
the earth. The voice of the prophet was accepted as a voice from the
other world, for they knew that he had been dead and was now alive.
What he said must be true and wise, for he had been everywhere and
knew tribes and countries they had never heard of. Even the white
men confirmed his words in this regard. He could even control the sun
and the moon, for he had said when they would be dark, and they were
dark.
If genius be a form of insanity, as has been claimed, intensereligious
enthusiasm would seem to have a close connection with physical as well
as mental disease. Like Mohammed and Joan of Arc, and like the
Shaker prophet of Puget sound, Smohalla is subject to cataleptic
trances, and it is while in this unconscious condition that he is believed
to receive his revelations. Says MacMurray:
He falls into trances and lies rigid for considerable periods. Unbelievers have
experimented by sticking needles through his flesh, cutting him with knives, and
otherwise testing his sensibility to pain, without provoking any responsive action.
It was asserted that ho was surely dead, because blood did not flow from the wounds.
These trances always excite great interest and often alarm, as he threatens to aban-
don his earthly body altogether because of the disobedience of his people, and on
each occasion they are in a state of suspense as to whether the Saghalee Tyee will
send his soul back to earth to rcoccupy his body, or will, on the contrary, abandon
and leave them without his guidance. It is this going into long trances, out of
which he comes as from heavj' sleep and almost immediately relates his experiences
in tlu! spirit land, that gave rise to the title of "Dreamers," or believers in dreams,
commonly given to his followers by the neighboring whites. His actions are similar
to those of a trance medium, and if self-hypnotization be practicable that woilld
seem to explain it. I questioned him as to his trances and hoped to have him explain
them to me, but he avoided the subject and was angored when I pressed him. He
manifestly believes all he says of what occurs to him in this trance state. As we
14 ETH— PT 2 6
>r.
720 THE GHORT-DANCE RELIGION [eth. ann. 14
have hundreds of thousands of educated white people who believe in similar falla-
cie8j_^thi8 is notmore unlikely in an Indian subjected to such influence.
Qn studying Siiiolialla we have to deal with the same curious mixture (
of houest couviction and cunning deception that runs through the I
history of priestcraft in all the ages7^\Like some other prophets before!
him, he seeks to convey the idea tb«ft he is in control of the elements
and the heavenly bodies, and he has added greatly to his reputation
by predicting several eclipses. This he was enabled to do by the help
of an almanac and some little explanation from a party of surveyors.
In this matter, however, he was soon made to realize that a little
knowledge is a dangerous thing. He could not get another almanac,
and his astronomic prophecies came to an abrupt termination at the
end of the first year. Concerning this, Major MacMurray says :
He showed ine an almanac of a preceding year and asked me to readjust it for
eclipses, as it did not work as it had formerly done. I explained that Washington
(the Naval Observatory) made new ones every year, and that old ones could not be
iixed up to date. He had probably obtained this one from the station agent at the
railroad, now superseded by a new one, who had cut off Smohalla's supply of astro-
nomical data. My inability to repair the 1882 almanac for use in prognosticating
in 1884 cost me much of his respect as a wise man from the east. {MacMui~ray MS.)
Smohalla had also a blank book containing mysterious characters,
some of which resembled letters of the alphabet, and which he said
were records of events and prophecies. MacMurray was unable to
decide whether they were mnemonic or were simjily unmeaning marks
intended to foster among his followers the impression of his superior
wisdom. It is probable that they were genuine mnemonic symbols
invented by himself for his own purposes, as such systems, devised
and used by single individuals or families, and uinntelligible to others,
are by no means rare among those who may be called the literary men
of our aboriginal tribes.
As their principal troubles arose out of the disputed title to their
lands. Major MacMurray was asked by the Indians to explain the
Indian homestead law and how white men divided land. This was
carefully done with the aid of a checkerboard, and they were shown
how the land was mapped out into equal squares arranged on straight
lines so that every man could find his own. They were then urged by
the oflQcer to apply for hofnesteads and settle upon them so as to avoid
further trouble with the new settlers who were pouring into the country,
Smohalla replied that he knew all this, but he did not like the new law,
as it was against nature. He then went on to expound in detail the
Indian cosmogony. Said he:
1 will tell you about it. Once the world was all water and God lived alone. He
was lonesome, he had no place to put his foot, so he scratched the sand up from the
bottom and made the land, and he made the rocks, and he made trees, and he made
a man ; and the man had wings and could go anywhere. The man was lonesome, and
God made a woman. They ate iish from the water, and God made the deer and other
animals, and he sent the man to hunt and told the woman to cook the meat and to
w
^^-^^
of TD^
i^y
X
o
MooNEv) SMOHALLA ON THE COSMOS 721
dress the skins. Many nioro men and women grew up, and they lived on the banks
of the great river whose waters were full of salmon. The mountains contained much
game and there were liulfalo on the plains. There were so many i)eoplo that the
stronger ones sometimes oppressed the weak and drove tliera from the best fisheries,
which they claiuK'd as their own. They fought and nearly all were killed, and their
bones are to be seen in the hills yet. God was very angry at this and he took away
their wings and couniianded that tlie lands and lisheries should be common to all
who lived upon them; that they were never to bo marked off or divided, but that
the people should enjoy the fruits that (lod planted in the land, and the animals that
lived upon it, and the lishes in the water. God said he was the father and the earth
was the mother of nuiukind; that nature was the law; that the animals, and fish,
and plants obeyed nature, and that man only was sinful. This is the old law.
I know all kinds of men. I'irst there were my people (the Indians); God made
them first. Then he made a Frenchman [referring to the Canadian voyagers of the
Hudson Bay company], and then he made a priest [priests accompanied those expe-
ditions of the Hudson Hay company]. A long time after that came Boston men
[Americans are thus called in the Chinook jargon, because the first of our nation
came into the Columbia river in 1796 in a ship from Boston], and then King George
men [the English]. Later came black men, and last God made a Chinaman with a
i^tail. He is of no account and has to work all the time like a woman. All these are
new people. Only the Indians are of the old stock. After awhile, when God is
ready, he will drive away all the people except those who have obeyed his laws.
Those who cut up the lands or sign papers for lands will be defrauded of their
rights and will be punished by God's anger. Moses was bad. God did not love him.
He sold his people's houses and the graves of their dead. It is a bad word that
comes from Washington. It is not a good law that would take my people away from
me to make them sin against the laws of God.
You ask me to plow the ground ! Shall I take a knife and tear my mother's bosomf
Then when I die she will not take me to her bosom to rest.
Yon ask me to dig for stone! Shall I dig under her skin for her bones? Then
when I die I can not enter her body to bo born again.
You ask me to cut grass and make hay and sell it, and be rich like white men!
But how dare I cut off my mother's hairf
It is a bad law, and my people can not obey it. I want my people to stay with me
here. All the dead men will come to life again. Their spirits will come to their
bodies again. We must wait here in the homes of our fathers and be ready to meet
them in the bosom of our mother. {MacMurray MS.)
The idea that the earth is the mother of all created things lies at the
bajse, not only of the Smohalla religion, but of the theology of the
Indian tribes generally and of primitive races all over the world. This
explains Tecumtha's reply to Harrison: "The«uu is my father and the
earth is my mother. On her bosom I will rest." In the Indian mind
the corn, fruits, and edible roots are the gifts which the earth-mother
gives freely to her children. Lakes and ponds are her eyes, hills are
her breasts, and streams are the milk flowing from her breasts. Earth-
quakes and underground noises are signs of her displeasure at the
wrongdoing of her children. Especially are the malarial fevers, which
often follow extensive di.sturbance of the surface by excavation or
otherwise, held to be direct punishments for the crime of lacerating
her bosom.
Smohalla's chief supporter and assistant at the ceremonies was
Kotai'aqan, or Coteea'kun, as MacMurray spells it, of the Yakima tribe.
722 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. axn.U
The name refers to a brood of young ducks scattering in alarm. He
was the son of Kamai'akan, the great war chief of the Yakima. He
also gave MacMurray the story of the cosmos, which agrees with that
obtained from Smohalla, but is more in detail:
The world was all water, and Saghalee Tyee was above it. He threw up out of
the water at shallow places large quantities of mud, and that made the land. Some
was piled so high that it froze hard, and the rains that fell were made into snow
and ice. Some of the earth was made hard into rocks, and anyone could see that
it had not changed — it was only harder. We have no records of the past; but we
have it from our fathers from far back that Saghalee Tyee threw down many of the
mountains he had made. It is all as our fathers told us, and we can see that it is
true when we are hunting for game or berries in the mountains. I did not see it
done. He made trees to grow, and he made a man out of a ball of mud and
instructed him in what he should do. AVhen the man grew lonesome, ho made a
woman as his companion, and taught her to dress skins, and to gather berries, and
to make baskets of the bark of roots, which he taught her how to find.
She was asleep and dre.aming of her ignorance of how to please man, and she
prayed to Saghalee Tyee to help her. He breathed on her and gave her something
that she could not see, or hear, or smell, or touch, and it was preserved in a little
basket, and by it all the arts of design and skilled handiwork were imparted to her
descendants.
Notwithstanding all the benefits they enjoyed, there was quarreling among the
people, and the earth-mother was angry. The mountains that overhung the river at
the Cascades were thrown down, and dammed the stream and destroyed the forests
and whole tribes, and buried them under the rocks. {MacMurray MS.)
In connection with the wonderful little basket, MacMurray states
that Kotai'aqan presented him with a very ancient drum-shape basket,
about 2i inches in diameter, to give to his wife, in order that she might
likewise be inspired. Concerning the catastrophe indicated in the last
paragraph, he goes on to say:
The Cascade range, where it crosses the Columbia river, exhibits enormous cross
sections of l.ava, and at its base are petrified trunks of trees, which iiave been cov-
ered and hidden from view except where the wash of the mighty stream has exposed
them. Indians have told me, of their knowledge, that, buried deep under these
outpours of basalt, or volcanic tufa, are bones of animals of siah, or the long ago.
Traditions of the great landslide at the Cascades are many, but vary little in form.
According to one account, the mountain tops fell together and formed a kind of
arch, under which the water flowed, until the overhanging rocks finally fell into the
stream and made a dam or gorge. As the rock is columnar basalt, very friable and
easily disintegrated, that was not impossible, and the landscape suggests some such
giant avalanche. The submerged trees are plainly visible near this locality. Ani-
mal remains I have not seen, but these salmon-eating Indians have lived on the
river's border through countless ages, and know every feature in their surroundings
by constant association for generations, and naturally ally these facts with their
religious theories. (MacMurray MS.)
In an article on "The submerged trees of the Columbia river," in
Science of February 18, 1887, the geologist. Major Clarence E. Button,
also notices the peculiar formation at the Cascades and mentions the
Indian tradition of a natural bridge over the river at this point.
MacMurray continues:
Coteeakun went on to say that some day Saghalee Tyee would again overturn the
mountains and so expose these bones, which, having been preserved through so long
MooNEv] MAC MURRAY ON KOTAl'A(iAN 723
a time, would bo reoccupied l)y tlio spirits which uow dwell in the mountain tops,
watcliing their descendants on earth and waitiniu; for the resurrection'to come. The
voices of these spirits of the dea<1 can be heard at all times in the mountains, and
often they answer back when spoken to. Mourners who wail for their dead hear
spirit voices replying, and know they will always remain near them. Xo man knows
when it will come, and only those who hav<! observed nature's Inws and adhered to
the faith of their ancestors will have their bones so preserved and be certain of an
earthly tenement for their spirits. He wanted me to confirm this.
Coteeakun was pacific and gentle. lie said all men were as brothers to him and
he lioiied all would dwell together, lie had been told that white and black and all
other kinds of men originally dwelt in tents, as the red men always have done, and
that fiod in former times ramo to commune with white men. He thought there could
be only one Saghalee Tyee, in which case white and red men would live on a commcm
plane. Wo came from one source of life and in time would "grow from one stem
again. It would bo like a stick that the whites held by one end and the Indians by
the other until it was broken, and it would be made again into one stick."
Some of the wilder Indians to the north have more truculent ideas as to the final
cataclysm which is to reoverturn the mountains and bring back the halcyon days of
the long past. As the whites and the others came only within the lifetime of the
fathers of these Indians, they are not to be included in the benefits of the resur-
rection, but are to be turned over with all that the white man's civilization has put
upon the present surface of the land.
Coteeakun was for progress — limited prpgress, it is true — to the extent of fixed
homos and agriculture, but ho did not want his people to go from their villages or
to abaud<m their religious faith. They were nearly all disposed to work for wages
among the farmers, and had orchards and some domestic animals upon whose produce
they lived, besides the fish from the rivers. Smohalla opposed anything that per-
tained to civilization, and had neither cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, nor chickens, and
not a tree or vegetable was grown anywhere in his vicinage. Kowse (/'euccrfaMiim
cous), kamas {Camaasia eactilenta), berries, fish, and the game of the mountains alone
furnished food to his people, whom he advised to- resist every advance of civilization
as improper for a true Indian and in violation of the faith of their ancestors. I
found, however, that he was willing to advise his people to take up lands and adopt
the white man's road, if the government would pension him as it had pensioned
Chief Moses, so that while I thought he believed in his religion as much as other
sectarians do in theirs, he was tainted by the mercenary desire to live upon his fol-
lowers unless otherwise provided for by the government.
From Gaptaiu E. L. Huggins, Second cavalry, who visited Smohalla
about the same time, we obtain further information concerning the
prophet's personality and doctrines. When Smohalla was urged to
follow the exami)le of other Indians who had taken up the white man's
road, he replied, '*N^o one has any respect for these book Indians. Even
the white men like me better and treat me better than they do the book
Indians. My young men shall never work. Men who work can not
dream, and wisdom comes to us in dreams."
When it was argued that the whites worked and yet knew more than
the Indians, he replied that the white man's wisdom was poor and weak
and of no value to Indians, who must learn the highest wisdom from
dreams and from participating in the Dreamer ceremonies. Being
pressed to explain the nature of this higher knowledge, he replied,
"Each one must learn for himself the highest wisdom. It can not be
taught. You have the wisdom of your race. Be content."
724 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. ann. U
When the officer couteuded that even the Indians had to work hard
during the fishing season to get food for winter, the prophet answered:
" This work lasts only for a few weeks. Besides it is natural work and
does them no harm. But the work of the white man hardens soul and
body. Nor is it right to tear up and mutilate the earth as white men
do."
To the officer's assertion that the Indians also dug roots and were
even then digging kamas in the mountains, he replied :
"We simply take the gifts that are freely offered. We no more harm
the earth than would an infant's fingers harm its mother's breast. But
the white man tears up large tracts of land, runs deep ditches, cuts
down forests, and changes the whole face of the earth. You know very
well this is not right. Every honest man," said he, looking at me
searchingly, " knows in his heart that this is all wrong. But the white
men are so greedy they do not consider these things."
He asserted that the Indians were now so helpless before the white
men that they must cease to exist unless they had assistance from a
higher power, but that if they heeded the sacred message they would
receive strong and sudden help as surely as the spring comes after
winter. When some doubt was expressed as to his own faith in these
things, he asked pointedly:
"Do the white teachers believe what they teach?"
"It is said, Smohalla, that you hate all white men."
"It is not true. But the whites have caused us great suffering.
Dr Whitman many years ago made a long journey to the east to get
a bottle of poison for us. He was gone about a year, and after he came
back strong and terrible diseases broke out among us. The Indians
killed Dr Whitman, but it was too late. He had uncorked his bottle
and all the air was poisoned. Before that there was little sickness
among us, but since then many of us have died. I have had children
and grandchildren, but they are all dead. My last grandchild, a young
woman of 16, died last month. If only her infant could have lived" —
his voice faitered slightly, but with scarcely a pause he continued in
his former tone, "I labored hard to save them, but my medicine would
not work as it used to."
He repelled the idea that the Indians had profited by the coming of
the whites, and especially denied that they had obtained ponies from
this source. His statement on this point may be of interest to those
who hold that the horse is indigenous to America:
"What! The white man gave us ponies? Oh, no; we had ponies long
before we ever saw white people. The Great Spirit gave them to us.
Our horses were swifter and more enduring, too, in those days, before
they were mixed with the white man's horses."
He went on to tell how the Indians had befriended the first explorers
who came among them and how ungrateful had been their later recom-
pense, and said: " We are now so few and weak that we can off'er no
resistance, and their preachers have persuaded them to let a few of us
MooNEY] THE SMOHALT.A RITUAL 725
live, so as to claim credit with the Great Spirit for being generous and
humane. But they begrudge us what little grass our ponies eat." At
parting he repeated earnestly, " If they tell you Smohalla hates all
white people, do not believe it." {IlugginM, 2.)
Our knowledge of the Smohalla ritual is derived from the account
given by Major MacMurray and from the statements of Yakima and
Palus informants. The ofHcer's account is that of an intelligent ob-
server, who noted ceremonies closely, but without fully comprehending
their meaning. The Indian account is that of initiates and true
believers, one of them being the regular interpreter of the Smohalla
services on Yakima reservation.
The officer had already seen the ceremonial performances at the Indian
villages at Celilo and Umatilla in Oregon, at Tumwater and Yakima
gap in Washington, but found its greatest development at the fountain
head, the home of Smohalla at Priest rapids. His account is so full
of interest that we give it almost in its entirety.
While still several miles away, his party discovered the village,
the houses extending along the bank of the river, with several flags
attached to long poles fluttering in the wind. The trail from the moun-
tains was winding and difficult, but at last —
We reached the plain and were met by a procession, headed by Smohalla in
person, all attired in gorgeous array and mounted on their best chargers. We
wended our way through sagebrush and sand dunes to the village street, not a sonl
being visible, but from the mat-roofed salmon houses there came forth the most
indescribable chorus of bell ringing, drnm beating, and screeching. I noticed that
the street was neatly swept and well sprinkled — an unusiial thing in any Indian
village. This, Smohalla said, was in my honor and to show that his people had
cleanly tastes. Our procession passed on beyond the village to a new canvas tent,
which had a brush shade to keep off the sun and was lined and carpeted with new
and very pretty m.atting. Smohalla said this had Iteen prepared especially for me,
and was to be ray house as long as I should stay with him. To cap the climax, he
had constructed a bench for me, having sent more than 90 miles for the nails. Fresh
salmon, caught iu a peculiar trap among the rocks and broiled on a plank, were
regularly furnished my party, and with hard tack and coffee of our o\f n supplying
we got enough to eat and drink. Our own blankets furnished sleepingconvenienoes.
The river was within two y.irds of our tent door and was an ample lavatory.
When I awoko the next morning, the sound of drums was again heard, and for
days it continued. I do not remember that there was any intermission except for a
few minutes at a time. Seven bass drums were used for the purpose. I was invited
to be present, and took great interest in the ceremonies, which I shall endeavor to
describe.
There was a small open space to the north of the larger house, which was Smo-
h.alla's residence aud the village assembly room as well. This space was inclosed
by a whitewashed fence made of boards which had drifted down the river. In the
middle was a flagstaff with a rectangular flag, suggesting a target. In the center
of the flag was .1 round red patch. The field was yellow, representing grass, which is
there of a yellow hue in suunuer. A green border indicated the boundiiry of the
world, the hills being moist and green near their tops. At the top of the flag was
a small extension of blue color, with a white star in the center. Sraoh.alla explained:
"This is my flag, and it represents the world. God told me to look after my peo-
ple— all are my people. There are four ways in the world — north and south and
726
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
east and west. I have beeu all tliose ways. Tliis is the center. I live here. The
reil spot is iny Ivoart — everybody can see it. The yellow grass grows everywhere
around this place. The green mountains are far away all around the world. There
is only water beyond, salt water. The blue [referring to the blue cloth strip] is the
sky, and the star is the north star. That star never changes; it is always in the same
place. I keep my heart on that star. I never change."
There are fre()uent services, a sort of processional around the outside of the fence,
the prophet and a small boy with a bell entering the inclosure, where, after hoisting
the flag, he delivers a sort of sermon. Captains or class leaders give instructions
to the people, who are arranged according to stature, the men and women in differ-
ent classes marching in single file to the sound of drums. There seems to be a
regular system of signals, at command of the prophet, by the boy with the bell,
upon which the people chant loud or low, qnick or slow, or remain silent. These
outdoor services occurred several times each day.
Sraohalla invited me to particii)ate in what he considered a grand ceremonial serv-
ice within the larger ho>i8e. This house was built with a framework of stout logs
placed upright in the ground and roofed over with brush, or with canvas in rainy
weather. The sides consisted of
bark and rush matting. It was
about 75 feet long by 25 feet wide.
Singing and drumming had been
going on for some time when I ar-
rived. Tlie air resounded with the
^'oice8 of hundreds of Indians, male
and female, and the banging of
drums. Within, the room was dimly
lighted. Smoke curled from a fire
on the floor at the farther end and
pervaded the atmosphere. The ceil-
ing was hung with hundreds of sal-
mon, split and drying in the smoke.
The scene was a strange one. On
either side of the room was a row of
twelve women standing erect with
arms crossed and hands extended,
with finger tips at the shoulders.
They kept time to the drjims and
their voices by balancing on the
balls of their feet and tapping with
their heels on the floor, while they
chanted with varying pitch and
time. The excitement and persistent repetition wore them out, and I heard that
others than Smohalla had seen visions in their trauces, but I saw none who would
admit it or explain anything of it. I fancied they feared their own action, and that
real death might come to them in this simulated death.
Those on the right hand were dressed in garments of a red color with an attempt
at uniformity. Those on the left wore costumes of white buckskin, said to be very
ancient ceremonial costumes, with red and blue trimmings. All wore large round
silver plates or such other glittering ornaments as they possessed. A canvas covered
the floor and on it knelt the men and boys in lines of seven. Each seven, as a rnle,
had shirts of the same color. The tallest were in front, the size diminishing regu-
larly to the rear. Cliildren and ancient hags filled in any spare space. In front on
a mattress knelt Smohalla, his left hand covering his heart. On his riglit was the
boy bell ringer in similar posture. Smohalla wore a white garment which he was
pleased to call a priest's gown, but it was simply a white cloth shirt witli a colored
stripe down the back.
Fig. 64— Smohalla's flag (heraldic).
'V 0' Tin
[iririVBRsiTr]
MooNEY] 8M0HALLA RITUAL 727
I and my two assistants wore seated (in a mattress iiboiit 10 feet in front of the
jiropliot, wliicli fcirtiinately jilaeed lis uoar the door and incidentally near fresh air.
There were two other witnesses, Indians from distant villajices, who sat at one side
with Sniohalla's sou looking on.
Siiiohalla's son was said to bo in training as liis successor. He was a young man,
apparently about 23 years old, tall, slender, and active in movement, and commonly
kept himself apart from the body of the people. He was much darker than his
father. His dress was brilliant in style and color. He ordinarily wore a short gown
or surplice, sometimes yellow and at other times sky bine, with ornate decorations
of stars or moons appli<iin^, out IVoiii bright-colored cloths. The sleeves were extrav-
affaully trimmed with beads and silver ornaments. He knelt at the right of the
group as tlie place of honor. On his left was Coteeakun, the head man of the Indian
village at I'liion gap, on the Yakima reservation. The third man was Coteeakun's
brother, a most intelligent and progressive Indian. (MacMurray AfS.)
From Charles Ike, an intelligent half-blood interpreter on Yakima
reservation, who is also the regular interpreter of the Smohalla ritual
services at the Yakima village of Pa'kiut, we obtain additional interest-
ing details concerning the ceremony as there performed, with the under-
lying religions teachings.
As at present taught, the religion finds adherents among probably all
the tribes along the Columbia from near the British border down to the
Wush<ifim tribe at The Dalles, with the exception, i)erhap8, of the Kli-
katat, who are nearly all Catholics. The two chief centers are at P'nii
or Priest rapids, where Smohalla in person regularly preaches to about
120 hearers, aiul at Pa'kiut, at Union gap on Yakima reservation,
where, until his death a short time ago, TianJi'ni as regularly conducted
the services for about 300 of his tribe. At each place is a church or
meeting-house built as already described.
The former high priest of the doctrine among the Yakima, and the
right-hand man of Smohalla himself, was Kotai'aqan, already mentioned,
the son of the great war chief Kamai'iikan. It is even asserted that he
was the originator of the system. However this may be, it is certain
that he had much to do with formulating both the dogmas and the
ritual. In temper he was more gentle than Smohalla, and more dis-
posed to meet civilization half-way. On his death, about 1890, he was
succeeded by his stepson, Tianii'ni, or "Many Wounds," who filled the
oflBce until about October, 1892, when he was murdered near his home
by two drunken Indians. He was succeeded in the chieftainship by a
younger son of Kotai'aqan named Sha'awe (or Shaw-wawa Kootiacan),
and in his priestly functions by a man known to the whites as Billy
John.
The regular services take place on Sunday, in the morning, afternoon,
and evening. Sunday has been held sacred among the Nez Perces and
neighboring tribes for more than sixty years, as the result of the teach-
ings of the Hudson Bay officers. The prairie tribes also, having learned
that Sunday is the great "medicine day" of the whites, now .select it
by preference for their own religious ceremonies of the Ghost dance and
the mescal. Tliere are also services during the week, besides special
728
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
periodic observances, such as the "lament" for the dead, particularly
the dead chiefs, in early spring; the salmon dance, when the salmon
begin to run in April, and the berry dance, when the wild berries
ripen in autumn. The description of the ceremonial of the salmon
FlQ. 65 — Charles Ike, Smolmlhi interpreter.
dance will answer for the others, as it differs chiefly only by the addi-
tion of the feast.
As already stated, the house has the door at the eastern end, as is
the common rule in all Indian structures. On the roof, at the eastern
MOONEYJ SMOHALLA FORM OK WORSHIP 729
end of the building at Pa'kiut, are the flags, the center one blue, repre-
senting the sky; another one white, representing the earthly light, and
the third yellow, representing the heavenly light of the spirit world.
Blue, white, and yellow are the sacred colors of this system, as also of
that of the Shakers, to be described later. On entering, the worshipers
range themselves in two lines along the sides of the building, the meu
and boys standing along the northern wall, the women and girls along
the southern wall, and all facing toward the center. The first man
entering takes his place on the north nearest the door; the next one
stands just beyond him, and so on ; while the women and girls, when
their turn comes, make the whole circuit along the northern side, and
then, turning at the farther end, take their places in reverse order
along the southern wall. In the open space between the rows is a floor-
walker, whose business it is to see that everyone is in the right place.
All are dressed as nearly as possible in the finest style of the old
Indian costume, buckskin and shell ornaments, their faces painted yel-
low, white, or red with Indian paints, and carrying eagle feathers in
their right hands (plates xc, xci; figure 66).
ooooooooooooooooooooo
A-/f A' AND BOy^
O -/.lowi-cAorn \ %n.oof> wACfren C\ moooRifitPeft..
WTeitpf>£Tci>. ' — ♦ ^ — >
yVOMCA/ AND e/ffis
oooooooooooooopoooooo
J
FiQ. 66 — Diagram showing arrangement of worBhipera at Smofaalla serrice.
At the farther end, facing the door, sits the high priest, while just
behind him stands his "interpreter," and on his left are seated op. the
ground the three drummers wirh their large drums in frOnt of them.
The high priest carries a large bell in his left hand and a smaller one
in his right.
Dishes of fresh-cooked salmon and jars of water, together with a
plentiful supply of other food, are ranged in front of the devotees.
After a preliminary ceremony in the nature of a litany, in which the
principal articles of their theology are recited in the form of question
and answer by the whole body of worshipers, the high priest gives
the command, "Take water," when everyone raises a cup of water to
his lips. Next comes the command, "Now drink," and each one takes
a sip. At the words, "Now the salmon," each takes up a portion of
fish, which he jmts into his mouth at the next command, "Now eat."
Last comes the command, "Now help yourselves," which is the signal
for a general attack on the provisions.
730 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. anx. 14
When everyone has satisfied Lis liuuger, the remains of the feast are
cleared away and the "dance" begins. At a signal given by a single
stroke of the bell in the left hand of the high priest all stand up in
line on either side of the building. At another stroke of the bell all
put their right hands ou their breasts. Another tap of the bell and
the right hand is brought out in front of the body. Another, and they
begin to move their right hands backward and forward like fans in
front of the breast, and thus continue throughout the dance, keeping
time also to the singing by balancing alternately iipon their toes and
heels, as already described, without moving from their jjlaces. Eitual
songs are sung throughout the remainder of the service, in time with
the movements of the dancers and the sounds of the drums, and regu-
lated by tlie strokes of the bell.
Between songs anyone who wishes to speak steps out into the open
space. With a single tap of the bell the high priest then summons
his "interpreter," standing behind him, who comes forward and stands
beside the speaker, a few feet in front and at the right of the high
priest. The speaker then in a low tone tells his story — usually a
trance vision of the spirit world — to the interpreter, who repeats it in
a loud voice to the compaiiy. At the end of the recital the high priest
gives the signal with the bell, when all raise their right hands with a
loud "Ai!" (Yes!). The high priest himself sometimes discourses also
to the people through the interpreter; at other times directly.
Each song is repeated until the high priest gives the signal with the
bell to stop. Most of the songs consist — in the native language — of
seven lines. At the end of the first line the high priest taps once with
the bell; at the end of the second line he taps twice, and so on to the
end of the song, when he rings the bell hard and continuously, and all
raise their hands with a loud "Ai !" Then the song leader, who stands
with a feather fan between the high jjriest and the drummers, starts
the next song.
The first song is given by all standing motionless, with the right hand
on the breast and with eyes cast downward. It may be rendered:
Verily, verily, Our Hrother made the body.
He gave it a spirit and the body moved.
Then he counted out the words for us to speak.
Another begins:
Verily, Our Brother ))ut salmon in the water to be our food.
Another begins :
O, brothers ! O, sisters !
When first the light struck this world, it lighted the world forever.
Our Brother {Ndmi Pidp) is the term used in referring to the creating
spirit, instead of " our father," as we might exjject them to say.
On leaving, at the close of the ceremony, the man nearest the high
priest passes around in front of him and down along in front of the
MOONKY] CLOSE OF SMOHALLA SERVICE 731
line of women, and as he reaches the door he turns around and bows
to the high priest. Each man in turn thus files around and passes out,
after wliich the women — first the one nearest the high priest and tlien
the others in regular order — pass out in the same manner. While the
worshipers are thus going out, the high priest, standing up, rings con-
tinuously tlie small bell in his right hand, while with the larger bell in
his left he gives a single stroke as each one passes through the door.
Tribes of the Columbia region
The following synopsis will give a good general idea of the location
and numbers of the tribes of the Columbia region from tlie British line
down to the Cascades, including all those under the influence of the
Smohalla religion. Except when derived from such well-known author-
ities as Lewis and Clark, Stevens, Gibbs, etc, the information given is
the result of personal investigation and work with Yakima and Piilus
Indians. The general boundaries of the tribes west of the Cascade
range, including the adherents of the Shaker religion, are also indicated
on the accompanying map (plate Lxxxviil), but our information in
regard to this region is too meager to be definite.
KUTENAi (Kitunahan stock). — Synonyms: Arcs Plats, Cotonn6, Cot-
tonoi, Coutanie, Flatbow, Kitunaha, Kootenai, Koutaine, Kutneha,
Skalzi, Tushepaw (Lewis and Clark, 1805), White-tailed Deer People
(Clark, Indian Sign Language). The Kutenai, properly Kituna'qa, form
a distinct linguistic stock, and live chiefly on the Canadian side, around
Kutenai river and lake, but extend across the line into northern Idaho
and northwestern Montana. Their extension southward dates from
their treaty of peace with the Flatheads about ninety years ago. In
company with the Flatheads they were accustomed formerly to come
down from the mountains in the fall to hunt the buflfixlo on the headwaters
of the Missouri. They are mentioned by Lewis and Clark in 1805
under the name of Tushepaw, with bands distinguished as Ootlashoot,
Micksucksealton ( ?), and Hohilpo living in the mountains and on Clark's
fork within United States territory. According to Gatschet, Tu'shipa
is a collective term applied by the Shoshoni to the tribes living north
of them, including the Nez Perces and others, as well as the Kutenai.
A part of the Kutenai joined with the Flatheads and Upper Pend
d'Oreilles in a treaty with the government in 1855 and are now on Flat-
head (Jocko) reservation in Montana. They are probably all Catholics.
Others, living in northern Idaho, have never entered into treaty rela-
tions, and may bo followers of Smohalla. The best estimates for the
last fifty years give those within the United States a population of
from 400 to 450.
Pend d'Oreille (Salishan stock). — Synonyms: Calispel, Coospellar
(Lewis and Clark), Kahlispelm, Kalispeliues, Kalispelusses, Kellespem,
Kullas-Palus, Ku'shpf-lu (a Yakima or Piilus form), Papshpfin-'lema or
"people of the great fir trees'' (Yakima name), Pend d'Oreilles or
732 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION tETH.ANN.14
"ear-rings" (French name), Ponderas. The Pend d'Oreilles held the
country along the river and lake of the same name, in Idaho and Wash-
ington, immediately southwest of the Kutenai. They are commonly
distinguished as Upper, on the lake, and Lower, on both banks of the
river. They are the Coospellar mentioni^d by Lewis and Clark in 1805.
They formerly crossed the mountains annually to hunt buffalo on the
Missouri. Since 1844 they and most of the other Salishan tribes of
this region have been under the influence of Catholic missionaries.
The Upper Pend d'Oreilles joined with the Flatheads and Kutenai in
a treaty with the government in 1855, and are now on Flathead reser-
vation in Montana. Some of the Lower band joined them there in 1887.
Others are on the Creur d'Alene reservation in Idaho, a few are with
Moses on the Columbia in Washington, and the rest are still in their
original country, never having entered into treaty stipulations. The
whole tribe numbers about 1,000 souls.
CoLViLLE (Salishan stock). — Synonyms: Chaudiere (French name),
Chualpay, Kettle Falls, Quiarlpi or "basket people" (Hale), Schrooyelpi,
Schwogelpi, Schwoyelpi, Swielpee, Wheelpoo (Lewis and Clark). They
originally occupied the country on Colville and Kettle rivers and on
both sides of the Columbia from Kettle falls down to Spokane river,
in Washington, and extending north into British territory to about the
lower Arrow lake. They are mentioned by Lewis and Clark under the
name of Wheelpoo. Kettle falls on the Columbia, within their terri-
tory, was the great salmon fishing resort for all the tribes of this region,
and here, in 1846, was established the Catholic mission of Saint Paul.
As a result of this missionary work, all of these Salishan tribes, except-
ing the Sanpoil, Nespelim, Mitaui, and a part of the Spokan are now
Catholics. In 1854, according to Stevens, the original Shwoyelpi were
nearly extinct and their places had been filled by Indians from neigh-
boring tribes. Without ever having entered into any treaty with the
government, they were assigned in 1872 to Colville reservation, Wash-
ington, which had been set apart for the tribes of that section. They
were reported to number 616 in 1870, and only 301 in 1892.
Lake or Senijextee (Salishan stock). — These owned the country
on both sides of the Columbia, in Washington, from about Kettle falls
northward into British Columbia to the vicinity of Arrow lake. They
are now on Colville reservation in Washington and number about 350,
with perhaps a few others across the boundary. They may be identical
with the Lahannas of Lewis and Clark.
Spokan (Salishan stock). — Synonyms: Lartielo (Lewis and Clark),
Sarlilso (Gibbs), Sinhumanish, Sinkoman (Kutenai name), Spokihnish,
Spokomish, Zingomenes. They are commonly distinguished as Upper
Spokan or Sineeguomenah, Middle or Sintootoo, and Lower or Chekis-
schee ( Winans, Gomr., 1870). Spokan is the name given them by the
CoBur d'Alenes; Sinkoman is their Kutenai name, while the Lartielo or
Sarlilso of Lewis and Clark is simply a bad misprint for Sintootoo, the
MooNEY] trihp:s of thk Columbia 733
iiaine of the middle band. Tlicy iiie closely conneeted, linguistically
and politically, with the Sanpoil and Nespeliui. The lower Spokan
are now Protestants, the rest are Catholics. They formerly owned the
whole basin of Spokane river in Washington and extending ihto Idaho.
They are now on Spoksine reservation in Washington and the Cceur
d'Aleue reservation in Idaho, and number in all about 900 or 1,000.
C(KiB D'ALfiNE (Salishan stock). — ^ynonymn: Pointed Hearts,
Q'nia'shiKil or "kamaa people" (so called by the Yakima), Skeechaway,
Skeetsomish (Lewis and Clark), Skitsilmfiq (Piilus name), Skitswish,
Stietshoi. They occupied the lake and river bearing their name in
Idaho and the adjacent headwaters of the Spokane. A part of this
territory they held jointly with the Spokan, whose language they speak.
In 1892 they numbered 427, on Cceur d'Alene reservation in Idaho.
Sanpoil (Salishan stock). — Synonyms: Haiai'nima (Yakima name),
Hihighenimmo (Lewis and Clark), Ipoilq (another Yakima name),
N'pochle (Stevens), Sans Puelles, Sinapoils, Sinipouals, Sinpaivelish,
Sinpohellechach, SinpoilscliTie, Siur Poils. The name by which this
tribe is commonly known is sometimes written as a French form Sans
Poils, meaning "without bristles," or "hairless," but it is more prob-
ably an Indian word. They occupy the country on Sanpoil river in
Washington, now*included within Colville reservation, and are closely
allied with the Nespelini. These two tribes are the most aboriginal in
eastern Washington, and adhere strictly to their primitive customs and
religion. The two tribes are thus described by Winans, the govern-
ment farmer, in 1870:
Tfiey have never received any presents from the government, although they have
heen frequently asked to do so. They seem suspicious of the whites, are the least
civilized and most independent of any of the tribes of the territory. They are rich
in horses and cattle, possessing all the comforts they know how to enjoy, and it
appears their only fear is that they will be interfered with by the government.
They are perfectly contented with their condition, and would not accept anything
from the government if offered, except a religious instriictor and doctor.
Some years later they were brought under the reservation system
and a change came o'er the spirit of their dream. In 1892 we are told
officially that "the Sanpuell Indians are the worst people that I have
anything to do with. . . . They are surly, ignorant, and filthy,"
notwithstanding which they still "have the same religious prejudice
as the Nespelims about receiving aid from the government." Of the
Nespelimthe same intelligent witness tells us that "they are a peculiar
class of Indiana, having a religion of their own." The religion of the
two tribes is aboriginal, and is similar to the Smohalla doctrine in prin-
ciple, although not in ceremonial. In 1892 the Sanpoil were estimated
at 300.
Nespelim (Salishan stock). — Synonyms: Inspellum,Sinspeelish. On
tlie north bank of the Columbia, in Washington, along Nespelim river
and down to the junction of the Okinagan, and on the opposite side of
734 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. ann. 14
the Columbia down to about Grande Coul(5e. Thej^ speak the same
language as the Sanpoils, and in aboriginal Labit, religion, and organi-
zation are closely identified with them. They are within the limits of
Colville reservation and were reported to number only G2 in 1892.
-Okanagan {Salishau stock). — Synonyms: Oakinacken, Okinakane,
Okiwahkiiie. They occupy the whole basin of Okanagan river in Wash-
ington, extending north into British Columbia, and including Similka-
meen river. The Okanagan were an important tribe or confederacy
divided. into a number of bands, some of which have also at times been
considered as belonging to the Spokau, while others are commonly recog-
nized as distinct tribes. Eoss gives them " twelve tribes," as follows :
Skamoynumach, Kewaughtchenunaugh, Pisscow (Piskwaus), Income-
cane'took,Tsillane (Chelan), Intie'took (Entiatook), Battlelemuleemauch
or Meatwho (Mitaui), Inspellum (Nespelim), Siniwhellechach (Sanpoil),
Sinwhoyelppetook (Colville), Samilkanuigh (Similkameen), and Oaki-
nacken (Okanagan). They are now included within the Colville agency,
and are Catholics. They were estimated at 340 in 1870 and reported
as numbering 405 in 1892.
Mitaui (Salishau stock). — Synonyms: Battlelemuleemauch, Meatwho,
Meshons, Meteowwee (Lewis and Clark), Methows, Mithouies. They
formerly lived on the west side of the Columbia, including the basins
of the Methow, Lake Chelan, and Entiatook river. Lewis and Clark
met some of them in 1805 below the mouth of the Wallawalla. They
are closely connected with the Piskwaus and Isle de Pierres. They now
reside in Nesi)elim valley on Colville reservation, confederated with the
Isle de Pierres under Chief Moses. The two tribes were reported at
390 in 1892. A few others live in the neighborhood of Kittitas near
the Yakima tribe. See Pishwaus.
Isle de Piekre (Salishan stock). — Synonyms: Columbias, Linkinse,
Sinkiuse. They originally occupied the country in "Washington from
the Columbia eastward to the Grande Coulee, extending from about the
mouth of the Grande Coul(5e down nearly to Crab creek. Isle de
Pierre is the French name of Eock island in the Columbia at the mouth
of the Wenatchee. For a long time, under their noted chief Moses,
they refused to recognize the authority of the government or to go on
a reservation. Now, however, they are settled in Nespelim valley, on
Colville reservation. They were reported to number 390 in 1892 and are
described as "true, genuine Indians in every sense of the word."
Their chief, Moses, the enemy and rival of Sinohalla, was thus described
in 1870: "Moses, the head chief, has been a great warrior. He was
foremost in the fights of 1858 with Colonels Steptoe and Wright, and
was severely wounded a number of times, but not dying, the Indians
believe he has a charmed life. He is medium sized, about 45 years old,
noble looking, straight as an arrow, and never breaks his word. He
has more influence than any other chief east of the Cascade mountains
in the territory. He comes nearer being such a chief as we read of
MooxEYl TRIBES OF THE COLUMBIA 735
than any I have ever met. Ho is kindly disposed toward the whites
and invites them to come and settle in his conntry." ( Wiiians.) Lin-
guistically they are probably nearest related to the Piskwans.
Wa'napOm (Shahaptian stock). — Synonyms: Columbia River Indians,
Sokulks. This is tiie tribe of which Sniohalla is the chief and high
priest. They are a small band, numbering probably less than 200 souls,
and closely connected linguistically and politically with the Yakima,
Piihis, and Nez Perci'-s. Wanapfim is the name by which they are
known to these cognate tribes, and signifies "river people;" from icana
or tvala, "river" (particularly Columbia river), and ^j«m or pam, "people
or tribal country." Together with the other non-treaty tribes of this
region they are known to the whites under the indefinite name of
"Columbia Eiver Indians." They are identical with the Soknlk met
by Lewis and Clark at the mouth of Snake river and described as
living farther up on the Columbia. The name Sokulk seems to be
entirely iiAknown among the Yakima and Piilus of today. The Wa'-
napfim range along both banks of the Columbia, in Washington, from
above Crab creek down to the mouth of Snake river. Their vUlage,
where Smohalla resides, is on the west bank of the Columbia, at the
foot of Priest rapids, in the Yakima country. It is called P'nii, signi-
fying "a fish weir," and is a great rendezvous for the neighboring
tribes during the salmon fishing season. Having never made a treaty
or gone on a reservation, they are not officially recognized by the gov-
ernment.
Pa'lus (Shahaptian stock). — Synonyms : Palonse, Pelloatpallah Cho-
punnish (Le-wis and Clark), Peloose, Polonches, Sewatpalla. The
Palus owned the whole basin of Palonse river in Washington and
Idaho, and extended also along the north bank of Snake river to its
junction with the Columbia. They were, and are, closely connected
with the Wauapum and the Ifez Perces. PJilus, the name by which
the tribe is commonly known, is properly the name of Standing Rock,
at the junction of Palonse and Snake rivers. They can not explain
the meaning. They have four villages: Almotu, on the north bank of
Snake river in Washington, about 30 miles above the mouth of Palonse
river; Piilus, on . the north bank of Snake river just below the
junction of the Palonse; Ta'sawlks, on the north bank of Snake river
about 15 miles above its mouth; and Kasl'spii or- Cosispa (meaning
"at the point," from Mst's, a point, and pa, the locative), at Ainsworth
in the junction of the Snake and Columbia. This last village has a
slight difference in dialect and is sometimes regarded as belonging to
the Wanapum. Although the Pii'lus are mentioned as parties to the
Yakima treaty of 1855, they have never as a tribe recognized any
treaty limitations or come upon a reservation. They are aboriginal in
their ideas and among the most devoted adherents of the Smohalla
doctrine. They were estimated at 500 in 1854, but, not being oflQcially
recognized, it is impossible to give their present number.
14 KTU — PT 2 7
736 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. a.nx. U
PISKWAUS or WiNA'TSHiptM (Salisliaii stock). — Synonyms: Piscaous,
Piscous, Pisquose. The name by which this tribe is coinmonly known
is properly the name of a fishing place on Wenatchee river, and is
probably Salishan, but may be from the Yakima i^is^'o, signifying "a
bend in the river." Tlie Yakima call the river Winiitshi, signifying a
"river issuing from a canon," and the tribe Winiitshipum. The Pisk
waus proper, on Wenatchee river, with their connected bands or tribes
living in the same neighborhood, west of the Columbia in Kittitas
and Okanogan counties, Washington, are a southern extension of the
Mitaui and speak the same language. Under the name of Piskwaus,
Stevens includes "the Indians on the Columbia between the Priests' and
Ross rapids, on the Pisquose or Winatshapam river; the Enteatkeon,
Chelaun lake, and the Mithaw on Barrier river. The name of Pisquouse,
however, properly refers to a single locality on the river known to the
Yakamas as Winatshapam. The Pisquouse themselves, as has before
been remarked, are so much intermarried with the Yakamas that they
have almost lost their nationality. These bands were formerly all
united under one principal chief, Stalkoosum, who is said to have been
a man of great note among them. He was killed a few years since in
a fight with the Blackfeet, since which there has been no head of the
tribe." {Stevens, Cotnr. Sept., 18S4.) The Piskwaus and smaller con-
nected tribes took part in the Yakima treaty of 1855, but do not live
on the reservation. Most of them live on the Wenatchee and the north
branch of Yakima river in Kittitas county. They are all Catholics.
There is no official statement of their number. Smaller tribes or bands
connected with the Piskwaus proper and speaking the same language
are:
1. K 'tItas, K tatas-'Ifi'ma, Ketetas (Stevens), Pshwa'napum (Ya-
kima name), Shanwappoms (Lewis and Clark). K'tatiis signifies "a
shoal," 'le'ma being a tribal sufiQx, and Pshwanil-pum in the Yakima
language signifies "shoal people," the name referring to a shoal in
Yakima river at Ellensburg.
2. Ska'titIl, or Skaddal (of Lewis and Clark). About Boston creek
and Kahchass lake, at the head of Y'^akima river.
3. Wsni'NATU, or Shallattoos (of Lewis and Clark). The word
means "huckleberry" in Yakima, and is applied to a site on Yakima
river just above Ellensburg.
4. Skwa'nanI, or Squannaroos (of Lewis and Clark). A Yakima
word meaning "whirlpool," and applied to a point on Yakima river
about opposite the entrance of Selah creek, the village being on the
west bank of the river. This band may possibly speak the language
of the Atanum, a Shahaptian tribe, whose territory adjoins them.
5. QamIl-'lEma or Kahmiltpah. The name is Yakima, and signifies
"people of Qami'lh." QamI'lh,or "Watching for Fish," was a chief who
formerly lived with his band about Saddle mountain, on the east side
of the Columbia, above Priest rapids. They are called Kahmiltpah in
MOONEY] TRIBES OF THE COLUMBIA 737
the Yakima treaty of 1855. They now live with tlie other tribes last
uauied in Kittitas county.
C. Si'Apkat or Seai)cat. They reside now in Kittitas county, but
probably lived originally at a place of the same name on the east bank
of the Columbia, about Bishoi) rock and Milk creek, below VVenatchee
river. They are called Seapcat in the Yakima treaty of 1855. The
word is of the Piskwaus language.
Ya'kima (Shahaptian stock). — Synonyms: Cutsalinim (Lewis and
Clark), Eyackimah, Pa''kiut-'l(?'ma, Slobsliaddat (by Paget sound
tribes, Tolmic), Waptai'lmlm, Yackamans, Yookoomans. The Yakima
are the most important tribe of the Shahaptian stock, excluding the
Nez Perct^s. They occupied the country of Natchess and middle
Yakima rivers, in the present Yakima county, Washington, and are now
on a reservation within the same county. Stevens says the name
signifies "black bear" in the Wallawalla language, but Yakima inform-
ants state that it is a nickname signifying "coward" or "runaway,"
and say that the proper name of the tribe is Waptai'lmlm, people of
the "narrow river," or Pa' kiut-'lcma, "people of the gap," both names
referring to the narrows in Yakima river at Union gap, near Yakima
bridge. Their old village was on the west side of the river, just below
the gap. They are the Cutsahnim of Lewis and Clark. This name
may possibly .come from the same root as Ku'tsano't, " Lying Alongside,"
the name of an old Yakima chief who died about 1880. In 1854, accord-
ing to Stevens, they were "divided into two principal bands, each made
up of a number of villages and very closely connected, the one own-
ing the country on the Natcliess and lower Yakima, the other on the
Wenass and its main branch above the forks." These latter, however,
were chiefly of the Piskwaus connection. They had then several chiefs,
of whom Kamaiakau was the most important. Like all the other
Columbia tribes east of the Cascade range, they formerly crossed the
Rocky mountains annually to hunt the buffalo on the waters of the
Missouri. In 1855 the government made a treaty with the Yakima,
Piskwaus, Piilus, and other tribes by which they were to cede a ter-
ritory on both sides of the Columbia, extending generally from the
Cascade range eastward to Palouse and Snake rivers, and southward
from above Chelan lake to the Columbia, excepting a small portion
between the Columbia and the lower Yakima. At the same time the
Yakima reservation was established and an arrangement was made by
which all the tribes and bands concerned were to be confederated under
the title of the "Yakama Nation," with Kamaiakan as head chief.
Shortly afterward the Yakima war broke out, and the treaty remained
unratified until 1859. As already stated, the Psilus and several other
tribes have never recognized it or come on the reservation, and their
objection to such removal has become a religious principle of the Smo-
halla doctrine. In the original treaty of 1855 fourteen tribes are named
as participating, as follows: Yakama (Yakima), Palouse (Pti'lus), Pis-
738 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION rETH.ANN.l4
qupiise (Pi'skwaus), Wenatshapam (another name for Piskwaus), Kli-
katat (Klfikatiit), Kliuquit (aot identified), Kowwassayee (K'kasawi),
Liaywas (not identified), Skinpah (Skinpii), Wisli-ham (Wushriinn),
Shyiks (not identified), Ochechotes (Uchi'chol), Kabmiltpah (Qaniillg-
ma), and Seapcat (Si'apkat). Among these were represented at least
six languages and three linguistic stocks. The majority of these In-
dians west of the Columbia, including the Yakima proper and others on
the reservation, are Catholics, with also a number of adherents of the
Shaker and Smohalla doctrines. Those on the reservation numbered
1,200 in 1892, with an estimated 1,500 outside the boundaries. Beside
the principal band of Yakima, the Waptailmim already mentioned,
there are also the Se'tas-'lcma, or "people of the rye prairie," on
Setass creek, a western tributary of the Yakima in the eastern part of
the reservation, and the Pisko, or people of the "river bend," in a vil-
lage also on the south side of the Yakima, between Topinish and Setass
creeks. (See Pishquitpah.) Their dialects are said to dift'er slightly
from that of the Waptailmim.
A'tan^m-'l£ma (Shahaptian stock) or "people (lema) of iitanum
creek." — A small tribe on Atahnam creek, in Yakima county, Washing-
ton, on the northern boundary of the reservation. They are said to
speak a language distinct from Yakima or Klukatat, but cognate.
They have no official recognition now or in the treaty of 1855. The
name A'taniim is Yakima, and refers to a stream " ascended" (by salmon).
Kl^'katat (Shahaptian stock). — Synonyms: Cliekahut, Clickitat,
Klikatat, Qwu'lh-hwai-pum, Weyehhoo, Whulwhypum. The name by
which this tribe is commonly known is from the Wasko language and
signifies "beyond (the mountain)" — that is, east of the Cascade range —
with reference to the Chinookan tribes on the lower Columbia. The
same name was iilso at times extended to the Yakima. They call
themselves Qwidh-hwai-pum, "prairie people;" from qwAlh-hwai, "prai-
rie," and pum, " people," referring particularly to their occupancy of
Camass prairie. They formerly occupied the southern slopes of Mount
Adams and Mount Helens, with the country of Klikatat and Lewis
rivers, in the present Klickitat and Skamania counties, Washington.
East of them were the Yakima and west were the Salishan and Chi-
nookan tribes. At one time they lived farther east, but were driven
west by the Cayuse. (Stevenc.) About sixty years ago they crossed
the Columbia and overran the Willamet country, and even penetrated
as far south as the Umpqua, but afterward withdrew again to their
proper country. Although but a small tribe, they were aggressive and
enterprising and were the trade medium between the tribes west of the
mountains and those east. They joined in th6 Yakima treaty of 1855
and are now chiefly on Yakima reservation, but a few are still on White
Salmon river, in Klickitat county. Tlieir number is unknown. The
Taitinapam and Topinish speak the same language and may be cou-
sidered as branches of this tribe.
HooNEY) TRIBES OF THE COLUMBIA 739
QA'PNiSH-'i.fiMA or ToPiNiSH (Shahai)tiaii stock). — A small tribe
on Topinish river in Yakima county, Washington, within the present
limits of the reservation. They speak the Klukatat language. Tlie
name signifies "people ( letna) of the trail coming from the foot of the
hill."
Taitinapam (Sluihaptian stock). — Synonym: Tai-kie-a-pain (mis-
print). A small tribe speaking the Klfikatiit language, formerly liv-
ing on the western slopes of the Cascade mountains, between the heads
of Lewis and Cowlitz rivers, in Skamania county, Washington, being
the westernmost tribe of Shahaptian stock. If any are left, they are
probably incorporated with the Kl&katiit on Yakima reservation.
They never had oflQcial recognition.
Chamna'p(>m (Shahaptian stock). — Synonyms: Ohimnahpum, Chim-
uapoos, Cuimnapum. A tribe which occupied the bend of the Columbia
below Y'^akima river, together with the country on the lower Y'akima,
cliiefly in the present Yakima county, Washington. They are the
Chimnahpum of Lewis and Clark, and speak a dialect of the language
of the Pa'lus and Wanapfim, with which tribes the few survivors are
incorporated. A few are also still living on the west side of the
Columbia, opposite Tasco. The name is of their own language and
means "people {pum) of Chiimnii'," their old village about oi>posite
Wallula.
PiSHQUiTPAH (Shahaptian stock). — This name occurs only in the
narrative of Lewis and Clark as that of a tribe in 1805, "residing at
the Muscleshell rapid and on the north side of the Columbia to the com-
mencement of the high country, wintering on the borders of the Tap-
teal." The Tapteal (properly Waptail or Wai)tailmlm) is Y'^akima river.
This would locate them in eastern Klickitat and Yakima counties,
Washington. They are probably identical with the PIsko band of the
Yakima. In the name Pishquitpah the final pah is the Yakima or
Pa'lus locative pii, "at."
KKA'siwi or KowwASSATEE (Shahaptian stock). — A small tribe
speaking the Teniuo language and formerly occupying a village of the
same name, K ka'sawi, on the north bank of the Columbia, in Klickitat
county, Washington, about opposite the mouth of the Umatilla. The full
name is K'ka'silwi- le'ma, "people (lema) of the arrow-making place,"
the local form being from k'ka'so, "arrow." They took part in the
Y'akima treaty of 1855 under the name of Kowwassayee, and are now
on Y'akima reservation.
IIahau'pCm or Wahowpum (Shahaptian stock). — A small tribe
speaking the Tenino language and occupying a village, Hftha'u, on
the north bank of the Columbia, about the mouth of Olive creek,
in Klickitat county, Washington. The word means "willow people,"
from haha'u, a species of willow, and ptirn, "people." They are the
Wahowpum of Lewis and Clark. They have never had oflicial
recognition.
740 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.anx.U
UcHi'CHOL or OcHEOHOTKS (Sliiihaptiaii stock). — A small tribe
speaking the Teniiio language, living now, or formerly, on the north
bank of the Columbia in Klickitat county, Washington. They are men.
tioned as Ochechotes in the Yakima treaty of 1855, and may now be
incorporated with other tribes on Yakima reservation. The name, from
the Tenino language, signifies the "hind dorsal fin" (of a salmon), and
is the name of a rock on the north side of the Columbia, ojiposite the
upper end of the island, at the mouth of the Des Chutes. See
Tapandsh.
Ski'NPA (Shahaptian stock). — Synonyms: Sawi)aw (!), Skien, Skin,
Skinpah. A small tribe speaking the Tenino language and formerly
having a village on the north bank of the Columbia in Klickitat county,
Washington, at the falls opposite Celilo. They took part in the Yakima
treaty of 1855 under the name of Skinpah, and are now incorporated
with the other tribes on Yakima reservation. The name is Tenino, and
means "cradle i)lace," or "at the cradle," from skin, "cradle," and pdi
the locative, and refers to a prominent rock at the site of their former
village having some resemblance to an Indian cradle. See Tapandsh.
Tapana'shop Eneeshub (Shahaptian stock). — A small tribe speak-
ing the Tenino language, having a village on the north bank of the
Columbia in Klickitat county, Washington, about opposite the mouth
of Des Chutes river and a little above Celilo. The name is identical
with the Eneeshur of Lewis and Clark, these explorers in 1805 having
also included under this name the various bands speaking the Tenino
language on both sides of the Columbia about the mouth of the Des
Chutes. The Tapaniish have no ofiBcial recognition. See Tenino.
Tlaqluit or WOshqOm (Chiuookan stock). — Synonyms: Echebool,
Echeloot, Eloot, Helwit, Niculuita, Ouichram, Tchilouit, Tilhulhwit,
Wisham, Wishham, Wishram, Wisswham. The Tlaqluit, with the
Wasko, are the easternmost tribes of Chinookan stock on the Colum-
bia, having immediately above them the Shahaptian tribes, speaking
the Tenino language. The Tlaqluit territory lies along the north bank
of the Columbia in Klickitat county, Washington, from Tenino, about 0
miles above The Dalles, down to the neighborhood of White Salmon
river. They call themselves Tlaqluit (Echeloot of Lewis and Clark),
and are called Wiishqumii-piim, or "Wiishqum people," by the tribes
speaking the Tenino language, WTishqimi being the name of their
chief village near South Side at The Dalles, the great fishing and trad-
ing resort for the tribes of this section. The name appears also as
Wishram. Both Tlaqluit and Wiishqum refer to a species of louse or
flea abounding in that neighborhood. They took part in the Yakima
treaty of 1855 under the name of Wishham, but most of them have
probably never gone on the reservation. See Wasko.
There is a tradition in the tribe that long before the coming of the
whites to the Columbia a band of Tlaqluit left their people on account
of a petty quarrel as to whether a goose made a certain noise with its
MooNKYl TRIBES OF THE COLUMHIA 741
bill or with its wings, aiul went up the Oolumbia iiiid the. Spokane, and
are supposed to be now about the lieadwaters of the latter stream and
still retaining their language, although under a ditterent tribal name.
ChilO'ktkwa or CiiiLLrcKiTTEciUAWS (Chinookaii stock). — A tribe
formerly extending along the north bank of the Columbia in Klickitat
and Skamania counties, Washington, from about White Salmon river
down to some distance below the Cascades. They are called Chilluck-
ittequaws in 180.5 by Lewis and Clark, who speak also of a separate
band of the same tribe under the name of Smackshop, a name which
caTi not now be identified. The tribe now numbers less than 100.
Until recently the remnant lived about the mouth of White Salmon
river, but removed about thirteen years ago to the Cascades. Their
language is nearly the same as that of the Wasko. They have never
had official recognition.
Kwikw<)'lIt or Dog Riveb (Chinookan stock). — Synonyms: Cas-
cade Indians, Kigaltwalla, Upper Chinook, Wahclellah, Watlala. A
small tribe formerly living at the Cascades and about Dog river,
a small stream coming into the Columbia about half-way between the
Cascades and The Dalles, in Wasco county, Oregon. They are iden-
tical, in part at least, with the Wahclellahs of Lewis and Clark (men-
tioned as a part of the "Shahala nation"), and are the "Kigaltwalla
band of the Wascoes" and the "Dog River band of the Wascoes" of
the Wasco treaty of 1855. The "Dog River or Cascade Indians" were
reported to number 80 souls in 1854. In the next year they, with other
tribes, entered into the Wasco treaty, by which they agreed to remove
to Warmspring reservation, where some of them now are, while the
others are still about the Cascades. Their language is nearly the same
as that of the W^asko.
Wasko (Chinookan stock). — Synonyms: Dalles Indians, Wascopum.
A tribe formerly claiming the country about The Dalles, on the south
bank of the Columbia, in Wasco county, Oregon. They, with the
Tlaqluit on the opposite bank, are the easternmost extension of the
Chinookan stock, and speak the same language. The name is said to
be a Teniiio word, meaning "grass," or "grass people." It has some-
times been made to include several cognate bands about The Dalles
and Cascades, on both sides of the Columbia. Under the name of
"The Dalles band of the Wascoes," they entered into the Wasco treaty
of 1855, and are now on Warmspring reservation in Oregon. They
numbered 260 in 1892.
Waiam (Shahaptian stock). — Synonyms: (Lower) Des Chutes, Wai-
iim-'lema, Wayyampa, Wyam. A tribe speaking the Tenino language
and formerly living about the mouth of Des Chutes river, in the pres-
ent Wasco and Sherman counties, Oregon. Their chief village was on
the Columbia where Celilo now is, and was called Waiiim, whence
their name of Waiiim-'lema or "people of Waiiim." They joined in
742 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGfON [kth ann.14
the Wasco treaty of 1855 under the name of "Wyam or Lower De
Chutes band of Walhi- Wallas," and are now on Warmspring reserva-
tion in Oregon. Tlieir number is not separately reported.
Tai'-Iq (Shahaptian stock). — Synonyms: Taigli, Ta-ili, Tairtla,
Tyich. A tribe speaking the Tenino language and formerly occupying
the country about Tygh and White' rivers, in Wasco county, Oregon.
The name Tai'-aq refers to the stream and denotes "muddy, white
water." They took part in the Wasco treaty of 1855 under the name of
"Ta-ih or Upper I)e Chutes band of Walla- Wallas,'" and are now on
Warmspring reservation, Oregon. Their number is not reported.
TfLQf^Ni (Shahaptian stock). — A tribe formerly claiming the country
between Tygh valley and Warmspring river, west of Des Chutes river,
in the jiresent Wasco county, Oregon. They are now on Warmspring
reservation, in the same neighborhood. They have never been officially
mentioned under their Indian name, and may be considered the Warm-
spring proper, although this name is local rather than tribal. They
speak the Tenino language. See Tenino.
Tenino or Meli'-'lEma (Shahaptian stock). — The most important
Shahaptian tribe of western Oregon. They formerly occupied middle
Des Chutes river, and conquered the present Warmspring reservation
from the Paiuto or Snake tribes, but never occupied it until put there
by the Wasco treaty of 1855. Since then they have been known indis-
criminately as Tenino or Warmspring Indians, although this latter
designation is commonly used to include other cognate tribes on the
same reservation. For this reason it is impossible to give their number
definitely. The Tenino language, in various dialects, is spoken, except-
ing by the Lohim, by all the tribes formerly living on both banks of the
Columbia and on its tributaries from the country of the Wasko about
The Dalles up to about the mouth of the Umatilla.
Most of this region, on the south or Oregon side of the Columbia,
was formerly held by Shoshoneau tribes of Paiute connection, which
have been dispossessed by the Shahaptian tribes and driven farther
back to the south. The only Shoshoneau tribe which maintained its
place on the Columbia was the Lohim, on Willow creek. The Tenino
themselves conquered the present Warmspring reservation from the
Snakes. The expulsion was in full progress when Lewis and Clark
went down the Columbia in 1805, but had been practically completed
when the first treaties were made with these tribes fifty years later.
Lewis and Clark state that "on that (the south) side of the river none
of the tribes have any permanent habitations, and on inquiry we were
confirmed in our belief that it was from the fear of being attacked by the
Snake Indians, with whom they are constantly at war. This nation
they represent as being very numerous and residing in a great number
of villages on the Towahuahiook (Wanwaui or Des Chutes), where they
live principally on salmon, . . . the first villages of the Snake
Indians being twelve days' journey on a course about southeast of this
MooNEv] TRIBES OF THE COLUMBIA 74^
place." In the appendix, after mentioning various bands of Snakes on
Snake and Willamette rivers, they speak of the main body as "resid-
ing in the fall and winter on the Multnomah (Willaniet) river, south-
ward of the Southwest mountains, and in spring and summer near the
heads of the Towahnahiook (Des Chutes), Lepage (John Day), Yau-
raalolam (Umatilla), and Wollawollah rivers, and especially at the falls
of the Towahnahiook, for the purjwse of fishing." In the Wasco
treaty of 1855 the Shahaptian tribes were recognized as owners of the
whole country southward to the forty-fourth parallel, from the Cascade
range east to the Blue mountains. See Tapdnash.
T^KsrtJ'SH or John Day Indians (Shahaptian stock). — Synonyms:
Dock-spus, John Day Eivers, Tftkspfish-'lema. A tribe speaking the
Tenino language and formerly living along the lower part of John Day
river, Oregon, having their principal village at the falls about 4 miles
above the mouth. They are now on Warmspring reservation, and num-
bered 59 in 1892, with perhaps others off the reservation. Tukspiish is
the name of John Day river in the Tenino language.
LoHiM or Willow Ceeek Indians (Shoslionean stock). — A tribe
living on Willow creek, in Gilliam and Morrow <!Ounties, Oregon. They
are of Shoshonean connection, being the only Indians of this stock who
have been able to maintain their position on the Columbia against the
inroads of the Shahaptian tribes. They have never made a treaty with
the government, and are generally spoken of as renegades belonging to
the Umatilla reservation. In 1870 they were reported to number 114,
but are not mentioned in the recent official reports.
Cayuse or WailjVtpu (Waiilatpuan stock). — Synonyms: Cailloux,
Kayuse, Shiwanish, Skyuse, Wailetma, Yeletpo Chopunnish (of Lewis
and Clark). Tlie Cayuse are a warlike tribe of distinct stock for-
merly occupying the mountain country on the heads of Wallawalla,
Umatilla, and Grande Ronde rivers in Oregon and Washington, includ-
ing the present Umatilla reservation. Further investigation may yet
establish a linguistic connection with the Shahaptian tribes. The
Molala, formerly on Molalla creek, west of the Cascades, are a sepa-
rated band, of whose western migration the Cayuse and their neighbors
still have a tradition. The Cayuse formerly bore a high reputation for
intelligence and bravery, but on account of tlieir fighting propensities,
which led them to make constant war on the Snakes and other tribes to
the west, they were never very numerous. In 1838 a Presbyterian mis-
sion, called Waiilatpu, had been established among the Cayuse, by Dr
Whitman, where now is the town of Whitman, in Wallawalla county,
Washington. In 1847 the smallpox, before unknown among them, car-
ried off a large part of the tribe. The Cayuse, believing that the mis-
sionaries were the cause of it, attacked the mission on November 29,
1847, killed Dr Whitman and thirteen others, and destroyed the mission.
As a matter of fact, there seems little question that the infection was
brought into the country in supplies intended for the use of the mission
744 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. ann. U
or of emigrants temporarily stopping there. In 1854, according to Ste-
vens, "the tribe, though still dreaded by their neighbors on account of
their courage and warlike spirit, is but a small one, numbering, accord-
ing to the census of 1851, only 126. Of these, individuals of the pure
blood are few, the majority being intermixed with the Nez Percys and
the Wallah-Wallahs, particularly with the former, to such a degree that
their own language has fallen into disuse." A few years ago only a few
individuals, then living on Umatilla reservation, retained their old lan-
guage. In 1855 they joined in the treaty by which Umatilla reservation
in Oregon was set apart, and most of those remaining are now there,
while a few others are with the Nez Percys at Lapwai. Joseph, the
noted Nez Perce chief, is himself the son of a Cayuse father. In 1892
the Cayuse on Umatilla reservation were reported to number 391, but it
is evident that most of these are mixed-bloods of other tribes, particu-
larly the Umatilla. The name Cayuse is from the Nez Perce language.
They call themselves Wailetpu. They are known to the Yakima as
Wi'alet-piim or Wai'lctma, and to the Tenino as Shiwanish, or " strangers
from up the river," a name extended also to the Nez Percys.
Umatilla (Shahaptian stock). — Synonym: Utilla. A tribe for-
merly occupying the lower portion of the river of the same name, with
the adjacent bank of the Columbia, in Oregon. They speak a distinct
language of the Shahaptian stock. By the treaty of 1855 they agreed
to go on Umatilla reservation in Oregon, where in 1892 they were
reported to number 21G. A large proportion of those now called Cay-
use on the same reservation are Umatilla mixed-bloods.
WallAWALLA (Shahaptian stock). — Synonyms: Oualla-Oualla, Wal-
awaltz, Wollawollah, Wollaw-Wollah. A tribe formerly occupying the
country about the lower portion of the river of the same name and
along the east bank of the Columbia from Snake river down nearly to
the Umatilla, in Washington and Oregon. They take their name from
the river, the word being said to refer to " rushing water." Their lan-
guage is said to resemble closely that of the Nez Perces. By the treaty
of 1855 they agreed to go on Umatilla reservation, Oregon, where, in
1892, they were reported to number 474.
A small band of the same tribe, known to the Yakima as Walu'la-pum,
formerly lived on the west bank of the Columbia opposite the present
Wallula. Their dialect is said to have been more akin to the Pa'lus
language.
SAHAPTiNor Nez Perces (Shahaptian stock). — Synonyms: Chohop-
tins, Chopunnish (Lewis and Clark), Copunnish, Laaptin (misprint),
A'dal-k'ato'igo, "people with hair cut across the forehead" (Kiowa
name), Shi'wanish (Tenino name, applied also to the Cayuse), Wa'pa-
mCtant (Yakima name for the language). The Nez Perc(5s are said to
call themselves Sahaptin, and were named Nez Percys, or "pierced
noses," by the French from their former custom of wearing nose pend-
ants. They are the most important tribe of the Shahaptian stock, and
MooNKY] TRIBES OF THE COLUMBIA 745
formerly occupied a larffc territory in eastern Wiishiiigton and Orcgou
and central Idaho, bounded on tiie east by tlie main divide of the
Bitterroot mountains, and including lower Grande Ronde and Salmon
rivers, with a large part of the Snake and all of the Clearwater. The
Wallowa valley, the disputed title to which led to the ^ez Perce war,
lies on a branch of the Grande Itonde, in Oregon. They had the
Salislian tribes to the northeast, the Shoshoueau tribes to the south,
and the Cayuse, Wallawalla, and Tiilus, with all of whom they are
much intermarried, on the west and northwest. Almost all authorities
give them a high character for bravery, intelligence, and honorable
conduct traits which were strikingly displayed in the Nez Percti war.
Lewis and Clark traversed their country in 1805, and speak of them
and some connected tribes under the nameof Chopunnish, distinguished
as follows: Chopunnish Tuition (about the present Lapwai reservation),
Pelloatpallah band (the Palus), Kimooenim band (on Snake river,
between the Salmon and the Clearwater), Yeletpo band (the Cayuse),
Willewah band (in Wallowa valley, afterward Joseph's band), Soyen-
nom band (on the north side of the upper Clearwater, in Idaho; these
were really a part of the Piilus — the proper form is Tiitqu'nma, whence
Thatuna hills, referring to "a fawn" in the Palus language, and was
the name ai)plied to their kamas ground about Camass creek), Chopun-
nish of Lewis river (on Snake river, below the Clearwater). In response
to a request from the Nez Percys, who sent a delegation all the way to
Saint Louis for that purpose in 1832, the first Protestant mission was
established among tiiem at Lapwai, Idaho, in 1837. Soon afterward
they entered into relations with the government, and made their first
treaty with the United States in 1855. By this treaty they ceded the
greater portion of their territory, and were confirmed in the possession
of a reservation including Wallowa valley. On the discovery of gold in
the country, however, the miners rushed in, and in consequence a new
treaty was made in 18(53, by which they gave up all but the present
Lapwai reservation in Idaho. Joseph, who occupied Wallowa valley
with his band, refused to recognize this treaty or remove to Lapwai.
This refusal finally led to the Nez Perce war in 1877, as already related.
The main body of the tribe took no part in the war. After the surren-
der of Joseph his band was removed to Indian Territory, where the
mortality among them was so great that in 1884 they were returned to
the northwest. For several reasons, however, it was deemed unadvis-
able to settle them in the neighborhood of their old home, and a place
was finally found for them in 1887 on Colville reservation in northern
Washington. In 1802 there were 1,828 on Lapwai reservation and 138
on Colville reservation, a total population of 1,966.
Chapter VIII
THE SHAKERS OF PUGET SOUND
My breath was ont and I died. All at once I saw a great shining light. Angels
told me to look back. I did, and saw my own body lying dead. It had no soul. My
soul left my body and went up to the judgment place of God. . . . My soul was
told that I must come back and live on earth. When I came back, I told my friends,
"There is a God. My good friends, be Christians. If you all try hard and help me,
we shall be better men on earth." — John Slocum.
In 1881 there originated among the tribes of Puget sound in Wash-
ington a new religion, which, although apparently not founded on any-
doctrinal prophecy, yet deserves special attention for the prominent
part which hypnotism holds in its ceremonial. Indeed, there is good
reason to believe that the Paiute messiah himself, and through him
Fig. 67— Jobu Slocum and Louis Yowaluch.
all the apostles of the Ghost dance, have obtained their knowledge of
hypnotic secrets from the "Shakers" of Puget sound.
The founder of the religion is Squ-sacht-un, known to the whites as
John Slocum. He is now (1896) about 58 years of age. His chief high
priest is Louis Yowaluch, or Aiyiil as he is called by the Yakima. Both
are of the Squaxin tribe. In 1881 (Eells makes it 1882) he "died" or fell
into a trance one morning about daylight and remained in that coudi-
746
MooNEY] EELLS ON SHAKER RELIGION 747
tioii until the iiilddlci of the afternoon, when he awoke and announced
that he hud been to lieaven, but had been met at the entrance by
anjjels, who forbade him to enter on account of liis wickedness, and gave
him his choice either to go to hell or return to earth and teach his
people what they must do to get to heaven. Accordingly, he came back
to earth and began his divinely appointed mission, introducing into the
new doctrine and ritual a great deal of what he had learned from the
white missionaries. From the nervous twitchings which so peculiarly
distinguished them, his followers soon became known as " Shakers."
Although strongly opposed by the agent, who arrested and imprisoned
the leaders and visited various minor penalties on their followers, the
Shaker religion grew and flonrished until it now has a regular organi-
zation with several houses of worship, and has received the official
indorsement of the Presbyterian church.
The following account of the system, in response to a letter of inquiry,
was obtained from the missionary, Reverend Myron Eells, brother of
the agent:
A cnrion8 phase of religion sprang up iu the fall of 1882 among some of the Indians
on the southern part of Piiget sound. It has prevailed mainly among the Squaxon,
Nisqually, Skokomish, and Chehalis Indiiins, ai>.d has been called by its opponents
the "Shake religion,'' and its followers have been called ".Shakers" on account of
a large amount of nervous shaking which is a part of the form of its observance. It
is evidently based upon about the same principles of the mind as the jerks and shout-
ing at camp meetings among the whites of the southern and western states fifty
years ago, when they were more ignorant and less acquainted with real religion than
they are now. When superstition, Ignorance, dreams, imagination, and religion are
all mingled together, either among whites, Indians, or people of any other race, they
produce a strange compound. It has proven so iu this case.
In the fall of 1882 an Indian named John Slocum, who was living on Skookum bay,
in Mason county, apparently died. Some years previous he had lived on the Skoko-
mish reservation, where ho had attended a Protestant church, and had learned some-
thing of the white man's religion, God, Jesus Christ, and the morals inculcated. He
had also learned something in his early life of the Catholic religion and its forms
and ceremonies. Many Indians were present when he was sick and apparently
died. They said his neck was broken, and that he remained dead for about six hours,
when he returned to lif<^, jumped up, and ran off a short distance, and Soon began
to converse with the people. Whether or not it was a case of suspended anima-
tion is a qiie8ti(m. A white m.in, a near neighbor of his, who saw him before his
apparent death, while he thus lay, and after his resuscitation, said he believed the
Indian was "playing possum." But the Indians believed that he really died and
rose again.
The Indian stated that he died and attempted to go toheayen, but could not enter
it because ho was so wicked. He was there told, however, the way of life, and that
he must return to this eartli and teach his people thi! way, an<l induce them to become
Christians. He gained a small band of followers^ a church was built for him, and
he steadily preacheil to the people.
AB'airs went on this way until the next August. Then, after consultation with
other Indians who favored him, especially on the Skokomish reservation, it was
decided to hold a big meeting. The Indians of the surrounding region were called
to go. They were told that they would be lost if they did not; that four women
W(rald be turned into angels; that jiersons would die and be raised to life again, and
that other wonderful things would be done.
748 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
Many went, about half of those ou the Skokomish reservation being among the
number, and they did hold a big meeting. Women did go arouud trying to fly
like angels; four pers(m8 are said to have died, and, with the power which was
said to have been given them from above, others were said to have brought them
back to life again. This was a mixture of trying to perform miracles, as in Bible
times, to prove the divinity of their religion, and some of the ceremonies of their old
black iomahnous. This was a secret society of their savage days, in which persons
went into a hypnotic condition, in which they became very rigid, and out of which
they came in the course of time. The followers of this new religion dreamed dreams,
saw visions, went through some disgusting ceremonies a la mode the black tomalinous,
and were taken with a kind of shaking. With their arms at full length, their hands
and arms would shake so fast that a common person not under the excitement could
hardly shake half as fast. Gazing into the heavens, their heads would also shake
very fast, sometimes for a few minutes and sometimes for hours, or half the night.
They would also brush each other with their hands, as they said, to brush off their
sins, for they said they were much worse than white people, the latter being bad
oulj' in their hearts, while the Indians were so bad that the badness came to the
surface of their bodies and the ends of their finger nails, so that it could be picked
off. They sometimes brushed each other lightly, and 8om(^times so roughly that the
person brushed was made black for a week, or even sick.
In connection with this they held church services, jirayed to God, believed in Christ
as a savior, said much about his death, and used the cross, their services being a
combination of Protestant and Catholic services, though at first they almost totally
rejected the Bible, for they said they had direct revelations from Christ, and were
more fortunate than the whites, who had an old, antiquated book.
After having kept up this meeting for about a week, they disbanded and went to
their homes, but did not stop their shaking or services. They sometimes held meet-
ings from 6 oclock in the evening until about midnight, lighting candles and putting
them on their heads for a long time. They became very peculiar about making the
sign of the cross many times a day, when they began to eat as they asked a blessing,
and when they finished their meal and returned thanks; when they shook hands
with anyone^and they .shook hands very often — when they went to church and
prayer meeting on Thursday evening, and at many other times, far more often than
the Catholics do.
On the Skokomish reservation their indiscretions caused the death of a mother and
her child, and an additional loss of time and property to the amount of $600 or $800
in a few weeks. It also became a serious question whether the constant shaking of
their heads would not make some of them crazy, and from symptoms and indications
it was the opinion of the agency physician, J. T. Martin, that it would do so.
Accordingly, on the reservation the authority of the agent was brought to bear, and
to a great extent the shaking was stopped, though they were encouraged to keep on
in the practice of some good habits which they had begun, of ceasing gambling,
intemperance, their old style incantations over the sick, and the like. Some at
first said they could not stop shaking, but that at their prayer meetings and church
services on the Sabbath their hands and heads would continue to shake in spite of
themselves; but after a short time, when the excitement had died away, they found
that they could stop.
But about Skookutu bay. Mud bay, and Squaxon the shaking continued, and it
spread to the Nisqually and Chehalis Indians. It seemed to be as catching, to use the
expression of the Indians, as the measles. Many who at first ridiculed it and fought
against it, and invoked the aid of the agent to stop it, were drawn into it after a
little, and then they became its strong upholders. This was especially true of the
medicine-men, or Indian doctors, and those who had the strongest faith in them.
The Shakers declared that all the old Indian religion, and especially the cure of the
sick by the medicine-men, was from the devil, and they would have nothing to do
with it, those who at first originated and propagated it having been am()ng the
MooNEv] F.ELLS ON SHAKKR RELIGION 749
moro iiit<nij;('iit and pniKressive of the iincilucateil Indians. Very few of those
who liad learned to re;;d and had been in Sabbath schoid for a considerable length
of time were drawn into it. It was the class between the most edacated and the
most 8ni>erstition8 who at first upheld it. They seemed to know too much to con-
tinue in the old style religions ceremonies, but not to know enough and to be too
superstitions to fully believe the Bible. Consequently, the "mediciue-meu were at
first bitterly opposed to it. About this time, however, an order came from the
Indian department to stoj) all medicinemen from practicing their incantations over
the sick. As a respectable number of the Indians had declared against the old style
of curing the sick, it secnied to be a good time to enforce this order, as there was
sufiicient popular opinion in connection with the authority of the agent to enforce
it. This was done, and then tlie medicine-men almost entirely Joined the Shakers,
as their style was more nearly in accordance with the old style than with the religion
of the Bible.
As it spread, one Indian went so far as to declare himself to be Christ again come to
earth, and rode through the streets of 01ymi)ia at the head of several scores of his
followers with his hands outstretched as Christ was when he was cVncificd. But he
was BO ridiculed by other Indians and by the whites that he gave up this idea and
simply declared himself to be a jirophet who had received revelations from heaven.
For several years there has be<'n very little of the shaking or this mode of worship
among the Indians on the reservation, excepting secretly when persons were sick.
Still, their native superstition and their intercourse with those otf the reservation,
who sometimes hold a special gathering and meeting when their followers grow
cold and careless, has kept the belief in it as a religion firm in their hearts, so that
lately, since they have become citizens, and are hence more free from the authority
of the agent, the practice of it has become more common, especially when persons
are sick.
In fact, while it is a religion for use at all times, yet it is practiced especially over
the sick, and in this way takes the place of the medicine-men and their methods.
Unlike the system of the medicine-men, it has no single performer. Though often
they select for leader one who can pray the bast, yet in his absence another may
take the lead. Like the old system, it has much noise. Especially do they use bells,
which are rung over the person where the sickness is supposed to be. The others
present use their influence to help in curing the sick one, and so imitate the attend-
ants on an Indian doctor, getting down upon their knees on the floor and holding
up their hands, with a candle in each hand, sometimes for an hour. They believe
that by so holding up their hands the man who is ringing the bell will get the sick-
ness out more easily than he otherwise would. They u.se candles both when they
attempt to cure the sick and in their general service, eschewing lamps for fear of
being easily tempted, as they believe coal-oil lights to be from Satan.
In another point also this resembles very closely their old religion. For a long
time before a person is taken sick they foretell that his spirit is gone to heaven and
profess to be able to bring It back and restore it to him, so that he will not die as
soon as he otherwise would. This was also a part of the old tomahnous belief.
They have also prophesied very much. Several times when a person has died they
have told me that someone had foretold this event, but they have never told me this
until after the event happened, except in one case. They have prophesied much in
regard to the end of the world and the day of Judgment. Generally, the time set
has been on a Fourth of July, and many have been frightened as the time drew
near, but, alas, in every in.stance the prophecy failed. Like Christians, they believe
in a Supreme Being, in prayer, the sabbath, in heaven and h(dl, iu man as a sinner,
and Christ as a savior, and the system led its followers to stop drinking, gambling,
betting, horse racing, the use of tobacco, and the old-style incantations over the
sick. (1f late years, however, some of them have fallen from grace.
It has been a somewhat strange freak of linman nature, a combination of morals
and immorals, of Protestantism, Catholicism, and old Indian practices, of dreams
750 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [kth. ann. U
and visions — a study in mental philosophy, showing what the mind may do under
certain circumstances. Yet it is all easily accounted for. These Indians have
mingled with the whites for a long time, nearly ever since most of them were
small. All classes of whites have made sport of their religion — the infidel, the
profane man, the immoral one, the moral one, and the Cliristian — and they have
been told that God and the Bible were against it, consequently they lost faitli in it.
But the Indian must have some religion. He can not do without one. They were
not ready to accept the Bible in all its purity. They wanted more excitement.
Like the Dakota Indians more recently, they saw that Christ was the great center
of the most powerful religion of the most powerful, intelligent, successful, and
wisest nations with whom they came in contact. Consequentl.y they formulated a
system for themselves that would fill all their required conditions, and when a few
leaders had originated it, a large share of the rest were ripe to accept it, but having
had more Christian teaching than the wild Dakotas, it took a somewhat different
form, with no thought of war and with more of real Christianity.
James Wickershain, esquire, of Tacoma, Washington, the well-known
historian of that region, is the regular attorney for these people as a
religious organization, and is consequently in a jiosition to speak with
authority concerning them. In reply to a letter of inquiry, he states
that the Shakers believe in an actual localized heaven and hell, and
reverence the Bible, but regard John Slocum's revelations as of more
authority. " They practice the strictest morality, sobriety, and honesty.
Their 500 or 600 members are models, and it is beyond question that they
do not drink whisky, gamble, or race, and are more free from vice than
any other church. They practice a mixture of Catholic, Presbyterian,
and old Indian ceremonies, and allow only Indians in the church. They
have five churches, built by themselves, and the sect is growing quite
rapidly." From all this it would appear that the Shaker religion is a
distinct advance as compared with the old Indian system.
Under date of December 5, 1892, Mr Wickersham wrote again on
this subject, as follows:
I read your letter to my Indian friends, and they beg me to write you and explain
that they are not Ghost dancers, and have no sympathy with that ceremony or any
other founded on the Dreamer religion. That they believe in heaven as do the
^orthodox Christians; also in Christ, and God, the Father of all; that they believe
in future rewards and punishments, but not in the Bible particularly. They do
believe in it as a history, but they do not value it as a book of revelation. They
do not need it, for John Slocum personally came back from a conference with the
angels at the gates of heaven, and has imparted to them the actual facts and the
angelic words of the means of salvation. /
This testimony is even better than the words of Christ contained in the Bible, for
John Slocum comes 1800 years nearer ; he is an Indian, and personally appears to
them and in Indian language reports the facts. These people believe Slocum as
firmly as the martyr at the stake believed in that for which he offered up his life;
but it is the Christian religion which they believe, and not the Ghost dance or
Dreamer religion.
In short, they have a mixture of Catholic, Protestant, and Indian ceremonies, with
a thorough belief in John Slocum's personal visit to heaven, and his return with a
mission to save the Indians and so guide them that they, too, shall reach the realms
of bliss. Personally, I think they are honest, but mistaken ; but the belief cer-
tainly has beneficial etfect, and has reduced drinking and ctime to a minimum
among the members of the "Shaker" or "Tsohaddam" church.
JiooNEY] SKETCH OF WOVOKA 765
is a narrow strip of level sage i)rairie some 30 miles in lengtb, walled
in by the giant sierras, their sides torn and gashed by volcanic con-
vulsions and dark with gloomy forests of pine, their towering sumnnts
wliite with everlasting snows, and roofed over by a cloudless sky whose
blue infinitude the mind instinctively seeks to penetrate to far-off
worlds beyond. Away to the south the view is closed in by the sacred
mountain of the Paiute, where their Father gave them the first fire '
and taught them their few simple arts before leaving for his home in
the upper regions of the Sun-land. Like the valley of liasselas, it
seems set apart from the great world to be the home of a dreamer.
Tlie greater portion of Nevada is an arid desert of rugged mountains
and alkali plains, the little available laud being confined to narrow
mountain valleys and the borders of a few large lakes. These tracts
are occupied by scattered ranchmen engaged in stock raising, and as
the white population is sparse, Indian labor is largely utilized, the
Paiute being very good workers. The causes which in other parts of
the country have conspired to sweep the Indiau from the path of the
white man seem inoperative here, where the aboriginal projjrietors are
regarded rather as peons under the protection of the dominant race,
and are allowed to set up their small camps of tulo lodges in convenient
out-of-the-way places, where they spend the autumn and winter in hunt-
ing, fishing, and gathering seeds and pinon nuts, working at fair wages
on ranches through spring and summer. In this way young Wovoka
became attached to the family of a ranchman in Mason valley, named
David Wilson, who took an interest in him and bestowed on him the
name of Jack Wilson, by which he is commonly known among the
whites. I^rom his association with this family he gained some knowl-
edge of Englisli, together with a confused idea of the white man's
theology. On growing u^) he married, and still continued to work for
Mr Wilson, earning a reputation for industry and reliability, but attract-
ing no special notice until nearly 30 years of age, when he announced I
the revelation that has made him famous among the tribes of the west. I
Following are the various forms of his name Avhicli I have noticed:
Wo'voka, or Wii'voka, which I have provisionally lendered "Cutter,"
derived from a verb signifying "to cut;" Wevokar, Wopokahte,
Kwohitsauq, Cowejo, Koit-tsow, Kvit-Tsow, Quoitze Ow, Jack Wilson,
Jackson Wilson, Jack Winson, John Johnson. He has also been con-
founded with Bannock Jim, a Mormon Bannock of Fort Hall reserva-
tion, Idaho, and with Johnson Sides, a Paiute living near Eeno, Nevada,
and bitterly opposed to Wovoka. His father's name, Tiivibo, has been
given also as Waughzeewaughber, It is not quite certain that the
Paiute prophet of 1870 was the father of Wovoka. This is statetl to
have been the case by one of Captain Lee's informants {A. G. 0., 4)
and by Lieutenant Phister {Fhister, 2). Wovoka himself says that his
father did not preach, but was a " dreamer " with supernatural powers.
Certain it is that a similar doctrine was taught by an Indian living in
766 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.an.n.u
tbe same valley in Wovoka's boyhood. Possibly the discrepancy might
be explained by an nnwillingness on the part of the messiah to share
hi? spiritual honors.
In proi>ortion as Wovoka and his doctrines have become subjects of
widespread curiosity, so have they become subjects of ignorant misrep-
resentation and deliberate falsification. Different writers have made
him a Paiute, a half-blood, and a Mormon white man. Numberless
stories have been told of the Origin and character of his mission and
the day predicted for its final accomplishment. The most mischievous
and persistent of these stories has been that which represents him as
preaching a bloody campaign against the whites, whereas his doctrine
is one of peace, and he himself is a mild tempered member of a weak
and unwarlike tribe. His own good name has been lilched from him
and he has been made to appear under a dozen difl'erent cognomens,
including that of his bitterest enemy, Johnson Sides. He has been
denounced as an impostor, ridiculed as a lunatic, and laughed at as a
pretended Christ, while by the Indians he is revered as a direct
messenger from the Other World, and among many of tlie remote tribes
he is believed to be omniscient, to speak all languages, and to be invis-
ible to a white man. We shall give his own story as told by himself,
with such additional information as seems to come from authentic
sources.
Notwithstanding all that had been said and written by newspaper
correspondents about the messiah, not one of them had undertaken to
find the; man himself and to learn from his own lips what he really
taught. It is almost equally certain that none of them had even seen
a Ghost dance at close quarters — certainly none of them understood
its meaning. The messiah was regarded almost as a myth, something
intangible, to be talked about but not to be seen. The first reliable
information as to his personality was communicated by the scout,
Arthur Chapman, who, under instructions from the War Department,
visited the Paiute country in December, 1890, and spent four days at
Walker lake and Mason valley, and in the course of an interview with
Wovoka obtained from him a detailed statement similar in all essen-
tials to that which I obtained later on. [Sec. War, 3.)
After having spent seven months in the field, investigating the new
religion among the prairie tribes, particularly the Arapaho, and after
having examined all the documents bearing on the subject in the files
of the Indian Office and War Department, the author left Washington
in November, 1891, to find and talk with the messiah and to gather
additional material concerning the Ghost dance. Before starting, I
had written to the agent in charge of the reservation to which he was
attached for information in regard to the messiah (Jack Wilson) and
the dance, and learned in reply, with some surprise, that tbe agent had
never seeji him. The surprise grew into wonder when I was further
informed that there were "neither Ghost songs, dances, nor ceremo-
Moo.NEvj SPEECH OF YOWALUCH 753
"A good Christian man prayed witli me four days. After four days, a roice said
to me, 'You shall live on earth four weeks.' My soul was told that they must
build a church for mo in four weeks. I liad lumber for a house, and my friends built
church. Had it all done iu four weeks but 6 feet of roof, and spread a mat over
that. Soon as the church was finished the people came and filled the house and
began to worship God. I felt strong — bigger than today — all these men know
this. My friends worked hard, and I am here because they finished the house in
four weeks. My soul was told to remain on earth four weeks more. All my friends
came, and every Saturday we worshiped God. In four weeks more my suul was
told that I should live on earth four years if I did right and preached for God. All
felt thankful, and people joined the church — about fifty people. I was promised
more time if we worshiped God.
"A bad man can't reach heaven. I believe in God. I saw how bad I used to be.
God sends us light to see. They know in heaven what we think. When people are
sick, we i)ray to God to cure us. We pray that he take the evil away and leave the
good. If man don't be Christian, he will suffer and see what is bad. When we
remember Jesus Christ's name, we always felt happy in our hearts. This is good
road for us to travel if we hold on. If we do, God's angels are near to our souls.
Power from this to help us. When we pray, it helps us lots in our hearts. We don't
do good sometimes, because our hearts are not right. When our body and heart feel
warm, we do good and sing good songs. As Christ said, he sends power to every
believing soul on earth.
"While one man can try to start religion here on earth, it don't do much good;
they won't believe him much. That's why we join to worship. Now we are pre-
paring ourselves for judgment. For it is said, it don't make any difference if he
prays good and does good. God gives him help and words to speak. Makes no dif-
ference if ' Boston ' or Indian, if God helps we know it. These things are what we
learned. We learn good while we pray — voice says. Do good.
" It is ten years, now, since we began, and we have good things. We all love these
things and will follow them all time. We learn to help ourselves when sick. When
our friend is sick, we kneel and ask for help to cure him. We learn something once
in a while to cure him. Then wo do as we know to help him and cure him. If we
don't learu to help him, wo generally lose him.
"This is a pretty accurate synopsis of the speech delivered to me by
Slocum, and translated by another Indian, who spoke pretty good Eng-
lish. But that a more thorough knowledge may be given of their reli-
gious belief, I give also a brief synopsis of another speech made at the
same meeting by Louis Yowaluch, a full-blood Indian, who is the legal
Lead of this church. It is about as follows :
" Well, my friend, we was about the poorest tribe on earth. We was only tribe
now full blood and nothing else. We would not believe anything. Minister came
here, but we laugh at him. We loved bad.habits — stealing — and John Slocum died.
He was not a religious man — knew nothing of God — all of us same. We heard there
was a God from Slocum — we could see It. Same time we heard God, we believe it. I
was worst of lot. I was drunkard — was half starving — spent every cent for whisky.
I gambled, raced horses, bet shirt, money, blankets — did not know any better.
".John Slocum brought good to vis; his words civilized us. We could see. We
all felt blind those times. We lost by drowning — our friends drink whisky and
the canoes turn over — we died out in the bay. Today who stopped us from these
things?
"John Slocum came alive, aud I remember God and felt frightened. We never
heard such a thing as a man dying and bring word that there was a God. I became
sick for three weeks, fovir weeks. I hear a voice saying to soul, 'Tomorrow they
will be coming to fix you up.' Had just heard about John Slocum, and knew it was
punishment for my bad habits. My heart was black — it was a bad thing.
754 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.an.v.U
"Now I have <|uit swearing — my heart is upside dowu — it is changed. After I
heard the voice I heard another say: 'There it is now — some one to fix you up.
Have you prepared your heart? If you don't believe in Christ, you will go into a
big fire and burn forever.' I saw a man's hand coming to my heart. That day I
got up — was well — talked to my friends, advising them. I will remain a follower
of Christ as long as I live.
"Long ago we knew nothing at all. When Slocum came back from God, we
found out there was a God. From that time we have prayed for anything we want.
We follow God's way. God teaches us if we do bad we will go to hell. That's why
we pray and avoid bad habits. If we don't ask grace, bad things come when wo
eating. When we drink water, we think about God before drinking. If we don't
think of him, may be we get sick from water. If traveling, may be we die if we
don't think of God. We are afraid. to do wrong against God. Long time ago we
worked on Sundays, but no more now. Our brother Christ has given us sis days to
■work. On Sunday pray to God. God put people here to grow — puts our sOul in
our body. That's why we pray so much. If we quit, like a man quit his job, he
gets no pay. We would go to fire in hell. We have no power to put out hell fire.
"Louis Yowaluch is the strong man of the Shaker church. He is 6
feet tall, rawboned, muscular, and rather slow. While he may once
have been, as he says, a drunkard, he is now a Christiau man. His
conservativeness makes liim a fine leader for the organization, while all
the Indians respect him for his humanity and charity, for his honesty
and uprightness, for his fearlessness and love of right. He fully and
freely places John Slocum at the head of the church, as the man who
ascended to heaven and brought back a personal knowledge of the
road, but at the same time he takes the lead in laying out work, build-
ing churches, and sending out preachers to new tribes.
"A new feature of this religion is found in Sam Yowaluch, the
brother of Louis. He is younger than Louis, and has more of the
native superstition in his character. He has by common consent been
placed at the head of the faith cure branch of the church. The follow-
ing synopsis of his 'talk' will be an explanation of his position:
"Among the Shakers, John Slocum is first. Louis is next. I take power and
cure people when they are sick. Long time ago I knew nothing — ^just like an ani-
mal. No doctoring, no medicine — no good. I was a drunkard, was a thief, and a
robber. When I joined this religion, I was told to be good. When .John Slocum was
preaching, I hoard that if I prayed I would have power and be a medicine-man, and
could cure the sick. From time John Slocum preached I tried to be a good Chris-
tiau man. I prayed and was sick— my soul was sick. I prayed to God and he pays
me for that. There Is lots of difterence between this power and old Indian doctor-
ing. This is not old power. I can cure people now. I have cured some white men
and women, but they are ashamed to tell it. I cure without money. One big, rich
man, Henry Walker, was sick — had great pains in his ear and leg. Doctor at Olym-
pia failed to cure him, and he came to .John Slocum and me. We worked for him,
prayed, and he lay down and slept and was cured. He offered us twenty dollars —
but no, we refused it. God will pay us when we die. This is our religion. When
we die, we get our pay from God.
"No, we do not believe tire Bible. We believe in God, and in Jesus Christ as the
Son of God, and we believe in a hell. In these matters we believe the same as the
Presbyterians. We think fully of God today. A good Christian man is a good
medicine-man. A good Christian man in the dark sees a light toward God. God
makes a fog — good Christian man goes straight through it to the end, like good
MooNEY] SHAKER FORM OF CEREMONY 755
medicine. I believe this religion. It helps poor people. Had man can't see good —
bad man can't get to heaven — can't find his way. We were sent to jail for this
religion, but we will never give up. We all believe that John Slocuni died and went
to heaven, and was sent back to preacli to the people. AV'e all talk about that and
believe it.
"Tlie Shakers use caudles, bells, crucifixes. Catholic pictures, etc, in
their church and other ceremonies. As Mr Ellis says, they use para-
pliernalia of the Catholic, Presbyterian, and even some of the Indian
religion. They cross themselves as the Catholics do; they say grace
before and after meals; they stand and pray and chant in unison; they
set candles around the dead as the Catholics do, and believe in the cure
of the sick by faith and prayer. In times of excitement many of them
twitch and shake, but in no instance do they conduct themselves in so
nervnus a manner as I have seen orthodox Christians do at old Sandy
Branch camp-meeting in Illinois. They believe that by praying with
a man or woman and rubbing the person they could induce them to
join their church, and could rub away their sins; but they have no rite,
no ceremony, no belief, no policy, no form of religion that is not in use
by some one or other of our orthodox people.
"Tlieir religion, in brief, is a belief in God as the father and ruler of
all, and in Jesus Christ as the Son of God and the Savior of mankind.
They know there is a heaven, for John Slocum was there, and believe
in a hell of fire for the punishment of sinners, because the angels in
heaven told John Slocum about it. They do not care for the Bible. It
is of no use to them, for they have a distinct revelation direct from
heaven. This is the only practical difference between them and the
orthodox believers, and this they do not care for."
Two of their songs, as recorded by Mr Wickersham, are as follows :
Stalib gwueh Kwe Shuck, or Song of Heaven
Alkwr klfi sutlh akwe scheldh buchiiwakwid shuck;
AVhen we get warning from heaven ;
Gwalch clah tlOwch kwc lehass ;
Tlien the angels wi 1 come ;
Gwalch clah gwii til iiddo kwe kii-kii tedted ;
Then the wonderful bells will ring;
Gwalch clah ass kwa-buch kwe kii-kti tsille;
Then our souls will bo readj';
Gwalch clah owhuh tu shuck;
Then they will go up to heaven;
Gwalch clah talib tobuch ah sho-shO-quille ;
Then we will sing with Jesus;
Gwalch clah joil tobuch ah sho-sho-qaille.
Then we will be happy with Jesus.
Qua-dd-taiU Sldlib, or Preacher's Song
Chelch lit ta l.i bench ;
Then we shall sing;
Chelch lii ta la bench ;
Then we shall sing ;
Chelch lii t.'i 1.1 bench ;
Then we shall sing;
Al kwe shuck alliil.
Up in heaven's house.
756 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
Clielch la joilla;
Tlicn we'll bo happy ;
Cheloh la joilla;
Then we'll he happy ;
Chelch la joilla,
Then we'll he happy,
Al kwe shuck iilliil.
TJp in heaven's house.
Chelch la joilla;
Then we'll he happy j
Chelch la joilla;
Then we'll be happy ; '
Chelch la joilla,
Then we'll be happy,
Yuchque shO-sho-qiiille.
Up with Jesus.
Mr Wickersham then gives an account of the persecutions to which
the rising sect was for a long time subjected, chiefly at the hands of agent
Edwin Eells and his brother, Eeverend Myron Eells, already quoted at
length, who was at that time the missionary on the Skokomish reser-
vation. As Mr Wickersham's statements in this regard are mainly in the
form of extended quotations flom Ten Years' Missionary Work at Sko-
komish, written by the Reverend Mr Eells himself, they may be regarded
as conclusive. It is apparent that a part at least of this persecution,
which took the shape of banishment, chains, and imprisonment, and
even the forcible seizure of a dead body from the bereaved relatives,
was due to the fact that the Shakers, who considered themselves a
genuine branch of the Christian church, were disposed to lean toward
Catholicity rather than toward the denominational form upheld by the
agent and his brother.
However, religious persecution failed as utterly in its purpose in this
case as it has and must in all others. Quoting from Mr Eells, "The
chiefs did not care if they were deposed, were about to resign, and did
not wish to have anything more to do with the 'Boston' religion or the
agent. Billy Clams was ready, if need be, to suffer as Christ did. He
was willing to be a martyr."
Mr Wickersham continues :
" While Billy Clams and some of his people publicly abandoned the
forms of Shaker religion rather than be banished, yet John Slocum and
his people refused to so surrender, and the agent sent out his police
and arrested John Slocum, Louis Yowaluch, and two or three more of
these people — good, true men — and, loading their limbs with chains,
coTifined them for several weeks in the dirty little single room of a jail
at the Puyallup agency, near Tacoma. Their only offense was worship
of a different form from that adopted by the agent and his brother.
They had broken no law, created no disorder, and yet they suffered
ignominious incarceration in a vile dungeon, loaded with chains, at the
pleasure of the agent. The Shakers believed in God, in Jesus Christ,
in heaven and hell, in temperance, sobriety, and a virtuous life. They
MoosEY] EFFECT OF LAND-SEVERALTY LAW 757
abaiuloned the old Tiuliiin religion iinrt all its vices and forms, includ-
ing tlu! i)()wer of the doctors or iiiedicine-inen. These medicine-meu
had a great hold on the Indian mind, and they joined the minister and
the agent in their fight on the Shakers, because the Shakers fought
them; so tliat there was seen the unique spectacle of the savage sham-
anism of tlie American Indian and the supposed orthodox religion of
civilization hand in liand fighting the followers of Jesus Christ.
"Imprisonment, banishment, threats, chains, and the general 111 will
of the agent and all his employees were visited on these Shakers who
continued to practice their forms of worship, and yet they did continue
it. In spite of the fact that they occupied a place only half-way
between slaves and freemen, and were under the orders of the agent
and subject to be harassed and annoyed all the time by him, yet they
continued nobly and fearlessly to practice their religion and to worship
Gotl and Jesus Christ as they saw fit. To do it, however, they were
forced to stay away from the reservations, where the greater number of
employees were located, and their churches were built on Mud bay and
Oyster bay, far away from the reservations.
"But a brighter day came for these people, a day when they could
stand up and defy every form or force of persecution. In 1886 Con-
gress passed the Indian land severalty bill, an act providing for divid-
ing lands in severalty to Indians, and providing that those who took
lands and adopted the habits of civilized life should be American citi-
zens, with all the rights, privileges, and immunities of any other citizen.
In 1892 I was appointed by Judge Hanford to defend a prisoner in
the United States district court at Tacoma. The prisoner was accused
of selling liquor to a Puyallup Indian, but it appeared on cross-exami-
nation that this Indian owned land in severalty, voted, paid taxes, and
exercised other rights of citizenship. The question was then raised by
me on motion to dismiss, that these land-holding, tax-paying Indians
were citizens of the United States, free and independent. The United
States prosecuting attorney appeared to contest the claim, but after
an extended argument Judge Hanford held with me, and the prisoner
was discharged.
"The effect of this decision was far-reaching. It meant that all
land-holding Indians were no longer wards of the government, but free
citizens and not under the control of the Indian agent. The Shaker
people, hearing this, sent a deputation to see me, and I held a long con-
sultation with them, assuring them that they were as free as the agent,
and could establish their own church, own and build houses of worship,
and do both in religious and worldly matters as other citizens of the
United States could. This was glorious news to them. It meant free-
dom, it meant the cessation of persecution and annoyance by the
agency employees, and they were jubilant.
"Accordingly they met on June 6, 1892, at Mud bay, at Louis Yowa-
luch's house, and organized their church on a regular business basis.
758
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. AXN. 14
The following oflBcers were elected : Heartmau, Louis Yowaluch ; elders,
John Slocum, Louis Yowaluch, John Smith, James Walker, Charles
Walker, John W. Simmons, and William James. At this meeting the
following persons were also appointed ministers of this church, and
licenses were issued to them, to wit: Louis Yowaluch, John Slocum,
James Tobin, John Powers, and Itichard Jackson. Provision was made
to establish a church at the Puyallup reservation, where the power of
the agent had hitherto kept them out, and William James, a Puyallup
landowner, gave land for a church. After much talk about sending out
ministers, etc, the meeting adjourned, after a two days' session, and
Fig. 68 — Shaker church at Mud bay.
tne Shaker church, after eleven years' fighting against persecutions,
was an established fact, free and independent, with its own officers,
ministers, and church property.
"The spectacle of an Indian church with Indian officers, pi-eachers,
and members, and of houses built by the Indians for church purposes,
was too much for the average citizen of Puget sound, and tlie Shaliers
were continually disturbed, not only by the whites, but by the Indians
who could not and did not appreciate the change to citizenship, so that
I was constantly applied to for protection by the ministers and members
of the Shaker church. A 'paper' has a great effect on the average
Indian, and I issued on application several papers addressed in general
terms to those who might be disposed to interfere with them, which had
a quieting effect and caused evil-disposed persons to respect the Indians
MooNiT] GROWTH OF THE SHAKER CHURCH 759
and tlieir religion, or at least to let them alone. They now feel quite
confident of their position, and are acting quite like the average citizen.
Even the persons who per8e<!uted them for eleven years now felt obliged
to retire from the conflict, and a day of peace is reached at last.
"The Shaker church now reaches over neatly the whole of western
Washington. The story of Slocum's death and visit to heaven, and
his return to preach to the Indians, is accepted by them as a direct
revelation of the will of God. They say that they do not need to read
the Bible, for do they not have better and more recent testimony of the
existence of heaven and of the way to that celestial home than is con-
tained in the Bible? Here is John Slocum, alive, and has he not been
to heaven? Then, why read the Bible to learn the road, when John
cau so easily tell them all about it? The Bible says there are many
roads; the Catholics have one, the Presbyterians another, and the Con-
gregationalists a third; but John Slocum gives them a short, straight
road — and they choose that.
"The Shaker church now has a building for church purposes at Mud
bay, at Oyster bay, at Cowlitz, Chehalis, and Puyallup. They have
about a dozen ministers regularly licensed, and about 500 members.
Most of the Indians at Skokoniish belong, while the Squaxins, Chehalis,
Nisqually, Cowlitz, and Columbia Kiver Indians, and in fact the
majority of the Indians of western Washington, either belong or are
in sympathy with its teachings, so that it is now the strongest church
among them. They are sending out runners to the Yakimas east of the
Cascade mountains, and expect before long to make an effort to convert
that tribe.
"The Indian is inclined to be weak, and to adopt the vices of the
white man, but not his virtues. However, this is not true of the
Shakers. They do not drink intoxicants of any kind, and make a
special effort at all times to banish liquor. This is the strong element
in their faith, and the one for which they fight hardest. They feel
upon their honor in the matter, and contrast the members of their
church at every place with those belonging to the other denominations —
and it is too true that an Indian does not seem at all to be restrained
from drink by belonging to the other churches as he does in the Shaker
church. lu the others he feels no personal interest. The honor of
neither himself nor his people is involved, and if he disgraces himself
it reflects, in his oi)inion, rather on the white man's church. Not so
with the Shakers. No white man belongs to their church, and it is
their boast that no white preacher can keep his Indian members from
drink as they can — and it is true. After their opposition to liquor,
next comes gambling. From these two vices flow nearly all troubles
to the Indian, and the Shakers are certainly successful in extinguishing
their spread among the Indians. They make special war on drunken-
ness, gambling, and horse racing, and preach honesty, sobriety, tem-
perance, and right living.
760 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
"The Presbyterian church occupies a queer position with regard to
these people. The Reverend M. G. Mann has been the missionary to
the Indians of Paget sound for many years, and has succeeded in malc-
ing a very favorable impression upon them. He has been specially
attentive to the Shakers, and, to his credit be it said, has never tried to
coerce them, and has only dealt with them kindly. So far has this
gone that Louis Yowaluch was long ago taken into the Presbyterian
church, and is now an accredited elder therein. Louis does not know,
seemingly, how to escape from his dual position, or rather does not seem
to think that he needs to escape. It all seems to be for the best inter-
est of his people, so he continues to occupy the position of elder in the
Presbyterian church and headman of the Shaker church.
"At a recent meeting of the Presbyterian ministers the position of
these Shaker people was fully discussed, and the strongest language
was used in saying only good about them, and every effort seems to be
made by the Presbyterians to claim the Shakers in a body as members
of the Presbyterian church. If this account were not already too long,
the reports of the church on the subject would be quoted, but the fact
speaks volumes for the character of the Shakers and their teaching.
"In conclusion: I have known the Shaker people now intimately, as
their attorney, for more than a year, and out of the many drunken
Indians I have seen in that time not one was a Shaker. Xot one of
their people has been arrested for crime in that time. They are good
citizens, and are far more temperate and peaceable than those Indians
belonging to the other churches. I feel that their church is a grand
success in that it prevents idleness and vice, drunkenness and disorder,
and tends to produce quiet, peaceable citizens, and good Christian
people. I think the Presbyterians make a mistake in trying to bring
the Shakers into their fold — they ought rather to protect them and give
them every assistance in their autonomy. It adds the greatest incen-
tive to their labors, and makes them feel as if they were of some
account. It lets them labor for themselves, instead of feeling, as always
heretofore, that some one else — they hardly knew who — was responsible.
Their forms of Christianity are not very unorthodox — their Christianity
is quite orthodox, not exactly because they take Slocum's revelation
instead of the Bible, but the result is the same — a Christian.
"James Wickeksham.
"Tacoma, Washington, June 25, 1893."
From competent Indian informants of eastern Washington — Charles
Ike, half-blood Yakima interpreter, and Chief Wolf Necklace of the
Pa'lus, we gather additional particulars, from which it would appear
that there are more things in the Shaker system than are dreamed of
in the philosophy of the Presbyterian general assembly.
According to their statements, Yowaluch, or Ai-yiil, as he is known
east of the Cascades, was noted as a gambler before he received his
revelation. His followers are called Shiipupu'lema, or "blowers," by
MooNBY] SHAKEU CEREMONIAL SYMHOLISM 761
the Yakima, from the fact that on meeting a stranger, instead of at
once shaltJog hands with him in the usual manner, they first wave the
hand gently in front of his face like a fan, and blow on him. in order
to "blow away the badwcss" from him. They first appeared among the
Yakima and other eastern tribes about six years ago, and are gradu-
ally gaining adherents, although as yet they have no regular time
or place of assembly. They are much addicted to making the sign of
the cross — the cross, it is hardly necessary to state, being as much
an Indian as a Christian symbol — and are held in ^reat repute as
doctors, their treatment consisting chiefly of hyimotlc performances
over the patient, resulting in the spasmodic shaking already described.
In doctoring a patient the "blowers" usually galther around him in
a circle to the number of about twelve, dressed in a very attractive
ceremonial costume, and each wearing on his head a sort of crown of
woven cedar bark, in which are fixed two lighted candles, while in his
right hand he carries a small cloth, and in the left another lighted
candle. By fastening screens of colored cloth over the candles the light
is made to appear yellow, white, or blue. The candle upon the fore-
head is yellow, symbolic of the celestial glory ; that at the ba«k of the
head is white, typical of the terrestrial light, while the third is blue,
the color of the sky.
Frequently also they carry in their hands or wear on their heads gar-
lands of roses and other flowers of various colors, yellow, white, and
blue being the favorite, which they say represent the colors of objects
in the celestial world. While the leader is going through his hypnotic
performance over the patient the others are waving the cloths and
swinging in circles the candles held in their hands. In all this it is
easy to see the influence of the Catholic ritual, with its censers, tapers,
and flowers, with which these tribes have been more or less familiar
for the last fifty years.
A single instance will suffice to show the methods of the blower doc-
tors. The story is told from the Indian point of view, as related by the
half-blood interpreter, who believed it all. About six years ago two
of these doctors from the north, while visiting near Woodland on the
Columbia, were called to the assistance of a woman who was seriously
ill, and had re<',eived no benefit from the treatment of the native doctors.
They came and almost immediately on seeing the patient announced to
the relatives that the sickness had been put into her by the evil magic
of a neighboring medicine-man, whom they then summoned into their
presence. When the messenger arrived for him, the medicineman
refused to go, saying that the doctors were liars and that he had not
made the woman ill. By their clairaudient power — or possibly by a
shrewd anticipation of probabilities — the doctors in the other house
knew of his refusal and sent another messenger to tell him that conceal-
ment or denial would not avail him, and that if he refused to come they
would proceed to blow the sickness into his own body. Without further
762 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
argument lie accompanied the messengers to the sick woman's house.
As he entered, the chief doctor stepped up to him and looking intently
into his face, said, "I can see your heart within your body, and it is
black with evil things. You are not fit to live. You are making this
woman sick, but we shall take out the badness from her body." With
the cloths and lighted candles the two doctors then approached the sick
woman and commanded her to arise, which she did, although she had
been supposed to be too weak to stand. Waving the cloths in front of
her with a gentle fanning motion, and blowing upon her at the same
time, thej^ proceeded to drive the disease out of her body, beginning
at the feet and working upward until, as they approached the head the
principal doctor changed the movement to a rapid fanning and corre-
sponding blowing, while the assistant stood ready with his cloth to
seize the disease when it should be driven out. All this time the medi-
cine-man standing a few feet away was shaking and quivering like one
in a fit, and the trembling became more violent and spasmodic as the
doctors increased the si)eed of their motions. Fi nally the leader brought
his hands together over the woman's head, where, just as the disease
attempted to escape, it was seized and imprisoned in the cloth held by
his assistant. Then, going up to the medicine-man, with a few rapid
passes they fanned the disease into his body and he fell down dead.
The woman recovered, and with her sister has recently come up to Ihe
Yakima country as an apostle of the new religion, preaching the doc-
trines and performing the wonders which she has been taught by the
Nisqually doctors.
This is the Indian story as told by the half-blood, who did not claim
to have been an eye-witness, but spoke of it as a matter of common
knowledge and beyond question. It is doubtless substantially correct.
The hypnotic action described is the same which the author has
repeatedly seen employed in the Ghost dance, resulting successively
in involuntary trembling, violent spasmodic action, rigidity, and final
deathlike unconsciousness. The Ghost dancers regard the process not
only as a means of bringing them into trance communication with-their
departed friends, but also as a preventive andjMireofjlis^ease, jogtjis
we^Jiaye our faith healers aji<Ljnagnetic_doctors. / Witli the Indian's
implicit faith in the supernatural ability of the doctor, it is easy to sup-
pose that the mental efiect on the woman, who was told and believed
that she was to be cured, would aid recovery if recovery was possible.
It is unlikely that death resulted to the medicine-man. It is more prob-
able that under the hypnotic spell of the doctors he fell unconscious
and apiiarently lifeless and remained so perhaps for a considerable time,
as frequently happens with sensitive subjects in the Ghost dance. The
fact that the same jirocess should produce exactly opposite effects in
the two subjects is easily explainable. The object of the hypnotic per-
formance was simply to bring the mind of the subject under the control
of the operatdi'. This accomplished, the mental, and ultimately the
MfKiNEYi SHAKEE CONTACT WITH WOVOKA 763
physical, effect on either subject was whatever the operator wished
it to be. After bringing both under mental control in the manner
described, he suggested recovery to the woman and sickness or death
to the medicineman, and the result followeil.
Until the advent of these women from beyond the mountains such
hypnotic performances seem to have been unknown among the Yakima
and other eastern tribes of the Columbia region, the trance condition
in the Smohalla devotees being apparently due entirely to the effect of
the rhythmic dances and songs acting on excited imaginations, without
the aid of blowing or manual passes.
Hypnotism and so-called magnetism, however, appear to have been
employed by the medicinemen of the Chinook tribes of the lower
Columbia from ancient times. Especially wonderful in this connection
are the stories told of one of these men residing at Wushqum or
Wisham, near The Dalles.
About the time the two blower doctors appeared at Woodland, other
apostles of the same doctrine, or it may have been the same two men,
went up Willamet river into central Oregon, teaching the 8an)e system
and performing the same wonders among the tribes of that region.
And here comes in a remarkable coincidence, if it be no more. It is
said among the northern Indians that on this journey these apostles
met, somewhere in the south, a young man to whom they taught their
mysteries, in which he became such an apt pupil that he soon out-
stripped his teachers, and is now working even greater wonders among
his own people. This young man can be no other than Wovoka, the
messiah of the Ghost dance, living among the Paiute in western Ne-
vada. The only question 'is whether the story told among the Colum-
bia tribes is a myth based on vagiie rumors of the southern messiah
and his hypnotic performances, so similar to that of the blower doc-
tors, or whether Wovoka actually derived his knowledge of such things
from these northern apostles. The latter supposition is entirely within
the bounds of possibility. The time corresponds with the date of his
original revelations, as stated by himself to the writer. He is a young
man, and, although he has never been far from home, the tribe to
which he belongs roams in scattered bands over the whole country to
the Willamet and the watershed of the Columbia, so that communica-
tion with the north is by no means difficult. He himself stated that
Indians from Warmspring reservation, in northern Oregon, have
attended his dances near Walker lake.
Chapter IX
WOVOKA THE MESSIAH
When the sun died, I went up to heaven and saw God and all the people ■who had
died a long time ago. God told me to come back and tell my people they must he
good and love one another, and not tight, or steal, or lie. He gave me this dance to
give to my people. — Woroka.
When Tavibo, tbe propliet of Mason valley, died, about 1870, he left
a son named Wovoka, " The Cutter," about 1-t years of ageX The
prophetic claims and teachings of the father, the reverence with which
Fig. 89— Wovoka.
he was regarded by the peoj^le, and the mysterious ceremonies which
were doubtless of frequent performance in the little tule wikiup at
home must have made early and deep impression on the mind of the
boy, who seems to have been by nature of a solitary and contemplative
disposition, one of those born to see visions and hear still voices.
The physical environment was favorable to the development of such
a character. His native valley, from which he has never wandered,
764
MooNKv] TSCHADDAM OR SHAKER RELIGION 751
lu conclusion, i)ormit me to say that the general assembly of the Presbyterian
church in this state lias sevrral times examined into the rclijjion and character of
the Shaker or Slociini chiircli, and lias highly inilorsed its people and their character
and actions. Vowalncli is their head now, and the strongest man mentally among
them.
Some months later Mr Wickersham forwarded a circumstantial and
carefully written statement of the history and present condition of the
movement. In accordance with his retjuest, we publish it as written,
omitting only some paragraphs which do not bear directly on the gen-
eral subject. It may be considered as an official statement of the
Shaker case by their legally constituted representative. As might
have been expected, he takes direct issue with those who have opposed
the new religion. The reader will note the recurrence of the Indian
sacred number, four, in Slocum's speech, as also the fa^^t that his first
trance was the culmination of a serious illness.
Tschaddam or Shaker religio7i
"On Christmas day, 1854, a treaty was signed at the mouth of She-
nahnam or Medicine creek, on the south side of Puget sound, Washing-
ton, between Isaac I. Stevens, governor and ex officio superintendent of
Indian affairs for the United States, and the chief and headmen of the
Nisqually, Puyallup, and other small tribes of Indians residing around
the south shores of Puget sound.
"One of these small tribes was tlie Squaxin, situated on the south-
western brauch or arm of Puget sound, now known as Little Skookum
bay, in Mason county, Washington, near Olympia, The remaining
members of this tribe yet live on the old home pla«es, having purchased
small tracts of their old hunting grounds from the first settlers; and
they now make a living by fishing and gathering oysters as in days of old.
Of the fishy tribe of Squaxin was born John Slocum, as he is known to
the 'Boston man,' but to his native friends heisknownasSqu-sachtun.
"John Slocum, Squsacht-un,is now (1893) about 51 years of age, about
5 feet 8 inches high, and weighs about ICO pounds; rather stoop shoul-
dered, with a scattering beard, a shock of long black hair, a flat head
(fashionably flat, and produced by pressure while a baby), bright eyes,
but in all rather a common expression of countenance. He is modest
and rather retiring, but has unquestioned confidence in himself and
his mission. He is married, and up to the time of his translation was
looked on as a common Indian, with a slight inclination to fire-water
and pony racing, as well as a known fondness for Indian gambling.
"In the month of October, 1881, Slocum was unaccountably drawn to
think of his evil courses. While in the woods he knelt and prayed
to God, and began seriously to think of the error of his ways and of
the evil days that had fallen on his few remaining native friends.
Whisky, gambling, idleness, and general vice had almost exterminated
his people. His eyes were opened to the folly of these facts, and he
14 ETH — PT 2 8
752 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
prayed. He, however, became sick; and as his sickness increased,
these ideas became brighter in his mind and his duty more clear. Ho
grew worse, and one day he died. He was pronounced dead by all
present, and was laid out for burial. His brother went to Olympia
for a coffin, and a grave was prepared. He died at 4 oclock in the
morning, and late in the afternoon he again resumed life and recovered
consciousness.
" His recovery was rapid, and immediately he told those present that
during his term of death his soul had been to heaven, where it had
been met by the angels, who, after a proper inquiry as to his name, etc.,
told him that he had been bad on earth, and reminded him very forcibly
of his shortcomings while there, and finally wound up by informing
him that he could not enter heaven, but that he could either go to hell
or could go back to the earth and preach to the Indians and tell them
the way to heaven. He accepted this latter proposition, and the result
was that his soul again returned to earth, reentered its old body, and
has from that day to this animated Slocum with the spirit of a crusader
against gambling, whisky drinking, and other 'Boston' vices.
"About a year ago I was employed by these people as their attorney,
and at their request attended the meetings in Mason county, and had a
long conference with them. As a practical person would, Slocum
undertook to demonstrate to me his honesty and the divine character
of their religion, and at a large meeting composed only of Indians,
members of his church, he made to me a long public statement of facts,
and explained, through an iiitepreter, the character of their religion
and of their belief. I wrote down at the time a synopsis of what was
said to me, and now quote it at some length as being the exact words
of Slocum, and as the best explanation of their religion.
"Standing before all his people, in the most solemn and impressive
manner, in their church, he said in substance :
'"The witnesses have spoken the truth. I was sick about two weeks, and had five
Indian doctors. I grew very Aveak and poor. Dr Jim was there. He could not
oire me. They wanted to save me, but my soul would die two or three hours at a
time. At night my breath was out, and I died. All at once I saw a shining light —
great light —trying my soul. I looked and saw mj' body had no soul — looked at my
own body — it was dead.
"I came through the first time and told my friends, 'When I die, don't cry,' and
then I died again. Before this I shook hands and told my friends I was going to
die. Angels told me to look back and see my body. I did, and saw it lying down.
When I saw it, it was pretty poor. My soul left body and went up to judgment
place of God. I do not know about body after 4 oclock.
"I have seen a great light in my soul from that good land; I have understand all
Christ wants us to do. Before I came alive I saw I was sinner. Angel in heaven
said to me, 'You must go back and turn alive again on earth.' I learned that I
must be good Christian man on earth, or will be punished. My soul was told that
I must come back and live four days on earth. When I came back, I told my friends,
'There is a God — there is a Christian people. My good friends, be Christian.'
"When I came alive, I tell my friends, 'Good thing in heaven. God is kind to
us. If you all try hard and help me we will be better men on earth.' And now we
all feel that it is so.
M0ONF.Y] OFFICIAL KNOWLEDGE OF WOVOKA 767
nials'' ainongf the raiute.' This was discouraging, but not entirely
convincing, and I set out once more for the west. After a few days
with the Omaha and Winnebago in Nebraska, and a longer stay with
the Sioux at Pine Ridge, where traces of the recent conflict were still
fresh on every hand, I crossed over the mountains and finally arrived
at Walker Lake reservation in Kevada.
On iu(juiry I learned that the niessiah lived, not on the reservation,
but in Mason valley, about 40 miles to the northwest. His uncle,
Charley Sheep, lived near the agency, however, so I sought him out
and made his ac^quaintance. He spoke tolerable — or rather intolera-
ble— English, so tliat we were able to get along together without an
interpreter, a fact which brought us into closer sympathy, as an inter-
preter is generally at best only a necessary evil. As usual, he was very
suspicious at firsthand inquired minutel^^ as to my purpose. I explained
to him that I was sent out by the government to the various tribes to
study their customs and learn their stories and songs; that I had
obtained a good deal from other tribes and now wanted to learn some
songs and stories of the Paiute, in order to write them down so that the
I The hotter is givtsn as a naniplo of the information possessed by souieagentR in regard to the Indians
in their charge:
" United Statk8 Indian Skrvick,
'* Pyramid Lake, Nevada Agency^ October IS, 1891.
"James Moonky, Esq.,
" Bureau of Ethnology .
" My Dkar Sir: Your letter of September 24 in regard to Jack Wilson, the ■ Messiah/ at hand and
duly ni'ted. In reply will say that his Indian name is Ko-wee-jow ('Big belly'). I do not Itnow as
it will bt> possible to get a photo of him. I never siiw him or a photo of him. He works among the
whites alwut 40 miles from my Walker Lake reserve, and never comes near the agency when I visit it.
ily headquarters are at Pyramid lake, about 70 miles north of Walker. I am pursuing the coure
with him of nonatteution or a silent ignoring. He seems to think, so I hear, that I will arrest hiin
should he come within my reach. I would give him no such notoriety. He, like all other prophets,
has but little honor in his own country. He has been visited by delegations from various and many
Indian tribes, which I tliink should be discouraged all that is possible. Don't know what the 'Smo-
hoUer' religion, you speak of, is. He speaks Englisli well, but is not etlucated. He got his doctrine
in part from contact, living in and with a religious family. There are neither ghost songs, dances, nor
ceremonials among them about my agencies. Would not he allowed. I think they died out with
*Sitting Bull.' This is the extent of the information I can give you.
"Very respectfully, yours,
C. C. Warner, United States Indian Agent."
Here is an agent who has under his special charge and within a few miles of his agency the man
who has created the greatest religious ferment known to the Indians of this generation, a movement
which bad been engrossing the attention of the newspaper and magazine press for a year, yet he has
never seen him; and while the Indian OflBce, from which be gets his commisMon, in a praiseworthy
efiort to get at an umlerstanding of the matter, is sending circular letters broadcast to the western
agencies, calling for all procurable information in regard to the messiah and his doctrines, be "pur-
sues the coarse of nonattention." He has never heard of the Smohalla religion of the adjacent north-
ern tribes, although the subject is repeatedly mentioned in the volumes of the Indian Commissioner's
report from 1870 to 1879, which were, or should have been, on a shelf in the oflRce in which the letter
was written. He asserts that there are no ghost wongs, dances, or ceremonies among his Indians,
allhough these things were going on constantly and bad been for at least three years, and onlya short
time before a large delegation fnnn beyond the mountains had attended a Ghost dance near Walker lake
which lasted four days and nights. Chapman in 1890, and the author in 1891. saw the cleared grounds
with the willow frames wliero these dances were being held regularly at short intervals. I found the
ghost songs familiar to all the Indians with whom I tiilke4l, and had no special trouble to tind the
messiah and obtain his picture. The peaceful character of the movement is sufficiently shown by
the fact that while the eastern papers are teeming with rumors of uprising and massacre, and troops
are being liuriied ti> the front, the agent at the central point of the disturbance seems to be unaware
that there is anything siwcial g<)ing on around him and can "silently ignore" the whole matter.
14 ETII-^PT 2 0
768 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann-.U
white people could read tliem. In a casual way I then offered to show
him the pictures of some of my Indian friends across the mountains,
and brought out the photos of several Arapaho and Cheyenne who I
knew had recently come as delegates to the messiah. This convinced
him that I was all right, and he became communicative. The result
was that we spent about a week together in the wikiups (lodges of tule
rushes), surrounded always by a crowd of interested Paiute, discussing
the old stories and games, singing Paiute songs, and sampling' the seed
mush and roasted piiion nuts. On one of these occasions, at night, a
medicine-man was performing his incantations over a sick child on one
side of the Are while we were talking on the other. When the ice was
well thawed, I cautiously approached the subject of the ghost songs
and dance, and, as confidence was now established, I found no diffi-
culty in obtaining a number of the songs, with a description of the
ceremonial. I then told Charley that, as I had taken part in the dance,
I was anxious to see the messiah and get from him some medicine-paint
to bring back to his friends among the eastern tribes. He readily
agreed to go with me and use his eftbrts with his nephew to obtain
what was wanted.
It is 20 miles northward by railroad from Walker Eiver agency to
Wabuska, and 12 miles more in a southwesterly direction from there
to the Mason valley settlement. There we met a young white man
named Dyer, who was well acquainted with Jack Wilson, and who also
spoke the Paiute language, and teamed from him that the messiah was
about 12 miles farther up th€Jvafley, near a place called Pine Grove.
Enlisting his services, with a team and driver, making four in all, we
started up toward the mountain. It was New Year's day of 1892, and
there was deep snow on the ground, a very unusual thing in this part
of the country, and dne in this instance, as Charley assured us, to the
direct agency of Jack Wilson. It is hard to imagine anything more
monotonously unattractive than a sage prairie under ordinary circum-
stances unless it be the same prairie when covered by a heavy fall of
snow, under which the smaller clumps of sagebrush look like prairie-dog
mounds, while the larger ones can hardly be distinguished at a short
distance from wikiujjs. However, the mountains were bright in front of
us, the sky was blue overhead, and the road was good under foot.
Soon after leaving the settlement we passed the dance ground with
the brush shelters still standing. We met but few Indians on the
way. After several miles we noticed a man at some distance from the
road with a gun across his shoulder. Dyer looked a moment and then
exclaimed, " I believe that's Jack now!" The Indian tliought so, too^
and pulling up our horses he shouted some words in the Paiute
language. The man replied, and sure enough it was the messiah,
hunting Jack rabbits. At his uncle's call he soon came over.
As he approached I saw that he was a young man, a dark full-blood,
compactly built, and taller than the Paiute generally, being nearly 6
f-<^*^ OT Tin '<|»^
|triri7BIl3IT7]
MooNKY] VISIT TO THE MESSIAH 769
feet in lieighf. He was well dressed in white man's clothes, with the
broad-brimmed white felt hat common in the west, secured on his head
by means of a beaded ribbon under the chin. This, with a blanket or a
robe of rabbit skins, is now the ordinary Paiute dress. He wore a good
pair of boots. His hair was cut oft' square on a line below the base of
the ears, after the manner of his tribe. His countenance was open and
expressive of firmness and decision, but with no marked intellectuality.
The features were broad and heavy, very difterent from the thin, clear-
cut features of the prairie tribes.
As he came up he took my hand with a strong, hearty grasp, and
inquired what was wanted. His uncle explained matters, adding that
I was well a(!quainted with some of his Indian friends who had visited
him a short time before, and was going back to the same people. After
some deliberation lie said that the whites had lied about him and he
did not like to talk to them; some of the Indians had disobeyed his
instructions and trouble had come of it, but as I was sent by Washing-
ton and was a friend of his friends, he would talk with me. He was
hunting now, but if we would come to his camp that night he would
tell us about his mission.
With another hand-shake he left us, and we drove on to the nearest
ranch, arriving about dark. After supper we got ready and started
across country through the sagebrush for the Paiute camj), some miles
away, guided by our Indian. It was already night, with nothing to be
seen but the clumps of snow-covered sagebrush stretching away in
every direction, and after traveling an hour or more without reach-
ing the camp, our guide had to confess that he had lost the trail.
It was two years since he had been there, his sight was failing, and,
with the snow and the darkness, he was utterly at a loss to know his
whereabouts.
To be lost on a sage plain on a freezing night in January is not a
pleasant experience. There was no road, and no house but the one we
had left some miles behind, and it would be almost Impossible to find
our way back to that through the darkness. Excepting for a lantern
there was no light but what came from the glare of the snow and a few
stars in the frosty sky overhead. To add to our dififlculty, the snow was
cut in every direction by cattle trails, which seemed to be Indian trails,
and kept us doubling and circling to no purpose, while in the uncertain
gloom every large clump of sagebrush took on the appearance of a
wikiup, only to disappoint us on a nearer approach. With it all, the
ni^ht was bitterly cold and we were half frozen. After vainly following
a'^dozen false trails and shouting rei)eatedly in hope of hearing an
answering cry, we hit on the expedient of leaving the Indian with
the wagon, he being the oldest man of the party, while the rest of us
each took a different direction from the central point, following the
cattle tracks in the snow and calling to each other at short intervals,
in order that we might not become lost from one another. After going
770 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [kth.ax.x.U
far enough to know that none of us had yet struck the right trail, the
wagon was moved np a short distance and the same performance was
repeated. At last a shout from our driver brought vis all together.
He declared that he had heard sounds in front, and after listening a
few minutes in painful suspense we saw a shower of sparks go np into
the darkness and knew that we had struck the camp. Going back to
the wagon, we got in and drove straight across to the. spot, where we
found three or four little wikiups, in one of which we were told the
messiah was awaiting our arrival.
On entering through the low doorway we found ourselves in a circular
lodge made of bundles of tule rushes laid over a framework of poles,
after the fashion of the thatched roofs of Europe, and very similar to
the grass lodges of the Wichita. The lodge was only about 10 feet in
diameter and about 8 feet in height, with sloping sides, and was almost
entirely open above, like a cone with the top cut off, as in this part of
the country rain or snow is of rare occurrence. As already remarked,
the deep snow at the time was something unusual. In the center, built
directly on the ground, was a blazing fire of sagebrush, upon which
fresh stalks were thrown from time to time, sending up a shower of
sparks into the open air. It was by this means that we had been guided
to the camp. Sitting or lying around the fire were half a dozen Paiute,
including the messiah and his family, consisting of his young wife, a
boy about 4 years of age, of whom he seemed very fond, and an infant.
It was plain that he was a kind husband and father, Avhich was in
keeping with his reputation among the whites for industry and relia-
bility. The only articles in the nature of furniture were a few grass
woven bowls and baskets of various sizes and patterns. There were
no Indian beds or seats of the kind found in every prairie tipi, no raw-
hide boxes, no toilet pouches, not even a hole dug in the ground for
the fire. Although all wore white men's dress, there were no pots, pans,
or other articles of civilized manufacture, now used by even the most
primitive prairie tribes, for, strangely enough, although these Paiute
are practically farm laborers and tenants of the whites all around them,
and earn good wages, they seem to covet nothing of the white man's,
but spend their money for dress, small trinkets, and ammunition for
hunting, and continue to subsist on seeds, pifion nuts, and small game,
lying down at night on the dusty ground in their cramped wikiups,
destitute of even the most ordinary conveniences in use among other
tribes. It is a curious instance of a people a(!cei)ting the inevitable
while yet resisting innovation.
Wovoka received iis cordially and then inquired more particularly
as to my purpose in seeking an interview. His uncle entered into a
detailed explanation, which stretched out to a preposter<ms length,
owing to a peculiar conversational method of the Paiute. Each state-
ment by the older man was repeated at its close, word for word and
sentence by sentence, by the other, with the same monotonous inflec-
MooNEY] wovoka's revelation 771
tion. Tliis done, tlie first speaker signified by a grunt of approval
that it had been ctorrectly repeated, and then proceeded with tlie next
statement, whicli was duly repeated in like manner. The first time
I had heard two old men conversing together in tliis fashion on the
reservation I had supposed they were reciting some sort of Indian
litany, and it i-eipiired several such experiences and some degree of
patience to become used to it.
At last he signified that he understood and was satisfied, and then
in answer to my questions gave an account of himself and his doc-
trine, a great ])art of the interpretation being by Dyer, witli whom
he seemed to be on intimate terms. He said he was about 3;"> years
of age, fixing the date from a noted battle* between the Paiute and
the whites near I'yramid lake, in 1860, at which time he said he was
about the size of his little boy, who appeared to be of about 4 years.
His father, Tiivibo, " White Man, " was not a preacher, but was a cap-
ita (from the Spanish capitan) or petty chief, and was a dreamer and
invulnerable. His own i)roper name from boyhood was Wovoka or
Wiivoka, "The Cutter," but a few years ago he had assumed the name
of his paternal grandfather, Kwohitsauq, or " Big Rumbling Belly." -
After the death of his father he had been taken into the family of a
white farmer, David Wilson, who had given him the name of Jack
Wilson, by which he is commonly known among the whites. He thus
has three distinct names, Wojroka,^ ILwohitsauq, aud Jack Wil§.on. He
stated positively that he was a full-blood, a statement borne out by his
appearance. The impression that he is a half-blood may have arisen
from the fact that his father's name was " White Man " and that he has
a white man's name. His followers, both in his own and in all other
tribes, commonly refer to him as "our father." He has never been
away from Mason valley and speaks only his own Paiute language,
with some little knowledge of English. He is not acquainted with
the sign language, which is hardly known west of tlie mountains.
When about 20 years of age, he married, and continued to work for
Mr Wilson. He had given the dance to his people about four years
before, but had received his great revelation about two years previously.
On this occasion "the sun died" (was eclipsed) and he fell asleep in the_
daytime and was taken up to the other world. Here he saw God, with
all the people who iiad died hmg ago engaged in their oldtime sports
and occupations, all happy and forever young. It was a pleasant land
and full of game. After showing him all, God told him hfe must go
' This battle, probably the most important conflict that ever occurred between the Paiuto and the
wliitea, was fought in April, 1860, near the i)re8ent agency at Pyramid lake and about 8 milea from
Wadswortli. Nevada. Some minera having seized and forcibly detained a couple of Indian women,
their husbands raised a party and rescued them, without, however, inflicting any ]iunishnu'nt on the
guilty ones. This was considered au "Indian outrage " and a strong body of miners collected and
marched toward Pyramid lake to wipe out tlie Indian camp. The Paiute, armed ahuost entirely with
bows and arrows, surprised them in a narrow jiass at the spot indicated, with the result that the
whites were defeated and fled in disorder, leaving nearly tifty dead on the field. The whole affair in
its causes and results was most discreditable to the whites.
772 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
back and tell his })eople tliey must he good and lovo. one another, have
no quarreling, and live in peace with the whites; that they must work,
and not lie or steal; that they must put away all the old practices
that savored of war ; that if they faithfully obeyed his instructions they
would at last be reunited with their friends in this other world, where
there would be no more death or sickness or old age. He was then
given the dance which he was commanded to bring back to his people.
By performing this dance at intervals, for five consecutive days each
time, they would secure this happiness to themselves and hasten the
event. Finally God gave him control over the elements so that he
could make it rain or snow or be dry at will, and appointed him his
deputy to take charge of affairs in the west, while "Governor Harrison"
would attend to matters in the east, and he, God, would look after the
world above. He then returned to earth and began to preach as he
was directed, convincing the people by exercising the wonderful powers
that had been given him.
In 1890 Josephus, a Paiute informant, thus described to the scout
Chapman the occasion of Wovoka's first inspiration: "About three
years ago Jack Wilson took his family and went into the mountains
to cut wood for Mr Dave Wilson. One day while at work he heard a
great noise which appeared to be above him on the mountain. He laid
down his ax and started to go in the direction of the noise, when he fell
down dead, and God came and took him to heaven." Afterward on
one or two other occasions " God came and took him to heaven again."
Wovoka also told Chapman that he had then been preaching to the
Indians about three years. In our conversation he said nothing about
a mysterious noise, and stated that it was about two years since he had
visited heaven and received his great revelation, but that it was about
four years since he had first taught the dance to his people. The fact
that he has different revelations from time to time would account for
the discrepancy of statement.
He disclaimed all responsibility for the ghost shirt which formed so
important a part of the dance costume among the Sioux ; said that tliere
were no trances in the dance as performed among his people — a state-
ment conflriAed by eye-witnesses among the neighboring ranchmen —
and earnestly repudiated any idea of hostility toward the whites, assert-
ing that his religion was one of universal peace. When questioned
directly, he said he believed it was better for the Indians to follow the
white man's road and to adopt the habits of civilization. If appear-
ances are in evidence he is sincere in this, for he was dressed in a good
suit of white man's clothing, and works regularly on a ranch, although
living in a wikiup. While he repudiated almost everything for which
he had been held responsible in the east, he asserted positively that
he had been to the spirit world and had been given a revelations
and message from God himself, with full control over the elements/
From his uucle I learned that Wovoka has five songs for making it
MooNKvi wovoka's vision 778
rain, the first of wliicli brings <tn a mist or cloud, the second a snowfall,
the third a shower, aud the fourth a hard rain or storm, while when he
sings the fifth song the weather again becomes clear.
T knew that he was holding something in reserve, as no Indian would
unbosom himself on religions matters to a white man with whom he had
not had a long and intimate acquaintance. Especially was this true in
view of the warlike turn aifairs had t.iken across the mountains. Con-
sequently I accepted his statements with several grains of salt, but on
the whole he seemed to be honest in his belief and his supernatural
claims, although, like others of the priestly function, he occasionally
resorts to cheap trickery to keep up the impression as to his miraculous
powers. From some of the reports he is evidently an expert sleight-of-
hand performer. He makes no claim to be Christ, the Son of God, as
has been so often asserted in print. He does claim to be a prophet who
has received a divine revelation. I could not help feeling that he was
sincere in his repudiation of a number of the wonderful things attrib-
uted to him, for the reason that he insisted so strongly on other things
fully as trying to the faith of a white man. He made no argument and
advanced no proofs, but said simply that he had been with Cod, as
though the statement no more admitted of controversy than the propo-
sition that 2 and 2 are 4. From Mr J. O. Gregory, formerly employed
at the agency, and well acquainted with the prophet, I learned that
Wovoka had once requested him to draw up and forward to the Presi-
dent a statement of his supernatural claims, with a proposition that if
he could receive a small regular stipend he would take up his residence
on the reservation and agree to keep ^Nevada people informed of all
the latest news from heaven and to furnish rain whenever wanted. The
letter was never forwarded.
From a neighboring ranchman, who knew Wovoka well and some-
times employed him in the working season, I obtained a statement
which seems to explain the whole matter. It appears that a short time
before the pro])het began to preach he was stricken down by a severe
fever, during which illness the ranchman frequently visited and minis-
tered to him. While he was still sick there occurred an eclipse of the
sun, a phenomenon which always excites great alarm among ijrimitive
peoples. In their system the sun is a living being, of great power and
beneficence, and the temporary darkness is caused by an attack on
him by some supernatural monster which endeavors to devour him, and
will succeed, and thus plunge the world into eternal night unless driven
off by incantations and loud noises. On this occasion the Paiute were
frantic with excitement and the air was filled with the noise of shouts
and wailings and the firing of guns, for the purpose of frightening off
the monster that threatened the life of their god. It was now, as
Wovoka stated, "when the sun died," that he went to sleep in the day-
time and was taken up to hesiven. This means simply that the excite-
ment and alarm produced by the eclipse, acting on a mind and body
(^UKIVBRSITTl
774 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION Ietii.ann.U
already enfeebled by sickness, resulted in delirium, in which he imag-
ined himself to enter the portals of the spirit world. Constant dwelling
on the subject in thought by day and in dreams by night would effect
and perpetuate the exalted mental condition in which visions of the
imagination would have all the seeming reality of actual occurrences.
To those acquainted with the spiritual nature of Indians and their
implicit faith in dreams all this is perfectly intelligible. His frequent
trances would indicate also that, like so many other religious ecstatics,
he is subject to cataleptic attacks.
I have not been able to settle satisfactorily the date of this eclipse.
From inquiry at the Nautical Almanac office I learn that solar eclipses
visible in Nevada and the adjacent territory from 1884 to 1890 occurred
as follows: 1884, October 18, partial; 1885, March IG, partial; 1886,
March 5, partial; 1887, none; 1888, none; 1889, January 1, total or par-
tial; 1890, none. The total eclipse of January 1, 1889, agrees best with
his statement to me on New Year's night, 1892, that it was about two
years since he had gone up to heaven when the sun died. It must be
noted that Indians generally count years by winters instead of by series
of twelve calendar mouths, a difference which sometimes makes an
apparent discrepancy of nearly a year.
In subsequent conversations he added, a few minor details in regard
to bis vision and his doctrine. He asked many questions in regard to
the eastern tribes whose delegates had visited him, and was pleased
to learn that the delegates from several of these tribes were my friends.
He spoke particularly of the large delegation — about twelve in number —
from the Cheyenne and Arapaho, who had visited him the preceding
summer and taken part in the dance with his i^eople. Nearly all the
members of this party were personally known to me, and the leader.
Black Coyote, whose picture I had with me and showed to him, had
been my principal instructor in the Ghost dance among the Arapaho.
While this fact put me on a more confidential footing with Wovoka, it
also proved of great assistance ill my further investigation on my return
to the prairie tribes, as, when they were satisfied from my statements
and the specimens which I had brought back that I had indeed seen
and talked with the messiah, they were convinced that I was earnestly
desirous of understanding their religion aright, and from that time
spoke freely and without reserve.
I had my camera and was anxious to get Wovoka's picture. When
the subject was mentioned, he replied that his picture had never been
made; that a white man had offered him five dollars for permission to
take his photograph, but that he had refused. However, as I had
been sent from Washington especially to learn and tell the whites all
about him and his doctrine, and as he was satisfied from my ac^quaint-
ance with his friends in the other tribes that I must be a good man, he
w<mld allow me to take his picture. As usual iu dealing with Indians,
he wanted to make the most of his bargain, and demanded two dollars
MONEY] wovoka's legerdemain 775
and a lialf fi)r tlio privilege of taking liis pictun? and a like sum for
eacli one of liis family. I was prepared for this, however, and refused
to pay any such charges, but agreed to give him my regular jjrice per
day for his services as informant and to send him a copy of the picture
when finished. After some demur he consented and got ready for the
operation by knotting a handkerchief about his neck, fastening an eagle
feather at his right elbow, and taking a wide brim sombrero upon his
knee. I afterward learned that the feather and sombrero were impor-
tant jiarts of his spiritual stock in trade. After taking his picture I
obtained from him, as souvenirs to bring back and show to ray Indian
friends in Iiulian Territory, a blanket of rabbit skins, some ijifion nuts,
some tail feathers of the magpie, highly prized by the Paiute for orna-
mentation, and some of the sacred red paint, endowed with most
miraculous powers, which plays so important a part in the ritual of
the Ghost -dance religion. Then, with mutual expressions of good will,
we parted, his uncle going back to the reservation, wliile T t«ok the
train for Indian Territory.
As soon as the news of my arrival went abroad among the Cheyenne
and Arai)aho on my return, my friends of both tribes came in, eager to
hear all the details of my visit to the messiah and to get my own im-
pressions of the man. In comparing notes with some of the recent
delegates I discovered something of Wovoka's hypnotic methods, and
incidentally learned how much of miracle depends on the mental recep-
tivity of the observer.
The Cheyenne and Arapaho, although for generations associated in
the most intimate manner, are of very different characters. lu religious
matters it may be said briefly that the Arapaho are devotees and
prophets, continually seeing signs and wonders, while the Cheyenne
are more skeptical. In talking with Tall Bull, one of the Cheyenne
delegates and then captain of the Indian police, he said that before
leaving they had asked Wovoka to give them some proof of his super-
natural powers. Accordingly he had ranged them in front of him,
seated on the ground, he sitting facing them, with his sombrero between
and his eagle feathers in his hand. Then with a quick movement he
had put his baud into the empty hat and drawn out from it "something
black." Tall J*>ull would not admit that anything more had happened,
and did not seem to be very profoundly impressed by the occurrence,
saying that he thought there were medicine-men of equal capacity
among the Cheyenne. In talking soon afterward with Black Coyote,
one of the Arapaho delegates and also a police officer, the same incident
came up, but with a very different sequel. Black Coyote told how they
had seated themselves on the ground in front of Wovoka, as described
by Tall Bull, and went on to tell how the messiah had waved his
feathers over his hat, and then, when he withdrew his hand, Black
Coyote looked into the hat and there "saw the whole world." The
explanation is simple. Tall Bull, who has since been stricken with
776 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
paralysis, was a jovial, liglit-bearted fellow, fond of joking and playing
tricks on his associates, bnt withal a man of good hard sense and dis-
posed to be doubtful in regard to all medicinemen outside of his own
tribe. Black Coyote, on the contrary, is a man of contemplative dispo-
sition, much given to speculation on the unseen world. His body and
arms are covered with the scars of wounds which he has inflicted on
himself in obedience to commands received in dreams. When the first
news of the new religion came to the southern tribes, he had made a
long journey, at his own expense, to his kindred in Wyoming, to learn
the doctrine and the songs, and since his return had been drilling his
people day and night in both, ^ow, on his visit to the fountain head of
inspiration, he was prepared for great things, and when the messiah
performed his hypnotic passes with the eagle feather, as I have so often
witnessed in the Ghost dance, Black Coyote saw the whole spirit world
where Tall Bull saw only an empty hat. From my knowledge of the
men, I believe both were honest in their statements.
As a result of the confidence established between the Indians and
myself in consequence of my visit to the messiah, one of the Cheyenne
delegates named Black Sharp Nose, a prominent man in his tribe, soon
after voluntarily brought down to me the written statement of the doc-
trine obtained from the messiah himself, and requested me to take it
back and show it to Washington, to convince the white people that
there was nothing bad or hostile in the new religion. The paper had
been written by a young Arapaho of the same delegation who had
learned some English at the Carlisle Indian school, and it had been
taken down on the spot from the dictation of the messiah as his mes-
sage to be carried to the prairie tribes. On the reverse page of the
paper the daughter of Black Sharp Nose, a young woman who had also
some school education, had written out the same thing in somewhat
better English from her father's dictation on his return. No white man
had any part, directly or indirectly, in its production, nor was it orig-
inally intended to be seen by white men. In fact, in one part the mes-
siah himself expressly warns the delegates to tell no white man.
Chapter X
THE DOCTRINE OP THE GHOST DANCE
You inuHt not tight. Do no harm to anyone. Do right always. — Wor^oka.
The great underlying iirinciple of the Gbost dance doctrine is that
the time will come when the whole Indian race, living and dead, will be
reunited upon a regenerated earth, to live a life of aboriginal happiness,
forever free from death, disease, aiid misery. On this foundation each
tribe has built a structure from its own mythology, and each apostle
and believer has filjed in the details according to his own mental
capacity or ideas of happiness, with such additions as come to him
from the trance. Some changes, also, have undoubtedly resulted from
the transmission of the doctrine through the imperfect medium of the
sign language. The difierences of interpretation are precisely such as
we tind in Christianity, with its hundreds of sects and innumerable
shades of individual opinion. The white ra«e, being alien and secondary
and hardly real, has no part in this scheme of aboriginal regeneration,
and will be left behind with the other things of earth that have served
their temporary purpose, or else will cease entirely to exist.
All this is to be brought about by an overruling spiritual power
that needs no assistance from human creatures; and though certain
medicine-men were disposed to anticijjate the Indian millennium by
preaching resistance to the further encroachments of the whites, such
teachings form no part of the true doctrine, and it was only where
chronic dissatisfaction was aggravated by recent grievances, as among
the Sioux, that the movement assumed a hostile expression. On the
contrary, all believers were exhorted to make themselves worthy of the
predicted happiness by discarding all things warlike and practicing
honesty, peace, and good will, not only among themselves, but also
toward the whites, so long as they were together. Some apostles have
even thought that all race distinctions are to be obliterated, and tiiat
the whites are to participate with the Indians in the coming felicity;
but it seems unquestionable that this is equally contrary to the doctrine
as originally preached.
Different dates have been assigned at various times for the fulfill-
ment of the prophecy. Whatever the year, it has generally been held,
for very natural reasons, that the regeneration of the earth and the
renewal of all life would occur in the early spring. In some cases July,
and ])articularly the 4tli of July, was the expected time. This, it may
be noted, was about the season when the great annual ceremony of the
777
778 THE GHOST-DANCE EELIGION [eth.ann.u
sun dauce formerly took place among tlie i)raiiie tribes. The messiah
himself has set several dates from time to time, as one prediction after
another failed to materialize, and in his message to the Cheyenne and
Arapaho, in August, 1S91, he leaves the whole matter an open question.
The date universally recognized among all the tribes immediately prior
to the Sioux outbreak was the spring of 1891. As springtime came
and jiassed, and summer grew and waned, and autumn faded again into
winter without the i-ealization of their hopes and longings, the doctrine
gradually assumed its present form — that some time in the unknown
future the Indian will be united with his friends who have gone before,
to be forever supremely happy, and that this happiness may be antici-
pated in dreains, if not actually hastened in reality, by earnest and
frequent attendance on the sacred dance.
On returning to the Cheyenne and Arapaho in Oklahoma, after my
visit to Wovoka in January, 1892, 1 was at once sought by my friends
of both tribes, anxious to hear the report of my journey and see the
sacred things that I had brought back from the messiah. The Arapaho
especially, who are of more spiritual nature than auy of the other tribes,
showed a deep interest and followed intently every detail of the nar-
rative. As soon as the news of my return was spread abroad, men and
women, in groups and singly, would come to me, and after grasping my
hand would repeat a long and earnest prayer, sometimes aloud, some-
times with the lips silently moving, and frequently with tears rolling
down the cheeks, and the whole body trembling violently from stress of
emotion. Often before the prayer was ended the condition of the devo-
tee bordered on the hysterical, very little less than in the Ghost dance
itself. The substance of the prayer was usually an appeal to the
messiah to hasten the coming of the jiromised happiness, with a peti-
tion that, as the speaker himself was unable to make the long journey,
he might, by grasping the hand of oue who had seen and talked with
the messiah face to face, be enabled in his trance visions to catcli a
glimpse of the coming glory. During all this performance the bystand-
ers awaiting their turn kept reverent silence. In a short time it
became very embarrassing, but until the story had been told over and
over again there was no way of escape without wounding their feelings.
The same thing afterward happened among the northern Arapaho in
Wyoming, one chief even holding out his hands toward me with short
exclamations of liii! hu! hu! as is sometimes done by the devotees
about a priest in the Ghost dance, in the hope, as he himself explained,
that he might thus be enabled to go into a trance then and there. The
hoi)e, however, was not realized.
After this preliminary ordeal my visitors would ask to see the things
which I had brought back from the messiah — the rabbit-skin robes,
the pinon nuts, the gaming sticks, the sacred mag])ie feathers, and,
above all, the sacred red paint. This is a bright-red ocher, about the
color of brick dust, which the Paiute procure from the neighborhood
MooNEY] wovoka's sacred paraphernalia 779
of their sacred eiiiiiieiice, Mount Gniiit. It is grouiul, aiul by the lielp
, of water is iiuide into elliptical cakes about G inches in length. It is
I the princiital paint used by the Paiute in the (Ihost dance, and small
portions of it are given by the messiah to all the delegates and are
carried back by them to their respective tribes, where it is nuxed with
larger quantities of their own red paint and used in decorating the
faces of the ])articipants in the dance, the i)ainting being solemnly
performed for each dancer by the medicine nmu himself. It is believed
to ward off sickness, to contribute to long life, and to assist the mental
vision in the trance.^ On the battlefield of Wounded Knee I have seen
this paint smeared on the posts of the inclosure about the trench iu
which are buried tlie Indians killed in the fight. I found it very hard
to refuse the numerous requests for some of the paint, but as I Lad
only one cake myself I could not afford to be too liberal. My friends
were very anxious to touch it, however, but when I found that every
man tried to rub off as much of it as possible on the palms of his
hands, afterward smearing this dust on the faces of himself and hia
family, I was obliged in self defense to put it entirely away.
The pifion nuts, although not esteemed so sacred, were also the sub-
jectof reverent curiosity. One evening, by invitation from Left Hand,
the principal chief of the Arapaho, I went over to his tipi to talk with
him about the messiah and his country, and brought with me a (juan-
tity of the nuts for distribution. On entering I found the chief and a
number of the principal men ranged on one side of the fire, while his
wife and several other women, with his young grandchildren, com-
pleted the circle on the other. Each of the adults in turn took my
hand with a prayer, as before described, varying in length and earnest-
ness according to the devotion of the speaker. This ceremony con-
sumed a considerable time. I then produced the piilon nuts and gave
them to Left Hand, telling him how they were used as food by the
Paiute. He handed a portion to his wife, and before I knew what was
coming the two arose in their i)laces and stretching out their hands
toward the northwest, the country of the messiah, made a long and
earnest prayer aloud that Hesunanin, "Our Father," would bless them-
selves and their children through the sacred food, and hasten the time
of his coming. The others, men and women, listened witli bowed heads,
breaking in from time to time with similar appeals to "the Father."
The scene was deeply affecting. It was another of those impressive
exhibitions of natural religion which it has been my fortune to witness
among the Indians, and which throw light on a side of their character
of which the ordinary white observer never dreams. After the prayer
the nuts were carefully divided among those present, down to the
youngest infant, that all might taste of what to them was the veritable
bread of life.
As I had always shown a sympathy for their ideas and feelings, and
had now accomplished a long journey to the messiah himself at the cost
780 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
of considerable difficulty and hardship, the Indians were at last fully
satisfied that I was really desirous of learning the truth concerning
their new religion. A few days after my visit to Left Hand, several of
the delegates who had been sent out in the preceding August came
down to see me, headed by Black Short Nose, a Cheyenne. After pre
liminary greetings, he stated that the Cheyenne and Arapaho were
now convinced that I would tell the truth about their religion, and as
they loved their religion and were anxious to have the whites know
that it was all good and contained nothing bad or hostile they would
now give me the message which the messiah himself had given to them,
that I might take it back to show to Washington. He then took from
a beaded pouch and gave to me a letter, which jiroved to be the mes-
sage or statement of the doctrine delivered by Wovoka to the Cheyenne
and Arapaho delegates, of whom Black Short Nose was one, on the
occasion of their last visit to Nevada, in August, 1891, and written
down on the spot, in broken English, by one of the Arapaho delegates,
Casper Edson, a young man who had acquired some English educa-
tion by several years' attendance at the government Indian school at
Carlisle, Pennsylvania. On the reverse page of the paper was a dupli-
cate in somewhat better English, written out by a daughter of Black
Short Nose, a school girl, as dictated by her father on his return. These
letters contained the message to be delivered to the two tribes, and as is
expressly stated in the text were not intended to be seen by a white
man. The daughter of Black Short Nose had attempted to erase this
clause before her father brought the letter down to me, but the lines
were still plainly visible. It is the genuine official statement of the
Ghost-dance doctrine as given by the messiah himself to his disciples.
It is reproduced here in duplicate and verbatim, just as received, with
a translation for the benefit of those not accustomed to Carlisle English.
In accordance with the request of the Indians, I brought the original
to Washington, where it was read by the Indian Commissioner, Honor-
able T. J. Morgan, after which I had two copies made, giving one to
the commissioner and retaining the other myself, returning the original
to its owner. Black Short Nose. '
The Messiah Letter (Arapaho version)
What you get home you make dance, and ■will give y" the same, when you dance
four days and '" "'sii' one day, dance day time, five days and then fift, will wash five
for every body. He likes you ""'' you give him good many things, he heart been
satting feel good. After you get home, will give good cloud, and give you chance to
make you feel good, and he give you good spirit, and he give you "' a good paint.
You folks want you to come in three [months] here, any tribs from there. There
will '"' good bit snow this year. Sometimes rain's, in fall, this year some rain, never
give you any thing like that, grandfather said when he die never "" cry. no
hurt anybody, no fight, good behave always, it will give you satisfaction, this
young man, he is a good Father and mother, dont tell no white man. Jueses was
on ground, he just like cloud. Every body is alive again, I dont know when they
will [be] here, may be this fall or in spring.
MooMT] THE Messiah's letter 781
Every body never get sick, be young again, — (if young fellow no sick any more,)
work for white men never trouble with him until you leave, when it shake the earth
dont be afraid no harm any body.
You make dance for six """i" night, and put you foot [foodf] in dance to eat for
every body and wash in the water, that is all to tell, I am in to you. and you will
received a good words from him some time, Dont tell lie.
The Meitiah Letter (Cheyenne vertion)
When you get home you have to make dance. You must dance four nights and one
day time. You will take bath in the morning before you go to yours homes, for
every body, and give you all the same as this. Jackson Wilson likes yon all, he
is glad to got good many things. His heart satting fully of gladness, after you get
home, I will give you a good cloud and give you chance to make you feel good. I
give you a good spirit, and give you all good paint, I want you people to come here
again, want them in three months any tribs of you from there. There will be a good
deal snow this year. Some time rains, in fall this year some rain, never give you
any thing like that, grandfather, said, when they were die never cry, no hurt any
body, do any harm for it, not to fight. Be a good behave always. It will give a sat-
isfaction in your life. This young man is a good father and mother. Do not tell
th(^ white people about this, Jnses is on the ground, he just like cloud. Every body
is a live again. I don't know when he will be hero, may be will be this fall or in
spring. When it happen it may be this. There will be no sickness and return to
young again. Do not refuse to work for white man or do not make any trouble
with them until you leave them. When the earth shakes do not be afraid it will
not hurt you. I want you to make dance for six weeks. Eat and wash good clean
yourselves [The rest of the letter had been erased].
The Messiah Letter { free Rendering)
When you get home you must make a dance to continue five days. Dance four
successive nights, and the last night keep up the dance until the morning of the fifth
day, when all must bathe in the river and then disperse to their homes. You must all
do in the same way.
I, Jack Wilson, love you all, and my heart is full of gladness for the gifts you
have brought me. When you get home I shall give yovi a good cloud [rain?] which
will make you feel good. I give you a good spirit and give you all good paint. I
want you to come again in three months, some from each tribe there [the Indian
Territory] .
There will be a good deal of snow this year and some rain. In the fall there will
be such a rain as I have never given you before.
Grandfather [a universal title of reverence among Indians and here meaning the
messiah] says, when your friends die you must not cry. You must not hurt anybody
or do harm to anyone. You must not fight. Do right always. It will give you sat-
isfaction in life. This young man has a good father and mother. [Possibly this
refers to Casper Edson, the young Arapaho who wrote down this message of Wovoka
for the delegation].
Do not tell the white peopleabout this. Jesus is now upon the earth. He appears
like a cloud. The dead are all alive again. I do not know when they will be here;
maybe this fall or in the spring. When the time comes there will be no more sick-
ness and everyone will be young again.
Do not refnsi' to work for the whites and do not make any trouble with them until
you leave them. When the earth shakes [at the coming of the new world] do not
be afraid. It will not hurt you.
I want you to dance every six weeks. Make a feast at the dance and have food
that everybody may eat. Then bathe in the water. That is all. You will receive
good words again from me some time. Do not tell lies.
782 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.anx.u
Every organized religion lias a system of ethics, a system of mytb-
ology, and a system of ritual observance. In this message from the
high priest of the Ghost dance we have a synopsis of all three. With
regard to the ritual part, ceremonial purification and bathing have
formed a part i7i some form or other of every great religion from tlie
begiuTiing of history, while the religious dance dates back far beyond
the day when the daughter of Saul "looked through a window and saw
King David leaping and dancing before the Lord." The feasting
enjoined is a part of every Indian ceremonial gathering, religious,
political, or social. The dance is to continue four successive nights, in
accord with the regular Indian system, in which four is the sacred num-
ber, as three is in Christianity. In obedience to this message the south-
ern prairie tribes, after the return of the delegation in August, 1891,
ceased to hold frequent one-night d.inces at irregular intervals as
formerly without the ceremonial bathing, and ado])ted instead a system
of four-night dances at regular periods of six weeks, followed by cere-
monial bathing on the morning of the fifth day.
The mythology of the doctrine is only briefly indicated, but the prin-
cipal articles are given. The dead are all arisen and the spirit hosts
are advancing and have already arrived at the boundaries of this earth,
led forward by the regenerator in shape of cloud-like indistinctness.
The spirit captain of the dead is always represented under this shadowy
semblance. The great change will be ushered in by a trembling of the
earth, at which the faithful are exhorted to feel no alarm. The hope
held out is the same that has inspired the Christian for nineteen cen-
turies— a happy immortality in perpetual youth. As to fixing a date,
the messiah is as cautious as his i>redecessor in prophecy, who declares
that " no man knoweth the time, not> even the angels of God." His
weather predictions also are about as definite as the inspired utterances
of the Delphian oracle.
The moral code inculcated is as pure and comprehensive in its sim-
plicity as anything found in religious systems from the days of Gau-
tama Buddha to the time of Jesus Christ. " Do no harm to any one.
Do right alwayn.''' Could anything be more simple, and yet more exact
and exacting? It inculcates honesty — "Do not tell lies.''^ It preaches
good will — " Do no harm to any one^ It forbids the extravagant mourn-
ing customs formerly common among the tribes — " When your friends
die, you must not cim,^'' which is interpreted by the prairie tribes as for-
bidding the killing of horses, the burning of tipis and destruction of
property, the cutting off of the hair and the gashing of the body with
knives, all of which were formerly the sickening rule at every death
until forbidden by the new doctrine. As an Arapaho said to me when
his little boy died, "I shall not shoot any ponies, and my wife will not
gash her arms. We used to do this when our friends died, because we
thought we would never see them again, and it made us feel bad. But
now we know we shall all be united again." If the Kiowa had held to
MooNEY] THE DOCTRINE OF THE DANCE 783
the Ghost-dance doctrine instead of abaudoniug it as tliey had done,
they woiikl have been spared the loss of thousands of dollars in horses,
tipis, wagons, and other property destroyed, with much of the mental
suffering and all of the i)hysical laceration that resulted in conse-
quence of the recent fatal epidemic in the tribe, when for weeks and
months the sound of wailing went uji night and morning, and in every
camp men and women could be seen daily, with dress disordered and
hair cut close to the scalp, M'ith blood hardened in clots upon the skin,
or streaming from mutilated fingers and fresh gashes on face, audWms,
and legs, (it preaches peace with the whites and obedience to author-
ity until the day of deliverance shall come. Above all, it forbids war —
" You munt not Jight.'') It is hardly possible for us to realize the tre- ^
mendous and radical change which this doctrine Avorks in the whole i «» '
spirit of savage life. The career of every Indian has been the war- ^ C"' j.'
path. His pioudest title has been that of warrior. His conversation fV ^f^'""
by day and his dreams by niglif have been of bloody deeds upon the (j*-''
enemies of his tribe. His highest boast was in the number of his scalp
trophies, and his chief delight at home was in the war dance and the
scalp dance. The thirst for blood and massacre seemed inborn in every
man, woman, and child of every tribe. Now comes a prophet as a
messenger from God to forbid not only war, but all that savors of
war — the war dance, the scalp dance, and even the bloody torture of
the sun dance — and his teaching is accepted and his words obeyed by
four-fifths of all the warlike predatory tribes of the mountains and the
great plains. iOnly those who have known the deadly hatred that once
animated Ute, Cheyenne, and Pawnee, one toward another, and are
able to contrast it with their present spirit of mutual brotherly love,
can know what the Ghost dance religion has accomplished in bringing
the savage into civilization. It is such a revolution as comes but once
in the life of a race.
The beliefs held among the various tribes in regard to the final
catastrophe are as fairly probable as some held on the same subject by
more orthodox authorities. As to the dance itself, with its scenes of
intense excitement, spasmodic action, and physical exhaustion even to
unconsciousness, such manifestations have always accompanied reli-
gious upheavals among primitive peoples, and are not entirely unknown
among ourselves. In a country which produces magnetic healers,
shakers, trance mediums, and the like, all these things may very easily
be paralleled without going far from home.
In conclusion, we may say of the prophet and his doctrine what has
been said of one of his apostles by a careful and competeat investi-
gator: "He has given these people a better religion than they ever
had before, taught them precepts which, if faithfully carried out, wilt
biing them into better accord with their white neighbors, and has
prepared the way for their final Christianizatiou." (6. D., 4, and A.
G. 0., 5.)
14 ETii — rx 2 10
784 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [etii. ann.)4
We may now consider details of the doctrine as held bj^ difi'ereut
tribes, beginning with the Paiute. among whom it originated. ([ The
best account of the Paiut« belief is contained in a report to the War
Department by Captain J. M. Lee, who was sent out in the autumn of
1890 to investigate the temper and fighting strength of the Paiute and
other Indians in the vicinity of Fort Bidwell in northeastern California.
We give the statement obtained by him from Captain Dick, a Paiute,
as delivered one day in a conversational way and apparently without
reserve, after nearly all the Indians had left the room :
Long time, twenty years ago, Indian medicine-man in Mason's valley at Walker
lake talk same way, same as you hear now. In one year, maybe, after he begin talk
he die. Three years ago another medicine-man begin same talk. Heap talk all
time. Indians hear all about it everywhere. Indians come from long way oif to
hear him. They come from the east ; they make signs. Two years ago me go to
Winnemucca and Pyramid lake, me see Indian Sam, a head man, and Johnson Sides.
Sam he tell me he just been to see Indian medicine-man to liear him talk. Sam say
medicine-man talk this way :
"All Indians must dance, everywhere, keep on dancing. Pretty soon in next
spring Big Man [Great Spirit] come. He bring back all game of every kind. The
game be thick everywhere. All dead Indians come back and live again. They all
be strong just like young men, be young again. Old blind Indian see again and get
young and have fine time. When Old Man [God] comes this way, then all the Indians
go to mountains, high up away from whites. Whites can't hurt Indians then. Then
while Indians way up high, big flood comes like water and all white people die, get
drowned. After that water go way and then nobody but Indians everywhere and
game all kinds thick. Then medicine-man tell Indians to send word to all Indians
to keep up dancing and the good time will come. Indians who don't dance, who
don't believe in this word, will grow little, just about a foot high, and stay that
way. Some of them will be turned into wood and be burned in fire." That's the
way Sam tell me the medicine- man talk. (A. G. 0., G.)
Lieutenant N. P. Phister, who gathered a part of the material
embodied in Captain Lee's report, confirms this general statement and
gives a few additional particulars. The flood is to consist of mingled
mud and water, and when the faithful go up into the mountains, the
skeptics will be left behind and will be turned to stone. The prophet
claims to receive these revelations directly from God and the spirits of
the dead Indians during his trances. He asserts also that he is invul-
nerable, and that if soldiers should attempt to kill him they would fall
down as if they had no bones and die, while he would still live, even
though cut into little pieces. {Phister, 3.)
One of the first and most prominent of those who brought the doc-
trine to the prairie tribes was Porcupine, a Cheyenne, who crossed the
mountains with several companions in the fall of 1889, visited Wovoka,
and attended the dance near Walker lake, Nevada. In his report of
his experiences, made some months later to a military oflQcer, he states
that Wovoka claimed to be Christ himself, who had come back again,
many centuries after his first rejection, in pity to teach his children.
He quotes the prophet as saying:
I found my children were bad, so I went back to heaven and left them. I told
them that in so many hundred years I would come back to see my children. At the
MooNEi] THE DOCTRINE OF THE DANCE 785
eu<l of this time I was sent back to try to teach tbeiu. My father told me the
eartli was getting old and worn ont and the people getting had, and that I was to
renew everything as it nscd to be and make it better.
He also told us that all our dead were to be resurrected ; that they were all to
come back to earth, and that, as the earth was too small for them and us, he would
do away with heaven and make the earth itself large enough to contain us all; that
we must tell all the people we met about these things. He spoke to us about fight-
ing, and said that was bad and we must keep from it ; that the earth was to bo all
good hereafter, and we nnist all bo friends with one another. He said that in the
fall of the year the youth of all good people would be renewed, so that nobody
would be more than forty years old, and that if they behaved themselves well after
this the youth of everyone would be renewed in the spring. He said if we were all
good he would send people among us who could heal all our wounds and sickness
by mere touch and that we would live forever. He told us not to quarrel or fight
or strike each other, or shoot one another ; that the whites and Indians were to be
all one people. He said if any man disobeyed what he ordered his tribe would be
wiped from the face of the earth; that we must believe everything he said, and
wo must not doubt him or say he lied; that if wo did, he would know it; that he
would know our thoughts and actions in no matter what part of the world we
might be, {G.D.,5.)
Here we have the statement that both races are to live together as
one. We have also the doctrine of healing by touch. Whether or
not this is an essential part of the system is questionable, but it is cer-
tain that the faithful believe that great physical good comes to them,
to their children, and to the sick from the imposition of hands by the
priests of the dance, apart from the ability thus conferred to see the
things of the spiritual world.
Another idea here presented, namely, that the earth becomes old and
decrepit, and requires that its youth be renewed at the end of certain
great cycles, is common to a number of tribes, and has an important
place in the oldest religions of the world. As an Arapaho who spoke
English expressed it, " This earth too old, grass too old, trees too old,
our lives too old. Then all be new again." Captain H. L. Scott also
found among the southern i)lains tribes the same belief that the rivers,
the mountains, and the earth itself are worn out and must be renewed,
together with an indefinite idea that both races alike must die at the
same time, to be resurrected in new but separate worlds.
(The Washo, Pit River, Bannock, and other tribes adjoining the
Paiute on the north and west hold the doctrine substantially as taught
by the messiah himself. We have but little light in regard to the
belief as held by the Walapai, Cohonino, Mohave, and Navaho to the
southward, beyond the general fact that the resurrection and return of
the dead formed the principal tenet. As these tribes received their
knowledge of the new religion directly from Paiute apostles, it is quite
probable that they made but few changes in or additions to the original
gosi)el.
A witness of the dance among the Walapai in 1891 obtained from the
leaders of the ceremony about the same statement of doctrine already
mentioned as held hy the Paiute, from whom also the Walapai bad
adopted many of the songs and ceremonial words used in connection
786 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.anx.u
with the dance. They were then expecting the Indian redeemer to
appear on earth some time within three or four years. They were par-
ticularly anxious to have it understood that their intentions were not
hostile toward the whites and that they desired to live in peace with
them until the redeemer came, but that then they would be unable to
prevent their destruction even if they wished. (J. F. L., 3.)
The manner of the final change and the destruction of the whites
has been variously interpreted as the doctrine was carried from its
original centei'. Kast, of the mountains it is commonly held that a deep
sleep will come on the believers, during which the great catastrophe
will be accomplished, and the faithful will awake to immortality on a
new earth. The Shoshoni of Wyoming say this sleep will continue
four days and nights, and that on the morning of the fifth day all will
open their eyes in a new world where both races will dwell together
forever. The Cheyenne, Arapaho, Kiowa, and others, of Oklahoma,
say that the new earth, with all the resurrected dead from the begin-
ning, and with the buflfalo, the elk, and other game upon it, will come
from the west and slide over the surface of the present earth, as the
right hand might slide over the left. As it approaches, the Indians will
be carried upward and alight on it by the aid of the sacred dance
feathers which they wear in their hair and which will act as wings
to bear them up. They will then become unconscious for four days,
and on waking out of their trance will find themselves with their
former friends in the midst of all the oldtime surroundings. By Sitting
Bull, the Arapaho apostle, it is thought that this new earth as it
advances will be preceded by a wall of fire which will drive the whites
across the water to their original and proper country, while the Indians
will be enabled by means of the sacred feathers to surmount the flames
and reach the promised land. When the expulsion of the whites has
been accomplished, the fire will be extinguished by a rain continuing
twelve days. By a few it is believed that a hurricane with thunder
and lightning will come to destroy the whites alone. This last idea is
said to be held also by the Walapai of Arizona, who extend its provisions
to include the unbelieving Indians as well. (G. D., 6.) The doctrine
held by the Caddo, Wichita, and Delaware, of Oklahoma, is practically
the same as is held by the Arapaho and Cheyenne from whom they
obtained it. All these tribes believe that the destruction or removal
of the whites is to be accomplished entirely by supernatural means, and
they severely blame the Sioux for having provoked a physical conflict
by their impatience instead of waiting for their God to deliver them in
his own good time.
Among all the tribes which have accepted the new faith it is held
that frequent devout attendance on the dance conduces to ward oft'
disease and restore the sick to health, this applying not only to the
actual participants, but also to their children and friends. The idea of
obtaining temjioral blessings as the reward of a faithful performance
MooNET] SIOUX VERSION OF THE DANCE 787
of religious duties is too natunil and universal to require comment.
The i)urilication by the sweat-bath, which forms an important prelimi-
nary to the dance among the Sioux, while devotional in its purpose, is
probably also sanitary in its effect.
Among the powtuful and warlike Sioux of the Dakotas, already rest-
less under both old and recent grievances, and more lately brought to
the edge of starvation by a reduction of rations, the doctrine speedily
assumed a hostile meaning and developed some peculiar features, for
which reason it deserves particular notice as concerns this tribe. The
earliest rumors of the new messiah came to the Sioux from the more
western tribes in the winter of 1888-89, but the first definite account
was brought by a delegation which crossed the mountains to visit the
messiah in the fall of 1889, returning in the spring of 1890. On the
report of these delegates the dance was at once inaugurated and spread
so ra])idly that in a few months the new religion had been accepted by
the majority of the tribe.
Perhaps the best statement of the Sioux version is given by the vet-
eran agent, James McLaughlin, of Standing Rock agency. In an official
letter of October 17, 1890, he writes that the Sioux, under the influence of
Sitting Bull, were greatly excited over the near approach of a i)redicted
Indian millennium or "return of the ghosts," when the white man would
be annihilated and the Indian again supreme, and which the medicine-
men had promised was to occur as soon as the grass was green in the
spring. They were told that the Great Spirit had sent upon them the
dominant race to punish them for their sins, and that their sins were
now expiated and the time of deliverance was at hand. Their deci-
mated ranks were to be reinforced by all the Indians who had ever died,
and these sjiirits were already on their way to reinhabit the earth, which
had originally belonged to the Indians, and were driving before them,
as they advanced, immense herds of buffalo and fine ponies. The Great
Spirit, who had so long deserted his red children, was now once more
with them and against the whites, and the white man's gunpowder
would no longer have power to drive a bullet through the skiaof an
Indian. The whites themselves would soon be overwhelmed and smoth-
ered under a deep landslide, held down by sod and timber, and the few
who might escape would become small fishes in the rivers. In order to
bring about this happy result, the Indians must believe and organize
the Ghost dance.
The agent continues:
It would seem impossible that any person, no matter how ignorant, conld 1)«
brought to believe such absurd nonsense, but as a matter of fact a great many Indians
of this agency actually believe it, and since this new doctrine has been ingrafted
here from the more southern Sioux agencies the infection has been wonderful, and so
pernicious that it now includes some of the Indians who were formerly numbered
with the progressive and more intelligent, and many of our very best ludians appear
dazed and undecided when talking of it, their inherent superstition having been
thoroughly aroused. (G.D.,7.)
788 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
The following extract is from a translation of a letter dated March
30, 1891, written in Sioux by an Indian at Pine Eidge to a friend at
Kosebud agency:
And now I will tell another thing. Lately there is a man died and come to life
again, and he say he has heen to Indian nation of ghosts, and tells us dead Indian
nation all coming home. The Indian ghost tell him come after his war bonnet.
The Indian (not ghost Indian) gave him his war bonnet and he died again. {G.D.,8.)
The Sioux, like other tribes, believed that at the moment of the
catastrophe the earth would tremble. According to one version the
landslide was to be accompanied by a flood of water, which would flow
into the mouths of the whites and cause them to choke with mud.
Storms and whirlwinds were also to assist in their destruction. The
Indians were to surmount the avalanche, probably in the manner
described in speaking of the southern tribes, and on reaching the sur-
face of the new earth would behold boundless prairies covered with
long grass and filled with great herds of buffalo and other game.
When the time was near at hand, they must assemble at certain places
of rendezvous and prepare for the final abandonment of all earthly
things by stripping off" their clothing. In accordance with the general
idea of a return to aboriginal habits, the believers, as far as possible,
discarded white man's dress and utensils. Those who could i^rocure
buckskin — which is now very scarce in the Sioux country — resumed
buckskin dress, while the dancers put on " ghost shirts" made of cloth,
but cut and ornamented in Indian fashion. No metal of any kind was
allowed in the dance, no knives, and not even the earrings or belts of
imitation silver which form such an important part of prairie Indian
costume. This was at variance with the custom among the Cheyenne
and other southern tribes, where the women always wear in the dance
their finest belts studded with large disks of German silver. The
beads used so freely on moccasins and leggings seem to have been
regarded as a substitute for the oldtime wampum and porcupine quill
work, and were therefore not included in the prohibition. No weapon
of any kind was allowed to be carried in the Ghost dance by any tribe,
north or south, a fact which effectually disposes of the assertion that
this was another variety of war dance. At certain of the Sioux
dances, however, sacred arrows and a sacred bow, with other things,
were tied on the tree in the center of the circle.
Valuable light in regard to the Sioux version of the doctrine is
obtained from the sermon delivered at Red Leaf camp, on Pine Ridge
reservation, October 31, 1890, by Short Bull, one of those who had been
selected to visit the messiah, and who afterward became one of the
prime leaders in the dance :
My friends and relations : I will soon start this thing' in running, order. I have
told you that this would come to pass in two seasons, but since the whites are inter-
fering so much, I will advance the time from what my father above told me to do,
so the time will be shorter. Therefore you must not be afraid of anything. Some
of my relations have no ears, so I will have tbem blown away.
ran
fUiri7BRSIT7]
:im^
EXPLANATION OF PLATE XCIII
The originals of tliesc ghost sliirts, now in the National Museum, were taken, by
scouts present ilurini; the tight, from the bodies of Indians killed at Woumied Kuee,
and were obtained by the author, at Pine Ridge, from Philip Wells and Louis
Menard, mixed-blood interpreters, the former havinj^ also been present as inter-
preter for the Indian seouts during the tif;ht. They are made of coarse white cloth,
sewn with sinew. One of tbe shirts is partially burned, having probably been
taken out of oue of the tipis overturned and set on tire during the action. Two
other ghost shirts, said to be from the same battlefield, are also in the National
Museum .
MooNEV] SHORT bull's SERMON 789
Now, there will l>e a tree sprout up, and there all the members of our religion and
tbo trihe must gather together. That will be the place where we will see our dead
relations. But before this time we must dance the balance of this moon, at the end
of which time the earth will shiver very hard. Whenever this thing occurs, I will
start the wind to blow. Wo are the ones who will then see our fathers, mothers, and
everybody. We, the tribe of Indians, are the ones who iire living a sacred life. God,
our father himself, has told and commanded and shown me to do these things.
Our father in heaven has iilaced a mark at each point of the four winds. First, a
clay jiipe, which lies at the setting of the sun and represents the Sioux tribe.
Second, there is a holy arrow lying at the north, which represents the Cheyenne
tribe. Third, at the rising of the sun there lies hail, representing the Arapaho
tribe. Fourth, there lies a pipe and nice feather at the south, which represents the
Crow tribe. My father has shown me these things, therefore wo must continue this
dance. If the soldiers surround you four deep, three of you, on whom I have put
holy shirts, will sing a song, which I have taught you, around them, when some of
them will drop dead. Then the rest will start to run, but their horses will sink into
the earth. The riders will jump from their horses, but they will sink Into the earth
also. Then you can do as you desire with them. Now, you must know this, that all
the soldiers and that race will be dead. There will be only five thousand of them
left living on the earth. My friends and relations, this is straight and true.
Now, we must gather at Pass creek where the tree is sprouting. There we will go
among our dead relations. You must not take any earthly things with you. Then
the men must take oil' all their clothing and the women must do the same. No one
shall bo ashamed of exposing their persons. My father above has told us to do this,
and we must do as he says. You must not be afraid of anything. The giins are the
only things we are afraid of, but they belong to our father in heaven. He will see
that they do no harm. Whatever white men may tell you, do not listen to them, my
relations. This is all. I will now raise my hand ap to my father and close what he
has said to you through me. {Short Hull; IVar, 4.)
The pii)e here referred to is the most sacred thing in Sioux mythology
and will be more fully described in treating of the Sioux songs. The
sacred object of the Cheyenne is the " medicine arrow," now in the
keeping of the band living near Cantonment, Oklahoma. The Crow
and Arapaho references are not so clear. The Arapaho are called by
the Sioux the " Blue Cloud " people, a name which may possibly have
some connection with hail. The sprouting tree at which all the believers
must gather refers to the tree or pole which the Sioux jjlanted in the
center of the dance circle. The cardinal directions here assigned to the
other tribes may refer to their former locations with regard to the
Sioux. The Clieyenne and Arapaho, who now live far west and south
of the Sioux, originally lived north and east of them, about Red river
and the Saskatchewan.
The most noted thing connected with the Ghost dance among the
Sioux is the "ghost shirt" which was worn by all adherents of the
doctrine — men, women, and children alike. It is described by Captain
Sword in his account of the Ghost dance, given in the appendix to this
chapter, and will be noticed at length hereafter in treating of the cere-
mony of the dance. During the dance it was worn as an outside
garment, but was said to be worn at other times under the ordinary
dress. Although the shape, fringing, and feather adornment were
practically the same in every case, considerable variation existed in
790 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [etii.ann.U
regard to the painting, tlie designs on some being very simple, while
the others were fairly covered with representations of sun, moon, stars,
the sacred things of their mythology, and the visions of the trance. Tlie
feathers attached to the garment were always those of the eagle, and
the thread used in the sewing was always the old-time sinew. In some
cases the fringe or other portions were painted with the sacred red
paint of the messiah. The shirt was firmly believed to be impenetrable
to bullets or weapons of any sort. When one o£the women shot in the
Wounded Knee massacre was approached as she lay in the church and
told that she must let them remove her ghost shirt in order the better
to get at her wound, she replied: "Yes; take it off. They told me a
bullet would not go through. Now I don't want it any more."
The protective idea in connection with the ghost shirt does not seem
to be aboriginal. The Indian warrior habitually went into battle naked
above the waist. His protecting "medicine" was a feather, a tiny bag
of some sacred powder, the claw of an animal, the head of a bird, or
some other small object which could be readily twisted into his hair or
hidden between the covers of his shield without attracting attention.
Its virtue depended entirely on the ceremony of the consecration and
not on size or texture. The war paint had the same magic power of
protection. To cover the body in battle was not in accordance with
Indian usage, which demanded that the warrior should be as free and
unincumbered in movement as possible. The so-called "war shirt" was
worn chiefly in ceremonial dress parades and only rarely on the war-
path.
Dreams are but incoherent combinations of waking ideas, and there
is a Lint of recollection even in the wildest visions of sleep. The ghost
shirt may easily have been an inspiration from a trance, while the
trance vision itself was the result of ideas derived from previous obser-
vation or report. The author is strongly inclined to the opinion that
the idea of an invulnerable sacred garment is not original with the
Indians, but, like several other important points pertaining to the
Ghost-dance doctrine, is a practical adaptation by them of ideas derived
from contact with some sectarian body among the whites. It may have
been suggested by the "endowment robe" of the Mormons, a seamless
garment of white muslin adorned with symbolic figures, which is worn
by their initiates as the most sacred badge of their faith, and by many
of the believers is supposed to render the wearer invulnerable. The
Mormons have always manifested a particular interest in the Indians,
whom they regard as theLamanites of their sacred writings, and hence
have made special efforts for their evangelization, with the result that
a considerable number of the neighboring tribes of Ute, Paiute, Ban-
nock, and Shoshoni have been received into the Mormon church and
invested with the endowment robe. (See the appendix to this chapter:
"The Mormons and the Indians;" also "Tell It All," by Mrs T. B. H.
Stenhouse.) The Shoshoni and northern Arapaho occupy the same
MooNEYi THE GHOST SHIRT 791
reservatiou in Wyoming, and anything which concerns one tribe is
more or less talked of by the other. As the Sioux, Cheyenne, and other
eastern tribes make frequent visits to the Arapaho, and as these Arap-
aho have been the great apostles of the Ghost dance, it is easy to see
how an idea borrowed by the Shoshoni from the Mormons conld find its
way through the Arapaho first to the Sioux and Cheyenne and after-
ward to more remote tribes. Wovoka himself expressly disclaimed
any resi)onsibility for. the ghost shirt, and whites and Indians alike
agreed that it formed no part of the dance costume in Mason valley.
When I first went among the Cheyenne and neighboring tribes of Okla-
homa in January, 1891, the ghost shirt had not yet reached them. Soon
afterward the first one was brought down from the Sioux country by
a Cheyenne named White Buffalo, who had been a Carlisle student,
but the Arapaho and Cheyenne, after debating the matter, refused to
allow it to bo worn in the dance, on the ground that the doctrine of the
Ghost dance was one of peace, whereas the Sioux had made the ghost
shirt an auxiliary of war. In consequence of this decision such shirts
have never been worn by the dancers among the southern tribes.
Instead they wear in the dance their finest shirts and dresses of buck-
skin, covered with i)ainted and beaded figures from the Ghost-dance
mythology and the visions of the trance.
The Ghost dance is variously named among the difl'erent tribes. In
its original home among the Paiute it is called Nanigilkwa, "dance in a
circle" {niilca, dance), to distinguish it from the other dances of the
tribe, which have only the ordinary up-and-down step without the
circular movement. The Shoshoni call it TanU'rdyiln or Tamana'rayara,
which may be rendered " everybody dragging," in allusion to the man-
ner in which the dancers move around the circle holding hands, as
children do in their ring games. They insist that it is a revival of a
similar dance which existed among them fifty years ago. The Comanche
call it A'pmivka'ra, "the Father's dance," or sometimes the dance
" with joined hands." The Kiowa call it Mdnposo'ti guan, " dance with
clasped hands," and the frenzy, guan d'dalla-i, "dance craziness."
Tlie Caddo know it as A'd kaht'mbawi'ut, " the prayer of all to the
Father," or as the Niinisana ka au'-shan, "niinisana dance," from ncin-
isana, " my children," which forms the burden of so many of the ghost
songs in the language of the Arapaho, from whom they obtained the
dance. By the Sioux, Arapaho, and most other prairie tribes it is
called the "spirit" or "ghogt" dance (Sioux, Wana'ghi ica'chipi; Arap-
aho, Thigu'nawat), from the fact that everything connected with it
relates to the coming of the spirits of the dead from the spirit world,
and by this name it has become known among the whites.
,792 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [kth.ann.u
APPENDIX
THE MORMONS AND THE INDIANS
While the Indian excitement was at its height in 1892, a curious
pamphlet was published anonymously at Salt Lake City in connection
with a proposed series of lectures, from which we make some extracts
for the light they give on the Mormon attitude toward the Indians.
The pamphlet is headed, " The Mormons have stepped down and out
of Celestial Government — the American Indians have stejjped up and
into Celestial Government." It begins by stating that the Messiah
came to His people at the time appointed of the Father — March,
1890 — notwithstanding the assertion in the Deseret Evening Xews,
made January, 1892: '1890 has passed, and no Messiah has come.'"
It goes on to say :
" 1891 has passed, and no pruning of the vineyard." The vineyard of the Lord
is the house of Israel. — Isa. 5:7. In the part of the vineyard the American Indians,
descendants of the righteous branch of Joseph, who were led to the Western Conti-
nent or hemisphere — Zion — we find the vine, the stone-power of the Latter Days.
Ps. 80.
The celestial prophet, seer, and revelator, Joseph Smith, jr., prophesied on the 2d
of April, 1843, that the Messiah would reveal himself to man in mortality in 1890.
Doctrine and Covenants, 130, 15, 17, which reads : " I was once praying very ear-
nestly to know the time of the coming of the Son of Man, when I heard a voice speali
the following: 'Joseph, my son, if thou livest until thou art eighty-five years old,
thou shalt see the face of the Son of Man.' "
# * # * * *f . *
Five years later (than 1882) the sign that was to usher in the work of the Father
was given to the American Indians, while March, 1890, witnesses the organization of
a church under the restored order, where twelve disciples were chosen and ordained,
whose first allegiance is given irrevocably to the Lord God, whereas that of the
Celestial Church is given to the government fostering it.
# # * # # # - #
The following seven signs were to precede the fullness of the Gentiles upon the
land of America; Zion, the time, place, and parties given with each. [The first,
second, and third "signs" are omitted here.]
4. When the Bible and Book of Mormon become one in the hands of the Messiah.
Ezk. 37 :19 ; III Nephi, 21 : 1-7. In 1887, sixty years after the plates were delivered
to Joseph Smith, jr., the Book of Mormon in Spanish was delivered to the American
Indians, with the promise to those who are identified with the Gentiles that if they
will not harden their hearts, but will repent and know the true points of my doctrine
they shall be numbered with my covenant people, the Branch of Joseph. Doctrine
and Covenant, 19:59-62; 20:8-17; III Nephi, 21:1-7.
5. The coming of the Messiah. Three years later, March, 1890, the people of God,
who were notified by the three Nephites, met at Walkers lake, Esmeralda county,
Nevada, where a dispensation of the Cclesti;il kingdom of God — the gospel in the
covenant of consecration, a perfect oneness in all things, temporal and spiritual —
was given unto them. Twelve disciples were ordained, not by angels or men, but
by the Messiah, in the presence of hundreds, representing scores of tribes or nations,
who saw his face, heard and understood his voice as on the day of pentecost. Acts
2, also fulfilling sec. 90 : 9, 10, 11 of Doctrine and Covenant. Ezk. 20 : 33-37.
uooNEYi MORMONS AND THE INDIANS 793
6. The Fulness of the Gentiles. In 1492, the Lord God let His vineyard to the
nations of the Gentiles, to jxiuish His people the Branch of .loseph for 400 years
(Gen. 15: 13), bringing the fulno.ss of the Gentiles the end of their rule over the Amer-
ican Indians. October, 1892, Rom. II : 25-26 ; Cien. 50 : 25 ; New Trans. Matt. 21 : 33^1.
7. The Pruning of the Vineyard. The husbandmen upon this land began the last
pruning of the vineyard in 1891. Prominent among wliich stands our government
in fulfilling Matt. 21: 33-41, saying, let ns kill the heirs and hold the inheritance,
as sliown in the massacre of 'Wounded Knee; the butchery of Sitting Bull; the
imprisonment of Short Bull and others; the breaking up of reservations, and the
attempts to destroy the treaty stipulations above mentioned by forcing the mark of
the Beast, citizenship and statehood, upon the American Indians, which will ulti-
mately terminate in a war of extermination. Isa.lO: 24-27; Dan. 2:34; Isa. 14 : 21.
According to the astronomical, prophetic, and historical evidence found in the
Bible, Book of Mormon, and Doctrine and Covenants for the redemption of Z ion and
the restoration of Israel, there are seven celestial keys of powers to be used which
can not be handled by apostles, prophets, or angels. They can only be handled by
the Messiah and his Father.
2. The key of power that restores the heirs, the American Indians, to their own
lands consecrating to them the wealth of the Gentiles.
3. The key of power that turns away ungodliness from Jacob (the American
Indians) enabling them to build the temple on the spot pointed out by the finger of
God (Independence, Jackson County, Missouri), on which the true sign of Israel
is to rest, the glory of the living God of the Hebrews, the cloud by day and the pil-
lar of fire by night by the close of this generation, 1896.
# * # « w # •
On and after July 10, 1892, free lectures illustrated by figures, will be given weekly,
on Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, from 6.30 to 8.30 p. m. (weather permitting), at
the book stand in the Nineteenth Ward, opposite Margett's Brewery, No. 312 North
Second West.
First. On the coming of the Messiah to the Hebrews, at the sacrifice of Esau, neax
the close of the 400-year bondage of Jacob in the morning of the Abrahamic Cove-
nant, B. C. 1491.
Second. On the coming of the Messiah to the Jews, at the Meridian sacrifice of
Jacob at the close of the last 1921 years of the covenant, the year one A. D.
Tliird. On the coming of the Messiah to the American Indians, the remnants, at
the evening sacrifice of Ksau, near the expiration of the evening bondage of Jacob
of 400 years, 1892, in the last 430 years of the covenant.
PORCUPINE'S ACCOUNT OF THE MESSIAH
The following statement was made to Major Carroll, in command of
Camp Crook, at Tongue Eiver agency, Montana, June 15, 1890, and
transmitted through the War Department to the Indian Office :
In November last [1889] I left the reservation with two other Cheyennes. I went
through [Fort] Washakie and took the Union Pacific railroad at Rawlins. We got
on early in the morning about breakfast, rode all day on the railroad, and about
dark reached a fort [Bridger?]. I stayed there two days, and then took a passenger
train, and the next morning got to Fort Hall. I found some lodges of Snakes and
Bannocks there. I saw the ,^gent here, and he told me I could stay at the agency,
but the chief of the Bannocks who was there took me to his camp near by. The
Bannocks told me they were glad to see a Cheyenne and that we ought to make a
treaty with the Bannocks.
The chief told mo he had been to Washington and had seen the President, and
that we ought all to be friends with the whites and live at peace with them and
A
794 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
with each other. We talked these matters over for ten days. The agent then sent
for me and some of the Bannocks and Shoshoncs, and asked me where I was going.
I johl him I was just traveling to meet other Indians and see other countries; that
my people were at peace with the whites, and I thought I could travel anywhere I
wished. He asked me why 1 did not ha\e a pass. I s:iid because my agent would
not give me one. He said he was glad to see me anyhow, and that the whites and
Indians were all friends. Then he asked me where I wanted a pass to. I told him
1 wanted to go further and some Bannocks and Shoshones wanted to go along. He
gave passes — five of them — to the chiefs of the tliree parties. We took the railroad
to a little town near by, and then took a narrow-gauge load. We went on this, riding
all night at a very fast rate of speed, and came to a town on a big lake [Ogden or
Salt Lake City]. We stayed there one day, taking the cars at night, rode all night,
and the next morning about 9 oclock saw a settlement of Indians. We traveled
south, going on a narrow-gauge road. We got off at this Indian town. Tli« Indians
here were different from any Indians I ever saw. The women and men were dressed
in white people's clothes, the women having their hair banged. These Indians had
their faces painted white with black spots. We stayed with these people all day.
We took the same road at night and kejjt on. We traveled all night, and about day-
light we saw a lot of houses, and they told us there were a lot more Indians there;
so we got off, and there is where we saw Indians living in huts of grass [tul^?]. We
stopped here and got something to eat. There were whites living near by. We got
on the cars again at night, and during the night we got off among some Indians,
who were fish-eaters [Paiute]. We stayed among the Fish-eaters till morning, and
then got into a wagon with the son of the chief of the Fish-eaters, and we arrived
about noon at an agency on a big river. There was also a big lake near the agency.
The agent asked us where we were from and said we were a long ways from home,
and that he would write to our agent and let him know we were all right. From
this agency we went back to the station, and they told us there were some more
Indians to the south. One of the chiefs of the Fish-eaters then furnished us with
four wagons. We traveled all day, and then came to another railroad. We left
our wagons her^ and took the railroad, the Fish-eaters telling us there were some
more Indians along the railroad who wanted to see us. We took this railroad about
2 oclock and about sun down got to another agency, where there were more Fish-
eaters. [From diagrams drawn and explanations given of them in addition to the
foregoing, there seems to be no doubt thit the lakes visited are Pyramid and Walker
lakes, western Nevada, and the agencies those of the same name.]
• They told us they had heard from the Shoshone agency that the people in this
country were all bad people, but that they were good people there. All the Indians
from the Bannock agency down to where I finally stopped danced this dance [reler-
ring to the late religious dances at the Cheyenne agency], the whites often dancing it
themselves. [It will be recollected that he traveled constantly through the Mormon
country.] I knew nothing about this dance before going. I happened to run across
it, that is all. 1 will tell you about it. [Here all the Indian auditors removed
their hats in token that the talk to follow was to be on a religious subject.] I want
you all to listen to this, so that there will be no mistake. There is no harm in what
I am to say to anyone. I heard this where I met my friends in Nevada. It is a
wonder you people never heard this before. In the dance we had there [Nevada] the
whites and Indians danced together. I met tliere a great many kinds of i)eople, but
they all seemed to know all about this religion. The people there seemed all to be
good. I never saw any drinking or fighting or bad conduct among them. They
treated me well on the cars, without pay. They gave lue food without charge, and I '
found that this was a habit among them toward their neighbors. I thought it strange
that the people there should have been so good, so different from those here.
What I am going to say is the truth. The two men sitting near me were with me, .
and will bear witness that I speak the truth. I and my people have been living in
ignorance until I went and found out the truth. All the whites and Indians are ^
brothers, I was told there. I never knew this before.
jiooNKv] porcupine's visit to wovoka 795
The Fish-eaters near I'jramid lake told nie that Christ had appeared on earth
afjain. They said Christ knew he was comiuf; ; that eleven of his children were also
couiinj; from a far land. It appeared that Christ had sent for nie to j^o there, and
that was why nnconscionsly I took my journey. It had b(^eu foreordained. Christ
had summoned myself and others from all heathen tribes, I'ronj two to three or four
from each of fifteen or sixteen different tribes. There were more difi'erent langaages
than I ever heard before and I did not understand any of them. They told me when
I got there that my great father was there also, but did not know who he was.
The people assembled called a council, and the chief's sou went to see the Great
Father [messiah], who sent word to ns to remain fourteen days in that camp and
that he would come to see us. He sent me a small package of something white to
cat that I did not know the name of. There were a great many people in the coun-
cil, and this white food was divided among them. The food was a big white nut.
Then I went to the agency at Walker lake and they told us Christ would be there
in two days. At the end of two days, on the third morning, hundreds of people
gathered at this place. They cleared off a place near the agency in the form of a
circus ring and wo all gathered there. This space was perfectly cleared of grass,
etc. We waited there till late in the evening anxious to see Christ. Just before
sundown I saw a great many people, mostly Indians, coming dressed in white men's
clothes. The Christ was with them. They all formed in this ring around it. They
put up sheets all around the circle, as they had no tents. Just after dark some of
the Indians told me that the Christ [Father] was arrive«l. I looked around to find
him, and finally saw him sitting on one side of the ring. They all started toward
him to see him. They made a big fire to throw light on him. I never looked around,
bnt went forward, and when I saw him I bent my head. 1 had always thotight the
Great Father was a white man, but this man looked like an Indian. He sat there
a long time and nobody went up to speak to him. He sat with his head bowed all
the time. After awhile he rose and said he was very glad to see his children. "I
have sent for you and am glad to see you. I am going to talk to you after awhile
about your relatives who are dead and gone. My children, I want you to listen to
all I have to say to you. I will teach you, too, how to dance a dance, and I want
you to dance it. Get ready for your dance and then, when the dance is over, I will
talk to you." He was dressed in a white coat with stripes. The rest of his dress
was a white man's except that he had on a pair of moccasins. Then he commenced
our dance, everybody joining in, the Christ siuging while we danced. We danced
till late in the night, when he told us we had danced enough.
The next morning, after breakfast was over, we went into the circle and spread
canvas over it on the ground, the Christ standing in the midst of us. He told us he
was going away that day, but would be back that next morning and talk to us.
In the night when I first saw him I thought he was' an Indian, but the next day
when I could see better he looked different. He was not so dark as an Indian, nor
so light as a white man. He had no beard or whiskers, but very heavy eyebrows.
He was a good-looking man. We were crowded up very close. Wo had been told
that nobody was to talk, and even if we whispered the Christ would know it. I
had heard that Christ had been crucified, and I looked to see, and I saw a scar on his
wrist and one on his face, and ho seemed to be the man. I could not see his feet.
Ho would talk to ns all day.
That evcuiug we all assembled again to see him depart. When we were assembled,
he began to sing, and he commenced to tremble all over, violently for a while, and
then sat down. We danced all that night, the Christ lying down beside us apparently
dead.
The next morning when we went to eat breakfast, the Christ was with us. After
breakfast four heralds went around and called out that the Christ was back with us
and wanted to talk with ns. The circle was jirepared again. The people assenjbled,
and Christ came among us and sat down. He said he wanted to talk to ns again and
for us to listen. He said : "I am the man who made everything you see around you.
I am not lying to you, my children. I made this earth and everything on it. I have
796 THE GHOST-DANCE EELIGION [eth.an.n.u
been to heaven and seen your dead friends and have seen my own father and mother.
In the beginning, after God made the earth, they sent me back to teach the people,
and when I came back on earth the people were afraid of me and treated me badly.
This is what they did to me [showing his scars]. I did not try to defend myself. I
found my children were bad, so went back to heaven and left them. I told them
that in so many hundred years I would come back to see my children. At the end
of this time I was sent back to try to teach them. My father told me the earth was
getting old and worn out, and the people getting bad, and that I was to renew
everything as it used to be, and make it better."
He told us also that all our dead were to be resurrected ; that they were all to come
back to earth, and that as the earth was too small for them and ns, he would do
away with heaven, and make the earth itself large enough to contain us all ; that we
must tell all the people we meet about these things. He spoke to ns about fighting,
and said that was bad, and we must keep from it; that the earth was to be all good
hereafter, and wo must all Ije friends with one another. He said that in the fall of
the year the youth of all the good people would be renewed, so that nobody would
be more than 40 years old, and that if they behaved themselves well after this the
youth of everyone would be renewed in the spring. He said if we were all good he
would send people among us who could heal all our wounds and sickness by mere
touch, and that we would live forever. He told us not to quarrel, or fight, nor strike
each other, nor shoot one another; that the whites and Indians were to be all one
people. He said if any man disobeyed what he ordered, his tribe would be wiped
from the face of the earth ; that we must believe everything he said, and that we
must not doubt him, or say he lied ; that if we did, he would know it ; that he would
know our thoughts and actions, in no matter what part of the world we might be.
When I heard this from the Christ, and came back home to tell it to my people, I
thought they would listen. Where I went to there were lots of white people, but
I never had one of them say an unkind word to me. I thought all of your people
knew all of this I have told you of, but it seems you do not.
Ever since the Christ I speak of talked to me I have thought what he said was
good. I see nothing bad in it. When I got back, I knew my people were bad,
and had heard nothing of all this, so I got them together and told them of it and
warned them to listen to it for their own good. I talked to them for four nights
and five days. I told them just what I have told you here today. I told them
what I said were the words of God Almighty, who was looking down on them. I
wish some of you hacl been up in our camp here to have heard my words to the
Cheyennes. The only bad thing that there has been in it at all was this : I had
just told my people that the Christ would visit the sins of any Indian upon the
whole tribe, when the recent trouble [killing of Ferguson] occurred. If any one
of you think I am not telling the truth, you can go and see this man I speak of for
yourselves. 1 will go with you, and I would like one or two of my people who
doubt me to go with me.
The Christ talked to us all in our respective tongues. You can see this man in
your sleep any time you want after you have seen him and shaken hands with him
once. Through him you can go to heaven and meet your friends. Since my return
I have seen him often in my sleep. About the time the soldiers went up the Rosebud
I was lying in my lodge asleep, when this man appeared and told me that the
Indians had gotten into trouble, and I was frightened. The next night he appeared
to me and told me that everything would come out all right.
THE GHOST DANCE AMONG THE SIOUX
The following was written originally in the Tetou Dakota dialect T)y
George Sword, an Ogalala Sioux Indian, formerly captain of the Indian
police at Pine Eidge agency and now judge of the Indian court. It
MooNKY] THE DANCE AMONG THE SIOUX 797
was transliited by an Indian for Miss Emma O. Sickels and is published
by her courtesy. The copy of the original Sioux manuscript is in the
archives of the Bureau of Ethnology:
In the story of ghost <lancing, tho Ogalala beard that the Squ_gt' Ggd.waM truly on
earth iu the west from their country. This was in the year 188!(. Tho first people
knew about the messiah to be on earth were the Shoshoni and Arapaho. So in 1889
(!ood Thunder with four or five others visited the place where Son of God said to be.
These people went there without permission. They said the messiah was there at
tho ])lace, but he was there to help the Indians and not the whites ; so this made the
Indians happy to find out this. Good Thunder, Cloud Horse, Yellow Knife, and
Short IJuU visited the place again in 1890 and saw the messiah. Their story of visit
to the messiah is as follows :
"From tho country wliere the Arapaho and Shoshoni we start in the direction of
nortliwest in train for five nights and arrived at the foot of the Rocky mountains.
Here we saw him and also several tribes of Indians. The people said that the mes-
siah will come at a place in the woods wliore the place was prepare for him. When
we went to the place a smoke descended from heaven to the place where he was to
come. When the smoko disappeared, there was a man of about forty, which was the
Son of God. The man said:
'"My grandchildren! I am glad you have come far away to see your relatives.
This are your jjeople who have come back from your country.' When he said he
want us to go with him, we looked and we saw a land created across the ocean on
which all the nations of Indians were coming home, but, as the messiah looked at
the land which was created and reached across tho ocean, again disappeared, saying
that it was not time for that to take place. The messiah then gave to Good Thun-
der some paints — Indian paint and a white paint — a green grass [sagebrush twigs f] ;
and said, 'My grandchildren, when you get home, go to farming and send all your
children to school. And on way home if you kill any buftalo cut the head, the tail,
and the four feet and leave them, and that buffalo will come to live again. When the
soldiers of the white people chief want to arrest me, I shall stretch out my arms,
which will knock them to nothingness, or, if not that, the earth will open and swal-
low them iu. My father commanded me to visit the Indians on a purpose. I have
came to the white people first, but they not good. They killed me, and you can see
tho marks of my wounds on my feet, my hands, and on my back. My father has
given you life — your old life — and you have come to see your friends, but you will
not take me home with you at this time. I want you to tell when you get home
your people to follow my examples. Any one Indian does not obey me and tries to
be on white's side will be covered over by a new land that is to come over this old
one. You will, all the people, use the paints and grass I give you. In the spring
wlien the green grass comes, your people who have gone before you will come back,
and you shall see your friends then, for you have come to my call.'"
The people from every tipi send for us to visit them. They are people who died
many years ago. Chasing Hawk, who died not long ago, was there, and we went to
his tipi. Ho was living with his wife, who was killed in war long ago. They live
iu a buffalo skin tipi — a very large one — and he wanted all his friends to go there to
live. A son of Good Thunder who died in war long ago was one who also took us
to his tipi so his father saw him. When coming we come to a herd of buffaloes. We
killed one and took everything except the four feet, head, and tail, and when we
came a little ways from it there was the buffaloes come to life again and went off.
This was one of tho messiaU's word came to truth. The messiah said, " I will short
your journey when you feel tired of the long ways, if you call upon me." This
we did when we wen^ tired. Tlie night came upon us, we stopped at a place, and
we called upon the messiah to help us, because we were tired of long journey. We
went to sleep and in the morning wo found ourselves at a great distance from where
we stopped.
798 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.an.v.U
The people came back here and they got the people loyal to the government, and
those not favor of the -whites held a council. The agent's soldiers were sent after
them iiiid lirought Good Thnnder and two others to the agency and they were con-
fined to the prison. They were asked by tlie agent and Captain Sword whether they
saw the Son of God and whether they hold councils over their return from visit, but
Good Thunder refused to say "yes." They were coniined in the prison for two days,
• and upon their promising not to hold councils about their visit they were released.
They went back to the people and told them about their troiible with the agent.
Then they disperse without a council.
In the following spring the people at Pine Ridge agency began to gather at the
White Clay creek for councils. Just at this time Kicking Bear, from Cheyenne River
agency, went on a visit to the Arapaho and said that the Arapaho there have ghost
dancing. He said that people partaking in dance would get crazy and die, then the
messiah is seen and all the ghosts. When they die they see strange things, they see
their relatives who died long before. They saw these things when they died in
ghost dance and came to life again. The person dancing becomes dizzy and tiually
drop dead, and the first thing they saw is an eagle comes to them and canied them
to where the messiah is with his ghosts. The man said this :
The persons in the ghost dancing are all joined hands. A man stands and then a
■woman, so in that way forming a very large circle. They dance around in the circle
in a continuous time until some of them become so tired and overtired that they
became crazy and finally drop as though dead, with foams in mouth all wet by
perspiration. All the men and women made holy shirts and dresses they wear in
dance. The persons dropped in dance would all lie in great dust the dancing make.
They paint the white muslins they made holy shirts and dresses out of with blue
across the back, and alongside of this is a line of yellow paint. They also paint in
the front part of the shirts and dresses. A picture of an eagle is made on the back
of all the shirts and dresses. On the shoulders and on the sleeves they tied eagle
feathers. They said that the bullets will not go through these shirts and dresses, so
they all have these dresses for war. Their enemies weapon will not go through
these dresses. The ghost dancers all have to wear eagle feather on head. With this
feather any man would be made crazy if fan with this feather. In the ghost dance no
person is allow to wear anything made of any metal, except the guns made of metal
is carry by some of the dancers. When they come from ghosts or after recovery from
craziness, they brought meat from the ghosts or from the supposed messiah. They
also brought water, fire, and wind with which to kill all the whites or Indians who
will help the chief of the whites. They made sweat house and made holes in the
middle of the sweat house where they say the water will come out of these holes.
Before they begin to dance they all raise their hands toward the northwest and
cry in supplication to the messiah and then begin the dance with the song, "Ate
misunkala ceya omani-ye," etc.
selwyn's intervieav with kuwapi
On November 21, 1890, it was reported to Agent B. W. Foster, in
charge of Yankton agency, South Dakota, that an Indian named
Kuwapi, from Kosebud agency, was on the reservation teaching the
doctrine and ceremony of the Ghost dance. He at once had the man
arrested by a force in charge of William T. Selwyn, a full-blood Yank-
ton Sioux, who had received a fair education under the patronage
of a gentleman in Philadeljihia, and who had for several years been
employed in various capacities at dift'erent Sioux agencies. Selwyn
had recently come from Pine Ridge, where he had learned and reported
to Agent Gallagher something of the religious excitement among the
MooNBv] AMONG THE COHONINO 813
about 120 miles west of the Hopi, with whom they have a considerable
trade in buckskins and mesciuite bread. They probably obtained the
doctrine and the dance directly from the Paiute to the northward.
Our only knowk'd<;e of the Cohonino dance is derived through Hopi
informants, and as the two tribes speak languages radically dittereut
the ideas conveyed were neither complete nor definite, but it is evident
that the general doctrine was the same, although the dauce differed in
some respects from that of the other tribes.
We quote again from Stephen's letter of November 22, 1891 :
During a quiet interval, in one of the kivas I found the Hopi who brought the
tidings of the resurrection to his people. His name is Piitci and his story is very
meager and confused. He went on a customary trading visit to the Cojonino in
their home at Cataract creek, and I could not determine Just when. The chief of
the Cojonino is named Navajo, and when Piitci got there, Nav.ijo had but lately
returned from a visit to the westward. He had been with the Wiilapai, the Mohave,
and perhaps still farther west, and had been gone nearly three months. He told his
people a vague mystic story that he had heard during his travels, to the etfect that
the long-time dead people of the Antelope, Deer, and Uabbit [.\nteloi)e, Deer, etc,
are probably Cohonino gentes — .J. M.] were to come back and live in their former
haunts; that they had reached to .a place where were the people of the Puma, the
Wolf, and the Bear; that this meeting delayed the coming, but eventually all these
people would appear, and in the sequence here related. Piitci was accompanied by
three other Hopi, and they said they did not very well understand this strange
story. * While they were stopping in Cataract canon a one-night dance was held by
the Cojonino, at which these Hopi were present. During the night a long pole,
having the tail of an eagle fastened to the end, was brought out and securely planted
in the ground, and the dancers were told by their sham.ans that anyone who could
climb this pole and put his mouth on the tail would see his dead mother (maternal
ancestor). One nuin succeeded in climbing it and laid his mouth on the feathers,
and then fell to the bottom in a state of collapse. They deemed him dead, but
before dawn he recovered and then said that he had seen his dead mother and several
other dead ancestors, who told him they were all on their way back. The Hopi on
their return home related these marvels, but apparently it made little impression,
and it was only with difficulty I could gather the above meager details. *
Through tiie kindness of Mr Thomas V. Keam^-trader for the Hopi
and Navaho, we get a revision of Piitci's story. [ Piitci states that in
July, 1891, he with three other Hopi went on a visit to the Cohonino
to trade for buckskins. When they arrived in the vicinity of the Coho-
nino camp, they were met by one of the tribe, who informed the visitors
that all the Indians were engaged in a very important ceremony, and
that before they could enter the camp they nnist wash their bodies and
paint them with white clay. Accordingly, when this had been done,
they were escorted to the camp and introduced to the principal chief
and headmen, all of whom they found engaged in washing their heads,
decorating themselves, and preparing for the ceremony, which took
place on a clear space near the camp late in the afternoon. Here a very
tall straight pole had been securely fastened upright in the ground.
At the top were tied two eagle tail feathers. A circle was formed
around this pole by the Indians, and, after dancing around it until
almost dark, one of the men climbed the pole to the top, and remained
814 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ethan^.U
tliere until exhausted, when he woukl slide to the ground, clinging
insensible to the pole. After remaining in this state for some time, the
medicine-men resuscitated him. On recovery he stood up and told them
be had been into another world, where he saw all the old men who had
died long ago, and among them his own people. They told him they
would all come back in time and bring the deer, the antelope, and all
other good things they had when they dwelt on this earth. This cere-
mony lasted four days, including the cleansing and decorating of the
dancers and the climbing of the pole, with an account of what had
been seen by the Indian during the time he was in an apparently life-
less state. Eacli day the ceremony was attended by the whole tril)e.
(Keam, 1.) Resuscitation by the medicine- men, as here mentioned, is
something unknown among the prairie tribes, where the unconscious
subject is allowed to lie undisturbed on the ground until the senses
return in the natural way. j
Beyond the Cohonino, and extending for about 200 miles along Colo-
rado river on the Arizona side, are the associated tribes of Mohave,
Walapai, and Chemehuevi, numbering in all about 2,800 souls, of
whom only about one-third are on a reservation. The Chemehuevi,
being a branch of the Paiute and in constant communication with
them, undoubtedly had the dance and the doctrine. The Mohave also
have much to do with the Paiute, the two tribes interchanging visits
and mutually borrowing songs and games. They sent delegates to
the messiah and in all probability took up the Ghost dance, in spite of
the agent's statement to the contrary. As only 600 of more than 2,000
Mohave are reitorted as being on the reservation, the agent may have
a good reason for not keeping fully informed in regard to them.
Concerning the Walapai we have positive information. In Septem-
ber, 1890, the commanding officer at Fort Whipple was informed that a
Paiute from southern Utah was among the Walapai, inciting them to
dance for the purpose of causing hurricanes and storms to destroy the
whites and such Indians as would not participate in the dances. It
was stated also that these dances had then been going on for several
uionths and were participated in by a large portion of the tribe, and
that each dance lasted four or five nights in succession. On investi-
gation it appeared that this Paiute was one of a party who had come
down and inaugurated the Ghost dance among the Walapai the preced-
iHgyear. {G. D., 17.)
I We find an account of the Walapai Ghost dance in a local paper(a
year laterJ The article states that all the songs were in the language of
the Paiute, from whom the doctrine had originally come. The Wala-
pai version of the doctrine has been already noted. The dance itself,
and the step, as here described, are essentially the same as among other
tribes. Each dance lasted five nights, and on the last night was kept
up until daylight. Just before daylight on the morning of the last night
the medicine men ascended a small butte, where they met and talked
MooNKv] seLwyn's report 801
Q. Do you intend to introduce the doctrines of the new inesslah from Rosebnd to
this ajiency as a missionary of the gospel? — A. No, I did not.
Q. What brings you hero, then? — A. I have some rehitives here that I wanted to
see, and this was tho reason why I came here.
Q. Where does tliis new messiaU question originate ? I mean from the first start of
it. — A. This has originated in White mountains.
Q. Where is this White mountain? — A. Close to the big Kocky mountains, near
the country that belong to tlie Mexicans.
Q. Do you think that there will be a trouble in the west by next spring? — A. Yes.
Q. What makes you think so? — A. Because that is what I have heard people
talk of.
This is all that I have questioned Kuwapi on the subject of the new messiah.
Respectfully, your obedient servant,
William T. Sklwyn.
Chapter XI
THE GHOST BANCE WEST OF THE ROCKIES
I The first Ghost dance on Walker Lake reservation took place in Jan-
'uary, 1889, about a mile above the railroad bridge near the agency.
Wovoka's preaching had aheady been attracting general attention
among his own people for some months. It is said that six Apache
attended this first dance, but the statement is improbable, as this would
imply that they had made a journey of 600 iniles through a desert
country to see a man as yet unknown outside of his own tribe. From
this time, however, his fame went abroad, and another large dance in
the same vicinity soon after was attended by a number of Ute from
Utah. The Ute are neighbors of the Paiute on the east, as the Ban-
nock are on the north, and these tribes were naturally the first to hear
of the new prophet and to send delegates to attend the dance. The
doctrine spread almost simultaneously to all the scattered bands of
Paiute in Nevada, Oregon, and adjacent sections.
In its essential features the Ghost dance among the Paiute as con-
ducted by the messiah himself was practically the same as among the
majority of the prairie tribes, as will later be described. (The Sioux,
Kiowa, and perhaps some other tribes, however, danced around a trge
or pole set up in the center of the ring, diflering in this respect from
the Paiute, as well as from the Cheyenne, Arapaho, Caddo, and others.
Nojire was allowed within the ring by any of the prairie tribes among
whom the subject was investigated, but among the Pajiute it seems that
fires were built either within the circle or close to it.] When I visited
the messiah in January, 1892, deep snow was on the ground, which
had caused the temporary suspension of dancing, so that I had no
opportunity of seeing the performance tliere for myself. I saw, how-
ever, the jjlace cleared for the dance ground — the same spot where the
large delegation from Oklahoma had attended the dance the preced-
ing summer — at the upper end of Mason valley. A large circular
space had been cleared of sagebrush and leveled over, and around
the circumference were the remains of the low round structures of wil-
low branches which had sheltered those in attendance. At one side,
within the circle, was a larger structure of branches, where the messiah
gave audience to the delegates from distant tribes, and, according to
their statements, showed them the glories of the spirit world through
the medium of hypndtic trances. ( The Paiute always dance five nights,
or perhaps more properly four nights and the morning of the fifth day,
802
B\
MooNEv] PORCUPINE VISITS THE MESSIAH 803
as enjoined by the messiah on the visiting delegates, ending the per-
formance with a genera] shaking and waving of blankets, as among
the prairie tribes, after which all go down and bathe in the nearest
stream. The shaking of the blankets dispels all evil influences and
drives sickness and disease away from the dancers. There is no pre-
vious consecration of the ground, as among the Arapaho, and no
preliminary sweat bath, as among the Sioux. Tiie swea^ bath seems
to be unknown to the Paiiite, who are preeminently a dirty Rcople, and
1 saw no trace of sweat-house frames at any of their camps, j Nakaah.
the Arapaho who visited the messiah in 1889 and first brought the
dance to the eastern tribes, confirmed the statements of the Paiute
and ranchmen that there were no trances in the Paiute Ghost dance.
Besides the dance ground in Mason valley, where the messiah himself
generally presided, there were several others on Walker River reser-
vation, although, if we are to believe the agent, no Ghost dances were
ever held on either reservation.
/ The following extract from Porcupine's account of his visit to the
I messiah in the fall of 1889 (see page 793) gives some idea of the Paiute
1 Ghost dance and throws light on the catale^^tic peculiarities of the
^ messiah :
I went to tbe agency at Walker lake, and they tol<l ns C'lirlst would be there in two
days. At the end of two days, on the third morning, hundreds of i)eople gathered
at this place. They cleared ott" a place near the agoncy in the form of a circus ring
and we all gathered there. This space was perfectly cleared of grass, etc. We
waited there till late in the evening, anxious to see Christ. Just before sundown I
saw a great many people, mostly Indians, coming dresseil in white men's clothes.
The Christ was with them. They all formed in this ring in a circle around him.
They put up sheets all around the circle, as they had no tents. Just after dark some
of the Indians told me thatjthe Christ (father) was arrived. I looked around to find
him, and linally saw him sitting on one side of the ring. They all started toward
him to see him. They made a big lire to throw light on him. I never looked around,
but went forward, and when I saw him 1 bent my head. . . . He sat there a
long time and nobody went up to speak to him. He sat with his head bowed all
the time. After awhile he rose and said he was very glad to see his children,
. "I have sent for you and am glad to see you, I am going to talk tbyou after awhile
about your relatives who are dead and gone. My children, 1 want you to listen to
all I have to say to you. I will teach you, too, how to dance a dance, and I want
you to dance it. Get ready for your dance, and then when tlie dance is over I will
talk to you," He was dressed in a white coat with stripes. The rest of his dress
was a white man's, except that he had on a pair of moccasins. 'I'hen he commenced
our dance, everybody joining in, the Christ singing while we danced. We danced
till late in the night; then he told us we had danced enough.
The next morning after breakfast was over, we went into the circle and spread
canvas over it on the gnmnd, the Christ standing in the midst of us. He told
us he was going away that ilay, but would be back the next morning and talk to
us. . . . He luad no beard or whiskers, but very heavy eyebrows. He was a
good-looking man. We were crowded up very close. We had been told that nobody
was to talk, and that even if we whispered the Christ would know it. . . . He
would talk to us all day.
That evening we all assembled again to see him depart. When we were assem-
bled he began to sing, and he commenced to tremble all over violently for a while
804
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
and then sat down. We danced all that night, the Christ lying down beside us
apparently dead.
The next morning when we went to eat breakfast, the Christ was with us. After
breakfast four heralds went around and called out that the Christ was back with
us and wanted to talk with us. The circle was jirepared agaJn. The people
assembled, and Christ came among us and sat down. (G. D., 9.) \
"We come now to the other tribes bordering on the Paiute. First
in order are the Washo, a small band dwelling on the slopes of the
sierras in the neighborhood of Carson, Nevada, and speaking a peculiar
language of unknown aflflnity. They are comijletely under tlie domi-
nation of the Paiute. They had no separate dance, but joined in with
the nearest camps of Paiute and sang the same songs. Occupying
practically the same territory as the Paiute, they were among the first
to receive the new doctrine.
Farther to the south, in California, about Bridgeport and Mono lake
and extending across to the westward slope of the sierras, are several
small Shoshonean bands closely akin to the Paiute and known locally
as the "Diggers." The Paiute state that bands of these Indians fre-
quently came up and participated in the dance on the reservation.
They undoubtedly had their own dances at home also.
According to the statement of the agent in charge of the Mission
Indians in southern California in 1891, the doctrine reached them also,
and the medicine-men of Potrero began to prophesy the destruction of
the whites and the return of Indian supremacy. Few believed their
predictions, however, until rumors brought the news of the overflow
of Colorado river and the birth of "Salton sea" in the summer of 1891.
Never doubting that the great change was near at hand, the frightened
Indians fled to the mountains to await developments, but after having
gone hungry for several days the millennial dawn seemed still as far
away as ever, and they returned to their homes with disappointment
in their hearts. Although the agent mentions specifically only the
Indifms of Potrero, there can be no doubt that the inhabitants of the
other Mission rancherias in the vicinity were also affected, and we
are thus enabled to fix the boundary of the messiah excitement in this
direction at the Pacific ocean. {Comr., 27.)
In northern California the new doctrine was taken up late in 1890 by
the Pit River Indians, a group of tribes constituting a distinct linguistic
stock and scattered throughout the whole basin of Pit river, from Goose
lake to the Sacramento, which may have formed the boundary of the
Ghost-dance movement in this direction. [A. G. 0., 7.) As a number of
these Indians are living also on Round Valley reservation in California,
it is possible that the doctrine may have reached there also. Having
obtained the dance ritual directly from the Paiute, their neighbors on the
east, the ceremony and belief were probably the same with both tribes.
So far as can be learned from the reports of agents, and from the
statement of Wovoka himself, the dance was never taken up by the
Indians of Hoopa Valley reservation in California; of Klamath, Siletz,
MooNBT] SPREAD OF THE DANCE 805
Grande Ronde, or Umatilla reservations in Oregon ; by any of the tribes
in Washington; by those of Lapwai or C(pur d'Alene reservations in
Idaho; or on .locko reservation in Montana. Wovoka stated that he
had been visited by delegates from Warmspring agency, in Oregon,
who also had taken i)art in the dance, but these may have been some of
the Paiute living on that reservation. The small band of Paiute living
witli tlie Klamath probably also attended the dance at some time.'
A single Nez Perc^ visited the messiab, but the visit had no effect -^ » •
oii_hia_trihft j^t hftrtiR In a general way it may be stated that the ( ^-v»a>*\
doctrine of the Ghost dance was never taken up by any tribes of the
Salishan or Sliahai)tian stocks, occupying practically the whole of the
great Columbia basin. This is probably due to the fact that the more
important of these tribes have been for a long time under the influence '
of Catliolic or other Christian missionaries, while most of the others
are adherents of the Smohalla or the Shaker doctrine.
Of the tribes southward from the Paiute, according to the best
information obtainable, the Ghost dance never reached the Yuma,
Pima, Papago, Maricopa, or any of the Apache bands in Arizona or
New Mexico, neither did it affect any of the Pueblo tribes except the
Taos, who performed the dance merely as a pastime. As before stated,
it is said that six Apache attended the first large dance at Walker
lake in 1889. This seems improbable, but if true it produced no effect
on any part of the tribe at large. Later on the Jicarilla Apache, in
northern New Mexico, may have heard of it through the southern Ute,
but, so far as is known oilicially, neither of these tribes ever engaged in
the dance. The agent of the Jicarilla states that the tribe knew nothing
of the doctrine until informed of it by himself. (G. D., 10.) It seems
never to have been taken up by the Mescalero Apache in southern New
Mexico, although they are in the habit of making frequent visits to the
Kiowa, Comanche, Apache, and other Ghost-dancing tribes of Okla-
homa. The agent of the Mohave states officially that these Indians
knew nothing about it, but this must be a mistake, as there is constant
communication between the Mohave and the southern Paiute, and, ac-
cording to Wovoka's statement, Mohave delegates attended the dance
in 1890, while the 700 Walapai and Chemehuevi associated with the
Mohave are known to have been devoted adherents of the doctrine.
The dance was taken up nearly simultaneously by the Bannock,
Shoshoni, Gosiute, and Ute in the early part of 1889. All these tribes
are neighbors (on the east) of the Paiute and closely cognate to them,
the Bannock particularly having only a slight dialectal difference of
language, so that communication between them is an easy matter. The
' Hoopa Vallpy, Siletz, nnd Graiido Koude reservations are occupied by the remnants of a number of
small tribes. Klaiiuitli reservation is occupied by the Klamath, Modoc, and Taiute. On Umatilla
reservation are the Cayuse. I'matilla, and Wallawalla. The Xez Perc6 are at Lapwai to the numl)er
of over 1,81H). On the CiEur d'Alene reservation are Ihe Coeurd'Alenes, Kutenai, Pend d'Oreilles, and
part of the Spokan. On Jocko reservation in Montana are the Flatbeads, Kutenai, and a part of the
Penil d'Oreilles, Warmspring reservation in Oregon is oecupie<l by the Warmspring, Wasco, Tenlno,
Paiute, and John Bay Indians.
806 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [kth.an.v.U
Bannock are chiefly on Fort Hall and Lemhi reservations in Idaho.
The Shoshoni are on the Western Shoshone (Duck Valley) reservation
in Nevada, on Fort Uall and Lemhi reservations in Idaho, and on Wind
liiver reservation in Wyoming. The Ute are on ITintah and Uncom-
l)ahgre reservations in Utah, and on the Southern Ute reservation in
Colorado. There are also a considerable number of Uannock and Sho-
shoni not on reservations. The Ute of Utah sent delegates to the
messiah soon after the first Ghost dance in January, 1889, but it is
doubtful if the southern Ute in' Colorado were engaged in the dance.
Although aware of the doctrine, they ridiculed the idea of the dead
returning to earth. {G. £>., 11.)
In regard to the dance among the Shoshoni and Paiute on the West-
ern Shoshoni reservation, in Nevada and Idaho, their agent writes,
under date of November 8, 1890 :
The Indians of this reservation and vicinity have just concluded their second
medicine dance, the previous one having taken place in August last. They are look-
ing for the coming of the Indian Christ, the resurrection of the dead Indians, and
the consequent supremacy of the Indian race. Fully one thousand people took part
in the dance. While the hest of order prevailed, the excitement was very great as
morning approached. When the dancers were worn out mentally and physically,
the medicine-men would shout that they could see the faces of departed friends and
relatives moving abojit the circle. No pen can paint the picture of wild excitement
that ensued. All shouted in a chorus, Christ has come, aud then danced and sung
until they fell in a confused and exhausted mass on the ground. ... I apprehend
no trouble beyond the loss of time and tlie g:'neral demoralizing effect of these large
gatherings of people. Several of the leading men have gone to Walker lake to con-
fer witli a man who calls himself Christ. Others have gone to Fort Hall to meet
Indians from Montana and Dakota, to get the news from that section. In fact, the
astonishing part of the business is the fact that all the Indians in the country seem
to possess practically the same ideas and expect about the same result. (G. D., 12.)
On December G he writes that another Ghost dance had then been in
progress for six days, and that the Indians had announced their inten-
tion to dance one week in each month until the grass grew, at which
time the medicinemen had told them the messiah would come, bring-
ing with him all their dead friends. ((?. D., 13.) This dance, however,
was attended by a much smaller number of Indians, and skeptics had
already arisen among them to scoff at the new believers. The leaven
was working, and only a little shrewd diplomacy was needed to turn
the religious scale, as is shown by an extract from a third letter, dated
January 10, 1891, from which it would seem that Agent Plumb is a man
of practical common sense, as likewise that Esau was not the only one
who would sell his birthright for a mess of pottage :
Christmas daj- was the day set for commencing another dance. On learning this, I
told the Indians that it was my intention to give them all a big feast and have a
general holiday on Christmas, but that I would not give them anything if they
intended to dance. I told them they could play all of their usual games, in fact,
have a good time, but that dancing was forbidden. I showed them how continued
dancing at various Sioux agencies had ended in soldiers being sent to stop them. I
stated the case as clearly as I could ; the Indians debated it two days, and then
t\
MooNKY) THE DANCK AMONG THE BANNOCK 807
reported that wliili! they hoped thoir dead frieiuls would come hack, and helieved
that danciiif; would help to bring them, yet they were friends of tlie government,
and friends of the whites, and my friends, and would not hold any nu>re resurrection
dances without my consent. Up to this date they have kept their word. I have no |
hope of breaking up their dances altogether, but I have strong hopes of controlling ]off' ■
them. {(!. I>., 14.)
The Bannock and Shoshoni of Fort Hall reservation in Idaho have^
served as "ITIg chlet medium' of the doctrine between the tribes west
of the mountains and those of the plains. Situated almost on the sum-
mit of the great divide, they are within easy reach of the Paiute to tlie
west, among wliom the dance originated, and whose language the Ban-
nock speak, while at no great distance to the east, on Wind River y/iV>tivfl
reservation in Wyoming, the remaining Shoshoni are confederated with ' iJ^mjA.
the Arapaho, who have been from the first the great apostles of the '^ f/"
doctrine among the prairie tribes. There is constant visiting back and
forth between the ti'ibes of these two reservations, while the four rail-
roads coming in at Fort Eall, together with the fact of its close prox-
imity to the main line of the Union Pacific, tend still more to make it a
focus and halting point for Indian travel. Almost every delegation
from the tribes east of the mountains stopped at this agency to obtain
the latest news from the messiah and to procure interpreters from
among the Bannock to accompany them to Nevada. In a letter of
November 26, 1890, to the Indian Commissioner, the agent in charge
states that during the preceding spring and summer his Indians had
been visited by representatives from about a dozen different reserva-
tions. In regard to the dance and the doctrine at Fort Hall, he also says
that the extermination and resurrection business was not a new thing
with his tribes by any means, but had been quite a craze with them
every few years for the last twenty years or more, only varying a little
according to the whim of particular medicinemen. [O. D., 15.) This
may have referred to the doctrine already mentioned as having been
taught by Ttivlbo.
Early in 1889 a Bannock from Fort Hall visited the Shoshoni and
Arapaho of Wind River reservation in Wyoming and brought theni'
the first knowledge of the new religion. He had just returned from a
visit to the Paiute country, where he said he had met messengers who
had told him that the dead ])eople were coming back, and who had
commanded him to go and tell all the tribes. "And so," said the
Shoshoni, "he came here and told us all about it.'V Accordingly, in
the summer of that year a delegation of five Shoshoni, headed by
Tabinshi, with Nakash ("Sage"), an Arapaho, visited the messiah
of Mason valley, traveling most of the way by railroad and occupying
several days in the journey. They attended a Ghost dance, which,
according to their accounts, was a very large one, and after dancing
all night were told by the messiah that they would meet all their dead
in two years from that time at the turning of the leaves, i. e., in the
autumn of 1891. They were urged to dance frequently, "because the
808 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [kth.ann.U
dauce moves the dead." One of the Shoshoni delegates understood
the Bannock and Paiute language and interpreted for the rest. The
information was probably conveyed by the Shoshoni to the Arapaho
through the medium of the sign language.
In accord with the report of the delegates, on their return home the
Shoshoni and Arapaho at once began to dance. A year later, in the
fall of 1890, a dense smoke from forest fires in the mountains drifted
down and obscured the air in the lower country to such an extent that
horses were lost in the haze. This was regarded by the Indians as an
indication of the approach of the great change, and the dance was
continued with increased fervor, but at last the atmosphere began to
clear and the phenomenon ended as it had begun — in smoke. The
dance was kept up, however, without abatement for another year, until
the i^redicted time had come and gone, when the Shoshoni — who seem
to share the skeptical nature of their southern kinsmen, the Comanche —
concluded that they had been deceived, and abandoned the dance.
The Arapaho, who have greater faith in the unseen things of the spirit
world, kept it up, and were still dancing when I visited them in the
summer of 1892. A part of the Arapaho, headed by their chief. Black
Coal, and encouraged by the Catholic missionaries, had steadily opposed
the dance from the first. After considerable discussion of the matter it
was decided, on Black Coal's proposition, to send another delegation
to the messiah, under the guidance of Yellow Eagle, a graduate of a
government Indian school, to learn as to the truth or falsity of the
new doctrine. They returned early in 1891 and reported against the
movement. Their report confirmed the doubters in their skepticism,
but produced little effect on the rest of the tribe.
When I visited Wind River reservation in Wyoming in June, 1892,
the agent in charge informed me that there was no Ghost dancing on
his reservation; that he had explained how foolish it was and had
strictly forbidden it, and that in consequence the Indians had aban-
doned it. However, he expressed interest in my investigation, and as
the Arapaho, with whom I had most to do, were then camped in a body a
few piiles up in the mountains cutting wood, he very kindly furnished
a conveyance and camping outfit, with two of the agency employees —
a clerk and an interpreter — to take me out. It appeared afterward
that the escort had received instructions of their own before starting.
Having reached the camp and set up our tent, the Arapaho soon
came around to get acquainted, over a pipe and a cup of cofi'ee; but, in
answer to questions put by one of my companions, a white man, who
assumed the burden of the conversation, it seemed that the Indians
had lost all interest in the dance. In fact, some of them were so
ignorant on the subject that they, Ivanted to know what it meant.
After trying in vain to convinc4 me that it was useless to waste time
further with the Indians, the clerk started back again after supper,
satisfied that that part of the country was safe so far as the Ghost
MooNEv] SACRED REGARD FOR TT^KAteAR^r^*^ 809
dance was concerned. By this time it was dark, and the Indians
invited the interpreter and myself to come over to a tipi about half a
mile away, where we could meet all the old men. We started, and had
gone but a short distance when we heard from a neighboring hill the
familiar measured cadence of the ghost songs. On turning with a
(juestioning look to my interpreter — who was himself a half-blood — ho
(juietly said : "Yes; they are dancing the Ghost dance. That's some-
thing I have never reported, and I never will. It is their religion and
they have a right to it." Not wishing to be an accomplice in crime, I
did not go over to the dance; but it is needless to state that the old
men in the tipi that night, and for several successive nights thereafter,
knew all about the songs and ceremonies of the new religion. As
already stated, the Shoshoni had really lost faith and abandoned the
dance.
( Among the Shoshoni the dance was performed around a small cediir
tree, planted in the ground for that purpose. Unlike the Sioux, they
hung nothing on this tree. The men did not clasp each other's hands,
but held on to their blankets instead; but a woman standing between
two men took hold of their hands. There was no preliminary medicine
ceremony. The dance took place usually in the morning, and at its
close the performers shook their blankets in the air, as among the
Paiute and other tribes, before dispersing. However novel may hav^e
been the doctrine, the Shoshoni claim that the Ghost dance itself as
I)erformed by them was a revival of an old dance which they had had
fully fifty years before.
The selection of the cedar in this connection is in agreement with the
general Indian idef^, which has always ascribed a mystic sacredness to
that tree, from its never-dying green, whii'h renders it so conspicuous
a feature of the desert landscape; from the aromatic fragrance of its
twigs, which are burned as incense in sacred ceremonies; from the
durability and fine texture of its wood, which makes it peculiarly
appropriate for tipi poles and lance shafts; and from the dark-red color
of its heart, which seems as though dyed in blood. In Cherokee myth
the cedar was originally a pole, to the top of which they fastened the
fresh scalps of their enemies, and the wood was thus stained by the
blood that trickled slowly down along it to the ground. The Kiowa
also selected a cedar for the center of their Ghost-dance circle.)
We go back now to the southern tribes west of the mountains.
Some time in the winter of 1889-90 Paiute runners brought to the
powerful tribe of the Navaho, living in northern New Mexico and Ari-
zona, the news of the near advent of the messiah and the resurrection
of the dead. They preached and prophesie<l for a considerable time,
but tlie Navaho were skeptical, laughed at the prophets, and paid but
little attention to the prophesies. (Matthews, 1.) According to the
otiRcial report for 1892, these Indians, numbering somewhat over 16,000
souls, have, in round numbers, 9,000 cattle, 119,000 horses, and 1.600.000
S-ricV
810
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[eth. axn. 14
sbeep and goats; aud, as suggested by Dr Matthews, the authority ou
that tribe, it may be that, being rich in herds and wealth of silver, they
felt no special need of a redeemer. While with the Xavaho in the win-
ter of 1892-9.S I made inquiry iu various parts of their wide-extended
territory, but could not leain that the Ghost dance had ever been
Fig. 70— Navalid Imlinus.
performed among them, aud it was evident that iu their case the doc-
trinal seed had fallen ou barren ground.
Before visiting the tribe, I had written for information to Mr A, M.
Stephen, of Keams Canon, Arizona, since deceased, who had studied
the Navaho and Hop! for years and spoke the Xavaho language
Hueutly. I quote from him on the subject. It may be noted that
MocMcv] THE MESSIAH AND THE NAVAHO 811
Keams Canon is abont 125 miles northwest of Fort VVingate, the point
from wliich Dr Mattliows writes, and nearer by tliat innch to tlie
I'aiute, Oohonino, ami AValapai, all of whom have accepted the new reli-
gion. Mr Steplien states that some time in February or March, 18!)(>,
he first heard rnmors among tlie Navalio that "the old men long dead"
had returned to some foreign tribes in the north or east, the vague
far away. The intelligenoe was brought to the Navaho either by the
Ute or Paiute, or both. (The rumor grew and the idea became com-
monly current among the Navaho that the mythic heroes were to return
and that under their direction they were" to expel Ameri(;an and Alexi-
can and restrict the Zufii and Ilopi close to their villages, and, in fact,
to reestablish their old domain from San Francisco mountains to Santa
Fe. {Stephen,!.) On November 22, 1891, he further writes:
While out tliis last time I camped over night with Home Navajo frieiuls, and over
a pip<i hroiinht up the niessiah topic. This family belongs to the Hitter-Water gens,
and this is the gist of what I got from them: A Pah-ute came to a family of their
geus living near Navajo iiiountaiu and told them that A'a'-Keh-tkla-l was to return
from the iiuder world and hring back all the Tinneh (Navajo) he had killed.
Xa'-keh-tkla-l (i. e., " foreigner with^wkite-taol-aole '.') in the long ago had a puma
and a bear. These were his jiets. He would call )>uma from the east and bear from
the west, and just before dawn they met in the center. Thus they met four times.
On the fourth meeting puma reached back with his forepaw and plucked his mane,
tossing the hair aloft, and for every hair a Tinneh died. This fatal sorcery con-
tinued for a long time, and great numbers were killed. Now, the Pah-ute said, this
sorcerer was to return, and would call his pets, and they would come east and west,
and following their trail would be all the people whose death they had caused.
These Navajo said they had heard of other Pah-ute prophecies a year or more ago,
all to the effect that long dead people were to return alive from the under world.
These resurrected ones were also to bring back the departed game, and the Tinneh
would again dominate the region. But, said my informant, datnaii/i yelti, '• it is
worthless talk." (Stephen, 3.)
In connection with hypnotism as seen in the Ghost dance, Dr
Matthews states that in one curious Navaho ceremony he has several
times seen the patient hypnotized or pretend to be hypnotized by a char-
acter dressed in evergreens. The occurrence of the hypnotic trance is
regarded as a sign that the ceremony has been eft'ective. If the tran^ce
does not occur, some other ceremony must be tried. [Matthews, 2.\
West of the Navaho in northeastern Arizona live the Hopi, or
a Pueblo tribe occupying several villages on the tops of nearly inac-
cessible mesas. In July, 1891, four of these Indians, while on a visit
to the Cohonino, living farther to the west, first heard of the new doc-
trine and witnessed a Ghost dance, as will be described hereafter. They
brought back the news to their people, but it made no impression ou
them and the matter was soon forgotten. {Stephen, 3.) In this connec-
tion Mr Stephen states, in response to a letter of inquiry, that although
he does not recollect any Hopi myth concerning rejuvenation of the
world and reunion with the resurrected dead on this earth, yet the
doctrine of a reunion with the revivified dead in the under world is a
comnioidy accepted belief of the Hopi. They have also a curious myth
trance
Moki,
812
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
of a fail-hair god and a fair-skin people who cauie up from the under
world with the Hopi, and who then left them with a promise to return.
This suggests the idea of a messiah, but Mr Stephen has not yet been
able to get the myth in its entirety. He does not think it derived from
Fig. 71 — Viata in the Hopi pueblo of Walpi.
any corrupt source, however, through Spanish or other missionaries, as
the allusions are all of archaic tendency. {Stephen, 4.)
The Cohonino or Havasupai are a small tribe occupying the canyon
of Cataract creek, an affluent of the Colorado, in northern Arizona,
MO'-NKv] selwyn's report 799
■western Sioux, and liad afterward repesited this inforiTiation to the
ajicnt at Yanlcton. While Knwapi was in his custody Selwyn (jues-
tioned him at length conceining the new doctrine, and forwarded tlie
following report [G. D., Document 36801 — 1890) of the interview to
Agent Foster:
Yankton Agkncy, South Dakota,
November 22, 1890.
Colonel K. W. Fostkr,
(iiited Statts Indian Agent, Yankton Aijencij, South Dakota.
Dkak Sir: It lias lieeii reported here ii few ilays ago that there was an Indian
visitor up at White .S\yan from Kosebud agency who has been telling or teaching
the doctrines of the new niessiah, and has made sonii' agitation among the people
np there. According to the re(ine8t of Captain t'onrad, United States Army, of
Fort Randall, South Dakota, and by your order of the 21st instant, I went up to
White Swan and have arrested the wanted man (Kuwapi, or One they chased after).
On my way to the agency with the prisoner 1 have made little interview with him
on the subject of the new messiah. The following are the facts which he corrobo-
rated concerning the new messiah, his laws and doctrines to the Indians of this
continent:
Q. Do you lielieve in the now messiah f — A. I somewhat believe it.
Q. What made you believe itf — A, Because I ato some of the buffalo meat that he
(the new messiah) sent to the Rosebud Indians through Short Hull.
Q. Did Short Bull say that he saw the living herd of roaming bufi'aloes while he
was with thtfson of the Great Si>iritf — A. Short Bull told the Indians at Rosebud
that the butfalo and other wild ganie will be restored to the Indians at the same
time when the general resurrection in favor of the Indians takes j)lace.
Q. You said a "general resurrection in favor of the Indians takes place ; " when or
how soon will this be?— A. Tlie father sends word to us that he will have all these
caused to be so in the spring, when the grass is knee high.
Q. You said "father;" who is this father? — A. It is the new messiah. He has
ordered his children (Imlians) to call him "father."
Q. You said the father is not going to send the buD'alo until the resurrection takes
place. Would he be able to send a few buffaloes over this way for a sort of a sample,
80 as to have his children (Indians) to have a taste of the meat? — A. The father
wishes to do things all at once, even in destroying the white race.
, Q. You said something about the destroying of the white race. Do you mean to
say that all mankind except the Indians will be killed? — A. Yes.
Q. How, and who is going to kill the white people? — A. The father is going to
cause a big cyclone or whirlwind, by which h<^ will have all the white people to jH'rish.
Q. If it should be a cyclone or whirlwind, what are we going to do to protect our-
selves?— A. The father will make some kind of provisions by which we will be saved.
Q. You said something about the coming destruction on the white people by your
father. Supposing your father is sick, tired out, forget, or some other accidental
cause by which he should not be able to accomplish his purpose, what would be
the case about the destroying of the white people? — A. There is no dojibt about
these things, as the unraile performer or the father is going to do just as what he
said he would do.
Q. What other object could you come to by which you are led to believe that there
is such a new nu'ssiah on earth at present? — A. The ghost dancers are fainted
whenever the dance goes on.
Q. Do yon believe that they are really fainted? — -A. Yes.
Q. What makes you believe that the dancers have really fainted? — A. Because
when they wake or come b.ack to their senses they sometimes bring back some news
from the unknown world, and some little trinkets, such as buffalo tail, buffalo
meat, etc.
14 ETII— PT 2 11
800 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
Q. AVhat did the fainted ones see when they get fainted? — A. They visited the
happy hunting ground, the camps, multitudes of people, and a great many strange
people.
Q. What did the ghost or tlie strange people tell the fainted one or ones? —
A. When the fainted one goes to the camp, he is ■welcomed by the relatives of the
visitor (the fainted one), and he is also invited to several feasts.
Q. Were the people at Rosebud agency anxiously waiting or expecting to see all
of their dead relatives who have died several years ago? — A. Yes.
Q. AVe will have a great many older folks when all the dead people come back
would we not? — A. The visitors all say that tliere is not a single old man nor woman
in the other world — all changed to young.
Q. Are we going to die when the dead ones come back? — A. No; we will be just
the same as we are today.
Q. Did the visitor say that there is any white men in the other world? — A. No;
no white people.
Q. If there is no white people in the other world, where did they get their provi-
sions and clothing? — A. In the other world, the messenger tells us that they have
depended altogether for their food on the flesh of buffalo and other wild game;
also, they were all clad in skins of wild animals.
Q. Did the Rosebud agency Indians believe the new niessiah, or the son of the
Great Spirit?— A. Yes.
Q. How do they show that they have a believe in the new inessiah? — A. They
show themselves by praying to the father by looking np to heaven, and call him
"father," just the same as you would in a church.
Q. Have you ever been in a church ? — A. No.
Q. Do you faithfully believe iu the new niessiah? — A. I did not in the first place,
but as I became more acquainted with the doctrines of the new messiah that I
really believe in him.
Q. How many peojile at Rosebud, in your opinion, believe this new messiah? — A.
Nearly every one.
Q. Did you not the Rosebud people prepare to attack the white people this sum-
mer? While I was at Pine Ridge agency this summer the Oglalla Sioux Indians say
they will resist against the government if the latter should try to put a stop to
the messiah question. Did your folks at Rosebud say the same thing? — A. Yes.
Q. Are they still preparing and thinking to attack the white people should the
government send our soldiers with orders to put a stop to your new business of the
messiah? — A. I do not know, but I think that the Wojaji band at Rosebud agency
will do some harm at any time.
Q. You do not mean to say that the Rosebud Indians will try and cause an out-
break?— A. That seems to be the case.
Q. You said something about the "son of tlie Great Spirit," or "the father."
What do you mean by the son of the Great Spirit? — A. This father, as he is called,
said himself that ho is the son of the Great Spirit.
Q. Have you talked to or with any Indian at White Swan about the new messiah,
his laws and doctrines, or have you referred this to anyone while there? — A. I have
told a few of them. I did not voluntarilj' express my wish for them to know and
follow the doctrines of the new messiah.
Q. Yes, but you have explained the matter to the Indians, did you not? — A. Yes,
I have.
Q. Do the Yankton Indians at White Swan believe in your teaching of the new
messiah? — A. I did not intend to teach them, but as I have been questioned on
the subject, that I have said something about it.
Q. Did any of them believe in you? — A. Some have already believed it, and some
of them did not believe it.
Q. Those that have believed in you must be better men than the others, are they
not? — A. I do not know.
M(ioNEv) AMONG THE WALAPAI 815
with the expected god, and ou coining down again delivered bis mes-
sage to the people. The dance was held at irregular intervals, accord-
ing to the instructions received on the butte by the inedicine-men.
The dance place was a circular piece of ground a hundred feet in
diameter, inclosed by a fence of poles and bushes, and surrounded by
liigh mountain walls of granite, which reflected the light from half a
dozen (ires blazing within the circle. The dancers, to the number of
200, clad in white robes with fancy trimmings, their faces and hair
painted white in various decorative designs, moved slowly around in a
circle, keeping time with a wild chant, while -00 more stood or crouched
around the flres, awaiting their turn to participate. The dancers faced
toward the center, each holding the hands of the ones next to him and
joining in the chant in unison. The dust issued in clouds from beneath
their feet, and with the dust and exertion together the performers were
soon exhausted and dropped out, when others took their places. After
each circuit they rested a few minutes and then started round again.
At each circuit a different chant was sung, and thus the dance con-
tinued until midnight, when, with a loud clapping of hands, it ended, and
the people separated and went to their homes. Throughout the per-
formance two or three chiefs or medicinemen were constantly going
about on the outside of the circle to preserve order and reprimand any
merriment, one of them explaining to the visitors that, as this was a
religious ceremony, due solemnity must be observed. {F. L. ./., 2.) ^
14 ETH, PT 2 12
Chapteu XII
THE GHOST DANCE EAST OP THE KOCKIES— AMONG THE
SIOUX
In 1889 the Ogalala heard that the son of God had come iipon earth in the west.
They said the Messiah was there, but he had come to help the Indians and not the
whites, and it made the Indians happy to liear this. — George Sword.
They signed away a valuable portion of their reservation, and it is now occupied
by white people, for which they have received nothing. They understood that
ample provision would be made for their support; instead, their supplies have been
reduced and much of the time they have been living on half and two- thirds rations.
Their crops, as well as the crops of white people, for two years have been almost a
total failure. The disaffection is widespread, especially among the Sioux, while the
Oheyennes have been on the verge of starvation and were forced to commit depreda-
tions to sustain life. These facts are beyond question, and the evidence is positive
and sustained by thousands of witnesses. — General Miles.
Among the tribes east of the mountains and north of Oklahoma, it
appears from ofBcial documents in the Indian Office and from other
obtainable information that the Ghost dance and the doctrine, if known
at all, were never accepted by the Blackfeet of Montana; the Ojibwa
of Turtle mountain and Devils lake in North Dakota, or by the rest
of the tribe farther to the east in Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan;
the Omaha, Winnebago, and Ponka in Nebraska; the small band of
Sauk and Fox in Iowa; the still smaller band of Sauk and Fox, the
Potawatomi, Kickapoo, Iowa, and Ojibwa in northeastern Kansas;
or by the Sioux of Devils lake in North Dakota, Lake Traverse (Sis-
seton agency) and Flandreau in South Dakota, and Santee agency in
Nebraska. All or most of these Sioux belong to the Santee or eastern
division of the tribe, and have long been under civilizing influences.
According to ofiBcial statements the dance was not taken up by any of
the Sioux of Crow Creek or Yankton agencies in South Dakota, but
they were certainly more or less affected by it, as they knew all about
it and are in constant communication with the wilder bands of Sioux
which were concerned in the outbreak. I was informed by the Omaha
and Winnebago in 1891 that they had been told of the new messiah by
visiting Sioux from Pine Ridge agency in April, 1890, and later on by
other Sioux from Yankton agency, but had put no faith in the story,
and had never organized a Ghost dance. According to the agent in
charge, the Crow of Montana were not affected. This, if true, is
remarkable, in view of the fact that the Crow are a. large tribe and
comparatively primitive, and have living near tbem the wildest of the
Ghost-dancing tribes, the northern Cheyenne especially occupying
practically the same reservation. It is possible that their experience
in the Sword-bearer affair in 1887, already mentioned, had a tendency
816
MnosEYl DELEGATES TO THE MESSIAH 817
to weaken their faith in later prophets. Dr George Bird Grinnell, a
competent anthority, states, in reply to a personal letter, that nothing
was linown about tlie dance by the Blackfeet of Montana or by the
Blackfeet, Sarsi, or Plains Gree on the Canadian side of the boundary
lino.
Within the same general region, east of the Rocky mountains and
north of Okhilioina, the doctrine and the dance were accepted by the
Asiuiboin (Fort Belknap and Fort I'eck agencies), Grosventres (Arap-
aho subtribe, Fort Belknap agency), northern Cheyenne of Montana;
the Arikara, Grosventres (Minitari), and Mandan of Fort Berthold
agency, Xorth Dakota; the Shoshoni and northern Arapaho on Wind
River reservation in Wyoming, as already mentioned; and by the great
body of the Sioux, at Fort Peck agency (Yanktonais), Montana, and at
Standing Rock, Cheyenne River, Lower Brule, Pine Ridge, and Rose-
bud agencies in North Dakota and Soutit Dakota. The whole number
of Sioux concerned was about 20,000, of whom 10,000 belonged to the
Teton division, among the wildest and most warlike of all the western
tribes. A few Cheyenne are also associated with the Sioux at Pine
Ridge.
The northern Arapaho and the Shoshoni of Wyoming were the
medium by which the doctrine of the new mossiah was originally com-
municated to all tliese tribes. In the spring of 1889, Nakash, "Sage,"
the Arapaho chief already mentioned, crossed the mountains to inves-
tigate the reports of the new religion, and brought back a full conflr
mation of all that had been told them from the west. A visiting
Grosventre, then among the Arapaho, heard the story and brought
back the wonderful news to the Grosventres and Asiniboin of Fort
Belknap, but although his account was received by some with unques-
tioning faith, the excitement had in it nothing of a dangerous character.
(G.J)., 18.)
In a short time the news spread to the Cheyenne in Montana and the
Sioux of the Dakotas, and in the fall of 1889 delegates from these two
tribes arrived at Fort W^ashakie to learn more about the raessiah in
the west. The principal Cheyenne delegate was Porcupine, while
Short Bull and Kicking Bear were the leaders of the Sioux party.
After hearing the statements of the Arapaho and Shoshoni, it was
decided that some of the Cheyenne should return and report to their
tribe, while Porcu])ine and one or two others, with the Sioux delegates,
several Shoshoni, and the Arapaho, Sitting Bull, and Friday, should go
to Nevada, interview the messiah himself, and learn the whole truth
of the matter. Accordingly, about November, 1889, Porcupine and his
companions left Fort Washakie in Wyoming for Fort Hall reservation
in Idaho, where they met the Shoshoni and Bannock and were well
received and entertained by them. The tribes at this place were firm
believers in the new doctrine, and Porcupine states that from there
on to the end of the journey all the Indians they met were dancing
818 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. ann.M
the Ghost dance, xlfter stopping a few days at Fort Hall, they we.it
ou again, accompanied by several Bannock and Shoshoni, and going
rapidly by railroad soon found themselves in the country of the Paiute,
and after stopping at one or two camps arrived at the agency at Pyra-
mid lake. Here the Paiute furnished them conveyances and guides to
the other agency fartlier south at Walker river. Porcupine is our
principal authority for the events of the trip, and although he claims
that he undertook this journey of a thousand miles without any definite
purpose or destination in view, it is evident enough from his own
narrative that he left Wyoming with the fixed intention of verifying
the rumors of a messiah. He has much to say of the kindness of the
whites they met west of the mountains, who, it will be remembered,
were largely Mormons, who have always manifested a special interest
in the Indians. He also states that many of the whites took part with
the Indians in the dance.
They were now in the messiah's country. "The Fisheaters, near Pyr-
amid Jake, told me that Christ had appeared on earth again. They
said Christ knew he was coming; that eleven of his children were also
coming from a far land. It appeared that Christ had sent for me to go
there, and that was why, unconsciously, I took my journey. It had
been foreordained. Christ had summoned myself and others from all
heathen tribes. There were more different languages than I had ever
heard before, and I did not understand any of them." The delegation of
which Porcupine was a member was probably the one mentioned by the
agent in charge at Pyramid lake as having arrived in the spring of 1890,
and consisting of thirty-four Indians of different tribes. ((?. i>., 19.)
In a few days preparations were made for a great dance near Walker
lake, with all the delegates from the various tribes and hundreds of
Indians in attendance. They danced two nights or longer, the messiah
himself — Wovoka — coming down from his home in Mason valley to
lead the ceremony. After the dance Wovoka went into a trance, and
on awaking announced to those assembled that he had been to the
other world and had seen the spirits of their dead friends and of his
own father and mother, and had been sent back to teach the people.
According to Porcupine he claimed to be the returned Christ and bore
on his body the scars of the crucifixion. He told them that the dead
were to be resurrected, and that as the earth was old and worn out it
would be renewed as it used to be and made better; that when this
happened the youth of everyone would be renewed with each return of
spring, and that they would live forever; that there would be universal
peace, and that any tribe that refused his message would be destroyed
from the face of the earth.
It was early in the spring of 1890 when Porcupine and his Cheyenne
companions returned to their tribe at Tongue Eiver agency in Montana
with the news of the appearance of the messiah. A council was called
and Porcupine made a full report of the journey and delivered the
MooNEY) SIOUX KNOWLEDGE OF THE MESSIAH 819
divine message, talking five days in succession. The report aroused
the wildest excitement among the Cheyenne, and after several long
debates on the subject the Ghost dance was inaugurated at the various
camps in accordance with the instructions from beyond the mountains.
In June the matter <!ame to the attention of the military officer on the
reservation, who summoned Porcupine before' him and obtained from
bim a full account of the journey and the doctrine. (See page 793.)
Porcupine insisted strongly on the sacred character of the messiah and
his message, and challenged any doubters to return with him to Nevada
and investigate for themselves. He claimed also that the messiah
could speak all languages. As a matter of fact, Wovoka speaks only
his native Paiute and a little English, but due allowance must be made
for the mental exaltation of the narrator.
Grinnell states that the failure of certain things to happen according
to the predictions of the messiah, in September, 1890, caused a tem-
porary loss of faith on the part of the Cheyenne, but that shortly after-
ward some visiting Shoshoni and Arapaho from Wyoming reported
that in their journey as they came over they had met a party of Indians
who had been dead thirty or forty years, but had been resurrected by
the messiah, and were uow going about as if they had never died. It
is useless to speculate on the mental condition of men who could seri-
ously report or believe such things; but, however that may be, the
result was that tlie Cheyenne returned to the dance with redoubled
fervor. [J. F. L., 5.)
The Sioux first heard of the messiah in 1889. According to the
statement of Captain George Sword, of that tribe, the information
came to the Ogalala (Sioux of Piue Ridge) in that year, through the
Shoshoni and Arapaho. Later in tlie same year a delegation consist-
ing of Good Thunder aud several others started out to the west to
find the messiah and to investigate the truth of the rumor. On their
return they announced that the messiah had indeed come to help the
Indians, bixt not the whites. Their report aroused a fervor of joyful
excitement among the Indians aud a second delegation was sent out in
1890, consisting of Good Thunder, Cloud Horse, Yellow Knife, and
Short Bull. They confirmed the report of the first delegation, and on
this assurance the Ghost dance was inaugurated among the Sioux at
Pine Ridge in the spring of 1890.
The matter is stated dififerently and more correctly by William
Selwyn, an educated Sioux, at that time employed as postmaster at
Pine Ridge. He says there was some talk on the subject by Indians
from western tribes who visited the agency in the fall of 1888 ( ?), but
that it did not excite much attention until 1889, when numerous letters
concerning tlie new messiah were received by the Indians at Pine
Ridge from tribes in Utah, Wyoming, Montana, Dakota, and Oklahoma.
As Selwyn was postmaster, the Indians who could not read usually
brought their letters to him to read for them, so that he was thus ia
820 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eih. ann.U
liosition to get accurate knowledge of the extent and natnre of the
excitement. It may be remarked here that, under present conditions,
when the various tribes are isolated upon widely separated reservations,
the Ghost dance could never have become so widespread, and would
probably have died out within a year of its inception, had it not been
for the efQcient aid it received from the returned pupils of various
eastern government schools, who conducted the sacred correspondence
for their friends at the diflt'erent agencies, acted as interjjreters for the
delegates to the raessiah, and in various ways assumed the leadership
and conduct of the dance.
In the fall of 1889, at a council held at Pine Eidge by Eed Cloud,
Young Man Afraid, Little Wound, American Horse, and other Sioux
chiefs, a delegation was appointed to visit the western agencies to learn
more about the new messiah. The delegates chosen were Good Thun-
der, Flat Iron, Yellow Breast, and Broken Ann, from Pine Kidgc;
Short Bull and another from Rosebud, and Kicking Bear from Cheyenn '.
Eiver agency. They started on their journey to the west, and soon began
to write from Wyoming, Utah, and beyond the mountains, confirming
all that had been said of the advent of a redeemer. They were gone
all winter, and their return in the spring of 1890 aroused an intense
excitement among the Sioux, who had been anxiously awaiting their
report. All the delegates agreed that there was a man near the base
of the Sierras who said that he was the son of God, who had once been
killed by the whites, and who bore on his body the scars of the crucifix-
ion. He had now returned to punish the whites for their wickedness,
especially for their injustice toward the Indians. With the coming of
the next spring (1891) he would wipe the whites from the face of the
earth, and would then resurrect all the dead Indians, bring back the
buffalo and other game, and restore the supremacy of the aboriginal
race. He had before come to the whites, but they had rejected him.
He was now the God of the Indians, and they must pray to him and call
him "father," and prepare for his awful coming. Selwyn's account of
this delegation, which was accompanied by representatives of several
other tribes, including Porcupine the Cheyenne, and Sitting Bull the
Arapaho, agrees with the statements of the Arapaho as given in chapter
XIV. Three of the Sioux delegates found their way to Umatilla reser-
vation in Oregon and remained there several days discussing the new
doctrine. {Comr.,30 — Dor ch enter, 539.)
The delegates made their report at Pine Eidge in April, 1890. A
council was at once called to discuss the matter, but Selwyn informed
the agent. Colonel Gallagher, who had Good Thunder and two others
arrested and imprisoned. They were held in confinement two days,
but refused to talk when questioned. The intended council was not
held, but soon afterward Kicking Bear returned from a visit to the
northern Arapaho in Wyoming with the news that those Indians
were already dancing, and could see and talk with their dead relatives
MooNEvi EXCITEMENT AMONG THE SIOUX 821
in the trance. The excitement which the agent had thonglit to smother
by the arrest of the leaders broke out again with added strt^ngth.
Red Ch)ud himself, the great chief of the Ogalala, declared his adhe-
sion to the new doctrine and said his people must do as the messiah
had commanded. Another (!ouncil was called on White Clay creek, u
few miles from J'ine Jiidge agency, and the Ghost dance was formally
inaugurated among the Sioux, the recent delegates acting as priests
and leaders of the ceremony.
As the result of all he could learn, Selwyn, in November, 1890, warned
the agcTit in charge of Yankton agency that the Indians intended a
general outbreak in the spring. Six mouths earlier, and before Porcu-
pine's statement had been made to the officer at Camp Crook, a letter
dated May 29, 1890, had been addressed to the Interior Department
from a citizen of Pierre, South Dakota, stating that the Sioux, or a
portion of them, were secretly i)launing for an outbreak in the near
future. This was the first intimation of trouble ahead. {</. D., 20.)
AVonderful things were said of the messiah by the returned deleg.ites.
It was claimed that he could make animals talk and distant objects
appear close at hand, and that he came down from heaven in a cloud.
He conjured up before their eyes a vision of the spirit world, so that
when they looked they beheld an ocean, and beyond it a land upon
which they saw " all the nations of Indians coming home," but as they
looked the vision faded away, the messiah saying that the time had not
yet come. Curiously enough, although he came to restore the old life,
he advised his hearers to go to work and to send their children to school.
Should the soldiers attempt to harm him, he said he need only stretch
out his arms and his enemies would become powerless, or the ground
would open and swallow them. On their way home if they should kill
a buftalo — the messiah had evidently not read Allen's monograph —
they must cut off its head and tail and feet and leave them on the
ground and the buffalo would come to life again. They must tell their
people to follow his instructions. Unbelievers and renegade Indians
would be buried under the new earth which was to come upon the old.
They must use the sacred red and white paint and the sacred grass
(possibly sagebrush) which he gave them, and in the spring, when the
green grass came, their people who were gone before wouM return, and
they would see their friends again. ^ f)^
Now comes the most remai'kable part, quoting from the statement-' ^
given to Cai)tain Sword :
The people from every tipi send for us to visit theui ; they are people who died
many years ago. Chasing Hawk, who died not long ago, was there and we went to
his tipi. He was living with his wife, who was killed in war long ago. They live
in a hiiffalo skin tipi — a very large one — and he wanted all his friends to go there
to live. A son of Good Thunder, who died in war long ago, was one who also took us
to his tipi, so his father saw him. When coming we come to a herd of buffaloes. We
killed one and took everything except the four feet, head, and tail, and when we came
a little ways from it there Xvas the buffaloes come to life again and went off. This
822 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. ann.14
was one of the messiah's word came to truth. The messiah said, "I will short your
journey when you feel tired of the long ways, if you call upon me." This we did
when we were tired. The night came upon us, we stopped at a place and we called
upon the messiah to help us hecause we were tired of long journey. We went
to sleep and in the morning we found ourselves at a great distance from where
we stopped.
It is useless to assert that these men, who had been selected by the
chiefs of their tribe to investigate and report upon the truth or falsity
of the messiah rumors, were all liars, and that all the Cheyenne, Arap-
aho, and other delegates who reported equally wonderful things were
liars likewise. They were simply laboring under some strange psycho-
logic influence as yet unexplained. The storj' of the revivitied buffalo
became so widely current as to form the subject of a Kiowa ghost song.
Having mentioned some characteristics of the Ghost dance west of
the Rockies, we shall notice here some of the peculiar features of the
dance as it existed among the Sioux. The ceremony will be described
in detail later on.
Before going into the dance the men, or at least the leaders, fasted for
twenty-four hours, and then at sunrise entered the sweat-house for the
religious rite of purification preliminary to painting themselves for the
dance. The sweat-house is a small circular framework of willow
branches driven into the ground and bent over and brought together
at the top in such a way that when covered with blankets or buffalo
robes the structure forms a diminutive round-top tipi just high enough
to enable several persons to sit or to stand in a stooping posture inside.
The doorway faces the east, as is the rule in Indian structures, and
at the distance of a few feet in front of the doorway is a small mound of
earth, on which is placed a buffalo skull, with the head turned as
if looking into the lodge. The earth of which the mound is formed is
taken fiom a hole dug in the center of the lodge. Near the sweat-
house, on the outside, there is frequently a tall sactrifice pole, from the
top of which are hung strips of bright- colored cloth, packages of
tobacco, or other offerings to the deity invoked by the devotee on any
particular occasion.
The sweat bath is in frequent use, both as a religious rite of purifica-
tion and as a hygienic treatment. Like everything else in Indian life,
even the sanitary application is attended with much detail of religious
ceremony. Fresh bundles of the fragrant wild sage are strewn upon-
the ground inside of the sweat-house, and a fire is kindled outside a short
distance away. In this fire stones are heated by the medicine-men,
and when all is ready the patient or devotee, stripped to the breech-
doth, enters the sweat-house. The stones are then handed in to him
by the priests by means of two forked sticks, cut especially for the pur-
pose, and with two other forked sticks he puts the stones into the hole
already mentioned as having been dug in the center of the lodge.
Water is then passed in to him, which he pours over the hot stones
until the whole interior is filled with steam; the blankets are pulled
MooNEv] THE SWKAT HATH 823
tight to close every opening, and he sits in this aborigiiia) Turkish bath
until liis naked hody is drii)[)inp with perspiration. Durinj^ this time
the doctors outside are doiii^ llieir i)art in the waj' of iiiaying to the
gods and keeping up tlie sui)ply of hot stones and water until in their
estimation he has been sufticiently purified, physically or morally, when
he emerges and resumes his clothing, sometimes first chei'kiiig the
perspiration and inducing a reaction by a x)lunge into the neighboring
stream. The sweat bath in one form or another was common to almost
every tribe in the United States, but as an accompaniment to the Ghost
dance it seems to have been used only by the Sioux. It may have been
used in this connection among the Shoshoni or northern Cheyenne, but
was not among any of the tribes of the southern jilains. The Ghost-
dance sweat-house of tlie Sioux was freijuently made sulticiently large
to accommodate a considerable number of persons standing inside at
the same time.
After the sweating ceremony the dancer was painted by the medicine-
men who acted as leaders, of whom Sitting Bull was accounted the
greatest among the Sioux. The design and color varied with the indi-
vidual, being frequently determined by a previous trance vision of
the subject, but circles, crescents, and crosses, representing respectively
the sun, the moon, and the morning star, were always favorite figures
upon forehead, fiice, and cheeks. As this was not a naked dance, the
rest of the body was not usually painted. After the painting the
dancer was robed in the sacred ghost shirt already described. This
also was painted with symbolic figures, among which were usually
represented sun, moon, or stars, the eagle, magpie, crow, or sage-hen,
all sacred to the Ghost dance among the Sioux. In connection with the
painting the face and body were rubbed with the sweet-smelling vernal
grass (Hierochloe), used for this purpose by many of the prairie tribes,
and sometimes also Inirued as incense in their sacred ceremonies or
carried as a perfume in small pouches attached to the clothing.
The painting occupied most of the morning, so that it was about noon
before the participants formed the circle for the dance. Among the
Sioux, unlike the southern and western tribes generally, a small tree
was i)lanted in the center of the circle, with an American flag or colored
streamers floating from the top. Around the base of this tree sat the
priests. At a great dance at Xo Water's camp on White river near Pine
Ridge, shortly before the arrival of the troops, a young woman stand-
ing within the circle gave the signal for the performance by shooting
into the air toward the cardinal points four sacred arrows, made after
the old primitive fashion with bone heads, and dipped in the blood of a
steer before being brought to the dance. These were then gathered up
and tied to the branches of the tree, together with the bow, a gaming
wheel and sticks, and a peculiar staff or wand with horns. (See jilates
xo, xoi.) Another young woman, or the same one. remained standing
near the tree tliroughout the dance, holding a sacred redstone pipe
824 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. ans.14
stretched out toward the west, the direction from which the messiali was
to appear.
At the beginning the performers, men and women, sat on the ground
in a large circle around the tree. A plaintive chant was then sung,
after which a vessel of some sacred food was passed around the circle
until everyone had partaken, when, at a signal by the priests, the
dancers rose to their feet, joined hands, and began to chant the opening
song and move slowly around the circle from right to left. The rest of
the iierformance, with its fi-enzies, trances, and recitals of visions, was
the same as with the southern tribes^as will be described in detail
hereafter. Like these tribes also, the Sioux usually selected Sunday,
the great medicine day of the white man, for the ceremony.
We come now to the Sioux outbreak of 1890, but before going into
the history of this short but costly war it is appropriate to state briefly
the causes of the outbreak. In the documentary appendix to this chap-
ter these causes are fully set forth by competent authorities — civilian,
military, missionary, and Indian. They may be summarized as (1) unrest
of the conservative element under the decay of the old life, (2) repeated
neglect of promises made by the government, and (3) hunger.
The Sioux are the largest and strongest tribe within the United
States. In spite of wars, removals, and diminished food supply since
the advent of the white man, they still number nearly 2G,000. In addi-
tion to these there are about 600 more residing in Canada. They for-
merly held the headwaters of the Mississippi, extending eastward almost
to Lake Superior, but were driven into the prairie about two centuries
ago by their enemies, the Ojibwa, after the latter had obtained firearms
from the French. On coming out on the buflalo plains they became
possessed of the horse, by means of which reinforcement to their own
overpowering numbers the Sioux were soon enabled to assume the
offensive, and in a short time had made themselves the undisputed
masters of an immense territory extending, in a general way, from
Minnesota to the Rocky mountains and from the Yellowstone to the
Platte. A few small tribes were able to maintain their position within
these limits, but only by keeping close to their strongly built permanent
villages on the Missouri. Millions of buffalo to furnish unlimited food
supply, thousands of horses, and hundreds of miles of free range made
the Sioux, up to the year 1868, the richest and most prosperous, the
proudest, and withal, perhaps, the wildest of all the tribes of the plains.
In that year, in pursuance of a policy inaugurated for bringing all
the plains tribes under the direct control of the government, a treaty
was negotiated with the Sioux living west of the Missouri by which
they renounced their claims to a great part of their territory and had
" set apart for their absolute and undisturbed use and occupation" —
so the treaty states — a reservation which embraced all of the present
state of South Dakota west of Missouri river. At the same time agents
were appointed and agencies established for them ; annuities and rations,
MooNEY] DEVELOPMENT OF THE SIOUX TROUBLE 825
COWS, physicians, farmers, teachers, aud other good things were prom-
ised them, and they agreed to allow railroad routes to bo surveyed and
built and military posts to be estahlislu'd in their territory and neigh-
borhood. At one stroke they were reduced from a free nation to depend-
ent wards of the government. It was stijnilated also that they should
be allowed to hunt within their old range, outside the limits of the
reservation, so long as the butt'alo abounded — a proviso which, to the
Indians, must have meant forever.
The reservation thus established was an immense one, and would
have been ample for all the Sioux while being gradually educated
toward civilization, could the buflalo have renuvined and the white man
kept away. But the times were changing. The building of the rail-
roads brought into the plains swarms of hunters and emigrants, who
began to exterminate the buffalo at such a rate that in a few years the
Sioux, with all the other hunting tribes of the plains, realized that their
food supply was rapidly going. Then gold was discovered in the Black
hills, within the reservation, and at once thousands of miners and
other thousands of lawless desperadoes rushed into the country in defi-
ance of the protests of the Indians and the pledges of the government,
and the Sioux saw their last renuiining hunting ground taken from
them. The result was the Custer Avar and massacre, and a new agree-
ment in 1870 by which the Sioux were shorn of one third of tlieir guar-
anteed reservation, including the Black hills, and this led to deep and
widespread dissatisfaction throughout the tribe. The conservatives
brooded over the past and planned opposition to further changes
which they felt themselves unable to meet. The progressives felt that
the white man's promises meant nothing.
On this point Commissioner Morgan says, in his statement of the
causes of the outbreak :
Prior to the agreement of 1876 buffalo and deer were tlie main support of tli©
Sioux. Food, tents, bedding were the direct outcome of liunting, and with furs aud
pelts as articles of barter or exchange it was easy for the Sioux to procure whatever
constituted for them the necessaries, the comforts, or even the luxuries of life.
Within eight years from the'agreement of 1876 the buffalo had gone and the Sioux
had left to them alkali land and government rations. It is hard-to overestimate the
magnitude of the calamity, as they viewed it, which happened to these people by the
sudden disappearance of the buffalo and the large diminution in the numbers of deer
and other wild .animals. Suddenly, almost without warning, they were expected at
once and without previous training to settle down to the pursuits of agriculture in a
land largely unlitted for such use. The freedom of the chase was to be exchanged for
the idleness of the camp. The boundless range was to be abandoned for the circum-
scribed reservation, aud abundance of plenty to be supplanted by limited and decreas-
ing government subsistence and supplies. Under these circumstances it is not in
human nature not to be discontented and restless, even turbulent and violent.
{Comr., 28.)
It took our own Aryan ancestors untold centuries to develop from
savagery into civilization. Was it reasonable to expect that the Sioux
could do the same in fourteen years ?
826 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. anx.U
The white population in the Black hills had rapidly increased, and
it had become desirable to open communication between eastern
and western Dakota. To accomplish this, it was proposed to cut out
the heart of the Sioux reservation, and in 1882, only six years after the
Black hills had been seized, the Sioux were called on to surrender
more territory. A commission was sent out to treat with them, but the
price offered — only about 8 cents per acre — was so absurdly small, and
the methods used so palpably unjust, that friends of the Indians inter-
posed and succeeded in defeating the measure in Congress. Another
agreement was prepared, but experience had made the Indians sus-
picious, and it was not until a third commission went out, under the
chairmanship of General Crook, known to the Indians as a brave
soldier and an honorable man, that the Sioux consented to treat.
{Welsh, 1.) The result, after much eftbrt on the part of the commis-
sion and determined opposition by the conservatives, was another
agreement, in 1889, by which the Sioux surrendered one-half (about
11,000,000 acres) of their remaining territory, and the great reservation
was cut up into five smaller ones, the northern and southern reserva-
tions being separated by a strip GO miles wide.
Then came a swift accumulation of miseries. Dakota is an arid
country with thin soil and short seasons. Although well adapted to
grazing it is not suited to agriculture, as is sufficiently proven by the
fact that the white settlers in that and the adjoining state of Nebraska
have several times been obliged to call for state or federal assistance
on account of failure of crops. To wild Indians hardly in from the
warpath the problem Avas much more serious. As General Miles
points out in his official report, thousands of white settlers after years
of successive failures had given up the struggle and left the country,
but the Indians, confined to reservations, were unable to emigrate, and
were also as a rule unable to find employment, as the whites might, by
which they could earn a subsistence. The buffalo was gone. They
must depend on their cattle, their crops, and the government rations
issued in return for the lands they had surrendered. If these failed,
tliey must starve. The highest official authorities concur in the state-
ment that all of these did fail, and that the Indians were driven to
outbreak by starvation. (See appendix to this chapter.)
In 1888 their cattle had been diminished by disease. In 1889 their
crops were a failure, owing largely to the fact that the Indians had been
called into the agency in the middle of the farming season and kept
there to treat with the commission, going back afterward to find their
fields trampled and torn up by stock during their absence. Then fol-
lowed epidemics of measles, grippe, and whooping cough, in rapid
succession and with terriblj^ fatal results. Anyone who understands
the Indian character needs not the testimony of witnesses to know the
mental effect thus produced. Sullenness and gloom, amounting almost
to despair, settled down on the Sioux, especially among the wilder
MooNKV] REDUCTION OF SIOUX KATIONS 827
portion. "The people said tlieir t-liildren were all dying from the face
of the earth, and they mijiht as well be killed at once." Then came
another entire failure of crops in 18!)0, and an unexpected reduction of
rations, and the Indians were brought face to face with starvation.
They had been ex))ressly and repeatedly told by the commission that
their rations would not be aifected by their signing the treaty, but
immediately on the consummation of the agreement Congress cut down
their beef rations by 2,000,000 pounds at Kosebud, 1,000,000 at Pine
Ridge, and in less proi)ortion at other agencies. Earnest protest
against this reduction was made by the commission which had negoti-
ated the treaty, by Commissioner Morgan, and by General Miles, but
still Congress failed to remedy the matter until the Sioux had actually
been driven to rebellion. As Conmiissioner Morgan states, " It was
not until January, 1891, after the troubles, that an appropriation of
$100,000 was made by Congress for additional beef for the Sioux."
The protest of the commission, a full year before the outbreak, as
quoted by Commissioner Morgan (see page 829), is strong and positive
on this point.
Commissioner Morgan, while claiming that the Sioux had before been
receiving more rations than they were justly entitled to according to
their census number, and denying that the reduction was such as
to cause even extreme suflfering, yet states that the reduction was
especially unwise at tliis juncture, as it was in direct violation of the
promises made to the Indians, and would be used as an argument by
those opposed to the treaty to show that the government cared noth-
ing for the Indians after it had obtained their lands. It is quite pos-
sible that the former number of rations was greater than the actual
number of persons, as it is always a difficult matter to count roving
Indians, and the difficulties were greater when the old census was made.
The census is taken at long intervals and the tendency is nearly always
toward a decrease. Furthermore, it has usually been the policy with
agents to hold their Indians quiet by keeping them as well fed as pos-
sible. On the other hand, it must be remembered that the issue is based
on the weight of the cattle as delivered at the agency in the fall, and
that months of exposure to a Dakota winter will reduce this weight by
several hundred pounds to the animal. The official investigation by
Captain Hurst at Cheyenne River agency shows conclusively that the
essential food items of meat, flour, and coffee were far below the amount
stipulated by the treaty. (See page 837.)
In regard to the eflect of this food deficiency Bishop Hare says:
"The people were often hungry and, the i)hysiciaus in many cases said,
died, when taken sick, not so much from disease as for want of food."
General Miles says : " The fact that they had not received sufficient food
is admitted by the agents and the officers of the government who have
had opportunities of knowing," and in another place he states that in
spite of crop ftxilures and other difficulties, after the sale of the reser-
828 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. ann.u
vatioii "instead of an iucrease, or even a reasonable supply for their
support, they have been compelled to live on half and two-thirds rations
and received nothing for the surrender of their lands." The testimony
from every agency is all to the same effect.
There were other causes of dissatisfaction, some local and others gen-
eral and chronic, which need not be detailed here. Some of these are
treated in the documents appended to this chapter. Prominent among
them were the failure of Congress to make payment of the money due
the Sioux for the lands recently ceded, or to have the new lines sur-
veyed promptly so that the Indians might know what was still theirs
and select their allotments accordingly ; failure to reimburse the friendly
Indians for horses confiscated fourteen years before; the tardy arrival
of annuities, consisting largely of winter clothing, which according to
the treaty were due by the 1st of August, but which seldom arrived until
the middle of winter; the sweeping and frequent changes of agency
employees from the agent down, preventing anything like a systematic
working out of any consistent policy, and almost always operating
against the good of the service, especially at Pine Eidge, where so brave
and efQcient a man as McGillycuddy was followed by such a one as
Royer — and, finally, the Ghost dance.
The Ghost dance itself, in the form which it assumed among the Sioux,
was only a symptom and expression of the real causes of dissatisfac-
tion, and with such a man as McGillycuddy or McLaughlin in charge
at Pine Eidge there would have been no outbreak, in spite of broken
promises and starvation, and the Indians could have been controlled
until Congress had afforded relief. That it was not the cause of the
outbreak is sufficiently proved by the fact that there was no serious
trouble, excepting on the occasion of the attempt to arrest Sitting
Bull, on any other of the Sioux reservations, and none at all among
any of the other Ghost-dancing tribes from the Missouri to the Sierras,
although the doctrine and the dance were held by nearly every tribe
within tliat area and are still held by the more important. Among the
Paiute, where the doctrine originated and the messiah has his home,
there was never the slightest trouble. It is significant that Commis-
sioner Morgan in his official statement of the causes of the outbreak
])laces the "messiah craze" eleventh in a list of twelve, the twelfth
being the alarm created by the appearance of troops. The Sioux out-
break of 1890 was due entirely to local grievances, recent or long stand-
ing. The remedy and preventive for similar trouble in the future
is sufficiently indicated in the appended statements of competent
authorities.
MooNKY] CAUSES OF THK OUTBREAK 829
APPENDIX— CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK
COMMISSIONER MORGAN'S STATEMENT
[From the Report of the Cinmnintioner of Indian Affairs/or 189i, Vol. /, lSi~lS6.\
111 stating the events which led to this outbreak among the Sioux, the endeavor too
often lias been merely to find some opportunity for loiiating blame. Tlie causes are com-
plex, and many are obscure and remote. Among them may be named the following:
First. A feeling of unrest and apprehension in the mind of the Indians has natu-
rally grown out of the ra]iid ad\auio in civili/atioii and the great changes which
this adviUK (! has necessitated in their habits and mode of life.
Second. Prior to the agreement of 187fi buffalo and deer were the main sujjport of
the Sioux. Food, tents, bedding were the direct outcome of hunting, and, with
furs and pelts as articles of barter or exclumge, it was easy for the Sionxto procure
whatever constituted for them the necessaries, the comforts, or even the luxuries of
life. Within eight years from the agreement of 1H76 the buffalo had gone, and the
Sioux had left to them alkali land and government rations. It is hard to overesti-
mate the magnitude of the calamity, as they viewed it, which happened to these
people by the sudden disappearance of the buffalo and the large diminution in the
numbers of deer and other wild animals. Suddenly, almost without warning, they
were expected at once and withont previous training to settle down to the pursuits
of agriculture in a land largely unfitted for such use. The freedom of the chase
was to be exchanged for the idleness of the camp. The boundless range was to be
abandoned for the circumscribed reservation, and abundance of plenty to be sup-
planted by limited and decreasing government subsistence and supplies. Under
these circumstances it is not in human nature not to be discontented and restless,
even turbulent and violent.
Third. During a long series of years, treaties, agreements, cessions of land and
privileges, and removals of bands and agencies have kept many of the Sioux, par-
ticularly those at Pine Ridge and Rosebud, in an unsettled condition, especially aa
some of the promises made them were fulfilled tardily or not at all. (A brief his-
tory of negotiations with the Sioux was given in my letter of December 24, 1890, to
the Department, which will be found in the ajjpendix, page 182.)
Fourth. The very large reduction of the great Sioux reservation, brought about
by the Sioux commission through the consent of the large majority of the adult
males, was bitterly opposed by a large, influential minority. For various reasons,
they regarded the cession as unwise, and did all in their power to prevent its con-
summation, and afterwards were constant in their expressions of dissatisfaction
and in their endeavors to awaken a like feeling in the minds of those who signed
the agreement.
Fifth. There was diminntion and partial failure of the crops for 1889, by reason
of their neglect by the Indians, who were congregated in large numbers at the
council with the Sioux commission, and a further diminution of ordinary crops by
the drought of 1890. Also, in 1888, the disease of black leg appeared among the
cattle of the Indians.
Sixth. At this time, by delayed and reduced appropriations, the Sioux rations
were temporarily cut down. Rations were not diminished to such an extent as to
bring the Indians to starvation or even extreme suffering, as has been often reported ;
bnt short rations came just after tho Sioux commission had negotiated the agreement
for the cession of lands, and, as a condition of securing the signatures of the majority,
had assured the Indians that their rations would be continued unchanged. To this
matter the Sionx commission called special attention in their report dated Decem-
ber 21, 1889, as follows :
" During our conference at the different agencies we were repeatedly asked whether
the acceptance or rejection of the act of Congress would influence the action of the
830 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. ann.u
government witb reference to their rations, and in every instance the Indians were
assured that subsistence was furnished in accordance with former treaties, and that
signing would not affect their rations, and that they wouki continue to receive them
as provided in former treaties. Without our assurances to this effect it would have
been impossihle to liave secured their consent to the cession of their lands. Since
our visit to the agencies it nppcars that largo reductions have been made in the
amounts of beef furnished for issues, amounting at Rosebud to 2,000,000 pounds aud
at Pine Ridge to 1,000,000 pounds, and lesser amounts at the other agencies. This
action of the Department, following immediately after the successful issue of our
negotiations, can not fail to have an injurious effect. It will be impossible to con-
vince the Indians that the reduction is not due to the fact that the government,
having obtained their land, has less concern in looking after their material interests
than before. It will be looked upon as a breach of faith and especially as a viola-
tion of the express statements of the commissioners. Already this action is being
used by the Indians opposed to the bill, notably at Pine Ridge, as an argument in
support of the wisdom of their opposition."
In forwarding this report to Congress the Department called special attention to
the above-quoted statements of the commission and said: "The commission further
remarks that as to the quality of the rations furnished there seems to be no just cause
for complaint, but that it was particularly to bo avoided that there should be any
diminution of the rations promised under the former treaties at this time, as the
Indians would attribute it to their assent to the bill. Such diminution certainly
should not be allowed, as the government is bound in good faith to carry into effect
the former treaties where not directly and positively affected by the act, and if under
the provisions of the treaty itself the ration is atany time reduced, the commissioners
recommend that the Indians should be notified before spring opens, so' that crops
may be cultivated. It is desirable that the recent reduction made shoiild be restored,
as it is now impossible to convince the Indians that it was not due to the fact that
the government, having obtained their lands, had less concern in looking after their
material interests.''
Notwithstanding this plea of the commission and of the Department, the appro-
priation made for the subsistence and civilization of the Sioux for 1890 was only
$950,000, or $.50,000 less than the amount estimated and appropriated for 1888 and
1889, and the appropriation not having been made until August 19, rations had to be
temporarily purchased and issued in limited quantities pending arrival of new sup-
plies to be secured from that appropriation. It was not until January, 1891, after
the troubles, that an appropriation of $100,000 was made by Congress for additional
beef for the Sioux.
Seventh. Other promises made by the Sioux commission and the agreement were
not promptly fulfilled; among them were increase of appropriations for education,
for which this office had asked an appropriation of $150,000 ; the payment of $200,000
in comijensation for ponies taken from the Sioux in 1876 and 1877; and thereimliurse-
ment of the Crow Creek Indians for a reduction made in their per capita allowance
of land, as compared with the amount allowed other Sioux, which called for an
appropriation of $187,039. The fulfillment of all these promises except the last
named was contained in the act of January 19, 1891.
Eighth. In 1889 and 1890 epidemics of la grippe, measles, and whooping cough,
followed by many deaths, added to the gloom and misfortune which seemed to sur-
round the Indians.
Ninth. The wording of the agreement changed the boundary line between the
Rosebud and Pine Ridge diminished reservations and necessitated a removal of a
portion of the Rosebud Indians from the lands which, by the agreement, weie
included in the Pine Ridge reservation to lands offered them in lieu thereof upon the
diminished Rosebud reserve. This, although involving no great hardship to any
considerable number, added to the discontent.
•Hoomy] CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK 831
Tenth. Some of tlio Indiana were greatly opposed to the census ■which Congress
ordered should bo taken. The census at Hoseliud, as reported liy Special Agent
Lea and conrirnied l>y a special census taken liy Agent Wright, revealed the sonie-
wliat startling fact that rations had been issued to Indians very largely in excess
of the number actually presiint, and this diuiiuntion of uunibers as shown by the
census necessitated a diminution of the rations, which was based, of course, upon the
census.
I'^leventh. The Messiah craze, which fostered the belief that " ghost shirts '' would
he invulnerable to bullets, and that the sujiremacy of the Indian race was assured,
added to discontent the fervor of fanaticism and brought those who accepted the
new faitli into the attitude of sullen deliance, but defensive rather than aggressive.
Twelfth. The sudden appearance of military upon their reservation gave rise to
the wildest rumors among the Indians of danger and disaster, which were eagerly
circulated by disaffected Indians and corroborated by exaggerated accounts in the
new8]>apcrs, and these and othi^r iulluences connected with and inseparable from mili-
tary movements frightened many Indians away from their agencies into the bad lands
and largely intensified whatever spirit of ojiposition to the government existed
ex-A(;ent mcgillycuddy's statement
[Letter 0/ Dr Y. T. McGiUycuddy, formerly agtiit at Pine Ridge, icrittenin reply to inguiry from General
L. W. Colby, cotnmandin'j Nebraska state troops during the outbreak, and dated January If>, 1S91.
From article on ^^The Sioux Indian War of lfi90-91," by General L. W. Colby, in Transactions and
Heports of the Nebraska State Historical Society, III, ISBi, pages 170-180.]
Sir: In answer to your inquiry of a recent date, I would state that in my opinion
to no one cause can be attril)uted the recent so-called outbreak on the part of the
Sioux, but rather to a combination of causes gradually cumulative in their effect and
dating back through many years — in fact to the inauguration of our practically
demonstrated faulty Indian policy.
There can be no question but that many of the treaties, agreements, or solemn
promises made by our government with these Indians have been broken. Many of
them have been kept by us technically, but as far as the Indian is concerned have
been misunderstood by him through a lack of proper explanation at time of signing,
and hence considered by liim as broken.
It must also be remembered that in all of the treaties made by the government
with the Indians, a large portion of them have not agreed to or signed the same.
Noticeably was this so in the agreement secured by us with them the summer before
last, by which we secured one- half of the remainder of the Sioux reserve, amount-
ing to about 16,000 sqiuvre miles. This agreement barely carried with the Sioux
nation as a whole, but did not carry at Pine Eidgo or Rosebud, where the strong
majority were against it ; and it must be noted that wherever there was the strongest
opposition manifested' to the recent treaty, there, during the present trouble, have
been found the elements opposed to the government.
The Sioux nation, which at one time, with the confederated bands of Cheyennes
and Arapahos, controlled a region of country bounded on the north by the Yellow,
stone, on the south by the Arkansas, and reaching from the Missouri river to the
Rocky mountains, has seen this large domain, under the various treaties, dwindle
down to their now limited reserve of less than 16,000 square miles, and with the land
has disai)peared the buffalo and other game. The memory of this, chargeable by
them to the white man, necessarily irritates them.
There is back of all this the natural race antagonism which our dealings with the
aborigine in connection with the inevitable onward march of civilization has in no
degree lessened. It has been our experience, and the experience of other nations,
that defeat in war is soon, not sooner or later, forgotten by the coming generation,
and as a result we have a tendency to a constant recurrence of outltreak on the part
14 ETIl — I'T 2 13
832 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
of the weaker race. It is uow sixteen years since onr last war with the .Sioux in
1876 — a time when our present Sioux warriors were mostly chililren, and therefore
have no memory of havinj; felt the power of the government. It is but natural
that these young warriors, lacking in experience, should require but little incentive
to induce them to test the bravery of the white man on the war path, where the
traditions of his people teach him is the only path to glory and a chosen seat in the
"happy hunting grounds."' For these reasons every i)recaution should be adopted
by the government to guard against trouble with its disastrous results. Have such
precautions been adopted? Investigation of the present troulde does not so indicate.
Sitting Bull and other irreconcilable relics of the campaign of 1876 were allowed
to remain among their people and foment discord. The staple article of food at Pine
Ridge and some of the other agencies had been cut down below the subsisting point,
noticeably the beef at Pine Ridge, which from an annual treaty allowance of 6,2,50,000
pounds gross was cut down to 4,000,000 pounds. The contract on that beef was vio-
lated, insomuch as that contract called for northern ranch beef, for which was sub-
stituted through beef from Texas, with an unparalleled resulting shrinkage in winter,
so that the Indians did not actually receive half ration of this food in winter — the
very time the largest allowance of food is required. By the fortunes of political
war. weak agents were placed in charge of some of the agencies at the very time that
trouble was known to be brewing. Noticeably was this so at Pine Ridge, where a
notoriously weak and unfit man was placed in charge. His flight, aliandonment of
his agency, and his call for troops have, with the horrible results of the same, become
facts in history.
Now, as for facts in connection with Pine Ridge, which agency has unfortunately
become the theater of the present " war," was there necessity for froops? My past
experience with those Indians does not so indicate. For seven long years, from 1879
to 1886, 1, as agent, managed this agency without the presence of a soldier on the res-
ervation, and none nearer than 60 miles, and iu those times the Indians were naturally
much wilder than they are to-day. , To be sure, during the seven years we occasion-
ally had exciting times, when the only thing hacking to cause an outbreak was the
calling for troops by the agent and the presence of the same. As a matter of fact,
however, no matter how much disturbed affairs were, no matter how innuinent an
outbreak, the progressive chiefs, with their following, came to the front enough in tlie
majority, with the fifty Indian policemen, to at once crush out all attempts at rebel-
lion against the authority of the agent and the government.
Why was this? Because in those times we believed in placing confidence in the
Indians; in establishing, as far as possible, a home-rule government on the reserva-
tion. We established local courts, presided over by the Indians, with Indian juries ;
in fact, we believed in having the Indians assist in working out their own salvation.
We courted and secured the friendship and support of the progressive and orderly
element, as against the mob element. Whether the system thus inaugurated was
practicable, was successful, comparison with recent events will decide.
When my Democratic successor took charge in 1886, he deemed it necessary to
make general changes in the system at Pine Ridge, i. e., a Republican system. All
white men, half-breeds, or Indians who had sustained the agent under the former
administration were classed as Republicans and had to go. The progressive chiefs,
such as Young Man Afraid, Little Wound, anil White Hird, were ignored, and the
backing of the element of order and progress was alienated from the agent and the
government, and in the place of this strong backing that had maintained order for
seven years was substituted Red Cloud and other nonprogressive chiefs, sustainers
of the ancient tribal system.
If my successor had been other than an amateur, or had had any knowledge or
experience in the inside Indian politics of an Indian tribe, he would have known
that if the element he was endeavoring to relegate to the rear had not been the bal-
ance of power, I could not for seven years have held out againt the mob eleuu'ut
which he now sought to jiut in power. In other words, he unwittingly threw the
MooNKYj CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK 833
balaiKi) of power at I'iuc Hidne ajjainst the xoverumeiit, as ho lator on discovered to
hi.s uost. When still later he endeavored to niaiutaln onler and snppress the ghost
dance, the attempt resulted in a most dismal failure.
The Democratic aj;eut was succeeded in October last by the recently removed
Iie)>ul>lican agent, a gentleman totally ignorant of Indians and their ])eculiarities;
a gentleman with not a <iualilication in his make-up calculated to fit him for the
position of agent at one of the largest and most dillicult agencies in the service to
manage; a man selected solely as a reward for political services. He might possibly
have been an average success as an Indian agent at a small, well-regulated agency.
He endeavored to strengthen up matters, but the chiefs and leaders who could have
iussisted him in so doing had been alienated by the fonner agent. They virtiially said
among themselves, "We, after incurring the enmity of the bad element among our
peo]de by sustaining the government, have been ignored and ill-treated by that
government, hence this is not our affair." Heing ignorant of the situation, he had
uo one to depend on. In his first (dash with the mob element he discovered that the
Pine Kidge police, formerly the finest in the service, were lacking in discipline and
courage, and, not being well supplied with those necessary (jualities himself, he took
the bhiff of a mob for a declaration of war, abandoned his agency, returned •with
troops — and you see the result.
As for the ghost dance, too much attention has been paid to it. It was only the
symptom or surface indication of deep-rooted, long-existing difficulty; as well treat
the eruption of smallpox as the disease and ignore the constitutional disease.
As regarils disarming the Sioux, however desirable it may appear, I consider it
neither advisable nor practicable. I fear that it will result as the theoretical en-
forcement of prohibition in Kansas, Iowa, and Dakota; you will succeed in disarm-
ing the friendly Indians, because you can, anil you will not so succeed with the mob
element, because you (-an not. If I were again to be an Indian agent and had my
choice, I would take charge of 10,(X)0 armed Siou.x in preference to a like number of
disarmed ones; and, furthermore, agree to handle that number, or the whole Sioux
nation, without a white soldier.
Respectfully, etc, V. T. McGlLLYCUDDV.
P. 8. — I neglected to state that up to date there has been neither a Sioux outbreak
nor war. No citizen in Nebraska or Dakota has been killed, molested, or can show
the scratch of a pin, and no property has been destroyed off the reservation.
STATEMENT OF GENERAL MILES
[From the lieiwrt of the Secretary of War for 1891, Vol. I, pp, 13S, 134, and 149. fie enumerates tpecific
cattnes of co)nplaint at each of the principal Siovx agerkciai, all of whicf catitcg may be summarized at
hunger and unfulfilled promises,]
Cause of Indian dissalisfaction. — The causes that led to the serions'disturbance of
the peace in the northwest last autumn and winter were so remarkable that an
explanation of them is necessary in order to comprehend the seriousness of the situ-
ation. The Indians assuming the most threatening attitude of hostility were the
Cheyennes and Sioux. Their condition may be stated as follows: For several years
following their subjugation in 1877, 1878, and 1879 the most dangerous element of
the Cheyennes and the Sioux were under military control. Many of them were dis-
armed and dismounted; their war ponies were sold and the proceeds returned to
them in domestic stock, farming utensils, wagons, etc. Many of the Cheyennes,
under the charge of military officers, were located on laud in accordance with the
laws of Congress, but after they were turned over to civil agents and the vast herds
of buffalo and large game had been destroyed their supplies were insufficient, and
they were forced to kill cattle belonging to white people to sustain life. '
Tlie fact that they had not received sufficient food is admitted V)y the agents and
the officers of the government who have had opportunities of knowing. The majority
of the Sioux were under the charge of civil agents, frequently changed and often
834 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
inexperienced. Many of the tribes became rearmed and remounted. They claimed
that the government had not fulfilled its treaties and had failed to make large enough
appropriations for their support; that they had suffered for want of food, and the
evidence of this is beyond question and sufficient to satisfy any unprejudiced intelli-
gent mind. The statements of officers, inspectors, both of the military and the
Interior departments, of agents, of missionaries, and civilians familiar with their con-
dition, leave no room for reasonable doubt that this was one of the principal causes.
While statements may be made as to the amount of money that has been expended
by the government to feed the dift'erent tribes, the manner of distribiiting those
appropriations will furnish one reason for the deficit.
The unfortunate failure of the crops in the plains country during the years of 1889
and 1890 added to the distress ami suffering of the Indians, and it was possible for
them to raise but very little from the ground for self-support; in fact, white settlers
have been most unfortunate, and their losses have been serious and universal
throughout a large section of that country. They have struggled on from year to
year; occasionally they wonld raise good crops, which they were compelled to sell at
low prices, while in the season of drought their labor was almost entirely lost.
So serious have been their misfortunes tliat thousands have left that country within
the last few years, passing over the mountains to the Pacific slope or returning to
the east of the Missouri or the Mississippi.
The Indians, however, could not migrate from one part of the United States to
another; neither could they obtain employment as readily as white people, either
upon or beyond the Indian reservations. They must remain in comparative idleness
and accept the results of the drought— an insufficient supply of food. This created a
feeling of discontent even among the loyal and well disposed and added to the feeling
of hostility of the element opposed to every process of civilization.
Reports forwarded by Brigadier-General Euger, commanding Department of
Dakota, contained the following :
The commanding officer at Fort Yates, North Dakota, under date of December 7,
1890, at the time the Messiah delusion was approaching a climax, says,, in reference
to the disaffection of the Sioux Indians at Standing Rock agency, that it is due to
the following causes :
(1) Failure of the government to establish an equitable southern boundary of the
Standing Rock agency reservation.
(2) Failure of the government to expend a just proportion of the money received
from the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul railroad company, for right of way privi-
leges, for the benefit of the Indians of said agency. Official notice was received
October 18, 1881, by the Indian agent at the Standing Rock agency, that the said
railroad company had paid the government under its agreement with the Sioux
Indians, forright of way privileges, the sum of $13,911. What additional payments,
if any, have been made by the said railroad company, and what payments have been
made by the Dakota Central railroad company, the records of tiie agency do not
show. In 1883, and again in 1885, the agent, upon complaints made by the Indians,
wrote to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, making certain recommendations as
regards the expenditure of the money received from the said railroad company,
but was in each instance informed that until Congress took action with respect
to the funds referred to nothing could be done. No portion of the money had been
expended up to that time (December, 1890) for the benefit of the Indians of
the agency, and frequent complaints had been made to the agent by the Indians
because they had received no benefits from their concessions to the said railroad
companies.
(3) Failure of the government to issue the certificates of title to allotments, as
required by article 6 of the treaty of 1868.
(4) Failure of the government to provide the full allowance of seeds and agricul-
tural implements to Indians engaged in farming, as required in article 8, treaty of
1868.
MooNEv] CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK 835
(5) Failure of the government to issue to such Indians the full number of cows
and oxen provided in article 10, treaty of I87fi.
(7) Failure of tlie government to issue to the Indians the full ration stipulated in
article 5, treaty of 187(). (For the fiscal year beginning July 1, 18i)0, the following
shortages in the rations were found to exist: 485,275 poumls of beef [gross], 761,212
pounds of corn, 11,937 pounds of coflee, 281,712 pounds of flour, 26,234 pounds of
sugar, and 39,852 pounds of beans. Although the obligations of the government
extend no further than furnishing so much of the ration prescribed in article 5 as
may be necessary for the support of the Indians, it would seem that, owing to the
almost total failure of crops upon the Standing Rock reservation for the past four
years, and the absence of game, the necessity for the issue of the full ration to the
Indians here was never greater than at the present timt — December, 1890.)
(8) Failure of the government to issue to the Indians the full amount of annuity
supplies to which they were entitled under the provisions of article 10, treaty of
1868.
(9) Failure of the government to have the clothing and other annuity snpplies
ready for issue on the iirst day of August of each year. Such supplies have not been
ready for issue to the Indians, as a rule, until the winter season is well advanced.
(After careful examination at this agency, the commanding oflicer is convinced that
not more than two-thirds of the supplies provided in article 10 have been issued
there, and the government has never complied with that provision of article 10
which requires the supplies enumerated in paragraphs 2, 3, and 4 of said article to
bo delivered on or before the first day of August of each year. Such supplies for
the present fiscal year, beginning July 1, 1890, had not yet reached (December, 1890)
the nearest railway station, about 60 miles distant, from which point they must, at
this season of the year, be freighted to this agency in wagons. It is. now certain
that the winter will be well advanced before the Indians at this agency receive their
annual allowance of clothing and other annuity supplies.)
(10) Failure of the government to appropriate money for the payment of the
Indians for the ponies taken from them, by the authority of the government, in
1876.
In conclusion, the commanding oflicer says: " It, however, appears from the fore-
going, that the government has failed to fulfill its obligations, and in order to render
the Indians law-abiding, peaceful, contented, and prosperous it is strongly recom-
mended that the treaties be promptly and fully carried out, and that the promises
made by the commission in 1889 be faithfully kept."
[The reports from Pine Ridge, Jiosebud, Cheyenne JHver, and Yankton agencies are of rimilar tenor.
Following are two telegrams sent from the field by General Miles at the beginning ff the trouble.]
Rapid City, South Dakota, December 19, 1890.
Senator Dawes,
Washington, District of Columbia:
You may be assured of the following facts that can not be gainsaid :
First. The forcing process of attempting to make large bodies of Indians self-sus-
taining when the government was cutting down their rations and their crops almost
a failure, is one cause of the difficulty.
Second. While the Indians were urged and almost forced to sign a treaty presented
to them by the commission authorized by Congress, in which they gave np a valua-
ble portion of their reservation which is now occupied by white people, the govern-
ment has failed to fulfill its part of the compact, and instead of an increase or even
a reasonable supply for their support, they have been compelled to live on half and
two- thirds rations, and received nothing for the surrender of their lands, neither has
the government given any positive assurance that they intend to do any differently
with them in the future.
Congress has been in session several weeks and could, if it were disposed, in a few
hours confirm the treaties that its commissioners have made with these Indians and
836 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ans.14
appropriate the necessary funds for its fulfillment, aiifl thereby give an earnest of
their good faith or intention to fulfill their part of the compact. Such action, in my
judgment, is essential to restore confidence with the Indians and give peace and pro-
tection to the settlements. If this be done, and the Presideut authorized to place
the turbulent and dangerous tribes of Indians under the control of the military,
Congress need not euter into details, but can safely trust the military authorities to
subjugate and govern, and in the near future make self-sustaining, any or all of the
Indian tribes of this country.
Kapid City, South Dakota, December 19, 1890.
General John M. Schofielu,
Commanding the Army, Washington, District of Columbia :
Replying to your long telegram, one point is of vital importance — the difficult
Indian problem can not be solved permanently at this end of the line. It requires
the fulfillment by Congress of the treaty obligations which the Indians were entreated
and coerced into signing. They signed away a valuable portion of their reservation,
and it is now occujiied by white people, for which they have received nothing. They
understood that ample provision would be made for their support ; instead, their
supplies have been reduced, and much of the time they have been living on half and
two-thirds rations. Their crops, as well as the crops of the white people, for two
years have been almost a total failure. The disaffection is widespread, especially
among the Sioux, while the Cheyennes have been on the verge of starvation and were
forced to commit depredations to sustain life. These facts are beyond question, and
the evidence is positive and sustained by thousands of witnesses. Serious difficulty
has been gathering for years. Congress has been in session several weeks and could
in a single hour confirm the treaties and appropriate the necessary funds for their
fulfillment, which their commissioners and the highest officials of the government
have guaranteed to these people, and unless the officers of the army can give some
positive assurance that the government intends to act in good faith with these peo-
ple, the loyal element will be diminished and the hostile element increased. If the
government will give some positive assurance that it will fulfill its part of the
understanding with these 20,000 Sioux Indians, they can safely trust the military
authorities to subjugate, control, and govern these turbulent people, and I hope that
you will ask the Secretary of War and the Chief Executive to bring this matter
directly to the attention of Congress.
REPORT OF CAPTAIN HtJRST
(A. a. o. Doc. ema- 1891.)
Fokt Bennett, South Dakota, January 9, 1891.
Assi.sTANT .Adjutant-General,
Dej)artment of Dakota, Saint Paul, Minnesota.
Sir: In compliance with instructions of the department commander — copy
attached marked A — I have the honor to submit the following report as the result
of my investigations into the matters referred to therein.
I have been at this post continuously since August 6, 1887, and inspector of Indian
supplies at the Cheyenne River Indian agency, located here, during that period, and
am at the present time.
The Indians of this agency have a standing list of grievances which they present
at every opportunity, and talk about in council when they assemble at every monthly
ration issue. The Indians most persistent in recounting and proclaiming their
grievances are those least willing to help in bettering their condition, and who are
opi)osed to any change or improvement of their old habits and customs, and oppose
all progress. Of this class I cite Big Foot's band of irreconcilables — who have now
oeased to complain — and those in accord with them. Except in the matter of short
rations, the story of their wrongs needs no attention. It commences with a recital
of the wrong done them by the white race sharing the earth with them.
MooNEv] CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK 837
The other class, coiuprisiiig a large majority of Indians of the reservation, liiive
accepted the Hitiiatioii forced upon thcni, and have hoen for years bravely struggling
in the effort to reconcile themselves to the ways of civilization and moral progress,
with a gratifying degree of success. It is this class whose complaints and griev-
ances demand considerate attention. They complain in true Indian style that they
only have kept faith in all treaties made with them, and that somehow the treaties
when they appeared iu print were not in many respects the treaties which they signed.
They <'omjdaiu principally —
(1) That the boundaries of the reservation in the treaty of 1877 are not what they
agreed to and thought they were signing on the paper, and they especially empha-
size the point that the line of the western boundary should be a straight litie at tbe
Black Hills, instead of as it appears on the maps.
(2) That they have never received full recom])ense for the ponies taken from them
in 1876.
(3) That the game has been destroyed and driven out of the country by the white
people.
(4) That their children are taken from them to eastern schools and kept for years,
instead of being ediicated among them.
(5) That when these eastern graduates return to them with civilized habits, edu-
cation, and trades, there is no provision made on the reservation for their employ-
ment and improvement to the benefit of themselves and their people.
(6) That the agents and employees sent out to them have not all been "good men"
and considerate of their (the Indians') interests and welfare.
(7) That the issue of their annuity goods is delayed so late in the winter as to
cause them much suffering.
(8) That they are expected to plow the land and raise grain when the climate will
not permit them to reap a crop. They think cattle should be issued to them for
breeding purposes iustead of farming implements for useless labor.
(9) That the rations issued to them are insufficient in quantity and frequently
(beef and Hour) very poor in quality.
Complaints 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, and 9 are all well founded and .justified by the facts in
each case. No. 9 especially so, and this through no fault or negligence of the agent.
The agent makes his annual estimate for sustenance in kind for the number of people
borne on his rolls, based on the stipulated ration iu treaty of 1877. This estimate is
luodified or cut down in the Indian Commissioner's office to meet the reqiiiremeuts
of a limited or reduced Congressional appropriation, and when it returns to the
agent's hands apjiroved, he finds that he has just so many pounds of beef and flour,
etc, placed to bis credit for the year, without regard to whether they constitute the
full number of treaty rations or not. There is no allowance given him for loss by
shrinkage, wastage, or other unavoidable loss, and with the very best eft'orts and
care in the distribution throughout the year of this usually reduced allowance there
can not be issued to each Indian his treaty ration nor enough to properly sustain
life. As a gener.il thing the Indians of this reservation have been compelled to pur-
chase food according to their means, between ration issues. Those having no means
of purchase have suffered.
The half pound of flour called for by the treaty ration could not be issued in full,
and the half pound of corn required has never been issued nor anything in lieu of it.
In the item of beef but 1 pound was issued instead of the pound and a half called for
in the treaty, and during the early spring months, when the cattle on the range are
thin anil i)Oor, the pound of beef i.ssued to the ludian is but a fraction of the pound
issued to him on the agent's returns, and, under the system of purchiise in practice
until the present fiscal year, must necessarily be so. The agent's purchase of the
beef sujiply on the hoof for tbe year, under contract, is closed iu the mouth of No-
vember, from which time he has to herd them the balance of the year as best he can.
He is responsible for the weight they show on the scales when fat and in prime con-
dition, so that a steer weighing 1,200 pounds in the fall must represent 1,200 pounds
838 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.axn.14
in April, while in fact it may be liut skin, horns, and bones, and weigh scarcely 600
pounds, while he has done his best to care for them during the severity of a Dakota
winter. The Indians do not understand why they should be made to sufler all this
shrinkage and loss, and it is a useless and humiliating attempt to explain. The
agent is not to blame. The department of Indian affairs can do only the best it can
with a limited and tardy appropriation. The remedy in the matter of food supply
seems to be: A sufficient and earlier appropriation of funds. All contracts for the
beef supply should call for delivery when re(|uired by the agent. The agent should
be allowed a percentage of wastage to cover unavoidable loss in issue by shrinkage
and wastage. The government should bear this loss and not the Indians.
Complaint 1 : No remarks.
Complaint 2 : Is before Congress.
Complaint 4: Should be remedied by adequate home schools.
Complaint 5 ; Suggests its proper remedy.
Complaint 6 : No remarks.
Complaint 7: Can be remedied only by earlier appropriations.
Complaints; This reservation is not agricultural land. The climate makes it a
grazing country. The Indians now can raise cattle successfully and 'iare for them
in winter. All attempts at general farming must result in failure on account of
climatic conditions.
In connection with complaint 9, I respectfully invite attention to tabular state-
ment accompanying this report, marked B, showing rations as issued up to Decem
ber 6 in present fiscal year and amount reipiired to make the issues according to
article 5, treaty of February 27, 1877, and special attention to columns 6 and 7 therein.
Appended to this report, marked C, is an extract copy of treaties of 1877 and 1868.
In submitting this report, I desire to commend the administration of the affairs of
this agency, as it has appeared under my daily observation since August, 1887. So
far as this reservation is concerned, the present unrest among the Indiaus is not
attributable to any just cause of complaint against the former or present agent or
employees ; nor is it due entirely or largely to failure on the part of the government
to fulfill treaty obligations.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. H. HuusT,
Captain, Twelfth Infantry, Commanding Post.
APPENDIX C— EXTRACT COPT— TREATIES OF 1877 AND 1868
Treaty of 1877
Article 3. The said Indians also agree that they will hereafter receive all annuities provided by the
said treaty of 1868, and all subsistence and supplies which may. be provided for them under the present
or any future act of Congress, at such points and places on the said reservation and in the vicinity of
the Missouri river as the President of the United States shall designate.
Article 5. In consideration of the foregoing cession of territory and rights, and upon full compli-
ance with each and every obligation assumed by the said Indians, tlie United States agree to provide
all necessary aid to assist the said Indians in the work of civilization; to furnish to them schools and
instruction in mechanical and agricultural arts, as provided for by the treaty of 1868. Also to pro-
vide the said Indiana with subsistence consisting of a ration for each individual of a pound and a
half of beef (or in lieu thereof, one-half pound of bacon), one-half pound of flour, and one-half pound
of corn ; and for every one hundred rations, four pounds of coffee, eight pounds of sugar, and three
pounds of beans, or in lieu of said articles the equivalent thereof, in the discretion of the Commis-
sioner of Indian Affairs. Such rations, or so much thereof as may be neceasjiry, shall be continued
until the Indians are able to support themselves. Rations shall in all cases be issued to the head
of each separate family; and whenever schools shall have been provided by the government for
said Indians, no rations shall be issued for children between the ages of six and fourteen years (tiie
sick and infirm excepted), unless such children shall regularly attend school. Whenever the said
Indians shall be located upon lands which are suitable for cultivation, rations shall be issued only to
the persons and families of those persons who labor {the aged, sick, and infirm excepted) : and as au
incentive to industrious habits the Commissioner of Indian Affairs may provide that persons be fur-
nishedin paymentfor their laborsuch othernecessary articles as are requisite for civilized life. . . .
Article 8. The provisions of the said treaty of 1868, except as herein modified, shall continue in
full force. . . .
CAUSES OF THK OUTBREAK
839
TRKATY f)F 1808
Ahtk'I.k 8. When the head of a family or Imlgi- hIibU have Bolected lands in good faith and received
a rt*r(itirute then-for aii<I toimiH^nceil tanning in yw"! faith, he is to receive not to exceed one hundred
ildllaiH for the first year in soedM and agriniUural iniplenieutH, and for a period of three years more
nut to exceed twenty -live dollars in seeds ami iinplenients.
AitTiri.tt 10. In lieu of all sums of money or other annuities provided to be paid to the Indians
herein named under any treaty or treaties heretofore miule, the United States agrees to deliver at the
agency house on the reservation herein named on (or before) the first day of August of each year for
tliirty years, the following articles, to wit:
For each male person over fourteen years of age, a suit of g(M)d. substantial woolen clothing, con-
sisting of coat, pantjiloons, tlaunel shirt, liat, and a jiair of home-inatle socks.
For eacli female over twelve years of age, a Hunnel skirt or the goods necessary *to make it, a pair
ot Woolen hose, twelve yards of (lalico, and twelve yards of cotton doniestica.
For tlie boys and girls under tlie ages named, such tiannel and cotton goods as may be needed to
make eacli a suit aforesaid, with a pair of lu>so for each. And in addition to tlie clothing herein
named, thn sum of ten dollars for each person entitled to tlie l)enetieial etl'ects of this treaty, shall be
annually appropriated for a peri<»d of tliirty years, while such jtersons roam and hunt, and twenty
dollars for each person who engages iu farming, to be used by the Secretary of the Interior in the
purelinso of such articles as from time to time the condition and necessities of the Indians may indi-
cate to be pr(ti>er. And if within thirty years at any time it shall appear that the amount of money
needed for clothing, under this article, can be apj>ropriated to better uses for the Indians named
lierein. Congress nuiy, by law, change the ajiprojiriation to otiier purposes, but in no event shall tlie
amount of the appro))riation be withdrawn or discontinued for the period named.
Article 10 further stipulates that each lodge or family wIjo shall commence farming shall receive
within sixty days therealter one good American cow and onti good well-broken pair of American oxen.
Extract from tabular statement, thowing articles of ttubsintence received or to be received, rations an
is/nied up to date, and amount required to make the inituet according to Article;'/ of treaty of February
S7, 3577, in fiscal year 1891 — At Cheyenne River agency, Fort Bennett, South Dakota.
3
Name of articles.
Bacon
Beans
Baking pow der
Beef, gross
Coftee
Flour
Sugar ;
Salt
Soap
Mess pork
Hard bread (in lieu of bacon)
Corn (iu lieu of Hour)
Quantity al-
lowed to lOU
rations up
to date.
Quautitvper
100 rations
as allowed
per treaty
1877.
Poundt. Pounds.
• a I 161
3 I A
li
a 100 blOO
2^-3 ! 4
45 5U
4} I S
1 I
I I::::;::::::
25 I
None. I 50
oNet.
b Net, or 150 without bacon.
Rations aa flxcil by treaty of 1677: IJ pounds beef or i pound bacon; i pound flour and i pound
corn; 4 (toinids coifce, 8 pounds sugar, and 3 pounds beans to every 100 rat'ons; "or.in lieu of said
articles, the equivaleut thereof, in the discretion of the Commiasioner of Indian Affairs."
STATEMENT OF AMERICAN HORSE
[Delivered in council at Pine Ridge agency to Agent Royer, and foncarded to the Indian Office, Xovember
27, 1890. a. D. Doc. S70O2—1S90.]
American Horse, Fast Thunder, Spotted Horse, Pretty Back, and Good Lance
present, with American Horse as spokesman :
"I think the late Sioux commissioners (General Crook, Major Warner, and Gov-
ernor Foster) had something to do with starting this trouble. I was speaker for the
whole tribe. In .a general council I signed the bill (the lateSioux bill) and 5808igned
with me. The other members of my band drew out and it divided us, and ever since
840 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ans.U
these two parties have been divided. The nonprogressive started the ghost dauce to
draw from us. We were made many promises, but have nevfer heard from them since.
The Great Father says if we do what he directs it will be to our benefit; but instead
of this they are every year cuttiug down our rations, and we do not get enough to
keep us from suffering. General Crook talked nice to us ; and after we signed the
bill they took our land and cut down our allowance of food. The commission made
us believe that we would get full sacks if we signed the bill, but instead of that our
sacks are empty. We lost considerable property by being here with the commission-
ers last year, and have never got anything for it. Our chickens were all stoleu, our
cattle some of them were killed, our crops were entirely lost by ns being absent
here with the Sioux commission, and we have never been benefited one bit by the
bill ; and, in fact, we are worse oft' than we were before we signed the bill. We
are told if we do as white men wo will be better oft', but we are getting worse off
every year.
"The commissioners promised the Indians living on Black Pipe and Pass creeks
that if they signed the bill they could remain where they were and draw their
rations at this agency, showing them on the maj) the line, and our people want them
here, but they have been ordered to move back to Rosebud agency. This is one of
the broken promises. The commission promised to survey the boundary line, and
appropriate $1,000 for the purpose, but it has not been done. When we were at
Washington, the President, the Secretary of the Interior, and the Commissioner all
promised us that we would get the million pounds of beef that were taken from us,
and I heard the bill appropriating the money passed Congress, but we never got the
beef. The Commissioner refused to give it to us. American Horse, Fast Thunder,
and Spotted Horse were all promised a spring wagon each, but they have never
heard anything of it. This is another broken promise."
In forwarding the report of the council, the agent says : "After American Horse
was through talking, I asked the other men ])resent if his statement voiced their
sentiments and they all answered. Yes."
STATEMENT OF BISHOP HABE
[Bishop }V. H. Mare is the veteran Episcopal missionary bishop ainonq the Sioux, The /allowing
extracts are from a communication by him to Secretary Noble, dated January 7, 1891. G. D. Doc,
2440—1891.]
The evidence compels the conclusion that, among the Pine Ridge Indians at least,
hunger has been an intportant element in the causes of discontent and insubordination.
In the farming season of 1889 [July] the Indians were all called into the agency and
kept there for a month by the Sionx conmiission. During their absence their cattle
broke into their fields and trod down, orate up, their crops. The Indians reaped
practically nothing. In the year 1890, drought, the worst known for many years,
afflicted the western part of South Dakota, and the Indian crops were a total failure.
There is ample evidence that, during this period, the rations issued lasted, even
when carefully u.sed, for only two-thirds the time for which they were intended. To
add to their distress, this period, 1889 and 1890, was marked by extraordinary mis-
fortune. The measles prevailed with great virulence in 1889, the grippe in 1890.
Whooping cough also attacked the children. The sick died from want. In this
statement Inspector Gardiner, Dr McGillycuddy, late agent, Miss Elaine Goodale, who
has been in the camps a good deal, tlie missionary force, and many others whose
testimony is of the highest value because of their character and their knowledge of
the situation, all agree.
The time seemed now to have come to take a further step aud divide the Great
Sioux reservation up into separate reserves for each important tribe, and to open the
surplus land to settlement. The needs of the white population, with their business
and railroads, aud the welfare of the Indians, seemed alike to demand this. Com-
missioners were therefore sent out to treat with the people for the accomplishment
Moi.NKY] CAUSES OP THE OUTBREAK 841
of this pud, an<l an aKreeraeiit whicli, after much debate, had won general approval
was romraitted to them for presentation to the Indians. The objections of the
Indians to tlie bill, however, were many and they were ardently pressed. Some pre-
ferred their old life, the more earnestly because schools and churches were sapping
and undermining it. Some wished delay. All complained that many of the engage-
ments solennily made with tbem in former years when they had surrendered valued
rights had been broken, and here they were right. They suspected that present
promises of pay for their lands would prove only old ones in a new »hape (when
milch cows were promised, cows having been promised in previous agreements, the
Indians exclaimed, "There's that same old cow"), and demanded that no further
surrender should be expected until former promises had been fulfilled. They were
assumed that a new era had dawned, and that all past promises would be kept. So
we all thought. The benefits of the proposed agreement were set before them, and
verbal promises, over and above the stipulations of the bill, were made, that special
requests of the Indians would be met. The Indians have no competent representa-
tive body. The commissioners had to treat at each agency with a crowd, a crowd
composed of full-bloods, half-breeds, and squaw men, a crowd among whom all sorts
of sinister influences and brute force were at work. Commissioners with such a
business in hand have the devil to tight, sind can fight him, so it often seems, only
with fire, and many friends of the Indians think that in this case the commission,
convinced that the acceptance of the bill was essential, carried persuasion to the
verge of intimidation. I do not blame them if they sometimes did. The wit and
patience of an angel would fail often in such a task.
But the re(]uisite number, three- fourths of the Indians, signed the bill, and expecta-
tion of rich and prompt rewards ran high. The Indians understand little of the
complex forms and delays of our government. Six months passed, and nothing
came. Three months more, and nothing came. A bill was drawn up in the Senate
under General Crook's eye and passed, providing for the fulfillment of the promises
of the commission, but it was pigeon-holed in the House. But in the midst of the
winter's pinching cold the Indians learned that the transaction had been declared
complete and half of their land proclaimed as thrown open to the whites. Surveys
were not pnmiptly made ; perhaps they could not be, and no one knew what land
was theirs and what was not. The very earth seemed sliding from beneath their
feet. Other misfortunes seemed to be crowding on them. On some reserves their
rations were being reduced, and lasted, even when carefully husbanded, but one-
half the period for which they were issued. (The amount. of beef bought for the
Indians is not a fair criterion of the amount he receives. A stefir will lose 200 pounds
or more of its flesh during the course of the winter.) In the summer of 1889 all the
people on the Pine Ridge reserve, men, women, and children, were called in from
their farms to the agency to treat with the commissioners and were kept there a
whole month, and, on returning to their homes, found that their cattle had broken
into their fields and trampled down or eaten up all their crops. This was true in a
degree elsewhere. In 1890 the crops, which promised splendidly early in .July, failed
entirely later, because of a severe drought. The people were often hungry, and, the
physicians in many cases said, died when taken sick, not so much from disease as for
want of food. (This is doubtless true of all the poor — the poor in our cities and the
poor settlers in the west.)
No doubt the peo])le could have saved themselves from suffering if industry,
economy, and thrift had abounded; but these are just the virtues which a people
merging from barbarism lack. The measles prevailed in 1889 and were exceedingly
fatal. Next year the grippe swept over the i)eople with appalling results. Whoop-
ing cough followed among the children. Sullenness and gloom began to gather,
especially among the heathen and wilder Indians. A witness of high character told
mo that a marked discontent amounting almost to despair prevailed in many quarters.
The people said their cliildren were all dying from diseases brought by the whites,
their race was perishing from the face of the earth, and they might as well be killed
842 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.an.n.U
at once. Old chiefs antt medicine men were losing their power. Withal new ways
■were prevailing more and more which did not suit the older people. The old ways
which they loved were passing away. In a word, all things were against them, and
to add to the calamity, many Indians, especially the wilder element, had nothing to
do but to brood over their misfortunes. While in this unhappy state, the story of a
messiah coming, with its ghost dance and strange hallucinations, spread among the
heathen part of the people. . .
But these things we do want. A profound conviction in the mind not only of a
few, but of the people, that the Indian problem is wortli attending to. Next, that
the oiJicials placed in charge of the difficult Indian problem sliould be protected
from the importunity of hungry politicians, and that the employees in the Indian
country, agents, teachers, farmers, carpenters, should not be changed with every
shuttling of the political card.-*. The abuse here has been shameful. Next, that
Congress, especially the House of Representatives, shall consider itself bound in
honor to make provision for the fulfillment of promises made to the Indians by
commissioners duly appointed and sent to the Indians by another branch of the gov-
ernment. The evils which have arisen from a violation of this comity have been most
serious. Next, that testimony regarding Indian affairs should not be swallowed
until careful inquiry has been made as to the disinterestedness of the witness. An
honest man out here burns with indignation when he reads in the papers that so and
so, represented as being fully informed on the whole question, affirms that Indians
have no grievances and ought to receive no quarter, when he knows that the lots
which the witness owns in a town near the Indian country would no longer be a
drug in the market if Indians could be gotten out of the way. Next, let it be
remembered that the crisis has lifted evils in the Indian country up to the light, and
left the good things in the shade. Hut the good things are real and have shown
their vigor under trial. There is lo reason for losing faith or courage. Let all kind
and honest men unite with the higher officials of the government, all of whom, I
believe, mean well, in a spirit of forbearance toward each other, of willingness to
learn, and of mutual helpfulness, to accomplish the results which they all desire.
Chapteii XIII
THE SIOUX OUTBltEA-K— SITTlN(i BULL AND WOUNDED
KNEE
We were made many promises, but have never heard from them »ince. — American
Horse.
Congress bas been in session several weeks and could, if it were disposed, in a few
honrs conliriu the treaty that its commissioners have made with these Indians, and
api)ropriate the necessary funds for their fulfillment, and thereby give an earnest of
good faith or intention to fultill their part of the compact. Such action iu my
judgment is essential to restore confidence with the Indians and give peace and
protection to the settlements. — General Milen.
Approximate cost of outbreak in one month : Forty-nine whites and others on the
government side, and three hundred Indians, killed; $1,200,000 expense to govern-
ment and individuals.
Short Bull and the other Sioux delegates who had gone to aee the
inessiah iu the fall of 1S89 returned iu March, 1890. Short Bull, on
Rosebud reservation, at once began to ])reach to his people the doc-
trine and advent of the messiah, but desisted on being warned to stop
by Agent Wright. {Comr., 39.) The strange hope had taken hold of
the Indians however, and the infection rapidly, although quietly, spread
among all the wilder portion of the tribe. The first warning of trouble
ahead came in the shape of a letter addressed to Secretary Noble by
Charles L. Hyde, a citizen of Pierre, South Dakota, under date of
May 29, 1890, in which he stated that he had trustworthy information
that the Sioux, or a part of them, were secretly planning an outbreak in
the near future. His informant appears to have been a young half-blood
from Pine Kidge, who was at that time attending school in Pierre, and
was in correspondence with his Indian relatives at home. {0. D., So.)
The letter was referred to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, who
forwarded a copy of it to the agents of the several western Sioux
reservations, witli a request for further information. They i)romptly
and unanimously replied that there was no ground for apprehension,
that the Indians were peaceably disposed, and that there was no undue
excitement beyond that occasioned by the rumors of a messiah in the
west. This excitement they thought would continue to increase as
the predicted time drew near, and would die a natural death when the
prophecy failed of its fulfillment.
All the agents are positive in the opinion that at this time, about the
middle of June, 1890, the Indians had no hostile intentions. McLaugh-
lin, the veteran agent of Standing Eock, who probably knew the Sioux
better than any other white man having official relations with them,
states that among his people there was nothing in word or action to jus-
843
844
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
tify such a suspicion, and that be did not believe such an imprudent
step was seriously contemplated by any of the tribe, and concludes by
saying that he has every confidence in the good intentions of the Sioux
as a people, that they would not be the aggressors ii> any hostile act, and
that if justice were only done them no uneasiness need be entertained.
He complains, however, of the evil influence exercised by Sitting Bull
and a few other malcontents atta<!hed to his agency and advises their
removal from among the Indians. Wright, at Rosebud, also advised
the removal of Crow Dog and some other mischief-makers. These
men \iad led the opposition to the late treaty and to every advance
Fig, 72— a Siuux warrior — Weaael Bear.
of civilization, by which they felt their former influence undermined,
and between them and the progressive party there was uncompromis-
ing hostility. {6. D., 31.) Although the trouble did come six months
later, it is suflflciently evident that at this time there was no outbreak
intended. Certain it is that the Sioux as a tribe — 25,000 strong — did
not engage in the outbreak, and in view of all the circumstances it
will hardly be claimed that they were deliberate aggressors.
The first mutterings of dissatisfaction came from Pine Ridge. This
is the largest of the Sioux agencies, having 0,000 of the wildest and
most warlike of the tribe, largely under the influence of the celebrated
MooNKv] THE CHANGE OF AGENTS 845
chief Red Cloud, the twin spirit of Sitting Bull in wily disposition and
hatred of the white man. It is the most remote from the white settle-
ments along Missouri river, and joins llosebud reservation, with 4,000
more Sioux of about the same condition and temper, thus making a com-
pact body of 10,000 of the most warlike Indians of the plains. Above
all other reservations in the United States this was the very one where
there was most urgent and obvious necessity for ellicient and vigorous
administration and for prompt and honest fulfillment of pledges.
From 1870 to 188G this agency was in charge of Dr V. T. McGilly-
cuddy, a man of untlinching courage, determined will, and splendid
executive ability. Taking charge of these Indians when they had
come in fresh from the warpath, he managed them, as he himself says,
for seven years without the presence of a soldier on the reservation,
and with none nearer than 60 miles. Relying on the Indians them-
selves, he introduced the principle of home rule by organizing a force
of 50 Indian police, drilled in regular cavalry and infantry tactics.
With these he was able to thwart all the mischievous schemes of Red
Cloud, maintain authority, and start the Indians well on the road to
civilization.
Then camfe a political change of administration, with a resulting tr.ain
of changes all through the service. Out of 58 Indian agents more than
50 were removed and new men appointed. Some of these appoint-
ments were for the better, but the general result was bad, owing mainly
to the inexperience of the new officials. In the meantime commission-
ers were negotiating with the Sioux for a further cession of lands, which
was finally effected in spite of the opposition of a large part of the
tribe, especially of those under the influence of Red Cloud and Sitting
Bull at Pine Ridge and Standing Rock. Then rations were reduced
and the Indians began to suffer and, consequently, to be restless, their
uni'est being intensified but not caused by the rumors of a messiah
soon to appear to restore the former conditions. According to the
official statement of General Brooke, the beef issue at Pine Ridge was
reduced from 8,125,000 pounds in 1886 to 4,000,000 pounds in 1889, a
reduction of more than one-half in three years. ( War, 5.) In April,
1890, Gallagher, the agent then in charge, informed the Department
that the monthly beef issue was only 205,000 pounds, whereas the treaty
called for 470,400. He was informed that it was better to issue half
rations all the time than to issue three-fourths or full rations for two
months and none for the rest of the year. From other sources also the
warning now came to the Department that the Sioux of Pine Ridge
were becoming restless from hunger. {G. D.,22.) Repeated represen-
tations fixiled to bring more beef, and at last in the summer of 1890 the
Indians at Pine Ridge made the first actual demonstration by refusing
to accept the deficient issue and making threats against the agent.
They were finally persuaded to take the beef, but Agent Gallagher,
finding that the dissatisfaction was growing and apparently without
846
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN'. 14
remedy, rosigiied, and liis successor took charge in the beginning of
October, 1890.
By this time the Ghost dance was in full progress among the western
Sionx and was rapidly spreading throughout the tribe. The pvincijjal
i'lu. 73— Ked Cloud.
dance ground on Pine Eidge reservation was at Jfo Water's camp on
White Clay creek, about 20 miles from the agency. At a great Ghost
dance held here about the middle of June the ghost shirts were worn
probably for the first time. ( Comr., 30.) In August about 2,000 Indians
MooNEY] INAUGURATION OF THE DANCE 847
bad assembled for a dance at the same rendezvous, when Agent Gal-
lagher sent out several ])olice with orders to the dancers to qnit and go
home. They refused to do so, and the agent himself went out with
more police to enforce the order. On repeating his demand a number
of the warriors leveled their gnns toward him and the police, and told
bini that they were ready to defend tlieir religion with their lives.
Under the circumstances the agent, although known to be a brave man,
deemed it best to withdraw and the dance went on. (Comr., SI ; G.
On Rosebud reservation, which adjoins PineJRidge on tlieeast and is
occupied by the turbulent and warlike Brules, the warning given to
Short lUill had such an effect that there was no open manifestation
until September, when the Ghost dance was inaugurated at the various
camps under the leadership of Short Bull the medicine-man, Crow
Dog, and Two Strike. Agent Wright, then in charge, went out to the
Indians and told tlieiri the dance must be stopped, whicli was accord-
ingly done, lie expressly states that no violence was contemplated
by the Indians, and that no arms were carried in the dance, but that
he forbade it on account of its physical and mental effect on tlie par-
ticipants and its tendency to draw them from their homes. In some
way a rumor got among the Indians at this time that troops had
arrived on the reservation to attack them, and in an incredibly short
time every Indian had left the neighborhood of the agency and was
making preparations to meet the enemy. It was with some difficulty
that Agent Wright was able to convince them that the report was false
and persuade them to return to their homes. Soon afterward circum-
stances obliged liiiu to be temjiorarily absent, leaving affiurs in the
meantime in charge of a special agent. The Indians took advantage of
his absence to renew the Ghost dance and soon defied control. The
agent states, however, that no Indians left the agency until the arrival
of the troops, when the leaders immediately departed for Pine Eidge,
together with 1,800 of their followers. {G. D., 24; Comr., 52.)
On October!* Kicking Bear of Cheyenne River agency, the chief high
priest of the Ghost dance among the Sioux, went to Standing Rock by
invitation of Sitting Bull and inaugurated the dance on that reserva-
tion at Sitting Bull's camp on Grand river. The dance had begun on
(3heyenne river about the middle of September, chiefly at the camps of
Hump and Big Foot. On learning of Kicking Bear's arrival. Agent
McLaughlin sent a force of i>olice, including two officers, to arrest him
and put him off' the reservation, but they returned without executing
the order, both officers being in a dazed condition and fearing the power
of Kicking Bear's "medicine." Sitting Bull, however, had promised
that his visitors would go back to their own reservation, which they did
a day or two later, but he declared his intention to continue the dance,
as they. had received a direct message from the spirit world through
Kicking Bear that they must do so to live. He promised that he would
14: ETH — PT 2 14
848 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.akn.U
suspend the dauce until he could come and talk the matter over witli
the agent, but this promise he failed to keep. Considering Sitting
Bull the leader and instigator of the excitement on the reserva-
tion, McLaughlin again advised his removal, and that of several other
mischief makers, and their confinement in some military prison at a
distance. {O.D.,25.)
The two centers of excitement were now at Standing Rock reserva-
tion, where Sitting Bull was the opeu and declared leader, and at Pine
Eidge, where Red Cloud was a firm believer in the new doctrine,
although perhaps uot an instigator of direct opposition to authority.
At Rosebud the movement had been smothered for the time by the
prompt action of Agent Wright, as already described. At the first-
named reservation McLaughliu met the emergency with bravery and
ability reinforced by twenty years of experience in dealing with Indians,
and, while recommending the removal of Sitting Bull, expressed confi-
dence in his own ability to allay the excitement and suppress the dance.
At Pine Ridge, however, where the crisis demanded a man of most
positive character — somebody of the McGillycuddy stamp — Gallagher
had resigned and had been succeeded in October by D. F. Royer, a per-
son described as " destitute of any of those qualities by which he could
justly lay claim to the position— experience, force of character, cour-
age, and sound judgment." ( Welsh, 3.) This appears in every letter
and telegram sent out by him during his short incumbency, and is
sufficiently evidenced in the name by which the Sioux soon came to
know him, Lakota Kokipa Koshkala, " Young-man-afraid-of-Indians."
Before he had been in charge a week, he had so far lost control of his
Indians as to allow a half dozen of them to release and carry oft" a pris-
oner named Little, whom the police had arrested and brought to the
agency. On October 12 he rei)orted that more than half of his G,000
Indians were dancing, and that they were entirely beyond the control
of the police, and suggested that it would be necessary to call out the
military. {G.]).,2i>.)
About the same time Agent Palmer at Cheyenne River reported to
the Department that Big Foot's band (afterward engaged at Wounded
Knee) was very much excited over the coming of the messiah, and
could not be kept by the police from dancing. In reply, both agents
were instructed to use every prudent measure to stop the dauce and
were told that military assistance would be furnished if immediate
need should arise. {L. B., 1.) Instructions were also sent to agents in
Nevada to warn the leaders of the dance in that quarter to desist. A
few days later the agent at Cheyenne River had a talk with the dancers,
and so far convinced them of the falsity of their hopes that he was
able to report that the excitement was dying out, but recommended
the removal of Hump, as a leader of the disaffection. {O. D.,27.)
By the advice of the Department, Royer had consulted General Miles,
at that time passing on his way to the west, as to the necessity for
MooNKY] ALARM OF THE AGENT 849
troops, and, after hearing a full statement, the general expressed the
opinion tliat the excitement would die out of itself. The next day the
general had a talk with the Indians, who informed him that they
intended to continue the dance. He gave them some good advice and
told them that tlu^y must stop. Had the matter rested here until the
words of the commanding officer could have been deliberated in their
minds — for the mental process of an Indian can not well be hurried —
all iiiigiit have been well. Unfortunately, however, the agent, now
thoroughly frightened, wrote a long letter to the Department on Octo-
ber 30, stating that the only remedy for the matter was the use of
military, and that about 600 or 700 troops would be necessary. On
November 11 he telegraphed for permission to come to Washington to
"explain," and was refused. Then came other telegraphic requests,
at the rate of one every day, for the same permission, all of which
were refused, with ])ointed intimation that the interests of the serv-
ice required that the agent should remain at his post of duty. Finally
the matter was reported by the Indian Oflice to the War Department,
and on November 15 Royer was instructed to report the condition of
aflairs to the commander of the nearest military post. Fort Robinson,
Nebraska. On the same day he had telegraphed that the Indians were
wild and crazy and that at least a thousand soldiers were needed. The
agent at Rosebud also now reported that his Indians were beyond con-
trol by the police. Special agents were sent to both agencies and con-
firmed the rei)orts as to the alarming condition of affairs. The agent
at Crow Creek and Lower Brule agency reported at the same time that
his Indians were under good control and that the police were sufficient
for all purposes. {G. D., 28; L. B., 2.)
On the last day of October, Short Bull, one of those who had been
to see the messiah, made an address to a large gathering of Indians
near Pine Ridge, in which he said that as the whites were interfering
so much in the religious affairs of the Indians he would advance the
time for the great change and make it nearer, even within the next
month. He urged them all to gather in one place and prepare for the
coming messiah, and told them they must dance even though troops
should surround them, as the guns of the soldiers would be rendered
harmless and the white race itself would soon be annihilated. (See his
speech, page 788.)
Soon afterward, McLaughlin personally visited Sitting Bull at his
camp on Grand river and attempted to reason with the Indians on
the absurdity of their belief. In reply. Sitting Bull proposed that
they should both go with competent attendants to the country of the
messiah and see and question him for themselves, and rest the truth
or falsity of the new doctrine on the result. The proposition was
not accepted. ( O. D., 29.) There cah be no question that the leaders of
the Ghost dance among the Sioux were fully as much deceived as their
followers.
850 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
As the local agents had declared the situation beyond their control,
the War Department was at last called on and responded. On Xovem-
ber 13 the President had directed the Secretary of War to assume a
military responsibility to prevent an outbreak {G.D.,30), and on
November 17 troops, under command of General John R. Brooke,
were ordered to the front. The general plan of the campaign was
under the direction of General Nelson A. Miles, in command of the
military department of the Missouri. On November 19 the first troops
arrived at Pine Ridge from Fort Robinson, Nebraska, and were speed-
ily reinforced by others. Within a few days there were at Pine Ridge
agency, under immediate command of General Brooke, eight troops of
the Seventh cavalry, under Colonel Forsyth;, a battalion of the Ninth
cavalry (colored), under Major Henry; a battalion of the Fifth artil-
lery, under Captain Capron, and a company of the Eighth infantry
and eight companies of the Second infantry, under Colonel Wheaton.
At Rosebud were two troops of the Ninth cavalry, with portions of
the Eighth and Twenty-flrst infantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Poland.
Between Rosebud and Pine Ridge were stationed seven companies of
the First infantry, under Colonel Shafter. West and north of Pine
Ridge were stationed x^ortions of the First, Second, and Ninth cavalry,
under command of Colonel Tilford and Lieutenant-Colonel Sanford.
Farther west, at Buffalo Gap, on the railroad, were stationed tliree
troops from the Fifth and Eighth cavalry, under Captain Wells. Far-
ther north on the railroad, at Rapid City, was Colonel Carr with six
troops of tlie Sixth cavalry. Along the south fork of Cheyenne river
Lieutenant-Colonel Offley took position with seven companies of the
Seventeenth infantry, and east of him was stationed Lieutenant-Col-
onel Sumner with three troops of the Eighth cavalry, two companies
of the Third infantry, and Lieutenant Robinson's company of Crow
Indian scouts. Small garrisons were also stationed at Forts Meade,
Bennett, and Sully. Most of the force was placed in position between
the Indians now gathering in the Bad Lands, under Short Bull and
Kicking Bear, and the scattered settlements nearest them. Seven
companies of the Seventh infantry, under Colonel Merriam, were also
placed along Cheyenne river to restrain the Indians of Cheyenne River
and Standing Rock reservations. In a short time there were nearly
3,000 troops in the field in the Sioux country. General Miles estab-
lished his headquarters at Rapid City, South Dakota, close to the cen-
ter of disturbance. ( War, (1.) On December 1 the Secretary of the
Interior directed that the agents be instructed to obey and cooperate
with the military officers in all matters looking to the suppression of
an outbreak. ( G. D., 31.)
Upon the first appearance of the troops a large number of Indians
of Rosebud and Pine Ridge, led by Short Bnll, Kicking Bear, and
others, left their homes and fled to the rough broken country known as
the Bad Lands, northwest of White river in South Dakota] on the edge
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT, PL XCV
M A 1 '
OK THK
CorNTIIY KMItHACKI) IN TIIK CAMI'AK'.X
AdAINST IIIK
SlOl'X INDIANS
Kimn K.-|X)ri of the SKf KKT.UIV OF WAR f()il89l,Vol. 1. ^
Scale:
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UOONEYJ
THE APPEARANCE OF TROOPS
851
of Pine liidge reservation and about 50 miles northwest of the agency.
In their flight they destroyed the houses and other property of the
friendly Indians in tlieir path and compelled many U> go with tbeni.
They succeeded also in capturing a large portion of the ageniiy beef
herd. Others rapidly Joined them until soon a formidable body of
Fig. 74— Short JiuU.
3,000 Indians had gathered in the Bad Lands, where, protected by the
natural fastnesses and difticulties of the country, their future intentions
became a matter of anxious concern to the settlers and the authorities.
From the concurrent testimony of all the witnesses, including Indian
Commissioner Morgan and the Indians themselves, this flight ti> the
852 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [etii.ann.u
Bad Lands was not properly a hostile movement, but was a stampede
caused by panic at the appearance of the troops. In his official report
Commissioner Morgan says:
When the troops reached Rosebud, about 1,800 Indians — men, women, and children —
stampeded toward Pine b'idge and the ]5ad Lancia, destroying their own property
before leaving and that of others en route.
After the death of Sitting Bull he says :
Groups of Indians from the different reservations h.ad commenced concentrating
in the Biid Lands, upon or in the vicinity of the Pine Ridge reservation. Killing of
cattle and destruction of other property by these Indians, almost entirely within
the limits of Pine Ridge and Rosebud reservations, occurred, but no signal fires were
built, no warlike demonstrations were made, no violence was 'Jlone to any white
settlers, nor was there any cohesion or organization among the Indians themselves.
Many of them were friendly Indians who had never participated in the ghost dance,
but had fled thither from fear of soldiers, in consequence of the Sitting Bull affair
or through the overpersuasion of friends. The military gradually began to close
in around them and they offered no resistance, and a speedy and quiet capitulation
of all was confidently expected. (Comr., 33.)
The Sioux nation numbers over 25,000, with between 6,000 and 7,000
warriors. Hardly more than 700 warriors were concerned altogether,
including those of Big Foot's band and those who fled to the Bad
Lands. None of the Christian Indians took any part in the disturbance. V
While it is certain that the movement toward the Bad Lands with
the subsequent events were the result of panic at the appearance of the
troops, it is equally true that the troops were sent only on the request
of the civilian authorities. On this point General Miles says: "Not
until the civil agents had lost control of the Indians and declared them-
selves powerless to preserve peace, and the Indians were in armed
hostility and defiance of the civil authorities, was a single soldier
moved from his garrison to suppress the general revolt." ( War, 7.)
Throughout the whole trouble McGillycuddy at Standing Itock con-
sistently declared his ability to control his Indians without the pres-
ence of troops.
In accord with instructions from the Indian Office, the several agents
in charge among the Sioux had forwarded lists of disturbers whom it
would be advisable to arrest and remove from among the Indians, using
the military for the purpose if necessary. The agents at the other res-
ervations sent in all together the names of abcmt fifteen subjects for
removal, while Royer, at Pine Eidge, forwarded as a " conservative
estimate" the names of sixty-four. Short Bull and Kicking Bear being
in the Bad Lands, and Bed Cloud being now an old man and too politic
to make much open demonstration, the head and front of the offenders
was Sitting Bull, the irreconcilable; but McLaughlin, within whose
jurisdiction he was, in a letter of November 22, advised that the arrest
be not attemjited until later in the season, as at the date of writing the
weather Avas warm and pleasant — in other words, favorable to the
Indians in case they should make opposition. {G. D., 3S.) The worst
MOONEV]
RETREAT TO THE BAD LANDS
853
element had withdrawn to the Bad Lands, where they were making no
hostile demonstrations, bnt were apparently badly frightened and
awaitinjj developments to know whether to come in and surrender or
to (lontinuo to retreat. The dance had generally been discontinued on
the reservations, excepting at Sitting Bull's camp on Grand river and
Fig. 75— Kicking licar.
Big Foot's camp on Cheyenne river. The presence of troops had
stopped the dances near the agencies, and the Secretary of the Interior,
in order to allay the dissatisfaction, had ordered that the full rations
due under the treaty should be issued at all the Sioux agencies, which
at the same time were placed under the control of the military. {O.
854 THP: ghost-dance religion [eth.ann.U
D., 33; L. B., 3.) Such were the conditions ou the opening of Decem-
ber, 1890. Everything seemed to be quieting down, and it was now
deemed a favorable time to forestall future disturbance by removing
the ringleaders.
Agent McLaughlin at Standing Eock had notified the Department
some weeks before that it would be necessary to remove Sitting Bull
and several others at no distant day to put an end to their harmful
influence among the Sioux, but stated also that the matter should not
be precipitated, and that when the proper time came he could accom-
plish the undertaking with his Indian police without the aid of troops.
As soon as the War Department assumed control of the Sioux agen-
cies, it was determined to make an attempt to secure Sitting Bull by
military power. Accordingly, orders were given to the noted scout,
William F. Cody, better known as Buffalo Bill, who was well acqxiainted
with Sitting Bull and was believed to have influence with him, to pro-
ceed to Standing liock agency to induce him to come in, with authority
to make such terms as might seem necessary, and, if unsuccessful, to
arrest him and remove him from his camp to the nearest post. Fort
Yates. Cody arrived at Fort Yates on November 28, and was about
to undertake the arrest, when his orders were countermanded at the
urgent remonstrance of Agent McLaughlin, who represented that such
a step at that particular time was unwise, as military interference was
liable to provoke a conflict, in which the Indians would have the advan-
tage, as the warm weather was in their favor. He insisted that there
was no immediate danger from the dancing, and that at the proper
time — when the weather grew colder — he could take care of Sitting
Bull and the other disturbers whose removal he advised with the aid
of the Indian i>olice, whom, in all his years of service, he had always
found equal to the emergency. The attempt was accordingly post-
poned. In the meantime Sitting Bull had promised to come into the
agency to talk over the situation with the agent, but failed to keep his
engagement. A close watch was kept over his movements and the
agent was instructed to make no arrests except by authority from the
military or the Secretary of the Interior. {O. D., 34.)
There is no question that Sitting Bull was plotting mischief. His
previous record was one of irreconcilable hostility to the government,
and in every disturbance on the reservation his camp had been
the center of ferment. It was at his camp and on his invitation that
Kicking Bear had organized the fii-st Ghost dance on the reservation,
and the dance had been kept up by Sitting Bull ever since in spite of
the repeated remonstrance of the agent. At the same time the turbulent
followers of the medicine-man took every opportunity to insult and
annoy the peaceable and i)rogressive Indians who refused to join them
until these latter were forced to make complaint to the agent. In
October, while the dance was being organized at his camp. Sitting
Bull had deliberately broken the "pipe of peace" which he had kept
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MoONEY] SITTING bull's ARREST ORDERED 855
ill his house since liis surrender iu 1881, and wlien aske<i why lie liad
broken it, replied that he wantetl to die and wanted to liylit. From
that time he discontinued his regular visits to the agency. It became
known that he contemplated leaving the reservation to visit the other
leaders of dissatisfaction at the southern Sioux agencies, and to frus-
trate such an attempt the agent had gradually increased the number of
police iu the neighborhood of his camp, and had arranged for speedy
information and prompt action in case of any sudden move on his part.
{G. J)., 35.)
Foreseeing from the active movements of the military that the arrest
of Sitting Bull was liable to be ordered at any moment, and fearing
that such acjtiou might come at an inopportune time, and thus result in
trouble, McLaughlin made arrangements to have him and several other
disturbers arrested by the Indian police on the night of December 6,
the weather and other things being then, in his opinion, most favorable
for the attempt. On telegraphing to the Indian department, however,
for authority, he was directed to make no arrests excepting upon order
from the military authorities or the Secretary of the Interior. In reply
to a telegram from General linger, McLaughlin stated that there was
no immediate need of haste, and that jKistponement was preferable, as
the winter weather was cooling the ardor of the dancers.
On December 12 the military order came for the arrest of Sitting
Bull. Colonel Drum, in command at Fort Yates, was directed to make
it his personal duty to secure him and to call on the agent for assist-
ance and cooperation in the matter. On consultation between the
commandant and the agent, who were in full accord, it was decided Ut
make the arrest on the 20th, when most of the Indians would be down
at the agency for rations, and theie would consequently be less danger
of a conflict at the camp. On the 14th, however, late Sunday afternoon,
a courier came from Grand river with a message from Mr Carignan,
the teacher of the Indian school, stating, on information given by the
police, that an invitation had just come from Pine Eidge to Sitting Bull
asking him to go thei-e, as God was about to appear. Sitting Bull was
determined to go, and sent a request to the agent for permission, but
in the meantime had completed his preparations to go anyhow in case
permission was refused. With this intention it was further stated that
he had his horses already selected for a long and hard ride, and the
police urgently asked to be allowed to arrest him at once, as it would
be a difficult matter to overtake him after he had once started.
It was necessary to act immediately, and arrangements were made
between Colonel Drum and Agent McLaughlin to attempt the arrest at
daylight the next morning, December 15. The arrest was to be made
by the Indian police, assisted, if necessary, by a detachment of troops,
who were to follow within supporting distance. There were already
twenty-eight police under command of Lieutenant Bull Head in the
immediate vicinity of Sitting Bull's camp on Grand river, about 40
856
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. U
miles southwest of the agency and Fort Yates, and couriers were at
once dispatched to these and to others in that direction to concentrate
at Sitting Bull's house, ready to make the arrest in the morning. It
was then sundown, but with loyal promptness the police mounted their
ponies and by riding all night from one station to another assembled a
force of 43 trained and determined Indian police, including four volun-
teers, a^ the rendezvous on Grand river before daylight. In iierform-
ing this courier service Sergeant Eed Tomahawk covered the distance
of 40 miles between the agency and the camp, over an unfamiliar road,
Fio. 76— Keil Toniabawk.
in four hours and a quarter; and another. Hawk Man, made 100 miles,
by a roundabout way, in twenty-two hours. In the meantime two
troops of the Eighth cavalry, numbering 100 men, under command of
Captain E. G. Fechet, and having with them a Hotchkiss gun, left Fort
Yates at midnight, guided by Louis Primeau, and by a rapid night
march arrived within supporting distance near Sitting Bull's camp just
before daybreak. It was afterward learned that Sitting Bull, in antici-
pation of such action, had had a strong guard about his house for his
protection for several nights previous, but on this particular night the
MooNEv] DEATH OF SITTING BULL 857
Iiuliiuis had been diincing until nearly morning, and tlu! house was con-
sequently left unguarded.
At daybreak on Monday morning, ]>eceniber lil, 1890, the police and
volunteers, 4;5 in number, under command of Lieutenant JJull Head,
a cool and reliable man, surrounded Sitting Bull's house. He had
two log cabins, a few rods apart, and to make sure of their man, eight
of the police entered one house and ten went into tlie other, while the
rest remained on guard outside. They found him asleep on the floor
in the larger house. He was aroused and told that he was a prisoner
and must go to the agency. He made no objection, but said "All right;
1 will dress and go with you." He then sent one of his wives to the
other house for some clothes he desired to wear, and asked to have his
favorite horse saddled for him to ride, which was done by one of the
police. On looking about the room two rifles and several knives were
found and taken by the police. While dressing, he apparently changed
his mind and began abusing the police for disturbing him, to which
they made no reply While this was going on inside, his followers, to
the number of perhaps 150, were congregating about the house outside
and by the time he was dressed an excited crowd of Indians had the
police entirely surrounded and were pressing them to the wall. On
being brought out, Sitting Hull became greatly excited and refused to
go, and called on his followers to rescue him. Lieutenant Bull Head
and Sergeant Shave Head were standing on each side of him, with
Second Sergeant Red Tomahawk guarding behind, while the rest of
the police were trying to clear the way in front, when one of Sitting
Bull's followers, Catch-the-Bear, fired and shot Lieutenant Bull Head
in the side. Bull Head at once turned and sent a bullet into the body
of Sitting Bull, who was also shot through the head at the same moment
by lied Tomahawk. Sergeant Shave Head was shot by another of
the crowd, and fell to the ground with Bull Head and Sitting Bull.
Catch-the-Bear, who fired the first shot, was immediately shot and
killed l")y Alone Man, one of the police, and it became a desjierate hand-
to-hand fight of less than 43 men against more than a hundred. The
trained police soon drove their assailants into the timber near by, and
then returned and carried their dead and wounded into the house and
held it for about two hours, until the arrival of the troops under Cap-
tain Fechct, about half past seven. The troops had been notified of
the perilous situation of the police by Hawk Man, who had volunteered
to carry the information from Sitting Bull's camp. He succeeded in
getting away, assisted by Red Tomahawk, although so closely pursued
that several bullets passed through his clothing. In spite of the efforts
of the hostiles, the police also held possession of the corral, which Sit-
ting Bull had filled with horses in anticipation of his flight. When the
cavalry came in sight over a hill, about 1,500 yards distant from the
camp, the police at the corral raised a white flag to show where they were,
but the troops, mistaking them for hostiles, fired two shells at them from
858
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
the Hotcbkiss, when Sergeaut Eed Tomahawk, who had takeu com-
mand after the wounding of his superior officers, paraded his men in
line and then rode out alone with a white flag to meet the troops. On
the approach of the soldiers Sitting Bull's warriors fled up Grand river
a short distance and then turned south across the prairie toward Cherry
creek and Cheyenne river. Not wishing to create such a panic among
them as to drive them into the hostile camp in the Bad Lands, Captain
Fecli6t pursued them only a short distance and then left them to be
handled by the other detachments in that direction. Their wives and
families, their property and their dead, were left behind in the flight.
PlQ. 77 — Sitting Bull the Sioux mediciue-maii.
As soon as possible Captain Fech6t also sent word to them by some
Indian women to return to their homes and they would not be molested.
To further reassure them, the troops at once began their march back to
the post. As a result of this sensible policy, very few of the Sitting
Bull band joined the hostiles. They had made no resistance to the
troops, but fled immediately on their ai)pearance.
The fight lasted only a few minutes, but with terribly fatal result.
Six policemen were killed or mortally wounded, including the officers
Bull Head and Shave Head, and one other less seriously wounded.
The hostiles lost eight killed, including Sitting Bull and his son Crow
HOOKEY]
FAITHFULNESS OF INDIAN POLICE
859
Foot, 17 years of age, with several wounded. During the fight the
women attacked the police with knives and clubs, but notwithstanding
the excitement the police simply disarmed them and put them in one
of the houses under guard.
The warmest praise is given the Indian police for their conduct on
"this occasion by those who are most competent to judge. Some who
thus faced death in obedience to orders had near relatives among those
opposed to them. Agent McLaughlin in one oflBcial letter says that he
860 THE GHOST-DANCE KELIGION [eth.ann.14
can not too strongly commend tlieir splendid coxirage and ability in
the a<;tion, and in another letter says: "The details of the battle show
tliat the Indian police behaved nobly and exhibited the best of judg-
ment and bravery, and a recognition by the government for their serv-
ices on this occasion is richly deserved. ... I respectfully urge
that the Interior Department cooperate with the War Department in
obtaining Congressional action which will secure to these brave sur-
vivors and to the families of the dead a full and generous reward."
Colonel Drum, under whose orders the arrest was made, after stating
that Sitting Bull was not hurt until he began struggling to escape and
until one of the police had been shot, adds: " It is also remarkable that
no squaws or children were hurt. The police appear to have constantly
warned the other Indians to keep away, until they were forced to fight
in self-defense. It is hardly possible to praise their conduct too highly."
Notwithstanding the recommendation of the Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Congress has taken no action in recognition of their services
on this occasion.
Before the action orders had been sent to the police to have with
them a wagon, in order to convey Sitting Bull quickly away from the
camp, so as to avoid trouble, but in the excitement of preparation
this was overlooked. The police returned to the agency late in the
afternoon, bringing with them their dead and wounded, together with
two prisoners and the body of Sitting Bull, which was turned over to
the military authorities at Fort Yates. The four dead policemen were
buried at the agency next day with military honors. Bull Head and
Shave Head died in the hospital soon afterward, with the consolation
of having their friends around them in their last moments. The agent
states that the large majority of the Indians were loyal to the govern-
ment, and expressed satisfaction at what they considered the termina-
tion of the disturbance. Couriers were again sent after the fleeing
Indians by McLaughlin, warning them to return to the agency, where
they would be safe, or suffer the consequences if found outside the res-
ervation. Within a few days nearly 250 had come in and surrendered,
leaving only about one-third still out. Most of these soon afterward
surrendered with Hump on Cherry creek, while the remainder, about
50, Joined Big Foot or went on to Pine Ridge. (G. D., 30'; War, 8.)
Thus died Tata'nka I'yota'nke, Sitting Bull, the great medicine-man of
the Sioux, on the morning of December 15, 1890, aged about 56 years.
He belonged to the Uncpapa division of the Teton Sioux. Although a
priest rather than a chief, he had gained a reputation in his early years
by organizing and leading war parties, and became prominent by his
participation in the battle of Little Bighorn, in Montana, on June 25,
1876, by which Custer's command was wiped out of existence. Being
pursued by General Terry, Sitting Bull and his band made their escape
northward into Canada, where they remained until 1881, when he
surrendered, through the mediation of the Canadian authorities, on a
MooNEY] SITTING HULL 861
promise of pardon. To obtain siibsisteuce while in Canada, his people
had been obliged to sell almost all they possessed, includinj^ their fire-
arms, so that tliey retnrned to their old homes in an impoverished
condition. After confinement as a prisoner of war until 1883, Sitting
Hull took up his residence on Grand river, where he remained until he
met his death. Here he continued to be the leader of the opposition to
civilization and the white man, and his camp became the rallying point
for the dissatisfied conservative element that clung to the old order
of things, and felt that innovation meant destruction to their race. For
seven years he had steadily opposed the treaty by which the great
Sioux reservation was at last broken up in 1889. After the treaty had
been signed by the requisite number to make it a law, he was asked by
a white man what the Indians thonght about it. With a burst of pas-
sionate indignation he replied, "Indians! There are no Indians left
now but me." However misguided he may have been in thus continu-
ing a losing fight against the inevitable, it is possible that from the
Indian jmint of view he may have been their patriot as he was their
high priest. He has been mercilessly denounced as a bad man and a
liar ; but there can be no doubt that he was honest in his hatred of the
whites, and his breaking of the peace pipe, saying that he " wanted to
fight and wanted to die," showed that he was no coward. ' But he rep-
resented the past. His influence was incompatible with progress, and
his death marks an era in the civilization of the Sioux. In the language
of General Miles, " His tragic fate was but the ending of a tragic life.
Since the days of Pontiac, Tecumseh, and Ked Jacket no Indian has
had the power of drawing to him so large a following of his race and
molding and wielding it against the authority of the United States,
or of inspiring it with greater animosity against the white race and
civilization." ( War, 9.)
On December IS the Indians who had ali-eady fled to the Bad Lands
attacked a small party of men on Spring creek of Cheyenne river.
Major Tupper with 100 men of Carr's division was sent to their rescue,
and a skirmish ensued with the Indians, who were concealed in the
bushes along the creek. The government wagons, while crossing the
creek, were also attatjked by the hostiles, who were finally driven oft
by reinforcements of cavalry under Captain Wells. On the same date
over a thousand Indians returned to Pine Eidge. News was received
that there were still about 1,500 fugitives camped on Cheyenne river in
the neighborhood of Spring creek. {Colby, 1.)
The most dangerous leader of dissatisfaction in the north after the
death of Sitting Bull was considered to be Hump, on Cheyenne River
reservation. The agent in charge had long before recommended his
removal, but it was thought that it would now be next to impossible to
arrest him. Hump Avith his band of about 400 persons, and Big Foot
with nearly as many, had their cami)s about the junction of Cherry
creek and Cheyenne river. For several weeks they had been dancing
862 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [kth.ann.U
almost constantly, and were very sullen and apparently very hostile.
After serious consideration of the matter, the task of securing Tlump
was assigned to Captain E. P. Ewers of the Fifth infantry, who had
had charge of this chief and his band for seven years and had their
full confidence and respect. He was then on duty in Texas, but was
ordered forward and reported soon after at Fort Bennett on the border
of the reservation. So dangerous was Hump considered to be that the
civil agents did not think it possible even for the oflicer to communicate
with him. However, Captain Ewers, without troops and attended only
by Lieutenant Hale, at once left the fort and rode out CO miles to Hump's
camp. " Hump at the time was 20 miles away and a runner was sent
for him. Immediately upon hearing that Captain Ewers was in the
vicinity he came to him and was told that the division commander
desired him to take his peojjle away from the hostiles and bring them
to the nearest military post. He replied that if General Miles sent for
him, he would do whatever he desired. He immediately brought his
people into Fort Bennett and complied with all the orders and instruc-
tions given him, and subsequently rendered valuable service for peace.
Thus an element regarded as among the most dangerous was removed."
After coming into the fort. Hump enlisted as a scout under Captain
Ewers, and soon afterward, in connection with the same Lieutenant
Hale, proved his loyalty by bringing about the surrender of the Sitting
Bull fugitives. Subsequently Captain Ewers further distinguished him-
self by conducting the northern Cheyenne — who were considered as
particularly dangerous, but who regarded Captain Ewers with abso-
lute affection — from Pine Bidge to Tongue river, Montana, a distance
of 300 miles, and in the most rigorous of the winter season, without an
escort of troops and without the loss of a single life or the commission
by an Indian of a single unlawful act. ( War, 10.)
The Sitting Bull fugitives who had not come in at once had fled south-
ward toward their friends and near relatives of Cheyenne River reser-
vation, and were camped on Cherry creek a few miles above its junction
with Cheyenne river at Cheyenne City. As their presence there could
serve only to increase the unrest among the other Indians in that
vicinity, and as there was great danger that they might attempt to join
those already in the Bad Lands, Captain Hurst, of the Twelfth infantry,
commanding at Fort Bennett, directed Lieutenant H. E. Hale on Decem-
ber 18 to go out and bring them in. On arriving at Cheyenne City the
officer found it deserted, all the citizens excepting one man having fled
in alarm a short time before on the report of a half-blood that the Sit-
ting Bull Indians were coming and had sworn to kill the first white
man they met. Having succeeded iji frightening the whole population,
the half-blood himself, Narcisse Narcelle, left at once for the fort.
After some difficulty in finding anyone to assist him, Hale sent a
policeman to bring back Narcelle and sent out another Indian to learn
the situation and condition of the Indian camp. His only interpreter
MooNBv) AFTER SITTING BULL's BAND 863
for the purpose was Mr Angell, the single white man who had remained,
and who had learned some of the Sioux language during his residence
among them. While thus waiting, a report came that the Indians had
raided a ranch about 10 miles up the creek. Not hearing from his
scouts, the lieutenant determined to go alone and find the camp, and
was just about to start, when Hump, the late dangerous hostile, but now
an enlisted scout, rode in with the news that the Sitting Bull Indians
were approaching only a short distance away, and armed. Although
from the reports there was every reason to believe that they had just
destroyed a ranch and were now coming to attack the town, the oiBcer,
with rare bravery, kept his determination to go out and meet them,
even without an interpreter, in the hope of preventing their hostile pur-
pose. Hump volunteered to go with him. The two rode out together
and soon came up with the Indians, who received them in a friendly man-
ner. There were 46 warriors in the party, besides women and children,
wagons and ponies. Says the officer: " I appreciated the importance of
the situation, but was absolutely powerless to communicate with the
Indians. I immediately formed the opinion that they could be easily
persuaded to come into the agency if I could but talk with them.
While I was trying by signs to make them understand what I wanted,
Henry Angell rode into the circle and took his place at my side. This
generous man had not liked the idea of my going among these Indians,
and from a true spirit of chivalry had ridden over to 'see it out.'"
Verily, while such men as Ewers, Hale, and Angell live, the day of
chivalry is not gone by.
With Angell's assistance as interpreter, the officer told the Indians
that if they would stay where they were for one day, he would go back
to the agency and return within that time with the chief (Captain
J. H. Hurst) and an interpreter and no soldiers. They replied that
they would not move, and, having directed Angell to kill ^ beef for
them, as they were worn-out and well-nigh starving, and leaving Hump
with them to reassure them, the lieutenant rode back to Fort Bennett,
40 miles away, notified Captain Hurst, and returned with him, Sergeant
Gallagher, and two Indian scouts as interpreters, the next day. Know-
ing the importance of haste, they started out on this winter ride of 40
miles without blankets or rations.
On arriving Captain Hurst told them briefly what he had come for,
and then, being exhausted from the rapid ride, and knowing that an
Indian must not be hurried, he ordered some beef and a plentiful sup-
ply of tobacco for them, and said that after he and they had eaten and
rested they could talk the matter over. In the evening the principal
men met him and told him over a pipe that they had left Standing
Rock agency forever; that their great chief and friend Sitting Bull
had been killed there without cause; that they had come down to talk
with their friends on Cherry creek about it, but had found them gone,
14 ETH — PT 2 15
864 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.w
and were consequently undecided as to what they should do. The
captain replied that he had come as a friend ; that if they would sur-
render their arms and go back with him to Fort Bennett, they would
be provided for and would not be harmed; that he could make no
promises as to their future disposition; that if they chose to join Big
Foot's camp, only a few miles up the river, the result would be their
certain destruction. After deliberating among themselves until mid-
night, they came in a bodj', delivered a number of guns, and said they
would go back to the fort. Accordingly they broke camp next morn-
ing and arrived at Fort Bennett on December 24. The entire body
numbered 221, including 55 belonging on Cherry creek. These last
were allowed to join their own people camped near the post. The
Sitting Bull Indians, with some others from Standing Eock, number-
ing 227 in all, were held at Fort Sully, a few miles below Fort Bennett,
until the close of the trouble. Thirty-eight others of the Sitting Bull
band had joined Big Foot and afterward fled with him. ( War, 11.)
After the death of Sitting Bull and the enlistment of llump in the
government service, the only prominent leader outside of the Bad
Lands who was considered as possibly dangerous was Sitanka or Big
Foot, whose village was at the mouth of Deep creek, a few miles below
the forks of Cheyenne river. The duty of watching him was assigned to
Lieutenant-Colonel E. V. Sumner of the Eighth cavalry, who had his
camp just above the forks. Here he was visited by Big Foot and
his head men, who assured the officer that they were peaceable and
intended to remain quietly at home. Friendly relations continued until
the middle of December, when Big Foot came to bid good bye, telling
Sumner that his people were all going to the agency to get their annui-
ties. A day or two later the order came to arrest Big Foot and send
him as a prisoner to Fort Meade. Believing that the chief was acting
in good faith to control his warriors, who might easily go beyond con-
trol were he taken from them, Colonel Sumner informed General Miles
that the Indians were already on their way to the agency; that if Big
Foot should return he (Sumner) would try to get him, and that other-
wise he could be arrested at the agency, if necessary. Soon after,
however, the report came that Big Foot had stopped at Hump's camp
on the way to the agency, to meet the fugitives coming south from
Sitting Bull's camp.
On receipt of this information, Sumner at once marched down the
river with the intention of stopi)ing Big Foot. When about half way
to Hump's camp, Big Foot himself came up to meet him, saying that he
was friendly, and that he and his men would obey any orders that the
oflBcer might give. He stated that he had with him 100 of his own
Indians and 38 from Standing Eock (Sitting Bull's band). When
asked why he had received these last, knowing that they were refugees
from their reservation, he replied that they were his brothers and rela-
tions; that they had come to his jieople hungry, footsore, and almost
MooNEv) BIG foot's band 865
naked ; and that ho had taken them in and fed them, and that no one
with a heart eonUl do any less.
Sumner then directed one of his officers, Captain Hennisee, to go to
the Indian camp witli Big Foot and bring in all the Indians. That
officer started and returned the next day, December 21, with 333
Indians. This large number was a matter of surprise in view of Big
Foot's statement shortly before, but it is possible that in speaking of
his party he intended to refer only to the warriors. They went into
camp as directed, turned out their ponies to graze, and were fed. and on
the next morning all started quietly back with the troops. As they had
all along appeared perfectly friendly ami compliant with every order,
uo attempt was made to disarm them. On arriving near their own vil-
lage, however, it became apparent that Uig Foot could not control their
desire to go to their homes. The chief came frankly to Sumner and
said that he himself would go wherever wanted, but that there would
be trouble to force the women and children, who were cold and hungry,
away from their village. lie protested also that they were now at
home, where they had been ordered by the government to stay, and
that none of them liad done anything to justify their removal. As it
was evident that they would not go peaceably. Colonel Sumner de-
termined to bring his whole force on the next day to compel them. In
the meantime he sent a white man named Dunn, who had a friendly
acquaintance with Big Foot, to tell him that the Indians must obey the
order to remove. Dunn delivered the message and returned, being
followed later by the interpreter, with the statement that the Indians
had consented to go to the agency, and would start the next morning,
December 23. That evening, however, scouts came in with the word
that the Indians had left their village and were going southward. It
was at first thought that they intended turning off on another trail to
the agency, but instead of doing so they kept on in the djrection of
Pine Ridge and the refugees in the Bad Lands, taking with them only
their ponies and tipi poles.
The cause of this precipitate flight after the promise given by Big
Foot is somewhat uncertain. The statement of the interpreter, Felix
Benoit, would make it appear that the Indians were frightened by
Dunn, who told them that the soldiers were coming in the morning to
carry them off and to shoot them if they refused to go. While this
doubtless had the effect of alarming them, the real cause of their flight
was probably the fact that just at this critical juncture Colonel Merriam
was ordered to move with his command up Cheyenne river to join
forces with Sumner in compelling their surrender. Such is the opinion
of General Ruger, who states officially that "Big Foot and adherents
who had joined him, probably becoming alarmed on the movement of
Colonel Merriam's command from Fort Bennett and a rumor that
Colonel Sumner would capture them, eluded Colonel Sumner's com-
mand and started for the Pine Eidge reservation." This agrees with
866 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
the statement of several of the survivors that they had been frightened
from their homes by the news of Merriam's approach. Sumner, in his
report, calls attention to the fact that they committed no depredations
in their flight, although they passed several ranches and at one time
even went through a pasture filled with horses and cattle without
attempting to appropriate them. He also expresses the opinion that
Big Foot was compelled unwillingly to go with his people. The whole
number of fugitives was at least 340, including a few from the bands
of Sitting Bull and Hump. Immediately on learning of their flight
Colonel Sumner notified General Carr, commanding in the direction of
the Bad Lands. ( War, 12.)
The situation at this crisis is thus summed up by Indian Commis-
sioner Morgan :
Groups of Indians from the different reservations had commenced concentrating
in the Bad Lands upon or in the vicinity of the Pine Ridge reservation. Killing of
cattle and destruction of other property by these Indians, almost entirely within the
limits of Pine Ridge and Rosebud reservations, occurred, but no signal fires were
built, no warlike demonstrations were made, no violence was done to any white
settler, nor was there cohesion or organization among the Indians themselves. Many
of them were friendly Indians, who had never participated in the ghost dance, but
had fled thither from fear of soldiers, in consequence of the Sitting Bull affair or
through the overpersuasion of friends. The military gradjially began to close in
around them and they offered no resistance, and a speedy and quiet capitulation of
all was confidently expected. {Comr., 34.)
Nearly 3,000 troops were bow in the field in the Sioux country. This
force was fully sufiicient to have engaged the Indians with success, but
as such action must inevitably have resulted in wholesale killing on
both sides, with the prospect of precipitating a raiding warfare unless
the hostiles were completely annihilated, it was thought best to bring
about a surrender by peaceful means.
The refugees in the Bad Lands who had fled from Pine Eidge and
Eosebud had been surrounded on the west and north by a strong
cordon of troops, operating under General Brooke, which had the effect
of gradually forcing them back toward the agency. At the same time
that officer made every effort to expedite the process by creating dis-
sensions in the Indian camp, and trying in various ways to induce
them to come in by small parties at a time. To this end the Indians
were promised that if they complied with the orders of the military
their rights and interests would be protected, so far as it was within
the power of the military department to accomplish that result.
Although they had about lost confidence in the government, these
assurances had a good effect, which was emi)hasized by the news of
the death of Sitting Bull, the arrest of Big Foot, and return of Hump to
his agency, and the steady pressure of the troops from behind ; and on
December 27, 1890, the entire force broke camp and left their strong-
hold in the Bad Lands and began moving in toward the agency at
Pine Ridge. The several detachments of troops followed behind,
MooNKY) SURRENDER OP BIG FOOT 867
within supporting distance of one another, and so closely that the Area
were still burning In the Indian camps when the soldiers moved in to
occupy the same ground. ( War, 13.)
As early as December 6 a conference had been brought about at Pine
Ridge, through the ettbrts of Father Jutz, the priest of the Catholic
mission, between General Brooke and the leading chiefs of both friend-
lies and " hostiles." Although no definite conclusion was reached, the
meeting was a friendly one, ending with a feast and an Indian dance.
The immediate effect was a division in the hostile camp, culminating in
a ([uarrel between the two factions, with the result that Two Strike and
his party left the rest and moved in toward the agency, while Short Bull
and Kicking Bear retreated farther into the Bad Lands. On learning
of this condition of affairs. General Brooke sent out American Horse
and Big Road with a large party of warriors to meet Two Strike and go
back with him to persuade the others, if possible, to come in. At the
same time the troops were moved up to intercept the flight of the hos-
tiles. (Colby, 3; G. 1)., 37.)
On Christmas day the Cheyenne scouts, camped on Battle creek
north of the Bad Lands, were attacked by a party of hostiles led by
Kicking Bear in person. The fight was kept up until after dark, several
being killed or wounded on both sides, but the hostiles were finally
driven off. {Colby, 3.)
But the tragedy was near at hand. Orders had been given to inter-
cept Big Foot's party in its flight from Cheyenne river toward the
Bad Lands. This was accomplished on December 28, 1890, by Major
Whitside of the Seventh cavalry, who came up with him a short dis-
tance west of the Bad Lands. Not having succeeded in communicat-
ing Avith the refugees who had fled there and who were already on their
way to the agency. Big Foot had made no stop, but continued on also
toward Pine Ridge. On sighting the troops he raised a^ white flag,
advanced into the open country, and asked for a parley. This was
refused by Major Whitside, who dema;nded an unconditional surrender,
which was at once given, and the Indians moved on with the troops to
Wounded Knee creek, about^20 miles northeast of Pine Ridge agency,
where they camped as directed by Major Whitside. In order to make
assurance complete, General Brooke sent Colonel Forsyth to join Major
Whitside with four additional troops of the Seventh cavalry, which,
with the scouts under Lieutenant Taylor, made up a force of eight
troops of cavalry, one company of scouts, and four pieces of light artil-
lery (Hotchkiss guns), with a total force of 470 men, as against a total
of lOG warriors then present in Big Foot's band. A scouting party of
Big Foot's band was out looking for the camp under Kicking Bear and
Short Bull, but as these chiefs, with their followers, were already on
their way to the agency, the scouting party was returning to rejoin Big
Foot when the fight occurred the next morning. It was the intention
of General Miles to send Big Foot and his followers back to their own
868 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
reservation, or to remove tliem altogether from the country until the
excitement had subsided. ( War, 14.)
At this time there were no Indians in the Bad Lands. Two Strike
and Crow Dog had come in about a week before and were now camped
close to the agency. Kicking Bear and Short Bull, with their follow-
ers, had yielded to the friendly persuasions of American Horse, Little
Wound, Standing Bear, and others who had gone out to them in the
interests of peace, and both jiarties were now coming in together and
had arrived at the Catholic mission, 5 miles from the agency, when the
battle occurred.
On the morning of December 29, 1890, preparations were made to
disarm the Indians preparatory to taking them to the agency and
thence to the railroad. In obedience to instructions the Indians had
pitched their tipis on the open j^lain a short distance west of the creek
and surrounded on all sides by the soldiers. In the center of the camp
the Indians had hoisted a white flag as a sign of peace and a guarantee
of safety. Behind them was a dry ravine running into the creek, and
on a slight rise in the front was posted the battery of four Hotchkiss
machine guns, trained directly on the Indian camp. In front, behind,
and on both flanks of the camp were posted the various troops of cav-
alry, a portion of two troops, together with the Indian scouts, being
dismounted and drawn up in front of the Indians at the distance of
only a few yards from them. Big Foot himself was ill of pneumonia in
his tii)i, and Colonel Forsyth, who had taken command as senior oflHcer,
had provided a tent warmed with a camj) stove for his reception.
Shortly after 8 oclock in the morning the warriors were ordered to
come out from the tipis and deliver their arms. They came forward
and seated themselves on the ground in front of the troops. They
were then ordered to go by themselves into their tipis and bring out
and surrender their guns. The first twenty went and returned in a
short time with only two guns. It seemed evident that they were
unwilling to give them up, and after consultation of the oflflcers part of
the soldiers were ordered up to within ten yards of the group of war-
riors, while another detachment of troops was ordered to search the
tipis. After a thorough hunt these last returned with about forty
rifles, most of which, however, were old and of little value. The
search had consumed considerable time and created a good deal of
excitement among the women and children, as the soldiers found it
necessary in the process to overturn the beds and other furniture of the
tipis and in some instances drove out the inmates. All this had its
efi'ect on their husbands and brothers, already wrought up to a high
nervous tension and not knowing what might come next. While the
soldiers had been looking for the guns Yellow Bird, a medicine-man,
had been walking about among the warriors, blowing on an eagle-bone
whistle, and urging them to resistance, telling them that the soldiers
would become weak and powerless, and that the bullets would be
EXPLANATION OF PLATE XCVII
(Compiled tWtui ni)i|i by Lieiitanant T. Q. Donaldson, Seventh United Stateit luivalry, kindly loaned by
Dr J. n. Gleunau, United SlAtes Army.
A and I. Seventy-six men from A ami I troops forming dismounted line of sentinels.
B. Troop B dismounted and in line.
C. Troop C mounted and in line (sorrel troop). v
D. Troop D mounted iind in line (black troop).
E. Troo)) E mounted and in line (bay troop).
G. Tioop (i mounted and in line (gray troop).
K. Troop K dismounted and in line.
8. Indian suouts.
1. Tent from whioli a liostile warrior shot two soldiers.
2. Tent occupied by Kig Foot and his wife anil in front of which the former was
killed.
3. Tents put up for the use of ISig Foot's band.
4. Council ring iu or near wliich were General Forsyth, Major Whitside, (Japtain
Varnum, Captain Hoff, Captain Wallace, Doctor Glennan, Lieutenant Robinson,
Lietiteuaut Nicholson, Lieutenant McCorinick, and the reporters.
5. Officers' tents, first battaliou.
6. Enlisted mens' tents, tirst battalion.
7. Bivouac of second battalion on night of December 28, 1890.
8. Four IIotchki.ss gnus and detachment of First artillery, under Captain Capron,
First artillery, and Lieutenant Hawthorne, Second artillery.
9. Indian village.
10. Indian ])Ouie8.
11. Dismounted line of sentinels.
12. Captains llsley and Moylan.
13. Lieijtenants Garlington and Waterman.
14. Captain Godfrey and Lieutenant Tompkins.
15. Captain Jackson and Lieutenant Donaldson.
16. Lieutenant Taylor, Ninth cavalry, commanding Indian scouts (S),
17. Captain Edgerly and Lieutenant Brewer.
18. Captain N'owlau and Lieutenant (iresham.
19. Indian houses.
20. Lieutenants Siikel and Kice.
,IU8t beyond the limit of the map, toward the west, the ravine forms a bend, in
which a number of hostiles took refuge, and from which Lieutenant Hawthorne was
shot. Captain Wallace was found near the center of the council ring. Big Foot
was killed two or three yards in iVout of his tent. Father Craft was near the center
of the ring when stabbed. The Iu<Iiau8 broke to the west through li and K troops.
While in the council ring all the warriors had on blankets, with their arms, princi-
pally Wincliester riHes, concealed under them. Most of the warriors, including the
medicine-man, were painted and wore ghost shirts.
^■^.^^
■ORinii
MoosEY] THE WOUNDED KNEE BATTLE 869
uuaviiiliii},' against the sacred " ghost shirts," whicli nearly every one
of the Indians wore. As he spoke in the Sioux language, the officers
did not at once realize the; dangerous drift of his talk, and the climax
came too quickly for them to interfere. It is said one of the searchers
now attempted to raise the blanket of a warrior. Suddenly Yellow
Bird stooped down and threw a handful of dust into the air, when, as
if this were the signal, a young Indian, said to have been Black Fox
from Cheyenne river, drew a rifle from under his blanket and fired at
the soldiers, who instaTitly replied with a volley directly into the crowd
of warriors and so near that their guns were almost touching. From
the number of sticks set up by the Indians to mark where the dead
fell, as seen by the author a year later, this one volley must have killed
nearly half the warriors (plate xcix). The survivors sprang to their feet,
throwing their blankets from their shoulders as they rose, and for a few
minutes there was a terrible hand to hand struggle, where every man's
thought was to kill. Altlnmgh many of the warriors had no guns, nearly
all had revolvers and knives in their belts under their blankets, together
with some of the murderous warclubs still carried by the Sioux. The
very lack of guns made the light more bloody, as it brought the com-
batants to closer quarters.
At the first volley the Hotchkiss guns trained on the camp opened
fire and sent a storm of shells and bullets among the women and chil-
dren, who had gathered in front of the tipis to watch the unusual spec-
tacle of military display. The guns poured in 2-pound explosive shells
at the rate of nearly fifty per minute, mowing down everything alive.
The terrible effect may be judged from the fact that one woman sur-
vivor. Blue Whirlwind, with whom the author conversed, received four-
.teen wounds, while each of her two little boys was also wounded by
her side. "In a few minutes 200 Indian men, women, and children, with
C(t soldiers, were lying dead and wounded on the ground, the tipis had
been torn down by the shells and some of them were burning above
the helpless wounded, and the surviving handful of Indians were fly-
ing in wild panic to the shelter of the ravine, pursued by hundreds of
maddened soldiers and followed up by a raking fire from the Hotchkiss
guns, which had been moved into position to sweep the ravine.
There can be no question that the pursuit was simply a massacre,
where fleeing women, with infants in their arms, were shot down after
resistance had ceased and when almost every warrior was stretched
dead or dying on the ground. On this point such a careful writer as
Herbert Welsh says: "From the fact that so many women and chil-
dren were killed, and that their bodies were found far from the scene
of action, and as though they were shot down while flying, it would
look as though blind rage had been at work, in striking contrast to the
moderation of the Indian police at the Sitting Bull fight when they
were assailed by women." {Welsh, ,?.) The testimony of American
Horse and other friendlies is strong in the same direction. (See page
870 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [kth.ann.U
839.) Commissioner Morgan in his official report says that "Most of
the men, including Big Foot, were killed around his tent, where he lay
sick. The bodies of the women and children were scattered along a
distance of two miles from the scene of the encounter." {Gomr., 35.)
This is no reflection on the humanity of the officer in charge. On
the contrary. Colonel Forsyth had taken measures to guard against
such an occurrence by separating the women and children, as already
stated, and had also endeavored to make the sick chief. Big Foot, as
comfortable as possible, even to the extent of sending his own surgeon,
Dr Glennan, to wait on him on the night of the surrender. Strict
orders had also been issued to the troops that women and children were
not to be hurt. The butchery was the work of infuriated soldiers whose
comrades had just been shot down without cause or warning. In jus-
tice to a brave regiment it must be said that a number of the men were
new recruits fresh from eastern recruiting stations, who had never
before been under lire, were not yet imbued with military discipline,
and were probably unable in the confusion to distinguish between men
and women by their dress.
After examining all the official papers bearing on the subject in the
flies of the War Department and the Indian Office, together with the
official reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and of the Secre-
tary of War and the several officers engaged; after gathering all that
might be obtained from unofficial printed sources and from conversation
with survivors and participants in the engagement on both sides, and
after going over the battle-ground in company with the interpreter of
the scouts engaged, the author arrives at the conclusion that Avhen the
sun rose on Wounded Knee on the fatal morning of December 29, 1890,
no trouble was anticipated or premeditated by either Indians or troops;
that the Indians in good faith desired to surrender and be at peace,
and that the officers in the same good faith had made preparations to
receive their surrender and escort them quietly to the reservation ; that
in spite of the pacific intent of Big Foot and his band, the medicine-
man. Yellow Bird, at the critical moment urged the warriors to resist-
ance and gave the signal for the attack ; that the first shot was fired by
an Indian, and that the Indians were responsible for the engagement;
that the answering volley and attack by the troops was right and justi-
fiable, but that the wholesale slaughter of women and children was
unnecessary and inexcusable.
Authorities difter as to the number of Indians present and killed at '
Wounded Knee. General Euger states that the band numbered about
340, including about 100 warriors, but Major Whitside, to whom they
surrendered, reported them officially as numbering 120 men and 250
women and children, a total of 370. ( TF^ar, 15; O. D., 38.) This agrees
almost exactly with the statement made to the author by Mr Asay, a
trader who was present at the surrender. General Miles says that there
were present 106 warriors, a few others being absent at the time in
MOOWEV] THE KILLED AT WOUNDED KNEE 871
search of the party under Kicking Bear and Short Bull. { War, 10.)
Among those who surrendered were about 70 refugees from the bands
of Sitting Bull and Hump. (G. D.,39.) No exact account of the dead
could be made immediately after the fight, on account of a second attack
by another party of Indians coming up from the agency. Some of the
dead and wounded left on the field were undoubtedly carried off" by
their friends before the burial party came out three days later, and of
those brought in alive a number afterward died of wounds and expos-
ure, but received no notice in the official reports. The Adjutant-
General, in response to a letter of inquiry, states that 128 Indians were
killed and 33 wounded. Commissioner Morgan, in his official report,
makes the number killed 146. (Comr., 36.) Both these estimates are
evidently too low. General Miles, in his final report, states that about
200 men, women, and children were killed. ( War, 17.) General Colby,
who commanded the Nebraska state troops, says that about 100 men
and over 120 women and children were found dead on the field, a total
of about 220. {Colby, 4.) Agent Royer telegraphed immediately after
the fight that about 300 Indians had been killed, and General Miles,
telegraphing on the same day, says, " I think very few Indians have
escaped." [O. D., 40.) Fifty -one Indians were brought in the same
day by the troops, and a few others were found still alive by the burial
l)arty three days later. A number of these afterward died. No con-
siderable number got away, being unable to reach their ponies after
the fight began. General Miles states that 98 warriors were killed on
the field. ( War, IS.) The whole number killed on the field, or who
later died from wounds and exposure, was probably very nearly 300.
According to an official statement from the Adjutant-General, 31
soldiers were killed in the battle. About as many more were wounded,
one or two of whom afterward died. All of the killed, excepting
Hospital Steward Pollock and an Indian scout named High Backbone,
belonged to the Seventh cavalry, as did probably also nearly all of the
wounded. The only commissioned officer killed was Captain Wallace.
He received four bullet wounds in his body and finally sank under a
hatchet stroke upon the head. Lieutenant E. A. Garlington, of the
Seventh cavalry, and Lieutenant H. L. Hawthorne, of the Second artil-
lery, were wounded. ( War, 19.) The last-named officer owed his life
to his watch, which deflected the bullet that otherwise would have
passed through his body.
Below is given a complete list of officers and enlisted men who were
killed, or died of wounds or exposure, in connection with the Sioux
camx)aign. The statement is contained in an official letter of reply
from the Adjutant-General's office dated May 26, 1894. Unless other-
wise noted all were of the Seventh cavalry and were killed on Decem-
ber 29, the date of the battle of Wounded Knee. In addition to these,
two others, Henry Miller, a herder, and George Wilhauer, of the
Nebraska militia, were killed in the same connection. With the 6
872 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
Indian police killed in arresting Sitting Bull, this makes a total of 49
deaths on the government side, including 7 Indians and a negro :
Adams, William. Kelley, James E.
Bone, Albert S. (corporal, died of Kellner, August.
wounds). Korn, Gustav (blacksmith).
Casey, Edward W. (first lieutenant Logan, James.
Twenty-second infantry, January 7). McClintock, William F.
Coffey, Dora S. (first sergeant). McCue, John M.
Cook, Kalph L. Mann, James D. (first lieutenant, died of
Corwine, Richard W. (sergeant major). wounds, January 15).
Costello, John. Meil, John W. (killed in railroad acci-
Cummings, Pierce. dent, January 26).
De Vreede, Jan. Mezo, William S.
Dyer, Arthur C. (sergeant). Murphy, Joseph.
Elliott, George (died of wounds, Janu- Nettles, Robert H. (sergeant).
ary 13). Newell, Charles H. (corporal, died of
Francischetti, Dominic (December 30). wounds).
Forrest, Harry R. (corporal). Follock, Oscar (hospital steward).
Frey, Henry. Regan, Michael.
Grauberg, Herman (died of wounds, De- Reinecky, Frank T.
cember 30). Schartel, Thomas (First artillery, killed
Haywood, Charles (Ninth cavalry, col- in railroad accident, January 26).
ored, December 30). , SchwenkeJ', Philip.
High Backbone (Indian scout). Stone, Harry B. (died of wounds, Janu-
Hodges, William T. (sergeant). ary 12).
Howard,Henry(sergeant,diedof wounds, Twohig, Daniel.
January 23). Wallace, George B. (captain).
Johnson, George P. Zehnder, Bernhard (died of wounds).
The heroic missionary priest. Father Craft, who had given a large
part of his life to work among the Sioux, by whom he was loved and
respected, had endeavored at the beginning of the trouble to persuade
the stampeded Indians to come into the agency, but without success,
the Indians claiming that no single treaty ever made with them had
been fulfilled in all its stipulations. Many of the soldiers being of his
own faith, he accompanied the detachment which received the surren-
der of Big Foot, to render such good offices as might be possible to
either party. In the desperate encounter he was stabbed through the
lungs, but yet, with bullets flying about him and hatchets and warclubs
circling through the air, he went about his work, administering the
last religious consolation to the dying until he fell unconscious from
loss of blood. He was brought back to the agency along with the
other wounded, and although his life was despaired of for some time,
he finally recovered. In talking about Wounded Knee with one of the
friendly warriors who had gone into the Bad Lauds to urge the hostiles
to come in, he spoke with warm admiration of Father Craft, and I
asked why it was, then, that the Indians had tried to kill him. He
replied, "They did not know him. Father Jutz [the priest at the
Drexel Catholic mission, previously mentioned] always wears his black
robe, but Father Craft on that day wore a soldier's cap and overcoat.
If he had worn his black robe, no Indian would have hurt him." On
^^^^^^
MooNET] THE NEWS AT PINE RIDGE 873
inquiiiiif; afterward I learned that this was not correct, as Father
Craft did liaveon his priestly robes. From the Indian statement, how-
ever, and tlie well-known affection in which he was held by the Sioux,
it is probable that the Indian who stabbed him was too much excited
at the moment to recognize him.
The news of the battle was brought to the agency by Lieutenant
Guy Preston, of the Ninth cavalry, who, in company with a soldier and
an Indian scout, made the ride of 10 or 18 miles in a little over an hour,
one horse falling dead of exhaustion on the way. There were then at
the agency, under command of General Brooke, about 3()0 men of the
Second infantry and 50 Indian police.
The liring at Wounded Knee was plainly heard by the thousands of
Indians camped about the agency at Pine Eidge, who had come in
from the Bad Lands to surrender. They were at once thrown into
great excitement, undoubtedly believing that there was a deliberate
purpose on foot to disarm and massacre them all, and when the fugi-
tives— women and children, most of them — began to come in, telling
the story of the terrible slaughter of their friends and showing their
bleeding wounds in evidence, the camp was divided between iianic and
desperation. A number of warriors mounted in haste and made all
speed to the battle-ground, only about two hours distant, where they
met the troops, who were now scattered about, hunting down the fugi-
tives who might have escaped the first killing, and picking u^j the
dead and wounded. The soldiers were driven in toward the center,
where they threw up entrenchments, by means of which they were
Anally able to repel the attacking party. With the assistance of a
body of Indian scouts and police, they then gathered up the dead and
wounded soldiers, with some of the wounded Indians and a few other
l)risoners to the number of 51, and came into the agency. In the mean-
time the hostiles under Two Strike had opened lire on the agency from
the neighboring hills and endeavored to approach, by way of a deep
ravine, near enough to set tire to the buildings. General Brooke, desir-
ing to avoid a general engagement, ordered out the Indian police — a
splendidly drilled body of 50 brave men — who gallantly took their
stand in the center of tlie agency inclosure, in full view of the hostiles,
some of whom were their own relatives, and kept them off, returning
the tire of besiegers with such good effect as to kill two and wound
several others. The attacking party, as well as those who rode out to
help their kinsmen at Wounded Knee, were not the Pine Eidge Indians
(Ogalala) but the Brule from Eosebud under the lead of Two Strike,
Kicking Bear, and Short Bull. On the approach of the detachment
returning from Wounded Knee almost the entire body that had come
in to surrender broke away and fell back to a position on White Clay
creek, where the next day found a camp of 4,000 Indians, and including
more than a thousand warriors now thoroughly hostile. On the even-
ing of the battle General Miles telegraphed to military headquarters,
874 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
"Last night everytbiug looked favorable for getting all the Indians
under control; since report from Forsyth it looks more serious than at
any other time." {(?. D., 41.) It seemed that all the careful work of
the last month had been undone.
At the first indication of coming trouble in November all the out-
lying schools and mission stations on Pine Eidge reservation had been
abandoned, and teachers, farmers, and missionaries had fled to the
agency to seek the protection of the troops, all but the members of the
Drexel Catholic mission, 5 miles northwest from the agency. Here the
two or three priests and five Franciscan sisters remained quietly at
their post, with a hundred little children around them, safe in the assur-
ance of the "hostiles" that they would not be molested. While the
fighting was going on at Wounded Knee and hundreds of furious war-
riors were firing into the agency, where the handful of whites were
shivering in spite of the presence of troops and police, these gentle
women and the kindly old German priest were looking after the chil-
dren, feeding- the frightened fugitive women, and tenderly caring for
the wounded Indians who were being brought in from Wounded Knee
and the agency. Throughout all these weeks of terror they went calmlj'-
about the duties to which they had consecrated their lives, and kept
their little flock together and their school in operation, without the
presence of a single soldier, completely cut off from the troops and the
agency and surrounded by thousands of wild Indians.
Some time afterward, in talking with the Indians about the events
of the campaign, the warrior who had spoken with such admiration of
Father Craft referred with the same affectionate enthusiasm to Father
Jutz, and said that when the infuriated Indians attacked the agency on
hearing of the slaughter at Wounded Knee they had sent word to the
mission that no one there need be afraid. "We told him to stay where
he was and no Indian would disturb him," said the warrior. He told
how the priest and the sisters had fed the starving refugees and bound
up the wounds of the survivors who escaped the slaughter, and then
after a pause he said: "He is a brave man; braver than any Indian."
Curious to know why this man had not joined the hostiles, among whom
were several of his near relatives, I asked him the question. His reply
was simple : " I had a little boy at the Drexel mission. He died and
Father Jutz put a white stone over him. That is why I did not join
the hostiles."
While visiting Pine Eidge in 1891 1 went out to seethe Drexel school
and found Father John Jutz, a simple, kindly old German from the
Tyrol, with one or two other German lay brothers and five Franciscan
sisters, Americans. Although but a recent establishment, the school
was in flourishing condition, bearing in everything the evidences of
orderly industry. Like a true German of the Alps, Father Jutz had
already devised a way to make jelly from the wild plums and excellent
wine from the chokecherry. While talking, the recess hour arrived and
or TUB
[Uiri7ERSIT'
PP"
I
/.
II- -si
HooNEY] HOSTILITY RENEWED 875
a bevy of small children came troopinjj in, pushing over one another in
the effort to get hold of a finger of the good father, or at least to hold
on to his robe while he led them into another room where one of the
sisters gave to each a ginger cake, hot from the oven. The room was
filled with the shouts and laughter of the children and the father
explained, "Children get hungry, and we always have some cakes for
the little ones at recess. I let the boys be noisy in the playroom as
long as they don't fight. It is good for them." Looking at the happy,
noisy crowd around the black-gowned missionary and sister, it was easy
to see how they had felt safe in the affection of the Indians through all
the days and nights when others were trembling behind breastworks
and files of soldiers. Eeferring to what the Indians had told me, I
asked Father Jutz if it was true that the hostiles had sent word to
them not to be afraid. He replied, "Yes; they had sent word that no
one in the mission need be alarmed," and then, with a gentle smile,
he added, "But it was never our intention to leave." It was plain
enough that beneath the quiet exterior there burned the old missionary
fire of Jogues and Marquette.
The conflict at Wounded Knee bore speedy fruit. On the same day,
as has been said, a part of the Indians under Two Strike attacked the
agency and the whole body of nearly 4,000 who had come in to sur-
render started back again to intrench themselves in preparation for
renewed hostilities. On the morning of December 30, the next day
after the fight, the wagon train of the Ninth cavalry (colored) was
attacked within 2 miles of the agency while coming in with supplies.
One soldier was killed, but the Indians were repulsed with the loss of
several of their number.
On the same day news came to the agency that the hostiles had
attacked the Catholic mission 5 miles out, and Colonel Forsyth with
eight troops of the Seventh cavalry and one piece of artillery was
ordered by General Brooke to go out and drive them off. ' It proved
that the hostiles had set fire to several houses between the mission and
the agency, but the mission had not been disturbed. As the troops
api»roached the hostiles fell back, but Forsyth failed to occupy the
commanding hills and was consequently surrounded by the Indians,
who endeavored to draw him into a'canyon and pressed him so closely
that^he was obliged to send back three times for reinforcements.
Major Henry had just arrived at the agency with a detachment of the
Ninth cavalry, and on hearing the noise of the firing started at once to
the relief of Forsyth with lour troops of cavalry and a Hotchkiss gun.
On arriving on the ground he occupied the hills and thus succeeded
in driving off" the hostiles without further casualty, and rescued the
Seventh from its, dangerous position. In this skirmish, known as the
"mission fight," the Seventh lost one officer. Lieutenant Mann, and a
private, Dominic Francischetti, killed, and seven wounded. ( War, 20;
0. B., 12.)
876 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
The conduct of the colored troops of the Ninth calvary on this occa-
sion deserves the highest commendation. At the time of the battle at
Wounded Knee, the day before, they were in the Bad Lands, about 80
or 90 miles out from Pine Eidge, when the order was sent for them to
come iu to aid in repelling the attack on the agency. By riding all
night they arrived at the agency at daylight, together with two Hotch-
kiss guns, in charge of Lieutenant John Hayden of the First artillery.
Hardly had they dismounted when word arrived that their wagon train,
coming on behind, was attacked, and they were obliged to go out again
to its relief, as already described. On coming in again they lay down
to rest after their long night ride, when they were once more called
out to go to the aid of the Seventh at the mission. Jumping into the
saddle they rode at full speed to the mission, o miles out, repelled
the hostiles and saved the command, and returned to the agency, after
having ridden over 100 miles and fought two engagements within thirty
hours. Lieutenant Hayden, with his Hotchkiss, who had come in with
them from the Bad Lands, took part also with them in the mission fight.
On the same evening Standing Soldier, an Indian scout, arrived at
the agency with a party of 65 Indians, including 18 men. These were
a part of Big Foot's or Sliort Bull's following, who had lost their way
during the flight from Cheyenne river and were hunting for the rest of
the band when captured by the scoilts. They were not aware of the
death of Big Foot and the extermination of his band, but after having
been disarmed and puf under guard they were informed of it, but only
in a mild way, in order not to provoke undue excitement. {G. I)., 43.)
Immediately after the battle of Wounded Knee, in consequence of the
panic among the frontier settlers of Nebraska, the Nebraska state troops
were called out under command of General L. W. Colby. They were
stationed at the most exposed points between the settlements and the
reservation and remained in the field until the surrender of the hostiles
two weeks later. The only casualty among them was the death of
private George Wilhauer, who was accidentally shot by a picket.
{Colby, 6.)
On New Year's day of 1891, three days after the battle, a detachment
of troops was sent out to Wounded Knee to gather uj) and bury the
Indian dead and to bring in the wounded who might be still alive on
the field. In the meantime there had been a heavy snowstorm, culmi-
nating in a blizzard. The bodies of the slaughtered men, women, and
children were found lying about under the snow, frozen stiff and covered
with blood (plate xoviii). Almost all the dead warriors were found
lying near where the fight began, about Big Foot's tipi, but the bodies of
the women and children were found scattered along for 2 miles from the
scene of the encounter, showing that they had been killed while trying
to escape. (Comr., 37; Colby, C.) A number of women and children
were found still alive, but all badly wounded or frozen, or both, and
most of them died after being brought in. Four babies were found
[UiriVBRSITT]
>^
^^\\
L
SURVIVORS OF WOUNDED KNEE
877
alive under the snow, wrapped in shawls and lying besid6 their dead
mothers, whose last thought had been of them. They were all badly
frozen and only one lived. The tenacity of life so characteristic of wild
Fid. 79— Survivors of Wounded Kneo— Blue Whirlwind and children (1891).
people as well as of wild beasts was strikingly illustrated in the case
of these wounded and helpless Indian women and children who thus
lived three days through a Dakota blizzard, without food, shelter, or
attention to their wounds. It is a commentary on our boasted Christian
878
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
civilization that althougli tliere were two or tliree salaried missionaries
at the agency not one went out to say a iirayer over the poor mangled
bodies of these victims of war. The Catholic priests had reasons for not
being present, as one of them. Father Craft, was lying in the hospital
with a dangerous wound received on the battlefield while bravely admin-
istering to the dying wants of the soldiers in the heat of the encounter,
and the other. Father Jutz, an old man of 70 years, was at the mission
school 5 miles away, still attending to his little tiock of 100 children
Fig. 80— Survivors of Wounded Knee— Marguerite Zitkala-noni (1891).
as before the trouble began, and unaware of what was transpiring at
the agency.
A long trench was dug and into it were thrown all the bodies, piled
one upon another like so much cordwood, until the pit was full, when
the earth was heaped over them and the funeral was complete (plate c).
Many of the bodies were stripped by the whites, who went out in order
to get the " ghost shirts," and the frozen bodies were thrown into the
trench stiff and naked. They were only dead Indians. As one of the
burial party said, " It was a thing to melt the heart of a man, if it was
/■^ Of THS '<
[UiriTBRSITT]
IIOONEY]
SURVIVORS OF WOUNDED KNEE
879
ot stone, to see those little children, with their bodies shot to pieces,
thrown naked into the pit." The dead soldiers had already been
brought in and bnried decently at the agency. When the writer visited
the spot the following winter, the Indians had put up a wire fence
around the trench and smeared the posts with sacred red medicine
paint (plate ci).
A baby girl of only three or four months was found under the snow,
carefully wrapped up in a shawl, beside her dead mother, whose body
was pierced by two bullets. On her head was a little cap of buckskin,
Fio. 81 — Survivora of Wounded Knee — Jennie Sword (1891).
upon which the American flag was embroidered in bright beadwork.
She had lived through all the exposure, being only slightly frozen, and
soon recovered after being brought in to the agency. Her mother being
killed, and, in all probability, her father also, she was adopted by Gen-
eral Colby, commanding the Nebraska state troops. The Indian women
in camp gave her the poetic name of Zitkala-noni, " Lost Bird," and by
the family of her adoption she was baptized under the name of Mar-
guerite (figure 80). She is now (189G) living in the general's family at
Washington, a chubby little girl C years of age, as happy with her dolls
and playtliings as a little girl of that age ought to be.
14 ETH — PT 2 16
880
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 11
Another little girl about 5 years of age was picked up on the battle-
field and brought in by the Indian police on the afternoon of tlie flglit.
She was adopted by George Sword, captain of the Indian police, and is
now living with him under the name of Jennie Sword, a remarkably
pretty little girl, gentle and engaging in her manners (figure 81).
A little boy of four years, the son of Yellow Bird, the medicine-man,
was playing on his pony in front of a tipi when the firing began. As
Fig. 82 — Survivors of Wounded Knee — Herbert Zitkalazi (1892).
he described it some time ago in lisping English: "My father ran and
fell down and the blood came out of his mouth [he was shot through
the head], and then a soldier put his gun up to my white pony's nose and
shot him, and then I ran and a policeman got me." As his father was
thus killed and his mother was already dead, he was adopted by Mrs
Lucy Arnold, who had been a teacher among the Sioux and knew his
or xaj
[TIiriVBRSITT]
MooNEv) LOYALTY OK THE SCOUTS ' 881
family before the trouble began. She bad already given Lira his name,
Herbert Zitkalazi, the last word being the Sioux form of his father's
name, "Yellow Bird." She brought him back with her to Washington,
where he soon learned English and became a gener:il favorite of all
who knew him for his affectionate disposition and unusual intelligence,
with genuine boyish enthusiasm in all he undertook. His picture here
given (ligure 82) is from a photograpli made in Lafayette park, Wash-
ington, in 1892. His adopted mother having resumed her school work
among his tribe, he is now back with her, attending school under her
supervision at Standing Kock, where, as in Washington, he seems to
be a natural leader among those of his own age. When we think of
these cliildren and consider that only by the merest accident they
escaped the death that overtook a hundred other children at Wounded
Knee, who may all have had in themselves the same possibilities of
affection, education, and happy usefulness, we can understand the
sickeningmeaningof such affairs as the Chivington massacre in Colo-
rado and the Custer fight on the Washita, where the newspaper reports
merely that " the enemy was surprised and the Indian camp destroyed."
The Indian scouts at Wounded Knee, like the Indian police at Grand
river and Pine Eidge, were brave and loyal, as has been the almost
universal rule with Indians when enlisted in the government service,
even when called on, as were these, to serve against their own tribe and
relatives. The prairie Indian is a born soldier, with all the soldier's
pride of loyalty to duty, and may be trusted implicitly after he has once
consented to enter tlie service. The scouts at Wounded Knee were
Sioux, .with Philip Wells as iiiterpreter. Other Sioux scouts were
ranging the country between the agency and the hostile camp in the
Bad Lands, and acted as mediators in the peace negotiations which led
to the final surrender. Fifty Cheyeune and about as many Crow scouts
were also employed in the same section of country. Throughout the
entire campaign the Indian scouts and police were faithful and received
the warmest commendation of their officers.
On New Year's day, 1891, Henry Miller, a herder, was killed by
Indians a few miles from the agency. This was the only noncombatant
killed by the Indians during the entire campaign, and during the same
period there was no depredation committed by them outside of the
reservation. On the next day the agent reported that the school build-
ings and Episcopal church on White Clay creek had been burned by
hostiles, who were then camped to the number of about 3,000 on Grass
creek, 15 miles northeast of the agency. They had captured the gov-
ernment beef herd and were depending on it for food. Eed Cloud,
Little Wound, and their people were with them and were reported as
anxious to return, but prevented by the hostile leaders. Two Strike,
Short Bull, and Kicking Bear, who threatened to kill the first one who
made a moye to come in. (G. D., 44.) A few days later a number of
882 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
Eed Cloud's men came in and surrendered and reported that the old
chief was practically a prisoner and wanted the soldiers to come and
rescue him from the hostiles, who were trying to force him into the war.
They reported further that there was much suffering from cold and hun-
ger in the Indian camp, and that all the Ogalala (Red Cloud's people
of Pine Ridge) were intending to come in at once iii a body.
On the 3d of January General Miles took up his headquarters at Pine
Ridge and directed General Brooke to assume immediate command of
the troops surrounding the hostile camp. Brooke's men swung out to
form the western and northern part of a circle about the hostiles, cut-
ting them off' from the Bad Lands, while the troops under General Carr
closed in on the east and northeast in such a way that the Indians were
hemmed in and unable to make a move in any direction excepting
toward the agency.
On January 3 a party of hostiles attacked a detachment of the Sixth
cavalry under Captain Kerr on Grass creek, a few miles north of the
agency, but were quickly repulsed with the loss of four of their number,
the troops having been reinforced by other detachments iu the vicinity.
In this engagement the Indian scouts again distinguished themselves.
( War, 21.) The effect of this repulse was to check the westward move-
ment of the hostiles and hold tliem iu their position along White Clay
creek until their j)assion had somewhat abated.
On January 5 there was another encounter on Wounded Knee creek.
A small detachment which had been sent out to meet a supply train
coming into the agency found the wagons drawn up in a square to
resist an attack made by a band of about 50 Indians. The soldiers
joined forces with the teamsters, and by firing from behind the protection
of the wagons succeeded in driving off the Indians and killing a num-
ber of their horses. The hostiles were reinforced, however, and a hard
skirmish was kept up for several hours until more troops arrived from
the agency about dark, having been sent in answer to a courier who
managed to elude the attacking party. The troops charged on a gallop
and the Indians retreated, having lost several killed and wounded,
besides a number of their horses. (Colby, 7.)
Amid all these warlike alarms the gentle muse Calliope hovered over
the field and inspired W. H. Prather, a colored private of troop I of the
Ninth cavalry, to the production of the ballad given below, one of the
few good specimens of American ballad poetry, and worthy of equal
place with " Captain Lovewell's Fight," " Old Quebec," or anything that
originated in the late rebellion. It became a favorite among the troops
in camp and with the scattered frontiersmen of Dakota and Nebraska,
being sung to a simple air with vigor and expression and a particularly
rousing chorus, and is probably by this time a classic of the barracks.
It is here reproduced verbatim from the printed slip published for dis-
tribution among the soldiers during the campaign.
MOONKV]
A GHOST-DANCE BALLAD 883
TiiK Indiax Ghost Da.nck and Wau
TliB Red Skins left their A'ieiicy, tlie Soldiers left their Post,
All on the strength of an In<li:in tale abont Messiah's ghost
Got np by savage chieftains to lead their tribes astray;
IJnt Uncle .Sam wouldn't have it so, for lie ain't bnilt that way.
They swore that this Messiah <atne to them in visions sleep,
And promised to restore tlieir game and Hntl'alos a heap,
So they must start a big ghost dance, then all would join their band,
And may bo so we lead the way into the great Bad Land.
Chorus :
They claimed the shirt Messiah gave, no bullet could go through,
But when the Soldiers fired at them they saw this was not true.
The Mediciue man supplied them with their great Messiah's grace,
And he, too, pulled his freight and swore the 7th hard to face.
About their tents the Soldiers stood, awaiting one and all,
That they might hear the trumpet clear when sounding General call
Or Hoots and Saddles in a rush, that each and every man
Might mount in haste, ride soon and fast to stop this devilish band
But (Jeuorals great like ililes and Brooke don't do things up that way,
For they know an Indian like a book, and let him have his sway
Until they think him far enough and then to John they'll say,
" You had better stop your fooling or we'll bring our guns to play."
Chorus. — They claimed the shirt, etc.
The 9th marclied out with splendid cheer the Bad Lands to explo'e —
With Col. Henry at their head they never fear the foe;
So on they rode from Xmas eve 'till dawn of Xmas day ;
The Red Skins heard the 9th was near and fled in great dismay;
The 7th is of courage bold both officers and men,
4Jut bad luck seems to follow them and twice has took them in;
They came in contact with Big Foot's warriors in their lierce might
This chief made sure he had a chance of vantage in the fight.
Chorus. — They cl.airaed the shirt, etc.
A fight took place, 'twas hand to hand, unwarned by trumpet call,
While the Sioux were dropping man by man — the 7th killed them all.
And to that regiment be said " Ye. noble braves, well done,
Although you lost some gallant men a glorious fight you've won."
The 8th was there, the sixth rode miles to swell that great command
And waited orders night and day to round up Short Bull's band.
The Infantry marched ui) in mass the Cavalry's support,
And while the latter rounded up, the former held the fort.
Chorus. — They claimed the shirt, etc.
E battery of the 1st stood by and did their duty well.
For every time the Hotchkiss barked they say a hostile fell.
Some Indian soldiers chipped in too and helped to quell the fray.
And now the campaign's ended and the soldiers marched away.
So all have done their share, you see, whether it was thick or thin,
And all helped break the ghost dance up and drive the hostiles in.
The settlers iu that region now can breathe with better grace;
They only ask and pray to God to make John hold his base.
Chorus. — They claimed the shirt, etc.
(W. H. Prather, I, 9th Cavalry),
884 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION Tethansu
APPENDIX— THE INDIAN STORY OF ^A^OUNDED KNEE
[From the lieport of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1S91, volume J, pages 179-ISl. Extracts
from verbatim stenographic report of council held by delegations of Sioux with Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, at Washington, Februai-y 11, ISOl.]
Turning Hawk, Pine Ridge (Mr Cook, interpreter). Mr Commissioner, my pur-
pose to-day is to tell yon what I know of the condition of affairs at the agency where
I live. A certain falsehood came to our agency from the west which had the effect
of a fire upon the Indians, and when this certain fire came npon our people those
who had farsightedness and could see into the matter made np their minds to stand
up against it and fight it. The reason we took this hostile attitude to this fire was
because we believed that you yourself would not be in favor of this particular mis-
chief-making thing; but just as wo expected, the people in authority did not like
this thing and we were quietly told that we must give up or have nothing to do with
this certain movement. Though this is the advice from our good friends in the east,
there were, of course, many silly young men who were longing to become identified
with the movement, although they knew that there was nothing absolutely bad.
nor did they know there was anything absolutely good, in connection with the
movement.
In the course of time we heard that the soldiers were moving toward the scene of
trouble. After awhile some of the soldiers finally reached our place and we heard
that a number of them also reached our friends at Rosebud. Of course, when a
large body of soldiers is moving toward a certain direction they inspire a more or
less amount of awe, and it is natural that the women and children who see this large
moving mass are made afraid of it and be put in a condition to make them run away.
At first we thought that Pine Ridge and Rosebud were the only two agencies where
soldiers were sent, but finally we heard that the other agencies fared likewise. We
heard and saw tliat about half our friends at Rosebud agency, from fear at seeing
the soldiers, began the move of running away from their agency toward ours (Pine
Ridge), and when they had gotten inside of our reservation they there learned that
right ahead of them at our agency was another large crowd of soldiers, and while
the soldiers were there, there was constantly a great deal of false rumor flying back
and forth. The special rumor I have in mind is the threat that the soldiers had
come there to disarm the Indians entirely and to take away all their horses from
them. That was the oft-repeated story.
So constantly repeated was this story that our friends from Rosebud, instead of
going to Pine Ridge, the place of their destination, veered off and went to some
other direction toward the "Bad Lands." We did not know definitely how many,
but understood there were 300 lodges of them, about 1,700 people. Eagle Pipe,
Turning Bear, High Hawk, Short Bull, Lance, No Flesh, Pine Bird, Crow Dog, Two
Strike, and White Horse were the leaders.
Well, the people after veering off iu this way, many of them who believe in peace
and order at our agency, were very anxious that some influence should be brought
upon these people. In addition to our love of peace wo remembered that many of
these people were related to us by blood. So we sent out peace commissioners to the
people who were thus running away from their agency.
I understood at the time that they were simply going away from fear because of
so many soldiers. So constant was the word of these good men from Pine Ridge
agency that finally they succeeded iu getting away half of the party from Rosebud,
from the place where they took refuge, and finally were brought to the agency at
Pine Ridge. Young-Man-Afraid-of-his-Horses, Little Wound, Fast Thunder, Louis
Shangreau, John Grass, Jack Red Cloud, and myself were some of these peace-
makers.
The remnant of the party from Rosebud not taken to the agency finally reached
the wilds of the Bad Lands. Seeing that we had succeeded so Avell, once more we
sent to the same party in the Bad Lands and succeeded in bringing these very Indians
MooNEY] ^ INDIAN STORY OF WOUNDED KNEE 885
out of tho depths of tlie I?ad Lauds aud were beiug brought toward the agency.
When we were about a day's journey from our agency we heard that a certain piirty
of Iiuliaus (liig Toot's band) from the Cheyenne River agency was coming toward
Pine Ridge in flight.
Captain Swoud. Those who actually went off of the Cheyenne Eiver agency
probably number 303, aud tliere were a few from the Standing Kock reserve with
them, but iis to their number I do not know. Tliero were a number of Ogalallas,
old meu and several school boys, coming back with that very same party, and oneof
the very seriously wounded boys was a member of the Ogalalla boarding school at
Pine Ridge agency. Ho was not on the warpath, but was simply returning home to
his agency and to his school after a summer visit to relatives on the Cheyenne river.
TURNiN'ii Hawk. When we heard that these people were coming toward our
agency we also heard this. These people were coming toward Pine Ridge agency,
aud when they were almost on the agency they were met by the soldiers and sur-
rounded an<l finally taken to the Wounded Knee creek, and there at a given time
their guns were demanded. When they had delivered them up, the men were sepa-
rated from their families, from their tipis, and taken to a certain spot. When the
guns were thus taken and the men thus separated, there was a crazy man, a young
man of very bad influence and in fact a nobody, among th.it bunch of Indians fired
his gun, and of course the tiring of a gun must have been the breaking of a military
rule of some sort, because immediately the soldiers returned fire and indiscriminate
killing followed.
Si'OTTKi) Horse. This man shot an officer in the army; the first shot killed this
officer. I was a voluntary scout at that encouuter and I saw exactly what was done,
and that was what I noticed; that the first shot killed an officer. As soon as this
shot was fired the Indians immediately began drawing their knives, and they were
exhorted from all sides to desist, but this was not obeyed. Consequently the firing
began immediately on the part of the soldiers.
Tl'RNiNG Hawk. All the men who were in a bunch were killed right there, and
those who escaped that first fire got into the ravine, and as they went along up the
ravine for a long distance they were pursued on both sides by the soldiers and shot
down, as the dead bodies showed afterwards. The women were standing off at a
different place from where the men were stationed, and when the firing began, those
of the men who escaped the first onslaught went in one direction up the ravine, and
then the women, who were bunched together at another place, went entirely in a
different direction through an open field, and the women fared the s^^e fate as the
men who went up the deep ravine.
American Horsk. The men were separated, as has already been said, from the
women, and they were surrounded by the soldiers. Then came next the village of
the Indians and that was entirely surrounded by the soldiers also. When the firing
began, of course the people who were standing immediately around the young man
who fired tho first shot were killed right together, and then they turned their guns,
Hotchkiss guns, etc., upon the women who were in the lo<lges standing there under
a flag of truce, and -of course as soon as they were fired upon they fled, the men flee-
ing in one direction and the women running in two different directions. So that
there were three general directions in which they took flight.
There was a women with an infant in her arms who was killed as she almost
touched the flag of truce, and the women aud children of course were strewn all
along the circular village until tbey were dispatched. Right near the flag of truce
a mother was shot down with her infant; the child not knowing that its mother
was dead was still nursing, aud that especially was a very sad sight. The women
as they were fleeing with their babes were killed together, shot right through, and
the women who were very heavy with child were also killed. All the Indians fled
in these three directions, and after most all of them had been killed a cry was made
that all those who were not killed or wounded should come forth and they would
be safe. Little boys who were not wounded came out of their places of refuge, and
886 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
as soon as they came in sight a number of soldiers surrounded them and butchered
them there.
Of course we all feel very sad about this affair. I stood very loyal to the govern-
ment all through those troublesome days, and believing so much in the government
and being so loyal to it, my disappointment was very strong, and I have come to
Washington with a very great blame on my heart. Of course it would have been
all right if only the men were killed ; we would feel almost grateful for it. But the
fact of the killing of the women, and more especially the killing of the young boys
and girls who are to go to make up the future strength of the Indian people, is the
saddest part of the whole affair and we feel it very sorely.
I was not thereat the lime before the burial of the bodies, but I did go there with
some of the police and the Indian doctor and a great many of the people, men from
the agency, and we went through the battlefield and saw where the bodies were
from the track of the blood.
Turning Hawk. I had just reached the point where I said that the women were
killed. We heard, besides the killing of the men, of the onslaught also made upon
the women and children, and they were treated as roughly and indiscriminately as
the men and boys were.
Of course this affair brought a great deal of distress upon all the people, but
especially upon the minds of those who stood loyal to the government and who did
all that they were able to do in the matter of bringing about peace. They espe-
cially have suffered much distress and are very much hurt at heart. These peace-
makers continued on in their good work, but there were a great many fickle youu"'
men who were ready to be moved by the change in the events there, and conse-
quently, in spite of the great fire that was brought upon all, they were ready to
assume any hostile attitude. These young men got themselves in readiness and
went in the direction of the scene of battle so they might be of service there. They
got there and finally exchanged shots with the soldiers. This party of voung men
was made up from Rosebud, Ogalalla (Pino Ridge), and members of any other
agencies that happened to be there at the time. While this was goin" on in the
neighborhood of Wounded Knee— the Indians and soldiers exchanging shots the
agency, our home, was also fired into by the Indians. Matters went on in this strain
until the evening came on, and then the Indians went off down by White Clay creek.
When the agency was fired upon by the Indians from the hillside, of course the shots
were returned by the Indian police who were guarding the agency buildings.
Although fighting seemed to have been in the air, yet those who believed in peace
were still constant at their work. Young-Man-Afraid-of-his-Uorses, who had been
on a visit to some other agency in the north ornorthwest, returned, and immediately
went out to the people living about White Clay creek, on the border of the Bad
Lands, and brought his people out. He succeeded in obtaining the consent of the
people to come out of their place of refuge and return to the agency. Thus the
remaining portion of the Indians who started from Rosebud were brought back into
the agency. Mr Commissioner, during the days of the great whirlwind out there,
those good men tried to hold up a counteracting power, and that was "Peace." We
have now come to realize that peace has i)revailed and won the day. While we were
eugiiged in bringing about peace our property was left behind, of course, and most
of ush.ave lost everything, even down to the matter of guns with which to kill ducks,
rabbits, etc, shotguns, and guns of that order. When Young-Man-Afraid brought
the people in and their guns were a.sked for, both men who were called hostile and
men who stood loyal to the government delivered up their gnus.
Chapter XIV
CLOSE OF THE OUTBREAK— THE GHOST DANCE IN THE
SOUTH
In the meantime overtures of peace had been maae oy General Miles
to the hostiles, most of whose leaders he knew personally, having
received their surrender on the Yellowstone ten years before, at the
close of the Custer war. On the urgent representations of himself
and others Congress had also appropriated the necessary funds for car-
rying out the terms of the late treaty, by the disregard of which most
of the trouble had been caused, so that the commander was now able
to assure the Indians that their rights and necessities would receive
attention. They were urged to come in and surrender, with a guaranty
that the general himself would represent their case with the govern-
ment. At the same time they were informed that retreat was cut off
and that further resistance would be unavailing. As an additional
step toward regaining their confidence, the civilian agents were removed
from the several disturbed agencies, which were then put in charge of
military officers well known and respected by the Indians, Cheyenne
Kiver agency was assigned to Captain J. H. Hurst, and Rosebud agency
to Captain J. M. Lee, while Royer, at Pine Ridge, was superseded on
January 8 by Captain F. E. Pierce. The last named officer was after-
ward relieved by Captain Charles G. Penney, who is now in charge.
( War, 22; Comr., 38; O. D.,45.) «
The friendly overtures made by General Miles, with evidences that
the government desired to remedy their grievances, and that longer
resistance was hopeless, had their effect on the hostiles. Little Wound,
Young-man-afraid-of-his-horses (more properly, " Young-man-of-whose-
horses-they-are afraid). Big Road, and other friendly chiefs, also used
their persuasions with such good effect that by January 12 the whole
body of nearly 4,000 Indians had moved in to within sight of the
agency and expressed their desire for peace. The troops closed in
around them, and on the 16th of January, 1891, the hostiles surren-
dered, and the outbreak was at an end. They complied with every
order and direction given by the commander, and gave np nearly 200
rifles, Which, with other arms already surrendered, made a total of
between fiOO and 700 guns, more than had ever before been surrendered
by the Sioux at one time. As a further guaranty of good faith, the
commander demanded the surrender of Kicking Bear and Short Bull,
the principal leaders, with about twenty other prominent warriors, as
887
888 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.anx.14
hostages. The demand was readily complied with, and the men desig-
nated came forward voluntarily and gave themselves up as sureties for
the good conduct of tlieir people. They were sent to Fort Sheridan,
Illinois, near Chicago, where they were kept until there was no further
apprehension, and were then returned to their homes. ( War, 23; Colby,
8.) After the surrender the late hostiles pitched their camp, number-
ing in all 742 tipis, in the bottom along White Clay creek, just west of
the agency, where General Miles had supplies of beef, coft'ee, and sugar
issued to them from the commissary department, and that night they
enjoyed the first full meal they had known in several weeks.
Thus ended the so called Sioux outbreak of 1890-91. It might be
better designated, however, as a Sioux panic and stampede, for, to
quote the expressive letter of McGillycuddy, writing under date of
January 15, 1891, "Up to date there has been neither a Sioux out-
break or war. No citizen in Nebraska or Dakota has been killed,
molested, or can show the scratch of a pin, and no property has been
destroyed off the reservation." [Colby, 9.) Only a single noncombatant
was killed by the Indians, and that was close to the agency. The
entire time occupied by the campaign, from the killing of Sitting Bull
to the surrender at Pine Ridge, was only thirty-two days. The late
hostiles were returned to their homes as speedily as i)ossible. The
Brule of Rosebud, regarded as the most turbulent of the hostiles, were
taken back to the agency by Cai^tain Lee, for whom they had respect,
founded on an acquaintance of several years' standing, without escort
and during the most intense cold of winter, but without any trouble or
dissatisfaction whatever. The military were returned to their usual
stations, and within a few weeks after the surrender affairs at the vari-
ous agencies were moving again in the usual channel.
An unfortunate event occurred just before the surrender in the killing
of Lieutenant E. W. Casey of the Twenty-second infantry by Plenty
Horses, a young Brule, on January 7. Lieutenant Casey was in com-
mand of a troop of Cheyenne scouts, and was stationed at the mouth
of White Clay creek, charged with the special duty of watching the
hostile camp, which was located 8 miles farther up the creek at No
Water's place. On the day before his death several of the hostiles had
visited him and held a friendly conference. The next morning, in com-
pany with two scouts, he went out avowedly for the purpose of observ-
ing the hostile camp more closely. He rode up to within a short distance
of the camp, meeting and talking with several of the Indians on the
way, and had stopped to talk with a half-blood relative of Red Cloud,
when Plenty Horses, a short distance away, deliberately shot him
through the head, and he fell from his horse dead. His body was not
disturbed by the Indians, but was brought in by some of the Cheyenne
scouts soon after. Plenty Horses was arraigned before a United States
court, but was acquitted on the ground that as the Sioux were then at
war and the ofiScer was practically a spy upon the Indian camp, the act
UOONEY]
THE FEW-TAILS AFFAIR 889
was not murner in the legal sense of tiie word. Lieutenant Casey had
been for a year in charge of the Cheyenne scouts and had taken great
interest in their welfare and proficiency, and his death waa greatly
deplored l)y the Indians as the insane act of a boy overcome by the
excitement of tlio times. {War,2i; Comr., 3!); Colby, JO; G. I)., 46.)
On January 11 an unprovoked murder was committed on a small
party of peaceable Indians on Belle Fourche, or North fork of Cheyenne
river, by which the Indians who had come in to surrender were once
more tlirown into such alarm that for a time it seemed as if serious
trouble might result. A party of Ogalala from Pine Ridge, consisting
of Few Tails, a kindly, peaceable old man, with his wife, an old woman,
and One Feather, with his wife and two children — one a girl about 13
years of age and the other an infant — had been hunting in the Black
Hills under a pass from the agency. They had had a successful hunt, and
were returning with their two wagons well loaded with meat, when they
camped for the night at the mouth of Alkali creek. During the even-
ing they were visited by some soldiers stopping at a ranch a few miles
distant, who examined their pass and pronounced it <ill right. In the
moxning, after breakfast, the Indians started on again toward the agency,
but had gone only a few hundred yards when they were fired upon by
a party of white men concealed near the road. The leaders of the
whites were three brothers named Cnlbertson, one of whom had but
recently returned from the penitentiary. One of the murderers had
visited the Indians in their camp the night before, and even that very
morning. At the first fire Few Tails was killed, together with both
ponies attaclied to the wagon. His wife jumped out and received two
bullets, which brought her to the ground. The murderers rode past her,
however, to get at the other Indian, who was coming up behind in the
other wagon with his wife and two children. As soon as he saw his
companion killed, One Feather turned his wagon in the other direction,
and, telling his wife, who had also been shot, to drive on as fast as she
could to save the children, he jumped upon one of the spare ponies and
held off the murderers until his family had had time to make some.dis-
tance. He then turned and joined his fomily and drove on for some 8 or
10 miles until tlie pursuers came up again, when he again turned and
fought them off, while his wife went ahead with the wagon and the
children. The wounded woman bravely drove on, while the two little
children lay down in the wagon with their heads covered up in the
blankets. As they drove they passed near a house, from which several
other shots were fired at the flying mother, when her husband again
rode up and kept off the whole party until the wagon could get ahead.
Finally, as the ponies were tired out, this heroic man abandoned the
wagon and put the two children on one of the spare ponies and his
wounded wife and himself upon another and continued to retreat until
the whites gave up the pursuit. He finally reached the agency with the
wife and children.
890 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [etii.ann.u
The wife of Few Tails, after falling wounded by two bullets beside the
wagon in which was her dead husband, lay helpless and probably uncon-
scious upon the ground through all the long winter night until morning,
when she revived, and finding one of the horses still alive, mounted it
and managed by night to reach a settler's house about 15 miles away.
Instead of meeting help and sympathy, however, she was driven oft' by
the two men there with loaded rifles, and leaving her horse in her fright,
she hurried away as well as she could with a bullet in her leg and
another in her breast, passing by the trail of One Feather's wagon Avith
the tracks of his pursuers fresh behind it, until she came near a trader's
store about 20 miles farther south. Afraid to go near it on account of
her last experience, the poor woman circled around it, and continued,
wounded, cold, and starving as she was, to travel by night and hide
by day until she reached the Bad Lands. The rest may be told in her
own words :
After that I traveled every night, resting daytime, until I got here at the beef cor-
ral. Then I was very tired, and was near the military camp, and early in the morn-
ing a soldier came out and he shouted something back, and in a few minutes fifty
men were there, and they got a blanket and took me to a tent. I had no blanket
and my feet were swelled, and I was about ready to die. After I got to the tent a
doctor came \n — a soldier doctor, because he had straps on his shoulders — and
washed me and treated me well.
A few of the soldiers camped near the sceneof the attack had joined
in the pursuit at the beginning, on the representations of some of the
murderers, but abandoned it as soon as they found their mistake.
According to all the testimony, the killing was a wanton, unprovoked,
and deliberate murder, yet the criminals were acquitted in the local
courts. The apathy displayed by the authorities of Meade county,
South Dakota, in which the murder was committed, called forth some
vigorous protests. Colonel Shafter, in his statement of the case, con-
cludes, referring to the recent killing of Lieutenant Casey : "So long as
Indians are being arrested and held for killing armed men under condi-
tions of war, it seems to me that the white murderers of a part of a
band of peaceful Indians should not be permitted to escape punish-
ment." The Indians took the same view of the case, and when General
Miles demanded of Young nian-afraid-of-his-horses the surrender of
the slayers of Casey and the herder Miller, the old chief indignantly
replied: "No; I willnot surrender them, but if you will bring the white
men who killed Few Tails, I will bring the Indians who killed the white
soldier and the herder; and right out here in front of your tipi I will
have my young men shoot the Indians and you have your soldiers shoot
the white men, and then we will be done with the whole business."
In regard to the heroic conduct of One Feather, the ofiicer then in
charge of the agency says: "The determination and genuine courage,
as well as the generalship he manifested in keeping at a distance the
six men who were pursuing him, and the devotion he showed toward
his family, risking his life against great odds, designate him as entitled
to a place on the list of heroes." ( War, 25; Comr., 40; G. I)., 47.)
MooNKY] THK RESULTS OK TIIK TROUBLE 891
Oil tlio rccofiimendation of Oeneral ^liles, a larjie delefjation of the
priiici])al leaders of both friendly aud hostile parties among the .Sioux
was allowed to visit Washington in February, 1891, to present their
grievances and sujigest remedies for dissatisfaction in the future.
Airiong the principal speakers were: From Pine Kidge, American
Horse, Captain George Sword, Big l?oad, and He Dog; from Rosebud,
White Bird and Turning Hawk ; from Cheyenne River, Little No Heart
and Straight Head; from Standing Rock, John Grass and Mad Beiir.
The interpreters were Reverend C. S. Cook, David Zephier, Louis
Primean, Louis Richard, Clarence Three Stars, and Louis Shangreaii.
Their visit was eminently satisfactory and resulted in the inauguration
of a more efficient administration of Sioux aftairs for the future. Steps
were taken to reimburse those whose ponies had been confiscated at the
time of the Custer war in 187f>, and additional appropriations were
made for rations, so that before the end of the year the Indians were
receiving half as much more as before the outbreak. [War, 2(>.) On
returning to their homes the Indians of the various Sioux agencies
went to work in good faith putting in their crops and caring for their
stock, and in a short time all further apprehension was at an end.
The discussion of Indian aft'airs in connection with the outbreak led
to the passage by Congress of a bill which enacted that all future
vacancies in the office of Indian agent should be filled by military
officers selected by the Indian office and detailed for the purpose from
the army. At the same time a plan was originated to enlist Indians as
a component part of the regular army. Small parties from various
tribes hud long been attached to various posts and commands in an
irregular capacity as scouts. These bodies of scouts were now reduced
in number or disbanded altogether, and in their stead were organized
Indian troops or companies to be regularly attached to the different
cavalry or infantry regiments. In the spring of 1891 offlcers'were sent
out to various western reservations, and succeeded in thus recruiting a
number of regular troojis from among the most warlike of the tribes,
a considerable part of these coming from the late hostile Sioux.
Although the campaign lasted only about a month tlie destruction
of life was great, for an Indian war, and the money loss to the govern-
ment and to individuals was something enormous. Three officers and
28 privates were killed or mortally wounded during the campaign, and
4 officers and 38 ])rivates were less seriously wounded, several of these
dying later on. ( War, 37.) The Indian loss can not be stated exactly.
In the arrest of Sitting Bull there were killed or mortally wounded 8
of Sitting Bull's party and 0 police, a total of 14. Those killed in the
Wounded Knee fight, or who afterward died of wounds or exposure,
numbered, according to the best estimates, at least 250. Those after-
ward killed in the various small skirmishes, including the Few Tails
affair, may have numbered 20 or 30. In all, the campaign cost the
lives of 40 whites and others on the government side and about 300 or
more Indians.
892 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.anx.14
The direct or incidental expenses of the campaign were as follows:
Expenses of the Department of Justice for defending Plenty Horses and
prosecuting the murderers of Few Tails, unknown ; appropriation by
Congress to reimburse Nebraska national guard for expense of service
during the campaign, $43,000; paid out under act of Congress to reim-
burse friendly Indians and other legal residents on tlie reservations for
property destroyed by hostiles, $97,046.85 {Conir., 41); extra expense
of Commissary department of the army, $37,764.09; extra expense of
the Medical department of the army, $1,164, besides extra supplies pur-
chased by individuals; extra expenses of Ordnance department of the
army, for ammunition, not accounted for; total extra expense of Quar-
termaster's department of the army, $915,078.81, including $120,634.17
for transportation of troops over bonded railroads. [A. G. 0.,8.) The
total expense, public or private, was probably but little short of
$1,200,000, or nearly $40,000 per day, a significant commentary on the
bad policy of breaking faith with Indians.
According to the report of the agency farmer sent out after the
trouble to learn tlieextent of property of the friendly Indians destroyed
by tlie hostiles on Pine Ridge agency, there were burned 53 Indian
dwellings, 1 church, 2 schoolhouses, and a bridge, all on White Clay
creek, while nearly every remaining house along the creek had the win-
dows broken out. A great deal of farming machinery and nearly all
of the hay were burned, while stoves were broken to pieces and stock
killed. A few of the friendly Indians had been so overcome by the
excitement that they had burned their own houses and run their
machinery down high hills into the river, where it was found frozen
in the ice several months later. (G. J>., ^c9.)
In view of the fact that only one noncombatant was killed and no
depredations were committed off the reservation, the panic among the
frontier settlers of both Dakotas, Nebraska, and Iowa was something
ludicrous. The inhabitants worked themselves into such a high panic
that ranches and even whole villages were temporarily abandoned and
the people flocked into the railroad cities with vivid stories of murder,
scalping, and desolation that had no foundation whatever in fact. A
reliable authority who was on the ground shortly after the scare had
subsided gives this characteristic instance among others:
lu another city, a place of 3,000 inhabitants, 75 miles from any Indians and 150
miles from any hostiles, word came about 2 o'clock Sunday morning for the militia
to be in readiness. The company promptly assembled, were instructed and drilled.
In an eveninj; church service one of the pastors broke out in prayer : " O Lord, pre-
pare us fbr what awaits us. We have just been listening to the sweet sounds of
praise, but ere the morning sun we may hear the war whoop of the red man." The
eifect on children and nervous persons may be imagined. The legislature was in
session and the impression upon that body was such as to lead it to make an appro-
priation for the benelit of the state militia at the expense of one to the state agricul-
tural fair. (Comr.,43.)
The crisis produced the usual crop of patriots, all ready to serve their
conntry — usually for a consideration. Among these was a lady of Utica,
MooNEY] PATRIOTIC OFFERS OF AID 893
New York, claiming to be of the renowned Iroqnois blood, and styliup
herself tlie "Doctor Princess Viroijna," who, with her sister "Wyninia,"
wrote to the Indian Oflicti for a commission to go out to try the effect of
moral suasion on the belligerent Sioux, representing that by virtue of
her descent from a long line of aboriginal princes she would be wel-
comed with enthusiasm and accomplish her mission of peace. ( 0. D.,4!).)
As a nnitter of fact, neither of the names Viroqua or Wynima could
be pronounced by a genuine Iroquois knowing only his own tongue, and
the second one, Wynima, is borrowed from Meacham's sensational his-
tory of the Modoc war in California.
The proprietor of a "wild west" show in New York, signing himself
Texas Ben, wrote also volunteering his services and submitting as
credentials his museum letter-head, stating that he had served with
Quantrell, and had the written indorsement of Cole Younger. An old
veteran of the Iowa soldiers' home wrote to Secretary Noble, with a
redundance of capitals and much bad spelling, offering his help against
the hostiles, saying that he had been "liAZeD" among them and could
"ToLK The TUN" and was ready to "Do eneThin FoH mY CuntRY,"
{O. I)., 50.)
A band of patriots in Minnesota, whose early education appears to
have been somewhat neglected, wrote to the Secretary of the Interior
offering to organize a company of 50 meti to put down the outbreak,
provided the government would look after a few items which they
enumerated : " The government to Furnish us with Two good Horses
Each a good Winchester Rifle, Two good Cotes Revolvers and give us
$300.00 .Bounty and say a Salary of Fifty Per Month, Each and our
own judgment <ind we will settel this Indian question For Ever, and
Rations and Ammunition. We Should Have in addition to this say
Five dollars a Head." (G. J)., 51.)
A man named Albert Hopkins appeared at Pine Ridge in December,
1890, wearing a blanket and claiming to be the Indian messiah, and
announced his intention of going alone into the Bad Lands to the
Indians, who were expecting his arrival, with the "Pansy Banner of
Peace." His claims were ridiculed by Red Cloud and others, and he
was promptly arrested and put off the reservation. However, he was
not dead, but only sleeping, and on March, 1893, having come to Wash-
ington, he addressed an urgent letter to Secretary Noble requesting
official authority to visit the Sioux reservations and to preach to the
Indians, stating that "with the help of the Pansy and its motto and
manifest teaching, ' Union, Culture, and Peace,' and the star-pansy
banner, of which I inclose an illustration, I hope to establish the per-
manent peace of the border." He signs himself "Albert C. Hopkins,
Pres. Pro. tem. The Pansy Society of America."
The letter was referred to the Indian Office, which refused permission.
This brought a reply from Hopkins, who this time signs himself "The
Indian Messiah," in which he states that as the Indians were expecting
the messiah in the spring, " in accordance witL the prophecy of Sitting
894 . THE GHOST-DANCE KELIGION [eth.a!«k.U
Bull," it was necessarj that lie should go to them at once, so that they
might " accept the teaching of the pansy and its motto, which now
they only partially or very doubtfully accept."
Keceiving no answer, he wrote again about the end of March, both
to the Secretary and to the Indian Oommissioner, stating that messiahs,
being human, were subject to human limitations, of which fact the
Indians were well aware, but warning these officials that if these limi-
tations were set by the government it would be held responsible for
his nonappearance to the Indians, as he had promised, "before the
native pansies blossom on the prairies." He ends by stating that he
would leave on Easter Sunday for the Sioux country, but as nothing was
heard of him later, it is presumed that he succumbed to the limitations.
((?.!>., 55.)
The first direct knowledge of the messiah and the Ghost dance came
to the northern Arapaho in Wyoming, through Nakash, "Sage," who,
with several Shoshoni, visited the messiah in the early spring of 1889,
and on his return brought back to his people the first songs of the
dance, these being probably some of the original Paiute songs of the
messiah himself. The Ghost dance was at once inaugurated among
the Shoshoni and northern Arapaho. In the summer of the same year
the first rumors of the liew redeemer reached the southern Arapaho
and Cheyenne in Oklahoma, through the medium of letters written by
returned pupils of eastern government schools.
Fresh reports of wonderful things beyond the mountains were con-
stantly coming to the northern prairie tribes, and the excitement grew
until the close of the year 1889, when a large delegation, including
Sioux, northern Cheyenne, and northern Arapaho, crossed the moun-
tains to the Paiute country to see and talk with the messiah. Among
the Sioux delegates were Short Bull, Fire Thunder, and Kicking Bear,
as already stated. Among the Cheyenne were Porcupine and several
others, including one woman. The Arapaho representatives were Sit-
ting Bull (Hiinii'chathi'ak) and Friday. The delegates from the differ-
ent tribes met at Wind Eiver reservation, in Wyoming, which they left
about Christmas, and after stopping a short time among the Bannock
and Shoshoni at Fort Hall, went on to Walker lake, in Nevada. They
were gone some time and returned to Wyoming in March of 1890, the
Sioux and Cheyenne continuing on to their homes farther east. Accord-
ing to the statement of Nakash they had a five days' conference with the
messiah, who at one time went into a trance, but his visitors did not.
Before their return the southern Arapaho, in Oklahoma, had sent up
Wa'tiin-ga'a, "Black Coyote," an officer of the Indian police, and
Wasliee, a scout at Fort ileno, to their relatives in Wyoming to learn
definitely as to the truth or falsity of the rumors. Washee went on to
Fort Hall, where his faith failed him, and he came back with the report
that the messiah was only a half blood. This was not correct, but
Washee himself afterward acknowledged that he had based his report
MooNEY] SITTING BULL THE AIIAPAHO 895
on hearsay. Black Coyote remained until the other delegates returned
from the I'aiute country with the announcemeut that all that had been
said of the messiah and the advent of a new earth was true. He listened
eajjerly to all they had to tell, took part with the rest in the dance,
learned the songs, and returned in April, 1890, and inaugurated the
first (ihost dance in the south among the Arapaho.
The Cheyenne, being skeptical by nature, were unwilling to trust
entirely to the report of Black Coyote and so sent up two delegates of
their own, Little Chief and Bark, to investigate the story in the north.
Somewhat later White Shield, another Cheyenne, went up alone on the
same errand. Their report being favorable, the Cheyenne also took up
the Ghost dance in the summer of 1890. They never went into it with
the same fervor, however, and although they had their separate dance
with songs in their own language, they more commonly danced together
with the Arapaho and sang with them the Arapaho songs. For several
years the old Indian dances had been nearly obsolete with these tribes,
but as the new religion meant a revival of the Indian idea they soon
became common again, with the exception of the war dance and others
of that kind which were strictly prohibited by the messiah.
From this time the Ghost dance grew in fervor and frequency among
the Arapaho and Cheyenne. In almost every cami^ the dance would be
held two or three times a week, beginning about sunset and often con-
tinuing until daylight. The excitement reached fever heat in September,
1890, when Sitting Bull came down from the northern Arapaho to
instruct the southern tribes in the doctrine and ceremony.
At a great Ghost dance held on South Canadian river, about 2 miles
below the agency at Darlington, Oklahoma, it was estimated that 3,000
Indians were present, including nearly all of the Arapaho and
Cheyenne, with a number of Caddo, Wichita, Kiowa, and others. The
first trances of the Ghost dance among the southern tribes occurred
at this time through the medium of Sitting Bull. One informant states
that a leader named Howling Bull had produced trances at a dance on
the Washita some time before, but the statement lacks confirmation.
As Sitting Bull was the great apostle of the Ghost dance among the
southern tribes, being regarded almost in the same light as the mes-
siah himself, he merits special notice. He is now about 42 years of
age and at the beginning of his apostleship in 1890 was but 36. He is
a full-blood Arapaho, although rather light in complexion and color of
eyes, and speaks only his native language, but converses with ease in
the universal sign language of the plains. It was chiefly by means of
this sign language that he instructed his disciples among the Caddo,
Wichita, and Kiowa. He is about 5 feet 8 inches tall, dignified but
plain in his bearing, and with a particularly winning smile. His power
over those with whom he comes in contact is evident from the report of
Lieutenant (now Captain) Scott, who had been ordered by the War
Department to investigate the Ghost dance, and who for weeks had
14 ETH— PT 2 17
896 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [etu.ann.u
been denouncing him as a liumbug, but wlio, on finally meeting him for
the first time, declares that the opinion formed before seeing him
began to change in his favor almost immediately. {6. D., 53.) In con-
versation with the author Sitting Bull stated that he was originally a
southern Arapaho, but went up to live with the northern branch of the
tribe, in Wyoming, about 1876. When a boy in the south he was
known as BitJiye, "Captor," but on reaching manhood his name was
changed, in conformity with a common Indian custom, to Hana'cha-thi'ftk,
"Sitting Bull." On returning to the south, after having visited the
messiah, he found his brother known under the same name, and to
avoid confusion the brother then adopted the name of Scabby Bull,
by which he is now known. It should be mentioned that an Indian
Fio. 83 — Sitting Bull the Arapaho apostle.
\ "brother" may be only a cousin, as no distinction is made in the Indian
i system. On removing to the south he fixed his abode near Cantonment,
\ Oklahoma, where he now resides.
With regard to the reverence in which he was held by his disciples
at this time, and of his own sincerity. Captain Scott says:
yit was very difficult to get an opiiortiinity to talk with him quietly on account of
the persistent manner in which he was followed about. All sorts of people wanted
to touch him, men and women would come in, rub their hands on him, and cry, which
demonstration he received with a patient fortitude that was rather ludicrous at
times. While he by no means told ns everything he knew, it was easy to believe
that he was not the rank impostor that 1 had before considered him. He makes no
demands for presents while at these camps. This trip entailed a ride of 200 miles in
f-^^ Of Tfl« *,
(tyKIVBRSITTl
L-^r
MooNET] BLACK COYOTE 897
the winter seiisou, at the request of the Wichitas, for which I understand they paid
hiui $50 before starting, but everything that was given him while at this camp
was a \oluntary gift, prompted entirely by the good wishes of the giver. He took
but little property away when he left, and I saw but one horse that I thought he
had not brought down with him.
Upon being asked concerning his religion, he said that all I had heard must not
be attributed to him, as some of it was false; that he does not believe that he saw
the veritable "Jesus" alive in the north, but he did see a man there whom "Jesus"
had helped or inspired. This jierson told him that if he persevered in the dance it
would cause sickness and death to disappear. He avoided some of the questions
about the coming of the buffalo, etc, and under the circumstances it was not possi-
ble to draw him out further, and the subject of religion was then dropped, with the
intention of taking it up at a more favorable time, but this time never came. A
great many of the doings seen at these dances are the afterthoughts of all kinds of
people. I have seen some of them arise and have watched their growth. These are
not the teachings of Sitting Bull, although he refrains from interfering with tEem
through policy. He took no part in the humbuggery going on, but danced and
sang like the humblest individual there. These things, taken in connection with
Apiatan's letter, would make it seem that Sitting UuU has been a dupe himself
partly, and there is a possibility that he is largely sincere in his teachings. There is
this to be said in his favor, that he has given these people a better religion than they
ever had before, taught them precepts which if faithftilly carried out will bring
them into better accord with their white neighbors, and has prepared the way for
their final Christianizatiou. For this he is entitled to no little credit. (G, D., 54. )
He made no claim to be a regular mediciiie-man, and so far as known
never went into a trance himself. Since the failure of his predictions,
especially with regard to the recovery of the ceded reservation, he has
fallen from his high estate. Truth compels us also to state that, in spite
of his apostolic character, he is about as uncertain in his movements as
the average Indian.
After Sitting Bull, the principal leader of the Ghost dance among the
southern Arapaho is Wa'tiin-ga'a or Black Coyote, from whom the
town of Watoiiga, in Canadian county, derives its name. Black Coyote
is a man of considerable importance both in his tribe and in his own esti-
mation, and aspires to be a leader in anything that concerns his people..
With a natural predisposition to religious things, it is the dream of his
life to be a great priest and medicineman. At the same time he keeps
a sharp lookout for his temporal aftairs, and has managed to accu-
mulate considerable property in wagons and livestock, including three
wives. Although still a young man, being but little more than 40 years
of age, he has had his share of the world's honors, being not only a
leader in the Ghost dance and other Indian ceremonies, tribal delegate
to Washington, and captain of the Indian police, but also, in his new
character of an American citizen, deputy sherift" of Canadian county.
He is a good-natured fellow, and vain of his possessions and titles, but
at the same time thoroughly loyal and reliable in the discharge of his
duties, and always ready to execute his orders at whatever personal
risk. His priestly ambition led llim to make the journey to the north,
in which he brought back the first songs of the Ghost dance, and thus
became a leader, and a year later he headed a delegation from Gkla-
898 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth,ann.14
homa to the messiah of Walker lake. He has repeatedly asked me to
get for him a permanent license from the government to enable him to
visit the various reservations at will as a general evangel of Indian
medicine and ceremony. Black Coyote in full uniform, with official
badge, a Harrison medal, and an immense police overcoat, which he pro-
cured in Washington, and riding with his three wives in his own double-
seated coach, is a spectacle magnificent and impressive. Black Coyote
in breechcloth, paint, and feathers, leading the Ghost dance, or sitting
flat on the ground and beating the earth with his hand in excess
of religious fervor, is equally impressive. It was this combination of
vanity of leadership and sense of duty as a government officer that
made him my first and most willing informant on the Ghost dance,
and enabled me through him to do so much with the Arapaho.
In his portrait (plate cv) a number of scars will be noticed on his
chest and arms. The full number of these scars is seventy, arranged
in various patterns of lines, circles, crosses, etc, with a long figure of
the sacred pipe on one arm. According to his own statement they were
made in obedience to a dream as a sacrifice to save the lives of his
children. Several of his children had died in rapid succession, and in
accordance with Indian custom he undertook a fast of four days as an
expiation to the overruling spirit. During this time, while lying on his
bed, he heard a voice, somewhat resembling the cry of an owl or the
subdued bark of a dog. The voice told him that if he wished to save
his other children he must cutout seventy pieces of skin and otter them
to the sun. He at once cut out seven pieces, held them out to the sun
and prayed, and then buried them. But the sun was not satisfied, and
soon after he was warned in a vision that the full number of seventy
must be sacrificed if he would save his children. He then did as
directed, cutting out the pieces of skin in the various patterns indicated,
offering each in turn to the sun with a prayer for the health of his
family, and then burying them. Since then there has been no death
in his family. In cutting out the larger pieces, some of which were
several inches long and nearly half au inch wide, the skin was first
lifted up with an awl and then sliced away with a knife. This had to
be done by an assistant, and Black Coyote was particular to show me
by signs, sitting very erect and bracing himself firmly, that he had not
flinched during the process.
As has been stated, the first trances in the southern Ghost dance
occurred at the great dance held near the Cheyenne and Arapaho
agency under the auspices of Sitting Bull in September, 1890. On
this occasion Cheyenne and Arapaho, Caddo, Wichita, Kiowa, and
Apache to the number of perhaps 3,000 assembled, and remained together
for about two weeks, dancing every night until dayliglit. This was the
largest Ghost dance ever held in the s^uth. After dances had been held
for two or three nights Sitting Bull announced that at the next one he
would perform a great wonder in the sight of all the people, after
RURFAU OF ETHNOLOGY
FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. OV
BLACK COYOTE
TTirirBIlSITT]
MooKKY] HYPNOTISM IN THE DA^NCE 899
which they would be able to make songs for themselves. He said no
more, but dismissed them to their tipis, wondering what this miracle
could be. On the next night he appeared wearing a wide-brim hat
with a single eagle feather, the same hat in which he is generally seen.
Nearly all of the two tribes of Cheyenne and Arapaho were present,
and probably GOO or 800 weie in the dance circle at one time. Nothing
unusual occurred for several hours until the dancers had gradually
worked themselves up to a high state of excitement, when Sitting Bull
stepped into the circle, and going up close in front of a young Arapaho
woman, he began to make hypnotic passes before her face with the
eagle feather. In a few seconds she became rigid and then fell to the
ground unconscious. Sitting Bull then turned his attention to another
and another, and the same thing happened to each in turn until nearly
a hundred were stretched out on the ground at once. As usual in the
trances some lay thus for a long time, and others recovered sooner, but
none were disturbed, as Sitting Bull told the dancers that these were
now beholding happy visions of the spirit world. When next they
came together those who had been in the trance related their exi^eriences
in the other world, how they had met and talked with their departed
friends and Joined in their oldtime amusements. Many of them
embodied their visions in songs, which were sung that night and after-
ward in the dance, and from that time the Ghost dance was naturalized
in the south and developed rapidly along new lines. Each succeeding
dance residted in other visions and new songs, and from time to timel
other hypnotists arose, until almost every camp had its own.
About ^his time a commission arrived to treat with the Cheyenne
and Arapaho for the sale of their reservation. The Indians were
much divided in opinion, the great majority opposing any sale what-
soever, even of their claim in the Cherokee strip, which they believed
was all that the agreement was intended to cover. While tlte debate
was in progress Left Hand, chief of the Arapaho, went to Sitting
Bull and asked his opinion on the matter. Sitting Bull advised him
to sell for what they could get, as they had need of the money, and
in a short time the messiah would come and restore the land to them. ,
On this advice Left Hand signed the agreement, in the face of threats J
from those opposed to it, and his example was followed by nearly all of
his tribe. This incident shows how thoroughly Sitting Bull and the
other Arapaho believed in the new doctrine. In view of the misery
that has come on these tribes from the sale of their reservation, it is
sad to think that they could have so deceived themselves by false
hopes of divine interposition. A large party of the Cheyenne refused
to have anything to do with the sale or to countenance the transaction
by accepting their share of the purchase money, even after the whites
had taken possession of the lands.
The troubles in the Sioux country now began to attract public atten-
tion, and there was suggestion of military interference. The news-
900 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (eth.ann.u
paper liar has reached an abnormal development in Oklahoma, and
dispatches from Guthrie, El Eeno, and Oklahoma City were filled
with vivid accounts of war dances, scalping parties, and imminent out-
breaks, mingled with frantic appeals for troops. A specimen dispatch
stated that a thousand Kickapoo were dancing, whereas in fact the
whole tribe numbers only 325, very few of whom were in any way con-
cerned with the Ghost dance, Indian Commissioner Morgan was at this
time (!N"ovember, 1890) on a tour of inspection among the western tribes
of Oklahoma, and satisfied himself that all such sensational reports
were false, and that there was no danger to be apprehended from the
dance. {G.D., 55.) At the same time the War Department commis-
sioned Lieutenant (now Captain) H. L. Scott, of the Seventh cavalry,
then and now stationed at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, to investigate the mean-
ing of the excitement and the possibility of an outbreak. Captain
Scott was eminently fitted for the work by his intimate acquaintance
with the Indians and his perfect knowledge of the sign language. In
the course of December, 1890, and January and February, 1891, he vis-
ited the various camps of the western tribes of the territory, attended
a number of dances, and talked with the leaders. His reports on the
Ghost dance are most valuable, and confirmed the War Department in
its previous opinion that no danger was to be apprehended, and that
the true policy was one of noninterference.
The dance constantly gathered strength among the Arapaho and
Cheyenne, in spite of the failure of the first prediction, and spread
rapidly to the neighboring tribes. Sitting Bull himself being the high
priest and chief propagandist. The adverse report brought back by
A'piatan, the Kiowa, in the spring of 1891 had no effect outside of his
own tribe. In the early part of that year the Arapaho and Cheyenne
sent a delegation, including one woman, to visit the messiahin Nevada
and bring back the latest news from heaven. They were gone a consid-
erable time and returned with some of the sacred medicine paint given
them by Wovoka, after having taken part with the Paiute in a Ghost
dance under his leadership at the regular dance ground near Mason
valley. Tall Bull, captain of the Cheyenne police, was one of this party,
and Arnold Woolworth, a Carlisle student, acted as interpreter.
In August, 1891, another delegation went out, consisting of Black
Coyote, Little Raven, Bed Wolf, Grant Left Hand, and Casper Edson J)
(Arapaho), and Black Shari)( Nose and Standing Bull (Cheyenne),
Grant Left Hand and Casper Edson, Carlisle students, acted as inter-
preters, wrote down the words of the messiah, and delivered his message
to their people on their return. This message, as written down at the
time by Casper Edson, is given in the preceding chapter on the doctrine
of the Ghost dance. In accord with the messiah's instructions the two
tribes now changed their manner of dancing from frequent small dances
at each camp at irregular intervals to larger dances participated in by
several camps together at regular intervals of six weeks, each dance
MooNEY) A VISIT TO THE MESSIAH 901
continuing for five consecutive days. The Caddo and Wichita also
adopted the new rule in agreement with instructions brought back by
a delegation sent out about the same tiuie. The change was opposed
by Sitting Bull and some others, but the delegates, having the authority
of the messiali Ibr the innovation, succeeded in carrying their jwint,
and thereafter assumed a leadership on equal terms with Sitting Bull,
who from that time lost much of his interest in the dance. They were
gone about two weeks, and brought back with them a quantity of the
sacred paint and a large number of magpie feathers, the kind commonly
worn by the Paiute in the Ghost dance. This started a demand for
magpie feathers, and the shrewd traders soon turned the fact to their
own advantage by importing selected vaow feathers, which they sold to
the unsuspecting Indians for the genuine article at the rate of two
feathers for a quarter. While in the land of the Paiute the delegates
took part in the Ghost dance at Mason valley, and were thrown into a
trance by Wovoka, as related in chapter ix. i
The Ghost dance practically superseded all other dances among the
(3heyenne and Arapaho, and constantly developed new features, nota-
bly the auxiliary "crow dance," which was organized by Grant Left
Hand. This was claimed as a dance seen in a trance vision of the spirit
world, but is really only a modification of the "Omaha dance," common
to the northern prairie tribes. The opening of the reservation and
the influx of the whites served to intensify the religious fervor of the
Indians, who were now more than ever made to feel their dependent
and helpless condition. It was impossible, however, that the intense
mental strain could endure forever, and after the failure of the predic-
tions on the appointed dates the wild excitement gradually cooled and
crystallized into a fixed but tranquil expectation of ultimate happiness
under the old conditions in another world.
In October, 1892, another delegation, consisting of Sitting Bull and
his wife, with Washee and two other Arapaho, and Edward Guerrier, a
half-blood Cheyenne, visited the messiah. They brought back a very
discouraging report, which was in substance that the messiah was
tired of so many visitors and Avanted them to go home and tell their
tribes to stop dancing. Although the Indians generally refused to
accept the message as genuine, the effect was naturally depressing.
A year later, in October, 1803, Black Coyote and several others dictated
through me a letter to Wovoka, asking him to send them some of the
sacred paint or anything else that would make them think of him,
with " some good words to help us and our children," and requesting
to know whether he had been truthfully reported by the delegates of
the preceding year. To one who knows these people their simple
religious faith is too touching to be a subject of amusement.
The messiah doctrine never gained many converts among the Coman-
che, excepting those of the Peuate'ka division and a few others living
902 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
on tlie Little Washita and other streams on the northern boundary of
the reservation, adjoining the tribes most interested in the Ghost dance.
These Comanche hehi a few Ghost dances and made a few songs, but the
, body of the tribe would have nothing to do with it. This lack of interest
was due partly to the general skeptical temperament of the Comanche,
evinced in their carelessness in regard to ceremonial forms, and partly
to their tribal pride, which forbade their following after the strange gods
of another people, as they considered their own mescal rite sufficient to
all their needs. Quanah Parker, their head chief, a shrewd half-blood,
opposed the new doctrine and prevented its spread among his tribe.
The Ghost dance was brought to the Pawnee, Ponca, Oto, Missouri,
Kansa, Iowa, Osage, and other tribes in central Oklahoma by delegates
from the Arapaho and Cheyenne in the west. The doctrine made slow
progress for some time, but by February, 1892, the majority of the
Pawnee were dancing in confident expectation of the speedy coming of
the messiah and the buffalo. Of all these tribes the Pawnee took most
interest in the new doctrine, becoming as much devoted to the Ghost
dance as the Arapaho themselves. The leader among the Pawnee was
Fi*ank White, and among the Oto was Buffalo Black. The agent in
charge took stringent measures against the dance, and had the Oto
prophet arrested and confined in the Wichita jail, threatening at the
same time to cut off supplies from the tribe. As the confederated Oto
and Missouri number only 362 in all, they were easily brought into sub-
jection, and the dance was abandoned. The same method was pursued
with the Pawnee jjrophet and his people, but as they are stronger in
number than the Oto, they were proportionately harder to deal with,
but the final result was the same. (Comr., 43.) The Osage gave but
little heed to the story, perhaps from the fact that, as they are the
wealthiest tribe in the country, they feel no such urgent need of a
redeemer as their less fortunate brethren. The Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo,
and Potawatomi engaged in the dance only to a limited extent, for the
reason that a number of the natives of these tribes, particularly the
Potawatomi, are under Catholic influences, while most of the others
adhere to the doctrine of Kiinakuk, the Potawatomi prophet mentioned
in chapter v.
I
The Ghost dance doctrine was communicated directly to the Caddo,
Wichita, Kichai, Delaware, and Kiowa by the Arapaho and Cheyenne,
their neighbors on the north. We shall speak now of the tribes first
mentioned, leaving the Kiowa until the last. The Caddo, Wichita,
Kichai, and several remnants of cognate tribes, with a small band of
the Delaware, numbering in all about a thousand Indians, occupy a
reservation between the Washita and the South Canadian in v estern
Oklahoma, having the Arapaho and Cheyenne on the north and west,
the Kiowa on the south, and the whites of Oklahoma and the Chick-
asaw nation on the east. The Caddo are the leading tribe, numbering
MoosKY] OTHER MESSIAH DELEGATIONS 903
more than half of the whole body. They were the first of these to take
tip the dance, and have manifested the greatest interest in it from the
time it was introduced among them.
A number of Caddo first attended the great Ghost dance held by the
Cheyenne and Arapaho on the South Canadian in the fall of 1800 on
the occasion when Sitting Bull came down from the north and inaugu-
rated the trances. On returning to their homes they started the Ghost
dance, which they kept up, singing the Arapaho songs as they had heard
them on the Canadian, until Sitting Bull came down about December,
1890, to give them further instruction in the doctrine and to " give the
feather" to the seven persons selected to lead the ceremony. From this
time the Caddo had songs and trances of their own, the chief priest
and hypnotist of the dance being NIshku'ntu, "Moon Head," or John
Wilson. The Caddo and the Delaware usually danced together on
Boggy creek. The Wichita and the Kichai, who took the doctrine
from the Caddo, usually danced together on Sugar creek about 15 miles
from the agency at Anadarko, but manifested less interest in the
matter until Sitting Bull came down about the beginning of February,
1891, and "gave the feather" to the leaders. From this time all these
tribes went into the dance heart and soul, on some occasions dancihg
for days and nights together from the middle of the afternoon until the
sun was well up in the morning. The usual custom was to continue
until about midnight. Cold weather had no deterrent effect, and they
kept up the dance in the snow, the trance subjects sometimes lying
unconscious in the snow for half an hour at a time. At this time it was
confidently expected that the great change would occur in the spring,
and as tile time drew near the excitement became most intense. The
return of the Kiowa delegate, A'piatan, in the middle of February, 1891,
with a report adverse to the messiah, produced no ettect on the Caddo
and their confederates, who refused to put any faith in his statements,
claiming that he had not seen the real messiah or else had befen bribed
by the whites to make a false report.
About the time that Black Coyote and the others went out to see the
messiah in the fall of 1891 the Caddo and their confederates sent out a
delegation for the same purpose. The delegates were Billy Wilson and
Squirrel (Caddo), l^ashtowi and Lawrie Tatum (Wichita), and Jack
Harry (Delaware). Tatum was a schoolboy and acted as interpreter
for the i)arty. Like the Arapaho they came back impressed with rev-
erence for the messiah, and at once changed the time and method of the
dancing, in accordance with his instructions, to periodical dances at
intervals of six weeks, continuing for five consecutive days, the dance
on the last night being kept up until daylight, when all the participants
Avent down to bathe in the stream and then dispersed to their homes.
Tliey were dancing in this fashion when last visited in the fall of 1893.
The principal leader of the Ghost dance among the Caddo is NIsh-
ku'ntu, " Moon Head," known to the whites as John Wilson. Although
considered a Caddo, and speaking only that language, he is very much
904 THE GHOST-D4NCE RELIGION [eth.anx.U
of a mixture, being half Delaware, one-fourth Caddo, and one-fourth
French. One of his grandfathers was a Frenchman. As the Caddo
lived originally in Louisiana, there is a considerable mixture of French
blood among them, which manifests itself in his case in a fairly heavy
beard. He is about 50 years of age, rather tall and well built, and
wears his hair at full length flowing loosely over his shoulders. With
a good head and strong, intelligent features, he presents the appear-
ance of a natural leader. lie is also prominent in the mescal rite,
which has recently come to his tribe from the Kiowa and Comanche,
He was one of the first Caddo to go into a trance, the occasion being
the great Ghost dance held by the Arapaho and Cheyenne near
Darlington agency, at which Sitting Bull presided, in the fall of 1890.
On his return to consciousness he had wonderful things to tell of his
experiences in the spirit world, composed a new song, and from that
time became the high priest of the Caddo dance. Since then his
trances have been frequent, both in and out of the Ghost dance, and
in addition to his leadership in this connection he assumes the occult
powers and authority of a great medicine-man, all the powers claimed
by him being freely conceded by his people.
When Captain Scott was investigating the Ghost dance among the
Caddo and other tribes of that section, at the period of greatest excite-
ment, in the winter of 1890-91, he met Wilson, of whom he has this
to say :
John Wilson, a Caddo man of much prominence, was especially affected, perform-
ing a series of gyrations that were most remarkable. At all hours of the day and
night his cry could be heard all over camp, and when found he would be dancing in
the ring, possibly upon one foot, with his eyes closed and the forefinger of his right
hand pointed upward, or in some other ridiculous posture. Upon being asked his
reasons for assuming these attitudes he replied that he could not help it; that it
came over him just like cramps.
Somewhat later Captain Scott says :
.John Wilson had progressed finely, and was now a full-fledged doctor, a healer of
diseases, and a finder of stolen property through supernatural means. One day,
while we were in his teut, a Wichita woman entered, led by the spirit. It was
explained to us that she did not even know who lived there, but some force she
could not account for brought her. Having stated her case to John, he went off
into a fit of the jerks, in which his spirit went up and saw "his father" [i.e., God],
who directed him how to cure this woman. When ho came to, he explained the cure
to her, and sent her away rejoicing. Soon iifterwards a Keechei man came in, who
was blind of one eye, and who desired to have the vision restored. John again
consulted his father, who informed him that nothing could be done for that eye
because that man held aloof from the dance.
While the author was visiting the Caddo on Sugar creek iu the fall
of 1893, John Wilson came down from his own camp to explain his part
in the Ghost dance. He wore a wide-brim hat, with his hair flowing
down to his shoulders, and on his breast, suspended from a cord about
his neck, was a curious amulet consisting of the polished end of a
buffalo horn, surrounded by a circlet of downy red feathers, within
another circle of badger and owl claws. He explained that this was the
MooNEv] A NATIVE BLESSING 905
source of his prophetic and clairvoyant inspiration. The buffalo horn
was "God's heart," the red feathers contained his own heart, and the
circle of claws represented the world. When he prayed for help, his
heart conununed with "God's heart," and he learned what he wished to
know. He had much to say also of the moon. Sometimes in his trances
he went to the moon and the moon tanght him secrets. It must be
remembered that sun, moon, stars, and almost every other thing in
nature are considered by the Indians as endowed with life and spirit.
He claimed an intimate acquaintance with the other world and asserted
positively that he could tell me "just what heaven is like." Another
man who accompanied him had a yellow sun with green rays painted on
his forehead, with an elaborate rayed crescent in green, red, and yellow
on his chin, and wore a necklace from which depended a crucifix and a
brass clock-wheel, the latter, as he stated, representing the sun.
On entering the room where I sat awaiting him, Nlshku'ntu ap-
proached and performed mystic passes in front of my face with bis
hands, after the manner of the hypnotist priests in the Ghost dance,
blowing upon me the while, as he afterward explained to blow evil
things away from me before beginning to talk on religious subjects.
He was good enough to state also that he had prayed for light before
coming, and had found that my heart was good. Laying one hand on
my head, and grasping my own hand with the other, he prayed silently
for some time with bowed head, and then lifting his hand from my
head, he passed it over my face, down my shoulder and arm to the
hand, which he grasped and pressed slightly, and then released the
fingers with a graceful upward sweep, as in the minuet. The first
part of this — the laying of the hands upon the head, afterward draw-
ing them down along the face and chest or arms — is the regular
Indian form of blessing, reverential gratitude, or prayerful entreaty,
and is of frequent occurrence in connection with the Ghost dance,
when the believers ask help of the priests or beg the prayers of the
older people. The next day about twenty or more Caddo came by on
their way to the agency, all dressed and painted for a dance that was
to be held that night. They stopped awhile to see us, and on entering
the room where we were the whole company, men, women, and children,
went through the same ceremony, with each one of the inmates in
turn, beginning with Wilson and myself, and ending with the members
of the family. The ceremony occupied a considerable time, and was
at once beautiful and impressive. Not a word was said by either
party during the while, excepting as someone in excess of devotion
would utter prayerful exclamations aloud like the undertone of a
litany. Every face wore a look of reverent solemnity, from the old
men and women down to little children of G and 8 years. Several of
them, the women especially, trembled while praying, as under the
excitement of the Ghost dance. The religious greeting being over,
the women of the family, with those of the party, went out to prepare
the dinner, while the rest remained to listen to the doctrinal discussion.
906 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
/ The Kiowa were predisposed to accept the doctrine of the Ghost
Hance. No tribe had made more desperate resistance to the encroach-
inents of the whites npon their hunting grounds, and even after the
failure of the last effort of the confederated tribes in 1874-75, the
Kiowa were slow to accept the verdict of defeat. The result of this
unsuccessful struggle was to put an end to the boundless freedom of
the prairie, where they had roamed unquestioned from Dakota almost
to central Mexico, and henceforth the tribes were confined within the
narrow limits of reservations. Within five years the great southern
buffalo herd was extinct and the Indians found themselves at once
prisoners and paupers. The change was so swift and terrible in its
effects that they could not believe it real and final. It seemed to them
like a dream of sorrow, a supernatural cloud of darkness to punish
their derelictions, but which could be lifted from them by prayer and
sacrifice. Their old men told of years when the buffalo was scarce or
had gone a long way off", but never since the beginning of the world of
a time when there was no buffalo. The buffalo still lived beyond their
horizon or in caves under the earth, and with its return would come
back prosperity and freedom. Before we wonder at their faith we
must remember that the disappearance of these millions of buffalo in
the space of a few years has no parallel in the annals of natural history.
In 1881 a young Kiowa named Da'tekafi, "Keeps-his-name-always,"
began to "make medicine" to bring back the buffalo. He set up a
sacred tipi, in front of which he erected a pole with a buffalo skin at the
top, and made for himself a priestly robe of red color, trimmed with
rows of eagle feathers. Then standing in front of his tipi he called the
people around him and told them that he had been commanded and
empowered in a dream to bring back the buffalo, and if they observed
strictly the prayers and ceremonies which he enjoined the great herds
would once more cover -the prairie. His hearers believed his words,
promised strict obedience, and gave freely of their blankets and other
property to reward his efforts in their behalf. Da'tekan retired to his
sacred tipi, where, in his feathered robe of office, he continued to
prophesy and make buffalo medicine for a year, when he died without
seeing the realization of his hopes. The excitement caused by his pre-
dictions came to the notice of the agent then in charge, who mentions
it in his annual report, without understanding the cause. On a Kiowa
calendar obtained by the author the event is recorded in a pictograph
which represents the medicine-man in his tipi, with his scarlet robe
over his shoulders and a buffalo beneath his feet (figure 8-t).
About six years later, in 1887, another prophet, named Pa'-ingya,
"In the Middle," revived the prophecy, claiming to be heir to all the
supernatural powers of his late predecessor. He amplified the doctrine
by asserting, logically enough, that as the whites were responsible
for the disappearance of the buffalo, the whites themselves would be
destroyed by the gods when the time Mas at hand for the return of
MOONEY]
A KIOWA PREDICTION
907
the bufialo. Ho preached also his own invulnerability and claimed
the power to kill with a look those who might oftend him, as far as
his glance could reach. He fixed his head(|Uiirters on Elk creek, near
the western limit of the reservation, where he inaugurated a regular
series of ritual observances, under the management of ten chosen
assistants. Finally he announced that the time was at hand when the
whites w<mld be removed and the buffalo would return. He ordered
all the tribe to assemble on Elk creek, where after four days he would
bring down fire from heaven which would destroy the agency, the
schools, and the white race, with the Indian unbelievers all together.
The fiiithful need not fear pursuit by the troops, for the soldiers who
might follow would
wither before his glance
and their bullets would
have no effect oii the
Indians. On the same
Kiowa calendar this
prediction is recorded in
another pictograph in-
tended to represent fly-
ing bullets. The whole
Kiowa tribe caught the
ijifection of his words.
Every camp was aban-
doned, parents took
their children from the
schools, and all tied to
the rendezvous on Elk
creek. Here they waited
patiently for their de-
liverance till the pre-
dicted day came and
passed without event,
when they returned
with sadness to their camps and their government rations of white
man's beef. Pa'-ingya still lives, but the halo of prophecy no longer
surrounds him. To account for the disappointment he claimed that his
people had violated some of the ordinances and thereby postponed the
destined happiness. In this way their minds were kept dwelling on
the subject, and when at last the rumor of a niessiah came from the
north he hailed it as the fulfillment of the prediction.
Early in the summer of 1890 the news of the advent of the messiah
reached the Kiowa, and in June of that year they sent a delegation of
about twenty men under the leadership of Pa'tadal, "Poor Buffalo," to
Cheyenne and Arapaho agency at Darlington to learn more about the
matter. They brought back a favorable report and also a quantity of
Iv!o\va ]ir()i
908
THE GHOST-DA>'CE RELIGION
[btr. asn. 14
the sacred red paint procured originally from the country of the messiah.
Soon after there was a great gathering of the Kiowa and Apache at the
agency at Anadarko to receive a payment of "grass money" due from
tlie cattlemen for tlie lease of pasturage on the reservation. On this
occasion the Ghost dance was formally inaugurated among the Kiowa,
Poor Buffalo assuming direction of the ceremony, and painting the
principal i^articipants withthesacred red paint with his own hands. The
dance was carried back
to their various cami>s and
became a part of the tribal
life.
About this time a Sioux
chief, High "VVolf, came
down from the north to
visit the Cheyenne, Arap-
aho, Kiowa, and other
tribes in that section. He
remained sometime among
them, and on his return to
the nortli invited a young
Kiowa named A'piatail,
"Wooden Lance," whose
grandmother had been a
Sioux captive, to come uj)
and visit his relatives at
PineEidge. Theinvitation
was accepted by A'piataii,
partly for the pleasure of
seeing a new tribe and
meeting his mother's kin-
dred, but chiefly for the
purpose of investigating
for himself and for the
Kiowa the truth of the
messiah story. Ajjiataii,
who speaks but little Eng-
lish, and wlio was then about 30 years of age, had recently lost a child
to whom he had been very much attached. He brooded over his loss
until the new doctrine came with its ijromise of a reunion with departed
friends and its i)ossibility of seeing and talking with them in visions of
the trance. Moved by i)arental affection, which is the ruling passion
with an Indian, he determined on this long journey in search of the
messiah, who was vaguely reported to be somewhere in the north, to
learn from his own lips the wonderful story, and to see if it were possi-
ble to talk again with his child. He discussed the matter with the
chiefs, wlio decided to send him as a delegate to find the messiah and
rio. 85— Poor Buffalo.
Bureau of ethnology
FOUHTEENTM ANKUAL REPORt PL. CVI
BIANK !, THE KIOWA DREAMER
V^ Of TH»^^^
["airi7BRSlT7
MOONEY]
KIOWA CALENDAR RECORDS
909
learn the truth or falsity of the reports, in order that the Kiowa might
be guided hy the result on his return. A sufficient sum of money was
raised for liis expenses, and he left for the north in September, 1890.
Almost the whole tribe had assembled at the agency to witness his
departure, and each in turn of the principal men performed over him
a ceremony of blessing, such as has already been described. Ilis going
and return are both recorded on tlie calendar previously mentioned.
In October, 1890, shortly after A'ljiatan's departure. Sitting Bull, the
Arapaho proi)het of the (rhost dance, came down from his tribe and
gave new impetus to the excitement among tlie Kiowa. This event also
is recorded on the sanie Kiowa calendar in a well-drawn picture repre-
senting a buffalo standing beside the figure of a man (figure 86). It is
also iiulicated less definitely on another calendar obtained from the tribe.
Sitting IJull confirmed, as by personal knowledge, all that had been told
of the messiah,
and predicted
that the new
earth would ar-
rive in the follow-
ing spring, 1891.
The Kiowa as-
sembled on the
Washita, at the
mouth of Rainy
Mountain creek,
and here, at the
largest Ghost
dance ever held
by the tribe, Sit-
ting Hull conse-
crated seven men
and women as leaders of the dance and teachers of the doctrine by giv-
ing to each one a sacred feather to be worn in the dance as the badge of
priesthood. Until the Ghost dance came to the prairie tribes their
women had never before been raised to such dignity as to be allowed
to wear feathers in their hair. After "giving the feather" to the
leaders thus chosen, they were taught the songs and ritual of the
dance. At first the songs were all in the Arapaho language, but after
the trances, which now began to be frequent, the Kiowa composed
songs of their own.
Among the dreamers and prophets who now came to the front was one
who merits more than a passing notice. His original name was Bi'iiiik'i,
" Eater," but on account of his fre(iuent visits to the spirit world he is
now known as ^isa'tito'la, which may be freely rendered "The Messen-
ger." For a long time he had been in the habit of going alone upon the
mountain, there to fast and pray until visions came to him, when he would
Fio. 86— Sitting Bull comua down (fruiu a Kiowa calendar).
910 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.m
return and give to liis people the message of inspiration. Frequently
these vigils were undertaken at the request of friends of sick people
to obtain spiritual knowledge of the proper remedies to be applied, or
at the request of surviving relatives who wished to hear from their
departed friends in the other world. He is now about 55 years of age,
quiet and dignified in manner, with a thoughtful cast of countenance
which accords well with his character as a priest and seer. His intel-
lectual bent is further shown by the fact that he has invented a system
of ideographic writing which is nearly as distinct from the ordinary
Indian pictograph system as it is from our own alphabet. It is based
on the sign language of the plains tribes, the primary effort being to
convey the idea by a pictured representation of the gesture sign ; but,
as in the evolution of the alphabet, a part is frequently put for the
whole, and numerous arbitrary or auxiliary characters are added, until
the result is a well developed germ of an alphabetic system. He has
taught the system to his sons, and by this means was able to keep up a
correspondence with them while they were attepdiiig Carlisle school.
It is unintelligible to the rest of the tribe. I have specimens of this
curious graphic method, obtained from the father and his sons, which
may be treated at length at some future time. In the picture of Asa'ti-
to'la (plate ovi), he holds in one hand a .paper on which is depicted
one of his visions, while in the other is the pointer with which he
explains its meaning.
Plate cvii herewith represents this vision. On this occasion, after
reaching the spirit world he found himself on a vast prairie covered
with herds of buffalo and ponies, represented respectively in the
picture by short black and green lines at the top. He went on through
the buffalo, the way being indicated by the dotted green lines, until he
came to a large Kiowa camp, in which, according to their old custom,
nearly every tipi had its distinctive style of painting or ornamentation
to show to what family it belonged, all these families being still repre-
sented in the tribe. He went on to the point indicated by the first
heavy blue mark, where he met four young women, whom he knew as
having died years before, returning on horseback with their saddle-
pouches filled with wild plums. After some conversation he asked
them about two brothers, his relatives, who had died some time ago.
He went in the direction pointed out by the young women and soon
met the two young men coming into camp with a load of fresh buffalo
meat hung at their saddles. Their names were Emanki'na, "Can't-
hold-it," a policeman, and E''pea, " Afraid-of-him," who had died
while held as a prisoner of war in Florida about fifteen years before.
It will be noted that they are represented in the picture as armed only
with bows and arrows, in agreement with the Ghost-dance doctrine of
a return to aboriginal things. After proceedifig some distance he
retraced his steps and met two curious beings, represented in the
picture by green figures with crosses instead of heads. These told him
21
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
(
wmimM
FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT, PL. CVll.
SI ON
f^±^
'y^ or Tils
[UJri7Bii:iT7}
MooNKY] APIATANS PILGRIMAGE 911
to go on, and on doing so he came to an immense circle of Kiowa danc-
ing the Uhost dance around a cedar tree, indicated by the bhick circle
with a green figure resembling a tree in the center. He stood for a
while near the tree, sliown by another blue mark, when be saw a woman,
whom he knew, leave the dance. He hurried after her until she reached
her own tipi and went into it; — shown by the blue mark beside the red
tip! with red flags on the ends of the tipi poles — when he turned around
and came back. She belonged to the family of the great chief Set-
t'ainti, " White Bear," as indicated by the red tipi with red flags, no
other warrior in the tribe having such a tipi. On inquiring for his
own relatives he was directed to the other side of the camp, where he
met a man — represented by the heavy black mark — who told him his
own i)cople were inside of the next tipi. On entering he found the
whole family, consisting of his father, two brothers, two sisters, and
several children, feasting on fresh buffalo beef from a kettle hung
over the fire. They welcomed him and offered him some of the meat,
which for some reason he was afraid to taste. To convince him that it
was good they held it up for him to smell, when he awoke and found
himself lying alone upon the mountain.
A'piatan went on first to Pine Ridge, where he was well received by
the Sioux, who had much to say of the new messiah in the west. He
was urged to stop and join them in the Ghost dance, but refused and
hurried on to Fort Washakie, wher« he. met the northern Arapaho and
the Shoshoni, whom he called the " northeru Comanches." Here the new
prophecy was the one topic of conversation, and after stopping only
long 'enough to learn the proper route to the Paiute country, he went
on over the Union Pacific railroad to Xevada. On arriving at the
agency at Pyramid lake the Paiute furnished him a wagon and an
Indian guide across the country to the home of Wovoka in the upper
end of Mason valley. The next day he was admitted to his jyesence.
The result was a complete disappointment. A single interview con-
vinced him of the utter falsity of the pretensions of the messiah and the
deceptive character of the hopes held out to the believers.
Saddened and disgusted, A'piatan made no stay, but started at once
on his return home. On his way back he stopped at Bannock agency
at Fort Hall, Idaho, and from there sent a letter to his people, stating
briefly that he had seen the messiah and that the messiah was a fraud.
This was the first intimation the Kiowa had received from an Indian
source that their hopes were not well grounded. The author was pres-
ent when the letter was received at Anadarko and read to the assem-
bled Indians by A'piatan's sister, an educated woman named Laura
Dunmoi, formerly of Carlisle school. Tlie result was a division of
opinion. Some of the Indians, feeling that the ground had been taken
from under them, at once gave up all hope and accepted the inevitable
of despair. Others were disposed to doubt the genuineness of the let-
ter, as it had come through the medium of a white man, and decided
14 ETH PT 2 18
912
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[eth. anx. 14
to withhold their decision until they could hear directly from the dele-
gate himself. A'piatan returned in the middle of February, 1891. The
agent sent notice to the various camps on the reservation for tlie Indians
FI0.8T— A'iii;itari.
to assemble at the agency to hear his report, and also sent a request to
Cheyenne and Arapaho agency to have Sitting Bull come down at the
same time so that the Indians might hear both sides of the story.
[ITKIVERSIT'
■-^1^
_^
- \
MooNKY] A ' PI. \ tan's kkturn 913
The council was held iit the ajjfeiicy ut .Vnadarko, ()klaho?na, on Feb-
ruary 10, 1891, the author being aiiioiiiLj those present on the occasion.
It was a great gathering, representing every tribe on the reservation,
there being also in attendanc<' a number of Arapaho who had a<;coiu-
])anied Sitting 15,iill from the other agency. Everything said was inter-
l)reted in turn into English, Kiowa, Comanche, Caddo, Wichita, and
Ara])alio. This was a slow process, aiul necessitated frequent repetition,
so that the talk occupied all day. A'^iiatan first made his report, whicli
was interprete<l into the various languages. C^uestions were asked by
the agent, Mr Adams, and by leading Indians, and after the full details
had been obtained in this manner Sitting Bull, the Arapaho, was called
on to make his statement. The scene was* dramatic in the highest
degree. Although in a certain sense Sitting Bull himself was on trial,
it meant more than that to the assembled tribe. Their power, pros-
])erity, and happiness had gone down, their very race was withering
away before the- white man. The messiah doctrine promised a restora-
tion of the old conditions through supernatural assistance. If this
hope was without foundation, the Indiau had no future and his day
was forever past.
After some preliminaries A'piatan arose and tdld Iris story, lie had
gone on as related until he arrived at the home of Wovoka in Mason
valley. Here he was told that the messiah could not be seen until the
next day. Gu being finally admitted to his presence he found him lying
down, his face covered with a blanket, and singing to himself. When
he had finished the song the messiah uncovered Iiis face and asked
A'pisltau, through an interpreter, what he wanted. As A'piatan had
approached with great reverence under the full belief that the messiah
was omniscient, able to read his secret thoughts and to speak all lan-
guages, this qujestion was a great surprise to'him, 'aitd hisfaith at once
began to waver. However, he told who he was and why he liatl come,
and then asked that he be j)erniitted to see some of his dead relatives,
particularly his little child. ' Wovoka replied that this was impossible,
and that there were no spirits there to be seen. With their mixture of
Christian and aboriginal ideas many of the Indians had claimed that
this messiah was the veritable Christ and bore upon his hands and feet
the scars of the crucifixion. Xot seeing these scars, A'piatan expressed
some doubt as to whether Wovoka was really the messiah he had come
so far to see, to which Wovoka replied that he need go no farther for
there was no other messiah, and went on to say that he had preached to
Sitting Bull and the others and had given them a new dance, but that
some of them, especially the Sioux, had twisted things and made
trouble, and now A'piatan had better go home and tell his people to quit
the whole business. Discouraged and sick at heart A'piatan went out
from his presence, convinced that there was no longer a god in Israel.
After the story had been told and interjjreted to each of the tribes.
Sitting Bull was called on for his statement. He told how he had
visited the messiah a year before and what the messiah had said to
914 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
him. The two versions were widely dii¥erent, and there cau be little
question that Wovoka made claims and prophecies, supported by
hypnotic performances, from which he afterward receded when he
found that the excitement had gone beyond his control and resulted
in an Indian outbreak. Sitting Bull insisted on the truth of his
own representations, and when accused by A'piatan of deceiving the
Indians in order to obtain their property he replied that he had never
asked them for the ponies which they had given him, and that if they
did not believe what he had told them they could come and take their
ponies again. A'piatan replied that that was not the Kiowa road;
what had once been given was not taken back. Sitting Bull spoke in
a low musical voice, and the soft Arapaho syllables contrasted pleas-
antly with the choking sounds of the Kiowa and the boisterous loud-
ness of the Wichita. I could not help a feeling of pity for him when at
the close of the council he drew his blanket around him and went out
from the gathering to cross the river to the Gaddo camp, attended
only by his faithful Arapahos. For his services in reporting against
the dance A'piatan received a medal from President Harrison.
This was for some time the end of the Ghost dance among the Kiowa,
for while some few of the tribes were disposed to doubt the honesty or
correctness of the report, the majority accepted it as linalj and from
that time the dance became a mere amusement for children. The other
tribes, however — the Caddo, Wichita, and their allies — refused to accept
the report, claiming that A'piatan had been hired by white men to lie
to the Indians, and that he had never really seen the messiah, as he
claimed. Even the Apache, although in close tribal connection with
the Kiowa, continued to hold to the doctrine and the dance.
Note. — Since the above was written and while awaiting publication
there has been a revival of the Ghost dance among the Kiowa, brought
about chiefly through the efforts of Bi'ilnk'i, Pa'tadal, and others of its
former priests. After several times dispersing the dancers and threat-
ening them with severe penalties if they persisted, the agent was finally
obliged to give permission, on the earnest request of a delegation of
chiefs and head men of the tribe, with the result that in September,
1894, the Kiowa publicly revived the ceremony in a great dance on the
Washita, which lasted four-days and was attended by several thousand
Indians from all the surrounding tribes.
r
^^^^'^
KXPI.ANATION OF PKATK OIX
Tbo oi initial <)t" thJN pictiiii' was dniwii in coloreil inks on biickskiii by Yellow
Nose, a Vlto captive amoiif; the Cheyenne, in 1!<91. It Wiis obtained from him by the
author and is now deposited in the National Mtisenm at Washington. Hesides being
a particularly lino specimen of Iinlian ])ictography, it gives an ex('e!lent idea of the
ghost dunce as it was at that time among the Cheyenne and Arapaho. The dancers
arc in full costume, with paint and feathers. The women of the two tribes are
plainly distinguished by the arrangement of their hair, the Cheyenne women having
the hair braided at the side, while the Arapaho women wear it hanging loo.sely. Two
of the women carry ehiUlreu on their backs. One of the men carries the hii'iiali wheel,
another a shinny stick, and a woman holds out the sacred crow, while several wave
handkerchiefs which aid in producing the hypnotic etlect. In the center arc several
persons with arms outstretched and rigid, while at one side is seen the medicine-
man hypnotizing a subject who stretches out toward him a blue handkerchief. The
spotted object on the ground behind the medicine-man is a shawl which has fallen
from the shoulders of the woman standing near.
>
^lEt^iT
m
'^IPO^
Ohaptbr XV
THE CEKEMONY OF THE GHOST DANCE
In chapter xi we have spoken of the Ghost dance as it existed among
the Paiute, Shoshoni, Walapai, and Cohouino, west of the mountains.
Wc sliall now give a more detailed account of the ceremony and con-
nected ritual among the prairie tribes.
AMONG THE NORTHERN CHEYENNE
fAccording to Dr Grinnell the Ghost dance among the northern
Cheyenne had several features not found in the south. Four fires
were built outside of the dance circle and about 20 y^rds back from it,
toward each of the cardinal points. These fires wfepe built of long
poles set up on end, so as to form a rude cone, much as^the poles of a
tipi are erected. The fires were lighted at the bottom, aijd thus made
high bonfires, which were kept Up as long as the dance continued. )
(J. F. L., 5.)
AMONG THE SIOUX
( Perhaps the most important feature in connection with the dance
among the Sioux was the ''ghost sluxt,'M already noticed and toN:^
described more fully hereafter. 14O11 account of the scarcity of buck-^
skin, these shirts were almost always made of white cloth cut and
figured in the ludlan fashion. The Sioux wore no metal of any kind
in the dance, ditt'eriiig in this respect from the southern trijjes, who
wore on such occasions all their finery of German silver ornaments.
The Sioux also began the dance sometimes in the morning, as well as
in the afternoon or evening. Another important feature not found
among the southern tribes, excepting the Kiowa, was the tree planted
in the center of the circle and decorated with feathers, stuffed animals,
and strips of cloth. )'
At a Ghost dance at No Water's camp, near Pine Ridge, as described
by J. F. Asay, formerly a trader at the agency, the dancers first stood
in line facing the sun, while the leader, standing facing them, made a
prayer and waved over their heads the "ghost stick," a staft" about 6
feet long, trimmed with red cloth and feathers of the same color. After
thus waving the stick over them, he faced the sun and made another
prayer, after which the line closed up to form a circle around the tree
and the dance began. During the prayer a woman standing near the
tree held out a pipe toward the sun, while another beside her held out
several (four?) arrows from which the points had been removed. On
915
916 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [etu.ann.U
aDother occasion, at a Ghost dance at the same camp, four arrows,
headed with bone in the olden fashion, were shot up into the air from
the center of the circle and afterward gathered uj) and hung upon the
tree, together with the bow, a gaming wheel and sticks, and a statt' of
peculiar shape (ghost stick?). See plate cxi. The ceremonies of fast-
ing, painting, and the sweat-bath in connection with the Ghost dance
among the Sioux have been already described.
The best accouut of the dance itself and of the ghost shirt is given
by Mrs Z. A. Parker, at that time a teacher on the Pine liidge reserva-
tion, writing of a Ghost dance observed by her on White Clay creek,
on June 20, 1890. We quote at length from her description:
We drove to this spot about 10.30 oclock on a delightful October day. We came
upon tents scattered here and there in low, sheltered places long before reaching the
dance ground. Presently we saw over three hundred tents placed in a circle, with a
large pine tree in the center, which was covered with strips of cloth of various
colors, eagle feathers, stuffed birds, claws, and horns — all oflferings to the Great
Spirit. The cetemonies had just begun. In the center, around the tree, were
gathered their medicine-men ; also those who had been so fortunate as to have had
visions and in them had seen and talked with friends who had died. A company of
fifteen had started a chant and were inarching abreast, others coming in behind as
they marched. After marching around the circle of tents they turned to the center,
where many had gathered and were seated on tlie ground.
I think they wore the ghost sliirt or ghost dress for the first time that day. I
noticed that these were all new and were worn by about 8e\enty men and forty
women. The wife of a man called Return-from-scout had seen in a vision that her
friends all wore a similar robe, and on reviving from her trance she called the women
together and they made a great number of the sacred garments. They were of white
cotton cloth. The women's dress was cut like their ordinary dress, a loose robe with
wide, flowing sleeves, j)ainted l)lue in the neck, in the sh.ape of a three-cornered
handkerchief, with moon, stars, birds, etc, interspersed with real feathers, painted
on the waist and sleeves. While dancing they wound their shawls about their
waists, letting them fall to within S inches of the ground, the fringe at the bottom.
In the hair, near the crown, a feather was tied. I noticed an .al>seuce of any manner
of bead ornaments, and, as I knew their vanity and fondness for them, wondered
why it was. Upon making inquiries I found they discarded everything they could
which was made l)y white men.
The ghost shirt for the meu was made of the same material — shirts and leggings
painted in red. Some of the leggings were painted in stripes running up and down,
others running around. The shirt was painted blue .around the neck, and the whole
garment was fantastically sprinkled with figures of birds, bows and arrows, sun,
moon, and stars, and everything they saw in nature. Down the outside of the
sleeve were rows of feathers tied by the quill ends and left to fly in the breeze, and
also a row around the neck and up and down the outside of the leggings. I noticed
that .a number had stuffed birds, squirrel heads, etc, tied in their long hair. The
faces of all were painted red with a black half-moon on the foreliead or on one
cheek.
As the crowd gathered about the tree the high priest, or master of ceremonies,
began his address, giving tliem directions as to the chant and other matters. After
he had spoken for about fifteen minutes they arose and formed in a circle. As nearly
as I could count, there were between three and four hundred ])ersons. One stood
directly l)eUin:l another, each with his hands on his neighbor's slioulders. After
walking about a few times, chanting, " Father, I come," they stopped marching, but
MooNKYj THE SIOUX GHOST DANCE 917
remained in tho circle, ifiid set up the most fearful, heart-picrcinn wails I ever
lu'aril — crying, moaning, groaning, and shrieking out their grief, and naming over
their departed friends and relatives, at the sanii' time taking np liandfnls of dnst at
their fert, washing their hands in it, and tlirowing it over tlieir heads. Finally, tliey
raised tlieir eyes to heaven, their liands clasped liigh above their heads, an<l stood
straight and perfectly still, invoking the ]>owcr of the Great Spirit to allow them to
se<' and talk with their people who had died. This ceremony lasted al)Out lifteen
minutes, wlien they all sat down where they were and listened to another address,
whicli 1 did not understand, liiit which I afterwards learned were words of encour-
aginieiit and assurance of the coming messiah.
Wluii they amse again, they enlarged the circle by facing toward. the center, tak-
ing hold of hands, and moving around in the manner of school children in their iday
• of "needle's eye." And now the most intense excitement began. They would go as
fast as they could, their hands moving from side to side, their bodies swaying, their
arms, with hands gripped tightly in their neighbors', swinging back and forth with
all their might. If one, more weak and frail, eanie near falling, he would be jerked
up and into position until tired nature gave way. The ground had been worked and
worn by many feet, nntil the fine. Hour-like dust lay light and loose to the depth of
two or three inches. The wind, which had increased, would sometimes take it up,
enveloping the dancers and hiding them from view. In the ring were men, women,
and children; the strong and the robust, the weak consumptive, and those near to
death's door. They believed those who were sick would be cured by joining in the
dance and losing consciousness. From the beginning they chanted, to a monotonous
tunc, tlie words —
Father, I come;
Mother, I come ;
Brother, 1 come;
Father, give us back our arrows.
All of which they would repeat over and over again until first one and then
another would break from the ring and stagger away an<l fall down. One woman
fell a few feet from me. She came toward ns, her hair flying over her face, which
was purple, looking as if the blood would burst through; her hands and arms mov-
ing wildly; every breath a pant and a groan; and she fell on her back, and went
down like a log. I stepped up to her as she lay there motionless, but with every
muscle twitcliing and quivering. She seemed to be perfectly unconscious. Some
of the men and a few of the women would run, stepping high and pawing the air
in a frightful mauiu'r. Some told me afterwards that they had a sensation a« if the
ground were rising toward them and would strike tlicm in the face. Others would
drop where they stood. One woman fell directly into the ring, and her husband
stepi>ed out and stood over lier to prevent them from trampling upon her. Xo one
ever disturbed those wlio fell or took any notice of them except to keep the crowd
away.
They kept up dancing until fully 100 persons were lying unconscious. Then they
stopped and seated themselves in a circle, and as each one recovered from his trance
he was brought to the center of the ring to relate his experience. Each told his
story to the medicine-man and he sliouted it to the crowd. Not one in ten claimed
that he saw anytliing. I asked one Indian — a tall, strong fellow, straight as an
arrow — what his experience was. He said he saw an eagle coming toward him. It
flew rouiKl and round, drawing nearer and nearer until he put out his hand to take
it, when it was gone. I asked him what ho thought of it. "Big lie,'' he replied.
I found by talking to them that not one in twenty believed it. After resting for a
time they would go through the same performance, perhaps three times a day.
They jiracticed fasting, and every inorning those who joined in the dan('e were
obliged to immerse themselves in the creek. {Comr.,44.)
918 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
r "^
/ SONG REHEARSALS
As with church choirs, the leaders, both men and women, frequently-
assembled privately in a tipi to rehearse the new or old songs for the
next dance. During the first winter spent among the Arapaho I had
frequent opportunity of being present at these rehearsals, as for a long
time the snow was too deep to permit dancing outside. After having
obtained their confidence the Arapaho police invited me to come up to
their camp at night to hear them practice the songs in anticipation of
better weather for dancing. Thenceforth rehearsals were held in Black
Coyote's tipi almost every night until the snow melted, each session
usually lasting about three hours.
On these occasions from eight to twelve persons were present, sitting
in a circle on the low beds around the fire in the center. Black Coyote
acted as master of ceremonies and opened proceedings by filling and
lighting the redstone pipe, oilering the first whiff to the sun, then
reversing the stem in ottering to the earth, next presenting the pipe to
the fire, and then to each of the four cardinal points. He then took a
few putt's himself, after which ie passed the pipe to his next neighbor,
who went through the same preliminaries before smoking, and thus the
pipe went round the circle, each one taking only a few putts before
passing it on. The pipe was then put back into its pouch, and Black
Coyote, standing with his face toward the northwest, the niessiah's
country, with eyes closed and arms outstretched, made a fervent prayer
for help and prosperity to his tribe, closing with an earnest petition
to the messiah to hasten his coming. The others listened in silence
with bowed heads. The prayer ended, they consulted as to the song
to be sung first, which Black Coyote then started in a clear musical
bass, the others joining. From time to time explanations were made
where the meaning of the song was not clear. They invited me to call
for whatever songs I wished to hear, and these songs were repeated
over and over again to give me an opportunity to write them down, but
they waived extended discussion until another time. Usually the men
alone were the singers, but sometimes Black Coyote's wives or other
women who were present joined in the songs. It was noticeable that
even in these rehearsals the women easily fell under the excitement of
the dance. Finally, about 10 oclock, all rose together and sang the
closing song, Ni'ninitubi'na Huhu, " The Crow has given the signal," and
the rehearsal was at an end. On one occasion, before I had obtained
this song, I called for it in order that I might write it down, but they
explained that we must wait awhile, as it was the closing song, and if
they sung it then they must quit for the night.
/ PREPARATIONS FOR THE DANCE
f On several occasions the dance ground was consecrated before the
performance, one of the leaders going all about the place, sprinkling
some kind of sacred powder over the ground and praying the while.
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOQY
FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXI
SACRED OBJECTS FROM THE SIOUX GHOST DANCE
a. Staff; b, Cy Bow and bone-head arrows; rf, Gaming wheel and sticks
IVBESIT
MoosEY] PAINTING OF THE DANCERS 919
Frequently in the dance one or more of the leaders while sitting within
the cii'cle would beat upon the earth with liis extended palm, then lay
his hand upon his head, afterward bh)w into his hand, and then repeat
the operation, prayinfj all the time. Sometimes the hypnotist would
beat the ground in the same way and then lay his hand on the head of
the subject (plate cxv). Nd satisfactory explanation of this ceremony
was obtained beyond the general idea that the earth, like the sun, the
lire, and the water, is sacred.
^
GIVING THE FEATHER
^
The ceremony of "giving the feather" has been already noticed.
VThis was an official ordination of the priests in the dance, conferred
on them by the apostle who first brought the ceremony to the tribe. )
Among the Arapaho, Catldo, Kiowa, and adjoining tribes in the south
the feather was conferred by Sitting Bull himself. The feather was
thus given to seven leaders, or sometimes to fourteen, that is, seven
men and seven women, the number seven being sacred with ni^ost tribes
*' and more particularly in the Ghost dance. The feather, which was worn
ui)on. the head of the dancers, was either that of the crow, the sacred
bird of the Ghost dance, or of the eagle, sacred in all Indian religions.
If from the crow, two feathers were used, being attached at a slight
angle to a small stick which was thrust into the hair. (See Arapaho
song 8.) The feathers were previously consecrated by the priest with
prayer and ceremony. The chosen ones usually reciprocated with pres-
. enta of ponies, blankets, or other i)roperty. After having thus received
the feather the tribe began to make songs of its own, having previously
used those taught them by the apostle from his own language.
Besides the seven leaders who wear the sacred crow feathers as
emblems of their leadership, nearly all the dancers weaK feathers vari-
ously painted and ornamented, and the preparation of these is a matter
of much concern. The dancer who desires instruction on tliis point
usually takes with him six friends, so as to make up the sacred number
of seven, and goes with them to one who has been in a trance and has
thus learned the exact method in vogue in the spirit world. At their
request this man pi-epares for each one a feather, according to what he
has seen in some trance vision, for which they return thanks, usually
with a small present. The feathers are painted in several colors, each
larger feather usually being tipped with a small down feather painted
in a different color. On certain occasions a special day is set apart for
pul)li(;ly painting and preparing the feathers for all the dancers, the •
work being done by the appointed leaders of the ceremony.
.' i
THE PAINTING OF THE DANCERS '
VThe painting of the dancers is done with the same ceremonial exact-
ness of detail, each design being an inspiration from a trance vision. /
Usually the dancer adopts the particular style of painting which, while
920 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [etii.ax.v.u
ill the trance, he has seen worn by some departed relative. If he has
not yet been in a trance, the design is suggested by a vision of one who
does the painting. In making the retjuest the dancer lays his hands
upon the head of the leader and says, "My father, I have come to be
painted, so that I may see my friends; have pity on me and paint me,"
the sacred paint being held to sharpen the spiritual vision as well as to
be conducive to physical health. The painting consists of elaborate
designs in red, yellow, green, and blue upon the face, with a red or
yellow line along the parting of the hair. Suns, crescents, stars, crosses,
and birds (crows) are the designs in most common use.
(
THE CEREMONY
^
Xlie-daiKje^commonly-begius^ about ±lie middle of the -afternoon or
later, alter^npdown. When it begins in the afternoon, there is always
an intermission of an hour or two for supi)er. The announcement is
made by the criers, old men who assume this office apparentlj' by tacit
U7Klerstanding, who go about the camp shouting in a loud voice to the
people to prepare for the dance. The preliminary painting and dressing
is usually a work of about two hours. When all is readjj_tlifi_leaders
walk out to the dance place, and facing inward, join hands -so-a,»-to form
a_sinall circle. Then,^ wLthouAinoying from their places they^sing the
openingsong, according to previous agreement, iu a soft undertone.
Having sung it through once they raise their voices to their full
strength and repeat it, this time slowly circling around iu the dance.
The step is different from that of most other Indian daacej*, but very
simple, the dancers moving from right to left, following the course of
the sun, advancing the left ftjot and following it \^itli the right, hardly
lifting the feet from the ^roi^yd. For this reason it is called by
the Shoshoni th5 '■'(^ra^jjm^ daiic'e." All the songs are adapted^-to
the-simiiia measure of the dance step. As the song rises and swells the
people come singly and iu groups from the several tipis, and one after
another joins the circle until any number from iifty to live hundred
men, women, and children are in the dance. When the circle is small,
each song is repeated through a number of circuits. If large, it is
repeated only through one circuit, measured by the return of the lead-
ers to the starting point. Each song is started in the same manner,
first in an undertone while the singers stand still in their ])laces, and
then with full voice as they begin to circle around. At intervals
between the songs, more especially after the trances hav& begun, the
dancers unclasp hands and sit down to smoke or talk for a few minutes.
At such times the leaders sometimes deliver short addresses or ser-
mons, or relate the recent trance experience of tlie dancer. In holding
each other's hands the dancers usually intertwine the fingers instead
of grasping the hand as with us. Only an Indian could keep the
blanket in place as they do under such circumstances. Old people
hobbling along with sticks, and little children hardly i)ast the toddling
period sometimes form a part of the circle, the more vigorous dancers
MooNEv) CHARACTERISTICS OF THE DANCE 921
accommodating the movement to tlieir weakness. I Frequently a woman
will be seen to join the circle with an infant upon her back and dance
with the others, but sliould she show the least sign of approaching
exciitenicnt watcihful friends lead her away that no harm may come to
the child. Dogs are driven oft' from the neighborhood of the circle lest
they should run against any of those who have fallen into a trance and
thus awaken them. The dancers themselves are careful not to disturb
tlie trance subjects while their souls are in the spirit world. Full
Indian dress is worn, with buckskin, paint, and feathers, but among
the Sioux the women discarded the belts ornamented with disks of
German silver, because the metal had come from the white man.
Among the southern tribes, on the contrary, hats were sometimes worn
ill the dance, although this was not considered in strict accordance with
the doctrine^
(No drum, rattle, or other musical instrument is used in the dance,
/ excejitiug sometimes by an individual dancer in imitation of a trance
vision. • In this respect particularly the Ghost dance differs from every
other Indian dance. Neither are any fires built within the circle, so ^<^ '
far as knpwn^ with any tribe excepting the Walapai. The northern
Cheyenne, however, built four lires in a peculiar fashion outside of the
circle, as already described. With most tribes the dance was performed
aronnd a tree or pole planted in the center and variously decorated.
In the southern plains, however, only the Kiowa seem ever to have
followed this method, they sometimes dancing around a cedar tree. Op
breaking the^ircle at thejeiiiLof-the dance^ the^x)erformer8 shook their
. olankets or shawls inThe airj^with the idea of driving away all evil
influences. Oinater instructions from the messiah all then went
dowrrto bathe in the streamy the men in one place and the women in
another, before goingUto their tipis. The idea of washing away evil
things, si)iritual as well as earthly, by bathing in running water is too
natural and universal to need comment. ^
The peculiar ceremonies of prayer and invocation, with the laying on
of hands and the stroking of the face and body, have several times
been described and need only be mentioned here. (As trance visions
became frequent the subjects strove to imitate what they had seen
in the spirit world, especially where they had taken i)art with their
deiiarted friends in some of the old-time games. In this way gaming
wheels, shinny sticks, hummers, and other toys or implements would be
made and carried in future dances, accompanied with appropriate
songs, until the dance sometimes took on the appearance of an exhibi-
tion of Indian curios on a small scale. )
THE CROW DANCE
Within the last few years the southern Arapaho and Cheyenne hayc
developed an auxiliary dance called the "crow dance," which is per-
formed in the afternoon as a preliminary to the regular Ghost dance at
night. As it is no part of the original Ghost dance and is confined to
922 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. asm. 14
these two tribes, it deserves no extended notice in this connection.
Although claimed by its inventors as a direct inspiration from the
other world, where they saw it iierformed by '-crows," or spirits of
departed friends, it is really only a modification of the picturesque
Omaha dance of the prairie tribes, with the addition of religious fea-
tures borrowed from the new doctrine. The men participating are
stripped to tlie breechcloth, with their whole bodies painted as in the
Omaha dance, and wear elaborate pendants of varicolored feathers
hanging down behind from the waist. An immense drum is an impor-
tant feature. Men and women take part, and the songs refer to the
general subject of the crow and the messiah, but are set to a variety of
dance steps and evolutions performed by tlie dancers. As the leaders,
who are cliiefly young men, are constantly studying new features, the
crow dance has becoine one of the most attractive ceremonies among
the prairie tribes. Hypnotism and trances form an essential feature of
this as of the Ghost dance proper. (See plate cxix.)
;
THE HYPNOTIC PROCESS
V The most imi)ortant feature of the Ghost dance, and the secret of
the trances, is hypnotism.) It has been hastily assumed that hypnotic
knowledge and ability belong only to an overripe civilization, such as
that of India and ancient Egypt, or to the most modern period of scien-
tific investigation. The fact is, however, that practical knowledge, if
not understanding, of such things belongs to people who live near to
nature, and many of the stories told by reliable travelers of the strange
performances of savage shamans can be explained only on this theory.
Numerous references in the works of the early Jesuit missionaries, of
the Puritan writers of New England and of English explorers farther
to the south, would indicate that hypnotic ability no less than sleight-
of-hand dexterity formed part of the medicine-man's equipment from
the Saint Lawrence to the Gulf. Enough has been said in the chapters '
on Smoholla and the Shakers to show that hypnotism exists among the
tribes of the Columbia, and the author has had frequent epportunity
to observe and study it in the Ghost dance on the plains.^ It can not
be said that the Indian priests understand the phenomenon, for they
ascribe it to a supernatural cause, but they know how to produce the
effect,) as I have witnessed hundreds of times. In treating of the
subject in connection with the Ghost dance the author must be under-
stood as speaking from the point of view of an observer and not as a
psychologic expert.
Immediately on coming among the Arapaho and Cheyenne in 1890,
I heard numerous stories of wonderful things that occurred in the Ghost
dance — how people died, went to heaven and came back again, and how
they talked with dead friends and brought back messages from the otlier
world. Quite a number who had thus "died " were mentioned and their
adventures in the spirit land were related with great particularity of
MooNEvl -HYPNOTISM AND THE DANCK 923
detail, but as most of the testimouy came from white men, none of whom
had seen the dance for themselves,! preserved the scientific attitude of
skepticism. So far as could be asc^ertained, none of the intelligent peo-
l)le of the agency had thought the subject sufficiently worthy of serious
consideration to learn whether the reports were true or false. On talk-
ing with the Indians I found them unanimous in their statements as to
the visions, until I began to think there might be something in it.
The first clew to the explanation came fiom the statement of his
own experience in the trance, given by Paul Boynton, a particularly
bright Carlisle student, who attted as my interpreter. His brother had
died some time before, and as Paul was anxious to see and talk with
him, which the new doctiine taught was possible, he attended the next
Ghost dance, and putting his hands upon the head of Sitting Bull, accord-
ing to the regular formula, asked him to help him see his dead brother.
Paul is of an inquiring disposition, and, besides his natural longing to
meet his brother again, was actuated, as he himself said, by a desire to
try "every Indian trick." He then told how Sitting Bull had hypno-
tized him with the eagle feather and the motion of his hands, until he
fell unconscious and did really see his brother, but awoke just as he was
about to speak to him, probably because one of the dancers had acci-
dentally brushed against him as he lay on the ground. He embodied
his experience in a song which was afterwai-d sung iu the dance. From
his account it seemed almost certain that the secret was hypnotism.
The explanation might have occurred tome sooner but for the fact that
my previous Indian informants, after the manner of some other wit-
>nesses, had told only about their trance visions, forgetting to state how
the visions were brought about.
This was in winter and the ground was covered deeply with snow,
which stopped the dancing for several weeks. In the meantime I
improved the opportunity by visiting the tipis every night to learn the
songs and talk about the new religion. When the snow melted, the
dances were renewed, and as by this time I had gained the confidence
of the Indians I was invited to be present and thereafter on numerous
occasions was able to watch the whole process by which the trances
were produced. From the outside hardly anything can be seen of what
goes on within the circle, but being a part of the circle myself I was
able to see all that occurred inside, and by fixing attention on one
subject at a time I was able to note all the stages of the phenomenon
from the time the subject first attracted the notice of the medicine-man,
through the staggering, the rigidity, the unconsciousness, and back
again to wakefulness. On two occasions my partner in the dance, each
time a woman, came under the influence and I was thus enabled to note
the very first nervous tremor of her hand and nmrk it as it increased
in violence until she broke away and staggered toward the medicine-
man within the circle.
Young women are usually the first to be affected, then older women,
and lastly men. Sometimes, however, a man proves as sensitive as the
924 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [etii.axn.u
average woman. In particular I have seen one young Arapalio become
rigid in tlie trance night after night. He was a Carlisle student, speak-
ing good English and employed as clerk in a store. He afterward
took part in the sun dance, dancing three days and nights without
food, drink, or sleep. He is of a quiet, religious disposition, and if of
white parentage would perhaps have become a minister, but being an
Indian, the same tendency leads him into the Ohost dance and the sun
dance. The fact that he could endure the terrible ordeal of the sun
dance would go to show that his physical organization is not frail, aais
frequently the case with hypnotic or trance subjects. So far as per-
sonal observation goes, the hypnotic subjects are usually as strong and
healthy as the average of their tribe. It seems to be a <iuestion more
of temperament than of bodily condition or physique. After having
observed the (Ihost dance among the southern tribes at intervals during
a period of about four years, it is apparent that the hypnotic tendency
is growing, although the original religious excitement is dying out.
The trances are now more numerous among the same number of dancers.
Some begin to tremble and stagger almost at the beginning of the dance,
without any effort on the part of the medicine-man, while formerly
it was usually late in the night before the trances began, although the
medicine-men were constantly at work to produce such result. In
many if not in most cases the medicine-men themselves have been in
trances produced in the sauie fashion, and must thus be considered sen-
sitives as well as those hypnotized by them.
/Not every leader in the Ghost dance is able to bring about the hyp-
notic sleep, but anyone may try wlio feels so inspired. | Excepting
tfi*- seven chosen ones who-start^he songs there is no priesthood in the
dance, the authority of ■s^e4i^4uilU-rt«-^Sitti^tg~^uIl-iiud Blaek-Coyote
being due to the voluntary recognition of their superior ability or
I interest in the matter. Any man or woman who has been in a. trance,
and has thus derived inspiration from the other world, is at liberty to
go within the circle and endeavor to bring others to the trance. Even
when the result is unsatisfactory there is no interference with the per-
former, it being held that he is but the passive instrument of a higher
power and therefore in no way responsible. y A marked instance of this
is the case of Cedar Tree, an Arapaho policenum, who took much inter-
est in the dance, attending nearly every performance in his neighbor-
hood,consecrating the ground and working within the circle to hypnotize
the dancers. He was in an advanced stage of consumption, nervous
and excitable to an extreme degree, and perhaps it was for this reason
that those who came under his influence in the trauce constantly com-
plained that he led them on the "devil's road" instead of the ''straight
road;" that he made them see monstrous and horrible shapes, but never
the friends whom they wished to see. On this account tiiey all dreaded
to see him at work within the circle, but no one commanded him to
desist as it was held that he was controlled by a stronger power and
was to be p[tied rather than blamed for his ill success. A similar idea
p
.-5-
OT TBB
aooNKY] THE HYPNOTIC PROCESS 925
exists ill Europe ill crtiinection with persons reputed to possess the evil
eye. Cellar Tree liiinself deplored tlio result of his efforts and e.\i)ressed
the hope that by earnest prayer he might finally be able to overcome th«
evil inrtuence.
^Ve shall now describe the hypnotic process as used by the operators,
with the various stages of the trani;e. The hypnotist, usually a man,
stands within the ring, holding in his hand an eagle feather or a scarf
or handkerchief, white, black, or of any other color. Sometimes he
holds the feather in one hand and the scarf in the other. As tlie
dancers circle around singing the songs in time with the dance step
the excitement increases until the more sensitive ones are visibly
affected. In order to hasten the result certain songs are sung to
quicker time/notably the Arapaho song beginning XiVnami'naatoni'na
Hu'hu. We^hall ysunie that the subject is a woman^ The first indi-
cation thaf^^TOisl^coniing affected is a slight muscular tremor, dis-
tinctly felt by IrePcwo partners who hold l^Tjands on either side. The
medicine-man is on the watch, and as soon as he notices the woman's
condition he comes over and stands immediately in front of her, look-
ing intently into her face and whirling the feather or the handkerchief,
or both, rapidly in front of her eyes, moving slowly around with the
dancers at the same time, but constantly facing the woman. All this
time he keeps up a series of sharp exclamations, Hu! IIu! Hu! like
the rapid breathing of an exhausted runner. ( From time to time he
changes the motion of the feather or handkerchief from a whirling to
a rapid up-anddowu movement in front of her eyes. For a while the
^vt>man continues to move around with the circle of dancers, singing
the .song with the others, but usually before the circuit is completed)
^'st^TOSes control of herself entirely, and, breaking away from the part-
ners who have hold of her hands on either side, shie stnggers into the
ring, while the circle at once closes up again bel her. She is
now standing before the medicine-man, who gives hi. .uole attention
to her, whirling the feather swiftly in front of her eyes, waving his
hands before her face as though fanning her, and drawing his hand
slowly from the level of her eyfes away to one side or upward into the
air, while her gaze follows it with a fixed stare. All the time he keeps
up the Hu ! Hu ! Hu ! while the song and the dance go on around them
without a pause. For a few minutes she continues to repeat the words
of the song and keep time with the step, but in a staggering, drunken
fashion. Then the words become unintelligible sounds, and her move- -
ments violently spasmodic, until at last she becomes rigid, with her
eyes shut or fixed and staring, and stands thus uttering low pitiful
moans (plate cxvii). If this is in the daytime, the operator tries to stand
with his back to the sun, so that the full sunlight shines in the woman's
face (plate cxvi). The subject may retain this fixed, immovable posture
for an indefinite time, but at last falls heavily to the ground, uncon-
scious and motionless (plate cxviri). The dance and the song never
926 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.annU
stop, but as soon as the woman falls the medicine-man gives his atten-
tion to another subject among the dancers. The first one may lie
unconscious for ten or twenty minutes or sometimes for hours, but no
one goes near to disturb her, as her soul is now communing with the
spirit world. At last consciousiiess gradually returns. A violent tremor
seizes her body as in the beginning of the fit. A low moan comes from
her lii)s, and she sits up and looks about her like one awaking from
sleep. Her whole form trembles violently, but at last she rises to her
feet and staggers away from the dancers, who open the circle to let
her pass. All the phenomena of recovery, except rigidity, occur in
direct reverse of those which precede unconsciousness.^
Sometimes before falling the hypnotized subject runs wildly around
the circle or out over the prairie, or goes through various crazy evolu-
tions like those of a lunatic. On one occasion — but only once — I have
seen the medicine-man point his finger almost in the face of the liypno-
tized subject, and then withdrawing his finger describe with it a large
circle about the tipis. The subject followed the direction indicated,
sometimes being hidden from view by the crowd, and finally returned,
with his eyes still fixed and staring, to the place where the medicine-
man -was standing. (^ There is frequently a good deal of humbug mixed
with these performances, some evidently pretending to be hypnotized
in order to attract notice or to bring about such a condition from force
of imitation, but the greater portion is unquestionably genuine and
beyond the control of the subjects.^ In many instances the hypnotized
person spins around for minutes at a time like a dervish, or whirls the
arms with apparently impossible speed, or assumes and retains until
the final fall most uncomfortable positions which it would be imjwssible
to keep for any length of time under normal conditions. Frequently a
number of persons are within the ring at once, in all the various stages
of hypnotism. The proportion of women thus affected is about three
times that of men.
THE AREA COVERED BY THE DANCE
It is impossible to give more than an approximate statement as to
the area of the Ghost dance and the messiah doctrine and the number
of Indians involved. According to the latest official report, there are
about 140,000 Indians west of Missouri river, exclusive of the five
civilized nations in Indian Territory. Probably all these tribes heard of
the new doctrine, but only a part took any active interest in it. Gener-
ally speaking, it was never taken up by the great tribe of the ISavaho,
by any of the Pueblos except the Taos, or by any of the numerous tribes
of the Columbia region. The thirty or thirty-five tribes more or less
concerned with the dance have an aggregate population of about 60,000
souls. A number of these were practically unanimous in their accept-
ance of the new doctrine, notably the Paiute, Shoshoni, Arapaho, Chey-
enne, Caddo, and Pawnee, while of others, as the Comanche, only a
.MO..NEV] AREA OF THE DANCE 927
small minority ever eugajjed in it. Only about one half of the 26,000
Sioux took an active part in it. It may safely be said, however, that
the doctrine and ceremony of the Ghost dance found more adherents
among our tribes than any similar Indian religious movement within
the historic period, with the single possible excepti<m of the crusade
inaugurated by Tenskwatawa, the Shawano prophet, in 1805. (See
plate Lxxxv.)
PRESENT CONDITION OF THE DANCE
Among most of these tribes the movement is already extinct, having
died a natural death, excepting in the case of the Sioux. The Sho-
shoni and some others lost faith in it after the failure of the first pre-
dictions. The Sioux probably discontinued the dance before the final
surrender, as the battle of Wonnded Knee and the subsequent events
convinced even the most fanatic believers that tlieir expectations of
invulnerability and supernatural assistance were deceptive. The Pai-
ute were yet dancing a year ago, and as their dream has received no
such rude awakening as among the Sioux, they are probably still
patiently awaiting the great deliverance, in spite of repeated postpone-
ments, although the frenzied earnestness of the early period has long
ago abated. The Kiowa, who discarded the doctrine on the adverse
report of A'piatan, have recently taken up tlie dance again and are
now dancing as religiously as ever under the leadership of the old men,
althongh the progressive element in the tribe is strongly opposed to it.
Among the other tribes in Oklahoma — especially the Arapaho, Chey-
enne, Caddo, Wichita, Pawnee, and Oto — the Ghost dance has become
a'part of the tribal life and is still performed at frequent intervals,
although the feverish expectation of a few years ago has now settled
down into something closely approaching the Christian hope of a
reunion with departed friends in a hai)pier world at some time in the
unknown future. ' ^
As for the great messiah himself, when last heard from Wovoka was
on exhibition as an attraction at the Midwinter fair in San Francisco.
By this time he has doubtless retired into his original obscurity.
14 ETH — PT 2 19
Chapter XVI
PARALLELS IN OTHER SYSTEMS
I will pour out my spirit upon all flesh ; and your sons and your daughters shall
prophesy, your old men shall dream dreams, your young men shall see visions. — Joel.
How is it then, brethren f When ye come together every one of vou hath a doc-
trine, hath a revelation. — I Corinthians.
THE BIBLICAL PERIOD
The remote in time or distance is always strange. The familiar
present is always natural and a matter of course. Beyond the narrow
range of our horizon imagination creates a new world, but as we advance
in any direction, or as we go back over forgotten paths, we find ever
a continuity and a succession. The human raee is one in thought and
action. The systems of our highest modern civilizations have their coun-
terparts among all the nations, and their chain of parallels stretches
backward link by link until we find their origin and interpretation in
the customs and rites of our own barbarian ancestors, or of our still
existing aboriginal tribes. There is nothing new under the sun.
The Indian messiah religion is the inspiration of a dream. Its ritual
is the dance, the ecstasy, and the trance. Its priests are hypnotics and
cataleptics. All these have formed a part of every great religious devel
opment of which we have knowledge from the beginning of history.
In the ancestors of the Hebrews, as described in the Old Testament,
we have a pastoral people, living in tents, acquainted with metal work-
ing, but without letters, agriculture, or permanent habitations. They
had reached about the plane of our own Navaho, but were below that
of the Pueblo. Their mythologic and religious system was closely
parallel. Their chiefs were priests who assumed to govern by inspira-
tion from God, communicated through frequent dreams and waking
visions. Each of the patriarchs is the familiar confidant of God and
his angels, going up to heaven in dreams and receiving direct instruc-
tions in waking visits, and regulating his family and his tribe, and
ordering their I'eligious ritual, in accord with these instructions. Jacob,
alone in the desert, sleeps and (^reams, and sees a ladder reaching to
heaven, with angels going up and down upon it, and God^himself, who
tells him of the future greatness of the Jewish nation. So Wovoka,
aslftep on the mountain, goes up to the Indian heaven and is told by
the Indian god of the coming restoration of his race. Abraham is
"tempted" by God and commanded to sacrifice his son, and proceeds
to carry out the supernatural injunction. So Black Coyote dreams and
is commanded to sacrifice himself for the sake of his children.
928
^> Of THJI ^^
[TIiriVBIlSIIT]
-^
I^
MooKEYi DREAMS AND TRANCES 929
Coming down to a later period we flud tlie Chaldean Job declaring
that God sj)eakcth "in a dream, in a vision of the night, when deep
sleep falleth upon men ; then he openeth the ears of men and sealeth
their instniction." The whole of the ])rophecie8 are given as direct
communi(!ations from the other world, with the greatest particularity of
detail, as, for instance, in the beginning of the book of Ezekiel, where
he says that " it came to pass in the thirtieth year, in the fourth month,
ill the fifth day of the month, as 1 was among the captives by the river
of Chebar, that the heavens were opened and I saw visions of God."
In the New Testament, representing the results of six centuries of
development beyond the time of the prophets and in intimate contact
with more advanced civilizations, we still have the dream as the con-
trolling influence in religion. In the verj' beginning of the new dis-
pensation we are told that, while Joseph slept, the angel of the Lord
appeared to him in a dream, and as a result "Joseph being raised from
sleep did as the angel of the Lord had bidden him." The most impor-
tant events in the history of the infant redeemer are regulated, not in
accordance with the ordinary manner of probabilities, but by dreams.
The four gospels are full of inspirational dreams and trances, such
as the vision of Cornelius, and that of Peter, when he went up alone
upon the housetop to pray and "fell into a trance and saw heaven
opened," and again when "a vision appeared to Paul in the night," of
a man who begged him to come over into Macedonia, so that "immedi-
ately Ave endeavored to go into Macedonia, assuredly gathering that
the Lord had called us." In another place Paul — the same Paul who
had that wonderful vision on the roa<l to Damascus — declares that he
knew a man who was caught up into paradise and heard unspeakable
words. In Paul we have the typical religious evangel, a young enthu-
siast, a man of sensibility and refinement above his fellows, (*o carried
away by devotion to his ideal that he attaches himself to the most
uncomj)romising sect among his own people, and when it seems to be
assailed by an alien force, not content simply to hold his own belief, he
seeks and obtains official authority to root out the heresy. As he goes
on this errand, "breathing out threatenings and slaughter," the mental
strain overcomes him. He falls down in the road, hears voices, and
sees a strange light. His companions raise him up and lead him by
the hand into the city, where for several days he remains sightless with-
out food or drink. From this time he is a changed man. Without any
previous knowledge or investigation of the new faith he believes himself
called by heaven to embrace it, and the same irrepressible enthusiasm
which had made him its bitterest pensecutor leads him now to defend
it against all the world and even to cross the sea into a far country in
obedience to a dream to spread the doctrine. In many respects he
remiiids us forcibly of such later evangelists as Fox and Wesley.
The cloudy indistinctness which Wovoka and his followers ascribe to
the Father as he appears to them in their trance visions has numerous
parallels in both Testaments. At Sinai the Lord declares to Moses, " I
930 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
come unto thee in a thick cloud," and thereafter whenever Moses went
up the mountain or entered into tlie tabernacle to receive revelations
" the Lord descended upon it in a cloudy pillar." Job also tells us that
"thick clouds are a covering to him," and Isaiah says that he "rideth
upon a swift cloud," which reminds us of the Ghost song of the Arapaho
representing the Indian redeemer as coming upon the whirlwind. Moses
goes up into a mountain to receive inspiration like Wovoka of the Paiute
and Ei'iink'i of the Kiowa. As Wovoka claims to bring rain or snow at
will, so Elijah declares that " there sliall not be dew nor rain these years,
but according to my word," while of the Jewish ^Messiah himself his
wondering disciples say that even the winds and the sea obey him.
Fasting and solitary contemplation in lonely places were as i)owerful
auxiliaries to the trance condition in Bible days as now among the
tribes of the plains. When Daniel had his great vision by the river
Hiddekel, he tells us that he had been mourning for three full weeks,
during which time he " ate no lileasant bread, neither came flesh nor
wine in my mouth, neither did I anoint myself at all." When the vision
comes, all the strength and breath leave his body and he falls down,
and " then was I in a deep sleep on my face, and my face toward the
ground." Six hundred years later, Christ is "led by the spirit into the
wilderness, being forty days tempted by the devil, and in those days he
did eat nothing." Another instance occurs at his baptism, when, as he
was coming out of the water, he saw the heavens opened and the spirit
like a dove, and heard a voice, and immediately was driven by the
spirit into the wilderness. In the transflguration on the mountain,
when "his face did shine as the sun," and in the agony of Gethsemane,
with its mental anguish and bloody sweat, we see the same phenomena
that appear in the lives of religious enthusiasts from Mohammed and
Joan of Arc down to George Fox and the ijrophets of the Ghost dance.
Dancing, which forms so important a part of primitive rituals, had a
place among the forms of the ancient Hebrew and of their neighbors,
although there are but few direct references to it in the Bible. The
best example occurs in the account of the transfer of the ark to Zion,
where there were processions and sacrifices, and King David himself
"danced before the Lord with all his might."
MOHAMMEDANISM
Six hundred years after the birth of Christianity unother great reli-
gion, which numbers its adherents by the hundred million, had its ori-
gin in the same region and among a kindred Semitic race. Its prophet
and high priest was the cataleptic Mohammed, who was born about
the year 570 and died in 642. In infancy and all through life he was
afflicted with epileptic attacks and fainting fits, during which he would
lose all appearance of life without always losing inner consciousness.
It was while iu this condition that he received the visions and revela-
tions on which he built his religious system. Frequently at such
times it was necessary to wrap him up to preserve life in his body, and
/
MooNBY] MOHAMMED 931
at otiier times lie was restored by being drem-lied with cold water. At
one time for a i)eri<)d of two years he was in such a mental condition —
subject to hallucinations — that he doubted his own sanity, believing
himself to be possessed by evil spirits, and contemplated suicide. "It
is disputed whether Mohammed was ei)ileptic, catalejitic, hysteric, or
Avhat not. Sprenger seems to think that the answer to this medical
([uestiou is the key to the whole problem of Islam." (^^Mohammedan-
ism,''' in /•Jncyrlopedia Jiritannica.) To how numy other systems might
such an answer be the key?
We are told that ordinarily his body had but little natural warmth,
but that whenever the angel appealed to him, as the Mohammedan
biograjduTs express it, the perspiration burst out on his forehead, his
eyes became red, he trembled violently, and would bellow like a young
camel — all the accompaniments of the most violent epileptic fit. Usu-
ally the fit ended in a swoou. There is no question that he was sincere
in his claim of divine inspiration. His last hours were serene and
peaceful, and there is no evidence of the slightest misgiving on his part
as to the reality of his mission as a prophet sent from God. Some of
his inspiration came in dreams, and he was accustomed to say that a
prophet's dream is a revelation. At times the revelation came to him
without any painful or strange accomj^animent.
The tit during which he received the revelation of his religious mis-
sion is thus described, as it came to him after a long period of despond-
ency and mental hallucinations: "In this morbid state of feeling he is
said to have heard a voice, and on raising his head, beheld Gabriel,
who assured him he was the prophet of God. Frightened, he returned
home, and called for covering. He had a fit, and they poured cold
water on him, and when he came to himself he heard these words:
'Oh, thou covered one, arise, and preach, and magnify tky Lord;'
and henceforth, we are told, he received revelations without intermis-
sion. Before this supposed revelation he had been medically treated on
account of the evil eye, and when the Koran first descended to him he
fell into fainting fits, when, after violent shudderings, his eyes closed,
and his moutli foamed." [Gardner, Faiths of the World.)
Solitude also had much to do with his visions, as a great part of his
early life was spent in the lonely occui)ation of a shepherd among the
Arabian mountains. Like other prophets ho asserted that the various
angels had offered him control over the stai's, the sun, the mountains,
and the sea. Further, it is claimed most positively by all his followers
that his great ascent into the seven heavens was made bodily and in full
wakefulness, and not merely in spirit while asleep, and this assertion
they supported by "the declarations of God and his prophet, the imams
of the truth, the verses of the Koran, and thousands of traditions," as
earnestly as religious enthusiasts the world over have ever backed up
the impossible.
The kinship of the late Semitic idea to the old is well exemplified iu
Mohammed's account of this vision, in which he is conducted to Mount
932 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
Sinai, where he is directed to alight and pray, becavise there God had
spoken to Moses, after which lie is conducted to Bethlehem, where
again he is directed to alight and pray, because there Jesus was bora,
after which again he is brought into the presence of Abraham, Moses,
Enoch, John the Baptist, and Jesus, by all of whom he was hailed as a
worthy brother and prophet. The direct descent becomes plainer still
when we learn how Mohammed, on his return from talking with God in
the seventh heaven, again meets Moses, who persuades him that the
religious exercises prescribed by God for tlie ftxithful are too onerous,
and goes back with him to plead witli the Lord for a reduction of the
daily prayers from fifty to five as Abraham pleaded for Sodom.
The spirit world of our Indians is a place where death and old age
are unknown, and where every one is hapi)y in the simple happiness
which he knew on earth — hunting, feasting, and playing the old-time
games with former friends, but without war, for tliere all is peace. The
ideal happiness is material, perhaps, but it is such hapjiiness as the
world might long for, with nothing in it gross or beyond reasonable
probability. The Semitic ideal, from which our own is derived, is very
different. We get one conception in the book of Revelation and
another six hundred years later in the vision of Mohammed, which is
jiuerile to the last degree. Among its wonders are an houri,who comes
out of a (juince, and whose body is composed of camphor, amber, and
musk. Then there is a cock which stands with his feet on the lowest
earth, while his head reaches the empyrean and his wings outstretched
the limits of space, whose business is every morning to praise the Lord
and set all the cocks on earth to crowing after him. There is an angel
who bathes daily in a river, after which he flaps his wings, and from
every drop that falls from them there is created an angel with 20,000
faces and 40,000 tongues, each of which speaks a distinct language,
unintelligible to the rest. But the masterpiece is the tree tooba, whose
fruit is the food of the inhabitants of paradise. Every branch produces
a hundred thousand different-colored fruits, while from its roots run
rivers of water, milk, wine, and honey. As if this were not enough,
the tree produces also ready-made clothing. " (;)n the tree were baskets
filled with garments of the brocade and satin of paradise. A million
of baskets are allotted to each believer, each basket containing a hun-
dred tliousand garments, all of different class and fasliion" — and so on
ad nauseam. [MerricTc's Mohammed.) When we reflect that .this is
accepted by more than 150,000,000 civilized Orientals, from whom we
have derived much of our own culture, we may, perhaps, be more tol-
erantly disposed toward the American Indian belief.
JOAN OF ARC
The most remarkable, the most heroic and pathetic instance of reli-
gious hallucination in Europe is that of Joan of Arc, known as the Maid
of Orleans, bom in 1412 and bui-ned at the stake in 1431, and recently
c\
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[UiriVBRSITT]
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>ic>oxKv] JOAN 01' ARC 933
bcatifiod iis tlio patron saint of France. Naturally (»f a contoniplative
disposition, she was accustonied from earliest childhood to loiifj fasts
and solitary coiuinunin<js, in which she brooded over the miserable
condition of her country, then overrun by English armies. When 1.'$
years of age, she had a vision in which a voice spoke to her from out
of a great light, telling her tliat (Jod had chosen her to restore France.
She immediately fell on her knees and made a vow of virginity and
entire devotion to the cause, and from that day to the time of her cruel
deatli she believed herself inspired and gui<led by supernatural voices
to lead her countrymen against the invader. A simple peasant girl,
she sought out the royal court and boldly announced to the king her
divine mission. Tier manner made such an impression that she was
assigned a comman<l, and putting on a soldier's dress and carrying a
sword which she claimed had come to her through miraculous means,
she led the armies of France, performing sui)erhuman feats of courage
and endurance and m inning victory after victory for three years until
she was finally captured. After a long and harassing mockery of a
trial, in which the whole machinery of the law and the church was
brought into action for the destruction of one poor girl barely 19 years
of age, she was finally condemned and burned at Rouen, ostensibly
as a witch and a heretic, but really as the most dangerous enemy of
English tyranny in France.
She was forever hearing these spirit A'oices, which she called " her
voices " or " her counsel." They spoke to her with articulate words in
the ripple of the village fountain, in the vesper bells, in the rustling of
the leaves, aiid in the sighing of the wind. Sometimes it was the war-
like archangel Michael, but oftener it Avas the gentle Saint Katherine,
who appeared to her as a beautiful woman wearing a crown. Her
visions must be ascribed to the effect of the troubled timeg in which
she lived, acting on an enthusiastic, unquestioning religious temper-
ament. Slie is described as physically robust and intellectually keen,
aside from her hallucination, as was i)roven in her trial, and there is
no evidence that she was subject to epilepsy or other abnormal condi-
tions such as belonged to Mohammed and most others of the same
class. Her long and frequent fasts luuiuestionably aided the result.
She claimed no supernatural powers outside of her peculiar mission, and
in every ])ublic undertaking relied entirely on the guidance of her voices.
Toward the end these voices were accompanied by other hallucina-
tions, together with presentiments of her coming death. On one
occasion, while assaulting a garrison, her men fled, leaving her stand-
ing on the moat with only four or five soldiers. Seeing her danger, a
French ofticer galloped up to rescue her and impatiently asked her why
she stood there alone. Lifting her helmet from her face she looked at
him with astonishment and replied that she was not alone — that she
had oO,000 men with her — and then, despite his entreaties, she turned to
her phantom army and shouted out her commands to bring logs to
bridge the moat. It was in April, while standing alone on the ram-
934 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.axs.14
parts of Melun, that the voi(ies first told her that she would be taken
before midsummer. From that time the warning was constantly
repeated, and although she told no one and still exposed herself fear-
lessly, she no longer assumed the responsibility of command. Two
months later she was in the hands of her enemies.
Throughout the trial every effort was made by her enemies to shake
her statement as to the voices, or, failing in that, to prove them from
the devil, but to the last she steadfastly maintained that the voices
were with her and came from heaven. According to her own state-
ment these voices were three — one remained always with her, another
visited her at short intervals, while both deliberated with the third.
On one occasion, when hard pressed by her enemies, she answered sol-
emnly, "I believe firmly, as firmly as I believe the Christian faith and
that God has redeemed iis from the pains of hell, that the voice comes
from God and by his command." And again she asserted, " I have
seen Saint Michael and the two saints so well that I know they are
saints of paradise. I have seen them with my bodily eyes, and I
believe they are saints as firmly as I believe that God exists."
When questioned as to her original inspiration, she stated that the
voice had first conje to her when she was about 13 years of age. "The
first time I heard it I was very much afraid. It was in my father's
garden at noon in the summer. I had fasted the day before. The voice
came from the right hand by the church, and there was a great light
with it. When I came into Prance, I heard it frequently. I believe
it was sent me from God. After I heard it three times, I knew it was
the voice of an angel. I understand perfectly what it says. It bade me
be good and go to church often, and it told me I must go into France.
Two or three times a week it said I must go into France, until I could
no longer rest where I was. It told me I should raise the siege of
Orleans, and that Robert de Baudricourt would give me people to con-
duct me. Twice he repulsed me, but the third time he received me and
sped me on my way."
The examiners were very curious to know by what sign she had recog-
nized the king when she had first seen him in the midst of his courtiers.
"To this question she said she must first consult with Saint Katherine
before replying, and afterward continued: "The sign was a crown.
The first time I saw the king he had the sign, and it signified that he
should hold the kingdom of France. I neither touched it nor kissed it.
The angel came by the command of God and entered by the door of the
room. I came with the angel up the steps to the king's room and the
angel came before the king and bowed and inclined himself before the
king, and said: 'My lord, here is your sign; take it.' He departed by
the way he had come. There were a number of other angels with him,
and Saint Katherine and Saint Margaret. In the little chapel he left
me. I was neither glad nor afraid, but I was very sorrowful, and I wish
he had taken away my soul with him."
5^-^^
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MOONEV) SAINT JOHN DANCE FLAGELLANTS 935
To another (juestion slie replied emphatically: "If I were at .judg-
ment, if I saw the tire kindled and the fagots ablaze and the execu-
tioner ready to stir the lire, and if I were in the lire, I would say no
more, and to the death I would maintain what I have said in the trial."
The end came at last in the market i)laceof Rouen, wlien this youTig
girl, whose name for years had been a terror to the whole English army,
was dragged in her white shroud and bound to the stake, and saw the
wood heaped up around her and the cruel fire lighted under her feet.
"Brother INlartin, standing almost in the draft of the flames, heard her
sob with a last sublime effort of faith, bearing her witness to tJod whom
she trusted : ' My voices have not deceived me ! ' And then came death."
{Parr, Jeanne cPArc.)
DANCE OF SAINT JOHN
In 1374 an epidemic of maniacal religious dancing broke out on the
lower Rhine and spread rapidly over Germauy, the Netherlands, and
into France. The victims of the mania claimed to dance in honor of
Saint John. Men and women went about dancing hand in hand, in
pairs, or in a circle, on the streets, in the churches, at their homes, or
wherever they might be, hour 'after hour without rest until they fell
into convulsions. While dancing they sang doggerel verses in honor of
Saint John and uttered unintelligible cries. Of course they saw visions.
At last whole companies of these crazy fanatics, men, women, and
children, went dancing through the countrj-, along the public roads,
and into the cities, until the clergy felt compelled to interfere, and cured
the dancers by exorcising the evil spirits that moved them. In the
^fifteenth century the epidemic broke out again. The dancers were now
formed into divisions by the clergy and sent to the church of Saint
Vitus at Rotestein, where prayers were said for them, and they were
led in procession around the altar and dismissed cured. Hence the
name of Saint Vitus' dance given to one variety of abnormal muscular
tremor. {Schaff, Religious Encyclojiedia.)
THE FLAGELLANTS
About the same time another strange religious extravagance spread
over western Europe. Under the name of Flagellants, thousands of
enthusiasts banded together with crosses, banners, hymns, and all the
paraphernalia of religion, and went ab(mt in ])rocession, publicly
scourging one another as au atonement for their sins and the sins of
mankind in general. They received their first impetus from the preach-
ing of Saint Anthony of Padua in the thirteenth century. About the
year 1260 the movement broke out nearly siuuxltaneously in Italy,
France, Germany, Austria, and Poland, and afterward spread into
Denmark and England. It was at its height in the fourteenth century.
In Germany in 1201 the devotees, preceded by banner and crosses,
marched with faces veiled and bodies bared above the waist, and
scourged themselves twice a day for thirty-three successive days in
936 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ans.u
memory of the thirty-three years of Christ's life. The strokes of the
whip were timed to the music of hymns. Men and women together
took part iu the scourging. The mania finally wore itself out, but
reappeared in 1349 with more systematic organization. According to
Schaft', "When they came to towns, the bands marched in regular mili-
tary order and singiug hymns. At the time of flagellation they selected
a square or churchyard or field. Taking ofl' their shoes and stockings
and forming a circle, they girded themselves with aprons and laid down
flat on the ground. . . . The leader then stepped over each one,
touched them Avith the whip, and bade them rise. As each was touched
they followed after the leader and imitated him. Once all on their feet
the flagellation began. The brethren went two by two around the
whole circle, striking their backs till the blood trickled down from the
wounds. The whip consisted of three thongs, each with four iron
teeth. During the flagellation a hymn was sung. After all had gone
around the circle the whole body again fell on the ground, beating upon
their breasts. Ou arising they flagellated themselves a second time.
While the brethren were putting on their clothes a collection was taken
up among the audience. The scene was concluded by the I'eading of a
letter from Christ, which an angel had brought to earth andAvhich com-
mended the pilgrimages of the Flagellants. The fraternities never
tarried longer than a single day in a town. They gained great popu-
larity, and it was considered an honor to entertain them." [Schaff,
Religious Encyclopedia.) The society still exists among the Latin
races, although under the ban of the church. As late as 1820 a pro-
cession of Flagellants passed through the streets of Lisbon. Under
the nameof Penitentes they have several organizations in the Mexican ■
towns of our southwest, where they periodically appear in processions,
inflicting horrible self-torture on themselves, even to the extent of
binding one of their number upon a cross, which is then set up in the
ground, while the blood streams down the body of the victim from the
wounds made by a crown of cactus thorns and from innumerable gashes
caused by the thorny whips. Such things among i)eople called civil-
ized enables us to understand the feeling which leads the Indian to
offer himself a willing sacrifice in the sun dance and other propitiatory
rites.
RANTERS, QUAKERS, AND FIFTH-MONARCHY MEN
The middle of the seventeenth century was a time of great religious
and political upheaval in England. Hatreds were intense and i)ersecu-
tions cruel and bitter, until men's minds gave way under the strain.
"The air was thick with reports of prophecies and miracles, and there
were men of all parties who lived on the border land between sanity
and insanity." Tliis was due chiefly to the long-continued mental ten-
sion which bore on the whole population during this troublous period,
and in particular cases to wholesale confiscatious, by which families
were ruined, and to confinement in wretched prisons, suffering from
MooNKv] THE QUAKER DOCTRINE 937
iiisuttici(Mit food and brutal troatiiieiit. Individuals even in the estab-
lished chundi beyiin to assert supernatural power, while numerous new
sects sprang up, with prophecy, miracle working, hypnotism, and cou-
vulsive ecstasy as parts of their doctrine or ritual. Chief anionjf these
were the Ranters, the (Quakers, and the FifthMonarehy Men. The first
and last have disapi)eared with the conditions which produced them;
but the Quakers, beinjj based on a principle, have outlasted persecution,
and, disc'arding the extravagances which belonged to the early period,
are now on a permanent foundation under the name of the "Society of
Friends.'' One of the Ranter prophets, in 1650, claimed to be the reiu-
carnation of Melchizedek, and even declared his divinity. He asserted
that certain persons then living were Cain, Judas, Jeremiah, etc, whom
he had raisetl from the dead, and the strangest part of it was that the
persons concerned stoutly affirmed the truth of his assertion. Others
of them claimed to work miracles and to produce lights and apparitions
in the dai'k. In Barclay's opinion all the evidence "supports the view
that these persons were mad, and had a singular power of producing a
kind of symjiathetic madness or temporary aberration of intellect in
others."
We are better acquainted with the Quakers (Friends), although it is
not generally known that they were originally addicted to similar prac-
tices. Such, however, is the fact, as is shown by the name itself.
Their founder, George Fox, claimed and believed that he had the gift
of prophecy and clairvoyance, and of healing by a mere word', and his
lyograpber, Janney, of the same denomination, apparently sees no
reason to doubt that such was the case. As might have been expected,
he was also a believer in dreams.
We are told that on one occasion, on coming into the town of Lich-
field, " a very remarkable exercise attended his mind, and going through
the streets without his shoes he cried, ' Woe to the bloody city of Lich-
field.' His feelings were deeply affected, for there seemed to be a
channel of blood running down the streets, and the market place
appeared like a pool of blood." On inquiry he learned that a large
number of Christians had been put to death there during the reign of
the Emperor Diocletian thirteen centuries before. "He therefore
attributed the exercise which came upon him to the sense that was
given him of the blood of the martyrs."
We are also told that he "received an evidence" of the great fire of
London in 16G0, before the event, and Janney narrates at length a
"still more remarkable vision" of the same fire by another Friend,
"whose prophecy is well attested." According to the account, this
man rode into the city, as though having come in haste, and went up
and down the streets for two days, jirophesyiug that the city would be
destroyed by fire. To others of his own denomination he declared that
he had had a vision of the event some time before, but had delayed
to declare it as commanded, until he felt the fire in his own bosom.
938 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
When the fire did occur as he had predicted, he stood before the flames
with arms outstretched, as if to stay their advance, until forcibly-
brought away by his friends.
In menCal and physical temperament Fox seems to have closely
resembled Mohammed and the Indian prophets of the Ghost dance.
We are told that he had much mental suflering and was often
vinder great temptation. "He fasted much, and walked abroad in
solitary places. Taking his Bible, he sat in hollow trees or secluded
spots, and often at night he walked alone in silent meditation." At
one time "he fell into such a condition that he looked like a corpse,
and many who came to see him supposed him to be really dead. In
this trance he continued fourteen days, after which his sorrow began
to abate, and with brokenness of heart and tears of joy he acknowl-
edged the infinite love of God." [Janney, Oeorge Fox.)
The sect obtained the name of Quakers from the violent tremblings
which overcame the worshipers in the early days, and which they
regarded as manifestations of divine power on them. So violent were
these convulsions that, as their own historian tells us, on one occa-
sion the house itself seemed to be shaken. According to another au-
thority, men and women sometimes fell down and lay upon the ground
struggling as if for life. Their ministers, however, seem not to have
encouraged such exhibitions, but strove to relieve the fit by putting
the patient to bed and administering soothing medicines. (" Qualcers,^
Encyclopedia Britannica.) ,
The Fifth-Monarchy Men were a small band of religionists who arose
about the same time, proclaiming that the "Fifth Monarchy" prophe-
sied by Daniel was at hand, when Christ would come down from heaven
and reign visibly upon earth for a thousand years. In lGo7 they formed
a plot to kill Cromwell, and in 1(>61 they broke out in insurrection at
night, parading the streets with a baiiner on which was depicted a lion,
proclaiming that Christ had come and declaring that they were invul-
nerable and invincible, as "King Jesus" was their invisible leader.
Troops were called out against them, but the Fifth-Monarchy Men,
expecting supernatural assistance, refused to submit, and fought until
they were nearly all shot down. The leaders were afterward tried and
executed. [Janney^s George Fox and Schaffh Religious Fncyclopedia.)
FRENCH PROPHETS
Forty years later, about the end of the seventeenth century, another
sect of convulsionists, being driven out of France, "found an asylum in
Protestant countries [and] carried with them the disease, both of mind
and body, which their long sufferings had produced." They spread
into Germany and Holland, and in 1706 reached England, where they
became known as "French prophets." Their meetings were character-
ized by such extravagance of convulsion and trance performance that
they became the wonder of the ignorant and the scandal of the more
MooNKV] FRENCH PROPHETS — JUMPERS 939
intelligent classes, notwithstanding which the infection spread far and
wide. We are told that they " were wrought upon in a very extraordi-
nary manner, not only in their minds, but also in their physical systems.
They had visions and trances and were subject to violent agitations of
body. Men and women, and even little children, were so exercised
that spectators were struck with great wonder and astonishment.
Their powerful admonitions and prophetic warnings Avere heard and
received with reverence and awe."
At one time Charles Wesley had occasion to stop for the night with
a gentleman who belonged to the sect. Wesley was unaware of the
fact until, as they were about to go to bed, his new friend suddenly fell
into a violent fit and began to gobble like a turkey. Wesley was
frightened and began exorcising him, so that he soon recovered from
the fit, when they went to bed, although the evangelist confesses that
he himself did not sleep very soundly with Satan so near him.
Some time afterward Wesley with several companions visited a
proplietess of the sect, as he says, to try whether the spirits came
from God. She w.as a young woman of agreeable speech and manner.
"Presently she leaned back in her chair and had strong workings in her
breast and uttered deep sighs. Her head and her hands and by turns
every part of her body were affected with convulsive motions. This
continued about ten minutes. Then she began to speak with a clear,
strong voice, but so interrupted with the workings, sighings, and con-
tortions of her body that she seldom brought forth half a sentence
together. What she said was chiefly in spiritual words, and all as in
' the person of God, as if it were the language of immediate inspiration."
{Southcy^s Wesley, I, and Evans' Shakers.)
JUMPERS ,
About 1740 a similar extravagant sect, known as the Jumpers, arose
in Wales. According to the descrii)tion given by Wesley, their exer-
cises were a very exact parallel of the Ghost dance. " After the preach-
ing was over anyone who pleased gave out a verse of a hymn, and this
they sung over and over again, with all their might and main, thirty or
tbrty times, till somoof them worked themselves into a sort of drunken-
ness or madness; they were then violently agitated, and leaped up and
down in all manner of postures frequently for hours together." A cou-
temporary writer states that he had seen perhaps ten thousand at a
single meeting of the Jumpers shouting out in the midst of the sermon
and ready to leap for joy. {Southey^s Wesley, ii.)
METHODISTS
About the same time the Methodists originated in England under
Wesley and Whitefleld, and their assemblies were characterized by all
the hysteric and convulsive extravagance which they brought with
them to this country, and which is not even yet extinct in the south.
940 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [etu.ann.U
The most remarkable of these exhibitions took place under the preaching
of Wesley, following him, as we are told, wherever he went. Whitefleld,
although more forcible and sensational in his preaching, did not at first
produce the same effect on his hearers, and considered such manifesta-
tions as but doubtful signsof the presence of the Lord and by no means
to be encouraged. On preaching, however, to a congregation in which
Wesley had already produced such convulsions, and where, conse-
quently, there was a predisposition in this direction, several persons
were thus seized and sank down upon the floor, and we are told by the
biographer " this was a great triumph to Wesley."
Wesley himself describes several instances. At one time, he states,
a physician suspecting fraud attended a meeting during which a woman
was thrown into a fit, crying aloud and weeping violently, until great
drops of sweat ran down her face and her whole body shook. Tlie doc-
tor stood close by, noting every symptom, and not knowing what to
think, being convinced that it was not fraud or any^atural disorder.
" But when both her soul and body were healed in a moment he acknowl-
edged the finger of God." On another occasion, Wesley tells us, "While
I was earnestly inviting all men to enter into the Holiest by this new
and living way, many of those that heard began to call upon God with
strong cries and tears. Some sank down, and there remained no
strength in them. Others exceedingly trembled and quaked. Some
were torn with a kind of convulsive motion in every part of their
bodies, and that so violently that often four or five persons could not
hold one of them. I have seen many hysterical and epileptic fits, but
none of them were like these in many respects. I immediately prayed
that God would not suffer those who were weak to be offended; but one
woman was greatly, being sure that they might help it if they would,
no one should persuade her to the contrary; and she was got three or
four yards, when she also dropped down in as violent an agony as the
rest."
At another time, "while he was speaking one of his hearers dropped
down, and in the coarse of half an hour seven others, in violent agonies.
The pains as of hell, he says, came about them; but notwithstanding
his own reasoning neither he nor his auditors called in question the
divine origin of these emotions, and they went away rejoicing and
praising God. . . . Sometinies he scarcely began to speak before
some of his believers, overwrought with expectation, fell into the
crisis, for so it may be called in this case, as properly as in animal
magnetism. Sometimes his voice could scarcely be heard amid the
groans and cries of these suffering and raving enthusiasts. It was not
long before men, women, and children began to act the demoniac as
well as the convert. Wesley had seen many hysterical fits and many
fits of epilepsy, but none that were like these, and lie confirmed the
patients iu their belief that they were torn of Satan. One or two
indeed perplexed him a little, for they were tormented in such an unac-
countable manner that they seemed to be lunatic, he says, as Avell as
McioNEYl WESLEY ON METHODISM 941
sore vexed. But suspicions of this kind made little impression iipou
bis intoxicated understanding; the fanaticisni wliicli he had excited in
others was now resicting upon himself. How should it have been other-
wise? A (Quaker, who was present at one meeting and inveighed
against what bo called the dissimulation of these creatures, caught
the contagious emotion himself, and even wliile be was biting bis lips
and knitting his brows, dropped down as if be had been struck by light-
ning." {Southey^s Wesley.)
SHAKERS
About the year 1750 there originated m England another peculiar
body of sectarians calling themselves the " United Society of Believers in
Christ's Second Appearing," but commonly known, for obvious reasons,
as Shakers. Their chief prophetess and founder was " Mother " Ann Lee,
whom they claim as the actual reincarnation of Christ. They claim also
the inspiration of prophecy, the gift of healing, and sometimes even
the gift of tongues, and believe in the reality of constant intercourse
with the si)irit world through visions. In consequence of persecution
in England, on account of their public dancing, shouting, and shaking,
they removed to this country about 1780 and settled at New Lebanon,
New York, where the society still keeps up its organization.
The best idea of the Shakers is given in a small volume by Evans,
who was himself a member of the sect. Speaking of the convulsive
manifestations among them, he says: "Sometimes, after sitting awhile
in silent meditation, they were seized with a mighty trembling, under
which tliey would often express the indignation of God against all sin.
At other times they were exercised with singing, shouting, and leaping
for joy at tlie near prospect of salvation. They were often exercised
with great agitation of body ami limbs, shaking, running, and walking
the floor, with a variety of other operations and signs, swiftly passing
and repassing each other like clouds agitated with a mighty wind.
These exercises, so strange in the eyes of the beholders, brought upon
them the appellation of Shakers, which has been their most common
name of distinction ever since." With regard to their dancing, he
says: "It is pretty generally known that the Shakers serve God by
singing and dancing; but why they practice this mode of worship is
not so generally understood. . . . When sin is fully removed, by
confessing and forsaking it, the cause of heaviness, gloom, and sorrow
is gone, and joy and rejoicing, and thanksgiving and praise ai-e then
the spontaneous effects of a true spirit of devotion. And whatever
manner the spirit may dictate, or whatever the form into which the
si)irit may lead, it is acceptable to Him from whom the spirit proceeds."
On one particular occasion, "previous to our coming we called a meet-
ing and there was [sic] so many gifts (such as prophecies, revelations,
visions, and dreams) in confirmation of a former revelation for ns to
come that some could hardly wait for others to tell their gifts. We had
a joyful meeting and danced till morning."
942 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.axx.u
Of Ann Lee, their founder, he asserts that she saw Jesus Christ iu
open vision and received direct revelations from this sourtjc. On a
certain occasion she herself declared to her followers : " The room over
your head is full of angels of God. I see them, and you could see them
•if you were redeemed. I look in at the windows of heaven and see what
there is iu the invisible world. I see the angels of God, and hear them
sing. I see the glories of God. I see Ezekiel Goodrich flying from one
heaven to another!" And, turning to the company present, she said,
"Go in and join his resurrection." She then began to sing, and they
praised the Lord in the dance. On another occasion she said : " The
apostles, in their day, saw as through a glass darkly, but we see face
to face, and see things as they are, and converse with spirits and see
their states. The gospel is preached to souls who have left the body.
I see thousands of the dead rising and coming to judgment, now at this
present time." At another time she declared that she had seen a cer-
tain young woman in the spirit world, "praising God in the dance;"
and of a man deceased, " He has appeared to me again, and has arisen
from the dead and come into the first heaven and is traveling on to the
second and third heaven."
Their dance is performed regularly at their religious gatherings at
the New Lebanon settlement. The two sexes are arranged in ranks
ppposite and facing each other, in which position they listen to a sermon
by one of the elders, after which a hymn is sung. They then form a
circle around a party of singers, to whose singing they keep time in
the dance. At times the excitement and fervor of spirit become intense,
and their bodily evolutions as rapid as those of the dervishes, although
still preserving the order of the dance. [Evans' Shakers and encyclo-
pedia articles on Shakers.)
KENTUCKY REVIVAL "
About the year 1800 an epidemic of religious frenzy, known as the
Kentucky Revival, broke out in Kentucky and Tennessee, chiefly among
the Methodists and Baptists, with accompaniments that far surpassed
the wildest excesses of the Ghost dance. Fanatic preachers taught
their deluded followers that the spiritual advent of the kingdom was
near at hand, when Christ would reign on earth and there would be an
/ end of all sin. The date generally fixed for the consummation was the
summer of 1805, and the excitement continued and grew in violence for
. several years until the time came and passed without extraordinary
event, when the frenzy gradually subsided, leaving the ignorant believ-
ers in a state of utter collapse. The performances at the meetings of
these enthusiasts were of the most exaggerated camp-meeting order,
such as may still be witnessed in many parts of the south, especially
among the colored people. Evans, the Shaker historian, who is strong
in the gift of faith, tells us that ''the subjects of this work were greatly
exercised in dreams, visions, revelations, and the spirit of prophecy.
In these gifts of the spirit they saw and testified that the great day of
MooNKY) KENTUCKY REVIVAL 943
God was iit liiiJid, that Christ was about to set np Ins kingdom on earth,
and that this very work would terminate in the full manilestation of
the hitter day of glory."
From another authority, endowed i)erhaps with less of fervor but
with more of (!ommou sense, we get a description of tliese "exercises"
which has a familiar ring that seems to bring it very near home. "The
people remained on tlie ground day and night, listcTiing to the most
exciting sermons, and (Migaging in a mode of worshi|) which consisted
in alternate (Tying, laughing, singing, and shouting, accompanied with
gesticulations of a most extraordinary character. Often there would
be an unusual outcry; some bursting forth into loud ejaculations of
thanksgiving; others exhorting their careless friends to 'turn to the
Lord;' some struck with terror, and hastening to escape; others trem-
bling, weeping, and swooning away, till every appearance of life was
gone, and the extremities of the body assumed the coldness of a corpse.
At one meeting not less than a thousand persons fell to the ground,
apparently without sense or motion. It was common to see them shed
tears iilentifully about an hour before they fell. They were then seized
with a general tremor, and sometimes they uttered one or two piercing
shrieks in the moment of falling. This latter phenomenon was common
to both sexes, to all ages, and to all sorts of characters." {Caswall,
The Prophet of the Nineteenth Century, quoted by Remy.)
After a time these crazy performances in the sacred name of religion
became so much a matter of course that they were regularly classified in
categories as the rolls, the jerks, the barks, etc. " The rolling exercise
was affected by doubling themselves up, then rolling from one side to
the other like a hoop, or in extending the body horizontally and rolling
over and over in the filth like so many swine. The jerk consisted in
violent spasms and twistings of every part of the body. Sometimes
the head was twisted round so that the head was turned to the back,
and the countenance so much distorted that not one of its features was
to be recognized. When attacked by tlie jerks, they sometimes hopped
like frogs, and the face and limbs underwent the most hideous contor-
tions. The bark consisted in throwing themselves on all fours, growl-
ing, showing their teeth, and barking like dogs. Sometimes a number
of people crouching down in front of the minister continue to bark as
long as he preached. These last were suj)posed to be more especially
endowed with the gifts of prophecy, dreams, rhapsodies, and visions of
angels." (Remy, Journey to Great Salt Lake City, I.)
Twenty years later the jerking epidemic again broke out in Tennessee,
and is described in a letter by the famous visionary and revivalist,
Lorenzo Dow, who was then preaching in the same region. His descrip-
tion agrees with that given the author by old men who lived at this time
in eastern Tennessee. We quote from Dow's letter : " There commenced
a trembling among the wicked. One and a second fell from their seats.
I thiulv for eleven hours there was no cessation of the loud cries. Of
14 ETH — PT 2 L'O
944 THE GHOST-DANCE EELIGION [eth.ann.U
the people, some who were staiidiug and sitting fell like men shot on
tlie fleld of battle, and I felt it like a tremor to run through my soul
and veins so that it took away my limb power, so that I fell to the floor,
and by faith saw .a greater blessing than I had liitherto exi)erienced."
At another place he says: "After taking a (!up of tea, I began to speak
to a vast audience, and I observed about thirty to have the jerks,
though they strove to keep as still as they could. These emotions
were involuntary and irresistible, as any unprejudiced mind might
see." At Marysville " many appeared to feel the word, but about fifty
felt the jerks. On Sunday, at Knoxville, the governor being present,
about one hundred and fifty had the jerking exercise, among them a
circuit preacher, Johnson, who had opposed them a little while before.
Camp meeting commenced at Liberty. Here I saw the jerks, and some
danced. The people are taken with jerking irresistiblj', and if they
strive to resist it it worries them more than hard work. Tlieir eyes,
when dancing, seem to be fixed upward as if upon an invisible object,
and they are lost to all below. I passed by a meeting house where I
observed the undergrowth had been cut down for a camp meeting, and
from fifty to a hundred saplings left breast high, which appeared to me
so Slovenish that I could not but ask my guide the cause, who observed
they were tojiped so high and left for the jieople to jerk by. This so
excited my attention that I went over the ground to view it, and found
where the jjeople had laid hold of them and jerked so powerfully that
they kicked up the earth as a horse stamping flies. Persecutors are
more subject to the jerks than others, and they have cursed and swore
and damned it while jerking." Then he says: "I have seen Presby-
terians, Methodists, Quakers, Baptists, Church of England, and Inde-
pendents exercised with the jerks — gentlemen and ladies, black and
white, rich and poor — without exception. Those naturalists who wish
to get it to xjhilosophize upon it and the most godly are excepted from
the jerks. The wicked are more afraid of it than of the smallpox or
yellow fever."
It is worthy of note that, according to his account, investigators who
wished to study the phenomenon were vinable to come under the influ-
euce, even though they so desired.
ADVENTISTS
About 1831 William Miller, a licensed minister, began to jireach the
advent of Christ and the destruction of the world, fixing the date for
the year 1843. Like most others of his kind who have achieved noto-
riety, he based his prediction on the prophecies of the Bible, which
he figured out with mathematical exactness. He began preaching in
New York and New England, but afterward traveled southward, deliv-
ering, it is said, over three thousand lectures in support of his theory.
His predictions led to the formation of a new sect commonly known as
MooNEYj ADVENTISTS 945
Adveiitists, wlio .are said at one time to have numbered over fifty thou-
sand. Oiirried away by blind enthusiasm they made tlieir preparations
for the end of all things, which tliey confidently expected in the summer
of 1843. As the time drew near the believers made all preparations
for their final departure from the world, many of them selling their
property, and arraying themselves in white "ascension robes," which
were actually put on sale by the storekeepers for the occasion. But
the day and the year went by without the fulfillment of the prophecy.
Miller claimed to have discovered an error in his calculations and fixed
one or two other dates later on, but as these also proved false, his
followers lost faith and the delusion died out. The Adventists still
number fifteen or twenty thousand, the largest body being in southern
Michigan, but although they hold the doctrine of the near advent of
the final end, and endeavor to be at all times ready, they no longer
undertake to fix the date.
It may be noted here that the idea of a millennium, when the Mes-
siah shall come in person upon the earth and reign with the just for a
thousand years, was so firmly held by many of the early Christians
that it may almost be said to have formed a part of the doctrinal tradi-
tion of the church. The belief Avas an inheritance from the Jews, many
of whose sacred writers taught that time Avaa to endure through seven
great "years" of a thousand years each, the seventh and last being the
Sabbatical year or millennium, when their Messiah would appear and
make their kingdom the mistress of the world. For this materialistic
.view of the millennium the Christian fathers substituted a belief in the
spiritual triumph of religion, when the armies of antichrist would be
annihilated, but the expectation of the return of Christ to rule in
person over his church before the last days was an essential part of the
doctrine, founded on numerous prophecies of both the Old and the New
Testament.
OTHER PARALLELS
BEEKMANITES
It would require a volume to treat of the various religious abnor-
malisms, based on hypnotism, trances, and the messiah idea, which
have sprung up and flourished in difl'erent parts of our own country
even within the last twenty years. Naturally these delusions thrived
best among the ignorant classes, but there were some notable excep-
tions, particularly in the case of the Beekmanites or "Church of the
Kedeemed." About 1875 Mrs Dora Beekman, the wife of a Congrega-
tional minister in Rockford, Illinois, began preaching that she was the
immortal reincarnation of Jesus Christ. Absurd as this claim may
appear, she found those who believed her, and as her converts increased
in numbers they established their headquarters, which they called
"heaven," near Rockford, built a church, and went zealously to work
to gather proselytes. Beekman refused to believe the new doctrine,
946 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
but being unable to convince his wife of her folly he was finally driven
to insanity. In the meantime the female Christ found an able disciple
in the Keverend George Schweinfurth, a young Methodist minister of
considerable cultivation and ability, who was installed as bishop and
apostle of the new sect. Mrs Beekman dying soon after, in spite of
her claim to immortality, Schweinfurth at once stepped into her place,
declaring that the Christly essence had passed from her into himself.
His claim was accepted, and when last heard from, about three years
ago, he was worshiped by hundreds of followers drawn from the most
prominent denominations of the vicinity as the risen Christ, the lord
of heaven and the immortal maker and ruler of the earth. [J. F. L., 6,
and current newspapers.)
PATTERSON AND BROWN'S MISSION
In 1888 a man named Patterson, in Soddy, a small town in eastern
Tennessee, began preaching that a wonderful thing was about to hap-
pen, and after the matter had been talked about sufficiently for his
purpose, he announced that Christ had come in the person of A. J.
Brown, who had served as Patterson's assistant. Later on Brown dis-
appeared, and it was announced that he had gone up into the mountain
to fast for forty days and nights in order to be fittingly prepared for
his mission. At the end of this period, on a Sunday morning in June,
his followers went out toward the hills, where he suddenly appeared
before them, clothed in white, with his hands uplifted. A great shout
went up, and the people rushed toward him, falling upon their knees
and kissing his feet. Many who were ill declared themselves healed by
his touch. So great was the fanaticism of these people that one girl
declared she was ready to die to prove her faith, and the nonbelievers
became so fearful that human life would be sacrificed that they sent
for the sheriflf' at Chattanooga, and it required all his i)ower to compel
Patterson and Brown to leave the neighborhood that quiet might be
restored. (J.F.L.,6.)
WILDERNESS WORSHIPERS
In 1889 and 1890 a remarkable messianic excitement developed
among the negroes along Savannah river in Georgia and South Caro-
lina, where one man after another proclaimed himself as Christ, prom-
ised miracles, drew crowds of excited men and women from their work,
and created a general alarm among the white population of the whole
section. The most prominent of these Christs was a mulatto named
Bell, who went about preaching his divinity and exhorting all who
would be saved to give up everything and follow him. Hundreds of
negroes abandoned the cotton fields, the sawmills, and the turpentine
woods to follow him, obeying his every word and ready to fall down and
worship him. They assumed the name of "Wilderness Worshipers,"
MooNKYi WILDERNESS WORSHIPERS 947
and set up in tlie woods a "temple" consistiug of a series of circular
seats aiound an oak. The excitement became so demoralizing and
dangerous that Bell was finally arrested. His frenzied disciples would
liave resisted the oflicers, but lie commanded them to be patient, declar-
ing that he could not be harmed and that an angel would come and
open his prison doors by night. As no specific charge could be formu-
lated against him, he was released after a short time, and continued
his preaching to greater crowds than before. At last he announced
that the world would come to an end on August 16, 1890; that all
the negroes would then turn white and all white men black, and that
all who wished to ascend on the last day must purchase wings from
him. {J. F. L., 6.) He was finally adjudged insane and sent to the
asylum. Successors arose in his place, however, and kept up the
excitement for a year afterward in spite of the efforts of the authori-
ties to put a stop to it. One of these claimed to be King Solomon,
while another asserted that he was Nebuchadnezzar, and emphasized
his claim by eating grass on all fours. In addition to the "temple" in
the woods they set up an "ark," and were told by the leaders that any
persecutors who should sacrilegiously attempt to touch it would fall
down dead. Notwithstanding this warning, the officers destroyed both
ark and temple in their eftbrts to end the delusion. At last a woman
was killed by the enthusiasts, and a series of wholesale arrests fol-
lowed. King Solomon, Nebuchadnezzar, and others who were clearly
insane were sent to join Bell in the asylum, and the others were released
from custody after the excitement had waned.
HEAVENLY RECRUITS
Within the last five years various local revivalists hi^ve attracted
attention in different sections of Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, by
their extravagances, among which proiAecies, visions, trances, and
frenzied i)odily exercises were all prominent. Particularly at the
meetings of the " Heavenly Recruits " in central Indiana, and at
other gatherings under the direction of Mrs Woodworth, (cataleptic
trances were of nightly occurrence. The physical and mental demor-
alization at last became so great that the meetings were suppressed
by the authorities.
From the beginning of history the dance and kindred physical ex-
ercises have formed a part of the religious ritual of various oriental
sects, while hypnotic powers and practices have l)een claimed for their
priests. This is especially true of the Mohammedan sect or order of
the Dervishes, of which some account is given in the appendix to this
chapter.
948 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
APPENDIX— HYPNOTISM AND THE DANCE AMONG THE DERVISHES
[From Brown's Dervishes]
Hypnotism. — It is through the performance of the Zikr, by khalvet (pious retire-
ment for purposes of deep devotion), by the Tevejjuh (or turning the face or min<l
devoutly toward God in prayer), by the Murakebeh (or fearful contemplation of
God), the Tesarruf (or self-abandonment to pious reflection and inspiration), and the
Tesavvuf (or mystical spiritualism), that the fervent Dervish reaches peculiar spirit-
ual powers called Kuvveh i roohee batinee (a mystical, internal, spiritual power). The
life or biography of every eminent sheikh or peer details innumerable evidences of
this power exercised in a strange and peculiar manner. This exercise is called the
Kuvveh Iradat, or the " Power of the Will," and, as a theory, may be traced histori-
cally to the Divine Power — the soul of man being connected with the Divine Spirit —
from which it emanates, and with which, through the means before mentioned, it
commences. Some sheikhs are more celebrated than others for their peculiar and
strange powers, and it is to their superiority that their reputation and reverence in
the Mussulman world in general, and among Dervishes in particular, is to be attrib-
uted. With the supposition that the details given of them by their biographers,
disciples, or successors are not invented, or even exaggerated, their powers are cer-
tainly very remarkable. Whilst among them an implicit belief in them i8_ firmly
sustained, sultans and princes have evidently doubted them, and, being alarmed
with the influence the possessors acquired and sustained among the public generally,
they have often shown a direful exercise of their own arbitrary will and power,
which resulted in the untimely end of the unfortunate sheikh. Many, on the other
hand, have survived the frequent exercise of their "spiritual powers," and either
because they acquired a power and influence over the minds of their temporal rulers,
or whether they used them for their own private purposes, so as to conciliate the
more religious or fanatic, they succeeded in reaching advanced ages and a peaceful
end of their remarkable careers. When the ruler of the country has not cared to
order the execution of the sheikh who declared himself possessed of these spiritual
powers, he has simply exiled him from his capital or his territory, and permitted
him freely to exercise his powers and renown in some less objectionable locality.
These powers can only be acquired through the long instruction of a superior spirit-
ual director, or JIurshid, or As-h4b i Yekeen, for whom the disciples ever retain a
most grateful remembrance and attachment.
Among the practices of these powers is the faculty of foreseeing coming events;
of predicting their 'occurrence ; of preserving individuals from the harm and evil
which would otherwise certainly result for them; of assuring to one person success
over the machinations of another, so that he may freely attack him and prevail over
him; of restoring harmony of sentiment between those who would otherwise be
relentless enemies; of knowing when others devised harm against themselves, and
through certain spells of preserving themselves and causing harm to befall the evil
minded, and even of causing the death of anyone against whom they wish to pro-
ceed. All this is done as well from a distance as when near.
In other parts of the world, and among other people, these attainments would
have been attributed to sorcery and witchcraft; in modern times they would be
ascribed to spiritism, or magnetic influences, either of the spirit or of the body;
but to the instructed Dervish they all derive their origin in the spirit of the holy
sheikh — the special gift of the great Spirit of God, which commences with the 8i)irit
of man, from which it directly emanated. The condition or disposition necessary
for these effects is called the Hal (state or frame), and is much the same as that
required by the magnetized, and the object of his operation. The powers of the
body are enfeebled by fasting and mental fatigue in prayer, and the imagination
kept in a fervid state, fully impressed with the conviction that such powers are
really possessed by the sheikh, and that he can readily exercise them over the
MouNKv) THE DERVISHES 949
willing iiiiinl and body of the disciple. How the sheikli can produce such striingo
reHultK on a distant and uuconacious person is left to the admiration and imagination
of tlie faithful disciple, as an incentive to exertions in the same true path as that of
his sheikh.
To exercise the power of the will, it is necessary to contract the thoughts suddenly
upon the object designed to be atfectcd so perfectly as to leave no room for the mind
to dwell, possibly, u\mn any other. The mind must not doubt for an instant of the
success of this eti'ort, nor the possibility of failure; it must, in fact, be completely
absorbed by the one sole idea of performing the determination strongly taken and
firmly relied upon. The persons must, from time to time, practice this; and as they
proceed, they will be able to see how much propinquity exists between themselves
and the Hazret i AsiuA (Godf ) and how much they are capable of exercising this
power.
As an example, the authsr of the Resbihdt narrates the following :
In my youth, I was ever with our Lord MolftuA Ss'eed ed Deeu Kdshgharee at Hereed. It happened
that we, one day, walked out together and fell in wit!i an assembly of the inhabitants of the place
who were engaged in wrestling. To try our powers we agreed to aid witli our "powera of the will"
one of the wrestlers, so that the other should be overrome by him, and after doing so, to change our
design in favor of the diseomfited individual. So wo stopped and, turning toward the parties, gave
the full influence of our united wills to one, and inuuediately he was able to subdue his opponent.
As the person we chose, each in turn, conquered the other, whichever we willed to prevail became the
most powerful of the two, the power of 4Uir own wills was thus clearly manifested.
On another occasion two other persons possessed of these sauK; powers fell in with
au assembly of i>eople at a place occiipied by prize lighters. " To prevent any of
the crowd from passing between and separating us we joined our hands together.
Two persons were engaged fighting; one was a powerful man, while the other was
a spare and weak person. The former readily overcame the latter; and seeing this
I proposed to my companion to aid the weak one by the power of our wills. So he
bade me aid him in the project, while he concentrated his powers upon the weaker
person. Immediately a wonderful occurrence took ])lace; the thin, spare man seized
his giant-like opponent and threw him on the ground with surprising force. The
crowd cried out with astonishment as he turned him over on his back and held him
down with apparent ease. No one present except ourselves knew the cause. Seeing
that my companion was much affected by the effort which he had made, I bade him
remark how perfectly successful we had been, and adding that there isjas no longer
any necessity for our remaining there, we walked away." (Pages 129-132.)
Many individuals who have seriously wronged and oppressed his friends received
punishments through the powers of the sheikh. Several instances are related wherein
some such even fell sick and died, or were only restored to health by open declara-
tions of repentance and imploring his prayerful intercession with God. His spirit
seems to have accompanied those in whose welfare he took an active interest, and
enabled them to commune with him, though far distant from him. His power of
hearing them was well known to Iiis friends, and several instances are cited to prove
the fact. His power of affecting the health of those who injured him or his friends
was greatly increased while he was excited by anger, and on such occasions his
whole frame would be convulsed and his beard move about as if moved by elec-
tricity. On learning details of cruelty done to innocent individuals, the sheikh
would be strangely affected, so much so that no one dared to address him until the
paroxysm was passed; and on such occasions he never failed to commune spiritually
with the sovereign or prince in such a mysterious manner as to inspire him to deal
justly with the guilty person and secure his merited punishment.
Through his "mystical powers" many persons were impressed with the unright-
eousness of their course, and, having repented of the same, became good and pious and
firm believers in his spiritual influences. These powers were always connected with
his pr.ayers, and it was during these that he was enabled to assure the parties inter-
ested of their salutary results and the acceptation of their desires. It scarcely needs
950 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eih. ann.u
to be added, that these prayers were in coiiforiiianoe with Islamism, and were oft'ered
up to Allali, whom he adored, and to whose supremo will he attribntes his powers.
He constantly performed the Zilir Jehree, or '• audibly called God's name," and the
frequent repetition of this practice fitted him for such holy purposes. Sometimes
he would atfect the mind of the individual upon whom he exercised his powers in
such a manner as to throw him into a species of trance, after which he could remem-
ber nothing that he had previously known, and continued in this state until the
sheikh chose to restore him to the enjoyment of his ordinary faculties. Notwith-
standing all of these eminent powers, this great sheikh is reputed to have spent the
latter days of his life at Herat iu extreme indigence, much slighted and neglected
by those who had so admired him while in the vigor of his career. All fear of his
mystical infltiences seems to have disappeared, and it is narrated that these greatly
declined with his ordinary strength of mind and body. (Pages 137-139.)
# # # # ^ m ^ ^
Dbrvish dance. — The exercises which are followed in these halls are of various
kinds, according to the rules of each institution ; but in nearly all they com-
mence by the recital, by the sheikh, of the seven mysterious words of which we
have spoken. He next chants various i)a8sages of the Koran, and at each pause, the
Dervishes, placed in a circle round the hall, respond in chorus by the word "Allah !"
or " Hoo ! " In some of the societies they sit on their heels, the elbows close to those
of each other, and all making simultaneously light movements of the head and the
body. In others, the movement consists in balancing themselves slowly, from the
right to the left, and from the left to the right, or inclining the body methodically
forward and aft. There are other societies in which these motions commence seated,
in measured cadences, with a staid countenance, the eyes closed or fixed upon the
ground, and are continued on foot. These singular exercises are concentrated under
the name of Murftkebeh (exaltation of the Divine glory), and also under that of the
Tevheed (celebration of the Divine unity), from which comes the name Tevheed
Khiineh, given to the whole of the halls devoted to these religious exercises.
In some of these iustittiticms — such as tlio Kadirees, the Riifa'ees, the Khalwettees,
the Bairamees, the Gulshenees, and the Ushakees — the exercises are made each hold-
ing the other by the hand, putting forward always the right foot and increasing at
every step the strength of the movement of the body. This is called the Devr,
which may be translated the " dance" or "rotation." The duration of these dances
is arbitrary — each one is free to leave when he pleases. Everyone, however, makes
it a point to remain as long as possible. The strongest and inost robust of the num-
ber, and the most enthusiastic, strive to persevere longer than the others; they
uncover their heads, take off their turbans, form a second circle within the other,
entwine their arms within those of their brethren, lean their shoulders against each
other, gradually raise the voice, and without ceasing repeat " Ya Allah!" or "Yd
Hoo ! " increasing each time the movement of the body, and not stopping until their
entire strength is exhausted.
Those of the order of the Rufa'ees excel in these exercises. They are, moreover,
the only ones who use fire in their devotions. Their practices embrace nearly all
those of the other orders; they are ordinarily divided into five dilferent scenes, which
last more than three hours, and which are preceded, accompanied, and followed by
certain ceremonies peculiar to this order. The first commences with praises which
all the Dervishes ofier to their sheikhs, seated before the altar. Four of the more
ancient come forward the first, and approach their superior, embrace each other as
if to give the kiss of peace, and next place themselves two to his right and two to
his left. The remainder of the Dervishes, in a body, press forward in a procession,
all having their arms crossed and their heads inclined. Each one, at first, salutes
by a profound bow the tablet on which the name of his founder is inscribed. After-
wards, putting his two hands over his face and his beard, he kneels before the sheikh,
kisses his hand respectfully, and then they all go on with a grave step to take their
places on the sheepskins, which are spread in a half circle around the interior of the
hall. So soon as a circle is formed, the Dervishes together chant the Tekbeer and
MooNKvi THE DKRVI8HE8 951
the KAtiha. Iniiiiediately afterwardw the sheikh pronounces the words "Lji ihilia ill'
Allah!' and repeats them ineessantly ; to whieh the Ueivishes repeat "Allah!" bal-
ancing themselves from side to side, and ]>ntting their hands over their faces, ou
their breasts and their abdomens, and on their knees.
The second scene is ojiened by the llamilee Mohammedee, a hymn in honour of the
prophet, chanted by one of the elders placi^d on the right of the sheikh. During this
chant the Dervishes continue to repeat tlie word "Allah!" moving, however, their
bodies forward and aft. A quarter of an hour later they all rise up, approach each
otlicr, and press their elbows against each other, balancing from right to left and
afterwards in a reverse motion, the right foot always firm, and the left in a period-
ical movement, the reverse of that of the body, all observing great precision of meas-
ure and cadence. In the midst of this exercise they cry out the words "Ya Allah!"
followed by that of " Ya Hoo!' Some of the performers sigh, others sob, some shed
tears, others perspire great' drops, aii<l all have their eyes closed, their faces pale, and
the eyes languishing.
A pause of some miuutes is followed by a third scene. It is performed in the mid-
dle of an Ilahec, chanted by the two elders ou the right of the sheikh. The Ilahees, as
has already been saiil, are spiritual caiitiques, composed almost exclusively in Per-
sian by sheikhs deceased in the odor of sanctity. The Dervishes then hasten their
movements, and, to prevent any relaxation, one of the lirst among them puts himself
iu their center, and excites them by his example. If in the assembly there be any
strange Dervishes, which often happens, they give them, through politeness, this
place of honor; and all fill it successively, the one after the other, shaking them-
selves as aforesaid. The only exception made is in favor of the Mevevees; these
never perform any other dance than tliat peculiar to their own order, which consists
in turning round on each heel in succession.
After a new pause commences the fourth scene. Now all the Dervishes take off
their turbans, form a circle, bear their arms and shoulders against each other, and
thus nuike the circuit of the hall at a measured pace, striking their feet at intervals
against the floor, and all springing up at once. This dance continues during the
Ilahees chanted alternately by the two elders to the leit of the sheikh. In the midst
of this chant the cries of "Y& Allah!" are increased doubly, as also those of "Yil
Hoo!" with frightful bowlings, shrieked by the Dervishes together in the dance.
At the moment that they would seem to stop from sheer exhaustion the sheikh makes
a jioiut of exerting them to new efforts by walking through their midst,' making also
himself most violent movements. He is next replaced by the two elders, who double
the quickness of the step and the agitation of the body ; they even straighten them-
selves >ip from time to time, and excite the euvy or emulation of the others in their
astonishing efforts to continue the dance until their strength is entirely exhausted.
The fourth scene leads to the last, which is the most frightful of all, the wholly
prostrated condition of the actors becoming converted into a species of ecstasy which
they call Halet. It is in the midst of this abandonment of self, or rather of religious
delirium, that they make use of red-hot irons. Several cutlasses and other instru-
ments of sharp-pointed iron are sus)iended in the niches of the hall, and upon a part
of the wall to the right of the sheikh. Near the close of the fourth scene two Der-
vishes take down eight or nine of these instruments, heat them red hot, and present
them to the sheikh. He, after reciting some prayers over them, and invoking the
founder of the order, Ahmed er KufiVee, breathes over them, and raising them
slightly to the mouth, gives them to the Dervishes, who ask for them with the great-
est eagerness. Then it is that these fanatics, transported by frenzy, seize upon these
irons, gloat upon them tenderly, lick them, bite them, hold them between their teeth,
and end by cooling them in their months. Those who are unable to procure any
seize upon the cutlasses hanging on the wall with fury, and stick them into their
sides, arms, and legs.
Thanks to the fury of their frenzy, and to the amazing biddness which they deem
a merit in the eyes of the Divinity, all stoically bear up against the pain which they
952 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.aiw.u
experience with apparent gaiety. If, however, some of tlieni fall under their suffer-
ings, they throw themselves into the arms of their confrtTcs, but without a complaint
or the least sign of pain. Some minutes after this, the sheikh walks round the hall,
visits each one of the performers in turn, breathes upon their wounds, rubs them
■with saliva, recites prayers over them, and promises them speedy cures. It is said
that twenty-four hours afterward nothing is to be seen of their wounds. (Pages
218-222.)
There was no regularity in their dancing, but each seemed to be performing the
antics of a madman ; now moving his body up and down ; the next moment turning
round, then using odd gesticulations with his arms, next jumping, and sometimes
screaming; in short, if a stranger observing them was not told that this was the
involuntary effect of enthusiastic excitement, he would certainly think that these
Durweeshes were merely striving to excel one another in playing the buffoon.
(Pago 260.)
The fit. — After this preface, the performers began the Zikr. Sitting in the man-
ner above described, they chanted, in slow measure, La ildha ilia 'lldh (there is no
deity but God), to the following air: La i-ld hailla-lldh. Ld i-ld-ha-illa-l-ld-h. Ld
i-ld ha illa-l-ldh. Bowing the head twice on each repetition of " Ld ildha illa'lldh."
Thus they continued about a quarter of an hour, and then, for about the same space
of time, they repeated the same words to the same air, but in .a quicker measure,
and with correspondingly quicker motion. . . .
They next rose, and, standing in the same order in which they had been sitting,
repeated the same words to another air. During this stage of their performance
they were joined by a tall, well-dressed, black slave, whose appearance induced me
to inquire who he was. I was informed that he was a eunuch, belonging to the
basha. The Zikkeera, still standing, next repeated the same words in a very deep
and hoarse tone, laying the principal emphasis upon the word "La," and the first
syllable of the last word, Allah, and littering, apparently with a considerable effort.
The sound much resembled that which is produced by beating the rim of a tambour-
ine. Each Zikkeer turned his head alternately to the right and left at each repeti-
tion of " Ld ildha ilia 'llah." The eunuch above mentioned, during this part of the
Zikr, became what is termed melboos, or " possessed." Throwing his arms about, and
looking up with a very wild expression of countenance, he exclaimed, in a very high
tone and with great vehemence and rai)idity, Allah! Allah! Allah! Allah! Allah! la!
la ! la ! la ! la ! la ! la ! la ! la ! la ! la ! la ! Idh ! Yd 'ammee ! Yd 'ammee ! Yd 'ammee ! Ash-
mdtvee! YdAshmdwee! YdAshmdwee! {Yd' ammee signifies O, my uncle !; His voice
gradually became faint, and when he had uttered those words, though he was held
by a Durweesh who was next him, he fell on the ground, foaming at the mouth, his
eyes closed, his limbs convulsed, and his fingers clenched over his thumbs. It was
an epileptic fit. No one could see it and believe it to be the effect of feigned
emotions; it was undoubtedly the result of a high state of religious excitement.
Nobody seemed surprised at it, for occurrences of this kind at Zikrs are not uncom-
mon. All the performers now appeared much excited, repeating their ejaculations
with greater rapidity, violently turning their heads, and sinking the whole body at
the same time, some of them jumping. The eunuch became melhoos again several
times, and I generally remarked that his fits happened after one of the Moonshids
had sung a lino or two, and exerted himself more than usually to excite his hearers.
The singing was, indeed, to my taste, very pleasing. Toward the close of the Zikr
a private soldier, who had joined through the whole performance, also seemed
several times to be melhoos, growling in a horrible manner and violently shaking
his head from side to side. The contrast presented by the vehement and distressing
exertions of the performers at the close of the Zikr, and their calm gravity and
solemnity of manner at the commencement, was particularly striking. Money was
collected during the performance for the Moonshid. The Zikkeers receive no pay.
(Pages 252-255.)
thp: songs
INTRODUCTOEY
(^ The Ghost-dance songs are of the utmost importance in connection
with tlie study of the niessiah religion, as we find embodied in them
much of the doctrine itself, with more of the special tribal mythologies,
together with such innumerable references to old-time customs, cere-
monies, and modes of life long since obsolete as make up a regular
symposium of aboriginal thought and practice. There is no limit to the
number of these songs, as every trance at every dance produces a new
one, the trance subject after regaining consciousness embodying his
experience in the spirit world in the form of a song, which is sung at
the next dance and succeeding performances until superseded by other
songs originating in the same way. Thus, a single dance may easily
result in twenty or thirty new songs/^While songs are thus born and
die, certain ones which appeal especially to the Indian heart, on account
of their inytliology, pathos, or peculiar sweetness, live and are per-
petuated. ( There are also with each tribe certain songs which are a
regular part of the ceremonial, as the opening song and the closing
song, which are repeated at every dance. Of these the closing song is
the most important and permanent. In some cases certain songs con-
stitute a regular series, detailing the experiences of the same person
in successive trance visions. ^AFirst in importance, for num\)er, rich-
ness of reference, beauty of sentiment, and rhythm of language, are
the songs of the Arapaho,
THK ARAPAHO
TRIBAL SYNONYMY
Ahyd'to — Kiowa name; meaning nnknown; the Kiowa call the wild plum hy the
same name.
Ano' K-anyolakaiio — Kichai name.
A'ra'puho — popular name; derivation uncertain ; but, perhaps, as Dunbar suggests,
from the Pawnee word tirapihu ot larapihu, "he buys or trades," in allusion to
the Arapaho having formerly been the trading medium between the Pawnee,
Osage, and others on the north, and the Kiowa, Comanche, and others to the
southwest {Grinnell letter).
Ardpukata — Crow name, from word Arapaho.
Bdidfc — Kiowa Apache name.
Deteeka'yaa — Caddo name, "dog eaters."
Bitdniwo'ir — Cheyenne name, " cloud men."
Inuiia-ina — proper tribal name, "our people," or "people of our kind."
Kaninahoic or Kanlnu'vish — Ojibwa name: meaning unknown.
953
954 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.a*n.14
Eomee'ka-K'iiiahyup — former Kiowa name; "men of the worn-out leggings;" from
komse', "smolvy, soiled, worn out;" lali, "leggings;" I'iiiahyup, "men."
Maqpi'ato — Sioux name, " blue cloud," i. e., cleiir sky; reason unknown.
Nia' rliarV 8-kurikuva' s-huski — Wichita name.
Sani'ti'ka — Pawnee name, from the Comanche name.
SdrHika — Comanche and Shoshoni name, " dog eaters," in allusion to their special
liking for dog flesh.
jSarefiita— Wichita name, from the Comanche name.
TRIBAL SIGNS
Southern Arapaho, "xuh noses;" northern Arapaho, "mother people;" Gros Ventres
of the Prairie, "hell!/ people."
SKETCH OF THE TRIBE
The Arapaho, with their subtribe, tlie Gros Ventres, are one of the
westernmost tribes of the wide-extending Algonquian stock. Accord-
ing to their oldest traditions they formerly lived in northeastern Minne-
sota and moved westward in company with the Cheyenne, who at that
time lived on the Cheyenne fork of Eed liver. From the earliest i)eriod
the two tribes have always been closely confederated, so that they
have no recollection of a time when they were not allies. In the west-
ward migration the Cheyenne took a more southerly direction toward
the country of the Black hills, while the Arapaho continued more nearly
westward up the Missouri. The Arapaho proper probably ascended on the
southern side of the river, while the Gros Ventres went up the northern
bank and finally drifted off toward the Blackfeet, with whom they have
ever since been closely associated, although they have on several occa-
sions made long visits, extending sometimes over several years, to their
southern relatives, by whom they are still regarded as a part of the
"Inuna-ina." The others continued on to the great divide between
the waters of the Missouri and those of the Columbia, then turning south-
ward along the mountains, separated finally into two main divisions,
the northern Arapaho continuing to occujiy the head streams of the
Missouri and the Yellowstone, in Montana and Wyoming, while
the southern Arapaho made their camps on the head of the Platte, the
Arkansas, and the Canadian, in Colorado and the adjacent states, fre-
quently joining the Comanche and Kiowa in their raids far down into
Mexico. From their earliest recollection, until put on reservations,
they have been at war with the Shoshoni, Ute, Pawnee, and Navaho, but
have generally been friendly with their other neighbors. The southern
Arapahoand Cheyenne have usually acted in concert with the Comanche,
Kiowa, and Kiowa Apache.
They recognize among themselves five original divisions, each having
a different dialect. They are here given in the order of their importance:
1. Na'kasim'na, Ba'achinena or Northern Arapaho. N^akasingna,
"sagebrush men," is the original name of this portion of the tribe and
the divisional name xised by themselves. The name Baachini5na, by
which they are commonly known to the rest of the tribe, is more
MooNEY] DIVISIONS OF THK ARAPAHO 955
iiiodeni aiitl may mean "red willow (i. e., kihikinik) men,'" or possibly
"blood pudding men," the latter meaning said to have been an allusion
to a kind of sausage formerly made by this band. They are commonly
known as northern Arapaho, to distinguish them from the other large
division living now in Oklahoma. The Kiowa distinguished them as
Tiigyii'ko, " sagebrush people," a translation of their proper name,
Baachinf-na. Although not the largest division, the BaachinPna claim
to be the " mother people" of the Arapaho, and have in their keeping
the grand medicine of the tribe, the seicha or sacred pipe.
2. J\^a'(fwwr««, "southern men," or Southern ^ ra/>a/to, called Wawa-
thi'neiin, " southerners," by the northern Arapaho. This latter is said
to bo the archaic form. The southern Arapaho, living now in Okla-
homa, constitute by far the larger division, although subordinate in the
tribal sociology to the northern Arapaho. In addition to their every-
day dialect, they are said to have an archaic dialect, some words of
which approximate closely to Cheyenne.
3. AWninevAi, Hitu'nfitia, or GrosVentrea of the Prairie. The first name,
said to mean "white clay people" (from aiitt, "white clay"), is that by
which they call themselves. IlitunPna or Hitunenina, "begging men,"
"beggars," or, more exactly, "spongers," is the name by which they are
called by the other Arapaho, on account, as these latter claim, of their
propensity for filling their stomachs at the expense of someone else.
The same idea is intended to be conveyed by the tribal sign, which
/signifies "belly people," not "big bellies" (Gros Ventres), as rendered
by th^ French Canadian trappers. The Kiowa call them Bot-k iu'ago,
"b'elly men." By the Shoshoni, also, they are known as Sii'pani, "bel-
lies," while the Blackfeet call them Atsina, "gut people." The Ojibwa
call them Bahwetegow-eninnewug, "fall peoi)le," according to Tanner,
whence they have sometimes been called Fall Indians or Rapid tlndians,
from their former residence about the rapids of the Saskatchewan. To
the Sioux they are known as Sku'tani. Lewis and Clark improperly
call them "Minuetareesof Fort de Prairie." The Hidatsa or Minitari
are sometimes known as Gros Ventres of the Missouri.
4. Ba'sawinw'na, "wood lodge men," or, according to another author-
ity, " big lodge people." These were formerly a distinct tribe and at war
with the other Arapaho. They are represented as having been a very
foolish people in the old times, and many absurd stories are told of
them, in agreement with the general Indian practice of belittling con-
quered or subordinate tribes. They have been incorpot-ated with the
northern Arapaho for at least a hundred and fifty years, according to
the statements of the oldest men of that band. Their dialect is said
to have differed very considerably from the other Arapaho dialects.
There are still about one hundred of this lineage among the northern
Arapaho, and perhaps a few others with the two other main divisions.
Weasel Bear, the present keeper of the sacred pipe, is of the Biisaw-
unena.
956 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
5. Ha'nahawunena or Aanu'hawd (ineaniug unknown). These, like
the Basawuu?na, lived'witli the northern Arapaho, but are now practi-
cally extinct.
"^ There seems to be no possible trace of a clan or gentile system among
the Arapaho, and the same remark holds good of the Cheyenne, Kiowa,
and Comanche. It was once assumed that all Indian tribes had the
clan system, but later research shows that it is lacking over wide areas
in the western territory. It is very doubtful if it exists at all among
the prairie tribes generally. Mr Ben Clark, who has known and studied
the Cheyenne for half a lifetime, states positively that they have no
clans, as the term is usually understood. This agrees with the result
of personal investigations and the testimony of George Bent, a Chey-
enne half-blood, and the best living authority on all that relates to his
tribe. With the eastern tribes, however, and those who have removed
from the east or the timbered country, as the Caddo, the gentile sys-
tem is so much a part of their daily lile that it is one of the first things
to attract the attention of the observer.
In regard to tlie tribal cami)ing circle, common to most of the prai-
rie tribes, the Arapaho state tliat on account of their living in three
main divisions they have had no common camping circle within their
recollection, but that each of these th^ee divisions constituted a single
circle when encamped in one place.
Among the northern Arapaho, on the occasion of every grand gath-
ering, the sacred pipe occupied a special large tipi iu the center of the
circle, and the taking down of this tipi by the medicine keeper was the
signal to the rest of the camp -to prepare to move. On the occasion of
a visit of several hundred Cheyenne and Arapaho to the Kiowa and
Comanche at Anadarko, in the summer of 1892, each of the visiting
tribes camped iu a separate circle adjacent to the other. The opening
of the circle, like the door of each tipi, always faces the east.
Under the name of Kaneuilvisli the Arapaho proper are mentioned
by Lewis and Clark in 1805, as living southwest of the Black hills.
As a tribe they have not been at war with the whites since 1868, and
took no part iu the outbreak of the Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Comanche
in 1874. At present tliey are iu three main divisions. First come
the Gros Ventres, numbering 718 iu 1892, associated with the Asini-
boin on Fort Belknap reservation in Montana. There are probably
others of this band with the Blackfeet on the British side of the line.
Next come the northern Arapaho, numbering 829, associated with the
, Shoshoni on Wind liiver reservation in Wyoming. They were placed
on this reservation in 1876, after having made peace with the Shoshoni,
their hereditary enemy, in 18G9. They are divided into three bands, the
"Forks of the Eiver Men" under Black Coal, the head chief of the whole
division; the "Bad Pii)es" under Short Kose, and the "Greasy Faces"
under Spotted Horse. Tlie third division, the southern Arapaho,
associated with the Clieyennc in Oklahoma, constitute the main body
SKETCH OF THE AEAPAHO
957
of the tribe and iiuiiibeietl 1,(K(1 in 1892. Tlioy have five "bands:
1, Wa'(iuithi, ''bad faces," the principal band and the one to which the
head cliief, Left Hand, behnigs; 2, Aqa'thinf-'na, "pleasant men;"
3, Gawunc'na or (ia'wunchiina (Kawinahan, "black people" — Hayden),
"Blackfeet," so called because said to be of part Blackfoot blood, the
same name being a])plied to the Blackfoot tribe; 4, Ila'cphana, "wolves,"
because they had a wolf (not coyote) for medicine; 5, Siisa'bii-ithi,
"looking up," or according to another authority, "looking around, i. e.,
watchers or lookouts." Under the treaty of Medicine Lodge in 1867,
they and the southern Cheyenne were placed on the reservation which
they sold iu 1890 to take allotments and become citizens. Their present
Fia. 88— Arapaho tipi and wiudbreak.
chief is Left Hand (Nawat), who succeeded the celebrated Little Eaven
(Ilosa) a few years ago. The whole number of the Arapaho and Gros
Ventres, including a few in eastern schools, is about 2,700.
-^ntil very recently the Arai)aho have been a typical prairie tribe,
living in skin tipis and following the buft'alo in its migrations, yet they
retain a tradition of a time when they were agricultural. They are
of a friendly, accommodating disposition, religious and contemplative,
Avithout the truculent, pugnacious character that belongs to their con-
federates, the Cheyenne, although they have always proven themselves
brave warriors. They are also less mercenary and more tractable than
the prairie Indians generally, and having now recognized the inevitable
of civilization have gone to work in good faith to make the best of it.
958
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[Kl H.ANN. U
Their religious nature lias led them to take a more active interest in
the Ghost dance, which, together with the rhythmic character of tlieir
laTiguage, has made the Arapaho songs the favorite among all the tribes
of Oklahoma. The chief study of the Ghost dance was made among the
Arapaho, whom the author visited six times for this purpose. One visit
was made to those in Wyoming, the rest of the time being spent witli
-the southei'n branch of the tribe.
SONGS OF THE ARAPAHO
1. Opening SoN(i — Eyehk'! n.\'nisa'na
^^i^^
^^
£
-rw-r.
zaotziM^
Eyo-lie'!A - Ba'-ni-aa' - n.i,
Hi' -iiii cha'-saq
— I — i^— I — f^-
:?5=
-*-*-
a-ti-cha' ulna He'- e - ye'! lli'-nii diii'-saq a-ti-cha' nl'na He'-e-ye'! Xa'-h^-ni na'-ni-
ii^^ia^l^^^^ip^^^l
tha'-tu-hfl'-na He'-e-ye' ! Na' ha-ni na'-ni-tha'-tu-hfl'-ua Hc'-e-ye' ! I)i'-ta-a'-wu'
"-• — "Ti M-M — i-i-* — t-
^*-»
^^^
da' • ua - a' - ba-na'-waHe'-e - ye'! IJi'-ta - a'-wu' da' - iia - a' - bii - na'-wa He'-e - yc'!
Eyehe'! nii'nisa'na,
Eyehe' ! nii'uisji'na,
Hi'nii chii'sa' iiticlia'nl'na He'eye' !
Hi'iiil chii'siV' iiticlia'nl'na He'eye' I
Na'hani nii'nithii'tuhu'na He'eye' !
Na'hani nii'nithii'tuhu'na He'eye'!
Bl'taa'wn' da'naa'hiina'wa He'eye'!
Bi'taa'wu' da'uaa'biina'wa He'eye'!
Translation
O, my children ! O, my children !
Hero 18 another of your pipes — He'eye' !
Here is another of your pipes — He'eye'!
Look! thus I shouted — He'eye'!
Look! thus I shouted — He'eye'!
When I moved the earth ^i?e'e//e'.'
When I moved the earth — He'eye'!
This opening song of the Arapaho Ghost dance originated among the
northern Arapaho in Wyoming and was brought down to the southern
branch of the tribe by the first apostles of the new religion. By
"another jnpe" is probably meant the newer revelation of the messiah,
the pipe being an important feature of all sacred ceremonies, and all
MOONBV] SONGS OF THE AKAPAHO 959
tlieir previous religious tnulition having centered about the sficha or
Hat pipe, to be des(!iibccl hereafter. Tlie pipe, however, was not com-
monly carried in the dance, as was the case among the Sioux. In this
song, as in many others of the Ghost dance, the father or messiah,
Ilesihia'nin, is supposed to be addressing "my children," niinisa'na.
The tune is particularly soft and pleasing, ami the song remains a
standard favorite. The second reference is tq the new earth which is
supposed to be already moving rapidly forward to slide over and take
the place of this old and worn-out creation.^
2. SE'lCHA iiki'ta'wuni'na
Sfi'icha' hei'ta'wuni'na — E'yahe'eye,
SB'ieha hei'ta'wuni'na — E'yahe'eye.
Hc'sfina'nini — Yahe'eye',
He'sflna'nini — Yahe'eye'.
Ctnitha'wuchii'wahrmiiniiia — E'yahe'eye' ,
tTtnitha'wuchii'wahiiniinina — E'yahe'eye'.
Ile'sana'nini — E'yahe'eye,
He'sana'Dini — E'yahe'eye.
Translation
The sacred pipe tells me — IC ijahe' eye !
The sacreil pipe tells ine — E'l/ahe'eye !
. Oiir father — Yahe'eye' !
Our father — Yahe'eye !
We shall surely lie put again (with our friends) — K'yahe'eye.'
We shall surely bo put a<;ain (with our friends) — Ji' yahe'eye!
^ Our father — E'yahe'eye!
Our father — E'yahe'eye!
The sSicha or flat pipe is the sacred tribal medicine of the Arapaho.
Acct)rding to the myth it was given to their ancestors at the beginning
Vof the world after the Turtle had brought the earth up from under the
water. It was delivered to them by the Duck, which was discovered
swimming about on the top of the water after the emergence of the land.
At the same time they were given an ear of corn, from which comes all
the corn of the world. The Arapaho lost the art of agriculture when
they came out upon the buft'alo i)lains, but the sacred pipe the Turtle
long since changed to stone, and the first ear of corn, also transformed
to stone, they have cherished to this day as their great medicine. The
pipe, turtle, and ear of corn are preserved among the northern Arapaho
in Wyoming, who claim to be the "mother people" of the tribe. They
are handed down in the keeping of a particular family from generation
to generation, the present priestly guardian being Se'hiwuq, "Weasel
Bear" (from sea, weasel, and witq, bear; the name has also been ren-
dered "dray Bear," from se, gray,a,\\dwuq, bear), of the BiisawunC'na
division.
The three sacred things are preserved carefully wrapped in deerskins,
and are exposed only on rare occasions, always within the sacred tipi
14 ETH — PT 2 21
960 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.W
aud ill the presence of but a small number of witnesses, who take this
opportunity to smoke the sacred pipe and pray for the things which
they most desire. The pipe itself is of stone, and is described as appar-
ently made in double, one part being laid over the other like the bark
of a tree, the outer part of both bowl and stem being of the regular red
pipestone, while the inner part of both is of white stone. The stem is
only about 10 inches long, while the bowl is large and heavy, with the
characteristic projection for resting the end upon the ground. Both
bowl and stem are rounded, but with a flange of perhaps an inch iu
width along each side of the stem and up along the bowl. From this
comes its name of sMcha, or " fiat pipe." When exposed on such occa-
sions, the devotees sit around the Are in a circle, when the bundle is
opened upon the ground so that all may see the sacred objects. The
medicine keeper then lights the pipe and after taking one or two whiffs
passes it to the one next him, who takes a single whiff and passes it
on to the next. It thus goes sunwise (?) around the circle. In taking
the 86icha the devotees do not grasp the stem, as when smoking on
other occasions, but receive it upon the outstretched palm of the right
hand, smoke, and pass it on around the circle. The flanges along the
side of the pipe allow it to rest flat upon the hand. After all have
smoked, the priest recites the genesis myth of the origin of the land,
and the manner in which the pipe and the corn were given to their
ancestors. The corresponding myth of the Cheyenne occupies "four
smokes" (i. e., four consecutive nights) in the delivery, but I am unable
to state whether or not this is the case with the Arapaho. So sacred
is this tradition held that no one but the priest of the pipe dares to
recite it, for fear of divine punishment should the slightest error be
made in the narration. At the close of the recital the devotees send uii
their prayers for the blessings of which they stand most in need, after
which the priest again carefully wraps up the sacred objects in the skins.
Before leaving the lodge the worshipers cover the bundle with their
offerings of blankets or other valuables, which are taken by the medi-
cine keeper as his fee.
When encamped in the tribal circle, the sacred pipe and its keeper
occupied a large tipi, reserved especially for this purpose, which was
set up within the circle and near its western line, directly opposite the
doorway on the east. In the center of the circle, between the doorway
and the sacred tipi, was erected the sweat-house of the Chi'nachi-
chine'na or old men of the highest degree of the warrior order. The
taking down of the sacred tipi by the attendants of the pipe keeper
was the signal for moving camp, and no other tipi was allowed to
be taken down before it. When on the march, the i)ipe keeper pro-
ceeded on foot — never on horse — carrying the sacred bundle upon his
back and attended by a retinue of guards. As a matter of course,
the sacred pipe was not carried by war parties or on other expedi-
tions requiring celerity of movement. Of late years the rules have
MooNEY] THE ARAPAHO SACRED PIPE 961
80 far relaxed that its present jjiiardiaii sornetiines rides on horseback
while carrying the pipe, but even tlien he (tarries the bundle ui>ou
his own back instead of upon the saddle. He never rides in a wagon
with it. Since the tribe is permanently divided under the modern
reservation system, individuals or small parties of the southern Arapaho
freijuently make the long journey by railroad and stage to the reser-
vation in Wyoming in order to see and pray over the scicha, as it is
impossible, on account of the ceremonial regulations, for the keei)er to
bring it down to them in the south.
So far as known, only one white man, Mr J. Koberts, formerly super-
intendent of the Arapaho scihool in Wyoming, has ever seen the sacred
pipe, which was shown to him on one occasion by Weasel Bear as a
special mark of gratitude in return for some kindness. After having
spent several months among the southern Arapaho, from whom I
learned the songs of the pipe with much as to its sacred hist<jry, I
visited the messiah in Nevada and then went to the northern Arapaho
in Wyoming, with great hope of seeing the sfncha and hearing the tradi-
tion in full. On the strength of my intimate acquaintance with their
relatives in the south and with their great messiah in the west, the
chiefs and head-men were favorable to my purpose and encouraged me
to hope, but on going out to the camp in the mountains, where nearly
the whole tribe was then assembled cutting wood, my hopes were dashed
to the ground the first night by hearing the old priest, Weasel Bear,
making the public announcement in a loud voice throughout the camp
that a white man was among them to learn about their sacred things,
but that these belonged to the religion of the Indian and a white man
had no business to ask about them. The chief and those who had
been delegates to the messiah came in soon after to the tipi where I
was stop[)ing, to express their deep regret, but they were unable to
change the resolution of Weasel Bear, and none of themselves would
venture to repeat the tradition.
3. Ate'bK TiAwu nAnu'
Ate'be tiftwu'nBnu', nii'niHa'iiil,
Atc'be tiilwu'niinu', Dii'uisa'nA,
Nrathu'fl', Ni'athu'a',
Ni'biim' ga'awa'ti'na,
Ni'binu' ga'awa'ti'na.
Tranalation
My children, when at tirst I liked the whites,
My children, when at first I liked the whites,
I gave them fruits,
I gave them fruits.
This song referring to the whites was composed by Nawat or Left
Hand, chief of the southern Arapaho, and can hardly be considered
dangerous or treasonable in character. According to his statement, in
962 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
his trance vision of the other world the father showed him extensive
orchards, telling him that in the beginning all these things had been
given to the whites, but that hereafter they would be given to his chil-
dren, the Indians. Nia'tJia, plural Nia'tluid, the Arapaho name for the
whites, signifies literally, expert, skillful, or wise.
4. A'ba'ni'hi'
A'ba'ni'hi',
A'bii'ni'hi',
Atichii'bi'niisUua,
Atichii'bi'iiiisiinri,
Chi'chita'nfi,
Chi'chita'nr.
' Translation
My partner, my partner,
Let us go out gambling,
Let us go out gambling.
At chi'chita'ne, at chi'chita' tie.
Ghi'chita'neis a favorite game of contest with the boys, in which the
player, while holding in his hands a bow and an arrow ready to shoot,
keeps in the hand which grasps the string a small wisp of grass bound
with sinew. He lets this drop and tries to shoot it with the arrow be-
fore it touches the ground. The wisp is about the size of a man's finger.
The song came from the north, and was suggested by a trance vision
in which the dreamer saw his former boy friends playing this game in
the spirit world.
5. A'-NISOna'a'iu: AcilIslIINl'yAHI'NA
A'-nisftna'a'hu',
A'-nisftna'a'hu',
A'chl8hiul'<iahi'na,
A'chtshinl'qahi'na,
E'hihii'sina'kawu'liu'nlt,
E'hihii'siiia'kawu'hu'nit.
Translation
My father, luy father.
While he was taking me around,
While he was taking me aronnd,
He turned into a moose,
He turned into a moose.
This song relates the trance experience of Waqui'si or "Ugly Face
"Woman." In his vision of the spirit world he went into a large Arapaho
camp, where he met his dead father, who took him around to the vari-
ous tipis to meet others of his departed friends. While they were thus
going about, a change came o'er the spirit of his dream, as so often
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
ARAPAHO BED
[UFI7BRSIT
MOOSEY]
ARAl'AHO BEDS
963
hap]»eiis in this fevered mental condition, and instead of Lis father
lie found a moose standing l»y his side. Such transformations are
fre<iuently noted in the (ihost-dance songs.
6. E'YEllK' ! WO'NAYU'UHU'
E'yehe' ! Wft'nayu'iihu' —
E'yehe' ! Wft'nayu'uhii' —
A'ga'nil',
A'ga'nS'.
Translation
E'yehe'.' they are new —
E'yehe'! tlieyarenow —
The bed coverings,
The bell coverings.
The composer of this song is ii woman who, in her trance, was taken
to a large camp where all the tipis were of clean new buffalo skins,
and the beds and interior furniture were all in the same condition.
Flu. 89— Bed of the prairie tribes.
The bed of the prairie trilies is composed of slender willow rods,
peeled, straightened with the teeth, laid side by side and fastened
together into a sort of mat by means of buc^kskiu or rawhide strings
passed through holes at the ends of the rods. The bed is stretched upon
a platform raised about a foot above the ground, and one end of the
mat is raised up in hammock fashion by means of a tripod and buck-
skin hanger. Tlie rods laid across the platform, forming the bed proper,
are usually about 3^ or 4 feet long (the width of the bed), while those
forming the upright part suspended from the tripod are shorter as they
964
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETII. ANN. 14
approach the top, where they are ouly about half that length. The
bed is bordered with buckskin binding fringed and beaded, and the
exposed rods are painted in bright colors. The
hanging portion is distinct from the part resting
upon the platform, and in some cases there is a
hanger at each end of the bed. Over the plat-
form portion are spread the buckskins and blankets,
which form a couch by day and a bed by night. A
pillow of buckskin, stuffed with buff'alo hair and
elaborately ornamented with beads or porcupine
quills, is sometimes added. The bed is placed close
up under the tipi. In the largest tipis there are
usually three beds, one being opposite the doorway
and the others on each side, the flre being built in a
hole scooped out in the
ground in the center
of th e lod ge. Th ey are
used as seats during
wakinghours, while the
ground, with a rawhide
spread upon it, consti-
tutes the only table at
meal time (plate cxxi;
figure 89). In going
to bed there is no un-
dressing, each person
as he becomes sleepy simx)l
stretching out and drawin
a blanket over himself, head
and all, while the other occu-
pants of the tipi continue their
talking, singing, or other busi-
ness until they too lie down
to pleasant dreams.
7. Hi'sAHi'ui
Hi'siihi'hi, Hi'siibi'hi,
Ha'nii ta'wunii ga'awil
Ha'iiii ta'wfinii ga'awi
A'tanii'tiihinil'na,
A'tauii'tiihinii'na.
Translation
My partner ! My i)artii
Strike the, l>all lianl —
Strike tlie ball hard.
I waut to win,
I want to win.
ria. 90— Shinny stick
and ball.
Fig. 91 — Wakinia or
hea4-featlierH.
This song refers to the woman's game of guga'han-a't or " shinny,"
played with curved sticks and a ball like a baseball, called gaawa'ha,
SONGS OF THE AKAPAHO
965
made of (buffalo) hair and covered with buckskin (figure 90). Two
stakes are set up as goals at either end of the ground, and tlie object
of each party is to drive the ball through the goals of the other. Each
inning is a game. The song was composed by a woman, who met her
former girl comrade in the spirit world and played this game with her
against an opposing party.
8. A'-.\'ANl'.Nri>l'NX'8I WAKU'NA
Nii'nisa'na, Nii'nisa'iia,
A'-nani'ni'bi'nJi'si waku'na,
A'-iiaiii'ni'bi'nii'si waku'na.
NU'nisa'na, Nii'nisa'na.
Translation
My children, my cbililren.
The wind makes the head-feathers «iug —
The wind makes the head-feathers sing.
My children, ray children.
By the wakuna or head-feathers (figure 91) is meant the two crow
feathers mounted on a short stick and worn on the head by the leaders
of the dance, as already described.
9. Hk'! Nank'th ni'siiKjAWA
:l=^T
^35
^=t^
:r^
razzE
*-#
tt
#-r-
-JlZKZ
TMUL
■*-*-
±IZ*=
P^
aati
Xii' - II i - 8a' - na.
He'! Nii-iic'th bi'-shi - qa'- wil. He' ! Na-ne'th bi'-slii-qu' - wft.
fe
I
jtt
H:
iii • sa' • ua,
iia' - lia't • da'-bii'-iia*!, Nii'
¥-'-¥-^±t
:^^
na' - Jia't - da' • bii'-uati.
He' ! niine'th bi'shiiia'wft,
He' ! niine'th bi'sbiqa'wa,
Nii'nisa'na, nii'nisa'na,
Nii'ina'ha'tdii'bli'naq,
Nii'ina'ha'tdii'bii'naq.
Translation
He! When I met him approaching —
He! "When I met him approaching —
My children, my chiUlren —
I then saw the multitude plainly,
I then saw the multitude plainly.
This song was brought from the north to the southern Arapaho by
Sitting Bull. It refers to the trance vision of a dancer, who saw the
966 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.axn.14
messiah advancing at the head of all the spirit army. It is an old
favorite, and is sung with vigor and animation.
10. Hana'na'wunXnu ni'tawu'na'na'
Nii'nisa'na, nil'nisa'na,
Hiina'na'wunanu ni'tawu'na'na',
Hiina'na'wunrmu ni'tawu'na'na',
Di'chin niftuita'wa'thi,
Di'chin nianita'wa'thi.
Nithi'na hesflna'nin,
Nithi'na hesfina'ntn.
Translation
My children, my children,
I take pity on those who have been taught,
I take pity on those who have been taught,
Because they push on liard.
Because they push on hard.
Says our father.
Says our father.
This is a message from the messiah to persevere in the dance. In
the expressive idiom of the prairie tribes, as also in the sign language,
the term for persevering signifies to "push hard."
11. A-ni'qu wa'wana'nib.\'tia'
A-ni'qu wa'wanii'nibii'tia' — Hi'ni'ni' !
A-ni'qu wa'wanii'nibii'tia' — Hi'ni'ni' !
Hi'niqa'agayetu'sa,
Hi'niqa'agayetu'sa,
Hi'ni ni'nitu'sa nibii'tia — Hi'ni'ni' !
Hi'ni ni'nitu'sa nibii'tia — Hi'ni'ni'!
Translation
Father, now I am singing it — Hi'ni'ni/
Father, now I am singing it — Hi'ni'ni!
That loudest song of all,
That loudest song of all —
That resounding song — Hi'ni'ni !
That resounding song — Hi'ni'ni!
This is another of the old favorites. The rolling effect of the vocalic
Arapaho syllables renders it particularly sonorous when sung by a full
chorus. Wi'qa or ani'qii, " father," is a term of reverential affection,
about equivalent to "our father" in the Lord's prayer. The ordinary
word is hesu'na'nin, from nisA'na, "my father."
12. Ha'yana'-usi'ya'
Ha'yana'-usi'ya' !
Ha'yana'-usi'ya' !
Bi'ga ta'cha'wagu'na,
Bi'ga ta'cha'wagu'na.
MooNKYi THE COTTONWOOD SONG 967
Trannlation
How briftlit is the moonlight!
How l)rij;ht is the moonlight!
Tonight as I ride with my loa<l of buffalo beef, _
Tonight as I ride with my load of buffalo beef.
The author of this song, on meeting his friends in the spirit world,
found them preparing to go on a great buft'alo hunt, the prairies of
the new earth being covered witli the countless thousands of buffalo
that have been swept from the plains since the advent of the white
man. They returned to camp at night, under the full moonlight, with
their ponies loaded down with fresh beef. There is something pecu-
liarly touching in this dream of the old life — this Indian heaven where —
" In meadows wet with iiioUt^niDg dews,
In garmentH for the chase arrayed,
The hunter still the det^r pursues —
The hunter and the deer a shade."
13. Ha'ti ni'bXt — E'he'kyb'
Ha'ti ni'biit — E'he'eye'!
Ha'ti ni'biit — E'he'eye'!
Nii'nibii'tawa',
Nii'nibii'tawa',
He'yiiya'ahe'ye!
He'yiiya'ahe'ye !
Translation
The Cottonwood song — E'he'eye' !
The Cottonwood song — E'he'eye' !
I am singing it,
I am singing it, •
He'yiiya'ahe'ye !
He'yiiya'ahe'ye !
The Cottonwood (Populus monilifera) is the most characteristic tree
of the plains and of the arid region between the Rockies and the
Sierras. It is a species of poplar and takes its name from the white
downy blossom fronds, resembling cotton, which come out upon it in the
spring. The cottonwood and a species of stunted oak, with the mes-
quite in the south, are almost the only trees to be found upon the great
plains extending from the Saskatchewan southward into Texas. A.8
it never grows out upon the open, but always close along the borders
of the few streams, it is an unfailing indication of water either on or
near the surface, in a region wellnigh waterless. Between the bark
and the wood there is a sweet milky juice of which the Indians are
very fond — as one who had been educated in the east said, " It is their
ice cream " — and they frequently strip off the bark and scrape the trunk
in order to procure it. Horses also are fond of this sweet juice, and in
seasons when the grass has been burned off or is otherwise scarce, the
968 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
Indian ponies sometimes resort to the small twigs and bark of the Cot-
tonwood to sustain life. In extreme cases their owners have sometimes
been driven to the same shift. In winter the camps of tlie prairie
tribes are removed from the open prairie to the shelter of the cotton-
wood timber along the streams. The tree is held almost sacred, and
the sun-dance lodge is usually or always constructed of cottonwood
saplings.
14. Eykhe'! A'nie'sa'na
Eyehe' ! A'nie'sa'na',
Eyehe' ! A'nie sa'ua',
He'ee'ii'ehe'yulie'yu !
He'ee'ii'ehe'yuhe'y u !
A'-balia' ni'esa'na',
A'-baha' ni'esa'na'.
TrariBlation
Eyeke' ' The young birds,
JE'j^eAe'.' The young birds,
He'ee'a'ehe'yuhe'yu .'
He'ee'a'ehe'yiihe'yii .'
The young Thunderbirds,
The young Thunderbirds.
Among the Algonquian tribes of the east, the Sioux, Cheyenne, Arap-
aho, Kiowa, Comanche, and prairie tribes generally, as well as among
those of the northwest coast and some parts of Mexico, thunder and
lightning are produced by a great bird, whose shadow is the thunder
cloud, whose flapping wings make the sound of thunder, and whose
flashing eyes rapidly opening or closing send forth the lightning.
Among some tribes of the northwest this being is not a bird, but a
giant who puts on a dress of bird skin with head, wings, and all com-
plete, by means of which he flies through tlie air when in search of his
^ prey. The myth is not found among the Iroquois or the Cherokee, or,
perhaps, among the Muskhogean tribes.
The Thunderbird usually has his dwelling on some high mountain or
rocky elevation of difficult access. Within the territory of tlie myth
several places are thus designated as the Thunder's Nest. Thunder
bay of Lake Huron, in lower Michigan, derives its name in this way.
Such a place, known to the Sioux as Waqkin'a-oye', " The Thunder's
Nest," is within the old territory of the Sisseton Sioux in eastern South
Dakota in the neighborhood of Big Stone lake. At another place, near
the summit of the Coteau des Prairies, in eastern South Dakota, a num-
ber of large round bowlders are pointed ont as the eggs of the Thunder-
bird. According to the Comanche there is a place on upper Red river
where the Thunderbird once alighted oti the ground, the spot being still
identified by the fact that the grass remains burned off over a space
having the outline of a large bird with outstretched wings. The same
THE THUNDERBIBD
969
penple tell liow a hunter otice shot and wounded a large bird which
fell to the ground. Being afraid to attack it alone on account of its
size, he returned to <ranip for help, but on again approaching the spot
the hunters heard the thunder rolling and saw flashes of lightning
shooting out from the ravine where the bird lay wounded. On com-
ing nearer, the lightning blinded them so that they could not see the
bird, and one flash struck and killed a hunter. His frightened com-
panions then fled back to camp, for they knew it was the Thunderbird.
Fia. 92— The Thunderbird.
With both Cheyenne and Arapaho the thunder (ha'a') is a large bird,
with a brood of smaller ones, and carries in its talons a number of arrows
with which it strikes the victim of lightning. For this reason they call
the eagle on our coins haa. When it thunders, they say ba'a' nanitti'-
hut, "the thunder calls." In Indian pictography the Thunderbird is
figured with zigzag lines running out from its heart to represent the
lightning. A small figure of it (represented in figure 92), cut from
rawhide and ornamented with beads, is frequently worn on the heads
of the dancers.
970 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [kth.ann.u
15. A'he'sCna'nini nXya'qOti'hi
A'he'siina'nini naya'qftti'hi,
A'he'sflna'niiii uaya'qftti'hi,
Hii'ni'nihiga'huna',
Hii'ni'nihiga'huna',
He'sftna'nin hii'ni na'ha'wafi'.
He'sAna'nin hii'ni na'ha'wafi'.
Translation
Our father, the Whirlwind,
Our father, the Whirlwind —
By its aid I am running swiftly.
By its aid I am running swiftly.
By which means I saw our father,.
By which means I saw our father.
The idea expressed in this soug is that the dreamer "rides the whirl-
wind" in order sooner to meet tlie messiah and the spirit hosts. Father
or grandfather are terms of reverence and affection, applied to anything
held sacred or awful.
16. A'HE'sCna'nINI NiYA'QtlTl'
A'he'sflna'nini nriya'qClti',
A'he'sflna'nini n.lya'qftti',
Wa'wa chii'nil'nagu'niti hu'ua,
Wa'wS chii'nil'nagu'niti hu'ua.
Translation
Our father, the Whirlwind,
Our father, the Whirlwind,
Now wears the headdress of crow feathers.
Now wears the headdress of crow feathers.
In this song the Whirlwind, personified, wears on his head the two
crow feathers, by which the dancers are to be borne upward to the
new spirit world.
17. NlNAA'NIAHr'NA
Ninaii'niahu'na,
NinaJi'niahu'na
Bi'taa'wu hii'niii'siil,
Bi'taa'wu hii'niii'siil,
Hi'nilii'thi nii'niwu'hunft,
Hi'naii'thi nii'niwu'huna.
Translation
I circle around — ,
I circle around
The boundaries of the earth,
The boundaries of the earth —
Wearing the long wing feathers as I fly,
Wearing the long wing feathers as I fly.
MooNET] INDIAN CONCEPTION OF THE COSMOS 971
This song probably reteis to the Thunderbird. There is an ener-
getic swing to tlie tune that makes it a favorite. In Indian belief the
earth is a circular disk, usually surrounded on all sides by water, and
the sky is a solid concave hemisphere coming down at the Itorizou to
the level of the earth. In Cherokee and other Indian myth the sky
is continually lifting up and coming down again to the earth, like the
upper blade of the scissors. The sun, which lives ujmn the outside of
this hemisphere, comes through from the east in the morning while
there is a momentary opening between the earth and the edge of the
sky, climbs along upon the underside of the sky from east to west, and
goes out at the western horizon in the evening, to return during the
night to its starting point in the east.
18. Ha'NAHAWU'nP.N IIKNI'NI'NA
Ha'nahawu'ugn beui'ui'na,
Ha'nahawu'ngu bi'ni'ni'na,
Hina'wftn gu'na'ni'na,
Hina'w&n ga'na'ni'na.
Tranalation
The Hanahawunfn gave to me,
The Hanahawunin gave to me,
His paint — He made iiio clean.
His paint — He made me clean.
The author of this song met in the spirit world a man of the now
extinct Arapaho band of the Manahawunma, who washed the face of
tlie visitor and then painted him afresh with some of the old-time
mineral paint of the Indians. In accord with the Indian belief, all the
extinct and forgotten tribes have now their home in the world of shades.
19. Ate'bk'tana'-ise'ti hk'bCna'nini'
Ate'be'tana'-ise'ti he'sttna'niui' — Ahe'eye' !
Ate'be'taua'-ise'ti he'sftna'nini' — Ahe'eye' !
Na'waa'tanft', Na'waa'tanfl,
Danatinenawau,
Nlta-isa, nita-isa,
Ile'yahe'eye' !
Translation
When lirst our father came — Ahe'eye'!
When first our father came — Ahe'eye'!
I prayed to him, I prayed to him —
My relative, my relative —
Se'y ahe'eye' !
This song was composed by Paul Boynton (Baaku'ni, "Red Feath-
er"), a Carlisle student, after having been in a trance. His brother
had died some time before, and being told by the Indians that he might
972 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [etii.ann.u
be able to see and talk with him by joining the dance, Paul went to
Sitting Bnll, the leader of the dance, at the next gathering, and asked
him to help him to see his dead brother. The result was that he was
hypnotized by Sitting Bull, fell to the ground in a trance, and saw his
brother. While talking with him, however, he suddenly awoke, much
to his regret, probably from some one of the dancers having touched
against him as he lay upon the ground. According to his statement,
the words were spoken by him in his sleep after coming from the dance
and were overheard by some companions who questioned him about it
in the morning, when he told his experience and put the words into
a song. The ''father" here referred to is Sitting Bull, the great apostle
of the Arapaho Ghost dance. It was from Paul's statement, intelli-
gently told in good English before I had yet seen the dance, that I was
first led to suspect that hypnotism was the secret of the trances.
20. A-ni'an£'thXhi'nani'na nisa'na
A-ni'Un6'thithi'nanl'na nisa'na,
A-ni'iine'thfthi'naui'na nisa'na.
He'chil' na'habi'na,
He'chii' na'hribi'na,
Hewa-n'sa hiithi'na,
Hewa-u'sa hiithi'na.
Translation
My father did not recognize me (at first),
My father did not recognize me (at first).
When again he saw me,
When again he saw me,
He said, "You are the offspring of a crow,"
He said, " You are the offspring of a crow."
This song was composed by Sitting Bull, the Arai)aho apostle of the
dance, and relates his own experience in the trance, in which he met
his father, who had died years before. The expression, "You are the
child of a crow," may refer to his own sacred character as an apostfc,
the crow being regarded as the messenger from the spirit world.
21. Ni'-ATHXj'-A-u' a'haka'nith'iI
I'yehe'! anii'nisa'na' — Uhi'yeye'heye' !
I'yehe' ! anii'nisa'nil'- — Uhi'yeye'heye' !
I'yehe' ! ha'dawu'hana' — Eye'ile'yuhe'yu !
I'yehe' ! ha'dawu'hana' — Eye'ae'yuhe'yu !
Ni'athu'-a-n' a'hakii'nith'il — Ahe'yuhe'yu !
Tranalation
I'yehe'! my children — Vhi'yetie'heye' !
I'yehe'! my cliildren — Uhi'yeye'heye' !
I'yehe'! we havis rendered them desolatt^ — Eye'ae'yuhe'yu!
I'yehe'! we have rendered them desolate — Eye'ae'yuhe'yu!
The whites are crazy — Ahe'yuhe'yu!
MooNKY] SONGS OF THE AKAPAHO 973
In this so!ig the father tells his children of the desolation, in conse-
(liiciiee of their folly and injustice, that would cionie upon the whites
wlu'ii tliey will he left alone ui>ou the old world, while the Indians will
be taken up to the new earth to live in happiness forever.
22. Na'ha'ta hitaa'wu
Na'uisa'ufl, uli'nisa'uA,
Na'ha'tu bi'taa'wii h.'itnaa'waa'-ii'hu',
Na'ha'ta bi'taa'wn liiitnaa'waa'-u'hu'.
Hiithi'na Iii'ni8fl'iia-hu',
Hiithi'na lii'nisil'na-liii'.
Translation
My childreu, my children,
Look ! the earth is about to move,
Loolv ! the earth is about to move.
My father tells me so.
My father tells me so.
In this song the dreamer tells his friends, on the authority of the
messiah, that the predicted spiritual new earth is about to start to come
over and cover up this old world. It was also taught, as appears from
the messiah's letter, that at the moment of contact this world would
tre:iible as in an earthquake.
23. Ahr'sCna'nini Xchiqa'hX'wa-u'
Ahe's&na'nini, ahe'sdna'tiini,
Achi<ia'h.Vwa-u', Aehiqa'hfi'wa-fi',
K'hihil'slni'fihi'nit,
E'hihii'slni'i'hi'nlt. ,
Translation
My father, my father —
" I am looking at him,
I am looking at him.
He is beginning to turn into a bird,
He is beginning to turn into a bird.
In this, as in the fifth Arapaho song, we have a transformation.
According to the story of the author, his father is transformed into a
bird even while he looks at him. The song is sung in quick time to
hasten the trance.
24. Ha'Xnake'i
Ha'stnake'l, ha'iinake'i,
Dii'nasa'ku'tilwa',
Dii'nasa'ku'tSwa',
He'sftna'nin hii'ni na'ha'wail',
He'sftna'nin hii'ni na'ha'wau'.
974
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ktu. axn. U
Translalion
The rock, the rock,
I am standing upon it,
I am standing upon it.
By its means I saw our father,
By its means I saw our father.
This i.s one of the old songs now obsolete, and its meaning is not
clear. It may mean simply that the author of it climbed a rock in
order to be able to see farther, but it is more likely that it contains
some mythic reference.
25. Wa'wa'na'danX'diX'
Nii'nisa'naftu', nii'nisa'narifi',
Wa'wa'na'danii'difi',
Wa'wa'na'danii'dia',
Niinisa'na, niinisa'na.
Translation
My children, my chihlren,
I am about to hum.
I am about to hum.
My children, my children.
T'TQ. 93— Hiiiiimer and bull-roarer.
The author of this song saw her cliildren in the other world playing
with the hdtiku'tha, or hummer. On going home after awaking from
MooNEv] THE HUMMER AND IJULL-ROAKER 975
lier trance, she made tlie toy and carried it with her to the next dance
and twirled it in tlie air wliilo sing:ing the song. Tlie hatiku'tha, or
hiiniiiier, is used by the boys of the ])rairie tribes as our boys use the
"cut- water,"' a circular tin disk, suspended on two strings passed
through holes iu the middle, and set in rapid revolution, so as to pro-
duce a huiiiniiiig sound, by alternately twisting the strings upon each
other and allowing them to untwist again. One of these which I exam-
ined consists of a bone from a buffalo hoof, painted in different colors,
with four buckskin strings tied around the middle and running out on
each side and fastened at each end to a small peg, so as to be more
tirnily grasped by the fingers. It was carried in the dance in 1890 by
an old Arapaho named Tall Bear, who had had it in his jrossession for
twenty years. Another specimen, shown in figure 93,a, now in possession
of the National Museum, is similar in construction, but with only one
string on each side.
A kindred toy — it can hardly be considered a musical instrument —
is that known among the whites as the "bull-roarer." It is found
among most of the western tribes, as well as among our own children
and primitive peoples fill over the world. It is usually a simple flat
piece of wood, about 6 inches long, sometimes notched on the edges
and fancifully painted, attached to a sinew or buckskin string of con-
venient length. It is held in one hand, and when twirled rapidly iu
the air produces a sound not uidike the roaring of a bull or of distant
thunder. With most tribes it is simply a child's toy, but among the
Hopi, according to Fewkes, and the Apache, according to Bourke, it
has a sacred use to assist the prayers of the medicine-man in bringing
on the storm clouds and the rain.
t
26. A-TE'Bfc' Dll'NKTITA'NifiG
A-te'biJ' dii'nCtita'nieg — I'yehe'eye' !
A-te'b<5' dii'nftita'nif'g — I'yehe'eye' !
Nii'te'gu be'na nC'chiii'hit — I'yehe'eye'!
Bi'taa'wun — I'yahe'eye' !
Nii'te'gu be'na nC'chiii'hit — I'yehe'eye' !
Bi'taa'wuu^I'yahe'eye'!
De'tawu'ni'ua ni'sa'na — Ahe'eye'-he'eye' !
De'tawu'ui'na ni'sa'na' — Ahe'eye'-he'eye'!
Translation
At the beginning of human existence — I'yehe'eye'!
At the beginning of liumun existence — I'yehe'eye'!
It was the turtle who gave this gratefal gift to me —
The earth — I'yahe'eye'!
It was the turtle who gave this grateful gift to me —
The earth — I'yahe'eye'!
(Thns) my father told me — Ahe'eye'-he'eye"!
f Thus) my father told nie — Jhe'eye'-he'eye'!
14 ETH — PT 2 22
976 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
In the mythology of many primitive nations, from the ancient Hindu
to our own Indian tribes, tlie turtle or tortoise is the supporter of the
earth, the Atlas on whose back rests the burden of the whole living
universe. A reason for this is found in the amphibious character of
the turtle, which renders it equally at home on land and in the water,
and in its peculiar shape, which was held to be typical of the world,
the world itself being conceived as a huge turtle swimming in a
limitless ocean, the dome of the sky being its upper shell, and the flat
surface of the earth being the bony breastplate of the animal, while
inclosed between them was the living body, the human, animal,
and vegetal creation. In Hindu mythology, when the gods are ready
to destroy mankind, the turtle will grow weary and sink under his
load and then the waters will rise and a deluge will overwhelm the
earth. (Fiske.)
The belief in the turtle as the upholder of the earth was common to
all the Algonquian tribes, to which belong the Arapaho and Cheyenne,
and to the northern Iroquoian tribes. Earthquakes were caused by his
shifting his position from time to time. In their pictographs the turtle
was frequently the symbol of the earth, and in their prayers it was
sometimes addressed as mother. The most honored clan was the Turtle
clan ; the most sacred spot in the Algonquian territory was Mackinaw,
the "Island of the Great Turtle;" the favorite medicine bowl of their
doctors is the shell of a turtle; the turtle is pictured on the ghost shirts
of the Arapaho, and farther south in Oklahoma it is the recognized
stock brand by which it is known that a horse or cow belongs to one
of the historic Delaware tribe.
27. Tahu'na'ana'nia'huna
Nii'nisa'na, nii'nisa'na,
Nii'Dani'na ta'hu'na'iina'niahuna',
Tahu'na'uDa'nia'huua,
Na'nisa'na, nu'nisa'na,
Na'nani'na ta'heti'nia'huna',
Ta'heti'nia'huua'.
Tranglation
My children, my children,
It is I who make the thunder as I circle about —
The thunder as I circle about.
My children, my children,
It is I who make the loud thunder as I circle about—
The loud thunder as I circle about.
This song evidently refers to the Thunderbird. It is one of the old
favorites from the north, and is sung to a sprightly tune in quick time.
It differs from the others in having only a part instead of all of the
line repeated.
mooxey]
SONGS OK THE ARAPAHO
977
28. Ani'qu nk'chawu'nani'
Hfoderato.
Ani'qu ne'chawa'nani',
Ani'qu ne'chawn'nani' ;
Awa'wa biqfina'kaye'na,
Awa'wa biqslna'kaye'na;
lyahu'h ni'bithi'ti,
lyahu'h ni'bithi'ti.
Translation
Father, have pity on me,
Father, have pity on me;
I am crying for thirst,
I am crying for thirst;
All is gone — I have nothing to eat,
" All is gone — I have nothing to eat.
This is the most pathetic of the Ghost-dance songs. It is sung to
a phiintive tune, sometimes with tears rolling down the cheeks of the
dancers as the words would bring up thoughts of their present miser-
able and dependent condition. It may be considered the Indian para-
phrase of the Lord's prayer.
29. A-ni'niha'niahu'na
A-ni'niha'niahn'na,
A-ni'niha'niahu'iia,
Yeni's-iti'na ku'niahu'na,
Yeni's-iti'na ku'niahu'na,
Hi'chiibii'i — He'e'e' !
Hi'chiiba'i— He'e'e'!
Translation
I fly around yellow,
I fly around yellow,
I fly with the wild rose on my head,
I fly with the wild rose on my head,
On high — He'e'e' !
On high — He'e'e' !
978 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [etii.axs.u
The meaning of this song is not clear. It may refer to the Thunder-
bird or to the Crow, the sacred bird of the Ghost dance. The ye'nis or
wild rose is much esteemed among the prairie tribes for its red seed
berries, which are pounded into a paste and di-ied for food. It is fre-
quently mentioned in the ghost songs, and is sometimes pictured on
the ghost shirts. Although rather insipid, the berries possess nutri-
tive qualities. They are gathered in winter, and are sometimes eaten
raw, but more generally are first boiled and strained to get rid of the
seeds. This dough like substance is sometimes mixed with marrow from
broken bones and pasted around sticks and thus roasted before the Are.
It is never packed away for future use. The Cherokee call the same
plant by a name which means "rabbit food," on account of this animal's
fondness for the berries.
30. Niha'nata'yeche'ti
He'yoho'ho' ! He'yobo'ho' !
Niha'nata'yeche'ti, na'naga'qanC'tihi,
Wa'waga'th.'infihu,
Wa'waga'thiiuuhu,
Wa'wa ne'hawa'wfina'nabu',
Wa'wa ne'hawa'wrina'nahu'.
He'yoho'ho' ! He'yoho'ho' !
T)ranglation
He'yoho'ho'! He'yoho'ho'!
The yellow-hide, the white-skin (man).
I have now put him aside —
I have now put liim aside —
I have no more sympathy with him,
I have no more sympathy with hira.
He'yoho'ho'! He'yoho'ho'!
This is another song abtfut the whites, who are spoken of as " yellow
hides" or " white skins." The proper Arapaho name for a white man is
Nia'tha, "skillful." A great many names are applied to the whites by
the different Indian tribes. By the Comanche, Shoshoni, and Paiute
they are called Tai'vo, "easterners;" by the Hopi, of the same stock
as the three tribes mentioned, they are known as Paha'na, "eastern
water people;" by the Kiowa they are called Be'ddlpago, "hairy
mouths," or Tdka'-i, "standing ears." It is very doubtful if the "pale
face" of romance ever existed in the Indian mind.
31. A-baa'thina'ht
A-biiji'thina'hji, a-bii;i'thina'hn,
Ha'tnithi'aku'ta'uii,
Ha'tnithi'aku'ta'na,
Ha'-biita'nani hi,
Ha'-biitii'nani'hi.
Ha'tnithi'aku'ta'na,
Ha'tnithi'aku'ta'na.
SACRED REGARD FOR CEDAR 979
Translation
Tho codar tree, the cedar tree,
We have it in the center,
We have it in the center
When we dance,
When we dance.
We have it in the center.
We have it in the center.
The Kiowa, the Sioux, and perhaps some other tribes performed the
Ghost dance around a tree set up in the center of the circle. With
the Kiowa this tree was a cedar, and such was probably the case with
the other tribes, whenever a cedar could be obtained, as it is always a
sacred tree in Indian belief and ceremonial. The southern Arapaho
and C'/heyenne never had <i tree in connection with the Ghost dance, so
that this song could not have originated among them. The cedar is
held sacred for its evergreen foliage, its fragrant smell, its red heart
wood, and the durable character of its timber. On account of its fine
grain and enduring qualities the prairie tribes make their tipi poles
of its wood, which will not warp through heat or moisture. Their
flageolets or flutes are also made of cedar, and in the mescal and other
ceremonies its dried and crumbled foliage is thrown upon the fire as
incense. In Cherokee and Yuchi myth the red color of the wood comes
fr(»m the blood of a wizard who was killed and decapitated by a hero,
and whose head was hung in the top of several trees in succession, but
ct)ntinued to live until, by the advice of a medicine-man, the people
hung it in the topmost branches of a cedar tree, where it finally died.
The blood of the severed head trickled down the trunk of the tree and
thus the wood was stained. •
32. AVa'WA Nft'NANO'KAJCU'TI
Nii'nisa'na, nii'nisa'na,
Wa'wa nil'nanii naku'ti waku'hu,
Wa'wa nft'nanft'uaku'ti wakn'hu.
Hi'yu nii'nii'bii'-i,
Hl'yu nii'uil'bii'-i.
Hii'tii-i'naku'ni hiithi'na nisd'nahii,
H.'i'tii-i'naku'ni hiithi'na nisfl'naliu.
Tranalatitiii
My children, my children.
Now I am waving an eagle feather,
Now I am waving an eaglo feather.
Here is a spotted feather for you.
Here is a spotted feather for you.
You may have ;t, said my father,
You may have it. said my father.
While singing this song the author of it waved in his right hand
an eagle feather prepared for wearing in the hair, while he carried a
980 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
spotted hawk feather iu the other hand. In his trance vision he had
received such a spotted feather from the messiah.
33. A-^'i'Qana'ga
A-ni'qana'ga,
A-nl'qana'ga,
Ha'tani'i'na'dane'na,
Ha'tSni'i'na'ilang'ua.
Translation
There is a solitary bull,
There is a solitary bull —
I am going to use him to " make medicine,"
I am going to use him to "make medicine."
From the buffalo they had food, fuel, dress, shelter, and domestic fur-
niture, shields for defense, points for their arrows, and strings for their
bows. As the old Spanish chronicles of Coronado put it: "To be
short, they make so many things of them as they have need of, or as
many as suffice them in the use of this life."
Among Indians the professions of medicine and religion are insepa-
rable. The doctor is always a priest, and the priest is always a doctor.
Hence, to the whites in the Indian country the Indian priest-doctor
has come to be known as the "medicine man," and anything sacred,
mysterious, or of wonderful power or efficacy in Indian life or belief
is designated as " medicine," this term being the nearest equivalent
of the aboriginal expression in the various languages. To "make
medicine" is to perform some sacred ceremony, from the curing of a
sick child to the consecration of the sun-dance lodge. Among the
prairie tribes the great annual tribal ceremony was commonly known
as the "medicine dance," and the special guardian deity of every war-
rior was spoken of as his " medicine."
/The buffalo was to the nomad hunters of the plains what corn was
^to the more sedentary tribes of the east and south — the living, visible
symbol of their support and existence; the greatest gift of a higher
being to his children. Something of the buffalo entered into every
important ceremony. In the medicine dance — or sun dance, as it is
frequently called — the head and skin of a buffalo hungfrom the center
pole of the lodge, and in the fearful torture that accompanied this
dance among some tribes, the dancers dragged around the circle buffalo
skulls tied to ropes which were fastened to skewers driven through
holes cut in their bodies and limbs. A buffalo skull is placed in front
of the sacred sweat-lodge, and on the battlefield of Wounded Knee I
have seen buffalo skulls and i)lates of dried meat placed at the head of
the graves. The buffalo was the sign of the Creator on earth as the
sun was his glorious manifestation in the heavens. The hair of
the buffalo was an important element in the preparation of "medi-
cine," whether for war, hunting, love, or medicine proper, and for such
THl
[uiriVBRsiTrl
HOONKV]
THE SWEAT-LODGE 981
purpose the Indian generally selected a tuft taken from the breast close
under the shoulder of the auiinal. When the Kiowa, Comanche, and
Ai)ache delegates visited Washington in the spring of 1894, they made
an earnest an<l successful request for some buffalo hair from the ani-
mals in the Zoological Park, together with some branches from the
cedars in the grounds of the Agricultural Department, to take home
with them for use in their sacred ceremonies.
34. A-NeX'THIBIWA'HANi
A'-neii'tbibiwil'hana,
A'-nCil'thibiwa'hana —
Thl'iiya'ne,
Tbi'aya'nfi.
Translation
The place where crying begins,
The place where crying begins —
The thi'di/a,
The thi'aya.
This song refers to the sweat-lodge already described in treating of
the Ghost dance among the Sioux. In preparing the sweat-lodge a
small hole, perhaps a foot deep, is dug out in the center of the floor
space, to serve as a receptacle for the heated stones over which the
water is poured to produce the steam. The earth thus dug out is piled
in a small hillock a few feet in front of the entrance to the sweat lodge,
w'iiich always faces the east. This small mound is called thi'aya in the
Arapaho language, the same name being also applied to a memorial
stone heap or to a stone monument. It is always surmounted by a
buffalo skull, or in these days by the skull of a steer, placed so as to
face the doorway of the lodge. The thi'aya is mentioned in several
of the Ghost dance songs, and usually, as here, in connection with cry-
ing or lamentation, as though the sight of these things in the trance
vision brings up sad recollections.
35. Thi'aya he'nAX'awX'
Thi'aya' he'naa'awil' —
Thi'iiya' he'niiii'awa',
Nii'hibiwa'huna',
Na'hibi wa' huna'.
Translation
When I see the thi'aya —
When I see the thi'aya,
Then I begin to lament,
Then I begin to lament.
This song refers to a trance vision in which the dreamer saw a sweat-
lodge, with the thi'aya, or mound, as described in the preceding song.
982 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ank.U
36. A-HU'llU IIA'tJEXMSTl'TI Ha'HU
A-liu'liu lia'geni'sti'ti ba'hu,
Ha'geni'sti'ti ba'hu.
Hii'nisti'ti,
Hii'nisti'ti. -
Ili'uisa'uu,
Hi'nisa'uil —
Ne'a-i'qaha'ti,
Ne'a-i'qaha'ti.
Trannlal'ton
The crow is making a road,
He is uiakiug a road;
He has finished it,
He has finished it.
His children,
His children —
Then he collected them,
Then he collected them (i. e., on the farther side).
r
The crow (feo) is tlie sacred bird of the Ghost dance, being revered
as the messenger from tbe spirit world because its color is symbolic
of death and the shadow land. The raven, which is practically a larger
crow, and which lives in the mountains, but occasionally comes down
into the plains, is also held sacred and regarded as a bringer of omens
by the prairie tribes, as well as by the Tlinkit and others of the north-
west coast and by the Cherokee in the east. The crow is depicted ou
the shirts, leggings, and moccasins of the Ghost dancers, and its feath-
ers are worn on their heads, and whenever it is possible to kill one, the
skin is stuffed as in life and carried in the dance] as shown in the pic-
ture of Black Coyote (plate cv). At one time the dancers in Left Hand's
camp had a crow which it was claimed had the power of speech and
prophetic utterance, and its hoarse inarticulate cries were interpreted
as inspired messages from the spirit world. Unfortunately the bird
did not thrive in confinement, and soon took its departure for the
land of spirits, leaving the Arapaho once more dependent on the guid-
ance of the trance revelations. The eagle, the magpie, and the sage-
hen are also sacred in the Ghost dance, the first being held in venera-
tion by Indians, as well as by other i^eoples throughout the world,
while the magpie and the sage-hen are revered for their connection
with the country of the messiah and the mythology of his tribe.
The crow was probably held sacred by all the tribes of the Algon-
quian race. Eoger Williams, speaking of the New England tribes,
says that although the crows sometimes did damage to the corn, yet
hardly one Indian in a hundred would kill one, because it was their
tradition that this bird had brought them their first grain and vege-
tables, carrying a grain of corn in one ear and a bean in the other,
from the field of their great god Cautantouwit in Sowwani'u, the
southwest, the happy spirit woi'ld where dwelt the gods and the souls
MooxEY) THE MYTH OP THE CROW 983
of the great and good. The souls of the wicked were not permitted to
enter this elysium after death, but were doomed to wander without
rest or liome. ( Williains, Key into the Language of America, 1643.)
fin Arapalio belief, the si»irit world is in the west, not on the same
level with this earth of ours, but higher up, and separated also from it
by a body of water.) In their statement of the Ghost-dance mythology
referred to in this song, the crow, as the messenger and leader of the
si)irits who had gone before, collected their armies on the other side
and advanced at their head to the hither limit of the shadow land.
Then, looking over, they saw far below them a sea, and far out beyond
it toward the east was the boundary of the earth, where lived the
friends they were marching to rejoin. Taking up a pebble in his beak,
the crow then dropped it into the water and it became a mountain
towering up to the laud of the dead. Down its rocky slope he brought
bis army until they halted at the edge of the water. Then, taking some
dust in his bill, the crow flew out and dropped it into the water as he
flew, and it became a solid arm of land stretching from the spirit world
to the earth. He returned and flew out again, this time with some
blades of grass, wiiich he dropped upon the land thus made, and at once
it was covered with a green sod. Again he returned, and again flew
out, this time with some twigs in his bill, and dropping these also upon
the new land, at once it was covered with a forest of trees. Again he
flew back to the base of the mountain, and is now, for the fourth time,
coming on at the head of all the countless spirit host which has already
parsed over the sea and is marshaling on the western boundary of the
earth.
37. Bi'taa'wu hu'hu'
Bi'taa'wu hu'hu', i
Bi'taa'wu hu'hu' —
Nft'nagftna'-ua'ti hu'hu',
Nfi'nagftna'-ua'ti hu'hu' —
A'hene'heni'a'.l' ! A'he'yene'hene' !
Translation
The earth — the crow,
The earth — the crow —
The crow brought it with him.
The crow brought it with him —
A'hene'heni'd'd'! A'he'yene'hene!
The reference in this song is explained under the song immediately
preceding. •
38. Ni'nini'tubi'na hu'hi' — I
Ni'nini'tubi'na hu'hu',
Ni'nini'tabi'ua hu'hu'.
Nana'thina'ui hu'hu,
Nana'thiua'ui hu'hu.
Ni'nita'nart,
Ni'uita'uaA.
984 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [kth.ann.u
Translation
The crow lias called me,
The crow has called me.
When the crow came for me,
When the crow came for me,
I heard him,
I heard him.
The reference in this song is explained under number 30. The song
is somewhat like the former closing song, number 52.
39. NO'nanO'naa'tXni'na hu'hu' — I
Nft'nanft'naa'tani'na hu'hu',
Nfl'nanft'naa'tftni'ua hu'hu'.
Da'chi'nathi'na hu'hu',
Da'chi'natbi'na hu'hu'.
Translation
The crow is circling above me.
The crow is circling above me,
The crow having come for me.
The crow having come for me.
The author of this song, in his trance vision, saw circling above his
head a crow, the messenger from the spirit world, to conduct him to
his friends who had gone before. The song is a favorite one, and is
sung with a quick forcible tune when the excitement begins to grow
more intense, in order to hasten the trances, the idea conveyed to the
dancers being that their spirit friends are close at hand.
40. I'YU ha'thabk'nawa'
A'niini'sa'na — E'e'ye' !
A'niini'sa'na — E'e'ye'!
I'yu ha'thiibe'nawa'.
Bi'taa'wu — E'e'ye'! .
Bi'taa'wu — E'e'ye' !
Translation
My children — E'e'ye'!
My children — E'e'ye'!
Here it is, I hand it to you.
The earth — E'e'ye'!
The earth— J5'e'i;e'.'
In this song the father speaks to his children and gives them the
new earth.
41. Ha'na£'hi ya'ga'ahi'na
Ha'nag'hi ya'ga'ahi'na —
Ha'naS'hi ya'ga'ahi'na —
Sa'niya'gu'nawa' — Ahe'e'ye' !
SJi'nlya'gu'nawa' — Ahe'e'ye' !
Nii'yu hii'uina'ta i'tha'q,
NU'yu hii'nina'ta i'tha'q.
MOONEY) THE COYOTE MEN 985
Translation
Little boy, the coyote gun —
Little boy, tlie coyote gun —
I liave uncovered it — .the' e' ye'!
I have uncovered it — Ahe'e'ye' !
There is the sheath lying there,
There is the sheath lying there.
This song was composed by Nakash, or "Sage," one of the northern
Arapaho delegates to the messiah. It evidently refers to one of his
trance experiences in the other world, and has to do with an interesting
feature in the socriology of the Arapaho and other prairie tribes. The
ga'ahini'na or gaahi'na, "coyote men," were an order of men of middle
age who acted as pickets or lookouts for the camp. When the band
encamped in some convenient situation for hunting or other business,
it was the duty of these men, usually four or six in a band, to take
their stations on the nearest hills to keep watch and give timely warn-
ing in case of the approach of an enemy. It was an ofRce of danger
and responsibility, but was held in corresponding respect. When on
duty, the gaahi'nin wore a white buffalo robe and had his face painted
with white clay and carried in his hand the ya'haga'ahi'na or "coyote
gun," a club decorated with feathers and other ornaments and usually
covered with a sheath of bear gut {i'tha'q). He must be unmarried
and remain so while in office, finally choosing his own successor and
delivering to him the "coyote gun" as a staff of authority. They were
never all off duty at the same time, but at least half were always on
guard, one or more coming down at a time to the village to eat or
sleep. They built no shelter on the hills, but slept there in their buffalo
robes, or sometimes came down in turn and slept in their o^n tipis.
They usually, however, preferred to sleep alone upon the hills in order
to receive inspiration in dreams. If attacked or surprised by the
enemy, they were expected to fight. The watcher was sometimes called
higa'ahi'na-it, "the man with the coyote gun." The corresponding
officer among the Cheyenne carried a bow and arrows instead of a club.
42. Hb'sOna' na'nahatha'hi
He'sAna' na'nahatha'hi,
He'sfina' na'nahatha'hi.
Ni'itu'qawigfl'nii5',
Ni'ltu'qawigfl'niS'.
Translation
The father showed me,
The father showed me,
Where they were coming down,
Where they were coming down.
In his trance vision the author of this song saw the spirit hosts
descending from the upper shadow land to the earth, along the mountain
986 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [kth. ax.n. u
raised up by the crow, as already described iu song number 30. The
song comes from the northern Arapaho.
43. NXNiSA'TiQu'THi ChInachi'chiba'iha'
Nanisa'tSqu'thi Chlnachi'chibii'iha',
Nanisa'taqu'tlii ChTnachi'chibii'iha' —
Ni'nahawa'na,
Ni'nahawa'na.
Nibai'naku'nithi —
Nibai'uakii'nithi —
A-biina'anahu'u',
A-biina'iinahu'u'.
Nti'hibi'wahuna'na,
Nii'hibi'wahuna'na.
Translation
The seven venerable Chi'nachichi'bat priests,
The seven venerable Chi'nachichi'bat priests —
We see them,
We see them.
They all wear it on their beads —
They all wear it ou their heads^—
The Thunderbird,
The Thunderbird.
Then I wept,
Then I wept.
Iu his trance vision the author of this song saw a large camp of
Arapaho, and iu the midst of the camp circle, as in the old days, were
sitting the seven priests of the CM'nachichi'bat, each wearing on his
head the Thunderbird headdress, already described and figured under
song number 14. This vision of the old life of the tribe brought up
sorrowful memories and caused him to weep. In the similar song next
given the singer laments for the GhVnacMcM'bdt and the ba'qati gaming
wheel. The priests here referred to were seven in number, and consti-
tuted the highest order of the military and social organization which
existed among the Blackfeet, Sioux, Cheyenne, Kiowa, and probably
all the prairie tribes excepting the Comanche in the south, among
whom it seems to have been unknown. The society, so far as it has
come under the notice of white men, has commonly been designated
by them as the "Dog Soldier" society — a misapprehension of a name
belonging probably to only one of the six or eight orders of the organ-
ization. The corresponding Blackfoot organization, the Ikumihkatsi
or "All Comrades," is described by Grinnell in Lis "Blackfoot Lodge
Tales." The Kiowa organization will be noted later.
Among the Arapaho the organization was called Beni'nena, "War-
riors," and consisted of eight degrees or orders, including nearly all
the men of the tribe above the age of about seventeen. Those who
were not enrolled in some one of the eight orders were held in but
little respect, and were not allowed to take part in public ceremonies
ARAPAHO WARRIOR OKDKRS
987
or to iiccoinpiUiy war expeditions. EiM5h of tlie first six orders had its
own pc^culiiir daniie, imd tlie members of tlie principal wariior orders
had also tlieir i)e(',uliar stall' or badfjo of rank.
First and lowest in rank were the Xuhinv'na or Fox men, consisting
of young men up to the ago of about 2.5 years. They had no si)ecial
duties or privileges, but had a dance called the Xiiha'wH or fox daiuje.
Next came the lla'thahu'ha or Star men, consisting of young war-
riors about 30 years of age. Their dance was called the Ha'tkahU.
Fia. 94— Dog-soldier insignia— rattle and qnirt.
The third order was that of the HicMa'quthi or Club men. Their
dance was called Hichiia'qawu. They were an important part of the
warrior organization, and were all men in the prime of life. The four
leaders carried wooden clubs, bearing a general resemblance in shape
to a gun, notched along the edges and variously ornamented. In an
attack on the enemy it was the duty of these leaders to dash on
ahead and strike the enemy with these clubs, then to ride back again
and take their places in the front of the charge. It hardly need be
988 THE GHOST-DANCE RELTGION [KTH.A^•^•.u
said that the position of leader of the HicMa'quthi was a dangerous
honor, but the honor was in proportion to the very danger, and there
were always candidates for a vacancy. It was one of those offices
where the holder sometimes died but never resigned. The other
members of the order carried sticks carved at one end in the rude
semblance of a horse head and ])oiuted at the other. In desperate
encounters they were expected to plant these sticks in the ground in
line in front of the body of warriors and to fight beside them to the
death unless a retreat should be ordered by the chief in command.
The fourth order was called Bitahi'nena or Spear men, and their
dance was called Bitaha'um. This order came originally from the Chey-
enne. Their duties and peculiar insignia of office were about the same
among all the tribes. They performed police duty in camp, when
traveling, and on the hunt, and were expected to see that the orders of
the chief were obeyed by the tribe. For instance, if any person violated
the tribal code or failed to attend a general dance or council, a party of
Bitahi'nena was sent to kill his dogs, destroy his tipi, or in extreme
cases to shoot his ponies. On hunting expeditions it was their business
to keep the party together and see that no one killed a buffalo until
the proper ceremonies had been performed and the order was given by
the chief. They were regarded as the representatives of the law and
were never resisted in performing their duty or inflicting punishments.
In war they were desperate warriors, equaling or surpassing even the
Hichdd'quthi. Of the leaders of the order, two carried a sort of shep-
herd's crook called nu'sa-icha'tha, having a lance point at its lower end;
two others carried lances wrapped around with otter skin; four carried
lances painted black; one carried a club shaped like a baseball bat,
and one carried a rattle made of the scrotum of a buffalo and orna-
mented with its hair. In battle, if the enemy took shelter behind
defenses, it was this man's duty to lead the charge, throw his rattle
among the enemy, and then follow it himself.
The fifth order was called Aha'kdnS'na or Crazy men. They were men
more than 50 years of age, and were not expected to go to war, but
must have graduated from all the lower orders. Their duties were
religious and ceremonial, and their insignia consisted of a bow and
a bundle of blunt arrows. Their dance was the Ahaka'wH or crazy
dance, which well deserved the name. It will be described in another
place.
The sixth was the order of the HetM'hine'na or Dog men. Their
dance was called HetMwa'wu'. They had four principal leaders and
two lesser leaders. The four principal leaders were the generals and
directors of the battle. Each carried a rattle and wore about his neck
' a buckskin strap (two being yellow, the other two black) which hung
down to his feet. On ai^proaching the enemy, they were obliged to go
forward, shaking their rattles and chanting the war song, until some
other warriors of the party took the rattles out of their hands. When
forming for the attack, they dismounted, and, driving their lances into
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGV
FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PU.CXXII
t
DOG-SOLDIER INSIGNIA- LANCE AND SASH
MooNEY] ARAPAHO WARRIOR ORDERS 989
the ground, tied themselves to them by means of the straps, thus anchor-
ing themselves iu front of the battle. Here they remained until, if the
battle seemed lost, tliey themselves gave the order to retreat. Even
then they waited until some of their own society released them by pull-
ing the lances out of the ground and whipping them away from the
place with a peculiar quirt carried only by the private members of this
division. No one was allowed to retreat without their permission, on
penalty of disgrace, nor were they themselves allowed to retire until
thus released. Should their followers forget to release them in the con-
fusion of retreat, they were expected to die at their posts. They could
not be released excepting by one of their own division, and anyone else
attempting to pull up the lances from the ground was resisted as an
enemy. When pursued on the retreat, they must give up their horses
to the women, if necessary, and either find other horses or turn and
face the enemy alone on foot. They seldom accompanied any but large
war parties, and, although they did but little actual fighting, their
very presence inspired the warriors with desperate courage, and the
driving of their lances into the ground was always understood as the
signal for an encounter to the death.
The seventh order was that of the Nunaha'icU, a word of which the
meaning is now unknown. This was a secret order. They had no
dance and their ceremonies were witnessed only by themselves. They
did not flght, but accompanied the war parties, and every night in
secret performed ceremonies and prayers for their success.
The eighth and highest order was that of the Cht'nachine'na or
Water-pouring men, tlie "seven venerable priests" to whom the song
refers. They were the high priests and instructors of all the other
orders, and were seven iu number, from among the oldest warriors of
the tribe. Their name refers to their pouring the water over th'e heated
stones in the sweat-house to produce steam. They had no dance, and
were not expected to go to war, although one of the seven was iillowed
to accompany the war party, should he .so elect. Their ceremonies were
performed in a large sweat-lodge, called cMnachichi'bat, which, when
the whole tribe was camped together, occupied the center of the circle,
between the entrance and the lodge m which was kept the sacred medi-
cine pipe. Unlike the ordinary sweat-lodge, this one had no mound
and buffalo skull in front of the entrance.
The warrior organization of the Kiowa is called Ya'[pahe, "Soldiers,"
and consisted of six orders, each with its own dance, songs, and cere-
monial dress. 1. Poldnyup or TsiiiVyui, "Rabbits." These were boys
and young men from 8 to 15 years of age. Their dance, in which
they were drilled by certain old men, has a peculiar step, in imitation
of the jumping movement of a rabbit; 2. Adalto'yui, or Te'iibiyu'i,
"Young Mountain Sheep," literally "Herders or Corralers;" 3. Tsentd'n-
mo, " Horse Head-dress ( ?) people;" 4. "ToHfcoJi'Ao (?) " Black-leg peo-
ple;" 5. Pdiipe'ko, "Skunkberry (?) people;" 6. Kii'itseiVko, "Prin-
cipal Dogs or Eeal Dogs." These last were the highest warrior
990
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETII. ANN. 14
order, and also the camp police, combining the functions of the Bita-
hi'nena and the HSth&hin&na of the Arapaho organization. Their two
leaders carried an arrow-shape lance, with which they anchored them-
selves in the front of the battle by means of buckskin strajis brought
over the shoulders. The TonkoiVl-o captains carried in a similar way a
crook-shape lance, called ^jafto'n, similar to that of the Bitahi'nena of the
Arapaho.
44. Nanisa'tXqi ChI'nXchi'chiba'iha'
Ba'-qft-ti'
ba'-ui - bi' - w4'-hl-nii
ba'-qi- ti'
liji'-ni- bi
w&'hl - n&'.
Nii'nisa'tfiqi Chl'nrichi'chibii'iha' —
Nii'nisa'taqi Chl'nachi 'chibii'iha' —
Bii'hibi'wa'hlna',
Ba'hibl'wa'hina'.
Bii'qati hii'nibi'wa'hina',
Bii'qati hii'nibi'wa'hlua'.
Translation
The seven venerable Chinachichi'bdt priests —
The seven venerable Chinachichi'bat priests —
For them I am ■weeping,
For them I am weeping.
For the gaming wheel I am weeping,
For the gaming wheel I am weeping.
The first reference in this song is explained under number 43. The
bii'qati or gaming wheel will be described later.
45. Nft'NANd'NAATANl'NA Hc'Hu' — II
Allegretto.
NCi'-na-nd' ■ naa' - ta - ni' - na hii' - hu', nfi'-na-nd'-naa' - ta - ni' - iia hn' - hu'.
Da'-cbi' - bi
ni'- na bji - tlii'-na.
da' ■ chi' - bi
ni' -na hii - thi'-ua.
Nfl'nanft'naatani'na hu'hu',
Nil'nanfl'naatani'na hu'hu'.
Da'chi'bini'na liathi'na,
Da'chi'bini'na hiitlii'na.
f^iriVBRSITT]
MooNKY] SONGS OF THE AKAPAH&~ — 991
TVansMtton
The crow is circling above uie,
The crow is circling above me.
He says he will give me a hawk feather,
He says he will give me a hawk feather.
Tliis song is very similar to number 39, and requires no further
explanation. It is sung to the same (luick time.
46. Na'tXnu'ya (Hi^'ni'NU
Na'tSnu'ya chC'bi'nh —
Na'ti'inu'ya chfi'bi'nh,
Na'chicha'ba'n,
Na'chicha'ba'n.
Translation
The pemmican that I am using —
The ])einnHcan that I am nsiug,
They are still making it,
They are .still making it.
This song refers to the pemmican or preparation of dried and pounded
meat, which formerly formed a favorite food of the prairie tribes, and
which the author of the song evidently tasted as it was being prepared
by the women in the spirit world. (See Sioux song 7.) One must be
an Indian to know the thrill of joy that would come to the heart of the
dancers when told that some dreamer had seen their former friends in
the spirit world still making and feasting on pemmican. During the
first year or two of the excitement, it several times occurred at Ghost
dances in the north and s(»utli, among Sioux as well as among A<rapaho
and others, that meat was exhibited and tasted as genuine buflFalo beef
or pemmican brought back from the spirit world by one of the dancers.
It is not necessary to explain how this deception was acconiplislied or
made successful. It is sufficient to know that it was done, and that the
dancers were then in a condition to believe anything.
47. HaI'nawa' liX'M'TA'tjrNA'Nl
lliil'nawa' hii'ni'ta'qjina'ni —
HiiT'nawa' hii'ni'ta'qnna'ni —
Ninr'n nSnii' h.'initii'qnna'ni,
Ninc'n nSuii' h;inita'<|uua'ni.
TransJalion
I know, in the pitfall —
1 know, in the pitfall —
It is tallow they use in the pitfall,
It is tallow they use in the pitfall.
This song refers to the vision of a northern Arapaho, who found one
of his friends in the spirit world preparing a pitfall trap to catch eagles.
14 ETH — PT 2 23
992 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
Wherever found, the eagle was regarded as sacred among the Indian
tribes both east and west, and its feathers were highly prized for orna-
mental and "medicine" purposes, and an elaborately detailed ritual of
prayer and ceremony was the necessary accompaniment to its capture.
Among all the tribes the chief purpose of this ritual was to obtain the
help of the gods in inducing the eagle to approach the hunter, and to
turn aside the anger of the eagle spirits at the necessary sacrilege.
The feathers most valued were those of the tail and wings. These were
used to ornament lances and shields, to wear upon the head, and
to decorate the magnificent war bonnets, the finest of which have
a pendant or trail of eagle-tail feathers reaching from the warrior's
head to the ground when he stands erect. The whistle used in the sun
dance and other great ceremonies is made of a bone from the leg or wing
of the eagle, and the fans carried by the warriors on parade and used
also to sprinkle the holy water in the mescal ceremony of the southern
prairie tribes is commonly made of the entire tail or wing of that bird.
Hawk feathers are sometimes used for these various purposes, but are
always considered far ijiferlor to those of the eagle. The smaller feath-
ers are used upon arrows. Eagle feathers and ponies were formerly the
standard of value and the medium of exchange among the prairie tribes,
as wampum was with those of the Atlantic coast. The standard varied
according to place and season, but in a general way from two to four
eagles were rated as equal to a horse. In these days the eagle-feather
war bonnets and eagle-tail fans are the most valuable parts of an
Indian's outfit and the most difficult to purchase from him. Among the
pueblo tribes eagles are sometimes taken from the nest when young
and kept in cages and regularly stripped of their best feathers. Among
the Caddo, Cherokee, and other tribes of the timbered country in the
east they were shot with bow and arrow or with the gun, but always
according to certain ritual ceremonies. Among the prairie tribes along
the whole extent of the plains they were never shot, but must be cap-
tured alive in pitfalls and then strangled or crushed to death, if possi-
ble without the shedding of blood. A description of the Arapaho
method will answer with slight modifications for all the prairie tribes.
The hunter withdrew with his family away from the main camp to
some rough hilly country where the eagles were abundant. After some
preliminary prayers he went alone to the top of the highest hill and
there dug a pit large enough to sit or lie down in, being careful to carry
the earth taken out of the hole so far away from the place that it would
not attract the notice of the eagle. The pit was roofed over with a
. covering of light willow twigs, above which were placed earth and grass
to give it a natural appearance. The bait was a piece of fresh meat,
or, as appears from this song, a piece of tallow stripped from the ribs
of the buffalo. This was tied to a rawhide string and laid upon the
top of the pit, while the rope was passed down through the roof into
the cavity below. A coyote skin, stufte<l and set up erect as in life, was
MooNEY] EAGLE TRAPPING 993
soinetiiiips i)lace«l iieiir the bait to add to tlie realistic eft'ect. Having-
sat up all night, singing the eagle songs and purifying himself for the
ceremony, the hunter started before daylight, without eating any
breakfast or drinking water, and went up the hill to the pit, which he
entered, and, having again closed the opening, he seated himself inside
holding the end of the string in his hands, to prevent a coyote or other
animal from taking the bait, and waiting for the eagles to come.
Should other birds come, lie drove them away or i)aid no attention
to them. When at last the eagle came the other birds at once flew
away. The eagle swooped down, alighting always at one side and
then walking over uiion the roof of the trap to get at the bait, when the
hunter, putting up his hand through the framework, seized the eagle
by the legs, pulled it down and quickly strangled it or broke its neck.
He then rearranged the bait and the roof and sat down to wait for
another eagle. He might be so lucky as to cajjlure several during the
day, or so unfortunate as to take none at all. At night, but not before,
he repaired to his own tipi to eat, drink, and sleep, and was at the pit
again before daylight. While in the pit he did not eat, drink, or sleep.
The eagle hunt, if it may be so called, lasted four days, and must end
then, whatever might have been the good or bad fortune of the hunter.
At the expiration of four days he returned to his home with the dead
bodies of the eagles thus caught. A small lodge was set up outside
his tipi and in this the eagles were hung up by the neck upon a pole
laid across two forked sticks driven into the ground. After some fur-
ther prayers and purifications the feathers were stripped from the
bodies as they hung.
The Blackfoot method, as described by Grinnell, in his Blackfoot
Lodge Tales, was the same in all essentials as that of the Arapaho. He
adds several details, which were probably connnon to both tribes and to
others, but which my Arapaho informants failed to mention. While the
hunter was away in the i)it his wife or daughters at home must not use
an awl for sewing or for other purposes, as, should they do so, the eagle
might scratch the hunter. He took a human skull with him into the
pit, in order that he might be as invisible to the eagle as the spirit of
the former owner of the skull. He must not eat the berries of the wild
rose during this period, or the eagle would not attack the bait, and
he must put a morsel of pemmicau into the mouth of the dead eagle in
order to gain the good will of its fellows and induce them to come in
and be caught.
Tlie eagle-catching ceremony of the Caddo, Cherokee, and other
eastern tribes will be noticed in treating of the Caddo songs.
48. Ba'hina'nina'ta ni'taba'na
Bii'hinii'nina'tii ni'tabii'na,
Hii'hina'nina'tii ni'tabii'na.
Niinii'uina hu'hn,
Nlinii'nina hu'hu.
994 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (eth.ans.u
Translation
I hear everythiug,
I hear everything.
I ani the crow,
I am the crow.
This is another song expressive of the omniscience of the crow,
which, as their messenger from the spirit world, hears and knows every-
thing, both on this earth and in the shadow land. The tune is one of
the prettiest of all the ghost songs.
49. A-ba'qati' ha'nicha'bi hina'na
A-ba''qati' hU'nichil'bi'hinii'na,
A-ba'qati' ha'nicha'bi'hinli'na.
A-wa'tiina'ni ani'ii'tiihT'niina,
A-wa'tiina'ni ani'a'talil'niina.
Translation
With the id'qati wheel I am gambling,
With the bd'qati wheel I am gambling.
With the black matk I win the game,
With the black mark I win the game.
This song is from the northern Arapaho. The author of it, in his
visit to the spirit world, found his former friends playing the old game
of the bU'qati wheel, which was practically obsolete among the prairie
tribes, but which is being revived since the advent of the Ghost dance.
As it was a favorite game with the men in the olden times, a great many
of the songs founded on these trance visions refer to it, and the wheel
and sticks are made by the dreamer and carried in the dance as they sing.
The game is played with a wheel {ba'qati, "large wheel") and two
pairs of throwing sticks [qa'qa-u'ntUha). The Cheyenne call the wheel
a'ko'yo or dktci'u, and the sticks hoo'isi'yonots. It is a man's game, and
there are three players, one rolling the wheel, while the other two, each
armed with a iiair of throwing sticks, run after it and throw the sticks
so as to cross the wheel in a certain position. The two throwers are
the contestants, the one who rolls the wheel being merely an assistant.
Like most Indian games, it is a means of gambling, and high stakes
are sometimes wagered on the result. It is common to the Arapaho,
Cheyenne, Sioux, and probably to all the northern prairie tribes, but is
not found among the Kiowa or Comanche in the south.
The wheel is about 18 inches in diameter, and consists of a flexible
young tree branch, stripped of its bark and painted, with the two ends
fastened together with sinew or buckskin string. At equal distances
around the circumference of the wheel are cut four tigures, the two
opposite each other constituting a pair, but being distinguished by
different colors, usually blue or black and red, and by lines or notches
on the face. These figures are designated simply by their colors. Fig-
ures of birds, crescents, etc, are sometimes also cut or painted upon
the wheel, but have nothing to do with the game. (See plate cxi.)
MOONEV] THE Ba"qATI GAME 995
The sticks are light rods, about 30 inches long, tied in pairs by a
peculiar arrangement of buckskin strings, and distinguished from one
another by i)ieces of (^lotli of different colors fastened to the strings.
There is also a pile of tally sticks, usually a hundred in number, about
the size of lead pencils and painted green, for keeping count of the
game. The sticks are held near the center in a peculiar manner between
the lingers of the closed hand. When the wheel is rolled, each player
runs from the same side, and endeavors to throw the sticks so as to
strike the wheel in such a way that when it falls both sticks of his pair
shall be either over or under a certain figure. It requires dexterity to
do this, as the string has a tendency to strike the wheel in such a way
as to make one stick fall under and the other over, in which case the
throw counts for nothing. The i)layers assign their own value to each
figure, the usual value being five points for one and ten for the other
figure, with double that number for a throw which crosses the two
corresponding figures, and one hundred tallies to the game.
The wheel-and-stick game, in some form or another, was almost uni-
versal among our Indian tribes. Another game among the prairie tribes
is played with a netted wheel and a single stick or arrow, the eftbrt
being to send the arrow through the netting as nearly as possible to
the center or bull's-eye. This game is called ana'tcaWn-hati, " playing
wheel," by the Arapaho.
50. Ani'asa'kua'na dX'chXbi'uati'tani
^ Ani'iisa'kua'utt di'i'cbiibi'hati'tani bii'qati'bii,
Ani'iisa'kua'na da'pbiibi'hiiti'tani bii'qati'bii.
Ni'ati'biku'thabii' bji'qatihi,
Ni'ati'biku'thabu' bii'gatihi.
Di'cbiibi'hilti'ta'ni', ,
Di'chiibi'liiiti'ta'ni'.
Trawalation
I am watching where thoy are gambling with the fta'^ati wheel,
I am watching where they are gaiubliug with the bd'qali wheel.
They are rolling the ba'i/ali,
They are rolling the ba'qaii.
While they gamble with it,
While they gamble with it.
In this song the dancer tells how he watched a group of his friends in
the spirit world playing the game of the bd'qati, as has been explained
iu the song last treated.
51. Nl'CHl'A 1'theti'hi
Ni'ehi'il i'theti'hi,
Ni'chi'ft i'theti'hi,
Chana'ha'ti i'nit —
Chana'ha'ti i nit —
Gun baa -ni'binil thi'aku'-u,
Gu'n baa-uibinii thi'aku'-u.
996
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETU. ANN. 14
Translation
(There) is a good river,
(Tliere) is a good river,
Wliere there is no timber —
Where there is no timber^ — ■
But thunder-berries are there,
But thunder-berries are there.
This song refers to a trauce visiou in which the dreamer found his
people camped by a good, i. e., pereuiual, river, fringed with abundant
bushes or small trees of the baa-ni'bin or "thunder- berry," which
appears to be the black haw, being described as a sort of wild cherry,
in size between the chokecherry and the wild plum. It was eaten raw,
or dried and boiled, the seeds having first been taken out. It is very
scarce, if found at all, in the southern plains.
52. NrNiNi'TUBi'XA iiu'iiu' (foruier closing song)
1. Andantino.
-\ — I 1 1
=^^
iMmt
-»— •-
-^^^
r*— •-
Ni' - 111 - ni' - tu - bi' - im liii' ■ liii'. iii' - iii - m' ■ 1u - hi' ■ iia hu' - hu'.
3^=Se3e
i^:I=^
=3=i=^i~r
Im' - Iiii', bji
lii - u;i' - ni
liu' - hu',
Ni'nini'tubi'na hu'hu',
Ni'nini'tubi'ua hu'hu'.
Biita'hina'ni hu'hu',
Biita'hina'ni hu'liu',
Na'hinii'ni hiithi'na,
Na'hinii'ni li!:thi'ua.
Translation
The crow has given me the signal,
The crow has given me the signal.
When the crow makes me dance.
When the crow makes me dance,
He tells me (when) to stop,
He tells me (when) to stop.
This was formerly the closing song of the dance, but is now super,
seded as such by number 73, beginning Ahu'yu hiithi'na. It was also
the last song sung when a small party gathered in the tipi at night for
a private rehearsal, and was therefore always held in reserve until tlie
singers were about ready to separate. The tune is one of the best.
MooNBT] SONGS OF THE ARAPAHO 997
The special office of the crow as the messenger from the spirit world
and representative of the inessiah has been already explained. He is
supposed to direct the dance and to give the signal for its close.
53. Aniha'ya atani'tA'nu'nawa'
Auihii'ya ataui'tfl'nu'nawa',
Aniliii'ya utani'ta'nu'nawa',
Illitbi'iia begAna'nIn,
Ilatbi'na besAna'nln,
Da'cbii'-ibi'na be'sfkDa'uIn,
Da'cliii'-ihi'na be'sftna'nin — Ih! lb!
Tratifilation
I use tbe yellow (paiut),
I use tbe yellow (paint),
Says tbe fatber,
Says tbe fatber,
lu order to please me, tbe fatber,
In order to please nie, tlic fatber — Ih! Ih!
The meaning of this song is somewhat obscure. It seems to be a
message from the messiah to the effect that he paints himself with
yellow paint, because it pleases him, the inference being that it would
jdease him to have his children do the same. Those who take part in
the sun dance are usually painted yellow, that being the color of the
sun. This song is peculiar in having at the end two sharp yelps, in
the style of the ordinary songs of the warrior dances.
54. Ni'naa'niahu'tawa bi'taa'wu
A'-niini'sa'na, a'-nitnl'sa'na, •
Ni'naii'niabu'tawa bi'taa'wu,
Ni'naii'niabu'tawa bi'taa'wu,
A'-tini'ebi'ni'na nii'nisa'na,
A'-tini'ebi'ni'na nii'nisa'na,
Hiitbi'iia besftna'nin,
Hiitbi'na besilna'nin.
Translation
My cbildren, my cbildren,
I am flying about tbo earth,
I aui flying about tbo eartb.
I am a bird, my children,
I am a bird, my children.
Says tbo fatber.
Says the father.
In this song the messiah, addressing his children, is represented as
a bird (crow ?) flying about the whole earth, symbolic of his omniscience.
The song has one or two variants.
998 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
55. I'nita'ta'-usa'na
I'nita'ta'-nsii'na,
I'nita'ta'-usa'na.
Hii'tini'tubibii' hu'hu,
Hii'tini'tubibii' hu'hu.
Hit'tiua'ha'wa'bii hu'hu,
Hii'tina'ha'wa'bii hu'hn.
Translation
Stand ready,
Stand ready.
(So that when) the crow calls you,
(So that when) the crow calls you.
You will see him.
You will see hira.
This song was composed by Little Raveu, oue of the delegation of
seven from the southern Arapaho and Cheyenne which visited the
messiah in Nevada in August, 1891. It is a message to the believers
to be ready for the near coming of the new earth. The first line is
sometimes sung I'nita'ta-u' sd-hu'na.
56. Wa'watha'bi
Na'nisa'na-u', nii'nisa'na-rt',
Wa'wiithii'bichii'chinl'nabii'nagu'wa-u'i'naga'thi — He'e'ye'!
Hiithi'na ne'nahu',
Hiithi'na ne'nahu'.
Translation
My children, my children,
I have given you magpie feathers again to wear on your heads — He'e'ye' !
Thus says our mother,
Thus says our mother.
This song affords a good specimen of the possibilities of Indian word
building. The second word might serve as a companion piece to Mark
Twain's picture of a complete word in German. It consists of seventeen
syllables, all so interwoven to complete the sense of the word sentence
that no part can be separated from the rest without destroying the
whole. The verbal part proper indicates that " I have given you
(plural) a headdress again." The final syllables, tca-u'i-riaga'thi, show
that the headdress consists of the tail feather.s ( wagathi) of the magpie
{wa-u-i). The syllable eha implies repetition or return of action, this
being probably not the first time that the messiah had given magpie
feathers to his visitors.
The magpie [Pica hudsonica or mittalii) of the Kocky mountains and
Sierra Nevada and the intermediate region of Nevada and Utah is
perhaps the most conspicuous bird in the Paiute country. It bears
a general resemblance to a crow or blackbird, being about the size
MooNEY] USE OP MAGPIE FEATHERS 999
of the latter, and jet black, with the exception of the breast, which is
white, and a white spot on each wing. In its tail are two long feathers
with beautifnl changeable metallic luster. It is a home bird, frequent-
ing the neighborhood of the I'aiute camps in small flocks. It is held
8a<!red among the Paiute, by whom the long tail feathers are as highly
prized for decorative purposes as eagle feathers are among the tribes
of the plains. The standard price for such feathers in 1891 was 25
cents a pair. The delegates who crossed the mountains to visit the
messiah brought back with them (juantities of these feathers, which
thenceforth filled an important place in the ceremonial of the Ghost
dance. In fact they were so eagerly sought after that the traders
undertook to meet the demand, at first by importing genuine magpie
feathers from the mountains, but later by fraudulently substituting
selected crow feathers from the east at the saine price.
The song is also peculiar in referring to the messiah as "my mother"
{nena) instead of "our father" {hesunanin), as usual.
57. ANi'tJA Hft'TABl'NTHlT'NI'NA
Ani'qa he'tabi'nnfan'ni'na,
Ani'qa hC'tabi'niihu'ni'na.
Hat.'ina'wunani'na hesOua'nlD,
Hatilna'wuiiilni'ua beBfiiiii'nIn.
Ha'tiiui'ni'ahu'hi'na lie'sfina'nin,
Ha'tftni'ni iihu'hi'na he'srtna'nin.
Trai4tihifii}it
My father, I am poor,
My father, I am poor.
Our father is about to take pity on me,
Our father is about to take pity on me.
Our father is about to make me fly around.
Our father is about to make me fly around.
This song refers to the present impoverished condition of the Indians,
and to their hope that he is now about to take pity on them and remove
them from this dying world to the new earth above; the feathers worn
on their heads in the dance being expected to act as wings, as already
explained, to enable them to fly to the upper regions.
53. Na'nisa'taiju'thi hu na
Kii'nisa'taqn'thi hu'nii — Hi'a hi'ni'ui'!
Nii'nisa'taqu'thi hu'na — Hi'a hi'ni'ni'!
Hi'bithi'ni'na gasi'tu — Hi'a hi'ni'ni'!
Hi'bithi'ni'na gasi'tu — Hi'a lii'ni'ni'!
TranKlalion
The seven crows — Ui'ii hi'ni'ni'.'
The seven crows — Ili'd hi'ni'ni'.'
They are flying about the carrion — Hi'a hi'ni'ni'.'
They are flying about the carrion — Hi'a hi'ni'ni'!
1000 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
In this song the dreamer tells of his trance visit to the spirit world,
where he found his friends busily engaged cutting up the meat after a
successful buffalo hunt, while the crows were hovering about the car-
rion. Four and seven are the constant sacred numbers of the Ghost
dance, as of Indian ritual and story generally.
59. Ahu'n.C he'sOna'nIn
Abu'nU he'sflna'nin —
Ahu'nii he'sftna'nlii —
Ni'tabii'tani' buta'hina'ni,
Ni'taba'tani' biita'hina'ni,
Ha ka hii'sabiui'na he'sftna'nin,
Ha'ka hii'sabini'na he'sftna'nin.
Translation
There is onr father —
There is our father —
We are dancing as he wishes (makes) >is to dance,
We are danciui; as he wishes (makes) ns to dance,
Hecause our father has so commanded us,
Because our father hiis so commanded us.
The literal meaning of the last line is " because our father has given
it to us," the prairie idiom for directing or commanding being to " give
a road" or to " make a road" for the one thus commanded. To disobey
is to "break the road" and to depart from the former custom is to
"make a new road." The idea is expressed in the same way both in
the various spoken languages and in the sign language.
60. Ga'awa'hu
Ga'awa'hu, ga'awa'hu,
Ni'hii'nti gu'shi'nii,
Ni'hii'nii gu'shi'nii.
A'tanii'tahinii'na,
A'tanU'tahina'na.
Tranalation
The ball, the ball—
You must throw it swiftly,
You must throw it swiftly.
I want to win,
I want to win.
The author of this song was a woman who in her trance vision saw
her girl friends in the other world playing the ball game, as described
in song number 7. In this case, however, her partner is urged to throw
the ball, instead of to strike it.
61. Ahu' ni'iiiga'hu
Ahu' ni'higa'hu,
Ahu' ni'higa'liu.
Ha'taui'ni'tani'na,
Ha'tani'ni'tani'na.
MOONKT] SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SHELL 1001
Translation
The Crow is running,
The Crow is running.
He will liear me.
He will hear me.
This song implies that the Crow (messiah) is quick to hear the prayer
of the dancer and comes swiftly to listen to his petition.
62. Ya'tha-yC'na ta'na-u'qahk'na
Ne'sftna' — He'e'ye' !
Ne'sftna' — He'e'ye' !
Ya'thii-yftna ta'na-u'qahe'na — He'e'ye'!
Ya'thil-y ftna ta'na-u'qahe'na — He'e'ye' !
Ta'bini'na hi'ticha'ui — He'o'ye' !
Ta'bini'na hi'ticha'ni — He'e'ye'!
Bi'taa'wu ta'thi'aku'tawa' — He'e'ye' !
Bi'taa'wu ta'thi'aku'tawa'— He'e'ye'!
Translation
My father — He'e'ye'.'
My father — He'e'ye'!
He put me in live places — He'e'ye"!
He put me in five places — He'e'ye'!
I stood upon the earth — He'e'ye'!
I stood upon the earth — He'e'ye'!
The author of this song tells how in his trance he went up to the
oth^ world, where he stood upon the new earth and saw the messiah,
who took him around to five different places and ga\T5 liim a pipe. The
number five may here have some deeper mythic meaning besides that
indicated in the bare narrative. i
63. Ni'naaqa'wa chiba'ti
Ni'naiiqa'wa chibii'ti,
Ni'naiiqa'wa chiba'ti.
Ha'-lna'tii be'yi thi'jiya'na,
Ha'-ina'tii be'yl thi'iiya'na.
Translation
1 am going around the sweat-house,
I am going around the sweat-house.
The shell lies iipon the mound,
The shell lies upon the mound.
The maker of this song saw in his vision a sweat-house with a white
shell lying upon the mound in front, where a buffalo skull is usually
placed. The song evidently refers to some interesting religious cere-
mony, but was heard only once, and from a young man who could give
no fuller explanation. I have never seen a shell used in this connec-
tion. It may be, as suggested by Reverend H. E. Voth, that the word
1002
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ ETH. ANN. U
shell is really a figurative expression for skull. In the old days the
whole buffalo head was used, instead of the mere skull
64. Hisk'hi, hise'hi
Hise'hi, hise'hi,
Hii'tine'biiku'tha'na,
Hii'tine'biiku'tha'na,
Hiiti'ta-u'seta'na,
Hati'ta-u'seta'na. ,
Trannlatiun
My comrade, my comrade,
Let us play the awl game,
Let lis play tlie awl game.
Let us play the dice gauie.
Let US play the dice game.
The woman who composed this song tells how, on waking up in the
spirit world, she met there a party of her former girl companions and
sat down ^ith them to play the two games universally popular with
the women of all the prairie tribes.
The first is called nc'bal'u'thana by the Arapaho and tsoua or " awl
game" (from tson, an awl) by the Kiowa, on account of an awl, the Indian
woman's substitute for a needle, being used to keep record of the score.
The game is becoming obsolete^
in the north, but is the everyday
summer amusement of the wo-
men among the Kiowa, Coman-
che, and Apache in the southern
plains. It is very amusing on
account of the unforeseen '' riv-
ers" and ^' whips" that are con-
stantly turning up to disappoint
the expectant winner, and a
party of women will frequently
sit around the blanket for half
a day at a time, with a constant
ripple of laughter and good-
humored jokes as they follow
F,a.95-l)iagr.nnofawlgan„.. ^^^ chaUCCS Of the play. It
would make a very jiretty i)icnic game, or could readily be adapted to
the parlor of civilization.
The players sit upon the ground around a blanket marked in char-
coal with lines and dots, and quadrants in the corners, as shown
in figure 95. In the center is a stone upon which the sticks are
thrown. Each dot, excepting those between the parallels, counts a
point, making twenty-four points for dots. Each of the parallel lines,
and each end of the curved lines in the corners, also counts a jwint.
/ * * •
•
•
•
f
... 1
•
•
^tV£fi \^
'■OA/l
■ ) niycn
•
•
•
\ • • •
i
«
•
THE AWL GAME
1003
t
';
making sixteen points for the lines or forty jjomts in all. The players
start from the bottom, opposing players moving in opposite directions,
and with each throw of the sticks the thrower moves her awl forward
and sticks it into the blanket at
the dot or line to which her throw
carries her. The parallels on each
of the fonr sides are called "rivers,"
and the dots within these parallels
do not count in the game. The
rivers at the top and bottom are
"dangerous" and can not be crossed,
and when the player is so unlucky
as to score a throw which brings
her upon the edge of the river (i. e.,
upon the first line of either of these
pairs of parallels), she "falls into
the river" and must lose all she
has hitherto gained, and begin again
at the start. In the same way,
when a player moving around in
one direction makes a throw which
brings her awl to the ])lace occupied
by the awl of her opi)onent coming
around from the other side, the said
opponent is "whipped back" to the
starting point and must begin all
over again. Thus there is a con
stant succession of unforeseen acci
dents which furnish endless amuse
ment to the players.
The game is played with four
sticks, each from (i to 10 inches long,
flat on one side and round on the other (figure 96), One of these is
the trump stick and is marked in a distinctive manner in the center on
both sides, and is also distinguished by having a green line along the
flat side (figure 97), while the
others have each a red line.
The Kiowa call this trump stick
Hake, " green," on account of the
green stripe, while the others
are called <7««(?«7, "red," There
are also a number of small green
sticks, about the size of lead
pencils, for keeping tally. Each player in turn takes up the four sticks
together in her hand and throws them down on end upon the stone in
the center. The number of points depends on the number of flat or
Fig. 96 — Sticks nsed in awl game.
Fig. 97 — Trump sticks used in awl game.
1004 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
round sides which turn up. Ahicky throw with the green or trump stick
generally gives the thrower another trial in addition. The formula is:
One flat side up counts 1
One flat side (if sake) counts 1 and another throw.
Two flat sides up, with or without sahe, count 2
Three flat sides up count 3
Three flat sides up, including aahc, count 3 and another throw.
All four flat sides up count 8 and another throw.
All four round sides up count 10 and another throw.
Only the flat sides count except when all the sticks turn round side
up. This is the best throw of all, as it counts ten jjoints and another
throw. On completing one
round of forty points the
player takes one of the small
green tally sticks from the
pile and she who first gets
the number of tally sticks
previously agreed on wins
the game. Two, four, or any
eveu number of persons may
play the game, half on each
side. When two or more
play on a side, all the part-
ners move up the same num-
ber of points at each tlirow,
but only the lucky thrower
gets a second trial in case
of a trump throw.
The other woman's game
mentioned, the dice game, is
called t(i-u's(ta'tina (literal-
ly, "striking," or ''throwing
against" something) by the
Arapaho, and mo'iishimunh
by the Cheyenne, the same
name being now given to the
modem card games. It was
practically universal among
all the tribes east and west,
and under the nameof " hub-
bub" is described by a Xew
England writer as far back
as 1634, almost precisely as
r,0.98_Ba«l.ets„sedindioegan,e. .^ ^^.^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^,^^
prairie tribes. The only difference seems to have been that in the east
it was played also by the men, and to the accompaniment of a song
.such as is used in the hand games of the western tribes.
THE DICK GAME
1005
The leqnisites are a small wicker howl or basket (hat^chi'na), live
dice made of hone or of plum stones, and a pile of tally sticks sncli as
are used in the awl game. The bowl is 6 or 8 inches in diameter and
about 2 inches deep, and is woven in basket fashion of the tough libers
of the yucca (tigure 08). The dice may be round, elliptical, or diamond-
shape and are variously marked on one side with lines and figures, the
turtle being a favorite design among the Arapaho (figure 99). Two o^
the five must be alike in shape and marking. The other three are
marked with another design and may also be of another shape. Any num-
ber of women or girls may i)lay, each
throwing in turn, and sometimes one set
of partners playing against anotlier. The
pliiyers toss up the dice from the basket, :r « / v, p
letting them drop again into it, and score /l_^^Jl A>
points according to the way the dice turn
u}) in the basket. The first throw by each
player is made from the hand instead of ^.i_
from the basket. One hundred points ^ir \^"^^
usually count a game, and stakes are ^i^ f __J\
wagered on the result as in almost every
other Indian contest of skill or chance.
For the purpose of explanation, we shall
designate two of the five as "rounds" and
the other three as "diamonds," it being
understood that only the marked side
counts in the game, excepting when the *. f /' /
throw happens to turn up the three dia-
monds blank while the other two show the
nuvrked side, or, as sometimes happens,
, i.fl 1- . 11 Tt Fig. 99— Dice used in dicaga
when all five dice turn up blank. In '
every case all of one kind at least nmst turn itp to score a point. A
successful throw entitles the ]dayer to another throw, while a failure
obliges her to i)ass the basket to some one else. The formula is:
1 only of cither kind 0
2 rounds 3
3 diamonds (both rounds with blank side np) 3
3 diamonds blank (both rounds with marked side up) ' 3
4 marked sides up 1
5 (all) blank sides up 1
5 (all) marked sides up 8
A game similar in principle, but played with six dice instead of five,
is also played by the Arapaho women, as well as by those of the
Comanche and probably also of other tribes.
65. Na'tu'wani'sa
Niinisa'na, niinisa'na,
Na'tu'wani'sa, na'tu'wani'sa —
Hii'niitii'hl'niiti',
H.'i'niit.i'hI'niiti'.
1006
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
Translation
My children, my children,
My top, my top —
It will win the game,
It will win the gamp.
The man who made this song when he entered the spirit world in
his vision met there one of his boy friends who had died loiiji' years
before, and once more spun tops with him as in childliood.
Tops are used by all Indian boys, and are made of wood or bone.
They are not thrown or spun with a string, but are kept in motion by
whipping with a small quirt or whip of buckskin. In winter they are
spun upon the ice. The younger children make tops to twirl with the
fingers by running a stick through a small seed berry.
6fi. Hk'na'ga'xawa'nex
He'na'ga'nawa'nen DJia'wii'naui'uii bi'gushi'shi He sAna'nini' — Ahe'e'ye' !
He'na'ga'nawa'neu nlia'wii'nani'iiii lii'guahi'shi He'silua'ninl' — Ahe'e'ye'!
Nithi'na hesuna'nini' — Ahe'e'ye'!
Nithi'na hesAna'nini' — Ahe'e'ye'!
Translation
When we dance until daylight our father, the Moon, takes pity ou us — Ahe'e'ye'!
When we dauce until daylight our father, the Mo(m. takes pity on us — Ahe'e'ye'!
The father says so — Ahe'e'yi''!
The father says so — Ahe'e'ye'!
With the Arai)aho, as with many other tribes, the moon is masculine,
and the sun is feminine. In mythology the two are brother and sister.
There are various myths to account for the spots on the moon's surface,
some discerning in them a large frog, while to others they bear a like-
ness to a kettle hung over the fire. The Arapaho name for the moon,
bi'gushish, means literally "night sun," the sun itself being called
7(/«/i/Hts/t/s/«, " day sun." A similar nomenclature exists among most
other tribes.
67. Ni'na'nina'ti'naki'xi'xa .\A'(;A'(iU' *
'^
^=)«St4^'^
^^Si — — I — I 1-
A' nii - ni'-sa'-na, a'-na- Ei'-sa'-na. ni'-ua'-ni-na' - li'-nn-ku'
111' - iia ua' - ga'-<iu',
^5V>sz^-^i;i
iii' - uii'niiia' ti' ■ ria-ku'
•T'*
■*— *■
4--*-
-*— '-
III' - iia iia' - ga'-ijii';
-*-#^
ti'-iia-lia'-thi-Iiu' nii'-iii - sa'na,
ti' - ua-ha'-tlii-liii' nii' - iii - sa' - iia, liii- thi'-iia Jle'-sii-iia'-iilii. liii - tlii' -iia He'-hii-iia'-nin.
Moo.xEY] THE HATi'qTKBA GAME 1007
A'niiui'sa'DR, a'niini'sa'oa,
Ni'nii'niiia'ti'naku'ni'na iia'ga'qu',
Ni'uii'nina'ti'naku'ni'na ua'ga'qii' ;
Ti'naha'thiliu' nii'nisa'na,
Ti'uaha'thihii' iiii'nisa'na,
Hiithi'na He'sftna'nln,
Hiitlii'na He'sftna'nln.
TraitalatioH
My children, my children,
It is I who wear the morning star on my head,
It is I who wear the morning star on my head ;
I show it to my children,
I show it to my children.
Says the father,
Says the father.
This beautiful song oi'iginated amoug the northern Arapaho, and is a
favorite north and south. In it the messiah is supposed to be address-
ing his children. There is a rhythmic swing to the vocalic syllables
that makes the tune particularly pleasing, and the imagery of thought
expressed is poetry itself. The same idea occurs in European ballaxl
and legend, and has a parallel in the angel of the evangelist, "clothed
with a cloud, and a rainbow upon his head."
68. A'-NENa' TABl'Nl'NA
A'-nena' tabi'ni'na ne'tlqta'wa'hu',
A'-uena' tabi'ni'n.i ne'tlqta'wa'hu'.
* A'nii'uahu'gahu'nahu,
A'nii'nahu'gahu'nahn.
Tahu'naha'thihi'na nii'nisa'na,
Tahu'naha'thihi'na nii'nisa'na.
Translation
My mother gave me my ti'qtawa stick,
My mother gave me my ti'qtawa stick.
I fly aronnd with it,
I fly around with it,
To make me see my children,
To make me see my children.
This song was composed by a woman of the southern Arapaho. The
reference is not entirelj^ clear, but it is probable that in her trance
vision she saw her children in the other world playing the game men-
tioned, and that afterward she made the game sticks and carried them
in the dance, hoping by this means to obtain another vision of the
spirit M'orld, where she could again talk with her children who had
gone before her to the shadow land. In one Ghost dance seven different
women carried these game sticks.
The biUi'qtuba (abbreviated WqtAp) game of the Arapaho and other
prairie tribes somewhat resembles the Iroquois game of the "snow
snake," and is played by children or grown persons of both sexes. It
14 ETH — PT li 24
1008 THi: GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
is a very simple game, the contestants merely throwing or sliding the
sticks along the ground to see who can send them farthest. Two per-
sons or two parties play against each other, boys sometimes playing
against girls or men against women. It is, however, more especially a
girl's game. The game sticks (bdttqta'tca) are slender willow rods about
4 feet long, peeled and painted and tipped with a point of buffalo horn
to enable them to slide more easily along the ground. In throwing, the
player holds the stick at the upper end with the thumb and fingers,
and, swinging it like a pendulum, throws it out with a sweeping motion.
Young men throw arrows about in the same way, and small boys some-
times throw ordinary reeds or weed stalks. Among the Omaha, accord-
ing to Dorsey, bows, unstrung, are made to slide along the ground or
ice in the same manner.
69. YI'ha'a'X'hi'hI'
Yl'hii'a'a'hi'hl', Yl'ha'U'a'hi'hl,
Ha'nanii'hi'gutha'-u gaqaii'-huhu ,
Hii'niina'hi'gutha'-u ga'qaii -hu'hu'.
Ti-anslatioii
Ti'hU'a'U'hi'hi', Ti'hd'a'd'hi'hi',
I throw the "button,"
I throw the "button.''
In his trance vision the author of this song entered a tipi and found
it filled with a circle of his old friends playing the ga'qutit, or "hunt the
button" game. This is a favorite winter game with the prairie tribes,
and was jirobably more or less general throughout the country. It is
played both by men and women, but never by the two sexes together.
It is the regular game in the long winter nights after the scattered
families have abandoned their exposed summer jiositions on the oi>en
prairie, and moved down near one another in the shelter of the tim-
ber along the streams. When hundreds of Indians are thus camped
together, the sound of the drum, the rattle, and the gaming song resound
nightly through the air. To the stranger there is a fascination about
such a camp at night, with the conical tipis scattered about under
the trees, the firelight from within shining through the white canvas and
distinctly outlining upon the cloth the figures of the occupants making
merry inside with jest and story, while from half a dozen different direc-
tions comes the measured tap of the Indian drum or the weird chorus
of the gaming songs. Frequently there will be a party of twenty to
thirty men gaming in one tipi, and singing so that their voices can be
heard far out from the camp, while from another tipi a few rods away
comes a shrill chorus from a group of women engaged in another game
of the same kind.
The players sit in a circle around the tipi fire, those on one side of the
fire playing against those on the other. The only requisites are the
"button" or ga'qaii, usually a small bit of wood, around which is
tied a piece of string or otter skin, with a pile of tally sticks, as has
THE "button" game
1009
been already described. Each party lias a '•button," tbat of one side
being painted black, the other being red. The leader of one party takes
the button and endeavors to move it from one hand to the other, or to
pass it on to a partner, while those of the opposing' side keep a sharp
lookout, and try to guess in which hand it is. Those having the button
try to deceive their opponents as to its whereabouts by putting one
Land over the other, by folding their arms, and by putting their hands
behind them, so, as to pass the ga'qali on to a partner, all the while
keeping time to the rhythm of a gaming chorus sung by the whole
party at the top of their voices. Tlie song is very peculiar, and well"
nigh indescribable. It is usually, but not always or entirely, unmean-
ing, and jumps, halts, and staggers in a most surprising fashion, but
always in perfect time with the movements of the hands and arms of
the singers. The greatest of good-natured excitement prevails, and
every few minutes some moi'e excitable player claps his hands over his
mouth or beats the ground with his flat palms, and gives out a regular
war-whoop. All this time the opposing players are watching the hands
of the other, or looking straight into their faces to observe every tell
tale movement of their features, and when one thinks he has discovered
in which hand the button is, he throws out his thumb toward that hand
with a loud "//m<.'" Should he guess aright, his side scores a certain
number of tallies, and in turn takes the button and begins another
song. Should the guess be wrong, the losing side must give up an equiv-
alent number of tally sticks. So the play goes on until the small hours
of the night. It is always a gambling game, and the stakes are
soirtetimes very large.
The first line of the song here given is an imitation of one of these
gambling songs. Among the prairie tribes each song has one or per-
haps two words with meaning bearing on the game, the rcBt of the
song being a succession of unmeaning syllables. Among some other
tribes, iiarticularly among the Navalio, as described by Dr Washington
Matthews, the songs have meaning, being prayers to different animal
or elemental gods to assist the player.
As specimens of another variety of gambling songs, we give here
two heard among the Paiute of Nevada when visiting the messiah in
the winter of 1891-92. They have pretty tunes, very distinct from
those of the prairie tribes, and were borrowed by the Paiute from
the Mohave, in whose language they may have a meaning, although
unintelligible to the Paiute.
Paiute gambling song
M Allegro vivace. ^^^^
Yo' - ho' ma ■ ho' -yo o-wa'-na, ha'-yil-iiul ha'-yrt-nn\ ka - iii' -yo-wl'. Yo' - ho' nia-ho'-
at:*:
^^m
:^1^=q=
^
yoo-wa'-na, ha'yA-ui& ha'-yft-iuil ka-ui-yo-wl'. Ho' - tsl -ni'-il - ni tsai' - o- wi'-a-ni',
1010
THE GHOST-DANCE EELIGION
[ETH. ANN. U
*l- 1^— — =^
__l .fj — .
i - ha' - ha' tsi -Hia'-ui-mi - na,
ha - tai-ma'-ni-iui -na'. Ho' - tsA - iii' -A, - ni
#-^ -^^^-^=^>-^-
p_^ — \ — L_^ J ^ ■ — : — ] — 1
tsai' • o - wi' - a - ui',
lia Isi-nift'-ui-mi -na'.
ha - tai-ma'-ni-nii - na'.
1. Yo'ho' maho'yo owa'na,
Ha'yiimit lia'yamri kJini'yowI'. (Repeat.)
.2. Ho'tsSniTini tsai'-owi'aiii',
Iha'ha' tsima'nimina' ha' tsima'nimina'. (Ilepeat.)
70. Ni'qa-hu'hu'
Ni'qa-hu'hu', ni'qa-hn'hu',
Hu'wl'siina', hu'wl'siina' —
Ga'qa'ii-hu'hu', ga'qa'ii-hu'hu'.
Translation
My father, my father,
I go straight to it, I go straight to it —
The ga'qad, the ga'qad.
This song also refers to the game of ga'qutit, just described. Tlie
ga'qaa is the "button."
71. A'hu'nawu'hu'
A'hu'nawu'hu'-u'-ii', a'hu'nawu'hii'-u'-u',
Ha'tani'i'bil'na — He'e'ye'!
Ha'tani'i'bil'na — He'e'ye'!
Ga'qu'tiua'ni,
Ga'qu'tina'ni,
Hi'nii'iihii'k ga'qa'ii — He'e'ye' !
Hi'nii'iihii'k ga'qa'ii — He'e'ye' !
Translation
With red paint, with red paint,
I want to paint myself — He'e'ye'!
I want to paint myself — He'e'ye'!
When I play ga'qutit,
When I play ga'qutit.
It is the "button" — He'e'ye
It is the "button" — He'e'ye'!
This song refers to the same game described under songs 69 and 70,
and like them is based on the trance experience of the composer.
72. Ani'<ja naga'qu
Ani'qa naga'qu !
Ani'qa naga'qu !
Ina'habi'ji nina'giinawa'ni,
Ina'habi'ii nina'giinawa'ni.
Awu'nani'ii — ili'i'i' !
Awu'nSnl'ii — Hi'i'i' !
MOONET]
REVERENCE FOR THE MORNING STAR
1011
Trantlation
Father, the Morning Star !
Father, the Morning Star !
Look on iig, we liave danced until daylight.
Look on 118, we have danced until daylight.
Take pity on us — Ili'i'i'!
Take pity on us — Ili'i'i'!
This song is sung about daylight, just before the closing song, after
the dancers have danced all night and are now ready to quit and go
home. When the new doctrine came among the prairie tribes, the Ghost
dance was held at irregular and frequent intervals, almost every other
night, in fact — lasting sometimes until about midnight, sometimes
until daylight, without any rule. As the ceremonial became crystallized,
however, the messiah gave instructions that the dance should be held
only at intervals of six weeks, and should then continue four consecu-
tive nights, lasting the first three nights until about midnight, but on
the fourth night to continue all night until daylight of the next morn-
ing. The original letter containing these directions is given in chapter
X, For a long time these directions were implicitly followed, but the
tendency now is to the original fashion of one-night dances, at short
intervals. This song to the morning star was sung just before daylight
on the final morning of the dance.
With all the iirairie tribes the morning star is held in great reverence
and is the subject of much mythological belief and ceremony. It is
uuiversally represented in their pictographs as a cross, usually of the
Maltese pattern. In this form it is frequently pictured on the ghost
shirts. The Arapaho name, nagaq', means literally "a cross." The
Kiowa know it as fainso, "the cross," or sometimes, as dae^dal, "the
great star."
73. Ahu'yu hathi'na (closing song)
Andanlino.,
r-zt
5E^
£§Ei
thi
4^=^
^fciiS
hr - sfl - iia'-ni - ui bu' • bu,
A - bu' • yu bii
hii' ■ yu liji-
-1 — r
Sig
f-^=j=g
:i=i=
tlii'-na lie-8l"i • na'-ni-ui liu' - hu, ya • tlift'ii ii - ta'-u ■ sa' - ba, ya - tbti'D a-
\J \» r
qizqi
ba,
tbi' • na
^^
--^i--^.^
ho - sfl -Ba' - n!ii, iii - tbi'-iia
be - sd -na'-Dln.
Ahu'yu hathi'na hesftna'niui hu hu,
Ahu'yu hathi'na hesftua'nini hu'hu,
Yathft'n iita'-usii'ba —
1U12 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
Yathft'n iita'-usii'bii —
Nithi'ua hesftna'iiln,
Nithi'na hesflna'nin.
Translation
Thus says our father, the Crow,
Thus says our father, the Crow.
Go around five times more —
Go around five times more —
Says the father,
Says the father.
This is the closing song of the dance since the return of the great
delegation of southern Arapaho and CheycTine who visited the inessiah
in Angust, 1891. Before that time the closing song had been number
52, beginning Ni'nini'tubi'na hu'hu'. The literal rendering of the second
part is " stoj) five times," the meaning and practice being that they must
make five circuits singing this song and then stop. As already stated,
in accordance with the instructions of the messiah, the Ghost dance is
now held (theoretically) at intervals of six weeks and continues for four
consecutive nights, closing about midnight, excepting on the last night,
when the believers dance until daylight. As daylight begins to appear
in the east, they sing the song to the morning star, as just given (num-
ber 72), and then, after a short rest, the leaders start this, the closing
song, which is sung while the dancers make five circuits, resting a
few moments between circuits. Then they unclasp hands, wave their
blankets in the air to fan away all evil influences, and go down to the
river to bathe, the men in one place and tlie women in another. After
bathing, they resume their clothing and disperse to their various camps,
and the Ghost dance is over.
ARAPAHO GLOSSARY
In this and the other glossaries here given it is intended only to give
a concise definition of the meaning of each word without going into
details of grammar or etymology. Tlie Ghost dance was studied for its
mytliology, psychology, ritual, and history, and language in this con-
nection was only the means to an end, as it was impossible in a few
months of time to devote close attention to the numerous languages
spoken by the tribes represented in the dance.
The Arapaho language, as will be seen from the specimens given, is
eminently vocalic, almost every syllable ending in a vowel, and there
being almost no double consonant sounds. Like the Cheyenne lan-
guage, it lacks I and r. The most i^rominent vowel sounds are a, a, and
i, and in some instances there are combinations of several vowel sounds
without any intervening consonant. The soft th sound is also promi-
nent. The g and d frequently approximate to h and t, respectively, and b
in the standard dialect becomes r among the northern Arapaho. The
only sound of the language (excepting the medial fc and t) not found in
English is the gutteral q, and the language is entirely devoid of the
hissing effect of Cheyenne or the choking sounds of Kiowa.
MOONKY]
ARAPAHO GLOSSARY
1013
In tlie songs it is common to prefix a, and to add «, hi, hu, huhu, etc,
to tlie ends of words in order to fill out tbe meter. In a few cases
changes are made in tlie body of the word for the same purpose. In
the glossary these unmeaning syllables are m)t given where they occur
at the end of words. Words beginning with a vowel sound may some-
times be written as beginning with the breathing /(, and « is sometimes
pronounced sh.
AS'nini'na — the name by which the Arap-
alio Grosventres of the Prairie, one of
the five principal diviwionsof the Arap-
iiho, call themselves. It is said to sig-
nify "white clay men," from aiiti,
"white clay," and hint'na, "men."
They are called Ilitii'nrna, or " beg-
gars," by the rest of the tril)e, and are
commonly known to the whites under
the French name of Grosventres, " big
bellies."
AaniVhawa — another name for the Ha'na-
hawunG'na division of the Arapaho.
The meaning of the word is unknown.
Ahiici'thina'hu — for Bdathi'na.
A'haha' — for Ba'haa'.
A buna' (Inah It'll' — for liiinaa'na.
AbU'iiihi — for Bii'iii.
Abii'qati — for Bii'qnti.
Ach'iqa'Mwa — I am looking at him. Also
Nina'hatea, I look at him. NA'hdni,
Here! Look! naliata, look at it (imper-
ative singular) ; ina'habi'ii, look on us.
Compare Hdtina'hawa'ha.
Achisliin'i'qahi'na — he, was taking me
around.
A'gand' — bed-covers of buffalo skin; sin-
gular, a'gd'.
Aha'kanf'na — "crazy men," one of the de-
. grees of the Arapaho military organiza-
tion. The word is derived from alia'ka,
crazy, and liim'na, men. The "fire
moth," which flies around and into the
fire, is called aha'kda', or "crazy," and
the Aha'kdnvna are supposed to imitate
the action of this moth in the fire dance.
See Arapaho song iH and Cheyenne
song 10.
Aha'kiinithi'i — they are crazy. In the In-
dian idea "foolish" and "crazy" are
geuerally synonymous. Compare Ahii'-
kdnen'a and Ahaka'wii,
Ahaka'wii — the crazy dance. It is called
Psam by the Cheyenne, from psa,
crazy. See Arapaho song 43 and Chey-
enne song 10.
Aht'eyt'.' — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
A'hene'heni'dil .' — an unmeaning exclama-
tion used in the songs.
A'lieaihia'nini — for Hetiina'nin.
A'heye'ne'hene' ! — an unmeaning exclama-
tion used in the songs.
Ahe'i/iihe'i/n! — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
Ahu' — for Ho.
Ahu'hu — for Ho.
Ahu'tiii — there it is; there he is.
Ahu'nmvu'hu — for Hinuw' , paint. Com-
pare Hlna'wiin.
Ahii'yu, — tlius; in this way.
.inani'nibinU'si — tor Nani'nibinS'a{.
And'nisa'na — for Xiini' Handd.
Ana'wati'n-hati— "playing wheel" {hati,
wheel) ; a netted gaming wheel. See
Arapaho song 50.
AneU'thibiwd'hana — for Nfii'thibitca'na.
Ane'na — for Xc'na.
Ani'anethahi'nani'na — for Ni'ani'hahV-
nani'na.
Anidaa'kita'na — for Ni'daa'kua'na.
Ani'dtdhl'ndiia — for Hand'tdMild'na.
A'nieaa'na — for Xieaa'na.
Anihd'ya — the yellow (paint).
A'nii'nahn'gahu'nahu — foi Hdni'iniahu'na.
Ani'niha'viahii'na — for Xiniha'niahtt'na.
Jni'qa — for Xi'qa.
Ani'qii — for Xi'qa.
Aiii'qana'ga — for Xi'qana'ga.
A'niauna'ahit — for XiaiVna.
Aqa'ihinCna — " pleasant men," from ai^a'-
Ihi, "pleasant," and hine'na, "men."
One of the five bands of the southern
Arapaho.
AkX'pXho — the popular name for the
Arapaho tril)e. The derivation is uncer-
tain, but it may be, as Punbar suggests,
from the Pawnee verb tirapihu or lara-
pihii. "he buys or trades," in allusion
to tbe Arapaho having formerly been
the trading medium between the Paw-
nee. Osage, and others in the north, and
1014
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[eth. axx. U
the Kiowa, Comanche, and others to the
southwest (Grinnell). It ia worthy of
note that old frontiersmen i)ronounce
the name Ariipihu. It is not the name
by which they are called by the Chey-
enne, Sioux, Sliosboni, Kiowa, Coman-
che, Apache, Caddo, or Wichita.
Arapa'kata — the Crow name for the
Arapaho, evidently another form of
the word Arapaho.
Atdndtdhinii' na — I wish to win or beat.
Atani'tanu'newa — I use it. Afi'tdnu'tvii,
use it! (imperative singular).
Ata'-usa'bd — stop so niani/ times (plural
imperative). The verb applies only to
walking, etc; the generic imperative
for stopping or quitting is nii'hind'nt,
q. V. ; HithHa'-uaa, stop! (singular im-
perative).
Ate'be— for Te'bi'.
Atf'hetana'-ise'ti — for Tf'be'tana'-isit.
AWchilbi'nasii'nu — let usgooutgaml)ling.
Ati'chani'na — your pipes. Hicha, apipe;
hiti'cha, this pipe; su'icha, the sacred
" flat pipe." See Arapaho song 2.
Atini'ehini'na — for Thni'ehi'nina.
Atsi'na — the Blackfoot name for the
Ad'ninvna or Arapaho Grosventres. The
word signifies " gut people.'
Awawa — for Wa'wa.
Aivatdnani — for ]Va1una'n\.
Awu'ndni'd — .another form of ve'chaw-
u'nani — take pity on us.
Ba{-1iu) — a road or trail.
Ba'achinf'na — Another name for the. Vaia-
sinii'na (q. v.) or northern Arapaho.
The word may mean "red willow (i. e.,
kinikinik) men," or "blood-ijudding
men," the latter etymology being de-
rived from hii, blood, and ch!ni'niki, to
put liquid into a bladder.
Bddku'ni — " Eed Feather," the Arapaho
name of Paul Boyntou, a Carlisle stu-
dent, and formerly interpreter at Chey-
enne and Arapaho agency.
Baa'-ni'bina — "thunder-berries," from
baa', thunder, and ni'bin, berry; a wild
fruit, perhaps the black haw. See Ara-
paho song .51.
Bddthi'na — cedar tree. See Arapaho
song 31.
Bad Pipes — one of the three bands of the
northern Arapaho. Their present chief
is Sharp Nose.
Bde'na— turtle. See Arapaho song 25.
Ba'haa', or Baa' — the Thunder. See
Arapaho song 14.
Ildhibiwd'hma — on their account I am
made to cry (immediate present).
Bdniwa'nd or nibiwa'na, I am crying;
hd'nibiwdhtna, on its account I am made
to cry, for its sake I am crying; ndhi-
biwa'huna'na, then I wept; nnhihiwa'-
huna, then I began to cry or lament;
ned thibiwa )ia, the place where crying
begins.
Bd'hindnina'td — everything.
Bahwetegow-eninneway — the Ojibwa
name for the Ad'nineiia or Arapaho
Grosventres (Tanner). It signifies
"men, or people of the falls," from
bawitiji, "falls," and inmiwug, "men, or
people." They are so called on account
of their former residence at the rapids
of the Saskatchewan.
Bdnad'na — the thunderbirds ; singular
Ba'haa', or Ba'awa.
BU'ni — my (male) comrade. Vocative.
Used by a boy or young man speaking
to his comrade or partner of the same
sex. The corresponding female term is
Med.
Bd'qaii — "great wheel," from
great, and liaW, a gaming wheel, a
wagon. An ordinary wheel is called
ni'nae'guti, "turner." See Arapaho
song 49.
Bd'qiHibd — with the ba'qdti, q. v.
Bdaawunf'na — one of the five divisions
of the Arapaho, and formerly a dis-
tinct tribe. The name is variously
rendered "wood lodge men" or "big
lodge men," or people, the terminal
part being derived from liine'na "men."
Bdta'liina'ni — he makes me dance. (In
the songs when, where, etc, are pome-
times understood with verbs). Bdta't,
a dance ; niba'tana, I dance ; nilabd'tani,
we are dancing; bdtdna'ni, when we
dance; Thi'giindwa't, the Ghost dance.
Compare also Ilena' yana'wanin.
Bdtdna'ni — when we dance. Compare
Bdta'hina'ni.
BdtVqtaica — the throwing-stick used in
the bntt'qtuba game. See Arapaho
song 68.
Bdti'qtuba — the game of the "throwing-
stick" or "snow-snake" among the
prairie tribes. See Arapaho song 68.
Bena — for Bdc'na.
MOONEY]
ARAPAIIO GLOSSARY
1015
lUni'tu'na — "warriors,'" the military
organi/iitioii of the Arapalio. See
Ara])ali() song 43.
liivi'iiina — he gave it to lue. Brni'na, I
gave it to him ; he'ninf'IMn, 1 gave it to
you; iiiihinii, I gave it to them; hiisa-
bini'iia, he has given it to iis; fabini'na,
he (she) gave it to me; da'chi'bini'na,
he will give me a hawk-feather.
.B('(irf(r — the Kiowa Apache name for the
Arapaho.
Bei/i — a (white) shell.
Bi'ya — night.
Bi'f/iishish — the moon, literally "night
snn," from bi'ga, night, and hUhi'nh,
sun, or celestial luminary. The sun is
distinquished as hishi-nishi'ah, or "day
sun," from hlsli'i. day, and hiihiah. In
many Indian languages the Hun and
moon have hut one name, with an ad-
jective prefix or suffix to distinguish
between day and night. See Arapaho
song 66. The morning star is called
naga'g, "the cross;" the milky way is
lu'ihina'na-ba, " the buffalo road," or
thi'guni-ha, "the spirit or ghost road;"
the plciades arc bii'nakuth, '■ the group
(sitting)."
Biqirna'kaiie'iia — I am crying on account
of thirst. Xaka'iiena, I am thirsty.
Bisluija'wH — coming into sight, approach-
ing from a distance. (Third person,
singular.)
Bitaa'iru — the earth.
Bitaha'tvii — the dance of the Bita'hinena.
See Arapaho song 43.
Bita'hinima — "spear men;" one of the
degrees of the Arapaho military organ-
ization. The name comes from the
Cheyenne word for spear, bitahii'na; the
Arapaho v/ord for 8])ear is qawd'. See
Arapaho song 43.
Bi'liiye — captor, seizor; the name by
which the Arapaho Hiinu'chalhi'ak," Sit-
ting Hull,'' was called when a boy.
Chiina'ha't — where there is none, lya-
hii'h, it is all gone.
Chaitii'nagu'nH — he wears them, he is
■wearing them.
Cha'qtha (singular, Chmj) — "enemies,"
the Arapaho name for the Comanche.
Chii'saq — another, another of them; from
cha'saiy', one. See Tiithiin.
Ckebi'nh — greasy, something greasy ; fig-
uratively used for peumiican. See
Arapaho song 46.
Chi'biit — a sweat-house.
ChVchita'nr — literally, a target, a mark
to shoot at. A boy's game. See Arap-
aho song 4.
Chinachi'chibii' iha — venerable, (memora-
ble or ancient) priests of the ChVnachi-
chi'biit, or sacred sweat-lodge, from
chlnachichi'bat, the sacred sweat-lodge,
and biiia, old man. See Arapaho song
43.
Cki'nachichi'bat — the sacred large sweat-
bouse; from chi'biit, sweat-house. See
Arapaho song 43.
C/if»i(ic/ii'cAifc«' (!»ia— immortal, venerable,
or never-to-be-forgotten priests of the
sweat-house; from chi'bdt, sweat-house.
See Arapaho song 43.
ChV nacldnv' na — water-pouring men; the
highest degree of the Arapaho mili-
tary organization. See Arapaho song
43.
Dd'chabi'hati'iattii — where there is gam-
bling; where they are gambling. In
the Arapaho language there is no ge-
neric term for playing for amusement
only. Chabi'hlna'na, I am gambling;
hani'chdbihlndna, I am gambling with
it; di'chahihuH'tani'i, while or when
they are gambling with it.
JJa'cha'-ihi'na — in order to please me.
Da'chl'hinina — he will give me a (chick-
en-) hawk feather. Compare Beni'nina.
Da'chiuathi'na — he having come for me
(participle). Xichlnu'H'hd, I come for
him.
Da' naa' bdna' wa — I moved it (''when" is
sometimes understood).
Dd'naaaku'iawa — I am standing upon it.
D/ina'tinenawa'fi — because I longed, or
wished, to see him; da in composition
gives the idea of "because."
De' tawuni' na — he told me. Compare
Hdthi'na.
Di' chdbihdti' tani' i — while or when, they
are gambling with it. Compare
Dd'chdbi'haii' tani'i.
Di'chin — because. Haka is also some-
times used.
1 Hinf tita' nifg — living people*; human ex-
istence.
I)0(; SOLDIER — a popular but incorrect
name given by the whites to the mili-
tary organizations of the prairie tribes.
See Arapaho song 43.
E'eye'.' — an unmeaning exclamation used
in the songs.
Ehe'eye'! — ibid.
1016
THE GHOST DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
E'hihanakuwtt'hunit — he turned into a
moose. Naku'wu, moose; iwd'qit, elk.
EhiM'sinakawu'httntt — for E'hihaiiaku-
wu'hunit.
Ehiha'stnuhi'nif — he is beginning to be a
bird, he is turning into a bird ; ni'lhi,
a bird.
E'l/ahe'eye'.' — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
Eye'ae'ijuhe'yu! — ibid.
E'yehc'! — ibid.
FoRKS-OF-THE-RiVER MEN — the princi-
pal of the three bands of the northern
Arapaho. Their present chief is Black
Coal.
Gaahi'na — anotlier form of Ga'ahine'na.
Ga'ahinc'tia—" coyote men," from ga'a,
coyote, and hini'na, men; singular,
ga'ahinf'n. The camp guards or pickets
of the Arapaho. See Arapaho song 41.
Ga'awiV, or ga'andha — a ball, used in
the woman's game of guga'haioa't or
shinny. See Arapaho song 7.
Gamva'tina — canned goods, canned
fruits.
Ga'ndni'na — he wiped me off, he cleaned
me. Gane'naa, I wipe him off.
Ga'qad — the "button" or small object
hidden by the players in the ga'qutit
game. See Arapaho song 69.
Ga'qutina'ni — when I play ga'qutit. See
Arapaho song 69.
Ga'qutit — the "hunt the button" game
of the western tribes. See Arapaho
song 69.
Gasi'tu — carrion.
Ga'wun&hdna — another form of Gawu-
ne'na.
Gawuiw'na — one of the five bands of
the southern Arapaho. The name
is the same applied by the Arapaho
to the Blackfeet, I'roni whom this
band is said to be derived. It is
also the Arapaho name for the Black-
foot band of Sioux. The name is of
foreign origin and can not be ex-
plaineil by the Arapaho. The Black-
feet are sd^uetimes also called by them
Wata'nitd'si, "black feet."
Greasy Faces — one of the three bands
of the northern Arapaho. Their pres-
ent chief is Spotted Horse.
Grosvbntres (01' THE Prairie) — the
name by which the Ad'nine'na (Arapaho
division) are commonly known to the
whites.
The correct French form is Gros Ven-
tres des Prairies, "Big Bellies of the
Prairie," to distinguish them from the
Minitari', or Hidatsn, who were called
Gros Ventres du Missouri. The term
Gros Ventres, as applied to this division
of the Arapaho, is derived from a mis-
conception of the Indian gesture sign
for the tribe, which really denotes
"belly people," i. e. "spongers" or
"beggars."
Gugd'haiea't — the woman's game of
shinny. See Arapaho song 7.
Gun — but.
Gushi'nd — throw it! (imperative singu-
lar). JsegiV, 1 thro-n- it; c/iej/it', throw
it here !
Ha'dnake'i — rock, the rock.
Ha'anund — foi"cibly, violently. ,
Sabatd'nani'hi — for Batdna'ni.
Ha'dd'wuha'na — we have made them des-
olate; we have deprived them of all
happiness.
Hageni'stit — he is making it across the
water. Compare Hani'atit.
Ha'hat — the Cottonwood tree (Populua
monilifera).
Ha-ina'td — it lies there, it lies upon it.
HdVnau-a — I know, yi'hawa, I do not
know.
Ha'ka — because. Dichin has the same
meaning.
Ha'nd — toT Ha'dnund.
Hdnd'chd-thi'd'k — Sitting Bull, the Arap-
aho apostle of the ghost dance; from
hdnd'chd, a buffalo bull, and thi'dk, he is
sitting. In early youth, before going to
Wyoming, he was called -Bt'ta^e, "Cap-
tor."
Ha'nae'hi — little boy (vocative).
Ha'nahawu'nrn (singular).
Ha'nahatcunc'na — one of the five divisions
of the Arapaho, but now practically
extinct. The meaning of the name is
unknown, but the final syllables are
from hine'na, signifying "men," or
"people."
Sandi'sdi — at the boundaries.
Hd'ndnd'higu'tha-u — for Nd'higii'tha.
JIdna'nawu'ndnu — those who have been
taught (?).
Hdnd'tdlitnd'na — I win the game (by
means of something).
Hd'ndtd'hl'ndt — It will win the game.
A'ndtdhl'ndnd, 1 win.
Mdni — for Hani' mi.
mooney]
ARAPAHO GLOSSARY
1017
Hii'nihiml'hiiiil — on its aocoiiut T am made
to <'ry ; for its sake 1 am crying. Com-
pare lUihihiwti'hhui,
HiinV ehiibihV niina — I am f{i"il*l'"S with
it. Compare DiV chiibi' haiV lanil.
Eani'fni — liy this means, by its means;
ahbrcviated to hfinii or hiini.
Hdni'iii'iahu'na — I fly around with it.
Saiiiiia'ta — it is lying there (inanimate).
SiinhVnina, I He down.
Hiini' idhiga'huna' — for Hdni'lnl nlhiga'-
hiina, — by its means I am running
swiftly.
Hani'stii — ho has finished it, now he has
finished it. Compare Ifageni'stit.
HdnUa' quna' nl — in the pitfall; from
ta'quna, a pitfall. See Arapaho song 47.
Ha'qihana — " wolves," one of the five
bands of the southern Arapaho.
Ba'aabiiii'na — he has given it to us. Com-
pare ISeni'iiina.
Ha'tai'naku'ni — you may have it. Niini'-
thana'na, I have it.
Hatuna'wundni'na — he is about to take
jiity on me. Nd'awu'nilna, I pity him;
mcu'nanl or ne'chawu'nani, have pity on
me; nitaint'iiana, I take pity on them.
Compare Ti'aicaxvu'nunu.
Hi' tanbii' no, — I wish to paint myself with
it. Bii'nanihii'ya, I paint myself.
HA'tani'i'bii'na — for Ha'tanbii'na.
Hatdni' ina'danv'na — I am about to use
hira to "make medicine," i. e., to per-
form a sacred ceremony (remote future).
The immediate future is hatdni' nada-
nCna; iiil is the root of to une; nada-
ni'na, is to "make medicine," from the
root ne'na, to sing. The gesture sign
for "song" and "medicine" are also
nearly the same. See Arapaho song
33.
Hatdni' niahn'hl'na — he is going to make
me fly around. Hdni'niahii'na, 1 am
flying; gaya'ahiiha, I make him fly.
Ha'tani'nitani'na — for Hatni'tdni'na.
Hatcchi'na — the basket bowl iised in the
dice game. See Arapaho song 64.
Hd'thabf'na (-wo) — I hand it to you.
Ha'thahft — star dance; the dance of the
Hd'lhahit'ha. See Arapaho song 43.
Hd'thaliu'ha — star people, from hd'tha,
star ; one of the degrees of the Arapaho
military organization. See Arapaho
song 43.
■ Hdthi'va — he tells me, he says to me.
Present, hathi'na; future, uihiithi'na;
perfect, hatnithi'na; he'itdwuni'na, it
tells ine ; de'lniviini'na, another form for
"he told me."
Ha'ti — for Ha'liat.
Hatiku'tha — the humming toy used by
boys of the prairie tribes. See Arap-
aho song 25.
Bdtina'hawa'bd — you (plural) will see
him; nana'hawd, I see him"; ni'naha-
wa'na, wo see them ; nahdhi'na, he saw
me; na'hawu, I saw him; he'ndd'atvd,
when I see it; tahu'nuha'thihi'na, to
make mo see them. Xina'Iiaica, I look
at him.
Hdtinr'bdku'lhana — let us play ni'bUku'-
thana, the awl game. See Arapaho
song 64.
Hdtini'tubi'bd — he is calling you (plural) ;
nini'tttwa, I call him.
Hdli'ta-ustHa'na — let us play ta'-wtita'na.
See Arapaho song 64.
Hd'tnaa'waa' — it is about to move (imme-
diate future).
Hatnaaivaatiha — for Hd'tnaa'waa'.
Hatni'tani'na — he will hear me. Ndni'-
ta'nd, I hear him; nitabd'na, I hear it;
nini'ddnd'u, I heard him. In the form
in Arapaho song 61, Uatani'nitani'na,
the syllable «i is repeated in the body
of the word to fill in the meter.
Hatni' tin' aka' tana — we have it in the
center. Nalii'thad'ntand, I am the cen-
ter; ■nahi'thidni'na'ta, it is in the center.
Hayana'-ti'ni'ija — for ra''na-«'»rj(o.
He! — an unmeaning exclamation used in
the songs.
Hechd' — when again.
He'e'e'! — an unmeaning exclamation used
in the songs.
He'ee'a'ehe' yuhe' yu! — ibid.
He'eye'! — ibid.
He'itaivuni'na — \t tells me. Compare
Hathi'na.
He'ndd'awd — when I see it. Compare
Hdtina'hawa'bd.
He'nagana''wanen — when we dance until
daylight. The root is naja'nA, daylight,
or dawn. JVi(»o'(ano, I dance ; ni'nagdn-
aiva'ni, we have danced until daylight.
Compare Bdta'hina'ni.
Hesu'na — the father. Hestina'nin, our
father; nifiu'na, my father, whence
hi-nisH'na-hii of the songs.
Hesuna'nin — our father. Compare He-
su'na.
Hclabi'nuh u'ni'na — I am poor ; 1 am needy^
1018
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
fETH. ANN. 14
Hithi'hinffna — Dog men, from liHh, dog,
and MnS'na, men ; one of the degrees of
the Arapaho military organization.
See Arapaho song 43.
Hitheua'wii — The dance of the HethMin-
i'na. See Arapaho song 43.
Be'wa-n'aa — you are a young crow, you
are the offspring of the crow ; ho or Ai*,
crow ; hosa, a young crow, a little crow-
This was the Indian name of Little
Raven, the noted Arapaho chief, who
died a few years ago.
He'ijahe'eye! — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
He'yat/a'ahe'ye ! — ibid.
He'yoho'ho .' — ibid.
Hi' a! — ibid.
Hi'bithini'na — thej' are flying about it.
Ninaa'niahu'tawa, I am flying about it.
Compare Nanii'ahu'na.
Bichua'qawii — the danceof the Sichda'qu-
thi. See Arapaho song 43.
Hichdd'qiithi — Club men, from choci'tha, a
club ; one of the degrees of the Arapaho
military organization. See Arapaho
song 43.
BichUba'-i — high up, on high, i. e., in
heaven, in the sky, or in a tree top.
Biga'ahina'-lt — "The, man with the coy-
ote gun ; " from gaahi'na, tlie " coy-
ote men ; " a camp guard or picket
among the Arapaho. Soi! Arapaho
song 41.
Biii! — an unmeaning exclamation used
in the songs.
Bi'nii — here; here it is.
Bind'dli/i'k — it is ! (strongly affirmative).
Compare Hi'nd.
Bind'athi — the long wing-feather (re-
ferring to the longest wing pinion,
worn on the head).
Blna'wtln — his paint; hind'w', (red) paint,
the Indian clay paint; nina'w, my
paint; hena'xv , your jiaint.
Bi'ni or t'ni — that, that one.
Bi'nini' ! — an unmeaning song termi-
nal.
Bi'niqa'aga'yeiu'na — for Bi'ni niqaga'yd-
tugd.
Hinisa'na — his children. Compare Ndni-
sa'ndu.
Binisd'nahu — for NM'na.
HSsd' — ray female comrade, or companion
(vocative).
Bi'sdhihi — for HisW,
Hise'hi — ibid.
Biidsi'na — (singular, Hl'tdsi) — "scarred
people," the Arapaho name for the
Cheyenne. From hitdshi'ni, scarred or
cut.
Biti'cha — this pipe. Compare Ati'cha-
nl'na.
Biticha'nl — -for Iliti'cha.
Bita'nena — the name by which the Ad'ni-
nffna or Arapaho Grosventres of the
Prairie are known to the rest of the
tribe. Another form is Hltu'ncni'na.
It signifies " begging men," or more ex-
actly "spongers," the terminal part
being from M»fc''«a, "men." TheArap-
aho call the Sioux Nattii, and the As-
inil)oin Tu-natni, or "begging Sioux."
Hi'yu — here it is. Ndyu, there it is;
hdyu, where is it? what is itf
Bo — crow; usually duplicated as Biihu
or Akuku in the songs. The crow is
the sacred bird of the Ghost dance, and
is also held sacred by the Algonquian
tribes generally. See Arapaho song 36.
Bo'sa — "Little Crow," better known as
"Little Raven," the celebrated chief
of the southern Arapaho. He died a
few years ago and was succeeded by
the present head chief Na'wat or Left
Hand. The name is derived from ho,
"crow," and sa, the diminutive.
Hu! — an unmeaning exclamation some-
times used by devotees and priests in
the Ghost dance when under strong
excitement, as Bu! Bu! Bu!
Hubbub — the name given by old New
England writers to the Indian dice
game. See Arapaho song 68.
Baku — for Bo.
Bu'nd — crows; plural of Ao or /n<; figura-
tively used in the songs for <'row feath-
ers worn on the head.
Bii'naku'nUhi — wearers of the crow
feathers ; the name given to the seven
leaders of the Ghost dance who wear
crow feathers on their Iteads. Bo, crow ;
plural, hona or huna.
Bu'wisd'na — I go straight to it. Hiiwi'sa,
you go, etc; qdnu'whdt, he goes, etc.
Buyu — another form of Bi'yii.
Ih ! — an unmeaning exclamation used in
the songs.
IKUNUHKAT.SI — "All Comrades," the
military society of the Blackfeet. See
Arapaho song 43.
Jna'haWd — Look on us! Nina'hawa, I
look at him. Compare Achiqa'h4wa.
MOONEYJ
ARAPAHO GLOSSARY
1019
I'nlt — timber.
Inita'ta-um'na — stand ruady ! (imi>erative
plural) Niini'tala'-nm'na, I am ready.
7n«'no-i'na — the name used l>y the Arap-
aho to designate tlieiriselves. It sig-
uilies "our people," or "people of our
kind.''
J'thaq — a gut; a sheatli or case made of
bear gut. See Arapaho song 41.
I'thelihi — good.
lyahit'h — gone, it is all gone,
lyehe' ! — an unmeaning exclamation used
in the songs.
I'yehe'eije — ibid.
Iijii — another form of Hi'yu.
Kaninahoic — the Ojibwa name for the
Arapaho.
Kanina'vish — ibid.
Kawinahan — the form used by Haydon
for Oawune'na or Gawune'hana, (\. v.
Ku'niahu'na — I fly with it on my head.
MaqpI'ato — the Sioux name for the
Arapaho. Itsignifies "bluecloud, i.e.,
a clear sky ;" reason unknown.
Minnktarkes of Fort de Pkairik —
The name given by Lewis and Clark to
the AU'ninetta or Arapaho Grosventres.
The Aa'ninina are known to the French
Canadians as Oros Ventres des Prai-
ries^ while the Minitari are called by
them Gros Ventres du Missouri, and
the American explorers incorrectly
compounded the two names.
Nda'wunani'na — he takes pity on us.
Compare Hatuna'wumini'na.
Na' ckichaha' n — they are still making it.
Nd' niatinu , I m.ake it; Sdsu'nistinA, I
still make it.
Naga'q — the morning star. See Arapaho
songs 67 and 72. The word literally
mean.s " a cross.''
NahaM'na — he saw me. Compare HdU-
na'hawa'bd.
Nd'hiiiii — here! look! Compare Achiqa'-
hdwd.
Naha'ta — look at it! (imperative singu-
lar). Compare Achiqa' hd%ud ,
Xa'haivau' — for Xa'haunV.
Xa'hawiiu — I saw liini. Compare Hdtina'-
haivd'bd,
Nd'hibiwa'huna — then I begin to cry or
lament. Compare Bdliibitvd' hina.
Xd'hihi'wahnna'na — then I wept. Com-
pare lidhibiwd'hina.
Nd'hiiju'tha — I throw it. yina't/ii'lha, I
throw it where it can not be found.
Nd'hind'n — stop !
Nd'inaha' Idiibd'naq — I then saw the mul-
titude plainly.
Na'kaih — sage; the wild sage (Arte-
misia) ; the name of a prominent north-
ern Arapaho.
Xa'ka<iim''na — the name by which the
northern Arapaho call themselves. It
signifies "sagebrush men," from
na'kaah, "sagebrush," and hinf'na or
hinCnina, the plural of hinf'n, "man."
They are called Ba'achinf'na by the
other Arapaho, and Tdgyd'ko by the
Kiowa.
NdnW — it is that, that is the thing.
Na'nagd'qdnit — white-skinned (singu-
lar); from na'gud, white (organic) and
tvand'q, skin. XAna'chd, white (inor-
ganic) ; either na'gud or nUna'chd may be
used in speaking of a house. Na'iia-
gd'qdnH is one of the Arapaho names
for the whites, the ordinary term being
Xia'thn, q.v. See also Xiha'ndtaye'chet.
Kanaka' thdhi — he showed me. Xanah-
a'tha, I show liim.
Xdnd'nlna — it is I, I am he (emphatic).
Xana'tMna'ni — he came to take me, he
came for me. In the songs the adverl>
"when" or "where" is sometimes
understood with the verb. See Arap-
aho song 38.
Xdne'th — when I met him.
Xd'niahu'na — for XdniVahu'va.
Xdnibd'tawd — I am singing it; Xfni'bina,
I sing; nibs' t, a song.
NdnibU'tia — for Xdnibd'tawd.
Xd'' nihithdtu' hi'ina — thus I shouted, or
called. Xd''ni in composition signifies
"thus."
Xdni'ibd — it is spotted.
Xani'nibind'si — the wind makes them
sing. Ndni'bina, I sing. Compare
Xdnibd'tawd.
Xdnisa'na — for Xdni'aandi'i'.
Ndni'sandu' or Xdni'aandq — my children.
Xdni'sa, my older child; ndni'sane'df,
my young child.
Xdnisa'taqi — for Ni'taiaq, seven.
Xdnisa'tdquthi — for Xi'sataq, seven.
Xd' nitha' tuhii'na — for Xa nihilhalu'huna.
Xdniwu'hiind — I carry it as I fly about in
circles. Compare Ui'bithini'na with
TaluHi' niahu' na.
Xasii'siyakiinawa — I am stripping it. I
am unsheathing it. Compare Sd'ni-
yagu'nawa'.
1020
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[KTH. ANN. 14
Na'tanu'ija — what I am using. Tanu'-
ndwa', I use it.
Xa'tenehi'na — another form of Xatni or
Na'tnihi'na.
Xa'tni or Na'tnihi'na — the Arapaho name
for tlie Sioux. The etymology is un-
known, but it may possibly he a form
of Na'dowe, the generic Algonquian
name for Indians of a different stock.
Katu'wani'sa — my top ^a toy); from
imani'na, a top. See Arapaho song 65.
Ka' waa' tanu — I prayed to him ; ni'awnaa'-
tanii, I am praying (to him).
Xa' uat — "Left Hand, ' ' present head chief
of the southern Arapaho.
Ka'wathinr'ha — the name by which the
southern Arapaho are known to the
rest of the tribe. It signifies "south-
erners," and is said to be an archaic
form for Nawune'na, the name by which
the southern Arapaho call themselves.
Na'vjunv'na — the proper name of the
southern Arapaho. It signifies "south-
ern men," from na'xoun, "south," and
hine'na, "men." They are called Xawa'-
thine'ha, "southerners," by the north-
ern Arapaho, which is said to be the
archaic form.
Naya'qut — the whirlwind. The powers
and phenomena of nature are generally
personified in Indian thought and lan-
guage.
Nd'iju — there it is. Compare lyu.
Xea-i'(jaha'ti — for Ne'ia-i' qahat.
Neii'thibiwa'na — the place where crying
begins. Compare liahihhod' hina.
Ni'bdku'thana — the "awl game" of the
women of the prairie tribes. See Arap-
aho song 64.
Ne'chdi'hit — he gave me this grateful gift ;
he gave me this, for which I am thank-
ful.
Ne'cha'ini'nani — have pity on me (impera-
tive singular). Compare Hatana'uun-
ani'na.
Nehawa' wuna' na — I have no sympathy
with him. Compare Ti' awawu' niinu.
N6' ia-i' qahat — now he is collecting them;
now he begins to gather them.
Xe'na(-hu) — my mother. Nesu'na, my
father.
Kesu'na — another form of Niaii'na.
Neti'qtawa — my U'qtaua or throwing-
stick. The game is called biiti'qtuha,
abbreviated to t'i'qiiip. The throwing-
stick is called bifti'qtawa or ti'qtawa.
See Arapaho song 68.
Ne'tita' wah n — for Xeti'qtawa.
Ni'dttf'thdhi'nani'na — he did not recog-
nize me. The negative idea is contained
indne'th; d'ninani'na, he recognized me.
Ni'dnita'wathi — they push hard, i. e., they
persevere. Ndni'iini'tawana, I push
hard; I do my best; I do right.
Nia'rhari'e - kurikiwa's -hUskl — proper
Wichita name for the Arapaho.
Ni'dsa'kua'na — I am looking on, or watch-
ing. Compare Rdtina'hawa'ba and
jchiqa'hdiva.
Nia'thu or Nia''thuu — the white people;
singular, Nia'tha. The word signifies
literally expert, skillful, or wise, and
is also the Arapaho name for the spider.
The word for "white" is nu'na'cha'd.
Compare Na' nagd' qdnel and Niha'nd-
tayr'chet.
Niathii'a-u — for Xiathu'a.
Niati'biku'thahtt — for Xiati'biku' thathi.
Niati'biku' Ikathi — they are rolling it.
Nibdi' naku' nithi — they all wear it on
their heads. Ninaku'na, I wear it on
my liead.
Nibd't — song. Compare Xanibd'tuwd.
Xibd'tia — for Nibd't.
Ni'binu — for Niibi'na.
Ni'bithi't — I have nothing to eat.
^i'cAia^river.
Ni'chihine'na — "river men," the Arapaho
name for the Kiowa. From ni'chid,
river, and kinv'na, men, so called from
the former residence of the Kiowa on
upper Arkansas river, from which they
were driven by the Arapaho and Sioux.
Niesa'na, or Ni'ehisa'na — the young birds.
Nie'hf, bird; vie'hisa, a young bird.
Niha'ndtaye'chet— yellow-hided (singu-
lar); from iiiha'ue, yellow, and nata'-
yech, a hide; one of the Arapaho names
for the whites. Tne ordinary term is
Nia'thu, q. v.
Nlhiga'hu — he is running. Ndniga'na, I
run; ndni'higa, he runs; nihiga'huna, I
am running swiftly.
Nihiga'huna — I am runnings wiftly. Com-
pare Nihiga'hii.
Nihii'nii — forcibly, swiftly.
Niibi'na — I gave it to them. Compare
BiSni'nina.
Niitegit — for Xii'tthdg.
Xii'tihdg — it was he, ho was the one.
Xiilii'qati'igii'nie' — where they were com-
ing down ; where they were descend-
ing toward us.
MOONEY)
ARAPAHO GLOSSARY
1021
XitiaU'niaha'na — I lly in circles (habit-
ual); I am cuustaiitly Hying about in
circles. Compare Ili'bithini'na and
Tahiti' nlahu' na.
Ninaa'niahu' tdwa — I am flying about it.
Compare lli'hUhini'na.
XinaW qfiwa' — I go around it.
Ni'nagdnawa'ni — we have danced until
daylight. Compare He' iiagana'' n-anfn
and liata'hina'ni.
Ni'nahawa'va — we see them. Compare
Iliitina' hawa' bd.
Kina'ninati'naiuiii'na — It is I who have
(wear) it on my head ; I am the one who
ties it on my head.
Nint'n — tallow.
Xiniha'niahn'na — I fly around yellow.
Niha'ne, yellow. Compare Hi'bithini'na
and Ndnii'ahu'na.
Ni'nini'lubi'na — he h,a8 called me.
Nini'tdnd'u — I heard him. 'Compare
Hatni'tdni'na.
Nlnilu'aa — makiug a sound, resound-
ing.
Ni'qa — father (vocative; no possessive
pronoun implied). A more reverential
or affectionate form than nistina.
Xiqaga'i/dtuna — the loudest sounding, the
loudest of all. The idea of "loudest"
Is contained in qaga'ij , an<l of " sound-
ing" in iusa. See Ninitu'ea.
Xi'qdhii'hn' — for Xi'qa.
Ni'qana'ga — that one burt'alo bull ; there
is a solitary bull. HunU'chii, a buffalo
bull, is changed in the song to qana'ga.
Ni in composition denotes alone, single,
from »ii«i, only one; chasaiy', one.
Xiaa'iia — the same as niau'na or neaiina,
my father.
Xi'aataq — seven. See Yalhun.
Nisu'na — my father. Compare Hesii'na.
Xi'tabii'tia — I hear it. Compare Hatni'-
tani'na.
Nitahii'iani — wo are dancing. Compare
Bata'hina'ni.
Nita-i'sa — my relative.
Xi' tawuna' iia — I take pity on them. Com-
pare Hatdna' uunani' na.
XHIii'na — he said it, he has said it (im-
mediate past). Compare Iluthina.
Xuha'wii — Fox dance; the dance of tlie
Xuhini'na. See Arapaho song 4,3.
.A'it/im(''«o--Fox men, from nu, fox and
hinv'na, men ; one of the degrees of the
Arapaho military organization. See
Arapaho song 43.
Xu'naguna"-u'dt — he came with it, he
brought it with him.
Xunaha'wii — one of the degrees of the
Arapaho military organization; the
meaning of the word is unknown. See
Arapaho song 43.
Xu'nanu'naa'tdiii'na — he is circling above
me. See Arapaho song 3U.
XA'nand'naku'li — I am circling it, I am
waving it about in circles.
Xu'sa-icha'tha — the ceremonial crook or
lance carried by the leader of the
Bita'hinina, See Arapaho song 43.
Qa'qa-u'nuiha — the "throwing sticks"
used in the game of tlie bd'qati. See
Arapaho song 4tl.
Sani'tika — Pawnee name for the Arap-
aho ; from the Comanche name SS'rStlka,
"dog eaters."
Sd'niyagu'nawa' — I have stripped it, I
have unsheathed it. Xaau' aiyakutiana,
I am stripping it, I am unsheathing it.
Sa'pan'I — the Shoshoni name for the
Jd'ninina or Arapaho Grosveutres. It
signifies "belly people," from ad}>,
belly, and ui, the tribal suffix.
SX'KfiTiJKA — Comanche and Shoshoni
name for the Arapaho. It signities
"dog-eaters," from »«' re, dog, and lUka,
a form of the verb to eat, in allusion
to their special fondness for dog flesh.
The name is also sometimes used by
the Wichita.
Sasa'bd-ilhi — looking around, i. e., watch-
ers or lookouts. One of the Ave bands
of the southern Arapaho.
Se'hiwiiq — "weasel bear," from sea
weasel, and witq, bear; also rendered
as "gray bear," from ae, gray, and
»»M5, bear. The name of the keeper
of the aP'icha or sacred pipe of the
Arapaho. See Arapaho song 2.
Se'icha — "flat pipe," from ail, flat, and
hicha. pipe. The sacred pipe and tribal
"medicine" of the Arapaho. See Arap
aho song 2.
Ta'dicim— strike it (imperative singular).
Tabini'na — he (she) gave it to me. Com-
pare Jifni'nvna.
Ta''chaua'gi'ina — while I am carrying a
load of (buffalo) beef on a horse.
Ha'giV . I carry a load of beef on a horse
in motion; second person, hagu'ni;
third person, hagti'ti; ta , prefix in
composition witli the verb, implies
"while."
1022
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETll. ANN. 14
Taheti'niahu'ua — I make the deep, or
loud, thunder as I fly about in circles
(habitual). Compare yinaa'niahu'na
and Tahuna' dnW niahu' na. See Arapaho
song 27.
Ta'hiina' ana' niahu' na — I make the thun-
der (or loud resounding noise) as I fly
about in circles (habitual). Compare
yinaa'niahu'na and Taheti' niahu' na.
Tahii'nahathihi'na — to make me see them.
Compare ffatina'kawa'ba.
Ta'na-ii'qahe'na — he put me there. JVita'-
uqa', I put him there (present).
Tani'biithd — "pierced noses," the Arap-
aho name for the Caddo ; tani, nose.
Ta'thiaku'taua — I stood upon it (?).
The regular form for "I was standing
upon it" is yiqta'saku'na.
Ta'-usHa'na or Ta'-usHa'tina — literally
"striking," or "throwing against"
something ; the dice game of the women
of the prairie tribes. See Arapaho song
64.
Ta'wiina — for Ta'uwun.
Tfbc — at first, the first time, in the be-
ginning.
Te'bf'tana'-iaet — wlien he first came ; ie'be,
the first time.
Tha'ku'hinfna — "whetstone meu," or
"knife-whetting men," tlie Arapaho
name for the Kiowa Apache (Na-diisha-
Dena), and for all other southern Atha-
pa.scan tribes known to them, including
the Lipan, Mescalero, Jicarilla, and
Apache proper. The sign for Apache in
the sign language of the plains also
conveys the same idea, being made by
briskly rubbing the left forefinger with
the right, as though whetting a knife.
Gata'ka, the Pawnee name for the
Kiowa Apache, seems to have a con-
nection with this word.
Thini'ehi'nina — I am a bird, from niffhe,
bird.
Thi'aku — they are there.
Thi'aya — the sweat-house mound. The
name is also applied to a stone heap or
monument. See Arapaho song 3-i,
Thidya'na — on the thi'aya or sweat-house
mound.
Thiaya'ne — at the thi'aya or sweat-house
mound. •
Thigiinuwa't — the Ghost dance, from thig,
ghost or spirit of a dead person, and
biita't, a dance. Compare Bata'hina'ni.
Ti'awawu'ndnu — when I sympathized
with them, wheu I liked them. I sym-
pathize with him, tiawn'nand. Ti or
tihi in composition with verbs usually
conveys the idea of " when." Nehaica'-
wunana, I have no sympathy with him.
Compare Hatdna'wunani'na.
Ti'naha'thihu — I show it to them (habit-
ual), or to show it to them. Xi'naha'-
thihu, I show it to him.
Ti'qtup — the common abbreviated form
of Bati'qtuba, q. v.
Vhiyeyeheye! — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
Ctnitha'tvucha'wahdndni'na — w e shall
surely again be put (with something
understood). The idea of " surely" is
contained in utni'thawl; chci is from
chai'Mi, "again."
JVa'ku(-hu) — a feather to wear on the
head.
ITa'ku'na — feathers worn on the head;
a feather headdress. They are usu-
ally painted and beaded, and sometimes
mounted on a small stick. A single
feather thus worn is called wa'ku.
Waki.nyaS-oi — Tliunder's Track. The
Sioux name of a locality in eastern
South Dakota. See Arapaho song 14.
TTaqui'si — Ugly Face Woman, an Arap-
aho man. Hi'si, woman, is frequently
abbreviated to si in composition.
Wa'quithi — Bad faces, or Ugly faces ; the
principal of the five bands of the south-
ern Arapaho. Their chief, Nawat, or
Left Hand, is al.so the principal chief
of the southern branch of the tribe.
Waldna'ni — a black mark or picture,
from watd'yd, black . See Arapaho
song 49.
Wa'tdn-ga'a — Black Coyote, from wa'tdn,
black, and ga'a, coyote. A southern
Arapaho, captain of the Indian police,
and one of the principal leaders of the
Ghost dance among the Arapaho.
Wa'wa — now; it also gives the idea of
done, or completed.
Wa'wagathd'na — I have already put him
aside, now I have put him aside. Wawa
or wauj', "now," in composition, gives
the idea of "already" or completed
action.
Wa'wdna'dand'did — I am about to hum
(i. e., with the Bdliku'tha). See Arap-
aho song 25.
MooNET]- ABAPAtlO GLOSSARY 1023
ITawiithahichiCcliinliiahiinagiiira-ii-inagalhi YaihiiyiVna — five places, in five places;
— I have given you (plural) again, a iroia ya' th&n , five, and j/ttna, places.
headdress of magpie feathers ; from wo'- Ya'thun — five. Other numerals are: 1,
triilhU'bichachini'naba'nak, 1 havegiven chd'saii/'; 2, hfni'si; 3, hend'si; 4,yen;5,
itbackagain; H'o'-K-t, magpie; «)0</rt'<Ai> ya'thuoTya'thun; 6,ni'tataq; 7, ni'ia-
a bird's tail feathers. In the verb the taq; 8, ndaaiaq; 9, thi'ataq; 10, xottdtaq;
root is from b'mi'na, I Rive it to him; 20, ni'sa; 2S,n%'aa-thi'atSqu'n; 30, nasa;
waic' denotes completion, as "already" 40, ye'ya; 50, ya' thaiya ; 60, nitatu'sa;
done ; chii implies repetition or return 70, ni'satUaa ; 80, nd'iatu'sa ; 90, thi'-
of action. See Arapaho song 56. atii'aa: 100, wH'tat&'aa.
Wunayit'uhii — for JVu'nayu'ii, they are Te'nia — the Vild rose. The rosebush is
new. WH'naya' , it is new. yefnia ; the seed berry is ye'nxtn, liter-
Ya'gaahi'na — for I'a'hagaahi'na. ally "louse child," from the resem-
Ta'hagaahi'na — the "coyote gun" or blance of the seeds to nits or lice. See
ceremonial club of the Ga'ahinffna or Arapaho song 29.
"Coyote men." See Arapaho song 41. I'e'niaiWna — with the wild rose; from
Tahe'eye'.' — an unmeaning exclamation ye'nis, the wild rose, and ti'naq, with.
iised in the songs, Tl'hd'a'a'hi'hi' — an unmeaning word
Ya''na-u'si'ya — how bright the moonlight combination of syllables used in the
is! 3^a'-«'«i'ya, the moonlight is bright. gambling songs. See Arapaho song 69,
THE CHEYENNE
TRIBAL SYNONYMY
ISa'hakotSn — Caddo name; "striped arrows," hdh, arrow. The Caddo sometimes
also call them Siii'nabo, from their Comanche name,
Cheyenne — popular name, a French spelling of their Sioux name. It has no connec-
tion with the French word chien, " dog,"
DzUsPstds — proper tribal name; nearly equivalent to "our people,"
Gatsa'lghi — Kiowa Apache name,
Sitdsi'na (singular Hl'tdai) — Arapaho name, signifying "scarred people," from
hitdshi'ni, "scarred or cut." According to the Arapaho statement the Cheyenne
were so called because they were more addicted than the other tribes to the
practice of gashing themselves in religions ceremonies. The name may have
more special reference to the tribal custom of cutting off the fingers and hands
of their slain enemies, (See tribal sign, page 1024.)
Itdsupuzi — Hidatsa name, "spotted arrow quills" (Matthews).
Ka'nahedwaataik — Cree name, "people with a language somewhat like Cree" (Grin-
nell).
Niere'rikwata-kHni'ki — Wichita name.
Nanoni'ka-kare'nlki — Kichai name.
Pagdndvo — Shoshoni and Comanche name; "striped arrows," from pdga, "arrow,"
and nai'o, "striped."
Sdk'o'ta — Kiowa name; seems to refer to "biting."
Sa-ais-e-taa — proper tribal name according to Clark (Indian Sign Language, 99, 1885),
The form should be Dzitsi'atda as given above,
Shaiela or Shaiena — Sioux name ; " red," or decorated with red paint. According to
Riggs, as quoted by Clark, the Sioux call an alien language a "red" language,
while they designate one of their own stock as " white," so thatthe name would
be equivalent to "aliens." The Sioux apply the same name also to the Cree,
Shid'navo — another Comanche name, probably a derivative from the word Cheyenne.
Shie'da — another Wichita name, derived from the word Cheyenne.
Staitan — -unidentified tribal name, given by Lewis and Clark. Identical with the
Cheyenne, from their own word Ifiatd'itdn, "I am a Cheyenne."
14 ETH — PT 2 25
-'■'of THl "^^
I aa vt fl« I
1024 THE GHOST DANCE RELIGION [eth.axn.U
TRIBAL SIGN
The Cheyenne tribal sign, made by drawing the right index finger
several times across the left forefinger, is commonly interpreted "cut
fingers" or "cut wrists," and is said to be derived from their custom of
cutting off the fingers and hands of slain enemies. Although the
same practice was found among other tribes, the Cheyenne were par-
ticularly distinguished in this regard. In Mackenzie's great fight with
the Cheyenne in Wyoming, in 1876, two necklaces made of human
fingers were found in the captured Indian camp, together with a small
bag filled with hands cut from the bodies of children of the Shoshoni
tribe, their enemies. One of these necklaces was afterward deposited
in the National Museum at Washington. (See Bourlce in Kinth Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.) Some competent Indian authori-
ties say, however, that the sign is intended to indicate " stripe people,"
or "striped-arrow people," referring to the fact that the Cheyenne
usually feathered their arrows with the striped feathers of the wild
turkey. This agrees with the interpretation of the name for the Chey-
enne in several different languages.
SKETCH OF THE TRIBE
The Cheyenne are one of the westernmost tribes of the great Algon-
quian stock. In one of their ghost songs they sing of the "turtle
river," on which they say they once lived. {Cheyenne aony 3.) From
several evidences this seems to be identical with the Saint Croix, which
forms the boundary between Wisconsin and Minnesota. This state-
ment agrees with the opinion of Clark {Indian Sign Language), who
locates their earliest tradition in the neighborhood of Saint Anthony
falls. They were driven out by the Sioux and forced toward the
northwest, where they came in contact with the Asiniboin (called by
them Hohe' ), with whom they were never afterward at peace. At a
later period, according to Lewis and Clark, they lived on the Chey-
enne branch of Red river, in northern Minnesota, whence they were
again driven by the Sioux into the i)rairie.
In 1805 they wandered about the head of Cheyenne river of Dakota
and in the Black hills, and were at war with the Sioux, though at
peace with most other tribes. Since then they have pushed on to the
west and south, always in close confederation with the Arapaho.
These two tribes say they have never known a time when they were
not associated. About forty years ago, in Wyoming, the band since
known as the northern Cheyenne separated from the others (Clark),
and have since lived chiefly in Montana or with the Sioux, with whom
tlie Cheyenne made peace about sixty years ago. The other and
larger portion of the tribe continued to range chiefly on the lands
of the Arkansas and Canadian in Colorado and the western Dart of
MooNEv] DIVISIONS OF THE CHEYENNE 1025
Kansas and Oklahoma. They and the Arapaho made peace with the
Kiowa and Comanche in 1840, and raided in connection with these
tribes into Texas and Mexico until assigned in 1869 to a reserva-
tion in what is now western Oklahoma. In 1874 they, as well as the
Kiowa, Comanche, and Kiowa Apache, again went on the warpath in
consequence of the depredations of the buffalo hunters, but the out-
break was speedily suppressed. In 1890 they sold their reservation
and took allotments in severalty. The northern Cheyenne joined the
Sioux in the "Custer war" of 1876-77. At the surrender of the hos-
tiles they were removed to Oklahoma and placed with the southern
Cheyenne, but were much dissatisfied with their location, the dis-
satisfaction culminating in the attempt of a large party, under Dull
Knife, to escape to the north, in September, 1878. They were pursued,
and a part of them captured and confined at Fort Robinson, Nebraska,
whence they made a desperate attempt to escape on the night of Jan-
uary 9, 1879, resulting in the killing of nearly all of the prisoners.
They were finally assigned a reservation in Montana, where they now
are, with the exception of a few among the Sioux. According to the
ofiicial report for 1892, the southern Cheyenne in Oklahoma numbered
2,119, the northern Cheyenne in Montana, 1,200, and those with the
Sioux at Pine Eidge, South Dakota, 120, a total of 3,439.
The Cheyenne have eleven tribal divisidns. They have at least two
dialects, but probably more. The tribal divisions in their order in the
camping circle are —
1. .UvVsts-uni'pahis ("smoky lodges" — Grinnell, ^de Clark).
2. SUta'ya or SU'tasi'na. This is one of the most important divisions
and formerly constituted a distinct tribe, but was afterward incorpo-
rated with the Cheyenne. According to concurrent Cheyenne and
Blackfoot tradition, as given by Grinnell, they seem originally to have
been a part of the Blackfeet, who became separated fi-om the main
body of their tribe by the sudden breaking up of the ice while crossing
a large river. They drifted to the southward and finally met and
joined the Cheyenne in the Black hills. Their name, spelled Suit by
Grinnell, is said to mean " strange talkers." They live now on the
upi)er Washita in Oklahoma and speak a dialect differing considerably
from that of tlie rest of the tribe.
3. Psiiim-ita'niuw', ("ridge-people;" singular, /'«tMmi-<«n — Grinnell,
fide Clark).
4. Hewd-td'niuic, " hairy men." The name is also sometimes used
collectively to designate all of the southern Cheyenne as distinguished
from the northern Cheyenne, called collectively Hmi'sis. The southern
Cheyenne are also designated collectively as So'wdnid, " southerners."
5. d'ivimd'na, "scabby." This name is said to have been given them
originally on account of an epidemic which once broke out among their
horses and rendered them mangy.
6. Wrtapi'u ("haters"— Grinnell, ^de Clark).
1026
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
7. Motd'mi-td'nimc, " dog men," or Ml'stcivil'nut, " heavy eyebrows."
This is also the name of one of the divisions of their warrior organi-
zation.
8. Otu'gunii.
9. Hmi'su, "eaters." This is the most important division of the
northern Cheyenne, and the name is also used by those of the south
to designate all the northern Cheyenne collectively.
10. Anslcowi'ms.
11. Pinu'tgu' .
DOOR, E.
Fig. 100 — Cheyenne camping circle.
These are the names given to the author by the Cheyenne them-
selves as the complete list of their tribal divisions. Grinnell, on the
authority of the Clark manuscript, names six of these with two others,
MatsV shTcota, "corpse from a scaffold," and Miayuma, "red lodges,"
which may be identical with some of the others named above, or may
perhaps be degrees of their military organization instead of tribal
divisions.
In the great ceremony of the " medicine arrow," last enacted on the
Washita in 1890, the camping circle opened to the south. At all other
gatherings of the tribe the circle opened to the east, agreeable to the
MooNEY] CHARACTEK OF THE CHEYENNE 1027
general Indian custom, the several divisions encamping in the order
shown in figure 100.
The Cheyenne, like the prairie tribes generally, are, or were until
within a few years past, a nation of nomads, living in skin tipis, and
depending almost entirely on the buffalo for food. Yet they have a dim
memory of a time when they lived in permanent villages and planted
corn, and in their genesis tradition, which occupies four " smokes" or
nights in the telling, they relate how they "lost" the corn a long time
ago before they became wanderers on the plains. They deposit their
dead on scaffolds in trees, unlike their confederates, the Arapaho, who
bury in the ground. Their most sacred possession is the bundle of
"medicine arrows," now in possession of the southern division of the
tribe. They have a miUtary organization similar to that existing among
the Arapaho and other prairie tribes, as described under number 43 of
the Arapaho songs. Above all the tribes of the plains they are dis-
tinguished for their desperate courage and pride of bearing, and are
preeminently warriors among people whose trade is war. They are
strongly conservative and have steadily resisted every advance of civil-
ization, here again differing from the Arapaho, who have always shown
a disposition to meet the white man half-way. In fact, no two peoples
could well exhibit more marked differences of characteristics on almost
every point than these two confederated tribes. The Cheyenne have
quick and strong intelligence, but their fighting temper sometimes
renders them rather unmanageable subjects with whom to deal. Their
conservatism and tribal pride tend to restrain them from following
after strange gods, so that in regard to the new messiah they assume a
rather skeptical position, while they conform to all the requirements of
the dance code in order to be on the safe side.
Clark, in his Indian Sign Language, thus sums up the charac\«ristics
of the Cheyenne :
As a tribe tbey have beeu broken and scattered, but in their wild and savage way
they fought well for their country, and their history during the past few years has
been written iu blood. The men of the Cheyenne Indians rank as high in the scale of
honesty, energy, and tenacity of purpose as those of any other tribe I have ever met,
and iu physique and intellect they are superior to those of most tribes and the equal
of any. Under the most demoralizing and trying circumstances they have preserved
in a remarkable degree that part of their moral code which relates to chastity, and
public sentiment has been so strong iu them in regard to this matter that they have
been, and are still, noted among all the tribes which surround them for the virtue of
their women.
The Cheyenne language lacks the liquids I and r. It is full of hiss-
ing sounds and difiicult combinations of consonants, so that it does not
lend itself readily to song composition, for which reason, among others,
the Cheyenne in the south usually join the Arapaho in the Ghost dance
and sing the Arapaho songs.
1028 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
SONGS OF THE CHEYENNE
ft
1. O'tX na'nisI'nasists
O'tii nii'nisl'njislsts — Ehe'e'ye' !
O'tii nii'nisl'iiiislsts — Ehe'e'ye' !
Mii'tesema'moestii'nowe't — Ahe'e'ye'!
Mii'tesemii'moestii'nowe't — Ahe'e'ye'!
Ho'ivitu'simo'mol'ts — E'iihe'e'ye'l
Ho'ivitu'simo'moI'tB — E'ahe'e'ye'!
Nu'ka'eshe'vao'e'tse'
Nitu'si'mitii'mm,
Nitu'si'mitii'nua.
Translation
Well, my children — Ehe'e'ye'!
Well, my children — Ehe'e'ye'!
When you meet your friends again — Ahe'e'ye'!
When you meet your friends again — Ahe'e'ye'!
The earth will tremble — E'ahe'e'ye'!
The earth will tremble — E'ahe'e'ye'!
The summer cloud (9)
It will give it to us.
It will give it to us.
The interpretation of this song is imperfect and the meaning is not
clear. It evidently refers to the earthquake which it is supposed will
occur at the moment of contact of the spirit world with the old earth.
The literal meaning of the second line, rendered " when you meet your
friends again," is " when you are living together again."
2. Eha'n esho'ini'
Ehii'n esho'ini',
Eha'n esho ini',
Hoi'v esho'ini',
Hoi'v esho'ini',
I'yoha' — Eye'ye'!
I'yohii' — Eye'ye' !
I'nisto'niwo'ni — Ahe'e'ye' !
I'nisto'niwo'ni — Ahe'e'ye' !
Translation
Our father has come,
Our father has come.
The earth has come.
The earth has come,
It is rising — Eye'ye' !
It is rising — Eye'ye' !
It is humming — Ahe'e'ye' !
It is humming — Ahe'e'ye' !
This is the song composed by Porcupine, the great leader of the Ghost
dance among the northern Cheyenne. It refers to the coming of the
MooNEY) EARLY CHEYENNE HABITAT 1029
new earth wliicli is to come over this old world and which is represented
as making a humming or rolling noise as it swiftly approaches.
3. NX'xiso'NASl'STSim'
Nii'niso'naBl'stsilii',
Nii'niso'uiisl'stsihi',
Hi'tiiii'ni mii'noyu'hii',
Hi'tiiil'ni mii'noyu'hii',
Owa'ni tsi'nitai'-wosi'hi',
Owa'ni tsi'nitai'-wosi'hi',
Tsl'nitai'-womai'-wosihi',
Tsl'nitai'-woniai'-wosihi'.
I'hiini' i'hiwo'uhi',
I'hiini' i'hiwo'uhi'.
Translation
My children, my children.
Here is the river of turtles,
Here is the river of turtlen,
Where the various liviug things,
Where the various living things,
Are painted their different colors,
Are painted their different colors.
Our father says so,
Our father says so.
This song has a very pretty tune. The Cheyenne claim to have lived
originally in the north on a stream known to them as the " River of
Turtles." Reverend H. R. Voth, former missionary among the Cheyenne
and Arapaho, states that the Indians say that along the banks of this
stream were clays of different colors which they used for paint. In a
letter of October 1, 1891, he says: " I have now in my possession some
red and some gray or drab paint that Black Coyote brought with him
from the north, which he claims came from that ancient Turtle river,
and which the Indians are now using to paint themselves. They say
there are more than two kinds of color at that river, or at least used to
be." According to Clark (Indian Sign Language, page 99) the oldest
traditions of the Cheyenne locate their former home on the headwaters
of the Mississippi in Minnesota, about where Saint Paul now is. Other
facts corroborate this testimony, and the traditional "Turtle river"
would seem to be identical with the Saint Croix, which is thus described
by Coxe in 1741 :
A little higher up is the river Chabadeda, above which the Meschacebe makes a
fine lake twenty miles long and eight or ten broad. Nine or ten miles above that
lake, on the east side, is a large fair river, called the river of Tortoises, after you
have entered a little way, which leads far into the country to the northeast, and is
navigable by the greatest boats forty miles. About the same distance farther up,
the Meschacebe is precipitated from the rocks about fifty feet, but is so far navigable
by considerable ships, as also beyond, excepting another fall, eighty or ninety miles
higher, by large vessels, uuto its sources, which are in the country of the Sienx, not
1030 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.anx.u
at a very great distance from Hudson's bay. There are many other smaller rivers
which fall into the Meschacebe, on both sides of it, but being of little note, and the
description of them of small consequence, I have passed over them in silence.
(Coxe, Carolana, 1741, in French's Hist. Coll. of La., part 2, 233, 1850.)
i. NX'sbk'nkhk' khe'yowo'mi
Nii'see'nehe' ehe'yowo'mi,
Nii'see'nehe' ehe'yowo'mi,
E'naii'ne mii'noyo'h ehe'yowo'mi,
E'naa'ne mii'noyo'h ehe'yowo'mi.
Translation
I waded into the yellow river,
I waded into the yellow river.
This was the Turtle river into which I waded,
This was the Turtle river into which I waded.
This song is probably explained by the cue immediately preceding.
5. Wosi'VA-X'X'
Wosi'va-a'a',
* • Wosi'vii-il'a', ,
Niinima-iya,
Niinima-iyii,
A'hiya'e'yeo'heye' !
A'hiya'e'yee'hej'e' !
Translation
The mountain,
The mountain.
It is circling around,
It is circling around,
A'hiya'e'yee'heye' !
.i'hiya'e'yee'heye' !
The interpretation of this song is not satisfactory. It was explained
that by the mountain was meant the new earth, which was represented
as approaching rapidly with a circular motion.
6. Ni'ha-i'hi'hi'
Ni'ha-i'hi'hi',
Ni'ha-i'hi'hi',
Na'eso'yutu'hi',
Na'eso'yutu'hi',
U'guchi'hi'hi',
U'guchi'hi'hi',
Na'uisto'hewu'hi',
Na'nisto'hewu'hi',
Ga' ! Na'hewu'hi,
6a' ! Na'hewu'hi.
MooNKY] SONGS OF THE CHEYENNE 1031
Tranilation
My father,
My father,
I oime to him,
I come to him,
The crow,
The crow,
I cry like it,
I cry like it,
Caw! I say.
Caw! I say.
The connection of the crow with the doctrine of the Ghost dance has
already been explained. See Arapaho song 36.
7. Hi'aWU'HI — HI'HI'HAI'-YAI'
Hi'awu'hi — Hi'hi'hai'-yai' !
Hi'awu'hi — Hi'hi'hai'-yai' !
Ni'asl'tano'ni — Hi'hi'hai'-yai'!
Ni'iisl'tauo'ni — Hi'hi'hai'-yai'!
Hi'iima' wihu'i — Hi'hi'hai'-yai'!
Hi'iima' wihu'i — Hi'hi'hai'-yai'!
Ni'hihi'no'ni — Hi'hi'hai'-yai'!
Ni'hihi'no'ni — Hi'hi'hai'-yai'! ■ *
Ni'shiha'tiimo'ni — Hi'hi'hai'-yai'!
Nl'shiba'tiimo'ni — Hi'hi'hai'-yai'!
Translation
The devil — Hi'hi'hai'-yai' !
» .The devil — Hi'hi'hai'-yai' !
We have put him aside — Hi'hi'hai'-yai'!
We have put him aside — Hi'hi'hai'-yai'!
The White Man Above — Hi'hi'hai'-yai'!
The White Man Above — Hi'hi'hai'-yai' !
He is our father — Hi'hi'hai'-yai' !
He is our father — Hi'hi'hai'-yai' !
He has blest us — Hi'hi'hai'-yai' !
He has blest us — Hi'hi'hai'-yai' !
It is hardly necessary to state that the idea of a devil is not aborigi-
nal, although now embodied in the Indian mythology and language
from contact with the whites. The "White Man Above" is under-
stood to mean the ruler whose precursor the messiah is, equivalent to
our idea of God.
8. Ni'ha — E'ykhe'! E'hb'byk
Ni'ha — E'yehe'! E'he'eye'!
Ni'ha — E'yehe'! E'he'eye'!
Tsl'staino'nohyo't — Ehe'eye' !
Tsl'stamo'nohyo't — Ehe'eye'!
O'tiita'wome'miipe'wii — He'eye'!
O'tiita'wome'miipe'wU — He'eye' !
Ni'mistii'tuhil'ini — He'eye' !
Ni'mistii'tuhti'mi — He'eye' !
E'hiwou', E'hiwou' — He'!
1032 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.aks.u
Translation
My father — E'yehe'! E'he'eye'.'
My father — E'ljehe'! E'he'eye'!
When I first met him — Ehe'etje'!
When I first met him — Ehe'eye'!
"In the blue-green water — He' eye'. '
"In the blue-green water — He' eye'!
You must take a bath" — He' eye'!
You must take a bath" — He' eye'!
Thus he told me, thus he told me — He'!
Quite a number of the Cheyenne ghost songs refer to rivers seen in
the spirit world, these being frequently designated by colors, as yellow,
blue, etc. It may be that certain rivers play a jirominent part in their
mythology, and as has been said they locate their earliest traditional
home on the "Turtle river." The word here rendered "blue-green"
might mean either blue or green, as in Cheyenne and in many other
Indian languages the two colors are not differentiated. Compare
Cheyenne song number 16.
9. A'min()'qi
A'minft'qi — I'yahe'yahe'e' !
A'mlnft'qi — I'yahe'yahe'e' !
Nl'stsishi'hiyo'honi'mani — Ahe'e'ye'!
Nl'stsishi'hiyo'honi'miini — Ahe'e'ye' !
Nl'shka'nl nl'stsishl'nutsi'mani — Ahe'e'ye' !
NI shka'nl nl'stsishl'nutsi'mani — Ahe'e'ye' !
Ehil'ni ni'nini'etti'ni — Ahe'e'ye' !
Eha'ni ni'nlni'etii'ni — Ahe'e'ye'!
Translation
My comrade — I'yahe'yahe'e'!
My comrade — I'yahe'yahe'e'!
Let us go and play shinny — Ahe'e'ye'!
Let us go and play shinny — Ahe'e'ye'!
Let us look for our mother — Ahe'e'ye'!
Let us look for our mother — Ahe'e'ye'!
Our father tells us to do it — Ahe'e'ye'!
Our father tells us to do it — Ahe'e'ye'!
This song was composed by Mo ki, " Little Woman," the Cheyenne
wife of Grant Left-hand. Although a young woman, she is regarded
as a leader in the Cheyenne Ghost dance, having been in frequent
trances and composed numerous songs. In this she relates her expe-
rience in one trance, during which she and her girl comrade played
together the woman's game of shinny, already described, and then went
to look for their mothers, who had gone to the spirit world years before.
10. He'stutu'ai
He'stutu'ai — Yii'hii'yii'I
He'sutu'iii —
[Jrf UHtuni].
MOONEYJ
THE CRAZY DANCE 1033
Translation
The Imftalo head— Td'M'yW!
The half l)iiHalo—
^Ad libitum].
Tliis song refers to the crazy dance, which the author of the song
saw the former warriors of his tribe performing in the spirit world.
The crazy dance, called Psam by the Cheyenne and Ahaka'wu by the
Arapaho, belonged to one order of the military organization already
described in treating of the Arapaho songs. (See Arapaho song 43.)
The name in both languages is derived from the word for "crazy."
Men, women, and children took part in the ceremony, dressed in skins or
other costume to represent various animals, as buflfalos, panthers, deer,
and birds, with one bear, two foxes, and seven wolves, besides two
" medicine wolves," Eacli strove to imitate the animal personated iu
action as well as iu appe.irance. It was the business of the two foxes
to be continually running and stumbling over the others in their eflPorts
to escape from the crowd. The dance, whose essential feature was the
doing of everything by contraries, had its parallel among many eastern
tribes, particularly among the old Huron and Iroquois. It was con-
sidered the most picturesque and amusing dance among the prairie
tribes. The "half buffalo" of the song refers to the robe worn by
certain of the dancers, which consisted of the upper half of a buffalo
skin, the head portion, with the horns attached, coming over the head
of the dancers. The dance was an exhibition of deliberate craziness
in wliich the performers strove to outdo one another in nonsensical and
Irenzied actions, particularly in constantly doing the exact opposite of
what they were told to do. It was performed only in obedience to a
vow made by some person for the recovery of a sick child, foe a suc-
cessful war expedition, or for some other Indian blessing. It lasted
four days, the performers dancing naked the first three days and iu
full dance costume on the fourth. The leaders in the absurdities were
two performers whose botlies and cheeks were i)ainted with white clay,
and whose ears were filled with hair shed by the buffalo, which was
believed to confer strong "medicine" powers. They carried whistles,
and shot at the spectators with blunt arrows. Almost every license
was permitted to these two, who in consequence were really held in
dread by the others. Among other things the crazy dancers were
accustomed to dance through a fire until they extinguished it by their
tramping. This was done in imitation of the fire-moth, called aha'Ma',
"crazy," by the Arapaho, which hovers about a flame or fire and finally
flies into it. They also handled poisonous snakes, and sometimes, it is
said, would even surround and kill a buflalo by their unaided physical
strength. The Cheyenne dance differed somewhat from that of the
Arapaho. It was last performed in the south about ten years ago.
1034 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
11. Na'mio'ts
Na'mio'ts — Ehe'ee'ye' !
Na'mio'ts — Ehe'ee'ye' !
NU'tosI'noe'yotsI'nots he'wowi'tas — E'yahe'eye' !
Nii'tosl'noe'yotsl'nots he'wowi'tas — E'yahe'eye' !
Nl'tsiivi'siwo'miitsl'nowa' —
Nl'tsavl'slwo'matsl'nowa'.
Translation
I am coming in sight — Ehe'ee'ye'!
I am coming in sight — Ehe'ee'ye'!
I bring the whirlwind with me — E'yahe'eye'!
I bring the whirlwind with me — E'yahe'eye'!
That you may see each other —
That you may see each other.
The whirlwind is regarded with reverence by all the prairie tribes.
In the mythology of the Ghost dance it seems to be an important factor
in assisting the onward progress of the new world and the spirit army.
It is mentioned also in several Arapaho ghost songs.
12. A'gachi'hi
A'gachi'hi,
A'gachi'hi,
I'nimii'iha',
I'pimU'iha'.
Hi'tsina'yo,
Hi'tsina'yo —
Na'vishi'nima' yu'suwu'nutu',
Na'vishi'nima' yu'suwu'nutu'.
Translation
The crow, the crow.
He is circling around,
He Is circling around.
His wing, his wing —
I am dancing with it,
I am dancing with it.
This song refers to the sacred crow feathers, which certain of the
dancers wear upon their heads in the Ghost dance, as explained in
the Arapaho songs.
13. NX'NISE'NASfi'STSE
Na'nise'niisS'stse nii'shi'nisto'ni'va — He'eye' !
Na'nise'niisb'stse nil shi'nisto'ni'va— He'eye' 1
Nii'niso'niwo', nii'niso'niwo',
I'votii'omo'mgstii'o — He'eye' !
I'votii'omo'mestii'o — He'eye' !
Nii'visi'vUmii', na'vi'siviima'.
HoosEV] SONGS OF THE CHEYENNE " 1035
Tranilation
My children, I am now humming — Ife'eye'.^
My chihlren, I am now humming — Ee'eije'!
Your children, your children,
They are crying — Jle'eye'!
They are crying — Ile'etje'!
They are hurrying mo along,
They are hurrying me along.
This song is supposed to be addressed by the father or messiah to
his disciples. He tells them that their children in the spirit world are
crying to be reunited with their friends here, and thus are hastening
their coming. The expression, " I am humming," may possibly refer to
his rapid approach.
14. Ogo'ch — Ehe'eyk'
Ogo'ch — Ehe'eye' !
Ogo'ch — Ehe'eye' !
Tseii'nehii'sl uii'viho'm,
Tseii'nehii'sl nii'viho'm.
A'ae'vii, A'ae'va,
Nt'stsistii'nii' e'wova'shimii'nTBts,
Nl'stsistii'nii' e'wova'shima'nists.
Ni'shivii'tiimii'ni,
Ni'Bhivii'tiimii'ni.
Trantlation
The crow — EM eye'!
The crow — Eh^ eye's
I saw him when he iiew down,
I saw him when he flew down.
To the earth, to the earth.
He has renewed our life,
He has renewed our life.
He has taken pity on us,
He has taken pity on us.
This song was composed by Grant Left-hand's wife. The Crow is
here considered as the lord of the new spirit world.
15. TsIsg'soyo'tsIto'ho
Tslso'soyo'tslto'ho,
Tslso'soyo'tslto'ho,
He'stiinowii'hehe',
He'stiinowii'hehe',
Niiviho'siini'hi,
Niiviho'siini'hi,
Tse'novi'tiitse'stovi,
Tse'novi'tjitse'stovi,
A'koyoni'viihe',
A'koyoni'vahe'.
1036 THE GHOST-DANCE BELIGION [eth ann.u.
Translation
While I was going about,
While I was going about,
Among the people, at my home.
Among tlie people, at my home,
I saw them,
I saw them.
Where they gambled,
Where they gambled,
With the dko'yo wheel,
With the ako'yo wheel.
This song was also composed by Mo' ki, the wife of Grant Left-
hand. The expression here rendered "my home" is literally "where I
belonged," as, since the deatli of her children, she speaks of the spirit
world as her own proper home. In this song she tells how she found
her departed friends playing the game of the a Ico'yo or ba'qati wheel,
as described in Arapaho song 49.
16. Ni'HA — E'ykhk'e'yeyk'
Ni'ha — E'yehe'e'yeye' 1
Ni'ha — E'yehe'e'yeye'!
Hi'niso'nihu' — Hi'yeye' !
Hi'niso'uihu' — Hi'yeye' !
O'tatii'womi' mti'piva' — He'e'ye'!
O'tlitii'womi' mii'piva' — He'e'ye'!
E'tutu'hamo tu — He'eye' !
E'tatu'hamo'tu — He'eye' !
Na'hisi'maqa'niwo'm — Ahe'eye' !
Nii'hisi'maqa'niwo'm — Ahe'eye'!
E'ta' wu'hota'nu — He'eye' !
E'tii'wu'hota'nu — He'eye' !
Translation
My fsithei^E'yehe'e'i/ey^ !
My father — E'yehe'e'yeye' !
His children — Hi'yeye' !
His children — Hi'yeye' !
In the greenish water — He'e'ye'!
In the greenish water — He'e'ye' !
He makes them swim — He'eye'!
He makes them swim — He'eye' !
We are all crying — Ahe'eye'!
We are all crying — Ahe'eye' !
This song conveys nearly the same idea as that of number 8. The
expression " We are all crying" might be rendered " We are all i)leading,
or praying" to the father, to hasten his coming.
MboNiiT] SIGNIFICANCE OF RED 1037
17. A'oa'ch— Ehe'e'yk'
A'ga'ch — Khe'e'ye' !
' A'ga'ch — Ehe'e'ye' !
Ve'ta chi — He'e'ye' !
Ve'ta'chi — He'e'ye' !
E'lioi'otsl'stu,
E'boi'otsl'stu.
Ma'e'tumu'nu' — He'e'ye' !
Ma'e'tunm'nu' — He'e'ye' !
E'ho'i'o'tso',
E'ho'i'o'tso'.
Nii'vi'sivfl'qewo'nit,
Nii'vi'givft'qewo'nlt.
NIstii'koiia'oe'vo,
NIstii'kona'oe'vo.
E'lie'vo'o', E'he'vo'o'.
Translation
The crow — Ehe'e'ye'.'
The crow — Ehe'e'ye'!
The grease paint — He'e'ye' 1
The grease paint — He'e'ye'!
He brings it to me,
He brings it to me.
The red paint — He'e'ye"!
The red paint — He'e'ye'!
He brings it,
He brings it.
^ I jirepare myself with it,
I prepare myself with it.
It will make you strong,
It will make you strong.
He tells me, He tells me. ,
lied is a sacred color with all ludiaiis, and is usually symbolic of
strength and success, and for this reason is a favorite color in painting
the face and body for the dance or warpath, and for painting the war
pony, the lance, etc. On all imi)ortant occasions, when painting the
face or body, the skin is first anointed with grease to make the paint
adhere better, so as not to obscure the sharp lines of the design.
18. N.X'NISO'NASrSTSI — Hk'k'yk'
Nii'niso'niisl'stsi — He'e'ye' !
Nii'niso'uasl'stsi — He'e'ye' !
Vi'niinii'tuu'wa o'gocbi'^Ahe'e'yeM
Vi'nan.'i'tmi'wa o'gochi' — Ahe'e'ye'!
NI'stsivT'sbiwo'miitsI'no,
Nl'stsivl'shiwo'miitsl'no.
Translation
My children — He'e'ye"!
My children — He'e'ye"!
1038 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.>nn.U
Kill a buft'alo (or beef) for the Crow — Ahe'e'ye'!
Kill a buifalo (or beef) for the Crow — Ahe'e'ye'!
By that means I shall see you,
By that means I shall see you.
This song refers to the feast which accompanies every dance. The
implied meaning is that the people must get ready for a dance in order
that they may see the Crow, their father.
19. A'guga'-ihi
• A'gnga-ihi,
A'guga'-ihi.
Tsi'shista'hi'sihi',
Tsi'shista'hi'sihi'.
I'hoo'Hsihi',
I'hoo"tsihi'.
TsItUwo"tahi',
T8ltawo''tahi'.
Hi'nisa'nflhi',
Hi'nisa'nflhi'.
Tsltiiwo'mohu',
Tsltiiwo'mohu'.
Translation
The crow woman —
The crow woman —
To her home,
To her home,
She is going,
She is going.
She will see it,
She will see it.
Her children,
Her children.
She will see them.
She will see them.
This song was also composed by Mo''ki, " Little Woman," the wife of
Grant Left-hand. On account of her frequent trances and consequent
leadership in the Cheyenne Ghost dance, she assumes the title of the
Crow Woman, i. e., the woman messenger from the spirit world. The
story of her own and her husband's connection with the Ghost dance is
of interest for the light it throws on the working of the Indian mind,
especially with regard to religion.
Mo''ki is a young Cheyenne woman married to a young Arapaho, Grant
Left-hand, about 30 years of age, a former Carlisle student, and the
son of Nawat, or Left-hand, the principal chief of the southern Arap-
aho. Notwithstanding several years of English education, Grant is a
firm believer in the doctrine and the dance, and the principal organizer
and leader of the auxiliary " crow dance" in his own tribe, while his
V ife is as prominent in the Ghost dance among the Cheyenne, and has
composed a series of a dozen or more songs descriptive of her various
trance experiences in the other world.
GRANT LEFT-HAND AND THE DANCE
1039
Her first child died soon after birth, and the young mother was
keenly affected by the bereavement. Afterward a boy was born to
them, and became the idol of his parents, especially of the father. He
grew up into a bright and active little fellow, but when about 4 years
of age was suddenly seized with a spsism in the night and died iu a few
minutes, almost before his father could reach his bed. This second
loss brought deep sorrow to them both, and the mother brooded over
it so that there was serious fear for her own life. Then came the Ghost
dance and the new doctrine of a reunion with departed friends. The
mother went to the dance, fell into a trance, met her children as in life,
and played with her little boy. On awaking and returning home she
told her husband. He could hardly believe it at first, but it required
but little persuasion to induce him to attend the next Ghost dance with
her, because, as he said, " I want to see my little boy." He himself
fell into a trance, saw his children, and rode with his little boy on the
horse behind him over the green prairies of the spirit land. From that
time both became devoted adherents and leaders of the Ghost dance;
their trances have been frequent, and every dance is welcomed as another
opportunity of reunion with departed friends. The young man was
deeply aft'ected as he spoke of his love for his children, the sudden
death of the little boy, and their second meeting .in the other world,
and as his wife sat by his side looking up into our faces and listening
intently to every word, although she understood but little English, it
could not be doubted that their faith in the reality of the vision was
real and earnest. Every Indian parent who has lost a child, every child
who has lost a parent, and every young man and woman who has lost
a brother, sister, or friend affirms a similar reason for belief in the
• Ghost dance. t
CHEYENNE GLOSSARY
A'ae'vii — for HoVvA.
A'gach — for O'go'vlii.
A'gachi'hi — for O'go'chi.
A'guga'-ihi — for Ogo'gai:
Ahe'eije' — an unmeaniiif; exclamation
used iu the songs.
Ahiyu'eyee'lieye' — ibid.
Jtko'i/o — tlie C'lieyenne name for tlie
hn'qdti gaming wheel. See Arapaho
song 49.
A''koyonVv(l — with the ii'ko'yo wheel.
Akwiu — for « Ao'i^o, the Cheyenne name
of the ba'qati wheel.
A'minuqi — my (female) comrade (voca-
tive).
Annkowi'nSs — a Cheyenne division. The
meaning of the name is unknown.
CuEYKSNE — the popular name for the
Cheyenne tribe. It is derived from
14 ETH — PT 2 2G
their Sionx name Shaic'na or Shai'ela,
"red," and figuratively "alien."'
DzitsVsliis — " onr people ; " the name used
by the Cheyenne for themselves.
Eiihe'eye' — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
Ehtin or Ehdni — for Ihiinh.
Ehe'ee'ye' — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
Ehe'eye' — ibid.
E'hevo — for I'hiuo.
E'heyowo'mi — yellowish.
Ehoi'otsht — he brings it. Another form
is Ehoi'otao. Xa'hoiotsVst, I bring it.
Ehoi'olao' — another form of Ehoi'otsiet.
E'niiii'ne — for Hlna'ani.
E'shoin — ho has come. Nd'hoin, I come.
Etdtu'hamo'iu — for Itdtu'hamo^l.
E'tawuhotii n u — for Itdwohwita'nu.
1040
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
jEi'i'sts- VnV'pah'ia — "smoky lodges"
(Clark) a Cheyenne division.
Ewo ra' ahhna'niats — he ha.s renewed it, he
has changed it. Nairora'shimii'nUtx, I
Iiave renewed it.
H'yahe'cjje' — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
E'ijehe' —ibid.
E'yehe'e'yeiic' — ibid.
Eyeije — ibid.
Ga! — caw! an imitation of the cry of
the crow.
Gatsalghi — the Kiowa Apache name for
the Cheyenne.
He! — an unmeaning exclamation used in
the songs.
He'eye'— ibid.
Heatano'uh — the people, among the people.
Seatutu'ai — for rhlstuluai.
Heeuiu'ah — for I's-hotu'-ai.
He'wu'-Tii'nimv — ' ' hairy men ; " the name
of a principal division of the southern
Cheyenne, and also used to designate all
of the southern Cheyenne collectively.
He'wowita'su — the whirlwind.
Hi'dma- JViha'i — for Hiii'mh- Wihu.
Sia'mh-TI'iliu— God; literally the "white
man" (uHhii) "above'' (hiii'mh). See
Cheyenne song 7.
Hia'wiihi — the devil. See Cheyenne
song 7.
ffi'/ii'Aai'^ai'— an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
Minii'iint — that is it; it is that one.
Compare mtU'iini.
Hinita'nihi — for Hini'sonh.
Hini'sonk — her (his) children. Compare
XUtii' aoniists.
HUd'iinl — here it is. Compare Hinii'Um.
Hitii'nhvo'iv — "cloud men, "the Cheyenne
name for the Arapaho. From hitiin,
man, and wo'iv, cloud.
Mi'tsina'yo — for Ili'tsiiio'n.
HVtsino'n — his wing. There is no word
for wing alone.
Bi'yeye' — an unmeaning exclamation
used in tlie songs.
EmVstn — "eaters," the name of one of
the most important divisions of the
northern Cheyenne, and also used col-
lectively in the south to designate the
whole of the northern baud.
Hohc' — the Cheyenne name for the Asini-
boin. The name is originally from the
Sioux language, and is said to mean
"rebels."
Bol'vu — the earth, tlie ground.
Hon' isi' yonots — the Cheyenne name for
the qaqa-u' nutha, or throwing sticks,
used in the game of the hii'qati. See
Arapaho song 49.
Ho'so'ewo'tiiU — dancing with it, dancing
by means of it. Nii'ko8o, I dance.
liotu' m-itW niuw — "dog men;" the name
of a division of the Cheyi'uno and
also of one order of their military
organization.
J'hiinh — our father. Compare JVi'/iiiw'e.
I'hiatutuai — buffalo head ;/io(«'-ai,buf}alo.
I'Mwo — he says, he says so. Xii'hiv, I
say, I say so.
Ihiwo'nhi — for I'hiwo.
Ihoo''ts — she (he) is going there.
Jni'viiiiha' — he is circling around. JVdW-
shinVmaih, I am circling (going) around ;
ti(inl'ma-ia, it is circling around.
J'niato'niiion — he (she, it) is humming, or
making a rolling noise, Xiintslo'nivd,
iidshivisto'niva, I am humming, etc.
I's-hotu'-ai — a half buffalo, i.e., the upper
half of a buffalo hide, including the
head and horns, worn iu the Crazy
dance. See Cheyenne song 10. From
ft, half, and hotu'-ai, buffalo.
I'sium-i id' niuw' — "ridge people"
(Clark), a Cheyenne division.
Ita'supuzi — "spotted arrow quills;"
the Hidatsa name for the Cheyenne
(Matthews).
ftdtu'hamo't — he causes them to swim.
yd'tuham, I swim; tiii'tUtu'hiim, let me
swim.
IldwohwUd'nu — he makes them better.
Itu'simo'inoiig — it will tremble, or shake.
Xd'momoits, I tremble.
I'votiiomo'mestd'o — they are crying. Na-
qai'm, I am crying; ndhi'simaqd'niwom,
we are all crying. Compare NdnVato-
hrw'.
I'yahe'yahe'e — anunmeauiugexclamation
used in the songs.
lyo'hdX — he (she, it) is rising. Nd'ohii, I'
rise.
Ma'etu'miin — red paint. Ma'etiimh, paint.
Md'iiioyo'H — Turtle river; for md-l'nh,
turtle (plural, mdino'nh), o"ht, river.
MdpVru, water.
Md'noyo'h — for Md'inoyo'hi.
Mdnoyu'h ii — for Mii'inoyo'hL
Mdjn'ru — water.
Makanshobishgo — "cut- throats;" ac-
cording to Long, the name applied by
the Cheyenne to the Sioux. The form
is incorrect, as there is no r iu the Chey-
CHEYENNE GLOSSARY
1041
eiin« laiitjuiif^e. Acconliiijj; to Hayilen,
the ( 'heyenne call the Sioux (h'homoi'o.
Mtitii' slramuvioiriata' nowH — w li e n you
(plural) are living together agaiu.
XavlHii'iiowimonh, I live with him;
iianui'mowi'etu'iiowln, we are living to-
gether.
M(i' tesemii' moestii' noiiitt—for Mata' alva-
infint owisttV ii owU.
Matai'shkota — ' ' corpse from the soafFoM ;"
an unitlentiliod Cheyenne division, on
the authority of Clark (Grinuell).
Miayi'ima — "red lodges, "an unidentified
Cheyenne division, on the anthority of
Clark (Grinnell).
Ml'atarVitiut — "heavy eyebrows;" an-
other name for the Hotd'm-itd'nimv',
q. v.
Mo'ki — "little woman;" a Cheyenne
woman prominent In the Ghost dance.
Mo'nahimonh — The Cheyenne name of the
dice game, called ia'-uai'ta'na by the
Arapaho. See Arapaho sonj 64.
Na'eao'yutuhi — for Xa'auyut.
Nii'hew' — I say.
Na'hewu'h i — for ya'hew'.
yWhiaimaqii'tiiwom — we are all crying.
Compare Ivotuomotin'ata'o.
Xami'io'ti — I am coming in sight.
Nii'miolB — for Nami'io'ta.
Xdnt'ma-i'd — it is circling around. Com-
pare Imt'mdiha',
Nd'niae'niiae'atse — for XdnV aoniiata.
NdniaV ndaUia — for NdnVaoniials.
Xa'iiiao'niisi'atsi — for NdnV aondata.
NdnV aonaata — my children. Compare
Arapaho JN'rtiirsanoM. NdnV aoniwo, your
children; /imf'son/i, his, orher, children.
NanV aonixvo — your children. Compare
NdnVsondsta.
Xiini'atoheu' — I make the sound, I make
a cry. Compare I' votiiomo'mesta'o.
Ndaee'nehef — for NdaSln-hnd.
Xaaein-hnd — I waded in.
S^d'ahinisto'niva — I am now humming.
See rnialo'niwon.
Xa'suiiut — 1 come to him.
Xa' tosl' noeyota — I shall have it with me.
Xd'tunoeyoUVnota, I have it.
Na'rihomh — I looked at him. I saw him.
The present tense has the same form:
Xiifilto't, I look at it; ndviho'adnh, I
looked on. Compare Tsit&wo' moh .
XdHlw' adnh — I looked on (present tense,
same form). Compare Xd'riltomh.
Xdri'uhhii'maih — I am going (circling)
around. Compare Ini'mdih(r.
XdrV aeniiijewo' nil — I prepare myself with
it.
Xdrl'mvdmd — they are hurrying me along.
Xd'rlntU'n, I hurry.
Xldsdtd'noHh — we have put him away, or
aside. Xd'aatoiih, I have put him aside.
NiKKERiKW.iTS-KCNi'Ki — the W i <• h i t a
name for the Cheyenne. See also Shii'da,
Xi'ha — for ^Vi'/t(iio'e.
Xi'ha-i'hihi' — for Xi'huwe.
Xihi'hininh — he is our father. Compare
Xi'hiiu'e.
yVhiUve — my father. Xi'huto , father;
Xi'hmoe, my father; nih%' hinonh , he is
our father. Compare I'hdnk and Arap-
aho niqa, father.
Xt'mf'atdltt'ham — you should take a swim
or hath. Xdtu'ham, I swim or bathe.
Xi'nh-nitd'n — he asks, or tells, us to do it.
Xdnh-itii', I ask, or tell, him to do it.
Xinini'eldni — for Xl'nh-iiifd'n.
Xiahivd'tdmd'inh — he has taken pity on
us, he has blest us, ho has sympathy
for us. Xaahivd'tdmh, I pity him.
Xl'uhi ed' tdmoni — for Xiahird' tdmd' in h .
Xiahkd'nh or Xahkd'nh — our mother.
Xa'ku, mother; na'kui, my mother.
Xiatdko' naoe'vo — it will strengthen you.
Xd'hiko'ndhi, I am strong; nahiko'nd-
mdni'hu, I strengthen him.
I^sUdvi'aiwomdtai'nowd — so that, in order
that, you shall see each other ; Xawo'm,
I see him ; ndwo't, I see it.
m'ataishihi'yohoni'mdni — for Xlstiiahi'yo-
ho'ni'mdnh.
Xiataiehi'nutsimd'nh — let us seek her, or
ask for her. Xdhl'natainh, I am look-
ing for her.
Xiatsiahi' yoho'ni'miinh — let us go and play
shinny. Xaho'qn, I am playing shinny ;
ohoni' atuta, shinny. See Cheyenne song
9.
Ifi'ataistii'na — for Xi'gtsMa'nmodn .
X\' sMatd' nmcdn — our life, or existence.
Xdwii' stdiit'h i rl' atiita, my existence.
Xi' aiaiin' ahiwomii'tainoh — by that means I
shall see you (plural). Compare Tai-
tuwo'moh.
Xi'tuaim'i'tdnun — he (she, it) will give it
tons. Xi'mi(H(«, Igiveittoyou; »a'nii(,
I give it to him.
Xuka'<alie'vuof'tae — This form occurs in
Cheyenne song 1. The correct form
and rendering are iincertain, but it is
doubtfully rendered "the summer
cloud." It seems to contain the word
{«Ai'f, day.
1042
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
O'go'ch or 0'go"chi or O'go'ki — the crow.
Ill the Ghost dauce the crow is the mes-
senger of the spirit world. The messiah
and God are frequently spoken of as
" The Crow." See Arapaho song 36.
Ogo'yae — "the crow woman;" from
o'go"chi, crow.
Ohoni'stuta — the shinny game. See Chey-
enne song 9 and Arapaho song 7.
O'ivima'na — "scabby;" a Cheyenne di-
vision.
Otii — now ! well!
Ota' si- Td'nimo' — ' ' piereed-nose people : "
the Cheyenne name for the Caddo.
O'tdtawo'm — greenish.
O' tata'womeniapetca — for Ota' tawo'm-map-
{'va. In the greenish (bluish) water,
or river. O'tatawom, greenish ; viitp,
water.
O'tii'gi'inti — a Cheyenne division. The
meaning of the name is unknown.
Owa''ni — living things, creatures, ani-
mals (including quadrupeds, birds,
insects, etc).
PXoXna'vo — "striped arrows," from
paga, arrow, and niifo, striped; the
Shoshoni and Comanche name for the
Cheyenne. See also Shia'navo.
Pinu'tgu — a Cheyenne division. The
meaning of the name is unknown.
Psam — the "crazy dance" of the Chey-
enne; psa, crazy. It is somewhat dif-
ferent from the Arapaho crazy dance.
See Cheyenne song 10 and Arapaho
song 43.
Sa-8i8-e-tas — the name used by the Chey-
enne to designate themselves, according
to Clark. It should be DzUsi'stiis q. v.
Shi.v'navo — another Comanche name for
the Cheyenne, probably a derivation
from the word Cheyenne.
ShiEda — another Wichita name for the
Cheyenne, probably a derivation from
the word Cheyenne. See also Niererilc-
wats-Tcuni'lci.
Shlshino'wits-ita'niuw' — " snake people,"
the Cheyenne name for the Comanche.
So'teania — "southerners;" Cheyenne
name sometimes used to designate the
southern portion of the tribe iu Okla-
homa.
Staitan— a name used by Lewis and
Clark to designate a tribe identical
with the Cheyenne. It is a corruption
of the Cheyenne word hMd'itiin, "1 am
a Cheyenne."
Siitasi'na OT Siita'ya — •" strange talkers"
(Clark), one of the most important
Cheyenne divisions and formerly a
distinct tribe. ■
Tsea' nehW 81 — for Tsi'dnu'ids.
T^enori' tdt8e' 8loii — for TsenowV tdtai' aiowi.
Taenoici' tatsV stotoi — where there was
gambling. Xd'now'sM, I gamble.
Tai'dnu'ida — (when) he flew down. NW-
miha'-u, I fly; nU'nuiha'-u, I fly down.
Tainiiai' WQviai'tco8ihi — for Tai'unitai'wom-
ai'w'a,
Tainitai'woei'hi — for Tatunl'taiw'a.
Tai'ahiatd'hiaihi — for Taiahi'atda.
Tatahi'stda — where she belongs, i. e., her
home. Compare Dzltsi'staa, the name
given by the Cheyenne to themselves.
Tataoso' yotaV to — while I was going about.
Nasoao'gota, I go about, I ramble about.
Tal' atamo' nohyot — when I first reached
him, when I arrived where he was.
Ndta'hyot, I shall roach him.
Taistdwo' moh — she (he) will see them.
Ndwo'm, I see him ; aiawo'matal'mh, I see
jfou; taitUwo't, he (she) will see it;
ni'staivt' ahmomatsinoh, by that means I
shall see you (plural). Compare 3'a'ii-
homh.
Talldwo't — she (he) will see it. Compare
Taiatdwo'moh.
Tai'iinitai'iiomai'w'a — where they are
painted in different colors ; taiiinx'taiio's
different; mai'-tiimh, paint.
Tsiiini' taiw' 8 — different, various.
Tu"gani — the Cheyenne name for the
Wichita; evidently a derivative from
their Comanche name, Do'kana, tat-
tooed people.
Ugu'chi'hihi — for 0'go"chi.
T'eta'ehi — for Vichk.
Vichk — grease, used in painting or
anointing the face and body.
Vi'ndndtu'uwd — kill a beef or buffalo for
him (imperative). Nd'vdtun, I kill it;
nd'ndtti'uh, I kill it for him; hoiwo'ila,
a beef.
Witdpdhdt or Wiidpd'tii — the Cheyenne
name for the Kiowa; from their Sioux
name JVi'tapdhU'tu, people of the island
butte.
Wi'iajn'u — "haters" (Clark); a Chey-
enne division.
Wosi'vu — a mountain.
Yd'haya' — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
Ya'auwu'nutu — for Ho'ao'euo'ndt.
iRJONEY] SKETCH OF THE COMANCHE 1043
THE COMANCHE
TRIBAL SYNONYMY
So'ddWinago — common Kiowa name, Bignifying "reptile people" or "snake men,"
from bo'ddl, reptile, insect, and k'inaijo. people.
Cha'tha — (singular Clia') Arapaho name, signifying "enemies."
Comanihe — popular name; of Mexican-Spanish origin and unknown meaning. It
occurs as early as 1757, and in the form Cumanche as early as 1720.
Gijai'-ko — the common name given by the Kiowa to the Comanche, signifying
"enemies."
latan — the French spelling of the name applied by several of the plains tribe:* to the
Ute Indian.s, aud by extension to the cognate Comanche an.l Shoshoni. It is
a derivative from the name Yuta or Ute, the final n representing a nasalized
vowel sound. The nearest approximation is perhaps liitd-go, the Kiowa (plural)
name for the Ute. Variants are L'latan, Aliatan, HaHtane, itjidan, Tctaii (for
letaii or letan), Jetan, Tiitan, etc. The form Lditanes occurs as early as 1740
(Margry, vil, 4.57).
Idahi — Kiowa Ap.iclie name; meaning unknown.
letan — a name applied by some of the prairie tribes to several Shoshonean tribes,
particularly the Shoshoni and the Comanche. It occurs in a number of forms and
appears as Laitanes as early as 1740 (Margry, vii, 457).
La Playe — former French trader's name, perhai)8 a corruption of I'ete I'ele'e.
Ka"lani — Navaho name, signifying "many aliens" or "many enemies," applied col-
lectively to the southern plains tribes, but more especially to the Comanche.
Xa'nita — Kichai name.
Xa'tda' — Wichita name, variously rendered "snakes," i. e., "enemies" or "dandies."
Kama — proper tribal name used by themselves, and signifying "people." The
Slioshoni and Paiute designate themselves by the same n<ame.
Pa'douca — the name given to the Comanche by the Osage, Quapaw, Kansa, Oto, and
other Siouan tribes. It has several dialectic forms and is used in this form by
P(?nicaut as early as 1719. It may perhaps bo a contraction of I'e'na-Uka, the
name of the principal eastern division of the Comanche. x
Siivko — obsolete Kiowa name ; it may signify " snakes," from gdne, snake.
Sau'hto — Caddo name.
ShiaMno'ioHs-ltaniiito' — Cheyenne name, signifying "snake people."
Tt'te Pele'e — a name said to have been applied to the Comanche by the French traders,
signifying "bald heads." The identification seems doubtful, as the Comanche
oit their hair only when mourniiig.
Td'mpaini or Yd' mpai-RVkatii — Shoshoni name, signifying "yampa people," or
"yampa eaters." It is properly the name of only one division, but is used col-
lectively for the whole tribe. The yampa plant is the Carum gairdneri.
TRIBAL SIGN
The tribal sign for the Comanche is '• snakes," the same as that for
the Shoshoni, but with the finger drawn toward the rear instead of
thrust forward.
SKETCH OF THE TRIBE
The Comanche are one of the southern tribes of the great Shosho-
nean stock, and the only one of that group living entirely on the
plains. Their language and traditions show that they are a compara-
tively recent offshoot from the Shoshoni of Wyoming, both tribes speak-
ing i)ractically the same dialect and until very recently keeping up
1044 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [KiH.Aifx.U
constant and friendly communication. Within the traditionary period
the two tribes lived adjacent to each other in southern Wyoming, since
which time the Shoshoni have been beaten back into the mountains by
the Sioux and other prairie tribes, while the Comanche have been
driven steadily southward by the same pressure. In this southern
migration the Pe'nat6ka seem to have preceded the rest of the tribe.
The Kiowa say that when they themselves moved southward from the
Black-hills region, the Arkansas was the northern boundary of the
Comanche.
In 1719 the Comanche are mentioned under their Siouan name of
Pa'douca as living in what now is western Kansas. It must be remem-
bered that from 500 to 800 miles was an ordinary range for a prairie
tribe, and that the Comanche were equally at home on the Platte and
in the Bolson de Mapimi of Chihuahua. As late as 1805 the North
Platte was still kuowu as Padouca fork. At that time they roamed
over the country about the heads of the Arkansas, Red, Trinity, and
Brazos rivers, in Colorado, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Texas. For Jiearly
two hundred years they were at war with the Spaniards of Mexico and
extended their raids far down into Durango. They were friendly to the
Americans generally, but became bitter enemies of the Texans, by whom
they were dispossessed of their best hunting grounds, and carried on
a relentless war against them for nearly forty years. They have been
close confederates of the Kiowa for perhaps one hundred and fifty
years. In 1835 they made their first treaty with the government, and
by the treaty of Medicine Lodge in 1867 agreed to go on their present
reservation, situated between Washita and Red rivers, in the south-
western part of Oklahoma; but it was not until after the last outbreak
of the southern prairie tribes in 1874-75 that they and their allies, the
Kiowa and Apache, finally settled on it. They were probably never
a large tribe, although supposed to be populous on account of their
wide range. Within the last fifty years they have been terribly wasted
by war and disease. They numbered 1,512 in 1893.
The gentile system seems to be unknown among the Comanche.
They have, or still remember, thirteen recognized divisions or bands,
and may have had others in former times. Of these all but five are
practically extinct. The Kwfi'htiri and Pe'niitgka are the most impor-
tant. Following in alphabetic order is the complete list as given by
their leading chiefs :
1. Detsana'yulca or No'koni. This band, to which the present head
chief Quanah Parker belongs, was formerly called No'lconi, "wan-
derers," but on the death of Quanah's father, whose name was also
No'koni, the name was tabued, according to Comanche custom, and
the division took the name of Detsana'yulca, " bad campers," intended
to convey the same idea of wandering.
2. Ditsci'Mna, Wi'dyu, Ydpa, or Yd' mpari'ka. This division was for-
merly known as Wi'dyu, "awl," but for a reason similar to that just
MooKEY] DIVISIONS OF THE COMANCHE 1045
mentioned the name was changed to DitsU'Mna, "sewers," which con-
veys the same idea, an awl being the substitute for a needle. They
are eijually well known as Yiipil, the ComaTiche name of tlie root of the
Carum ffairdneri, known to the Shoshoni and Bannock as yampa, or
sometimes as Yamjni-ri'Jca, a dialectic form signifying " yampa eaters."
The whole Oomanche tribe is known to the Shoshoni under the name
of Yii'mpaini or Yiimpai-rVkani, "yampa people" or "yampa eaters."
The Yiipii are sometimes known also as Etsitu'hiwat, " northerners," or
"people of the cold country," from having usually ranged along the
northern frontier of the tribal territory ; a fact which may account for
the Shoshoni having designated the whole tribe by their name.
;$. Kcwa'tsuna. "No ribs;" extinct.
4. Kotsa'i. Extinct.
5. Ko'fsotS'ka. "Buftalo eaters," from Ico'tso, buffalo, and te'Jca, the
root of the verb " to eat."
6. K^ca'Mri or Kira'huM. "Antelopes." This division was one of
the most important of the tribe, and was so called because its members
frequented the prairie country and the staked plains, while the Pe'ua-
teka and others ranged farther east on the edge of the timber region.
They were the last to come in after the surrender in 1874. The Kwa'
hSri, Ditsii'kaua, and Detsilna'yuka were sometimes designated together
by the whites as northern Comanche as distinguished from the Pe'nii-
tCka, who were known as eastern or southern Comanche.
7. Motsai'. Perhaps from pd-motsan, "a loop in a stream." These
and the TPna'wa were practically exterminated in a battle with the
Mexfcans about 1845.
8. Pa'gatsu. "Head of the stream" {pii, a stream); extinct.
9. Pc'^iatMa, or Pena'nde. " Iloney eaters." These and the Kwa'hiiri
were the two most important divisions in the tribe. They lived on the
edge of the timber country in eastern Texas, and hence were frequently
known to the whites as eastern or southern Comanche. They had but
a loose alliance with their western kinsmen, and sometimes joined
the Texans against them. Other Comanche names for them are
Te'ymcU, "hospitable;" Td"kdpwai "no meat," and Ku'baratpat, "steep
climbers."
10. Po'hoi. " Wild-sage people,"'i. e., Shoshoni. This is not properly
the name of a Comanche division, but of some immigrant Shoshoni from
the north incorporated with the Comanche.
11. Tiim'ma. "Liver eaters," from nim or niim, liver. This band is
extinct, only one old man being known to survive.
12. Tt;na'wa or Te'ndhwU. From te'naw\ "down stream." Extinct.
See Motsai' above.
13. Wa-ai'h. "Maggot." Extinct.
The Comanche were nomad buffalo hunters, constantly on the move,
cultivating nothing from the ground, and living in skin tipis. Except-
ing that they are now confined to a reservation and forced to depend
on government rations, they are but little changed from their original
1046
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETII. ANN. 14
coudition. They are still for the most part living in tipis of canvas,
and are dressed in buckskin. They were long noted as the finest horse-
men of the ))lains, and bore a reputation for dash and courage. They
have a high sense of honor, and hold themselves sujjerior to the other
tribes with which they are associated. In person they are well built
and rather corpulent. Their language is the trade language of the
region, and is more or less understood by all the neighboring tribes.
It is sonorous and flowing, its chief characteristic being a rolling r.
It has no /. The language has several dialects, and is practically the
same as that of the Shoshoni in the north. Their present head chief is
Quanah Parker, an able man, whose mother was an American captive.
His name, Kwiina or Kwai'na, signifies a sweet smell.
Having taken but little part in .the Ghost dance, the Comanche have
but few songs in their own language, but these are particularly pleas,
ing for their martial ring or soothing softness. They call the dance
A'p-Ani^'l'a'ra, " thefather'sdance"(from «.'^<f, father ; ne'l-a'ra, adance),
or by another name which signifies the "dance with joined hands."
SONGS OF THE COMANCHE
1. Heyo'hana Hae'yo
Allegro moderato con spirito.
ra'-bi ai'' - gi'-naHe' - e' -yo'l Te-a-yii'to - rii'-bi ai'" - pi'-iiaHe' • e' • yo'!
Te'ayii' toa'ltii tii'-bi wo'n'-giu A'lii'-ni'-yo'! Te'ayii' toa'hU tii'-bi wo'n'gin A'hi' ni' - yo'!
lie'e'yo' !
Heyo'hiinii' Hae'yo!
Heyo'hiinii' Hiie'yo!
Te'iiyii' torii'bi ai"-gi'na — He'e'yo' 1
Te'iiyii' torii'bi ai"-gi'na — He'e'yo'!
Te'iiyii' toa'hii tii'bi wo'n'giu — Ahi'ni'yo' !
Te'iiyii' toa'hii. tii'bi wo'n'gin — Ahi'ni'yo' I
Translation
He'e'yo'!
Heyo'hiina' Hiie'ijo!
Heyo'hanii' Hae'yo!
The sun's beams are running out — He'e'yo'!
The sun"8 beams are running out — He'e'yo'!
The sun's yellow rays are running out — Ahi'ni'yo'!
The sun's yellow rays are running out — ■Ahi'ni'j/o'!
MooNKv) SONGS OF THE COMANCHE 1047
This song was probably sung at daylight, when the first rays of the
sun sliono in the cast, after the dancers had been dancing all night.
The introductory part is a suggestion from the songs of the mescal
rite, to which the Comanche are so much attached. Although the
words convey but little meaning, the tune is unicjue and one of the
best of all the ghost songs on account of its sprightly measure.
Te'iiyd refers to the sun's rays or beams ; torti'hi, a possessive form
of tii'hi, sun; {mu'a, moon); toti'lia, from a'hap, yellow; ffli'-jri'Ha and
wo'n'giii or ua'n'gin, running out, streaming out.
2. Ya'hi'yC'niva'hu
Ya'hi'yft'niva'hu
Hi'yft'uiva'hi'yfl'niva'hu
Ya'hi'yft'iiiva'hi'ua'be'ne'iia'
Hi'ya'bi'iiahi'iu'na'
Hi'yft'uiva'hu
Hi'yfl'uiva'hi'yft'niva'hu
Ya'hi'yft'niva'hi'ya'he'ne'na'.
This song has no meaning, but is of the lullaby order, with a sweet,
soothing effect.
3. Yani'thini'hawa'na
Yani'tsini'hawa'ua 1
Yaui'tsini'hawa'ua !
Hi'niswa'vita'ki'nl,
» Ili'niswii'vita'ki'nl.
Translation
Tani'tsini'hawa'na .'
Tani'laini'hawa'na! *
We shall live again,
We shall live again.
The term M'niswa'vita'ki'nt signifies "we are coming to life again," or
"we shall live again;" from niiswa'vital-i'm, "I am beginning to be
alive again."
4. Ni'nini'tuwi'na
Ni'nini'tuwi'na hu'hu
Ni'nini'tuwi'na hu'hu
Wiita'tsina'na hu'hu
Wiita'tsina'na hu'hu
Ni'hiiiia'tsi asi'si
Ni'hinia'tsi asi'si.
This is the Arapaho closing song (Arapaho song 52), as adopted by
the Comanche, to whom, of course, it has no real meaning. It is given
here as an example of the change which comes to an Indian song when
adopted by an alien tribe.
1048 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION ' [eth.ann.14
THE PAIUTE, WASHO, AND PIT EIVEE TlilBES
PAIUTE TRIBAL SYNONYMY
HogApWgoni — Shoshoni name, " rnsh arrow i>eople '' {hogiip, a small -water reert ; piigd,
" arrow").
Nilma — proper tribal name, signifying "people" or "Indians;" the same name is
also used for themselves by the Shoshoni and Comanche.
Pai-yu'chimu — Hopi name.
Pai-yu'tsi — Navaho name.
Palii — Washo name.
Paiute or Piute — popular name, variously rendered " true (pal) Ute " or " vrater (pa)
Ute" — pronounced among themselves Paiuti.
Note. — The northern bands of the Paiute are frequently included with Shoshoni
and others under the name of Snakes, while the others are often included with
various Californian tribes under the collective name of Diggers
SKETCH OF THE PAIUTE
CHARACTERISTICS
The Paiute belong to tlie great Shosliouean stock aud occupy most
of Nevada, together with adjacent portions of southwestern Utali,
northwestern Arizona, and northwestern and southeastern California.
The Pahvant and Gosiute on their eastern border are frequently, but
improperly, classed as Paiute, while the Chemehuevi, associated with
the Walapai in Arizona, are but a southern offshoot of the Paiute and
speak tlie same language. With regard to the Indians of Walker
Eiver and Pyramid Lake reservations, who constitute the main body
of those commonly known as Paiute, Powell claims that they are not
Paiute at all, but another tribe which he calls Paviotso. He says:
" The names by which the tribes are known to white men and the
department give no clue to the relationship of the Indians. For
example, the Indians in the vicinity of the reservation on the Muddy
and the Indians on the Walker River aud Pyramid Lake reservations
are called Pai or Pah Utes, but the Indians know only those on the
Muddy by that name, while those on the other two reservations are
known as Paviotsoes, and speak a very different language, but closely
allied to, if not identical with, that of the Bannocks." {Comr., 45.)
The Ghost dance originated among these Indians in the neighborhood
of Walker river, from whom the songs here given were obtained, and
for convenience of reference we shall speak of them under their popular
title of Paiute, without asserting its correctness.
The different small bands have little political coherence and there is
no recognized head chief. The most influential chiefs among them in
modern times have been Winnemucca, who died a few years ago, and
Natchez. Wovoka's leadership is spiritual, not iiolitical. The Indians
of Walker river and Pyramid lake claim the Bannock as their cousins,
MOONKY]
SKETCH OF THE PAIUTE
1049
and say that they sjjeak the same language. As a rule they have been
peaceable and friendly toward the whites, although in the early sixties
they several times cauie into collision with miners and emigrants,
hostility being frequently provoked by the whites themselves. The
Flo. 101— Paiute wikiup.
northern Paiute arc more warlike than those of the south, and a con-
siderable number of them took part with the Bannock iu the war of
1878, Owing to the fact that the great majority of the Paiute are not
on reservations, many of them being attached to the ranches of white
men, it is impossible to get any correct statement of their population,
1050 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [f.th.ann.u
but they may be safely estimated at from 7,000 to 8,000 aiid are thought
to be increasing. lu 1893 those on reservations, all in Nevada, were
reported to number, at Walker River, 563 ; at Pyramid Lake, 494 ; at
Duck Valley (Western Shoshone agency, in connection with the Sho-
shoni), 209. Nevada Indians off reservation were estimated to number
6,815, nearly all of whom were Paiute.
As a people the Paiute are peaceable, moral, and industrious, and
are highly commended for their good qualities by those who have had
the best opportunities for judging. While apparently not as bright in
intellect as the prairie tribes, they appear to possess more solidity of
character. By their willingness and efficiency as workers, they have
made themselves necessary to the white farmers and have been enabled
to supply themselves with good clothing and many of the comforts of
life, while on the other hand they have steadily resisted the vices of civ-
ilization, so that they are spoken of by one agent as presenting the
" singular anomaly " of improvement by contact with the whites.
Another authority says: "To these habits and excellence of character
may be attributed the fact that they are annually increasing in num-
bers, and that they are strong, healthy, active people. Many of them
are employed as laborers on the farms of white men in all seasons, but
they are especially serviceable daring the time of harvesting and hay-
making." (Conir.j 46.) They would be the last Indians in the world to
preach a crusade of extermination against the whites, such as the mes-
siah religion has been represented to be. Aside from their earnings
among the whites, they derive their subsistence from the fish of the
lakes, jack rabbits and small game of tlie sage plains and mountains,
and from pinon nuts and other seeds whi(!h they grind into flour for
bread. Their ordinary dwelling is the wikiui) or small rounded hut of
tule rushes over a framework of poles, with the ground for a floor and
the fire in the center and almost entirely open at the top. Strangely
enough, although appreciating the advantages of civilization so far as
relates to good clothing and such food as they can buy at the stores,
they manifest no desire to live in permanent houses or to procure the
furniture of civilizatit)n, and their wikiups are almost bare of every-
thing excepting a few wicker or grass baskets of their own weaving.
The Paiute ghost songs have a monotonous, halting movement that
renders them displeasing to the ear of a white man, and are inferior in
expression to those of the Arapaho and the Sioux. A number of words
consisting only of unmeaning syllables are inserted merely to fill in the
meter. Like the cognate Shoshoni and Comanche, the language has a
strong rolling r.
GENESIS MYTH
At first the world was all water, and remained so a long time. Then
the water began to go down and at last Kura'ngwa (Mount Orant)
emerged from the water, near the southwest end of Walker lake. There
was fire on its top (it may have been a volcano), and when the wind
blew hard the water dashed over the fire and would have extinguished
HOONEV]
PAIUTE GENESIS 1051
it, but tliat the sage-hen [hutsi — Centrocercus urophasiaitim) nestled
down over it and fanned away the water with her wings. The heat
scorched the leathers on the breast of the sage-hen and they remain
black to this day. Afterward the Paiute got their first fire from the
mountain tlirough the lielp of the rabbit, wliois a great wonder-worker,
•' same as a god." As tlie water subsided other mountains appeared,
until at last the earth was left as it is now.
Then the great ancestor of the Paiute, whom they call Numi'nail',
'•Our Father," caiiui from the south in tlie direction of Mount Grant,
upon which his footprints can still be seen, and journeyed across to the
mountains east of Carson sink and made his home there. A woman,
Ibi(hii, "Our Mother," followed liimfrom the same direction, and they
met and she became his wife. They dressed themselves in skins, and
lived on the meat of deer and mountain sheep, for there was plenty
of ganife in those days. They had children — two boys and two girls.
Their father made bows and arrows for the boys, and the mother fash-
ioned sticks for the girls with which to dig roots. When the children
grew up, each boy married his sister, but the two families quarreled
until their father told them to separate. So one family went to Walker
lake and heaime Aya'ihiil-a'ra, "fish eaters" (the Paiute of Walker
lake), wliile the other family went farther north into Idaho and became
Kotso'-tih'ini, "buffalo eaters" (the Bannock), but both are one peo-
ple and have the same language. After their children had left them,
the parents went on to the mountains farther east, and there Nilminaa'
went up into the sky and his wife followed him.
THE WASHO
Associated with the Paiute are the Washo, or WA'siu, as they call
themselves, a small tribe of about 400 souls, and having no affinity, so
far as known, with any other Indians. They occupy the mountain
region in the extreme western portion of Nevada, about Washo and
Tahoe lakes and the towns of Carson and Virginia City. They formerly
extended farther east and south, but have been driven back by the
Paiute, who conquered them, reducing them to complete subjection and
forbidding them the use of horses, a prohibition which was rigidly
enforced until within a few years. Thus broken in spirit, they became
mere hangers-on of the white settlements on the opening up of the
mines, and are now terribly demoralized. They have been utterly
neglected by the government, have never been included in any treaty,
and have now no home that they can call their own. They are devoted
adherents of the messiah, but usually join in the dance witii the nearest
camp of Paiute, whose songs they sing, and have probably no Ghost
songs in their own language. We quote a gloomy account of their con-
dition in 18G6. The description will apply equally well today, except-
ing that their numbers have diminished:
This is a small tribe of about 500 Indians, living in the extreme western part of
the state. They are usually a harmless peojile, with much less physical and meutal
1052 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
development than the Piutes, and more degraded morally. They are indolent
improvident, and much addicted to the vices and evil practices common in savage
life. They manifest an almost uncontrollable appetite for intoxicating drinks.
They are sensual and filthy, and are annually dimiuishing in numbers from the dis-
eases contracted throiigh their indulgences. A few have learned the English lan-
guage and will do light work for a reasonable compensation. Thej- spend the winter
months about the villages and habitations of white men, from whom they obtain
tolerable supplies of food and clothing. The spring, summer, and autumn months
are spent in fishing about Washo and Tahoe lakes and the streams which flow
through their country. They also gather grass seed and pine nuts, hunt rabbits,
hares, and ducks. There is no suitable place for a reservation in the bounds of their
territory, and, in view of their rapidly diminishing numbers and the diseases to
which they are subjected, none is required. {Comr., 47.)
THE PIT RIVER INDIANS
Another group of Indians closely associated with the Paiute on the
northwest consists of a number of small tribes, known collectively to
the whites as Pit Kiver or Hot Springs Indians, holding the basin of
Pit river in northeastern California from Goose lake to the junction
with the Sacramento. Among their tribes or bands are the Achoma'wi,
Hunia'whi, Estakewach, Hant^wa, Chuma'wa, Atua'mih or Hamef-
ku'ttelli, Ilma'wi, and Pa'kamalli. {Poivers, Tribes of California.)
They are at present supposed to constitute a distinct linguistic group,
but it is probable that better information will show their affinity with
some of the neighboring Californian stocks. With the exception of a
few at Eound Valley reservation, California, none of them are on res-
ervations or have any official recognition by the government. They
probably number 1,000 to 1,500 souls. The northern bands have
suffered much from Modoc slave raids in former days, and are much
inferior in physique and intellect to those lower down the river, who
were the terror of northern California thirty years ago, and who are
described by recent observers as good workers, intelligent, brave, and
warlike. {A. G. 0., 9.)
SONGS OF THE PAIUTE
1. NOva' ka ro'rani'
Niivii' ka ro'rSni'!
Niivii' ka ro'rani'! "
Niiva' ka ro'rani'!
Niivii' ka ro'rani' !
Gosi'pa' havi'glnft',
Gosi'pa' havi'glnft'.
Translation
The snow lies there — ro'rani'!
The snow lies there — ro'rani'!
The snow lies there — ro'rani'!
The snow lies there — ro'rani'!
The Milky Way lies there,
The Milky Way lies there.
MuoNKvl MYTH OF THE MILKY WAY 1053
This is one of tlie favorite sougs of the Paiute Ghost dance. The
tune has a plaintive but rather pleasing effect, although inferior to the
tunes of most of the ghost songs of the prairie tribes. The words as
they stand are very simple, but convey a good deal of meaning to the
Indian. It must be remembered that the dance is held in the open air
at night, with the stars shining down on the wide-extending plain
walled in by the giant sierras, fringed at the base with dark pines, and
with their peaks white with eternal snows. Under such circumstances
this song of the snow lying white upon the mountains, and the Milky
Way stretching across the clear sky, brings up to the Paiute the same
patriotic home love that comes from lyrics of singing birds and leafy
trees and still waters to the people of more favored regions. In the
mythology of the Paiute, as of many other tribes, the Milky Way is
the road of the dead to the spirit world. Bo'rdni' serves merely to fill
in the meter.
2. DP.na' gayo'n
iDSna' gayo'n, D6'na ga'yoni',
Dena' gayo'n, Dfi'na ga'yoni',
Bawil' doro'u, Ha'wil do'roni',
* Bawa' doro'n, Ba'wft do'roni'.
Trannlation
A slender antelope, a blender antelope,
A slender antelope, a slender antelope,
He is wallowing npon the ground,
He is wallowing upon the ground,
* He is wallowing upon the ground,
He is wallowing upon the grounii.
This song evidently refers to a trance vision in which the sleejjer
saw an antelope rolling in the dust, after the manner of horses, buf-
falo, and other animals.
3. Do' Ti'MBI
Do' ti'mhi. Do' tl'mbi-nii'n,
Do' ti'mbi, Do' tl'iubi-nii'n,
TI'mbi bai'-yo, Ti'mbi ba'i-yo-a'n,
Ti'mbi bai'-yo, TI'mbi ba'i-yo-a'n.
Translation
The black rock, the black rock,
The black rock, the black rock,
The rock is broken, the rock is broken,
The rock is broken, the rock is broken.
This song may refer to something in Paiute mythology. Nd'n and
a'n are unmeaning syllables added to fill out the measure.
4. PXsr' Wl'XOGHAN
PiisU' wl'noghiin,
Piisii' wl'noghiin,
PJisii' wl'noghiin,
1054 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION fuTH. anx. 14
Wai'-va wi'uoghiin,
Wai'-va wrnogliiin,
Wai'-va wl'noghiin.
Translation
The wind stirs tlie willows,
The wind stirs the willows,
The wind stirs the willows,
The wind stirs the grasses,
The wind stirs the grasses,
The wind stirs the grasses.
Wai'-va (or wai in compositioii ) is tbe saud grass or wild millet of
'Nevada, {Oryzopsis membranacea), the seeds of which are ground by the
Paiute and boiled into mush for food.
5. Pagu'nava'
Pagil'niiva' ! PiigU'niiva' !
Tftngwii'kwiji' ! Tflngwii'kwiji'!
Wftmbe'doma' ! Wtimbe'doma' !
Translation •
Fog! Fog!
Lightning! Lightning!
Whirlwind! Whirlwind!
This song is an invocation of the elemental forces. It was composed
by an old woman, who left the circle of dancers and stood in the center
of the ring while singing it.
6. WOmbI'ndoma'n
Wftmht'ndoma'n, Wftmbl'ndomii'n,
Wflmbi'ndomii'n, Wflmbl'ndoma'n.
Nuvii'ri'p noyo'wana', Nuva'rI'p noyo'wanfi',
Nuvii'rI'p noyo'wana', Nuva'rI'p noyo'wana'.
Translation
The whirlwind! The whirlwind!
The whirlwind ! The whirlwind !
The snowy earth comes gliding, the snowy earth comes gliding;
The snowy earth comes gliding, the snowy earth comes gliding.
This song may possibly refer to the doctrine of the new earth, here
represented as white with snow, advancing swiftly, driven by a whirl-
wind. Such an idea occurs several times in the Arapaho songs.
7. Kosi' wOmbi'ndoma'
Kosi' wftmbi'ndoma',
Kosi' wftmbi'udomii',
Kosi' wambi'ndomii'.
MOONSYl
SONGS OF THE PAIUTE 1055
Kai'-va wumbi'iidoiuii',
Kai'-va Avftmbi'iidomil',
Kai'-va wftmbi'iidoraii'.
Translation
There is dust from the whirlwind,
There is dust from the whirlwind,
There is dust from the whirlwind.
The whirlwind on the mountain.
The whirlwind on the mountain,
The whirlwind on the mountain.
8. Dombi'na so'wina'
Dombi'na so'wina',
Dombi'na so'wina',
Dombi'na so'wina'.
Kai'-va so'wina',
Kai'-va so'wina',
Kal'-va so'wina'
lyanslation
The rocks are ringing,
The rocks are ringing.
The rocks are ringing.
They are ringing in the mountains,
They are ringing in the mountains.
They are ringing in the mountains.
This song was explained to refer to the roaring of a storm among the
rocks in the mountains.
9. SO'NG-.\ RO'YONJI'
Sft'ng-ii ro'yonji', Sfl'ng-a ro'yon,
Sft'ng-a ro'yonji', Stt'ng-a ro'yon,
Sft'ng-ii ro'yonji', Sfl'ng-a ro'yon.
Pu'i do'yonji', Pu'i do'yon,
Pu'i do'yonji', Pu'i do'yon,
Pu'i do'yonji', Pu'i do'yon.
Translation
The cotton woods are growing tall,
The cottonwoods are growing tall,
The cottonwoods are growing tall.
They are growing tall and verdant.
They are growing tall and verdant.
They are growing tall and verdant.
This song seems to refer to the return to spring. Throughout the
arid region of the west the cottonwood skirting the borders of the
streams is one of the most conspicuous features of the landscape. See
Arapaho song 13.
14 ETH — PT 2 27
1056
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETII. ANN. 14
PAIUTE GLOSSARY
Jgai'h-tika'ra — "fish eaters;" the dis-
tinctive name of the Paiute of Walker
lake, Nevada.
Bai'-yo — it is bioken.
Sa'wd — going around in a circle
Dina — for Ti'na.
Do — black.
Dombi'na — for Ti'mhi or TUbi.
Do'roni — rolling on the ground, wallow-
ing.
Do'yon or Do'yonji — it is growing tall.
Ga'yon or Ga'yoni — slender, tall and
slender.
Gosi'pa — the Milky Way, the road of the
dead. See Paiute song 1
Hdvi'ginu — it lies there, it lies there
asleep; havi'kwA, sleep.
Sogdpa'goni — " rush-arrow people ; " the
Shoshoni name for the Paiute; from
hogap, a small water reed; pagd, arrow,
and nt, the tribal suffix.
Hutsi — the sage-hen {Centroeercus uro-
phasianus) .
Ibidsi'i — "our mother;" the mythic ma-
ternal ancestor of the Paiute.
Jack Wilson — see Wovoka.
Ka — the root of the verb tit ; yd'nakatU' ,
I am sitting down.
Eai-va — mountain.
KoH — for Kosi'ba.
Kosi'ba — dust.
Kotso'-ltka'ra — "buffalo eaters;" the
Paiute name for the Bannock. Com-
pare Ko'tao-Wka, a Comanche division.
Kura'ngwa — " very high peak ; " applied
to Mount Grant, the sacred mountain
of the Paiute, west of Hawthorne and
near the southwestern end of Walker
lake, Nevada.
Ktvohi'tsauq or K'wijau'h — "big rum-
bling belly," one of the names assumed
by Wovoka the messiah. It was orig-
inally the name of his paternal grand-
father.
Ndnigii'kua — the Paiute name of the
Ghost dance. The word signifies the
" dance in a circle; " niika, a dance.
Noyo'd — to come gliding or creeping; the
verb is applied to the movement of a
snake or of an object which progresses
without the aid of feet.
i»oyi''vmna — for Noyo'd.
Niimd — "people," or "Indians," the
name used to designate themselves by
the Paiute, Shoshoni, and Comanche.
Niimi'-nad' — "our father;" the mythic
ancestor of the Paiute.
Niivd — for XUvd'bi.
NUvd'bi — snow.
NUvd'-ri'pd—Biiowy earth, snow-covered
earth (compound word); (roni niird'bi,
snow, and ri'pd or ti'pd, earth.
Pdgii'nard — -fog.
Paiute or Piu'te — (Pai-yu't) the name by
which the Niima of Nevada and the
adjacent region are popularly and offi-
cially known. It has been rendered as
"true {pai) Ute" or " water {pa) Ute."
They themselves pronounce the word
in three syllables, Pai-u'-H.
Pai-yu'chimC — the Hopi name for the
Paiute.
Pai-yu'tsI — the Navaho n^me for the
Paiute.
PalC — the Washo name for the Paiute.
PdsW — for Pdaii'bi.
PdsU'bi — willow.
Pavio'tso — the proper tribal name of the
Indians of Walker River and Pyramid
Lake reservations in Nevada, according
to Powell, who considers them distinct
from the Paiute.
Pu'i — for Pu'igai'-yii.
Pu'igai'-yu — verdant, green (applied to
growing plants).
Bo'rani — an unmeaning word used to fill
out the measure of the songs.
Eo'yon or Bo'yonji — other forms of Do'yon.
Snake Indians — a name loosely applied
to various northern bands or tribes of
Shoshonean stock, including Paiute,
Bannock, Shoshoni, andsometimeseven
, the Comanche.
Sowi'na — ringing like a bell, roaring.
Su'ng-d — for Su'ng-dbi.
Su'ng-dbi — Cottonwood.
Taivo— the Paiute, Shoshoni, and Co-
manche name for a white man. See
I'd'ribo.
TdktotV ktoij — lightning.
Td'vibo — "white man," the father of
Wovoka tlie messiah. The word has
a connection with tdhi or Uivi, the sun ;
idvd'ndgwdt, the east or sunrise place,
MooNEY] PAIUTE GLOSSARY 1057
and (ai'-fo, tbeSlioshoiii and Comanche of poles. The word is of uncertain
name for a white man. origin.
Ti'mbi <iT Tl'mbin — a rock; another form ll'l'noghan — shaken by the wind, waving
is iiihi. in tlie wind.
Ti'wa — antelope. Wo'voka or Wii'voka — "the cntter," the
Tunywu'kiciji — for TukwiVkwij. proper name of the Paiute messiah,
Wai'-va — the sand grass or wild millet of known to the whites as Jack Wilson.
Nevada ((hrijzopsii memhranacea). In A few years ago he assumed also the
composition the word becomes wai, name of Kwohi'tsanq, " big rumbling
See Paiute song 4. belly," from his paternal grandfather.
Wa'siu — the name by which the Washo See chapter ix ante.
call themselves. Wubi'doma — whirlwind, hurricane.
WI'Kiui" — the popular name of the Paiute Hi'gud, wind; pita'ndgwd-higiod', the
dwelling, made in conical form, about south wind.
8 or 10 feet high, and open at the top, Jl'umbe'doma — for Wiihi'doma.
of tul6 rushes woven over a framework Wumbl'ndoman — for Wubi'doma.
THE SIOUX
TRIBAL SYNONYMY
Chahrarat — Pawnee name (Grinnell).
Dakota, Nakota, or Lakoia — proper tribal name, according to dialect, "allies,
friends; " sometimes also they speak of themselves as Oceti Sakowin, the "seven
council fires," iu allusion to their seven great divisions.
Itahatski — Hidatsa name, " long arrows " (Matthews).
K'odalpd-K'inago — Kiowa name, " necklace people," perhaps a misconception of neck-
cutting people, i. e., beheaders.
Maranehobishgo — Cheyenne name, "cut-throats" (Long). The name is plainly
incorrect, as the Cheyenne language has no r.
Ifadowesi or Xadouesiu — "little snakes" or " little enemies," Nadoxve, " snake" and
figuratively " enemy," being the common Algonquian term for all tribes of alien
lineage. The Ojibwaand others designated the Iroquois, living easfT of them,
as Xadowe, while the Sioux, living to the west, were distinguished as Xadoweii
or Xadoteesiu, whence come Nadouessioux and Sioux.
Ifalnihina or Natni — Arapaho name; Hayden gives the form as Xatenehina, which he
renders " cut-throats or beheaders," but it may be derived from Nadmoe, as
explained above.
Niake' taikuik — Kichai name.
Pambizimina — Shoshoui name, "beheaders."
Fapitsinima — Comanche name, "beheaders," from papitsi, signifying to behead,
and nlma or niima, people.
Shahan — Osage, Kansa, Oto, etc, name (Dorsey).
Sioux — popular name, abbreviated from Nadouessioux, the French form of their
Ojibwa name.
Tadba'koah — Caddo name, " cut-throats."
TRIBAL SIGN
A sweeping pass of the right haud in front of the neck, commonly
rendered "cutthroats" or "beheaders," but claimed by the Kiowa to
refer to a kind of shell necklace formerly peculiar to the Sioux.
1058 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. ann.U
SKETCH OF THE TRIBE
Tbe Sioux constitute the largest tribe in tlie United States, and are
too well known to need an extended description here. Although now
thought of chiefly as a prairie tribe, their emergence upon tlie plains
is comparatively recent, and within tiie historic period their range
extended as far eastward as central Wisconsin, from which, and most
of Minnesota, they have been driven out by the westward advance of
the Ojibwa. There is ground for believing that the true home of the
whole Siouan stock is not in the west, or even in the central region, but
along the south Atlantic slope. (See the author's Siouan Tribes of the
East.)
The Sioux language has three well-marked dialects — the eastern or
Santee, the middle or Yankton (including the Asiniboin in the north),
and the western or Teton. The tribe consists of seven great divisions,
each of which again has or had subdivisions. Dorsey enumerates over
one hundred in all. Each grand division had its own camping circle,
and when two or more such divisions camped together they usually
camped in concentric circles. {Dorset/.) The seven great divisions are:
1. Mdewakantomran (Medewacanfon), "village of the Spirit lake;" 2.
Waqpekute (Wahpacoota), "leaf shooters;" 3. Waqpetoiiioan (Wah-
peton), "leaf village ;" 4. Sisitonwail (Sisseton), variously rendered
"slimy village" or "swamp village ;" 5. Ihanktoflwaii (Yankton), "end
village;" 6. Ihanlitonicanna (Yanktonais), "upper end village;" 7.
Titoiiwan (Teton), "prairie village."
The first four divisions collectively are known as Isaiiati or Santee
Sioux. The name is supposed to be derived from isail, the dialectic
word for "knife." They formerly held Mississippi, Minnesota, and
upper Eed rivers in Minnesota and were afterward gathered on reserva-
tions at Devils lake, North Dakota; Lake Traverse (Sisseton agency)
and Flandreau, South Dakota; and Santee agency, Nebraska. Those
at Lake Traverse and Flandreau have now taken allotments as citizens.
The Yankton and Yanktonais, together speaking the middle dialect,
occupied chiefly the country of James river, east of the Missouri, in
North Dakota and South Dakota and extending into Iowa. They are
now on Yankton and Crow Greek reservations in South Dakota, and
Fort Peck reservation, Montana.
The Teton constitute more than two-thirds of the whole Sioux tribe,
and held nearly the whole country southwest of the Missouri from
Cannonball river to the South Platte, extending westward beyond the
Black hills. They are all now on reservations in South and North
Dakota. They are again subdivided into seven principal divisions:
1. Sichaiigu, "burnt thighs" (Brules), now on Rosebud reservation;
2. Ogalala, referring to "scattering" of dust in the face (Clark), now
on Pine liidge reservation, under the celebrated chief Red Cloud
{MaqpeLuta); 3. Hunkpapa, "those who camp at the end (or opening)
M(K>sEv] SKETCH OF THE SIOUX 1059
of the caiiii)iiig circle" (Chirk), on StiUKliiiK Kock reservation; 4, Mini-
kanzu, " those wlio ])hiiit by the water," on Cheyenne River reservation;
5. Itaziph), " without bows" (Sans Arcs), on Cheyenne River reserva-
tion; 6. Siliasapa, "bhick feet" (not to be confounded with the Black-
foot tribe), on Cheyenne River and Standing Rock reservations;
7. Ohenofqja, " two kettles," on Cheyenne River and Rosebud reserva-
tions. According to the official report for 18J)3, the Sioux within the
United States number about 23,410, which, with GOO permanently settled
in Manitoba, make the whole population about 24,000 souls.
The Sioux, under the name of Nadouessi, are mentioned by the Jesuit
missionaries as early as 1632. They made their first treaties with our
government in 1815. The most prominent events in their history since
that date have been the treaty of Prairie du Chien in 1825, which
defined their eastern boundary and stopped the westward advance of
the Ojibwa; the Minnesota massacre of 1862, which resulted in the
expulsion of the Sioux from Minnesota; the Sioux war of 1876-77,
largely consequent on the unauthorized invasion of the Black hills by
miners, and the chief incident of which was the defeat and massacre
of an entire detachment under General Custer; the treaty by which the
great reservation was broken up in 1889, and the outbreak of 1890,
with the massacre of Wounded Knee.
By reason of their sui)erior numbers the Sioux have always assumed,
if not exercised, the loidship over all the neighboring tribes with the
exception of the Ojibwa, who, having acquired firearms before the
Sioirx, were enabled to drive the latter from the headwaters of the
Mississippi, and were steadily pressing them westward when stopped
by the intervention of the TTnited States government. The Sioux in
turn drove the Cheyenne, Crow, Kiowa, and others before them and
forced them into the mountains or down into the southern prairies.
The eastern bands were sedentary and largely agricultural, but the
Teton were solely and preeminently wandering buffalo hunters. All
dwelt in tipis — the word is from the Sioux language — which were of bark
in the timber country and of buflfalo skins on the plains. In warlike
character they are probably second only to the Cheyenne, and have an
air of proud superiority rather unusual with Indians. Clark says of
them, "In mental, moral, and physical qualities I consider the Sioux
a little lower but still nearly equal to the Cheyenne, and the Teton
are the sui>eiior branch of the family." {Indian Sign Language, 345.)
The eastern Sioux are now far advanced toward civilization through
the eflbrts of teachers and missionaries for over a generation, and the
same is true in a less degree of the Yankton, while the majority of the
Teton are still nearly in their original condition.
I found the Sioux very difficult to ajiproach on the subject of the
Ghost dance. This was natural, in view of the trouble that had resulted
to them in consequence of it. When I was first at Pine Ridge, the
trooi)s still camped there served as a reminder of the conflict, while in.
1060
THE GHOST-DAXCE RELIGION
[eth. axx. 14
the little cemetery at the agency were the fresh graves of the slain
soldiers, and only a few miles away was the Wounded Knee battlefield
and the trench where the bodies of nearly three hundred of their people
had been thrown. To my questions the answer almost Invariably was,
"The dance was our religion, but the government sent soldiers to kill
us on account of it. We will not talk any more about it." Another
reason for their unwillingness was the fact that most of the interpreters
were from the eastern or Santee i)ortion of the tribe, and looked with
contempt on the beliefs and customs of their more primitive western
brethren, between whom and themselves there was in consequence but
little friendly feeling. On one occasion, while endeavoring to break
Fig. 102 — Native drawings of G liost dance — A, Comanche j B, Sioux
the ice with one of the initiates of the dance, I told him how willingly
the Arapaho had given me information and even invited me to join in
the dance. "Then," said he, " don't you find that the religion of the
Ghost dance is better than the religion of the churches?" I could not
well say yes, and hesitated a moment to frame an answer. He noticed
it at once and said very deliberately, "Well, then, if you have not
learned that you have not learned anything about it," and refused to
continue the conversation.
The Sioux ghost songs are all in the dialect of the Teton, who took
the most active interest in the dance, which was hardly known among
the bands east of the Missouri. The vocalic character of the language,
MooNEY] SONGS OF THE SIOUX 1061
and the frequent liquid I of this dialect, renders these songs peculiarly
musical, while for beauty of idea and expression they are second only
to those of the Arapalio.
SONGS OF THE SIOUX
1. A'TK IIK'YK K'YAYO
f Opening song
A'te Im'ye e'yayo !
A'te be'ye e'yayo!
A'te he'ye lo,
A'te he'ye lo.
NitnTikanshi'la wa'fiyegala'ke — kta' e'yayo'!
Nitu'nkaushi'la wa'nyegala'ke — kta' e'yayo' I
A'te he'ye lo,
A'te he'ye lo.
Ni'takuye wanye'gftla'ke — kta e'yayo'!
Ni'takuye wauye'gilla'ke — kta e'yayo'!
A'te he'ye lo,
A'te he'ye lo.
Trantlation
The father says so — E'l/ayo!
The father says so — E'yayo! •
The father says so,
The father says so.
You shall see your grandfather — E'yayo'!
*• You shall see your grandfather — E'yayo'!
The father says so,
The father says so.
You shall see your kindred — E'yayo'!
You shall see your kindred — E'yayo'!
The father says so,
The father says so.
This is the opening song of the dance. While singing it, all the
dancers stand motionless with hands stretched out toward the west,
the country of the messiah and the quarter whence the new spirit
world is to come. When it is ended, all cry together, after which they
join hands and begin to circle around to the left. " Grandfather," as
well as " father," is a reverential term applied to the messiah.
2. Mi'chI'nkshi naSpe
Michl'nkshi nanpe ma'yuzaye,
Michl'nkshi nanpo ma'yuzaye,
A'te he'ye lo,
A'te he'ye lo.
Ini'cha}{he-kte,
Ini'chaghe-kte,
A'te he'ye lo,
A'te he'ye lo.
Ch.^noTipa wa'u chi'cha-u'pi,
1062 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [kth. ann.U
»
ChSnoTipa waTi chi'cha-u'pi,
Ate Le'ye lo',
A'te he'he lo'.
Cha' -yani'pi-kta',
Cha'-yani'pi-kta',
A'te he'ye lo',
A'te he'ye lo'.
• ' Translation
My son, let me grasp your hand,
My son, let me grasp your band,
Says the father,
Says the father.
You shall live.
You shall live.
Says the father,
Says the father.
I bring you a pipe,
I bring you a pipe,
Says the father.
Says the father.
By means of it you shall live,
By means of it yon shall live.
Says the father.
Says the father.
This song refers to the sacred pipe which, according to the Sioux
tradition, was brought to them by a mysterious young woman from the
spirit world. The story, as outlined by Captain J. M. Lee, is as follows:
In the old times the Sioux were always at war, not only with other tribes,
but also among themselves. On one occasion two young men were out
hunting when they saw a young woman approaching them with folded
arms. Seeing that she was not of their own tribe, one proposed to the
other that they kill her, but he refused and urged that they wait until
they learned what she wanted. The first speaker, however, was about
to kill her as she drew near, when she suddenly stooped down and
took from around her ankle something resembling an anklet, which she
waved about her head. The motion was so rapid that it seemed as
though a cloud encircled her for a few moments, when she ceased, and
the snake which she had taken from off her ankle glided away through
the grass. But the young warrior who had thought to kill her had
disappeared, swept from the face of the earth.
Turning now to his companion, she said, "To you I come as a friend
and helper. Your people have been killing each other. I bring you a
pipe, which is a token of peace," and she held out a pipe as she spoke.
"When you smoke it your thoughts will be of peace, and no murderer
(i. e., no one who kills a member of his own tribe) must be allowed to
smoke it." She returned with him to his village, where the women
prepared for her reception a large tipi, to which the chiefs of the tribe
came to listen to her instructions. She taught them to be at peace with
■ooNEYi SACRED PIPE OF THE SIOUX 1063
one another, if they would be happy, and when tliey listened to her words
and acce])ted her teachings, she gave them the sacred medicine pipe
to smoke thenceforth in their councils as a perpetuiil reminder of the
peace covenant of the Lakota. Her mission now ended, she said she
must leave them, and although they begged her earnestly to stay with
them, she could not tarry longer, but disappeared as suddenly and
mysteriously as she had come.
A variant of this legend is given by Colonel Mallery in his paper in
the Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, where it is illus-
trated by a colored plate from a picture by the Indian story teller.
According to this version, the pipe maiden was the mysterious white
Bufialo Cow, and brought, with the pipe, a package of four grains
of maize of different colors. This corn sprang from the milk which
dropped from her udder, and was thus, with the flesh of the buffalo
itself, appointed from the beginning to be the food of all the red tribes.
The seeming snakes about her waist and ankles were really blades of
grass (corn?). She taught the people to call her "grandmother," a
reverential title among Indians, and after leading them to her relatives,
the buffalo, she faded from their sight as they stood gazing at her.
The pipe holds an important part in the mythology and ritual of
almost all our tribes, east and west, and no great ceremony is complete
and no treaty was ever ratified without it. It is generally symbolic of
peace and truth. As a peace emblem, it was formerly carried by every
bearer of a friendly message from one tribe to another and was smoked
in solemn ratification of treaties, the act of smoking being itself in the
nature of an oath. Among the prairie tribes an individual accused of
crime is offered the sacred pipe, and if he accepts it and smokes he is
declared innocent, as no Indian would dare to smoke it if guilty. The
ordinary ceremonial pipe of the prairie tribes is made of the red stone,
known as catlinite, from the famous pipestone quarry in Minnesota in
the old country of the Sioux. The peace pipe of the Cherokee was
made of a white stone, somewhat resembling talc, from a quarry near
Knoxville, Tennessee. It is said to have had seven stem holes,
emblematic of the seven clans of the Cherokee, and was smoked bv
seven counselors at the same time. In every case the tribe has a
legend to account for the origin of the pipe. A flat pipe is the tribal
"medicine" of the Arapaho, and is still preserved with the northern
band in Wyoming. (See Arapaho songs 1 and 2.) Besides the stone
pipe, there are also in use pipes of clay or bone, as well as cigarettes,
but as a rule no ceremonial character attaches to these. In ceremonial
smoking the pipe is jjassed around the circle of councilors, each of
whom takes only a few whifls and then hands it to his neighbor. Each
one as he receives the pipe offers it first to the sun, holding the bowl
up toward the sky and saying, "Grandfather, smoke;" then to the
earth, the fire, and perhaps also to each of the four cardinal points
and to one or another of their mythologic heroes. Among the Kiowa
1064 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [bth. a-jn.U
I have seen a man hold up the pipe to the sky, saying, " Smoke, Sinti"
(Sinti being their great mythologic trickster), and then in the same
way, " Smoke, Jesus."
In the Ghost dance at Eosebud and Pine Eidge, as usually per-
formed, a young woman stood in the center of the circle holding out a
pipe toward the messiah in the west, and remained thus throughout
the dance. Another young woman usually stood beside her holding
out a hdqati wheel (see Arapaho song 49) in the same way. This
feature of the dance is said to have been introduced by Short Bull.
3. He tuwe'cha he
He tuwe'cha he u echa'ni hwo?
He tuwe'cha he u echa'ni hwo?
Huuku oki'le chaya he u hwo?
Hufiku oki'le chaya he u hwo?
A't«-ye he'ye lo,
A'te-ye he'ye lo.
Translation
Who think you comes there?
Who think you comes there?
Is it someone looking for his mother?
Is it someone looking for his mother?
Says the father,
Says the father.
In this the singer tells how he was greeted by his former friend upon
entering the spirit world, to which he had gone in search of his mother.
4. Wana'yaS ma'niye
Wana'yan ma'niye,
Wana'yafi ma'niye.
Tata'nka wan ma'niye,
Tata'fika wan ma'niye,
, A'te he'ye lo,
A'te he'ye lo.
Translation
Now he is walking,
Now he is walking.
There is a buffalo hull walking,
There is a buffalo bull walking.
Says the father,
Says the father.
The maker of this song. In her vision of the spirit world, evidently
saw a herd of buflFalo, with a bull walking about near them. The form
of the verb shows that a woman is supposed to be talking.
«<>oNBY] SONGS OF THE SIOUX 1065
5. Lkciiki. miy()'<(aR-ktk
Lechel niiyoqan-kte lo — Yo'yoyo' !
Lecliel miyo'(iari-kto lo — Yo'yoyo'!
Taku inaka' a-icliaKha liciia mita'wa-yc lo — Yo'yoyo .
Taku inaka' a-ieha'j;ba heiia mita'wa-ye lo — Yo'yoyo'l
A'te he'ye lo — Yo'yoyo'!
A'te he'ye lo — Yo'yoyo'!
E'ya Yo'yoyo'!
E'ya Yo'yoyo'!
,'i
Tyanilation
This is to be my work — To'yoyo' !
This is to 1)6 my work — Yo'yoi/o'!
All that grows upon tho earth is mine — To'yoyo'!
All that grows upon the earth is mine — Yo'yoyo'!
Says the father — Yo'yoyo'!
Says the father — Yo'yoyo'!
E'ya Yo'yoyo'!
E'ya Yo'yoyo'!
6. MiCHINKSHl'YI TKWA'QILA CHE
Michinkshi'yi tewa'qila che — Ye'ye'!
Michiukshi'yi tewa'qila cho — Ye'ye'!
Oya'te-ye i'nichagha'pi-kta che — Ye'ye' I
Oya'te-ye i'nichagha'pi-kta che — Ye'ye'!
A'teye he'ye lo,
A'teye he'ye lo.
Haye'ye' E'yayo'yo'!
Haye'ye' E'yayo'yo'!
Translation
I love my children — Ye'ye"!
I love my children — Ye'ye'!
You shall grow to he a nation — Ye'ye'!
You shall grow to be a nation — Ye'ye'!
Says the father, says the father.
Haye'ye' Eyayo'yo'! Haye'ye' E'yayo'yo'!
7. MlLA KI.^ IIIYU'MICHI'CHIVANA
Mila kin hiyn'michi'chiyana,
Mila kin hiyn'michi'chiyana.
Wa'waka'bla-kte — Ye'ye' !
Wa'waka'bla-kte — Ye'ye'!
Onchi he'ye lo — Yo'yo'!
Onchi he'ye lo — Yo'yo'!
Puye chiriyi wa'sna wakaghinyin-kte,
Pnye chifiyi wa'sna wakaghinyin-kte,
Onchi heyo lo — Yo'yo !
Onchi heye lo — Yo'yo!
1066
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. U
Translation
Give me my knife,
Give me my knife,
I shall hang up the meat to dry— Te't/e' !
I shall hang up the meat to dry — Ye'i/e' !
Says grandmother — Yo'yo' !
Says grandmother — Yo'yo' !
When it is dry I shall make pemmican,
When it is dry I shall make pemmican,
Says grandmother — Yo'yo!
Says grandmother — Yo'yo!
This song brings up a vivid picture of the old Indian life. In her
trance vision the old grandmother whose experience it relates came
upon her friends in the spirit world just as all the women of the camp
were engaged in cutting up the meat for drying after a successful buf-
falo hunt. In her joy she calls for her knife to assist in the work, and
says that as soon as the meat is dry she Avill make some pemmican.
riQ. 103— Jerking beef.
In the old days an Indian camp during the cutting up of the meat
after a buffalo hunt was a scene of the most joyous activity, some faint
recollection of which still lingers about ration day at the agency.
Thirty years ago, when a grand hunt was contemplated, pre[7arations
were made for days and weeks ahead. Couriers weri- sent out to col-
lect the neighboring bands at a common rendezvous, medicine-men
began their prayers and ceremonies to attract the herd, the buffalo
songs were sung, and finally when all was ready the confederated bands
or sometimes the whole tribe — men, women, children, horses, dogs,
and travois — moved out into the buffalo grounds. Here the immense
camp of hundreds of tipis was set up, more ceremonies were i)erformed.
MooNEY] JERKED MEAT ANIJ PEMMICAN 1067
and the mounted warriors rode out in a body to surround and slaughter
the licrd. The women followed close after them to strip the hides from
the fresh carcasses and cut out the choice portion of the meat and tal-
low and l)ring it into camp. Here the meat was cut into thin strips
and hung upon frames of liorizontal i)ole8 to dry, while the tallow was
stripped otf in flakes. In the dry prairie atmosphere one day is usually
suHicient to cure the meat, without the aid of salt or smoke. When
thus dried it is known as "jerked beef." While the meat is fresh, for
the first day or two the camp is a scene of constant feasting, the juicy
steaks or the sweet ribs being kept broiling over the coals in one tipi
or another until far into the night. It is the harvest home of the
prairie tribes. As soon as the meat is dry, the tipis are taken down
and packed into the wagons along with the meat, and one family after
another starts for home until in a short time the great camp is a thing
of the past.
The jerked beef or venison is commonly prepared for eating by being
boiled until reasonably tender. In eating, the Indian takes a strip thus
cooked, dips one end into a soup made by dissolving some salt in warm
water, takes the portion thus salted between his teeth, and saws off
enough for a mouthful with a knife held in his other hand. Between
moutlifuls he takes bites from a strip of dried tallow placed in the dish
with the meat.
For pemmican the jerked beef or other meat is toasted over a fire
until crisp and is then pounded into a hash with a stone hammer. In
the old times a hole was dug in the ground and a buffalo hide was
staked over so as to form a skin dish, into which the meat was thrown
to be pounded. The hide was that from the neck of the buffalo, the
toughest part of the skin, the same used for shields, and the only part
which would stand the wear and tear of the hammers. In tfte mean-
time the marrow bones are split up and boiled in water until all the
grease and oil come to the top, when it is skimmed off and poured
over the pounded beef. As soon as the mixture cools, it is sewed up
into skin bags (not the ordinary painted parfleche cases) and laid away
until needed. It was sometimes buried or otherwise cached. Pem-
mican thus prepared will keep indefinitely. When prepared for imme-
diate use, it is usually sweetened with sugar, mesquite pods, or some
wild fruit mixed and beaten up with it in the pounding. It is extremely
nourishing, and has a very agreeable taste to one accustomed to it. On
the march it was to the prairie Indian what parched corn was to the
hunter of the timber tribes, and has been found so valuable as a con-
densed nutriment that it is extensively used by arctic travelers and
explorers. A similar preparation is in use upon the pampas of South
America and in the desert region of South Africa, while the canned
beef of commerce is an adaptation from the Indian idea. The name
comes from the Cree language, and indicates something mixed with
grease or fat. {Lacombc.)
1068 THK GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.u
8. Lk he'yahb'
Le he'yahe' — Ye'ye!
Le he'yahe' — Ye'ye!
Kaughi-ye oya'te-ye cha-ya waon we lo,
Kafighl-ye oya'te-ye cha-ya waou we lo.
JYanalation
This one says — Ye'ye!
This one says — Ye'ye!
I belong indeed to the nation of Crows,
I belong indeed to the nation of Crows.
This song may better be rendered, " I am a Crow nation," i. e., I
represent the nation of Crows, the Crow nation probably typifying the
spirits of the dead in the other world, as explained in Arapaho song
30. In several of the ghost songs there occur sucli expressions as
"I am a Crow," "the Crow woman is going home," etc. Compare
Sioux song 18.
9. Niya'te-ye' hk'uw'e
Niya'te-ye' he'uw'e, niya'te-ye' he'uw'e,
WaTibali gaiC'shka waTi-yau nihi'youwe,
Wa'abali gaie'shka wa'n-yau nihi'youwe.
Translation
It is your father coming, it is your father coming,
A spotted eagle is coming for you,
A spotted eagle is coming for you.
This song probably refers to a transformation trance vision, such as
is frequently referred to in the ghost songs, where the spirit friend
suddenly assumes the form of a bird, a moose, or some other animal.
10. Miyo'qaS kin waSla'ki
Miyo'qaii kin waula'ki^Ye'yeye'!
Miyo'qaii kin waula'ki — Ye'yeye'!
Hena waTilake,
Hena waTilake,
Ha'eye'ya he'yeye',
Ha'eye'ya he'yeye'.
Translation
You see what I can do — Ye'yeye'!
You see what I can do — Ye'yeye'!
You see tliem, you see them,
Ha'eye'ya he'yeye' ! Ha'eye'ya he'yeye'!
In this song the Father is probably represented as calling his chil-
dren to witness that he has shown them visions of the spirit world
and their departed friends.
MouNEv] SONGS OF THE SIOUX 1069
■ 11. MichI'nkshi mita'wayb
E'yaye'ye'! E'yayo'ye'!
MicliI'iikHhi iiiita'waye,
Mickl'iikshi mita'waye.
Traiielation
E'yaye'ye'! E'yaye'ye'!
It is my own child.
It is my own child.
The form of the verb indicates that this song was composed by a
woman, who had evidently met her dead child in the spirit world.
12, A'te he' u-wk
A'te he' u-we, A'te he' u-we,
A'te eya'ya he' u-we' lo,
A'te eya'ya he' n we' lo,
Ya'nipi-kta' e'ya u'-we lo,
Ya'nipi-kta' e'ya n'-we lo.
Translation
There is the father coming,
There is the father coming.
The father says this as he comes.
The father says this as he comes,
" You shall live," he says as he comes,
" You shall live," he says as he comes.
This is a reiteration of the messiah's promise of eternal life in the
new spirit world.
13. Wa'sna wa'tiR-kta'
Wa'sna -wa'tin-kta' — E'yeye'yeye' ! »
Wa'sna wa'tin-kta — E'yeye'yeye'!
Le'chiya'-ya cya'pi lo — E'yeye'yeye'!
Le'chiya'-ya eya'pi-lo — E'yeye'yeye' !
E'ya he'-ye lo, E'ya he'-ye lo,
A'te-ye he'ye lo, A'te-ye he'ye lo.
Tranalation
I shall eat pemmican — E'yeye'yeye'!
I shall eat pemmican — E'yeye'yeye'!
They say so, they say so,
The father says so, the father says so.
For the explanation of this song reference, see song number 7.
14. A'TE LENA MA'qU-WE
Ate lena ma'qu-we — Ye'ye'ye'! •
Ate lena ma'qu-we — Yeye'ye'!
Peta wan — yafiyau ma'qu-we — Ye'ye'ye'!
Peta wan — yanyau ma'qu-we — Ye'ye'ye'!
Ate ma'qu-we — Ye'ye'ye'!
A'te ma'qu-we — Ye'ye'ye'!
1070 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth. ann.u
TraiisJatioii
It was the father who gave us these things — Te'ye'ye'!
It was the father who gave us these things — Ye' ye' ye'!
It was the father who gave us tire — Te'ye'ye'!
It was the father who gave us fire— Te'ye'ye'!
The father gave it to us — Te'ye'ye'!
The father gave it to us — Te'ye'ye'!
This was frequently used as the opening song of the Sioux Ghost
dance. Fire is held in reverence among all Indian tribes as one of the
greatest gifts of the Author of Life, and every tribe has a myth telling
how it originated and how it was obtained by the i>eople. In most of
these myths the Are is represented as being at first in the possession
of some giant or malevolent monster, from whom it is finally stolen by
a hero, after a series of trials and difficulties worthy of the heroes of
the Golden Fleece.
15. Ina' he'kuwo'
Ina' he'liuwo'; ina' lie'kuwo'.
Misu'nkala che'yaya oina'ni-ye,
Misu'nkala che'yaya oma'ni-ye.
I'na he'kuwo'; i'na he'kuwo'.
Translalion
Mother, come home ; mother, come home.
My little brother goes about always crying,
My little brother goes about always crying.
Mother, come home ; mother, come home.
This touching song was a favorite among the Sioux. It was composed
by a young woman who saw her dead mother in the other world, and
on waking out of her trance vision implores the mother to come back
to them again, as her little brother is forever crying after her.
16. Wa'na wanasa'pi-kta
Wa'na wanasa'pi-kta,
Wa'na wanasa'pi-kta.
Ufichi' ita'zipa michu'-ye,
Uuchi' ita'zipa michu'-ye,
A'te he'ye lo, a'te he'ye lo.
Translation '
Now they are about ttf chase the buft'alo,
Now they are about to chase the buft'alo.
Grandmother, give me back my bow,
Grandmother, give me back my bow.
The father says so, the father says so.
The author of this song, in his trance vision of the spirit world, sees
his old-time friends about to start on a buffalo hunt, and calls to his
grandmother to give him back his bow, so that he may join them. The
MooNEY] BUFFALO HUNTING 1071
form, ''give it back to nie," is intciidi'd to sliow how far remote is
the old life of the Indians, before they used the guns and other tilings
of the white man. The last line has no particular connection with the
rest, except as a common refrain of the ghost songs.
17. 11k' ! kii'SyaSka a'oali'-yk
He'! kiiTiyafika a'gali'-ye,
He'! kii'nyarika a'gali'-ye,
Wan! le'chiya wanasa'pikta' keya'pi lo,
Wan ! le'cliiyii wanasa'pi-kta' keya'pi 1<>,
Wanhi'nkpe ka'};ha-yo!
W.anhi'nkpe ka'gha-yo!
A'te htf'ye lo, A'te lie'ye lo.
Translation
He! They have come back raciug.
Re! They have come back racing.
Why, tliey say there Is to be a buffalo hunt over here.
Why, they say there is to be a buffalo hunt over here.
Make arrows ! Make arrows !
Says the father, says the father.
This song may be considered supplementary to the last. In the old
times, when going on a buffalo hunt, it was customary among the Sioux
to send out a small advance party to locate the herd. On finding it,
these men at once returned at full gallop to the main body of hunters,
but instead of stopping on reaching them they dashed past and then
turned and fell in behind. It is to this custom that the first line refers.
The author of the song, on waking up in the spirit world, sees the scout-
ing i)arty just dashing in with the news of the presence of the bnifalo.
Everyone at once prepares to join the hunt and "the father" commands
him to make (or get ready) his arrows and go with them,
18. Mi'YK waSma'yaSka-yo
Mi'ye wauma'yauka-yo !
Mi'ye wauma'yarika-yo !
KaTighi oya'te wan chanku' waka'ghe lo,
Ka'ughi oya'te waii chanku' waka'ghe lo,
Yani'pi-kta'-cha, yani'pi-kta'-cba.
Kola he'ye lo, kola he'ye lo.
Translation
Look at me ! Look at me !
I make a road for one of the Crow nation ( t),
I make a road for one of the Crow nation ( ?).
You shall live indeed, you shall live indeed.
Our friend says so, our friend says so.
The idea of this song is somewhat similar to that of number 8. It
has no reference to the Crow Indians. As has been already explained,
14 ETH — PT 1' 2S
1072 THE GHOST-DANGE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
the crow is symbolic of the spirit world, and when the "friend" — the
father or messiah — declares that he makes a road for one of the Crow
nation he means that he has prepared the way for the return of their
friends who are gone before.
19. Maka' sito'maxiyax
Maka' sito'mauiyafi ukiye,
Oya'te uki'ye, oya'te uki'ye,
Wa'fibali oya'te wan hoshi'hi-ye lo.
Ate heye lo, ate heye lo,
Maka o'wancha'ya uki'ye.
Pte kin iikiye, pte kin ukiye,
Kanglii oya'te wan hoshi'hi-ye lo,
A'te he'ye lo, a'te he'ye lo.
Translation
The whole world is coming,
A nation is coming, a nation is coming.
The Eagle has brought the message to the tribe.
The father says so, the father says so.
Over the whole earth they are coming.
The buffalo are coming, the buffalo are coming.
The Crow has brought the message to the tribe.
The father says so, the father says so.
This fine song summarizes the whole hope of the Ghost dance — the
return of the buffalo and the departed dead, the message being brought
to the people by the sacred birds, the Eagle and the Crow. The eagle
known as ican'bali is the war eagle, from which feathers are procured
for war bonnets.
20. Le'na wa'kax
Le'na wa'kau waka'ghache,
A'te he'ye lo, a'te he'ye lo,
O'gSle kinhan wakafi waka'gha-che,
A'te he'ye lo, a'te. he'ye lo,
Chilnon'pa kin waka'gha-che,
A'te he'ye lo, a'te he'ye lo.
Translation
It is I who make these sacred things,
Says the father, says the father.
It is I who make the sacred shirt,
Says the father, says the father.
It is I who made the pipe.
Says the father, says the father.
This song refers to the sacred pipe (see Sioux song 2 and Arapaho
song 2) and the ghost shirt.
21. Miyo'qaS kiS chichu'-chk
Miyo'qau kin chichu'-che,
A'te he'ye lo', ate he'ye lo',
O'gSle kin ni'niye'-kta,
A'te he'ye lo', a'te he'ye lo'.
MooNKY] SONGS OF THE SIOUX 1073
Tranalalion
Verily, I have given you my strength,
Says the father, says the father.
The shirt will cause you to live,
Says the father, says the father.
This song also refers to the ghost shirt, which was supposed to make
the wearer iiivuluerable. -
22. MichI'nkshi tahe'na
Michl'nkshi tahe'na ku'piye,
MichI'nkshi tahe'na ku'piye,
Mako'che wan washto aya'gfili'pi-kte,
A'te he'ye lo', a'te he'ye lo'.
Translation
My child, come this way,
My child, come this way.
You will take home with you a good country,
Says the father, says the father.
This song may refer to the visiou of the new earth, which the mes-
siah showed to the Sioux delegates when they visited him. (See page
797.) The first line means literally "return in this direction," the
imperative form used being between a command and an entreaty.
^ 23. Wana wichS'shka
Wana wiche'shka a'ti-ye,
Wana wiche'shka a'ti-ye.
Wihu'ta oho'milni, wihu'ta oho'niiini,
Oka'tanna, oka'tafma, >
Koyau wowa'hin-kte,
Koyan wowa'hin-kte.
Translation
Now set up the tipi,
Now set up the tipi.
Around the bottom,
Around the bottom.
Drive in the pegs,
Drive in the pegs.
In the meantime I shall cook.
In the meantime I shall cook.
The form of the verb oka'tanna shows that it is a woman speaking,
even if we did not learn this from the context. To those who know the
Indian life it brings up a vivid picture of a prairie band on the march,
halting at noon or in the evening. As soon as the halt is called by
some convenient stream, the women jump down and release the horses
from the wagons (or the travois in the old times), and hobble them to
1074 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
prevent them wandering away. Then, while some of the women set up
the tipi poles, draw the canvas over them, and drive in the pegs around
the bottom and the wooden pins up the side, other women take axes
and buckets and go down to the creek for wood and water. When they
return, they find the tipis set up and the blankets spread out upon the
grass, and in a few minutes fires are built and the meal is in prepara-
tion. The woman who composed the song evidently in her vision
accompanied her former friends on such a march.
24. A'TE MI'CHUYE
A'te mi'chuye,
A'te mi'chuye,
Wanhi'nkpe mi'chuye,
Wauhi'ukpe mi'chuye,
A'hiye, a'hiye.
Wa'sna wa'tinkte,
Wa'sna wa'tinkte.
Translation
Father, give them to me,
Father, give them to me.
Give me my arrows,
Give me my arrows.
They have come, they have come.
I shall eat pemmican,
I shall eat pemmican.
The maker of this song, while in the spirit world, asks and receives
from the Father some of the old time arrows with which to kill buffalo,
so that he may once more feast upon pemmican.
25. HaSpa wkcha'ohe
Haupa wecha'ghe,
Hafipa wecha'ghe,
Tewa'qila-la he,
Tewa'qila-la he.
Wa'nbleni'chala he kaye lo,
Wa'nbleni'chala he kaye lo,
Toke'cha wa'uwegalakiTi-kte,
Toke'cha waTiwegalakiTi-kte,
NihuTi kofi he he'ye lo,
Nihu'n kofi he he'ye lo.
Translation
I made moccasins for him,
I made moccasins for him,
For I love him,
For I love him.
To take to the orphan,
To take to the orphan.
MooNEY] SONGS OF THE SIOUX 1075
Soon I shall see my child,
Soon I shall see my child,
Says your mother,
Says your mother.
This song evidently relates the trance vision of a raother who saw
her child in the spirit world, and expresses the hope that she may soon
be united with him. In accordance with the custom of the Ghost
dance, it is probable that she made a pair of moccasins to give him
wlien next they met, and that she carried them in the dance as she
sang.
26. Waka'SyaS iSya'SkiS-ktb
WakaTiyan ifiyii'nkiri-ktc,
Waka'iiyau ifiya'ukiu-kte,
Changale'shka wau luza'hafl iuyaTikin-kte,
Chari<(Sle'8hka wan luza'han inya'nkin-kte,
Wanwa'yag upo, wanwa'yag upo,
Ate he'ye lo, a'te he'ye lo.
Translation
The holy (hoop) shall run,
The holy (hoop) shall run,
The swift hoop shall run,
The swift hoop shall run.
Come and see it,
Come and see it,
Says the father.
Says the father.
This song refers to the game wheel and sticks {ba'qati, Arapaho)
already described in the Arapaho songs. It is said that the medicine-
man of Big Foot's band carried such a hoop with him in their flight
from the north, and displayed it in every dance held by the band until
the fatal day of Wounded Knee. A similar hoop was carried and hung
upon the center tree at the dance at No Water's camp near Pine Ridge.
To the Indian it symbolizes the revival of the old-time games.
SIOUX GLOSSARY
A'gdH(-ye) — they hare returned ; icofcn, Aya'gdJi'pi-kte — you (plural) will take
lamreturningorcoming home; jpajaH', homo with you, you will bring back
I have returned. with you ; from o»»a (/(He, I take ithome.
Ahi' {-ye) ^they have come; na-ii', I Changale'shka — ahoop: the 6aV/o/i hoop.
come; hi, he has come. See Sioux song 26, and Arapaho songs.
A-icha'gha — growing upon; from kagha, Chaiiku' — road, trail.
to grow or spring up. Chdno'npa — pipe; o'npa, to smoke; cha'n-
A'te oT Ate-ye — father; alekiii, the father; U, tobacco.
a/e-Miifa, my father; ni'-ate, your father; Cha-yani'pi-kta — you (plural) ■will live;
at-kukn, his or her father. Ye is a syl- from ni'iva-un, I live, I go about alive;
lable sometimes added to fill in the the regular form is Yanipi-kta q. v.
meter. Cheya'ya — he is constantly crying, ira-
Ati'-ye — set up the tipi ; here ye is the im- che'yd, I cry ; the final ya implies repe-
perative suffix. ' tition or habit.
1076
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
Chi'cha-u'jn — I bring it to you (plural).
Chicha implies I to thee, or I mean thee ;
u implies come, from iva-u, I come; pi
is the plural participle, and with chi-
cha implies I bring it to you, or I come
■with it to you.
Chichu'-che — I give it to you, indeed;
tvaku', I give it to him; che conveys
the idea of verily or indeed. Compare
Maqu'-we.
Chiiij/i — for Kinhih, when, when it is bo.
Echani — you think so about it; echa'mi,
I think ; echa'ni hivo, who do you think ?
Eya! — an unmeaning exclamation used in
the songs.
Eya — he says; epa, I say. Eya'ya, he
reiterates, he says again ; e'yahe, eya'pi,
they say.
E'yahe — another form of eya, he says,
q.v.
Eya'pi — they say. Compare Eya.
Eya'ya — he reiterates, he says again.
The final )/a implies repetition. Com-
pare Eya.
E'yaye'ye! — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
E'yayo'! — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs to fill in the meas-
ure.
E'ycye'yeye! — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
Gale'uhka — spotted.
Ha'eye'ya! — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
Hailpa — moccasin.
Ha'yeye'! — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
He — (1) an exclamation, look ! look here!
(2) an interrogative particle, after the
sentence; (3) the demonstrative
"that."
Heku'xoo — come home now, return home
at once; wa-u, I come; he, a prefix
implying now, or directly.
Me'na — those, plural of he, that.
He'uwe — that is he coming ; from he, that ;
u, coming; and we, the feminine par-
ticle.
Heyahe {-ye) — he says that, he says this;
ye is usually the female suffix. Com-
pare Me' ye.
He' ye — he says.
He'yeye'.' — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
Hiyumichi'chiya'na — hand me my own;
na, the female imperative particle.
Hosh I'h i (-ye) — he has arrived with a mes-
sage ; he has brought a message ; from
hoshi', to tell news, to carry a mes-
sage.
Hmiku — his mother; inii'ii, mother.
Hwo — an interrogative sign, used by a
man ; a woman says wi.
Ina' — mother; my mother.
Ini'chaghapi-kte — yon (plural) will grow
or live. Compare Inichaghe-kte.
Inichaghe-kte- — you (singular) will grow,
i.e., you will live; icha'ghehe, it is
growing.
Inyankiil-kte — it shall run; from iiiyanka,
to run.
Ita'zipa — a bow (to shoot with).
Ka'gha-yo — ^make them ; waka'ghe, 1 make
it; yo, an imperative particle.
Kafighi' — a crow.
Kaye — another form of kaya, to take to
one.
Keya'pi — they say that, they say it; epa,
to say.
Kii'nyanka — racing; from inyauka, to
run; the prefix ki implies a contest or
enuilation.
Kin — the.
Kiiihan — explained as another form of
kiii; the ordinary meaning is when or if.
Ko'la — friend.
A'oS-^that (demonstrative); it some-
times conveys the idea of "aforesaid."
Ko'yan — in the meantime.
Eu'pi-ye — you will return.
Lechel — thus, in this way; from le, this.
Lechi'ya — over here in this place; from
le, this.
Lena — these thingsj from le, this.
Lo — an emphatic or euphonic particle
used at the end of a phrase or sentence ;
it may be described as an emphatic or
euphonic period. Lo is used by men,
ye by women.
Lu'zahan — swift.
Maka' — earth, the earth.
Mako'che — a country.
Mani'ye — he walks (habitual); mawani,
I walk ; the suffix ye usually denotes a
female speaker.
Maq'pe-Luta — Eed Cloud, the noted chief
of the Ogalala Teton Sioux at Pine
Ridge; from niaqpi'ya, a cloud, and
luta, red./
Maqu'-we — he gave to me, indeed; from
icakii' , I give it; ice is an emphatic
particle. Compare Chichu'-che.
MOOKEY]
SIOUX GLOSSARY
1077
Ma'ijnza (-ye) — grasp it witli mo, let me
grasp it.
Michlnkuhi (-yi) — ray son, my offspring;
chlnksh, son.
Mi'chu (-ye) — give it back to me.
Mila^knife.
Misu'i'ikalti — my little brother. Mi, my ;
la, the diminutive.
Mita'w<l or Mita'waye — it is mine, from
mi, I, lay, and lawii, it belongs.
Mi' ye — I, myself, me.
Miyo'qah — my power, my work. Com-
pare Miyo'qan-kte.
Miyo'qan-kte — it will be my work, my
power, the way I shall do; from mi,
my ; o'qan, action, work, strength, and
kte, the future suflix.
Nanpe — hand; mi-na'npe, my hand.
Nihi'youwe — he is coming for you; from
the root », to come ; «<; is the feminine
particle, which shows that a woman is
speaking.
Nihu't'i — your (singular) mother.
yiniye'-kta — it will cause yoji to live;
miye', to come to live; iii, in comi)Osi-
tion, you, your; fc(a, the future snfSx.
yita'kuye — your kindred; mita' kuye, tay
relative.
Kilu'nkaiishi'la — your grandfather; mi-
tii' nkufiahi' la, my grandfather. The final
la is a euphonic diminutive.
Xiya'ie — for Ni-a'ie, your father.
O'gdle — shirt, coat.
Oho'mani — around, round about.
Oka'tanna — drive it in, drive them in (as
nails or tipi pegs) ; na is the female
imperative particle.
Oki'le — looking for its own; owa'le, I
look for it; owa'kilf_ I look for my own.
Oma'ni {-ye) — walking around, going
about.
( Inchi — grandmother.
O'waiicha'ya — all over, everywhere.
Oya'te — tribe, nation.
I'eta — lire.
I'te — buffalo (generic), butt'alo cow.
Puze or Piiza — dry.
Shaie' la or Shaie'na — "red,"' i.e.," alien;"
the Sioux name for the Cheyenne. The
root of the word is sha, red, with la or
na, tlu) diminutive, frequently used
merely for euphony.
Silomihii-yan — everybody, all over, every-
where.
Tahe'na — on this side, this way, in this
direction.
Ta'ka — something, whatever.
Tatanka — a buffalo bull;j)/e, a buffalo
cow, or a buffalo (generic).
Tewa'qi'la or Teiva'qila-la — I love him ; the
final la is a diminutive or endearing
particle, nomctimes added to verbs as
well as to n<mns.
Tipi — a tent, a house; from (i, to dwell
or abide.
Toke'cha — soon, before long.
Tuwe'-cha — who indeed? who can it bet
tune, who?
V — coming; 7Pa-u, I come.
Uki'ye — they are coming ; wa'-u, I
come.
Ui'ichi' — grandmother, uiy grandmother.
Upo — you come (plural imperative);
from ira'-M, I come.
U-tve — coming, as he comes; see u; we is
another form of ye, an emphatic or eu-
phonic particle.
VTa'chipi — a dance.
Wa'kan — sacred, mysterious, sacred
thing.
Waka' gha-chv — it is I who made it, I
made it indeed. The particle chi con-
veys the idea of indeed, verily.
Waka'glie — 1 make it.
IVakayhi' nyin-kte — I sTiall make it; wa-
ka'ghe, I make it.
JTaka' iiyah — sacredly, mysteriously ;
from wa'kan, sacred, mysterious,
n an — a.
IVan! — look ! see I why !
Wana — now. '^
IVana'ghi — ghost, spirit of the dead.
IVana'ghi iia'chipi — Ghost dance, from
ivana'ghi, ghost, or spirit of the dead,
and tra'chipi, a dance.
Wanasa'pi — see Wanasa'pi-kta.
Wanata'pi-kta — they will chase buffalo,
they are about to chase buffalo; from
iiana'ga, to hunt game by surrounding
and shooting it. Kta or kte is the
future sign.
Wanbale'nichala — a little orphan; from
wa' nbdle' nicha, an orphan.
WaTtbdli — eagle, the war eagle.
Wanhi'nkpe — arrow, arrows.
Wan-la'ki — you see it; waiibdla'ki, I see
It.
Wanma yaiika-yo — look at me! waiibal-
a'kii, I see it: yo, the imperative
sufflx.
IVa'on we — I am in that condition, I am
it; we is the feminine suffix.
1078 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.axn.U
Wahwayag — to see it. Compare Wan- Wichi'shl-a — a tipi; the word literally
ma'yankayo. means only the opening at the top of
Wanwe'gala'kin-lcte — I shall see my own. the tlpi.
Compare Wanma'yanka-yo. TFiAM'to— the bottom of a tipi.
Wanyan — for ico/i, a (the article). Wowa'hin-kte — I shall cook; woua'han, I
Wanyegalake-kta — you (plural) shall see cook (generic),
yourown; from wawfc«/a'fc(, I see it. Kte Tanipi-kta — you (plural) will live; from
or kta is the future suffix. ni'wa-mi, I am alive.
Washte' — good. Yaftyan — an unmeaning word used in the
Wa'ana — pemndcan. See Sioux song 7. songs to fill up the measure.
Wati'n-kte — I shall eat; wawa'te, I eat. ¥e — an emph.atic, imperative, or preca-
Waioa'kabla-kte^I shall spread out the tory particle or suffix, usually spoken
meat to dry ; ka'bla, to spread out meat by a woman. In the songs it seems
for drying. frequently to be used merely for eu-
Wa'yana — now; another form of toa»ia. phony.
We — an emphatic suffix particle equiva- Ye' ye! — an unmeaning exclamation used
lent to verily or indeed. in the songs.
Weoha'ghe — I made them for hiui. Yoyoyo — ibid.
THE KIOWA AND KIOWA APACHE
KIO\A^A TRIBAL SYNONYMY
Be'sMUcha — Kiowa Apache name, meaning unknown.
Caygua — Spanish form, from their proper name, Kaijwit,
Gahe'wa — Wichita and Kichai name; another form of Kiowa.
Kd'igwu — "real or principal people," proper tribal aame.
Kai-wd — Coman<;he and Caddo name; from their proper name, Kaigwti.
Kiowa — popular name, a corruption of the name used by themselves.
Kwu'da — "going out;" old name formerly used by the Kiowa for themselves.
Si'chihine'na — "river men," Arapaho name; so called because they formerly lived on
upper Arkansas river, from which the Arapaho claim to have driven them.
Tepda— "coming out," "issuing;" another old name formerly used by the Kiowa
for themselves.
Witapa'hat or Witaj>a'iu — Cheyenne name, from their Sioux name, WHapiiha'iu.
IVi'tapdha'tu — "island butte people" (?), Sioux name.
KIO\WA TRIBAL SIGN
The Kiowa tribal sign indicates "hair cut off at right ear," in alhision
to a former cnstom of the warriors. From a careless habit in making
this sign it has sometimes been wrongly interpreted to mean "foolish."
or " rattle-brain."
SKETCH OF THE KIOWA
So far as present knowledge goes, the Kiowa constitute a distinct
linguistic stock; but it is probable that more material will enable us to
prove their connection with some tribes farther north, from which
direction they came. They are noticed in the Spanish records as early
at least as 1732. Their oldest tradition, which agrees with the con-
current testimony of the Shoshoni and Arapaho, locates them about
the junction of Jefferson, Madison, and Gallatin forks, at the extienie
head of Missouri river, in the neighborhood of the present Virginia
MooNEv] SKETCH OF THE KIOWA 1079
City, Montana. They afterward moved down from tlie mountains and
formed an alliance with the Crow, with whom they have since continued
on friendly terms. From here they drifted southward along the base
of the mountains, driven by the Cheyenne and Arapaho, About 1840
they made peace with the latter tribes, with which they have since
commonly acted in concert. The Sioux claim to have driven them
out of the J}lack hills, and in 1805 they were reported as living upon
the North Platte. According to the Kiowa account, when they first
reached Arkansas river they found their passage opposed by the
Comanche, wlio claimed all the country to the south. A war followed,
but peace was finally conchuled, when the Kiowa crossed over to
the south side of the Arkansas and formed a confederation with the
Comanche, which continues to the present day. In connection with
the Coman<!he they carried on a constant war upon the frontier settle-
ments of Mexico and Texas, extending their incursions as far south
at least as Durango. Among all the prairie tribes they were noted asj
the most predatory and bloodthirsty, and have probably killed more
white men in proportion to their numbers than any of the others.
They made their first treaty witli the government in 1837, and were
put upon their present reservation jointly with the Comanche and
Apache in 1868. Their last outbreak was in 1874-75, in connection
with the Comanche, Apache, and Cheyenne. While probably never
very numerous, they have been greatly reduced by war and disease.
Their last terrible blow came in the spring of 1892, when the measles
destroyed over 300 of the three confederated tril)es. Their present
chief' is Ou'lpd'go, Lone Wolf. They occupy the same reservation
with the Comanche and Apache, between Washita and Eed rivers, in
southwestern Oklahoma, and numbered 1,017 iu 189.'5.
The Kiowa do not have the gentile system, and there is uo^-estric-
tiou as to intermarriage among the divisions. They have six tribal
divisions, including the Apache associated with them, who form a
component part of the Kiowa camping circle. A seventh division, the
K uato, is now extinct. The tribal divisions iu the order of the camp-
ing circle are:
1. K'a't'a — "biters," i. e., Arikara or Ree; so called, not because of
Arikara origin, but because they were more intimate with that tribe
in trade and otherwise when the Kiowa lived in the north.
2. A'o'V/"'J— -'elks."
3. Kd'igwu — " Kiowa proper." This is the oldest division, to which
belongs the keeping of the medicine tipi, in which is the grand medi-
cine of the tribe.
4. Kinej) — "big shields." This is the largest division in the tribe
and of corresponding importance.
5. Semat — " thieves," the Apache.
<). Koiita'lyui — "black boys." Sometimes also called Si'ndiyu'i,
"Siudi's children." Said to be of darker color than the rest of the
1080
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[KTH. ANN. 14
tribe, which, if true, might indicate a foreign origin. Sindi is the
great mythic hero of the Kiowa.
7. K'u'ato — "pulling uj) from the ground or a hole." An extinct
division, speaking a slightly different dialect, and exterminated by the
Sioux in one battle about the year 1780. On this occasion, according to
tradition, the Kiowa were attacked by an overwhelming force of Sioux
and prepared to retreat, but the chief of the K uato exhorted his peo-
ple not to run, "because, if they did, their relatives in the other
N
W
Fig. 104 — Kiowa camping circle.
world would not receive them." So they stood their ground and were
killed, while the others escaped. Their place in the tribal camp circle
is not known.
In the annual sun dance and in other great tribal gatherings the
several divisions camped in the order shown in figure 104.
Although brave and warlike, the Kiowa are considered inferior in
most respects to the Comanche. In person they are dark and heavily
built, forming a marked contrast to the more slender and brigliter-
complexioncd prairie tribes farther north. Their language is full of
MooNET] THE KIOWA APACHE 1081
cbokiiig and nasal sounds, and is not well adapted to rhythmic compo-
sition, for which reason they frequently used the Arapaho songs in the
Ghost dance, without any clear idea of the meaning' or correct jironuu-
ciation, although they have quite a number of songs of their own.
THE KIOWA APACHE
A small tribe of Athapascan stock, calling themselves Na'-isha or
Xadi'isha-de'na, and popularly known as Apache or Kiowa Apache,
has been associated with the Kiowa as far back as the traditions of
either tribe go. While retaining their distinct language, they nearly
all speak and understand Kiowa and form a component part of the
Kiowa camping circle. In dress and general habits of life they are in
no way distinguishable. They have come from the north with the
Kiowa, and are mentioned under the name of Cataka as living in the
Black-hills country in 1805. La Salle speaks of them under the name
of Gattacka as early as 1G81. There is no reason to suppose that they
ever formed a part of the Apache proper of Arizona and Kew Mexico,
but are probably, like the Sarsi, a distinct Athapascan people who have
always lived east of the mountains, and who, having been obliged by
weakness of numbers to unite themselves with a stronger tribe, have
since shared their migratory fortunes southward along the plains. The
I^a-isha are called Ga'taqka by the Pawnee and sometimes by the
Wichita; Cataka by Lewis and Clark, in 1805; Katala in their first
treaty with the government, made jointly witli the Kiowa iu 1837;
ra'«Aiw by the Comanche; Omii's by the Wichita; ifa'w/s/, '-deceivers,"
by the Caddo; Kiri'nahis by the Kichais; TAaAa/nM^' ma, "knife-whet-
ting men (?)" by the Arapaho, and MuUiandtn'niuw' , "whetstone
people," by the Cheyenne. They have several names among the Kiowa,
but are commonly known by them as Semat, "thieves." Other 'Kiowa
names for them are Tagu'i, of unknown meaning, and Sa'dHho'inte-kiii-
ago, "weasel people." The tribal sign for them, as for the Apache,
Lipan, and Navaho, conveys the idea of " knife whetters." In 1891 they
numbered 325. In 1893 they had been reduced, chiefly by an epidemic
of measles, to 224.
More extended information in regard to the Kiowa and Kiowa
Ajiache will be given in the author's memoir, "Calendar History of the
Kiowa Indians," now iu preparation for the Bureau of Ethnology.
SONGS OF THE KIOWA
1. Da'ta-i so'da'te
Da'ta i so'da'te,
Da'ta-i so'da'te.
Do'm ezii'nteda'te,
Do'm ezii'nteda'te.
De'Iiuhii'date,
De'Imhii'date.
Be'ama'nhiivi',
Be'a'ma'nhiifi'.
1082 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eph.axn.U
Translation
The father will descend,
The father will descend.
The earth will tremble,
The earth will tremble.
Everybody will arise.
Everybody will arise.
Stretch out your hands,
Stretch out your hands.
This is a summary of the Ghost-dance doctrine, closing with an
invocation to all present to stretch out their hands toward the west
and pray to the Father to hasten his coming.
2. Da'k'i'nago (1m) za'nteahe'dai.
Da'k i'uago (Im) zii'nteiihe'dal,
Da'kiTiago (Im) zii'nteiihe'dal,
De'doui ezii'nteiihe'dal,
De'dom ezii'nteiihe'dal.
De'Imgo (ii-)dii'tode'yo',
De'Imgo (ii-)dii'tode'yo'.
De'beko'datsii',
De'beko'datsii'.
Wranalation
The spirit army is approaching,
The spirit army is approaching,
The whole world is moving onward.
The whole world is moving onward.
See! Everybody is standing watching.
See ! Everybody is standing watching.
Let us all pray,
Let us all pray.
In this song the verb hnza'ntedhe'dal implies that the spirits are
coming on like an army or like a great herd of animals. The termina-
tion he'dal implies that it is a matter of report or common belief and
not of personal knowledge.
3. Gu'ato ad.I'ga
Gu'ato iidiX'ga nyii'ongu'm,
Gu'ato iida'ga nyii'ongu'm,
Go'mtiiyii' iitso'dalsii'dal,
Go'mtiiyii' iitso'dalsii'dal.
A'nyii'giilo'nte,
A'nyii'gftlo'nte.
Tii'lyi Imhii'go,
Tii'lyi imhii'go.
MooNEv] SONGS OF THE KIOWA 1083
Translation
I Hcreaiii because I am a bird,
I scream because I am a bird,
I bellow like a btitialo,
I bellow like a biiD'alo.
The boy will rise up,
The boy will rise up.
This song was composed by Pa-guadal, "'Red Buffalo," at a Ghost
dance held on Walnut creek in the summer of 1893, under the direction
of the prophet Pa-ingya (see page 907), for the purpose of resurrecting
Red Buffalo's son, who had recently died. Pa-ingya assured the
people that if they held the dance as he directed, the dead boy would
rise u]) alive from the ground before their eyes. In the dance Red
Buffalo became " crazy " and composed this song. In his trance he
evidently imagined himself a bird. His father was one of the ''buffalo
doctors," or surgeons of the tribe, who are under the special protec-
tion of the buffalo and whose war cry is an imitation of the bellowing
of a buffalo bull. Red Buffalo claims to have inherited his father's
knowledge ; hence his assertion that he bellows like a bull. The boy
was not resurrected.
4. I)a'ta-i xya'hoXnga'mo
A'hiiya' Ehii'eho'! A'hiiyii' EhiL'eho'!
K'hiiyii' Ehii'eho'! E'hiiyji' Ehii'eho'!
Da'ta-i nyii'hofinga'mo,
* Da'ta-i nyii'hoanga'mo.
Ade'tepo'nbii,
Ade'tepo'nbii,
A'guAnpo'nbii,
A'guilnpo'nbii. • "»
Translation
A'haya' Ehd'eho' ! A'hdijd' Ehii'eho'!
E'hdyd' Ehd'eho .' E'hdyd' Ehd'eho'!
The father shows me the road,
The father sliows mo the road.
I went to see my friends,
I went to see my friends,
I went to see the dances,
I went to see the dances.
The composer of this song went, in her trance, to the other world,
led by the Father, who pointed out the way, and saw there her former
friends and joined them in the dance.
5. Dak'iS'a hate'ya
Dak'in'a bate'yii,
Dak'in'a bate'yii.
Gnilto ton nyii&mo,
1084 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.U
Gufito ton nyiiil'mo.
Ahiu'iiih nyiiiVmo,
Ahin'iiih nyiiiVmo.
Translation
The spirit (God) is approaching,
The spirit (God) is approaching.
He is going to give me a bird tail,
He is going to give me a bird tail.
He will give it to me in the tops of the cottonwoods,
He will give it to me in the tops of the cottonwoods.
The "bird tail" refers to the feathers {wakuna, Arapaho) worn on the
heads of the dancers (figure 91). The song is peculiar in imj)lying that
the recipient must climb up into the tree tops to obtain it.
6. Na'da'g aka'na
Hey6'hey6'hey6'heye' Aho'ho' !
Heyfi'heye'heyg'heye' Aho'ho' 1
Na'da'g iika'na,
Na'da'g iika'na,
De'gyiigo'mga da'tsii'to,
De'gyiigo'mga da'tsii'to.
AoTiyo, Ao'nyo.
Translation
BeyS'heyi'heye'heye' Aho'ho'!
Heye'heye'heye'heye' Aho'ho'!
Because I am poor,
Because I am poor,
I pray for every living creature,
I pray for every living creature.
Ao'nyo! Ao'nyo!
Although the words of this song do not contain much meaning, the
tune is one of the best among the Kiowa ghost songs. The introduc-
tory line gives somewhat the effect of Comanche song 1. The last line
is supposed to be a prayer or entreaty to the messiah, and is an imi-
tation of the Kiowa funeral wail.
7. Zk'bXt-ga'ga igu'anpa'-ima'
Ze'biit-giX'ga igu'Snpa'-ima',
Ze'biit-giX'ga igu'flnpa'-ima'.
Biilii'gii na'ta'dftlgo'ma,
Biilii'g.l na'ta'dSlgo'ma.
Tii'lyia be"pe'te,
Tii'lyia be"pe'te.
Translation
He makes me dance with arrows,
He makes me dance with arrows.
He calls the bow my father,
Muo.NiiY SONGS OF THE KIOWA 1085
He calls the bow my father.
Graiidmother, persevere,
Grandmother, persevere.
This soug embodies the Ghost-dance idea of a return to the old Indian
things. The expression, "He calls the bow my father," is worthy of an
oriental poet. The la.st line is a general exhortation to the women to
persevere or "push hard" in the dance.
8. Be'ta! To'ngya-gu'ai>j;l
Be'ta! To'ngyii-gu'adSl iito'tl-e'dal.
Be'ta! To'ugyii-gu'adril iito'tl-e'dal.
Ba'ate'uyl, Ba'ateTiyi.
Da'te gyiiko'm ii'omhe'd&l,
Sa'te gyako'm ii'omhe'd&l,
Trantlation
Now I understand ! Red Tail has been sent,
Now I understand ! Red Tail has been sent.
We cry and hold fast to him,
We cry and hold fast to him.
He was made to live a long time,
He was made to live a long time.
This song was made by Mary Zontom,ti woman who speaks very fair
English, and refers to a young man named To'ngya-gu'adal, Ked Tail,
who used to go into frequent trances. The expression "he was sent"
implies that he is a recognized messenger to tlie spirit world, while "we
hold fkst to him" is equivalent to " we have faith in him."'
9. Da'ta'-i anka'Sgo'na
Da'ta'-i iinka'ngo'na,
Da'ta'-i iinka'ngo'na.
Da'milnhii'go, Da'manhii'go.
Ka'ante damilnhii'go,
Ka'ante damauhii'go.
Translation
My father has much pity for us.
My father has much pity for us.
I hold out my hands toward him and cry,
I hold out my hands toward him and cry.
In my poverty I hold out my hands toward him and cry,
In my poverty I hold out my hands toward liim and cry.
10. Da'ta-i iSka'Stahe'dal
Ahji'yii Ehii'eho',
Ahji'yii Ehii'eho'.
Da'ta-i inka'ntahe'dal.
1086
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. AXX. 14
A'da'ta'-i dii'sa,
A'da'ta'-i niil'nsa'dal,
A'da'ta'-l toTisii'dal,
A'da'ta'-i o'mda.
TransJation
Ahd'yd Ehd'eho',
Ahd'ya Ehd'eho'.
My father has had pity on me.
I have eyes like my father's,
I have hands like my fatlier's,
I have legs like my father's,
I have a form like my father's.
" So God created man in his own image."
11. Dak'iS'ago aho'ahe'dal
Dak'in'ago iiho'iihe'dal,
Dak'iu'iigo Uho'iihe'dal.
GA'dal-ga'ga iiho'iihe'dal,
Ga'dal-gS.'ga iiho'iihe'dal.
Do'm-ga'ga iiho'iihe'dal,
Do'm-gft'ga iiho'iihe'dal.
Translation
The spirit host is advancing, they say,
The spirit host is advancing, they say.
They are coming witli the buft'alo, they say,
They are coming with the buffalo, they say.
They are coming witli the (new) earth, tliey say.
They are coming with the (new) earth, they say.
12. E'HYU'SI nEGI'ATA
Allegro moderato.
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E'-hyun'-i de-gi'-a-ta, E'-hyuB'i de-gi'-ft ta; tsa'-hop a - a-he'-dal, tsS'-hop ii - a - be'-dal.
=1=
4=
ssJ
Ka lie'- gu'an-ta; fie'- gu'fin-ta; iia de'-gu'anta, de'-gu'ftn-ta; ga'-dal-gun t'an'-gyade-o'-ta,
I
r-
V- — *
q:4
-^*
^=4=1^
^^
^r-»—^r
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I
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g&'-dal-gun t'au'-gya de■o'-t,^, go' de - hi'-a- ta. de - hi'-a-ta, go' de - hi'-ii- ta, de - hi'-a-ta.
E'hyun'i degi'ftta,
E'hyuu'i degi'Sta.
Tsii'hop ii'ii'he'dal,
Tsii'hop ii'ii'he'dal.
Na de'gu'ilnta, de'gu'flnta; Na de'guTiuta, degu'auta;
Ga'dal-guu t'an'gya deo'ta,
Ga'dal-gun t'an'gya deo'ta.
Go' dehi'iita, dehi'iita.
Go' dehi'iita, dehi'iita.
MooNEY) SONGS OF THE KIOWA 1087
Trdnnlnlion
I am mashiiif; tliu Iieri'i<t8,
I am masliiui; tho berries.
They say travelers are ooniing on the march,
They say travelers are comiiij; on tho march.
I stir (the berries) arouud, I stir them around;
I take them up with a spoon of buD'alo horn,
I take them np with a spoon of buft'alo horn,
And I carry them, I carry them (to the strangers),
And I carry them, I carry them (to the strangers).
Thi.s song gives a pretty picture of the old Indian Lome life and hos-
pitality. In her dream the woman who composed it imagines herself
cooking fruit, when the word comes that travelers are approaching, the
verb implying that they are on the march with their children, dogs, and
household property. She stirs the berries around a few times more,
lifts them out with a spoon of buffalo horn, and goes to offer them to
the strangers. The translation is an exact paraphrase of the rhythmic
repetition of the original. The berry called ehyuiVi, "principal or bast
fruit," is not found in the present country of the Kiowa, but is remem-
bered among tlie pleasant things of their old home in the north. It is
described as a species of cherry.
13. Go'muya-da'ga
Go'mj{ya-dn'ga,
Go'mgyii-da'ga,
Do' nyii'zii'ngo,
Do' nyii'zii'ngo,
Go' da'gya inhii'po.
Go' da'gya inhii'po.
Translation
Tha' wind, that wind
Shakes my tipi, shakes my tipi,
And sings a song for me.
And sings a song for me.
To the familiar this little song brings up pleasant memories of the
prairie camp when the wind is whistling through the tipi poles and
blowing the flaps about, while inside the fire burns bright and the song
and the game go round.
14. Dak'iS'a i>aka'St.\hi-: dai,
Dak'in'a daka'ntiihe'diil,
Dak'in'a daka'ntiihe'diil.
Tsi'sfls-ii daka'ntiihe'dal,
Tsi'sfts-ii daka'ntiihe'dal.
Da'gya nyiipa'de,
Da'gya nyiipa'de.
Da'gya inatii'gyi,
Da'gya inatii'gyi.
14 KTII— PT 2 12!)
1088
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
Translation
God has had pity on us,
God has had pity on tis.
Jesus has taken pity on us,
Jesus has taken pity on ns.
He teaches nie a song,
He teaches me a song.
My song is a good one,
My song is a good one.
In tbeir confounding of aboriginal and Christian ideas the Kiowa
frequently call the Indian niessiah " Jesus," having learned tlie latter
as a sacred name through the whites.
1.5. AXSO' GY.iTX'TO
Allegro moderaio con spirito.
&'.dal>te'iu ga' - ta'-dal-to'-o'
Anso' gyata'to,
Anso' gyiitii'to;
A'dalte'ni ga'tii'dalto'-o',
A'dalte'm ga'tii'dalto'-o';
Animha'go, Aninihii'go.
Translation
I shall cot off his feet,
I shall cut off his feet;
I shall cut off his head,
I shall cut off his head ;
He gets up again, he gets up again.-
This is one of the favorite Kiowa ghost songs and refers to the
miraculous resurrection of the dismembered buftalo, according to the
promise of the messiah, as related in Sword's narrative. See page
797.
KIOWA GLOSSARY
Aahe'dal — they are coming, iti8 8aid(oa', I
come) ; the suffix hedal implies a report.
Add'ga — because I am; the suffix ga
gives the idea of because.
A'daltem- — head; literally hair bone, i. e.,
skull ; from d'dal, iiair, and tern, bone.
Adalto'yui — "young mountain sheep,''
literally "herders" or " corralers," one
of the degrees of the Kiowa military
organization. Also called Tenbegii'i.
(See Arapaho song 43.)
A'data'i — like my father, resembling my
father; from date'-i, father, my father.
Add'tode'yo' — he is standing watching
it; Udd'tode, I stand watching it.
Ade'tepo'nhd — I went to see my friends;
dde' teponbdta, I am going, etc; de'te,
friend.
KIOWA GLOSSARY
1089
Aguaiipo'nba — 1 went to see dancing;
iujiianponba'ta, I am going to see a
dunce; f^iinii, a dance.
Ahiiyii' — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
A'hiii-aih — in the tops of the Cottonwood ;
from Whin, Cottonwood, and aih, in or
on tlie tree tops.
Aho'iihe'dal — they arc approaching, it is
said (as a family on the move, or an
army on the marcli, with household
goods, etc) ; the suflix lieOal implies a
report or rumor. Aho'ii, I am coming
on, with my family and possessions.
Compare Imzd'nteiihr'dal.
Aho'ho! — an unmeaning exclamation used
in the songs.
Jfhtfa'to — the Kiowa name for the Arap-
aho, meaning unknown. The Kiowa
call the wild ]>]nm by the same name.
Aka'na — ior Aka' mi, q. v.
Aka'on — I am poor. The words for
"rich" and "poor" refer rather to
reputation and mental and moral ({uali-
ties than to temporal possessions. A
mau may own many horses, hut if he
has no war record he is accounted poor.
Animha'go — he gets up again, he rises
again. Deha'go, I rise; heha', get up;
imha'go, he will get up.
Ankan'gona — he pities us much ; gijdkaii'ti,
it is a pity. Compare Inkail'tahe'dal.
Ansa — feet; anao'i, foot.
A'nya'gdlo'nlc — I bellow like a buft'alo
(habitual) ; nydo'nto, I am bellowing
like a buft'alo.
Aomhe'dal — he was made so; do'mdatso'-
ha, I am made so, I am rendered thus.
A'piatail — "wooden stabber, or lance;"
the name of a Kiowa sent by his tribe
as a delegate to the messiah in 1890.
Asa'tito'la — "he whom we send to work,"
i.e., "the messenger;" the name by
which the Kiowa prophet, Bi'dnk'i, is
now known.
Alo'tl-e'dal — he was sent; gydto', I send
him.
Also' dalau' dal — I have wings (attached);
from tDodal, wing.
lid'ateii'yi — we cry and hold fa.st to him;
gyaicn'ta, I cry and hold fast to him.
liatv'yd — he is approaching; dba'tryd, I
am approaching. Compare Imzd'nted-
he'dal.
Be'a'md'nhdyi — stretch out your (plural)
hands in entreaty. Dea'munhd'go, I
stretch out, etc; bea"mdnhd, stretch
out your (singular vocative), etc.
Be'ddlgit'at — another Kiowa name for the
Wichita; signifying "painted or tat-
tooed lips;" from bedal, lips or mouth,
and guat, painted, tattooed, or written.
See Do'gu'at.
Be'ddlpago — " hairy mouths ; " one of the
Kiowa names for the whites; from
bedal, lips or mouth, pa, downy hair or
fuzz, and go or gua, the tribal terminal.
Compare I'a'ka'-i.
Beta.' — an exclamation about equivalent
to I see, T understand.
Bi'dnk'i — "eating man," "eater," a
Kiowa propliet and medicine-man ;
also known as Ana'tito'la, "the mes-
senger."
Botk'in'ago — the Kiowa name for the
Ad' nine' na or Arapaho Gros ventres.
The name signifies "belly people;"
from bot, belly or stomach, and k'iiiago,
people, from fc'tiioAi, "man."
Dd-e'dal — "great star;" from da, star,
and e'dal, great; one of the Kiowa
names for the morning star. It is
more commonly called Tainao, "the
cross." (See Arapaho song 72.)
Da'gya — a song.
Dakan'dthe'dal — another form of Inkan'td-
he'dal, ij. v.
Dak'iii'a — spirit, God; plural dak'in'ago;
from da-i, medicine, mystery, and k'ina
or k'iiiahi, man.
Dak'in'ago — spirits, the spirits ;"' spirit,
God, dak'iii'a.
Da'mdnhdgo — for Dea"m&nhd'go.
Ddsa — I have eyes; da, t'd, eye.
Da' ta-i — father.
Da'te — a long time.
Da'tekan — "keeps his name always,"
a Kiowa prophet about 1881, who un-
dertook to bring back the buft'alo.
Datsd'to — I pray for them; nt'ndatsd'to,
I pray for him.
Dea"mdiihd'go — I hold out my hands to-
ward him in entreaty. Compare iJe'o'-
md'nhayi.
De'beko'datad — let us all pray or worship,
we must all pray or worship ; deda'tsdto,
I pray.
De'dom — all the world; from dom, the
earth, and de, all, complete.
Degi'dta — I am mashing or pounding
it.
De'gu'dnta — I stir it around.
1090
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. U
De'ii/iiiyo mga — everylivini; creature; the
prefix (1e conveys the idea oi every or
all.
Dehi'ata — I take it.
De'imgo — look, everybody ! See, every-
body around ! The prefix de gives the
idea of everybody or all.
De'imha'date — everybody will arise; from
dehii, I rose up from a reclining posi-
tion. The prefix de gives tlie idea of
everybody, all, or completeness, accord-
ing to context.
Deo'ia — I lift it np, I raise it.
Z>o'— tipi.
Do'gn'at — the Kiowa name for the Wich-
ita, signifying " painted or tattooed
faces," from dobii, face, and gu'at, paint-
ed, engraved, or written.
Dom — the earth.
Dom-gdga — with the earth; gaga, with,
in composition.
Eha'eho'! — au unmeaning exclamaoiou
used in the songs.
E'hdyd! — ibid.
E'hguhi — "principal, real, orbestfrnit;"
a berry, probably a dwarf cherry, de-
scribed as a black grape like fruit
growing in clusters on bushes from 4 to
6 feet high, in the Sioux country. It
was eaten raw or mixed with pcmmi-
can.
E'manki'na — "can't hold it," a Kiowa
policeman, now dead, seen by Asatitola
in a vision.
E"peiia — "afraid of him," a Kiowa war-
rior who died while a prisoner at Fort
Marion, Florida, about 1875.
Ezii' ntedhe' dal — it is approaching, they
say. Compare Iima'ntedhe'dal.
Ezd'nteda'te — it will shake, or tremble
(impersonal).
Gd'dal-gd'ga — with the buffalo; giiga,
with, in composition; gddal, bufi'alo,
generic; pa, a buflfalo bull.
Gd'dal-gun — a bufl"alo horn; from gddal,
buffalo ; and gu'nti, horn.
Gatd'dalto — I shall cut it off, I am cut-
ting it off (present and future alike).
Go — and.
Go'mgijd-da'ga — that wind; iTomgomgyd,
wind, and daga, that, the, in composi-
tion.
Go'mtdyd — on (my) back; from gomtd OT
gombu, back.
Gtiadal — red.
Gu(in — ii dance.
Onan-d'dalka-i — "dance frenzy;" from
giiaii, a dance, and d'daika-i, crazy or
foolish ; the Kiowa name for the Ghost-
dance ecstasy.
Gu'ato — bird.
Oijako'm — life, living ;hita' dgyd'komta'iid,
I am alive.
Gydtd'to — I shall cut them oft'; gatd'dalto,
I cut it off.
Udon'yo, or .Ion' go — a cry of grief, espe-
cially at funerals.
Heye' heye' heyCheye! — anunmeaningexcla-
mation used in the songs.
Jmhd'go — he would get up, he would
arise. Compare Animhd'go.
Imzd'ntedhe'dal — they are approaching,
it is said ; from dezd'nted, I move about;
the termination hedal makes it a matter
of report or common belief, equivalent
to "they say." Compare Ezd'nted-
he'dal. The verb implies coming on
like a herd or company or like persons
on a march. The simple verb for ap-
proaching is dba'ted. Compare Bate'yd
and Aho'dhe'dal.
Inatd'gyi — it is a good one; from tdgya
or gydtd'gya, good.
Inhd'po or Inhdpa'de — he sings for me
(as if to teach me); dagya gehdpo, I
sing a song for him.
Inkan' take' dal — he has had pity on me;
irova gydkan'ti, (it is a) pity. Compare
Ankail'goiia.
Ka'ante — another form of Ka'on, poor.
Compare Aka'on.
Kditseil'ko — "principal, or real dogs ; " the
highest degree of the Kiowa military
organization. (See Arapaho song 43.)
Komse'ka-k'in'ahyup — the former Kiowa
name for the Arapaho. It signifies
" men of the worn-out leggings ; " from
kotnse, " cmoky, soiled, or worn-out,"
featt, " leggings," and A-' iii'oAi/«j), " men ."
Mdnsd'dal — I have hands or arms ; mdtito,
hand, arm.
Ma'sep — the Kiowa name for the Caddo,
signifying "pierced noses;" from ma-
k'on, nose, and sep, the root of a verl)
signifying to pierce or sew with an awl.
Xa — I, my; sometimes put before the
verb to make it emphatic.
Na ddd'ga — because I am (emphatic) ;
from va, I, my, and ddd'ga (q. v.), be-
cause I am.
MOONKV)
KIOWA GLOSSARY
1091
Xada'n — fur \a iidd'ffa, q. v.
XijaiVmo — he will ;rivo it tome; ni/and'mo,
I Hliall give it. to him. There are a
number of verlis for yire, accoriling to
the iiatnre of the thing given.
2s'j/a'lio<inga'ino^he shows or tells mo tlie
road; nyiinhoiinga'mo, I show hlni the
road; hoAn, road.
Nijdongum — I scream ; from ano'nde, it
screams, or makes utterance with the^
mouth.
Nijiipa'de — for liihu'po or Inhdpa'de, q. v.
Nuazungo — it shakes mine; Umii'ngo, it
shakes his.
O'mda — I have a shape or form (implying
a, likeness, as a'data'-i o'mda, I have a
form like. my father's).
Pa-gu adal — "red buffalo;" from pa, a
buffalo bull, a.\\i\gii'adal, red. A Kiowa
man, the author of one of the Ghost-
dance songs.
Fa'-ingija — "standing in the middle;"
a Kiowa prophet who, in 1887, preached
the speedy destruction of the whites
and the return of the buffalo.
Polan'yup —" rabbits ; " the lowest degree
of the Kiowa military organization.
(See Arapaho song 48.)
Sa'hv — green. (See Arapaho song 64.)
Sak'o'ta — t\ie Kiowa name for the Chey-
enne; the word seems to refer to "bit-
ing."
SeZ-i'ttiii'ti—" white bear," a noted Kiowa
chief, about 1865-1875. The name
comes from set, bear, t'ain, white, and
/i, the personal suffix.
Soda'ie — he will descend; iiso'ta, I de-
scend.
Tagya'ko — the Kiowa name for the Na'-
kasine na or northern Arapaho.- The
word has the same meaning, "sage-
bush people," from tiigiji, "sage
brush," and to, the tribal suffix.
Faii'ieo — the morning star; literally "the
cross ; " it is sometimes also called Dd-
e'dal, the "great star." (See Arapaho
song 43.)
Ta'kn'-i — one of the Kiowa names for
the whites; the word means literally
" prominent ears, or cars sticking out."
as compared with the ears of the Indian,
which are partly concealed by his long
hair. The same name is also applied
to a mule or donkey. Compare lie'dal-
pa'go.
Tdlyi — a boy.
Tai'igya — a spoon; under certain circum-
stances the suffix gyd is dropped and
the word becomes Va.
Tan'peko — sknnkberry (f) peo|>le; one
of the degrees of the Kiowa mili-
tary organization. (See Arapalio song
43.)
Tefi'beyiii — "young mountain sheep,"
another name for the Adalto'yiii, q. v.
Ton — tail; git' alo-loii, hid tail; frequently
used to denote a fan or headdress made
of the tail featliers of an eagle, hawk,
or other bird.
Tongyd-gu'adal — "red tail ;" the name of
a Kiowa man; from ton or tongyd, tail,
and gu'adal, red.
Toiikon'go — "black legs," one of the
degrees of the Kiowa military organiza-
tion. (See Arapaho song 43).
To'nsddal — I have legs; from toiiti, leg.
Tsd'hop — mover8,emigrants (moving with
household goods, etc). The word has
no singular form.
TsdiVyui — "rabbits;" another name for
the Poldn'yup degree of the Kiowa mili-
tary organization. (See Arapaho song
43.)
Tacfiidn'mo — horse headdress people (t),
one of the degrees of the Kiowa mili-
tary organization. (See Arapaho song
43.)
Tsi'stis (Tsi'sAs-d) — Jesus.
Tsoh — an awl.
Tsofi'-d — the awl game. (See Arapaho
song 64.)
Td"pdhe — soldiers; the military organ-
ization of the Kiowa. (See Arapaho
song 43.)
1092 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.ann.14
THE CADDO AND ASSOCIATED TEIBES
CADDO TRIBAL SYNONYMY
Asinais — an old French name, from Hasinai.
Caddo — popular name, from Ka'dohada'cJio.
C'adodaquio — Joutel (1687), another form of KU'dohadd'cho.
Cents — old French name u.sed by Joutel in 1687; from Sasinai.
Dd'aha-i — Wichita name.
De'sa — another form of Da'aha-i.
Basi'nai or Sasi'ni — the proper generic term for at least the principal Caddo divi-
sions, and perhaps for all of them. It is also used by them as synonymous with
" Indians."
Ku'dohdda'cho — the name of the Caddo proper, as used by themselves.
Ma'se'p — Kiowa name; "pierced nose," from mak'on, nose, and sep, the root of a verb
signifying to pierce or sew with an awl.
Na'shomt or Na'thoni — Comanche name, frequently used also by the neighboring
tribes to designate the Caddo; the Nassonite of the early French writers on
Texas.
Nez Ferc4 — French traders' name; "pierced nose."
Ni'rU-hari'a-kVriki — another Wichita name.
Ota's-itd'niuiv' — Cheyenne name; "pierced nose people."
Tani'banen, Tani'bdnenina, Tani'batha — Arapahoname; "pierced nose people," tani,
nose.
CADDO TRIBAL SIGN
" Pierced nose," in allusion to their former custom of boring the nose
for the insertion of a ring.
SKETCH OF THE CADDO
The Caddo are the principal southern representatives of the Caddoan
stock, which includes also the Wichita, Kichai, Pawnee, and Arikara.
Tlieir confederacy consisted of about a dozen tribes or divisions, claim-
ing as their original territory the whole of lower Red river and
adjacent country in Louisana, eastern Texas, and southern Arkansas.
The names of these twelve divisions, including two of foreign origin,
have been preserved as follows:
Kd'dohada'cho (Caddo proper).
Nddd'ko (Auadarko).
Mai'-nai floni).
Nd'hai-dd'cho (Nabedache).
Na'hohodo'tsi (Nacogdoches).
Ndshi'tosh (Natchitoches).
Na'kana'wan.
Hddai'-i (Adai, Adaize).
Hai'-Uh (Eyeisli, Aliche, Aes).
Yd'tdsi.
I'mdha — a band of Omaha, or perhaps more probably Kwapa, who
lived with the Kii'dohada'cho, but retained their own distinct language.
MooNKY] SKETCH OF THE CADDO 1093
There are still a few living with the Caddo, but they retain only the
name. It will be remembered that when the Caddo lived in eastern
Louisiana the Arkansas or Kwapa were their nearest neighbors on the
north, and these Iniaha may have been a part of the Kwapa who lived
" up stream " ( IT'manlian) on the Arkansas. The Caddo call the Omaha
tribe by the same name.
Yowa'ni — originally a band of the Heyowani division of the Choctaw.
They joined the Caddo a long time ago, probably about the time the
Choctaw began to retire across tlie Mississippi before the whites.
Some few are still living with the Caddo and retain their distinct
language. There is evidence that some Koasati ( Cooshatties) were
mixed with them.
The Ka'dohadii'cho seem to be recognized as the principal Caddo
division, and the generic term liaHt'nui by which the confederates desig-
nate themselves is sometimes regarded as belonging more properly to
the three divisions first named. According to their own statements
some of the dialects spoken by the several divisions were mutually
unintelligible. At present the Kadohadiicho and Jsiidiiko are the rul-
ing dialects, while the Niibaidacho, Nakohodotsi, Hftdai'-i, and Hai'-Ish
are practically extinct. The Kichai, Bidai, and Akokisa, who for-
merly lived near the Caddo oti the eastern border of Texas, did not
belong to the confederacy, although at least one of these tribes, the
Kichai, is of the same stock and is now on the same reservation.
The Caddo have ten gen tes : iV^a'(Fotei, Bear; Tax Aw, Wolf; Ta'ndM,
Buffalo; Ta'o, Beaver; J««, Eagle; 0«y,llaccoon; KaU/aih, Grow; Ka'gd-
/«<(H/n, Thunder; Kishi,V anther; /ShAo, Sun. The Bear gens is the most
numerous. The Buffalo gens is sometimes called also Koho' or Alliga-
tor, because both animals bellow in the same way. These of a partic-
ular gens will not kill the animal from which the gens takes it^s name,
and no Caddo in the old times would kill either an eagle or a panther,
although they were not afraid to kill the bear, as are so many of the
western tribes. The eagle might be killed, however, for its feathers by
a hunter regularly initiated and consecrated for that purpose.
The original home of the Caddo was on lower Red river in Louisiana.
According to their own tradition, which has parallels among several
other tribes, they came up from under the ground through the mouth
of a cave in a hill which they call Gha' kant'nd, ''The place of crying,"
on a lake close to the south bank of Eed river, just at its junction
with the Mississippi. In those days men and animals were all brothers
and all lived together under the ground. But at last they discovered
the entrance to the cave leading vip to the surface of the earth, and so
they decided to ascend and come out. First an old man climbed up,
carrying in one hand fire and a pipe and in the other a drum. After
him came his wife, with corn and jiumpkin seeds. Then followed the
rest of the people and the animals. All intended to come out, but as
soon as the wolf had climbed up he closed the hole, and shut up the
1094 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.anx.14
rest of the people and animals under tlie ground, where they still
remain. Those who had come out sat down and cried a long time for
their friends below, hence the name of the place. Because the Caddo
came out of the ground they call it iniV, mother, and go back to it
when they die. Because they have had the pipe and the drum and the
corn and pumpkins since they have been a people, they hold fast to
these things and have never thrown them away.
From this place they spread out toward the west, following up the
course of Eed river, along which they made their principal settlements.
For a long time they lived on Caddo lake, on the boundary between
Louisiana and Texas, their principal village on the lake being called
Sha' chidi'ni, "Timber hill." Their acquaintance with the whites began
at a very early period. One of their tribes, the Niidiiko, is mentioned
under the name of Nandacao in the narrative of De Soto's expedition
as early as 1540. The Kadohadiicho were known to the French as early
as 1687. The relations of the Caddo with the French and Spaniards
were intimate and friendly. Catholic missions were established among
them about the year 1700 and continued to exist until 1812, when the
missions were suppressed by the Spanish government and the Indians
were scattered. In the meantime Louisiana had been purchased by the
United States, and the Caddo soon began to be pushed away from their
ancient villages into the western territory, where they were exposed to
the constant inroads of the prairie tribes. From this time their decline
was rapid, and the events of the Texan and Mexican wars aided still fur-
ther in their demoralization. They made their first treaty with the
United States in 1835, at which time they were chiefly in Louisiana,
southwest of Eed river and adjoining Texas. They afterward removed
to Brazos river in Texas, and to Washita river in Indian Territory in
1859. When the rebellion broke out, the Caddo, not wishing to take
up arms against the government, fled north into Kansas and remained
there until the close of the war, when they returned to the Washita.
Their present reservation, which they hold only by executive order and
jointly with the Wichita, lies iietween Washita and Canadian rivers in
western Oklahoma, having the Cheyenne and Arapaho on the north
and west and the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache on the south. In
1893 they numbered 507.
In person the Caddo are rather smaller and dai'ker than the neigh-
boring prairie tribes, and from their long residence in Louisiana, they
have a considerable admixture of French blood. They are an agricul-
tural tribe, raising large crops of corn, pumpkins, and melons, and still
retaining industrious habits in spite of their many vicissitudes of for-
tune. They were never buffalo hunters until they came out on the
plains. They formerly lived in conical grass houses like the Wichita,
but are now in log houses and generally wear citizen's dress excepting
in the dance. The old custom which gave rise to the name and tribal
sign of "Pierced Xose" is now obsolete. In 1806 Sibley said of them,
"They are brave,, despise danger or death, and boast that they have
M(v.NKY] THE WICHITA, KICHAI, AND DELAWARE 1095
never slied wliite iiian's blood." Their former enemies, the prairie tribes,
bear witness to their bravery, and their friendship toward tlie whites
is a part of their history, but has resulted in no great advantage to
themselves, as they have been dispossessed from their own country and
are recognized only as tenants at will in their present location.
They and the Wichita received the new doctrine from the Arapaho,
and were soon among its most earnest adherents, notwithstanding the
fact that they were regarded as the most advanced of all the tribes iu
that part of the country. It may be that their history had led them to
feel a special need of a niessiah. They have been hard and constant
dancers, at one time even dancing in winter when there was nearly a
foot of snow upon the ground. Their first songs were those which they
had heard from the Arapaho, and sang in corrupted form, with only a
general idea of their meaning, but they now have a number of songs
in their own language, some of which are singularly pleasing in melody
and sentiment.
THE WICHITA, KICHAI, AND DELAWARE
Closely associated with the Caddo on the same reservation are the
Wichita, with their subtribes, the Tawakoni and Waco, numbering
together 31G iu 1893; the Delaware, numbering 94, and the Kiehai
(Keechies), numbering only 52. Of these, all but the Delaware, who
are Algonquian, belong to the Caddoan stock. The Wichita and their
subtribes, although retaining in indistinct form the common Caddoan
tradition, claim as their proper home the Wichita mountains, near
whict they still remain. Sixty years ago their principal village was
on the north side of the north fork of Red river, a short, distance
below the mouth of Elm creek, in Oklahoma. They live in conical
grass houses and, like the other tribes of the stock, are agricultural.
They call themselves Ki'tiJcUi'nh — they are called Taire'hash by the
Caddo and Kiehai — and are known to most of their other neighbors
and in the sign language as the "Tattooed People" (J)o' Mntf, Coman-
che; Do'gu'at, Kiowa), from an old custom now nearly obsolete. For
the same reason and from their lesemblance to the Pawnee, with whose
language their own has a close connection, the French called them
rani Pique's.
The Kiehai or Keechie, or Ki'tscish, as they call themselves, are a
small tribe of the same stock, and claim to have moved up Red river
in company with the Caddo. Their language is different from that of
any of their neighbors, but approaches the Pawnee.
The Delaware are a small band of the celebrated tribe of that name.
They removed from the east and settled with the main body in Kansas,
but drifted south into Texas while it was still Spanish territory. After
a long series of conflicts with the American settlers of Texas, before
and after the Mexican war, they were Hnally taken under the protec-
tion of the ITnited States government and assigned to their present
reservation along with other emigrant tribes from that state.
1096
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. U
SONGS OF THE CADDO
1. IIa'yo ta'ia' a'a'
Nii'nisa'na, Nii'nisa'na,
Ha'yo tfi'ia' TiTi',
Ha'yo til'ia' a'a',
Na'wi hft'ia' i'lia',
Na'wi ha'ia' i'nil'.
Translation
yd'nisa'na, J^a'nisa'na,
Our father dwells above,
Onr father dwells above,
Our mother dwells below,
Our mother dwells below.
" Our mother" here refers to the earth.
2. WO'nti ha'yano' di'witi'a
Moderato.
I'n-ti ba'-ya' - no
yo', wft'n-ti ha'-ya'-no ta'-i - a' ha'-j'o'.
Nii'nisa'na, nii'nisa'na,
Wfl'nti ha'yano' di'witi'a ha'yo',
Wft'nti ha'yano' di'witi'a ha'yo',
A'il ko'ia' ha'yo',
A'a ko'ia' ha'yo',
Wft'nti ha'ya'no ta'-ia' ha'yo',
Wft'nti ha'ya'no ta'-ia' ha'yo'.
Translation
Nii'nisa'na, nii'nisa'na,
All onr people are going up,
All our people arc going up.
Above to where the father dwells.
Above to where the father dwells.
Above to where our people live,
Above to where our people live.
MOONKT] SONGS OF THE CADDO 1097
3. NC'NA I'TSIYA'
He'yawo'ya ! He'yawo'yii !
Nft'na I'tsiya' si'bocha'ha',
Nft'na I'tsiya' si'boclia'lia',
Wft'nti ha'yano' ha'nin jjfl'kwft'ts-a',
Wft'nti ha'yano' ha'uin gfi'kwft'ts-a',
He'yahe'eye' ! He'yahe'eye' !
Translation
He'yawe'ya! Me'yawe' i/a.'
I have eome because I want to see them,
I have come because I want to see tliem,
The people, all my children,
The people, all my children.
He'yahe'eye ! He'yahe'eye !
This song was composed by a woman named Nyu'taa. According
to her story, she saw in her trance a large company approaching, led
by a man who told her he was the Father and that he was coming
because he wished to see all his children.
4. Na'tsiwa'ya
Na'tsiwa'ya, na'tsiwa'ya,
Na' ika' — Wl'ahe'e'ye',
Na' ika' — Wl'ahe'e'ye',
Wi'ahe'e'ye'ye'yeahe'ye',
Wi'ahe'e'ye'ye'yeahe'ye'.
Translation
I am coming, I am coming.
The grandmother from on high, Wl'ahe'e'ye',
The grandmother from on high, Wl'ahe'e'ye',
Wl'ahe'e'ye' ye' yeake' ye' ,
Wi'ahe'e'ye'ye'yeahe'ye'!
This song also was composed by the woman i^yn'taa. In her trance
vision she fell asleei) and seemed (still in the vision) to be awakened
by the noise of a storm, when she looked and saw approaching her the
Storm Spirit, who said to her, " I come, the grandmother from on high."
The Caddo call thunder the "grandmother above" and the sun the
"uncle above."
5. Na'-IYK' INO' (iA'NIo'siT
Wa'hiya'ne, wa'hiya'ue,
Na'-lye' ino' ga'nio'sit,
Na'-iye' ino' ga'nio'sit.
Wa'hiya'ne, wa'hiya'ne.
Translation
Wa'hiya'ne, wa'hiya'ne,
My sister above, she is painted,
My sister above, she is painted.
Wa'hiya'ne, wa'hiya'ne.
1098 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION . [eth.asn.U
This is another song composed by Nyu'taa, who herself explained it.
In this trance vision she saw a spirit woman painted with blue stripes
on her forehead and a crow on her chin, who told her that she was
"her sister, the Evening Star." While singing this song Nyu'taa was
sitting near me, when she suddenly cried out and went into a spasm of
trembling and crying lasting some minutes, lifting up her right hand
toward the west at the same time. Such attacks were so common
among the women at song rehearsals as frequently to interfere with
the work, although the bystanders regarded them as a matter of course
and took only a passing notice of these incidents.
6. Na'a ha'yo ha'waxo
Na'nisa'na, nii'nisa'iia,
Na'a ha'yo ha'wano,
Na'a ha'yo ha'wano.
Translation
Na'nisa'na, na'nisa'na,
Our father above (has) paint,
Our father above (has) paint.
This refers to the sacred paint used by the participants in the Ghost
dance, and which is believed to confer health and the power to see
visions.
7. WC'nti ha'yaxo ka'ka'na'
Niinisa'ua, niiuisa'na,
Wft'uti ha'yaiio ka'ka'na' ni tsiho',
Wft'uti ha'yano ka'ka'na' ni"t8iho',
Aa' ko'ia' ta'-ia' ha'yo',
Aa' ko'ia' ta'-ia' ha'yo'.
Translation
Na'nisa'na, niinisa'na,
All the people cried when I returned,
All the people cried when I returned,
Where the father dwells above,
Where the father dwells above.
This song was composed by a girl who went up to the spirit world
and saw there all her friends, who cried when she started to leave them
again.
8. Na'wi i'na
Nii'nisa'na, nii'nisa'na,
E'yahe'ya, e'yahe'ya, he'e'ye' !
E'yahe'ya, e'yahe'ya, he'e'ye'!
Na'wi i'na ha'yo ii'S — He'yoi'ya, he'e'ye'!
Na'wi i'na ha'yo a'it — He'yoi'ya, he'e'ye'!
TranxJalion
Nii'nisa'na, na'nisa'na,
E'yahe'ya, e'yahe'ya, he'e'ye'!
E'yahe'ya, e'yahe'ya, he'e'ye'!
We have our mother below; wo have our father abovo — He'yoi'ya, he'e'ye'!
We have our mother below; we have our father above —He'yoi'ya, he'e'ye'!
Moc.NEv] SONGS OK THE CADDO 1099
This song was coin])ose(l by a woman named Nialia'no', wVio used to
have fre<iueiit trances in which she would talk with departed Caddo
and bring back messages from them to their friends. "Our mother
below" is the eartli. (See page 109(5.)
9. Ni' IK a' na'a
Ni' ika' na'u ha'na',
Ni' ika' na'a ba'na';
Na'a-a' ha'na',
Na'a-a' ha'na'.
Translation
There are our grandmother and our father above,
There are our grandmother and our father above;
There is our father above,
There is our father above.
By " grandmother" is meant the storm spirit or thunder. (See Caddo
song 4.)
10. Hi'na ha'natobi'na
Hi'na ha'natobi'na i'wi-na',
Hi'ua ha'natobi'na i'wi-na',
Na' iwi' i'wi-na',
Na' iwi' i'wi-na';
Na'nana' ha'taha',
Na'nana' ha'taha'.
> Translation
The eagle feather headdress from above.
The eagle feather headdress from above.
From the eagle above, from the eagle above ; ^
It is that feather we wear.
It is that featlier we wear.
This refers to the eagle leather worn on the heads of the dancers.
(See song number 12.) This song is in the Haiuai dialect.
11. Na' Xa' o'wi'ta'
Na' &a' o'wi'ta',
Na' aa' o'wi'ta',
Na' kiwa't Hai'-nai',
Na' kiwa't Hai'-nai'.
Translation
The father comes from above.
The father comes from above,
From the homo of the Hai-uai above.
From the home of the Hai-nai above.
This song, like the last, was comi>osed by one of the Hai-nai tribe,
and refers to the silent majority of the band in the spirit world.
1100 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eth.aito.u
12. Na' iwi' o'wi'ta'
do'-hya di'-wa - bo'u na' na' i-wi' o'-wi'-ta'; na'-ha' iia'-da-ka'>a', na'-lia' ua'-da-ka'-a'.
Na' iwi' o'wi'ta',
Na' iwi' o'wi'ta';
Do'hya di'wabo'n na' na' iwi' o'wi'ta',
Do'hya di'wabo'n na' na' iwi' o'wi'ta';
Na'ba' na'daka'a', Na'lia' na'daka'a'.
Tranalation
See ! tlie eagle comes,
See I the eagle comes ;
Now at last we see him — look! look! the eagle comes,
Now at last we see him — look! look! the eagle comes;
Now we see him with the people,
Now we see him with the people.
This refers to what the Caddo call the "return of the eagle feathers"
in the Ghost dance. With the Caddo, as with other tribes, the eagle is
a sacred bird, and in the old times only the few medicine-men who knew
the sacred formula would dare to kill one for the feathers. Should any-
one else kill an eagle, his family would die or some other great misfor-
tune would come upon him. The formula consisted of certain secret
prayers and ritual performances. Among the Cherokee the eagle
killer's prayer was a petition to the eagle not to be revenged upon the
tribe, because it was not an Indian, but a Spaniard, who had killed
him — an indication of the vivid remembrance in which the cruelty of
the early Spaniards was held among the southern tribes. To further
guard against the anger of the eagles, the Cherokee eagle killer, on his
return to the village, announced that he had killed, not an eagle, but a
snowbird, the latter being too small and insignificant to be dreaded.
The eagle-killing ceremony among the northern prairie tribes has been
already described under Arapaho song 47. The Caddo eagle killer
always took with him a robe or some other valuable offering, and after
shooting the eagle, making the prayer, and pulling out the tail and
wing feathers he covered the body with the robe and left it there as a
I)eace offering to the spirit of the eagle. The dead eagle was never
brought home, as among the Cherokee. The last man of the Caddo
who knew the eagle-killing ritual died some years ago, and since then
they have had to go without eagle feathers or buy them from the Kiowa
and other tribes. Since Sitting Bull came down and " gave the feather"
SONGS OF THE CADDO
1101
to the leaders of the dance the prohibition is removed, and men and
women alike are now at liberty to get and wear eagle feathers as
they will.
13. A'nana' iiANA'Nrro'
A'naiia' liana uito' iii'ahu'na — He eye'!
A'nana' bana'nito' ni'ahu'na — Be'eye'.'
A'nana'sa'na' ? A'nana'sa'ua' ?
Ha'yo lia'nitu' ni'ahu'na — He'ei/e!
Ha'yo ha'nitu' ni'ahu'na — He'e'ye!
A'nana'sa'na' ? A'ana'sa'na' f
Tranitlation
The feather has come back from al)ove — He e.'ye'!
The feather has come back from above — He'e'ye'!
Is he doing it? Is he tloing itf
The feather has returned from on liigh — He'e'ye!
The feather has returned from on high — He'e'ye'!
Is he doing it? Is he doing it?
This refers to the return of the eagle feathers, as noted in the pre-
ceding song. The question " Is he doing it?" is equivalent to asking,
"Is this the work of the father?" — an affirmative answer being under-
stood.
14. Na' iwi' ha'naa'
Na' iwi' ha'naa',
Na' iwi' ha'naa';
> Wft'nti ha'yano' na'nia'sana',
Wft'nti ha'yano' na'nia'sana'.
Na'ha na'ui'asa',
Na'ha na'ui'asa.
Translation
There is an eagle above,
I There is an eagle above;
All the iieople are using it,
All the people are using it.
See ! They use it,
See ! They use it.
This song also refers to the use of eagle feathers in the dance.
15. Wi'tP' Ha'sini'
3^^
E'-ye • he' ! Nii'-iii -8a' - na, E'-ye - lie' I Js'ii'-ni • aa' - na. AVi' - tfl' Ha
^-9
^'-=i=i^
^^^gEgEJgE^^^lE^^
di' - wi - ti'
- a', VfV - tQ' Ha' - >i - ui' di' • wl - ti' - a' - a'
ki'-wat ha'-i ■ me' He'-
1102
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. U
^^^^S
T=:f
^i==i-
q=F:
-* — 0-
3 it:
-ttzii
-A — p^— (-
e' - ye' I Ki-wat lia' - i - nu'' Tie' ■ e' - ye'! Na'-lia-yo' na', Na'-lia-yo' iia' • ii' - ft' k«'-i -ii',
~7i I l-f
-^—»-zi-4—0-
^.=T
^ZIMZJZMZZMZ
-"S=t?
He'
e' - ye' ! I' ■ ua ko' - ift',
He'
ye'! I' ■ na ko' - iS',
e' - ye' !
E'yehe'! Nii'nisana,
E'yehe'! Nii'nisa'na.
Wi'tu' Ha'siui' di'witi'a'a'.
Wi'tu' Ha'sini' di'witi'a'a'
Ki'wat ha'-ime' — He'e'ye'!
Ki' wat ha'-ime' — He'e'ye' !
Xa'hayo' na',
Na'hayo' na'ft'ii' ko'ia' — He'e'ye'!
I'ua ko'iil' — He'e'ye'!
I'na ko'ia — He'e'ye'!
Translation
E'yehe' .' Nd'nisa'na,
E'yehe' ! Xii'uisa'na.
Come on, Caddo, we are all goin;; up,
Come on, Caddo, we are all goinj;' np
To the {treat village — He'e'ye'.'
To the great village — He'e'ye'!
With onr father above,
With our father above whero he dwells on high — He'e'ye'.'
Where our mother dwells — He'e'ye' .'
Where our mother dwells — He'e'ye' .'
The sentiment and swinging tune of this spirited song make it one of
the favorites. It encourages the dancers in the hope of a speedy re-
union of the whole Caddo nation, living and dead, in the "great village"
of their father above, and needs no further explanation.
CADDO GLOSSARY
Ad — father.
Ad Kaki'mbatviut — "the prayer of all to
the Father; " from aa, the Father, i. e.,
God, anil tnimba'dikii, I pray ; the Ghost
dance, also called Xd'niaa'na Gao'ahdn,
Nii'nisa'na dance.
A'nana — for Nana .
A'nanasa'na — for Xana'sana.
Ba'hakosXn — "striped arrows, " fromftaA,
arrow; tlie Caddo name for the Chey-
enne. They sometimes call them Sid'-
ndbo, from their Comanche name.
Cha"kani'na — " the place of crying;" the
traditional firstsettlementof the Caddo
tribes, where they came up out of the
ground, at the mouth of Red river, on
the south bank, in Louisiana.
Detse-ka'ydd — "dog eaters;" the Caddo
name for the Arapaho.
Di'wabon — we see him; isibo'nd, I see
him.
Di'lviti'd — we are all going up, we shall
all ascend ; isiduV , I ascend.
Do'hya — now, at once.
E'yahe'ya! — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
E'yehe'.' — ibid.
Ganio'sU — he (she) is painted; atsfno'slt,
I paint myself.
Oao'shdn — atlance; ga'fsiosh^n, I dance.
UAI V JBXVdii- X^
[U
TOV.'&
MOONBY]
CADDO GLOSSARY
1103
Gu'kiouts — my (plural); gukwu'nda, my
(singular); ha'nin gH'kwuts, my chil-
dren.
Bit' -in — lie (slie) dwells there hclow.
Coni])are Ko'Ut.
Ha'-imi — lingo.
Sai'-nai — .a tribe of the Caddo confed-
eracy.
nd'naiX or Ild'nti — there ho is ! that is he !
Ba'nani'lo — this feather, the feather;
vi'loh, feather; ka'taha, feather (ge-
neric).
Ba'naiohi'na — a fcatlior headdress;
feathers prepared to wear on the head.
Ba'nin — children.
Ba'nilu — for Ni'ioh.
Basi'ni or Basi'nai — the Caddo ; the gen-
eric name used by themselves.
Ba'taha — feather (generic); nttoh,
feather (specific).
Ba'waiio — paint.
na'yano — people.
Ea'yo—ahovn, on high. Compare ^b-
ha'iio.
Be'eye'! — an unmeaning exclamation
used in the songs.
He'i/ahc'eye'.' — ibid.
Be' yawe' ya ! — ibid.
Be'yoi'ya ! — ibid.
Bi'na — eagle feathers.
Bia — grandmother; a term sometimes
applied to tho thunder or storm spirit.
Ind' — mother; na inu', mother above.
I'taxya — I have come; haiai'us, I come.
I'wi — eagle; also the name of a Caddo
gen a.
Ka'guhun'in — thunder; a Caddo gens.
Ka'ij'aih — crow; a Caddo gens.
Kaka'na — they cried; ha'tsikaka's, I cry.
Ka'ntai — "cheats;" the Caddo name for
the Kiowa Apache, Lipan, and Mescal-
ero.
Jii'shi — panther; a Caddo gens.
Kiwa'i — village, town, settlement.
Koho' — alligator; another name for the
Ta'nnhit or Buffalo gens of the Caddo.
Ko'iti — wliere ho dwells above; td'-Ui, he
dwells above; datsii'd, I dwell above.
Na — see! look! now! — also coming
down from above, as iwi-na, the eagle
coming down from above.
Kdd' — father above, i. e., God; from dd',
father, and na, above, on high.
Na'daka — with the people.
Nalid' — that's all! now you see! there
now !
14 ETH— PT 2 30
Naha'yo — up, above, tlie plural of lla'yo.
Baai'ni diwlti'a na'liayQ, all tho Caddo
arc going up, everybody of the Caddo
is going up.
Na-iye' — sister above; from no, above,
in composition, and iye', sister.
Ndnd' or Nd'ndtul' — that one (demonstra-
tive).
Nana'sana — io he making itf
Xa'ni'asa — they are using it; ha'ttina'aa,
I use it.
Na'nia'aana — for Na'ni'asa.
Nd'nisa'na — an Arapaho word, adopted
by tho Caddo in tho Ghost-dance songs
and meaning " my children."
NU'niaa'na gao'shdn — "Niinisana dance,"
one of tho Caddo names for the Ghost
dance, from gao'uhdn, a dance, and nd-
nisa'na {i\. v.), an Arapaho word which
forms the burden of so many Arapaho
Ghost-dance songs. It is also called
Ad KakV mhawi&t, "the prayer of all to
the Father."
Na'tsiiva'ija — I am coming.
Na'ivi — below; ha'yo, above.
Nawoisi — bear; a Caddo gens.
Ni — a syllable prefixed merely to fill in
the meter.
Niahu'na — for Ni'tahu'nt.
Xi'tahti'nt — it has returned. It has come
back; tsitsiha'nd, I return; NV'Uiho,
when I returned.
Ni'toh — feather ( s p e c i fi c ) ; ha'talia,
feather (generic).
Ni"isilio — when I returned. Compare
Ni'tahu'nt.
Nu'na — because.
O'dt — raccoon; a Caddo gens.
O'wita — he comes; a'tsiua, I come.
Sha"chadi'ni — "Timber hill," a former
Caddo settlement on Caddo lake,
Louisiana.
Si'bocha'ha — I want to see them ; hatsi'bos,
I see.
Suko — sun; a Caddo gens.
Td'-id — he dwells above. Compare
Ko'id.
Ta'ndhd — buffalo; a Caddo gens.
Ta'o — beaver; a Caddo gens.
TaxAn — wolf ; a Caddo gens.
Tsaha'koah — cut-throats ; the Caddo name
for tho Sioux.
IVa'hiya'nc! — an unmeaning exclamation
used in tho songs.
Wi'ahe'cye'! — ibid.
Wi'tii ! — come on ! get ready.
Wii'nti — all of them.
AUTHORITIES CITED
~Nv Adjutant-General's Office [A. G. 0.].—
(Documents on file iu the ofJBoo of the
Adjutant-General, iu the War Depart-
ment at Washington, where each is
officially designated by its number,
followed by the initials A. G. O. In
response to specific inquiries additional
informatiou was received iu letters from
the same of5Bce and incorporated into
the narrative.)
1 — Report of Captain J. M. Lee, on the aban-
donment of Fort Bidwell, California (1890),
Doc. 16633-1, 1890; 2— Documents relating to the
Apache outbreak, 1881; 3 — Documents relating
to Sword-bearer and the Crow outbreak, 1887;
4 — Captain J. M. Lee, abandonment of Fort
Bidwell, Doc. 16633-1, 1890; 5— Report on the
Ghost dance, by Lieutenant H. L. Scott, Feb-
ruary 10, 1891, Doc. ; 6— Report on the
abandonment of Fort Bidwell, by Captain J.
M. Lee, Doc. 166,13-1, 1890; 7— Statement of
Judge H. L. Spargur in Lee'a report on Fort
Bidwell, Doc. 16633-1, 1890; 8- Letters of As-
sistant Adjutant-General Corbin and Quarter-
master-General Batchelder ; 9— Affidavits with
Lee's report on the abandonment of Fort Bid-
well, Doc. 16633-1, 1890.
Albany Institute. See MacMurray.
Allis, Rer. Samuel. Forty Years Among
the Indians and on the Eastern Borders
of Nebraska. (Transactions and Re-
ports of the Nebraska State Historical
Society, II. Lincoln, Nebraska, 1887.
8°. 133-166.)
1—135.
American Anthropologist. See Phister.
American Ethnology and Archaeology,
Journal of. See Bandelier.
Archaeological Institute of America,
Report of. See Bandelier.
Bancroft, G. History of the United States
of America, from the discovery of the
continent. The author's last edition.
New York, 1884. 8°.
1— II, 371; 2— II, 378; 3— II, 463.
Bandelier, A. F. Documentary history of
the Zuni tribe. (Journal of American
Ethnology and Archteology, ill. Boston
and New York, 1892. 4°.)
la -103-115.
1104
Bandelier, A. F. — Continued.
Final report of investigations among
the Indians of the southwestern United
States, Part II. (Papers of the
ArchiFoIogical Institute of America,
American Series, IV. Cambridge, 1892.
8°.)
1 b— 62.
Barclay, Robert. The inner life of the
religious societies of the common-
wealth; considered principally with
reference to the influence of church
organization on the spread of Chris-
tianity. London, 1876. 8°.
Bartlett, C. H. Letter to the Bureau of
Ethnology, dated October 29, 1895.
Bible. The Holy Bible, containing the
Old and New Testaments; translated
out of the original tongues, etc. New
York (American Bible Society), 1870.
12°.
Bourke, Capt. J. G. The medicine-men
of the Apache. (Ninth Annual Report
of the Bureau of Ethnology. Wash-
ington, 1892. 4°. The description of
the dance of the medicine-man, Nakai-
dokliui, is taken from the account in
this paper, supplemented by a personal
letter from the author. )
1—505.
Brinton, Dr D. G. Myths of the New
World: A treatise on the symbolism
and mythology of the Red race of
America. New York, Leypoldt and
Holt, 1868. 12°.
1—168, passim.
Brown, John P. The Dervishes; or ori-
ental spiritualism. By John P. Brown,
secretary and dragoman of the legation
of the United States of America at
Constantinople, etc. London, 1868.
12°.
Bureau of Ethnology, Reports of. See
Bourke and Mallery.
Catlin, G. Letters and notes on the man-
ners, customs, and condition of the
North American Indians. Written dur-
AUTHORITIES CITED
1105
Catlin, G. — Continued,
ing eif;lit y(>ars' travel (1832-1839')
amons the wildest tribes of Indians in
North America, etc. Two volumes.
4tb edition. London, 1844. 8°.
1— II, 117; 2— II, 118; 3— II, 98; 4— II, 99.
Century Magazine. See Roosevelt.
Clark, Benjamin. Tlio Clieyenuelndians.
(A manuscriptliistory and ethnography
of the Cheyenne Indiims, written at
tlio reiiuest of General I'hilip Sheridan
by Benjamin Clark, interpreter at Fort
Reno, Oklahoma.)
Now in possession of Dr George Bird Grin-
nell of New York city.
Clark, W. P. The Indian sign language,
with brief explanatory notes, etc, and
a description of some of tlio peculiar
laws, customs, myths, superstitions,
ways of living, code of peace and war
signals of our aborigines. Philadel-
phia, 1885. 8°.
Colby, Gen. L. W. The Sioux Indian
war of 1890-91. By Brigadier-General
L. W. Colby, commanding the Ne-
braska National Guard. (Transactions
and reports of the Nebraska State His-
torical Society, III, 144-190; Fremont,
Nebraska, 1892. 8°.)
1—153; 2-160; 3—155; 4—157; 5—159-170;
6-159; 7—164; 8-165-170; 9— (McGillycuddy)
180; 10—165.
Commissioner [Comr.'\. Annual report of
thb Commissioner of Indian Affairs to
the Secretary of the Interior. (Sixty-
first annual report, Washington, 1892.
8°.)
1— Report of Agent "W. P. Richardson, 1852,
71, and report of Agent W. P. Badger, 1859,
144; 2— Agent Danilson, 1875, 258; 3— Agent
Tiffany, 1881, 10; 4— Commissioner Price, 1881,
viii-ix; Agent Tiffany, 1881, 10-11; 5— Agent
Linn, 1884, 102; 6— Agent Patrick, 1885, 111;
7— Agent Scott, 1891, vol. I, 258; 8— Agent
Smitli, 1873, 319; 9— Agent Boyle, 1870, 58;
10— Superintendent Meacham, 1870, 50; 11—
Agent Cornoyer, 1873, 317-18; 12— Commis-
sioner Brunot, 1871, 98; 13— Umatilla council,
1891, 95-7; 14 — Superintendent Colonel Iloss,
1870, 30 ; 15— Superintendent Meacham, 1870,
50-54 ; 16— Report, 1871 , 95 ; 17— Superintendent
Odeneal, 1872, 362; 18— Subagent ^Vhlte, 1843,
451; 19— ibid, 453; 20 — Commissioner Hayt,
1877,10; 21— ibid, 10; 22— ibid, 12; 23— ibid, 11;
24— ibid, 12; 25— ibid, 12-13; 26— Commissioner
Hayt, 1878, xxxiv; 27a— ibid, xxxv; 27b —
Agent Rust, 1891, I, 223; 28— Commissioner
Morgan, 1891, I, 132-3; 29— Agent Wright,
Commissioner — Continued.
ibid, 411-2; 30 -Dorchester report, ibid, 529;
31— Commissioner Morgan, ibid, 124; 32 —
Agent AVright, ibid, 411-12; 33— ibid, 128, I3U;
34— ibid, 130; 35— ibid, 130; 36— ibid, 130; 37—
ibid, 130; 38— ibid, 131; 39-ibid,132; 40— ibid,
132; 41— Commissioner Morgan, 1892, 128; 42-
Dorchester, 180), vol. 1,532; 43— Agent Wood,
1892, 390, 399; 44— Mrs Z. A. Parker, in re|>ort
of Superintendent Dorchester, vol. 1, 1S91, 529-
531 ; also published in the New York Evening
Post of April 18, 1891, and in Journal of Ameri-
can Folk-lore, April-June, 1891 ; 46— IJeporton
the Utes, Pai-Utes, etc, by J. W. Poweli and
G. AV. Ingalls, 1873, 45; 46— Superintendent
Parker, 1866, 115; 47— ibid, 115.
Dorsey, Bev. J. O. See Journal of Ameri-
can Folk-lore.
Drake, B. Life of Tecumseh and of Iiis
brother the Prophet; with a historical
sketch of the Shawauoe Indians. Cin-
cinnati, 1852. 12°.
1—87, passim; 2-88; 3—93; 4—130; 5—142;
6—151; 7—153; 8—158; 9—193.
Drake, S. G. The aboriginal races of
North America, comprising b iographical
sketches of eminent individuals and
an historical account of the different
tribes, from the first discovery of the
continent to the present period, etc,
15th edition, revised with valuable ad-
ditions, by Professor H. L. Williams.
New York, 1880 (t). 8'^.
1—625.
Dutton, Major C. E. The submerged
trees of the Columbia river. (Science,
New York, February 18, 1887, page
156.)
Eells, Rev. Myron. (Letter in regard to
the Shakers of Puget sound, quoted at
length in the chapter on that subject.
Works by the same author, referred to
in the same chapter and in the tribal
synopsis accompanying the chapter on
the Nez Perc<S war, are " History of
Indian Missions on the Piiciflc Coast,''
and "Ten Years of Missionary Work
among the Indians at Skokomish,
Washington Territory, 1874-1884."—
Congregational House, Boston, 1886.
12^^.)
Mr Eells was born in the state of Washing-
ton, has been for many years engaged in mis-
sion work in that section, and is the author of
valuable works relating to the tribes and lan-
guages of the state.
1106
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH. ANN. 14
Eells, Myron — Coiitinnod.
History of Indian missions on the
Pacific coast — Oregon, Washington,
and Idalio. I5y Reverend Myron Eells,
missionary of the association. Phihi-
delphia and New York, American Sun-
day School Union, 1882 ( ?). 12°.
Evans, F. W. Shakers: Compendium
of the origin, history, principles, rules
and regulations, government, and doc-
trines of the United Society of Believ-
ers in Christ's second appearing, Tvith
biographies of Ann Lee, etc. New
York, 1859. 12°.
Fletcher, J. E. See Schoolcraft, Indian
Tribes.
Ghost Dance [(?./).]. (Documents relat-
ing to the Ghost dance and the Sioux
outbreak of 1890, on file in the Indian
Office in special case 188, labeled
"Ghost Dance and Sioux Trouble.")
1— Fisher. Dociiment 37097-1890; 2— Camp-
bell, Document 30274-1890 ; 3— Campbell. Docu-
ment 20274-1890; 4— Keport of Lieutenant H. L.
Scott (copy from A.G.O.), Document 9234-
1891 ; 5~Stateinentof Porcupine, the Cheyenne,
Document 24073-1890; 6— Blakely, September
30, 1890, Document 32870-1890; 7— Agent Mc-
Laughlin, October 17. 1890, Document 32070-
1890; 8— Document 17236-1891; 9— Statement
of forcupine, Document 24075-1 890 ; 10— Agent
Bartholomew, December 15, 1890, Document
39419-1890; 11— Clipping from Santa Fu (New
Mexico) Xew8, December 11, 1890, Document
394I9-:890; 12— Agent Plumb, Document 35519-
1890; 13-ibi(l, Document 38743-1890; 14— ibid.
Document 2178-1891; 15— Agent Fi.sher, Docu-
ment 37097-1890; 16 — Clipping from Omalia
(Xebraska) Be<;, February 10, 1891, Document
C155-1891; 17 — Blakely and Captain Bowman,
Document32876-1890; 18— Agent Sinions.Docu-
ment 37359-1890; 19— Agent Warner.Document
37200-1890; 20— Agent McChesney, Document
18807-1890; Document 17024-1890; 21— Gal-
lagher, Document 18482-1S90; McChesney,
18807-1890; Wright, 18823-1890; McLaughlin,
19200-1890; 22— Cook letter, September II,
Document 30028-1890 ; 23— Special Agent Rey-
nolds, Septemlter 25, 30046-1890; 24— Wright,
December 6, 38608-1890; 25— ilcLaughlin, Oc-
tober 17, 32607-1890; 26— l!oyer, October 12,
32120-1890; 27— Palmer, October29and Novem-
ber 4, 34001-1890, 34056-1890; 28_Letters and
telegrams, October 30 to Kovemher 21, from
Royer, Palmer, Dixon, Belt, et al., 34000-1890;
34807-1890; 34904-1890; 34906-1890; 34910-1890;
35104-1890; 35105-1800; 35.349-1890; 35412-1890;
35413-1890; 35831-1890; 36021-1890; 29— Mc-
Laughlin, November 19, 36340-1890; 30— Presi-
dent Harrison, November 13,35104-1890; 31—
Secretary Noble, December 1, 37003-1800; 32—
Ghost Dance — Continued.
Palmer, 35956-1890; Iteynolds, 36011-1890; Mo-
Lauglilin, 30022-1890; Royer, 3050:1-1890; 33—
Noble, 37003-1890; Wright, 37174-1890; P.almer,
38688-1890; 34— McLaughlin, 30808-1830; 37403-
1890 r Cody order, 37559-1890 ; Belt, 39002-1890 ;
35— McLaughlin, December 24,1890-20; 36—
McLaughlin, 38860-1890; 39002-1890; December
24, 1890-20; Miles, 39535-18C0; 37-General
Miles, December 11,39210-1890; 38-Milos, De-
cember 28,1890-415; 39— ililes, December 30,
1890-504; 40— Royer, December 29,40115-1890;
Miles, December 29, 1890-414; 41— Miles, De- »
cember 29,1890^14 ; 42— Coo])er,404I5 1890; 43—
Royer, December 31,1890-529: 44— Royer, Jan-
uary 2, 1891-145; 45— Miles order, J,anuary 12,
6040-1891 ; 46— Corbin, 7724-1891 ; military let-
ters, etc, 10937-1891; Welsh, etc, 12772-1891;
Bums, 12561-1891; 47— Documents 3312-1891;
7720-1881; 7976-1891; 10937-1891; 11944-1891;
including statements of Acting Agent Captain
Pierce, of army oflicers. Dr McGillycuddy, In-
dian survivors, and Dcadwood Pioneer; <8 —
Kingsbury, 8217-1891; 49 -Tiroqua, 38445-1890;
50— Texas Ben, 36087-1890 ; Johnson, November
27, 1890;51— Ilerrick, 37440-1890; 52— Belt,8099
-1893; Hopkins, 9979-1893; 11305-1893; 13243-
1893; "Browne, 14459-1893; 53— Scott, February
10, 9234-1891 ;54-ibid; 55— Commissioner Mor-
gan, November 24, 30342-1890 ; 36407-1890.
Grinnell, Vr G.B. See Journal of Amer-
ican Folk-lore ; also article on Early
Blackfoot History (American Anthro-
pologist, Washington, April, 1892), and
personal letters.
Dr Grinnell, editor of Forest and Stream, in
New York city, and author of Pawnee Hero
Stories and Blackfoot Lodge Tales, is one of
our best authorities on the prairie tribes.
Hamilton, Ecr. 'William. Autobiogra-
phy. (Transactions and Reports of the
Nebraska State Historical Society, I,
60-73. Lincoln, Nebraska, 1885. 8°.)
1-72.
Hayden, F. V. Contributions to the
ethnography and philology of the
Indian tribes of the ilissouri valley,
etc. Prepared under the direction of
Captain William F. Reynolds, T. E.,
U. S. A., and published by permission of
the War Department. Philadelphia,
18G2. 4°.
Heckewelder, J. History, manners, and
customs of the Indian n.ations who
once inhabited Pennsylvania and the
neighboring states. New and revised
edition, with introduction and notes
by Reverend AVilliam C. Reiehel.
Philadelphia, 187(3. 8°. Origin.tlly
MOONEY]
AUTHORITIES CITED
1107
Heckewelder, J.— Continued,
pnlilisliod in tbo Trausactious of the
American Philosophical Society, Vol. I.
1-291-203.
Howard, Gni.O.O. Nez Perc^ Joseph ;
an account of his ancestors, his lands,
his confederates, his enemies, his mur-
ders, his war, his jiursuit, and capture.
By O. O. Howard, brigadier-general,
U. S. A. New York, 1881. 12°.
1— 52i 2—64-72: 3—83.
Huggins, E. L. Sinohalla, the prophet
of Priest rapids. (Overland Monthly,
February, 1891; vol. xvii, No. 98; sec-
ond scries, page.s 208-215.)
Captain Huggins, now of the staff of General
Mill's, visited Smolmlln in an official capacity
about tlio same time ns Moijor ilacMurray.
Some ndtlitioual details were funiislied by bim
in personal conversation with the author.
i— 209; 2—209-215.
Humboldt, A. Political essay on the
kingdom of New Spain, etc. Trans-
lated from the original French by John
Black. London, 1811 ; 4 volumes, 8°.
1— I, 2U0-203; IV, 262.
Indian Informants. ( Among the Paiute
in Nevada information and songs were
obtained directly from Wovoka, the
messiah, from his uncle, Charley Sheep,
and others; among the Shoshoni and
northern Arapaho in Wyoming, from
Norcok, Shoshoni interpreter, Henry
Eejd, half-blood Cheyenne interpreter,
Nakash, Sharp Nose, and others; at
Pine Kidge, anmng the Sioux, from
Fire-thunder, American Horse, Edgar
Fire-thunder of Carlisle, Louis Menar<l
and Philip Wells, mixed-blood inter-
preters, and others; among the Arapa-
ho and Cheyenne in Oklahoma, from
Black Coyote, Left-hand, Sitting Bull,
Black Short Nose, and numerous others,
and from the Carlisle students, Paul
Boynton, Robert Burns, Clever War-
den, Grant Left-hand, Jesse Bent, and
others; among the Comanche, from
Quanah, William Tivis (Carlisle) and
his brother, Mo'tumi ; among the Kio-
wa, from Biiiilki, Gunaoi, Tama (a
woman), Igiagylihona (a woman), Mary
Zontam, and others, with tlie Carlisle or
Hampton studeuts, Paul Setk'opti, Belo
Cozad, and Virginia Stumbling Bear,
7
Indian Informants — Continued,
and from Andres Martinez, a Mexican
captive and interpreter; among the
Caddo, from George Partou and his
daughter Eliza, John Wilson, and
Robert Dunlaj), half-blood interpreter;
amoug the Wichita, from the chief
Towakoni Jim. Detailed information
in regard to the Smolialla and Shaker
beliefs and rituals among the Columbia
river tribes was obtained in Washing-
ton from Charles Ike, half-blood Yaki-
ma interpreter, and chief Wolf Neck-
lace of the Piilus.)
Indian Office [/nrf. Off.]. (Documents on
file in the Indian office, exclirsive of
those relating directly to the Ghost
dance and Sioux outbreak of 1890, those
being filed, in separate cases labeled
'•'Ghost Dance." See Commissioner
and Ghost Dance.)
1 — Letter of Agent Graham to General Clark,
dated February 22, 1827; 2— Document indorsed
"The Kickapoo I'rophet's Speech," dated St
Louis, February 10, 1827.
Jackson, Helen (" H. H."). A century of
dishonor. A sketch of the United
States government's dealings with
some of the Indian tribes, etc. New
edition, etc. Boston, 188.5. 12°.
Janney, S. M. The life of George Fox;
with dissertations on his views con-
cerning the doctrine, testimonies, and
discipline of the Christian ckurch, etc.
Philadelphia, 1853. 8°.
Journal of American Folk-lore IJ. F. L.].
(An octavo quarterly magazine pub-
lished at Boston.)
1 — " The Ghost Dance in Arizona," an article
originally published in the Mohave Miner, and
reprinted from the Chicago Inter Ocean of June
23, 1891, in V, No. 16, January-March, 1892,
pages 65-67; 2— ibid; 3— ibid ; 4— Mrs Z. A.
Parker, "The Ghost Dance at Pine Ridge,"
from an article in the New York Evening Post
of April 18, 1891, quoted in IV, No. 13, April-
June, 1891, pages 160-162. The same number
of the journal contains othir notices of the
messiah and the Ghost dance; 5 — G. B. Grin-
nell, "Account of the Northern Cheyennes
Concerning the Messiah Superstition," in IV,
No. 12, January-Mjvrch, 1891, pages 61-69; 6—
"Messianic Excitements among the White
Americans." from an article in the New York
Times of November 30, 1890, in IV, No. 13,
April-June, 1891; Kev. J. O. Dorsey, The
Social Organization of the Siouau Tribes, in
IV, No. 14, July-September, 1891.
1108
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[eth. anti. 14
Keam, Thomas V. Letters and oral in-
formation.
Mr Keam, of Keams Canon, Arizona, liag
l>een for a number of years a trader among the
Navaho and Ilopi (Moki), speaks the Xavaho
language fluently, and takes an intelligent
interest in everything relating to these tribes.
He has furnished v.iluable information orally
and by letter, together ■with much kind assist"
ance while the author was in that country.
Kendall, E. A. Travels through the
northern parts of the United States in
the years 1807 and 1808. In three vol-
umes. New York, 1809. 8°.
1 -II, 290 ; 2— II, 292 and 296 ; 3—11, 287 ; 4—
II. 292.
-See Adjutant-Gen-
Lee, Captain J. M.
eral's Office.
Additional information has been furnished
by Captain Lee in personal letters and in con-
versation.
LetterBook [L.B.J. (The letter hook of
the Indian Office containing, among
other things, letters bearing on the
Ghost dance, supplementary to the
documents in the "Ghost dance
files.")
1— Belt, October 3 and October 20, 205-287;
206-211; 2— Belt, November 15, 207-237; 3—
Noble, 208-245.
Lewis and Clark. Explorations. Wash-
ington, 1806. 12°.
The edition used is the earliest printed ac-
count, in the form of a message to Congress
from the President, Thomas Jefferson, commu-
nicated February 19, 1806.
McCuUough, J. See Pritts, J.
McKenney, T. L., and Hall, J. History
of the Indian tribes of North America,
with biographical sketches and anec-
dotes of the principal chiefs. Embel-
ished with one hundred and tv^enty
portraits from the Indian gallery in the
Dei)artmeut of War at Washington.
In three volumes. Philadelphia, 1858.
8°.
1— vol. I, 64, 65.
MacMurray, Major J. V/. IMacMurray
IfS.]. The Dreamers of the Columbia
River valley in Washington Territory.
A revised manuscript copy, with notes
and other additions of an article origi-
nally read before the Albany Institute
January 19, 1886, and published in the
MacMurray, Major J. 'W. — Continued.
Transactions of the Albany Institute,
XI, Albany, 1887, pages 240-248.
Under instructions from General Miles, com-
manding the Department of the Columbia,
M.TJor MacMurray, in 1884, made an official
investigation of the Smohalla religion, with
special reference to the Indian land grievances
in that section, and his report on the subject
contains a large body of valuable informa-
tion.
Mallery, Colonel Garrick. Picture writ-
ing of the American Indians. (Tenth
Annual Report of the Bureau of Eth-
nology (1888-89), 1-822. Washington,
1893. 8°.)
1—290.
Matthews, J)r Washington. Ethnogra-
phy and philology of the Hidatsa In-
dians. Washington, 1877. 8°. (Pub-
lished as No. 7 of Miscellaneous pub-
lications of the United States Geolog-
ical Survey.)
• (Personal letters and oral informa-
tion.)
Dr Matthews, surgeon in the United States
Array, lately retired, formerly stationed on the
upper Missouri and afterward for several
years at Fort Wingate, New Mexico, is the
authority on the Xavaho ,'ind Hidatsa Indians.
1— Letter of October 23, 1891; 2— ibid.
Merrick, J. L. Life and religion of Mo-
hammed, as contained in the Sheeah
tradition of the Hyat-ul-Kiiloob ; trans-
lated from the Persian. Boston, 1850.
8".
Minnesota Historical Collections. See
■Warren.
Mormons. The Mormons have stepped
down and out of celestial government;
the American Indians have stepped up
and into celestial government. 8°.
4 pages, (n. d.)
An anonymous leaflet, published apparently
at Salt Lake City, Utah, about July, 1892, ad-
vertising a series of lectures on the fulfillment
of Mormon prophecies through tho Indian
messiah movement and the Sioux outbreak.
Nebraska Historical Society. See AUis;
Colby; Hamilton.
Overland Monthly. See Huggins.
Parker, Z. A. Sec Commissioner and
Journal of American Folk-lore.
MOONEY]
AUTHORITIES CITED
1109
Parkman, Francis. Tho conspiracy of
Pontiac, aiul the Indian war after tho
conquest of Canada. Two volumes.
Boston, 1886. 8°.
l-II, 328; 2-1, 207; 3—1, 183; 4—1, 187;
6—1,255; 6— II, 311.
Parr, Harriet. Tho life and death of
Jeanne d'Arc, called tho Maid, etc.
Two volumes, I-ondon, 1866. 12".
Phister, Liciit. N. P. The Indian Mes-
aiah. (American Anthropologist, Wash-
ington, IV, No. 2, April, 1891.)
A statement by Lieutenant I^hister is alao
appended to tho report of Captain Leo on the
abandonment of Fort Bidwell. See Adjntant-
General's Office.
1 — American Anthropologist, iv, No. 2, 105-7 ;
2-ibid; 3-ibid.
Powers, Stephen. Tribes of California.
(Vol. Ill of Contributions to North
American Ethnology; U. S. Geograph-
ical and Geological Survey of the Rocky
Mountain Region.) Washington, 1877.
4^.
Prescott, W. H. History of the Con-
quest of Mexico. Edited by John Fos-
ter Kirk. Three volumes. (1873f)
Philadelphia. 12°.
1— I, 61; 2—1,346; 3—1, 300.
Pritts, J. Incidents of border life, illus-
trative of the times and condition of
tho first settlements in parts of the
middle and western states, etc. Cham-
bersburg, Pennsylvania, 1839. 8°.
1—98 (McCuUough's narrative).
Remy, J., and Brenchley, J. A Journey
to Great Salt Lake City, with a sketch
of tho history, religion, and cu.stoms of
the Mormons, and an introduction on
the religious movement in the United
States. Two vols., London, 1861. 8°.
RooEevelt, T. In cowboy land. (Century
Magazine, XLVi, No. 2, New York, June,
1833.)
1— 283 (Century).
Schaff, Philip. A Religions Encyclopedia;
or, dictionary of biblical, historical,
doctrinal, and practical theology.
Based on the Real-Encyklopiidie of
Hjrzog, Plitt, and Hauck. Edited by
Philip Schaff, D. D., LL. D., professor
in the Union Theological Seminary,
New York, etc. Three volumes. Vol.
I, New York, 1882. Large 8<^.
/Schoolcraft, H. R. Historical and statis-
tical information respecting the his-
tory, condition, and prospects of the
Indian tribes of the United .States.
Collected and prepared under tlio direc-
tion of the Bureau of Indian Affairs,
etc. Published by authority of Con-
gress. Si.\ volumes, 4-. Philadelphia,
1851-1857.
1— IV, 240 (Fletcher); 2— IV, 259.
Science. See Dutton.
Scott, Cajyt. H. L, The Messiah dance in
the Indian Territory. Essay for the
Fort Sill lyceum, March, 1892 (macn-
script).
Additional valuable information has been
obtained from Captain Scott's othcial reports
on tlie Ghost dance (see Ghost Dance and
Adjutant-General's Office) and from personal
letters and conversations.
Scribner's Magazine. See Welsh.
Shea, J. G. History of the Catholic mis-
sions among the Indian tribes of the
United States, 1529-1854. New York,
(1855?). 12°.
Contains references to the Columbia river
missions.
Short Bull. Sermon delivered at the Red
Leaf camp, October 31, 1890. Copy
kindly furnished by George Bartlett,
formerly of Pine Ridge agency, South
Dakota. It appears also in the report
of General Miles, in Report of the Secre-
tary of War, Vol. i, 1891, 142.
Sickels, Miss E. C. (Notes and oral in-
formation in regard to the dance and
songs at Pine Ridge.)
The author is also indebted to the kindness
of Miss Sickels for the manuscript copy of
Sword's account of tho Ghost dance.
Snyder, Colonel Simon. (Personal letter
concerning the Sword-bearer outbreak
of 1887.)
Southey, Robert. The life of Wesley and
rise and progress of Methodism. By
Robert Southey. Second American edi-
tion with notes, etc, by the Reverend
David Curry, A. M. Two volumes.
New Y'ork, 1847. 12=.
Stenhouse, Mrs T. B. H. Tell it all:
Tho story of a life's experience in
Mormonism. Hartford, Connecticut,
1874.
Contains particular reference to f^*^ endow-
ment robe.
1110
THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION
[ETH, ANN. U
Stephen, A. M. Letters anil oral informa-
tion.
Tlie late Mr Steplieu lived and studied for
years among the Xavaho, ITopi (Moki), Colio-
nino, and other Indians of nortliern New Mex-
ico and Arizona, and was a competent autlior-
ity on these tribes, particularly the Hopi, wliose
ethnology lie was investigating in conjunction
with Dr J. Walter Pewkes, for the Hemenway
Archeological Expedition.
1— Letter of September 17, 1891 ; 2— Letter of
November 22, 1891; 3— Oral information; 4—
Letter of September 17, 1891.
Sutherland, T. A. Howard's campaign
against the Nez Perc^ Indians. By
Thomas A. Sutherland, volunteer aid-
de-camp on General Howard's staff.
Portland, Oregon, 1878. Pamphlet, 8°.
1—30.
Tanner, John. A narrative of the cap-
tivity and adventnres of John Tanner.
New York, 1830. 8'=.
Thompson, A. H. (Of the United States
Geological Survey. Oral information
concerning the religious ferment among
the Paiute of Utah in 1875.)
Treaties. A coiupilation of all the trea-
ties between the United States and the
ludian tribes, now in force as laws.
Prepared under the provisions of the
act of Congress approved March 3, 1873,
etc. Washington, 1873. 8".
1—439.
Voth, Eev. H. R. (Correspondence and
notes.)
Mr Voth, now stationed among the Ilopi, at
Oraibi, Arizona, was formerly superintendent
of the Mennonite Arapaho Mission, at Dar-
lington, Oklahoma. Ueing interested in the
ethnology and language of the Arapaho, he
gave close attention to the Ghost dance during
tho excitement, and has furnished much valu-
able information, orally and by- letter, in regard
to the songs and ritual of the dance.
War. Annual report of the Secretary of
War. Washington. 8°. (Volumes
quoted: 1877—1; 1881—1; 1888—1;
1891—1.)
1 — Colonel Carr; Brevet Major-General Will-
War— Continued.
cox, department commander, and MajorGen-
cral McDowell, division commander, in Keport
1881—1.140-154; 2— Keport of Brigadier-Gen-
eral Euger and of Special Agent Howard, with
other papers in tho same connection, 1888—1;
3a— General Howard in Eejiort, 1877, I, 630;
3b— (Referred to) Keport of scout Arthur Chap,
man. 1891-1, 191-104; 4— Short Bull's scTuion,
1891—1, 142-143; 5— Keport of General Brooke,
ibid, 135-12li; 6— Keport of General Miles,
ibid, 147-148; 7— Mile-, ibid, 145; 8— Miles,
ibid, 146-147; General Kuger, 182-183; Lieuten-
ant-Colonel Drum, 194-197; Captain Fechfit,
197-199; 9— ililes,ibid, 147; 10— Miles, ibid, 147
and 153 ; 11— Miles, ibid, 147 ; Kuger, 184 ; Lieu-
tenant Hale, 200-201; Captain Hurst. 201-202;
Lieutenant-ColonelSmnner,224; 12— Miles, ibid,
147; Lieutenant-Colonel Sumner, etc, 239-2^8;
13— Miles, ibid, 150; 14— Miles, ibid, 150; 15—
Kuger,ibid,185; Mans, ibid, 214 ; 16— Mile.s,ibd,
130;17-Milea,ibld,130;18-Miles,ibid,I50;19—
Miles, ibid, 154 ; 20— Miles, ibid, 151 ; 21— Miles
ibid, 151; 22— Miles, ibid, 152; 23— Miles, ibid,
152-153; 24— Keport of Lieutenant Getty, ibid,
250-251 ; 25- -Iteports of Colonel Merriam, Lieu-
tenant Marshall, et ai., ibid. 220-223 ; 26— Miles,
ibid, 154; 27— Miles, ibid, 154.
Warren, W. W. History of the Ojib-
ways, based upon traditions and oral
statements. (In collections of the Min-
nesota Historical Society, V. St. Paul,
1885.) 8°.
1—321-324; 2—321-324.
Welsh, Herbert. The meaning of the
Dakota outbreak. (Scribner's Maga-
zine, IX, No. 4; New York, April, 1891,
pages 429-452.)
Mr "Welsh is president of the Indian Kights
Association, and a close and competent ob-
server of Indian affairs.
1—445; 2-450; 3—452.
Wickersham , James. Tschaddam or Sha-
ker religion. (Manuscript published
almost entire in chai>ter viii herein,
together with extracts from personal
letters on the same subject.)
Judge James Wickersham is the historian of
tho state of Washington and the attorney for
the Shaker Iiulian organization. He has do-
voted considerable attention to the Indians of
tho state, and is lunv engaj-^ed in preparing a
monograph on the Nisqually tribe.
ERRATTTM
From !i letter of Judge .TameH Wiekersliaiii, already (pioted as an authority on the
Shaker religion of the Columbia Kiver tribes, it a])pears that Aiyal is not the same
indivjdaal as Yowaliuh, as was stated by our Yakima informants, who were doubt-
less deprived by the resemblance of aoiind. .Iud};e Wickersham writes: "I know
this man Aiyal, and he and Yowalnch, whili' jjreat friends, are not the same person.
Aiyal is a Cowlitz, and was sent by Yowaluch to the Y'akima, together with Johu
W. Simmons, to convert that tribe." >
INDEX TO PAET 2
Page
A'A KAKismAWi'trr, CmMonameof ghost
dance 791
AaninSna, an Arapaho diviaion 955
— , an Arnpaho synonym 1013
AanC'hawA, on Arapaho division 956
AcHOMA'wi, a Pit river band 1052
Adai, a Caddo division 1092
Adaize, a Caddo division 1092
A'DAL-K'ATO'ioo, a Sabaptin synonym... 744
Adalto'yui, a Kiowa warrior order 989
Apams, Agent, at Anadarko council.... 913
Adams, AVm., killed at Wounded Knee.. 872
ADVENTI8TS, accouut of tlie 944
Aes. a Caddo division 1092
AFitAin-oF-iiiM, Jliiink'i'ft vision of 910
AOA'IHTIKA'KA. gte KiSHEATERS.
AGEN18, knowledge of, concerning In-
diana 767
— , inconaideratenesB of 837
— , placed under military orders 850
— , policy concerning 828
— , replacement of 845, 887
— , Siouat, ghost dance beyond control of. 850
— , Sioux, irresponsibility of 833
AGltlclTLTrRE of the Caddo 1094
Aha'kanE'na, an Arapaho warrior order. 988
JiHYATO, Kiowa name of the Arapaho. . . 953
Aiyal, correction concerning 1111
— , tcee YowALUCH, Louis.
Akokisa, status of the 1093
Aliatan, a synonym of Comanche 1043
Alk'HE, a Caddo division 1092
Ai.i.is, Saml'el, on Kickajtoo prayer st ick . 697
Almotu. a riilus village 735
Alone Man. Catch-tbe-IJear killed by,.. 857
American Horse, acknowledgments to. 655
—, ghost-dance council held by 820
— on AVounded Knee massacre 869. 885
— on the Sioux outbreak 839,843
— , emissary to Bad-lands refugees 867
— , Kicking Bear's surrender eflt'Cted by.. 868
— , delegate to Washington 891
Americans, indian belief of origin of 721
— , indian regaid for 676
Ami'LET, Caddo, described 904
Anadarko, a Caddo division 1092
— , Kiowa council at 913
Angell, n ENKY, in Sioux ontbreak 863
Anointment of body 1037
Anos-anyotskaxo, Kichai name of the
Arapaho 953
ANSKowl'Nts. a Cheyenne division 1026
Ai'ACUE, absence of ghost dance among. . 805
Pago
Apache in ghost dance 653,802,805.898
— and Kiowa early warfare 1079
— , medic ine-inan of the 704
— , refusal of. to accept ApiataQ's report. . 914
— , use of bull-roarer by 975
A'P-ANftKA'RA, Comanche name of ghost
dance 791
.XpiATAfJ, journey of, to the Sioux 908
—, Kiowa delegate to Wovoka 903,911.913
—, portrait of 912
— , result of interview of 911
— .report of messiah visit of 913
— , report on messiah doctrine by 900
— , medal presented to 914
Aqa'tiiine'na, an Arapaho division 957
Abapaiio, ceremonial smoking by the 918
—.cycles of the 701
— .delegation of, to Wovoka 900
— , early knowledge of messiah by 797
— , etymology of 1013
— , features of ghost dance among 802
— , ghost danoe among the 653t
786. 807. 817, 820, 895, 926. 927
— , ghost-dance doctrine spread by 902
—.glossary of the 1012
— , knowledge of messiah among 894
— name of the Caddo 1092
— name of the Cheyenne >. 1023
— name of the Comanche 1043
— name of ghost dance 791
— name of the Kiowa Apache 1081
— name of the Sioux 1057
— police, acknowledgments to 655
—.population of the 957
— , religion of the 775
— , sacred pipe of the 1003
— , sketch of the 954
—.songs of the 958
— , symbolic representation of 783
— tribal signs 954
— (ribal synonymy 953
— , visit of Apiatau to 911
— ,vi8itof,to Wovoka 771,807,901-
— , visit to the 778
Arapa'kata, Crow nameof the Arapaho. 953, 1U14
Arcs Plats, a synonym of Kuteuai 731
Arikara, ghost dance among the 817
Arizona visited by Smoballa 719
Armstrong, James, visit of Kickapoo del-
egation to , 699
Armstrong, R. B., prayer stick in posses-
sion of 699
ARNOI4D, Mrs L. B., acknowledgments to . 655
nil
1112
INDEX TO PART 2
[ETH. ANN. M
Page
Arnold, Mns L. B., acloption of Sioux child
by 880
Arrow, medicine, ceremoiiy of 1026
Arrow game of theArapabo 962
Arrows of tbe Cheyenne 1024
— , sacred, in Sioux ceremony 823
— , sacred, in Sioux glioet dance 788,915,916
— , syniboliam of, in ghost dance 789
AsATl'iOLA, present name of Biiink'i 909
A SAY, J. F., on mortality at Wounded
Knee 870
— , on Sioux ghost dance 915
AsiNAls, a Caddo synonym 1092
AsiNiBOiN and Cheyenne hostility 1024
— , gliost dance among the - 817
— , Teiiskwatavva religion among the 679
Atahnam, a Yakima mission 717
A 'tanCm-'lSma, sketch of the 738
Atsina, Blackfoot name of Gros Ventres. 955
ATUA'iMiH, a Pit river band 1052
AVTHORITIES CITED, Hst of 1104
Awl GAME of plains tribes 1002-1004
A YUTAN, a synonym of Comanche 1043
Aztecs, culture of the 658
BA'ACHiNfiNA, name of northern Arap-
aho 954.1014
Baaku'ni, Arapaho name of Paul Boyn-
ton 971
Bad Faces, an Arapaho division 957
Bad lands, flight of Sioux to 850,851,861,884
— , Sioux in, surrounded by troops 866
— , return of Sioux from 868
Bap Pipes, an Arapaho division 956
Baiiakosin, Caddo name of the Chey-
enne 1 023
Bahwetegow-eninnewuq, Ojibwa name
of G ros Ventres 955
Ball of the Arapaho 964
Bancroft, George, on French and Indian
war 663
— , on the Lenape 662
Bannock and Paiute affinity 1048, 1051
— , early knowledge of messiah by 802
^, ghost dance among 785, 805, 807
— , messiah delegates among tlie 894
— , Mormon emissaries among the 704
— , Porcupine's visit to the 793
— , present liabitat of the 806
— , reception of, into Mormon church .... 790
— , Tiivibo among the 701
^, visit of Apiatan among 911
— , visit of, to Wovoka 818
Bannock Jim, Wovoka confounded with. 705
Ba'qati game described 994
— in ghost song 1036, 1075
BXtiATi WHEEL, use of, in ghost dance 1064
Bark, Cheyenne delegate to "Wovoka 895
Bark, cedar, headdressof, in Shaker cere-
mony 761
Bartlrtt, C. n., acknowledgments to... 655
— , prayer stick presented by 698
Ba'sawunI-Vna, an Arapaho division 955
Basket, mystic, in Columbia Indian cos-
mology 722
Basket used in dicogatne
B.\THiNG in ghost'dance ceremony
Bati'qtCba game of the Arapaho
Battlemuleemauch, a Mitaui synonym.
— , an Okanagnu division
Bed of prairie tribes
Be'dAlpago, Kiowa name of the whites..
Beekman, Doha, founder of the Beek-
nianites
Beekmanites. account of
Bell, — , a wilderness worshiper
Bells used in Shaker ceremony
— nsed in Smohalla worship
BitNi'NENA, an Arapaho warrior society..
Benoit. Felix, interpreter in Sioux out-
break
Bent, George, acknowledgments to
— , on absence of clans among Cheyenne. .
Bent, Jesse, acknowledgments to
Berliner, Emile, acknowledgments to..
Berry DANCE of northwestern Indians...
Be'shIltchX, Kiowa synonym
BEtidSe, Kiowa Apache nane of the
Arapaho
BiaNk'i, account of
— compared with other prophets
— , influence of, in ghost dance
Bible, Shaker regard fur the
Bidal status of the
Big Foot, complaints by band of
— , excitement among band of
— , game- wheel carried by band of
— , ghost dance at camp of
— joined by Sitting Bull's warriors
— , participation of, in Sioux outbreak...
— , arrest of band of
— , surrender of
— , second flight of
— , militarj- movement against
— , illness of
— killed at Wounded Knee
Big Road as a peacemaker
— , delegate to Washington
— , emissary to Bad-lands refugees
Billy John, see SHA'Awfi.
Bird head, use of, in battle
Birds, stuffed, nsed in gbost dance
Bitaih'nEna. an Arapaho warrior order..
BiTAYE, another name of Sitting Bull....
Black, Buffalo, a ghost-dance leader...
Black Coal, an Arapaho chief
— , opposition of, to ghost dance
Black Coyote, an Arapaho ghost-dance
leader
— , acknowledgments to
— , sacred paint obtained by ,
— .song rehersal in tipi of
— , visit of, to Wovoka 774, 775, 89i,
Blackfeet, a Teton division
— , absence of ghost dunce among
— , dog soldiers of the
— , eagle trapping by the
— , former union of, with Cheyenne
— , native name of the
— , name of Gros Ventres by
Page
1004
921
1007
734
734
963
978
945
945
946
749, 755
730
865
655
956
655
655
728
1078
953
909-910
930
914
750, 755
1093
836
848
1075
847, 853
860
861
876
867
865
864
868
870
887
891
867
790
916
988
896
902
956
808
897. 898
655
1029
819
900, 903
1059
816,817
986
993
1025
957
955
ETH. AKK. 14]
INDEX TO PART 2
1113
Fa£6
Blackfekt, TeneTcfl-atawa religion among
the 680
JliACK Fox, ftrinjc at Wounded Knee be-
puu by ^^^
Bi-AfK iiiLi^formerly occupied by Kiowa. 1079
— inhabited by Chcyonne 1024
— , reftult of ftettlement of 825, 826, 1059
Bi-ArK LEO PEOPLE, ft Klowa warrior
order ^^^
Black Short Nose, acknowledgments to. 155
— ,an Arapaho chief 056
, Wovoka's mesflage delivered by 780
Blood, use of, in Sioux arrow ceremony . 823
Blowing in shaker ceronionial 761
Blue Cloud people, an Arapaho syno-
nym 789
Blue Widrlwind, portrait of 877
—.wounding of, at Wounded Knee 809
BoKBYDOKLiNNY, nee Nakai-doklI'nl
BodAlk'iSaoo, Kiowa name of tbe Co-
mnncbe 1043
Bone, arrowheads of, in Sioux ceremony. 823
Bone, Albert S., killed at Wounded
Knee 872
Boston men, application of name 721
BoTK'iS'AGO, Kiowa name of Gros Ven-
tres 955
BouHKE, J. G., acknowledgments to 655
— ,on Apache medicine-man 704
, on Apache use of bull-roarer 975
— .on necklaces of human fingers 1024
Bow, SACRED, in Sioux ceremony 823
,in Sioux ghostdance 788
Boynton, Paul, acknowledgments to 655
— , ghost song composed by 971
— .experience of, while in trance 923
Braddock, Pontiac at defeat of 608
Brinton, D. G., cited on whit« deliverer
among indians 658
Broken Arm, delegate to Wovoka 820
Brooke, Gen. J. R., troops under, in Sioux
outbrea k 850
— , operations of, in Sioux outbreak 875, 882
— , on reduction of Sioux rations 845
—.conference of, with Sioux chiefs 867
Brown, A. J., mission of 940
Brown, J. P., quot^-d on the Dervishes.. 948
Browne, H. G., acknowledgments to 655
Bruli^.8, a Teton division 1058
— , ghost dance among tlie 847
Brunot — , on Columbia river land re-
serve 709
Buffalo, ceremony for restoration of 906
—.effect of extermination of 825,829,831,833
— liair used in medicine 1033
— bunting by the Sioux 824
— hunting, how conducted 1071
— in Bijink'i's vision 910
— in ghoat-dance doctrine 821, 1064
— in Sioux mythology 1003
— , Indian dependence on 980
— , Kiowa belief concerning 906
— .belief in restoration of 799,907,1088
— skull, use of, in Sioux ceremony 822
— .vision of 797,821
I Pag®
Buffalo Bill, tee Cody, W. P.
Buffalo Black, see Black.
BiTFFALOBATERS. name applied to the
Bannock 1051
Buffalo gap, appearance of troops at . . . 850
Buix Head, Sioux police under 8r)5
— at arrest of Sitting Bull 857
—.Sitting Bullshot by 857
— shot by Catchthe- Bear 867 *
— killed in Sitting Bull fight 858
Bull-roarer of the Arapaho 974, 975
Burns, Robert, acknowledgni<*nt<( to — 655
Caddo, account of the 1092
— , clan system of the 956
— , delegation of, to Wovoka 901, 903
— , ghostdance among tlie 653,
73C, 802. 805. 898, 902. 905, 926, 927
— , glossary of tbe 1102
— name of ghost dance 791
— name of the Arapaho 953
— name of the Cheyenne 1023
— name of tho Comanche 1043
— name of tlie Kiowa Apache 1081
— name of the Sioux 1057
— name of the Wichita 1095
— , refusal of, to accept ApiataQ's report - 914
—, songs of tho 1096
— , synonymy of the 1092
— , tribal sign of tbe 1092
Caddoan stock, tribes composing the..- 1092
Cadodaquio, a Caddo synonym 1092
Caillocx, a Cayuse synonym 743
Calendar, Kiowa, pictography of . . . 906, 907, 909
Calispel, a synonj-m of Pend d'OreiUe.. 731
Campbell, Frank, account of Tavibo by. 702
Camping by prairie tribes 1073
Camping circle of the Arapaho 956
— of the Cheyenne 1026
— of the Kiowa 1080
— of the Sioux .'^... 1058*.
Candles used in Shaker ceremony. . . 755, 761, 762
Can't-hold-it. Biiink'i's vision of 910
Capron, Captain, troops under, at Pine
Ridge 850
Captain Dick, account of ghost dance by 784
Captor, another name of Sitting linll 896
Cardinal points, fires at, in ghost dance. 915
— in ghost dance 789
— in Sioux ceremony 823
—, smoke offering to 918,1053
Carionan, — , on movements of Sitting
Bull 855
Carlisle students as messiah delegates. 900
— in ghost dance 923, 924. 971. 1038
Carb, Gein. E. a., arrest of Nakai-dokll'ni
by 705
— , operations of, in Siou x outbreak 882
— , troops under, in Sioux outbreak 850
Carroll, Major, Porcupine's account
mad© to 793
Cascade Indians, a KwikwfilTt synonym. 741
Casey, Lieut. E. W., killed in Sioux out-
break 872.888
Caswell, — , on the Kentucky revival 043
1114
INDEX TO PART 2
[ETH. ANN. U
Page
Cataka, a synonym of Iviowa Apache... 1081
Catch-the-Beau, an adherent of Sitting
Bull 857
— killed in Sitting Bull fight 857
Catlix, George, on Kiinaktik 692,697
— , on meaning of Kanakftk 693
— , on Shawano prophet 673
— , on Shawano religion among Blackfeet. 680
— , on Tecumtha 691
— , visit of, to Kiinakfik 696
Cautantouwit, an Algonquian god 082
Caygua, a Kiowa synonym 1078
Cayuse and Klftkatat hostility 738
— opinion of land assignments 710
— , present habitat of the 805
— , sketch of the 743
Cedar, sacred regard for 809, 979
— used in ghost dance 911,921
Cedar Tree, hypnotism performed by... 924
Celilo, Smohalla perforniaucea at 725
Cenis, a Caddo synonym 1092
Ceremonial, «*!c Ritual.
Ceremonial SMOKING by the Arapaho 918
Ceremony of the ghost dance 915
Chahharat, Pawnee name of the Sioux.. 1057
Cha"kanI'na, aCaddo mythiccave 1093
CiiAMXA', location of 739
Ciiamna'pOm, sketch of the 739
Chapman, Arthur, interview of, with
Wovoka 766
Chasing Hawk, vision of 797, 821
Cha'tha, Arapaho name of the Co-
manche 1043
CHAUDifeHE, a Colville synonym 732
CHEESCHAPAHDISCH,«eeCHEEZ-TAHPAEZH.
Cheez-tahpaezh, account of 706
— , gee Sword-bearer.
Chehalis membership in Shaker church. 759
— , Shaker religion among the 747
CHEKiSfiCHEB, a Lower Spokan synonym.. 732
Chemeiiuevi, a Paiute offshoot 1048
— , ghost dance among the 805, 814
Cherokee and Iroquois treaty 670
—, cedar in mythology of 809
— concept ion of the sun 971
— myth of the cedar 979
— , peace pipe of the 1063
— , power of Shawano prophet among 676
— , sacred regard of, for the crow 982
— , sacred regard of, for the eagle 1100
Cheschopah, see Cheez-tahpaezh.
CHESE-CHA-PAHDISH,*ecCHEEZ-TAHPAEZH,
Chese-Topah, see Cheez tah-paezh.
Cheyknne, absence of clans among 956
— and Kiowu early warfare 1079
— and Sioux early warfaite 1059
— , Arapaho warrior order derived from.. 988
— delegates, visit of, to Wovoka 774,
778,817,894,900,901
— , effect of Porcupine's visit on the 819
— , fires built bj', in ghost dayce 921
— , former habitat of the 1029
— , ghost dance among the 653,
786, 802, 817. 895, 915, 926, 927
—, ghost-dance doctrine spread by . 902
Pago
Cheyenne, glossary of tho ....• 1039
— , knowledge of niessiah among 894
— name of the Arapaho 953
— name of the Comanche 1043
— name of the Kiowa Apache 1081
— name of the Sioux 1057
— notion concerning thunder...' 969
— , population of the 1025
— , religion of the 775
— , reservation experience of the 833
— scouts in Sioux outbreak 867,881
— , sketch of the 1024
— , songs of the 1028
— , Sword-bearer among the 706
— , symbolic representation (ri' 789
— , synonymy of tho 1023
— , tribal divisions of the 1025
Cheyenne Kiver agency, delegates from,
to Washington 891
— , delegates from, to Wovoka 820
— , Indians of, in Sioux outbreak 885
— , table of rations at 839
—, waning of ghost dance at . 846
Children killed at Wounded Knee. . . 876, 877, 885
Chilluckittequaw, a Chilti'ktkwa syn-
onym 741
ChilC'ktkwa, sketch of the 741
Chimnahpum, a ChJimnfi'pfim synonym... 739
Chimnapoos. a Chamna'pftm synonym . . . 739
Chinachichibat, Dative name of Bog sol-
diers 988
CHl'NACHiNfe'NA, an Arapaho priestly or-
der . 989
Chinese, indian belief of origin of 721
Chinook, hypnotism among the 762
Chivington and Wounded Knee massa-
cres compared 881
Chohoptins, a Sahaptin synonym 744
Chopunnish, a Pii'lus synonym 735
— , a Sahaptin synonynl 744
Christianity, effect of, on indian cere-
monials 718
— , infiuence of, in indinn religion 699
—, influence of, in Shaker religion 750,761
— (influence of, on the Kiowa 1088
— , see Civilization.
Chualpay, a Colville synonym 732
Chuma'wa, a Pit river band 1052
Civilization, effect of, on Arapaho and
Cheyenne 1027
— .effect of, on indiaus 675,829
— , effect of, on savagery 669
— ,effectof,on the Caddo 1094
— , see Christianity.
Clams, Billy, a Shaker enthusiast 756
Clan system unkn(mn to Arapaho 956
— unknown to Comanche 1044
— unknown to Kiowa 1079
Clark, General, visit to, by Kjinakftk.. 693-694
Clark, W. P., on Cheyenne characteristics 1027
— , on Cheyenne divisions 1025
— , on Cheyenne early habitat 1024, 1029
— , on meaning of Ilutikpjipa 1059
— , on meaning of Ogalala 1058
— , on Sioux characteristics 1059
ETH. ANN. 14)
INDEX TO PART 2
1115
Page
Clarke, Ben, on a1)flence of clitns among
Clieyenno 956
Claws, animal, use of, In battle 79l)
— attached to am iilet 004
— used in ghost dance 816
Ci-K'KAHur, a KHi'k&tiit synonym 738
Clk KITAT, a Klft'kfttiit synonym. 738
CloitdHoksk, Tisit of, to Wovoka 707,819
CM'BMEN.an Arapabo warrior order 087
Cody, W. F., ordered to arrest Sitting
Bull 854
CcEUR D'ALftNES present habitat of 805
— .sketch of the., i 733
Coffey, Dora S., killed at Wounded Knee 872
CoHOMNO, ghost dance anione the 785, 811
Colby, (Jen. L. W., acknowledgments to.. 655
— , in Sioux outbreak ,... 876
—.letter from Mctiillycuddy to 831
— , on cJwse of Sioux outbreak 888
— , on killing of Lieutenant Casey 889
— , on mortality at Wounded Knee 871
— , on second encounter at Wounded Knee 882
— , on Sioux outbreak 861,867
—, Sioux child adopted by 879
Color, diflerentiation of, by Indians 1032
— , sacred, red as a 1037
— symbolism in ghost dance 919
— symbolism in Shaker ceremony 761
— symbolism in Smohalla ritual 725, 729
Columbia region, tribes of the 731
Columbia Kiver Indians defined 716
— , a synonym of Wa'napflm 735
— in Shaker church 759
— , Smohalla doctrine among 716
CoLVMBiAS, an Isle de Pierre synonym... 734
ColvilLe. Hketch of the 732
Comanche, absence of clans among 956
— and Kiowa early warfare 1079
— drawings of the ghost dance 1060
— , ghost dance among the 653, 901, 926-927
—, Kiowa inferior to the 1080
— myth concerning thuuderbird 968
— name of the Arapabo 954
— name of the Caddo 1092
— name of the Cheyenne 1023
— name of i he ghost dance 791
— name of the Kiowa Apache 1081
— name of the Sioux 1057
— name of the whites 703,978
— name of the Wichita 1095
—, sketch of the 1043
— , songs of the 1046
— .synonymy of the 1043
—.tribal sign of the 1043
CoNDoRCANQUi, Peruvian insurrection
under 660
Conrad, Captain, orders Selwyn to visit
Ku wapi 799
Consecration of dance ground 918
— of the earth 924
— of feathers 910
Cook, R.L.. killed at Wounded Knee 872
Cooke, C. S., interpreter for Sioux dele-
gation 891
Coolidqe, Sherman, iicknowledgmenta to COS
Page
Cooper, A., acknowledgments to 655
COOSHATTI. «« KOASATI.
Coospellar, a synonym of Pend d'OreiUe 731
Copu.NNiSH, a Sahaptin synonym 744
Corn, Arapaho mythic origin of 959
— in Caddo mythology 1093
— in Cheyenne mythology 1027
— , Sioux mythic origin of 1063
— pollen used in I^avaho ceremonies 705
Cobonado on Indian dependence on
buffalo :. 980
Corpse -from- A -scaffold, a Cheyenne
division 1026
Corwine, K. W.. killed at Wounded Knee 872
C08l'SPA,»« KaSI'SPA.
Cosmology explained by Smohalla 720
— of the Arapaho 959. 983
— of the Caddo 1093
— of the Cherokee 971
— of Columbia tribes 722
— of thePaiuto 1050
CosTELLO, John, killed at Wounded Knee 872
Costume of ghost dancers 788, 814, 916
-,tee Ghost shirt.
CoTEEA'KUN,«ee KOTAI'AQAN.
CoTONNfe, a synonym of Kutenai 731
CoiTONoi. a synonym of Kutenai 731
CoiTONWOOD in Paiute ghost song 1055
— , sacred character of . . * 068
— .useof, by Indians 967
CouTANiE. a synonym of Kutenai 731
CoviLLE, F. v., acknowledgments to C55
CowEJO, name applied to Wovoka 765
Cowlitz membership in Shaker church.. 759
CoxE, D., on Turtle ri v er 1029
Coyote men, duties of 985
CozAD, Belo, acknowledgments to 655
Craft. Father, regard of Indiana for 874
— , at battle of Wounded Knee 872
—.wounded at Wounded Knee ^. 878
Crazy dance of the Arapaho 988
— , description of the 1033
Crazy men, an Arapaho warrior order... 988
Chee, absence of ghost dance among 817
— name of the Cheyenne 1023
— , Tenskwatawa religion among the 679
Creek Indians, power of Shawano proph-
et among 676
— ,Teoumtha among the 687
—, war of the 677
Cremation practiced by the Shawano... 674
Crook, General, Sioux commissioner... 839
— , Sioux regard for 826
Cross, sign of, in Shaker religion 748,761
— , symbolism of the 1011
Crow, personification of the. 1001.1035,1038,1068
— , reference to, in ghost song 978,
984, 994, 997, 1031
—, eacred regard for the 919.982,1072
—.symbolism of the 823, 1072
Chow creek, control of Indians at 849
Crow dance described 921
— , organizat ion of 901
Crow Dog, ghost dance led by 847
— , removal of, advised 844
1116
INDEX TO PART 2
[ETU. ANN. 14
Page
Crow Dog, flight of, to Bad lands 884
— , surrender of 868
Ceow feathers. Indiana defrauded with. 999
— , sacred regard for 1034
Cbow Foot killed in Sitting Bull fight .- 858-859
Cbow INDIANS, ahsence of ghost dance
among 816
— , account of medicine-man of 70G
— and Sioux early warfare 1059
—, hostility of the 707
— , name of the A rapaho by 951, 1013
— scouts in the Nez Percti war 714
— scouts in Sioux outbreak 850, 881
— , symbolic representation of 789
Cbow Woman, name applied to MoUi... 1038
Cbucifix used in Shaker ceremonies 755
CuiMNAPUM, a Chanina'pftm synonym 739
CCLBEIiTSON BBOTHEBS, OUtlawS, aCCOUnt
of 889
CuMANCHE, a synonym of Comanche 1043
CuMMiNGS, Pierce, killed at Wounded
Knee 872
Custer massacre, references to 825,860,1059
— and Wounded Knee atlair compared ... 881
Custer war, Cheyenne in the 1025
— , Sioux compensated for losses in 891
CuTSAHNiM, a Ya'klmfi synonym 737
Cycles of time among iudians 701
Dakota, a synonym of Sionx 1057
— . geographic location of 826
— , nonagricultural character of 838
Dalles Indians, a Wasko synonym 741
Dance, berry, of northwestern indians... 728
— , friendship, introduced by Pa'thfiske . . . 700
— , mortuary, of northwestern indians . . . 728
— , salmon, of norteastern indians 728
— of Arapaho warrior orders 987
— of the Dervishes 950
— of Saint John, accouut of 935
—,see Crazy dance, Chow dance. Ghost
DANCE, Omaha dance.
Dance wheel of the Apache 704
Da'sha-i, a Caddo synonym 1092
DatekaS, mystic performances of 906
Dawes, Senator, telegram to, on Sionx
trouble 835
Dela ware INDIANS, account of 1095
— , delegation of, to Wovoka 903
—, final defeat of 672
— , ghost-dance doctrine among 786, 902
— , opposition of the, to Tocunitba 684
Delaware prophet, account of tlie 662
DeoR, acknowledgments to 655
Dervishes, hjpnotism among the 948
De'sa, a Caddo synonym 1092
Des Chutes (Lower), aWaiiim synonjTu. 741
De Soto, Caddo encountered by 1094
DetsXna'yuka, a Comanche baud 1044
Detsekayaa, Caddo name of the Arap-
aho 953
Devil, indian idea of the 1031
De Vreede, Jan, killed at Wounded
Knee 872
Dice qamb of the Arapaho 1004-1005
Diggers, application of term 1018
—, ghost dance among the 804
Disease cured by ghost dance 786
— , indian notion of origin of 721
DiTSA'KANA, a Comanche band 1044
DocKSPUS, a Ttikspfi'sh synonym 743
Doctrine of the ghost dance 777
Do'gu'at, Kiowa name of the Wichita .. 1095
Dog men, a Cheyenne division 1026
— , an Arapaho warrior order 988
DOQ River Indians, a KwikwfilU syn-
onym 741
Dog soldiers, insignia of the 987
—, sketch of the 986
Do"KANA, Comanche name for Wichita.. 1095
DoRSEY, J. O.,on0niaha game 1008
— , on Siouan camping circles 1058
— , on Siouan names of the Sioux 1057
Dow, Lorenzo, on the Kentucky revival. 943
Drake, B., on losses at Prophet's town... 689
— , on Tecunitha 672, 684, 086, 691
Dreamer religion in the northwest 713, 719
Dreams as part of Shaker religion 748
— confounded by indians 666
— , divination by 716,723
— in ancient times 929
— , indian belief in 673
— .scarification aa a result of 898
— , see Hypnotism, Trance, Vision.
Drexel mission during Wounded Knee
trouble 874
Drum in Caddo mythology 1093
— JnCrowdance 922
— in Smohalla ritual -* 725
Drum, Colonel, indian police praised by. 800
— , ordered to arrest Sitting Bull 855
Duck in Arapaho mythology 959
Dull Knife, a Cheyenne leatler 1025
Dunbar, J. B., on etymology of Arapaho. 1013
Dunlap, Robert, acknowledgments to... 655
DuNMOi, Laura, Apiaia&'s letter read by. 911
Dunn, — , in Sioux outbreak 865
DUTTON, C. E., on submerged trees of Co-
lumbia river 722
Dykb, a. C, killed at Wounded Knee.^.. 872
Dyer, D. B., acknowledgments to 655
— , guide on visit to Wovoka 768
— , interpreter on visit to Wovoka 771
DzItsIstas, a synonym of Cheyenne 1023
Eagle represented on ghost shirts 798, 823
—.sacred regard fortlie... 919,982,992,1072,1100
— , vision of, in ghost dance 917
~, when killed by the Caddo 1093,1100
Eagle-bone whistle used by medicine-
man 868
Eagle feathers in Cohonino ceremony. 813
— on ghoat shirts 798
— , sacred u se of 992
— , song pertaining to 1100
— , use of, by Wovoka 776
— used in ghost dance 916, 979, 1099, 1101
— used iu hypnotism 923,925
Eagle Pipe, flight of, to Bad lands 884
Eagles, how trapped by the Arapaho .... 993
ETH. ANN. 14]
INDEX TO PART 2
1117
Page
KaoiJvB kept by pnehlo tribca 9U2
Eartu. personiticatinn of the 1096,1099
—.regeneration of tlie 959,1051,1073
— , sat red regard for the 918
—.turtle as a symbol of 976
Kabth^uakk, etieet of. on the Creek 687
— , myth concerning 976
—.reference to, in Cheyenne song 1028
Katkb, *<c UiXSk'i.
Katehs, a Cheyenne diviwion 1026
KCHEBOOL, a Tlaqluit synonym 740
KcHELOoT, a Tlaqluit synonym 740
Eclipse, how regarded by indians... 674
— , Faiule nntit.u of 773
— prediftcd by Smoballa 720
— , Wovoka entranced during 771
Eclipses, calendar of, in Nevada 774
Edson, Caspbb, Arapabo delegate to Wo-
voka 900
— , Wovoka's letter written by 780
Education, how regarded by the Sioux.. 837
— , see Christianity, Civilization.
Edwabds, Captain, in Sword-bearer af-
fair 707
Edwardsvili.k. treaty of 692
Eells, P;dwin, attitude of, toward Shaker
religion 756
Eeli^, Mybon, acknowledgments to 65.'>
—, attitude of, toward Shaker religion 750
— , on Shaker religion 747
— ,on Slocum's trance 746
Elliott, Gkoboe, killed at Wounded
Knee 872
Eloot, aTlacjluit synonym 740
Emankina, Itiiink'is vision of 910
Endowment bobe of the Mormons 790
Eneesiiur, a Tapiinash synonym 740
English, Indian belief of origin of. 721
— , Indian regard for the 676
Enteatkeon, a tribe mentioned by Ste-
vens 736
E'PEA,Biaflk'i'8 vision of 910
Epidemics among the Sioux 830,840
EsTAKEWACH.a Tit river band 1052
EtsitC'biwat, a Comanche band 1045
Evans on French prophets 939
— on the Kentucky revival 942
— on tbe Shakers 942
EvI'ST8-UNi"PAHHa Cheyenne division.. 1025
Ewers. Capt. E. P., ordered to arrest
Hump gC2
— . Sitting Bnll's fugitives surrendered
to 862
EVACKiMAH.a Yii'ktma synonym 737
Eyeish, a Caddo division 1092
Facial painting by the Arapaho 971
— , ceremonial 1037
— in Smohnlla ceremony 729
~~,see Paintinu.
Fall Indians, a synonym of Gros Ven-
t res 955
Fast Thcndeb, conduct of, in Sioux out-
break 884
— on the Sioux outbreak 839
Page
Fasting as a medium for trances 700
— during eagle trapping 993
— preliminary to ghost dance 822
Feast, ghoHt dance accompanied by 1038
— in Smohallu ceremony 729
— ,sacred,in Sioux ceremony 824
Feather, gbostdance ceremony of the. .. 909,919
Feathers as medium of exchange 992
— as protecting "medicine" 790
— attached to amulet 904
— .ceremonial use of 999
— , crow, indians defrauded with 901
— , crow, sacred regard for 1034
— , eagle, attached to ghost shirts 793
— , eagle, Caddo sacred use of 1093
— .eagle, in Cohonino ceremony 813
— , eagle, sacred use of 992
— , eagle, song pertaining to 1100
— , eagle, used in hypnotism 923,925
— , eagle, used in ghost dance. . . 916, 979, 1099, 1 lOl
—.eagle, used in war bonnets 1072
-, head, of the Arapaho 964, 9G5
— in Smohalla ceremony 729
—, Kiowa robe of 900
— .magpie, cereuionial use of 999
— , magpie, presented by Wovoka 901
— , magpie, prized by Paiute 775
— .sacred use of, by Wovoka 776
— (Symbolism of, in ghost dance 789
— , turkey, on Cheyenne arrows 1024
— used in Crow dance 922
— , use of, in ghost dance 786,919,1084
FECHfeT, Capt. E. G.,at arrest of Sitting
Bull 856,857
— .pursuit of Sitting Bull's warriors by.. 858
Fewkes, J.W., on Hopi use of bull-roarer. 975
Few Tails affair, account of 889,890
Fifth-monarchy men. account of 988
Fingers, human, necklace of 1024
FiBE, forest, how regarded by indians 808
— handling by crazy dancers 1033
— in Caddo mythology 1093
— in ghost-dance circle 915, 921
— in ghost-dance doctrine 786
— in Paiute dance circle 802
— , Paiute mythic origin of 1051
— , sacred, method of making 6G8
— , sacred regard for 919, 1070
— tabued in certain ghost dances 802
Fire Thundeb. acknowledgments to 655
—, visit of, to Wovoka 894
Fishkaters. a Paiute band 818,1051
FiSKE. John, on turtle in primitive my-
thology 976
Flag, heraldic, of Smohalla 725, 726
— , use of, in ghost dance 823
Flagellants, account of the 935
Flags used in Smohalla ceremony 729
Flatbow, a synonym of Kutenai 731
Flathead indians, land treaty witli 731
— , present habitat of 805
Fletcheb. Agent, on Winnebagocycles.. 701
Flood in ghost-dance doctrine 788
— predicted in ghost-dance doctrine...... 784
— , see CosMOLOQX.
1118
INDEX TO PART 2
[eth. anx. 14
Page
Foo in Paiutfi ghost song 1054
FooD; berries used as 1087
— , Cottonwood pith used as 967
— , grass seed used as 1054
— of Columbia river tribes 722
— , process of jerking beef for 1066
— , ruse seeds used as 978
— , thuuderberries used as 996
— , see Pemmican.
Forks OKTHK-EIVER men, an Arapaho di-
vision 956
Forrest, H. R., killed at Wounded Knee. 872
Forsyth, Colonel, at Wounded Knee
massacre 870
— , at surrender of Big Foot 867
— , oiierations of, in Sioux outbreak 875
— , troo])8 under, at Pine Ridge 850
Fort Hall, ghost dance at 807
FouT Wayne, passage of indian delega-
tions through 684
— , Tecunitha at 690
F'osTER, E. W., on Selwyn's interview
with Kuwapi .' 798
Foster, Govekxok, Sioux commissioner . 839
Fox, George, claims of 937
Fox INDIANS, ghost dance among the 902
Fox MEN, an Arapalio warrior order 987
Fkancischetti, Domikic, killed at
Wounded Kuee 872,875
French and indian war, reference to 663
Frenchmen, indian belief of origin of... 721
— , indian regard for 676
— , settlement of, among Indians 662
French prophets, account of the 938
Fret, Henry, killed at Wounded Knee.. 872
Friday, visit of. to Wovoka 817,894
Fkiendship dance, introduced by Pa'-
tfteskG 700
Furniture of the Arapaho 964
— of the Paiute 770
Gaiie'wa. a Kiowa synonym 1078
Gaisberg, F. W. v., acknowledgments
to G55
Gallagher, Agent, arrest of Sioux dele-
gates by 820
^, ghost dance stopped by 847
— , on reduction of Sioux rations 845
— , resignation of 845
— , Selwyn's report to 798,799
Gambling song of the Paiute 1009
Game, awl, of plains tribes 1002-1004
— , bati'qtftba, of tlie Arapaho 994,1007
— of hunt-tbe-button 1008-1009
Game, restoration of, predicted by in-
dians 787, 788, 797
— , see Buffalo.
Games of the Arapaho 962
Game sticks, reference to, in ghost song. 1007
Game wheel in ghost dance 616
— in Sioux ceremony 823
Gardiner, — , on causes of Sioux out-
break 840
Gardner cited on Mohammedanism 931
Gaulands in Shaker ceremony 701
Page
Garlington, Liect. E. A., wounded at
Wounded Knee 871
Ga'taqka, Pawnee name of Kiowa Apa-
che 1081
Gatsalghi, Kiowa Apache name of the
Cheyenne i023
Gatschet, a. S., on etymology of Tecum-
tha 682
— , on the name Tushipa 731
Gattacka, name of Kiowa Apache 1081
Ga'wunehana, an Arapaho division 957
GawunE'na, an Arapaho division 957
Genesis myth of the Paiute 1050
— , see Cosmology.
Gentile system, see Clan.
Geologic phenomena, indian tradition
concerning 722
Ghost dance among the Arapaho 895
— among the Caddo 1095
— among the Kiowa 906
— among the Sioux 796
— among southern tribes 887
— and Shaker ceremony compared 762
— , area covered by 926
—, ceremony of the.. 915,920 •
— .construction of circle for 802
— doctrine compared with other systems. 928
— , <3octrine of the 777 '
— doctrine, Sioux belief concerning IO6O
— , features of, among Sioux 822
— , first, at Walker lake 802
— , how performed 796
— , inauguration of, among Sioux 821
— introduced among the Arapaho 894
— introduced among Cheyenne 895
— , Kiowa, number of attendants at 914
— , native drawings of 106O
— , native names of 791
— .large number of Indians in 895,898
— , number of Indians influenced bj' 926
— performed at Walker lake 818
— , preparations for the 918
— , present condition of the 927
— , responsibility of, for Sioux outbreak . . 833
—.spread of the 804.846,902
--, time for performance of 1011, 1012
— , see Messiah, Wovoka.
Ghost shirts, description of 789
—.first use of, by Sioux 846,916
— gathered after Wounded Knee battle.. 878
— , invulnerability of 798, 831, 869, 1073
— .reference to, in ghost song 1072.1073
— .responsibility for. disclaimed by Wo-
voka 772. 791
^, symbolic decoration of 798, 823
— .turtle pictured on 97G
— .use of, among Sioux 788,915
— , use of, among various tribes 791
Ghost song, see Song.
Gill, De Lancey W., acknowledgments
to 655
G'iNA's, Wichita name of Kiowa Apache. 1081
Glennan, Dr J. D., at Wounded Knee
massacre 870
GLoysAKY of the Arapaho 1012
ISTH. ANN. 14]
INDEX TO PART 2
my
Page
GL088ABT of the Cadilo 1102
-of the Chcyrnne 1039
-of the Kiowa 1088
— of the I'aiuto 1056
— of the Sioux 1075
God, iiidian idea of 1031
GoDRB, W. S., acknowledgments to 655
GooDALE, Klaink, on causes of Sioux out-
break 840
Good Lani'k on the Sioux outbreak 839
Good Thundek, visit of, to AVovoka. 797,819,820
— .vision of son of 797,821
Goose in Tlwiluitmyth 740
GosiiiTE confounded with the I'alute 1048
— , ghost dunce ainonj; the 805
Grace at meals l)y Sliakcrs 755
Graham, —, quoted on Kiiuakhk 693-694
Grass, John, conduct of, in Sioux out-
break 884
Grass seed used as food 10S4
Grauberg, Herman, killed at Wounded
Knee 872
Gray Bear, another name of Weasel Bear 959
Greasy I-'acks, an Arapaho division 956
GreatSi'ibit, Kiinakftk'sideasconcerning 695
Greenvili^, Indian assemblage at 683
— , treaty of 671
Greeting, religious, described 005
Gregory, J. O., cited concerning Wovoka. 773
Grinneli., G. B., acknowledgments to 655
— , on abseuceof ghost dance among Black-
feet 817
— , on Blackfoot Dog soldiers 986
— , on Blackfoot eagle trapping 993
— , on Cheyenne divisions 1025, 1026
— , on Che^nnegh'tst dance 915
— , on etymology of Arapaho 1014
— , on ghost dance among Cheyenne 819
— , on Pawnee name of the Sioux 1057
— , on the name Arapaho 953
Gbos Ventres, an Arapaho subtribe 954
— , ghost dance among the 817
Gbos Ventres oe the Missouri, Hidatsa
so called 955
Gros Ventres ok the prairie, an Arap-
aho division 955
GuEBRiEK, Edward, visit of, to Wovoka. 901
Gu'i-pa'go, native name of Lone Wolf. . . 1079
Gyai-ko, Kiowa name of the Comanche-. 1043
HXdai'i, a Caddo division 1092
H AHAC', location of 739
HAhau'pCm, sketch of the 739
Hai-ai'nTma, a Sanpoil synonym 733
H Ai'-iSH, a Caddo division 1092
Hail, symbolism of. in ghost dance 789
Hai'-nai, a Caddo division 1092
— , ghost songs of the , 1099
Hair, buffalo, use of, in medicine 980, 981, 1033
— , cutting of, as mortuary custom 782
Hairy MEN, a Cheyenne division 1025
Bale, Liei't. H. E., in Sioux outbreak... 862
— , ordered to arrest Sitting Bull fugitives 862
— , Sitting Bull fugitives arrested by 863
Halit.^ne, a synonym of Comanche 1043
Hamefku'ttelli, a Pit river band 1052
14 ETH— PT 2 31
Page
Hamilton, William, on prayer.stick
symbolism 699
Hana'chathi'^k, Arapaho name of Sit-
ting Bull 894
UANAHAWCNgNA. an Arapaho division. . . 956
Hanford, Judge, decision of, in land sev-
eralty case 757
HANTftwA.aPitriver band 1052
Ua'qihana, an Arapaho division 957
Hare, liisHop W. H., on causes of Sioux
outbreak 840
— , on deficiency of Sioux rations 827
Harrison. Gen. W. U., conference of
Tecnmtha with 685,686
— ,on Tecumtha 686
— , treaty pipe 688
Harry, Jack, Delaware delegate to Wo-
voka 903
Hasi'nai, a Caddo synonym 1093
—, application of term 1093
Ha.si'ni, a Caddo synonym 1092
HATEBs.a Cheyenne division 1025
Ha'thahU'HA, an Arapaho warrior order . 987
Havaslpai. ghost dance amoug the 654
— , »ee COHONINO.
Hawk feathers, ceremonial use of 992
Hawk Man at arrest of Sitting Bull 856
Hawthorne, Lieut. H. L., wounded at
Wounded Knee 871
Hayden, F. v., on Arapahonameof Sioux. 1057
— ,ontheBlackfeet 957
Hayden, Lieut. John, operations of, at
Wounded Knee 876
Haywood, Charles, killed at Wounded
Knee 872
Head FEATHERS of the Arapaho 964,965
Head washing in Cohonino ceremony... 813
Heavenly map of Kilnakftk 666,694
Heavenly recruits, account of 947
Heavy eyebrows, a Cheyenne division. - 1026
Hebrews, supposed Indian descent from. ^ 703
Heckeweldeb on the Kickapoo prophet. 666
He Dog, delegate to Washington 891
Helwitt, a TIaqluit synonym 740
Hknnissee, Captain, ordered toarrestBig
Foot's baud 865
Henby, Major, o))erations of, in Sioux
outbreak 875
— . troops nndor, at Pine Ridgo 850
Hero gods of Indian tribes 658
HEthS'hinS'NA, an Arapaho warrior or-
der 988
HBwiTA'Niuw, a Cheyenne division .... 1025
Hichaa'qutha, an Arapahowarriororder. 987
Hidatsa name of the Cheyenne 1023
— name of the Sioux 1057
High Backbone killed at Wounded Knee. 871, 872
High Hawk, flight of, to Bad lands 884
High Wolf, visit of, to southern tribes - 908
Hihiohenimho, a .Sanpoil synonym 733
Hillers, J. K., acknowledgments to 655
Hindu, turtle in mythology of 976
HiTANiwoIv, Cheyenne name of the Arap-
aho 953
H ITASINA, Arapaho name of the Cheyenne 1 023
HiTD'NgNA, an Arapaho division 953
1120
INDEX TO PART 2
[ETH. ANN. U
Page
HmI'sIs, a Cheyenne division 1025, 1026
HoDDENTiN, see Pollen.
Hodges, W. T., killed at Wounded Knee . 872
HoOAPAOONi, Sboshoninameof thePaiute 1048
HoHB, Cheyenne name of Asinihoin 1024
HoHiLi'O, a Kutenai band '731
Hopi, knowledge of ghost dance among. . 8U
— name of the Paiute 1048
— name of the whites 918
— .use of bull-roarer by 975
Hopkins, Albert, and the Sioui out-
break 893
HORN8 used in ghost dance 916
Hobse headdress, a Kiowa warrior
order 989
Horsemanship of Sioux police 856
— of the Comanche 1046
Horses as medium of exchange 992
— f Indian belief as to origin of 724
— , possession of, by the Sioux 824
HosA, native name of Little Raven 957
Hota'mi-ta'niuW, a Cheyenne division.. 1026
Hot Springs Indians, Pit River Indians
so called 1052
Houses of the Caddo 1094
— of the Paiute 770
— of the Wichita 1095
~, see Lodge, Sweat-lodge, Wikiup.
Howard, Henrt, killed at Wounded
Knee 872
Howard, Gen. O. O., appointed indian
commissioner 711
— , on the Dreamer religion 713
Howling Bull, hypnotism produced by . 895
Hubbub, game of 1004
HuGOiNS, Capt. E. L., acknowledgments
to 655
— , quoted on Smohalla 717, 723
HuMA'WHi, a Pit river band 1052
Hummer of the Arapaho 974, 975
Hump, ghost dance at camp of 847
— at surrender of Sitting Bull fugitives .
— , participation of, in Sioux outbreak
— , removal of, recommended
— , surrender of
— , arrest of
— , surrender of band of
HUNKPAPA, a Teton division
Hurst, Capt. J. H., on causes of Sioux
trouble
— , on character of Sioux rations
— , arrest of Sitting Bull's band ordered by
— , at arrest of Sitting Bull's band
— .appointed indian agent
H(7B8T, Major, at battle of Prophet's
town
Htdb, Charles L., notification by, of
Sioux outbreak
Hypnotism among the Caddo
— among the Cohonino
— among the Dervishes
— in the Crow dance
— in the ghost dance 799, 800, 895, 899, 916,
917, 919, 922-926, 972, 1039, 1083, 1097, 1098
— in Indian ceremonies 922
861
848
860
862
871
1058
836
827
862
863
887
Page
Hypnotism in Navaho ceremonies 811
— in Shaker ceremony 762
— practiced by Wovoka 775, 818, 901
—,see Dream, Trance.
Iata go, Kiowa name of theUte 1043
Iatan, a synonym of Comanche 1043
iBiDsfi, a Paiute goddess 1051
Idahi, Kiowa Apache name of the Co-
manche 1043
Ietan, a synonym of Comanche 1043
Ietau, a synonym of Comanche 1043
Igiaoyahona. acknowledgments to 655
IhanktoSwan, a Sioux division 1058
Ike, Charles, on Shaker religion 760
— , on Smohalla ceremony 727
— . portrait of 728
Ilma'wi, a Pit river band 1052
I'mXha, a Caddo division 1092
IM.M0RTALITY in ghost dauce doctrine 786
Imohalla, a Smohalla synonym 717
Incense in Sioux ceremony 823
Incomecane'took, an Okanagan division 734
Indian Office, acknowledgments to 655
Indian Sam on ghost-dance doctrine 784
Inspellum, a Nespelim synonym 733
— , an Okanagan division 734
In-the-middle, See Pa-ingya.
Intie'took, an Okanagan division 734
InCna-ina, a synonym of Arapaho 953
loNi, a Caddo division 1092
Iowa, absence of ghost-dance among the. 816
— , ghost dance among the 902
— , a Sanpoil synonym 733
Iroquois and Cherokee treaty 670
IsaSati, a Santee synonym 1058
Isium-ita'niuW, a Cheyenne division 1025
Isle de Pierre, sketch of 734
Itahatski, Hidatsa name of the Sioux .. 1057
Itasupuzi, Hidatsa name of the Cheyenne 1023
ITAZIPKO, a Teton division 1059
Jackson, H. H., cited on Nez Perc6 war. . 714
Jackson, Richard, appointed minister of
Shaker church 758
James, William, elected elder of Shaker
church ?58
— , land presented to Shaker church by .. 758
Janney.S.M., cited on the Quakers 937,938
Jerked beef, how prepared 1066
Jetan, a synonym of Comanche 1043
Jtcarilla, absence of ghost dance among 805
Joan of Arc and Smohalla compared 719
— , hallucination of. compared with ghost-
dance doctrine 932
Jocko reserve, indians on 805
John Day Indians, a Tlikspii'sh synonym 743
—, present habitat of 805
John Day Rivers, a Tftkspft'sh synonym. 743
Johnson, G. P., killed at Wounded Knee. . 872
Johnson, John, name applied to Wovoka. 765
Joseph, Chief, and the Nez Perc6 war 711
— ,of Cayuse blood 744
— , refusal of, to recognize treaty 745
Joseph us, description of Wovoka's inspi-
ration by 772
ETH. ANN. 14]
IKDEX TO PART 2
1121
Page
J I'ursRS, account of the 939
Jutz.Fathkh John, interview with 874
— .atWoundi-a Knee 872,878
— 8iuux conference effected by 867
Ka'dohXpa'cho. a Caddo HyDonym 1029
—.account of the 1093
— early oiu-ountered by French 1094
Kahi.isi'ELM, a synonym of l*endd'<)reille. 731
Kahmii.tpah.h Qanilt-'lt'iiia syuouym 736,738
Ka'iowO. a Kiowadivision 1079
Ka'itsb^'ko, a Kiowa warrior order 989
Ka'iowC, proper name of the Kiowa 1078
Kai-wA, a Kiowa synonym 1078
KAMsrKLiNES, a synonym of Fend
d'Oreille 731
Kalispklcsses, a synonym of Fend
d'Oreille 731
Kamai'akan, a Yakima war chief 722,737
K anaheXwastsIk, Cree name of the Chey-
enne 1023
KanakOk, account of 666, 692
—, adherents to doctrine of 902
— , endof 700
KANiNAHOic.OjibwanameoftheArapaho. 953
KANiNXviBH.OJibwanameof tlieArapaho. 953
Kansa, gho8t dance among the 902
— name of the Comanche 1043
— name of tlie Sioux 1057
Ka'ntsi, Caddo name of Kiowa Apache. . 1081
KasI'spa, a I'iilus village 735
Kataka, name of Kiowa Apache 1081
Kawinahan, an Arapaho division 957
Kavusb, a Cay use synonym 743
Keam, T. v., acknowledgments to 655
— , on Cohonino ghost dance 813
Keechies, a synonym of Kichai 1095
Keeps-his-name-always, see DatetekaR
Kehth'AqCONONK, proper form of Tippe-
canoe 684
Kellespem, a synonym of Pend d'Oreille 731
Keixey, James E., killed at Wounded
Knee 872
Kellner, August, killed at Wounded
Knee 872
Kendall, E. A., cited on the Shawano. . . 673
— , quoted on Shawano prophet 675
Kendall, Frank, account of Tavibo
by 703
Kentucky revival, account of the W2
Kebr, Capt.. attacked by hostile Sioux.. 882
KeteYas, a K''tata8 synonym 736
Kettle Falls, a Colville synonym 732
Kew a'tsXna. a Comanche band 1045
Kewaughtchenunauqh, an Okanagan
division 734
Kichai, acknowledgments to 655
KicHAi INDIANS, accouut of the 1095
— , ghost dance introduced among 902
— name of the Cheyenne 1023
— name of the Comanche 1043
— name of the Kiowa Ajiache 1081
— name of the Sioux 1057
— name of the Wichita 1095
— . status of the 1093
KiCKAPOO, absence of ghostdanceamong. 816
Page
KicKAPoo, gaost aance among the 900, 902
— , land cession by the 692
— , present condition of the 700
— , Pota watomi prophet among the 705
— , soutliern migration of the 692
— , use of prayer stirk by the 697
KUKAPOO Pkopiikt, aee KanakCk.
Kk'Kino Bear, a ghost-dance leader 847
— , portrait of 853
— , delegate to Wovoka 820, 894
— , visit of, to the Arapaho 798,820
— , ghost dance led by 854
— . ghost dance mission of 817
— , o]>eratious of, in Sioux outbreak 881
— , Cheyenne scouts attacked by 867
— , Pine Hidge agency attacked by 873
—, flight of. to Badlands 850,852
— , continued retreat of 867
—, surrender of, demanded 887
— , surrender of 868
Kiqaltwalla, a KwikwfilU synonym... 741
KiMOOENiH. location of the 745
KiSep, a Kiowa division 1079
King George men, application of name. . 721
Kiowa, absence of clans among 956
—, account of the 1078
— and Sioux early warfare 1059
— , cedar used in ghost dance of 809
—.confederation of Comanche with 1044
— , ghost dance among the 786,
802, 895, 808, 902. 906, 908
— , present condition of dance among 914, 927
— , glossary of the 1088
— , migration of the 1044
— name of ghost dance 791
— name of the Arapaho 953,954
— name of Arapaho divisions 955
— name of the Caddo 1092
— name of the Cheyenne 1023
— name of the Comanclie 1043
— name of the Kiowa Apache .^ 1081
— name of the Sioux 1057
— name of the whites 978
— name of the Wichita 1095
— , sacred regard of, for cedar 979
— .synonymy of the 1078
— , tribal sign of the 1078
— , warrior organization of the 989
Kiowa Apache, account of the 1081
— name of the Arapaho 953
— name of the Cheyenne 1023
— name of the Comanche 1043
KTri'n AHls, Kichai name of Kiowa Apache 1081
KI'TIKITI'SH, native name of the Wichita. 1095
Ki'TSASH, native name of the Kichai 1095
KiTUNAHA, a synonym of Kutenai 731
KiTUNA'gA, »ee Kutenai.
K'KA'SAWI, sketch of the 739
K'KA'sXwi-'LiUA, a K'ka's&wi synonym . 739
Klamath, present habitat of the 805
Klamath reserve, indians on 805
Klikatat, a Kl(t'k&tat synonym 738
— , absence of Smohalla religion among.. 727
Klinquit, mention of the 738
KlC'kXtat, sketch of the 738
Koasati mixed with the Caddo 1093
1122
INDEX TO PART 2
[ETH. ANN. 14
Page
K'ODALPA-K'iiJAOO, Kiowa name of the
Sioux 1057
Ku'GU'i, a Kiowa division 1079
KOHO', a Caddo gens 1093
KoiT-TSOW, name applied to Wovoka 765
KoMSEKA-K'iNAHYUP, Kiowa name of the
Arapaho 954
KoNTA'LYui, a Kiowa division 1079
Kootenai, a synonym of Kutenai 731
KORN, GusTAV, killed at Wounded Knee. 872
KOTAI'AQAN, a supporter of Smohalla 72]
— , Smohalla ceremony conducted by 727
KoTSA'i, a Comanche band 1045
Ko'TSOTte'KA, a Comanche band 1045
Kotso'-tIkara, name applied to the Ban-
nock 1051
KoDTAiNE, a synonym of Kutenai 731
Ko-WEE-Jow. name applied to Wovoka.. 767
KowwASSAYEE, a K'ka'sAwi synonym... 738,7:^9
K''TATAS, a Plskwaus band 736
K'TATAS-LE'MA, a K"tftta8 syuouym 736
K'n'ATO. aKiuwa division 1079,1080
KullasPalus, a synonym of Pend
d'Oreille 731
Ku'SHPfiLU, a synonym of Pend d'Oreille. 731
Kutenai, account of the 731
— , present habitat of the 805
KUTNEH A , a synonym of Kutenai 73 1
KO'TSANO'T, a former Yakima chief 737
KuWAPi, account of messiah by 799
KviT-Tsow, name applied to Wovoka 765
Kwa'hAdi, a Comanche band 1045
KwANA, see Parker, Quanah.
KwiKwC'LiT, sketch of the 741
KwoHiTSAUQ, name applied to Wovoka.. 765,771
KwiJ'DA, a Kiowa synonym 1078
Laaptin, a Sahaptin synonym 744
Lacombe, A.,on etymology of pemmican. 1067
Lahannas, probable identification of 732
Laitanes, a synonym of Comanche 1043
Lake Indians, account of the 732
Lakota, a synonym of Sioux 1057
Lakota-Kokipa-Koshkala, Sioux name
of Roy er 848
Lance, fligbt of, to Bad lands 864
Lance, use of, by Arapaho warriors 988, 989
— , use of, by Kiowa warriors 990
Land treaty with Cheyenne and Arap-
aho 899
— , see Treaty.
Land severalty bill, effect of, on north-
western tribes 757
Language, Arapaho, characteristics of.. 1012
— , Cheyenne, characteristics of 1027
— , Comanche, characteristics of 1046
— , Kiowa, characteristics of 1080-1081
— , Paiute, characteristics of 1050
— ,Sioux, characteristics of 1060
— , Sioux, dialects of the 1058
—,tee Glossary.
La Pla yk, a synonym of Comanche 1043
LaPWai, mission established at 745
Lartielo, a Spoknn synonym 732
La Salle, Kiowa Apache mentioned by . . 1081
Page
Laulewasik A w, revelation of 672
Lea, Agent, Rosebud census by 830
Lee, Ann. founder of the Shakers 941
Lee, Capt. J. M., acknowledgments to 655
— , account of Tii vibo by 701
— , ajipointed iiidian agent 887
— , on Paiute ghost dance 784
— , on Sioux story of sacred pipe 1062
— , on Wovoka's father 765
— , respect of Indians for 888
Left-hand, an Arapaho chief 779,957
— , ghost song composed by 961
— , land treaty signed by 899
Lefi-hand, Grant, aoknowledgmentsto. 655
— , crow dance organized by 901
—, delegate to AVovoka 900
— , in the ghost dance 1038,1039
— , song composed by wife of. 1032, 1035, 1036, 1038
Lepage, name applied to John Day river.. 743
Letter from Apiatan to the Kiowa 911
— from Wovoka 776, 780, 781
Lewis and Clark among Columbia river
tribes 742
— -, mention of Wheelpoo by 732
— on Arapaho habitat 956
— on Cheyenne early habitat 1024
— on the Coospellar 732
— on the Kiowa Apache 1081
— on the Kutenai 731
— on the Sahaptin 745
— , the Sokulk met by 735
L'Iatan, a synonym of Comanche 1043
Liaywas, mention of the 738
Light from coal oil, Shaker idea concern-
ing 749
Lightning, Indian notion concerning 908
— in Paiute ghost song 1054
Linkinse, an Isle de Pierre synonym 734
Little, a Sioux prisoner 848
Little Bow, acknowledgments to 655
Little Chief, Cheyenne delegate to
Wovoka 895
Littleno- HEART, delegate to Washing-
ton 891
Little Raven, an Arapaho chief 957
— , delegate to Wovoka 900
— , song composed by 998
Little Woman, songs composed by 1032,
1035,1036,1038
Little Wound, conduct of, in Sioux out-
break 884
— , ghost-dance council held by 820
— ignored in Sioux difficulty 832
— (Kicking Bear's surrender effected by.. 868
— , operations of, in Sioux outbreak 881
Lodge, Smohalla ceremonial 726
— , tee House, Wikiup, Sweat-lodge.
Logan, James, killed at Wounded Knee. 872
LohIm, habitat of the 742
— , sketch of the 743
Lone Wolf, a Kiowa chief 1079
Long, — , on Cheyenne name of Sioux 1057
Looking-glass, a Nez Perc6 chief 714
LoOKiNGUP.an Arapaho division 957
Lost Bird, see Zitkala-noni.
KTII. ANN. 14]
INDEX TO PART 2
1123
Tage
LowKH BBULli AOKNCT, contrcil of indiaiiK
at 849
Mackinaw, meaning of 976
MacMi'bray, Maj. J. W.. acknowledj;-
liieuta to 655
— , on Colunibia indian cosmolo^ry 722
— , on eclipst'rt jtredieted by Sniohalla 720
— , on Indian troublea in the northwest.. . 716
— , on Sniolialla 717,718
— , on Sniohalla religion 719, 725
ItlAdPiE hclil xacred in ghoat dance 823,982
MAOriK FEAi'HKK.^. ceremonial use of 999
— lir(^«ent<'d by Wovoka - 901
.— ])rized by Paiute 775
Mai.i.ehy, Oabrkk, on Sioux pipe legend 1063
Mammals, indian tradition concerning... 722
Manda.n, glio.st dance among the 817
Mann, Lieit. James I)., killed at
Wounded Knee 872,875
Mann, M.G., Piiget Sound missionary... 700
Manposo'tiouan, Kiowa name of ghost
dance 791
MaqpeLuta, native name of Ked Cloud. 1058
MaqpiAto, Sioux name of the Arapaho . . 954
Mahanshobisiioo, Cheyenne name of the
Sioux 1057
Ma RUBY, Pierre, nseof tcrniLiiitanesby. 1043
Mabguebite, survivor of Wounded Knee. 878,879
>TARicoPA,ab8enceof ghost dance among. 805
Martin, J. T., cited on Shaker ceremony. 748
Martin, T. P., acknowledgments to 655
Martinez, Andbes, acknowledgments to. 655
MA'SE'p.a Caddo synonym 1092
Masoji VALLEY, description of 765,769
M ATST'SHKOTA, a Cheyenne division 1026
Matthews, Washington, acknowledg-
ments to 655
— , on etymology of Nakai-dokll'ni 705
— , on ghost dance among the Xavaho 809
— , on Hidatsa name of the Sioux 1057
— , on Navaho hypnotism 811
— , on present condition of the Navaho. . . 809
— ,on significance of Navaho songs 1009
McClintock, W. F., killed at Wounded
Knee 872
McCuk, J. M., killed at Wi)unded Knee. . 872
McCiLLOUOH, John, a Delaware captive. ■ 668
McGiLLYOCDDY, V. T., management of
Indians by 845, 852
— , on causes of Sioux outbreak 831,840
— , on Sioux outbreak 888
— .relieved as indian agent 828
McKennev and Hall on Tecumtha
among the Creek 687
McLain, Miss L., acknowledgments to .. 655
McLaughlin, James, advises against im-
mediate arrest of Sitting Bull 852, 854
—, advises removal of Sitting Bull 848
— , elfort of, to arrest Sitting Bull's band.. 860
— ,eflbrt of, to arrest Kicking Bear 847
— , Indian police praised by 859
—. interview of, with Sitting Bull 849
— , on Sioux ghoi^t dance .' 787
— .on the Sioux outbreak 843
Page
McLauohlin, James, Sitting Bull's arrest
arranged by 855
— , Sitting Bull's removal advised by 854
Mde wakaS TOSWAS.aSioux division... 1058
Mkacham, a. D.,on .Smohalla religion 711
— , on character of Columbia river tribal
lands 709
Meatwho, a Mitaui synonym 734
MKDALof Greenville treaty 671
— presented to ApiataH 914
Medewacanton, a Sioux divi«ion 1058
Medicine, practice of, by Shakers 761
—, rites of, before battle 689
— , see Disease.
Medioine-arbow ceremony 1026
Medicine bags, destruction of, during
Shawano craze 679
—, use of, condemned by Kiinakfik 694
Medicine Lodge, treaty of, in 1867 957
Medici.vemen defined 980
— , position of, in gliost dance 916
Meil, J. W. , killed at Wounded Knee 872
Meli''l£ma, a Tenino synonym 742
Menard, L., acknowledgments to 655
Mebbiah, Colonel, operation of, against
Big Foot 865
— , troops under, in Sioux outbreak 830
MEBBiCK,J.L.,citedon Mohammedanism 932
Mescalebo, absence of ghost dance
among 805
Mescal rite introducedamongtheCaddo 904
Meshon, a Mitaui synonym 734
Messenoeb, another name of Biiiiik'i 909
Messiah, idea of, among various peoples. 658
— craze, responsibility of, for Sioux out-
break 828,831
— ,»«! WOVOKA.
Metal, tabu of, in ghost dance 798
Meteowwee, a Mitaui synonym 734
Methodists, accountof ,^... 939
Methow, a Mitaui synonym 734
Mezo, Wm. S., killed at Wounded Knee. . 872
Miami, opposition of, to Tecumtha 684
MiAYUMA, a Clieyenne d ivision 1026
Michigan Histobical Society, Pontiao
manuscript deposited with 663
MiCKSUCKSEALTON, a Kutenai band 731
Miles. Gen. N. A., on aspect of Wounded
Knee atfairs 874
^. inNezPerc6 war 714
— , on causes of ghost dance 816
— ,onca ses of Sioux outbreak 826,833,843
— , on dispatch of troops in Sioux out-
break 852
—, on mortality at Wounded Knee 870,871
— , operations of, in Sioux outbreak 850,
882, 837, 888, 890
— , opinion of, on Sioux excitement 849
—, on Sitting Bull 861
— , on reduction of Sioux rations 827
Milky way, indian conception of 1053
Miller, Henby. killed at Wounded Knee. 871,881
Milleb, William, an Adventist 944
MixikaSzd. a Teton division 1059
MiKiTABI, ghost dance amoufi the 817
1124
INDEX TO PART S
[KTH. a: N. I
Page
MiNiTABi, see Htdatsa.
>ll^sl(>^■AKlEs at Wounded Knee 874,875,878
Mission fight, description of the 875
M'ssK'N INDIANS, ghost dance among the. 804
Missions among the Caddo 1094
Missouri Indians, jihost diince among. .. 91)'^
MTf'STAVii'NCT. a Cheyenne diviaiou 1020
MiTAUi, sketch of the 734
MiTHAW, tee MiTAUi.
MiTHOUiES, a Mitaui synonym 734
Mnemonic aymbols invented by Smohalla. 720
Modoc, Pit river tribes raided by 1052
— , present habitat of the 805
Mohammed and Smohalla compared 719
Mohammedanism and ghost -dance doc-
trine compared 930
MoHAVK, attendance of, at ghoat dance .. 805
— , knowledge of ghost dance by the 814
— , ghost-dance doctrine among the. . . 785
Mo'Ki, account of 1038
— , song composed by 1032, 1035. 1036, 1038
MoKi, see Hopi.
Montcalm, consideration of, for Pontiac. 669
Moon, Arapaho myth concerning the. . .. 1006
— , symbolism of the 905
Moon Head, a Caddo ghost-dance leader. 903, 904
— , account of 904
Morgan, T. J., acknowledgments to ...t. 655
— , on cause of Sioux outbreak 825, 829
— , on flight of Sioux to Bad landa
— , on mortality at Wounded Knee , ..
— , on redaction of Sionx rations
— , on Wounded Knee massacre
— , tour of inspection by
Mormons, conversion of Indians by..
— and the ghost dance
— , belief of,regarding the Indians
— , endowment robe of the
— , Smohalla among the
—.treatment of Indians by
Mortuary cnstom of the Cheyenne .
— dance of northwestern indians
— sacrifice by prairie tribes
— use of sacred paint
Moses, chief of the Isle de Pierre
— , a Nez Perc^ priest
— , encounter of, with Smohalla
— , Smohalla's belief concerning
MOTSAi', a Comanche band
Mount Grant, Paiute name of
Murphy, Jos., killed at Wounded Knee..
Musical instruments, lack of, in ghost
dance
MOtsianata'niuW, Cheyenne name of
Kiowa Apache
Myth, regeneration, of the Hopi
— , see Cosmology.
Na'bai-da'cho, a Caddo division .
Nabedachk, a Caddo division . - -
Nacogdoches, a Caddo division .
Nada'ko, a Caddo division ,
— , early mention of the
— , $ee Anadarko.
1050
872
1081
811
1092
1092
1092
1092
1094
Page
Nadi'isha-de'na, native narae of Kiowa
Apache 1081
Nadouessi, a synonym of Sioux 1050
Nadowesi, a synonym of Sioux 1057
Nadowesiu, a synonym of Sioux 1057
Na-isha, native name of Kiowa Apache.. 1081
Nakai-doklTni, account of 704
Na'ka'na'wan, a Caddo division 1092
Nakash, ghost song composed by 985
— , visit of, to Wovoka 803, 807, 817, 894
Na'kasine'na, name of northern Arapaho. 954
Nakay-doklunni, gee Nakai-dokli'ni.
Xa'kohodo'tsi, a Caddo division 1092
Nakota, a synonym of Sioux 1057
Xa'lani, Navaho name of the Comanche. 1043
Nami Piap, a Columbia Indian god 730
Nandacao, identified with Nadako 1094
NanigCkwa, Paiute nameof ghost dance. 791
Nasisana ka-au'-shan, Caddo name of
ghost dance 791
Nanita, Kichai nameof the Comanche.. 1043
NANONi'KSKARE'NiKi, Kicbal name of the
Cheyenne 1023
Narcelle, Narcisse, in Sioux outbreak. 802
Nashi'tosh, a Caddo division. 1092
Na'shom, a Caddo synonym 1092
Na'shonTt, a Catldo synonym 1092
Nashtowi, Wichita delegate to Wovoka. 903
Nassonite, a Caddo synonym 1092
NatAa, Wichita name of the Comanche. 1043
Natchez, a Paiute chief 1048
Natchitoches, a Caddo division 1092
Natenehina, Arapaho nameof the Sioux. 1057
Natni, Arapaho name of the Sioux 1057
Natnihina, Arapaho name of the Sioux. . 1057
Natural phenomena. Indian idea con-
cerning 721
— , sacred regard for 919
— , symbolism of 905
Navaho, absence of ghost dance among. 810, 926
— and Arapaho warfare 954
— , ghost-dance doctrine among 785
— , hypnotism in ceremony of 811
— name of the Comanche 1043
— name of the Paiute 1048
— , pollen used in dereraonies of 705
— , significance of songs of 1009
— , statistics concerning the 809
Nawat, native name of Left-hand 957
Nawathi'neha, name of southern Arap-
aho 955
Na'wunkna, nameof southern Arapali.>.. 955
NEBRAbKA troops in Sioux outbreak 876
Necklaces of human fingers 1024
Nespelim and Sanpoil affinity 733
— and Spokan affinity 733
— , sketch of the 733
Nettles, R. H., killed at Wounded Knee. 872
Nevada, geographic character of 765
Newell, C. H., killed at Wounded Knee. 872
Nez PERcfc, a Caddo synonym 1092
— , a Sahaptin synonym... 744
—, affinity of the Piilns with 735
— , affinity of Wa'napfim with 735
— and Cay use intermarriage 744
ETII. ANN. 14]
INDEX TO PART 3
1125
rage
Nez VEKct, onuso of war with 712
— habitat and population 805
—.visit of, tn Wovoka 805
— , fffie Sahai»tin.
NiAHANO', aun^ compoHMl by 1099
NiakktsikOtk, Kichai name of the Sioux. 1057
NiXrhakTs kOrikiwAs-hOski, Wichita
nanio of the Arapatio 954
NlA'THUA, Arapalio name for the whit«8. 962,978
Nl'CHiNfi'NA, a Kiowft synonym. 1078
NirULUlTA, a Tlaqluit synonym 740
Niekehikwats-kOniki, Wichita name of
the Clieyenno 1023
Ni'Els-HAErs-Kt'RiKi, a CadiUi syuonym. . 1092
NTshk'Onti', tee MooN Head.
NiSQCALLY in treaty of 1854 751
— membership in Shaker church 759
— , Shaker religion among tlie 747
NockayDelklinne, see Nakai-doklI'ni.
No Flesh, flight of, to Bad lands 884
No'KONi, a Comanche band 1044
NoBCOK, acknowledgments to 655
NosE-PiEBCiNQ by the Caddo 1092
No Water's camp, game- wheel at 1075
—, ghost dance at 823.846.915
N'POCHLE, a Sanpoil synonym 733
NuHiNtt'NA. an Arapaho warrior order ... 987
NCma, a synonym of Comanche 1043
— , a synonym of Paiute 1048
NuMBEE, sacred, in ghost dance 782, 919, 1000
— , sacred, in Shaker religion 751
KCmi'naA', a Paiute god ..., 1051
NOnaha'wu, an Arapaho warrior order. . 989
Nyu'taa, song composed by 1097
Oakixaokkn, an Okanagan division 734
— , a synonym of Okanagan 734
OcETi Sakowin, a synonym of Sioux 1057
OCHECHOTES, a synouym of Uchi'chol 738,740
Offering of sacred objects 916
— to the eagle 1100
Offley, Colonel, troops under, in Sioux
outbreak 850
OOALALA, a Teton division 1058
— in Sioux outbreak 882,885
— knowledge of the messiah 819
OhknoSpa, a Teton division 1059
6'iviMA'NA, a Cheyenne division 1025
Ojibwa, absence of ghost dance among .. 816
— , early warfare by the 1059
— , effect of Shawano religion on the 680
— names of the Arapaho 953
— name of the Groa Ventres 955
— , Pota watomi prophet among the 706
— , Tenskwatawa among the 677
Okanaoan. sketch of the 734
Okinakane. an Okanagan synonym 734
Okiwahkine, an Okanagan synonym 734
Omaha, absence of ghost dance among.. . 816
— , Caddo name of the 1093
—.study of the 654
— , visit to the 767
Omaha dance, crow dance a modification
of 901
One Feather in the Few-Tails affair. . . . 889, 890
Page
OoTLASHOOT, ft Kntenai band 731
OuiENTATioN of Arapaho tipi 986
— of cam]>ing circle 1026
— ,«« Cardinal points.
Obage, ghost dance among the 002
— name of the Comanche 1043
— name of tho Sioux 1057
Ota's-ita'niuw', a Caddo synonym 1092
Otehmin. Antonio, Might of, to El Paso. .. 660
Oto. ghost dance among the 902
— name of tho Comanche 1043
— name of the Sioux 1057
— , condition of ghost dance among 927
O'TUoCNr, a Cheyenne division 1026
Oualla-Oualla. a Wallawalla synonym . 744
Odichram, a Tlaqluit synonym 740
Owen, CoL.,at Battle of Prophet's town.. 688
PAtwecA, application of the name 1043, 1044
PaoXnavo, Shoshoni and Comanche name
of the Cheyenne 1028
Pa'qatsO, a Comanche baud 1045
Pa-guadal, native name of Red Buffalo. 1083
Paha'Na, Uopi name of the whites 978
Pah Utes, a synonym of Paiut« 1048
Pahva.nt confounded with the Paiute... 1048
Pa-iRgta, a Kiowa prophet 1083
— , repute*} powers'of 900, 907
Paint, how regarded by Cheyenne and
A rapaho 779
— , mortuary use of 879
— obtained from Wovoka 775,778
— on ghost shirts : 790
— presented by Wovoka 797, 9fi0, 901
— used by the Arapaho 971
— used by the Cheyenne 1029
— used in ghost dance 798,
814, 821, 823. 919, 922, 997, 1098
Faicte, Cohonino knowledge of ghost
dance from 612
— , gambling song of the 1009
—, ghost dance among the.. >. 654,
784. 802, 806. 926, 927
— , ghost dance introduced among Wala-
pai by 814
— , glossary of the 1056
— method of conversation 770
— mode of living 770
— name of ghost dance , 791
— name for the whites 978
— , Navaho taught about messiah by 811
— notion concerning eclipse 773
— on Klamath reserve : 805
— on Warmspring reserve 805
— , population of the 1050
— , Porcupine among the 794
—, reception of, into Mormon church 790
— , akeUh of the 1048
— ,songsof the 1052
—.synonymy of the 1048
— , Tavibo among the 701
— , see WovoKA.
Pai-ycchimC, Hopi name of the Paiute.. 1048
Pai-yutsI, Navaho name of the Paiute. . . 1048
Pa'kam alli, a Pit river band 1052
Pa'kiut, Smohalla services at 727
1126
INDEX TO PART 2
[ETH. ANN. 14
Page
pA"KiCT-'Lte'MA, a Ta'klma synonym 737
Palmer, Agent, report of, on Sioux ex-
citement 848
Palouse, a Pji'lua synonym 735, 737
Palu, Washo name of the Paiute 1048
Palus and Wa'napGm affinity 735
— . incorporation of Ctiamna'pCtm with. .. 739
— , sketch of the 735
Pambzimina, Shoshoni name of the Sioux. 1057
Pani Piques, French name of the Wichita 1095
Pansy Society and the Sioux outbreak.. 893
Papago, absence of ghost dance among - . 805
Papitsinima, Comanche name of Sioux.. 1057
PapshpCn-'lSma, a synonym of Pend d'
Oreille 731
Parker, Quanah, a Comanche chief 1046
— (Opposition of, to ghost dance 902
Parker, Mrs Z. A., on the Sioux ghost
dance 916
Parkman. Francis, cited on Pontiac 665, 669
— , Pontiac manuscript referred to by 663
Parr, Harriet, cited on Joan of Arc 935
Parton, Eliza, acknowledgments to 655
Parton, George, acknowledgments to. . . 655
Pa'tadal, influence of, in ghost dance . . . 914
— , see Poor Buffalo.
Pa'th£sk£, account of 700
Patrick, — , quoted on Potawatomi proph-
ets'dance 706
Patterson AND Brown's mission 940
Paviotso, application of term 1048
Pawnee and Arapaho warfare 954
— , ghost dance among the 902,927
— , influence of ghost dance over the 926
— name of the Arapalio 954
— name of tlie Kiowa Apache 1081
— name of the Sioux 1057
Peace pipe of the Sioux 1062
Pelloatpallah, a Pa'lua synonym 735, 745
Peloose, a Pa'lua synonym 735
Pemmican, derivation of 1067
— , ghost song reference to 991
— , preparation of 1067
Pe'na'nde, a Comanche band 1045
Pe'nateka, a Comanche band 1045
— , ghost dance among the 901
—, migration of the 1044
Pend d'Oreille, account of the 731
—, land treaty with the 731
—.present habitat of the 805
Penney, Capt. C. G., appointed Indian
agent 887
Perfume, grass used as 823
Personal names, Shawano, note on 683
Peruvian belief in a messiah 660
Phister, N. p., on ghost-dance doctrine. . 784
— , on Wovoka's father 765
Photographs of the ghdst dance 654
Pictography of Kiowa calendar. 906,907,909,910
«- of the ghost dance 1060
— on gaming wheel 994
— on ghost-dance costume 982
— on ghost shirts 790,916
— , tUunderbird in 969
Pierce, F. E., appointed Indian agent 887
Page
Pima, absence of ghost dance among 805
Pine Bird, flight of, to Bad lands 884
Pine Kidge agency, arrival of troops at.. 850
— attacked by Brul6s '873,875
— , changes in boundaries of 830
— , delegates from, to Wovoka 820
—, delegation from, to Washington 891
— , destruction of property at 892
— , dissatisfaction of iudians at 844
— , flight of Indians of. to Bad lands 850
— , ghost dance at 846
— , ghost-dance council held at 82C
— , ghost-dance excitement at 848
—, Indians of, meet commissioners 841
— , missions on, abaudimed 874
— , reduction of rations at 832,845
— , report of Sioux delegates at 820
— , restlessness of Indians at 845
— .return of Sioux hostiles to 861
— , visit of .\piatan to 911
Pinon nuts, how regarded by Cheyenne
and Arapaho 779
PinOtgC, a Cheyenne division 1026
Pipe ceremony in ghost dance 915
— in Caddo mythology 1093
— , peace, broken by Sitting Bull 854
— , peace, of the Cherokee 1063
— , sacred, in chargeof northern Arapaho. 955
— , sacretl , of the Arapaho 956, 1003
— , sacred, of the Sioux 823, 1062
— , sacred, referred to in ghost song 1072
— , sacred regard for. 959, 960, 961
— , symbolism of, in ghost dance 789
— , treaty, illustrated 68S
— , use of, in ghost dance 1064
Pishquitpah, sketch of the 739
PiSKWAUS and Isle de Pierre affinity 735
—, sketch of the 736
PiSQUOUSE, a Piskwaus synonym 737-738
Pissrow, an Okanagan division 734
Pit River Indians, account of the 1052
— , ghost dance among 785, 804
Piute, a synonym of Paiute 1048
Pleasant MEN, an Arapaho division 957
Plenty Horses. Lieut. Casey killed by.. 888
Plumb, Agent, account of ghost dance by. 806
P'na, a village on Columbia river 716, 717
— , meaning of 735
— , Smohalla ceremonial at 727
~,aee Priest rapid?.
Po'HOi, a Comanche band 1045
Pointed Hearts, a Coeur d'A16ne syn-
onym 733
Poland, Col., troops under, at Rosebud. 850
PoLANYUP, a Kiowa warrior order 989
Pole, sacrifice, in Sioux ceremony 823
— , «« Tree.
Police, Sioux, arrrest of Sitting Bull by. 856-858
— , Sioux, bravery of 860
— , Sioux, moderation of 869
Pollen, use of, in Apache ceremony 705
Pollock, Oscar, killed at WoundedKnee. 871, 872
PoLoi, Henry, acknowledgments to 655
POLONCHES. a Pa'lus synonym 735
PONCA, ghost dance among the 816, 902
ETII. AKN. U]
INDEX TO PART 2
1127
PoNDERAs. »« Petto D'OBEiriK.
PoNTi AC, character of
— inaniiscri])t, reference to
Poor BCFFAU).a ghoHt-tlaiice leafier
— , Kiowa uieHsiah deiegatiou under
— , jmrtrait of
PoHcfriNE, account of moHsiah by
— . elfect of mn-saiali visit of
— , ghoat song <'omposed by
, statement of, concerning niessiah
— , visit of, to Wovoka 703, 784, 803,
PoTAWATOMi, absence of ghost dance
among
— , disciples of Kanakftk
— , ghost dance among the
— settlement at Tipi)ecnnoe
PoTAWATOMI PROPHET, account of
PoTRERO, prophecy of Indians of
PowDEB, sacred. <m dance ground
— , sacred, use of, in battle
— , «« PoLl,KN.
Powell, J. W., quoted on the Palute
Powers, John, ministerofSliakerchurch.
Powers, Stephen, on Pit River Indians..
Pbathkr, W. H., Sioux campaign song
Page
668
603
908
907
008
793
818
1028
819
817, 894
816
by.
Pratt, Orson, on the mossiah belief
Prayer, Lobd's. Arapaho equivalent of. .
Prayer STICK, used by Kiinakftk
Phesbytbkians, attitude of, toward Shak-
er religion
PBEsroTT, W. H., on effect of civiliiation
in Peru
— , on golden age of Anahuac
Preston. Lieut. tiUY, at battle of Wound-
ed Knee
Pretty Back on the Sioui outbreak
Priest rapids, Smohalla performances at.
— . nee P'na.
Primeau, Louis, guide in attack of Sitting
Bull
— , interpreter for Sioux delegation
Principal Doos, a Kiowa warrior order..
Pritts, J., citeil ofi Delaware prophet
Prophets, various, compared
Prophet's TOWN, battle of
— , tee Tippecanoe.
PsH w anapCm, a K"tgtii8 synonym
Pueblos, absence of ghost dance among.
—.revolt of, in 1080 ;
— , 9ee llopi, Taos.
Pu.MPKlN SEED in Caddo mythology
PCtci, information concerning Cohonino
from
PuYAi.LUP in treaty of 1854
Pyramid LAKE, buttle of, in 1860
705
804
918
790
10S4
758
1052
882, 883
703
966,977
760
659
658
873
839
725
856
891
688
QamI'lh, a Plakwaus cliief
QamTl-'lema. a PVskwaus band
QA'PNfsII-'LfiMA, sketcli of the
Q'ma'shpal, a Cteur d'Ali^ne synonym.
QUAKERS, accountof the -
Quanah, former name of father of
— , see Parker, Quanah.
QUAPAW name of the Comanche
736
805, 926
659
1093
813
751
771
736
736
739
733
936
1014
Page
QuiARLPi, a Colville synnnjm 732
Quirt of the Dog soldiers 987
QuoiT-TSow, another name for Wovoka . . 703
Qdoitze ( )w. name ajtplied to Wovoka . . . 765
QwO'lhhwaI'PCh, aKld'kJltiit synonym. 738
Rabbits inPalutemyth 1051
. — , a Kiowa warrior order 989
Rain invoked by tlie bull-roarer 975
— songs of Wovoka 772
Ranters, account of the 936
Rapid City, api>earance of troops at 850
RAPiDiNDiAN8,a8ynonymof Gros Ventres 9.55
rations, Sloui, table of 839
—,tee SioDX outbreak.
Rattle of the Dog soldiers 987
— used by Arapaho warriors 988
Raven, sacred regard for the 982
Real- DOGS, a Kiowa warrior order 989
Red as a sacred color 1037
Red Buffalo, song composed by 1083
Red Cloud, adherent of messiah doctrine. 848
—, an Ogalala chief 845,1058
— , confidence in, by agent 8.32
— , declaration of, for ghost -dance doctrine. 821
— , ghost dance council held by 820
— , operations of, in Sioux outbreak 881
— , opposition of, to land cession 845
—.portrait of 846
— .responsibility of, for Sioux outbreak.. 852
—, surrender of band of 882
— thwarted by McGillycuddy 845
Red Cloud, Jack, conduct of, in Sioux
outbreak 884
RcD Feather, name of Paul Bbj-nton... 971
Red-lodges, a Cheyenne division 1026
Red Tail in the gltost dance 1085
Red Tomahawk, a Sioux policeman 856
— .portrait of — 856
—, Sitting Boll sliot by 857
Red Wolf, delegate to Wovoka 900
Regan, Michael, killed at Wounded Knee 872
Regeneration, ideaof, ridiftuled by south-
ern Ute 806
—, Indian belief in 818
— in ghost-dance doctrine 785, 796
— of the earth 959.1030.1054.1073
— . power of. attributed to Wovoka 821
Reid, Henry, acknowle<lgment8 to 665
Reinecky, F. T.. killed at Wounded Knee 872
Rem y. J., on the Kentucky revival 943
Resurrection, see Regeneration.
Return-from-scout. vision of wife of 916
Richard, Louis, interpreter for Sioux
delegation 891
Ridge PEOPLE, a Cheyenne division 1025
RiTUALof Smohalla religion 725
Rivers, reference to, in ghost song 1032
Roberts, J., Arapaho sacred pipe seen by 961
Robinson, Lieutenant, scouts under, in
Sioux outbreak 850
Roosevelt, Theodore, quoted on the
Sword-bearer atVair 707
Rose, wild, use of seeds of 978
Rosebud agency, changes in land bound-
aries of 830
1128
INDEX TO PART 2
[ETH. ANN. 14
Page
Rosebud aoenct, delegates from, to
Washington 8^1
— , delegates from, toAVovoka 820
— , flight of Indians of, to Bad lands 850
— , ghost dance at 847
— , number of Sioux at 845
— , outbreak of Indians of, predicted 800
Koss, — , on northwestern indian land
troubles 710
EOYEB, D. F., agent at Pine Ridge 828, 848
— , alarm of ■ 849
— .consultation of, with General Miles... 848
— , on mortality at Wounded Knee 871
— , removal of Sioux Indians recom-
mended by 852
— , statement to, on Sioux outbreak 839
RuoEE, General, on Big Foot's move-
ments 865
— , on causes of Sioux outbreak 834
— , on mortality at Wounded Knee 870
— , ordered to arrest Sword-bearer 707
Sacrifice, mortuary, by prairie tribes 782
— pole of the Sioux 822
— , scarification as a 898
— , see Offeeino.
Sa'dalso'mte-k'inago, Kiowa name of
Kiowa Apache 1081
Sage, acknowledgments to 655
—,»ee Nakash.
Sagebrush, use of, in sweat-bath 822
Sage-hen held sacred in ghost dance 982
— inPalutemyth 1051
— symbol on ghost shirts 823
Sa'ghalee Tthe, a Columbia indian god - 719, 722
Sahaptin, sketch of the 744
— , see Kez Pkrc^.
Saint John, dance of, described 935
Saint Paul mission among the Colvillc. . 732
Saint Vitus dance, origin of 935
Sak'ota, Kiowa name of the Cheyenne... 1023
Salishan tribes, absence of ghost dance
among 805
Salmon dance of northwestern Indians . . 728
— fishing among Columbia Indians 717
Salton sea, indian belief concerning 804
Samii.kanuigh, an Okanagan division ... 734
Sanfobd, Colonel, troops under, in Sioux
outbreak 850
Sanitika. Pawnee name of the Arapalio . 954
Sanko, Kiowa name of the Comanche 1043
Sanpoil and Nespelim affinity 724
— and Spokan affinity 733
— , sketch of the 733
Sans Arcs, a Teton division 1059
Sans Pcei.les, a Sanpoil synonym 733
Santee, absence of ghost dance among . . 816
—, divisions of the 1058
Sa'pani, Shoshone name of Gros Ventres. 955
Sabaminuka, a Winnebago leader 700
SaretIka, Comanche and Shoshoni name
of Arapaho 954
SXBftTiKA, Wichita name of the Arapaho. 954
Sarlilso, a Spokan synonym 732
Sabsi, absence of gL^ jt dance among 817
Sasa'ba-ithi, an Arapaho division
Sa-sis-e-tas. a synonym of (Cheyenne
Sauhto, Caddo name of the Comanche. ..
Sauk, ghost dance among the
Sauk and Fox, absence of ghost dance
among
— allied with Tecunitha
— , influence of Potawatomi prophets
among -
Sawpaw, a Sklnjiii synonym
Scabby, a Cheyenne division
Scabby Bull, name adopted by Sitting
Bull
Scaffold burial by the Cheyenne
Scalps in Cherokee myth
Scarification as a mortuary custom
— , sacrificial
Schaff, Philip, on dance of Saint John..
— , on Fifth -monareliy men
— , on the Flagellants
SCHARTEL, T., killed at Wounded Knee. .
ScHOFiELD, Gen. J. M., telegram to, on
Sioux trouble
Schoolcraft, H. R., on Fontiac
— , on Pontiac manuscript
— , on Tecuratha
I — , on Winnebago prophecy
! Schools, eastern, objection of Sioux to..
— , «e«CARLisLE, Civilization, Education.
Schbooyelpi, a Colville synonym
ScHWENKKY, P., killed at Wounded Knee.
SCHWOGKLPI, a Colville synonym
Schwoyelpi, a Colville synonym
Scott, Capt. H. L., acknowledgments to.
— , on ghost-dance doctrine
— ,on Moon Head
— , on Sitting Bull
— , on reputed power of Sitting Bull
— , ordered to investigate ghost dance
Scouts, loyalty of at Wounded Knee
Seapcat, a Si'apkat synonym
Sk'HiwCQ, native name of Weasel Bear..
Seicha, the Arapaho sacred jiipe
Selwyn, W. T.. account of Sioux visit to
Wovoka by
— , interview of, with Kuwapi
— , inauguration of Sioux ghost dance
— , warning by, of Sioux outbreak
Semat, a Kiowa division
— , Kiowa name of Kiowa Apache
Seminole allied with Tecumtha
Senijextee, se". Lake Indians.
SE'TXs-'LbMA, habitat of the
Setkopti, Paul, acknowledgments to
Sktt'aiSti, tipi symbolism of
Sewatpalla, aPa'lus synonym
ShA'aw6, a Yakima chief
Sha''chidi'ni, a former Caddo village
Shafteb, <;ol., on the Few-Tails affair...
— , troops under, in Sioux outbreak
Shagawaumikong, location of
Sh ahaN, Osage name of the Sioux
Shahaptian tribes, absence of ghost
dance among
Shaiela, Sioux name of the Cheyenne . .
Page
957
1023
1043
902
816
685
706
740
1025
896
1027
809
782
898
935
938
936
872
665
663
691
661
837
732
872
732
732
655
785
904
895
896, 897
900
881
737, 738
959
960
820
798
819
821
1079
1081
687
738
655
911
735
727
1094
890
850
679
1057
805
1023
ETH AKN. li)
INDEX TO PART 2
1129
Page
Shaiesa, Sioiix name of the Cheyenne... wa
SHAKER8, account of the 746, 941
— , chn racter of the 780
— , growth of church of 759
—, organization of church of 758
— , tenets of religion of -.. 759
— , Wicliershani on religion of 751
Shallatt<K)S, a W'shii'niltu synonym 730
Shangreau, Louis, conduct of, in Sioux
outbreak 884
— , interpreter for Sioux deleeation 891
Shanwapappom, a K''tfttii» synonym 736
SHAPUPU-'LifiMA, native name of Yowa-
Inch's followers 760
Sharp Nose, acknowledgments to 655
— , Clieyenne delegate to Wovoka 776, 900
Sbave Head at arrest of Sitting Bull 857
— wounded in Sitting Bull flght 857
— killed in Sitting Bull fight 858
Shawano, final defeat of tlie 672
— , personal names of the 683
—, tribal range of the 683
Shawano Prophet, tee Tknskwatawa.
Shawwawa Kootiacan, tee ShA'awS.
Sheep, Charley, acknowledgments to... 655
— , uncle of Wovoka 767
Shell, aigniflcanee of the 1001
Sheridan, Gen. P. H., promises of, to Nez
Perc<i9 714
Shianavo, Comanche name of the Chey-
er le 1023
Shi^ua, Wichita name of the Cheyenne. . 1023
Shinny stick of tiie Arapaho 964
Shipafu, a pueblo Indian magic lagoon . . 659
Shirt, tee Ghost shirt.
SHisHiNowYTslTANiuW, Cheyenne name
of the Comanche 1043
Shiwamsh, a Cay use synonym 743
Shi'wanIsh, a Sahaptin synonym 744
ShmoijCla, tee Smohalla.
Short Buix, arrest of band of 876
— , continued retreat of 867
— ,delegate to Wovoka 820
— , flight of, to Bad lands 850, 852, 884
— , ghoat dance led by 788, 817, 847, 1084
— .Indians urg^d to dance by 849
— , operations of, in Sioux outbreak 881
--, Pine Ridge agency attacked by 873
— , portrait of 851
— , surrender of, demanded 887
— , surrender of 868
—, visit of. to Wovoka 797,819,843,894
Shoshoni and Arapaho warfare 954
^■- and Comanche affinity 1043
— . ghost dance aniong 805, 806, 807, 809, 817, 894
— , early knowledge of the messiah by . . . 797
— , influence of giiost dance over the 926
— , messiah delegates aniong the 818,894
— name for ghost dance 791,920
— name of the Arapaho 0J>4
— name of the Cheyenne 1023
— name of the Comanche 1043
— name of the Gros Ventres 955
— name of the Pa lute 1048
— name of the Sioux 1057
Page
Shoshoni name for the white* 703,978
— .present habitat of the > 806
— , reception of, into Mormon church 790
-,8tudyof the 654
— , Tiivibo among the 701
— ,vi8itof Apiatafi to 911
-.visit of, to Wovoka 818,89*
Shyiks, mention of the 738
Si'Xpkat, a PTskwaus band 735
Sibley, — , quoted on the Caddo 1094
SichaSqu, a Teton division 1058
S1CKBI.S, Miss E.C., acknowledgments to. 655
— . Sword's account of gliost fiance jire-
sentcd by 797
Sides, Johnson, visit of Captain Dick to. 784
— , Wovoka confounded with 765
Sign, triiial, i»f Kiowa Apache 1081
— , of the Arapaho : . . 954
-i, of the Caddo 1092
— ,of the Cheyenne 1024
— , of the Comanche 1043
— .of tlie Kiowa 1078
— . of the Sioux 1057
Signal, war, of the Sioux 869
Sign langvage as medinm of ghost-dance
communication 808
SiHASAPA, a Teton division 1059
Simmons, J. W., a delegate to the Yakima. IIU
— , elect«d elder of Shaker church 758
SiNAPOiLS, a Sanpoil synonym 733
SiNDi, a Kiowa hero gml 1064,1080
Si'NUiYO'i, a Kiowa division 1079
Sineeguombnah, an Upper Spokan syno-
nym 732
SiNHUMANisH. a Spokan synonym 732
SINIPOUALS. a Sanpoil synonym 733
SiNKOMAN, a Spokan synonym 732
SiNPAivEUSH, a Sanpoil synonym 733
SiNPOHELLECHACH. an Okanagan division. 734
— , aSanpoil synonym 733
SiNPOILSOHNB, a Sanpoil syijonym 733
SiNSIL'SE, an Isle de Pierre synonym 734
SiNSPEBLiSH, a Nespelim synonym 733
SINTI, a Kiowa hero god , . . 1064, 1080
SINTOOTOO, a Middle Spokan synonym... 732
SiNWHOYELPPETOOK. an Okanagan divi-
sion 734
Sioux, absence of ghost dance among cer-
tain bauds of 816
— , account of the 1057
— and Cheyenne hostility 1024
— and Kiowa early warfare 1080
— , delegation of, to Wovoka 813, 894
— .discontinuance of ghost dance among. 927
— drawings of the ghost dance 1060
— , failure of crops among 828
— . features of ghost dance among 802, 822
— , first knowledge of messiah among the. 819
—, ghost dance among the 654,
787. 796, 816, 817, 819. 915
— , glossary of the 1075
— , how affected by the ghost dance 927
— habitat and population 824
— name of the Arapaho 954
— name of the Cheyenne 10*23
1130
INDEX TO PART 2
[ETH. ANN. 14
Page
Siocx, number of, in ghost dance 817
— name of ghost dance 791
— outbreak, account of the 843
— outbreak, causes of 824,825,829
— outbreak, cost of 843, 891. 892
— outbreak, etfect of, on neighborhood. . . 892
— outbreak, end of the 888
— outbreak, number killed in 871,801
— outbreak, warning of 821
— outbreak, see Wounded Knee.
— , popuhition of the 844
— , reduction of rations amoug 827
— reservation, division of 840
— , reservation experi ence of 833
— , songs of the 1061
— , symbolic representation of 789
— , synonymy of the 1057
— , treatment of, by government 827
— treaty of 1868 824,839
— treaty of 1876 825
— treaty of 1877 838
— , tree used by, in ghost dance 979
— , tribal sign of the 1057
— , visit to the 767
SisitoSwaS, a Sioux division 1058
SissETON, a Sioux division 1058
SiTANKA, »ee Big Foot.
Sitting Bull (Ara-paho)^ acknowledg-
ments to 655
— .belief of, regarding ghost dance 786
— , decline of interest of, in ghost dance.. 901
— , ghost song composed by 972
— , ghost song introduced by 965
— , hypnotism performed by 899,923,972
— , instruction in ghost-dance doctrine by . 895
— , portrait of. 896
— , prediction of 909
— , reputed power of 896, 897
— , sacred feather conferred by 919
— , sketcli of 895
— , statement of, at Anadarko council 913
— , visit of, to Wovoktt 817, 894, 901
Sitting Bull (*Siottx), account of trouble
with 843
— , arrest of 857
— , attempt to arrest 854
— , death of 857, 860
— , evil influence of 844
— , flight of wan-iors of 858
— , ghost dancu at camp of 853
— , ghost dance continued by 847
—.ghost dance invited by 847
— , interview of McLaughlin with 849
--, mapof tight at camp of 859
— . mischief plotted by 854
~, number killed in fight with 891
— , number of followers of 864
— , opposition of, to land cession 845
— , order for arrest of 855
— , peace pipe broken by 854
— , plan of, to evade arrest 855
— ,poi trait of 858
— , removal of, advised 848, 854
— , responsibility of, for Sioux outbreak. . 832, 852
^, sketch of 860
Page
Sitting Bull (Sioux), surrender of war-
riors of 860, 862, 871
SiUR Poils, a synonym of Sanpoil 733
SKADDAL,a synonym of Ska'utftl 736
Sk alzi, a synonym of Kutenai 731
Skamoynumach, an Okauagan division .. 736
Ska'ctal, a Plskwaus band 734
Skeechaway, a C(eur d'Alene synonym. 733
Skeetsomish, a C(fur d'Alene synonym. 733
Skien, a synonym of Sktn]>a 740
Skin, a synonvm of Sklnpii 740
Skinpa, sketch of tlie 740
Skinpah, a synonym of Skinpa 738.740
SkitsamCq, a synonym of C<eur d'Alene. 733
Skitswish, a synonym of Coeur d'Alene.. 733
Skokomish, Shaker religion among the .. 747
Skull, butfalo, figurative reference to 1002
— , buffalo, use of, in ceremonials 980
Skunkberey people, a Kiowa warrior
order 989
Sku'tani. Sioux name of Gros Ventres. . . 955
SKWA'NANX.a Plskwaus hand 736
Skyuse, a Cay use synonym 743
Slocum. John, account of 746, 752
— , conversion of 751
— , elected elder of Shaker church 758
— , how regarded by the Shakers 750
Smallpox, appearance of, in Columbia
region 743
Smawhola, a Smohalla synonym 717
Smith, John, elected elder of Shaker
chnrch 768
Smohalla, account of 708
— religion, account of the 708
— religion, doctrine of 716
— religion, tribes under influence of 731
Smoh ALLER, a Smohalla synonym 717
Smohallow, a Smohalla synonym 717
Smohanleb, a Smohalla synonym 717
Smohollie, a Smohalla synonym 717
Smokeholer, a Smohalla synonym 717
Smokeller, a Smohalla synonym 711,717
Smoking, ceremonial, by Arapaho 918, 1730
Smoky lodges, a Clieyenne division 1025
Smuxale, a Smohalla synonym 717
Snakes, handling of. by Crazy dancers: . . 1033
— in Sioux mythology 1063
Snohollie, a Smohalla synonym 717
Snooholler, a Smolialla synonym 717
Snow-snake and Arapaho game com-
pared 1007
Snyder. Simon, cited on Sword-bearer 707
SoKULK, a"Wa'napftm synonym 735
SoMAHALLiE, a Smohalla synunyui 717'
SONo, closing, of the Arapaho 1012
— , closing, significance of 918
— , gambling, of the Paiute 1009
— of the Sioux campaign 883
Songs, gbost-dance, rehearsal of 5I8
— in Smohalla ceremony 730
— of the Arapaho 958
— of the Caddo 1096
— of the Cheyenne 1028
— of the Cnmanebe 1046
— of the ghost dance 920,953
ETH. ANN. 1*]
INDEX TO PART 2
1131
Page
Songs of the Paiute 1052
— of the Sliakers 755
— of the Sioux »17, 1061
— ,l*uitite. characterof 1050
— , rain, of Wovoka 772
SousA, J. P., aeknowledRments to 655
SouTllEY, It., cited on French proi)tietM. .. 9:i9
— , cited on Methoilists 941
So'WANiA, ft ClHiyenne synonym 1025
SOWWANI'U, the Algonquian spirit world. 982
SOYENNOM, mention of, by Lewis and
Clark 7«
Spaniards. Indian rej;ard for the 676
— , relations of. witli the Caddo 1094
Spear men, an Ara])aho warrior order . . . 98S
Spirit wor).d. location of 982,983
SpofforI), a. R.,acknowledf;mentsto 655
Spokan, present habitat of the 805
— .sketchof the 732
SPOKIHN19H. a Spokan synonym 732
SPOKO.MISH, a Spokan synonym 732
Spotted Horse, an Arapaho chief 956
— on the Sioux outbreak 839
— on the Wouwied Knee massacre 885
Squannaboos, a Skwa'nAnft synonym 736
SQi'AXiNin treaty of 1854 751
— leaders in Shaker religion 746
— membership in Shaker church 75D
Squirrel, Caddo delegate to Wovoka 903
SQiT-?ACHT-rN, see Slocum, John.
Staitan, a synonym of Cheyenne 1023
Stalkoosum, a PIsk waus chief 736
Standing I!eau, Kicking Bear's surren-
der effected by 868
Standing Bear, Ellis, acknowledgments
to 655
Standing Bull, Cheyenne delegate to
Wovoka 900
Standing Eock agency, delegates from,
to Washington 891
— .disaffection of iudiansat 834
—, ghost dance at 847,848
Standing Soldier, scout at Wounded
Knee 876
Star, evening, personification of the 1098
— , morning, Indian reverence for 1011
Star men. an Arapaho warrior order 987
Stenhouse, T. B. H., cited on Mormonism 790
Stephen, A.M., acknowledgments to 655
— , on Cohon ino ghost dance 812
— , on Hopi regeneration myth 811
— , on Navaho knowledge of ghost dance. 810, 811
Steptoe, Col., light of, with Chief Moses . 734
Stevens, I. I., on Cayuse and KlOkatiit
hostility 738
- ,on the Cayuse 744
, on the meaning of Yakima 737
— , on the Piskwaus 736
—.treaty of 1854 by T51
Stietshoi. a Cipur d'Alene synonym 733
Stobshaddat, a Ya'klm4 synonym 737
Stone. H. B., killed at Wounded Knee. . . 872
Straight Head, a delegate to Washing-
ton 891
Strings knotted as message bearer 659
Page
Stueois. Colonbl, in Nez Veni war 714
Sumneb, Col. £. V., ordered to arrest Big
Foot 864
— , troops under, in Sioux outbreak 850
Sun, Indian myth concerning 971
— . I'aiute notion concerning the 773
—, personification of the 1097
— , prayer to the 915
— , sacred regard for the 919
— , symbolism of the 905
— ,see Eclipse.
Son dance among the Cheyenne 706
— among the Kiowa 1080
Sunday selected for the ghost dance 824
SuTA'si'NA,a Cheyenne division 1025
SCta'ya, a Cheyenne division 1025
Sutherland, T. A., on Nez Perc« war 714
Suti, a synonym of Sfita'ya 1025
Sweat-bath, prelim inary to ghost dance . . 787,
803, 822
— , use of, described 822
Sweat-lodge, buffalo skull in front of 980
— . ceremonial, of the Arapalio 989
— , ghost-song reference to 981
— of the Arapaho 960
— of the Sioux described 822
— , use of, in ghost dance 798
—.use of the 981
SwiELPEE, a Col ville synonym 732
Sword, George, acknowledgments to 655
— .accountof ghostdance by 796
— ,delegate to Washington.. 891
— , on advent of the messiab 816
— , on Sioux knowledge of the messiah. . . 819
— , vision of 821
— , on Wounded Knee massacre 885
Sword, Jennie, survivor of Wounded
Knee 879,880
Sword-bearer, account of 708
—, effect of affair of, on the Crow 816
— , origin of name 706
Symbolism, ceremonial, i^Sbakerreligion. 761
—.color, in ghost dance 919
—.color, in Smohalla ritual 725,729
— . earth, turtle the representative of 979
— . mnemonic, invented by Smohalla 720
— of an amulet 905
— of natural phenomena 905
— of the buffalo 980
— of cedar 809,979
— of the cross 1011
— of theorow 1072
— of the ghost dance 920
— of the planets 823
— on ghost shirts 823
Synonymy of the Caddo 1092
— of the Cheyenne 1023
— of the Comanche 1043
— of theKiowa 1078 ,
— of the Paiute 1048
— of theSioui 1057
Tabinshi, visit of, to Wovoka 807
Tabu of certain articles in ghost dance. . 788,
798, 916, 921
1132
INDEX TO PART 2
[ETH. ANN. 14
Page
Tabu of Comanche names 1044
— of fire in certain ghost dances 802
Tauu'i, Kiowa name of Iviowa Apaclie. . . 1081
Tagya'ko, Kiowa name of nortliern
Arapaho 955
Tai'Xq, slsetch of the 742
Taigh, a Tai'-aq synonym 742
Ta-ih, a Tai'-aq synonym 742
Tai-kieapain, a Taitinapam synonym .. 739
Taiktla, a Tai'-aq synonym 742
Taitinapam and Kldkatat affinity 738
—.sketch of the 739
Tai'vo, Shoshonean name for the whites- 978
Ta'ka-i, Kiowa name of the whites 978
Tall Bear, hummer used by 975
Tall Bull, Cheyenne delegate to Wo-
voka 775,900
Tama, acknowledgments to 655
Tamana'ratara, Shoshoni name of ghost
dance 791
Tana'katUn, Shoshoni name of ghost
dance 791
Tani'bankn, a Caddo synonym 1092
TANi'BATHA,a Caddo synonym 1092
TanI'ma, a Comanche hand 1043
Tanner, John, on OJihwa name of Gros
Ventres 955
— , on the Shawano prophet 673
— , on Tenskwatawa among the Ojibwa . . 677
T'A5tPK'KO, a Kiowa warrior order 989
Taos, ghost dance at 805,926
Tapanash, sketch of the 740
Ta'pteal, application of name 739
Ta'sawTks, a Palus village 735
Ta'bhin, Comanche name of Kiowa
Apache 1081
Tatanka Ivotanke, native name of Sit-
ting Bull 860
Tatqunma, the proper form of Thatuna. 745
Tattookd people, the Wichita so called. 1095
Tatum, Lawrie, Wichita interpreter to
Wovoka delegation 903
Ta' VIBO, account of 701, 764
— , Wovoka's account of 771
Tawakoni, a Wichita subtribe 1095
Tawe'hash, a synonym of Wichita 1095
Taylor, Liect., at surrender of Big Foot- 867
Taylor, Maj., at battle of Prophet's town 688
Tchilouit, a Tlaqluit synonym 740
Teccmth A, account of 681
— , address of, to Harrison 721
— , defeat of 689
— , end of 691
—, etymology of 681
— joins the British army 690
— , later career of 690
Telegrams on Sioux trouble 835,836
Te'nahwit, a Comanche band 1045
TEna'wa, a Comanche band 1045
Tk'Sbiyu'i, a Kiowa warrior order 989
Tenino, present habitat of 805
— , sketch of the 742
Tbnsk w at a wa, account of. 670
—.etymology of 674
—.extent of influence of 927
Page
Tepda, a Kiowa synonym 1087
Terry, Gen., pursuit of Sitting Bull by. . 860
Tetau, a synonym of Comanche 1043
Ttrz Pel6e, a synonym of Comanche. .. 1043
TETON,a Sioux division 1058
— , account of the 1058
— , number of, in ghost dance 817
Texas Ben, offer of services by 893
Tha'kahixS'na, Arapaho name of Kiowa
Apache 1081
Thatuna, origin of name 745
ThioC'nawat, Arapaho name of ghost
dance 791
Thompson, A. H., account of Tavihoby.. 703
— , acknowledgmente to 655
— , on the Paiute prophet 702
Three Stars, Clarence, interpreter for
Sioux delegation 891
Thunder, indian notion concerning 908
— , personification of the 1097, 1099
Thunder bay, origin of name 968
Thunderberries used as food 996
Thdnderbird, account of the 968
— , figure of the , 969
— , reference to, in Arapaho song 973
— , song of the ., 97^
Thunder's nest, origin of name 968
Tiana'ni, death of 727
— , Smohalla service conducted by 727
TiLFORD, Colonel, troops under, in Sioux
outbreak gso
TiLHULHWiT, a Tlaqluit synonym 740
TI'lijCni, sketch of the 742
Time reckoning among Indians 774
TiPi, a Sioux word 1059
— of the Arapaho 957
Tippecanoe, account of 681
— , proper form of 684
TiToSwAS, a Sionx division 1058
— , see Teton.
TiviB, William, acknowledgments to ... . 655
Tlaqluit, sketch of the 740
Tlinkit, sacred regard of, for the crow.. 982
Tobacco ofi'ering by the Sioux 822
ToBi.v, James, appointed minister of Sha-
ker church 758
To'NQYA.GU'ADAL, Kiowa nameof Red Tail 1085
ToSkoS'ko, a Kiowa warrior order 989
TooHDLHULSOTE, a Dreamer priest 713
TopiNiSH, a Qa'pnlsh-'lgma synonym 739
— and Kldkatat affinity 738
Tops used by Arapaho boys 1006
Totem, significance of 696
TowAHNAHiooK, application of name 742
TowAKONi Jim, acknowledgments to 655
Trances in ancient times 929
— in Shaker religion 746,751,752
— of the Shawano prophet 673
— of Smohalla 719
— of Wovoka *. 771
— , see Dream, Hypnotism, Vision.
Transformation in ghost dancedoctrine. 1068
Treaty between Iroquois and Cherokee. 670
— , Caddo, of 1835 1094
— , Comanche, of 1835 1044
ETH. ANN. UJ
INDEX TO PART 2
1133
Page
Treaty, effort of, on theSionr 8J9
— , tiiihini of government to fulfill 710-712,
827, 830, 831, 834, 835, 836, 840
— , Klown, of 1837 1081
— of Kdwnrdaville 082
— of Gn-etnillo 671
— of Medicine Lodge in 1867 967,1044
—, Sioux, of 1868 824,839
— ,Sioux, of 1878 825
— , SioHi, of 1877 838
—, Yakima, of 1855 737
Treaty pm-e illustrated 688
Thee, sacred, in ghost-dance symbolism. 789
— used in Cohonino ceremony 813
— used in ghost dance 802, 823, 916, 979, 1075
—,K« Cedar, CorroNwooD, Pole.
Troops, appearance of, among the Sioux. 847, 850
^, conduct of, at Wounded Kuee. . . .
— , effect of, on ghost dance
— , etfect on Sioux of appearance of. .
— fonuedof Indians
— killed at Wounded Knee
— , necessity for, in Sioux ouillreak .
876
853
852
891
871
832
— ,numbcrof, in Sioux outbreak 850,868
1057
989
751
989
734
687
743
743
705
725
6«0
861
1024
884
891
Tsabakosh, Caddo name of the Sioux
TsXS'Yi'i, a Kiowa warrior order
TSCHADDAM KEI.IOION, aCCOUnt of
TseSta'nmo, a Kiowa warrior order
TsiiXANE. an Okanagan division
TUKABACHI, visit of Tecumtha to
TCkspC'sh, sketch of the
TCkspCsh-'lEma, a Ttikspt^sh synonym..
TuLE POLLEN used in Navaho ceremony..
TUMWATER, Smolialla performances at. . .
Top AC Amaru, a Peruvian hero god
TupPER, Major, pursuit of Sioux by
TCHKKY FEATHERS ou Clieyenne arrows..
TnRNiNO Bear, flight of, to Bad lands
TUR.MNO Hawk, delegate to Washing.
ton
— on Wounded Knee massacre 884, 885, 886
Turtle in Arapaho mythology 959
^in primitive mythology 976
Turtle RIVER, identification of 1029
TcsHEPAW, » synonym of Kutcnai 731
Tu'SHiPA, application of the term 731
Twoiiio, Daniel, killed at Wounded Knee 872
Two KETTLES, a Teton division 1059
Two STRiKEatbattleof Wounded Knee.. 873
— ,flightof, to Bad lands 884
-.ghost dance led by 847
— , operations of. in Sioux outbreak 881
— , surrender of 867, 868
— , Pine Ridge agency attacked by 873, 875
TnOH, a Tai'.&q synonym 742
TTCHI'CHOL, sketch of the 740
Ugly-face.woman, trance experience of. 962
U'maShaS, meaning of word 1093
Umatilla opinion of land assignmenta . . . 710
— , present habitat of the 803
— .sketchof the 744
— , Smohalla performances at 725
Umatilla reserve, Indians on 805
—, visit of Sioux delegates to 820
Page
Upper Chinook, a KwlkwAlIt synonym. 741
UTKand Arapaho warfare 954
— .altenduuce of, at gliostdance 892
— , gliost dance anion ^ the 805
— , present habitat of 806
— , reception of, into Mormon church 790
—, southern, . absence of ghost dance
among 805.806
Utensils of the Paiute 770
Utilla, a Umatilla synonym 744
ViRO<jCA, account of 893
Vision of Biank'i 910
— , $ee Dream, Uypnotism, Trance.
Vocabulary, ««« Glossary, Lanouaoe.
VOTH, H. R., acknowledgments to 655
— , on Cheyenne sacred paint 1029
— , on figurative use of shell 1001
Wa-ai'H, a Comanche band 1045
Waco, a Wichita subtribe 1095
Wafford, James, on Shawano prophet
among Cherokees 676
Wahclellah, a Kwikwftllt synonym 741
Wahowpl'M, a Hahau'phm synonym 739
Wahpacoota. a Sioux division 1058
Wahpeton, a Sioux division 1058
Waiam, sketch of the 741
Waiam-'lEma, a Waiam synonym 741
Wai'lStma, a Cayuse synonym 743, 744
WAiLft'TPU, a Cayuse synonym 743
Waipshwa, let Smohalla.
W ALAPAI, ghost dance among the 785,
786, 805, 814, 921
Wala waltz, a Walla walla synonym 744
Walker, Charles, elected elderof Shaker
church 758
Walker, Henby, core of, by Shakers 754
Walker, Jambs, elected elder of Shaker
church .' 758
Wallace, Capt., killed at Wounded Knee 871
Wallawalla and Cayuse iJlt^rmarriage. 744
— opinion of land assignments 710
—, present habitat of the 805
—, sketchof the 744
Walu'la-pCm, a Wallawalla band 744
Wampum belt, significance of 662, 685
Wana'ohi wa'chipi, Sioux name of ghost
dance 791
WA'NApCMand Pii'lus affinity 735
— , incorporation of Chamna'pftm with. . . 739
— , note on the 716
—.sketchof the 735
Wand, use of, in Sioux ceremony 823
Wanwacai, application of name ■ 742
Wapakoneta, an Indian settlement in
Ohio 672
Wa'pamStAnt, a Sahaptin synonym 744
W aptai'lmIm, a Ta'klmA synonym 737
Waqpbkute, a Sioux division 1058
W AQPEToN WAS, a Sioux division 1058
Waqui'81, native name of Ugly-face-wo-
man 962
Wa'quithi, an Arapaho division 957
Wab forbidden l)y Kbost-dance doctrine. . 783, 796
1134
INDEX TO PAET 2
[ETH. ANN. 14
rage
War bonnets, eaglo feathers tiaed in 1072
— Department, acknowledgments to 655
— signal of the Sioxix 869
Warden, Clever, acknowledgments to.. 655
Warmsprinq INDIANS, present habitat of. 805
— , see Tenino.
Warmspring reserve, indjans on 805
Warner, C. C, letter of, on Wovoka 767
Warner, Major, Sioux commissioner... 839
Warren, W. W., on the Shawano prophet. 673
— , on Shawano religion among Ojibwa . . . 677
Warrior order of the Kiowa 989
— , society of the Arapaho 986
Warriors, Cheyenne renowned as 1027
— , Sioux, number of 852
Wasco, present habitat of 805
—, sketch of the 741
Wascopum, a Wasko synonym 741
Washee, a delegate to Wovoka 894, 901
Washington, see Columbia region.
Washo, account of the 1051
— , ghost dance among the 785, 804
— , name of the Paiute 1048
WA'siu, a Washo synonym 1051
Watan-gaa, see Black Coyote.
Water, sacred regard for 919
Water-pouring men, an Arapaho priestly
order 989
Watlala, a Kwikwiillt synonym 741
W ATONQA, derivation of name 897
WAUGH-zEE-WAUGH-BERamongthePaiute 703
— . name applied to Ta'vibo 765
Wayyampa, a Waiam synonym 741
Weapons of the Arapaho 987, 988
— prohibited in ghost dance 788
Weasel Beak, portrait of 844
- , sa«red pipe shown by 961
— , the sacred pipe keeper 955, 959
Wells, Philip, interpreter at Wounded
Knee 881
— , acknowledgments to 655
Wells, Captain, in Sioux outbreak 850,861
Wells, Gen., at battle of Prophet's town. 688
Welsh, Heebert, on Indian regard for
Crook 826
— , on Wounded Knee massacre 869
Wenatsh APAM, a PIskwaus synonym . . . 738
Wesley, Charles, on French prophets. . 939
— , on Methodists 940
— , on the Jumpers 939
Wevokab, name applied to Wovoka 765
Weyehhoo, a Kld'katat synonym 738
Wheaton, Col., troops under, at Pine
Ridge 850
Wheel-game of plains tribes 994, 995
Wheelpoo, a Colville synonym 732
Whirlwind in Paiute ghost song 1054, 1055
^.Indian reverence for 1034
— , song of the 907
Whistle, eagle-bone, used by medioine-
man 868
— , use of, in the sun dance 992
White, Frank, a Pawnee ghost-dance
leader. 902
White Bear, see Sett'axSti.
Page
White Bird, delegate to Washington 891
— ignored in Sioux difficulty 832
White Buffalo, ghost shirt introduced
by 791
White Clay creek, destruction of prop-
erty on 88 1
— , ghost dance on 846, 916
— ,hostile Sioux on 873,882
— , Sioux council on 821
White Horse, flight of, to Bad lands. ... 884
White Shield, Cheyenne delegate to Wo-
voka ■. 895
White-tail Deer people, a synonym of
Kutenai 731
Whitman, Dr, atcnsed of witchcraft 724
— , killed by indians 743
Whitside, Major, Big Foot's band inter-
cepted by 867
— , on mortality at Wounded Knee 870
Whulwhypum. a Kltl'katat synonym 738
Wi'alSt-pOm, a Cay use synonym 744
Wichita, account of the 1095
—, delegation of, to Wovoka 901,903
— , ghostdanceamonglhe. 653. 786, 895, 898, 902, 927
— name of the Arapaho 954
— name of the Caddo 1092
— name of the Cheyenne 1023
— name of the Comanche 1043
— name of the Kiowa Apache 1081
— , refusal of, to accept A'piatan's report . 914
Wickersham, Jas., acknowledgments to. 655
— , on Aiyal and Yowaluch 1111
— , on the Shaker religion 750, 751
— , Shaker songs recorded by 755
Wi'DYU, a Comanche band 1044
WiKiUP, Paiute, description of 1049, 1050
Wilderness worshipers, account of 946
Wilhauer, George, killed at Wounded
Kneo 871,876
Willkwah, mention of, by Lewis and
Clark 745
Williams, Roger, on Indian regard for
crows 982
Willow Creek Indians, a Lohim syn-
onym 743
Wilson, BiLLY,Caddodelegateto Wovoka. 903
Wilson, David, employer of Wovoka 765
Wii^ON, Jack, name applied to Wovoka . 765
Wilson, Jackson, name applied to Wo-
voka 765
Wil^ON, John, acknowledgments to 655
— , see Moon Head.
WiNANS, — , on the Nespelim and SanpoU. 733
Wina'tshipdm, see Piskwaus.
Windbreak of the Arapaho 957
Winnebago, absence of ghost dance
among 816
— , Potawatomi prophet among the 706
— , prophecy of the 661
— , prophet among the 700
—, study of the 654
— , visit to the 767
Winnemucca, a Paiute chief 1048 /
Winson, Jack, name applied to Wovoka . 765
Wisham, a Tlaqluit synonym 740
ETH. ANN. 14]
INDEX TO PAKT 2
1135
Page
WiSHHAM, a Tlaqlnlt synonym MO
^, a Wuflliqdm H.yuonyin T.iS
WisIIKAM.ii Tlnqliiit synonym 740
■WissWHAM.a Tlai|luit synonym 740
WiTAPA'HAT, a Kiowa aynonym 1078
Wi'TAPAHA'TU, a Kiowa synonym 1078
WiTAPA'TU, a Kiowa synonym 1078
WtTAPI'r, a Cheyenne division 1025
■WlTCHCKAFT, indiun cruaade against 673
WoJAJI BAND, rebellion of, predicted 800
Wolf in Caddo mytlndogy I09S
WoLLAWoLLAii, a Wallawalla synonym. . 744
WoLLAW- WoLLAii. a Wallawallasyuonym 744
Wolves, an Arapalio division 957
Women killed at Wounded Knee 876, 885
Wooden Lance, lee A'piataS.
WooDWOHTH, Mrs, a Heavenly Recruit.. 947
WooLWORTH, Arnold, interpreter to mea-
siali delegation 900
WopoKAHTE, name applied to Wovoka... 765
Word-building by the Arapaho 998
World's Columbian Exposition, collec-
tions for the 663, «54
Wounded Knbe, account of battle of 843,869
— .native ncronnt of battleof 884
—, burial of dead at 876
— .gravesof Indians killed at 1060
-.listof killed at 872
—.mortality at 870
—, result of battle of 873
— , second encounter of 882
—.survivors of 877-881
— , use of sacred paint at 779
—,tee Sioux outbreak.
Wovoka, account of 764,769.771,927
— , address of, to delegation 797
' — , Arapaho and Cheyenne delegation to. . 9flp
— , Bannock and Shoshoni del<^gat«s to.. . 818
— , Caddo delegation to 903
— , claims of, renounced 914
— coini)ared with other prophets 930
— .derivation of 765
— .ghost dance led by 818
—.how regarded 766
^, hypnotism practiced by 818,901
— .Indian letter to 901
— ,letterfrom 776,780,781
— , Porcupine's account of 803
— , photographing of 774
—.power of 1048
— .reported to be a half-blood 894
— , reputed powers of 773. 821
— . responsibility of ghost shirtdisclaimed
by 791
— . Shaker contact with 763
— ,Sioux knowledge concerning 800
— , speech of. communicated by Porcupine 784
— .vision of 773
—.visit of X'piatail to 911,913
— .visit of Arapaho to 894
— , visit of Cheyenne delegates to 817
—.visit of Nakash to 803,817
— .visit of Porcupine to 794,803
— , visit of Shoshoni delegation to 807
— , visit of Sioux delegation to 619, 820
14 ETH — PT 2 32
Page
Wovoka. visit ofTTte delegates to 806
— . visits of various delegations to 797, 894, 901
AVhkjht, Aoent, advises removal of Crow
Dog 844
—.ghost dance stopped by 847
— , messiah doctrine discouraged by 843
— . Rosebud census by 831
Wrioht. Col., flght of. with Chief Moses. 734
Writing, ideographic, of lliiifik'i 910
WSHA'NATU, a I'Iskwana band 736
WushkOm, Smohalla ceremonial among. . 727
WushijOm, a riaqluit synonym 740
WCvoKA, a synonym of Wovoka 765
Wtam, a Waiiini synonym 741
Wyandot, final defeat of the 762
—.importance of the 685
— . Tecumtba among the 689
Wynima, account of 893
Yackahans, a YS'Mma synonjnn 737
Yakaha, a Yii'klma synonym 737
— and Plskwaus intermarriage 736
— and Wa'napftm affinity 73S
— , attempt of Shakers to influence 759
—, sketch of the 737
— , Smohalla ceremonial among the 727
-,warof the, in 1855-56 718
Yakima Gap, Smohalla performances at. 725
Yampai-ni, Shoshoni name of the Co-
manche 1043
Yampai-RIkani, Shoshoni name of the
Comanche 1043
Ya'Mpari'ka, a Comanche band 1044
Yankton, a Sioux division 1058
— , former habitat of the 1058
— , interview with. concerning messiah-.. 800
Yanktonais, a Sioux division 1058
— , former habitat of the 1058
--, ghost dance among the 817
Yapa. a Comanche band 1044
Ya' 'pake, a Kiowa warrior or<l.er 989
Ya'tasi, a Caddo division 1092
Yaumalolam, name applied to Umatilla
river 743
Yeletpo, a Cay use synonym 745
Yeletpo Chopunnish, a Cayuse synonym 743
Yellow Bird, adoption of child of 880
— .responsibility of. for Wounded Knee
flght 868
Yellow Breast, delegate to Wovoka 820
Yellow Eagle, delegation to Wovoka
under 808
Yellow Knife, visit of, to Wovoka 797, 819
Yookoomans. a Ya'klma synonym 737
Younger. Cole. Texas Ben indorsed by . . 893
YOUNO-HAN- afraid as a peacemaker 887
— , conduct of. in Sionx outbreak 884. 886
— . ghost-dance council held by 820
— ignored in Sionx difficulty 832
— .proper name of 887
—.speech of. to General Miles 890
Youno-man-afraid-of-indians. lee RoY-
EB. D. F.
Young Mountain Sheep, a Kiowa war-
rior order 989
1136
INDEX TO PART 2
fETH. ANN. 14
Page
YowALUCH, Loris, account of 746.754
— , conversion of 760
— .correction concerning IIU
— , enters Presbyterian church 760
— , headman of Shalter church 758
—.speech of 753,754
YowA'Ni, a Caddo division 1093
YucHi myth of the cedar 979
Yuma, absence of ghost dance among 805
YuTAN, a synonym of Comanche 1043
TO'TCNIPI'TQAKA, tee Smobalij^.
Page
Zehndeb, Bernard, killed at Wounded
Kuee. 872
Zephieb, David, interpreter for Sioux
delegation 891
Zingomenes, a Spokan synonym 732
ZiTKALA-NONi, Hurvivor of Wounded
Knee 878,879
ZiTKALAZi, Herbert, survivor of "Wound-
ed Knee 880
ZoStom. Mary, gho.nt song composed by. . 1085
— , acknowledgments to 655
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