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AMEUNIVERJ/^
THE
HISTORY
Ο F Τ Η Ε
DECLINE AND FALL
ο F τ Η Ε
ROMAN EMPIRE.
By EDWARD GIBBON, Efq;
VOLUME THE FIRST.
Jam provideo animo, velut qui, proximis littori vadis indufti, mare pedibus ingredi-
untur, quicquid progredior, in vailiorem me aldtudinem, ac velut profundum invehi; et
crefcere pene opus, quod prima qusque perficiendo minui videbatur.
THE THIRD EDITION.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR W. STRAHAN; AND T. CADELL, IN THE STRAND.
MDCCLXXVII.
ΠΊ1
R Ε F A C Ε.
IT is not my intention to detain the reader by ex-
patiating on the variety, or the importance of the
fubjeft, which 1 have undertaken, to treat : iince the
merit of the choice would ierve to render the weak-
nefs of the execution ftill more apparent, and ftiil
lefs excufable. But as I have prefumed to lay before
the Public a βΓβ volume only of the Hiftory of the
Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, it will per-
haps be expefted that I fliould explain, in a few
words, the nature and limits of my general plan.
The memorable feries of revolutions, which, in
the courfe of about thirteen centuries, gradually un-
dermined, and at length deftroyed, the folid fabric of
Roman greatnefs, may, with fome propriety, be divided
into the three following periods.
A 2 I. The
ίν PREFACE.
I. The firft of thefe periods may be traced from
the age of Trajan and the Antonlnes, when the Ro-
man monarchy having attained its full ftrength and
maturity, began to verge towards its dechne ; and
will extend to the fubverfion of the weftern empire,
by the barbarians of Germany and Scythia, the rude
anceftors of the moil polifhed nations of modern
Europe. This extraordinary revolution, which fub-
je£led Rome to the power of a Gothic conqueror,
was completed about the beginning of the fixth
century.
n. The fecond period of the Decline and Fall of
Rome, may be fuppofed to commence with the reign
of Juftinian, who by his laws, as well as by his vic-
tories, reftored a traniient iplendour to the Eaftern
Empire. It will comprehend the invafion of Italy by
the Lombards; the conqueft of the Afiatic and African
provinces by the Arabs, who embraced the religion
of Mahomet ; the revolt of the Roman people againft
the feeble princes of Conftantinople; and the eleva-
tion of Charlemagne, who, in the year eight hun-
dred,
PREFACE.
dred, eilablifhed the fecond, or German Empire of
the weft.
III. The laft and longeft of t'heie periods inckidc5
about feven centuries and a half; from the revival of
the Weftern Empire, till the taking of Conftantino-
ple by the Turks, and the extinction of a degenerate
race of princes, who continued to aiTume the titles
of Csefar and Auguftus, after their dominions were
contracted to the limits of a fingle city ; in which the
language, as well as manners, of the ancient Romans,
had been long fmce forgotten. The writer who
fhould undertake to relate the events of this period,
would find himfelf obliged to enter into the general
hiftory of the Crufades, as far as they contributed to
the ruin of the Greek Empire j and he would fcarcely
be able to reftrain his curiofity from making fome
inquiry into the ftate of the city of Rome, during
the darkneis and confuiion of the middle ages.
As I have ventured perhaps too haftily to commit
to the prefs, a work, which, in every iQni^Q of the
Avord,
vi PREFACE.
word, deierves the epithet of imperfe£l', I con-
iider myfelf as contracting an engagement to finiih,
moft probably in a fecond volume, the iirft of theie
memorable periods ; and to deliver to the Public, the
complete hiftory of the Decline and Fall of Rome,
from the age of the Antcnines, to the fubverfion of
the Weilern Empire. With regard to the fubiequeiit
periods, though I may entertain feme hopes, I dare
not preiiime to give any afiurances. The execution
of fuch an extenfive plan, as I have traced out, and
which might perhaps be comprehended in about four
volumes, would fill up the long interval between
ancient and modern hiftory ; but it would require
many years of health, of leiiure, and of perieve-
rance.
Bentinck-Street, '
May I, 1777.
P. S. Before ί difmifs this Third Edition from the
Prefs, I think it incumbent on me to declare, that
the indulgence of the candid Public encourages me
to profecute a laborious Work, which has been judged
not Vvholly unworthy of their attention.
7
ADVERTISEMENT.
^I LICENCE and accuracy are the only merits which an
hiftorical writer may afcribe to himfelf ; if any merit indeed
can be aiTumed from the performance of an indifpenfable duty. I
mcy therefore be allowed to fay, that I have carefully examined
all the original materials that could illuftrate the fubjedl which
I had undertaken to treat. Should I ever complete the extenfive
defign which has been flcetched out in the Preface, I might perhaps
conclude it with a critical account of the authors confulted during
the progrefs of the whole work; and however fuch an attempt
might incur the cenfure of oftentation, I am perfuaded, that it would
be fufceptible of entertainment as well as information.
At prefent I fhall content myfelf with a fingle obfervation. The
Biographers, who, under the reigns of Diocletian and Conftantine,
compofed, or rather compiled, the lives of the emperors, from
Hadrian to the fons of Carus, are ufually mentioned under the
names of iElius Spariianus, Julius Capitolinus, ^lius Lampridius,
Vulcatiiis .Gallicanus, Trebellius PoUio, and Flavins Vopifcus.
But there is L• much perplexity in the titles of the MSS. ; and fo
many difputes have arifen among the critics (fee Fabricius Biblioth.
Latin. 1. ill. c. 6.) concerning their number, their names, and their
refpedive property, that for the moft part I have quoted them with-
out diftindion, under the general and well known title of the
yitigJiflan H'lftory.
CONTENTS.
C Η A p. I.
Of the Extent and Military Force of the Empire in the jige of the
Antonines. Page i
CHAP. II.
Of the Union and internal Profperity of the Roman Empire^ in the
Age of the Antonines. 34
CHAP. III.
Of the Confitution of the Roman Empire^ in the Age of the
Antonines. . 73
CHAP IV.
T^he cruelty^ follies^ and murder of Commodns.'—-—EleHion of Per-
tinax his attempts to reform the State his affaffination by
the Praetorian Guards. 1 02
C Η A P. V.
Public fale of the Empire to Didius fuliamis by the Praetorian
Guards. Cloditis Albinus i?i Britain., Pefcennius Niger in Syria,
and Septimus Severus in Pannonia, declare againf the murderers
of Pertinax. Civil -wars and viflory of Severus over his three
rivals. Relaxation of difcipline.-—^-Ne'w inaxi?ns of govern"
tnent. 127
Vol. I. a CHAP.
CONTENTS.
CHAP. VI.
The death of Severus. Tyranny of Caracalla.—~^'Ufurpaiion of
Macriniis. Follies of Elagabalus. Virtues of Alexander
Severus. Licenttoufnefs of the Army.— ^General βαίε of the
Roman Finances. i $$
CHAP. VII.
The elevation and tyranny of Maximin. Rebellion in Africa and
Italy, under the authority of the Senate. Chil Wars and Se-
ditions. Violent Deaths of Maximin and his Son, of Maximus
and Balbinus, and of the three Gordians. Vfurpation andfecU"
lar Games of Philip. 204
CHAP. VIII.
Of the fate of Perfia after the reforation of the monarchy by
Artaxerxes. 237
C Η A P. IX.
Of the fate of Germany till the inva/ion of the Barbarians^ in the
Time of the Emperor Decius. 259
CHAP. X.
The Emperors Decius^ Gallusy Mmilianus, Valerian^ and Gallienus.
The general Irruption of the Barbarians,— —The thirty
'Tyrants. 289
CHAP. XL
Reign of Claudius. Defeat of the Goths.^—Vi^lories, triumph,
and death of Aurelian. 343
CHAP.
CONTENTS.
CHAP. XII.
CondiiSl of the Jlrmy and Senate after the death of Aiirelian•^—^
Reigns of Tacitus^ Probus^ Cams and his Sons. 383
CHAP. XIII.
The reign of Diocletian and his three affo dates ^ Maxhnian, Galerius^
atid Confantiu!. General re-efiahlfhment of order and tran-
quillity The Perfian ivar, vioiorj, and triumph The nenv
form oj adminijl ration. Abdication and retirement of Diocletian
and Maxiiiiian, 4^23
CHAP. XIV.
Troubles after the abdication of Diocletian. Death of Confantius.
Elevation oJ Conjlantine and Maxentius • Six Emperors at
the fame time. Death of Maximian and Galerius. Vioiories
of Confantine over Maxentius and Liciniiis. Re-union of the
Empire under the authority oJ Confantine, 476
C Η A P. XV.
The Progrefs of the Chrifian Religion, and the Sentiments, Manners,
Numbers, and Condition, of the primitive Chrifiians. ζ 2» 5
CHAP. XVI.
The condu5l of the Roman Government toivards the Chrifians, from
the reign of Nero to that of Confantine, 620
» THE
THE
HISTORY
ο F τ Η Ε
DECLINE AND FALL
ο F τ Η Ε
ROMAN EMPIRE.
CHAP. I.
Th& "Extent and Military Force of the Empire ifz the Age
of the Antonines,
IN the fecond century of the Chriftian iEra, the empire of Rome
comprehended the faireft part of the earth, and the moft ci-
vilized portion of mankind. The frontiers of that extenfive introduaion.
monarchy were guarded by ancient renown and difciphned valour.
The gentle, but powerful influence of laws and manners had gra-
dually cemented the union of the provinces. Their peaceful in-
habitants enjoyed and abufed the advantages of wealth and luxury.
The image of a free conftitution was preferved with decent reverence:
The Roman fenate appeared to poiTefs the fovereign authority, and
devolved on the emperors all the executive powers of government.
During a happy period of more than fourfcore years, the public ^_ d_ gg_ .
adminiftration was condu£led by the virtue and abilities of Nerva, '^°•
Trajan, Hadrian, and the two Antonines. It is the defign of this
and of the two fucceeding chapters, to defcribe the profperous con-
dition of their empire ; and afterwards, from the death of Marcus
Vol. I. Β Antoninus,
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Antoninus, to deduce the moil important circumftances of its decline
and fall ; a revolution which will ever be remembered, and is ftill
felt by the nations of the earth.
Moderation The principal conquefts of the Romans were atchieved under the
of Auguiius. i-cpublic ; and the emperors, for the moil part, were fatisfied with
preferving thofe dominions which had been acquired by the policy
of the fenate, the a£tive emulation of the confuls, and the martial
enthufiafm of the people. The feven firil centuries were filled with
a rapid fucceflion of triumphs ; but it was referved for Auguftus,
to relinquiih the ambitious defign of fubduing the whole earth, and
to introduce a fpirit of moderation into the public councils. In-
clined to peace by his temper and fituation, it was eafy for him to
difcover, that Rome, in her prefent exalted fituation, had much
lefs to hope than to fear from the chance of arms ; and that, in the
profecution of remote wars, the undertaking became every day
more difficult, the event more doubtful, and the pofleflion more
precarious, and lefs beneficial. The experience of Auguftus added
weight to thefe falutary refledions, and effedually convinced him,
that, by the prudent vigour of his counfels, it would be eafy to fe>-
cure every conceflion, which the fafety or the dignity of Rome
might require from the moft formidable barbarians. Inftead of ex-
pofing his perfon and his legions to the arrows of the Parthians, he
obtained, by an honourable treaty, the reftitution of the ftandards
and prifoners which had been taken in the defeat of Crafliis '.
His generals, in the early part of his reign, attempted the re-
dudion of Ethiopia and Arabia Felix. They marched near a
thoufand miles to the fouth of the tropic; but the heat of the climate
foon repelled the invaders, and protedled the unwarlike natives of
■ Dion Caflius, (1. liv. p. 736.) with the recorded his own exploits, aflerts that ^<f «»1-
annotations of Reymar, who has collefted all /f/Av/ the Parthians to reftore the enfigns of
tliat Roman vanity has left upon the fubjeft. Craflus.
The marble of Ancyra, on which Auguftus
thofe
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 3
thofe fequeftered regions \ The northern countries of Europe ^ H A P.
fcarcely deferved the expence and labour of conqueft. The forefts ' — ~. '
and moraifes of Germany were filled with a hardy race of barbari-
ans, who defpifed life when it was feparated from freedom j and
though, on the firft attack, they feemed to yield to the weight
of the Roman power, they foon, by a fignal ad of defpair, re-
gained their independence, and reminded Auguftus of the vlcif-
fitude of fortune '. On the death of that emperor, his teftament
was publickly read in the fenate. He bequeathed, as a valuable
legacy to his fucceflbrs, the advice of confining the empire within
thofe limits, which Nature feemed to have placed as its permanent
bulwarks and boundaries ; on the weft the Atlantic ocean ; the
Rhine and Danube on the north ; the Euphrates on the eaft ; and
towards the fouth, the fandy deferts of Arabia and Africa *.
Happily for the repofe of mankind, the moderate fyftem recom- imitated by
mended by the wifdom of Auguftus, was adopted by the fears and
vices of his immediate fucceflbrs. Engaged in the purfiiit of plea-
fure, or in the exercife of tyranny, the firft Cxfars feldom ihewed
themfelves to the armies, or to the provinces ; nor were they dif-
pofed to fuffer, that thofe triumphs which their indolence neglected,
ihould be ufurped by the condud and valour of their lieutenants.
The military fame of a fubjeil was confidered as an infolent in-
» Strabo, (1. xvi. p. 780.) Pliny the elder, legions. See the firft book of the Annals of
(Hid. Natur. 1. vi. C.32. 3S.)andDionCaf- Tacitus. Sueton. in Auguft. c. 23. and
fius, (1. liii. p. 723. and 1. liv. p. 734.) have Velleius Paterculus, I. ii. c. 117, &c. Au-
left us very curious details concerning thefe guft^s jij ^^^ receive the melancholy news
wars. The Romans made themfelves mafters ^i^j, ^H the temper and firmnefs that might
ef Mariaba. or Merab, a city of Arabia have been expefted from his charafter.
Felix, well known to the Orientals (fee .
Abulfeda and the Nubian geographv, p. 52.). ' ^^"'• ,^""^'• '• "• ^''^" ^^^"^• '" '"•
They were arrived within three days journey P" ^33• and the fpeech of Auguftus himfelf,
of the Spice country, the rich objeft of their ^ Julian's Csfars. It receives great bght
invafion - ^™"^ '^^ learned notes of his French tranf-
3 By the flaughter of Varus and his three 1^^»^• ^^• Spanlieim.
Β 2 vafion
4 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, vafion of the Imperial prerogative; and it became the duty, as well
' /— ' as intereil of every Roman general, to guard the frontiers intrufted
to his care, without afpiring to conquefts which might have proved
no lefs fatal to himfelf than to the vanquiihed barbarians '.
Conquefi of xjig only acceffiQn which the Roman empire received, durins:
Britain was ' χ σ
the firft ex- the firft century of the Chriilian ./Era, was the province of Britain^
In this fingle inftance the fucceifors of Cxfar and Auguftus were
perfuaded to follow the example of the former, rather than the
precept of the latter. The proximity of its fituation to the coaft of
Gaul feemed to invite their arms ; the pleafing, though doubtful
intelligence of a pearl fiihery, attracted their avarice * ; and as
Britain was viewed in the light of a diftind and infulated. world,
the conqueft fcarcely formed any exception to the general fyftem of
continental meafures. After a war of about forty years, under-
taken by the moil ftupid \ maintained by the moft diflblute,
and terminated by the moft timid of all the emperors, the far
greater part of the ifland fubmitted to the Roman yoke *. The
various tribes of Britons pofleiTed valour without conduft, and the
love of freedom without the fpirit of union. They took up arms
with favage fiercenefs ; they laid them down, or turned them
againft each other with wild inconftancy ; and while they fought
fingly, they were fucceffively fubdued. Neither the fortitude of
' Germanicus, Suetonius Paulinus, and margaritis deeiTe quam nobis avaritiam.''
Agricola, were checked and recalled, in the ' Claudius, Nero, and Domitian. A hope
courfe of their viftories. Corbulo was put is exprefled by Pomponius Mela, 1. iii. c. 6.
to death. Military merit, as it is admirably (he wrote under Claudius) that by the Aic-
eripreffed by Tacitus, was, in the ftridteft cefs of the Roman arms, the ifland and its
fenfe of the word, imperatoria 'virtus. favage inhabitants would foon be better
* Ciefar himfelf conceals that ignoble mo- known. It is amufing enough to perufe fuch
live ; but it is mentioned by Suetonius, c. paffages in the midft of London.
ί^η. The Britiili pearls proved, however, of ^ See the admirable abridgment, given by
little value, on account of their dark and Tacitus, in the life of Agricola, and copi-
livid colour. Tacitus obferves, with reafon, ouily, though perhaps not completely illuf-
(in Agricola, c. iz.) that it was an inherent trated, by our own antiquarians, Camden
defeft. " Ego facilius crediderim, naturam and Horiley,
Caraitacus,
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 5
Carailacus, nor the defpair of Boadicea, nor the fanaticifm of the chap.
Druids could avert the flavei-y of their country, or refill the ileady
progrefs of the Imperial generals, who maintained the national
glory, when the throne was difgraced by the weakeft, or the moil
vicious of mankind. At the very time when Domitian, confined to
his palace, felt the terrors which he infpired ; his legions, under the
command of the virtuous Agricola, defeated the colleded force
of the Caledonians, at the foot of the Grampian hills ; and his fleets,
venturing to explore aii unknown and dangerous navigation,
difplayed the Roman arms round every part of the ifland. The
conqueft of Britain was confidered as already atchieved ; and it was
the defign of Agricola to complete and enfure his fuccefs, by the
eafy redufkion of Ireland, for which, in his opinion, one legion and
a few auxiliaries were fufficient '. The weftern ifle might be
improved into a valuable pofTeiTion, and the Britons would wear
their chains with the lefs reludance, if the profpedl and example of
freedom was on every fide removed from before their eyes.
But the fuperior merit of Agricola foon occafioned his removal
from the government of Britain ; and for ever difappointed this
rational, though extenfive fcheme of conqueft. Before his depar-
ture, the prudent general had provided for fecurity as well as for
dominion. He had obferved, that the ifland is almoft divided into
two unequal parts, by the oppofite gulfs, or as they are now called,
the Firths of Scotland. Acrofs the narrow interval of about forty
miles, he had drawn a line of military ftations, which was after-
wards fortified in the reign of Antoninus Pius, by a turf rampart
eredled on foundations of ftone '°. This wall of Antoninus, at a
fmall diftance beyond the modern cities of Edinburgh and Glaf-
9 The Irifh writers, jealous of their nati- occafion, both with Tacitus and with Agricola.
onal honour, are extremely provoked on this '• See Horfley's Britannia Romana,l. i.e. ισ.
gow,.
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, gow, was fixed as the limit of the Roman province. The native
Caledonians preferved in the northern extremity of the ifland their
wild independence, for which they were not lels indebted to their
poverty than to their valour. Their incurfions were frequently re-
pelled and chaftifed ; but their country was never fubdued ".
The matters of the faireft and moft wealthy climates of the globe,
turned with contempt from gloomy hills aifailed by the winter tem-
peft, from lakes concealed in a blue mift, and from cold and lonely
heaths, over which the deer of the foreft were chafed by a troop of
naked barbarians "'.
Such was the ftate of the Roman frontiers, and fuch the maxims of
Imperial policy from the death of Auguftus to the acceffion of Tra-
jan. That virtuous and adive prince had received the education
of a foldier, and pofleffed the talents of a general ''. The peace-
ful fyftem of his predeceffors was interrupted by fcenes of war and
conqueft ; and the legions, after a long interval, beheld a military
emperor at their head. The firft exploits of Trajan were againft
the Dacians, the moft warlike of men, who dwelt beyond the
Danube, and who, during the reign of Domitian, had infulted with
impunity the Majefty of Rome '*. To the ftrength and fiercenefs
of barbarians, they added a contempt for life, which was derived
from a warm perfuafion of the immortality and tranfmigration of the
foul". Decebalus, the Dacian King, approved himfelf a rival not
unworthy of Trajan ; nor did he defpair of his own and the public
Conqueft of
Dacia ; the
I'econd ex-
ception.
" The poet Buchanan celebrates, with
elegance and fpirit, (fee his Sylvs v.) the
unviolated independence of his native countiy.
But, if the fingle teftimony of Richard of
Cirencefter was fufiicient to create a Roman
province of Vefpafiana to the north of the
wall, that independence would be reduced
within very narrow limits.
" See Appian {in Prosm.) and the uni-
form imagery of Oflian's Poems, which, ac-
cording to every hypotheiis, were compofeJ
by a native Caledonian.
'^ See Pliny's Panegyric, which feems
founded on fails.
'♦ Dion Caflius, 1. Ixvii.
" Herodotus, I. iv. c. 94.. Julian in the
Casfars, with Spanheim's obfervations.
fortune,
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 7
fortune, till, by the confeffion of his enemies, he had exhaufted CHAP,
every refource both of valour and policy '*. This memorable * ν '
war, with a very ihort fufpcnfion of hoftilities, lafted five years ;
and as the emperor could exert, without controul, the whole force
of the ftate, it was terminated by the abfolute fubmiifion of the
barbarians '". The new province of Dacia, vidiich formed a fecond
exception to the precept of Auguilus, was about thirteen hun-
dred miles in circumference. Its natural boundaries were the
Niefter, the Teyfs, or Tibifcus, the Lower Danube, and the Euxine
Sea, The veftiges of a military road may ftill be traced from the
banks of the Danube to the neighbourhood of Bender, a place
famous in modern hiftory, and the a£l:ual frontier of the Turkilh
and Ruffian empires '\
Trajan was ambitious of fame ; and as long as mankind ihall Conquefts of
Trajan in the
continue to beftow more liberal applaufe on their deflroyers than eaft.
on their benefadors, the thirfl: of military glory will ever be the
vice of the moft exalted charaders. The praifes of Alexander,
tranfmitted by a fucceffion of poets and hiftorians, had kindled a
dangerous emulation in the mind of Trajan. Like him the Roman
emperor undertook an expedition againfl: the nations of the eaft, but
he lamented with a figh that his advanced age fcarcely left him any
hopes of equalling the renown of the fon of Philip ''. Yet the
fuccefs of Trajan, however tranfient, was rapid and fpecious. The
degenerate Parthians, broken by inteftine difcord, fled before his
arms. He defcended the river Tigris in triumph, from the moun-
tains of Armenia to the Perfian gulph. He enjoyed the honour
of being the firft, as he was the laft, of the Roman generals, who
"* Plin. Epift. viii. 9. Pro\ance of Dacia, in the Academie des Γη-
" Dion Caffius, 1. Iwlii. p. 1123. 1131. fcriptionE, tom. xxviii. p. 444 — 468.
Julian in Cacfaribus. Eutropius, viii. 2. 6. '* Trajan's fentiments .ire reprefented in
Aurelius Viftor, and Viftor in Epitome. a veryjull and lively manner in the Caefars
'S See a Memoir of M. Danville, on the of Julian.
2 ever
THE DECLINE AND FALL
ever navigated that remote fea. His fleets ravaged the coails of
Arabia ; and Trajan vainly flattered himfelf that he was approach-
ing towards the confines of India". Every day the aftoniihed
fenate received the intelligence of new names and new nations, that
acknowledged his fway. They were informed that the kings of
Bofphorus, Colchos, Iberia, Albania, Ofrhoene, and even the Par-
thian monarch himfelf, had accepted their diadems from the hands
of the emperor ; that the independent tribes of the Median and
Carduchian hills had implored his protedion, and that the rich
countries of Armenia, Mefopotamia, and Aflyria, were reduced in-
to the fl;ate of provinces '". But the death of Trajan foon clouded
the fplendid profpeit ; and it was juftly to be dreaded, that fo many
diftant nations would throw off the unaccuftomed yoke, when they
were no longer refl:rained by the powerful hand which had impofed
it.
Refigned by It was an ancieut tradition, that when the Capitol was founded by
Adrian"'^'"^ one of the Roman kings, the god Terminus (who prefided over
boundaries, and was reprefented according to the faihion of that
age by a large fl:one) alone, among all the inferiour deities, refufed
to yield his place to Jupiter himfelf. A favourable inference was
drawn from his obftinacy, which was interpreted by the augurs, as a
fure prefage that the boundaries of the Roman power would never
recede ^\ During many ages, the predidion, as it is ufual, con-
tributed to its own accompliihment. But though Terminus had
refifted the majefty of Jupiter, he fubmitted to the authority of the
emperor Hadrian ". The refignation of all the eailern conquefts
^' Eutropius and Sextus Rufus have en- ■ " Ovid Fall. 1. ii. ver. 667. See Lhy and
deavoured to perpetuate the illufion. See a Dionyfius of Halicarnaflus, under the reign
very fenfible differtation of M. Freret in of Tarquin.
the Academic des Infcriptions, torn. xxi. ^^ St. Auguftin is highly delighted with
p_ cc. the proof of the weaknefs of Terminus, and
*' Dion Caffius, 1. Ixviii ; and the Ab- the vanity of the Augurs. See De Civitate
breviators. D", iv. 29.
ef
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ A Ν Ε Μ ρ I R Ε. 9
of Trajan was the firft meafure of his reign. He rcftored to the
Parthians the elcdion of an independent Sovereign, withdrew the
Roman garrifons from the provinces of Armenia, Mefopotamia, and
AiTyria, and, in compliance with the precept of Auguilus, once
more eflablifhed the Euphrates as the frontier of the empire '*.
Cenfure, which arraigns the public adlions and the private motives
of princes, has afcribed to envy, a condudl, which might be attri«
buted to the prudence and moderation of Adrian. The various
chara£ter of that emperor, capable, by turns, of the meaneft and
the moft generous fentiments, may afford fome colour to the fuf-
picion. It was, however, fcarcely in his power to place the
fuperiority of his predeceifor in a more confpicuous light, than by
thus confeiTing himfelf unequal to the taik of defending the con-
quefts of Trajan.
The martial and ambitious fplrit of Trajan, formed a very fm- contraftof
eular contrail with the moderation of his fucceifor. The reftlefs ^'■'^'■''!" ^'"^
ο Antoninus
activity of Hadrian was not lefs remarkable when compared with ^"^"
the gentle repofe of Antoninus Pius. The life of the former was
almoft a perpetual journey ; and as he poifeiTed the various talents
of the foldier, the ftatefman, and the fcholar, he gratified his cu-
riofity in the difcharge of his duty. Carelefs of the difference of
feafons and of climates, he marched on foot, and bare-headed, over
the fnows of Caledonia, and the fultry plains of the Upper Egypt;
nor was there a province of the empire, v^fhich, in the courfe of his
reign, was not honoured with the prefence of the monarch ^^
But the tranquil life of Antoninus Pius was fpent in the bofom of
'♦ See the Auguftan Hiftory, p. 5. Je- ^' Dion, 1. Ixix. p. 1158. Hift. Auguft.
rome's Chronicle, and all the Epitomizers. p. 5. 8. If all onr hiftorians were loft, me-
lt is fomewhat furprifing, that this memoia- Jals, infcriptions, and other monuments,
ble event (hould be omitted By Dion, or ra- would be fufficient to record the travels of Ha-
ther by Xiphilin. drian.
Vol. I. C Italy;
I©
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Pacific fyftem
of Hadrian
and the two
Antonines.
CHAP. Italy; and, during the twenty-three years that he diredled the pub-
lic adminiftration, the longefl: journies of that amiable prince extended
no farther than from his palace in R.ome, to the retirement of his
Lanuvian Villa '*.
Notwithftanding this diiFerence in their perfonal conduft, the
general fyftem of Auguilus was equally adopted and uniformly
purfued by Hadrian and by the two Antonines. They pcrfifted ia
the defign of maintaining the dignity of the empire, without at-
tempting to enlarge its limits. By every honourable expedient they
invited the friendihip of the barbarians ; and endeavoured to
convince mankind, that the Roman power, raifed above the tempta-
tion of conqueft, was adtuated only by the love of order and juftice.
During a long period of forty-three years their virtuous labours
were crowned with fuccefs ; and if we except a few flight hoftili-
ties that ferved to exercife the legions of the frontier, the reigns of
Hadrian and Antoninus Pius offer the fair profped of univerfal
peace ''\ The Roman name was revered among the moft re-
mote nations of the earth. The fierceft barbarians frequently fub-
mitted their differences to the arbitration of the emperor, and we
are informed by a cotemporary hiftorian, that he had feen am-
bafladors who were refufed the honour which they came to folicit»
of being admitted into the rank of fubjedts '■\
Defenfive The terror of the Roman arms added weight and dignity to the
wars of Mar- jj^Q^gi-alion of the emperors. They preferved peace by a conftant
cus Antoni-
nus, preparation for war ; and while juftice regulated their conduit, they
^' See the Auguftan Hillory and the Epi-
tomes.
*^ We muft, however, remember, that, in
the time of Hadrian, a rebellion of the Jews
raged with religious fury, though only in a
fingle province : Paufanias (1. viii. c. 43.)
mentions two neceflary and fuccefsful wars,
conduiled by the generals of Pius, ι ft, A-
8
gainft the wandering Moors, who were driveit
into the folitudes of Atlas. 2d, Againft the
Brigantes of Britain, who had invaded the
Roman province. Both tliefe wars (with fe-
veral other hoftilities) are mentioned in the
Auguftan hiftor)', p. 19.
^^ Appian of Alexandria, in the preface to
his Hiftory of the Roman wars.
announced
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ii
announced to the nations on their confines, that they were as little ^ "^^ ^ P-
difpofed to endure as to ofFer an injury. The military ftrength, > ν '
which it had been fufficient for Hadrian and the elder Antoninus
to difplay, was exerted againfl: the Parthians and the Germans, by
the emperor Marcus. The hoftilities of the barbarians provoked
the refentment of that philofophic monarch, and in the profecution
of a juft defence, Marcus and his generals obtained many fignal
•viftories, both on the Euphrates, and on the Danube ^'. The mi-
litary eftabliihment of the Roman empire, which thus affured either
its tranquillity or fuccefs, will now become the proper and important
obje£l of our attention.
In the purer ages of the commonwealth, the ufe of arms Military eiia-
was referved for thofe ranks of citizens who had a country to love, the i^man
a property to defend, and fome fhare in enafting thofe laws, which ^"^F"o«•
it was their intereft, as well as duty, to maintain. But in pro-
portion as the public freedom was loft in extent of conqueft, war
was gradually improved into an art, and degraded into a trade '°.
The legions themfelves, even at the time when they were recruited
in the moft diftant provinces, were fuppofed to confift of Roman ci-
tizens. That diftinition was generally confidered, either as a legal
qualification, or as a proper recompence for the foldier; but a more
ferious regard was paid to the eflential merit of age, ftrength, and
military ftature ". In all levies, a juft preference was given to the
climates of the North over thofe of the South : the race of men born
" Dion, I. Ixxi. Hift. Auguft. in Mar- of filver was equivalent to feventy pounr!
CO. The Parthian viftories gave birth tea weight of brafs. The populace, excluded by
crowd of contemptible hiftorians, whofe me- the ancient cvinlHtution, were indifcriminate-
mory has been refcued /rom oblivion, and ex- ly admitted by Marius. See Salluft. de
pofed to ridicule, in a very lively piece of Bell. Jugurth. c. 91.
eriticifm of Lucian. ^' Csfar formed his legion Alauda, of
'"> The pooreft rank of foldiers poffelled Gauls and ftrangers : but it was during the
above forty pounds fterling (Dionyf. Hali- licenfe of civil war ; and after the viilorv he
earn. iv. 17.), a very high qualification, at a gave them the freedom of the city, for their
time when money was fo fcarce, that an ounce reward.
C 2 to
12 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, to the exercife of arms, was fought for in the country rather than
' u ' in cities ; and it was very reafonably prefumed, that the hardy oc-
cupations of fmiths, carpenters, and huntfmen, would fupply more
vigour and refolution, than the fedentary trades which are employed
in the fervice of luxury ". After every qualification of property
had been laid afide, the armies of the Roman emperors were ftill
commanded, for the moil: part, by officers of aiiberal birth and edu-
cation ; but the common foldiers, like the mercenary troops of mo-
dern Europe, were drawn from the meaneft, and very frequently
from the moft profligate, of mankind.
Difcipline. That public virtue which among the ancients was denominated
patriotifm is derived from a ftrong fenfe of our own interefl: in the
prefervation and profperity of the free government of which we are
members. Such a fentiment, which had rendered the legions of the
republic almoft invincible, could make but a very feeble impreffion
on the mercenary fervants of a defpotic prince; and it became ne-
ceflary to fupply that defedl by other motives, of a different, but not
lefs forcible nature ; honour and religion. The peafant, or mecha-
nic, imbibed the ufeful prejudice that he was advanced to the more
dignified profeffion of arms, in which his rank and reputation would
depend on his own valour : and that, although the prowcfs of a pri-
vate foldier muft often efcape the notice of fame, his own behaviour
might fometimes confer glory or difgrace on the company, the le-
gion, or even the army, to whofe honours he was affociated. On
his firft entrance into the fervice, an oath was adminiftered to him,
with every circumftance of folemnity. He promifed never to defert
bis ftandard, to fubmit his own will to the commands of his leaders,
and to facrifice his life for the fafety of the emperor and the em-
pire ". The attachment of the Roman troops to their ftandards,
3' See Vegetius de Re Militari, 1. i. c. 2—7. emperor, was annually renewed by the troops,
" The oath of fervice and fidelity to the on the firll of Januar)'.
I was
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 13
was infpired by the united influence of religion and of honour. ^ ^j^ ^'
The golden eagle, which glittered in the front of the legion, was ' '
the object of their fondeft devotion ; nor was it efteen\ed lefs impi-
ous, than it was ignominious, to abandon that facred enfign in the
hour of danger '*. Thefe motives, which derived their ftrength
from the imagination, were enforced by fears and hopes of a more
fubftantial kind. Regular pay, occafional donatives, and a ilated re-
compence, after the appointed term of fervice, alleviated the hard-
Ihips of the military life ", whilft, on the other hand, it was im-
poffible for cowardice or difobedience to efcape the fevereft punifh-
ment. The centurions were authorized to chaftife with blows, the
generals had a right to puniili with death ; and it was an inflexible
maxim of Roman difcipline, that a good foldier fliould dread his
officers far more than the enemy. From fuch laudable arts did the
valour of the Imperial troops receive a degree of firmnefs and do-
cility, unattainable by the impetuous and irregular paffions of bar-
barians.
And yet fo fenfible were the Romans of the imperfedlion of va- Exerdfes.
lour without fltill and pradtice, that, in their language, the name
of an army was borrowed from the word which fignified exercife '^.
Military exercifes were the important and unremitted objedl of their
difcipline. The recruits and young foldiers were conftantly trained
'♦ Tacitus calls the Roman Eagles, Bello- ry government. After twenty years fer\'ice,
rum Deos. They were placed in a chapel in the veteran received three thoufand denarii
the camp, and with the other deities received (about one hundred pounds fterling), or a
the religious worihip of the troops. proportionable allowance of land. The pay
= ' See Gronovius de Pecunia vetere, I. iii. and advantages of the guards were, in gene-
p. 120, &c. The emperor Domitian raifed ral, about double thofe of the legions,
the annualftipend cf the legionaries, to twelve ^'' Exercitus ah Exercitando, Varro de Lin-
pieces of gold, which, in his time, was equi- gua Latina, 1. iv. Cicero in Tufculan. 1. ii.
valent to about ten of our guineas. This pay, 37. There is room for a very interefting
fomewhat higher than our own, had been, work, which Ihould lay open the connexion
and was afterwards, gradually increafed, ac- between the languages and manners of na-
cording to the progrefs of wealth and milita- tions.
both
14 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, [,0th in the morning and in the evening, nor was age or knowledge
' V ' allowed to excufe the veterans from the daily repetition of what
they had completely learnt. Large iheds were ereiled in the win-
ter-quarters of the troops, that their ufeful labours might not
receive any interruption from the moft tempeftuous weather; and it
was carefully obferved, that the arms deftined to this imitation of
war, ihould be of double the weight which was required in real
adlion ". It is not the purpofe of this work to enter into any mi-
nute defcription of the Roman exercifes. We ihall only remark,
that they comprehended whatever could add ftrength to the body,
adivity to the hmbs, or grace to the motions. The foldiers were
diligently inftrudlcd to march, to run, to leap, to fwim, to carry
heavy burdens, to handle every fpccies of arms that was ufed
either for offence or for defence, either in diftant engagement or
in a clofer onfet ; to form a variety of evolutions ; and to move to
the found of flutes, in the Pyrrhic or martial dance ''. In the midft
of peace, the Roman troops familiarifed themfelves with the pradice
of war ; and it is prettily remarked by an ancient hiftorian who had
fought againft them, that the eftufion of blood was the only circum-
ftance which diilinguifhed a field of battle from a field of exercife ".
It was the policy of the ableft generals, and even of the emperors
themfelves, to encourage thefe military ftudies by their prefence and
example ; and we are informed that Hadrian, as well as Trajan, fre-
quently condefcended to inftrudt the unexperienced foldiers, to
reward the diligent, and fometiraes to difpute with them the prize of
fuperior ftrength or dexterity *". Under the reigns of thofe princes,
="Vegetius, I.ii.andthereftofhisfirftbock. is Jofeph. de Bell. Judaico, 1. iii. c. 5. We
3* The Pyrrhic Dance is extremely well are indebted to this Jew for fome very curious
illuilrated by M. le Beau, in the Academic details of Roman difcipline.
des Infcriptions, torn. xxxv. p. 262, &c. That
learned academician, in a feries of memoirs, *° P^^"• P^negyr. c. 13. Life of Hadrian,
has coUeo^ed all the paflkges of the ancients "^ '^^ Augultan hiftory.
that relate to the Roman legion. ,
OF THE R Ο Μ Λ Ν Ε Μ Ρ 1 11 Ε. Ι5
the fcience of tadics was cultivated with fuccefs ; and as long as the ^ ^^ ''' ^•
empire retained any vigour, their military indruiTtions were refpeil- < — — ,— — '
ed, as the moft perfedt model of Roman difcipline.
Nine centuries of war had gradually introduced into the fervice The legions
_ under the
many alterations and improvements. The legions, as they are de- empaors.
fcribed by Polybius *', in the time of the Punic wars, differed very
materially from thofe which atchieved the vidories of Csfar, or de-
fended the monarchy of Hadrian and the Antonines. The confti-
tution of the Imperial legion may be defcribedin a few words *-. The
heavy-armed infantry, which compofed its principal ftrength ■*', was
divided into ten cohorts, and fifty-five companies, under the orders
of a correfpondent number of tribunes and centurions. The firft
cohort, which always claimed the port of honour and the cuftody of
the eagle, was formed of eleven hundred and five foldiers, the moft
approved for valour and fidelity. The remaining nine cohorts con-
fifted each of five hundred and fifty-five ; and the whole body of
legionary infantry amounted to fix thoufand one hundred men.
Their arms were uniform, and admirably adapted to the nature of Arms.
their fervice : an open helmet, with a lofty creft; a breaft-plate, or
coat of mail ; greaves on their legs, and an ample buckler on their
left arm. The buckler was of an oblong and concave figure, four feet
in length, and two and a half in breadth, framed of a light wood,
covered with a bull's hide, and ftrongly guarded with plates of
brafs. Befidcs a lighter fpear, the legionary foldier grafped in his
right hand the formidable//7z/;«, a ponderous javelin, whofe utmoft
length was about fix feet, and which was terminated by a mafly
*" See an admirable digreffion on the Ro- 43 Vegetius de Re Miiitari, 1. ii. c. i. In
man difcipline, in the fixth book of his hiftory. the purer age of Ca:far and Cicero, the word
♦i Vegetius de Re Miiitari, 1. ii. c. 4, &c. ?κ;7ίί was almoft confined to the infantry. Un-
confiderable part cf his very perplexed abridg- der the lower empire, and in the times of
ment was taken from the regulations of Tra- chivalry, it was appropriated almolt as ex-
jan and Hadrian ; and the legion, as he de- clufively to the men at arms, who fought on
fcribes it, cannot fuit any other age of the horfeback.
Roman empire. . triangular
ιβ THE DECLINE AND FALL
triangular point of fteel of eighteen inches ''^ This inilrument was
indeed much inferior to our modern fire-arms ; fince it was ex-
haufted by a fingle difcharge, at the diftance of only ten or twelve
paces. Yet when it was launched by a firm and fkilful hand, there
was not aay cavalry that durfl: venture within its reach, nor any
iliield or corflet that could fuftain the impetuofity of its weight. As
foon as the Roman had darted his pihim, he drew his fword, and
ruihed forwards to clofe with the enemy. His fword was a ihort well-
tempered Spaniili blade, that carried a double edge, and was alike
fuited to the purpofe of ftriking, or of puftiing ; but the foldier was
always inftruded to prefer the latter ufe of his weapon, as his own
body remained lefs expofed, whilft he inflided a more dangerous
wound on his adverfary ■". The legion was ufually drawn up eight
deep ; and the regular diftance of three feet was left between the
files as well as ranks **. A body of troops, habituated to preferve
this open order, in a long front and a rapid charge, found them-
felves prepared to execute every difpofition which the circumftances
of war, or the ikill of tlieir leader, might fuggeft. The foldier
poiTefled a free fpace for his arm's and motions, and fufficient inter-
vals were allowed, through which feafonable reinforcements might
be introduced to the relief of the exhaufted combatants '"'. The
taftics of the Greeks and Macedonians were formed on very differ-
ent principles. The ftrength of the phalanx depended on fixteen
ranks of long pikes, wedged together in the clofeft array *'. But it
4* In the time of Polybius and Dionyfius --^ M. Guichardt, Memojres Militaires,
of Halicarnaflus (I. v. c. 45.)» t^ie fteel point tom. i. c. 4. and Nouveaux Memoires, torn. i.
of the pilitnt feems to have been much long- p. 293 — 311, has treated the fubjeft like a
er. In the time of Vegetius, it was reduced J'cholar and an officer.
to a foot, or even nine inches. Ihavcchofen *» See Arrian's Taftics. With the true
a medium. partialit}' of a Greek, Arrian rather chofe
*^ For the legionr.ry arms fee Lipfius de to defcribe the phalanx of which he liad
Militia Romana, 1. iii. c. 2 — 7. read, than the legions which he had com-
♦' See the beautiful comparifon of Virgil, manded.
Georgic. ii. v. 279.
was
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. τ/
was foon difcovered by refledlion, as well as by the event, that the ^ ^^^ ^•
ftrength of the phalanx was unable to contend with the adivity of
the legion "^^.
The cavalry, without which the force of the legion would have Cavalry,
remained imperfed, was divided into ten troops or fquadrons ; the
firft, as the companion of the firfl: cohort, confifted of an hun-
dred and thirty-two men ; whilft each of the other nine amounted
only to fixty-fix. The entire eftabliiliment formed a regiment, if
we may ufe the modern expreifion, of feven hundred and twenty-
fix horfe, naturally conneded with its refpedlive legion, but occa-
fionally feparated to a6l in the line, and to compofe a part of the
wings of the army ^°. The cavalry of the emperors was no longer
compofed, like that of the ancient republic, of the nobleft youths
of Rome and Italy, who, by performing their military fervice on
horfeback, prepared themfelves for the offices of fenator and conful ;
and foiicitcd, by deeds of valour, the future fufFrages of their
countrymen ''. Since the alteration of manners and government,
the moft wealthy of the equeftrian order were engaged in the admi-
niflration of juftice, and of the revenue s^; and vv^henever they
embraced the profeffion of arms, they were immediately intrufted
with a troop of horfe, or a cohort of foot ". Trajan and Hadrian
formed their cavalry from the fame provinces, and the fame clafs of
their fubjeds, which recruited the ranks of the legion. The horfes
were bred, for the moft part, in Spain or Cappadocia. The Roman
troopers defpifed the complete armour with which the cavalry of the
*5 Polyb. 1. xvli. fenfe of that very curious paiTage was firft
ST Veget. de Re Militari, 1. ii. c. 6. His difcovered and illullrated by M. de Beaufort,
pofitive teftimony, which might be fupported Republique Romaine, 1. ii. c. z.
by circumftantial evidence, ought furely to .,,•,.„
/-I .t, i- • • L c r -L τ • , =■' As in theinftance of Horace and Aeri-
filence thofe critics who refufe the Imperial , _, . , , ^
legion its proper body of cavalry. "'"; ^his appears to have been a defeft in
^- See Livy almoft throughout, particu- '^e Roman diicphne ; which Hadrian endea-
larly xlii. 6i or voured to remedy, by afcertaming the legal
5^ Plin. Hiil. Natur. xxxiii. 2. The true age of a tribune.
Vol. I. D ' Eail
[8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
Eaft was encumbered. Their more uleful arms confiiled in a
helmet) an oblong fliield, light boots, and a coat of mail. A jave-
lin, and a long broad fword, were their principal weapons of
offence. The ufe of lances and of iron maces they feem to have bor-
rowed from the barbarians '■*.
Auxiliaries. The fafety and honour of the empire was principally intrufted to
the legions, but the policy of Rome condefcended to adopt every
ufeful inftrument of war. Confiderable levies were regularly made
among the provincials, who had not yet deferved the honourable
diftindion of Romans. Many dependent princes and communities,
difperfed round the frontiers, were permitted, for a while, to hold
their freedom and fecurity by the tenure of military fervice ".
- Even feleft troops of hoftile barbarians were frequently compelled
or perfuaded to confume their dangerous valour in remote climates,
and for the benefit of the ftate ^\ All thefe were included under
the general name of auxiliaries ; and howfoever they might vary ac-
cordiiig to the difference of times and circumilances, their numbers
were feldom much inferior to thofe of the legions themfelves ".
Among the auxiliaries, the bravefl and moil faithful bands were
placed under the command of przefeds and centurions, and feverely
trained in the arts of Roman difcipline ; but the far greater part re-
tained thofe arms, to which the nature of their country, or their
early habits of life, more peculiarly adapted them. By this in-
ftitution each legion, to whom a certain proportion of auxiliaries was
allotted, contained within itfelf every fpecies of lighter troops, and
of miifile weapons ; and was capable of encountering every na-
'+ See Arrian'sTaitics. ately fent into Britain. Dion Caffius, 1. Ιχχί.
" Such, in particular, was the ftate of " Tacit. Anna!, iv. 5. Thofe who fix
the Batavians. Tacit. Germania, c. 29. a regular proportion of as many foot, and
s*" Marcus Antoninus obliged the van- twice as many horfc; confound the auxili-
quifhed Quadiand Marcomanni tofupply him aries of the emperors, with the Italian allies
with a large body of troops, wliich he immedi- of the republic.
iion,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ^9
S'i
mcnt.
tion, with the advantages of its refpcdive arms and dilcipbn
Nor was the legion deilitute of what, in modern language, would
be ftyled a train of artillery. It confifted in ten military engines Artillery
of the largeft, and fifty-five of a fmaller fize ; but all of which,
either in an oblique or horizontal manner, difcharged ftones and
darts with irrefiftible violence ".
The camp of a Roman legion prefcnted the appearance of a for- Encamp
tified city ^°. As foon as the fpace was marked out, the pioneers
carefully levelled the ground, and removed every impediment that
might interrupt its perfedi regularity. Its form was an exadl
quadrangle ; and we may calculate, that a fquare of about feven
hundred yards was fufficient for the encampment of twenty thou-
fand Romans ; though a fimilar number of our own troops would
expofe to the enemy a front of more than treble that extent. In the
midil of the camp, the prsetorium, or general's quarters, rofe above
the others ; the cavalry, the infantry, and the auxiliaries occupied
their refpedive ftations; the ftreets were broad, and perfedly
ftraight, and a vacant fpace of two hundred feet was left on all fides,
between the tents and the rampart. The rampart itfelf was ufually
twelve feet high, armed with a line of ftrong and intricate palifades,
and defended by a ditch of twelve feet in depth as well as in breadth.
This important labour was performed by the hands of the legionaries
s8 Vegetlus, il. 2. Arrian, in his order of with the Roman empire. When men were no
march and battle againil the Alani. longer found, their place was fupplied by
-'^ The fubjcft of the ancient machines is machines. See Vegetius, ii. 2c. Arrian
treated with great knowledge and ingenuity β, Vggetius finiihes hi's fecond book, and
by the Chevalier Folard (Polybe, tom. ii. p. the defcription of the legion, with the fol-
233-290). He prefers them in many refpefts lo>ving emphatic words, " Univerfa qus in
to our modern cannon and mortars. We may " quoque belli genere neceilkria effe cre-
obferve, that the ufe of them in the field gra- <' duntur, fecum legio debet ubique portare
dually became more prevalent, in proportion " ut in quovis loco fixerit caftra, armatam
as perfonal valour and military ikill declined <• faciat civitatem "
^ 2 themfelves ;
2θ THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, themfelves ; to whom the ufe of the fpade and the pick-axe was no
<_ -.— »i lefs famihar than that of the fword or pilujn. AQive valour may
often he the prefent of nature ; hut fuch patient diligence can be
the fruit only of habit and difcipline *'.
March. Whenever the trumpet gave the fignal of departure, the camp
was almoft inftantly broke up, and the troops fell into their
ranks without delay or confufion. Befides their arms, which
the legionaries fcarcely confidered as an encumbrance, they were
laden with their kitchen furniture, the inftruments of fortifica-
tion, and the provifion of many days '^\ Under this weight,
which would opprefs the delicacy of a modern foldier, they were
trained by a regular ftep to advance, in about fix hours, near
twenty miles *'. On the appearance of an enemy they threw
afide their baggage, and by eafy and rapid evolutions converted the
column of march into an order of battle '*. The {lingers and
archers fkirmiihed in the front ; the auxiliaries formed the firft
line, and were feconded or fuftained by the ftrength of the le-
gions : the cavalry covered the flanks, and the military engines
were placed in the rear.
Number and Such wcrc the arts of war, by which the Roman emperors de-
difpofition of fg^Jed their extenfive conquefts, and preferved a military fpirit, at
the legions. . rr ι λ λ
a time when every other virtue was oppreiied by luxury and
defpotifm. If» in the confideration of their armies, we pafs from
their difcipline to their numbers, Λve fliall not find it eafy to
define them with any tolerable accuracy. We may compute,
however, that the legion, which was itfelf a body of fix thou-
*' For the Roman Caftremetatlon, fee Po- *^ Vegetius, i. 9. See Memoires de
lybius, 1. vi. with Lipfms de Militii Roma- Γ Academie des Infcriptionsj torn. xxv. p.
na, Jofeph. de Bell. Jud. 1. iii. c. 5. Vege- 187.
tius, i. zi— 25. iii• 9. and Memoires de 6+ See thofe evolutions adalL•abIy well ex-
Guichard, torn. i. c. i. plained by M. Guichard, Nouveaux Me-
»- Cicero in Tufculan. ii. 37.-J0feph.de ^^:^^^^^ ^^^-^^ p_ 141-234.
EeU. Jud. 1. iii. 5- Frontinus, iv. i.
iand
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. ar
fand eight hundred and thirty-one Romans, might, with its at- C Η A P.
tendant auxiliaries, amount to about twelve thoufand five hundred
men. The peace eftablifliment of Hadrian and his fucceffors was
compofed of no lefs than thirty of thefe formidable brigades ; and
moil probably formed a ftanding force of three hundred andfeventy-
five thoufand men. Inftead of being confined within the walls o^
fortified cities, which the Romans confidered as the refuge of weak-
nefs or pufillanimity, the legions were encamped on the banks of
the great rivers, and along the frontiers of the barbarians. As
their ftations, for the moil part, remained fixed and permanent,
we may venture to defcribe the diilribution of the troops. Three
legions were fufiicient for Britain. The principal ftrength lay
upon the Rhine and Danube, and confifted of fixteen legions,
in the following proportions : two in the Lower, and three in
the Upper Germany; one in Rhsetia, one in Noricum, four in
Pannonia, three in Micfia, and two in Dacia. The defence of the
Euphrates was intruded to eight legions, fix of whom were placed
in Syria, and the other two in Cappadocia. With regard to Egypt,
Africa, and Spain, as they were far removed from any important
fcene of war, a fingle legion maintained the domefiic tranquillity
of each of thofe great provinces. Even Italy was not left deftitute
of a military force. Above twenty thoufand chofen foldiers, diftin-
guiihed by the titles of City Cohorts and Praetorian Guards, watched
over the fafety of the monarch and the capital. As the authors of
almoft every revolution that diftradled the empire, the Prxtorlans
will, very foon, and very loudly, demand our attention ; but in their
arms and inftitutions, we cannot find any circumftance which dif-
criminated them from the legions, unlefe it were a more fplendid
appearance, and a lefs rigid difcipline ^^
" Tacitus (Annal. iv. 5.) has given us a the proper medium between thefe two peri-
ftate of the legions under Tiberius : and ods. See likewifc Lipfius de Magnitudina
Dion Caffius (1. Iv. p. 794.) under Alexaii- Roman.!, 1. i. c. 4, 5.
der Severus. I have endeavoured to £x on
The
^2 THE DECLINE AND FALL
J ' • The navy maintained by the emperors might feem inadequate to
^-^;^^ — ' their greatnefs ; but it was fully fufficient for every ufeful purpofe
of government. The ambition of the Romans was confined to the
land ; nor was that warlike people ever aduated by the enter -
prifing fpirit which had prompted the navigators of Tyre, of Car-
thage, and even of Marfeilles, to enlarge the bounds of the world,
and to explore the moil remote coaits of the ocean. To the Romans
the ocean remained an objedt of terror rather than of curiofity " ;
the whole extent of the Mediterranean, after the deftrudion of Car-
thage, and the extirpation of the pirates, was included within their
provinces. The policy of the emperors was direded only to pre-
ferve the peaceful dominion of that fea, and to proted the com-
merce of their fubjeds. With thefe moderate views, Auguftus
ftationed two permanent fleets in the mofl: convenient ports of
Italy, the one at Ravenna, on the Adriatic, the other at Mifenum,
in the bay of Naples. Experience feems at length to have con-
vinced the ancients, that as foon as their gallies exceeded two, or
at the moil three ranks of oars, they were fuited rather for vain
pomp than for real fervice. Auguftus himfelf, in the vidory of
Adium, had feen the fuperiority of his own light frigates (ihey
were called Liburnians) over the lofty but unwieldy caftles of his
rival '^^ Of thefe Liburnians he compofed the two fleets of Ra-
venna and Mifenum, deftined to command, the one the eailern,
the other the weftern divifion of the Mediterranean ; and to each
of the fquadrons he attached a body of feveral thoufand marines.
Befides thefe two ports, which may be confidered as the princi-
pal' feats of the Roman navy, a very confiderable force was ila-
'■•^ The Romans tried to difguife, by the we may credit Orofuis, thefe monftrous caf-
pretence of religious awe, their ignorance and ties were no more than ten feet above the wa-
tcrror. See Tacit. Germania, c. 34. ter, vi. 19.
'; Plutarch, in Marc. Anton. And yet if
2 tioned
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 23
tioned at Frejus, on the coafi: of Provence, and the Euxine was CHAP.
guarded by forty fliips, and three thoufand foldiers. To all thrie ' — -v- — »
we add the fleet which preferved the communication between Gan'
and Britain, and a great number of veflels conftantly maintained
on the Rhine and Danube, to harafs the country, or to intercept
the paflage of the barbarians '^^ If we review this general ftate
of the Imperial forces ; of the cavahy as well as infantry ; of the
legions, the auxiliaries, the guards, and the navy ; the moil liberal
computation will not allow us to fix the entire eftablifhment by fea
and by land at more than four hundred and fifty thoufand men : Amount of
... I'll r- • , 1 1 • r the whole ef-
a military power, which, however lormidable it may leem, was tabiiftiment,
equalled by a monarch of the lafi: century, whofe kingdom was con-
fined within a fingle province of the Roman empire *'.
We have attempted to explain the fpirit which moderated, and View of the
provinces of
the ftrength which fupported, the power of Hadrian and the An- the Roman
tonines. We iliall now endeavour with clearnefs and precifion to
defcribe the provinces once united under their fway, but, at prefent,
divided into fo many independent and hoftile ftates.
Spain, the weftern extremity of the empire, of Europe, and of the gpain.
ancient world, has, in every age, invariably preferved the fame na-
tural limits ; the Pyren^ean mountains, the Mediterranean, and the
Atlantic Ocean. That great penlnfula, at prefent fo unequally di-
vided between two fovereigns, was diflributed by Auguilus into
three provinces, Lufitania, Bxtica, and Tarraconenfis. The king-
dom of Portugal now fills the place of the vparlike country of the
Lufitanlans ; and the lofs fuftained by the former, on the fide of the
Eaft, is compenfated by an acceifion of territory towards the North.
The confines of Grenada and Andalufia correfpond with thofe of
*^ See Lipfius, de Magnitud. Rom. 1. i. ^' Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV. c. 29. It
c. 5. The fixteen laft chapters of Vegetius re- muft, however, be remembered, that France
late to naval affairs. jUll feels tliat extraordinary effort.
ancient
24 THE DECLINE AND FALL
ancient Baetica. The remainder of Spain, Gallicia, and the Afturias,
Bifcay, and Navarre, Leon, and the two Caililles, Murcia, Va-
lencia, Catalonia, and Arragon, all contributed to form the third
and moil confiderable of the Roman governments, which, from the
name of its capital, was ftyled the Province of Tarragona ' °. Of
the native barbarians, the Celtiberians were the moft powerful, as
the Cantabrians and Afturians proved the moft obftinate. Confident
in the ftrength of their mountains, they were the laft who fub-
mitted to the arms of Rome, and the firft who threw off the yoke
of the Arabs.
Gaul. Ancient Gaul, as it contained the whole country between the
Pyrenees, the Alps, the Rhine, and the Ocean, was of greater extent
than modern France. To the dominions of that powerful monarchy,
with its recent acquifitions of Alface and Lorraine, we muft add the
dutchy of Savoy, the cantons of Switzerland, the four eled:orates of
the Rhine, and the territories of Liege, Luxemburgh, Hainault, Flan-
ders, and Brabant. When Auguftus gave laws to the conquefts of his
father, he introduced a divifion of Gaul equally adapted to
the progrefs of the legions, to the courfe of the rivers, and to
the principal national diftindlions, which had comprehended above
an hundred independent ftates ". The fea-coaft of the Medi-
terranean, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphine, received their
provincial appellation from the colony of Narbonne. The go-
vernment of Aquitaine was extended from the Pyrenees to the
Loire. The country between the Loire and the Seine was ftyled the
'° See Strabo, 1. ii. It is natural enough Danville, Geographie du Moyen Age, p. i8i.
t£) fuppofe, that Arragon is derived from Tar- " One hundred and fifteen cities appear in
raconeniis, and feveral moderns who have the Notitia of Gaul ; and it is well known
written in Latin, ufe thofe words as fynony- that this appellation was applied not only to
mous. It is however certain, that the Arra- the capital town, but to the whole territory
gon, a little ilream which falls from the Py- of each ftate. But Plutarch and Appian in-
renees into the Ebro, firft gave its name to a creafe the number of tribes to three or four
country, and gradually to a kingdom. €ee hundred.
Celtic
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ^5
Celtic Gaul, and foon borrowed a new denomination from the ^ ^^^ ^•
celebrated colony of Lugdunum, or Lyons. The Belgic lay beyond
the Seine, and in more ancient times had been bounded only by the
Rhine ; but a little before the age of Ca;far, the Germans abufing their
fuperiority of valour, had occupied a confiderable portion of the
Belgic territory. The Roman conquerors very eagerly embraced io
i]attering a circumftance, and the Gallic frontier of the Rhine, from
Bafil to Leyden, received the pompous names of the Upper and
the Lower Germany '\ Such, under the reign of the Antonines,
were the fix provinces of Gaul ; the Narbonnefe, Aquitaine, the
Celtic, or Lyonnefe, the Belgic, and the two Germanies.
We have already had occafion to mention the conqueft of B"'^"•
Britain, and to fix the boundary of the Roman province in this
ifland. It comprehended all England, Wales, and the Lowlands of
Scotland, as far as the Firths of Dunbarton and Edinburgh. Be-
fore Britain loft her freedom, the country was irregularly divided
between thirty tribes of barbarians, of whom the moft confiderable
were the Belgce in the Weft, the Brigantes in the North, the
Silures in South Wales, and the Iceni in Norfolk and Suffolk".
As far as we can either trace or credit the refemblance of manners
and language, Spain, Gaul, and Britain were peopled by the fame
hardy race of favages. Before they yielded to the Roman arms,
they often difputed the field, and often renewed the conteft. After
their fubmiifion they conftituted the weftern divifion of the Eu-
ropean provinces, vs^hich extended from the columns of Hercules
to the wall of Antoninus, and from the mouth of the Tagus to the
fburces of the Rhine and Danube.
Before the Roman conqueft, the country which is now called Italy.
Lombardy, v>/as not confidercd as a part of Italy. It had been
'^Danville. Notice dc rAiideuns . "^ Whitaker'sHiftoryof Manchefter, vol. i.
Gaule. c. 3.
YoL. I. Ε occupied
2β THE DECLINE AND FALL
occupied by a powerful colony of Gauls, who fettling themfelves
along the banks of the Po, from Piedmont to Roraagna, carried their
arms and diffufed their name from the Alps to the Apennine. The
Ligurians dwelt on the rocky coaft, which now forms the republic
of Genoa. Venice was yet unborn ; but the territories of that ftate,
Λvhich lie to the eaft of the Adige, were inhabited by the Vene-
tians '■^. The middle part of the peninfula, that now compofes the
dutchy of Tufcany and the ecclefiaftical ilate, was the ancient feat
of the Etrufcans and Umbrians ; to the former of whom Italy
was indebted for the firit rudiments of civilized life ^'. The Ty-
ber rolled at the foot of the feven hills of Rome, and the country
of the Sabines, the Latins, and the Volfci, from that river to the
frontiers of Naples, was the theatre of her infant vidlories. On
that celebrated ground the firft confuls deferved triumphs ; their
fucceflbrs adorned villas, and their pofterity have ereded con-
vents '*. Capua and Campania poflefled the immediate territory of
Naples ; the reft of the kingdom was inhabited by many warlike
nations, the Marli, the Samnites, the Apulians, and the Luca-
nians ; and the fea-coafts had been covered by the flouriihing colo-
nies of the Greeks. We may remark, that when Auguftus divided
Italy into eleven regions, the little province of Iftria was annexed to
that feat of Roman fovereignty ".
The Danube The European provinces of Rome were proteded by the courfe
frljmier"''" of the Rhine and the Danube. The latter of thofe mighty ftreams,
which rifes at the dlftance of only thirty miles from the former,
flows above thirteen hundred miles, for the moft part, to the fouth-
eaft, colleds the tribute of fixty navigable rivers, and is, at length,
'* The Italian Veneti, though often con- "^ The firft contraft was obferved by the
founded with the G:'uls, were more probably ancients. See Floras, i. ii. The fecond
cf Illyrian origin. See M. Frerct, Memoires muft ftrike every modern traveller,
de I'Academie des Infcriptions, torn, xviii. '' Pliny (Hift. Natur. 1. iii.) follows the
Ϊ 5 See Maffei Verona iJluftrata, 1. i. divifion of Italy, by Auguftus.
through.
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 27
through fix mouths received into the Euxine, which appears fcarcely
equal to fuch an acceffion of waters '\ The provinces of the
Danube foon acquired the general appellation of Illyricum, or the
Illyrian frontier", and were efteeraed the moil warlike of the
empire ; but they deferve to be more particularly confidered under
the names of Rha^tia, Noricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Dacia, Ma;iia,
Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece.
The province of Rhaetia, which foon extingnillied the name of Rhatia,
the Vindelicians, extended from the fummit of the Alps to the
banks of the Danube ; from its fource, as far as its conflux with
the Inn. The greateft part of the flat country is fubjed to the
eledor of Bavaria; the city of Augfburgh is protcdled by the con-
ftitution of the German empire ; the Grifons are fafe in their
mountains, and the country of Tirol is ranked among the numerous
provinces of the houfe of Auftria.
The wide extent of territory, which is included between the Inn, Nerkum and
the Danube, and the Save; Auftria, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola,
the Lower Hungary and Sclavonia, was known to the ancients un-
der the names of Noricum and Pannonia. In their original ftate
of independence, their fierce inhabitants were intimately conneded.
Under the Roman government they were frequently united, and they
ftill remain the patrimony of a fingle family. They now contain
the refidcnce of a German prince, who ftyles himfelf Emperor of
the Romans, and form the center, as well as ftrength, of the Auftrian
power. It may not be improper to obferve, that if we except
Bohemia, Moravia, the northern ikirts of Auftria, and a part of
Hungary, between the Teyfs and the Danube, all the other domi-
'^ Tournefort, Voyages en Grece et Afie was gradually extended by the Romans from
Mineure, lettre xviii. the Alps to the Euxine Sea. See Severini
's The name of Illyricum originally be- Pannonia, 1. i. c. 3.
longed to the fea-coaft of the Hadriatic, and
Ε 2 nions
28
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Dalmatia.
Maefia and
Dacia.
CHAP, nions of the Houfe of Auftria were coinprifcd within the limits of
t— V— J the Roman empire.
Dalmatia, to which the name of Illyricum more properly belonged,
was a long, but narrow tradt, between the Save and the Adriatic.
The beil part of the fea-coaft, which ftill retains its ancient ap-
pellation, is a province of the Venetian ilate, and the feat of the
little republic of Ragufa. The inland parts have aflumed the Scla-
vonian names of Croatia and Bofnia ; the former obeys an Auflrian
governor, the latter a Turkifli paiha ; but the whole country is ftilL
infefted by tribes of barbarians, whofe favage independence irregu-
larly marks the doubtful limit of the Chriftian and Mahometaa
power ^°.
After the Danube had received the waters of the Teyfs and the
Save, it acquired, at leaft, among the Greeks, the name of liler ".
It formerly divided Maefia and Dacia, the latter of which, as we
have already feen, was a conqueft of Trajan, and the only pro-
vince beyond the river. If we inquire into the prefent ftate of thofe
countries, we fliall find that, on the left hand of the Danube, Temef-
war and Tranfylvania have been annexed, after many revolutions,
to the crown of Hungary ; whiift the principalities of Moldavia and
Walachia acknowledge the fupremacy of the Ottoman Porte. Oa
the right hand of the Danube, M:Efia, which, during the middle
ages, was broken into the barbarian kingdoms of Servia and Bul-
garia, is again united in Turkiih ilavery.
The appellation of Roumelia, vihich is flill beflowed by the
1 hrace, Ma- ^^ ■'
cedonia, and Turks on the extenfive countries of Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece,
Greece. . .
preferves the memory of their ancient ftate under the Roman
empire. In the time of the Antonines, the martial regions of Thrace,
^^ A Venetian traveller, the Abbate from the munificence of the emperor, its
Fortis, has lately given us feme ac- fovereign.
count of thofe very obfcure countries. ^' The Save rifes near the confines of i/?nV?,
But the geography and antiquities of the and v/as confidered by the more early Greeks
weilern Illyricum can be expefled only as the principal ftream of the Danube.
from
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 29
from the mountains of Iliemus and Rhodope, to the Bofphorus and
the Hellefpont, had aflumed the form of a province. Notwith-
ftanding the change of mailers and of religion, the new city of
Rome, founded by Conftantine on the banks of the Bofphorus,
lias ever fince remained the capital of a great monarchy. The
kingdom of Macedonia, which, under the reign of Alexander,
gave laws to Afia, derived more folid advantages from the policy
of the two Philips ; and with its dependencies of Epirus and
Theifaly, extended from the Jigean to the Ionian fea. When
we rcfleit on the fame of Thebes and Argos, of Sparta and Athens,
we can fcarcely perfuade ourfelves, that fo many immortal repub-
lics of ancient Greece, were loft in a fingle province of the Roman
empire, which, from the fuperior influence of the Achaean league,
was ufually denominated the province of Achaia.
Such was the ftate of Europe under the Roman emperors. The Afia Minor,
provinces of Afia, without excepting the tranfient conquefts of
Trajan, are all comprehended within the limits of the Turkiili
power. But inftead of following the arbitrary divifions of defpotifm
and ignorance, it will be fafer for us, as well as more agreeable,
to obferve the indelible charadters of nature. The name of Afia
Minor is attributed with ibme propriety to the peninfula, which,
confined between the Euxine and the Mediterranean, advances from
the Euphrates towards Europe The moft extenfive and flourifhing
diftrift, w'eftward of mount Taurus and the river Elalys, \vas dig-
nified by the Romans with the exclufive title of Afia. The jurif-
diftlon of that province extended over the ancient monarchies of
Troy, Lydia, and Phrygia, the maritime countries of the Pamphy-
lians, Lycians, and Carians, and the Grecian colonies of Ionia,
which equalled in arts, though not in arms, the glory of their pa-
rent. The kingdoms of Bithynia and Pontus poileifed the northern
fide of the peninfula from Conftantinople to Trebizond. On the
oppofite fide, the province of Cilicia was terminated by the moun-
tains
30 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, tains of Syria : the inland country, feparated from the Roman
<- ~. 1 Afia by the river Halys, and from Armenia by the Euphrates, had
once formed the independent kingdom of Cappadocia. Jn this
place we may obferve, that the northern ihores of the Euxine, be-
yond Trcbizond in Afia, and beyond the Danube in Europe, ac-
knowledged the fovereignty of the emperors, and received at their
hands, either tributary princes, or Roman garrifons. Budzak, Crim
Tartary, Circaifia, and Mingrelia, are the modern appellations of
thofe favage countries *\
Syria, Phce- Under the fucceflbrs of Alexander, Syria was the feat of the
nicia, and , r r i
Paieftine. Seleucidae, who reigned over Upper Afia, till the fuccefsful revolt
of the Parthians confined their dominions between the Euphrates
and the Mediterranean, When Syria became fubjed to the Romans,
it formed the eaftern frontier of their empire ; nor did that province,
in its utmoft latitude, know any other bounds than the moun-
tains of Cappadocia to the north, and towards the fouth, the con-
fines of Egypt, and the Red Sea. Phoenicia and Paieftine were
fometimes annexed to, and fometimes feparated from, the jurifdidioa
of Syria. The former of thefe was a narrow and rocky coaft ; the
latter was a territory fcarcely fuperior to Wales, either in fertility
or extent. Yet Phoenicia and Paieftine will for ever live in the
memory of mankind ; fince America, as well as Europe, has re-
ceived letters from the one, and religion from the other ^'. A fandy
defert alike deftitute of wood and water ikirts along the doubtful
confine of Syria, from the Euphrates to the Red Sea. The wan-
■dering life of the Arabs was infeparably conneded with their inde-
*^ See the Periplus of Arrian. He exa- before Chrift ; and the Europeans carried them
mined the coalts of the Euxine, when he to America, about fifteen centuries after the
was governor of Cappadocia. Chriftian a:ra. But in a period of three thou-
^^ The progrefs of religion is well known, fand years, the Phoenician alphabet received
The ufc of letters was introduced among the connderable alterations, as it pafled through
•favages of Europe about fifteen hundred years the hands of the Greeks and Romans.
pendence.
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. $i
pendence, and wherever, on feme fpots lefs barren than the reft, ^ ^^^^ ^*
they ventured to form any fettled habitations, they foon became fub- ' j '
je£ts of the Roman empire ^*.
The geographers of antiquity have frequently hefitated to what Egypt,
portion of the globe they fhould afcribe Egypt ''^ By its fituation
that celebrated kingdom is included within the immenfe peninfula of
Africa, but it is acceifible only on the fide of Afia, whofe revolu-
tions, in almoft every period of hiftory, Egypt has humbly obeyed.
A Roman prsefeft was feated on the fplendid throne of the Ptolemies ;
and the iron fceptre of the Mamalukes is now in the hands of a
Turkiih paiha. The Nile flows down the country, above five hun-
dred miles from the tropic of Cancer to the Mediterranean, and
marks, on either fide, the extent of fertility by the meafijre of its
inundations. Cyrene, fituate towards the weft, and along the fea-
coaft, was firft a Greek colony, afterwards a province of Egypt,
and is now loft in the defert of Barca.
From Cyrene to the Ocean, the coaft of Africa extends above fif- AfHca.-
teen hundred miles ; yet fo clofely is it prefled between the Medi-
terranean and the Sahara, or fandy defert, that its breadth feldom
exceeds fourfcore or an hundred miles. The eaftern divifion was
confidered by the Romans as the more peculiar and proper pro-
vince of Africa. Till the arrival of the Phoenician colonies, that
fertile country was inhabited by the Libyans, the moft favage of
mankind. Under the immediate jurifdidlion of Carthage, it became
the center of commerce and empire; but the republic of Carthage
is now degenerated into the feeble and diforderly ftates of Tripoli and
8+ Dion Caflius, lib. Ixviii. p. M31;. have preferred for that purpole the weii-
55 Ptolemy and Strabo, with the modern ern branch of the Nile, or even the
geographers, fix the Ifthmus of Suez as the great Catabathmus, or defcent, which
boundary of Ana and Africa. Dionyfius, laft would allign to Afia, not only Egypt, but
Mela, Pliny, Salluft, Hirtius and Solinus, part of Libya.
^ Tunisw.
32
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
I.
I ,, '
The Medi-
terranean
with its
illands.
Tunis. The military government of Algiers opprcfTes the wide extent
of Numidia, as it was once united under MaffiniiTa and Jugurcha:
but in the time of Auguftus, the limits of Numidia were contraQed ;
and, at Icaft, two thirds of the country acquiefced in the name of
Mauritania, with the epithet of Csfarienfis. The genuine Mau-
ritania, or country of the Moors, which, from the ancient city of
Tingi, Or Tangier, was diftinguilhed by the appellation of Tingi-
tana, is reprefented by the modern kingdom of Fez. Salle, on the
Ocean, fo infamous at prefent for its piratical depredations, was no-
ticed by the Romans, as the extreme objed; of their power, and almoft
of their geography. A city of their foundation may ftill be dif-
covered near Mequinez, the refidence of the barbarian whom we
condefcend to ftyle the Emperor of Morocco; but it does not appear,
that his more fouthern dominions, Morocco itfelf, and SegelmeiTa,
were ever comprehended within the Roman province. The weftern
parts of Africa are interfered by the branches of mount Atlas, a
name fo idly celebrated by the fancy of poets ^° ; but which is now
difFufed over the immenfe ocean that rolls between the ancient and
the new continent "'.
Having now finifhed the circuit of the Roman empire, we
may obferve, that Africa is divided from Spain by a narrow
ftrait cf about twelve miles, through which the Atlantic flows
into the Mediterranean. The columns of Hercules, fo famous
among the ancients, were two mountains w^hich fcemed to have been
torn afunder by fome convulfion of the elements ; and at the foot of
'^ The long range, moderate height, and
gentle declivity of mount Atlas (fee Shaw's
Travels, p. 5.) are very unlike a folitary
mountain which rears its head into the
clouds, and feems to fupport the heavens.
I'jie peak of TenerifF, on the contrary, rifes
a league and a half above the fiirface of the
fea, and as it was frequently vifited by the
Phoenicians, might engage the notice of the
Greek poets. See BufFon, Hiftoire Naturelle,
torn. i. p. 312. Hilloire des Voyages, torn.
ii.
87 M. de Voltaire, torn. xiv. p. 297. un-
fupported by either faiil or probahilitv, has
generoufly beftowed the Canary lilands on the
Roman empire.
the
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 33
the European mountain, tlie fortrefs of Gibraltar is now featcd. ^ ΠΑΡ.
The whole extent of the Mediterranean Sea, its coafts, and its iilands, '_ -,- _•
were comprifed within the Roman dominion. Of the larger iilands,
the two Balcaics, which derive their names of Majorca and Minorca
from their refpedive fize, are fubjcdl at prefent, the former to Spain,
the latter to Great Britain. It is eafier to deplore the fate, than to
defcribe the adtual condition of Corfica. Two Italian fovcreigns
aiTume a regal title from Sardinia and Sicily. Crete, or Candia,
with Cyprus, and moil of the fmaller iflands of Greece and Afia,
have been fubdued by the Turkiih arms ; whilfl the little rock of
Malta defies their power, and has emerged, under the government
of its military Order, into fame and opulence.
This long enumeration of provinces, whofe broken fragments General idea
have formed fo many powerful kingdoms, might almoil induce us ^an ^empire.
to forgive the vanity or ignorance of the ancients. Dazzled with the
extenfive fway, the irrefiftible ftrength, and the real or affeiled mo-
deration of the emperors, they permitted themfelves to defpife, and
fometimes to forget, the outlying countries which had been left in
the enjoyment of a barbarous independence ; and they gradually
ufurped the licence of confounding the Roman monarchy with the
globe of the earth '*. But the temper, as well as knowledge, of a
modern hiftorian, require a more fober and accurate language. He
may imprefs a jufter image of the greatnefs of Rome, by obferving
that the empire was above two thoufand miles in breadth, from the
wall of Antoninus and the northern limits of Dacia, to mount Atlas
and the tropic of Cancer ; that it extended, in length, more than
three thoufand miles from the Weftern Ocean to the Euphrates ; that
it was fituated in the fineft part of the Temperate Zone, between
the twenty-fourth and fifty-fixth degrees of northern latitude ;
and that it was fuppofed to contain above fixteen hundred thoufand
fquare miles, for the moft part of fertile and well cultivated land ''.
88 Bergier, Hift. des Grands Chemins, but I diftrua both the doftor's learning and
1. iii. c. 1, 2, 3, 4. a very ufeful colleftion. his maps.
^' See Templeman's Survey of the Globe :
Vol. I. F
54
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. IL
Of the Union and hiternal Prof perky of the Romaji Empire,
in the Age of the Antoni?jes,
Principles of
government.
Univerfal
fpirit of to-
leration.
IT is not alone by the rapidity, or extent of conqueft, that we
ihould eilimate the greatnefs of Rome. The fovereign of
the Ruffian deferts commands a larger portion of the globe.
In the feventh fummer after his paflage of the Hellefpont,
Alexander ereded the Macedonian trophies on the banks of the
Hyphafis '. Within lefs than a century, the irrefiftible Zingis, and
the Mogul princes of his race, fpread their cruel devaftations and
tranfient empire, from the fea of China, to the confines of Egypt
and Germany "". But the firm edifice of Roman power λ\\ι8 raifed
and preferved by the wifdom of ages. The obedient provinces of
Trajan and the Antonines were united by laws, and adorned by
arts. They might occafionally fufter from the partial abufe of
delegated authority ; but the general principle of government was
wife, fimple, and beneficent. They enjoyed the religion of their
anceflors, whilft in civil honours and advantages they were exalted,
by juft degrees, to an equality with their conquerors.
L The policy of the emperors and the fenate, as far as it con-
cerned religion, was happily feconded by the refledions of the
enlightened, and by the habits of the fuperftitious, part of their fub-
jeds^ The various modes of worihip, which prevailed in the
' They were ereiled about the mid- tered by the five great ftreams of the
way between Lahor and Dehli. The Indus.
conquefts of Alexander in Hindoftan were ^ See M. de Guignes Hifloire des Huns,
confined to the Punjab, a country wa- I, xv, xvi, and xvii.
Roman
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 35
Roman world, were all confidercd by the people, as equally true ; ^ ^ J^ ^•
by the philofopher, as equally falfe ; and by the magiftrate, as
equally ufeful. And thus toleration produced not only mutual
indulgence, but even religious concord.
The fuperftition of the people was not embittered by any mixture Of the
of theological rancour; nor was it confined by the chains of any
fpeculative fyftern. The devout polytheift, though fondly attached
to his national rites, admitted with implicit faith the different reli-
gions of the earth '. Fear, gratitude, and curiofity, a dream or an
omen, a fmgular diforder or a diftant journey, perpetually difpofed
him to multiply the articles of his belief, and to enlarge the lift of
his protedtors. The thin texture of the Pagan mythology was inter-
woven with various, but not difcordant materials. As foon as it was
allowed that fages and heroes, who had lived, or who had died for
the benefit of their country, were exalted to a ftate of power and im-
mortality, it was univerfally confeffed, that they deferved, if not
the adoration, at leaft the reverence, of all mankind. The deities of
a thoufand groves and a thoufand ftreams poffeffed, in peace, their
local and refpedlive influence ; nor could the Roman who depre-
cated the wrath of the Tiber, deride the Egyptian who prefented his
offering to the beneficent genius of the Nile. The vifible powers
of Nature, the planets, and the elements, were the fame throughout
the univerfe. The invifible governors of the moral world were in-
evitably caft in a fimilar mould of fidlion and allegory. Every
virtue, and even vice, acquired its divine reprefentative ; every art
3 There is not any writer who defcribes in conduit of the Egyptians (fee Juvenal, Sat.
fo lively a manner as Herodotus, the true ge- xv.) ; and the Chriftians as well as Jews, who
nius of Polytheifm.. The bell commentary lived under the Roman empire, formed a very
may be found in Mr. Hume's Natural Hiftory important exception : fo important indeed,
of Religion ; and the beft contrail in Bof- that the difcuffion will require a diilinil chap-
fuet's Univerfal Hiftory. Some obfcure ter of this work.
traces of an intolerant fpirit appear in tlie
F 2 and
3<5 THE DECLINE AND FALL
and profeiTion its patron, whofe attributes, in the moft diftant ages
and countries, were uniformly derived from the charader of their
peculiar votaries. A republic of gods of fuch oppofite tempers and
intereil required, in every fyftem, the moderating hand of a fu-
preme magiftrate, who, by the progrefs of knowledge and flattery,
was gradually invefted with the fublime perfedions of an Eternal
Parent, and an Omnipotent Monarch \ Such was the mild fpirit
of antiquity, that the nations were lefs attentive to the difference,
than to the refemblance, of their religious worihip. The Greek, the
Roman, and the Barbarian, as they met before theii? refpedive altars,
eafily perfuaded themfelves, that under various names, and with
various ceremonies, they adored the fame deities. The elegant
mythology of Homer gave a beautiful, and almoft a regular form,
to the polytheifm of the ancient world ^
Ofphilofo- The philofophers of Greece deduced their morals from the nature
phers. ^£• j^^j^j-,^ rather than from that of God. They meditated, however,
on the Divine Nature, as a very curious and important fpeculation,
and in the profound inquiry, they difplayed the ilrength and weak-
nefs of the human underftanding *. Of the four m.oft celebrated
fchools, the Stoics and the Platonifts endeavoured to reconcile the
jarring interefts of reafon and piety. They have left us the moft
fublime proofs of the exiftence and perfections of the firft caufe ; but,
as it was impoffible for them to conceive the creation of matter, the
workman in the Stoic philofophy was not fufficiently diftinguiihed
from the work j whilft, on the contrary, the fpiritual God of Plato
* The rights, powers, and pretenfions of themfelves applied to their gods the names
the fovereign of Olympus, are very clearly of Mercury, Mars, Apollo, &c.
defcribed in the xvth book of the Iliad : in * The admirable work of Cicero de Na-
the Greek original, I mean ; for Mr. Pope, tura Deorum, is the bell clue we have to
without perceiving it, has improved the theo- guide us through the dark and profound
logy of Homer. abyfs. He reprefents with candour, and
5 See for inftance, Csfar de Bell. Gall. vi. confutes with fubtlety, the opinions of the
17. Within a century or two the Gauls philofophers.
and
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 37
and his cUfciples, refembled an idea, rather than a fubftance. The
opinions of the Academics and Epicureans were of a lefs religious
eaft; but whilft the modeft fcience of the former induced them lo
doubt, the pofitive ignorance of the latter urged them to deny, the
providence of a Supreme Ruler. The fpirit of inquiry, prompted
by emulation, and fupported by freedom, had divided the public
teachers of philofophy into a variety of contending fe£ts; but the
ingenuous youth, who, from every part, reforted to Athens, and
the other feats of learning in the Roman empire, were alike inftruit-
ed in every fchool to rejedt and to defpife the religion of the multitude.
How, indeed, was it poffible, that a philofopher ihould accept, as
divine truths, the idle tales of the poets, and the incoherent tradi-
tions of antiquity ; or, that he ihould adore, as gods, thofe im-
perfe£l beings whom he muft have defpifed, as men ! Againft fuch
unworthy adverfaries, Cicero condefcended to employ the arms of
reafon and eloquence ; but the fatire of Lucian was a much more
adequate, as well as more efficacious weapon. We may be well
allured, that a writer, converfant with the world, would never have
ventured to expofe the gods of his country to public ridicule, had
they not already been the objedls of fecret contempt among the
poliihed and enlightened orders of fociety '.
Notwithftanding the fafhionable irreligion which prevailed in the
age of the Antonlnes, both the intereft of the priefts, and the credulity
of the people, were fufficiently refpeded. In their writings and con-
verfation, the philofophers of antiquity aiTerted the independent
dignity of reafon ; but they refigned their adions to the commands
of law and of cuftom. Viewing, with a fmile of pity and indulgence,
the various errors of the vulgar, they diligently pradifed the cere-
monies of their fathers, devoutly frequented the temples of the
gods ; and fometimes condefcending to a£t a part on the theatre of
' I do not pretend to aflert, that, in this ftition, dreams, omens, apparitions, &c. had
irreligious age, the natural terrors of fuper- lolt their efficacy.
fuperftition,
3δ THE DECLINE AND FALL
fuperftltion, they concealed the fentiments of an Atheift under the
facerdotal robes. Reafoners of fuch a temper v/ere fcarcely in-
clined to wrangle about their refpedive modes of faith, or of wor-
ihip. It was indifferent to them \vhat ihape the folly of the mul-
titude might chufe to aifume ; and they approached, with the fame
inward contempt, and the fame external reverence, the altars of the
Libyan, the Olympian, or the Capitoline Jupiter '.
Of the ma- ^^ *^ ^^^ ^^^Y ^° coHceive from what motives a fpirit of perfecu-
giiiiate. jJqj^ could introduce itfelf into the Roman councils. The magif-
trates could not be aduated by a blind, though honeft bigotry,
fince the magiftrates were themfelves philofophers ; and the fchools
of Athens had given laws to the fenate. They could not be impelled
by ambition or avarice, as the temporal and ecclefiaftical powers
were united in the fame hands. The pontiffs were chofen among
the moft illuilrious of the fenators ; and the office of Supreme Pon-
tiff was conflantly exercifed by the emperors themfelves. They
knew and valued the advantages of religion, as it is conne£led with
civil government. They encouraged the public feftivals which
humanize the manners of the people. They managed the arts of
divination, as a convenient inftrument of policy ; and they refpeiled,
as the firmeil bond of fociety, the ufeful perfuafion, that either in
this or in a future life, the crime of perjury is moil aifuredly
punifhed by the avenging gods '. But whilfl they acknowledged
the general advantages of religion, they were convinced, that the
various modes of worihip contributed alike to the fame falutary
purpofes ; and that, in every country, the form of fuperitition, which
had received the fandlion of time and experience, was the befl adapted
Inthepro- to the climate, and to its inhabitants. Avarice and tafle very
viRces ;
5 Socrates, Epicurus, Cicero, and Plu- duous and exemplar)^. Diogen. Laert. x. ip.
tarch, always inculcated a decent reverence ^ Polybius, 1. vi. c. 53, 54. Juvenal. Sat.
for the religion of their own country, and of xiii. laments, that in his time this appreh^n-
mankind. The devotionof Epicurus was afii- fion had loll much of its efied.
frequently
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
39
frequently defpoiled the vanquiilicd nations of the elegant ilatues of
their gods, and the rich ornaments of their temples '" : but, in the
exercife of the religion which they derived from their anceilors,
they uniformly experienced the indulgence, and even protedion, of
the Roman conquerors. The province of Gaul feems, and indeed
only feems, an exception to this univerfal toleration. Under the
fpccious pretext of abolifhing human facrifices, the emperors Tibe-
rius and Claudius fuppreifed the dangerous power of the Druids " :
but the priefls themfelves, their gods and their altars, fubfifted in
peaceful obfcurity till the final deftrudion of Paganifm ''.
Rome, the capital of a great monarchy, was inceffantly filled with
fubjedts and ftrangers from every part of the world '', who all in-
troduced and enjoyed the favourite fuperftitions of their native
country '*. Every city in the empire was juftified in maintaining
the purity of its ancient ceremonies ; and the Roman fenate, ufmg
the common privilege, fometimes interpofed, to check this inunda-
tion of foreign rites. The Egyptian fuperftition, of all the moft
contemptible and abjed, was frequently prohibited ; the temples of
Serapis and Ifis demoliihed, and their worihippers baniihed from
Rome and Italy ". But the zeal of fanaticifm prevailed over the
at Rome.
'" See the fate of Syracufe, Tarentum,
Ambracia, Corinth, Sec. the conduit of
Verres, in Cicero (Aftio ii. Orat. 4.), and
the ufual prailice of governors, in the viiith
Satire of Juvenal.
" Sueton. in Claud.— Plin. Hill. Nat.
XXX. I.
'^ Pelloutier Hilloire des Celtes, torn. vi.
p. 230—252.
'■" Seneca Confolat. ad Helviam, p. 74.
Edit. Lipf.
'* Dionyfius Halicarn. Antiquitat. Ro-
man. I. ii.
'5 In the year of Rome 701, the temple
of Ifis and Serapis was demoliihed by the
order of the fenate (Dion Callius, 1. xl.
p. 252.), and even by the hands of theconful
(Valerius Maximus, i. 3.). After the death
of Cxfar, it was reftored at the public ex-
pence (Dion, I. xlvii. p. 501.). When Au-
guftus was in Egypt, he revered the majefty
of Serapis (Dion, 1. Ii. p. 647.) ; but in the
Pomxrium of Rome, and a mile round it,
he prohibited the worihip of the Egyptian
gods (Dion, 1. liiii p. 679. 1. liv. p. 735.).
They remained, however, very falhionable
under his reign (Ovid, de Art. Amand. Li.)
and that of his fuccefibr, till the julHce of
Tiberius was provoked to fome afts of feve-
rity. (See Tacit. Annal. ii. 85. Jofeph. An-
tiquit. I. xviii. c. 3.)
cold
40 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C HA P. cqIJ ari(j feeble efforts of policy. The exiles returned, the profe-
^— V ' lytes multiplied, the temples were reilored with increafing fplendor,
and Ifis and Serapis at length aiTumed their place among the
Roman deities '^ Nor was this indulgence a departure from the
old maxims of government. In the pureft ages of the common-
wealth, Cybele and iEfculaplus had been invited by folemn em-
baifies '^; and it was cuftomary to tempt the protedors of beficged
cities, by the promife of more diilinguiihed honours than they
poflefled in their native country ". Rome gradually became the
common temple of her fubjeds ; and the freedom of the city was
beftowed on all the gods of mankind ''.
Freedom of II. The narrow policy of prcferving, without any foreign mix-
ture, the pure blood of the ancient citizens, had checked the for-
tune, and haftened the ruin, of Athens and Sparta. The afpiring
genius of Rome facrificed vanity to ambition, and deemed it more
prudent, as well as honourable, to adopt virtue and merit for her
own wherefoever they were found, among flaves or Grangers, ene-
mies or barbarians ". During the moft flouriihing sera of the
Athenian commonwealth, the number of citizens gradually decreafed
from about thirty ^• to twenty-one thoufand ". If, on the con-
trary, we ftudy the growth of the Roman republic, we may difcover,
that, notwithilanding the inceflant demands of wars and colonies,
the citizens, who, in the firft cenfus of Servius Tullius, amounted
to no more than eighty-three thoufand, were multiplied, before the
" Tertullian in Apologetic, c. 6. p. 74. manus of the learned Spanheim, is a corn-
Edit. Havercamp. I am inclined to attri- plete hiftory of the progreffive admiffion of
bute their eftabliihment to the devotion of Latium, Italy, and the provinces, to the
the Flavian family. freedom of Rome.
" See Livy, 1. xi. and xxix. ^' Herodotus, v. 97. It Ihould feem,
" Macrob. Saturnalia, 1. iii. c. 9. He however, that he followed a large and popu-
gives I» a form of evocation. lar eftimation.
'9 Minutius Fslix in Oftavio, p. 54. Ar- '^ Athenxus Deipnofophift. 1. vL p. 272.
xiobius, 1. vi. p. 115. Edit. Cafaubon. Meurfius de Fortuna Attica,
»" Tacit. Annal. xi. 24. The Orbis Ro- c. 4.
commence-
OFTHEilOMANEMPIRE. 41
commencement of the foclal war, to the number of four hundred c U A V.
and fixty-three thoufand men, able to bear arms in the fervice of ν ./-,>.;
their country *'. When the allies of Rome claimed an equal iliare
of honours and privileges, the fenate indeed preferred the chanc-e
of arms to an ignominious conceihon. The Samnites and the Lu-
canians paid the fevere penalty of their raihnefs ; but the reft of the
Italian ftates, as they fucceiTively returned to their duty, were ad-
mitted into the bofom of the republic **, and foon contributed to
the ruin of public freedom. Under a democratical government, the
citizens exercife the powers of fovereignty ; and thofe powers will
be firft abufed, and afterwards loft, if they are committed to an
unwieldy multitude. But when the popular aflemblies had been
fupprefled by the adminiftration of the emperors, the conquerors
•were diftinguiftied from the vanquifhed nations, only as the firft and
moft honourable order of fubjedls ; and their increafe, however
rapid, was no longer expofed to the fame dangers. Yet the wifeft
princes, who adopted the maxims of Auguftiis, guarded with the
ftrideft care the dignity of the Roman name, and diffufed the free-
dom of the city with a prudent liberality ''.
Till the privileges of Romans had been progreflively extended Italy.
to all the inhabitants of the empire, an important diftindion was
preferved between Italy and the provinces. The former was ef-
teemed the centre of public unity, and the firm bafis of the con-
ftitution. Italy claimed the birth, or at leaft the refidence, of the
emperors and the fenate ^^ The eftates of the Italians were exempt
*^ See a very accurate colleftion of the the praitice of his own age, and fo little to
numbers of each Luftrum in M. de Beaufort, that of Auguftus.
Republique Romaine, 1. iv. c. 4. '"^ The fenators were obliged to hsve one^
^* Appian. de Bell, civil. 1. i. Velleiu5 third of their own landed property in Italy.
Paterculus, 1. ii. c. j;, 16, 17. See Plin. 1. vi. ep. 19. The qualification
^' M.-ecenas had advifed him to declare by was reduced by Marcus to one-fourth. Since
one edift, all his fubjeils, citizens. But we the reign of Trajan, Italy had funk nearer
may juftly fufpeft that the Hillorian Dion was to thi level of the provinces,
the author of a counfel, fo much adapted to
Vol. I. Ο from
42 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, from taxes, their perfons from the arbitrary jurifdidion of govcr-
t. nors. Their municipal corporations, formed after the perfect model
of the capital, were intrufted, under the immediate eye of the fu-
preme power, with the execution of the laws. From the foot of the
Alps to the extremity of Calabria, all the natives of Italy were born
citizens of Rome. Their partial diilindlions were obliterated, and
they infenfibly coalefced into one great nation, united by language,
manners, and civil inllitutions, and equal to the weight of a powerful
empire. The republic gloried in her generous policy, and was.
frequently rewarded by the merit and fervices of her adopted fons. ■
Had ihe always confined the diilin£lion of Pvomans to the an-
cient families within the walls of the city, that immortal name
would have been deprived of fome of its nobleft ornaments. Virgil
was a native of Mantua ; Horace was inclined to doubt whether he
iliould call himfelf an Apulian or a Lucanian ; it was in Padua that
an hiftorian was found worthy to record the majeftlc feries of Ro*
man victories. The patriot family of the Catos emerged from
Tufculum ; and the little town of Arplnum claimed the double
honour of producing Marius and Cicero, the former of whom de-
ferved, after Romulus and Camillus, to be ftyled the Third Founder
of Rome ; and the latter, after faving his country from the defigns
of Catiline, enabled her to contend with Athens for the palm af
eloquence ^\
The pro- The provinces of the empire (as they have been defcribed in the
preceding chapter) were deftitute of any public force, or conftitu-
tional freedom. In Etruria, in Greece '% and in Gaul ""', it wa&
*' The firft part of the Verona Illuftrata "' They are frequently mentioned
ef the marquis Maffei, gives the clearefl: and by Ca;far. The Abbe Dubos aitempts,
molt comprehenfive view of the ftate of Italy with very little fuccefs, to prove that
under the Cafars. the aflemblies of Gaul were continu-
^^ See Paufanias, 1. vii. The Romans ed under the emperors. Hiftoire de I'E-
condefcended to reftore the names of thofe tablilTement dc Monarchie Franyoife»
alTemblies, whea they Gould no lotger be 1. i. c. 4.
iingerous,
the
\uices.
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 43
the firft care of the fenate to diflblve thofe dangerous confederacies
which taught mankind, that, as the Roman arms prevailed hy di-
vifion, they might be refifted by union. Thofe princes, whom the
oftentation of gratitude or generofity permitted for a while to hold
a precarious fceptre, were difmifled from their thrones, as foon as
they had performed their appointed taik of fafhioning to the yoke
the vanquiihed nations. The free ftates and cities which had em-
braced the caufe of Rome, were rewarded with a nominal alliance,
and infenfibly funk into real fervitude. The public authority
was every where exercifed by the minifters of the fenate and of the
emperors, and that authority was abfolute, and without control.
But the fame falutary maxims of government, which had fecured
the peace and obedience of Italy, were extended to the moil dif-
tant conqueils. A nation of Romans was gradually formed in the
provinces, by the double expedient of introducing colonies, and of
admitting the mofl: faithful and deferving of the provincials to the
freedom of Rome.
" Wherefoever the Roman conquers, he inhabits,'' is a very iuft Colonies and
'■ ^ ■' municipal
obfervation of Seneca '", confirmed by hiftory and experience. The towns.
natives of Italy, allured by pleafure or by intereft, haflened to enjoy
the advantages of vidtory ; and we may remark, that about forty years
after the redudlion of Afia, eighty thoufand Romans were maiTacred
in one day, by the cruel orders of Mithridates ". Thefe voluntary
exiles were engaged, for the moil part, in the occupations of com-
merce, agriculture, and the farm of the revenue. But after the legions
were rendered permanent by the emperors, the provinces were peopled
by a race of foldiers ; and the veterans, whether they received the
reward of their fervice in land or in money, ufually fettled with
their families in the country, where they had honourably fpent
^" Seneca in Confolat. ad Helviani, c. 6. Avell the mailacre to 150,000 citizens ; but
'■ Memnon apud Photium, c. 33. Valer. I ftiould efteem the fmaller number to be
Maxim, ix. 2. Plutarch and Dion Caifiiis more than fufiicienr.
G 2 their
44
THE DECLINE AND FALL
C Η A Λ their youth. Throughout the empire, but more particularly in iL?
weftern parts, the moil fertile diftrids, and the moil convenient
fituatione, were referved for the eilablifliment of colonics ; feme of.
which were of a civil, and others of a military nature. In their.
manners and internal policy, the colonies formed a perfed repre-
fentation of their great parent ; and as they were foon endeared to•
the natives by the ties of friendihip and alliance, they effedually
diffufed a reverence for the Roman name, and a defire, which was
feldom difappointed, of iharing, in due time, its honours and ad-
vantages '\ The municipal cities infenfibly equalled the rank and-
fplendour of the colonies ; and in the reign of Hadriaiij it was dif-
puted which was the preferable condition, of thofe focieties which >
had iiTued from, or thofe which had been received into, the bofom of
Rome". The right of Latium, as it was called, conferred on the
cities to which it had been granted, a more partial favour. The
magiftrates only, at the expiration of their ofhce, aiTumed the'
quality of Roman citizens ; but as thofe offices v?ere annual, in a
few years they circulated round the principal families '*. Thofe of
the provincials v/ho were permitted to bear arms in the legions''";
thofe who exercifed any civil employment ; all, in a word, who
performed any public fervice, or difplayed any pcrfonal talents,
were rewarded with a prefent, whofe value was continually di-
mlniihed by the increafing liberality of the emperors. Yet even,
in the age of the Antonines, when the freedora of the city had been
^* Twenty-five colonies were fettled in already enjoyed the rights of Mumctpic,•.
Spain (fee Plin. Hift. Natur. iii. 3, 4. iv. 35) : Ihould folicit the title of colonies. Their ex-
and nine in Britain, of which London, Col- ample, however, became fafhionable, and
chefter, Lincoln, Cheller, Gloucefter, and the empire, was filled with honorary colo-
Bath, ftill remain confiderable cities (fee nies. See Spanheim, de.Ufu Numifmatuin,
Richard of Cirencefter, p. 36, and Whit- Diifcrtat. xiii.
aker's Hiftory of Mancheller, 1. i. c. 3.). ^4 Spanheim, Orbis Roman, c. 8. p. 62.
" Aul. Cell. Noftes Attic.-p, xvi. 13. The 3s Ariilid. in Roms Encomio, torn. i. p.
emperor Hadrian exprefled his furprife, that ^jg^ gjit. Jebb.
the cities of Utica, (?ades, and Itatica, which
bellowed
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 4S
beRowcd on the greater number of their fubjeds, it was ftill accom-
panied whh very folid advantages. The bulk of the people ac-
quired, with that title, the benefit of the Ronaan laws, particularly
in- the interefling articles of marriage, tcftaments, and inheritances;
and the road of fortune was open to thofe whofe pretenfions were
feconded by favour or merit. The grandfons of the Gauls, who
had befieged Julius Casfar• in Alefia, commanded legions, governei
provinces, and were admitted into the fenate of Rome '\ Their
ambition, inftead of difturbing the tranquillity of the- Rate, was in-
liraately- conncded with its fafety and greatnefs.
So fenfible were the -^ Romans of the influence of language over Diviilonof
national manners^ that it was their moil; ferious care to extend, with |he Greek"
the progrefs of their arms, the ufe of the Latin tongue ". The P="°""'^^• ■
ancient diak£ls of Italy^ the Sabine, the Etrufcan, and the Vene-
tian, funk into oblivion ; but in the provinces, the cafl: was lefs'
docile than the weft, to the voice of its viftorious preceptors. This
obvious difference marked the two portions of the empire with a
diftinition of colours, which, though it was in fome degree con*
cealed during the meridian fplendor of profperity, became gradually
more vifible, as the ftiades of night defccnded upon the Roman
world. The weftcrn countries were• civilized by the fame hands•
which fubdued them. As foon as the barbarians were reconciled to
obedience, their minds were opened to any new imprefFions of-
knowledge and politenefs.- The language of Virgil and Cicero, -
though with fome inevitable mixture of corruption, was fo uni--
verfally adopted in Africa, Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Pannonia '%
that the faint traces of the Punic or Celtic idioms were preferved-
^' Tacit. Ahnal. xi. 23, 24. Hift. iv. 74. Africa ; Strabo for Spain and Gaul ; Taci--
3^ See Plin. Hift. Natur. iii. 5. AuguiHn tus, in the life of AgricqJa, for Britain ;
£e Civitate Dei, xix. 7. Lipfius de pronun- and Velleius Paterculus, for Pannonia. To•
ciatione Lingua Latins, c. 3. them we niay add the language of the In- -
^' Apuleius-and Auguftire will anfwer for fcriptiont.
on\f;
4β THE DECLINE AND FALL
C Η Λ P. only in the mountains, or among the peafants ". Education and
ftudy infenfibly infpired the natives of thofe countries with the
fentiments of Romans ; and Italy gave fafhions, as well as laws,
to her Latin provincials. They folicited with more ardour, and.
obtained with more facility, the freedom and honours of the flate ;
fupported the national dignity in letters *" and in arms ; and, at length,
in the perfon of Trajan, produced an emperor whom the Scipios
would not have difowned for their countryman. The fituation of
the Greeks was very different from that of the barbarians. The
former had been long fince civilized and corrupted. They had
too much tafte to relinquiih their language, and too much vanity to
adopt any foreign inflitutions. Still preferving the prejudices, after
they had loil the virtues, of their anceftors, they aiFedled to
defpife the unpolifhed manners of the Roman conquerors,
whilft they were compelled to refpedl their fuperior wifdom and
power *'. Nor was the influence of the Grecian language and
fentiments confined to the narrow limits of that once celebrated
country. Their empire, by the progrefs of colonies and con-
queft, had been diffufed from the Hadriatic to the Euphrates and
the Nile. Afia was covered with Greek cities, and the long reign
of the Macedonian kings had introduced a filent revolution into
Syria and Egypt. In their pompous courts thofe princes united the
elegance of Athens with the luxury of the Eaft, and the example of
the court was imitated, at an humble diftance, by the higher ranks of
their fubjeds. Such was the general divifion of the Roman empire
«
53 The Celtic was prefen^ed in the moun- St. Auftin's congregations were ftrangers
tains of Wales, Cornwall, and Armo- to the Punic.
rica. We may obferΛ'e that Apuleius re- ♦" Spain alone produced Columella, the
preaches an African youth, who lived Senecas, Lucan, Martial, and Quintilian.
among the popul.ice, with the ufe of the *' There is not, I believe, from Dionyfius
Punic ; whilll he had almoll forgot Greek, to Libanius, a fingle Greek critic who men-
and neither could nor would fpeak Latin tions Virgil or Horace. They feem igno-
(Apolog. p. 596.). The greater p.-irt of rant that the Romans had any good writers.
f into
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 47
into the Latin and Greek languages. To tliefe we may add a third
diftindion for the body of the natives in Syria and efpecially in
Egypt. The ufe of their ancient dialeds, by fecluding them from
the commerce of mankind, checked the improvements of thofe bar-
barians *\ The flothful effeminacy of the former, expofed them to
the contempt ; the fuUen ferocioufnefs of the latter, excited the avcr-
fion of the conquerors*'. Thofe nations had fubmitted to the Ro-
man power, but they feldom defired or deferved the freedom of the
city ; and it was remarked that more than two hundred and thirty
years elapfed after the ruin of the Ptolemies, before an Egyptian was
admitted into the fenate of Rome **.
It is a iuft though trite obfcrvation, that vidorious Rome was her- General ufe
felf fubdued by the arts of Greece. Thofe immortal writers who ftill guages.
command the admiration of modern Europe, foon became the favour-
ite objedt of ftudy and imitation in Italy and the weftern provinces.
But the elegant amufements of the Romans were not fuffered to in-
terfere with their found maxims of policy. Whilil they acknowledged
the charms of the Greek, they aiferted the dignity of the Latin
tongue, and the exclufive ufe of the latter was inflexibly maintained
in the adminiftration of civil as' well as military government ■*'.
The two languages exercifed at the fame time their feparate jurif-
didlion throughout the empire: the former, as the natural idiom of
fcience ; the latter, as the legal dialed of public tranfa£tions. Thofe
who united letters with bufinefs, were equally converfant with both j
and it was almofl impoflible, in any province, to find a Roman fub-
** The curious reader may fee in Dupin firft inftance happened under the reign οΓ
(Bibliotheque Ecclefiaftique, torn. xix. p. i. Stptimius Scverus.
c. 8.) how much the ufe of the Syriac and '*^ See Valerius Maximus, 1. ii. c. 2. n. 2^
Egyptian languages were ftill preferved. The emperor Claudius disfranchifed an emi-
*' See Juvenal, Sat. iii. and xv. Ammian. ncnt Grecian for not underftanding Latin >
Marcellin. xxii. 16. He was probably in fome public office. Sue-
** Dion Caffius, 1. Ixxvii. p. 1275. The tonius in Claud, c. 16.
jed.
48 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C Η ΑΡ. jeit, of a liberal education, who was at once a ftranger to the Greek
' u • and'to the Latin language.
2'^^"• It was by fuch inilitutions that the nations of the empire infenfibly
melted away into the Roman name and people. But there ftill re-
mained, in the centre of every province and of every family, an
unhappy condition of men who endured the weight, without ihar-
ing the benefits of fociety. In the free ftates of antiquity, the do-
Their treat- mcftic flaves Were expofed to the wanton rigour of defpotilm. The
"'^"'" perfed fettlement of the Roman empire was preceded by ages of
violence and rapine. The flaves confifted, for the moft part, of
barbarian captives, taken in thoufands by the chance of war, pur-
chafed at a vile price *'', accuftomed to a life of independence, and
impatient to break and to revenge their fetters. Againft fuch in-
ternal enemies, whofe defperate infurredions had more than once
reduced the republic to the brink of deftru£lion ^% the mofl: fevere
regulations "^', and the mofl; cruel treatment, feemed almoft juftified
by the great law of felf-prefervation. But when the principal
nations of Europe, Afia, and Africa, were united under the laws of
one fovereign, the fource of foreign fupplies flowed with much
lefs abundance, and the Romans were reduced to the milder but
more tedious method of propagation. In their numeiOus families,
and particularly in their country eflates, they encouraged the mar-
riage of their flaves. The fentiments of nature, the habits of edu-
cation, and the poflefllon of a dependent fpecies of property,
contributed to alleviate the hardihips of fervitude *'. The ex-
iftence of a flave became an objeil of greater value, and though his
♦" Jn the camp of Lucullus, an ox fold for *' See a remarkable inftance of feverity in
a drachma, and a ilave for four drachms, Cicero in Verrem, v. 3.
or about three ihUUngs. Pluurch. in Lucull. *' ^ee in Gruter, and the other colleflors.
a great number of infcriptions addrefled by
^' ^ ' flaves to their wives, children, fellow-fer-
« Diodorus Siculus in Eclog. Hift. 1. ^^η^^^ mafters, &c. They are all moil pro-
xjaiv. and xxxvi. Floras, iii. 19,20. bably of the Imperial age.
happincis
ment.
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 49
liappinefs ilill depended on the temper and circumftanccs of the
mafter, the humanity of the latter, inftead of being reftrained by
lear, was encouraged by the fenfe of his own intereft. The pro-
grefs of manners was accelerated by the virtue or policy of the em-
perors ; and by the edids of Hadrian and the Antonincs, the
protedion of the laws was extended to the moft abjed; part of man-
kind. The jurifdidion of life and death over the flaves, a power
long exercifed and often abufed, was taken out of private hands,
and referved to the magiftrates alone. The fubterraneous prifons
were aboliihed ; and, upon a juil complaint of intolerable treat-
ment, the injured flave obtained either his deliverance, or a lefs
cruel mailer '°.
Hope, the beft comfort of our imperfed condition, was not denied Enfranchife.
to the Roman flave; and if he had any opportunity of rendering
himfelf either ufeful or agreeable, he might very naturally exped
that the diligence and fidelity of a few years would be reward-
ed with the ineftimable gift of freedom. The benevolence of
the mafter was fo frequently prompted by the meaner fug-
geftions of vanity and avarice, that the laws found it more ne-
ceflary to reftrain than to encourage a profufe and undiilinguiih-
ing liberality, which might degenerate into a very dangerous abufe".
It was a maxim of ancient jurifprudence, that as a flave had not any
country of his own, he acquired with his liberty an admiifion into
the political fociety of which his patron was a member. The
confequences of this maxim would have proftituted the privileges of
the Roman city to a mean and promifcuous multitude. Some fea-
fonable exceptions were therefore provided; and the honourable
difliindion was confined to fuch flaves only, as for jufl: caufes, and
" See the Auguftan Hiftory, and a Dif- =' See another differtation ofM. de Bu-
fertation of M. de Burigny, in the xxxvth rigny in the xxxviidi volume, on the Roman
volume of the Academy of Infcriptions, upon freedmen,
the Roman flaves.
Vol. I. . Η with
50 THEDECLINEANDFALL
with the approbation of th-e maglftrate, fhould receive a folemn and
legal manumiffion. Even thefe chofen freedmen obtained no
, more than the private rights of citizens, and were rigoroufly
excluded from civil or military honours. Whatever might be
the merit or fortune of their fons, they llkewife were efteemed
unworthy of a feat in the fenate ; nor were the traces of a fervile
origin allowed to be completely obliterated till the third or fourth
generation '\ Without deftroying the diftindlion of ranks, a dis-
tant profpedl of freedom and honours was prefented, even to thofe
whom pride and prejudice almoft difdained to number among the
human fpecies.
Nuniliers. It was once propofed to difcriminate the flaves by a peculiar habit ;
but it was juilly apprehended that there might be fome danger in
acquainting them with their own numbers ". Without interpret-
ing, in their utmoft flridnefs, the liberal appellations of legions and
myriads "^ ; we may venture to pronounce, that the proportion of
flaves, who were valued as property, was more confiderable than
that of fervants, who can be computed only as an expence '^ The
youths of a promlfmg genius were inftruiled in the arts and faiences,
and their price was afceilained by the degree of their ikill and
talents '*. Almoft every profeffion, either liberal " or mechanical^
might be found in the houfehold of an opulent fenator. The mi-
nifters of pomp and fenfuality were multiplied beyond the con-
'^ Spanheim, Orbis Romaa. 1. i. c. 16. ^^ In Paris there ara not more than 43,70a
p. 124, &c. domeftics of every fort, and not a twelfth
'3 Seneca de dementia, 1. i. c. 24. The part of the inhabitants. Mefl'ange Recher-
original is much ilronger, " Quantum peri- ches fur la Population, p. 186.
ctilum immineret fi fervi nollri numerare nos ^* A learned ilave fold for m.iny hundred
coepiiTent." pounds fterling ; Atticus always bred and
^+ See Pliny (Hill. Natur. 1. xxxiii.) and taught them himfelf. Cornel. Nepos in Vit.
Athensus (Deipnofophift. 1. vi. p. 272.). c. 13.
The latter boldly aflerts, that he knew very " Many of the Roman phyficians were-
many (τηζ^ιτολλοι) Romans who poflefled, not flaves. See Dr. Middleton's DiiTertation and
for ufe, but oftentation, ten and even twenty Defe-nce..
thoufand flaves.
ception
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 51
•
caption of modern luxury '^ It was more for the intereft of the ^ ^^^^'^ ^•
merchant or mauufadurer to purchafe, than to hire his workmen; v_— ν '
and in the country, ilaves were employed as the cheapeft and moil
laborious inftruments of agriculture. To confirm the general ob-
fervation, and to difplay the multitude of ilaves, we might allege a
variety of particular inftances. It was dlfcovered, on a very me-
lancholy occafion, that four hundred ilaves were maintained in
a fmgle palace of Rome ". The fame number of four hundred
belonged to an eftate, which an African widow, of a very private
condition, refigned to her fon, whilft ihe referved for herfelf a
much larger iliare of her property ^°. A freedman, under the reign
of Auguftus, though his fortune had fufFered great lofles in the
civil wars, left behind him three thoufand fix hundred yoke of
oxen, two hundred and fifty thoufand head of fmaller cattle, and
what was almoft included in the defcription of cattle, four thoufand
one hundred and fixteen flaves *'.
The number of fubjedls who acknowledged the laws of Rome, Populoufnefs
I- • • i- • • 1 % r η r• oftheRoman
of citizens, of provincials, and of flaves, cannot now be fixed with empire.
fuch a degree of accuracy, as the importance of the objed would
deferve. We are informed, that when the emperor Claudius ex-
ercifed the office of cenfor, he took an account of fix millions nine
hundred and forty-five thoufand Roman citizens, who, with the pro-
portion of women and children, muil: have amounted to about twenty
millions of fouls. The multitude of fubjeds of an inferior rank,
was uncertain and fludluating. But, after weighing with attention
every circumftance which could influence the balance, it feems pro-
bable, that there exifted, in the time of Claudius, about twice as
many provincials as there were citizens, of either fex and of every
" Their ranks and offices are very copi- '' Apuleius in Apolog. p. 548. Edit. Del-
oufly enumerated by Pignorius de Servis. phin.
"Tacit. Annal.xiv. 43. They all were exe- " Plin. Hill. Natur. I. xxxiii. 47,
cuted for not preventing theirmafter's murder.
Η 2
age;
52 THE DECLINE AND FALL
age ; and that the flaves were at leaft equal in number to the free
inhabitants of the Roman world. The total amount of this im-
perfcdl calculation would rife to about one hundred and twenty
millions of perfons : a degree of population which poiTibly exceeds
that of modern Europe *% and forms the moil numerous fociety that
has ever been united under the fame fyftem of government.
Obedience Domeftic peace and union were the natural confequences of the
and union. ■, r ^^ t i i i -r» τ/-
moderate and compreheniive policy embraced by the llomans. If
we turn our eyes towards the monarchies of Afia, we ihall behold
defpotifm in the centre, and weaknefs in the extremities ; the
colledion of the revenue, or the adminiftration of juflice, enforced
by the prefence of an army ; hoftile barbarians eftabliilied in the
heart of the country, hereditary fatraps ufurping the dominion of
the provinces, and fubjedls inclined to rebellion, though incapable of
freedom. But the obedience of the Roman world was uniform, vo-
luntary, and permanent. The vanquifhed nations, blended into one
great people, refigned the hope, nay even the wi£h, of refuming their
independence, and fcarcely confidered their own exiftence as diftinft
from the exiftence of Rome. The eftablifhed authority of the em-
perors pervaded Avithout an effort the wide extent of their dominions,
and was exercifed with the fame facility on the banks of the Thames,
or of the Nile, as on thofe of the Tyber. The legions were def-
tined to ferve againft the public enemy, and the civil magiftrate fel-
dom required the aid of a military force ^^ In this ftate of general
fecurity, the lelfure as well as opulence both of the prince and people,
were devoted to improve and to adorn the Roman empire.
** Compute twenty millions in France, way, four in the Low Countries. The whole
twenty-two in Germany, four in Hungary, would amount to one hundred and five, or
ten in Italy with its illands, eight in Great one hundred and feven millions. See Vol-
Britain and Ireland, eight in Spain and Por- taire, de Hiiloire Generale.
tugal, ten or twelve in the European RufTia, *^ Jofeph. de Bell. JuJaico, 1. ii. c. i6.
fix in Poland, fix in Greece and Turkey, The oration of Agrippa, or rather of the hif-
four in Sweden, three in Denmark and Nor- torian, is a fine pifture of the Roman empire.
Among
Si
Roman mo-
numents.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
Among the Innumerable monuments of architeilure conflrudled
by the Romans, how many have efcaped the notice of hiflory, how
few have refifted the ravages of time and barbarifm ! And yet even
the majeftic ruins that are ftill fcattered over Italy and the pro-
vinces, would be fufficient to prove, that thoie countries were once
the feat of a polite and powerful empire. Their greatnefs alone, or
their beauty, might deferve our attention ; but they are rendered
more interefting, by two important circumftances, which connedl the
agreeable hiftory of the arts, with the more ufeful hiftory of human
manners. Many of thofe works were eredled at private expence,
and almoft all were intended for public benefit.
It is natural to fuppofe that the greateft number, as well as the Many of
^ , , them crefted
moft confiderable of the Roman edifices, were raifed by the empe- at private ex-
rors, who pofl^efled fo unbounded a command both of men and P^"^^'
money. Auguftus was accuftomed to boaft that he had found
his capital of brick, and that he had left it of marble ^*. The
ilri£t oeconomy of Vefpafian was the fource of his magnifi-
cence. The works of Trajan bear the ftamp of his genius. The
public monuments with which Hadrian adorned every province of
the empire, were executed, not only by his orders, but under his
immediate infpedion. He was himfelf an artift; and he loved the
arts, as they conduced to the glory of the monarch. They were
encouraged by the Antonines, as they contributed to the happinefs
of the people. But if the emperors were the firft, they were not the
only architects of their dominions. Their example was univerfally
imitated by their principal fubjedls, who were not afraid of declar-
ing to the world that they had fpirit to conceive, and wealth to ac-
** Suetcn. in Augiift. c. 28. Auguftus Oflavia, and the theatre of Marcellus. The
built in Rome the temple and forum of Mars example of the fovereign was imitated by his
the Avenger ; the temple of Jupiter Tonans minifters and generals; and his friend Agrippa
in the Capitol ; that of Apollo Palatine, with left behind him the immortal monument of
public libraries ; the portico and bafilica of the Pantheon.
Caius and Lucius, the porticoes of Livia and
compHihj,
54 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, compllfli, the nobleft undertakings. Scarcely had the proud (Irudlure
« w ' of the Colifeum been dedicated at Rome, before the edifices of a
fmaller fcale indeed, but of the fame defign and materials, were
eredled for the ufe, and at the expence, of the cities of Capua and
Verona*'. The infcription of the ftupendous bridge of Alcantara*
attefts that it was thrown over the Tagus by the contribution of a
few Lufitanian communities. When Pliny was intruded with the
government of Eithynia and Pontus, provinces by no means the
richeil or moil confiderable of the empire, he found the cities within
his jurifdidtion ftriving with each other in every ufeful and orna-
mental work, that inight deferve the curiofity of ilrangers, or the
gratitude of their citizens. It was the duty of the Proconful to fup-
ply their deficiencies, to dire£l their tafte, and fometimes to mode-
rate their emulation '^ The_ opulent fenators of Rome and the pro-
vinces efteemed it an honour, and almoil an obligation, to adorn the
fplendour of their age and country; and the influence of failiion
very frequently fupplied the want of tafte or generofity. Among a
crowd of thefe private benefadlors, we may fele£t Herodes Atticus,
an Athenian citizen, who lived in the age of the Antonlnes. What-
ever might be the motive of his condudl, his magnificence would
have been worthy of the greateft kings.
Example of The family of Herod, at leaft after it had been favoured by
AuicuT fortune, was lineally defcended from Cimon and Miltiades, Thefeus
and Cecrops, ^acus and Jupiter. But the pofterity of fo many gods
and heroes was fallen into the moft abjed ftate. His grandfather
had fuffered by the hands of juftice, and Julius Atticus, his father,
*5 See Maffei, Verona illuilrata, 1. iv. unfiniihed bya king ; at Nice, a Gymnallum,
p. 68. and a theatre which had already coft near
'* See the xth book of Pliny's Epiftles. ninety thoufand pounds ; baths at Prufa and
He mentions the following works, carried on Claudiopolis ; and an aquedudl of fixteen
at the expence of the cities. At Nicomedia, miles in length for the ufe of Sinope.
a new forum, an aqueduft, and a canal, left
muil
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 55
muft have ended his life in poverty and contempt, had he not dif- ^ ^ ^ ^*
covered an immenfe treafure buried under an old houfe, the laft ^^ « — -',
remains of his patrimony. According to the rigour of law, the
emperor might have aflerted his claim, and the prudent Atticus pre-
vented, by a frank confeillon, the oiEcioufnefs of informers. But
the equitable Nerva, who then filled the throne, refufed to accept
any part of it ; and commanded him to ufe, without fcruple, the
prefent of fortune. The cautious Athenian ftill infifted, that the
treafure was too confiderable for a fubjed, and that he knew not
how to 7i/e it. Abnfe it, then, replied the monarch, with a good-
natured peevilhnefs ; for it is your own ^\ Many will be of
opinion, that Atticus literally obeyed the emperor's laft inftrudtions ;
fmce he expended the greateft part of his fortune, which was much
increafed by an advantageous marriage, in the fervice of the
Public. He had obtained for his fon Herod, the prefedlure of the
free cities of Afia ; and the young magiftrate, obferving that the
town of Troas was indifferently fupplied with water, obtained from
the munificence of Hadrian, three hundred myriads of drachms
(about a hundred thoufand pounds) for the conftruilion of a new
aquedudt. But in the execution of the work the charge amounted
to more than double the eilimate, and the officers of the revenue
began to murmur, till the generous Atticus filenced their com-
plaints, by requefting that he might be permitted to take upon
himfelf the whole additional expence ''^
The ableft preceptors of Greece and Afia had been invited by Hisrepu-
liberal rewards to diredt the education of young Herod. Their pupil '"'°"•
foon became a celebrated orator according to the ufelefs rhetoric of
that age, which, confining itfelf to the fchools, difdained to vifit
either the Forum or the Senate. He was honoured v^ith the con-
^' Hadrian afterwards made a very perty and that of difcovery, Hift. Augulh
equitable regulation, which divided all p. g.
treafure-trove between tlie right of pro- ^^ Philoftrat. in Vit, Sophift. 1. ii. p. 548.
fuUhip
5β
THE DECLINE AND FALL
C HA P. fulihlp at Rome ; but the greateft part of his life was fpent in a phi-
lofophic retirement at Athens, and his adjacent villas ; perpetually
furrounded by fophifls, who acknowledged, without reludance, the
fuperiority of a rich and generous rival ^"^. The monuments of his
genius have periflied ; fome confiderable ruins ilill preferve the fame
of his tafte and munificence ; modern travellers have meafured the
remains of the ftadium which he conftrudled at Athens. It was fix
hundred feet in length, "built entirely of white marble, capable of
admitting the whole body of the people, and finiihed in four years,
whilft Herod was prefident of the Athenian games. To the memory
of his wife Regilla, he dedicated a theatre, fcarcely to be paralleled
in the empire : no wood except cedar, very curiouily carved, was
employed in any part of the building. The Odeum, defigned by
Pericles for mufical performance, and the rehearfal of new tragedies,
had been a trophy of the vidory of the arts over Barbaric greatnefs ;
as the timbers employed in the conftrudion confifted chiefly of the
mails of the Perfian veiTels. Notwithftanding the i-epairs beftowed
on that ancient edifice by a king of Cappadocia, it was again fallen
to decay. Herod reftored its ancient beauty and magnificence.
Nor was the liberality of that illuftrious citizen confined to the walls
of Athens. The moft fplendid ornaments beftowed on the temple
of Neptune in the Ifthmus, a theatre at Corinth, a ftadium at Delphi,
a bath at Thermopylae, and an aquedudl at Canufium in Italy,
were infufficient to exhauft his treafures. The people of Epirus,
Thefl'aly, Eubcea, Boeotia, and Peloponnefus, experienced his fa-
vours ; and many infcriptions of the cities of Greece and Afia grate-
fully ftyle Herodes Atticus their patron and benefador '°.
In the commonwealths of Athens and Rome, the modeft fim-
plicity of private houfes announced the equal condition of freedom ;
Moll of the
Roman mo-
numents for
public ufe ;
*' Aulus Gellius, in Nodi. Attic, i. 2. ix. 2. fanias, 1. i. and vii. 10. The life of Hero-
xviii. 10. xix. 12. Philollrat. p. 564. des, in the xxxth volume of the Memoirs of
''" See Philollrat. 1. ii, p. 54.8. 566. Pau- the Academy of Infcriptions.
4 whilft
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 57
W'liilft; the fovereignty of the people was reprefented in the ma- ^ ^^ ^•
jeftic edifices deftined to the public ufe''; nor was this republican ' r——*
... temples, thc-
fpirit totally extinguiihed by the mtrodudion of wealth and mo- atres, aque-
narchy. It was in works of national honour and benefit, that '
the moil virtuous of the emperors affeded to difplay their magni-
ficence. The golden palace of Nero excited a juft indignation, but
the vail extent of ground which had been ufurped by his felfiih
luxury, was more nobly filled under the fucceeding reigns by the
Colifeum, the baths of Titus, the Claudian portico, and the temples
dedicated to the goddefs of Peace and to the genius of Rome '*.
Thefe monuments of architedlure, the property of the Roman peo-
ple, were adorned with the moil beautiful productions of Grecian
painting and fculpture ; and in the temple of Peace, a very curious
library was open to the curiofity of the learned. At a fmall dif-
tance from thence was fituated the Forum of Trajan. It was fur-
rounded with a lofty portico, in the form of a quadrangle, into
which four triumphal arches opened a noble and fpacious entrance:
in the centre arofe a column of marble, whofe height, of one hun-
dred and ten feet, denoted the elevation of the hill that had been
cut away. This column, which ilill fubfiils in its ancient beauty,
exhibited an exadt reprefentation of the Dacian vidories of its
founder. The veteran foldier contemplated the ilory of his own
campaigns, and by an eafy illufion of national vanity, the peaceful
citizen alTociated himfelf to the honours of the triumph. All the
other quarters of the capital, and all the provinces of the empire,
" It is particularly remarked of Athens by I obtained a copy from the library of the
Dicsarchus, de Statu Gra;ci3e, p. 8. inter Canon Ricardi at Florence. Two celebrated
Geographes Minores, edit. Hudfon. pidlures of Timanthes and of Protogenes are
'^- Donatus de Roma Vetere, 1. iii. c. 4, 5, mentioned by Pliny, as in the temple of
6. Nardini Roma Antica, 1. iii. 11, 12, 13. Peace; and the Laocoon was found in the
and a MS. defcription of ancient Rome, by baths of Titus.
JSernardus Oricellarius, or Rucellai, of which
Vol. I. I were
58 THE DECLINE AND FALL
were embelliihed by the fame liberal fpirit of public magnificence,
and were filled with amphitheatres, theatres, temples, porticos, tri-
umphal arches, baths, and aquedudls, all varioufly conducive to
the health, the devotion, and the pleafures of the meaneft citizen.
The laft mentioned of thofe edifices deferve our peculiar attention.
The boldnefs of the enterprife, the folidity of the execution, and the
ufes to which they were fubfervient, rank the aqueduds among the
nobleft monuments of Roman genius and power. The aqueduds of
the capital claim a jufl: pre-eminence ; but the curious traveller,
who, without the light of hiftory, ihould examine thofe of Spoleto,
of Metz, or of Segovia, would very naturally conclude, that thofe
provincial towns had formerly been the refidence of fome potent
monarch. The folitudes of Afia and Africa were once covered
with flourifhing cities, whofe populoufnefs, and even whofe ex-
iftence, was derived from fuch artificial fupplies of a perennial
ftream of freih water".
Numberand We have computed the inhabitants, and contemplated the public
fhrcitks of works, of the Roman empire. The obfervation of the number and
the empire, gj-gatnefs of its citics Will fcrvc to confirm the former, and to multiply
the latter. It may not be unpleafing to colled a few fcattered inftances
relative to that fubjed, without forgetting, however, that from the
vanity of nations and the poverty of language, the vague appellation
of city has been indifferently beftowed on Rome and upon Lau-
In Italy. rentum. Ancient Italy is faid to have contained eleven hundred
and ninety-feven cities ; and for whatfoever iera of antiquity
the esprcffion might be intended '^ there is not any leafon to
believe the country lefs populous in the age of the Antonines, than
" Montfancon I'Antiqiutee Expliquee, '♦ jEKan Hid. Var. I. ix. c. i6. He lived
-tern. iv. p. 2. 1. i. e.g. Fabretti has com- in the time of Alexander Severus. See Fabri-
pofed a ve:•)• learned treatife on the aquedufts cius, Biblioth. Grajca, 1. iv. c. 21.
of Rome.
in
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 5^
ία that of Romulus. The petty ftates of Latium were contained ^ ^ ^ ^•
within the metropolis of the empire, by whofe fiiperior influence " '
they had been attradled. Thofe parts of Italy which have fo long
languiihed under the lazy tyranny of pricfts and viceroys, had
been afflided only by the more tolerable calamities of war ; and
the firft fymptoms of decay, which they experienced, were amply
compenfated by the rapid improvements of the Cifalpine Gaul.
The fplendor of Verona may be traced in its remains: yet Verona
was lefs celebrated than Aquileia or Padua, Milan or Ravenna.
II. The fpirit of improvement had paffed the Alps, and been felt Gaul and
' . \. . . . Spam.
even in the woods of Britain, which were gradually cleared away
to open a free fpace for convenient and elegant habitations. York
was the feat of government ; London was already enriched by com-
merce; and Bath was celebrated for the falutary eiFeds of its medi-
cinal waters. Gaul could boafl of her twelve hundred cities ''^ ; and
though, in the northern parts, many of them, without excepting
Paris itfelf, were little moi-e than the rude and imperfeit towniliipa
of a rifing people; the fouthern provinces imitated the wealth and
elegance of Italy ^\ Many were the cities of Gaul, Marfeilles,
Aries, Nifmes, Narbonne, Thouloufe, Bourdeaux, Autun, Vienna,
Lyons, Langres, and Treves, whofe ancient condition might fuftain
an equal, and perhaps advantageous comparifon with their prefent
ftate. With regard to Spain, that country flouriihed as a province,
and has declined as a kingdom. Exhaufted by the abufe of her
ftrength, by America, and by fuperftition, her pride might poflibly
be confounded, if we required fuch a lift of three hundred and
iixty cities, as Pliny has exhibited under the reign of Vefpafian ^^.
III. Three hundred African cities had once acknowledged the Africa.
" Jofeph. de Bell. Jud. ii. i6. The num- ■" Plin. Hilt. Natur. iii. 3, 4. iv. 35. The
ber, however, is mentioned, and ihould be lift feems authentic and accurate : the divifion
received with a degree of latitude. of the provinces and the different condition of
'' Plin. Hift. Natur. iii. 5. the cides, are minutely diftinguifiied.
I- 2 authority
(Jo THE DECLINE AND FALL
authority of Carthage '', nor is it likely that their numbers dimr-
niihed under the adminiftration of the emperors : Carthage itfelf
rofe with new fplendor from its afhes ; and that capital, as well as
Capua and Corinth, foon recovered all the advantages which can
Afia, be feparated from independent fovereignty. IV. The provinces
of the eaft prefent the contrail of Roman magnificence with
Turklili barbarlfm. The ruins of antiquity fcattered over un-
cultivated fields, and afcribed, by ignorance, to the power of
magic, fcarcely afford a flielter to the opprefl^ed peafant or wan-
dering Arab. Under the reign of the Ccefars, the proper Afia
alone contained five hundred populous cities ", enriched with all
the gifts of nature, and adorned with all the refinements of art.
Eleven cities of Afia had once difputed the honour of dedicating a
temple to Tiberius, and their refpedive merits were examined by
the fenate '°. Four of them were immediately rejected as unequal
to the burden ; and among thefe was Laodicea, whofe fplendor is
ilill dlfplayed in its ruins *'. Laodicea colleiiled a very confiderable
revenue from its flocks of flieep, celebrated for the finenefs of their
wool, and had received, a little before the conteft, a legacy of above
four hundred thoufand pounds by the teftament of a generous
citizen ^'. If fuch was the poverty of Laodicea, what muft have
been the wealth of thofe cities, whofe claim appeared preferablcj
and particularly of Pergamus, of Smyrna, and of Ephefus, who
" Strabon. Geograph. I. xvii. p. 1189. under the name of Guzel-hiflar, a town of
" Jofeph. de Bell. Jud. ii. 16. Philoftrat. ibme confequence ; and Smyrna, a great city,
in Vit. Sophift. 1. ii. p. 548. Edit. Olear. peopled by an hundred thoufand fouls. But
^° Tacit. Annal. iv. 55. I have taken fome even at Smyrna while the Franks have main-
pains in confulting and comparing modern tained commerce, the Turks have ruined
travellers, with regard to the fate of thofe the arts.
eleven cities of Afia ; feven or eight are to- '" See a very exail and pleallng defcription
tally deftroyed, Hypaepe, Tralles, Laodicea, of the ruins of Laodicea, in Chandler's Tra-
Ilium, HalicarnafTus, Miletus, Ephefus, and vels through Afia Minor, p. 225, &c.
we may .idd Sardes. Of the remaining sz Strabo, 1. xii. p. S66. He had iiudied
three, Pergamus is a ftr.iggling village of two at Tralles.
or three thoufand inhabitants. Magnefia,
fo
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 6i
Γο long difputed with each other the titular primacy of Afia ''. The ^ ^^^ ^'
capitals of Syria and Egypt held a ftill fuperior rank in the empire : <— ■» "■».
Antioch and Alexandria looked down with difdain on a crowd of
dependent cities '% and yielded, with reluctance, to the majeily of
Rome itfelf.
All thefe cities were connedled with each other, and with the Roman
capital by the public highways, which ifluing from the Forum of
Rome, traverfed Italy, pervaded the provinces, and were termi-
nated only by the frontiers of the empire. If we carefully trace
the diftance from the wall of Antoninus to Rome, and from thence
to Jerufalem, it will be found that the great chain of communi-
cation, from the north-weft to the fouth-eaft point of the empire,
was drawn out to the length of four thoufand and eighty Roman
miles ^'. The public roads were accurately divided by mile-ftones,
and ran in a diredt line from one city to another, with very little
refpeil for the obftacles either of nature or private property.
INIountains were perforated, and bold arches thrown over the broad-
eft and moft rapid ftreams '*. The middle part of the road was
raifed into a terrace which commanded the adjacent country, con-
fifted of feveral ftrata of fand, gravel, and cement, and was
paved with large ftones, or in fome places, near the capital, with
*3 See a Diflertation of M. deBoze, Mem. III. Rhutupiae or Sandwich 67. IV. The
de I'Academie, torn. χΛ'ίϋ. Ariftides pro- navigation to Boulogne 45. V. Rheims 174.
nounced an oration which is ftill extant to re- VI. Lyons 330. VU. Milan 324. VIII.
commend concord to the rival cities. Rome 426. IX. Brundufium 360. X. The
^* The inhabitants of Egypt, exclufive of navigation to Dyrrachium 40. XI. Byzan-
Alexandria, amounted to feven millions and tium7ii. XII. Ancyra 283. XIII. Tarfus
ahalf(Joreph. de Bell. Jud.ii. 16.). Under 301. XIV. Antioch 141. XV. Tyre 252.
the military government of the Mamalukes, XVI. Jerufalem 168. In all 4080 Roman,
Syria was fuppofed to contain fixty thoufand or 3740 Englilh miles. See the Itineraries
villages. (HiftoiredeTimur Bee, 1. v.c. 20.) publilhed by WeiTeling, his annotations;
" The following Itinerary may ferve to Gale and Stukeley for Britain, and M. Dan-
convey fome idea of the diredlion of the road, ville for Gaul and Italy.
and of the diftance between the principal " Montfaucon, I'Antiquite Expliqut'e,
towns. I. From the wall of Antoninus to (tom. iv. p. 2. 1. i. c. 5.) has defcribed the
York 222 Roman miles. II. London 227. bridges of Narni, Alcantara, Nifmes, &c.
granite.
6s THE DECLINE AND FALL
C HA p. graii'ite «7, Such was the foHd conftrudlion of the Roman highways,
« « ' whofe firmnefs has not entirely yielded to the effort of fifteen
centuries. They united the fubjedls of the moft diftant provinces
by an eafy and familiar intercourfe ; but their primary objed; had
been to facilitate the marches of the legions; nor was any country
confidered as completely fubdued, till it had been rendered, in all its
parts, pervious to the arms and authority of the conqueror.
Poiis. The advantage of receiving the earlieft intelligence, and of con-
veying their orders with celerity, induced the emperors to eftabliih
throughout their extenfive dominions, the regular inftitution of
ports ^^ Houfes were every where ereded at the diftance only of
five or fix miles ; each of them was conftantly provided with forty
horfes, and by the help of thefe relays, it was eafy to travel an
hundred miles in a day along the Roman roads *'. The ufe of
the pofts was allowed to thofe who claimed it by an Im-
perial mandate; but though originally intended for the public
fervice, it was fometimes indulged to the bufinefs or conveniency
l^avigation. of private citizens '". Nor was the communication of the Roman
empire lefs free and open by fea than it was by land. The provinces
furrounded and incloled the Mediterranean ; and Italy, in the fliape
of an immenfe promontory, advanced into the midft of that great
lake. The coails of Italy are, in general, deilitute of fafe harbours ;
but human induftry had corrected the deficiencies of nature ; and
the artificial port of Oftia, in particular, fituate at the mouth of the
*' Bergier Hiftoire des grands Chemins de from Antioch) the enfuing evening, and ar-
I'Empii-e Romain, 1. ii. c. i — 28. rived at Conftantinople the fixth day about
*^ Procopius in Hill. Arcann, c. 30. Ber- noon. The whole diftance was 725 Roman,
glej-Kift. des grands Chemins, I. iv. Codex or 665 Engliih miles. See Libanius Orat.
Theodofian. 1. viii. tit. v. vol. ii. p. 506 — xxii. and the Itineraria, p. 572 — 581.
563. with Godefroy's learned commentary. «^ Pliny, though a favourite and a mini-
"" In the time of Theodofius, Ca;farius, a fter, made an apology for granting poft horfes
magiftrate of high rank, went poft from An- to his wife on the moft urgent bufinefs. Epift,
tioch to Conftantinople. He began his jour- χ. i2i, 122.
ney at night, was in Cappadocia (165 miles
Tyber,
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 6^
Tyber, and formed by the emperor Claudius, was a ufeful monu- ^ ^ /^ ^•
ment of Roman greatnefs^'. From this port, which was only \.---v-— i
fixteen miles from the capital, a favourable breeze frequently carried
veflels in feven days to the columns of Hercules, and in nine or ten,
to Alexandria in Egypt''.
Whatever evils either reafon or declamation have imputed to improve- _
^ mentofagn-
extenfive empire, the power of Rome was attended with fome be- culture in
. . the weftern
nehcial confequences to mankmd ; and the fame freedom of inter- countries of
courfe which extended the vices, difFufed likewife the improvements, ^ empire.
of focial life. In the more remote ages of antiquity, the world was
unequally divided The eafl: was in the immemorial poiTeffion of
arts and luxury ; whilft the weft was inhabited by rude and war-
like barbarians, who either difdained agriculture, or to whom it
was totally unknown. Under the protedion of an eftabliflied
government, the produdions of happier climates, and the induftry
of more civilized nations, were gradually introduced into the
weftern countries of Europe; and the natives were encouraged, by
an open and profitable commerce, to multiply the former, as well
as to improve the latter. It would be almoft impoifible to enu-
merate all the articles, either of the animal or the vegetable reign,
which were fucceflively imported into Europe, from Ana and
Egypt '' ; but it will not be unworthy of the dignity, and much
lefs of the utility, of an hiftorical work, ilightly to touch on a few
of the principal heads, i. Almoft all the flowers, the herbs, and introduftion
the fruits, that grow in our European gardens, are of foreign ex-
tradion, which, in many cafes, is betrayed even by their names :
the apple was a native of Italy, and when the Romans had tafted the
richer flavour of the apricot, the peach, the pomegranate, the
s' Bergier Hill, des grands Chemins,!. iv. and Phoenicians introduced fome new arts
C. 49. and productions into the neiglibou/hood of
s' Piin. Hift. Natur. xix. i. Marfeilles and Gades.
"' It is not improbable that the Greeks
g citroHj
64 THE DECLINE AND FALL
citron, and the orange, they contented themfelves with applying
to all thefe new fruits the common denomination of apple, dif-
criminating them from each other by the additional epithet of their
The vine. country. 2. Li the time of Homer, the vine grew wild in the
iiland of Sicily, and moil probably in the adjacent continent ; but
it was not improved by the ikill, nor did it afford a liquor grateful
to the tafte, of the favage inhabitants '*. A thoufand years af-
terwards, Italy could boaft, that of the fourfcore moil generous
and celebrated wines, more than two-thirds were produced from
her foil''^ The bleihng was foon communicated to the Narbon-
nefe province of Gaul ; but fo intenfe was the cold to the north of
the Cevennes, that, in the time of Strabo, it was thought impoiTible
to ripen the grapes in thofe parts of Gaul '^ This difficulty,
however, was gradually vanquiilied ; and there is fome reafon to
believe, that the vineyards of Burgundy are as old as the age of the
The olive, Antonines '^ 3. The olive, in the weilern world, followed the pro-
grefs of peace, of which it was confidered as the fymbol. Two cen-
turies after the foundation of Rome, both Italy and Africa were
ilrangers to that ufeful plant ; it was naturalized in thofe countries ;
and at length carried into the heart of Spain and Gaul. The timid
errors of the ancients, that it required a certain degree of heat, and
could only flouriih in the neighbourhood of the fea, were infenfibly
Flax. exploded by induilry and experience '^ 4. The cultivation of flax
was tranfported from Egypt to Gaul, and enriched the whole coun-
try, however it might impoverlih the particular lands on which it
Artificial was fown ". 5. The ufe of artificial grafles became familiar to the
grafs.
-^- '■'■ See Homer Odyff. 1. ix. v. 35a. territory of Autun, which were decayed
" Plin. Hift. Natur. 1. xiv. through age, and the firft plantation of which
^^ Strab. Geograph. 1. iv. p. 223. The was totally unknown. The Pagus Arebrig-
intenfe cold of a Gallic winter was almoll nus is fuppofed by M. Danville to be the
proverbial among the ancients. diftridl of Beaune, celebrated, even at prefent,
'' In the beginning of the ivth century, for one of the firft growths of Burgundy.
the orator Eumenius (Panegyric. Veter. viii. *^ Plin. Hift. Natur. I. xv,
6. edit. Delphin.) fpeaks of the vines in the ®' Plin• Hift. Natur. 1. xix.
farmers
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ A Ν Ε Μ ρ I R Ε. 6s
arm ers both of Italy and the provinces, particularly the Lucerne, ^ ^^ '^ ''■
which derived its name and origin from Media '°°. The affurcd
fupply of wholefome and plentiful food for the cattle during winter,
multiplied the number of the flocks and herds, which in their
turn contributed to the fertility of the foil. To all thefe im-
provements may be added an aifiduous attention to mines and
fifheries, which, by employing a multitude of laborious hands,
ferve to increafe the pleafures of the rich, and the fubfiftence of
the poor. The elegant treatife of Columella defcribes the advanced
ftate of the Spaniih hufbandry, under the reign of Tiberius ; and General
it may be obferved, that thofe famines which fo frequently affli£ted ' '
the infant republic, were feldom or never experienced by the ex-
tenfive empire of Rome. The accidental fcarcity, in any fingle
province, was immediately relieved by the plenty of its more fortu-
nate neighbours.
Agriculture is the foundation of manufa£tures ; fince the pro- Arts of
η 1 • 1 r ΎΎ τ 1 rt KlXUrv.
dudlions or nature are the materials or art. Under the Roman
empire, the labour of an induflrious and ingenious people was
variouily, but inceflantly employed, in the fervice of the rich.
In their drefs, their table, their houfes, and their furniture, the
favourites of fortune united every refinement of conveniency, of
elegance, and of fplendour ; whatever could footh their pride, or
gratify their fenfuality. Such refinements, under the odious name
of luxury, have been feverely arraigned by the moralifts of every
age ; and it might perhaps be more conducive to the virtue, as
well as happinefs, of mankind, if all polTefled the neceflaries,
and none the fuperfluities, of life. But in the prefent imperfeft
condition of fociety, luxury, though it may proceed from vice or
folly, feems to be the only means that can corredt the unequal dif-
""' See the agreeable Eflays on Agri- lefted all that the ancients and moderns have
culture by Mr. Harte, in which he has col- faid of lucerne.
Vol. I. Κ tribution
trade
66 THE DECLINE AND FALL
tributlon of property. The diligent mechanic, and the fkilful
artiil, who have obtained no ihare in the divifion of the earth,
receive a voluntary tax from the poffeiTors of land ; and the latter
are prompted, by a fenle of intcreft, to improve thofe eftates, with
whofe produce they may piirchafe additional pleafures. This
operation, the particular effects of which are felt in every fociety,
aited with much more diffufive energy in the Roman world. The
provinces would foon have been exhaufted of their wealth, if the
manufadures and commerce of luxury had not infenfibly reftored to
the induftrious fubjedls, the fums which were exadled from them by
the arms and authority of Rome. As long as the circulation was
confined within the bounds of the empire, it impreffed the political
machine with a new degree of adivity, and its confequences, fome-
times beneficial, could never become pernicious.
Foreign But It IS no eafy tafk to confine luxury within the limits of an
empire. The moil remote countries of the ancient world were
ranfacked to fupply the pomp and delicacy of Rome. The foreft
of Scythia afforded fome valuable furs. Amber was brought over
land from the ihores of the Baltic to the Danube ; arid the bar-
barians were aftoniihed at the price which they received in exchange
for fo ufelefs a commodity '"'. There was a confiderable demand
for Babylonian carpets, and other manufadures of the eaft ; but
the mod important and unpopular branch of foreign trade was
carried on with Arabia and India. Every year, about the time of
the fummer folftice, a fleet of an hundred and twenty veiTels failed
from Myos-hormos, a port of Egypt, on the Red Sea. By the
periodical affiftance of the Monfoons, they traverfed the ocean in
about forty days. The coafl: of Malabar, or the iiland of Ceylon '"%
'°' Tacit. Germania, c. 45. Plin. where it was produced; the coaft of mo-
Hift. Natiir. x.\x\'iii. 11. The latter ob- dern Pruffia.
ferved, with fome humoar, that even '°^ Called Taprobana by the Romans, and
falhicn had not yet found out the ufe Screndib by the Arabs. It was difcovered
of amber. Nero fent a Roman knight, under the reign of Claudius, and gradually
to parchafe great quantities on the fpot, became the principal mart of the ealL
:]: "was
C IT Λ
Γ.
Π.
— /
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. Gy
■was the ufual term of their navigation, and it was in thofc
markets that the merchants from the more remote countries of
Afia expefted their arrival. The return of the fleet of Egypt was
fixed to the months of Decemher or January ; and as foon as their
rich cargo had been tranfported on the backs of camels, from
the Red Sea to the Nile, and had defcended that river as far as
Alexandria, it was poured, without delay, into the capital of the
empire '°'. The objeds of oriental traffic were fplendid and trifling :
fiik, a pound of which vvas efteemed not inferior in value to a
pound of gold '°* ; precious ftones, among which the pearl claimed
the firft rank after the diamond '°^ ; and a variety of aromatics»
that were confumed in religious worihip and the pomp of funerals,
The labour and riik of the voyage was revi'arded with almoft in-
credible profit ; but the profit Avas made upon Roman fubjeds, and a
few individuals were enriched at the expence of the Public. As the ^'c'« ^'^'^
filver.
natives of Arabia and India were contented with the produdlions
and manufadures of their own country, filver, on the fide of the
Romans, was the principal, if not the only inftrument of com-
merce. It was a complaint worthy of the gravity of the fenate,
that, in the purchafe of female ornaments, the wealth of the ftate
was irrecoverably given away to foreign and hofiile nations ""^
The annual lofs is computed, by a writer of an inquifitive but cen-
forious temper, at upwards of eight hundred thoufand pounds
fierling '"'. Such was the fl;yle of difcontent, brooding over the
dark profped of approaching poverty. And yet, if we compare
'"^ Plin. Hift. Natur. 1. vi. Strabo, I. xvii. with diamonds from the mine of Jumelpur,
'"* Hift. Auguft. p. 224. A filk garment in Bengal, which is defcribed in the Voyages
was confidcred as an ornament to a woman, de Tavernier, torn. ii. p. 281.
but as a difgrace to a man. '°<^ Tacit. Annal. iii. 52. In a fpeech of
'°' The two great pearl fiiheries were the Tiberius,
fame as at prefent, Orrauz and Cape Como- "" Plin. Hift. Natur. xii. i8. In another
rin. As well as we can compare ancient place he computes half that fum ; Quingen-
with modern geography, Rome was fupplied ties H. S. for India exdufive of Arabia.
Κ 2 the
licity.
C8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, the proportion between gold and filver, as it flood in the time of
Pliny, and as it was fixed in the reign of Conftantine, we ihall dif-
cover within that period a very confiderable increafe '°\ There
is not the leaft reafon to fuppofe that gold was become more fcarce ;
it is therefore evident that filver was grown more common ; that
whatever might be the amount of the Indian and Arabian exports,
they were far from exhaufting the wealth of the Roman world ;
and that the produce of the mines abundantly fupplied the demands
of commerce.
Notwithftanding the propenfity of mankind to exalt the paft,
and to depreciate the preient, the tranquil and profperous ftate of
the empire was warmly felt, and honeilly confefled, by the pro-
General fe- vincials as well as Romans. " They acknowledged that the true
*' principles of focial life, laws, agriculture, and fcience, which had
" been firfl: invented by the wifdom of Athens, were now firmly
" eftabliflied by the power of Rome, under whofe aufpicious
*' influence, the fierceft barbarians were united by an equal govern-
" ment and common language. They affirm, that with the im-
" provement of arts, the human fpecies was vifibly multiplied.
" They celebrate the increafing fplendour of the cities, the beau-
" tiful face of the country, cultivated and adorned like an im-
♦' menfe garden ; and the long feftival of peace, which was en-
" joyed by fo many nations, forgetful of their ancient animofities,
" and delivered from the apprehenfion of future danger '^'."
Whatever fufpicions may be fuggeiled by the air of rhetoric and
declamation, which feems to prevail in thefe pafl'ages, the fubftancc
of them is perfedlly agreeable to hiftoric truth.
'«' The proportion which was i to lo, and "=' Among many other paiTages, fee Pliny,
12| rofe to I4f, the legal regulation of Con- (Hift. Natur. iii. 5.) Ariftides, (de Urbe
ftantine. See Arbuthnot's Tables of ancient Roma) and Tertullian (de Anima, c. 30.).
Coins, c. V.
It
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 69
It was fcarcely poffiblc that the eyes of contemporaries ihould ^ ^ J^ P•
difcover in the public felicity the latent caufes of decay and cor-
ruption. This long peace, and the uniform government of the courage;
Romans, introduced a flow and fecret poifon into the vitals of the
empire. The minds of men were gradually reduced to the fame
level, the fire of genius was extinguiflied, and even the military
fpirit evaporated. The natives of Europe were brave and robuft.
Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Illyricum fupplied the legions with ex-
cellent foldiers, and conftituted the real ftrength of the monarchy.
Their perfonal valour remained, but they no longer poflefled that
public courage which is nouriihed by the love of independence, the
fenfe of national honour, the prefence of danger, and the habit of
command. They received laws and governors from the will of
their fovereign, and trufted for their defence to a mercenary army.
The pofterity of their boldeft leaders was contented with the rank
of citizens and fubjedls. The mofl: afpiring fpirits reforted to the
court or ftandard of the emperors ; and the deferted provinces, de-
prived of political ftrength or union, infenfibly funk into the languid
indifference of private life.
The love of letters, almoft infeparable from peace and re- of genius.
finement, was fafhionable among the fubjeds of Hadrian and
the Antonincs, who were themfelves men of learning and cu-
liofity. It was diffufed over the whole extent of their em-
pire ; the moft northern tribes of Britons had acquired a tafte for
rhetoric : Homer as well as Virgil were tranfcribed and ftudied on
the banks of the Rhine and Danube ; and the mofl liberal rewards
fought out the fainteft glimmerings of literary merit "°. The
fciences
"° Herodes Atticus gave the fophiH Po- litics, and the four great fefts of philofophy,
Icmo above eight thoufand pounds for three were maintained at tire public expence for
declamations. See Philoftrat. 1. i. p. 558. the inftriiftion of youth. The falary of a
The Antonines founded a fchool at Athens, philofopher was ten thoufand drachms, be-
in which profeilbrs of grammar, rlietoric, po- tween tliree and four hundred pounds a year..
Similar
J
70 THE DECLINE AND FALL
fclences of phyfic and aftronomy were fuccefsfully cultivated by tlir
Greeks ; the obfervations of Ptolemy and the writings of Galen are
ftudied by thofe who have improved their difcoveries and correded
their errors ; but if we except the inimitable Lucian, this age of
indolence pailed away without having produced a fingle writer of
original genius, or who excelled in the arts of elegant compoHtion.
Ihe authority of Plato and Arillotle, of Zeno and Epicurus, ilill
reigned in the fchools ; and their fyftems, tranfmitted with blind
deference from one generation of difciples to another, precluded
every generous attempt to exercile the powers, or enlarge the limits,
of the human mind. The beauties of the poets and orators, inflcad
of kindling a fire like their own, infpired only cold and fervile
imitations : or if any ventured to deviate from thofe models, they
deviated at the fame time from good fen fe and propriety. On the
revival of letters, the youthful vigour of the imagination, after a
long repofe, national emulation, a new religion, ne\v languages,
and a new world, called forth the genius of Europe. But the pro-
vincials of Rome, trained by a uniform artificial foreign education,
were engaged in a very unequal competition with thofe bold ancients,
who, by expreffing their genuine feelings in their native tongue,
had already occupied every place of honour. The name of Poet
was almoft forgotten ; that of Orator was ufurped by the fophifts.
A cloud of critics, of compilers, of commentators, darkened the face
of learning, and the decline of genius was foon followed by the
corruption of tafte.
Degeneracy, The fubllme Longinus, who in fomewhat a later period, and in
the court of a Syrian queen, preferved the fpirit of ancient Athens,
Similar eftabliihments were formed in the line betrays his own difappolntment and
other great cities of the empire. See Lu- envy, is obliged, however, to fay,
cian in Eunuch, torn. ii. p. 353. edit. Reitz. q Juvenes, circumfpicit et agitat vos,
Philoftrat. 1. ii. p. 566. Hift. Auguft. p. 21. Materiamque fibi Ducis indulgentia quaerit.
Dion. Caflius, I. Ixxi. p. 1195. Juvenal Satir. vii. 20.
himfelf, in a morofe fatire, which in every
obferves
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 7«
cbferves and laments this degeneracy of his contemporaries, which
debafed their fentiments, enervated their courage, and depreiTed
their talents. " In the fame manner, fays he, as fome children al-
" ways remain pygmies, whofe infant limbs have been too clofely
*' confined ; thus our tender minds, fettered by the prejudices and
" habits of a juft fervitude, are unable to expand themfelves, or to
*' attain that well-proportioned greatnefs which we admire in the
*' ancients ; who living under a popular government, wrote with the
" fame freedom as they aded '"." This diminutive ftature of
mankind, if we purfue the metaphor, was daily finking below the
old ftandard, and the Roman world was indeed peopled by a race
of pygmies ; when the fierce giants of the north broke in, and
mended the puny breed. They reftored a manly fpirit of freedom j
and after the revolution of ten centuries, freedom became the happy,
parent of tafte and fcience.
"' Longin. de Sublim. c. 43. p. 229. edit, moft guarded caution, puts them into the
Toll. Here too we may fay of Longinus, mouth of a friend ; and as far as we can col-
" his own example ftrengthens all his laws." left from a corrupted text, makes a fliew of
Inftcad of propoling his fentiments with a refuting them himfelf.
manly boldnefs, he infmuates them with the
^l THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. in.
Of the Confitutmi of the Roma?! Empire.^ in the Age of
the Anto?iines»
CHAP, f I ■ HE obvious definition of a monarchy feems to be that of a
\ J r Ji ftate, in which a fingle perfon, by whatfoever name he may
narchy.^*"" t)e diftinguiihed, is intrufted with the execution of the laws, the
management of the revenue, and the command of the army. But
unlefs public liberty is proteded by intrepid and vigilant guardians,
the authority of fo formidable a magiftrate will foon degenerate into
defpotifm. The influence of the clergy, in an age of fuperilition,
might be ufefuUy employed to aflert the rights of mankind ; but fo
intimate is the connexion between the throne and the altar, that the
banner of the church has very feldom been feen on the fide of the
people. A martial nobility and ftubborn commons, poiTeffed of
arms, tenacious of property, and colleded into conftitutional aifem-
blies, form the only balance capable of preferving a free conftitution
againfl: enterprifes of an afpiring prince.
Situation of Every barrier of the Roman conftitution had been levelled by the
Λ Λ... J ^
vaft ambition of the didator ; every fence had been extirpated by
the cruel hand of the Triumvir. After the vidory of Adium, the
fate of the Roman world depended on the will of Odavianue, fur-
named Casfar, by his uncle's adoption, and afterwards Auguftus,
by the flattery of the fenate. The conqueror was at the head of
forty-four veteran legions ', confcious of their own ftrength, and of
the weaknefs of the conftitution, habituated, during twenty years civil
' Orofius, vi. 1 8.
Auguftus
war
»
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. η'τ^
war, to every adt of blood and violence, and paffionately devoted
to the houfe of Ccefar, from v^^hence alone they had received, and
expe<fted, the moil laviHi rewards. The provinces, long oppreflcd
by the minifters of the republic, fighed for the government of a
fingle perfon, who would be the mailer, not the accomplice, of
thofe petty tyrants. The people of Rome, viewing, with a fecret
pleafure, the humiliation of the ariilocracy, demanded only bread
and public ihows ; and were fupplied with both by the liberal hand
of Auguilus. The rich and polite Italians, who had almoil univer-
fally embraced the philofophy of Epicurus, enjoyed the prefent
bleffings of eafe and tranquillity, and fuffered not the pleafmg dream
to be interrupted by the memory of their old tumultuous freedom.
With its power, the fenate had loll its dignity ; many of the moil
noble families were extinft. The republicans of fpirit and ability
bad perifhed in the field of battle, or in the profcription. The door
of the affembly had been defignedly left open, for a mixed multi-'
tude of more than a thoufand perfons, who refledled difgrace upon
their rank, inilead of deriving honour from it \
The reformation of the fenate, was one of the firil ileps in which ^'-' '■«^ο™^
^ the fenate.
Auguilus laid aude the tyrant, and profeiTed himfelf the father of
his country. He was eledted cenfor ; and, in concert with his
faithful Agrippa, he examined the lift of the fenators, expelled a
few members, whofe vices or whofe obftinacy required a public
example, perfuaded near two hundred to prevent the ihame of an
expulfion by a voluntary retreat, raifed the qualification of a fena-
ter to about ten thoufand pounds, created a fiifficient number of
Patrician families, and accepted for himfelf, the honourable title
of Prince of the Senate, which had always been beftowed, by the
cenfors, on the citizen the moft eminent for his honours and fervices '.
^- Julius Crcfar introduced foldiers, ftran- became ftill more fcandalous after his death,
gers, and half-barbarians, .into the fenate ^ Dion Cailius, I. iii, p. 693. Suetonius
^Sueton. in Ca:far. c. 77. 80.). The abufe in Auguft. c, 55.
Vol. I. L But
74 THEDECLINEANDFALL
C Η Λ P. But wliilft he thus reftored the dignity, he deftroyed the Inde-
V— ,τ ' pendence of the fenate. The principles of a free conftitution
are irrecoverably loft, when the legiflative power is nominated by
the executive.
Refigjis his Before an aiTembly thus modelled and prepared, Auguftus pro-
power, nounced a ftudied oration, w^hich difplayed his patriotifm, and
dilguifed his ambition. " He lamented, yet excufed, his paft
*' conduit. Filial piety had required at his hands the revenge of
•' his father's murder ; the humanity of his own nature had fome-
" times given way to the ftern laws of neceffity, and to a forced
*' connexion with two unworthy colleagues : as lonr^ as Antony
*' lived, the republic forbade him to abandon her to a degenerate
" Roman, and a barbarian queen. He was now at liberty to
** fatisfy his duty and his inclination. He folemnly reftored the
*' fenate and people to all their ancient rights ; and wiftied only to
" mingle with the crowd of his fellow-citizens, and to ftiare the
" blefllngs which he had obtained for his country *."
Is prevailed It would require the pen of Tacitus (if Tacitus had affifted at
fumeit under this affcmbly) to dcfcribe the various emotions of the fenate ; thofe
Emperor or tl^^t vvere fuppreiled, and thofe that were aff"e6led. It was danger-
^'^"^ ' ous to truft the fincerity of Auguftus ; to feem to diftruft it, was ftill•
more dangerous. The refpedive advantages of monarchy and a
republic have often divided fpeculative inquirers ; the prefent great-
nefs of the Roman ftate, the corruption of manners, and the licence
of the foldiers, fupplied new arguments to the advocates of mo-
narchy ; and thefe general views of government were again warped
by the hopes and fears of each individual. Amidft this confufion
of fentiments, the anfwer of the fenate was unanimous and deciilve.
They refufed to accept the refignation of Auguftus ; they conjured
* Dion (]. liii. p. 698.) gives us a prolix have borrowed from Suetonius and Tacitus
and bombalt fpcech un this great occalion. I the general language of Auguftus.
him
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 75
him not to defert the republic, which he had favcd. After a de-
cent refiftance, the crafty tyrant fubmitted to the orders of the
fenate ; and confented to receive the government of the provinces,
and the general command of the Roman armies, under the well-
known names of Proconsul and Imperator '. But he would
receive them only for ten years. Even before the expiration of
that period, he hoped that the wounds of civil difcord would
be completely healed, and that the republic, reftored to its priftine
health and vigour, would no longer require the dangerous inter-
pofition of fo extraordinary a magiftratc. The memory of this
comedy, repeated feveral times during the life of Auguftus, was
preferved to the lail ages of the empire, by the peculiar pomp with
which the perpetual monarchs of Rome always folemnized the tenth
years of their reign *.
Without any violation of the principles of the conftitution, the Power of the
■' *■ '■ Roman ge-
general of the Roman armies might receive and exercife an au- nerais.
thority almoft defpotic over the foldiers, the enemies, and the
fubjedts of the republic. With regard to the foldiers, the jealoufy
of freedom had, even from the earlieft ages of Rome, given way to
the hopes of conqueft, and a jufl: fenfe of military difcipline. The
didator, or conful, had a right to command the fervice of the
Roman youth ; and to punifli an obftinate or cowardly difobedience
by the moil fevere and ignominious penalties, by ilriking the
offender out of the lift of citizens, by confifcating his propert}',
and by felling his perfon into flavery '. The moft facred rights of
freedom, confirmed by the Porcian and Sempronian laws, were
' ImferaUr (from which we have derived emperors aiTumed it in that fenfe, they placed
Emperor) fignified under the republic no it after their name, and marlced how often
more ύίΖ,η general, and was emphatically be- ihey had taken it.
ftowed by the foldiers, wlien on the field of * Dion, 1. liii. p. 703, &c.
battle they proclaimed their viilorious leader " Liv)- Epitom. 1. -xiv. Va'er. Maxim, vi. 3.
worthy of that title. When the Roman
L 2 fufpendtd
jS THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^ J^ P• fufpended by the military engagement. In his camp the ge-
neral exercifed an abfolute power of life and death ; his jurif-
di(il:ion was not confined by any forms of trial, or rules of pro-
ceeding, and the execution of the fentence was immediate and with-
out appeal ^. The choice of the enemies of Rome was regularly
decided by the legiflative authority. The moft important rcfolu-
tions of peace and war were ferioufly debated in the fenate, and
folemnly ratified by the people. But when the arms of the legions
were carried to a great diftance from Italy, the generals aflumed the
liberty of diredting them againft whatever people, and in what-
ever manner, they judged moft advantageous for the public fervice;
It was from the fuccefs, not from the juftice, of their enterprifes,
that they expeded the honoiars of a triumph. In the ufe of vidtory,
efpecially after they were no longer controlled by the commiffioners
of the fenate, they exercifed the moft unbounded defpotifm. When
Pompey commanded in the eaft, he rewarded his foldiers and
allies, dethroned princes, divided kingdoms, founded colonies, and
dlftributed the treafures of Mithrldates. On his return to Rome,
he obtained, by a fingle a£t of the fenate and people, the univerfal
ratification of all his proceedings '. Such was the power over the
foldiers, and over the enemies of Rome, which was either granted
to, or aflumed by, the generals of the republic. They were, at
the fame time, the governors, or rather monarchs, of the conquered
provinces, united the civil with the military character, admlniftered
' See in the vliith book of Livy, the con- guftus. Among the extraordinary ads of
duil of Manlius Torquatus and Papirius Cur- power ercecuted by the former, we may re-
fer. They violated the laws of nature and mark the foundation of twenty-nine cities»
humanity, but they aflerted thofe of military and the diilribution of three or four mil-
difcipline ; and the people, who abhorred the lions fterling to his troops. The ratification
.•iftion, was obliged to refpedl the principle. of his adls mA with fome oppofition and de-
s By the lavifli but unconflrained fuffrages lays in the fenate. See Plut.-rch, Appian,
of the people, Pompey had obtained a mili- Dion Caifius, and the firft book of the epif-
tary command fcarcely inferior to that of Au- ties to Atticus.
juftice
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 77
juilice as well as the finances, and exercifed both the executive and ^ ^^^ P•
legiflative power of the ftate. ' — -v — — '
From what has been already obferved in the firil chapter of this Lieutenants
work, fome notion may be formed of the armies and provinces perVr! ^"*'
thus intrufted to the ruling hand of Auguiius. But as it was im-
poihble that he could perfonally command the legions of fo many
diftant frontiers, he was indulged by the fenate, as Pompey had
already been, in the permiiTion of devolving the execution of his
great office on a fufficient number of lieutenants. In rank and
authority thefe officers feemed not inferior to the ancient proconfuls ;
but their ftation was dependent and precarious. They received and
held their commiffions at the will of a fuperior, to whofe mifpic'iout
influence the merit of their actions was legally attributed '". They
were the reprefentatives of the emperor. The emperor alone was
the general of the republic, and his jurifdidtion, civil as well as
military, extended over all the conquefts of Rome. It was fome
fatisfailion, however, to the fenate, that he always delegated his
power to the members of their body. The Imperial lieutenants
were of ccfnfular or prsetorian dignity; the legions were com-
manded by fenators, and the prcefedure of Egypt was the only im-
portant truft committed to a Roman knight.
Within fix days after Auguftus had been compelled to accept fo ΙπίνϊΓιοπ of
very liberal a grant, he refolved to gratify the pride of the fenate between the
by an eafy facrifice. He reprefented to them, that they had en- t^^f^ate?^
larged his powers, even beyond that degree v/hich might be
required by the melancholy condition of the times. They had not
permitted him to refufe the laborious command of the armies and
'" Under the commonwealth, a triumph and religion, the triumph was referved to the
could only be claimed by the general, who emperor, and his moft fuccefsful lieutenants
was authorifed to take the Aufpices in the were fatisfied with fome marks of dilHnftion,
rame of the people. By an exaft confe- which, under the name of triumphal ho-
quence drawn from this principle of policy nours, were invented in their favour.
the
7« THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, the frontiers; but he mufl: infift on being allowed to reflore the
v— — v— — ' more peaceful and fecure provinces, to the mild adminiftration of
the civil magiftrate. In the divifion of the provinces, Auguftus
provided for his own power, and for the dignity of the republic.
The proconfuls of the fenate, particularly thofe of Afia, Greece,
and Africa, enjoyed a more honourable charadler than the lieute*
nants of the emperor, who commanded in Gaul or Syria. The
former were attended by lictors, the latter by foldiers. A law was
paiTcd, that wherever the emperor was prefent, his extraordinary
commiffion ihould fuperfede the ordinary jurifdidtion of the governor,
a cuftom was introduced, that the new conqueils belonged to the
Imperial portion, and it was foon difcovered, that the authority of
the Prince, the favourite epithet of Auguftus, was the fame in every
part of the empire.
The former In return for this imaginary conceffion, Auguftus obtained an
miiitarT ^^'^ important privilege, which rendered him mafter of Rome and
command, Italy. Bv a dangerous exception to the ancient maxims, he was
and guards ■' ■' °
in Rome authorized to preferve his military command, fupported by a
numerous body of guards, even in time of peace, and in the heart
of the capital. His command, indeed, was confined to thofe citi-
zens who were engaged in the fervice by the military oath ; but
fuch was the propenfity of the Romans to fervitude, that the oath
was voluntarily taken by the magiftrates, the fenators, and the
equeftrian order, till the homage of flattery was infenfibly converted
into an annual and folemn proteftation of fidelity.
Confuiarand Although Auguftus confidered a military force, as the firmeft
powers!'''" foundation, he wifely rejeded it, as a very odious inftrument, of
government. It was more agreeable to his temper, as well as to his
policy, to reign under the venerable names of ancient magiftracy,
and artfully to colled, in his own perfon, all the fcattered rays of
civil jurifdidion. With this view he permitted the fenate to con-
fer
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 79
fer upon him, for his life, the powers of the confular " and tri- ^ ^^ P•
bunitian offices '', which were, in the fame manner, continued to
all his fucceifors. The confuls had fucceeded to the kings of Rome,
and reprefented the dignity of the liate. They fuperintended the
ceremonies of religion, levied and commanded the legions, gave
audience to foreign ambaifadors, and prefided in the affemblies
both of the fenate and people. The general control of the finances
was intruded to their care, and though they feldom had leifure to
adminiiter juftice in perfon, they were confidered as the fupreme
guardians of law, equity, and the public peace. Such was their
ordinary jurifdiiStion ; but whenever the fenate empowered the firft
magiftrate to confult the fafety of the commonwealth, he was raifed
by that degree above the laws, and exercifed, in the defence of
liberty, a temporary defpotifm "'. The charader of the tribunes
was, in every refped, different from that of the confuls. The
appearance of the former was modeft and humble ; but their perfons
were facred and inviolable. Their force was fuited rather for op-
pofition than for adion. They were inftituted to defend the
oppreiTed, to pardon offences, to arraign the enemies of the people,
and when they judged it neceffary, to ftop, by a fingle word, the
whole machine of government. As long as the republic fub-
fifted, the dangerous influence, which either the conful or the
tribune might derive from their refpedive jurifdidion, was di-
" Cicero (de Lcgibus, iii. 3.) gives the the facred rights of the tribunes and people,
confular ofRce the name οϊ Regia potejtas : See his own Commentaries, de Bell. Civil. I. i.
andPolybius (1. vi. c. 3.) obferves three pow- '^ Auguftus exercifed nine annual conful-
crs in the Roman conllitution. The monar- ihips without interruption. He then moft
chical, was reprefented and exercifed by the artfully refufed that m."igiftr.icy as well as the
Confuls. difkatorfhip, abfented himfelf from Rome,
'^ As the tribunitian power (diilinft from and waited till the fatal efFeils of tumult and
the annual office) was firft invented for the failion forced the fenate to invert him with a
diftator Csfar (Dion, I. xliv. p. 384.), we perpetual confulihip. Auguftus, as well as
may eafily conceive, that it v.'as given .as a his fucceiTcrs, afieited, however, to conceal fo
reward for having fo nobly aflerted, by arms, invidious a title.
4 miniilied
rogatives.
80 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, mlnlihed by feveral important reftridtlons. Their authority expired
V,. -,- I wfth the year in which they were eleded ; the former oflRce was di-
vided between two, the latter among ten perfons ; and, as both in
their private and public intereft they were averfe to each other, their
mutual conflids contributed, for the moil part, to ftrengthen rather
than to deftroy the balance of the conftitution. But when the con-
fular and tribunitian powers were united, when they were veiled
* for life in a fingle perfon, when the general of the army was, at the
fame time, the mlnifter of the fenate and the reprefentatlve of the
Roman people, it was impoifible to refill the exercife, nor was it eafy
to define the limits, of his imperial prerogative.
Imperial pre- To thcfc accumulated honours, the policy of Auguilus foon added
the fplendid as well as important dignities of fupreme pontiff, and
of cenfor. By the former he acquired the management of the
religion, and by the latter a legal infpe£lion over the manners and
fortunes, of the Roman people. If fo many diilindt and independ-
ent powers did not exaQly unite with each other, the complaifance
of the fenate was prepared to fupply every deficiency by the moil
ample and extraordinary conceifions. The emperors, as the firft
miniilers of the republic, were exempted from the obligation and
penalty of many inconvenient laws : they were authorized to con-
voke the fenate, to make feveral motions in the fame day, to recom-
mend candidates for the honours of the ilate, to enlarge the boundis
of the city, to employ the revenue at their difcretion, to declare
peace and war, to ratify treaties ; and by a moft comprehenfive
claufe, they were empowered to execute vvhatfoever they ihould
judge advantageous to the empire, and agreeable to the majeily of
things private or public, human or divine
'+
'♦ See a fragment of a Decree of the Se- Auguftus, Tiberlu•?, and Claudius. This
Bate, conferring on the emperor Vefpafian, curious and important monument is pub'liihed
all the powers granted to hi» predeceiFors, in Gruter's Inicnption.'/ No. ccxlii.
ς When
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. Bi
When all the various powers of executive government were
committed to the Imperial magijrate, the ordinary magiftrates of
the commonwealth languiihed in obfcurity, without vigour, and trates.
almoft without bufinefs. The names and forms of the ancient
adminiilration were preferved by Auguilus with the moil anxious
care. The ufual number of confuls, prsetors, and tribunes '^ were
annually invefted with their refpedive enfigns of office, and con-
tinued to difcharge fome of their leafl important functions. Thofe
honours ftill attraded the vain ambition of the Romans, and the
emperors themfelves, though invefted for life with the powers of the
confulihip, frequently afpired to the title of that annual dignity,
which they condefcended to ihare with the moft illuftrious of their
fellow-citizens '*. In the election of thefe magiftrates, the people,
during the reign of Auguftus, were permitted to expofe all the in-
conveniencies of a wild democracy. That artful prince, inftead of
difcoverlng the leaft fymptom of impatience, humbly folicited their
fuifrages for himfelf or his friends, and fcrupuloufly praitifed all
the duties of an ordinary candidate '^ But we may venture to
afcribe to his councils, the firft meafure of the fucceeding reign, by
Λvhich the eledions were transferred to the fenate '\ The af-
'5 Two confuls were created on the Ca- of the confulihip. The virtuous princes were
lends of January ; but in the courfe of the moderate in the purfuit, and exaft in the dif-
year others were fubllituted in their places, charge of it. Trajan revived the ancient
till the annual number feems to have amount- oath, and fwore before the conful's tribunal,
ed to no lefs than twelve. The prstors were that he would obferve the laws (Plin. Pane-
ufually fixteen or eighteen (Lipfius in Excurf. gyric. c. 64.).
D. ad Tacit. Annal. 1. i.). I have not men- " Quoties Magiftratuum Comitiis interef-
tioned the ^diles or QuKftors. Ofiicers of ftn, Tribus cum candidatis fuis circuibat :
the police or revenue eafily adapt themfelves fupplicabatque more folemni. Ferebat et ipfe
to any form of government. In the time of fuftV.agium in tribubus, ut unus e populo.
Nero, the tribunes legally pofit-flcd the right Suetonius in Augull. c. 56.
of interccjfion, though it might be dangerous "' Turn primum Comitia e campo ad pa-
to exercife it (Tacit. Annal. xvi. ?6,). In tres tranflata funt. Tacit. Annal. i. )5. The
the time of Trajan, it was doubtful whether word friimwt feems to allude to fome faint
the tribunefhip was .an office or a name (Plin. and unfuccefsful efforts, which were made to-
Epift. i. 23•)• ward; reiloring them to the people.
•' The tyrants themfelves were ambitious
Vol. I, Μ femblies
82 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, femblies of the people were for ever aboliihed, and the emperors
*— — V ' were delivered from a dangerous multitude, who, without reftoring
liberty, might have difturbed, and perhaps endangered, the eftablifli-
ed government.
Thf fenate. By declaring themfelves the protestors of the people, Marias and
Caefar had fubverted the conftitution of their country. But as foon
as the fenate had been humbled and difarmed, fuch an aiTembly, con-
fifting of five or fix hundred perfons, was found a much more trada-
ble and ufeful inftrument of dominion. It was on the dignity of
the fenate, that Auguftus and his fucceflbrs founded their new em-
pire ; and they affeded, on every occafion, to adopt the language
and principles of Patricians. In the adminiilration of their own
powers, they frequently confulted the great national council, and
feemed to refer to its decifion the moft important concerns of peace
and war. Rome, Italy, and the internal provinces were fubje£t to
the immediate jurifdidion of the fenate. With regard to civil ob-
jeils, it was the fupreme court of appeal ; with regard to criminal
matters, a tribunal, conftituted for the trial of all offences that were
committed by men in any public ftation, or that afFeded the peace
and majefty of the Roman people. The exercife of the judicial
power became the moft frequent and ferlous occupation of the fenate ;
and the important caufes that were pleaded before them, afforded
a laft refuge to the fpirit of ancient eloquence. As a council of
ftate, and as a court of juftice, the fenate poifeifed very confiderable
prerogatives ; but in its leglflative capacity, in which it was fup-
pofed virtually to reprefent the people, the rights of foverelgnty
were acknowledged to refide in that aiTembly. Every power was
derived from their authority, every law was ratified by their fane-
tion. Their regular meetings were held on three ftated days in
every month, the Calends, the Nones, and the Ides. The de-
bates were conduced with decent freedom ; and the emperors
themfelves,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
83
themfelves, who gloried in the name of fenators, fat, voted, and ^ ^ ^ ^•
divided with their equals. '— ■■>. *
To rcfume, in a few words, the fyftem of the Imperial govern- General idea
of the Impe-
ment; as it was inilituted by Auguilus, and maintained by thofe rialfyaem.
princes who underilood their own intereft and that of the people,
it may be defined an abfolute monarchy difguifed by the forms of a
commonwealth. The mafters of the Roman world furrounded their
throne with darknefs, concealed their irrefiftible ftrength, and hum-
bly profefled themfelves the accountable minifters of the fenate,
whofe fupreme decrees they didated and obeyed ''.
The face of the court correfponded with the forms of the admini- Court of the
'■ _ _ emperors.
ftration. The emperors, if we except thofe tyrants whofe capricious
folly violated every law of nature and decency, difdained that pomp
and ceremony which might offend their countrymen, but could
add nothing to their real power. In all the offices of life, they af-
• feded to confound themfelves with their fubjeds, and maintained
with them an equal intercourfe of vifits and entertainments. Their
habit, their palace, their table, were fuited only to the rank of aii
opulent fenator. Their family, however numerous or fplendid,
was compofed entirely of their domeilic flaves and freedmen ''".
Auguilus or Trajan would have bluihed at employing the meaneft
of the Romans in thofe menial offices, which, in the houfehold and
bedchamber of a limited monarch, are fo eagerly folicited by the
proudeft nobles of Britain.
'' Dion CafTius (1. liii. p. 703 — 714.) has
given a very loofe and partial iketch of the
Imperial fyftem. To illuftrate and often to
corred him, I have meditated Tacitus, exa-
mined Suetonius, and confulted the follow-
ing moderns : the Abbi de la Bleterie, in the
Memoires de I'Academie des Infcriptions,
torn. xix. xxi. ■xxi'v. xxv. xxyii. Beaufort
Republique Romaine,. torn. i. p. 255 — 275.
Tv/o Difl'ertations of Noodt and Gronovius,
iie lege Regie ; printed at Leyden, in the year
1 73 1. Gravina de Imperio Romano, p. 479
— 544 of his Opufcula. MafFei Verona Illuf-
trata, p. i. p. 245, &c.
^" A weak prince will always be governed
by his domeftics. The power of ilaves aggra-
vated the fhame of the Romans ; and the fe-
nate paid court to a Pallas or a Narci/Tus.
There is a chance that a modern favourite
may be a gentleman.
Μ s The
84
Deification.
THE DECLINE AND FALL
The deification of the emperors*' is the only inftance in
which they departed from their accuilomed prudence and mo-
defly. The Afiatic Greeks were the firft inventors, the fuc-
ceflbrs of Alexander the firft objeds, of this fervile and im-
pious mode of adulation. It was eafily transferred from the kings
to the governors of Afia ; and the Roman magiftrates very fre-
iiuently were adored as provincial deities, with the pomp of altars
and temples, of feftivals and facrifices ". It was natural that the
emperors ihould not refufe what the proconfuls had accepted, and
the divine honours which both the one and the other received
from the provinces, attefted rather the defpotifm than the fer-
vitude of Rome. But the conquerors foon imitated the vanquiihed
nations in the arts of flattery ; and the imperious fpirit of the firft
Csefar too eafily confented to aflume, during his life-time, a place
among the tutelar deities of Rome. The milder temper of his
fucceflbr declined fo dangerous an ambition, which was never after-
wards revived, except by the madnefs of Caligula and Domitian.
Auguftus permitted indeed fome of the provincial cities to ered tem-
ples to his honour, on condition that they ihould aifociate the wor-
ihip of Rome with that of the fovereign ; he tolerated private
fuperftition, of which he might be the objed " ; but he contented
himfelf with being revered by the fenate and people in his human
charader, and wifely left to his fucceflbr, the care of his public
deification. A regular cuftom was introduced, tJiat on the deceafe
of every emperor who had neither lived nor died like a tyrant, the
fenate by a folemn decree ihould place him in the number of the•
"" See a treatife of Vandale de Con- gault in the firil volume of the Academy
fecratione Principum. It would be eafier of Infcriptions.
for me to copy, than it has been to ^' Jarandafque tuum per nomen ponimus.
verify, the quotations of that learned "ras, fays Horace to the emperor himfelf,.
Dutchman. and Horace was well acquainted with the
" iee a di-flertation of the Abbe Mon- court of Auguftus,
gods:
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 85
gods : and the ceremonies of his Apotheofis were blended wlih ^ ^ j ^ ^•
thofe of his funeral. This legal, and as it fhould feem, injudicious ' < '
profanation, fo abhorrent to our ftriQer principles, was received
with a very faint murmur ~*, by the eafy nature of Polythcifm ;
but it was received as an inftitution, not of religion but of policy.
We Ihould difgrace the virtues of the Antonines, by comparing
them with the vices of Hercules or Jupiter. Even the charailer of
Ccefar or Auguftus were far fuperior to thofe of the popular deities•.
But it was the misfortune of the former to live in an enlightened
age, and their adlions were too faithfully recorded to admit of
fuch a mixture of fable and myftery, as the devotion of the vulgar
requires. As foon as their divinity was eftabliihed by law, it funk
into oblivion, without contributing cither to their own fame, or to
the dignity of fucceeding princes.
In the confideration of the Imperial government, we have fre- Titles of ^;..•-
quently mentioned the artful founder, under his well-known title ^>Χ•Γ"
of Auguftus, which was not however conferred upon him, till the
edifice was almoft completed. The obfcure name of OilavianuSy
he derived from a mean family, in the little town of Aricia. It
was ftain^d with the blood of the profcription : and he was defir-
ous, had it been poffible, to erafe all memory of his former life;
The illuftrious furname of Ciefar, he had aifumed, as the adopted
fon of the didator ; but he had too much good fenfe, either to hope
to be confounded, or to wiih to be compared, with that extraordi-
nary man. It was propofed in the fenate, to dignify their minifter
with a new appellation ; and after a very ferious difcufiion, that
of Auguftus was chofen among feveral others, as being the moil
exprelTive of the charader of peace and fandity, which he uni-
^ See Cicero in Philippic, i. 6. Julian of Lucan, but it is a patriotic, raiher than'
in Cafarlbus. Inque Deum templis jurabit a devout indignation.
Roma per umbras, is the indignant expreffion
formJy
:86 THE DECLINE AND FALL
G Η A p. formly afFeded ". .Αη^ιιβιΐ! was therefore a perfonal, Ci-far a
>v, y > family diftindlion. The former lliould naturally have expired with
the prince, on whom it was heilowed ; and however the latter was
diffufed by adoption and female alliance, Nero was the laft nrince
who could alledge any hereditary claim to the honours of the Julian
line. But, at the time of his death, the praftice of a century had
infeparably connefted thofe appellations with the Imperial dignity,
and they have been preferved by a long fucceifion of emperors,
Romans, Greeks, Franks, and Germans, from the fall of the re-
public to the prefent time. A diftin£lion was, however, foon intro-
duced. The facred title of Auguflus was always referved for the
monarch, whilfl; the name of Casfar was more freely communicated
to his relations ; and, from the reign of Hadrian, at leaft, was ap-
propriated to the fecond perfon in the ftate, who was confidered as
the prefumptive heir of the empire.
Charafter The tender refped of Auguftus for a free conftitution which he
of Au°uiius. Iiad deflroyed, can only be explained by an attentive confideration
of the charadler of that fubtle tyrant. A cool head, an unfeeling
heart, and a cowardly difpofition, prompted him, at the age of
nineteen, to aflume the mafk of hypocrify, which he never after-
wards laid afide. With the fame hand, and probably with the fame
temper, he figned the profcription of Cicero, and the pardon of
Cinna. His virtues, and even his vices, were artificial ; and
according to the various didates of his intereft, he was at firil the
enemy, and at laft the father, of the Roman world "*. When he
framed the artful fyftem of the Imperial authority, his moderation
*5 Dion Cafllus, 1. liii. p. 710, with the 309.). This image employed by Julian, in
-curious annotations of Reymar. his ingenious fiilion, is juil and elegant; but
^* As Oilavianus advanced to the banquet when he confiders this change of charafter
of the Ciefars, his colour changed like that as real, and afcribes it to the power of phi-
of the camelion ; pale at firll, then red, af- lofophy ; he does too much honour to phi-
terwards black, he at lail aHiimed the mild lofophy, and to Oilavianus.
' j.livery of Venus and the Graces (Csfares, p.
* - was
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 87
was infpired by his fears. He wiihed to deceive the people by ^ ^^ J^ ^•
an image of civil liberty, and the armies by an image of civil ' ^— J
government.
I. The death of Csfar was ever before his eyes. He had lavifhed i'^'S^."'"'/-
^ berty tor the;-
wealth and honours on his adherents ; but the moil favoured friends people.
of his uncle were in the number of the confpirators. The fidelity
of the legions might defend his authority againfl: open rebellion ; but
their vigilance could not fecure his perfon from the dagger of a deter-
mined republican ; and the Romans who revered the memory of
Brutus ^% would applaud the imitation of his virtue. Caefar had
provoked his fate, as much by the oftentation of his power, as by
his power itfelf. The conful or the tribune might have reigned in
peace. The title of King had armed the Romans againfl: his life,
Auguftus was fenfible that mankind is governed by names ; nor \vas
he deceived in his expedation, that the fenate and people would
fubmit to flavery, provided they were refpedlfully afiured, that they
ftill enjoyed their ancient freedom. A feeble fenate and enervated
people cheerfully acquiefced in the pleafing illufion, as long as it
was fupported by the virtue, or by even the prudence, of the fuc-
ceiTors of Auguftus. It was a motive of felf-prefervation, not a prin-
ciple of liberty, that animated the confpirators againft Caligula, Nero,•
and Domitian. They attacked the perfon of the tyrant, without
aiming their blow at the authority of the emperor.
There appears, indeed, ctie memorable occafion, in which the Attempt of"
fenate, after feventy years of patience, made an inefFe£tual attempr• after the
to reaffume its long forgotten rights. When the throne was va- ''^^"°
cant by the murder of Caligula, the confuls convoked that affembly
in the Capitol, condemned the memory of the Cxfars, gave the
watch-word liberty to the few cohorts who faintly adhered to their
*' Two centuries after the eftablifhment of recommends the charafler of Bfutiis as a per—
monarchy, the emperor Marcus Antoninus feil model of Roman virtue.
ilandard^
"S
Lila.
S8 THEDECLINEANDTALL
CiH A p. flandard, and during eight and forty hours aded as the independ-
V— — V — — ' ent chiefs of a free commonwealth. But while they deliberated»
the Praetorian guards had refolved. The flupid Claudius, brother
of Germanicus, was already in their camp, invefted with the Im-
perial purple, and prepared to fupport his eledlion by arms. The
dream of liberty was at an end ; and the fenate awoke to all the
horrors of inevitable fervitude, Deferted by the people, and threat-
ened by a military force, that feeble aifembly was compelled to ratify
the choice of the Praetorians, and to embrace the benefit of an
amneily, which Claudius had the prudence to offer, and the gene-
rofity to obferve ''.
Image of go- Π. Thc infulcncc of the armies infpired Auguftus with fears of
vernment for
the armies, a iliU morc alarming nature. The defpair of the citizens could
only attempt, what the power of the foldiers was, at any time, able
to execute. How precarious was his own authority over men whom
he had taught to violate every focial duty ! He had heard their
feditious clamours ; he dreaded their calmer moments of refledion.
One revolution had been purchafed by immenfe rewards ; but a
fecond revolution might double thofe rewards. The troops pro-
feffed the foadeft attachment to the houfe of Csefar ; but the at-
tachments of the multitude are capricious and inconftant. Au-
guftus fummoned to his aid, whatever remained in thofe fierce
minds, of Roman prejudices ; enforced the rigour of difcipline by
the fancftion of law ; and interpofing the majefty of the fenate, be-
tween the emperor and the army, boldly claimed their allegiance,
as the firft magiftrate of the republic ''.
" It is much to be regretted, that we have of difcipline. After the civil wars, he drop-
loft the part of Tacitus, which treated of that ped the endearing name of Fellow- Sol dieri,
tranfailion. We are forced to content our- and called them only Soldiers (Sueton. in
felves with the popular rumors of Jofephus, Auguft. c. 25.). See the ufe Tiberius made
and the imperfed hints of Dion and Sue- of the fenate in the mutiny of die Pannoman
xonius. legions (Tacit. Annal. i.).
*3 Auguilus reftored the ancient fevcrity
During
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 89
During a long period of two hundred and twenty years, from CHAP,
the eftablilhment of this artful fyftem to the death of Commodus, « ^ — J
, J . , ... . Their obe-
the dangers inherent to a mihtary government were, in a great dience.
meafure, fufpended. The foldiers were feldom roufed to that
fatal fenfe of their own ilrength, and of the weaknefs of the civil
authority, which was, before and afterwards, productive of fuch
dreadful calamities. Caligula and Domitian were aflaifinated in
their palace by their own domeftics : the convulfions which agitated
Rome on the death of the former, were confined to the walls of the
city. But Nero involved the whole empire in his ruin. Ια the
fpace of eighteen months, four princes periihed by the fword ; and
the Roman world was ihaken by the fury of the contending armies•
Excepting only this ihort, though violent, eruption of military
licence, the two centuries from Auguftus to Commodus paiTed away
unftained with civil blood, and undifturbed by revolutions. The
€mperor was eleded by tbe authority of the feJiate and the confent
of the foldiers '°. The legions refpeded their oath of fidelity, and
it requires a minute infpedion of the Roman annals to difcover
three inconfiderable rebellions, which were all fupprefled in a few
months, and without even the hazard of a battle ".
In eledive monarchies, the vacancy of the throne is a moment Defignatio»
big with danger and mifchief. The Roman emperors defirous to °^^'""'^'^°'"•
fpare the legions that interval of fufpenfe, and the temptation of an
irregular choice, invefted their defigned fucceffor with fo large a fhare
of prefent power, as ihould enable him, after their deceafe, to
'» Thefe words feem to have been the the third, Avidius Caffius, in the reign of
conftitutional language. See Tacit. Annal. M. Antoninus. The two laft reigned but a.
X'"• 4• few months, and were cut ofF by their own
^' ThefirftwasCamillusScribonianus, who adherents. We may obferve, that both Ca-
took up arms in Dalmatia againft Claudius, millus and Caffius coloured their ambition
and was deferted by his own troops in five with the defign of reftoring the republic; a
days. The fecond, L. Antonius, in Ger- talk, faid Caffius, peculiarly referved for hi»
many, who rebelled againft Domitian ; and name and family.
Vol. I. Ν aiTume
9α
THE DECLINE AND FALL•
Of Tiberius.
Of Titus..
CHAP, aflume the remainder, without fiiffcring• the empire to perceive the-
change of mafters. Thus Auguftus, after all his fairer profpeds
had been fnatched from him by untimely deaths, refted his lafE
hopes on Tiberius, obtained for his adopted fon the cenforial and
tribunitian powers, and didated a law, by which the future prince
was inverted with an authority equal to his own, over the provinces
and the armies '\ Thus Vefpafian fubdued the generous mind of
his eldcft fon. Titus was adored by the eaflern legions, \vhich>
under his command, had recently atchieved the conqueft of Judaea.
His power was dreaded, and, as his virtues were clouded by the in-
temperance of youth, his defigns v^'ere fufpedted. Inftead of liften-
ing to fuch unworthy fufpicions, the prudent monarch aflbciated
Titus to the full powers of the Imperial dignity ; and the grateful
fon ever approved himfelf the humble and faithful miniiler of fo in-
dulgent a father ".
The good fenfe of Vefpafian engaged him indeed to embrace every
meafure that might confirm his recent and precarious elevationi
The military oath, and the fidelity of the troops, had been confe-
crated by the habits of an hundred years, to the name and family
of the Cxfars : and although that family had been continued only by
the fidlitious rite of adoption, the Romans ilill revered, in the perfon
of Nero, the grandfon of Germanicus, and the lineal fucceiTor of
Auguftus. It v^^as not without reludance and remorfe, that the
Prastorian guards had been perfuaded to abandon the caufe of the
tyrant '^ The rapid downfal of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, taught
the armies to confider the emperors as the creatures of tJoeir will,
and the inftruments of their licence. The birth of Vefpafian was
mean ; his grandfather had been a private foldier, his father a
The race of
the Caefars
and tlie Fla-
vian family.
3* Velleius Paterculus, I. ii. c. 121. Sueton.
in Tiber, c. 20.
33 Sueton. in Tit. c. 6. Plin. in Pnefat.
Hiil. Natur..
^* This idea is frequently and ftror.gly
inculcated by Tacitus. Sec Hill. i. 5. 16.
ii. 76.
petty
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 91
petty officer of the revenue '*; his own merit had raifed him, in an ^ ha p.
advanced age to the empire ; but his merit was rather ufeful than v- — v— ^
iliining, and his virtues were difgraced by a ftri<5l and even fordid
parfimony. Such a prince confulted his true intereil by the aifoci-
ation of a fon, whofc more fplendid and amiable charader might
turn the pubHc attention, from the obfcure origin, to the future
glories of the Flavian houfe. Under the mild adminiftration of
Titus, the Roman world enjoyed a tranfient felicity, and his beloved
memory ferved to protect, above fifteen years, the vices of his brother
Domitian.
Nerva had fcarcely accepted the purple from the aflaffins of Do- A. D. 96.
mitian, before he difcovered that his feeble age was unable to item and charadier
the torrent of public diforders, which had multiplied under the long "^'^"J^"•
tyranny of his predeceflbr. His mild difpofition was refpeited by
the good ; but the degenerate Romans required a more vigorous
charafter, whofe jiiftice ihould ftrike terror into the guilty. Though
he had feveral relations, he fixed, his choice on a ftranger. He
adopted Trajan, then about forty years of age, and who com-
manded a powerful army in the Lower Germany ; and immediately,
by a decree of the fenate, declared him his colleague and fucqeiTor
in the empire '''. It is fincerely to be lamented, that whilfl: we are A. D. 9^,
fatigued with the difguflful relation of Nero's crimes and follies,
we are reduced to colle£t the adions of Trajan from the glimmer-
ings of an abridgment, or the doubtful light of a panegyric.
There remains, however, one panegyric far removed beyond the
flifpicion of flattery. Above two hundred and fifty years after the
death of Trajan, th^ fenate, in pouring out the cuilomary accla-
mations on the accefTion of a new emperor, wiihed that he might
furpafs the felicity of Auguflus, and the virtue of Trajan '•.
^' The emperor Vefpafian, with his ufual ^^ Dion, 1. Ixviii. p. 1121. Plin. Secund.
good fenfe, laughed at the Genealogifts, who in Panegyric.
deduced his family from Flavius, the founder of 37 Pelicior Auguilo, melior Trajano.
Reate (his native country), and one of the com- Eutrop, viii• 5.
panions of Hercules. Suet, in Vefpafian. c. 12.
Ν 2 We
92
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. We may readily believe, that the father of his country hefitated
^_ -.' • whether he ought to intruft the various and doubtful charafler of his
Of Hadrian, kinfman Hadrian with fovereign power. In his laft moments, the
arts of the emprefs Plotina either fixed the irrefolution of Trajan, or
boldly fuppofed a fiditious adoption *' ; the truth of which could not
be fafely difputed, and Hadrian was peaceably acknowledged as his
lawful fucceifor. Under his reign, as has been already mentioned,
the empire flouriihed in peace and profperity. He encouraged the
arts, reformed the laws, afferted military difcipline, and vifited all
his provinces in perfon. His vafl: and adlive genius was equally
fuited to the moft enlarged views, and the minute details of civil
policy. But the ruling paffions of his foul were curiofity and
vanity. As they prevailed, and as they were attraded by different
objeds, Hadrian was, by turns, an excellent prince, a ridiculous
fophift, and a jealous tyrant. The general tenor of his conduit
deferved praife for its equity and moderation. Yet in the firft days
of his reign, he put to death four confular fenators, his perfonal
enemies, and men who had been judged worthy of empire; and the
tedioufnefs of a painful illnefs rendered him, at laft, peeviih and
cruel. The fenate doubted whether they ihould pronounce him a
god or a tyrant ; and the honours decreed to his memory were
granted to the prayers of the pious Antoninus".
Adoption of The caprice of Hadrian influenced his choice of a fucceifor.
younger After revolving in his mind feveral men of diftinguiihed merit,
^^™*' whom he efteemed and hated, he adopted iElius Verus, a gay and
voluptuous nobleman, recommended by uncommon beauty to the
lover of Antinous*". But whilft Hadrian was delighting himfelf
with
'• Dion (1. Ixix. p. 1249.) affirms the has maintained, that Hadrian was called to
whole to have been a fidlion, on the authority the certain hope of the empire, during the
of his father, who being governor of the lifetime of Trajan.
province where Trajan died, had very good ^' Dion (1. Ixx. p. 1171.). Aurel. ^'iflor.
opportunities of fifting this myfterious tranf- *" The deification of Antinous, his medals,
ailion. Yet Dodwell (Pr^left. Camden, xvii.) llatues, temples, city, oracles, and conftcl-
lation.
OFTHE ROMAN EMPIRE. 93
with his own applaufe, and the acclamations of the foldiers, whofe C HA P.
confent had been fecured by an immenfe donative, the new Csefar *' \_— .— ,^
was raviihed from his embraces by an untimely death. He left
only one fon. Hadrian commended the boy to the gratitude of the
Antonines. He was adopted by Pius ; and, on the acceifion of
Marcus, was inverted with an equal fliare of fovereign power.
Among the many vices of this younger Verus, he poflefled one
virtue; a dutiful reverence for his wifer colleague, to whom he
willingly abandoned the ruder cares of empire. The philofophic
emperor diflembled his follies, lamented his early death, and caft a
decent veil over his memory.
As foon as Hadrian's paffion was either gratified or difappointed, Adoption of
he refolved to deferve the thanks of pofterity, by placing the moft tonine°.
exalted merit on the Roman throne. His difcerning eye eafily
difcovered a fenator about fifty years of age, blamelefs in all the
offices of life, and a youth of about feventeen,. whofe riper years
opened the fair profped of every virtue : the elder of thefe was
declared the fon and fucceflbr of Hadrian, on condition, however,
that, he himfelf ihould immediately adopt the younger. The two
Antonines (for it is of them that we are now fpeaking) governed the
Roman world forty-two years, with the fame invariable fpirit of A. D. 138—
wifdom and virtue. Although Pius had two fons*', he preferred
the welfare of Rome to the intereil of his family, gave his daughter
Fauftina in marriage to young Marcus, obtained from the fenate
the tribunitian and proconfular powers, and with a noble difdain,
or rather ignorance of jealoufy, aflbciated him to all the labours of
lation, are well known, and ftill difhonour *' Hift. Augull. p. 13. Aurelius Viftor
the memory of Hadrian. Yet we may re- in Epitom.
mark, that of the firft fifteen emperors, Clau- '^'^ Without the help of medals and in-
dius was the only one whofe tafte in love was fcriptions, we ihould be ignorant of this
entirely correft. For the honours of Anti- fafl, fo honourable to the memory of
nous, fee Spanheim, Commentaire fur les Pius.
Csefars de Julien, p. 80.
government.
m
THE DECLINE AND FALL
c
Η A P.
III.
i_
iCharailer
and reign of
Fius.
ilOf Marcus.
.government. Marcus, on the other hand, revered the charader of
•his benefador, loved him as a parent, obeyed him as his fove-
j-eign *', and after he was no more, regulated his own adminiftra-
-tion by the example and maxims of his predeceflbr. Their united
reigns are poffibly the only period of hiftory in which the happinefs
of a great people was the fole objeit of government.
Titus Antoninus Pius has been juftly denominated a fecond Numa.
The fame love of religion, juflice, and peace, was the diftinguifliing
charaderiflic of both princes. But the fituation of the latter opened
a much larger field for the exercife of thofe virtues. Numa could
only prevent a few neighbouring villages from plundering each
ether's harvefts. Antoninus diffufed order and tranquillity over the
greatefi: part of the earth. His reign is marked by the rare advan-
tage of furniilaing very few materials for hiflory ; which is, indeed,
little more than the rcgifter of the crimes, follies and misfortunes
of mankind. In private life, he was an amiable, as well as a good
man. The native fimplicity of his virtue was a ili'anger to vanity
or afFedation. He enjoyed, with moderation, the convcniencies of
his fortune, and the innocent pleafures of fociety ^^ ; and the be-
nevolence of his foul difplayed itfelf in a cheerful ferenity of
temper.
The virtue of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus was of a feverer and
more laborious kind '". It was the well-earned harveil of many a
*' During the twenty- three years of Pius's
reign, Marcus was only two nights abfent
from the palace, and even thofe were at dif-
ferent times. Hift. Auguft. p. 25.
** He was fond of the theatre and not in-
fcnftble to the charms of the fair fex. Marcus
Antoninus, i. 16. Hift. Auguft. p. zo, 21.
Julian in Crefar.
■*5 The ' enemies of Marcus charged him
vvith hypocrify, and with a want of that
Simplicity which diftinguilhed Pius and even
8
Verus (Hift. Aug. 6. 34.). This fufpicion,
unjuft as it was, may ferve to account for the
fuperior applaufe bellowed upon perfonal qua-
lifications, in preference to the focial virtues.
Even Marcus Antoninus has been called a
hypocrite ; but the wiideft fcepticifm never
infmuated that Csefar might pofiibly be a
coward, or Tully a fool. Wit and valour
are qualifications more eafily afcertained,
than humanity or the love of jufcice.
learned
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 95
learned conference, of many a patient leilure, and many a midnight
lucubration. At the age of twelve years he embraced the rigid
fyrtem of the Stoics, which taught him to fubmit his l)ody to his
mind, his paflions to his reafon; to confider virtue as the only
good, vice as the only evil, all things external, as things in-
different *'*. His meditations, compofed in the tumult of a camp,
are ftill extant; and he even condefcended' to give leiTons of philo-
fophy, in a more public manner, than was perhaps confiftent with
the modefty of a fage, or ύκτ dignity of an emperor *^. But his'
life was the nobleft commentary on the precepts of Zeno. He was
fevere to himfelf, indulgent to the imperfection of others, jufl: and'
beneficent to all mankind. He regretted that Avidius Caffius, who
excited a rebellion in Syria, had difappointed him, by a voluntary
death, of the pleafure of converting an enemy into a friend, and he'
juftified the fmcerity of that fentiment, by moderating the zeal of
the fenate againft the adherents of the traitor *^ War he detefted,
as the difgrace and calamity of human nature ; but when the necef-
fity of a juft defence called upon him to take up arms, he readily
expofed his perfon to eight winter campaigns, on the frozen banks'
of the Danube, the feverity of which was at laft fatal to the weak-
nefs of his conftitution. His memory was revered by a grateful'
pofterity, and above a century after his death, many perfons pre-
ferved the image of Marcus Antoninus among thofe of their houfe->
hold gods ^^.
** Tacitus has charadlerized, in a few againft the- Germans, he read leititresof phi-r
words, the principles of the portico : Doc- lofophy to the Roman people, during three
tores fapientiae fecutus eft, qui fola bona qus days. He had already done the fame in the
konefta, mala tantum qua; turpia ; poten- cities of Greece and Afia. Hift..Auguft. in
tiam, nobilitatem, c.xteraque extra animum, Caflio, c. 3.
neque bonis neque malis adnumerartt. Tacit. *' Dion, I. Ixxi. p•. 1190. Hift. Auguft.'
Hift. iy. 5. in Avid. Caffio.
*'! Before he went on the fecond expedition *' Hift. Auguft, in Marc. Antonin. c. 18.
96 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. If a man were called to fix the period in the hiftory of the world,
« ' during which the condition of the human race was moil happy and
the Romans, profperous, he would, without hcfitation, name that which elapfed
from the death of Domitlan to the acceffion of Commodus. The
vaft extent of the Roman empire was governed by abfolute power,
under the guidance of virtue and wifdom. The armies were
reftrained by the firm but gentle hand of four fucceifive emperors,
whofe charafters and authority commanded involuntary refpedt. The
forms of the civil adminiftration were carefully preferved by Nerva,
Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines, who delighted in the image
of liberty, and were pleafed with confidering themfelves as the
accountable minifters of the laws. Such princes deferved the
honour of reftorlng the republic, had the Romans of their days
been capable of enjoying a rational freedom.
Its precarious The labours of thefe monarchs were over-paid by the immenfe
reward that infeparably waited on their fuccefs ; by the honeft
pride of virtue, and by the exquifite delight of beholding the
general happinefs of which they were the authors. A juft, but
melancholy refledlion embittered, however, the nobleft of hu-
man enjoyments. They muft often have recolleded the inftability
of a happinefs which depended on the charader of a fingle man.
The fatal moment was perhaps approaching, when fome licentious
youth, or fome jealous tyrant, would abufe, to the deftrudlion,
that abfolute power, which they had exerted for the benefit
of their people. The ideal reftraints of the fenate and the laws
might ferve to difplay the virtues, but could never correft the
vices, of the emperor. The military force was a blind and irre-
fiftible inftrument of opprefllon ; and the corruption of Roman
manners would always fupply flatterers eager to applaud, and mi-
nifters prepared to ferve, the fear or the avarice, the luft or the
cruelty, of their maftere.
4 Thefe
nature.
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 97
Thefe gloomy apprehenfions had been already juilified by the ex- chap.
perience of the Romans. The annals of the emperors exhibit a ftrong "^ ν »
. Memnr/ of
and various pidure of human nature, which we ihould vainly feek Tiberius,
among the mixed and doubtful charaders of modern hiftory. In the Nero "and
condud of thofe monarchs we may trace the utmoft lines of vice and ^'*'""'*"•
virtue ; the moft exalted perfedion, and the meanefi: degeneracy of
our own fpecies. The golden age of Trojan and the Antonines had
been preceded by an age of iron. It is almoft fuperfluous to enu-
merate the unworthy fucceiTors of Auguftus. Their unparalleled
vices, and the fplendid theatre on which they were aded, have faved
them from oblivion. The dark unrelenting Tiberius, the furious
Caligula, the feeble Claudius, the proiiigate and cruel Nero, tlie
beaftly Vitellius '°, and the timid inhuman Domitian, are condemned
to everlafting infamy. Daring fourfcore years (excepting only the
ihort and doubtful refplte of Vefpafian's reign ") Rome groaned
beneath an unremitting tyranny, which exterminated the ancient
families of the republic, and was faral to almoft every virtue, and
e\'ery talent, that arofe in that unhappy period.
Under the reign of thefe monilers, the ilavery of the Romans Peculkr mi-
was accompanied with two peculiar circumftances, the one oc- Ro^ians'u^n-
cafioned by their former liberty, the other by their extenfive con- der their ty-
. ... rants.
quells, which rendered their condidon more completely wretched
than that of the viCiims of tyranny in any other age or country.
From thefe caufes were derived, i. The exquifite fenfibility of the
5" Vitellius confumed in mere eating, at " tin, futura, pr.ri oblivioni dimiferat. Atque
leaft fix millions of our money, in about feven " illimi nemore Aricino deiidem e: marcen-
months. It is not eafy to exprefs his vices " tern, S-c." Tacit. Hift. iii. 36. ii. g^.
with dignity, or even decency. Tacitus Sueton. in Vitell. c. 13. Dion Caflius, 1.
fairly calls him a hog; but it is by fubftitut- Ixv. p. 1062.
ing to a coarfe v/ord a very fine image. " At 5. The execution of Helvidius Prifcus, and
" Vitellius, umbraculis hortoruni abditus, ^f ^^ρ virtuous Eponinp., difgraced the reign
" MX. ignava animalia, <\vxh\!.s fi cibum fug- ofVefpafian.
" geras jacent torpentque, prxterita, inftan-
VoL. 1. ο fufferers ;
of the Ori-
entals.
g8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. fufFerers; and, 2. the impoffibility of efcaping from the hand of
< . 1 the oppreflbr.
Infenfibiilty I• When Peifia was governed by the defcendants of Sefi, a race
of princes, whofe wanton cruehy often ftained their divan, their
table, and their bed, with the blood of their favourites, there is a
faying recorded of a young nobleman. That he never departed from
the fultan's prefence, without fatisfying himfelf whether his head
was ilill on his ilioulders. The experience of every day might al-
moil juftify the fcepticifm of Ruftan '*. Yet the fatal fword fuf-
pended above him by a fingle thread, feems not to have difturbed the
flumbers, or interrupted the tranquillity, of the Perfian. The mo-
narch's frown, he well knew, could level him with the duft; but
the ftroke of lightning or apoplexy might be equally fatal ; and
it was the part of a vi'ife man, to forget the inevitable calamities
of human life in the enjoyment of the fleeting hour. He was
dignified with the appellation of the king's flave ; had, perhaps,
been purchafed from obfcure parents, in a country which he had
never known ; and was trained up from his infancy in the fevere
difcipline of the feraglio ". His name, his wealth, his honours, were
the gift of a mailer, who might, without injuilice, refume what he
had bellowed. Ruilan's knowledge, if he poiTeiTed any, could only
ferve to confirm his habits by prejudices. His language afforded
not words for any form of government, except abfolute monarchy.
The hiilory of the eail informed him, that fuch had ever been the
condition of mankind ^*. The Koran, and the interpreters of that
divine book, inculcated to him, that the fultan was the defcendant
5^ Voyage de Chardin en Perfe, vol. iii. fupply rulers to the greateft part of the eaft.
p. 293. " Chardin fays, that European travel-
" The pradlice of railing flaves to the great lers have diffufed among the Perfians fome
offices of Hate is ftill more common among ideas of the freedom and mildnefs of our go-
the Turks than among the Perfians. The vernments. They have done them a very ill
miferable countries of Georgia and Circaifia office.
of
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ^^
of the prophet, and the vicegerent of Heaven ; that patience was ^ ^ -^ ^•
the firft virtue of a Muifulman, and unlimited obedience the great ' ^ '
duty of a fubjeft.
The minds of the Romans were very differently prepared for Knowledge
' * * and free ipi-
flavery. Opprefied beneath the weight of their own corruption ritofthe
and of military violence, they for a long while preferved the fen-
timents, or at leaft the ideas, of their freeborn anceftors. The
education of Helvidius and Thrafea, of Tacitus and Pliny, was the
fame as that of Cato and Cicero. From Grecian philofophy, they
had imbibed the jufteft and mofl: liberal notions of the dignity of
human nature, and the origin of civil fociety. The hiftory of their
own country had taught them to revere a free, a virtuous, and a
vidorious commonwealth ; to abhor the fuccefsful crimes of Csefar
and Auguftus ; and inwardly to defpife thofe tyrants whom they
adored with the moil abjedl flattery. As magiftrates and fenators,
they were admitted into the great council, which had once didated
laws to the earth, whofe name ftill gave a fandion to the ads of
the monarch, and whofe authority was fo often proftituted to the
vileft purpofes of tyranny. Tiberius, and thofe emperors who
adopted his maxims, attempted to difguife their murders by the
formalities of juftice, and perhaps enjoyed a fecret pleafure in ren-
dering the fenate their accomplice, as well as their vidim. By
this affembly, the lail of the Romans were condemned for ima-
ginary crimes and real virtues. Their infamous accufers affumcd
the language of independent patriots, who arraigned a dangerous
citizen before the tribunal of his country ; and the public fervice
■was rewarded by riches and honours ". The fervile judges profefled
55 They alleged the example of Scipio and Hift. iv. 43. Dialog, de Orator, c. 8. For
Cato. (Tacit. Annal. iii. 66.) Marcellus one accufation, Regulus, the juft objeft of
Eprius and Crifpus Vibius had acquired two Pliny's fatire, received from the fenate the
millions and a half under Nero. Their confular ornaments, and a prefent of fixty
wealth, which aggravated their crimes, pro- thoufand pounds,
teited them under Vefpafian. See Tacit.
Ο 2 to
loo THE DECLINE AND FALL
to aflert the majefty of the commonweahh, violated in the perfon
of its firft magiRrate **, whofe clemency they moft applauded when
they trembled the moft at his inexorable and impending cruelty ".
The tyrant beheld their bafenefs with juft contempt, and encoun>-
tercd their fecret fentiments of deteftation with fincere and avowed
hatred for the whole body of the fenate.
Extent of Π. The divifion of Europe into a number of independent ftates,
lef/iheTifno conneded, however, with each other, by the general refemblance
fu^r^ ^^" of religion, language, and manners, is produdtive of the moft bene-
ficial confequences to the liberty of mankind. A modern tyrant,
who iliould find no refiftance either in his own breaft, or in his
people, would foon experience a gentle reftraint from the example
of his equals, the dread of prefent cenfure, the advice of his allies,
and the apprehenfion of his enemies. The objed of his difpleafure,
efcaping from the narrow limits of his dominions, would eafily
obtain, in a happier climate, a fecure refuge, a new fortune ade-
quate to his merit, the freedom of complaint, and perhaps the means
of revenge. But the empire of the Romans filled the world, and
when that empire fell into the hands of a fingle perfon, the world
became a fafe and dreary prifon for his enemies. The flave of
Imperial defpotifm, whether he was condemned to drag his gilded
chain in Rome and the fenate, or to wear out a life of exile on the
barren rock of Seriphus, or the frozen banks of the Danube, ex-
peded his fate in filent defpair '^ To refift was fatal, and it was
impoifible
'' The crime of majefiy was formerly a his clemency. She had not been publickly
treafonable offence againll the Roman pco- ftrangled ; nor was the body drawn with a
pie. As tribunes of the people, Auguftus hook to the Gemonis, where thofe of com -
and Tiberius applied it to their own perfons, mon malefaftors were expofcd. See Tacit,
and extended it to an infinite latitude. Annal. vi. 2^. Sueton. in Tiberio, c. 53.
" After the virtuous and unfortunate wi- '^ Seriphus was a fmall rocky ifland in the
dow of Germanicui had been put to death, y£gean Sea, the inhabitants of which were
Tiberius received the thanks of the fenate for dcfpifed for their ignorance and obfcurity.
The
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. loi
impoffible to fly. On every fide he was encompafled with a vaft CHAP.
extent of fea and land, which he could never hope to traverfe with- ' , '
out being difcovered, feized, and reftored to his irritated mafter.
Beyond the frontiers, his anxious view could difcover nothing, ex-
cept the ocean, inhofpitable deferts, hoftile tribes of barbarians, of
fierce manners and unknown language, or dependent kings, who
would gladly purchafe the emperor's protedion by the facrifice of
an obnoxious fugitive ". " Wherever you are," faid Cicero to the
exiled Marcellus, " remember that you are equally within the
" power of the conqueror *°."
The place of Ovid's exile is well known, by tempted to fly to the Parthians. He was ftopt
his juft, but unmanly lamentations. It fhould in the Streights of Sicily ; but fo little dan- ,
feem, that he only received an order to leave ger did there appear in the example, that
Rome in Γο many days, and to tranTport the moil jealous of tyrants difdained to pu-
himfelf to Tomi. Guards and gaolers were niih it. Tacit. Annal. vi. 14.
«nneceflary. f"^ Cicero ad Familiares, iv. 7.
^" Under Tiberius, a Roman knight at-
102 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. IV.
l^be cruelty^ follies^ and murder of Comjnodus. — RUSlmi
of Pertinax — his aue?nfts to reform the State — hk
affajftnation by the Prcetoriait Guards,
CHAP. ' s ''HE mildnefs of Marcus, which the rigid difcipline of the
« ,: ' JL Stoics was unable to eradicate, formed, at the fame time,
of Marcus, ^hc moil amiable, and the only defetilive, part of his character.
His excellent underftanding was often deceived by the unfufpeding
goodnefs of his heart. Artful men, who iludy the paffions of princes,
and conceal their own, approached his perfon in the difguife of
philofophic fandity, and acquired riches and honours by affeding
to defpife them '. His exceflive indulgence to his brother, his wife,
and his fon, exceeded the bounds of private virtue, and became a
public injury, by the example and confequences of their vices.
1 . .f Fauftina, the daughter of Pius and the wife of Marcus, has been
to his wife ' ο
FauiHna; ^g much celebrated for her gallantries as for her beauty. The
grave fimplicity of the philofopher was ill-calculated to engage her
wanton levity, or to fix that unbounded paffion for variety, which
often difcovered perfonal merit in the meaneft of mankind '. The
Cupid of the ancients was, in general, a very fenfual deity ; and
the amours of an emprefs, as they exadt on her fide the plaineft
advances, are feldom fufceptible of much fentimental delicacy.
' See the complaints of Avidius Caffius, conditioncs fibi et nanticas et gladiatorias,
Hift. Auguft. p. 45. Thefe are, it is true, elegiiTe. Hifl. Augufl. p. 30. Lampridius
the complaints of faftion ; but even failion explains the fort of merit which Fauftina
exaggerates, rather than invents. choie, and the conditions which llie exadled.
* FauilJnam fatis conftat apud Cayetam, Ηϊβ, Augufl. p. 102.
Marcus
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 103
Marcus was the only man in die empire who feemed ignorant or ^ ^j^ ^•
infenfible of the irregularities of Fauftina ; which, according to ' r — '
the prejudices of every age, reflefted fome difgrace on the injured
huiband. He promoted feveral of her lovers to pofts of honour and
profit ', and during a connexion of thirty years, invariably gave
her proofs of the moil tender confidence, and of a refpeit which
ended not with her life. In his Meditations, he thanks the gods,
who had beftowed on him a wife, fo faithful, fo gentle, and of
fuch a wonderful fimplicity of manners *. The obfcquious fenate,
at his earneft requeft, declared her a goddefs. She was reprcfented
in her temples, with the attributes of Juno,• Venus, and Ceres;
and it was decreed, that, on the day of their nuptials, the youth of
either iex ihould pay their vows before the altar of their chafle
patronefs ',
The monftrous vices of the fon have caft a ihade on the purity to his Ton
ComnioQUS.
of the father's virtues. It has been objedted to Marcus, that he
facrificed the happinefs of millions to a fond partiality for a worth-
lefs boy ; and that he chofe a fucceflbr in his own family, rather
than in the republic. Nothing, however, was negleded by the
anxious father, and by the men of virtue and learning whom he
fummoned to .his aififtance, to expand the narrow mind of young
Commodus, to correit his growing vices, and to render him wor-
thy of the throne, for which he was defigned- But the power of
inftrudion is feldom of much efficacy, except in thofe happy
difpofitions where it is almoil fuperfluous. .The diftafteful leiTon of
a grave philofopher was, in a moment, obliterated by the whifper of
a profligate favourite ; and Marcus himfelf blafted the fruits of this
2 Hid. Auguft. p. 34. ' Dion Caffius, 1. Ixxi. p. 1195. Hiii.
♦ Meditat. 1. i. The world has laughed at Auguft. p. 33. Commentaire de Spanheim
the credulity of Marcus ; but Madam Dacier fur les Csfars de Julien, p. 289. Tlie deifi-
affures us (and we may credit a lady), that cation of Fauflina is the only defeil which Ju-
the hulhand will always be deceived, if the lian's criticiim is able to difcover in the all-
wife condcfcends to dillecible. accompliflied charailer of Marcus.
8 laboured
104
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Accefilon of
the empeioi•
C'ommodus.
CHAP, laboured education, by admitting his fon, at the age of fourteen
or fifteen, to a full participation of the Imperial power. He lived
but four years afterwards ; but he lived long enough to repent a
raih meafure, which raifed the impetuous youth above the reftraint
of reafon and authority.
Moil of the crimes which difturb the internal peace of fociety, are
produced by the reftraints which the neceffary, but unequal laws
of property, have impofed on the appetites of mankind, by confining
to a few the pofleffion of thofe objedts that are coveted by many. Of
all our paifions and appetites, the love of power is of the moft.
imperious and unfociable nature, fince the pride of one man requires
the fubmiffion of the multitude. In the tumult of civil difcord,
the laws of fociety lofe their force, and their place is feldom fup-
plied by thofe of humanity. The ardor of contention, the pride of
vidory, the defpair of fuccefs, the memory of pail injuries, and
the fear of future dangers, all contribute to inflame the mind, and to
filence the voice of pity. From fuch motives almoil every page of
hiftory has been ftained with civil blood ; but thefe motives will
not account for the unprovoked cruelties of Commodus, who had
nothing to wiih, and every thing to enjoy. The beloved fon of
Marcus fucceeded to his father, amidft the acclamations of the fe-
nate and armies *, and when he afcended the throne, the happy
youth faw round him neither competitor to remove, nor enemies to
puniih. In this calm elevated ilation, it was furely natural, that he
fliould prefer the love of mankind to their deteftation, the mild
glories of his five predeceiTors, to the ignominious fate of Nero and
Domitian.
Yet Commodus was not, as he has been reprefented, a tiger born
with an infatiate third of human blood, and capable, from his
* Commodi'.s was the firft Porphyrogenetus i\z\s date by the years of his life; as if they
(born fmcc ho father"? acceffion to theihrune). were iynonymous to thofe of his reign. Tille-
By a new itrain of flattery, the Egyptian me- ment. Hill, des Einpereurs, torn. ii. p. 752.
7 infancy,
A. D. iSo.
Charafter of
Commodus.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 105
infancy, of the moil inhuman adions \ Nature had formed him
of a weak, rather than a wicked difpofition. His fimplicity and
timidity rendered him the flave of his attendants, who gradually
corrupted his mind. His cruelty, which at firft obeyed the didates
of others, degenerated into habit, and at length became the ruling
paifion of the foul '.
Upon the death of his father, Commodus found himfelf embar- He returns
raifed with the command of a great army, and the condud of a diffi- '° °'"^*
cult war againft the Quadi and Marcomanni '. The fervile and pro-
fligate youths whom Marcus had baniihed, foon regained their fta-
tion and influence about the new emperor. They exaggerated the
hardihips and dangers of a campaign in the wild countries beyond
the Danube ; and they aifured the indolent prince, that the terror
of his name and the arms of his lieutenants would be fufflcient to
complete the conquefl: of the difmayed barbarians ; or to impofe fuch
conditions, as were more advantageous than any conquefl:. By a
dextrous application to his fenfual appetites, they compared the
tranquillity, the fplendour, the refined pleafures of Rome, with the
tumult of a Pannonian camp, which afforded neither leifure nor
materials for luxury '". Commodus liftened to the pleafing advice;
but whilft he hefitated between his own inclination, and the awe
which he flill retained for his father's counfellors, the fummer in-
fenfibly elapfed, and his triumphal entry into the capital was de-
ferred till the autumn. His graceful perfon ", popular addrefs, and
imagined virtues, attraded the public favour ; the honourable peace
which he had recently granted to the barbarians, diifufed an uni-
' Hift. Au»i!ft. p. 4.6. the Viiflors place his death, is better
* Dion Caflius, 1. Iwii. p. 120;^. adapted to the operations of the war againft
* According to Tertullian (Apolog. c. the Marcomanni and Quadi.
25.) he died at Sirmium. But the fitua- '° Herodian, 1. i. p. 12.
lion of Vindobona or Vienna, where both " Herodian, 1. i. p. 16.
Vol. L P verfal
ic6 THE DECLINE AND FALL
verfal joy " ; his impatience to revlfit Rome was fondly afcrlbed to
the love of his country ; and his diflTolute courfe of amufements was
faintly condemned in a prince of nineteen years of age.
During the three firft years of his reign, the forms, and even
the fpirit, of the old adniiniilration was maintained by thofe faithful
counfellors, to whom Marcus had recommended his fon, and for
whofe wifdom and integrity Commodus ftill entertained a reludant
eflcem. The young prince and his profligate favourites revelled in
all the licence of fovereign power ; but his hands were yet unflained
with blood ; and he had even difplayed a generofity of fentiment,
which might perhaps have ripened into folid virtue ". A fatal in-
cident decided his fluduating charadter.
Is wounded One evening as the emperor was returning to the palace throiigh
byanafiaffin. ^ dark and narrow portico in the amphitheatre '% an aiTailln, who
waited his pafiage, ruihcd upon 'him with a drawn fword, loudly
exclaiming, " The fenate finds you this." The menace prevented the
deed ; the aifaflin was feized by the guards, and immediately re-
vealed the authors of the confpiracy. It had been formed, not in
the ftate, but within the walls of the palace. Lucilla, the empe-
ror's fifter, and widow of Lucius Verus, impatient of the fecond
rank, and jealous of the reigning emprefs, had armed the mur-
derer againft her brother's life. She had not ventured to coramu-
nicate the black defign to her fecond hufband Claudius Pompeianus,
a fenator of diftinguiihed merit and unihaken loyalty ; but among
the crowd of her lovers (for flie imitated the manners of Fauftina)
ihe found men of defperate fortunes and wild ambition, who were
prepared to ferve her more violent, as well as her tender paifions.
'^ This univerfal joy is well dcfcribed lain concealed feveral years. The emperor
(from the medals as well as hiftorians) by nobly relieved the public anxiety by refufing
Mr. Wotton, Hill, of Rome, p. 192,193. to fee him, and burning his papers without
'^ Manilius the confidential fecretary of opening them. Dion CaiTius, 1. Ixxii. p. 1209.
Avidus Caffius, was difcovered after he had '* See MafFei degli ^mphitheatri, p. 126.
The
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 107
The confplrators experienced the rigor of juftice, and the aban- ^ ii A p.
doncd princefs was puniflied firil with exile, and afterwards with ' , '
death •^
But the words of the aiTaffin funk deep into the aiind of Com- Hatred and
modus, and left an indelible impreffion of fear and hatred againft co^l^odLs
the whole body of the fenate. Thofe whom he had dreaded as im- towards the
fenate.
portunate minifters, he now fufpefted as fecret enemies. The De-
lators, a race of men diicouraged, and almoft extinguiihed, under
the former reigns, again became formidable, as foon as they dif-
covered that the emperor was defirous of finding difafFeition and
treafon in the fenate. That aflembly, whom Marcus had ever
confidered as the great council of the nation, was compofed of the
moil diftinguiihed of the Romans ; and diftinilion of every kind
foon became criminal. The ροίΓείΓιοη of wealth flimulated the dili-
gence of the informers ; rigid virtue implied a tacit cenfure of the
irregularities of Commodus ; important fervices implied a dangerous
fuperiority of merit, and the friendfliip of the father always en-
fured the averfion of the fon. Sufpicion was equivalent to proof.
Trial to condemnation. The execution of a confiderable fenator
was attended with the death of all who might lament or revenge
his fate ; and when Commodus had once tailed human blood, he
became incapable of pity or remorfe.
Of thefe innocent vidims of tyranny, none died more lamented TheQumti-
than the two brothers of the Quintilian family, Maximus and ^'^''^''"^'''•
Condianus ; whofe fraternal love has faved their names from obli-
vion, and endeared their memory to pofterity. Their ftudies and
their occupations, their purfuits and their pleafures, were ftill the
fame. In the enjoyment of a great eftate, they never admitted the
idea of a feparate^ interefl: ; fome fragments are now extant of a
treatife which they compofed in common ; and in every a£tion of
'^ Dion, 1. Ixxii. p. 1205. Herodian, 1. i. p. 16. Hiil. Auguft. p. 46.
Ρ 2 life
X
io8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, life 5t was obferved, that their two bodies were animated by one fouL
IV. . . ...
r_.-. _, i The Antonines, who valued thc.r virtues, and delighted in their
union, raifed them, in the fame year, to the confulfliip ; and Marcus
afterwards intrufted to their joint care, the civil adminiilration of
Greece, and a great military command, in which they obtained a
fignal vidory over the Germans. The kind cruelty of Commodua
united them in death "^.
The mlniiler The tyrant's rage, after having ilied the noblefl; blood of the fe-
erennis. n^te, at length recoiled on the principal inftrument of his cruelty.
Whilft Commodus was immerfed in blood and luxury, he devolved
the detail of the public bufinefs on Perennis ; a fervile and ambitious
minifter, who had obtained his pofl: by the murder of his predeceiTor,
but who poiTefled a confiderable ihare of vigour and ability. By
ads of extortion, and the forfeited eftates of the nobles facrificed to
his avarice, h^ had accumulated an immenfe treafure. The Prs-
torian guards were under his immediate command ; and his fon,
who already difcovered a military genius, was at the head of the
Illyrian legions. Perennis afpired to the empire ; or what, in the
eyes of Commodus, amounted to the fame crime, he was capable
of afpiring to it, had he not been prevented, furprifed, and put to
A.D. i86. death. The fall of a minifter is a very trifling incident in the
general hiftory of the empire ; but it was haftened by an extra-
ordinary circumftance, which proved how much the nerves of dif-
cipline were already relaxed. The legions of Britain, difcontented.
with the adminiftration of Perennis, formed a deputation of fifteea
hundred feled men, with inftrudions to march to Rome, and lay
their complaints before the emperor. Thefe military petitioners,
byv their own determined behaviour, by inflaming the dlvifions of
the guards, by exaggerating the ftrength of the Britiih army, and
by alarming the fears of Commodus, exaded and obtained the mi-
•* In a note upon the Auguftan Hillory, lars concerning thefe celebrated brother». See
Cafaubon has coUefted a number of particu- p. 96 of his learned cominentar^u
nifter's
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. logx
nifter's death, as the only rcdrefs of t^cir grievances '^ This CHAP,
prefumption of a diftant army, and their difcovery of the weaknefs « — v— ^
of government, was a fure prefage of the moil dreadful con-
vulfions.
The negligence of the public adminiftration was betrayed foon Revolt of
afterwards, by a new diforder which arofe from the fmallefl: begin-
nings. A fpirit of defertion began to prevail among the troops ; and
the deferters, inftead of feeking their fafety in flight or conceal-
ment, infeftcd the highways. Maternus, a private foldier, of a
daring boldnefs above his . ftation, colleiled thefe bands of robbers
into a little army, fet open the prifons, invited the flaves to aflert
their freedom, and plundered with impunity the rich and defence-
lefs cities of Gaul and Spain. The governors of the provinces, who
had long been the fpedlators, and perhaps the partners, of his de-
predations, were, at length, roufed from their fupine indolence by
the threatning commands of the emperor. Maternus found that
he was encompafled, and forefaw that he muft be overpowered. A
great efFort of defpair was his laft refource. He ordered his fol-
lowers to difperfe, to pafs the Alps in fmall parties and various
difguifes, and to aflemble at Rome, during the licentious tumult of
the feilival of Cybele '^ To murder Commodus, and to afcend
the vacant throne, was the ambition of no vulgar robber. His
meafures were fo ably concerted, that his concealed troops already
filled the ilreets of Rome. The envy of an accomplice difcovered'
and ruined this fingular enterprife, in the moment when it was ripe
for execution '^
" Dion, 1. Ixxii. p. 1210. Herodian, 1. i. /e/i^., began on the fcurth of April, and lalled
p. 22. Hift. Auguft. p. 48. Dion gives a fix days. The ftreets were crowded with mad
much lefs odious charafter of Perennis, than proceffions, the theatres with fpedlators ; and
the other hifrorians. His moderation is al- the public tables with unbidden gueih. Order
HioH: a pledge of his veracity. and police were fiifpended, and pleafure wrs
'8 During the fecond Punic war, the Ro- the only ferious bufinefs of the city. See
mans imported from Afia the woriliip of the Ovid de Faftis, 1. iv. 189, &c.
nother of the gcds. Her feiiival, the Mega- '» Herodian, 1. i. p. 13. 28.
Sufplclous^
110 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C I-I A p. Sufpicious princes often promote the laft of mankind from a vain
' ^ ' perfuafion, that thofe who have no dependence, except on their
The minuter ^ .-n , i i r /• i •
Cicander. favour, Will have no attachment, except to the perlon or their
benefadbr. Oleander, the fucceflbr of Perennis, was a Phrygian
by birth ;' of a nation, over whofe ftubborn, but fervile temper,
blows only could prevail^". He had been fent from his native
-country to Rome, in the capacity of a flave. As a flave he en-
tered the imperial palace, rendered himfelf ufeful to his mailer's
paffions, and rapidly afcended to the moil exalted ilation which a
fubjed could enjoy. His influence over the mind of Commodus
was much greater than that of his predeceiTor ; for Cleander was
devoid of any ability or virtue which could infpire the emperor
His avarice with envy or diilruil. Avarice was the reiG-nino: paihon of his foul,
and cruelty. ... ο ο i
and the great principle of his adminiilration. The rank of Conful,
of Patrician, of Senator, was expofed to public fale ; and it would
have been confidered as difaffedion, if any one had refufed to pur-
chafe thefe empty and difgraceful honours with the greateft part of
his fortune^'. Li the lucrative provincial employments, the mini-
iler ihared with the governor the fpoils of the people. The execu-
tion of the laws was venal and arbitrary. A wealthy criminal might
obtain, not only the reverfal of the fentenc-e by which he was juilly
condemned ; but might likewife inflift whatever puniil:iment he
pleafed on the accufer, the witneiTes, and the judge.
By thefe means, Cleander, in the fpace of three years, had ac-
cumulated more wealth than had ever yet been poiTeiTed by any
freedman". Commodus was perfedly fatisfied with the magni-
ficenr prefents which the artful courtier laid at his feet in the moil
'° Cicero pro Flacco, c. 27. no freedman had poireffed riches equal to thofe
^' One cf thefe dear-bought promotions of Cleander. The fortune of Pallas, amount-
•occafioned a current bon mot, that Julius ed, however, to upwards of five and twenty
£olon was ianified into the fenatc. hundred thoufand pounds ; 7er millies.
" Dion (I. Ixxii. p. 12, 13.) obfervet, that
feafonable
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 1 1 r
ieafonable moments. To divert the public envy, Oleander, under ^ ^^ P•
the femperor's name, eredled baths, porticos, and places of exer- v.— ν *
cife, for the ufe of the people^'. He flattered himfelf that the
Romans, dazzled and amufed 'by this apparent liberality, would
be lefs afFedled by the bloody fcenes which were daily exhibited ;
that they would forget the death of Byrrhus, a fenator to whofe
fuperior merit the late emperor had granted one of his daughters ;
and that they would forgive the execution of Arrius Antoninus, the
lafl; reprefentative of the name and virtues of the Antonines. The
former, with more integrity than prudence, had attempted to
difclofe to his brother-in-law, the true charadler of Oleander.
An equitable fentence pronounced by the latter, when Proconful
of Afia, againft a worthlefs creature of the favourite, proved fatal
to him ^*. After the fall of Perennis, the terrors of Commodus-
had, for a ihort time, alTumed the appearance of a return to virtue•
He repealed the moil odious of his adls, loaded his memory with
the public execration, and afcribed to the pernicious counfels of
that wicked minifter, all the errors of his inexperienced youth.
But his repentance lafted only thirty days ; and, under Oleander's
tyranny, the adminiftration of Perennis was often regretted.
Peftllence and famine contributed to fill up the meafure of the Sedition and.
^ _ death of Cle-
calamities of Rome "'. The nrft could be only imputed to the ander.
juft indignation of the gods ; but a monopoly of corn, fupported by
the riches and power of the minifter, was confidered as the "imme-
diate caufe of the fecond. The popular difcontcnt, after it had
long circulated in whifpers, broke out in the aflembled circus.
The people quitted their favourite amufements, for the more deli-
eious pleafure of revenge, ruihed in crov/ds towards a palace in the
*' Dion, 1. Ixxii. p. 12, 13. Herodian, 1. i. -' Hercdian, I. i. p. 28. Dion, I. bfxiCi
p. 29. Hift. Auguft. p. 52. Thefe baths were p. 1215. Tiie latter fays, that two thoufand
fituated near the Perta Capena. See Nardini perfons died every day at Rome, during a
Roma Antica, p. 79. conliderable length of time.
=^ Hift. Auguft. p. 48.
8 fuburbsj
A. D. 189..
112 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, fuburbs, one of the emperor's retirements, and demanded, with
angry clamours, the head of the public enemy. Cleander, who
■commanded the Praetorian guards **, ordered a body of cavalry to
fally forth, and difperfe the fedltious multitude. The multitude
fled with precipitation towards the city ; feveral were flain, and
many more were trampled to death : but when the cavalry entered
the ilreets, their purfuit was checked by a ihower of ftones and
darts from the roofs and windows of the houfes. The foot
guards *', who had been long jealous of the prerogatives and in-
folence of the Prxtorian cavalry, embraced the party of the people.
The tumult became a regular engagement, and threatened a general
maflacre. The Praetorians, at length, gave way, opprefl'ed with
numbers ; and the tide of popular fury returned with redoubled
violence againft the gates of the palace, where Commodus lay, dif-
folved in luxury, and alone unconfcious of the civil war. It was
death to approach his perfon with the unwelcome news. He would
have periflied in this fupine fecurity, had not twO women, his
eldeft fifter Fadilla, and Marcia, the moft favoured of his concu-
bines, ventured to break into his prefence. Bathed in tears, and
with diihevelled hair, they threw themfelves at his feet ; and with
all the preifing eloquence of fear, difcovered to the affrighted em-
peror, the crimes of the miniiler, the rage of the people, and the
impending ruin, which, in a few minutes, would burfl: over his
palace and perfon. Commodus ftarted from his dream of pleafure,
and commanded that the head of Cleander ihould be thrown out to
-^ Tuncque primum tres prsfedli prstorio to have talked very idly upon this paflage.
fuere : inter quos libertinus. From fome re- »7 Oi τ•-;; tt-J?.;!•; ττίζα s-fxriirai. Herodian,
mains of modefty, Cleander declined the title, 1. i. p. 3 1 . It is doubtful whether he means
whilft he aflumed the powers, of Pra;torian the Pratorian infantry, or the cohortes ur-
pra:fedl. As the other freedmen were ftyled, banse, a body of fix thoufand men, but whofe
from their feveral departments, a rationihtts, rank and difcipline were not equal to their
ah epifiolis ; Cleander called himfelf a fugi- numbers. Neither Tillement nor Wotton
one, as intrulled with the defence of his ma- chufe to decide this quellion.
.iter's perfon. Salmafius and Cafaubon feem
* the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 113
the people. The defired fpedacle inftantly appeafcd the tumult ; C HA P.
and the fon of Marcus might even yet have regained the aiFedion 1 — ^—^
and confidence of his fubjedts **.
But every fentiment of virtue and humanity was extlnit in the Dtff)iute
' ' pleafurej or
mind of Commodus. Whilft he thus abandoned the reins of em- Commodus.
pire to thefe unworthy favourites, he valued nothing in fovereign
power, except the unbounded licence of indulging his fenfual appe-
tites. His hours were fpent in a feraglio of three hundred beautiful
women, and as many boys, of every rank, and of every province ;
and, whcfever the arts of fedudion proved ineifedual, the brutal lover
had recourfe to violence. The ancient hiftorians *^ have expatiated on
thefe abandoned fcenes of profiitution, which fcorned every reftraint
of nature or modefty; but it would not be eafy to tranflate their too
faithful defcriptions into the decency of modern language. The
intervals of luft were filled up with the bafeft amufements. The Hlsigno-
influence of a polite age, and the labour of an attentive education, [^ fpons.
had never been able to infufe into his rude and brutifh mind, the
leaft tindure of learning; and he was the firft of the Roman empe-
rors totally devoid of tafte for the pleafures of the underftanding.
Nero himfelf excelled, or afFefted to excel, in the elegant arts of
mufic and poetry ; nor ihould we defpife his purfuits, had he not
converted the pleafing relaxation of a leifure hour into the ferious
bufinefs and ambition of his life. But Commodus, from his earlieft
infancy, difcovered an averfion to whatever was rational or liberal,
and a fond attachment to the amufements of the populace; the
fports of the circus and amphitheatre, the combatants of gladiators,
and the himting of wild beails. The maflers in every branch of
"* Dion Caffius, 1. Ixxii. p. 121 5. Hero- Nee irruentium in fe juvenum carebat infa-
dian, 1. i. p. 32. Hid. Auguft. p. 48. mii, omni parte corporis ati^ue ore in fexum
'' Sororibus fuis conftupratis. Ip fas con- utrumque poUutus. Hiih Aug. p.47.
cublnas fuas fiib oculis fuis iluprari jubebat.
Vol. I. Q^ ^ learning.
vvild bealls.
Ϊ14 THE DECLINE AND FALL
learning, whom Marcus provided for his fon, were heard with in-
attention and difguft; whilft the Moors and Parthians, who taught
him to dart the javelin and to flioot with the bow, found a difciple
who delighted in his application, and foon equalled the moil ikilful
of his inftrudors, in the fteadinefs of the eye, and the dexterity of
the hand.
Hunting of The fervile crowd, whofe fortune depended on their mailer's
vices, applauded thefe ignoble puifuits. The perfidious voice of
flattery reminded him, that by exploits of the fame nature, by the
defeat of the Nemsean lion, and the flaughter of the wild boar of
Erymanthus, the Grecian Hercules had acquired a place among the
gods, and an immortal memory among men. They only forgot
to obferve, that in the firft ages of fociety, when the fiercer animals
often difpute with man the poiTeffion of an unfettled country, a
fuccefsful war againft thofe favages is one of the moft inaoceret
and beneficial labours of heroifm. In the civilized ilate of the Ro-
man empire, the wild beads had long fince retired from the face of
man, and the neighbourhood of populous cities. To furprize them
in their foiitary haunts, and to tranfport them to Rome, that they
might be flain in pomp by the hand of an emperor, was an enter-
prife equally ridiculous for the prince, and oppreiTive for the peo-
ple '°. Ignorant of thefe diftindions, Commodus eagerly embraced
the glorious reiemblance, and ililed himfelf (as we ftill read on hi»
medals ") the Rman Hercules. The club and the lion's hide
were placed by the fide of the throne, amongft the enfigns of fo-
3° The African lions, when preffed by red a very heavy penalty. This extraordina,-
hunger, infefted the open villages and cuhi- ry game-laiu was mitigated by Honorius, and
vated country ; and they infefted them with finally repealed by Juftinian. Codex Theo-
impunity. The royal beaft was referved for dof. torn. v. p. 92, et Comment. Gothofred.
the pleafures of the emperor and the capital ; i> Spanheim de Numifmat. Divert, xii.
and the unfortunate peafant, who killed one tom. \\, p. ;j.(jj.
ef them, though in his own defence, incur-
vereignty ;
ampliiche-
atre.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 115
vereignty; and ftatues were eredted, in which Commodus was ^ ^^ J^ ^'•
reprefented in the charader, and with the attributes, of the god, ' » '
whofe valour and dexterity he endeavoured to emulate in the daily
courfe of his ferocious amufements ".
Elated with thefe praifes, which gradually extinguiflicd the in- Commodus
nate fenfe of fhame, Commodus refols'ed to exhibit, before the eyes ikiu in the
of the Roman people, thofe exercifes, which till then he had decently
confined within the walls of his palace, and to the prefence of a
few favourites. On the appointed day, the various motives of
flattery, fear, and cuciofity, attratfted to the amphitheatre an innu-
merable multitude of fpedlators ; and fome degree of applaufe was
dofervedly beftowed on the uncommon ikill of the Imperial per-
former. Whether he aimed at the head or heart of the animal, the
wound was alike certain and mortal. With arrows, whofe point
was fliaped into the form of a crefcent, Commodus often inter-
cepted the rapid career, and cut afunder the long bony neck of the
oftrich ". A panther was let loofe ; and the archer waited till he
had leaped upon a trembling malefadlor. In the fame inftant the
ihaft flew, the beaft dropt dead, and the man remained unhurt.
The dens of the amphitheatre difgorged at once a hundred lions ;
a hundred darts from the unerring hand of Commodus laid them
dead as they ran raging round the Arena. Neither the huge bulk
of the elephant, nor the fcaly hide of the rhinoceros, could defend
them from his ftroke. Ethiopia and India yielded their moft ex-
traordinary produdlioris ; and feveral animals were flain in the am-
phitheatre, which had been feen only in the reprefentations of art,
or perhaps of fancy '^ In all thefe exhibitions, the fecureft precau-
tions
3* ϋϊοη,Ι,Ιχχίί. p.i2i6. Hift. Auguft. p.49. ^+ Commodus killed a camelopardalis or
'' The cilrich's neck is three feet long, and Giraffe, (Dion, 1. l.xxii. p. 1211.) the talleil,
compofed of feventeen vertebrs. See Buffon the moil gentle, and the moil ufelefs of the
Hift. Naturelle. large quadrupeds. This fingular animal, a
Q__i native
ii6
THE DECLINE AND FALL
C Η A
IV.
V- „ —
Aifls n• a
gladiator.
tlons were ufed to proted the perfon of the Roman Hercules from
the defperate fprlng of any favage ; who might poiTibly dil'regard
the dignity of the emperor, and the fandity of the god ''.
But the meaneft of the populace were afreited with ihame and"
indignation when they beheld their fovereign enter the lifts as a
gjadiator, and glory in a profeifion, which the laws and manners of
the Romans had branded with the juflefi: note of infamy '*. He chofe
the habit and arms of the Sccutor, whofe combat with the Retiarius
formed one of the moil lively fcenes in the bloody fports of the
amphitheatre. The Secutor was armed with an helmet, fword, and
buckler ; his naked antagonifl had only a large net and a trident ;.
with the one he endeavoured to entangle, with the other to dif-
patch, his enemy. If he miiTed the firft throw, he was obliged ta
fly from the purfuit of the Secutor^ till he had prepared his net for a
fecond caft ". The emperor fought in this charafler feven hundred
and thirty-five feveral times. Thefe glorious atchievements were
carefully recorded in the public adls of the empire ; and that he
might omit no clrcumftance of infamy, he received from the com-
mon fund of gladiators a ftipend fo exorbitant, that it became a new
and moft ignominious tax upon the Roman people '\ It may be
eafily fuppofed, that in thefe engagements the mailer of the world .
was always fuccefsful : in the amphitheatre his vidories were not ■
native only of the interior parts of Africa,
has not been feen in Europe lince the revival
of letters, and though M. de Buffon (Hiit.
Naturelle, torn, xiii.) has endeavoured to de-
fcribe, he has not ventured to delineate, the
Giraffe.
35 Herodian, 1. i. p. 37. Hiil. Auguil.
p. 50.
'''' The virtuous and even the wife princes,
forbade the fenators and knights to embrace
this fcandalous profeifion, under pain of in-
famy, or what was more dreaded by thofe
profligate wretches, of exile. The tyrants
allured them to diihonour by threats and re-
wards. Nero once produced, in the Arena,
forty fenators and fwty knighti. See Lip-
fius Saturnalia, 1. ii. c. 2. He has happily
correiled a pall'age of Suetonius, in Nerone,
c. 12.
3' Lipfius, I. ii. c. 7, 8. Juvenal, in the
eighth fatire, gives a pidurefque defcription
of this combat.
3' Hiit. Aug. p. 50. Dion, 1. Ixxij.p. 1220,
He received, for each time, eieciesj about 8000 1.
fterling.
often
OFTHEROMANEMP^RE. iiy
often fanguinary ; but when he exercifed his ikill in the fchool of
gladiators, or his own palace, his wretched antagonifts were fre-
quently honoured with a mortal wound from the hand of Commo-
dus, and obliged to feal their flattery with their blood ''. He now His infamy
difdained the appellation of Hercules. The name of Paulus, a cele- gance.
brated Secutor, was the only one which delighted hi^ ear. It was
infcrlbed on his coloiTal ftatues, and repeated in the redoubled accla-
mations *° of the mournful and applauding fenate *'. Claudius
Pompeianus, the virtuous hufband of Lucilla, was the only fenator
who aflerted the honour of his rank. As a father, he permitted his
fons to confult their fafety by attending the amphitheatre. As a
Roman, he declared, that his own life was in the emperor's hands,
but that he would never behold the fon of Marcus proftituting his
perfon and dignity. Notwithftanding his manly refolution, Pom-
peianus efcaped the refentment of the tyrant, and, with his honour,,
had the good fortune to preferve his life *\
Commodus had now attained the fummit of vice and infamy,
Amidft the acclamations of a flattering court, he was unable to dif-
guife, from himfelf, that he had deferved the contempt and hatred-
of every man of fenfe and virtue in his empire. His ferocious
fpirit was irritated by the confcioufnefs of that hatred, by the envy-
of every kind of merit, by the juil apprehenfion of danger, and'
by the habit of flaughter, which he conira£led in his daily amufe-
ments. Hiftory has preferved a long lift of confular fenatojs- facri- ConfpiraCToS"
his duweilks»
29 \'i(flor tells us ihat Commodus only al- *^ He mixed however fome prudence with,
lowed his antagonifts a leaden weapon, dread- his courage, and paiTed the greateft part of
ing moil probably the confequences of their his time in a country retirement; alleging his
delpair. advanced age, and the weaknefs of his eyes.
*" They were obliged to repeat fix hun- " I never faw him in the fenate, fays Dion,,
dred and twenty-fix times, Paulus βτβ of the " except during the lliort reign of Pertinax."
Seculars, &c. All his infirmities had fuddenly left him, ajii
*' Dion, 1. Ixxii. p. 1221. He l-peaks of they returned as fuddenly upon the murder of
his own bafenef» and danger. that excellent prince. Dionj 1. Ixxiii. p. 1227..
+ fined
ii8
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Death of
Commodus.
A. D. 192.
3 1 ft Decem-
ber.
Choice of
Pertinax for
emperor.
ficed to his wanton fufplcion, which fought out, with peculiar
anxiety, thofe unfortunate perfons conneded, however remotely,
with the family of the Antonines, without fparing even the minifters
of his crimes or pleafures *'. His cruelty proved at laft fatal to
himfelf. He had fhed with impunity the nobleft blood of Rome:
he periihed as foon as he was dreaded by his own domeflics. Marcia,
his favourite concubine, EcleQus his chamberlain, and Lxtus his
Pr3:torian pr;ife£t, alarmed by the fate of their companions and
predeceifors, refolved to prevent the dcftruition which every hour
hung over their heads, either from the mad capi-ice of the tyrant,
or the fudden indignation of the people. Marcia feized the occafion
of prefenting a draught of wine to her lover, after he had fatigued
himfelf with hunting fome wild beafls. Commodus retired to fleep ;
but whilft he was labouring with the effeds of poifon and drunken-
nefs, a robuft youth, by profeiTion a wreiller, entered his chamber,
and ftrangled him without refiftance. The body was fecretly con-
veyed out of the palace, before the lead fufpicion was entertained
in the city, or even in the court, of the emperor's death. Such
was the fate of the fon of Marcus, and fo eafy was it to deftroy a
hated tyrant, who by the artificial powers of government had op-
preiTed, during thirteen years, fo many millions of fubjeds, each of
whom was equal to their mailer in perfonal ftrength and perfonal
abilities ''*.
The meafures of the confpirators were conduded with the delibe-
rate coolnefs and celerity which the greatnefs of the occafion required.
They refolved inftantly to fill the vacant throne with an emperor,
whofe charader would juftify and maintain the adion that had been
committed. They fixed on Pertinax, prxfed of the city, an ancient
*.' The prasfefts were changed almoft cd chamberlains. Hill. Auguft. p. 46. 51.
hourly or daily; and the caprice of Com- •*+ Dion, 1. Ixxii. p. izzz. Herodian, 1. i.
modus was often fatal to his moil favour- p. 43. Hiit. Augull. p. 52.
fenator
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 119
fenator of confular rank, whofe confpicuous merit had broke through C Η A P.
the obfcurity of his birth, and raifed him to the firft honours of the * ^r-— ^.
ftate. He had fucceiTively governed moil of the provinces of the
empire; and in all his great employments, military as well as civil,
he had uniformly dlftinguifhed himfelf by the firmnefs, the prudence,
and the integrity of his conduft ■"» He now remained almoft alone
of the friends and minifters of Marcus ; and when, at a late hour
of the night, he was awakened with the news, that the chamber-
lain and the praifedl were at his door, he received them with intre-
pid refignation, and defired they would execute their mafter's orders.
Inftead of death, they offered him the throne of the Roman world.
During fome moments he diftrufted their intentions and afTurances.
Convinced at length of the death of Commodus, he accepted the
purple with a fmcere rekidance, the natural etFedl of his knowledge
both of the duties and of the dangers of the fupreme rank *^,
Lsetus conducted without delay his new emperor to the camp of He is ac-
the Prxtorians, diffufing at the fame time through the city a feafon- b>- the Prxto-
able report that Commodus died fuddenly of an apoplexy; and that "^"S'l^'^ ^>
the virtuous Pertinax had already fucceeded to the throne. The
guards were rather furprifed than pleafed with, the fnfpiclous death
of a prince, whofe indulgence and liberality they alone had experien-
*' Pertinax was a native of Alba Pompeia, lo. With the command of the firil legion in
in Piedmont, and fon of a timber merchant. Rhxtia and Noricum. ii. He was conful
The order of his employments (it is marked about the year 175. 12. He attended Mar-
by Capitolinus) well deferves to be fet down cus into the eaft. »3. He commanded an army
as expreflive of the form of government and on the Danube. 14. He was confular legate
manners of the age. i. He was a centurion. ofMxfia. ij.OfDacia. lo.OfSyria. 17. Of
2. Prifeft of a cohort in Syria, in the Par- Britain. 18. He had the care of the public
thian war, and in Brit.iin. 3. He obtained provilions at Rome. 19. He was proconful
an >^/λ, or fquadron of horfe, in Mxfia. 4. He of Africa. 20. Prsfeftof the city. Herodian
was commiflary of provifions on the ./Emilian (1. i. p. 48.) does juftice to his difinterefted ^
way. 5. He commanded the ileet upon the fpirit ; but Capitolinus, who collcfted every
Rhine. 6. He was procurator of Dacia, with popular rumour, charges him with a great
a falary of about 1600I. a year. 7. He com- fortune acquired by bribery and corruption,
pianded the Veterans of a legion. 8. He *^ Julian, in the Ca;fars, taxes him with,
ebtained the rank of fenator. 9, Ofpta;tor. being acceiTary to the death of Commodus..
ced ;;
Ϊ20 THE DECLINE AND FALL
ccd ; but the emergency of the occafion, the authority of their prae-
ίεΛ, the reputation of Pertinax, and the clamours of the people,
obliged them to ftifle their fecret difcontents, to accept the donative
promifed of the new emperor, to fwear allegiance to him, and with
joyful acclamations and laurels in their hands to condudt him to
the fenate-houfe, that the military confent might be ratified by the
civil authority.
snd by the This important night was now far fpent ; with the dawn of day,
A. D. 193. and the commencement of the new year, the fenators expeded a
1 1 januar). f^p^p^Qj^g j-q attend an ignominious ceremony. In fpite of all remon-
ftrances, even of thofe of his creatures, who yet preferved any re-
gard for prudence or decency, Commodus had refolved to pafs the
night in the gladiators fchool, and from thence to take poiTeifion of
the confulihip, in the habit and with the attendance of that infa-
mous crew. On a fudden, before the break of day, the fenate was
called together in the temple of Concord, to meet the guards, and
to ratify the eledion of a new emperor. For a few minutes they
fat in filent fufpence, doubtful of their unexpeded deliverance, and
fufpicious of the cruel artifices of Commodus ; but when at length
they were aflured that the tyrant was no more, they refigned them-
felves to all the tranfports of joy and indignation. Pertinax, who
modeftly reprefented the meannefs of his extradion, and pointed out
feveral noble fenators more deferving than himfelf of the empire,
was conftrained by their dutiful violence to afcend the throne, and
received all the titles of Imperial power, confirmed by the moft
The memory finccrc VOWS of fidelity. The memory of Commodus was branded
dus dedared with eternal infamy. The names of tyrant, of gladiator, of public
infamous. gngmy, rcfounded in every corner of the houfe. They decreed in
tumultuous votes, that his honours ihould be reverfed, his titles
erafed from the public monuments, his ftatues thrown down, his
body dragged with a hook into the ilripping room of the gladiators,
to
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. I2r
to fatiate the public fury ; and they expreflcd fome indignation ^ ^^ P•
againft thofe officious fervants who had already prefumed to Icreen u— v— »*
his remains from the juftice of the fenate. But Pertinax could
not refufe thofe laft rites to the memory of Marcus, and the tears
of his firft proteftor Claudius Pompeianus, who lamented the cruel
fate of his brother-in-law, and lamented ilill more that he had de-
ferved it *'.
Thefe effufions of impotent rage againft a dead emperor, whom Legal juHf-
1 r iin τ •ιι η ι • η r •λ• diftion of the
the lenate had nattered when alive with the moft abject lervility, fenate over
betrayed a juft but ungenerous fpirit of revenge. The legality of ^^^1P"°"•
thefe decrees was however fupported by the principles of the Impe-
rial conflitution. To cenfure, to depofe, or to punilh with death,
the firft magiftrate of the republic, who had abufed his delegated
truft, was the ancient and undoubted prerogative of the Roman fe-
nate*' ; but that feeble aflembly was obliged to content itfelf with
infli£ling on a fallen tyrant that public juftice, from which, during
his life and reign, he had been ftiielded by the ftrong arm of mili-
tary defpotifm.
Pertinax found a nobler way of condemning his predeceflor's me- Virtues of
mory ; by the contraft of his own virtues, Avith the vices of Corn-
modus. On the day of his acceffion, he refigned over to his wife
and fon his whole private fortune ; that they might have no pre-
tence to folicit favours at the expence of the ftate. He refufed to
flatter the vanity of the former with the title of Augufta ; or to
corrupt the inexperienced youth of the latter by the rank of Csefar.
Accurately diftinguifhing between the duties of a parent, and thofe
of a fovereign, he educated his fon with a fevere funplicity, which,
*' Capitolinus gives us the particulars of *' The fenate condemned Nero to
thefe tumultuary votes which were moved by be put to deatli more tr.njorum. Sueton.
one fenator, and repeated, or rather chanted c. 49.
by the whole body. Hift. Auguft. p. 52.
Vol. I. R while
122 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, while it gave him no affured piofpedl of the throne, might in time
have rendered him worthy of it. In public^ the behaviour of Pertinax
was grave and affable. He lived wiih the virtuous part of tlie fenate
(and in a private ftation, he had been acquainted with the true cha-
radler of each individual), without either pride or jealoufy ; con-
fidered them as friends and companions, with whom he had ihared
the dangers of the tyranny, and with whom he wifhed to enjoy the
fecurity of the prefent time. He very frequently invited them to
familiar entertainments, the frugality of which was ridiculed by
thofe, who remembered and regretted the luxurious prodigality of
Com mod us ^K
He endea- To heal, as far as it was poiFible, the wounds inflided by the hand
form the of tyranny, was the pleafing, but melancholy, taik of Pertinax. The
^^"^^" innocent vidims, who yet furvived, were recalled from exile, re-
leafed from prifon, and reftored to the full poiTeiTion of their ho-
nours and fortunes. The unburied bodies of murdered fenators (for
the cruelty of Commodus endeavoured to extend itfelf beyond death)
were depofited in the fepulchres of their anceftors ; their memory
was juftified ; and every confolation was beftowed on their ruined
and afflicted families. Among thefe confolations one of the moil:
grateful was the punifhment of the Delators ; the common enemies
of their mafter, of virtue, and of their country. Yet even in the
inquifition of thefe legal affafiins, Pertinax proceeded with a fteady
temper, which gave every thing to juftice, and nothing to popular
prejudice and refentment.
His regula- y^g finances of the ftate demanded the moft viirilant care of the
tionsj ...
emperor. Though every meafure of injuftice and extortion had
been adopted, which could collect the property of the fubjed into
■*' Dion (I. Ixxiii. p. 1223.) fpenks of Auguft. p. 58.) like a ilave, who h?d re-
thefe entertainments, as a fenator who had ceived his intelligence from one of the fcul-
fupped with the emperor. Cnpitolinuo (Hift. lions.
the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 121
ο
the cofFeis of the prince; the rapacioufnefs of Commodus had been ^ IJ ^ P:
fo very inadequate to his extravagance, that, upon his death, no
more than eight thoufand pounds were found in the exhaufted trca-
fury '% to defray the current expences of government, and to dif-
charge the prefling demand of a liberal donative, which the new
emperor had been obliged to promife to the Pra;torian guards. Yet
under thefe diftrelTed circumftances, Pertinax had the generous firm-
nefs to remit all the oppreffive taxes, invented by Commodus, and
to cancel all the unjuft claims of the treafury ; declaring in a decree
of the fenate, " that he was better fatisfied to adminifter a poor re-
" public with innocence, than to acquire riches by the ways of ty-
" ranny and diihonour." Oeconomy and induilry he confidered as
the pure and genuine fources of wealth ; and from them he foon
derived a copious fupply for the public neceffities. The expence of
the houfehold was immediately reduced to one half. All the inftru-
ments of luxury, Pertinax expofed to public audlion ", gold and
filver plate, chariots of a fingular conilrudlion, a fuperfluous ward^
robe of filk and embroidery, and a great number of beautiful flaves
of both fexes; excepting only, with attentive humanity, thofe who
were born in a ftate of freedom, and had been raviihed from the
arms of their weeping parents. At the fame time that he obliged
the worthlefs favourites of the tyrant to refign a part of their ill-
gotten wealth, he fatisfied the juft creditors of the ftate, and unex-
pectedly difcharged the long arrears of honeft fervices. He removed
the oppreiFive reftridions which had been laid upon commerce, and
granted all the uncultivated lands in Italy and the provinces, to thofe
5° Decies. The bl.nmelefs ceconomy of ufelefs ornaments into money, Dion (1. Ixxlii.
Pius left his fucceflbrs a treafure of iiicies/ep- p. 1229.) afligns two fecret motives of Per-
ties millies, above two and twenty millions tinax. He wifhed to expofe the vices of
fterling. Dion, 1. Ixxiii. p. 1231. Commodus, and to difcover by the purchafers
^' Befides the defign of converting thefc thofe who moll refembled him.
R 2 who
124 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, ^ho would improve them ; with an exemption from tribute, during
^— -,^ ' the term of ten years ".
andpopu- Such an uniform condud had already fecured to Pertinax the
nobleft reward of a fovereign, the love and efteem of his people.
Thofe who remembered the virtues of Marcus were happy to con-
template in their new emperor the features of that bright original ;
and flattered themfelves, that they fhould long enjoy the benign
influence of his adminiftration. A hafty zeal to reform the cor-
rupted fl:ate, accompanied with lefs prudence than might have been
expelled from the years and experience of Pertinax, proved fatal to
himfelf and to his country. His honeft indifcretion united againfl:
him the fervile crowd, who found their private benefit in the pub-
lic diforders, and who preferred the favour of a tyrant to the inex-
orable equality of the laws ".
Difcontentof Amidil the general joy, the fallen and angry countenance of the
Praetorian guards betrayed their inward diflatisfadlion. They had
runs.
relu£l:antly fubmitted to Pertinax ; they dreaded the ftridnefs of the
ancient difcipline, which he was preparing to reftore; and they re-
gretted the licenfe of the former reign. Their difcontents were fe-
cretly fomented by Lsetus their praefeft, who found, when it was
too late, that his new emperor would reward a fervant, but would
not be ruled by a favourite. On the third day of his reign the fol-
diers feized on a noble fenator, with a defign to carry him to the
camp, and to invefl: him with the Imperial purple. Inftead of be-
ing dazzled by the dangerous honour, the affrighted vl£tim efcaped
A confpiracy from their .violence, and took refuge at the feet of Pertinax. A
Ihort time afterwards Sofius Falco, one of the confuls of the year,
^* Though Capitolinus has picked up rodian in admiring his public conduit,
many idle tales of the private life of " Leges, rem furdam, inexorabilem eile.
Pertinax, he joins with Dion and He- T. Liv. ii. 3.
a raih
OF Til Ε ROMAN EMPIRE. i2j
a rafli youth ^^ but of an ancient and opulent family, liftened to the ^ ^J^ ^•
voice of ambition ; and a confpiracy was formed during a ihort ' ν '
abfence of Pertinax, which was cruihed by his fudden return to
Rome, and his refolute behaviour. Falco was on the point of be-
ing juftly condemned to death, as a public enemy, had he not been
faved by the earneft and fincere intreaties of the injured emperor ;
who conjured the fenate, that the purity of his reign might not be
ilained by the blood even of a guilty fenator.
Thefe difappointments ferved only to irritate the rae;e of the Pr^e- Murder of
^ ^ ^ ° Pertinax by
torian guards. On the twenty-eighth of March, eighty-fix days the Prsto-
only after the death of Commodus, a generaj fedition broke out in a. D. 193.
the camp, which the officers wanted either power or inclination to "^"^ " '
fupprefs. Two or three hundred of the mofl: defperate foldiers march-
ed at noon-day, with arms in their hands, and fury in their looks, to-
wards the Imperial palace. The gates were thrown open by their
companions upon guard ; and by the domeftics of the old court,
who had already formed a fecret confpiracy againft the life of the
too virtuous emperor. On the news of their approach, Pertinax
difdaining either flight or concealment advanced to meet his afl^affins;
and recalled to their minds his own innocence, and the fanoUty of
their recent oath. For a few moments they flood in filent fufpenfc,
afhamed of their atrocious defign, and awed by the venerable afpeiil
and majeflic firmnefs of their fovereign, till at length the defpair
of pardon reviving their fury, a barbarian of the country of Tongres "
levelled the firfl; blow againft Pertinax, who was inftantly difpatched
5+ If we credit Capitolinus (which is rather horfe-guards, who were moftly raifed in the
difficult) Falco behaved with the moil petulant dutchy of Gueldres and the neighbourhood,
indecency to Pertinax, on the day of his ac- and were diftinguifhed by their valour, and
celTion. The wife emperor only admcniihed by the boldnefs with which they fwam their
him of his youth and inexperience. Hift. horfes acrofs the broadeft and moil rapid
Auguil. p. 55. rivers. Tacit. Hiil. iv. 12. Dion, 1. Iv.
'5 The modern bifliopric of Liege. This p. 797. Lipfius de magnitudine Romana,
foldier probably belonged to the Batavian 1. i. c. 4.
Λ with
120 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^Tv^ ^' ^^'"^^ ^ multitude of wounds. His head feparated from his body,
and placed on a lance, was carried in triumph to the Prietorian camp,
in the fight of a mournful and indignant people, who lamented the
unworthy fate of that excellent prince, and the tranfient bleffings of
a reign, the memory of which could ferve only to aggravate their
approaching misfortunes '*.
5* Dion, 1. Ixxiii. p. 1232. Herodian, in Epitom, & in Csfarlb. Eutropius,
1. ii. p. 60. Hift. Auguft. p. 58. Viilor viii. 16.
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 127
C Η A P. V.
Public /ale of the Empire to Didius yulia-dus hy the Free-
torian Guards Clodius Albinus in Britai'n^ Pefcennius
Niger in Syria^ and Septimius Severus in Pafmonia^ de-
clare againfi the murderers of Pertinax. — Civil wars
and viElory of Severus over his three rivals. — Relaxation
of difcipline. — New maxi7ns of govcr?tment,
THE power of the fword is more fenfibly felt in an exten- chap.
five monarchy, than in a fmall community. It has been ■
calculated by the ableil politicians, that no ftate, without being foon fhemilitary ^
exhaufted, can maintain above the hundredth part of its members in ^"''",' '" ^^^
*• number or
arms and idlenefs. But although this relative proportion may be the people.
uniform, the influence of the army over the reft of the fociety will
vary according to the degree of its pofitive ftrcngth. The advan-
tages of military fcience and difcipline cannot be exerted, unlefs a
proper number of foldiers are united into one body, and adluated by
one foul. With a handful of men, fuch an union would be ineffec-
tual ; with an unwieldy hoft, it would be impraQicable ; and the
powers of the machine would be alike deftroyed by the extreme
minutencfs, or the exceffive weight, of its fprings. To illuftrate
this obfervation we need only refleit, that there is no fuperiority of
natural ftrength, artificial weapons, or acquired flcill, which could
enable one man to keep in conftant fubje£tion one hundred of his
fellow-creatures : the tyrant of a fingle town, or a fniail diftriit,
would foon difcover that an hundred armed followers were a weak
defence againft ten thoufand peafants or citizens ; but an hundred
I thoufand
128
THE DECLINE AND FALL
The Pra-to-
rian guards.
Their infti-
tution.
Their camp.
Their
ftrength and
confidence.
thoufand well-difciplined foldiers will command, with defpotic fway,
ten millions of fubjcds ; and a body of ten or fifteen thoufand
guards will ftrike terror into the moft numerous populace that ever
crowded the ftreets of an immenfe capital.
The Prastorian bands, whofe licentious fury was the firft fymptom
and caufe of the decline of the Roman empire, fcarcely amounted to
the laft mentioned number '. They derived their Inftitution from
Auguftus. That crafty tyrant, fenfible that laws might colour, but
that arms alone could maintain, his ufurped dominion, had gra-
dually formed this powerful body of guards in conftant readinefs to
prote£l his perfon, to awe the fenate, and either to prevent or to
cruih the firft motions of rebellion. He diftinguiihed thefe favoured
troops by a double pay, and fuperior privileges ; but, as their for-
midable afpeifl: would at once have alarmed and irritated the Roman
people, three cohorts only were ftationed in the capital ; whilft the
remainder was difperfed in the adjacent towns of Italy '. But after
fifty years of peace and fervitude, Tiberius ventured on a decifive
meafure, which for ever rivetted the fetters of his country. Under
the fair pretences of relieving Italy from the heavy burden of military
quarters, and of introducing a ftridler difcipllne among the guards, he
aflembled them at Rome, in a permanent camp % which was fortified
with ikilful care % and placed on a commanding fituation ^
Such formidable fervants are always neceflary, but often fatal to
the throne of defpotifm. By thus introducing the Praetorian guards.
' They were originally nine or ten thou-
fand men (for Tacitus and Dion are not agreed
upon the fubjedl), divided into as many co-.
horts. Vitellius increafed them to fixteen
thoufand, and as far as we can learn from in-
fcriptions, they never afterwards funk much
below that number. See Lipfius de magni-
tudine Romana, i. 4.
^ Sueton. in Auguft. c. 49.
^ Tacit. Annal. iv. 2. Sueton. in
Tiber, c. 37. Dion Caffius, 1. Ivii. p. 867.
* In the civil war between Vitellius and
Vefpafian, the Praetorian camp was attacked
and defended with all the machines ufed in
the fiege of the beft fortified cities. Tacit.
Hiil. iii. 84.
' Clcfe to the walls of the city, on the
broad fummit of the Quirinal and Viminal
hills. See Nardini Roma Antica, p. 174.
Donatus de Roma Antiejua, p. 46.
as
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 129
as It were, into the palace and the fenate, the emperors taught them chap.
to perceive their own ftrength, and the weaknefs of the civil go- «-
vernment; to view the vices of their mailers with familiar con-
tempt, and to lay afide that reverential awe, which diftance only,
and myftery, can preferve, towards an imaginary power. In the
luxurious idlenefs of an opulent city, their pride was nouriihed by
the fenfe of their irrefiftible weight ; nor was it poffible to conceal
from them, that the perfon of the foverelgn, the authority of the
fenate, the public treafure, and the feat of empire, were all in their
hands. To divert the Praetorian bands from thefe dangerous reflec-
tions, the firmeft and beil eilabliflied princes were obliged to mix
blandiiliments with commands, rewards with puniihments, to flatter
their pride, indulge their pleafures, connive at their irregularities,
and to purchafe their precarious faith by a liberal donative; which,
fince the elevation of Claudius, was exadled as a legal claim, on the
acceflion of every new emperor '^.
The advocates of the guards endeavoured to jufl;ify by arguments, Their fpe-
the power which they afl'erted by arms; and to maintain that, ac- ^°"^ '"'™ *
cording to the purefl: principles of the confl:itution, their confent
■was eflentially neceflary in the appointment of an emperor. The
eledion of confuls, of generals, and of magiflirates, however it had
been recently ufurped by the fenate, was the ancient and undoubted
right of the Roman people ^ But where was the Roman people to
be fovxnd ? Not furely amongfl: the mixed multitude of flaves and
' Claudius, raifed by the foldiers to the amount of thefe fums, by Hadrian's corn-
empire, was the firft who gave a donative, plaint, that the promotion of a Ca;far had
He gave guifia ί/ena, 120I. (Sueton. in Claud, coil: \i\m ter millies, two millions and a half
c. 10.) : when Marcus, with his colleague llerling.
Lucius Verus, took quiet poileilion of the ' Cicero de Legibus, iii. 3. The firft book
throne he gave 'uicena, 160 1. to each of the of Livy, and the fecond of Dionyfius of Ha-
guards. Hill. Auguft. p. 25. (Dion, Ixxiii. licarnaiTus, fhew the authority of the people,
p. 1 23 1.) We may form fome idea of the even in the eledlion of the kings,
Vol. I. S ilrangers
I30 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, ilrangers that filled the ftreetc of Rome ; a fervile populace, as de-
i_ - - ■ void of fpirit as deftitute of property. The defenders of the ftate,
feleded from the flower of the Italian youth % and trained in the
exercife of arms and virtue, were the genuine reprefcntatives of the
people, and the beft entitled to eledl the military chief of the re-
public. Thefe aiTertions, however defediye in reafon, became un-
anfwerable, when the fierce Praetorians increafed their weight, by
throwing, like the barbarian conqueror of Rome, their fwords into
the fcale '.
They offer The Pr^torians had violated the fandtity of the throne, by the
^^leempire ^^j-Q^-jQ^g naurdcr of Pertinax ; they diihonoured the majefty of
it, by their fubfequent conduit. The camp was without a leader,
for even the prsefeit Lsetus, who had excited the tempeft, prudently
declined the public indignation. Amidfl the wild diforder Sulpi-
cianus, the emperor's father-in-law, and governor of the city, who
had been fent to the camp on the firil alarm of mutiny, was en-
deavouring to calm the fury of the multitude, when he was filenced
by the clamorous return of the murderers, bearing on a lance the
head of Pertinax, Though hiilory has accuftomed us to obferve
every principle and every paifion yielding to the imperious diftates
of ambition, it is fcarcely credible that, in thefe moments of horror,
Sulpicianus ihould have afpired to afcend a throne polluted with the
recent blood of fo near a relation, and fo excellent a prince. He had
already begun to ufe the only efFeftual argument, and to treat for
the Imperial dignity ; but the more prudent of the PraEtorians, ap-
prchenfive that, in this private contradt, they ihould not obtain a
juil price for fo valuable a commodity, ran out upon the ramparts;
' They were originally recruited in La- of Italix Alumni, Romana vere juventus.
tiuni, Etruria, and the old colonies (Tacit. Tacit. Hill. i. 84.
Annal. iv. 5.). The emperor Otho compli- ' In the fiege of Rome by the Gaids. See
ments their vanity, with thje flattering titles Livy, v. 48. Plutarch, in Camill. p. 143.
and.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ιςι
J-
and, with a loud voice, proclaimed that the Roman world was to ^ II ^ P^
V • »
be difpofed of to the beil bidder by public audlion '", '^ ν-~•~>
This infamous offer, the moft infolent excefs of military licence, it is purchaf-
• r η 1 • ι• • 1 ed by Julian,
diifufed a univerfal grief, fliame, and mdignation throughout the a.d. 193.
city. It reached at length the ears of DIdius Julianus, a wealthy
fenator, who, regardlefs of the public calamities, was indulging him-
felf in the luxury of the table ". His wife and his daughter, his
freedmen and his parafites, eafily convinced him that he deferved
the throne, and earneftly conjured him to embrace fo fortunate
an opportunity. The vain old man haftened to the Prjetorian camp,
where Sulpicianus was ilill in treaty with the guards ; and began to
bid againil him from the foot of the rampart. The unworthy ne-
gociation was tranfafted by faithful emiiTaries, who paifed alter-
nately £rom one candidate to the other, and acquainted each of them
with the offers of his rival. Sulpicianus had already promifed a
donative of five thdufand drachms (above one hundred and fixty
pounds) to each foldier ; when Julian, eager for the prize, rofe at
once to the fum of fix thoufand two hundred and fifty drachms, or
upwards of two hundred pounds fterling. The gates of the camp
were inftantly thrown open to the purchafer; he was declared em-
peror, and received an oath of allegiance from the foldiers, who re-
tained humanity enough to ftipulate that he ihould pardon and for-
get the competition of Sulpicianus.
It was now incumbent on the Prstorians to fulfil the conditions Julian is ac-
of the fale. They placed their new fovereign, whom they ferved bythefenate.
and defpifed, in the centre of their ranks, furrounded him on every
fide with their ihields, and conduded him in clofe order of battle
through the deferted ilreets of the city. The fenate was commanded
'° Dion, 1. Ixxlii. p. 1234. Herodian, was proclaimed as fuch by the foldiers.-
1 up. 63. Hill. Auguft p. 60. Though .. gpartianus foftens the moil odious parts
the three hiftonans agree that u was ui faft an ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^,. ^^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^^ .^^_
auibon, Herodian alone amrms, that it
S 2 . to
J3S THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, to aflemble, and thofe who had been the diftinguifhed friends of
■*■ „ ' Pertinax, or the perfonal enemies of Juhan, found it neceffary toe.
afFe£l a more than common fliare of fatisfadion at this happy revo-
hition ". After Julian had filled the fenate-houfe with armed fol-
diers, he expatiated on the freedom of his eledion, his own emi-
nent virtues, and his full aflurance of the afFedtions of the fenate.
The obfequious aflembly congratulated their own and the public fe-
licity; engaged their allegiance, and conferred on him all the fe-
Talces poffef- veral branches of the Imperial power ". From the fenate Julian
palace. was conduded by the fame military proccffion, to take poiTeffion of
the palace. The firft objeds which ftruck his eyes, were the aban-
doned trunk of Pertinax, and the frugal entertainment prepared for
his fupper. The one he viewed with indifference ; the other witlx
contempt. A magnificent feaft was prepared by his order, and he
amufed himfelf till a very late hour, with dice, and the performances
of Pylades, a celebrated dancer. Yet it was obferved, that after
the crowd of flatterers difperfed, and left him to darknefs, folitude,
and terrible refledion, he paiTed a fleeplefs night ; revolving moft
probably in his mind his own raih folly, the fate of his virtuous
predeceifor, and the doubtful and dangerous tenure of an empire,
which had not been acquired by merit, but purchafed by money '*.
The puWic ^^ had reafon to tremble. On the throne of the world he found
<iifcoment, Jiimfelf without a friend, and even without an adherent. The
guards themfelves were ailiamed of the prince whom their avarice
had perfuaded them to accept; nor was there a citizen who did not
confider his elevation with horror, as the laft infult on the Roman
" Dion CaiSus, at that time praetor,, had was immediately aggregated to the number of
leen a perfonal enemy to Julian, 1. Ixxiii. Patrician families.
p. 1235. '* Dion, I. lx.xiii. p. 1235. HiJl. Auguli.
'3 Hift. Auguft. p. 61. We learn from p. 61. I have endeavoured to blend into one
thence one curious circHmftance, that the confiftent ftory the feeming contradiftiona of
new emperor, whatever had been his birth, the two writers.
I name»
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 133
niame. The nobility, whofe confpicuous ftation and ample pofleffions ^ ^^ P-
exaded the ftridteft caution, diflcmbled their fentiments, and met the u, .-,— ,j
affected civility of the emperor with fmiles of complacency and
profeifions of duty. But the people, fecure in their numbers and
obfcurity, gave a free vent to their paifions. The ftreets and public
places of Rome refounded with clamours and imprecations. The
enraged multitude affronted the perfon of Julian, rejedted his libe-
rality, and, confcious of the impotence of their own refentment,
they called aloud on the legions of the frontiers to affert the vio-
lated majefty of the Roman empire.
The pubhc difcontent was foon diffufed from the centre to the The armies-
frontiers of the empire. The armies of Britain, of Syria, and of gyria? and
Illyricum, lamented the death of Pertinax, in whofe company, or ^fare°againa'
vuider whofe command, they had lo often fought and conquered. Julian.
They received with furprife, with indignation, and perhaps with
envy, the extraordmary intelligence, that the Praetorians had difpofed
of the empire by public audion ; and they fternly refufed to
ratify the ignominious bargain. Their immediate and unanimous
revolt was fatal to Julian, but it was fatal at the fame time to the
public peace ; as the generals of the refpcdive armies, Clodius Albi-
nus, Pefcennius Niger, and Septimius Severus, were ftill more anxi-
ous to fucceed than to revenge the murdered Pertinax. Their forces
were exadly balanced. Each of them was at the head of three legi-
ons '', with a numerous train of auxiliaries ; and however different in
their charadlers, they were all foldiers of experience and capacity.
Clodius Albirrus, governor of Britain, furpaffed both his compe- Clodius AT-
titors in the nobility of his extradlion, which he derived from fome tain.
of the moft illuftrious names of the old republic '*. But the branch
from whence he claimed his defcent, was funk into mean circum-
" Dion, 1. Ixxiii. p. 1235. former of whom was raifed to the confolfliip,-
** The Pofthumian and the Cejonian ; the ίβ the fifth year after its inftitution.
fiances^
134 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, ftances, and tranfplanted into a remote province. It is difficult to
form a juft idea of his true charader. Under the philofophic cloak
of aufterity, he ftands accufed of concealing moft of the vices which
degrade human nature '\ But his accufcrs are thofe venal writers
who adored the fortune of Severus, and trampled on the aihes of an
unfuccefsful rival. Virtue, or the appearances of virtue, recom-
mended Albinus to the confidence and good opinion of Marcus; and
his preferving with the fon the fame intereft which he had acquired
with the father, is a proof at leafl: that he was pofTeiTed of a very
flexible difpofition. The favour of a tyrant does not always fup-
pofe a want of merit in the objedl of it ; he may, without in-
tending it, reward a man of worth and ability, or he may find fuch
a man ufeful to his own fervice. It does not appear that Albinus
ferved the fon of Marcus, either as the minifter of his cruelties, or
even as the aflbciate of his pleafures. He was employed in a dif-
tant honourable command, when he received a confidential letter
from the emperor, acquainting him of the treafonable defigns of
fome difcontented generals, and authorizing him to declare himfelf
the guardian and fucceiTor of the throne, by aflTuming the title and
enfigns of Casfar '\ The governor of Britain wifely declined the
dangerous honour, which would have marked him for the jealoufy,
or involved him in the approaching ruin, of Commodus. He
courted power by nobler, or, at leaft, by more fpecious arts. On
a premature report of the death of the emperor, he aflembled his
troops ; and, in an eloquent difcourfe, deplored the inevitable mif-
chiefs of defpotifm, defcribed the happinefs and glory which their
anceftors had enjoyed under the confular government, and declared
his firm refolution to reinflate the fenate and people in their legal
■' Spartianus, in his undigefted colleilions, deed, are many of the charailers in tlie Au-
inixes up all the virtues, and all the vices guftan hiftory.
that enter into the human compofition, and υ ττ;η α„ο.„λ _ «ο S±
bellows them on the fame objeft. Such, in- *"
authority.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 135
authority. This popular harangue was anfwered by the loud accla-
mations of the Britiih legions, and received at Rome with a fecret
murmur of applaufe. Safe in the pofleifion of his little world, and
in the command of an army lefs diftinguiilied indeed for difcipline
than for numbers and valour '', Albinus braved the menaces of
Commodus, maintained towards Pertinax a ftately ambiguous referve,
and inftantly declared againft the ufurpation of Julian. The convul-
fions of the capital added new weight to his fentiments, or rather to
his profeffions of patriotifm. A regard to decency induced him to
decline the lofty titles of Auguftus and Emperor ; and he imitated
perhaps the example of Galba, who, on a fimilar occafion, had flyled
himfelf the Lieutenant of the fenate and people '°.
Perfonal merit alone had raifed Pefcennius Niger from an obfcure Pefcennms
birth and ftation, to the government of Syria ; a lucrative and im- symV^
portant command, which in times of civil confufion gave him a
near profpedt of the throne. Yet his parts feeni to have been better
fuited to the fecond than to the firft rank ; he was an unequal rival,
though he might have approved himfelf an excellent lieutenant, to
Severus, who afterwards difplayed the greatnefs of his mind by adopt-
ing feveral ufeful inftitutions from a vanquiihed enemy "'. In his
government, Niger acquired the efteem of the foldiers, and the love of
the provincials. His rigid difcipline fortified the valour and confirmed
the obedience of the former, whilft the voluptuous Syrians were lefs
delighted with the mild firmnefs of his adminiftration, than with
the affability of his manners, and the apparent pleafure with which-
he attended their frequent and pompous feftivals '\ As foon as the.
'9 Pertinax, who governed Britain a few *' Hift. Auguft. p. 76.
years before, had been left for dead, in a " Herod. I. ii. p. 68. The chronicle of
mutiny of the foldiers. Hift. Auguft. p. 54. John Malala, of Antioch, ihews the zealous
Vet they loved and regretted him ; admiran- attachment of his countrymen to thefe fefti-
tibus earn virtutem cut irafcebantur. vals, which at once gratified their fuperlli-
^° Sueton. in Galb. c. 10. tion, and their love of pleafure.
5 intelligence
136 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C Ή A P. Intellip-ence of the atrocious murder of Pertinax bad reached Aritiocli,
y
,<■ J. — ' the vviihes of Afia invited Niger to affume the Imperial purple and
revenge his death. The legions of the caftern frontier embraced
his caufe; the opulent but unarmed provinces from the frontiers of
^Ethiopia " to the Hadriatic, cheerfully fubmitted to his power ; and
the kings beyond the Tigris and the Euphrates congratulated his
eledion, and offered him their homage and fervlces. The mind of
Niger was not capable of receiving this fudden tide of fortune ; he
flattered himfelf that his accefTion would be undlfturbed by compe-
tition, and unftained by civil blood; and whilft he enjoyed the vain
pomp of triumph, he negleded to fecure the means of vidory. In-
ftead of entering into an efFe£lual negociation with the powerful
armies of the weft, whofe refolution might decide, or at leaft muft
balance, the mighty conteft ; inftead of advancing without delay
towards Rome and Italy, where his prefence was impatiently ex-
pedled ^% Niger trifled away in the luxury of Antioch thofe irre-
trievable moments which were diligently improved by the decifive
a£tivity of Severus ''*
Pannonia The Country of Pannonia and Dalmatia, which occupied tlie fpace
between the Danvibe and the Hadriatic, was one of the laft and
moft difficult conquefts of the Romans. In the defence of na-
tional freedom, two hundred thoufaud of thefe barbarians had once
.appeared in the field, alarmed the declining age of Auguftus, and
cxercifed the vigilant prudence of Tiberius at the head of the col-
lected force of the empire ^*. The Pannonians yielded at length to
-' A king of Thebes, in Egypt, is men- time, feems to exprefs the genera! opinion
tioned in the Auguftan Hiftory, as an ally, of the three rivals ; Optimus eft h'iger, bo-
a"d, indeed, as a perfonal friend of Niger, nus Afer, peCimus Albus. Hift. Auguft. p.
IF Spartianus is not, as I ftrongly fufpeft, 75.
and Dalma-
miftaken, he has brought to light a dynafty zs Herodian 1. ϋ. p. 71.
of tributary princes totally unknown to hif-
tory
*^ See an account of that memorable war
X, Ti• ..... c tr J 1 •• in VelleiusPaterculus, ii. no, &c. who ferved
*+ Dion, 1. Ix.xui. p. 1238. Herod. I. ji. . r^•-, ■
„ <- , ,- • > .u . .1, • in the army or Tiberius.,
p. 67. A verie in every one s mouth at that '
the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 137
the arms and inilitutions of Rome. Their recent fubjcdion, how- ^ ^^^ P•
ever, the neighbourhood, and even the mixture, of the unconquered '^ ν '
tribes, and perhaps the cHmate, adapted, as it has been obferved, to
the produdion of great bodies and flow minds *% all contributed to
preferve fome remains of their original ferocity, and under the tame
and uniform countenance of Roman provincials, the hardy features of
the natives were ftill to be difcerned. Their warlike youth afforded
an inexhauftible fupply of recruits to the legions ftationed on the
banks of the Danube, and which, from a perpetual warfare againit
the Germans and Sarmatians, were defervedly efteemed the bell
troops in the fervice.
The Pannonian army was at this time commanded by Septi- Sepdmius
mius Severus, a native of Africa, who, in the gradual afccnt of private
honours, ha<J concealed his daring ambition, which was never di-
verted from its fteady courfe by the allurements of pleafure, the ap-
prehenfion of danger, or the feelings of humanity "^ On the firft
news of the murder of Pertinax, he aflembled his troops, painted
in the moil: lively colours the crime, the infolence, and the weaknefs
of the Prgstorian guards, and animated the legions to arms and to
revenge. He concluded (and the peroration was thought extremely
eloquent) with promifing every foldier about four hundred pounds ;
an honourable donative, double in value to the infamous bribe with
which Julian had purchafed the empire ^'. The acclamations of the declared em-
army immediately faluted Severus with the names of Auguftus, Perti- ψ^°^ ^\^^^
nax, and Emperor j and he thus attained the lofty ftation to which Regions.
■' A. D. 193.
April 13th.
-^ Such is the refleftion of Herodian, 1. li. py his place. Hill. AugulL p. 80.
p. 74. Will the modern Auftrians allow the "' Pannonia was too poor to fupply fuch
influence ? a fum. It was probably promiled in the
'■^ In the letter to Albinus, already camp, and paid at Rome, after the viftory.
mentioned, Commodus accufes Severus, as In fixing the fum, I have adopted the con-
one of the ambitious generals who cen- jeilure of Cafaubon, See Hiil. Auguil, p.
fured his conduil, and wilhed to occu- 66. Comment, p. iij.
Vol. I. Τ he
Ϊ38 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, he V7as invited by confclous merit and a long train of dreams and
V — -V— -i' omens, the fruitful offspring either of his fuperftition or policy '".
The new candidate for empire faw and improved the peculiar
advantage of his fituation. His province extended to the Julian
Alps, which gave an eafy accefs into Italy ; and he remembered the
faying of Auguflus, That a Pannonian army might in ten days ap-
■Marches into pear in fight of Rome ". By a celerity proportioned to the great-
nefs of the occafion, he might reafonably hope to revenge Pertinax,
puniih Julian, and receive the homage of the fenate and people, as
their lawful emperor, before his competitors, feparated from Italy by
an immenfe tradl of fea and land, were apprized of his fuccefs, or even
of his election. During the whole expedition, he fcarcely allowed
hlmfelf any moments for fleep or food ; marching on foot, and in
complete armour, at the head of his columns, he infinuated him-
felf into the confidence and affedion of his troops, preffed their dili-
gence, revived their fpirits, animated their hopes, and was well fatis-
fied to ihare the hardihips of the meaneft foldier, whilil he kept in
view the infinite fuperiority of his reward.
Advances to- '^^^ wretched Julian had expeded, and thought himfelf prepared,
wards Rome, ^q difpute the empire with the governor of Syria ; but in the invin-
cible and rapid approach of the Pannonian legions, he faw his ine-
vitable ruin. The hafty arrival of every meffenger, increafed his
juil apprehenfions. He was fucceffively informed, that Severus had
paffed the Alps ; that the Italian cities, unwilling or unable to op-
pofe his progrefs, had received him with the warmeft profeffions of
" Herodian, 1. ii. p. 78. Severus was general only, has not conMered this tranf-
declared emperor on the banks of the Da- aiiion with his ufual accuracy (Effay on the
nube, either at Carnuntum, according to original contrail).
Spartianus (Hill. Augull. p. 65.), or elfe at 3. Velleius Paterculus, 1. ii. c. 3. We
Sabaria, according to Viftor. Mr. Hume, ^uil reckon the march from the neareil verge
in fuppofing that the birth and dignity of of Pannonia, and extend the fight of the city,
Severus were too much inferior to the Impe- as far as two hundred miles,
rial crown, and that he marched into Italy as
4 joy
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 139
joy and duty ; that the important place of Ravenna had furrendcred ^ ha p.
without refiftance, and that the Hadriatic fleet was in the hands of ν ν '
the conqueror. The enemy was now within two hundred and fifty
miles of Rome ; and every moment diminiihed the narrow fpan of
life and empire allotted to Julian.
He attempted, however, to prevent, or at leafl: to protrad, his Diftrefs of
ruin. He implored the venal faith of the Praetorians, filled the
city with unavailing preparations for war, drew lines round the
fuburbs, and even ftrengthened the fortifications of the palace ;
as if thofe laft intrenchments could be defended without hope of
relief againft a vidlorious invader. Fear and fhame prevented the
guards from deferting his ftandard ; but they trembled at the name
of the Pannonian legions, commanded by an experienced general,
and accuilomed to vanqulfli the barbarians on the frozen Danube '*.
They quitted, with a figh, the pleafures of the baths and theatres,
to put on arms, whofe ufe they had almoft forgotten, and beneath
the weight of which they were oppreffed. The unpradlifed elephants,
whofe uncouth appearance, it was hoped, would ftrike terror into
the army of the north, threw their unftilful riders ; and the awk-
ward evolutions of the marines, drawn from the fleet of Mi-
fenum, were an objeit of ridicule to the populace; whilfl: the fe-
nate enjoyed, with fecrct pleafure, the diftrefs and weaknefs of the
ufurper ".
Every motion of Julian betrayed his trembling perplexity. He His uncer-
infifted that Severus ihould be declared a public enemy by the fe-
nate. He intreated that the Pannonian general might be aflbciated
to the empire. He fent public ambaflTadors of confular rank to ne-
3* This is not a puerile figure of rhetoric, p. 8i. There is no furer proof of the mili-
but an allufion to a real fadl recorded by tary ikill of the Romans, than their firft fur-
Dion, 1. Ixxi. p. 1 181. It probably hap- mounting the idle terror, and afterwards
pened more than once. difdaining the dangerous ufe, of elephants in
^' Dion, 1. Ixxiii. p. 1233. Herodian, 1. ii. war.
Τ 2 gociate
140
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, goclate with his rival ; he difpatched private aflaffias to take away
. - . his life. He defigned that the Veilal virgins, and all the colleges
of priefts, in their facerdotal habits, and bearing before them the
facred pledges of the Roman religion, ihould advance, in folemn
proceffion, to meet the Pannonian legions ; and, at the fame time,
he vainly tried to interrogate, or to appcafe, the fates, by magic ce-
remonies, and unlawful facrifices '*.
Isdefertedby Severus, who dreaded neither his arms nor his enchantments,
the Prstori- gy^j-jgj himfelf from the only danger of fecret confpiracy, by the
faithful attendance of fix hundred chofen men, who never quitted
his perfon or their cuirafles, either by night or by day, during
the whole march. Advancing with a fteady and rapid courfe,
he pafled, without difficulty, the defiles of the Apennine, received
into his party the troops and ambaffadors fent to retard his progrefs,
and made a fliort halt at Interamnia, about feventy miles from
Rome. His vidory was already fecure ; but the defpair of the
Praetorians might have rendered it bloody ; and Severus had the
laudable ambition of afcending the throne without drawing the
fword ". His emiffaries, difperfed in the capital, aiTured the
guards, that provided they would abandon their worthlefs prince,
and the perpetrators of the murder of Pertinax, to the juftice of the
conqueror, he would no longer confider that melancholy event
as the a£t of the whole body. The faithlefs Praetorians, whofe re-
fiftance was fupported only by fullen obftinacy, gladly complied
with the eafy conditions, feized the greateft part of the aflaffins,
and fignified to the fenate, that they no longer defended the caufe
of Julian. That affembly, convoked by the conful, unanimoufly
acknowledged Severus as lawful emperor, decreed d':\ Ine honours to
'* Hin. Auguft. p. 62, 63. Molle, unknown to the better and more an-
35 Victor and Eutropius, viii. 17. mention cient writers,
a combat near the Milvian bridge, the Ponte
Pertinax,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 141
Pertinax, and pronounced a fentence of depofition and death againft ^ ^^^ ^•
his unfortunate fuccefior. Julian was conduced into a private apart- >^ — -^
... and con-
ment of the baths of the palace, and beheaded as a common crimmal, demned and
after having purchafcd, with an immenfe treafure, an anxious and order of the
precarious reign of only fixty-fix days '*'. The ahnoft incredible ^T^^^'
expedition of Severus, who, in fo ihort a fpace of time, conduced June 2.
a numerous army from the banks of the Danube to thofe of the
Tyber, proves at once the plenty of provifions produced by agri- .
culture and commerce, the goodnefs of the roads, the difcipline of
the legions, and the indolent fubdued temper of the provinces '^.
The firft cares of Severus were beftowed on two meafures, the l^ifgrace of
the PrEEtorian
one dictated by policy, the other by decency ; the revenge, and the guards.
honours, due to the memory of Pertinax. Before the new emperor
entered Rome, he iiTued his commands to the Praetorian guards,
diredling them to wait his arrival on a large plain near the city,
■without arms, but in the habits of ceremony, in which they were
accuftomed to attend their fovereign. He was obeyed by thofe
haughty troops, whofe contrition was the efFed of their juft
terrors. A chofen part of the Illyrian army encompafled them
with levelled fpears. Incapable of flight or refiftance, they ex-
pefled their fate in filent confternation. Severus mounted the
tribunal, fternly reproached them with perfidy and cowardice, dif-
miifed them with ignominy from the truit which they had betrayed,
defpoiled them of their fplendid ornaments, and baniihed them,
on pain of death, to the diftance of an hundred miles from the
^5 Dion, 1. Ixxiii. p. 1240. HeroJian, cannot allow lefs than ten days after his elec-
1. ji. p. 83. Hift. Auguft. p. 63. tion, to put a numerous army in motion.
^' From thefe fixty-fix days, we muft firil Forty days remain for this rapid march, and
deduft fixtecn, as Pertinax was murdered on as we may compute about eight hundred
the 28th of March, and Severus moil: pro- miles from Rome to the neighourhood of Vi-
b.ibly elefted on the 13th of April (fee Hift. enna, the army of Severus marched twenty
Auguft. p. 65. and Tillemont Hift. des Em- miles every day, without halt or intermif-
pereurs, torn. iii. p. 393. Note 7.). We fion.
capital.
143 THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP, capital. During the tranfaition, another detachnient had been fent
i^_ -.- ' to feize their arms, occupy their camp, and prevent the hafty
confequences of their defpair ''.
Funeral and The funeral and confecration of Pertinax was next folemnized
Pertinax/ With every circumftance of fad magnificence ". The fenate, with
a melancholy pleafure, performed the laft rites to that excellent
prince, whom they had loved, and ftill regretted. The concern of
his fucceflbr was probably lefs fincere. He efteemed the virtues of
Pertinax, but thofe virtues would for ever have confined his ambition
to a private ftation. Severus pronounced his funeral oration with
ftudied eloquence, inward fatisfaQion, and well aded forrow ; and
by this pious regard to his memory, convinced the credulous mul-
titude that be alone was worthy to fupply his place. Senfible,
however, that arms, not ceremonies, muft afl^ert his claim to the
empire, he left Rome at the end of thirty days, and, without
fufFering himfelf to be elated by this eafy vidory, prepared to
encounter his more formidable rivals.
Succefs of The uneommon abilities and fortune of Severus have induced an
agafnftW elegant hiftorian to compare him with the firft and greateft of the
^"'' ft"li Csefars ^\ The parallel is, at leaft, imperfed:. Where ihall we
againlt Al- '^ '^
binus. find, in the character of Severus, the commanding fuperiority of
foul, the generous clemency, and the . various genius, which could
reconcile and unite the love of pleafure, the thirfl: of knowledge,
and the fire of ambition *' ? In one inftance only, they may be com-
pared, with fome degree of propriety, in the celerity of their mo-
35 Dion (1. Ixxiv. p. 1Z41.). Herodian, intention of Lucan, to exalt the charailer of
1. ii. p. 84. C^far, yet the idea he gives of that hero,
" Dion (1. Ixxiv. p. 1244.), who affifted at i" 'he tenth book of the Pharfalia, where he
the ceremony as a fenator, gives a moil pomp- defcribes him, at the fame time, making love
ousdefcriptionofit. t° Cleopatra, fuftaining a fiege againft the
povverof Eeypt, and converfin^ with the fajes
♦° Herodian, 1. 111. p. 112. V,u / • • iv u ui λ
' ^ of the country, is, in reahty, the nobleft pa-
♦' Thongh it is not, moll alTuredly, the negyric.
tions,
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 143
tions, and their civil vidlories. In lefs than four years '^\ Severus ^ ^^ ^•
fubdued the riches of the eaft, and the valour of the weft. He v_ — — >^*
vanquiilied two competitors of reputation and ability, and defeated 193—197.
numerous armies, provided with weapons and difcipline equal to
his own. In that age, the art of fortification, and the principles of
tadics, were well underftood by all the Roman generals ; and the
conftant fuperiority of Severus was that of an artift, who ufes
the fame inftruments with more iklU and induftry than his rivals.
I fliall not, however, enter into a minute narrative of thefe mi-
litary operations ; but as the two civil wars againft Niger and
againft Albinus, were almoft the fame in their condudt, event,
and confequences, I ihall colledl into one point of view, the moft
ftriking circumftances, tending to develope the charadler of the con-
queror, and the ftate of the empire.
Falfehood and infincerity, unfuitable as they feem to the dignity Conduaof
■' _ ^ ° ^ the two civil
of public tranfadlons, offend us with a lefs degrading idea of mean- wars.
nefs, than when they are found in the intercourfe of private life, verus
In the latter, they difcover a want of courage ; in the other, only a
defe(ft of power : and, as it is impoifible for the moft able ftatefmen
to fubdue millions of followers and enemies by their own perfonal
ftrength, the world, under the name of policy, feems to have
granted them a very liberal indulgence of craft and diffimulation.
Yet the arts of Severus cannot be juftified by the moft ample pri-
vileges of ftate reafon. He promifed only to betray, he flattered
only to ruin, and however he might occafionally bind himfelf by
oaths and treaties, his confcience, obfequious to his intereft, always
releafed him from the inconvenient obligation *'.
If his two competitors, reconciled by their common danger, had towards
advanced upon him without delay, perhaps Severus would have '^"'
"^ Reckoning from his ekaion, April 19, 197. See Tillemont's Chronology.
13, 193, to the death of Albinus, February *^ Herodian, 1. ii. p, 85.
funk
144 THE DECLINE AND FALL
funk under their united effort. Had they even attacked him, at
the fame time, with feparate views and feparate armies, the conteft
might have been long and doubtful. But they fell, fingly and fuc-
ceffively, an eafy prey to the arts as well as arms of their fubtle
enemy, lulled into fecurity by the moderation of his profeiTions, and
overwhelmed by the rapidity of his adion. He firft marched
againft Niger, whofe reputation and power he the moft dreaded:
but he declined any hoftile declarations, fuppreffed the name of his
antagonift, and only fignified to the fcnate and people, his intention
of regulating the eaftern provinces. In private he fpoke of Niger,
his old friend and intended fucceffor **, with the moft affedlionate
regard, and highly applauded his generous defign of revenging
the murder of Pertinax. To puniih the vile ufurper of the throne,
was the duty of every Roman general. To perfevere in arms, and
to refift a lawful emperor, acknowledged by the fenate, would
alone render him criminal ^\ The fons of Niger had fallen into
his hands among the children of the provincial governors, detained
at Rome as pledges for the loyalty of their parents *^ As long
as the power of Niger infpired terror, or even refpedl, they were
educated with the moft tender care, wuth the children of Severus
himfelf ; but they were foon involved in their father's ruin, and
removed, firft by exile, and afterwards by death, from the eye of
public compaffion *'.
towards Whilft Severus was engaged in his eaftern war, he had reafon to
apprehend that the governor of Britain might pafs the fea and
** Whilft Severus was very dangeroufly ill, *° This praftice, invented by Commod us,
it was induftriouily given out, that he intend- proved very ufeful to Severus. He found, at
ed to appoint Niger and Albinus his fuccef- Rome, the children of many of the principal
fors. As he could not be fincere with refpeil adherents of his rivals ; and he employed them
to both, he might not be fo with regard to more than once to intimidate, or fcduce the
either. Yet Severus carried his hypocrify fo parents.
far, as to profefs that intention in the me- 47 Herodian, 1. iii. p. 06. Hift. Auguft.
moirs of his own life. < z-o
p. 07, DO.
« Hift. Auguft. p. 65. ^ '
5 the
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. i4j
the Alps, occupy the vacant feat of empire, and oppofe his return
with the authority of the fenate and the forces of the weft. The
ambiguous conduit of Albinus, in not afluming the Imperial title,
left room for negociation. Forgetting, at once, his profeiTions of
patriotifm, and the jealoufy of fovereign power, he accepted the
precarious rank of C^efar, as a reward for his fatal neutrality.
Till the firft conteft was decided, Severus treated the man whom
he had doomed to deftruilion, with every mark of efteem and re-
gard. Even in the letter, in which he announced his vidtory over
Niger, he ftyles Albinus the brother of his foul and empire, fends
him the afFedionate falutations of his wife Julia, and his young
family, and intreats him to preferve the armies and the republic
faithful to their common intereft. The meifengers charged with
this letter, were inftrudted to accoft the Ca^far with refpeft, to de-
fire a private audience, and to plunge their daggers into his
heart *\ The confpiracy was difcovered, and the too credulous
Albinus, at length, paiTed over to the continent, and prepared for
an unequal conteft with his rival, who ruihed upon him at the head
of a veteran and victorious army.
The military labours of Severus feem inadequate to the import- Event of tKe
c • η rr ^^''^^ wars,
ance oi his conquefts. Two engagements, the one near the Hellef-
pont, the other in the narrow defiles of Cilicia, decided the fate
of his Syrian competitor ; and the troops of Europe afferted their
ufual afcendant over the effeminate natives of Afia *'. The battle
of Lyons, where one hundred and fifty thoufand Romans ^° were
engaged, was equally fatal to Albinus. The valour of the Britifli
army maintained, indeed, a fharp and doubtful conteft, with the
hardy difcipline of the Illyrian legions. The fame and perfon of
<* Hid. Auguft. p. 84. Spartlanus has in- and the feventy-fourth book of Dion Caf-
ferted this curious letter at full length. fius.
■♦' Confult the third book of Herodian, 'o Dion, ]. Ixxv. p. 1260.
Vol. I. U Severus
146
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
V.
decided by
one or two
battles.
Severus appeared, during a few moments, irrecoverably loft, till
that warlike prince rallied his fainting troops, and led them on to a
decifive vidory ". The war was finifhed by that memorable day.
The civil wars of modern Europe have been diftinguiihed, not
only by the fierce animofity, but likewife by the obftinate perfeve-
rance, of the contending fadions. They have generally been juf-
tified by fome principle, or, at leaft, coloured by fome pretext, of
religion, freedom, or loyalty. The leaders were nobles of inde-
pendent property and hereditary influence. The troops fought like
men interefted in the decifion of the quarrel ; and as military fpirit
and party zeal were ftrongly difFufed throughout the whole' com-
munity, a vanquiflied chief was immediately fupplied with new
adherents, eager to flied their blood in the fame caufe. But the
Romans, after the fall of the republic, combated only for the
choice of mafters. Under the ftandard of a popular candidate for
empire, a few enlifted from affedlion, fome from fear, many from
intereft, none from principle. The legions, uninflamed by party
zeal, were allured into civil war by liberal donatives, and ftill
more liberal promifes. A defeat, by difabling the chief from the
performance of his engagements, diiTolved the mercenary allegi-
ance of his followers ; and left them to confult their own fafety, by
a timely defertion of an unfuccefsful caufe. It was of little moment
to the provinces, under VN'hofe name they were oppreifed or governed;
they were driven by the impulfion of the prefent power, and as
foon as that power yielded to a fuperior force, they haftened to
implore the clemency of the conqueror, who, as he had an im-
menfe debt to difcharge, was obliged to facrifice the moft guilty
countries to the avarice of his foldiers. In the vaft extent of the
" Dion, l.Ixxv. p. 1261. Herodi.in, 1. iii. four leagues from Lyons. See Tillemont,
p. no. Hill. Auguft. p. 68. Tlie battle tom. iii. p. 40ό. Note 18.
W.1S fought in the plain of Trevoux, three or
c Roman
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. i47
Roman empire there were few fortified cities, capable of prote£blng ^ ^^^ ^•
a routed army ; nor was there any perfon, or family, or order of <- — ^ — -^
men, whofe natural intereft, unfupported by the powers of govern-
ment, was capable of reftoring the caufe of a finking party ''.
Yet, in the conteft between Niger and Severus, a fingle city deferves Siege of'
an honourable exception. As Byzantium was one of the greateft ^^
paflages from Europe into Afia, it had been provided with a ftrong
garrifon, and a fleet of five hundred veiTels was anchored in the
harbour". The impetuofity of Severus difappointed this prudent
fcheme of defence ; he left to his generals the fiege of Byzantium,
forced the lefs guarded paiTage of the Hellefpont, and, impatient of
a meaner enemy, prefied forward to encounter his rival. Byzantium»
attacked by a numerous and increafing army, and afterwards by the
whole naval power of the empire, fuftained a fiege of three years,
and remained faithful to the name and memory of Niger. The citi-
zens and foldiers (we know not from what caufe) were animated with
equal fury; fcveral of the principal officers of Niger, who defpaired
of, or who difdained, a pardon, had thrown themfelves into this laft
refuge : the fortifications were efteemed impregnable, and, in the de-
fence of the place, a celebrated engineer difplayed all the mechanic
powers known to the ancients'*. Byzantium, at length, furrendered
to famine. The magiftrates and foldiers were put to the fword, the
walls demolifhed, the privileges fuppreifed, and the deftined capital
of the eaft fubfifted only as an open village, fubjed to the infulting
jurifcUaion of Perinthus. The hiftorian Dion, who had admired
the flouriihing, and lamented the defolate, ftate of Byzantium, ac-
5- Montefquieu Coniiderations fur la Gran- ΓκίΙΙ faved liis life, and he was taken into the
dcur, et la Decadence des Remains, c. xii. fervice of the conqueror. For the particular
5 ' Moft of thefe, as may be fuppofed, were fafl ; of the fiege confuit Dion CaHius (1. Ixxv.
fmall open veiTels, feme, however, were gal- p. 1251.), and Herouiau (1. iii. p. g-.) ; for
lies of two, and a few of three ranks of the theory of it, the fmcifiil che\alier de
oars. Folard may be looked into. See Polybc,
'* The engineer's name was Prifcus. His torn. i. p. 76.
U 2 cufed
148
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Deaths of
Niger and
Albinus.
Cruel confe-
quences of
the civil
wars.
CHAP, cufed the revenge of Severus, for depriving the Roman people of
i- '->- -J the ftrongeft bulwark againft the barbarians of Pontus and Afia '^
The truth of this obfervation was but too well juftified in the
fucceeding age, when the Gothic fleets covered the Euxine, and
pafled through the undefended Bofphorus into the centre of the Me-
diterranean.
Both Niger and Albinus were difcovered and put to death in
their flight from the field of battle. Their fate excited neither
furprife nor compaflion. They had fl.aked their lives againft the
chance of empire, and fuffered what they would have inflidted ;
nor did Severus claim the arrogant fuperiority of fuffering his
rivals to live in a private ftation. But his unforgiving temper, ftimu-
lated by avarice, indulged a fpirit of revenge, where there was
no room for apprehenfion. The moft confiderable of the pro-
vincials, who, without any diflike to the fortunate candidate, had
obeyed the governor, under whofe authority they were accidentally
placed, were puniihed by death, exile, and efpecially by the confif-
cation of their eftates. Many cities of the eaft were ftript of their
ancient honours, and obliged to pay, into the treafury of Severus,
four times the amount of the fums contributed by them for the fer-
vice of Niger '*.
Anlmofity of Till the final decifion of the war, the cruelty of Severus was, in
gaiiift"th'c fe- fome meafurc, reftrained by the uncertainty of the event, and his
nate. pretended reverence for the fenate. The head of Albinus, accom-
panied with a menacing letter, announced to the Romans, that he
was refolved to fpare none of the adherents of his unfortunate com.-
petitors. He was irritated by the juft fufpicion, that he had never
pofieffed the aftedions of the fenate, and he concealed his old male-
5' Notwithilanding the authority of Spar- zantium, many years after the death of Se-
tianus and fome modern Greeks, we may be verus, lay in ruins. '
alTured, from Dion and Herodian, that By- *' Dion, 1. l.xxiv. p. 1250.
4 volencc
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 149
volence under the recent dlfcovery of fome treafonable correfpond-
ences. Thirty-five fenators, however, accufed of having favoured
the party of Albinus, he freely pardoned ; and, by his fubfequent
behaviour, endeavoured to convince them, that he had forgotten,
as well as forgiven, their fuppofed offences. But, at the fame time,
he condemned forty-one " other fenators, whofe names hiftory has
recorded ; their wives, children, and clients, attended them in
death, and the noblefi; provincials of Spain and Gaul were in-
volved in the fame ruin. Such rigid juftice, for fo he termed it,
was, in the opinion of Severus, the only conduit capable of enfur-
ing peace to the people, or ftability to the prince; and he con-
defcended (lightly to lament, that, to be mild, it was neceffary that
he ihould firft be cruel '\
The true intereft of an abfolute monarch generally coincides with The wlfdom
/- . n-t • 1 1 • 1 1 1 • 1 1 ''"'^ juftice of
that of his people. Then- numbers, their wealth, their order, and his govem-
their fecurity, are the beft and only foundations of his real greatnefs;
and were he totally devoid of virtue, prudence might fupply its
place, and would didate the fame rule of conduft. Severus con-
fidered the Roman empire as his property, and had no fooner fe-
cured the poffeffion, than he bellowed his care on the cultivation
and improvement, of fo valuable an acquifition. Salutary lav\'i,
executed with inflexible firmnefs, foon correded moft of the a'bufes
with which, fince the death of Marcus, every part of the govern-
ment had been infeded. In the adminiftration of juftice, the judge-
ments of the emperor were charaderized by attention, difcern-
ment, and impartiality; and whenever he deviated from the ftridl line
of equity, it was generally in favour of the poor and oppreffed ;
not fo much indeed from any fenfe of humanity, as from the natural
" Dion (!. Ixxv. p. 1264.); only 29 fc- Herodian (1. iii. p. 115-) fpcaks in general
nators are mentioned by him, but 41 are of the cruelties of Severus.
named in the Auguftan Hiftory, p. 69. among ^^ Aurelius ΥΙΛογ.
«horn were fix of the name of Pcfcinnius.
ρ rope η Π ty
ment.
J50 THE DECLINE AND FALL
propenfity of a defpot, to humble the pride of greatnefs, and to fink
all his fubjedls to the fame common level of abfolute depend-
ence. His expenfive tafte for building, magnificent ihows, and
above all a conftant and liberal diftribution of corn and provifions,
were the fureft means of captivating the affedion of the Roman
General people ". The misfortunes of civil difcord were obliterated. The
peace and ^ ^ , ,
profperity. calm of peace and profperity was once more experienced in the pro-
vinces, and many cities, reftored by the munificence of Severus,
aifumed the title of his colonies, and attefted by public monuments
their gratitude and felicity *". The fame of the Roman arms was
revived by that warlike and fuccefsful emperor*', and he boafted
with a juft pride, that, having received the empire opprefiTed with
foreign and domeftic wars, he left it efi:abliihed in profound, univer-
fal, and honourable peace *'.
Relaxation of Although the wounds of civil war appeared completely healed, its
cjpiine. mortal poifon ftill lurked in the vitals of the conftitution. Severus
poiTeiTed a confiderable ihare of vigour and ability ; but the daring
foul of the firft Csefar, or the deep policy of Auguftus, were fcarcely
equal to the taik of curbing the infolence of the vidlorious legions.
By gratitude, by mifguided policy, by feeming neceifity, Severus
was induced to relax the nerves of difcipline '^'. The vanity of his
foldiers was flattered with the honour of wearing gold rings; their
cafe was indulged in the permiiTiou of living with their wives in the
," Dion. 1. Ixxvi. p. 1272. HLft. Auguft. lers Spon and Wheeler, Shaw, Pocock, &c.
p. 67. Severus celebrated the fecular games who, inAfnca, Greece, and Afia, have found
with extraordinary magnificence, and he left more monuments of Severus, than of any
in the public granaries a provifion of corn for other Roman emperor whatfcever.
feven years, at the rate of 75,000 modii, or μ pje carried his viftorious arms to Seleu-
about 2500 quarters per day. I am perluad- ^j^ ^^^ Ctcfiphon, the capitals of the Par-
ed, that the granaries of Severus were fup- ^j^-^^^ mon.orchy. 1 faall have occafion to
plied for a long term, but I am not lefs per- ,^^η-^Γ^η ij,;; ,^^, i^ j^s proper place,
fuaded, that policy on one hand, and admi-
.1 .^1 ■ -r Λ ^i,^ 1 1 r.,, '■* Etiam in Brifaunis, was his own juiland
ration on the other, magnined the iioaid lar _ ' _ J
. J •. . „ . . emphatic cxpreffion. Hill. Aueuft. 75.
beyond its true contents. ί r s / :>
'" See Spanheim's treatife of ancient me- '^ Herodian, L.iii. p. 115. Hill. Aiiguft.
dais, the infcriptions, and our learned travel- p. 68.
idlenefs
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 151
idlencfs of quarters. He incrcafed their pay beyond the example ^ ^ ^ ^•
of former times, and taught them to exped, and foon to claim, ex- v__— „~.«^
traordinary donatives on every public occafion of danger or fef-
tivity. Elated by fuccefs, enervated by luxury, and raifed above
the level of fubjeds by their dangerous privileges *% they foon be-
came incapable of military fatigue, oppreiTive to the country, and
impatient of a juft fubordlnation. Their officers aiferted the fupe-
riority of rank by a more profufe and elegant luxury. There is
ftill extant a letter of Severus, lamenting the licentious ftate of the
army, and exhorting one of his generals to begin the neceffary re-
formation from the tribunes themfelves ; fince, as he juftly obferves,
the officer who has forfeited the efteem, will never command the
obedience, of his foldiers *'. Had the emperor purfued the train of
refledion, he would have difcovered, that the primary caufe of this
general corruption might be afcribed, not indeed to the example,
but to the pernicious indulgence, however, of the commander in
chief.
The Prstorians, who murdered their emperor and fold the em- New efta-
11 -ii-n •η r λ • r . , bliihment of
pire, had received the jult punifhment or their treafon ; but the the Prstorian
neceiTary, though dangerous, inftitution of guards was foon re- ^"^^ ^'
ftored on a new model by Severus, and increafed to four times the
ancient number ". Formerly thefe troops had been recruited in
Italy ; and as the adjacent provinces gradually imbibed the fofter
manners of Rome, the levies were extended to Macedonia, Noricum,
and Spain. Tn the room of thefe elegant troops, better adapted to
the pomp of courts than to the ufes of war, it was eilablillied by
Severus, that from all the legions of the frontiers, the foldiers moll
diftinguiflied for ftrength, valour, and fidelity, fliould be occafionally
^+ Upon theinfolence and privileges of the that it was compofed under the reign of Se-
foldiers, the i6th fatire, falfely afcribed to verus or that of his fon.
Juvenal, may be confulted ; the llyle and cir- ''' Hirt. Auguft. p. 73.
cumllances of it would induce me to believe, " Herodian, l.iii. p. 131.
draughted j
152 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, draughted ; and promoted, as an honour and reward, into the more
1^ 1^, 1 eligible fervice of the guards '^^ By this new inftitution, the Italian
youth were diverted from the exercife of arms, and the capital was
terrified by the ilrange afpedl and manners of a multitude of bar-
barians. But Severus flattered himfelf, that the legions would con-
fider thefe chofen Prsetorians as the reprefentatives of the whole mi-
litary order; and that the prefent aid of fifty thoufand men, fuperior
in arms and appointments to any force that could be brought into
the field againft them, would for ever cruih the hopes of rebellion,
and fecure the empire to himfelf and his pofterity.
The office of Tht command of thefc favoured and formidable troops foon be-
PrKtonan *
Prx-feft. came the firfi: office of the empire. As the government degene-
rated into military defpotifm, the Prstorian praefedt, who in his origin
had been a fimple captain of the guards, was placed, not only at the
head of the army, but of the finances, and even of the law. In
every department of adminiilration, he reprefented the perfon,
and exercifed the authority, of the emperor. The firft priefeiil who
enjoyed and abufed this immenfe power was Plautianus, the favour-
ite minifter of Severus. His reign lafted above ten years, till the
^^^ ~ marriage of his daughter with the eldeft fon of the emperor, which
feemed to affure his fortune, proved the occafion of his ruin ". The
animofities of the palace, by irritating the ambition and alarming
the fears of Plautianus, threatened to produce a revolution, and
obliged the emperor, who ftill loved him, to confent with reludance
to his death ^'. After the fall of Plautianus, an eminent lawyer,
*' Dion, 1. Ixxiv. p. 1243. tx,n^^\i% worthy of an Eaftern queen. Dion,
I. Ix'xvi. p. 1 27 1.
«^ One ofhis moil daring and wanton afls ., jjj^„^ i_ j^^.^_ p_ ,^^^_ Herodian,
of power, was the cailration of an hundred j_ ;^;_ p_ ^^^ ,^9. The grammarian of A-
free Romans, feme of them married men, and χ^^^^^;^ fgems, as it is not unufual, much
even fathers of families ; merely that his better acquainted with this myileHous tranf-
daughter, on her marriage with the young ^ξ^^^^^ ^^j ^^^e affured of the guilt of Plau-
fmperor, might be attended by a Uain of tianus, than the Roman fenator ventures to be.
the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
'Ji
the celebrated Papinlan, was appointed to execute the motley oiTice ^ ha p.
of Prcetorian priefed. ^- — .— — '
Till the rei^n of Severus, the virtue and even the p-ood fenfe of '^'^'^ '^"f f
ο ο oppreiTeci by
the emperors had been diftinguifhed by their zeal or affeiTled reve- military def-
rence for the fenate, and by a tender regard to the nice frame of civil
policy inftituted by Auguftus. But the youth of Severus had been
trained in the implicit obedience of camps, and his riper years fpent
in the defpotifm of military command. His haughty and inflexible
fpirit could not difcover, or would not acknowledge, the advantage
of preferving an intermediate power, however imaginary, between
the emperor and the army. He difdained to profefs himfelf the
fervant of an aflembly that detefted his perfon and trembled at
his frown ; he iflued his commands, where his requeft would have
proved as efFedual ; aiTumed the conduit and ftyle of a fovereign and
a conqueror, and exercifed, without difguife, the whole legiflative
as well as the executive power.
The viflory over the fenate was eafy and inglorious. Every eye New maxims
and every paffion were di reded to the fupreme magiftrate, who pof- naipreroga-
fefled the arms and treafure of the ftate; whilfl: the fenate, neither ^^^^'
eleifted by the people, nor guarded by military force, nor ani-
mated by public fpirit, refted its declining authority on the frail and
crumbling bafis of ancient opinion. The fine theory of a repub-
lic infenfibly vanifhed, and made way for the more natural and fub-
ftantial feelings of monarchy. As the freedom and honours of Rome
were fucceiTively communicated to the provinces, in which the old
government had been either unknown, or was remembered with
abhorrence, the tradition of republican maxims was gradually obli-
terated. The Greek hiftorians of the age of the Antonines '° ob-
ferve, with a malicious pleafure, that although the fovereign of Rome,
in compliance with an obfolete prejudice, abftained from the name
'° Appian in Proem.
Vol. I. X of .
154
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, of king, he pofleffed the full meafure of regal power. In the reign
of Severus, the fenate was filled with poliihed and eloquent flaves
from the eaftern provinces, who juftified perfonal flattery by fpe-
culative principles of fervitude. Thefe new advocates of prerogative
were heard with pleafure by the court, and with patience by the
people, when they inculcated the duty of paifive obedience, and
defcanted on the inevitable mifchiefs of freedom. The lawyers and
the hiftorians concurred in teaching, that the Imperial authority was
held, not by the delegated commifllon, but by the irrevocable refig-
nation of the fenate; that the emperor was freed from the reRraint
of civil laws, could command by his arbitrary will the lives and for-
tunes of h:s fubjedls, and might difpofe of the empire as of his pri-
vate patrimony '". The moft eminent of the civil lawyers, and par-
ticularly Papinian, Paulus, and Ulpian, flouriihed under the houfe
of Severus ; and the Roman jurifprudence having clofely united
itfelf with the fyftem of monarchy, was fuppofed to have attained
its full maturity and perfedion.
The contemporaries of Severus, in the enjoyment of the peace and
glory of his reign, forgave the cruelties by which it had been intro-
duced. Pofterity, who experienced the fatal effeds of his maxims
and example, juftly confidered him as the principal author of the de-
cline of the Pvoman empire.
" Dion Caffius fcems to have written with fliew how affiduouily the lawyers, on their
no other view, than to form thefe opinions fide, laboured in the caufe of prerogative,
into an hiftorical fyftem. The Pandefts will
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.. 155
CHAP. Vi.
l^he death of Severus. — Tyranny of Caracalla. — Ufurpa-
iion of Macrinus,• — Follies of Elagabalus. — Virtues of
Alexander Severus, — Licentioiifnefs of the army, — Ge-
neral β ate of the Roman Finances.
THE aflent to greatnefs, however flcep and dangerous, may r η « «
entertain an adive fpirit with the confcioufnefs and exercife VI.
of its own powers ; but the pofl'eiTion of a throne could never yet Greatnefs
afford a lailing fatisfadtion to an ambitious mind. This melan- tentofSeve-
choly truth was felt and acknowledged by Severus. Fortune and '^^^'
merit had, from an humble ftation, elevated him to the firft place
among mankind. " He had been all things, as he faid himfelf, and
" all was of little value '." Diftraded with the care, not of ac-
quiring, but of preferving an empire, oppreffed with age and in-
firmities, carelefs of fame % and fatiated with power, all his pro-
fpeds of life were clofed. The defire of perpetuating the greatnefs •
of his family, was the only remaining wiih of his ambition and
paternal tendernefs.
Like moil of the Africans, Severus was paflionately addided to His wife the
the vain ftudies of magic and divination, deeply verfed in the inter- ^."P''^^* J"'
pretation of dreams and omens, and perfedly acquainted with the
fcience of judicial aftrology; which, in almoil every age, except the
prefent, has maintained its dominion over the mind of man. He
' Hift. Augaft. p. 71. " Omnia fui et * Dion Caflius, 1. Ixxvi. p. 1284.
nihil expedit."
X 2 had
156 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, had loft his firft wife, whilft he was governor of the Lionnefe Gaul '.
V— >, ' In the choice of a fecond, he fought only to connedl himfelf with
fome favourite of fortune ; and as foon as he had difcovered that a
young lady of Emefa in Syria had a rojal nativity^ he folicited, and
obtained her hand *. Julia Domna (for that was her name) deferved
ail that the ftars could promife her. She pofieiTed, even in an ad-
vanced age, the attractions of beauty \ and united to a lively ima-
gination, a firmnefs of mind, and ftrength of judgment, feldom be-
llowed on her fex. Her amiable qualities never made any deep im-
preflion on the dark and jealous temper of her hufband ; but in her
fon's reign, ihe adminiftered the principal affairs of the empire, with
a prudence, that fupported his authority ; and with a moderation,
that fometimes correiled his wild extravagancies *. Julia applied
herfelf to letters and philofophy, with fome fuccefs, and with the
raoft fplendid reputation. She was the patronefs of every art, and
the friend of every man of genius '. The grateful flattery of the
learned has celebrated her virtues; but, if we may credit the fcandal
of ancient hiftory, chaftity was very far from being the raoft con-
fpicuous virtue of the emprefs Julia \
Their two Tvio fons, Caracalla ' and Geta, were the fruit of this marriage,
ions, Cara- _ °
caiiaandGe- and the deftincd heirs of the empire. The fond hopes of the father,
ta.
' About the year 186, M. de Tillemont is ' See a DilTertation of Menage, at the end
miferably embarrafled with a paflage of Dion, of his edition of Diogenes Laertius, de For-
in which the emprefs Fauftina, who died in minis Philofophis.
the year 175, is introduced as having contri- ° Dion, 1. Ixxvi. p. 1285. Aurelius Vic-
buted to the marriage of Severus and Julia tor.
(1. Ixxiv. p. 1243.). The learned compiler ' Baffianuswas his firft name, as it had been
forgot, that Dion is relating, not a real fadl, that of his maternal grandfather. During his
but a dream of Severus ; and dreams are cir- reign he afiumed the appellation of Antonv-
cumfcribed to no limits of time or fpace. Did nus, which is employed by lawyers and art-
M. de Tillemont imagine that marriages were cient hiftorians. After his death, the public
confiimmated in the temple of Venus at Rome ? indignation loaded him with the nick-names
Hift. desEmpereurs, torn. iii. p. 389. Note6. of Tarantus and Caracalla. The firft was
* Hift. Auguft. p. 65. borrowed from a celebrated Gladiator, the
' Hift. Auguft. p. 85. fecond from a long Gallic gown which he dif-
<• Dion Cafllus, 1. Ixxvii, p. 1304. 13 14. tributed to the people of Rome.
8 and
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 157
and of the Roman world, were foon difappointed by ihefe vain ^ HA r.
youths, who difplayed the indolent fccurity of hereditary princes ; ν ^— — '
and a prefumption that fortune would fupply the place of merit and
application. Without any emulation of virtue or talents, they dif-
covered, almoft from their infancy, a fixed and implacable antipathy
for each other. Their averfion, confirmed by years, and fomented Then• mutual
' ' averlion to
by the arts of their interefted favourites, broke out in childiih, and each other.
gradually in more ferious, competitions ; and at length divided the
theatre, the circus, and the qourt, into two fadtions ; aduated by
the hopes and fears of their refpedive leaders. The prudent em-
peror endeavoured, by every expedient of advice and authority, to
allay this growing animofity. The unhappy difcord of his fons•
clouded all his profpeds, and threatened to overturn a throne raifed
with fo much labour, cemented with fo much blood, and guarded
with every defence of arms and treafure. With an impartial hand
he maintained between them an exa<ft balance of favour, conferred
on both the rank of Auguftus, with the revered name of Antoninus ;
and for the firil time the Roman world beheld three emperors '°. Yet Three empe-
even this equal condudl ferved only to inflame the conteft, whilft the
fierce Caracalla aiTerted the right of primogeniture, and the milder
Geta courted the affedions of the people and the foldiers. In the
anguiih of a difappointed father, Severus foretold, that the weaker
of his fons would iall a facrifice to the ilronger ; who, ia his turn,
would be ruined by his own vices ".
In thcfe circumftances the intelligence of a war in Britain, and of The Caiedo-
r c ^ • 1111• <-i»T ΤΛΖΧΙ war.
an invalion or the provmce by the barbarians of the North, was re- A. D. 2oS^
ceived with pleafure by Severus. Though the vigilance of his
lieutenants might have been fufiicient to repel the diftant enemy,
'^ The elevation of Caracalla is fixed by " Herodian, 1. iii. p. 130. The lives of
theaccurats M. deTillemontto theyearijSj Caracalla and Geta, in the Augullaa Hif-
the aflbciation of Geta, to the year 208. tory,.
he
1^8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C Η A P. he refolved to embrace the honourable pretext of withdrawing
,____^J.,^ his fons from the luxury of Rome, which enervated their minds
and irritated their pafiions ; and of inuring their youth to the
toils of war and government. Notwithftanding his advanced age
- (for he was above three-fcore), and his gout, which obliged him
to be carried in a litter, he tranfported himfelf in perfon into that
remote ifland, attended by his two fons, his whole court, and a
formidable army. He immediately paffed the walls of Hadrian and
Antoninus, and entered the enemy's country, with a defign of com-
pleting the long attempted' conqueft of Britain. He penetrated to
the northern extremity of the ifland, without meeting an enemy.
But the concealed ambufcades of the Caledonians, who hung unfeen
on the rear and flanks of his army, the coldnefs of the climate, and
the feverity of a winter march acrofs the hills and morafles of Scot-
land, are reported to have coft the Romans above fifty thoufand
men. The Caledonians at length yielded to the powerful and ob-
ftinate attack, fued for peace, and furrendered a part of their arms,
and a large tradt of territory. But their apparent fubmiffion lafted
no longer than the prefent terror. As foon as the Roman legions
had retired, they refumed their hoilile independence. Their reftlefs
fpirit provoked Severus to fend a new army into Caledonia, with the
moft bloody orders, not to fubdue but to extirpate the natives. They
were faved by the death of their haughty enemy '\
Flngal and This Caledonian war, neither marked by decifive events, nor at-
tended with any important confequences, would ill deferve our at-
tention ; but it is fuppofed, not without a confiderable degree of
probability, that the invafion of Severus is connected with the moft
ihining period of the Britiih hiftory or fable. Flngal, whofe fame,
with that of his heroes and bards, has been revived in our language
by a recent publication, is faid to have commanded the Caledonians at
»- Dion, 1. Ixxvi. p. 1280, &c. Herodian, 1. iii. p. 132, &c.
that
his heroes.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. isg
that memorable junilure, to have eluded the power of Severus, and
to have obtained a fignal victory on the banks of the Carun, in which
the fon of the King of the World, Caracul, fled from his arms along
the fields of his pride "'. Something of a doubtful mift ftill hangs
over thefe Highland traditions ; nor can it be entirely difpelled by
the moil ingenious refearches of modern criticifm '* : but if we could, Contrail of
with fafety, indulge the pleafing fuppofition that Fingal lived, and niansandthe
that Oifian fung, the ftriking contrail; of the fituation and manners ^ο'"^"^•
of the contending nations might amufe a philofophic mind. The
parallel would be little to the advantage of the more civilized people,
if we compared the unrelenting revenge of Severus with the gene-
rous clemency of Fingal ; the timid and brutal cruelty of Caracalla,
with the bravery, the tendernefs, the elegant genius of Oflian ; the
mercenary chiefs who, from motives of fear or intereft, ferved under
the Imperial ftandard, with the freeborn warriors who flarted to
arms at the voice of the king of Morven ; if, in a word, we con-
templated the untutored Caledonians, glowing with the warm vir-
tues of nature, and the degenerate Romans, polluted with the mean
vices of wealth and ilavery.
The declining health and laft illnefs of Severus inflamed the wild Ambition of
_ _ ° _ Caracalla,
ambition and black paflions of Caracalla's foul. Impatient of any
delay or divifion of empire, he attempted, more than once, to
ihorten the fmall remainder of his father's days, and endeavoured,
but without fuccefs, to excite a mutiny among the troops '^ The
"i Offian's Poems, vol. i. p. 175. fcribe him by a nick-name, invented four
'* That the Caracul of Oflian is the Cara- years afterwards, fcarcely ufed by the Ro-
calla of the Roman hillory, is, perhaps, the mans till after the death of that emperor,
only point of Britifh antiquity, in which Mr. and feldom employed by the moft ancient
Macpherfon and IVIr. Whitaker are of the hiftorians. See Dion, 1. Ixxvii. p. 1317. Hiil.
fame opinion ; and yet the opinion is not Auguft. p. 89. Aurel. Viilor. Eufeb. ia
without difficulty. In the Caledonian war, Chron. ad ann. 214.
the fon of Severus was known only by the n •τ>• i i • -o- u:ft Δ.,^,,α
. . r Dion, 1. Ixxvi. p. 1282. Hut. Augult,
appellation of Antoninus ; and it may feem Aurel. Viftor.
ftrange, that the Highland bard Ihould de-
^ old
i6o THE DECLINE AND FALL
C HA P. old emperor had often cenfured the mifguided lenity of Marcus,
^— -v—j who, by a fingle a£t of juilice, might have faved the Romans from
the tyranny of his worthlefs fon. Placed in the fame fituation, he
experienced how eafily the rigour of a judge difiblves away in the
tendernefs of a parent. He deliberated, he threatened, but he could
not puniih ; and this laft and only iniiance of mercy, was more fa-
Death of Se- tal to the empire than a long feries of cruelty '*. The diforder of
acceffion of his mind irritated the pains of his body ; he wiihed impatiently for
a"d!°2i°i".^ <leath, and haftened the inftant of it by his impatience. He ex-
4thFehruary. pi^g^ ^t; York in the fixty-fifth year of his life, and in the eighteenth
of a glorious and fuccefsful reign. In his laft moments he recom-
mended concord to his fons, and his fons to the army. The falu-
tary advice never reached the heart, or even the underftanding, of
the impetuous youths; but the more obedient troops, mindful of
their oath of allegiance, and of the authority of their deceafed mafter,
refifted the folicltations of Caracalla, and proclaimed both brothers
emperors of Rome. The new princes foon left the Caledonians in
peace, returned to the capital, celebrated their father's funeral with
divine honours, and were cheerfully acknowledged as lawful fove-
reigns by the fenate, the people, and the provinces. Some pre-
eminence of rank feems to have been allowed to the elder brother ;
but they both adminiftered the empire with equal and independent
power '\
jealoufyand Such a divided form of government would have proved a fource
two empe- of difcord between the moft affeftionate brothers. It was impoifible
that it could long fubfift between two implacable enemies, who nei-
ther defired nor could truft a reconciliation. It was vifible that one
only could reign, and that the other muft fall ; and each of them
judging of his rival's defigns by his own, guarded his life with the
" Dion, 1. l.xxvi. p. 1Z83. Hill. AuguH. '^ Dion, 1. Ixxvi. p. 1284. Herodiajs,
J). 89. I. iii, p. 135.
moil
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. i6r
moil jealous vigilance from the repeated attacks of poifon or the ^ ^^/^ ^•
fword. Their rapid journey through Gaul and Italy, during which ' m——*
they never eat at the fame table, or flept in the fame houfe, dif-
played to the provinces the odious fpedacle of fraternal difcord.
On their arrival at Rome, they immediately divided the vafl: ex-
tent of the Imperial palace ". No communication was allowed
between their apartments ; the doors and paflages were diligently
fortified, and guards ported and relieved with the fame ftriftnefs as
in a befieged place. The emperors met only in public, in the pre-
fence of their afflifted mother ; and each furrounded by a numerous
train of armed followers. Even on thefe occafions of ceremony,
the diihmulation of courts could ill difguife the rancour of their
hearts ''.
This latent civil war already diftraded the whole government, Frmtlefs ne-
when a fcheme was fuggefted that feemed of mutual benefit to the dividing the
hoftile brothers. It was propofed, that fince it was impoflible to tween^thein.
reconcile their minds, they ihould feparate their intereft, and divide
the empire between them. The conditions of the treaty were al-
ready drawn with fome accuracy. It was agreed, that Caracalla, as the
elder brother, iliould remain in pofieifion of Europe and the weitern
" Mr. Humeis juftly furprifed atapaffage inhabited the gardens of Mecxnas on the
of Herodian (1. iv. p. 139), who, on this Efqueline, the rival brothers were feparated
occanon, reprefents the Imperial palace, as from each other by the dillance of feveral
equal in extent to the reft of Rome. The miles ; and yet the intermediate fpace was
whole region of the Palatine Mount on which filled by the Imperial gardens of Salluft, of
it was built, occupied, at moft, a circum- Lucullus, of Agrippa, of Domitian, of Caius,
ference of eleven or twelve thoufand feet Sec. all Ikirting round the city and all con-
(See the Notitia and Viftor, in Nardini's neiled with each other, and with the palace,
Roma Antica). But we ihouJd recolleil that by bridges thrown over the Tyber and the
the opulent fenators had almoft furrounded ftreets. But this explanation of Herodian
the city with their extenfive gardens and fub- would require, though it ill deferves, a par-
urb palaces, the greatell part of which had ticular diflertation, illuftrated by a map of
been gradually confifcated by the emperors, ancient Rome.
If Geta refided in the gardens that bore his 19 Herodian, I. iv. p. 130,
name on the Janiculum ; and if Cacacalla
Vpt. I. Υ Africa;
ιβ2 ~ THEDECLINEANDFALL
Africa ; and that he ihould relinqulih the fovcreignty of Afia and
Egypt to Geta, who might fix his refidence at Alexandria or Anti-
och, cities little inferior to Rome itfelf in wealth and greatnefs ;
that numerous armies ihould be conftantly encamped on either fide
of the Thraclan Bofphorus, to guard the frontiers of -the rival
monarchies ; and that the fenators of European extradtion ihould ac-
knowledge the fovercign of Rome, whilft the natives of Afia fol-
lowed the emperor of the Eaft. The tears of the emprefs Julia
interrupted the negociation, the firil idea of which had filled, every
Roman breaft with furprife and indignation. The mighty mafs of
conqueil was fo intimately united by the hand of time and policy,
that it required the moll; forcible violence to rend it afunder. The
Romans had reafon to dread, that the disjointed members would foon
be reduced by a civil war under the dominion of one mafter ; but
if the feparation was permanent, the divifion of the provinces muft
terminate in the difiolution of an empire whofe unity had hitherto»,
remained inviolate ^°.
Murder of Had the treaty been carried into execution, the fovereign of Europe-
A. D. 212. might foon have been the conqueror, of Afia •, but Caracalla obtained
27th Febru- ^^ eafier though a more guilty vidlory. He artfully liftened to his
mother's entreaties, and confented to meet his brother in her apart-
ment, on terms of peace and reconciliation. In the midft of their
converfation, fome centurions, who had contrived to conceal them-
felves, ruihed with drawn fwords upon the unfortunate Geta. His
diftradled mother ftrove to proted him in her arms ; but, in the un-
availing ftruggle, ihe was wounded in the hand, and covered with•
the blood of her younger fon, while ihe faw the elder animating and
aiTifl-ing*' the fury of the aiTaiTms. As foon as the deed was per-
*^ Herodian, 1. iv. p. 144. boafted, he had flain his brother Geta. Dion^
^' Caracalla confecrated, in the temple of 1. Ixxvii. p. 1307,
Serapis, the fword, with which, as he
petrated,
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 163
petrated, Caracalla, with hafty fteps and horror hi his countenance, CHAP.
ran towards the Prsetorian camp as his only refuge, and threw him- " ^ '
felf on the ground before the ftatues of the tutelar deities ". The
foldiers attempted to raife and comfort him. In broken and dii-
ordered words he informed them of his imminent danger and for-
tunate efcape; infinuating that he had prevented the defigns of his
enemy, and declared his refolution to live and die with his faithful
troops. Geta had been the favourite of the foldiers ; but complaint
was ufelefs, revenge was dangerous, and they ftill reverenced the fon
of Severus. Their difcontent died away in idle murmurs, and
Caracalla foon convinced them of the juilice of his caufe, by diftri-
buting in one laviih donative the accumulated treafures of his father's
reign ''. The xt^Xfentiments of the foldiers alone were of import-
ance to his power or fafety. Their declaration in his favour,
commanded the dutiful profejfions of the fenate. The obfequious
aflembly was always prepared to ratify the decifion of fortune ;
but as Caracalla wiflied to aifuage the firft emotions of public indig-
nation, the name of Geta was mentioned with decency, and he re-
ceived the funeral honours of a Roman emperor '*. Pofterity, in
pity to his misfortune, has call a veil over his vices. We confider
that young prince as the innocent vidim of his brother's ambition,
without recoUeding that he himfelf wanted power, rather than in-
clination, to confummate the fame attempts of revenge and murder.
The crime went not unpuniihed. Neither bufinefs, nor pleafure, Remorfe and
cruelty of
nor flattery, could defend Caracalla from the flings of a guilty con- Caracalla.
** Hercdian, 1. Iv. p. 147. In every Ro- See Lipfius de Militia Romana, iv. 5. v. 2.
man camp there was a fmall chapel near the '^^ Herodian, 1. iv. p. 148. Dion, 1. Ixxvii.
head-quarters, in which the ftatues of the tu- p. 1289.
telar deities were preferved and adored ; and '•* Geta was placed among the gods. Sit
we may remarlc, that the eagles, and other iHnius, dum non fit 'vii-iis, faid his brother,
military enfigns, were in the firft rank of thefe Hift. Auguft. p. 51. Some marks of Ge-
deities : an excellent inftitution, which con- ta's confecration are fiill found upon me-
/irmed difcipline by the fanftion of religion, dais.
Υ 2 fcience;
i64 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, fcience; and he confeflfed, in the ans;ulfh of a tortured mind, that
Vi.
\. y > his difordered fancy often beheld the angry forms of his father
and his brother rifing into life, to threaten and upbraid him *'.
The confcioufnefs of his crime ihould have induced him to convince
mankind, by the virtues of his reign, that the bloody deed had been
the involuntary efFed of fatal neceflity. But the repentance of Cara-
calla only prompted him to remove from the world whatever could•
remind him of his guilt, or recal the memory of his murdered bro-
ther. On his return from the fenate to the palace, he found his
mother in the company of feveral noble matrons, weeping over the
untimely fate of her younger fon. The jealous emperor threatened
them with inftant death ; the fentence was executed againfl: Fadilla,
the laft remaining daughter of the emperor Marcus ; and even the
afflidted Julia was obliged to filence her lamentations, to fupprefs•
her fighs, and to receive the aiTaiTm with fmiles of joy and appro-
bation. It was computed that, under the vague appellation of the
friends of Geta, above twenty thoufand perfons of both fexes fuf-
fered death. His guards and freedmen, the miniilers of his fert-
ous bufinefs, and the companions of his loofer hours, thofe who by^
his intereft had been promoted to any commands in the army or
provinces, with the long-conne£led chain of their dependants, were
included in the profcription ; which endeavoured to reach every one
who had maintained the fmalleft correfpondence with Geta, who-
lamented his death, or who even mentioned his name '\ Helvius
Pertinax, fon to the prince of that name, loft his life by an unfeafon-
able witticifm "^ It was a fufficient crime of Thrafea Prifcus, to
'5 Dion, 1. Ixxvii. p. 1307. " Caracalla had affiimed the names of
'' Dion, 1. Ixxvii. p. 1290. Herodian, feveral conquered nations ; Pertinax ob-
1. iv. p. 150. Dion (p. 1298) fays, that the ferved, that the name of Getuus (he had
comic poets no longer durll employ the name obtained fome advantage of the Goths or
of Geta in their plays, and that the ellates of Gets) would be a proper addition to Parr
thofe who mentioned it in their teftaments, thicus, Alemannicus, &c. ΗϊΛ. Auguft..
were confifcated. p. 89.
be
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 165
be defcended from a family in which the love of liberty Teemed an
hereditary quality *'. The particular caufes of calumny and fufpi-
cion were at length exhaufted ; and when a fenator Λν35 accufed of
being a fecret enemy to the government, the emperor was fatisfied
with the general proof that he was a man of property and virtue.
From this well-grounded principle he frequently drew the moil
bloody inferences.
The execution of fo many innocent citizens was bewailed by the Death of Pa»
fecret tears of their friends and families. The death of Papinian,
the PriEtorian prsfedl, was lamented as a public calamity. During
the lail feven years of Severus, he had exercifed the moil important
office of the ilate, and, by his falutary influence, guided the empe-
ror's ileps in the paths of juilice and moderation. In full affurance
of his virtue and abilities, Severus, on his death-bed, had conjured him
to watch over the profperity and union of the Imperial family ^^^. The
honefl. labours of Papinian ferved only to inflame the hatred which
Caracalla had already conceived againil his father's miniiler. After
the murder of Geta, the prccfeit was commanded to exert the powers
of his ikill and eloquence in a iludied apology for that atrocious
deed. The philofophic Seneca had condefcended to compofe a fimi-
lar epiille to the fenate, in the name of the fon and aflTaifin of Agrip"
pina '° ; " That it was eafier to commit than to juilify a parricide,'*
was the glorious reply of Papinian '', who did not hefitate betweer^
the lofs of life and that of honour. Such intrepid virtue, which
had efcaped pure and unfullied from the intrigues of courts, the
habits of bufmefs, and the arts of his profeffion, refleds more luftre
on the memory of Papinian, than all his great employments, his-
" Dion, 1. Ixxvii. p. 1291. He was pro- ^' It is faid, that Papinian was himfelf a.
bably defcended from Helvidlus Prifcus, and relation of the emprefs Julia.
Thrafea Pstus, thofe patriots whofe firm, but :o TacJu. Annal. xiv. ii.
ufelefs and unfeafonable, virtue hns bem im- ,,., .
. ,• J u tr •. 3• Hift. Auguft-.p. 88.
mortalized by Tacitus. ■ " '^
t ■ numerous
i66
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
VI.
His tyranny
extended
over the
whole em-
pire.
A. D. 213.
numeiOuswrU'uigs, and the fuperior reputation as a lawyer, which
he has preferved through every age of the Roman jurifprudenoe '\
It had hitherto been the peculiar felicity of the Romans, and in
the worft of times their confolation, that the virtue of the empe-
rors was adive, and their vice indolent. Auguftus, Trajan, Ha-
drian, and Marcus, vifited their extenfive dominions in perlbn, and
their progrefs was marked by adls of wifdom and beneficence.
The tyranny of Tiberius, Nero, and Domitian, who refided almoft
■conftantly at Rome, or in the adjacent villas, was confined to the
fenatorial and equeftrian orders ". But Caracalla was the com-
mon enemy of mankind. He left the capital (and he never returned
to it) about a year after the murder of Geta. The reft of his reign
was fpent in the feveral provinces of the empire, particularly thofe
■of the Eaft, and every province was by turns the fcene of his rapine
and cruelty. The fenators, compelled by fear to attend his capricious
motions, were obliged to provide daily entertainments at an immenfe
expence, which he abandoned with contempt to his guards ; and to
eve€t, in every city, magnificent palaces and theatres, which he ei-
ther difdained to vifit, or ordered to be immediately thrown down.
The moft wealthy families were ruined by partial fines and confif-
cations, and the great body of his fubje£ts opprefled by ingenious
and aggravated taxes '\ In the midft of peace, and upon the
flighteft provocation, he iflued his commands, at Alexandria in
Egypt, for a general maffacre. From a fecure poft in the temple
of Serapis, he viewed and direded the (laughter of many thoufand
citizens, as well as ftrangers, without diftinguiihing either the num-
ber or the crime of the fufFerers ; fmce, as he coolly informed the
3* With regard to Papinian, fee Hei- made a ihort journey into Greece.
neccius's Hiftoria Juris Romani, 1. 330,
&c.
^' Tiberius and Domitian never moved
from the neighbourhood of Rome. Nero
Et
laudatorum Principum ufus ex aequo quamvis
procul agentibus. Ssvi proximis ingruunt."
Tacit. Hift. iv. 75.
3•* Dion, 1. Ixxvii. p. 1 294.
fenate}
OFTfJEROMANEMPIRE. 167
fenate, all the Alexandrians, thofe who had periflied and thofe who ^ ^^ P•
had el'caped, were aUke guilty ". >— — .^— /
The wife inftrudions of Severus never made any lafting impref- Relaxation of
fion on the mind of his fon, who, although not deftitute of imagi-
nation and eloquence, was equally devoid of judgment and huma-
nity '*. One dangerous maxim, worthy of a tyrant, was remem-
bered and abufed by Caracalla, " To fecure the affedlions of the
** army, and to efteem the reft of his fubjeds as of little moment '^"
But the liberality of the father had been reftrained by prudence, and
his indulgence to the troops was tempered by firmnefs and autho-
rity. The carelefs profufion of the fon was the policy of one reign,
and the inevitable ruin both of the army and of the empire. The
vigour of the foldiers, inftead of being confirmed by the fevere dis-
cipline of camps, melted away in the luxury of cities. The excef-
five increafe of their pay and donatives '^ exhaufted the ftate to
enrich the military order, whofe modefty in peace, and fervice in
war, is beft fecured by an honourable poverty. The demeanor of
Caracalla was haughty and full of pride ; but with the troops he
forgot even the proper dignity of his rank, encouraged their info-
^5 Dion, I. Ixxvii. p. 1307. Herodian, railitary pay, infinitely curious ; were it not
1. iv. p• 158. The former reprefents it as a obfcure, imperfeft, and probably corrupt,
cruel maflacre, the latter as a perfidious one The beft fenfe feems to be, that the Praeto-
too. It feems probable, that the Alexan- rian guards received twelve hundred and
drians had irritated the tyrant by their rail- fifty drachmae (forty pounds) a year. (Dion,
leries, and perhaps by their tumults. 1. Ixxvii. p. 1307.) Under the reign of Au»
^'' Dion, 1. Ixxvii. p. 1296. gaftus, they were paid at the rate cf two
^' Dion, 1. Ixxvi. p. 1284. Mr. Wotton drachms, or denarii, per day, 720 a year
(Hift. of Rome, p. 330.) fufpedis that this (Tacit. Annal. i. 17.). Domitian, who in-
maxim was invented by Caracalla himfelf creafed the foldier's pay one fourth, muft
and attributed to his father. have raifed the Prstorians to 960 drachms
^* Dion (I. Ixxviii. p. 1343.) informs us (Gronovius de Pecunia Veteri, 1. iii. c. 2.)..
that the extraordinary gifts of Caracalla to Thefe fucceffive augmentations ruined the
the army amounted annually to feventy mil- empire, for with the foldier's pay, their num-
lions of drachmae (about two millions three bers too were increafed. We have feen the-
hundred and ntty thoufand pounds). There Prxtorians alone increafed from ιο,οοο to
is another paiTage in Dion, concerning the 50,000 men,
* leat
i6S THE DECLINE AND FALL
lent familiarity, and negleding the effential duties of a general, af-
feded to imitate the drefs and manners of a common foldier.
Wurdrr of It was impoiTible that fuch a charadler, and fuch a condudt as
a^d"!!*-. ^^^^ oi Caracalla, could infpire either love or efteem ; but as long
sth March, ^g j^jg vices were beneficial to the armies, he was fecure from the
danger of rebellion. A fecret confpiracy, provoked by his own jea-
loufy, was fatal to the tyrant. The Praetorian prxfedure was di-
vided between two minifters. The military department was in-
trufted to Adventus, an experienced rather than an able foldier ; and
the civil affairs were tranfadcd by Opilius Macrinus, who, by his
dexterity in bufincfs, had raifed himfelf, with a fair charader, to
that high office. But his favour varied with the caprice of the em-
peror, and his life might depend on the flighteft fufpicion, or the
moll cafual circumftance. Malice or fanaticifm had fuggefted to an
African, deeply ikilled in the knowledge of futurity, a very dan-
gerous predidion, that Macrinus and his fon were deftined to reign
over the empire. The report was foon diffufed through the pro-
vince; and when the man was fent in chains to Rome, he ftill
afierted, in the prefence of the prjefed of the city, the faith of his
prophecy. That magiftrate, who had received the moft preffing
inftrudions to inform himfelf of the /uccejlrs of Caracalla, imme-
diately communicated the examination of the African to the Impe-
rial court, which at that time refided in Syria. But notwithftand-
ing the diligence of the public meflengers, a friend of Macrinus
found means to apprize him of the approaching danger. The em-
peror received the letters from Rome ; and as he was then engaged
in the conduft of a chariot race, he delivered them unopened to the
Praetorian prjefed, direding him to difpatch the ordinary affairs,
and to report the more important bufinefs that might be contained
in them. Macrinus read his fate, and refolved to prevent it. He
inflamed the difcontents of fojne inferior officers, and employed the
hand
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 169
hand of Martialis, a defpcrate foldier, who had been refufed the C Η a v.
rank of centurion. The devotion of Caracalla prompted him to " , »
make a pilgrimage from Edeffa to the celebrated temple of the
Moon at Carrhie. He was attended by a body of cavalry ; but
having ftopped on the road for fome neceflary occafion, his guards
preferved a refpedtful diftance, and Martialis approaching his perfon
under a pretence of duty, ftabbed him with a dagger. The bold
aiTaifin was inftantly killed by a Scythian archer of the Imperial
guard. Such was the end of a monfter whofe life difgraced human
nature, and whofe reign accufed the patience of the Romans ''. The
grateful foldiers forgot his vices, remembered only his partial libe-
rality, and obliged the fenate to proftitute their own dignity and that
of religion by granting him a place among the gods. Whilfl: he Imitation of
was upon earth, Alexander the Great was the only hero whom this
god deemed worthy his admiration. He aiTumed the name and en-
figns of Alexander, formed a Macedonian phalanx of guards, perfe-
cuted the difciples of Ariftotle, and difplayed with a puerile enthufi-
afm the only fentiment by which he difcovered any regard for virtue
or glory. We can eafily conceive, that after the battle of Narva, and
the conquefl: of Poland, Charles the Twelfth (though he ilill wanted
the more elegant accompliihments of the fon of Philip) might boail of
having rivalled his valour and magnanimity : but in no one adlion
of his life did Caracalla exprefs the faintefl: refemblance of the Mace-
donian hero, except in the murder of a great number of his own and .
of his father's friends *°.
After the extinction of the houfe of Severus, the Roman world EleSion and
remained three days without a mailer. The choice of the army (for Macritu^s"^
'* Dion, 1. Ixxviii. p. 1312. Herodian, heim, de Ufu Numifmatum, Differtat. xii.
I. iv, p. 168. Herodian (1. iv. p. 154.) had feen very ridi-
*" The fondnefs of Caracalla for the name culous piftures, in which a figure was drawn,
and enfigns of Alexander, is (till preferved with one fide of the face like Alexander, and
en the medals of tliat emperor. See Span- the other like Caracalla.
Vol. I. Ζ the
170 THE DECLINE AND FALL
the authority of a diftant and feeble fenate was little regarded) hung
in anxious fufpence ; as no candidate prefented himfelf whofe diftin-
guiihed birth and merit could engage their attachment and unite
their fufFrages. The decifive weight of the Praetorian guards ele-
vated the hopes of their priEfefts, and thefe powerful minifters be-
gan to alTert their legal claim to fill the vacancy of the Imperial
throne. Advcntus, however, the fenior prxfeft, confcious of iiis
age and infirmities, of his fmall reputation, and his fmaller abili-
ties, refigned the dangerous honour to the crafty ambition of his
colleague Macrinus, whofe well-diiTembled grief removed all fuf-
picion of his being acceflliry to his mafter's death ^\ The troops
neither loved nor efteemed his characiler. They caft their eyes
around in fcarch of a competitor, and at lafi; yielded with reludtance
to his promifes of unbounded liberality and indulgence. A fhort
A.D. ii7. time after his acceffion, he conferred on his Ton Diadumenianus, at
the age of only ten years, the Imperial title and the popular name
of Antoninus. The beautiful figure of the youth, aififted by an
additional donative, for which the ceremony furniihed a pretext,
might attrad, it was hoped, the favour of the army, and fecure the
doubtful throne of Macrinus.
Difcontent The authority of the new fovereign had been ratified by the cheerful
ef the fenate, fubn^jffjon of the fenate and provinces. They exulted in their unex-
pedled deliverance from a hated tyrant, and it feemed of little confe-
quence to examine into the virtues of the fucceiTor of Caracalla. But
as foon as the firfl: tranfports of joy and furprife had fubfided, they
began to fcrutinize the merits of Macrinus with a critical feverity,
and to arraign the hafty choice of the army. It had hitherto been
confidered as a fundamental maxim of the conilitution, that the
emperor muft be always chofen in the fenate, and the fovereign
power, no longer exercifed by the whole body, was always delegated
♦' Herodian, 1. iv. p. 169. Hift. Aviguft. p. 94.
to
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 171
to one of its members. But Macrinus was not a fenator *\ The ^ ^^^^ ^•
fudden elevation of the Prretorian praefedls betrayed the meannefs ' . — — '
of their origin ; and the equeftrian order was ftill in poffeillon of
that great office, which commanded with arbitrary fway the lives and
fortunes of the fenate. A murmur of indignation was heard, that
a man whofe obfcure *' extradion had never been illuftrated by any
fignal fervice, ihould dare to invert: himfelf with the purple, inilead
of beftowing it on fome diftinguifhed fenator, equal in birth and
dignity to the fplendour of the Imperial ftation. As foon as the cha-
radler of Macrinus was furveyed by the iharp eye of difcontent,
fome vices, and many defefts, were eafily difcovered. The choice
of his minifters was in feveral inftances juftly cenfured, and th-e dif-
fatisfied people, with their ufual candour, accufed at once his indolent
tamenefs and his exceffive feverity *^.
His raih ambition had climbed a height where it was difficult to andthearm}'.
Hand with fii-ranels, and impoifible to fall without inftant deftruc-
tion. Trained in the arts of courts and the forms of civil bufinefs,
he trembled in the prefence of the fierce and undifciplined multitude,
over whom he had aflumed the command : his military talents were
defpifed,, and his perfonal courage fufpedled : a whifper that circu-
lated in the camp, difclofed the fatal fecret of the confpiracy againil
** Dion, 1. Ixxxviii. p. 1350. Elagabalus narrowly efcaped. His enemies aderted, that
reproached his predeceflbr, with daring to he was born a flave, and had exercifed,
feat himfelf on the throne ; tliough, as. Pra;- among otlier infamous profeffions, that of
torian prjefeil, he could not have been ad- Gladiator. The faihion of afperfing the
mitted into the fenate after the voice of the birth and condition of an adverfary, feems to
cryer had cleared the houfe. The perfonal have lallcd from the time of the Greek ora-
favour of Plautianus and Sejan us had broke tors, to the learned grammarians of the laft age.
through the eftablifhed rule. They rofe in- 4+ Both Dion and Herodian fpeak of the
deed from the equeftrian order ; but they virtues and vices of Macrinus, with candour
preferved the prscfefture with the rank of fe- and impartiality ; but the author of his life,
nator, and even with the confulfliip. in the Auguftan Hillory, feems to have im-
♦^ He was a native of C.tfarca, in Numi- plicitly copied fome of the venal v/riters, eni-
dla, and began his fortune by ferving in the ployed by Elagabalus, to blacken the memory
houfehold of Plautian, from whofe ruin he of his predeceflbr.
Ζ 2 the
172 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^^^ ^• the late emperor, aggravated the guilt of murder by the bafenefs of
^- — , -" hypocrify, and heightened contempt by deteftation. To alienate the
foldiers, and to provoke inevitable ruin, the character of a re-
former was only wanting : and fuch was the peculiar hardihip of his
fate, that Macrinus was compelled to exercife that invidious office.
The prodigality of Caracal'a had left behind it a long train of ruin
and diforder ; and if that worthlefs tyrant had been capable of re-
fleiiling on the fure confequences of his ov^rn conduit, he would
perhaps have enjoyed the dark profped of the diilrefs and calamities
which he bequeathed to his fucceiTors.
Macrinus at- In the tnanagement of this neceffary reformation, Macrinus pro-
formation of ceeded with a cautious prudence, which would have reftored health
"" and vigour to the Roman army, in an eafy and almofl: imperceptible
manner. To the foldiers already engaged in the fervice, he was
conftrained to leave the dangerous privileges and extravagant pay
given by Caracalla ; but the new recruits were received on the more
moderate though liberal eftablifhment of Severus, and gradually
formed to modefty and obedience *'. One fatal error deftroyed the
falutary eifeds of this judicious plan. The numerous army, af-
fembled in the Eaft by the late emperor, inftead of being imme-
diately difperfed by Macrinus through the feveral provinces, was
fufFered to remain united in Syria, during the winter that followed
his elevation. In the luxurious idlenefs of their quarters, the troops
viewed their ilrength and numbers, communicated their complaints,
and revolved in their minds the advantages of another revolution.
The veterans, inftead of being flattered by the advantageous diftinc-
tion, were alarmed by the firft fteps of the emperor, which they
confidered as the prefage of his future intentions. The recruits,
■*' Dion, 1. Ixxxiii. p. 1336. The fenfe of by underftanding the diftinftion, not of vete-
the author is as dear as the intention of the rans and recruits, but of old and new legions,
emperor ; tut M. Wotton has miflaken both, Hillory of Rome, p. 347.
with
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. ij^
with fullen reluftancc, entered on a fervlce, whofe labours were In- ^ ^ J^ ^-
creafed while its rewards were diminiihed by a covetous and unwar- u— ν — =J.
Hke fovereign. The murmurs of the army fwelled with impunity
into feditious clamours ; and the partial mutinies betrayed a' fpirit
of difcontent and difafFedtion, that waited only for the flighteft oc~.
cafion to break out on every fide into a general rebellion. To minda•
thus difpofed, the occafion foon prefented itfelf. .
The emprefs Julia had experienced all the •viciffitudes'of fortune.• Deathof the
From an humble ftation, flie had beca raifed to greatnefs only to Education,
tafte the fuperior bitternefs of an exalted rank. She was doomed andrevoiTof
to weep over the death of one of her fons, and over the life of the f^nfa'a^t'^rft
other. The cruel fate of Caracalla. though her good fenfe muft B^^nus ani
" ° Antoninus. .
have long taught her to expeil it, awakened the feelings of a mother
and of an emprefs. Notwithftanding the refped:ful civility ex-
prefled by the ufurper towards the widow of Severus, flie defcended
with a painful ftruggle into the condition of a fubjedl, and foon
withdrew herfelf by a voluntary death from the anxious and humi-
liating dependence'**. Julia Micfa, her fifter, was ordered to leave
the court and Antioch. She retired to Emefa with an immenfe for*
tune, the fruit of twenty years favour, • accompanied by her two'
daughters, Sossmias and Mamt3ea, each of whom was a widow, and
each had an only fon. Baflianus, for that was the name of the fon
of Soasmias, was confecrated to the honourable miniftry of high
prieft of thfe SUn ; and this holy vocation, embraced either from
prudence or fuperftition, contributed to raife the Syrian youth to
the empire of Rome. A numerous body of troops was ftationed at
Emefa ; and, as the fevere difcipline of Macrinus had conftrained
them to pafs the winter encamped, they were eager to revenge the
cruelty of fuch unaccuftomed hardihips. The foldiers, who reforted
♦' Dion, 1. Ixxviii. p. 1330. The ticular, is in this place clearer than the ori- .
abiidgnvent of Xiphilin, though lefs par- ginal,
in;
174 THE DECLINE AND FALL
c HA P. in crowds to the temple of the Sun, beheld with veneration and
» N— ~-' delight the elegant drefs and figure of the young ponliiT: they re-
cognifed, or they thought that they recognifed, the features of Ca-
racalla, whofe memory they now adored. The artful Msefa faw and
cheriflicd their rifing partiality, and readily facrificing her daugh-
ter's reputation to the fortune of her grandfon, fhe infinuated that
BaiTunus was the natural fon of their murdered fovereign. The
fums diftributed by her emiiTaries with a lavifh hand, filenced every
objeition, and the profufion fufficiently proved the affinity, or at
leaft the refemblance, of Baffianus with the great original. The
young Antoninus (for he aflumed and polluted that refpedlable
'm^'V^' "^™ε) was declared emperor by the troops of Emefa, aflerted his
hereditary right, and called aloud on the armies to follow the ftaud-
ard of a young and liberal prince, who had taken up arms to re-
venge his father's death and the oppreflion of the military order *v
Defeat i»d Whilft a confpiracv of women and eunuchs was concerted with
death of Ma-
crinus. prudencc, and conduced with rapid vigour, Macrinus, who by a
decifive motion might have cruihed his infant enemy, floated be-
' tween the oppolite extremes of terror and fecurity, which alike fixed
•him inactive at Antioch. A fpirit of rebellion diffufed itfelf through
all the camps and garrifons of Syria, fucceffive detachments mur-
dered their officers *% and joined the party of the rebels ; and the
tardy reftitution of military pay and privileges was imputed to the
acknowledged weaknefs of Macrinus. At length he marched out
♦' According to Lampridius (Hiil. Augiift. oppofite error of chronology, he lengthens
,p. 135.), Alexander Severus lived twen- the reign of Elagabalus two years beyond its
ty-nine years, three months, and feven real duration. For the particulars of the con-
days. As he was killed March 19, 235, fpiracy, fee Dion, 1. Ixxviii. p. 1339. He-
he was born December 12, 205, and was rodian, 1, v. p. 184.
confequently about this time thirteen years *8 g^ ^ ^qJ^ dangerous proclamation of
old, as his elder coufin mi^ht be about fe- ^^^ pretended Antoninus, every foldier who
venteen. This computation fuits much bet- brought in his officer's head, became entitled
ter the hiftory of tlie young princes, than that ^^ j^-^ p^-^^jg g^^te, as well as to his military
ofHerodian, (1. v. p. 181.) who reprefents commiffion.
them as three years younger ; whilft, by an
of
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 175
of Antiocb, to meet the increafing and zealous army of the young ^ f^^ Γ••
pretender. His own troops feemed to take the field with faintnefs •— — ν »
and reludance ; but, in the heat of the battle ■*', the Praetorian guards, Λ. D. 218,
almoil by an involuntary impulfe, aflerted the fuperiority of their ^
valour and difcipline. The rebel ranks were broken j when the
mother and grandmother of the Syrian prince, who, according to their
eaftern cuftom, had attended the army, threw themfelves from their
covered .chariots, and, by exciting the compafhon of the foldiers, en-
deavoured to animate their drooping courage. Antoninus himfelf,
who in the reft of his life never afled like a man, in this important
erifis of his fate approved himfelf a hero, mounted his horfe, and
at the head of his rallied troops charged fword'in hand among the
thickeft of the enemy; whilft the eunuch Ganny-s, whofe occupations
had been confined to female cares and the foft .luxury of Afia,
difplayed the talents of an able and experienced general. The
battle ftill raged with doubtful violence, and Macrinus might have
obtained the vidory, had he not betrayed his own caufe by a ihame-
ful and precipitate flight. His cowardice ferved only to protrait'
his life a few days, and to flamp deferved ignominy on his mif-
fortunes. It is fcarcely neceiTary to add, that his fon Diadume-
nianus was invo.!,ved in the fame fate. As foon as the ftubborn
Praetorians could be convinced that they fought for a prince who had
bafely deferred them, they furrendered to the conqueror; the con-
tending parties of the Roman army mingling tears of joy and ten-
dernefs, united under the banners of the imagined fon of Caracalla,
and the Eaft acknowledged with pleafure the firft empeiOr of Afiatic
£xtra£lion.
The letters of Macrinus had condefcended to inform the fenate of Elagabaius-
the flight difturbance occafioned by an impoftor in Syria, aad a de- fenaL/
'*».Dion, 1. hocviii. p. 1345. Hcrodian, the village of Immae, about two and" twenty
L V. p. 186. The battle was fought near miles from Ar.tioch,
6 cree
176 THE DECLINE AND FALL
cree immediately paiTed, declaring the rebel- and his family public
enemies ; with a promife of pardon, however,' to fuch of his deluded
■adherents as ihould merit it by an immediate return to their duty.
During the twenty days that• ekpfed from the declaration to the vic-
tory of Antoninus (for in [o ihon an interval was the fate of the Ro-
man world decided), the capital and the provinces, more efpeclally
thofe of the Eaft, were diflraded with hopes and fears, agitated with
tumtilt, and ftcined with a ufelefs effufion of civil blood, fince who-
foever of the rivals prevailed in Syria, muft reign over the empire.
The fpecious letters in which the young conqueror announced his
viflory to the obedient fenate, -were filled with profcifions of virtue
and moderation ; the ihining examples of Marcus and Aiiguftus, he
ihould ever ■ confider as the great rule of his adminiftration ; and
he afFefted to dwell with pride on the ftriking refemblance of
his own age and fortunes with thofe of Auguftus, who in the
earlieft youth had revenged by a fuccefsful war the murder of his
father. By adopting the ftyle of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, fon
of Antoninus and grandfon of Severus, he tacitly aiTerted his here-
ditary claim to the empire; but, by aiTuming the tribunitian and pro-
confular powers before they had been conferred on him by a decree
of the fenate, he offended the delicacy of Roman prejudice. This
tiew and injudicious violation of the conftitution was probably dic-
tated either by the ignorance of his Syrian courtiers, or the fierce
difdain of his military followers '°.
Piaure of As the attention of the new emperor was diverted by the moft tri-
αΈ^^'ζΙ'ο ^'"g amufements, he wafted many months in his luxurious progrefs
from Syria to Italy, paiTed at Nicomedia the firft winter after his vic-
tory, and deferred till the cnfuing fummer his triumphal entry into
the capital. A faithful pidture, however, which preceded his arrival,
and was placed by his immediate order over the altar of Vidory ia
'° Dion, 1. Ixxix. p. 135Θ.
the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 177
the fenate-houfe, conveyed to the Romans the juft but unworthy ^' ΐί.Λ v.
refemblance of his perfon and manners. He was drawn in his <— — ,— ^
facerdotal robes of filk and gold, after the loofe flowing fafliion of
the Medes and Phoenicians ; his head was covered with a lofty tiara,
his numerous collars and bracelets were adorned with gems of aa
ineflimable value. His eye-brows were tinged with black, and his
cheeks painted with an artificial red and white ". The grave fena-
tors confelfed with a figh, that, after having long experienced the
ilern tyranny of their own countrymen, Rome was at length hum-
bled beneath the effeminate luxury of Oriental defpoiifm.
The Sun was worfliipped at Emefa, under the name of Elaga- His fuperfli-r
balus '*, and under the form of a black conical ftone, which, as it '°"•'
was univerfally believed, had fallen from heaven on that facred
place. To this protecting deity, Antoninus, not without feme
reafon, afcribed his elevation to the throne. The difplay of fuperfti-
tious gratitude was the only ferious bufinefs of his reign. The
triumph of the god of Emefa over all the religions of the earth,
was the great objedt of his zeal and vanity ; and the appellation of
Elagabalus (for he prefumed as pontiff and favourite to adopt that
facred name) was dearer to him than all the titles of Imperial great-
nefs. In a folemn procefTion through the ftreets of Rome, the way
was flrewed with gold duft; the black ftone, fet in precious gems,
was placed on a chariot drawn by fix milk-white horfes richly ca-
parifoned. The pious emperor held the reins, and fupported by his
mlnifters, moved flowly backwards, that he might perpetually enjoy
the felicity of the divine prefence. In a magnificent temple raifed
on the Palatine Mount, the facrificesof the god Elagabalus were cele-
brated with every circumftance of coft and folemnity. The richeil
'' Dion, 1. Ixxix. p. 1363. Herodlan, form, the forming, or plaftic God, a pro-
1. V. p. 189. per, and even happy epithet for the Sun.
^'• This name is derived by the learned from Wotton's hirtory of Rome, p. 378.
two Syriac words, £/a a God, and Galal to
Vol. I. A a wines,
178
His pro.li-
£;ate and
efFeminate
luxury.
THE DECLINE AND FALL
wines, the moil extraordinary vidlms, and the rareft aromatics, were
profufely confumed on his ahar. Around the ahar a chorus of
Syrian dainfels performed their lafcivious dances to the found of bar-
barian mufic, whilil the graveft perfonages of the ftate and army,
clothed in long Phoenician tunics, officiated in the meanefl functions,
with affected zeal and fecret indignation ''.
To this temple, as to the common centre of religious worfliip,
the Imperial fanatic attempted to remove the Ancilia, the Palladium '*,
and all the facred pledges of the faith of Numa. A crowd of in-
ferior deities attended in various ftations the majefty of the god of
Emefa; but his court was ftill imperfed:, till a female of diftin-
guiflied rank was admitted to his bed. Pallas had been firft chofen
for his confort ; but as it was dreaded left her warlike terrors might
affright the foft delicacy of a Syrian deity, the Moon, adored by
the Africans under the name of Aftarte, was deemed a more fuitable
companion for the Sun. Her image, with the rich offerings of her
temple as a marriage portion, was tranfported with folemn pomp
from Carthage to Rome, and the day of thefe myftic nuptials was a
general feftival in the capital and throughout the empire ''.
A rational voluptuary adheres with invariable refped to the tem-
perate didates of nature, and improves the gratifications of fenfe by
locial intercourfe, endearing connections, and the foft colouring of
tafte and the imagination. But Elagabalus, (I fpeak of the emperor
of that name) corrupted by his youth, his country, and his fortune,
abandoned himfelf to the groffeft pleafures with ungoverned fury,,
and foon found difguft and fatiety in the midft of his enjoyments»
5' Herodian, 1. v. p. 190.
'■* He broke into the faniluary of Vella,
and carried away a ftatue, which he fuppofed
to be the Palladium; but the Λ'είΙ^Ιδ boafted,
that by a pious fraud, they had impofed a
counterfeit image on the profane intruder.
Hid. Auguft. p. 103.
'' Dion, 1. Ixxix. p. 1360. Herodian, I. v,
p. 193. The fubjedls of the empire were ob-
liged to make liberal prefents to the new-mar-
ried couple J and whateA'cr they had promifed
during the life of Elagabalus, was carefully
e.xafted under the adminillration of Ma-
maea.
The
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 179
The inflammatory powers of art were fummoned to his aid : the CHAP,
confufed multitude of women, of wines, and of dillies, and the
ftudied variety of attitudes and fauces, ferved to revive his languid
appetites. New terms and new inventions in thefe fciences, the
only ones cultivated and patronifed by the monarch '*, fignalized his
reign, and tranfmitted his infamy to fucceeding times. A capricious
prodigality fupplied the want of tafte and elegance ; and whilft Ela-
gabalus laviflied away the treafures of his people in the wildefl; ex-
travagance, his own voice and that of his flatterers applauded a
fpirit and magnificence unknown to the tamenefs of his predeceflTors.
To confound the order of feafons and climates ", to fport with the
paflions and prejudices of his fubjeQs, and to fubvert every law of
nature and decency, were in the number of his mofl: delicious amufe-
ments. A long train of concubines, and a rapid fucceifion of wives,
among whom was a veftal virgin, raviflied by force from her facred
afylum '% were infufficient to fatisfy the impotence of his paflions.
The mafter of the Roman world afFeded to copy the drefs and
manners of the female fex, preferred the diftafi^ to the fceptre, and
diihonoured the principal dignities of the empire by diftributing
them among his numerous lovers ; one of whom was publickly in-
vefl;ed with the title and authority of the emperor's, or as he more
properly ftyled himfelf, of the emprefs's hufljand ".
'* The in\-ention of a new fauce was libe- " Hierccles enjoyed that honour; but he
rally rewarded ; but if it was not relifhed, would hzve been fupplanted by one Zoticus,
the, inventor was confined to eat of nothing had he not contrived, by a potion, to ener-
elfe, till he had difcovered another more vate the powers of his rival, who being found
agreeable to the Imperial palate. Hill•. Au- en trial unequal to his reputation, was driven
guft. p. 111. with ignominy from the palace. Dion, 1.
^' He never would eat fea-fifh except at a Ixxi.x. p. 1363, 1364. A dancer was made
great diftance from the fea ; he then would prsfeft of the city, a charioteer pra:feil of the
diftribute vaft quantities of the rareil: forts, watch, a barber pr.^fed of the proviftons.
brought at an immenfe cxpence, to the pea- Thefe three minillers, with many inferior
fants of the inland country. Hill. Aug. p. 109. officers, were all recommended, emrmitcti
5' Dion, h lxxix> p. 1358. Herodian, 1. v. nicmbroruin. Hi!l. Auguft. p. 105.
p. Ii>2.
Aa 2 It
i8o
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Contempt
of decency
which dilUn-
guillied the
Roman ty-
rants.
Difcontents
ef the army.
Alexander
Scverus de-
clared Caefar.
A. D. a2fc.
It may fcem probable, the vices and follies of Elagabalus have been
adorned by fancy, and blackened by prejudice *°. Yet confining
ourfelves to the public fcenes difplayed before the Roman people,
and attefted by grave and contemporary hiftorians, their inexprcf-
fible infamy furpafies that of any other age or country. The liccnfe
of an caftern monarch is fecluded from the eye of curiofity by the
inacceflible walls of his feraglio. The fentiments of honour and
gallantry have introduced a refinement of pleafurc, a regard for de-
cency, and a refpedl for the public opinion, into the modern courts
of Europe; but the corrupt and opulent nobles of Rome gratified
every vice that could be colleded from the m.ighty conflux of nations
and manners. Secure of impunity, carelefs of cenfure, they lived
without reftraint in the patient and humble fociety of their flaves
and parafites. The emperor, in his turn, viewing every rank of his
fubjedls with the fame contemptuous indiiference, aiTertcd without
control his fovereign privilege of lufl: and luxury.
The moil worthlefs of mankind are not afraid to condemn in
others the fame dlforders which they allow in themfelves; and can
readily difcover fome nice difference of age, charadler, or flation, to
juftify the partial diftindion. The licentious foldiers, who had
raifed to the throne the diflolute fon of Caracalla, bluChed at their
ignominious choice, and turned with difguft from that monfter, to
contemplate with pleafure the opening virtues of his coufin Alex-
ander the ion of Mamssa. The crafty Msefa, fenfible that her grand-
foji Elagabalus muft inevitably deftroy himfelf by his own vices,
had provided another and furer fupport of her family. Embracing
a favourable moment of fondnefs and devotion, ihe had perfuaded
the young emperor to adopt Alexander, and to invefl: him with the
title of Cxfar, that his own divine occupations might be no longer
'° Even the credulous compiler of his life, to fufpeil that his vices may have been exag-
in the Auguftan Hiilory (p. iii.), is inclined gerated.
rnterrupted
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. i8i
interrupted by the care of the earth. In the fecond rank that ami- ^ ^ ^ P.
V 1.
able prince loon acquired the afFeilions of the pubHc, and excited ' — — v~-^->
the tyrant's jealoufy, who refolved to terminate the dangerous com-
petition, either by corrupting the manners, or by taking away the
life, of his rival. His arts proved unfuccefsful; his vain defigns were
conftantly difcovered by his own loquacious folly, and difappointcd
by thofe virtuous and faithful fervants whom the prudence of Mamsea
had placed about the perfon of her fon. In a hafty fally of paflion,
Elagabalus refolved to execute by force what he had been unable to
compafs by fraud, and by a defpotic fentence degraded his coufin
from the rank and honours of Ciefar. The meifage was received in
the fenate with filence, and in the camp with fury. The Prietorian
guards fvvore to proteil Alexander, and to revenge the diihonoured
majeiiy of the throne. The tears and promifes of the trembling
Elagabalus, who only begged them to fpare his life, and to leave
him in the pofieiTion of his beloved Hieroclcs, diverted their juft
indignation ; and they contented themfelves with empowering their
prccfeds to watch over the fafety of Alexander, and the conduit of
the emperor *'.
It was impoffible that fuch a reconciliation ihould laft, or that Sedition of
even the mean foul of Elagabalus could hold an empire on fuch and^nuide'r
humiliating terms of dependence. He foon attempted, by a dan- °^^^'*S^^^"
gerous experiment, to try the temper of the foldiers. The report ^-^• ^^^-^
'^ lotliMarclw
of the death of Alexander, and the natural fufpicion that he had
been murdered, inflamed their paffions into fury, and the tempefl: of
the camp could only be appeafcd by the prefence and authority of
the popular youth. Provoked at this new inftance of their aiFedion
for his coufin, and their contempt for his perfon, the emperor
ventured to punifh fome of the leaders of the mutiny. His unfea-
*' Dion, 1. Ixxix. p. 1365. Herodiari, 1. v. lowed the bell authors in his account of the
p. 195 — 201. Hift. Auguil. p. 105. The revolution,
laft of the three hiftorians feems to have, fol-
fonabk
iSa
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Acceflion of
Alexandei
Severus.
Power of his
mother
Mamsa.
fonable feverhy proved inftantly fatal to his minions, his mother,
and himfelf. Elagabalus was maffacred by the indignant Prxto-
rians, his mutilated corpfc dragged through the ftreets of the city,
and thrown into the Tyber. His memory was branded with eternal
infamy by the fenate ; the juftice of whofe decree has been ratified
by pofterity ''.
In the room of Elagabalus, his coufin Alexander was raifed to
the throne by the Prsetorian guards. His relation to the family of
Severus, whofe name he aflumed, was the fame as that of his pre-
deceflbr ; his virtue and his danger had already endeared him to
the Romans, and the eager liberality of the fenate conferred upon
him, in one day, the various titles and powers of the Imperial
dignity *'. But as Alexander was a modeft and dutiful youth, of
only feventeen years of age, the reins of government were in the
hands of two women, of his mother Mamxa, and of Msefa, his
grandmother. After the death of the latter, who furvived but a
fliort time the elevation of Alexander, Mamcea remained the fole
regent of her fon and of the empire.
In every age and country, the wifer, or at lead the ftronger, of
the two fexes, has ufurped the powers of the ftate, and confined the
other to the cares and pleafures of domeftic life. In hereditary mo-
narchies, however, and efpecially in thofe of modern Europe, the
** The 2era of the death of Elagabalus, and
of the acceflion of Alexander, has employed
the learning and ingenuity of Pagi, Tille-
mont, X'alfecchi, Vignoli, and Torre biihop
of Adria. The queftion is moll ailkrcdly in-
tricate ; but I ftill adhere to the authority of
Dion ; the truth of whofe calculations is un-
deniable, and the purity of whofe text is juf-
tified by the agreement of Xiphilin, Zonaras,
and Cedrenus. Elagabalus reigned three
years, nine months, and four days, from his
viftory over Macrinus, and was killed March
10, ZZ2. But what ihall we reply to the
t
medals, undoubtedly genuine, which reckon
the fifth year of his tribunitian power? We
Ihall reply with the learned Valfecchi, that
the ufurpation of Macrinus was annihilated,
and that the fon of Caracalla dated his reign
from his father's death. After refolving this
great difficulty, the fmaller knots of this
quellion may be eafily untied, or cut afun-
der.
''^ Hift. Auguft. p. 114. By this unufual
precipitation, the fenate meant to confound
the hopes of pretenders, and prevent the fac-
tions of the armies.
gallant
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 183
gallant fpirit of chivalry, and the law of fucceffion, have accuflomed ^ ^i, -^ P-
us to allow a fingular exception ; and a woman is often acknow- ,- ' v- »
ledged the abfolute fovereign of a great kingdom, in which ilie
would be deemed incapable of exercifing the fmallefi: employment,
civil or military. But as the Roman emperors were illll conlidered
as the generals and magiftrates of the republic, their wives and
mothers, although diftinguiihed by the name of Augufta, were never
aifociated to their perfonal honours ; and a female reign would have
appeared an inexpiable prodigy in the eyes of thofe primitive Ra-
mans, who married without love, or loved without delicacy and re-
fpedl'^*. The haughty Agrippina afpired, indeed, to ihare the ho-
nours of the empire, which ihe had conferred on her fon; but her
mad ambition, detefted by every citizen who felt for the dignity of
Rome, was difappointed by the artful firmnefs of Seneca and Bur-
rhus "^^ The good fenfe, or the indifference, of fucceeding princes,,
reiirained them from offending the prejudices of their fubjefts ; and «
it was referved for the profligate Elagabalus, to difgrace the afts of
the fenate, with the nanie of his mother Sosemias, who was placed
by the fide of the confuls, and fubfcribed, as a regular member,
the decrees of the iegiflative affembly. Her more prudent filler,
Mamsea, declined the ufelefs and odious prerogative, and a folemn
law was enaCted, excluding women for ever from the fenate, and
devoting to the infernal gods, the head of the wretch by whom this
fandion ihould be violated**. The fubftance, not the pageantry»
of power was the objedt of Mamxa's manly ambition, She main-
tained an abfolute and lafting empire over the mind of her fon, and ^.
in his affection the mother could not brook a rival. Alexander,.
** Metellus Numidicus, the cenfor, ac- panion ; and he could recommend matrimony,
knowledged to the Roman people, in a pub- only as the facrifice of private pleafure to pub-
lic oration, that had kind Nature allowed us lie duty. Aulus GelHus, i. 6.
to exill without the help of women, wc ihould ''^ Tacit. Annal. xiii. 5.
be delivered from a. very troublefome com-' " Hill. Augiill. p. 102. 107.
with
184
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Wife and
moderate ad-
minillration.
Education
and virtuous
temper of
-il^lexander.
with her confent, married the daughter of a Patrician j but his
refpeft for his father-in-law, and love for the emprefs, were incon-
fiftent with the tendernefs or intereft of Mamaea. The Patrician was
executed on the ready accufation of treafon, and the wife of Alex-
ander driven with ignominy from the palace, and banifhed into
Africa '\
Notwithftanding this a6l of jealous cruelty, as well as feme
inftances of avarice, with which Mamcea is charged ; the ge-
neral tenour of her adminiftration was equally for the benefit of
her fon and of the empire. With the approbation of the fenate,
ihe chofe fixteen of the wifeft and moft virtuous fenators, as a per-
petual council of ftate, before whom every public bufinefs of mo-
ment was debated and determined. The celebrated Ulpian, equally
diftinguifhed by his knowledge of, and his refpe£l for, the laws of
Rome, was at their head ; and the prudent firmnefs of this arifto-
cracy reftored order and authority to the government. As foon as
they had purged the city from foreign fuperftition and luxury, the
remains of the capricious tyranny of Elagabalus, they applied them-
felves to remove his worthlefs creatures from every department of
public adminiftration, and to fupply their places with men of virtue
and ability. Learning, and the love of juftice, became the only re-
commendations for civil offices. Valour, and the love of difcipline,
the only qualifications for military employments *\
But the moft important care of Mamsea and her wife counfellors,
was to form the character of the young emperor, on whofe perfonal
*' Dion, 1. Ixxx. p. 1369. Herodian, I. 6.
p. 206. Hift. Augull. p. 131. Herodian re-
prefents the Patricians as innocent. The
Auguftan Hiilory, on the authority of Dex-
ippus, condemns him, as guilty of a confpi-
racy againft the life of Alexander. It is im-
poiTible to pronounce between them : but
Dion is an irreproachable witnefs of the jea-
loufy and cruelty of Mamaea toward the young
emprefs, whofe hard fate Alexander lamented,
but durft notoppofe.
*^ Herodian, 1. vi. p. 203. Hift. Auguft.
p. 119. The latter infinuates, that when any
law was to be paffed, the council was ailifted
by a number of able lawyers and experienced
fenators, whofe opinions were feparately given,
and taken down in writing.
qualities
ο F ΤΗ Ε R OM AN EMPIRE, 1S5
qualities the happinefs or mifcry of the Roman world mufl ulti-
mately depend. The fortunate foil affiftcd, and even prevented, the
hand of cultivation. An excellent underftanding foon convinced
Alexander of the advantages of virtue, the pleafure of knowledge,
and the neceffity of labour. A natural mildnefs and moderation of
temper preferved him from the aflaults of paifion and the allure-
ments of vice. His unalterable regard for his mother, and his
efteem for the wife Ulpian, guarded his unexperienced youth from
the poifon of flattery.
The fimple journal of his ordinary occupations exhibits a pleafing journnioriiis
.. ^ 1-n 1 60 1 • 1 Γ 11 ordinary life.
picture or an accomplilhcd emperor ', and with lome allowance
for the difference of manners, might well deferve the imitation of
modern princes, Alexander rofe early : the firft moments of the day
were confecratcd to private devotion, and his domeflic chapel was
filled with the images of thofe heroes, who, by improving or reform-
ing human life, had deferved the grateful reverence of pofterity.
But, as he deemed the fervice of mankind the moil acceptable
worihip of the gods, the greateft part of his morning hours was
employed in his council, where he difcuiTed public affairs, and
determined private caufes, with a patience and difcretion above his '
years. The drynefs of bufinefs was relieved by the charms of
literature : and a portion of time was always fet apart for his fa-
vourite ftudies of poetry, hiilory, and philofophy. The works of
Virgil and Horace, the republics of Plato and Cicero, formed his
tafle, enlarged his underftanding, and gave him the nobleft ideas of
man and government. The exercifes of the body fuccecded to
thofe of the mind ; and Alexander, who was tall, adive, and ro-
buft, furpailed moft of his equals in the gymnaflic arts. Refreihed
by the ufe of the bath and a flight dinner, he refumed, with new
*' See his liiie in the Aiiguftan Pliftory. thefe intereftiiig anecdotes under a load of
The undiftinguifhing compiler has buried trivial and unmeaning cii'Cuinftanccs.
Vol. I. Β b vigour,
lie THE DECLINE AND FALL
vigour, the bufinefs of the day, and, till the hour of flipper, the
principal meal of the Romans, he was attended by his fecretaries,
with whom he read and anfwered the multitude of letters, mema-
rials, and petitions, that muft have been addreifed to the mailer of
the greatefl; part of the world. His table was ferved with the moft
. frugal fimpliaty ; and whenever he was at liberty to confult his
own inclination, the company confifted of a few fele£t friends,
men of learning and virtue, aniongfl: whom Ulpian was coa-
ilantly invited. Their convcrfation was familiar and inftrudive ;
and the pauies were occafionally enlivened by the recital of fome
pleafing compoiitLon, which fupplied the place of the dancers, come-
dians, and even gladiators, fo frequently fummoned to the tables
of the rich and luxurious Romans '°. The drefs of Alexander was
plain and modeil, his demeanor courteous and affable : at the
proper hours his palace was open to all his fubjeds, but the voice
of a crier was heard, as in the Eleufmian myileries, pronouncing the
fame fahitary admonition ; " Let none enter thofe holy walls, ua-
*' lefs he is confcious of a pure and innocent mind ^'."
Generalhap- Such an uniform tenour of life, which left not a moment for vice
Roman ^ ^ ΟΓ folly, is a better proof of the wifdom and juftice of Alexander's
A°'^d'222— government, than all the trifling details prefcrved in the compila-
^35• tion'of Lampridius. Since the acceffion of Commodus the Roman
world had experienced, during a term of forty years, the iucceffive
and various vices of four tyrants. From the death of Elagabalus
it enjoyed iin aufpicious calm of thirteen years. The provinces,
relieved from the oppreffive taxes, invented by Caracalla and his
pretended fon, flourlfhed in peaje and profperity, under the ad-
miniftration of magiftrates, who were convinced by experience, that
to deferve the love of the fubjeds, was their beft and only method
of obtaining the favour of their fovereign. While fome gentle
'" Seethe ijth Satire of Juvenal. '" Hiil. Au^uft. p. 119.
reftraints
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 187
reftralnts were impofed on the infolcnt luxury of the Roman peo- ^ ^^ ^ ''•
VI.
pie, the price of provifions, and the intcrefl: of money, were re-
duced, by the paternal care of Alexander, whofe prudent liberality,
without diftreifing the induftrious, fiipplicd the wants and amufe-
ments of the populace. The dignity, the freedom, the authority
of the fenate was reftored ; and every virtuous fenator might ap-
proach the perfon of the emperor, without a fear, and without a
bluih.
The name of Antoninus, ennobled by the virtues of Pius and Alexander
refuTcs the
Marcus, had been communicated by adoption to the diiTolute Ve- name of An-
rus, and by defcent to the cruel Commodus. It became the ho-
nourable appellation of the fons of Severus, was beftowcd on young
Diadumenianus, and at length proRituted to the infimy of the
high prieft of Emefa. Alexander, though preiTed by the ftudied,
and perhaps, fincerc importunity of the fenate, nobly refufed the
borrowed luftre of a name ; whilft in his whole conduft he laboured
to reftore the glories and felicity of the age of the genuine An-
tonines ''.
In the civil. adminiAration of Alexander, wifdom was enforced He attempts
1 1 • r 1 • • • 1 '^" reform the
by power, and the people, feniible or the public lehcity, repaid army.
their benefadtor with their love and gratitude. There flill remained a
greater, a more necefiary, but a more difficult enterprife ; the refor-
mation of the military order, whofe intereft and temper, confirmed by
long impunity, rendered ihem impatient of the reftraints of dif-
cipline, and carelefs of the blcflings of public tranquillity. In the
execution of his defign the emperor afFeded to difplay his love,
and to conceal his fear, of the army. The moil: rigid oeconomy
'^ See in the Hlft. Augull. p. ii6, 117, had enjoyed, almoll a twelvemonth,, the blef-
the whole conteft between Alexander and the fings of his reign. Before the appellation of
fenate, extrafted from the journals of that Antoninus was offered him as a title of ho-
aflembly. It happened on the fi.xth of March, nour, the fenate waited to fee whether Ale.v-
probably of the year 223, when the Remans anJer woi'.ld not afiurae it, as a family name.
Β b 2 in
iSS THE DECLINE AND FALL
in every oihcr branch of the adminiflratlon, fupplied a fund of goltt
and filver for the ordniary pay and the extiaordin^ary rewards of
the troops. In their marches he relaxed the fevere obligation of
carrying feventeen days provifion on their llioulders. Ani)ple
magazines were formed along the public roads, and as Γ^χαι as they
entered the enemy's country, a nivmerous train of mules and camels-
waited on their haughty lazinefs. As- Alexander defpaired of
correding the luxury of his foldiers, he attempted, at leaft, to di-
rect it to objeds of martial pomp and ornament, fine horfes, fplen-
did armour, and Hiields enriched with lilver and gold. He fiiared-
whatever fatigues he was obliged to impofe, vifited, ia perfon, the
fick and wounded, preferved an exad regiiler of their fervices-
and his own gratitude, and exprefled, on every occafion, the
warmefb regard for a body of men, whofe welfare, as he affeded'
to declare, was fo clofely conneded with that of the ftate"'. By
the moil gentle arts he laboured to- infpire the fierce multitude
with a fenfe of duty, and to reflore at lead: a faint image of that
difcipline to which the Romans owed their empire ever fo many
other nations, as warlike and more powerful than themfelves. But
his prudence was vain, his courage fatal, and the attempt towards-
a reformation ferved only to inflame the ills it was meant to cure.
Seditions of The Prxtorian guards were attached to the youth of Alexander.
"Jardf, Tnd"^ They loved him as a tender pupil, vvhom they had faved from•
Ubian."^ a tyrant's fury, and placed on the Imperial throne. That amiable
prince was fenfible of the obligation, but as his gratitude was re-
ftrained within the limits of reafon and juftice, they focn were
more dilTatisfied with the virtues of Alexander, than they had
ever been with the vices of Elagabalus. Their prGcfed, the wife
"Ulpian, was the friend of the laws and of the people ; he was
conudered as the enemy of the foldiers, and to his pernicious
'J It was a favourite faying of the emperors, falus publica in his eflet. Hift. Auguft.
Se milites magis fervarc, cjuam feigfum j quod p. 130..
councils
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 189
cotincils every fcheme of reformation was Imputed. Some trifling
accident blew up their difcontent into a furious mutiny; and a
civil war raged, during three days, in Rome, whilil the life of that
excellent minifter was defended by the grateful people. Terrified,
at length, by the fight of fome houies in flames, and by the threats
of a general conflagration, the people yielded with a figh, and left
the virtuous, but unfortunate, Ulpian to his fate. He was purfued
into the Imperial palace, and maflacred at the feet of his mafler,
who vainly ftrove to cover him with the purple, and to obtain his
pardon from the inexorable foldiers. Such was the deplorable
weaknefs of government, that the emperor was unable to revenge
his murdered friend and his infulted dignity, without ftooping to
the arts of patience and diflimulatlon. Epagathus, the principal
leader of the mutiny, was removed from Rome, by the honourable "
employment of praefeil of Egypt ; from that high rank he was
gently degraded to the government of Crete ; and when, at length,
his popularity among the guards was effaced by time and ab-
fence, Alexander ventured to inflid the tardy, but deferved punifli-
ment of his crimes "^ Under the reign of a jufl: and virtuous
prince, the tyranny of the army threatened with inftant death
his mofl; faithful minifters, who were fufpefted of an intention to-
corre£l their intolerable diforders. The hiflorian Dion Caflius had D^^nger "f
Dion Caillas»
commanded the Pannonian legions with the fpirit of ancient dif-
cipline. Their brethren of Rome, embracing the common caufe of
military licenfe, demanded the head of the reformer. Alexander,
however, inftead of yielding to their fcditious clamours, ihewed a.
juft fenfe of his merit and ferviees, by appointing him his colleague
'* Though the author of tlis life of Alex- cover a weaknefs in the adminiilratlon of iiis
ander (Hift. Aiiguft. p. 132.) mentions the hero. From this defigned οπιίίΓιοη, \vc ni.-iy
fedition raifed againii Ulpian by the foldiars, judge of the weight and candour of tJiat :.ii •
he conceals the cataftrophe, as it might dif- thor,
in
190 THE DECLINE AND FALL
c II Λ Γ. in iJie confulfl'.ip, and defraying from his own treafury the expence
< , ' of that vain dignity : but as it was juftly apprehended that if the
foldiers beheld him v/ith the cnfigns of his office, they would re-
venge the infult in his blood, the nominal firfl magiilrate of the
iiate retired, by the emperor's advice, from the city, and fpent the
greateil part of his confulfhip at his villas in Campania "^
Tuijialti of 'pijg lenity of the emperor confirmed the infolence of the troops ;
tilt icgioni. -^ ^ '■
the legions imitated the example of the guards, and defended their
prerogative of licentioufnefs with the fame furious obilinacy. The
adniiniilration of Alexander was an unavailing ftruggle againfl: the
corruption of his age. In Illyricum, in Mauritania, in Armenia, in
Mefopotamia, in Germany, freih mutinies perpetually broke out ;
his officers were murdered, his authority was infulted, and his life
Firmnefs of at laft facrificcd to the fierce difcontents of the army '*. One parti-
the ejiiperor. _ _ ' '^
cular fact well deferves to be recorded, as it illuftrates the manners of
the troops, and exhibits a fmgular inftance of their return to a fenfe
of duty and obedience. Whllfi: the emperor lay at Antioch, in his
Perfian expedition, the particulars of which we ihall hereafter relate,
the punilhmentof fome foldiers, who had been difcovered in the baths
of women, excited a fedition in the legion to which they belonged.
Alexander afcended his tribunal, and with a modeft firmnefs repre-
fented to the armed multitude, the abfolute neceffity as well as his in-
flexible refolution of correcting the vices introduced by his impure
predecefibr, and of maintaining the difcipline, which could not be
relaxed without the ruin of the Roman name and empire. Their
clamours interrupted his mild expoilulation. " Referve your
" fhouts," faid the undaunted emperor, " till you take the field
" againft the Perfians, the Germans, and the Sarmatians. Be filent
" For an account of Ulpian's fate and his '* Annotat. Reimar. ad Dion Caflius,
own danger, fee the mutilated conclufion of 1, Ixxx. p. 1369.
Dion's Hillon , 1. Ixxx. p. 1371.
«' ill
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 191
" in the prefence of your foverelgn and benefador, who bei\ov/s ^ ^^ j^ ^*
'• upon you the corn, the clothing, and the money of the provinces. >- > »
" Be filent, or I ihall no longer ftyle you foldiers, but citizens '\ if
" thofe indeed who difclaim the laws of Rome defcrve to be ranked
" among the meaneft of the people." His menaces inOamcd the
fury of the legion, and their brandiilied arms already threatened his
perfon. " Your courage," refumed the intrepid Alexander, " would
*' be more nobly difplayed in a field of battle; me you may dc-
" ftroy, you cannot intimidate; and the feverejuftice of the republic
** would punifh your crime and revenge my death.'' The legion ftill
perfifted in clamorous feditlon, when the emperor pronounced, with
a loud voice, the decifive fentence, " Citizens', lay down your arms^
" and depart in peace to your refpedive habitations." The tempeit
was inftantly appealed ; the foldiers, filled with grief and iliame,
filently confeiTed the juftice of their punifnment and the power of
difcipline, yielded up their arms and military enfigns, and retired
in confufion, not to their camp, but to the feveral inns of the city.
Alexander enjoyed, during thirty days, the edifying fpedacle of
their repentance; nor did he reflore them to their former rank in
the army, till he had punilhed with death thofe tribunes whofe con-
nivance had occafioned the mutiny. The grateful legion ferved the
emperor, whilft living, and revenged him when dead ■^
The relblutions of the multitude generally depend on a moment; Defeat of his
r rr• •ι ill • iri•• 1' iciirn and
and the caprice of palTion might equally determine the leditious legion charaaer.
to lay down their arms at the emperor's feet, or to plunge them into
his breaft. Perhaps, if the fingular tranfadlon had been inveftigated
by the penetration of a philofopher, we ihoulcl difcover the fccret
caufes which on that occafion authorized the boldnefs of the prince
" Julius Ca-far had appcafed η fedition honourable condition of mere citizens. Tacit-
with the fame word ^iritts; which tlias op- Annnl. i. 43.
pofed te Soldiers, was ufed in a foife of con- " Hift. Augiift. p. 132.
tempt, and reduced, the ciFenuers to ilie lef^
and
,^2 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C Η A P. and commanded the obedience of the troops ; and perhaps, if it had
ι —- ^- ._/ been related by ajudicious hiftorian, we ihould find this aQion, worthy
of C^Efar himfelf, reduced nearer to the level of probability and the
common flandard of the charader of Alexander Severus. The abi-
lities of that amiable prince, feem to have been inadequate to the
difllcukies of his fituation, the firmnefs of his condudt inferior to
the purity of his Intentions. His virtues, as well as the vices of
Elagabalus, contraQed a tindure of weaknefs and effeminacy from
the foft climate of Syria, of which he was a native ; though he
bluflied at his foreign origin, and liilened with a vain complacency
to the flattering genealogifts, who derived his race from the ancient
Hock of Roman nobility ''. The pride and avarice of his mother
caft a iliade on the glories of his reign ; and by exading from his
riper years the fame dutiful obedience which ihe had juilly claimed
from his unexperienced youth, Mamsca expofed to public ridicule
both her fon's charader and her own ^°. The fatigues of the Perfian
war irritated the military difcontent ; the unfuccefsful event de-
graded tlie reputation of the emperor as a general, and even as a
foldier. Every caufe prepared, and every circumilance hailened, a
revolution, which diftraded the Roman empire with a long feries of
inteftine calamities.
thlffiMnce^" The diUblute tyranny of Commodus, the civil wars occafioned
of the em- |^^ j^|g death, and the new maxims of policy introduced by the houfe
'2 From Λε Metelli. Hift. Auguft. p. 119. the moft invidious particulars, confirmed by
The choice was judicious. In one fhort pe- the decifive fragments of Dion. Vet from a
riod of twelve years, the Metelli could reckon very paltry prejudice, the greater number of
feven confulfliips, and five triumphs. See our modern writers abufe Herodian, and copy
Velleius Paterculus, ii. 11. and the Fafti. the Auguftan Hiilory. See Mefl". de Tille-
'" The life of iVlexander, in the Auguftan mont and Wotton. From the oppofite pre-
Hiftory, is the mere idea of a perfeiil prince, judice, theemperorjulian (inCcti;irib.p.3i5.)
an av/kward imitation of the Cyropa;dia. The dwells with a vifible fati^faftion on the effe-
account of his reign, as given by Herodian, minate weaknefs of the Syria», and the ridi-
is rational and moderate, confiftent with the culous avarice of his mother,
jencraj liinory of the age; and, in fome of
t ©f
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. ig.
of Severus, had all contributed to increafe the dangerous power of C Η A p.
the army, and to obliterate the faint image of laws and liberty that ^_ — , ._/
was ftill imprciTcd on the minds of the Romans. This internal
change, which undermined the foundations of the empire, we have
endeavoured to explain with fome degree of order and perfpicuity.
The perfonal chara«£lers of the emperors, their vidlories, laws, follies,
and fortunes, can intereft us no farther than as they are connedted
with the general hiftory of the Decline and Fall of the monarchy.
Our conftant attention to that great objedl, will not fufFer us to over-
look a moil important edi£l of Antoninus Caracalla, which com-
municated to all the free inhabitants of the empire the name and
privileges of Roman citizens. His unbounded liberality flowed
not, however, from the fentiments of a generous mind ; it was the
fordid refult of avarice, and will naturally be illuilrated by fome
obfervations on the finances of that itate, from the vidorious ages of
the commonwealth to the reign of Alexander Severus.
The fiege of Veii in Tufcany, the firil confiderable enterprife of Eftabiiih-
the Romans, was protracted to the tenth year, much lefs by the
flrength of the place than by the unfldlfulnefs of the befiegers.
The unaccuftomed hardfliips of fo many winter campaigns, at the
diftance of near twenty miles from home ^', required more than
common encouragements ; and the fenate wifely prevented the cla-
mours of the people, by the inftitution of a regular pay for the
foldiers, which was levied by a general tribute, aiTefTed according to
an equitable proportion on the property of the citizens ^'', During
more than two hundred years after the conqueft of Veii, the vidto-
5' According to the more accurate Diony- has removed Veii from Civita Caftellana, to
fius, the city itfelf was only an hundred ita- a little fpot called Ifola, in die midway be-
dia, or twelve miles and a half from Rome ; tv/een Rome and the lake Bracciano.
though fome out-pofts might be advanced ^^ See the j\xh and 5th books of LIvy.
farther on the fide of Etruria. Nardini, in a In the Roman Cenfus, property, power,
profefled treatife, has combated tlie popivlar and taxation, were commenfurate with each
opinion and the authority of two popes, and other.
Vol. I. C c ries
ment
jg^ THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, ries of the republic added lefs to the weahh than to the power of
c--Y•^ Rome. The ftates of Italy paid their tribute in military fervice
only, and the vaft force both by fea and land, which was exerted in
the Punic wars, was maintained at the cxpence of the Romans them-
felves. That high-fpirited people (fuch is often the generous en-
thufiafm of freedom) cheerfully fubmitted to the moil exceflive but
voluntary burdens, in the juft confidence that they ihould fpeedily
enjoy the rich harveft of their labours. Their expectations were
not difappointed. In the courfe of a few years, the riches of Syra-
cufe, of Carthage, of Macedonia, and of Afia, w^ere brought in tri-
and abolition umph to Rome. The treafures of Perfeus alone amounted to near
on Roinan" two millions ftcrling, and the Roman people, the foverelgn of fo
citizena. j-j^^ny nations, was for ever delivered from the weight of taxes ".
The increafing revenue of the provinces was found fufficient to
defray the ordinary eflabliil-iment of war and government, and the
fuperfluous mafs of gold and filver was depofited in the temple of
Saturn, and referved for any unforefeen emergency of the ftate ^*.
Tributes of Hiftory has never perhaps fuffered a greater or more irreparable
the provinces
injury, than in the lofs of the curious regifter bequeathed by Au-
guilus to the fenate, in which that experienced prince fo accurately
balanced the revenues and expences of the Roman empire '\ De-
prived of this clear and comprehenfive eflimate, we are reduced to
colleil a few imperfed hints from fuch of the ancients as have acci-
dentally turned afide from the fplendid to the more ufeful parts of
hiftory. We are informed that, by the conquefts of Pompey, the
ftf Afia, tributes of Afia were raifed from fifty to one hundred and thirty-
five millions of drachms ; or about four millions and a half fler-
cf Egypt, ling '\ Under the laft and moft indolent of the Ptolemies, the re-
" Plin. Hill. Natur. I. xxxiii. c. 3. Cicero f ' Tacit, in Annal. i. 11. It fejms to have
de Offic. ii. 22. Plutarch, in P. ^mil. p. 275. exiiled in the time of Appian.
*+ See a fine defcription of this accumulated £« Plutarch, in Pompeio, p. 642.
wealth of ages,in Lucan's Phaxf.l.iii.v. 155.&C.
venue
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 19;
venue of Eo-ypt is faid to have amounted to twelve thoufand five C Η λ ι•.
. . VI.
hundred talents ; a fum equivalent to more than two millions and ' v— — '
a half of our money, but which was afterwards confiderably im-
proved by the more exadt oeconomy of the Romans, and the increafe
of the trade of ^Ethiopia and India "^ Gaul was enriched by rapine, of Gaul,
as Egypt was by commerce, and the tributes of thofe two great pro-
vinces have been compared as nearly equal to each other in value "",
The ten thoufand Euboic or Phoenician talents, about four millions of Africa,
ilerling *', which vanquiilied Carthage was condemned to pay within
the term of fifty years, were a flight acknowledgment of the fuperio-
rity of Rome '°, and cannot bear the leafl: proportion with the taxes
afterwards raifed both on the lands and on the perfons of the inhabit-
ants, when the fertile coaft of Africa was reduced into a province ''.
Spain, by a very fingular fatality, was the Peru and Mexico of of Spain,
the old world. The difcovery of the rich weftern continent by the
Phoenicians, and the oppreffion of the fimple natives, who were
compelled to labour in their own mines for the benefit of ftrangers,
form an exad type of the more recent hiftory of Spanifh America ".
The Phoenicians were acquainted only with the fea-coafl: of Spain ;
avarice, as well as ambition, carried the arms of Rome and Carthage
into the heart of the country, and almoft every part of the foil was
found pregnant with copper, filver, and gold. Mention is made of a
mine near Carthagena which yielded every day twenty-five thoufand
drachms of filver, or about three hundred thoufand pounds a
year ''. Twenty thoufand pound weight of gold was annu-
"^ Strabo, 1. xvii. p. 798. the fame talent was carried from Tyre to
'* VelleiusPaterculus, l.ii. c. 39. hefeems Carthage.
to give the preference to the revenue of ^° Polyb. 1. xv. c. 2.
Gaul. °' Appian in Piinicis, p. 84.
«' The Euboic, the Phoenician, and Alex- ^' Diodorus Siculus, l.v. Cadiz was built
andrian talents, were double in weight to the by the Phoenicians a little more than a thou-
Attic. See Hooper of ancient weights and fand years before Chrift. See Veil. Paterc. i. 2.
meafures, p. iv. c. 5. It is very probable, that -'^ Strabo, 1. iii. p. 148.
Cc 2 ally
φ
THE DECLINE AND FALL
ally received from the provinces of Afturia, Gallicia, and Lufita-
of the ifle of
Gyarus.
Amou'nt of
the revenue.
Taxes on
Roman citi-
zens infti-
tuted by
Aiigullus.
nia
94-
We want both leifure and materials to purfue this curious inquiry
through the 'many potent ftates that were annihilated in the Roman
empire. Some notion, however, may be formed of the revenue of
the provinces where confiderable wealth had been depofited by na-
ture, or colledled by man, if we obferve the fevere attention that
was direded to the abodes of folitude and fterility. Auguftus once
received a petition from the inhabitants of Gyarus, humbly praying
that they might be relieved from one-third of their exceffive impo-
fitions. Their whole tax amounted indeed to no more than one
hundred and fifty drachms, or about five pounds : but Gyarus was
a little ifland, or rather a rock, of the iEgean fea, deftitute of frefli
water and every neceifary of life, and inhabited only by a few
wretched fifhermen ''.
From the faint glimmerings of fuch doubtful and fcattered lights,
we ihould be inclined to believe, ift, That (with every fair allowance
for the difference of times and circumftances) the general income of
the Roman provinces could feldom amount to lefs than fifteen or
twenty millions of our money '* ; and, adly. That fo ample a revenue
muft have been fully adequate to all the expences of the moderate go-
vernment inftituted by Auguftus, whofe court was the modeft family
of a private fenator, and whofe military eftabliiliment was calculated
for the defence of the frontiers, without any afpiring views of con-
queft, or any ferious apprehenfion of a foreign invafion.
Notwithftanding the feeming probability of both thefe conclufions,
the latter of them at leaft is pofitively difowned by the language
** Plin. Hift. Natur. 1. xxxiii. c. 3. He ture of the aftual mifery of Gyarus.
mentions likewife a filver mine in Dalmatia, '' Lipfius de niagnitudine Romana (1. ii.
that yielded every day fifty pounds to the ftate. c. 3.) computes the revenue atone hundred
'5 Strabo, 1. x. p. 485. Tacit. Annal. iii. and fifty millions of gold crowns; but his
69. and iv. 30. See in Tournefort (Voyages whole book, though learned and ingenious,
au Levant, Lettre viii.) a very lively pic- betrays a very heated imagination.
and
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 197
and conduiH: of Auguflus. It is not eafy to determine whether, on ^ ^^ ^•
this occafion, he aded as the common fixther of the Pvoman world, " '
or as the oppreflor of liberty ; whether he wiihed to relieve the pro-
vinces, or to impovcriili the fenate and the equeftrian order. But
no fooner had he aiTumed the reins of government, than he fre-
quently intimated the infuiTiciency of the tributes, and the neceffity
of throwing an equitable proportion of the public burden upon
Rome and Italy. In the profecution of this unpopular defign, he
advanced, however, by cautious and well-weighed fteps. The in-
trodudion of cuftoms was followed by the eftabliihment of an ex-
cife, and the fcheme of taxation was completed by an artful aflefiment
on the real and perfonal property of the Roman citizens, who had been
exempted from any kind of contribution above a century and a half.
I. In a great empire like that of Rome, a natural balance of money The cuiloms.
muft have gradually eilabliflied itfelf. It has been already obferved,
that as the wealth of the provinces was attrafted to the capital by
the ftrong hand of conqueft and power; fo a confiderable partof it was
reilored to the induftrious provinces by the gentle influence of com-
merce and arts. In the reign of Auguflus and his fucceflors, duties
were impofed on every kind of merchandife, which through a thou-
fand channels flowed to the great centre of opulence and luxury ;
and in whatfoever manner the law was exprefl'ed, it was the Roman
purchafcr, and not the provincial merchant, who paid the tax '^
The rate of the cufl;oms varied from the eighth to the fortieth part
of the value of the commodity ; and we have a right to fuppofe
that the variation was direfted by the unalterable maxims of policy:
that a higher duty was fixed on the articles of luxury than on thofe
of necelTity, and that the produdlions raifed or manufadured by the
labour of the fubjedls of the empire, were treated \vith more in-
dulgence than was fhewn to the pernicious, or at leaft the unpopular,
9" Tacit. Anr.al. xiii. 31.
commerce
to^ THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^.-^ ''• commerce of Arabia and India''. There is ftill extant a long but
^ w ' imperfect catalogue of eaftern commodities, which about the time
of Alexander Severus were fubjeit to the payment of duties ; cinna-
mon, myrrh, pepper, ginger, and the whole tribe of aromatics, a
great variety of precious ilones, among which the diamond was the
moil remarkable for its price, and the emerald for its beauty " :
Parthian and Babylonian leather, cottons, filks, both raw and manu-
iadlured, ebony, ivory, and eunuchs '°°. We may obferve that the
ufe and value of thofe effeminate flaves gradually rofe with the
decline of the empire.
Thcexcife. H. The excife, introduced by Auguilus after the civil wars, was
extremely moderate, but it was general. It feldom exceeded one
per cent. ; but it comprehended w^hatever was fold in the markets
or by public audion, from the moft confiderable purchafes of lands
and houfes, to thofe minute objedts which can only derive a value
from their infinite multitude and daily confumption. Such a tax,
as it aifedls the body of the people, has ever been the occafion of
clamour and difcontent. An emperor well acquainted with the
wants and refources of the ftate, was obliged to declare by a public
edid, that the fupport of the army depended in a great meafure on
the produce of the excife '°'.
Taj.oniega- HI. When Auguftus refolved to eftabliih a permanent military
hentancss. force for the defence of his government againft foreign and domeftic
enemies, he inftituted a peculiar treafury for the pay of the foldiers,
5' See Pliny (Hift. Natur. 1. vi. c. 23. "" M. Bouchaud, in his treatife de I'lmpot
1. xii. c. 18.). His obfervation, thatthein- chez les Remains, has tranfcribed tliis cata-
di;in commodities were fold at Rome at a logue, from the Digeft, and attempts to il-
hundred times their original price, may give luftrate it by a very prolix commentary',
us foine notion of the produce of the cuiloms, '°' Tacit. Annal. i. 78. Two years after-
fmce that original price amounted to more wards, the reduftion of the poor kingdom of
than eight hundred thoufand pounds. Cappadocia gave Tiberius a pretence for
'^'J The ancients v/ere unacquainted with diminiihing the excife to one half; but the
the art of cutting diamonds. relief was of very ihort duration.
t the
OFTHEROMANEMPlRii. 199
the rewards of the veterans, and the extraordinary expences of ^ HA p.
war. The ample revenue of the excife, though peculiarly appro- « ν — —*
priated to thofe ufes, was found inadequate. To fupply the defi-
ciency, the emperor fuggefled a new tax of five per cent, on all
legacies and inheritances. But the nobles of Rome were more tena-
cious of property than of freedom. Their indignant murmurs were
received by Auguftus with his ufual temper. He candidly referred
the whole bufinefs to the fenate, and exhorted them to provide for
the public fervice by fome other expedient of a lefs odious nature.
They were divided and perplexed. He infinuated to them, that
their obftinacy would oblige him to propofe a general land-tax and
capitation. They acquiefced in filence '°'. The new impofition on
legacies and inheritances was however mitigated by fome reftric-
tlons. It did not take place unlefs the objedl was of a certain value,
moil probably of fifty or an hundred pieces of gold '°' ; nor could it
be exaded from the neareft of kin on the father's fide '°^ When
the rights of nature and poverty were thus fecured, it feemed
reafonable, that a ftranger, or a diftant relation, who acquired an
unexpefted acceifion of fortune, ihould cheerfully refign a twentieth
part of it, for the benefit of the ftate '"'.
Such a tax, plentiful as it muft prove in every wealthy commu- Suited to the
nity, was moll happily fuited to the fituatlon of the Romans, who l^^ij,e"f.
could frame their arbitrary wills, according to the didates of reafon
or caprice, without any reilraint from the modern fetters of entails
and fettlements. From various caufes the partiality of paternal af-
fedion often loft its influence over the ilcrn patriots of the com-
monwealth, and the diflblute nobles of the empire ; and if the father
bequeathed to his fon the fourth part of his eilate, he removed all
'"^ Dion Caffius, 1. Iv. p. 794. 1'. Ivi. p. 8zj. fide, were not called to the fucceifion. This
'"' The fum is only fixed by conjedure. harfli inllitiition was gradually undermined by
■°* As the Roman law fubfifted for many humanity, and finally aboliilicd by J uftinian,
ages, the Csfsfl/;, or relations on the mother's ■>' Plin. Panegyiic. c. 37.
ground
200 THE DECLINE AND FALL
ground of legal complaint '°^ But a rich chlldlefs old man was a
domeftic tyrant, and his power increafed with his years and in-
firmities. A fervile crowd, in which he frequently reckoned
praetors and confuls, courted his fmiles, pampered his avarice, ap-
plauded his follies, ferved his paifions, and waited with impatience
for his death. The arts of attendance and flattery were formed into
a nioft lucrative fcience, thofe who profefled it acquired a peculiar
appellation; and the whole city, according to the lively defcrip-
tions of fatire, was divided betw^een two parties, the hunters and
their game '°\ Yet, while fo many unjuft and extravagant wills
were every day didated by cunning, and fubfcribed by folly, a few
were the refult of rational efteem and virtuous gratitude. Cicero,
who had fo often defended the lives and fortunes of his fellow-
citizens, was rewarded with legacies to the amount of an hundred
and feventy thoufand pounds'"' ; nor do the friends of the younger
Pliny feem to have been lefs generous to that amiable orator'"'.
Whatever was the motive of the teftator, the treafury claimed, with-
out difxindlion, the twentieth part of his eftate ; and in the courfe
of two or three generations, the whole property of the fubjeft muft
have gradually paiTed through the coffers of the ftate.
Regulations In the firfl: and golden years of the reign of Nero, that prince,
or" the em- . ^ _ .
pjrors. from a dehre or popularity, and perhaps from a blind impulfe
of benevolence, conceived a wiih of abolilhing the oppreflion of the
cuftoms and excife. The wifeil fenators applauded his magnanimity ;
but they diverted him from the execution of a defign, which would
have dilTolved the ilrength and refources of the republic"". Had
it indeed been poffible to realize this dream of fancy, fuch princes
'■■* See Heineccius in the Antiquit. Juris him an occafion of difplaying his reverence
Romani, 1. ii. to the dead, and his jullice to the living. He
'"' Horat. I. ii. Sat. v. Petron. c. ii6, reconciled both, in his beha^aour to a fon
Sec. Plin. 1. ii. Epift. 20. whohad been difuiherited by]iismother(v. i.)
"" Cicero in Philipp. ii. c. 16. "" Tacit. Annal. xiii. 50. Eiprit des
'"^ See his epiftles. Every fuch Will gave LoLx, 1. xii. c. 19.
4 as
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ A Ν Ε Μ ρ I R Ε. 20ΐ
as Trajan and the Antonines would furely have embraced with ^ ^^ P•
ardour the glorious opportunity of conferring fo fignal an obli- ' „ f
gation on mankind. Satisfied, however, with alleviating the pub-
lic burden, they attempted not to remove it. The mildnefs and
■precifion of their laws afcertained the rule and meafure of taxation,
and protedted the fubje(£i: of every rank againfl: arbitrary interpret-
ations, antiquated claims, and the infolent vexation of the farmers
of the revenue '". For it is fomewhat fingular, that, in every age,
the beft and w^ifeft of the Roman governors perfevered in this per-
nicious method of colleding the principal branches at leaft of the
excife and cuftoms "".
The fentiments, and, indeed, the fituation of Caracalla, were very Edia of
different from thofe of the Antonines. Inattentive, or rather
averfe to the welfare of his people., he found himfelf under the
neceiTity of gratifying the infatiate avarice, which he had excited
in the army. Of the feveral impofitions introduced by Auguftus,
the twentieth on inheritances and legacies was the moft fruitful,
as well as the moil: comprehenfive. As its influence was not con-
fined to Rome or Italy, the produce continually increafed with the
gradual extenfion of the Roman City. The new citizens, though
charged, on equal terms '", with the payment of new taxes, which
had not affeited theni as fubjeds, derived an ample compenfation
from the rank they obtained, the privileges they acquired, and the
fair profpe£t of honours and fortune that was thrown open to their
ambition. But the favour, which implied a diftindlion, was loft The freedom
of the city
in the prodigality of Caracalla, and the reludant provincials given to all
the provin-
were compelled to aifume the vam title, and the real obliga- ciais, forthe
p.urpofe of
taxation.
'" See Pliny's Panegyric, the Auguftan '" The fituation of the new citizens is
hifbory, and Barman, de Veftigal. paiFim. minutely defcribed by Pliny (Panegyric, c. 37,
"- The tributes (properly fo called) were 38,39). Trajan pubJiihed a law very much
n.ot farmed ; fince the good princes often re- in their favour,
mitted many millions of arrears.
Vol. I. D d iions.
•202
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
VI.
» „ >
Temperary
Teduftion of
tke tribute.
Confequen-
ces of the
univerfal
freedom of
Rome.
tions, of Roman citizens. Nor was the rapacious Ton of Se-
verus contented with fuch a meafure of taxation, as had appeared
fufiicient to his moderate predeceflbrs. Inflead of a twentieth, he
exadted a tenth of all legacies and inheritances ; and during his
reign (for the ancient proportion was reRored after his death) he
cruihed alike every part of the empire under the weight of his
iron fceptre "*.
When all the provincials became liable to the peculiar impofitions
of Pv.oman citizens, they feemed to acquire a legal exemption from the
tributes which they had paid in their former condition of fubjeds.
Such were not the maxims of government adopted by Caracalla and
his pretended fon. The-old as well as the new taxes were, at the fame
time, levied in the provinces. It was referved for the virtue of Alexan-
tler to relieve them in a great meafure from this intolerable grievance»
by reducing the tributes to a thirtieth part of the fura exadled at the
time of his acceiTion "'. It is impoifible to conjedure the motive that
engaged him to fpare fo trifling a remnant of the public evil ; but
the noxious weed, which had not been totally eradicated, again fprang
up with the moft luxuriant growth, and in the fucceeding age
darkened the Roman world with its deadly ihade. In the courfe of
this hiftory, we ihall be too often fummoned to explain the land-tax,
the capitation, and the heavy contributions of corn, wine, oil, and
meat, which were exaded from the provinces, for the ufe of the
court, the army, and the capital.
As long as Rome and Italy were refpeded as the centre of govern-
ment, a national fpirit was preferved by the ancient, and infenfibly
imbibed by the adopted, citizens. The principal commands of the
army were filled by men who had received a liberal education, were
"* Dion, L Ixxvii, p. 1295. pieces of gold were coined by Alexander's
"' He who paid ten aiirei, the yfua! tri- order. Hift. Auguft. p. 127, with the com-
bute, was charged with no more than the mentary of Salmafius.
third part of an aureus, and proportional
t
well
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 203
well intruded in the advantages of laws and letters, and who had ^ Η Λ P.
rifen, by equal fteps, through the regular fuccefllon of civil and mi- ' „ '
litary honours "*. To their influence and example we may partly
afcribe the modeft obedience of the legions during the two firft cen-
turies of the Imperial hiflory.
But v/hen the laft enclofure of the Roman conftltution was tram-
pled down by Caracalla, the feparation of profeflions gradually
fucceeded to the diftindlion of ranks. The more poliflied citizens of
the internal provinces were alone qualified to adl as lawyers and ma-
giftrates. The rougher trade of arms was abandoned to the peafints
and barbarians of the frontiers, who knew no country but their
camp, no fcience but that of war, no civil laws, and fcarcely
thofe of military difcipline. With bloody hands, favage manners,
and defperate refolutions, they fometimes guarded, but much oftener
fubverted the throne of the emperors.
"* See the lives of Agricola, Velpafian, and indeed of all the eminent men of thofa-
Trajan, Severus, and his three competitors ; times.
Dd ^
204 THEDECLINEAND FALL
CHAP. VIL
"The elevation and tyranny of Maxtmin. — Rebellion in
Jlfrica and Italy .^ ii7ider the authority of the Senate.
— Civil IVars and Seditions. — F^iolent Deaths of Max-
tmin and his Son, of Maximus and Balbinus, and of
the three Gordiaiis. — Ufarpation a7id fecular Games of
Philip,
Ο
F the various forms of government, which have prevailed in the
world, an hereditary monarchy feems to prefent the faireft
rent ridicule fcopc for fidiculc. Is it poiTible to relate, without an indignant
fmile, that, on the father's deceafe, the property of a nation,
like that of a drove of oxen, defcends to his infant fon, as yet
unknown to mankind and to himfelf ; and that the braveft war-
riors and the wifeft ftatefmen, relinquifhing their natural right to
empire, approach the royal cradle with bended knees and pro-
teftations of inviolable fidelity ? Satire and declamation may
paint thefe obvious topics in the moft dazzling colours, but our
more ferious thoughts will refpea: a ufeful prejudice, that• efta-
bliihes a rule of fucceffion, independent of the paflions of man-
kind ; and we fhall cheerfully acquiefce in any expedient which
deprives the multitude of the dangerous, and indeed, the ideal, power
of giving themfelves a mailer,
and folid ad- In the cool ihade of retirement, we may eafily devife imaginary
hereditary forms of government, in which the fceptre fhall be conilantly be-
ftowed on the moft worthy, by the free and incorrupt fufFrage of
the whole community. Experience overturns thefe airy fabrics,
and
fucceffion.
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 205
and teaches us, that, ia a large fociety, the eledion of a monarch C ha I'.
can never devolve to the wifel!:, or to the moil numerous, part of ' ^-— '
the people. The army is the only order of men fufficiently united
to concur in the fame fentiments, and powerful enough to impofe
them on the reft of their fellow-citizens : but the temper of foldiers,
habituated at once to violence and to flavery, renders them very
unfit guardians of a legal, or even a civil conftitution. Jufticc,
humanity, or political wifdom, are qualities they are too little
acquainted with in themfelves, to appreciate them in others. Va-
lour will acquire their efteem, and liberality will purchafe their
fuffrage ; but the firft of thefe merits is often lodged in the moft
favage breafts ; the latter can only exert itfelf at the expence of the
public ; and both may be turned againft the poiTeiTor of the throne,
by the ambition of a daring rival.
The fuperior prerogative of birth, when it has obtained the fane- wantofitin
tion of time and popular opinion, is the plaineft and leaft invidious, empire'pro-
of all diftindlions among mankind. The acknowledged right ^uft'^eottlie
extinguiihes the hopes of fadion, and the confcious fecurity dif- mities.
arms the cruelty of the monarch. To the firm eftablifhment of this
idea, we owe the peaceful fucceffion, and mild adminiftration, of
European monarchies. To the defed of it, we muft attribute the
frequent civil wars, through which an Afiatic Defpot is obliged to
cut his way to the throne of his fathers. Yet, even in the Eaft,
the fphere of contention is ufually limited to the princes of the
reigning houfe, and as foon as the more fortunate competitor has re-
moved his brethren, by the fword and the bow-ftring, he no longer
entertains any jealoufy of his meaner fubjedls. But the Roman em-
pire, after the authority of the fenate had funk into contempt, was
a vaft fcene of confufion. The royal, and_even noble, families of
the provinces, had long fince been led in triumph before the car of
the haughty republicans. The ancient families of Rome had .
fucccffively fallen beneath the tyranny of the Cacfars j and whilft
thofc
2ίίβ THEDECLINEANDFALL
thofe princes were fliackled by the forms of a commonwealth, and
difappointed by the repeated faihire of their pofterity ', it was im-
poilible that any idea of hereditary fucceffion fliould have take»
root in the minds of their fubjeds. The right to the throne, which
none could claim from birth, every one aifiimed from merit. The
daring hopes of ambition were fet loofe from the falutary reftraints
of law and prejudice ; and the meaneft of mankind might, without
folly, entertain a hope of being raifed by valour and fortune to a
rank in the army, in which a fingle crime would enable him to
wreft the fceptre of the world from his feeble and unpopular mailer.
After the murder of Alexander Severus, and the elevation of Maxi-
mm, no emperor could think himfelf fafe upon the throne, and
every barbarian peafant of the frontier might afpire to that auguft,
but dangerous ftation.
Birth and About thirty-two. years before that event, the emperor Severus»
Maximin. returning from an eailern expedition, halted in Thrace, to cele-
brate, with military games, the birth-day of his younger fon, Geta.
The country flocked in crowds to behold their fovereign, and a
young barbarian of gigantic ftature earneftly folicited, in his rude
dialed, that he might be albwed to contend for the prize of wreft-
ling. As the pride oi difcipline wovild have been difgraced in the
overthrow of a Roman foldier by a Thracian peafant, he was
matched with the ftouteil followers of the camp, fixteen of whom
he facceffively laid on the ground. His viftory was rewarded by
fome trifling gifts, and a permifilon to inlift in the troops. The
next day, the happy barbarian was diftinguifhed above a crowd of
recruits, dancing and exulting after the faihion of his country.
As foon as he perceived that he had attraded the emperor's notice,
he inftantly ran up to his horfe, and followed him on foot, without
■ There had been no example of three flic- The marriages of the Cifars (notwithltand-
ceillve generations on the throne ; only three ing the permiflion, and the frequent praiUce
inllancss of fons who fucceeded their fathers, of divorces) were generally unfruitful.
the
OFTHE ROMAN EMPIRE. 207
the leaft appearance of fatigue, in a long and rapid career. " Thra- ^ ^^ a p.
" clan," faid Severus, ■with aftonifliment, " art thou difpofed to > >, '
" wreftle after thy race ?" Moil willingly, Sir, replied the un-
wearied youth, and, almoil in a breath, overthrew feven of the
ftrongeft foldiers in the army. A gold collar was the prize of
his matchlefs vigour and adivit)', and he was immediately ap-
pointed to ferve in the horfe-guards who always attended on the
perfon of the fovereign \
Maximin, for that was his name, though born on the territories His miiiury
of the empire, defcended from a mixed race of barbarians. His honours.
father was a Goth, and his mother, of the nation of the Alani.
He difplayed, on every occafion, a valour equal to his ilrength ;
and his native fiercenefs was foon tempered or difguifed by the
knowledge of the world. Under the reign of Severus and his fon,
he obtained the rank of centurion, with the favour and efteem
of both thofe princes, the former of whom was an excellent judge
of merit. Gratitude forbade Maximin to ferve under the aiFaiTm of
Caracalla. Honour taught him to decline the effeminate infults of
Elagabalus. On the acceffion of Alexander he returned to court,
and was placed by that prince, in a ftation ufeful to the fervice,
and honourable to himfelf. The fourth legion, to which he was
appointed tribune, foon became, under his care, the beft difciplined
of the whole army. With the general applaufe of the foldiers,
who beftowed on their favourite hero the names of Ajax and
Hercules, he was fucceffively promoted to the firft military com-
mand ', and had not he ftill retained too much of his favage origin,
the emperor might perhaps have given his own fifler in marriage to
the fon of Maximin *.
» Hid. Auguft. p. 138. plining the recruits of the whole army. His
^ Hift. Auguft. p. 140. Herodian, 1. vi. Biographer ought to have marked, with more
p. 223. Aurelius Viilor. By comparing care, his exploits, and the fucceifive ileps
thefe authors, it ihould feem, that Maximin of his military promotions. «
had the particular command of the Triballian * See the original letter of Alexander Se-
Jiorfe, with the general conuniflion of difci- verus, Hift. Auguft. p. 149.
Tnilead
2o8
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
VII.
Confpiracy
of Maximin.
A. D.
March 19.
235•
Murder of
Alexander
Scverus.
Inftead of fecuring his fidelity, thefe favours ferved only to in-
flame the ambition of the Thracian peafant, who deemed his
fortune inadequate to his merit, as long as he was conftrained to
acknowledge a fuperior. Though a ftrangcr to real wifdom, he
was not devoid of a felfiih cunning, which ihewcd him, that the
emperor had loft the affection of the army, and taught him to
improve their difcontent to his own advantage. It is eafy for fadion
and calumny to ihed their poifon on the adminiftration of the bed
of princes, and to accufe even their virtues, by artfully confounding
them with thofe vices to which they bear the neareft affinity. The
troops liftened with pleafure to the emiflaries of Maximin. They
blufhed at their own ignominious patience, which during thirteen
years had fupported the vexatious difcipline impofed by an effemi-
nate Syrian, the timid flave of his mother and of the fenate. It
was time they cried, to caft away that ufelefs phantom of the civil
power, and to elcit for their prince and general a real foldier, edu-
cated in camps, exercifed in war, who would aifert the glory, and
diftribute among his companions the treafures, of the empire. A
great army was at that time aifembled on the banks of the Rhine,
under the command of the emperor himfelf, who, almoft immediately
after his return from the Perfian war, had been obliged to march
againft the barbarians of Germany. The important care of training
and reviewing the new levies was intrufted to Maximin. One day
as he entered the field of exercife, the troops, either from a fudden
impulfe or a formed confpiracy, faluted him emperor, filenced by
their loud acclamations his obftinate refufal, and haftened to con-
fummate their rebellion by the murder of Alexander Severus.
The circumftances of his death are variouily related. The wri-
ters, who fuppofe that he died in ignorance of the ingratitude and
ambition of Maximin, affirm, that, after taking a frugal repaft in
the i^ht of the army, he retired to fleep, and that, about the
feventh hour of the day, a party of his own guards broke "into the
4 Imperial
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 309
Imperial tenf, and, with many wounds, aiTaiTmated their virtuous CHAP,
. . . VII.
and unfufpeding prince ^ If we credit another, and indeed a more ■_ -,- j»
probable account, Maximin was inverted with the purple by a nu-
merous detachment, at the diftancc of feveral miles from the head-
quarters ; and he trufted for fuccefs rather to the fecret wiihes than
to the public declarations of the great army. Alexander had fuffi-
cient time to awaken a faint fenfe of loyalty among his troops ; but
their reludtant profeflions of fidelity quickly vaniihed on the ap-
pearance of Maximin, who declared himfelf the friend and advo-
cate of the military order, and was unanimoufly acknowledged em-
peror of the Romans by the applauding legions. The fon of
Mamsea, betrayed and deferted, withdrew into his tent, defirous at
leaft to conceal his approaching fate from the infults of the multi-
tude. He was foon followed by a tribune and fome centurions, the
minifters of death j but, inftead of receiving with manly refolution
the inevitable ilroke, his unavailing cries and entreaties difgraced
the laft moments of his life, and converted into contempt fome
portion of the juft pity which his innocence and misfortunes mud
infpire. His mother Mamaea, whofe pride and avarice he loudly
accufed as the caufe of his ruin, periihed with her fon. The moil
faithful of his friends were facrificed to the firft fury of the foldiers.
Others were referved for the more deliberate cruelty of the ufurper,
and thofe who experienced the mildeft treatment were ftripped of their
employments, and ignominioufly driven from the court and army ^
The former tyrants, Caligula and Nero, Commodus and Caracalla, Tyranny of
•were all diflblute and unexperienced youths \ educated in the pur-
' Hift. Auguil. p. 135. I have foftened perfuade the difaiieiled foldiers to commit the
fome of the moft improbable circumftances of murder.
this wretched biographer. From this ill * Herodian, 1. vi. p. 223 — 227.
worded narration, it Ihould feem, that the '' Caligula, the eldeft of the four, was only
prince's buffoon having accidentally entered twenty-five years of age when he afcended the
the tent, and awakened the ilumbering mo- throne ; Caracalla was twenty-three, Commo-
Tiarch, the fear of punilhment urged him to dusnineteen,and Nero no more than fcventeen.
Vol. I. Ε e pie.
-ΙΟ THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP, pie^ and corrupted by the pride of empire, the luxury of Rome,
' ^ ' and the perfidious voice of flattery. The cruelty of Maximin was
derived from a different fource, the fear of contempt. Though he
depended on the attachment of the foldiers, who loved him for vir-
tues like their own, he was confcious that his mean and barbarian
origin, his favage appearance, and his total ignorance of the arts
and inftitutions of civil life ', formed a very unfavourable contrail
with the amiable manners of the unhappy Alexander. He remem-
bered, that, in his humbler fortune, he had often waited before the
door of the haughty nobles of Rome, and had been denied admittance
by the infolence of their ilaves. He recolledled too the friendfliip
of a few who had relieved his poverty, and aiTifted his rifing hopes.
But thofe who had fpurned, and thofe who had proteded the Thra-
cian, were guilty of the fame crime, the knowledge of his original
obfcurity. For this crime many were put to death ; and by the exe-
cution of feveral of his benefaftors, Maximin publiflied, in charac-
ters of blood, the indelible hiftory of his bafenefs and ingratitude '.
The dark and fanguinary foul of the tyrant, was open to every
fufpicion againft thofe among his fubjeds who were the moft dif-
tinguiihed by their birth or merit. Whenever he was alarmed with
the found of treafon, his cruelty was unbounded and unrelenting.
A confpiracy againft his life was either diicovered or imagined, and
Magnus, a confular fenator, was named as the principal author of
it. Without a witnefs, without a trial, and without an opportunity
of defence, Magnus, with four thoufand of his fuppofed accom-
plices, were put to death ; Italy and the whole empire were infefted
with innumerable fpies and informers. On the flighteft accufation,
the firft of the Roman nobles, who had governed prcwinces, com-
^ It appears that he was totally ignorant of ' Hift. Augiift. p. 141. Herodian, I. ^ai.
the Greek language; which, from its uni- p. 237. The latter of thefe hillorians has
verfal ufe in converfation and letters, was an been moft unjuftly cenfured for fparing the
eflential part of every liberal education. vices of Maximin.
manded
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 211
C Η A P.
VII.
n^anded armies, and been adorned with the confular and triumphal
ornaments, were chained on the publie carriages, and hurried away
to the emperor's prefence. Confifcation, exile, or fimple death,
were efteemed uncommon inftances of his lenity. Some of the un-
fortunate futFerers he ordered to be fewed up in the hides of flaugh-
tered animals, others to be expofed to wild beafts, others again to
be beaten to death with clubs. During the three years of his reign,
he difdained to vifit either Rome or Italy. His camp, occafionally,
removed from the banks of the Rhine to thofe of the Danube, was
the feat of his ftern defpotifm, which trampled on every principle
of law and juftice, and was fupported by the avowed power of the
fword '°. No man of noble birth, elegant accomplifhments, or know-
ledge of civil bufinefs, was fufFered near his perfon ; and the court
of a Roman emperor revived the idea of thofe ancient chiefs of
flaves and gladiators, whofe favage power had left a deep impreffion
of terror and deteftation ".
As long as the cruelty of Maximin was confined to the illuilrious oppreiHon
fenators, or even to the bold adventurers, who in the court or army vjnces.
expofe themfelves to the caprice of fortune, the body of the people
viewed their fufferlngs with indifference, or perhaps with pleafure.
But the tyrant's avarice, ftimulated by the infatiate defires of the
foldiers, at length attacked the public property. Every city of the
empire was poiTeffed of an independent revenue, deftlned to pur-
chafe corn for the multitude, and to fupply the expences of the
games and entertainments. By a fingle a£l of authority, the whole
mafs of wealth was at once confifcated for the ufe of the Imperial
" The wife of Maximin, by infinuating from the medals, that Paullina was the name"
wife counfels with female gentlenefs, fome- of this benevolent emprefs; and from the title
times brought back the tyrant to the way of of Di-ja, that ihe died before Maximin.
truth and humanity. See Ammianus Mar- (\'alefius ad loc. cit. Ammian.) Spanheim de
cellinus, 1. xiv. c. i. where he alludes to the U. et P. N. tom. ii. p. 300.
fail which he had more fully related under " He was compared to Spartacus and Athe-
the reign of the Gordians. We may collea nio. Hill. Auguft. p. 141.
Ε e 2 treafury.
212
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, treafury. The temples were ftripped of their moft valuable ofFer-
VII.
^ - - . Ings of gold and filver, and the ftatues of gods, heroes, and empe-
rors were melted down and coined into money. Thefe impious or-
ders could not be executed without tumults and maflacres, as in many
places the people chofe rather to die in the defence of their altars,
than to behold in the midft of peace their cities expofed to the ra-
pine and cruelty of war. The foldiers themfelves, among whom
this facrilegious plunder was diflributed, received it with a bluih ;
and, hardened as they were in adts of violence, they dreaded the juft
reproaches of their friends and relations. Throughout the Roman
world a general cry of indignation was heard, imploring vengeance
on the common enemy of human kind ; and at length, by an a£l of
private oppreifion, a peaceful and unarmed province was driven into
rebellion againft him '*.
_ . . The procurator of Africa was a fervant worthy of fuch a mailer,
Africa. who confidcred the fines and confifcations of the rich as one of
A. D. 237.
April. the moft fruitful branches of the Imperial revenue. An iniquitous
fentence had been pronounced againft fome opulent youths of that
country, the execution of which would have ftripped them of far
the greater part of their patrimony. In this extremity, a refolution
that muft either complete or prevent their ruin, was diftated by
defpair. A refpite of three days, obtained with difficulty from the
rapacious treafurer, was employed in colleding from their eftates a
great number of flaves and peafants, blindly devoted to the com-
mands of their lords, and armed with the ruftic weapons of clubs
and axes. The leaders of the confpiracy, as they were admitted
to the audience of the procurator, ftabbed him with the daggers
concealed under their garments, and, by the afllftance of their tu-
multuary train, feized on the little town of Thyfdrus ", and ereded
"ΉεΓοάϊαη,Ι.νϋ.ρ. 238. Zozim.l.i.p.15. by the Gordians, with the title of colony,
'' In the fertile territory of Byzacium, one and with a fine amphitheatre, which is ftillin
hundred and fifty miles to the fouth of Car- a very perfeft Hate. See Itinerar. Weffeling.
thage. This city was decorated, probably p. 59. and Shaw's Travels, p. 117.
the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 213
the ftandard of rebellion againil the fovereign of the Roman em- ^ ^ ^ ί*•
pire. They refted their hopes on the hatred of mankind againil u ■■,- »1
Maximin, and they judtcioufly refolved to oppofe to that de-
tefted tyrant, an emperor whofe mild virtues had already ac-
quired the love and efteem of the Romans, and whole authority
over the province would give weight and ftability to the enterprife.
Gordianus, their proconful, and the object of their choice, re-
fufed, with unfeigned reluilance, the dangerous honour, and begged
with tears that they would fuffer him to terminate in peace a long
and innocent life, without ftaining his feeble age with civil blood.
Their menaces compelled him to accept the Imperial purple, his
only refuge indeed againil the jealous cruelty of Maximin ; fince,
according to the reafoning of tyrants, thofe who have been eileemed
worthy of the throne deferve death, and thofe who deliberate have
already rebelled '*.
The family of Gordianus was one of the moil illuftrious of the Charafler
Roman fenate. On the father's fide, he was defcended from the of the two
Gracchi ; on his mother's, from the emperor Trajan. A great eilate
enabled him to fupport the dignity of his birth, and, in the enjoy-
ment of it, he difplayed an elegant tafte and beneficent difpofition;
The. palace in Rome, formerly inhabited by the great Pompey, had
been, during feveral generations, in the poiTeflion of Gordian's fa-
mily '^ It was diftinguiihed by ancient trophies of naval vidories,
and decorated with the works of modern painting. His villa on the
road toPrxnefte, was celebrated for baths of fingular beauty and extent,
for three llately rooms of an hundred feet in length, and for a magnifi-
cent portico, fiipported by two hundred columns of the four moil
''•■ Herodian, 1. vii. p. 239. Hift. Auguft. and even encouraged the rich Tenators to
p. 153. purchafe thofe maguificent and ufelcfs palaces
's Hift. Auguft. p. 152. The celebrated (Plin. Panegyric, c. 50.),; and it may feem
houfe of Pompey h carinis, was ufurped by probable, that on this occafion, Pompey "s
Marc Antony, and confequently became, af- houfe came into the poffeffion of Gordian's
ter the Triumvir's death, a part of the Im- g^r^^t ^rjljl_<^j^ther.
perial domain. The emperor Trajan allowed
curious
Gordians.
214 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, curious and coAly forts of marble ". The public fliows exhibited at
vii. . . .
hisexpence, and in which the people were entertained with many hun-
dreds of wild beafls and gladiators '^, feem to furpafs the fortune of a
fubjeiit, and whilft the liberality of other magiftrates was confined to
a few folemn feftivals in Rome, the magnificence of Gordian was re-
peated, when he was adile, every month in the year, and extended,
during his confuliliip, to the principal cities of italy. He was twice
elevated to the laft mentioned dignity, by Caracalla and by Alexander;
for he poiTciTed the uncommon talent of acquiring the eftcem of
virtuous princes, without alarming the jealoufy of tyrants. His
long life was innocently fpent in the ftudy of letters and the peace-
ful honours of Rome ; and, till he was named proconful of Africa
by the voice of the fenate and the approbation of Alexander '% he
appears prudently to have declined the command of armies and the
government of provinces. As long as that emperor lived, Africa
was happy under the adminiftration of his worthy rcprefentative ;
after the barbarous Maximin had ufurped the throne, Gordianus
alleviated the mlferies which he was unable to prevent. When he
reludantly accepted the purple, he was above fourfcore years old •
a laft and valuable remains of the happy age of the Antonines,
whofe virtues he revived in his own condud, and celebrated in an
elegant poem of thirty books. With the venerable proconful, his
fon, who had accompanied him into Africa as his lieutenant, was
"* The Claudian, the Numidian, the Ca- dred Sicilian, and as many Cappadocian
ryftian, and the Synnadian. The colours of horfes. The animals defigned for hunting,
Roman marbles have been faintly defcribed were chiefly bears, boars, bulls, flags, elks,
and imperfedly diftinguiihed. It appears, wild afles, &c. Elephants and lions feem to
however, that the Caryflian was a fea green, have been appropriated to Imperial magnifi-
and that the marble of Synnada was white cence.
mixed with oval fpots of purple. See Sal- -s See the original letter, in the Auguftan
mafius ad Hift. Auguft. p. 164. Hiftory, p. 152, which at once (hews Alex-
"' Hift. Auguft. p. 151, 152. He fome- ander's refpeft for the authority of the fenate,
times gave five hundred pair of Gladiators, and his efteem for the proconful appointed by
never lefs than one hundred and fifty. He that aifembly.
once gave for the ufe of the Circus one hun-
likewife
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. S15
likewlfe declared emperor. His manners were lefs pure, but his C Η A p.
charaiter was equally amiable with that of his father. Twenty two ' , — -^
acknowledged concubines, and a library of fixty-two thoufand vo-
lumes, attefted the variety of his inclinations; and from the pro-
dudions which he left behind him, it appears that the former as well
as the latter were defigned for ufe rather than for oftentation ''. The
Roman people acknowledged in the features of the younger Gordiaa
the refemblance of Scipio Africanus, recolleiled with pleafure that
his mother was the grand-daughter of Antoninus Pius, and refled the
public hope on thofe latent virtues which had hitherto, as they fondly
imagined, lain concealed in the luxurious indolence of a private life.
As foon as the Gordians had appeafed the firft tumult of a popu- TheyfoHdt
. theconfirma-
lar eleilion, they removed their court to Carthage. They were re- tion of their
ceived with the acclamations of the Africans, who honoured their ^"^^°''"Χ•
virtues, and who, fmce the vifit of Hadrian, had never beheld the
rnajefty of a Roman emperor. But thefe vain acclamations neither
ftrengthened nor confirmed the title of the Gordians. They were
induced by principle, as well as intereft to folicit the approbation
of the fenate; and a deputation of the nobleil provincials was fent,
without delay, to Rome, to relate and juftify the condudl of their
countrymen, who, having long fuffered with patience, were at length
refolved to adt with vigour. The letters of the new princes were
modefl; and refpedful, excufing the neceiilty which had obliged
them to accept the Imperial title ; but fubmitting their eledion and
their fate to the iupreme judgment of the fenate ".
The inclinations of the fenate were neither doubtful nor divided. The fenate
__, ... , , , ,-. r 1 ^ 1• 11•• 1 ratifies their*
The birth and noble alliances of the Gordians, had intimately ekaion of
connedcd them with the moft illuilrious houfes of Rome. Their ^""^, i^'°'''^^*
α lib J
fortune had created many dependants in that affembly, their merit
-'' By each of his concubines, the younger ous, were by no means contemptible.
Gordian left three or four children. His " Herodian, 1. vii. p. 243. Hift. Augull.
literary produilions, though lefs numer- p. 144.
4 had:
έι6 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C II Λ P. had acquired many friends. Their mild admlniftration opened the
flattering profpcft of the reftoration, not only of the civil but even
of the republican government. The terror of military vio-
lence, which had firil obliged the fenate to forget the murder of
Alexander, and to ratify the eledion of a barbarian peafant *', now
produced a contrary efFedt, and provoked them to affert the injured
rights of freedom and humanity. The hatred of Maximin towards
the fenate was declared and implacable ; the tameft fubmiihon had
not appeafed his fury, the mod cautious innocence would not re-
move his fufpicions ; and even the care of their own fafety urged
them to ihare the fortune of an enterprife, of which (if unfuccefsful)
they were fure to be the firft viitims. Thefe confiderations, and
perhaps others of a more private nature, were debated in a previous
conference of the confuls and the magiftrates. As foon as their
refolution was decided, they convoked in the temple of Caftor the
■whole body of the fenate, according to an ancient form of fecrecy "%
calculated to awaken their attention, and to conceal their decrees.
*' Confcript fathers," faid the conful Syllanus, " the two Gordians,
*' both of confular dignity, the one your proconful, the other your
*' lieutenant, have been declared emperors by the general confent
*' of Africa. Let us return thanks," he boldly continued, " to the
*' youth of Thyfdrus ; let us return thanks to the faithful people
*' of Carthage, our generous deliverers from an horrid monfter.—
•* Why do you hear me thus coolly, thus timidly ? Why do you caft
" thofe anxious looks on each other ? why hefitate ? Maximin
*' is a public enemy ! may his enmity foon expire with him, and
** may we long enjoy the prudence and felicity of Gordian the fa-
♦' ther, the valour and conftancy of Gordian the fon *' !" The
*• Quod tamen patres dum periculofum are obliged to the Auguftan Hiftory, p. 159,
exiiKmant ; inermes armato refiftere appro- for prel'erving this curious example of the old
baverunt. Aurelius Vialor. difcipline of the commonwealth.
" Even the fervants of the houfe, the *' This fpirited fpeech, tranilated from the
fcribes, &c. were excluded, and their office Auguftan hiftorian, p. 156,'feemstranfcribed by
was filled by the fenators themfelves. We him from the original regifters of the fenate.
6 aoble
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 217
noble ardour of the conful revived the languid fpirit of the fenate. c Η a γ.
By an unanimous decree the eledion of the Gordians was ratified, ' > •
Maximin, his fon, and his adherents, were pronounced enemies of Maximin a
their country, and liberal rewards were oiFered to whofoever had J^^y. ^'^ ^'^'^
the courage and good fortune to deftroy them.
During the Emperor's abfence, a detachment of the Praetorian Aflumes the
guards remained at Pvome, to protedl or rather to command the Rome and
capital. The prasfed Vitalianus had fignalized his fidelity to Maxi- ^^^''
min, by the alacrity with which he had obeyed, and even prevented,
the cruel mandates of the tyrant. His death alone could refcue the
authority of the fenate and the lives of the fenators, from a ftate of
danger and fufpence. Before their refolves had tranfpired, a quseftor
and fome tribunes were commiffioned to take his devoted life.
They executed the order with equal boldnefs and fuccefs ; and with
their bloody daggers in their hands» ran through the ftreets, pro-
claiming to the people and the foldiers, the news of the happy re-
volution. The enthufiafm of liberty was feconded by the promife
of a large donative, in lands and money ; the ftatues of Maximin
were thrown down ; the capital of the empire acknowledged, with '
tranfport, the authority of the two Gordians and the fenate '* ; and ^
the example of Rome was followed by the reft of Italy.
A new fpirit had arifen in that aifembly, whofe long patience had and prepares
been infulted by wanton defpotifm and military licence. The f°a/ "'^'
fenate aiTumed the reins of government, and with a calm intre-
pidity, prepared to vindicate by arms the caufe of freedom. Among
the confular fenators recommended by their merit and fervices to the
favour of the emperor Alexander, it was eafy to fele£l twenty,
not unequal to the command of an army, and the conduct of a
war. To thefe was the defence of Italy intrufted. Each wasep-
pointed to adl in his refpedlive department, authorized to enrol and
'■* HerodLm, 1. vii. p. 244.
Vol. I. Ε f difcipline
2i8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. difcipHne the Italian youth ; and inftrudled to fortify the ports and
t V ; highways, againft the impending invafion of Maximin. A number
of deputies, chofen from the moil illuftrious of the fenatorian and
equeftrian orders, were difpatched at the fame time to the governor
of the feveral provinces, earneftly conjuring them to fly to the
aiTiftance of their country, and to remind the nations of their
ancient ties of friendihip with the Roman fenate and people. The
general refpeit with which thefe deputies were received, and the
zeal of Italy and the provinces in favour of the fenate, fufficiently
prove that the fubjeds of Maximin were reduced to that uncommon
diftrefs, in which the body of the people has more to fear from
oppreifion than from refiftance. The confcioufnefs of that melan-
choly truth, infpires a degree of perfevering fury, feldom to be
found in thofe civil wars which are artificially fupported for the be-
nefit of a few fa£tious and defigning leaders *'.
Defeat and But while the caufe of the Gordians was embraced with fuch
two Gordi- diffufive ardour, the Gordians themfelves were no more. The
^α!ό. 237. feehle court of Carthage was alarmed with the rapid approach of
3d July. Capelianus, governor of Mauritania, who, with a fmall band of
Veterans, and a fierce hoft of barbarians, attacked a faithful, but
unwarlike province. The younger Gordian fallied out to meet the
enemy at the head of a few guards, and a numerous undifciplined
multitude, educated in the peaceful luxury of Carthage. His ufe-
left valour ferved only to procure him an honourable death, in the
field of battle. His aged father, whofe reign had not exceeded
thirty-fix days, put an end to his life on the firft news of the de-
feat. Carthage, deftitute of defence, opened her gates to the con-
queror, and Africa was expofed to the rapacious cruelty of a flavcr
obliged to fatisfy his unrelenting mafter with a large account of
blood and treafure '".
The
*' Herodian, 1. vii. p. 247. 1. viii. p. 277. '° Herodlan, I. vii. p. 254. Hift. Auguft.
Hift. Augaft. p. 156-158. p. 150—160. We may obferve, that one
nionth.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 219
The fate of the Gordians filled Rome with juft, but unexpeded ^ Η λ p.
terror. The fenate convoked in the temple of Concord, affected to '- — . — i
tranfad the common bufinefs of the day; and feemed to decline, Maximusand
with trembling anxiety, the confideration of their own, and the fhe'fcnatJ'^
public danger. A filent confternation prevailed on the aflembly, 9'!^ J"'y•
till a fenator, of the name and family of Trajan, awakened his
brethren from their fatal lethargy. He reprefented to them, that
the choice of cautious dilatory meafures had been long fince out of
their power; that Maximin, implacable by nature, and exafperated
by injuries, was advancing towards Italy, at the head of the military
force of the empire ; and that their only remaining alternative,
was either to meet him bravely in the field, or tamely to exped
he tortures and ignominious death referved for unfiiccefsful re-
bellion. " We have loft, continued he, two excellent princes ; but
unlefs we defert ourfelves, the hopes of the republic have not
perifhed with the Gordians• Many are the fenators, whofe virtues
have deferved, and whofe abilities would fuftain, the Imperial
dignity. Let us ele£t two emperors, one of whom may con-
dud the war againft the public enemy, whilft his colleague
remains at Rome to dired the civil adminiftration. I cheerfully
expofe myfelf to the danger and envy of the nomination, and
give my vote in favour of Maximus and Balbinus. Ratify my
choice, confcript fathers, or appoint in their place, others more
worthy of the empire." The general apprehenfion filenced the
whifpers of jealoufy ; the merit of the candidates was univerfally
acknowledged ; and the houfe refounded with the fincere ac-
clamations, of " long life and vidory to the emperors Max-
" imus and Balbinus. You are happy in the judgment of the
month and fix days, for tlie reign of Gor- p. 193. Zofimus relates, 1. i. p. 17. that
dian, is a juft corredion of Cafaubon and the two Gordians perifhed by a tempeft in the
Panvinius, inftead of ti.e abfurd reading of midft of their navigation. A ftrange ignorance
one year and fix months. See Commentar. ofhillory, or a ftrange abufe of metaphors 1
' F f 2 " fenate ;
820
THE DECLINE AND PALL
CHAP. " fenatc ; may the republic be happy under your adminiftra-
VII.
^__^^ " tion ^' !"
Their cha- fhe vH-tucs and the reputation of the new emperors juftified the
moft fanguine hopes of the Romans. The various nature of their
talents feemed to appropriate to each his peculiar department
of peace and war, without leaving room for jealous emulation. Bal-
binus was an admired orator, a poet of diftinguiflied fame, and a
wife magiftrate, who had exercifed with innocence and applaufe
the civil jurifdidion in almoft all the interior provinces of the
empire. His birth was noble '% his fortune affluent, his manners
liberal and affable. In him, the love of pleafure was correded by a
fenfe of dignity, nor had the habits of eafe deprived him of a
capacity for bufinefs. The mind of Maximus was formed in a
rougher mould. By his valour and abilities he had ralfed himfelf
from the meaneft origin to the firft employments of the ftate and
army. His vidlories over the Sarmatians and the Germans, the
aufterity of his life, and the rigid impartiality of his juftice, whilft
he was prxfed: of the city, commanded the efteem of a people,
whofe affeilions were engaged in favour of the more amiable Bal-
blnus. The two colleagues had both been confuls, (Balbinus had
twice enjoyed that honourable office) both had been named among
the twenty lieutenants of the fenate, and fmce the one was fixty
and the other feventy-four years old ^', they had both attained the
full maturity of age and experience.
After
'' See the Auguftan Hifiory, p. 1 66, from the moft important fecret fervkes in the civil
the regifters of the fenate ; the date is con- war) raifed him to the confulihip and the
fefledly faulty, but the coincidence of the pontificate, honours never yet poffefled by a
Apollinarian games enables -us to correil it. Itranger. The nephew of this Balbus tri-
^^ He was defcended from Cornelius Bal- umphed over the Garamantes. See Diflion-
bus, a noble Spaniard, and the adopted fon naire de Bayle au mot Balbus, where he dif-
ofTheophanes the Greek hiftcrian. Balbus tinguiihes the fe\'eral perfons of that name,
obtained the freedom of Rome by the favour and reilifies, with his ufual accuracy, the mif-
of Pompcy, and preferved it by the eloquence takes of former writers concerning them,
of Cicero (fee Orat. pro Cornel. Balbo). The ^? Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 622. But little de-
friendlliip of Csfar, (to whom he rendered pendance is to be had on the authority of a
moderate
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 221
After the fenate had conferred on Maximus and Balbinus an '^ yrf ^^'
equal portion of the confular and tribunitian powers, the title of Fa
Tumult at
thers of their Country and the joint office of Supreme Pontiff, they Rome. The
afcended to the Capitol, to return thanks to the gods, protedors of Gordian is
Rome '°. The folemn rites of facrifice were difturbed by a fedi Cafai!
tion of the people. The licentious multitude neither loved the rigid
Maximus, nor did they fufficiently fear the mild and humane Balbinus.
Their increafmg numbers furrounded the temple of Jupiter ; with ob-
ftinate clamours they aiferted their inherent right of confenting to
the eledion of their fovereign, and demanded, with an apparent
moderation, that, befides the two emperors chofen by the fenate, a
third fliould be added of the family of the Gordians, as a juft re-
turn of gratitude to thofe princes who had facrificed their lives for
the republic. At the head of the city-guards, and the youth of the
equeftrian order, Maximus and Balbinus attempted to cut their way
through the feditious multitude. The multitude, armed with flicks
and ftones, drove them back into the Capitol. It is prudent to yield»
when the conteft, whatever may be the iflue of it, muft be fatal
to both parties. A boy, only thirteen years of age, the grandfon
of the elder, and nephew of the younger, Gordian, was produced to
the people, invefted with the ornaments and title of Ca:far. The
tumult was appeafed by this eafy condefcenfion ; and the two
emperors, as foon as they had been peaceably acknoviledged in Rome,
prepared to defend Italy againft the common enemy.
Whilft in Rome and Africa revolutions fucceeded each other with ^^aximm
prepares to
fuch amazing rapidity, the mind of Maximin was agitated by the attack the ic-
moft furious pamons. He is faid to have received the news of the their empe-
rors.
moderate Greek, fo grofsly ignorant of the the fenate was at f rft convoked in the Capi-
hiitor)' of the third century, that he creates tol, and is very eloquent on the occafion. The
feveral imaginary emperors," and confounds Auguftan Hiilory, p. ii6, feems much more
thofe who really exifted. authentic.
^" Hcrodian, 1. vii. p. 256, fuppofes that
lebellion:
222 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ %u ^* ϊ'^^ε^^ΐο'^ °^ ^^^ε Gordians, and of the decree of the fenate againfl;
him, not with the temper of a man, but the rage of a wild beafl: ;
which, as it could not difcharge itfelf on the diftant fenate, threat-
ened the life of his fon, of his friends, and of all who ventured
to approach his perfon. The grateful intelligence of the death
of the Gordians, was quickly followed by the aflurance that the
fenate, laying afide all hopes of pardon or accommodation, had
fubftltuted in their room two emperors, with whofe merit he could
not be unacquainted. Revenge was the only confolation left to
Maximin, and revenge could only be obtained by arms. The
ftrength of the legions had been aflembled by Alexander from all
parts of the empire. Three fuccefsful campaigns againfl: the
Germans and the Sarmatians, had raifed their fame, confirmed their
difcipline, and even increafed their numbers, by filling the ranks
with the flower of the barbarian youth. The life of Maximin had
been fpent in war, and the candid feverity of hiftory cannot refufe
him the valour of a foldier, or even the abilities of an experienced
general ". It might naturally be expected, that a prince of fuch a cha-
rader, inftead of fufi'ering the rebellion to gain ftability by delay, ihould
immediately have marched from the banks of the Danube to thofe of
the Tyber, and that his vidlorious army, inftigated by contempt for
the fenate, and eager to gather the fpoils of Italy, fliould have burned
with impatience to finiih the eafy and lucrative conqueft. Yet as far
as we can truft to the obfcure chronology of that period '', it appears
that
^' In Herodian, 1. vii. p. 249, and in the during the Capitoline games. Herodian,
Auguftan Hiftory, \vc have three feveral ora- 1. viii. p. 285. The authority of Cenforinus
tions of Maximin to his army, on the rebel- (de Die Natau, c. 18.) enables us to fix thofe
lion of Africa and Rome : M. de Tillemont games with certainty to the year 238, but
has very juftly obferved, that they neither leaves us in ignorance of the month or day.
agree with each other, nor with truth. Hif- 2. The election of Gordian by the fenate, is
loire des empereurs, torn. iii. p. 799. fixt, with equal certainty, to the 27th of
^* The careleiTnefs of the writers of that May ; but we are at a lofs to difcover, whe-
age leaves us in a iingular perplexity, i. We ther it was in t.he fame or the preceding year.
know that Maximus and Balbinus were killed Tillemont and Muratori, who maintain the
6 two
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 223
that the operations of fome foreign war deferred the Italian expedi- ^ ^^^ ^•
tion till the enfuing fpring. From the prudent conduit of Maximin, y^—•,— ^
we may learn that the favage features of his charader have been ex-
aggerated by the pencil of party, that his paffions, however impetu-
ous, fubmitted to the force of reafon, and that the barbarian poiTefled
fomething of the generous fpirit of Sylla, who fubdued the enemies
of Rome, before he fufFered himfelf to revenge his private injuries ".
When the troops of Maximin, advancing in excellent order, Marches Into
arrived at the foot of the Julian Alps, they were terrified by the A.D. 238.
filence and defolation that reigned on the frontiers of Italy. The ^ "^"^y-
villages and open towns had been abandoned on their approach by
the inhabitants, the cattle was driven away, the provifions removed,
or deftroyed, the bridges broke down, nor was any thing left
which could afford either ihelter or fubfiftence to an invader. Such
had been the wife orders of the generals of the fenaie ; whofe de-
fign was to protracil the war, to ruin the army of Maximin by
the flow operation of famine, and to confume his ftrength in the
fieges of the principal cities of Italy, which they had plentifully
ftored with men and provifions from the deferted country. Aquileia ^'^S'^ "*
received and vvithftood the firil ihock of the invafion. The flreams
that iifue from the head of the Hadriatic gulf, fwelled by the melting
of the winter fnows '% oppofed an unexpeQed obftacle to the arms
of
two oppofite Opinions, bring into the field a ^4 Miiratorl (Annali d'ltalia, torn. ii. p.
defultory troop of authorities, conjedlures, 294.) thinks the melting of the fnows fuits
and probabilities. The one fcems to draw out, better with the months of June or July, than
the other to contrail the feries of events, be- with thofe of February. The opinion of a
tween thofe periods, more than can be well man who paffed his life between the Alps and
reconciled to reafon and hiftory. Yet it is ne- the Apennines, is undoubtedly of great weight ;
ceflhry to chufe between them. yet I obferve, i. That the long winter, of
^' Velleius Paterculus, 1. ii. c, 24. The which Muratori takes advantage, is to be . •
prefidcnt de Montefquieu (in his dialogue be- found only in the Latin verfion, and not in
tween Sylla and Eucrates) expreffes the fen- the Greek text of Herodian. 2. That the
timents of the diilator, in a fpirited and even viciffitude of funs and rains, to which the-
ft fublime manner.. foldiers of Maximin were expofed, (Hero-
dian,
224 TPIE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, ^f Maximin. At length, on a fingular bridge, conflruQed with
^- — > — — ' art and difficulty, of large hogilieads, he tranfported his army to
the oppofite bank, rooted up the beautiful vineyards in the neigh-
bourhood of Aquileia, demoliflied the fuburbs, and employed the
timber of the buildings in the engines and towers, with which on
every fide he attacked the city. The walls, fallen to decay, during
the fecurity of a long peace, had been haftily repaired on this fud-
den emergency ; but the firmeft defence of Aquileia confifted in the
conftancy of the citizens ; all ranks of whom, inilead of being
difmayed, were animated by the extreme danger, and their know-
ledge of the tyrant's unrelenting temper. Their courage was
fupported and directed by Crifpinus and Menophilus, two of the
twenty lieutenants of the fenate, who, with a fmall body of regular
troops, had thrown themfelves into the befieged place. The army
of Maximin was repulfed in repeated attacks, his machines de-
ftroyed by fhowers of artificial fire, and the generous enthufiafm of
the Aquileians was exalted into a confidence of fuccefs, by the
opinion, that Belemis, their tutelar deity, combated in perfon in
the defence of his diftrefled worfliippers ''.
Condua of The emperor Maximus, who had advanced as far as Ravenna,
to fecure that important place, and to haften the military prepa-
rations, beheld the event of the war in the more faithful mirror of
reafon and policy. He was too fenfible, that a fingle town could
not refill: the perfevering efforts of a great army ; and he dreaded,
left the enemy, tired with the obfl:inate refiftance of Aquileia,
dian, 1 vili. p. 277.) denotes the fpring ra- ^' Herodian, ]. viit. p. 272. The Celtic
ther than the fummer. We may obferv-e like- deity was fuppofed to be Apollo, and received
wife, that thefe feveral ftreams, as they melt- under that name the thanks of the fenate. A
ed into one, ccmpofed the Timavus, fo po- temple \yas likewife built to λ~εηυ3 the bald,
etically (in every fenie of the word) de- in honour of the women of Aquileia, who
fcribed by Virgil. They are about twelve had given up their hair to make ropes for the
miles to the eaft of Aquileia. See Ciuver. military engines.
Italia Antiqua, torn. i. p. 189, &c.
ihould
OFTHEROMAN EMPIRE. «25
ihould on a fudden relinquifla the fruitlefs fiege, and march dlredly ^ ^^ -^ ^•
towards Rome. The fate of the empire and the caufe of freedom <— — '
muft then be committed to the chance of a battle; and what arms
could he oppofe to the veteran legions of the Rhine and Danube ?
Some troops newly levied among the generous but enervated youth
of Italy ; and a body of German auxiliaries, on whofe firmnefs, in
the hour of trial, it was dangerous to depend. In the midil of thefe
juft alarms, the ftroke of domeftic confpiracy puniihed the crimes
of Maximin, and delivered Rome and the fenate from the calamities
that would furely have attended the vidlory of an enraged barbarian.
The people of Aquileia had fcarcely experienced any of the com- Murder of
•r • r r i• • i-riiri-i Max'min and
mon mileries of a iiege, their magazmes were plentiruUy iupplied, his fon.
and, feveral fountains v^ithin the walls affured them of an inex- Άριΐΐ^
hauftible refource of frefli water. The foldiers of Maximin were, on
the contrary, expofed to the inclemency of the feafon, the contagion
of difeafe, and the horrors of famine. The open country was ruined,
the rivers filled with the flain, and polluted with blood. A fpirit of
defpair and difaffedion began to diifufe itfelf among the troops;
and as they were cut off from all intelligence, they eafily believed
that the whole empire had embraced the caufe of the fenate, and that
they were left as devoted vidiras to periih under the impregnable
walls of Aquileia. The fierce temper of the tyrant was exafperated
by difappointments, which he imputed to the cowardice of his
army ; and his wanton and ill-timed cruelty, inftead of ftriking
terror, infpired hatred and a jufl; defire of revenge. A party of
Prsetorian guards, who trembled for their wives and children in the
camp of Alba, near Rome, executed the fentence of the fenate. Max-
imin, abandoned by his guards, v/as flain in his tent, with his fon,
(whom he had aflbciated to the honours of the purple,) Anulinus tha
praifed, andtheprincipal minifters of his tyranny '\ The fight of their
3' Herodian, 1. viii. p. 279. Hift. Au- three years and a few days (1. ix. i.); we
guft. p. 14.6. The duration of Maximin's may depend on the integrity of the text, aj
reign has not been defined with much accu- the Latin original is checked by the Greek
racy, except by Eutropius, who allows him verfion of Pa;anius.
Vol. I. G g heads,
226
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
VII.
His portrait.
Joy of the
Roman
world.
heads, borne on the point of fpears, convinced the qitizens of Aqui-
leia, that the ficge was at an end j the gates of the city were thrown
open, a liberal market was provided for the hungry troops of Max-
imin, and the whole army joined in folemn proteftations of fidelity
to the fenate and people of Rome, and to their lawful emperors
Maximus and Balbinus. Such was the deferved fate of a brutal
favage, deftitute, as he has generally been reprefented, of every
fentiment that diftinguiflies a civilized or even a human being. The
body was fuited to the foul. The ftature of Maximin exceeded the
meafure of eight feet, and circumftances almoft incredible are related
of his matchlefs ftrength and appetite ". Had he lived in a lefs
enlightened age, tradition and poetry might well have defcribed him
as one of thofe monftrous giants, whofe fupernatural power was
conftantly exerted for the deftrudion of mankind.
It is eafier to conceive than to defcribe the univerfal joy of the Ro-
man world on the fall of the tyrant, the news of which is faid to
have been carried in four days from Aquileia to Rome. The return,
of Maximus was a triumphal proceffion, liis colleague and young Gor-
dian went out to meet him, and the three princes made their entry
into the capital, attended by the ambaffadors of almoft all the cities of
Italy, faluted with the fplendid offerings of gratitude and fuperftition,
and received with the unfeigned acclamations of the fenate and people,
who perfuaded themfelves that a golden age would fucceed to an age
of iron '^ The conduit of the two emperors correfponded with thefe
expedtations. They adminiilered juftice in perfon ; and the rigour
of the one was tempered by the other's clemency. The oppreiTive
^' Eight Roman feet and one third, which
are equal to above eight Englifh feet, as the
two meafures arc to each other in the pro
portion of 967 to 1000. See Greaves's dif-
courfe on the Roman foot. We aie told that
Maximin could drink in a day an amphora
(or about feven gallons of wine) and eat
thirty or forty pounds of meat. He could
move a loaded \vaggon, break a horfe's leg
\Vith his fift, crumble itones in his hand, and
tear up fmall trees by the roots. See his life
in the Auguilan Hillory.
^ ' See the congratulatory letter of Clau-
dius Julianas the conful, to the two empe-
rors, in the Auguftan Hillory.
taxes
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 227
CHAP.
VII.
taxes with which Maximin had loaded the rights of inheritance and
fucceffion, were repealed, or at leaft moderated. Difcipline was
revived, and with the advice of the fenate many wife laws were en-
acted by their imperial minifters, who endeavoured to reftore a civil
coriftitution on the ruins of military tyranny. " What reward may
" we expedl for delivering Rome from a monfter ?" was the queftion
aiked by Maximus, in a moment of freedom and confidence. Bal-
binus anfwered it without hefitation, " The love of the fenate, of
*' the people, and of all mankind." " Alas !" replied his more
penetrating colleague, " Alas ! I dread the hatred of the foldiers,
*' and the fatal effedls of their refentment ''." His apprehenfions
were but too well juflified by the event.
Whilft Maximus was preparing to defend Italy againft the com- Sedition at
mon foe, Balbinus, who remained at Rome, had been engaged in
fcenes of blood and inteftine difcord. Diftrufi: and jealoufy reigned
in the fenate ; and even in the temples where they aifembled, every
fenator carried either open or concealed arms. In the midft of their
deliberations, two veterans of the guards, adtuated either by curiofity
or a finifter motive, audacloufly thruft themfelves into the houfe,
and advanced by degrees beyond the altar of Vidlory. Gallicanus,
a confular, and Maecenas, a Prsetorian fenator, viewed with indig-
nation their infolent intrufion : drawing their daggers they laid the
fpies, for fuch they deemed them, dead at the foot of the altar, and
then advancing to the door of the fenate, imprudently exhorted the
multitude to maflacre the Prxtorians, as the fecret adherents of the
tyrant. Thofe who efcaped the firft fury of the tumult took refuge
in the camp, which they defended with fuperior advantage againft
the reiterated attacks of the people, affifted by the numerous bands
of gladiators, the property of opulent nobles. The civil war lafted
many days, with infinite lofs and confufion on both fides. When
m
3? Hill. Auguft. p. 171.
G g 2 the
228 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. t]^e pipes were broken that fupplied the camp with water, the Prx"
\ , > torians were reduced to intolerable diftrefs ; but in their turn they
made dcfperate failles into the city, fet fire to a great number of
houfes, and filled the ftreets with the blood of the inhabitants. The
emperor Balbinus attempted, by ineffedual cdi£ls and precarious
truces, to reconcile the faftions at Rome. But their animofity,
though finothered for a while, burnt with redoubled violence. The
foldiers, detcfling the fenate and the people, defpifed the weaknefe
of a prince who wanted either the fpirit or the power to command
the obedience of his fubjeds ^".
Difcontentof After the tyrant's death, his formidable army had acknowledged,
guards. from ncceiTity rather than from choice, the authority of Maximus, who
tranfported himfelf without delay to the camp before Aquileia. As
foon as he had received their oath of fidelity, he addreifed them in
terms full of mildnefs and moderation ; lamented, rather than
arraigned, the wild diforders of the times, and aifured the foldiers,
that of all their pall: condudl, the fenate would remember only their
generous defertion of the tyrant, and their voluntary return to th^rr
duty. Maximus enforced his exhortations by a liberal donative,
purified the camp by a folemn facrifice of expiation, and then dif-
miiied the legions to their feveral provinces, impreffed, as he hoped,
with a lively fenfe of gratitude and obedience'*'. But nothing could
reconcile the haughty fpirit of the Praetorians. They attended the
emperors on the memorable day of their public entry into Rome ;
but amidft the general acclamations, the fullen dejedted countenance
of the guards, fufficiently declared that they confidered themfelves
as the objed, rather than the partners, of the triumph. When the
whole body was united in their camp, thofe who had ferved under
Maximin, and thofe who had remained at Rome, infenfibly commu-
** Hcrodian, I. vlii. p. 258. *' Herodian, 1. viii. p. 213.
uicated
7
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 229
nicated to each other their complaints and apprehenfions. The empe- ^ ^ A P.
rors chofen by the army had periihed with ignominy ; thofe eleded \^— v— j
by the fenate were feated on the throne *'. The long difcord between
the civil and military powers was decided by a war, in which the
former had obtained a complete vidlory. The foldiers muft now leara
a new dodrine of fubmiillon to the fenate; and whatever clemency
was affeftcd by that politic aifembly, they dreaded a flow revenge,
coloured by the name of difcipline, and juftified by fair pretences
of the public good. But their fate was ftill in their own hands,
and if they had courage to defpife the vain terrors of an impotent
republic, it was eafy to convince the world, that thofe who were
mafters of the arms, were mailers of the authority, of the ftate.
"When the fenate elefted two princes, it is probable that, befides MaiTacre of
. . Maximusand
the declared reafon or providmg ior the various emergencies of Baibinus.
peace and war, they were aduated by the fecret defire of weaken-
ing by divifion the defpotifm of the fupreme magiftrate. Their
policy was effedual, but it proved fatal both to their emperors and
to themfelves. The jealoufy of power was foon exafperated by the
difference of character. Maxiraus defpifed Baibinus as a luxurious
noble, and was in his turn difdained by his colleague as an obfcure
foldier. Their filent difcord was underftood rather than feen *' ;
but the mutual confcioufnefs prevented them from uniting in any
vigorous meafures of defence againfl; their common enemies of the
Praetorian camp. The whole city was employed in the Capitoline
games, and the emperors were left almoft alone in the palace. On a.D. 238.
a fudden they were alarmed by the approach of a troop of defperate ■'"^ '^"
aifaifins. Ignorant of each other's fituation or defigns, for they al-
ready occupied very diftant apartments, afraid to give or to receive
** The obfervation had been made impru- "' Difcordiae tacitae, at qua: intelligerentur
dently enough in the acclamations of the fe- potiusquara viderentur. Ηίβ. Augufl. p. 170.
nate, and with regard to the foldiers it car- This well chofen expreifion is probably ftolen
ried the appearance of a wanton infult. Hift. from fame better writer.
Augull. p. 170.
afliilance,.
'230
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
VII.
U— V-— >
The third
GorJ.ian re-
mains Ible
emperor.
Innocence
and virtues
of Gordian.
alTiilance, they wafted the important moments in idle debates and
fruitlefs recriminations. The arrival of the guards put an end to
the vain ftrife. They fcized on thefe emperors of the fenate, for
fuch they called them with malicious contempt, ftripped them of
their garments, and dragged them in infolent triumph through the
flreets of Rome, with a defign of inflidling a flow and cruel death
on thefe unfortunate princes. The fear of a refcue from the faith-
ful Germans of the Imperial guards, ihortened their tortures ; and
their bodies, mangled with a thoufand wounds, were left expofed to
the infults or to the pity of the populace **.
In the fpace of a few months, fix princes had been cut off by
the fword. Gordian, who had already received the title of Cxfar,
was the only perfon that occurred to the foldiers as proper to. fill
the vacant throne*'. They carried him to the camp, and unani-
moufly faluted him Auguftus and emperor. His name was dear to
the fenate and people ; his tender age promifed a long impunity of
military licence; and the fubmiffion of Rome and the provinces to
the choice of the Praetorian guards, faved the republic, at the ex-
pence indeed of its freedom and dignity, from the horrors of a new
civil war in the heart of the capital *^
As the third Gordian was only nineteen years of age at the time
of his death, the hiftory of his life, were it known to us with
greater accuracy than it really is, would contain little more than the
account of his education, and the conduit of the minifters, who by
turns abufed or guided the fitnplicity of his unexperienced youth.
♦■'■ Herodian, 1. viii. p. 287, 288.
*5 Quia ηυη alius erat in prafenti, is the
exprefiion of the Auguftan H'llory.
*^ Quintus Curtius (!. x. c. 9.) pays an
elegant comj->liment to the emperor of the
day, for having, by his happy acceffion, ex-
tinguilhed fo many T-c-bivinds, flieathcd fo
many fvvords, and put an end to the evils of
a divided government. After weighing with
attention every word of the paiTage, I am of
opinion, that it fuits better with the elevation
of Gordian, than with any other period of
the Roman Hiftory. In that cafe, it may
ferve to decide the age of Quintus Curtius.
Thofe who place him under the firft Ca;fars,
argue from the purity of his ftyle, but are
-embarraiTed by the fdence of QuLntilian, in
his accurate lift of Roman hiftorians.
Immediately
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
231
Immediately after his acceifion, he fell into the hands of his mo- CHAP.
ther's eunuchs, that pernicious vermin of the Eaft, who, fmce the ' » ',
days of Elagabalus, had infefted the Roman palace. By the artful
confpiracy of thefe wretches, an impenetrable veil was drawn be-
tween an innocent prince and his oppreiTed fubjeds, the virtuous
difpofition of Gordian was deceived, and the honours of the empire
fold without his knowledge, though in a very public manner, to
the raoft worthlefs of mankind. We are ignorant by what fortu-
nate accident the emperor efcaped from this ignominious flavery,
and devolved his confidence on a minifter, whofe wife councils had '
no objed except the glory of his fovereign, and the happinefs of
the people. It ihould feem that love and learning introduced Mifi- ^ j^
theus to the favour of Gordian. The young prince married the Adminiftra-
tion of Miii-
daughter of his mafter of rhetoric, and promoted his father-in-law theus.
to the firft offices of the empire. Two admirable letters that pafled
between them, are ftill extant. The minifter, with the confcious
dignity of virtue, congratulates Gordian that he is delivered from
the tyranny of the eunuchs *% and ftill more that he is fenfible of
his deliverance. The emperor acknowledges, with an amiable con-
fufion, the errors of his paft condud ; and laments, with fmgular
propriety, the misfortune of a monarch, from whom a venal tribe of
courtiers perpetually labour to conceal the truth *^
The life of Mifitheus had been fpent in "the profeffion of letters, ThePerfian
not of arms ; yet fuch was the verfatile genius of that great man, ^^""-[^
that, when he was appointed Prsetorian prsfed, he difcharged the
military duties of his place with vigour and ability. The Perfians
had invaded Mefopotamia, and threatened Antioch. By the per-
■" Hift. Auguft. p. 161. From fome hints *^ Duxit uxorem filiam Mifithei, quem
in the two letters, I ihould expeft that the causa eloquentix dignum parentela fua puta-
eunuchs were not expelled the palace, with- vit; et prifefluni ilatim fecit; poft quod,
out foir.e degree of gentle violence, and that non puerile jam et contemptibile videbatur
young Gordian rather approved of, than con- imperium.
feiited to, their difgrace.
4 fuafion
232 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, fuafion of his father-in-law, the young emperor quitted the luxury
K_^^'-. ■-/ of Rome, opened, for the laft time recorded in hiftory, the temple of
Janus, and marched in perfon into the Eaft. On his approach with
a great army, the Perfians withdrew their garrifons from the cities
which they had already taken, and retired from the Euphrates to
the Tigris. Gordian enjoyed the pleafure of announcing to the
fenate the firft fuccefs of his arms, which he afcribed with a becom-
ing modefty and gratitude to the wifdom of his father and prxfed:.
During the whole expedition, Mifitheus watched over the fafety
and difcipline of the army ; whilft he prevented their dangerous
murmurs by maintaining a regular plenty in the camp, and by efta-
blifliing ample magazines of vinegar, bacon, ftraw, barley, and
wheat, in all the cities of the frontier *'. But the profperity of
Gordian expired with Mifitheus, who died of a flux, not without
A. D. 243. very ftrong fufpicions of poifon. Philip, his fucceiTor in the prse-
PhiHp!^ fedure, was an Arab by birth, and confequently, in the earlier part
of his life, a robber by profeiTion. His rife from fo obfcure a ila-
tion to the firft dignities of the empire, feems to prove that he was
a bold and able leader. But his boldnefs prompted him to afpire
to the throne, and his abilities were employed to fupplant, not to
ferve, his indulgent mafter. The minds of the foldiers were irri-
tated by an artificial fcarcity, created by his contrivance in the
camp ; and. the diftrefs of the army was attributed to the youth and
incapacity of the prince. It is not in our power to trace the fuc-
ceiFive fteps of the fecret confpiracy and open fedition, which were
Murder of at length fatal to Gordian. A fepulchral monument was erefted
A. D. 244. to his memory on the fpot '° where he was killed, near the conflux
March.
** Hift. Auguft. p. 162. Aurelius Viilor. ed by the love of knowledge, and by the
Porphyrius in Vit. Plotin. ap. Fabricium hope of penetrating as far as India.
Biblioth. Gra:c. 1. iv. c. 36. The philofo- *^ About twenty miles from the little town of
pher Plotinus accompanied the army, prompt- Circefium, on the frontier of the two empires.
of
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. S3I
of the Euphrates with the little river Aboras ". The fortunate ^ ^ ^ P.
Philip, raifed to the empire by the votes of the foldiers, found a < — ^v— — '
ready obedience from the fenate and the provinces ''.
We cannot forbear tranfcribing the ingenious, though fomewhat Form of a
fanciful defcription, which a celebrated writer of our own times public,
has traced of the military government of the Roman empire.
" What in that age was called the Roman empire, was only an
" irregular republic, not unlike the Ariftocracy " of Algiers '*, where
'* the militia, poffefled of the fovereignty, creates and depofes a
" magiilrate, who is ftyled a Dey. Perhaps, indeed, it may be laid
" down as a general rule, that a military government is, in fome
*' refpedls, more republican than monarchical. Nor can it be faid
" that the foldiers only partook of the government by their dif-
" obedience and rebellions. The fpeeches made to them by the
" emperors, were they not at length of the fame nature as thofe
*' formerly pronounced to the people by the confuls and the tri-
*' bunes ? And although the armies had no regular place or forms
*' of aflembly ; though their debates were iliort, their adion fudden,
*' and their refolves feldom the refult of cool refledtion, did they not
*' difpofe, with abfolute fway, of the public fortune ? What was
*' the emperor, except the minifter of a violent government eleded
" for the private benefit of the foldiers ?
" When the army had eledted Philip, who was Prsctorian
*' praefe£t to the third Gordian ; the latter demanded, that he
" The infcriptlon (which contained a very •' Can the epithet αϊ Arifioeracj be applied,
fingular pun) was erafed by the order of Lici- with any propriety, to the government of Al-
nius, who claimed fome degree of relation- giers? Every military government floats be-
fliip to Philip (Hift. Auguft. p. 165.); but tween the extremes of abfolute monarchy and
the tumulus or mound of earth which formed wild democracy.
the fepulchre, ftill fubfifted in the time of Ju- s* τ^^ military republic of the Mamalukej
lian. See Ammian. Marccllin. xxiii. 5. in Egypt, would have afforded M. de Mon,
s'• Aurelius Viftor. Eutrop. ix. 2. Orofius, tefquieu (fee Confiderations fur la Grandeur
vii. 20. Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 5. et la Decadence des Romains, c. 16.) ajufter
Zofimus, 1. i. p. 19. Philip, who was a and more noble parallel,
native of Boftra, was about fort\ years of age.
V©L. I. Η h ♦' might
23i THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP. <* might remain fole emperor; he was unable to obtain it•.
'——I ' *' He requeiled, that the power might be equally di-vided betweea
*' them ; the army would not liften to his fpeech. He confented
*' to be degraded to the rank of C^efar ; the favour was refufed
*' him. He defired, at leaft, he might be appointed Praetorian
" prsefeil ; his prayer was rejected. Finally, he pleaded for his
*' hfe. The army, in thefe feveral judgments, exercifed the fu-
" preme magiftracy." According to the hiftorian, whofe doubtful
narrative the prefident De Montefquieu has adopted, Philip, who,
during the whole tranfadion, had preferved a fuUeu filence, was
inclined to fpare the innocent life of his benefador ; till; recolledl-
ing that his innocence might excite a dangerous compaffion in the
Roman world ; he commanded, without regard to his fuppliant
cries, that he ihould be feized, ftript, and led away to inftant death.
After a moment's paufe the inhuman fentence was executed ''.
RcJgn of On his return from the eail to Rome, Philip, defirous of obli-
' '^' terating the memory of his crimes, and of captivating the afFedions
of the people, folemnized the fecular games with infinite pomp
and magnificence. Since their inftitution or revival by Au-
guftus ^*, they had been celebrated by Claudius, by Domitianj and
by Severus, and were now renewed, the fifth time, on the ac-
compliihment of the full period of a thoufand years from the foun-
Secuiar dation of Rome. Every circumftance of the fecular games was
A. D. 248.
^ pril2i. 55 'phg Auguflan Hiftory (p. 163, 164.) Muratori, in this fuppofedaflbciation of Philip
cannot, in this inftance, be reconciled with to the empire.
itfelf or with probability. How could Philip ^* The account of the laft fuppofed celebra-
condemn his predeceflor, and yet confecrate tion, though in an enlightened period of hif-'
his memory? How could he order his public tory, was fo very doubtful and obfcure, that
execution, and yet, in his letters to the fe- the alternative feems not doubtful. When the
nate, exculpate himfclf from the guilt of his popilli jubilees, the copy of the fecular games,
death ? Philip, though an ambitious ufurper, were invented by Boniface VIII. the crafty
was by no means a mad tyrant. Some chro- pope pretended, that he only revived an an-
nological difficulties have likewife been dif- cient inftitution. See M. le Chais Lettres
covered by the nice eyes of Tillemont and furies Jubilcs.
ikilfully
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 235
CHAP.
VII.
iliilfully adapted to inrpire the fuperilitious mind with deep and
ibiemn reverence. The long interval between them " exceeded the
term of human life ; and as none of the fpeilators had already feea
them, none could flatter themfelves with the expedation of be-
holding them a fecond time. The myftic facrifices were performed,
during three nights, on the banks of the Tyber ; and the Campus
Martius refounded with mufic and dances, and was illuminated
with innumerable lamps and torches. Slaves and ftrangers were
excluded from any participation in thefe national ceremonies. A
chorus of twenty-feven youths, and as many virgins of noble fa-
milies, and whofe parents were both alive, implored the propitious
gods in favour of the prefent, and for the hope of the rifing gene-
ration ; requeuing, in religious hymns, that, according to the faith
of their ancient oracles, they would ilill maintain the virtue, the
felicity, and the empire of the Roman people ''. The magnificence
of Philip's ihows and entertainments dazzled the eyes of the mul-
titude. The devout were employed in the rites of fuperftition,
whilft the refleding few revolved in their anxious minds the pail
hiftory and the future fate of the empire.
Since Romulus, with a fmall band of ihepherds and outlaws, for- Dtciineof
tified himfelf on the hiHs near the Tyber, ten centuries had already empire.
elapfed ^^ During the four firft ages, the Romans, in the laborious
fchool of poverty, had acquired the virtues of war and government:
By the vigorous exertion of thofe virtues, and by the affiftance of
fortune, they had obtained, in the courfe of the three fucceeding
5^ Either of a hundred, or a hundred and the dcfcriptlon of Zofimus, I. ii. p. 167,
ten years. Varro and Livy adopted the for- &c.
mer opinion, but the infallible authority of ^'' The received calculation of V'nrro af-
the Sibyl confecrated the latter (Cenforinus iigns to the foundation of Rome, an a;ra that
lie Die Natal, c. 17.). The emperors Clau- correrponds with the 754th year before Chrift.
dius and Philip, however, did not treat the But fo little is the chronology of Rome to be
oracle with implicit refpcft. depended on, in the more early ages, that Sir
. -" The idea of the fecular games is bell Ifaac Newton has brought the fame event as
ur.derftood from the poem of Horace, and low as the year 627.
H h 2 centuries,
23δ
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, centuries, an abfolute empire over many countries of Europe, Alia,
VII.
• and Africa. The laft three hundred years had been confumed in
apparent profperity and internal decline. The nation of foldiers,
magiilrates, and legiilators, who compofed the thirty-five tribes
of the Roman people, was diilblved into the common mafs of
mankind, and confounded with the millions of fervile provincials,
who had received the name, without adopting the fpirit of Romans.
A mercenary army, levied among the fubjeds and barbarians of the
frontier, was the only order of men who preferved and abufed their
independence. By their tumultuary election, a Syrian, a Goth, or
an Arab, was exalted to the throne of Rome, and inverted with def-
potic power over the conqueils and over the country of the Scipios.
The limits of the Roman empire ftill extended from the Weftern
Ocean to the Tigris, and from Mount Atlas to the Rhine and the
Danube. To the undifcerning eye of the vulgar, Philip appeared
a monarch no lefs powerful than Hadrian or Auguftus had formerly
been. The form was ftill the fame, but the animating health and
vigour were fled. The induftry of the people was difcouraged and
exhaufted by a long feries of oppreiTion. The difcipline of the legions ,
which alone, after the extindion of every other virtue, had propped
the greatnefs of the ftate, was corrupted by the ambition, or relaxed
by the weaknefs of the emperors. The ftrength of the frontiers,
which had always confifted in arms rather than in fortifications,
was infenfibly undermined ; and the faireft provinces were left ex-
pofed to the rapacloufnefs or ambition of the barbarians, who foon
difcovered the decline of the Roman empire.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
Ό 7
CHAP. VIII.
Of the flate of Perfia after the refioration of the mo-
narchy by Artaxerxes.
WHENEVER Tacitus indulges himfelf in thofe beautiful CHAP,
epifodes, in •ννΗίςΗ he relates fome domeilic tranfadion of u— -v— ^
the Germans or of the Parthians, his principal objed is to relieve the ^-^^^^ ^l^^
atteation of the reader from, a uniform fcenc of vice and niifery. ^^\t"'^u°^
•' the North.
From the reign of Auguftus to the time of Alexander Severus, the
enemies of Rome were in her bofom ; the tyrants, and the foldiers ;
and her profperity had a very diftant and feeble inter eft in the revo-
lutions that might happen beyond the Rhine and the Euphrates.
But when the military order had levelled, in wild anarchy, the power
of the prince, the laws of the fenate, and even the difcipline of the
camp, the barbarians of the north and of the eaft, who had long
hovereci on the frontier, boldly attacked the provinces of a declin-
ing monarchy. Their vexatious inroads were changed into formidable
irruptions, and, after a long viciihtude of mutual calamities, many
tribes of the vidlorious invaders eftabliihed themfelves in the pro-
vinces of the Roman empire. To obtain a clearer knowledge of
thefe great events, we ihall endeavour to form a previous idea of the
character, forces, and defigns of thofe nations who avenged the
caufe of Hannibal and Mithridates.
In the more early ages of the world, whilft the foreils that covered Revolutioa»
Europe afforded a retreat to a few wandering favages, the inha-
bitants of Afia were already colledted into populous cities, and re-
duced under extenfive empires, the feat of the arts, of luxury, and
t of
235 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, of (lefpotlfm. The Ailyrians reigned over the Eaft ', till the fcepter
'^ -,- _' of Ninus and Semiramis dropt from the hands of their enervated
fucceflbrs. The Medes and the Babylonians divided their power,
and were themfelves fwallowed up in the monarchy of the Perfians,
whofe arms could not be confined within the narrow limits of Afij.
Followed, as it is faid, by two millions oi men, Xerxes, the defcendant
of Cyrus, invaded Greece. Thirty thoufand fold'iers, under the
command of Alexander, the fon of Philip, who v.'3s intrufted by
the Greeks with their glory and revenge, were fufficient to fabdue
Perfia. The princes of the houfe of Seleucus ufurped and loft the
Macedonian command over the Eaft. About the fame time, that,
by an ignominious treaty, they refigned to the Romans the country
on this fide Mount Taurus, they were driven by the Parthlans, an
obfcure horde of Scythian origin, from all the provinces of Upper
Afia. The formidable power of the Parthians, which fpread from
India to the frontiers of Syria, was in its turn fubverted by Ardihir,
or Artaxerxes ; the founder of a new dynafty, which, under the
name of Saflanides, governed Perfia till the invafion of the Arabs.
This great revolution, whofe fatal influence was foon experienced by
the Romans, happened in the fourth year of Alexander Severus,
two hundred and twenty-fix years after the Chriftian sera \
ThePerfiaii Artaxcrxes had ferved with great reputation in the armies of
reftored by Artaban, the laft king of the Parthians, and it appears that he was
Artaxerxes.
' An ancient chronologift quoted by Vel- ^ In the five hundred and thirty-eighth
leius Patcrculus (1. i. c. 6.) obfcrves, that year of the aera of Seleucus. See Agathias,
the Aflyrians, the Kiedes, the Perfians, and 1. ii. p. 63. This great event (fuch is the
the Macedonians, reigned over Afia one thou- careleflhefs of the Orientals) is placed byEu-
fand nine hundred and ninety-five years, from tychius, as high as the tenth year of Com-
the accelfion of Ninus to the defeat of Anti- modus, .and by Mofes of Chorene, as low as
ochus by the Romans. As the latter of thefe the reign of Philip. Ammianus Marcellinus
great events happened 189 years before Chrift, has fo fervilely copied (xxiii. 6.) his ancient
the former may be placed 2184 years before materials, which are indeed very good, that'
the fame «era. The Allronomical obferva- he defcribes the family of the Arfacides, as
tions, found at Babylon by Alexander, went ftill feated on the Perfian throne in the middle
fifty years higher. of the fourth ccnuiry.
I driven
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 239-
driven into exile and rebellion by royal ingratitude, the cuilomary ^ H^A P;
reward for fuperior merit. His birth was obfcure, and the obfcurity « — -w — -f
e<iually gave room to the afperfions of his enemies, and the flattery
of his adherents. If we credit the fcandal of the former, Arta-
xerxes fprang from the illegitimate commerce of a tanner's wife
with a common foldier '. The latter reprefent him, as defcended
from a branch of the ancient kings of Perfia, though time and
misfortune had gradually reduced his anceftors to the humble ftation
of private citizens *. As the lineal heir of the monarchy, he-
aucrted his right to the throne, and challenged the noble talk of
delivering the Perfians from the oppreifion under which they
groaned above five centuries fince the death of Darius. The Par-
thians were defeated in three great battles. In the laft of thefe
their king Artaban was ilain, and the fpirit of the nation was for
ever broken '. The authority of Artaxerxes was folemnly acknow-
ledged in a great aiTembly held at Balch in Khorafan. Two
younger branches of the royal houfe of Arfaces were confounded
among the proilrate fatraps. A third, more mindful of ancient
grandeur than of prefent neceffity, attempted to retire, with a
numerous train of vaiTals, towards their kinfman, the king of
Armenia; but this little army of deferters was intercepted, and cut
off, by the vigilance of the conqueror', who boldly aflumed the
double diadem, and the title of King of Kings, which had been
enjoyed by his predeceflbr. But thefe pompous titles, inftead of
gratifying the vanity of the Perfian, ferved only to admonifh him
of his duty, and to inflame in his foul, the ambition of reftoring, in•.
their full fplendour, the religion and empire of Cyrus.
3 The tanner's name was Babec; the fol- * D'Herbelot. Bibliotheque Orlentale.
^er's, Safian : from tlie former Artaxerxes Ardpir,
obtained the furname of Babegan ; from the ' Dion Caflius, 1. Ixxx. Herodian, 1. vi,
latter all his defcendants have been ftyled p. 207. Abulpharagius Dynaft. p. 80.
£afanU(s. * See Mofes Chorenenfis, 1. ii. c. 65— 71.
I. During;
240 THE DECLINE AND FALL
*- ^ j^ ^• L During the long fervitude of Pcifia under the Macedonian
«^ — ■^ — r-J and the Parthian yoke, the nations of Europe and Afia had mu-
Reformation
of the Ma- tually adopted and corrupted each other's fuperiliiions. The
gianrei^ion. ^,.|-^^,-jjgg^ indeed, pradifed the worfliip of the Magi; but they
difgraced and polluted it with a various mixture of foreign idolatry.
The memory of Zoroafter, the ancient prophet and philofopher of the
Perfians ' , was ftill revered in the Eaft ; but the obfolete and myfterlous
language, in which the Zendavafta was compofed % opened a field of
dil'pute to feventy feds, who varioufly explained the fundamental doc-
trines of their religion, and were all indifferently derided by a crov/d
of infidels, who rejeded the divine miffion and miracles of the pro-
phet. To fupprefs the idolaters, reunite the fchifmatics, and confute
the unbelievers, by the infallible decifion of a general council, the
pious Artaxerxes fummoned the Magi from all parts of his dominions.
Thefe priefts, who had fo long fighed in contempt and obfcurity,
obeyed the welcome fummons ; and on the appointed day appeared,
to the number of about eighty thoufand. But as the debates of fo
tumultuous anailembly could not have been direded by the authority
of reafon, or influenced by the art of policy, the Perfian fynod was re-
duced, by fucceffive operations, to forty thoufand, to four thoufand, to
four hundred, to forty, and at laft to feven Magi, the moil refpeded
for their learning and piety. One of thefe, Erdaviraph, a young but
holy prelate, received from the hands of his brethren, three cups of
foporiferous wine. He drank them off, and inilantly fell into a long
' Hyde and Prideaux, working up the uncle Dr. Prideaux, the antiquity of the
Pcrfian legends and their own conjeflures into Perfian prophet. See his work, vol. ii.
a very agreeable ftory, reprefent Zoroafter as ^ That ancient idiom was called the Zexi/.
a contemporary of Darius Hyftafpes. But it The language of the commentary, thePehlvi
is fufficient to obferve, that the Greek wri- though much more modern, has ceafed many
ters, who lived almoft in the age of Darius, ages ago to be a living tongue. This fadl
agree in placing the a-ra of Zoroafter many alone (if it is allowed as authentic) fufficient-
hundred, or even thoufano, years before their ly warrants the antiquity of thofe writings,
own time. The judicious criticifm of Mr. which M. d'Anquetil has brought into Eu-
Moyle perceived, and maintained againft kis rope, and tranflated into French.
and
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 241
and profound fleep. As foon as he waked, he related to the kino: and to C Η A P.
. . . . . VIII.
the believing multitude, his journey to Heaven, and his intimate con- u- ^v—^
ferenccs with the Deity. Every doubt was filenced by this fupernatural
evidence ; and the articles of the faith of Zoroafter were fixed with
equal authority and precifion '. A iliort delineation of that celebrated
fyilem will be found ufeful, not only to difplay the charader of the
Perfian nation, but to illuftrate many of their moil important tranf-
adions, both in peace and war, with the Roman empire '%
The great and fundamental article of the fyftem, was the ce- Perfian theo-
. _ . _ _ logy ; two
lebrated -dodlrme of the two principles ; a bold and injudicious principles,
attempt of Eaftern philofophy to reconcile the exiftence of moral
and phyfical evil, with the attributes of a beneficent Creator and
governor of the world. The firft and original Being, in whom, or
by whom, the univerfe exifls, is denominated in the writings
of Zoroafter, Time ivithoiit bounds ; but it muft be confeiTed, that
this infinite fubftance feems rather a metaphyfical abftradion of the
mind, than a real objedl endowed with felf-confcioufnefs, or poiTefled
of moral perfedions. From either the blind, or the intelligent
operation of this infinite Time, which bears but too near an affinity
with the chaos of the Greeks, the two fecondary but adive prin-
ciples of the univerfe, were from all eternity produced, Ormufd
and Ahriman, each of them poflefied of the powers of creation, but
each difpofed, by his invariable nature, to exercife them with dif-
ferent defigns. The principle of good is eternally abforbed in light;
the principle of evil eternally buried in darknefs. The wife benevo-
lence of Ormufd formed man capable of virtue, and abundantly pro-
vided his fair habitation with the materials of happinefs. By his
' Hyde de Religione veterum Perf. c. 21. died obfcurity of a prophet, the figurative
'^ I have principally drawn this account ilyle of the Eaft, and the deceitful medium
from the Zendavella of M. d'Anquetil, and of a French or Latin verfion, may have be-
the Sadder, fubjoined to Dr. Hyde's treatife. traycd us into error and herefy, in this a-
It mull, however, be confefied, that the ftu- briJgment of Perfian theology.
Vol. I. I i vigilant
2^ THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, vigilant providence, the motion of the planets, the order of the
^ ' . feafons, and the temperate mixture of the elements, are preferved.
But the malice of Ahriman has long fmce pierced Onnufd's egg;
or, in other words, has violated the harmony of his• works. Since
that fatal irruption, the moft minute articles of good and evil
are intimately intermingled and agitated together; the rankeft
poifons fpring up amidft the moil falutary plants; deluges, earth-
quakes, and conflagrations, atteft the conflidt of Nature, and the
little world of man is perpetually ihaken by vice and misfortune.
Whilft the reft of human kind are led away captives in the chains
of their infernal enemy, the faithful Perfian alone referves his
religious adoration for his friend and protedor Ormufd, and fights
under his banner of light, in the full confidence, that he ihall, in
the laft day, ihare the glory of his triumph. At that decifive
period, the enlightened wifdom of goodnefs will render the power
of Ormufd fuperior to the furious malice of his rival. Ahriman and
his followers, dlfarmed and fubdued, will fink into their native
darknefs ; and virtue will maintain the eternal peace and harmony
of the univerfe ".
Religious The theology of Zoroafter was darkly comprehended by foreigners,
worihip. ^^j ^^^^ l^y. ^j^g £^j. greater number of his difciples ; but the moft
carelefs obfervers were ftruck with the philofophic fimplicity of the
Perfian worfliip. " That people, fays Herodotus '% rejeds the
" ufe of temples, of altars, and of ftatues, and fmiles at the folly of
" thofe nations, who imagine that the gods are fprung from,
" or bear any affinity with the human nature. The tops of the
*' higheft mountains are the places chofen for facrifices. Hymns
" The modern Periees (and in fome degree contributed to refine their theological fyftem.
the Sadder) exalt Ormufd into the firft and " Herodotus, 1. i. C 131. But Dr. Pri-
omnipotent caufe, whilft they degrade Ahri- deaux thinks, with reafon, that the ufe of
man into an inferior but rebellious fpirit. Their temples was afterwards permitted in the Ma-
defirc of pleafing the Mahometans may have .gian religion.
♦♦ and
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 343
" and prayers are the principal worfliip ; the Supreme God who chap.
" fills the wide circle of Heaven, is the objed to whom they are ^— ν '
" addrefled." Yet, at the fame time, in the true fpiritof a polytheift,
he accufes them of adoring Earth, Water, Fire, the Winds, and
the Sun and Moon. But the Perfians of every age have denied the
charge, and explained the equivocal condudl, which might appear
to give a colour to it. The elements, and more particularly Fire,
Light, and the Sun, whom they called Mithra, were the obje<fts of
their religious reverence, becaufe they confidered them as the pureil
fymbols, the nobleft produdtions, and the moil powerful agents of
the Divine Power and Nature ''.
Every mode of religion, to make a deep and lafting impreffion on Ceremoni
and mor:'
precepts.
the human mind, muft exercife our obedience, by enjoining pradices ^" '"""^
of devotion, fonvhich we can affign no reafon ; and muft acquire
our efteem, by inculcating moral duties analogous to the didates of
our own hearts. The religion of Zoroafter was abundantly provided
with the former, and poiTefled a fufficient portion of the latter. At
the age of puberty, the faithful Perfian was inverted with a myf-
terious girdle, the badge of the divine protedion ; and from that
moment, all the adions of his life, even the moft indifferent, or
the moft neceffary, were fandified by their peculiar prayers, ejacula-
tions, or genuflexions ; the omliTion of which, under any circum-
ftances, was a grievous fm, not inferior in guilt to the violation of
the moral duties. The moral duties, however, of juftice, mercy, li-
berality, &c. were in their turn required of the difciple of Zoroafter,
who wiftied to efcape the perfecution of Ahriman, and to live with
Ormufd in a blifsful eternity, where the degree of felicity will be
exadly proportioned to the degree of virtue and piety '*.
But
" Hyde de Rc-lig. Perf. c. 8. Notwith- matifed them, as idolatrous worihippers of
ftanding all their diftinilions and protefta- the fire.
tions, which feem fincere enough, their t)•- '* See the Sadder, the fmalleft part of
rants, the Mahometans, have ccnllantly ftig- which confifts of moral precepts. The cere-
I i 2 monies
244 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
vm.
culture.
But there arc fome remarkable inftances, in which Zoroafter lays
' .— — >• aficle the prophet, aiTumes the legiflator, and difcovers a liberal
Encourage-
ment of agri- concern for private and public happinefs, feldom to be found among
the groveling or vifionary fchemes of fuperilition. Failing and
celibacy, the common means of purchafing the divine favour,
he condemns with abhorrence, as a criminal rejection of the befl:
gifts of providence. The faint, in the Magian religion, is obliged
to beget children, to plant ufeful trees, to deftroy noxious animals,
to convey water to the dry lands of Perfia, and to work out his
falvation by purfuing all the labours of agriculture. AVe may quote
from the Zendavefta a wife and benevolent maxim, which com-
penfates for many an abfurdity. " He who fows the ground with
" care and diligence, acquires a greater flock of religious merit, than
" he could gain by the repetition of ten thoufand prayers "."
In the fpring of every year a feftival was celebrated, deftined to
reprefent the primitive equality, and the prefent connexion, of man-
kind. The ftately kings of Perfia, exchanging their vain pomp
for more genuine greatnefs, freely mingled with the humblell: but
moft ufeful of their fubjeils. On that day the hufbandmen were
admitted, without diftinQion, to the table of the king and his
fatraps. The monarch accepted their petitions, inquired into their
grievances, and converfed with them on the moft equal terms.
*' From your labours, was he accuftomcd to fay, (and to fay with
*' truth, if not with fincerity,) from your labours, we receive our
" fubfiftence ; you derive your tranquillity from our vigilance; fince,
" therefore, we are mutually neceflary to each other, let us live
" together like brothers in concord and love '\" Such a feftival
muft indeed have degenerated, in a wealthy and defpotic empire,
monies enjoined are infinite and trifling, the facred girdle. Sadder. Art. 14. 50. 60.
Fifteen genuflexions, prayers, &c. were re- . .'^ Zendavella, torn. i. p. 224, and Precis
quired whenever the devout Perfian cut his du Syfteme de Zoroaftre, torn. iii.
nails or made water ; or as often as he put on " Hyde de Religione Perfarum, c. 19.
into
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 2ή.ζ-
Qnto a theatrical reprefentation ; but it was at leaft a comedy well C Η Λ P.
worthy of a royal audience, and which might fometimes imprint a ' -j '
falutary leiToii on the mind of a young prince.
Had Zoroafter, in all his inftitutions, invariably fupported this ex- Power of the
. Magi.
alted charaiiter, his name would deferve a place with thofe of Numa
and Confucius, and his fyftem would be juftly entitled to all the
applaufe, which it has pleafed fome of our Divines, and even fome
of our philofophers, to beftow on it. But in that motley compofi-
tion, didated by reafon and paihon, by enthufiafm and by felfifh•
motives, fome ufeful and fiiblime truths were difgraced bv a mix-
ture of the mofi: abjed and dangerous fuperftition. The Magi, or
facerdotal order, were extremely numerous, fince, as we have already
feen, fourfcore thoufand of them were convened in a general council.
Their forces were multiplied by difcipline. A regular hierarchy waa
diifufed through all the provinces of Perfia ; and the Archimagus»
who refided at Balch, was refpeded as the vifible head of the
church, and the lav^ful fucceifor of Zoroafter '^ The property of
the Magi was very confiderable. Befides the lefs invidious poflef-
fion of a large trail of the moft fertile lands of Media '% they levied
a general tax on the fortunes and the induftry of the Perfians ''•
*' Though your good works," fays the interefted prophet, " exceed
*' in number the leaves of the trees, the drops of rain, the ftars in
" the heaven, or the fands on the fea-ihore, they will all be un-
" profitable to you, unlefs they are accepted by the defiour^ or prieft.
" To obtain the acceptation of this guide to falvation, you muil
"■' Id. c. 28. Both Hyde and Prideaux were a tribe or family, as well as order.
afFeit to apply to the Magian, the terms con- '" The divine inftitution of tythes exhibits
fecrated to the Chriflian hierarchy. a lingular inftance of conformity between the
'^ Ammian. Marcellin. x.xiii. 6. He in- law of Zoroafter and that of Mofes. Thofe
forms us (as far as we may credit him) of two who cannot otherwife account for it, may fup-
curious particulars; i. that the Magi de- pofe, if they pleafe, that the Magi of the
rived fome of their moil fecret doftrines from latter times inferted fo ufeful an interpolar
the Indian Brachmans ; and, 2. that they tion into the writings of their prophet.
3 « faithfully
246 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. " faithfully pay him tythes of all you poflcfs, of your goods, of^
u—v- .f *' your lands, and of your money. If the deftour be fatisfied, your
" foul will efcape hell tortures; you will fecure praife in this world,
*' and happinefs in the next. For the deftours are the teachers of
*' religion ; they know all things, and they deliver all men "."
Thefe convenient maxims of reverence and implicit faith were
doubtlefs imprinted with care on the tender minds of youth ; fince
the Magi were the mafters of education in Perha, and to their hands
the children even of the royal family were intrufted ''. The Perfian
priefts, who were ofja fpeculative genius, preferved and inveftigated
'*■ the fecrets of Oriental philofophy ; and acquired, either by fuperior
knowledge or fuperior art, the reputation of being well verfed in
fome occult fciences, which have derived their appellation from
the Magi ". Thofe of more a£tive difpofitions mixed with the
world in courts and cities ; and it is obferved, that the adminiftra-
tion of Artaxerxes was in a great meafure direded by the counfels
of the facerdotal order, whofe dignity, either from policy or devo-
tion, that prince reftored to its ancient fplendour ".
Spiritof per- The firft counfel of the Magi was agreeable to the unfociable ge-
nius of their faith '% to the pradlice of ancient kings '', and even
to the example of their legiflator, who had fallen a vidim to a re-
ligious war, excited by his own intolerant zeal '*. By an edid of
Artaxerxes, the exercife of every worihip, except that of Zoroafter,
was feverely prohibited. The temples of the Parthians, and the fta-
-° Sadder, Art. 8. refined and philofophic feils are conftantly the
'^' Plato in Alcibiad. rooft intolerant.
" Pliny (Hift. Natur 1. xxx. c i.) ob- „ cicero de Legibus, ii. ,o. Xerxes, by
ferves, that magic held mankmd by the the advice of the Magi, deilroyed the temples
triple chain of religion, of phyfic, and of ^f Qj-gg^g
aftronomv. , , .
" Agathias, 1. iv. p. 134. " «Χ<ί= ^' R^'• P"*^"•- ^• '^' ^4• D'Her-
** Mr. Hume, in the Natural Hiilory of ^^'°^ B.bliotheque Onentale Zerd.fit. Life
Religion, fagacioufly remarks, that the molt "^ Zo^after in torn. 11. of the Zendavefta.
tues
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 247
tues of their deified monarchs, were thrown down with ignominy *^. ^ ^ -^ ^•
The fword of Ariftotle (fuch was the name given by the Orientals to <— -„- ~/
the polytheifm and philofophy of the Greeks) was eafily broken ^" >
the flames of perfecution foon reached the more ilubborn Jews and
Chriftians ^' ; nor did they fpare the heretics of iJieir own nation
and religion. The majefty of Ormufd, who was jealous of a rival,
was feconded by the defpotifm of Artaxerxes, who could not fufFer
a rebel ; and the fchifmatics within his vail empire were foon re-
duced to the inconfiderable number of eighty thoufand '". This
fpirit of perfecution refleds diihonour on the religion of Zoroafter ;
but as it was not produdlive of any civil commotion, it ferved to
itrengthen the new monarchy by uniting all the various inhabitants
of Perfia in the bands of religious zeal.
II. Artaxerxes, by his valour and condu£t, had wrefted the fcep- Eftabimi-
tre of the Eaft from the ancient royal family of Parthia. There royal autho-
ftill remained the more difficult taik of eftabliihing, throughout the provinces'^
vail extent of Perfia, a uniform and vigorous adminiftration. The
weak indulgence of the Arfacides, had refigned to their fons and
brothers, the principal provinces, and the greateft offices of the king-
dom, in the nature of hereditary pofleffions. The vitaxte^ or eigh-
teen moil powerful fatraps, were permitted to afiiime the regal title ;
and the vain pride of the monarch was delighted with a nominal
dominion over fo many vaflal kings. Even tribes of barbarians in
their mountains, and the Greek cities of Upper Afia ", within their
*' Compare Mofes of Chorene, 1. ii. c. 74. ^i xhefe colonies were extremely .nume-
with Ammian. Marcellin. xxiii. 6. Here- rous. Seleucus Nicator founded thirty-nine
after I fhall make ufe of thefe paiTages. cities, all named from himfelf, or feme of
*' Rabbi Abraham in the Tarikh Schick- his relations (fee Appian in Syriac, p. 124.).
ard, p. 108, 109. The ara of Seleucus (ftill in ufe among the
-* Bafnage Hiftoire dcs Juifs, 1. Λτϊί. c. 3. Eaftern Chriftians) appears as late as the year
Sozomen, 1. ii. c. i. Manes, who fuffered ςο8, of Chrift 196, on the medals of the
an ignominious death, may be deemed a Ma- Greek cities within the Parthian empire. See
gi.in, as well as a Chriftian heretic. Moyle's works, vol. i. p. 273, &c. and M.
^" Hyde de Religioiie Perfar. c. 21. Freret, Mem. del'Academie, icm. xix.
I walls,
2^8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, walls, fcarcely acknowledged, or feldom obeyed, any fuperlor ; and
t_ .-' • the Parthian empire exhibited, under other names, a lively image of
the feudal fyRem " which has fmce prevailed in Europe. But the
adive vidtor, at the head of a numerous and difciplined army, vifited
in perfon every province of Perfia. The defeat of the boldeft rebels,
and the redudion of the ilrongeft fortifications ", diffufed the terror
of his arms, and prepared the way for the peaceful reception of his
authority. An obflinate refiftance was fatal to the chiefs ; but their
followers were treated with lenity '*. A cheerful fubmiifion was
rewarded with honours and riches ; but the prudent Artaxerxes,
fufFering no perfon except himfelf to affume the title of king, abo-
liflied every intermediate povs'er between the throne and the people.
■•'.itent and His kingdom, nearly equal in extent to modern Perfia, was, on every
K'rfia. fide, bounded by the fea or by great rivers ; by the Euphrates, the
Tigris, the Araxes, the Oxus, and the Indus, by the Cafpian Sea,
and the Gulph of Perfia ''. That country was computed to contain in
the laft century, five hundred and fifty-four cities, fixty thoufand
villages, and about forty millions of fouls '*. If we compare the
^* The modern PeiTians diftinguifli that ps- bably many ages afterwards, it was thinly in-
riod as the dynafty of the kings of the nations, habited by a favage people of Icthyophagi,
See Plin. Hift. Nat. vi. 25. or Fiihermen, who knew no arts, who ac-
^^ Eutychius (tom.l. p. 367. 371. 375.) knowledgcd no mailer, and who were divided
relates the fiege of the iiland of Mefene in by inhofpitable deferts from the reft of the
the Tigris, with fome circumftances not un- world. (See Arrian de Reb. Indicis.) In
like the ftory of Nifus and Scylla. the twelfth century, the little town of Taiz,
^* Agathias, ii. 164. The princes of Se- (fuppofed by ?νΊ. Danville to be the Tefa of
geftan defended their independence during Ptolemy) was peopled and enriched by the
many years. As romances generally tranfport refort of the Arabian merchants. (See Geo-
to an ancient period the events of their own graphic Nubiens, p. 58, and Danville Geo-
time, it is not impoffible, that the fabulous graphic Ancienne, torn. ii. p. 283.) In die
exploits of Ruftan prince of Segeftan may lall age the whole country was divided be-
have been grafted en this real hiftory. tween three princes, one Mahometan and two
^5 We can fcarcely attribute to the Perfian Idolaters, who maintained their independ-
jnonarchythefea-coaft of Gedrofiaor Macran, ence againft the fuccellbrs of Shaw Abbas,
■which extends along the Indian Ocean from (Voyages de Tavernier, parti. 1. v. p. 635.)
Capejaflc (the promontory C.ipella) to Cape 3. Chardin, torn. ili. c. 1, 2, 3.
Goadel. In the time of Alexander, and pro-
admi-
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
^9
C II A V.
VIII.
admlniftratlon of the houfe of Safian with that of the houfe of Sefi,
the political influence of the Magian with that of the Mahometan
religion, we fhall probably infer, that the kingdom of Artaxerxes
contained at leaft as great a number of cities, villages, and inhabit-
ants. But it muft likewife be confefled, that in every age the
want of harbours on the fea-coaft, and the fcarcity of freih water
in the inland provinces, have been very unfavourable to the com-
merce and agriculture of the Perfians ; who, in the calculation of
their numbers, feem to have indulged one of the meaneft, though
moil common artifices, of national vanity.
As foon as the ambitious mind of Artaxerxes had triumphed over Recapituia-
the refiftance of his vaflals, he began to threaten the neighbouring wa?betv/een
ftates, who, during the long flumber of his predeceffbrs, had infulted and^Romaa"
Perfia with impunity. He obtained fome eafy vidories over the «"^pi•"^•
wild Scythians and the effeminate Indians ; but the Romans were
an enemy, who, by their pail injuries and prefent power, deferved
the utmoil efforts of his arms. A forty years tranquillity, the
fruit of valour and moderation, had fucceeded the vidlories of Trajan.
During the period that elapfed from the acceffion of Marcus to the
reign of Alexander, the Roman and the Parthian empires were twice
engaged in war ; and although the whole ilrength of the Arfacides
contended with a part only of the forces of Rome, the event was
moil commonly in favour of the latter. Macrinus, indeed, prompted
by his precarious fituation and pufillanimous temper, purchafed a
peace at the expence of near two millions of our money '^ ; but the
generals of Marcus, the emperor Severus, and his fon, ereded many
trophies in Armenia, Mefopotamia, and Affyria. Among their ex-
ploits, the imperfed relation of which would have unfeafonably in-
terrupted the more important feries of domeilic revolutions, we ihall
only mention the repeated calamities of the two great cities of Se-
leucia and Ctefiphon.
^' Dion, I. xx'viii. p. 1335.
Vol. I. Κ k Seleucia,
250 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C HA P. Seleucia, on the weftern bank of the Tigris, about forty-five
> ^ ' miles to the north of ancient Babylon, was the capital of the Mace-
leucia and cloniau conqucrts in upper Afia ". Many ages after the fall of their
i-'P on. empire, Seleucia retained the genuine charaders of a Grecian colony,
arts, military virtue, and the love of freedom. The independent
republic was governed by a fenate of three hundred nobles; the
people confifled of fix hundred thoufand citizens ; the walls were
ftrong, and as long as concord prevailed among the feveral orders of
the ftate, they viewed with contempt the power of the Parthian : but
the madnefs of fadion was fometimes provoked to implore the dan-
. gerous aid of the common enemy, who was ported almoft at the gates
of the colony "' The Parthian monarchs, like the Mogul fovereigns
of Hindoftan, delighted in the paftoral life of their Scythian ancef-
tors; and the Imperial camp was frequently pitched in the plain of
Ctefiphon, on the eaftern bank of the Tigris, at the diftance of only
three miles from Seleucia •*". The innumerable attendants on luxury
and defpotifm reforted to the court, and the little village of Ctefi-
phon infenfibly fwelled into a great city"*'. Under the reign of
Marcus, the Roman generals penetrated as far as Ctefiphon and Se-
A. D. 165. leucia. They were received as friends by the Greek colony ; they
attacked as enemies the feat of the Parthian kings ; yet both cities
experienced the fame treatment. The fack and conflagration of
Seleucia, with the raaflacre of three hundred thoufand of the inha-
'' For the precife fituation of Babylon, Se- followed the camp of Aurengzebc from Dehl*
leucia, Ctefiphon, Modaui, and Bagdad, ci- to Cafhmir, defcribes with great accuracy the
ties often confounded with each other ; fee an immenfe moving city. The guard of ca-
excellent Geographical Trail of M. Dan- valry confifted of 35,000 men, that of in-
ville, in Mem. de I'Academie, torn. xxx. fantry of ιο,οοο. It was computed that the
3' Tacit. Anna!, xi. 42. Plin. Hift. Nat. camp contained 150,000 horfes, mules, and
vl. 36. elephants; 50,000 camels; 50,000 oxen, and
♦° This may be Inferred from Strabo, 1. between 300,000 and 400,000 perfons. AI-
xvi. p. 743. moft all Dehli followed the court, whofe
*' That moll curious traveller Bernier, v/ho magnificence fupported its indullry.
bitantSj
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 251
bitants, tarniflied the glory of the Roman triumph *'. Selcucia, ^ {^^^^ ^•
already exhaufted by the neighbourhood of a too powerful rival, ^- — ν '
funk under the fatal blow ; but Ctefiphon, in about thirty-ihree a. d. 198.
years, had fufficiently recovered its firength to maintain an obfti-
nate fiege againft the emperor Severus. The city was, how^ever,
taken by aflault ; the king, who defended it in perfon, efcaped with
precipitation ; an hundred thoufand captives, and a rich booty, re-
warded the fatigues of the Roman foldiers *'. Notwithftanding thefe
niisfortunes, Ctefiphon fucceeded to Babylon and to Seleucia, as one
of the great capitals of the Eaft. In fummer, the monarch of Perfia
enjoyed at Ecbatana the cool breezes of the mountains of Media ;
but the mildnefs of the climate engaged him to prefer Ctefiphon for
his winter-refidence.
From theie fuccefsful inroads, the Romans derived no real or Conqueii of
Ofrhocne by
lafting benefit ; nor did they attempt to preferve fuch diftant con- the Romans.
quells, feparated from the provinces of the empire by a large tr-adt of
intermediate defert. The reduftion of the k'ngdom of Ofrhcene,
was an acquifition of lefs fplendour indeed, but of a far more folid
advantage. That little ftate occupied the northern and moft fertile
part of Mefopotamia, between the Euphrates and the Tigris. Edeifa,
its capital, was fituated about twenty miles beyond the former of
thofe rivers; and the inhabitants, fince the time of Alexander, were
a mixed race of Greeks, Arabs, Syrians, and Armenians *^ The
feeble fovereigns of Ofrhoene, placed on the dangerous Λ'erge of
two contending empires, were attached from inclination to the Par-
♦^ Dion. 1. Ixxi. p. 1178. Hift. Auguil. ■" The polilKed citizens of Antloch, called
p. 38. Eutrop. viii. 10. Eufcb. in Chronic, thofe of Edeil'a, mixed barb.Triars. It was,
Quadratus (quoted in the Augullan Hillory) however, fome praife, that of the three dia-
attempted to vindicate the Romans, by al- lefts of the Syriac, the piireit and moft ele-
leging, that the citizens of Seleucia had firft gant (the Aramsan) was fpoke at Edefla.
violated their faith. This remark M. Bayer (Hift. EdeiT. p. 5.)
♦' Dion. 1. Ixxv. p. 1263. Herodian, 1. iii. has borrowed from George of Malatia, a Sy-
p. 120. Hift. Auguft. p. -o. rian Writer.
Κ k 2 thian
252 THEDECLINEANDFALL
^ ντίτ ^' ^^^'^^^ caufe ; but the fuperior power of Rome exa£led from them a
V— — v~— / reludant homage, which is ftill attefted by their medals. After the
conclufion of the Parthian war under Marcus, it was judged pru-
dent to fecure fome fubftantial pledges of their doubtful fidelity.
Forts were conftrufted in feveral parts of the country, and a Roman
garrifon was fixed in the ftrong town of Nifibis. During the trou-
bles that followed the death of Commodus, the princes of Ofrhoene
attempted to fliake off the yoke : but the ftern policy of Severus
confirmed their dependence ■*', and the perfidy of Caracalla com-
A. D. 2i6. pleted the eafy conqueft. Abgarus, the laft king of Edefla, was fent
in chains to Rome, his dominions reduced into a province, and his
capital dignified with the rank of colony ; and thus the Romans,
about ten years before the fall of the Parthian monarchy, obtained
a firm and permanent eftabliihment beyond the Euphrates *'^.
Artaxerxes Prudence as well as glory might have juftified a war on the fide of
provinces of Artaxerxcs, had his views been confined to the defence or the acqui-
clare's war'^'^' ^^ίο^^ of a ufcful frontier. But the ambitious Perfian openly avowed a
againft the f^j. more extcnfivc defign of conqueft : and he thought himfelf able
Romans. ο ί » &
Α. D. 230. to fupport his lofty pretenfions by the arms of reafon as well as by
thofe of power. Cyrus, he alleged, had firft fubdued, and his fuc-
ceflbrs had for a long time poflefled, the whole extent of Afia, as
far as the Propontis and the JEgxan Sea ; the provinces of Caria
and Ionia, under their empire, had been governed by Perfian fatraps,
and all Egypt, to the confines of iEthiopia, had acknowledged their
fovereignty *'. Their rights had been fufpended, but not deftroyed,
by a long ufurpation ; and as foon as he received the Perfian dia-
^^ Dion, 1. Ixxv. p. 1248, 1249, 1250. *' Xenophon, in the preface to the Cyro-
M. Bayer has neglefted to ufe this moil im- pa:dia, gives a clear and magnificent idea of
portant pafiage. the extent of the empire of Cyrus. Hero-
*' This kingdom, from Ofrhoes, who gave a dotus (1. iii. c. 79, &c.) enters into a curious
new name to the country, to the laft Abgarus, and particular defcription of the twenty great
had lafted 353 years. See the learned work Satrapies into which the Perfian empire was
of M. Bayer, Hiftoria Ofrhoena et Edeffena. divided by Darius Hyftafj<es.
1 dem.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. asS
dem, which birth and fuccefsful valour had placed upon his head, C HA P.
the firft great duty of his ilation called upon him to reftore the an- v_ — „~— »
cient limits and fplendour of the monarchy. The Great King, there-
fore, (fuch was the haughty ftyle of his embaffies to the emperor
Alexander) commanded the Romans inilantly to depart from all
the provinces of his anceftors, and yielding to the Perfians the em-
pire of Afia, to content themfelves with the undifturbed pofleiTion
of Europe. This haughty mandate was delivered by four hundred
of the talleft and moft beautiful of the Perfians ; who, by their fine
horfes, fplendid arms, and rich apparel, difplayed the pride and
greatnefs of their mailer '^', Such an embafly was much lefs an offer
of negociation than a declaration of war. Both Alexander Severus
and Artaxerxes, colleding the military force of the Roman and
Perfian monarchies, refolved in this important conteft to lead their
armies in perfon.
If we credit what lliould feem the moil authentic of all records, Pretended
an oration, ilill extant, and delivered by the emperor himfelf to the Alexander
fenate, we mufi: allow that the viftory of Alexander Severus was a^^^^^z?^.
not inferior to any of thofe formerly obtained over the Perfians by
the fon of Philip. The army of the Great King confifted of one
hundred and twenty thoufand horfe, clothed in complete armour
of ileel; of feven hundred elephants, with towers filled with ar-
chers on their backs, and of eighteen hundred chariots, armed with
fcythes. This formidable hoft, the like of which is not to be found in
eaftern hiftory, and has fcarcely been imagined in eaftern romance '^,
was
<' Herodian, vi. 209. 212. quent wars and negociations with the princes
'^ There were two hundred fcythed cha- of India, he had once colleiled an hundred
riots at the battle of Arbela, in the hoft and fifty of thofe great animals ; but it may
of Darius. In the vaft army of Tigranes, be queftioned, whether the moft powerful mo-
which was vanquifhed by Lucullus, feventeen narch of Hindoftan ever formed a line of
thoufand horfe only were completely arm- battle of feven hundred elephants, Inftead
ed. Antiochus brought fifty-four elephants of three or four thoufand elephants, which the
into the field againft the Romans : by his fre- Great IVIogul was fuppofed to poflefs, Taver-
nler
254 . THEDECLINEAND FALL
^ ^^ ^• was difcomfited in a great battle, in which the Roman Alexander ap-
\ — -^ ' proved himfelf an intrepid foldier and a ikilful general. The Great
King fled before his valour; an inimenfe booty and the conqueft of
Meibpotamia, were the immediate fruits of this fignal victory. Such
are the circumfl:ances of this oftentatious and improbable relation,
diftated, as it too plainly appears, by the vanity of the monarch,
adorned by the unbluihing fervility of his flatterers, and received
without contradiction by a diftant and obfequious fenate '°. Far
from being inclined to believe that the arms of Alexander obtained
any memorable advantage over the Perfians, we are induced to fufpe£t,
that all this blaze of imaginary glory was defigned to conceal fomc
real difgrace.
More proba- Our fiiipicions are confirmed by the authority of a contemporary
o^xhewax. hiftorian, who mentions the virtues of Alexander with refpe^, and
his faults with candour. He defcribes the judicious plan which had
been formed for the conduit of the war. Three Roman armies
were deflined to invade Perfia at the fame time, and by different
roads. But the operations of the campaign, though wifely con-
certed, were not executed either with ability or fuccefs. The firft
of thefe armies, as foon as it had entered the marihy plains of Ba-
bylon, towards the artificial conflux of the Euphrates and the
Tigris^', was encompafled by the fuperior numbers, and deilroyed
by the arrows, of the enemy. The alliance of Chofroes king of
nier (Voyages, part ii. 1. L p. 198.) difco- efteemed, eighteen elephants are allowed as
vered, by a more accurate inquiry, that he a fufficient proportion for each of the nine
hjul only five hundred for his baggage, and brigades into which a jiift army is divided.
eighty or ninety for the fervice of war. The The whole number, of one hundred and fixty-
G reeks have varied with regard to the nom- ^vo elephants of war, may fometimes be
ber which Porus brought into the field : but doubled. Hift. des Voyages, torn. ix. p. 260.
Quintus Curtius (viii. 13.), in this inftance 50 Hift. Aueuft. p. 111.
judicious and moderate, is contented with ., ,, , ~.„ , , , , ,
. , , , , ,.„. . _ , . . . 5' M. de JiUemont has already obferved,
•eiCThtv-iive elephar.ts, ddhnffuiined bv their , ,, 1- , ^ , • ,• ,
^ J ,, , τ c• 1. .u'/• • that Herodians Geography IS fomewhat con-
fize and lirenrth. In biam, where thele am- , , , or/
^ Med,
aials are thi αιοΆ numerous and the molt
Armenia,
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 255
VIII.
' . /
Armenia ", and the long tracH: of mountainous country, in which ^ ^^^^j^ ^•
the Perfian cavalry was of little fervice, opened a fecure entrance
into the heart of Media, to the fecond of the Roman armies. Thefe
brave troops laid wafte the adjacent provinces, and by feveral fuccelT-
ful adlions againfl: Artaxerxes, gave a faint colour to the emperor's
vanity. But the retreat of this vidlorious army was imprudent,
or at lead unfortunate. J η repaffing the mountains, great numbers
of foldiers periftied by the badnefs of the roads and the feverity
of the winter feafon. It had been refolved that whilft thefe two
great detachments penetrated into the oppofite extremes of the Per-
fian dominions, the main body, under the command of Alexander
himfelf, ihould lupport their attack, by invading the centre of the
kingdom. But the unexperienced youth, influenced by his mother's
counfels, and perhaps by his own fears, deferted the braveft troops
and the faireft profpeift of viilory ; and after confuming in Mefo-
potamia an inadtive and inglorious fummer, he led back to Antioch
an army diminifhed by ficknefs, and provoked by difappointment.
The behaviour of Artaxerxes had been very different. Flying with
rapidity from the hills of Media to the marihes of the Euphrates'
lie had every where oppofed the invaders in perfon ; and in either
fortune, had united with the ableft conduft the moft undaunted
refolution. But in feveral obftinate engagements againfl the vete-
ran legions of Rome, the Perilan monarch had lofl the flower of his
troops. Even his viilories had weakened his power. The favour-
able opportunities of the abfence of Alexander, and of the confu-
fions that followed that emperor's death, prefented themfelves in
vain to his ambition. Inftead of expelling the Romans, as
he pretended, from the continent of Afia, he found himfelf
"■ Mofes ofChorene (Hill. Armen. 1. ii. confines of India. The exploits of Chorroea-
c. 71.) illuilrates this invaiion of Media, by have been magnified ; and he ailed as a de-
ailerting, that Chofroes, king of Armenia, pendent ally to the Romans.,
defeated Artaxerxes, and purfued him to the
8 . unable
25<5
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
VIII.
Cliar.'ialer
and maxims
of Arta-
xerxes.
A. D. 240.
Military
power of the
Perfians.
unable to wrefl: from their hands the little province of Mcfopo-
tamia ".
The reign of Artaxerxes, which from the laft defeat of the Par-
thians lailed only fourteen years, forms a memorable sera in the
hiftory of the Eaft, and even in that of Rome. His charader feems
to have been marked by thofe bold and commanding features, that
generally diflinguiih the princes viho conquer, from thofe who
inherit, an empire. Till the laft period of the Periian monarchy,
his code of laws was refpedted as the ground-work of their civil and
religious policy '^ Several of his fayings are preferved. One of
them in particular difcovers a deep infight into the conftitution of
government. " The authority of the prince," faid Artaxerxes, " muft
" be defended by a military force ; that force can only be main-
" tained by taxes ; all taxes muft, at laft, fall upon agriculture ; and
" agriculture can never flourifli except under the protedion of
" juftice and moderation "." Artaxerxes bequeathed his new em-
pire, and his ambitious defigns againft the Romans, to Sapor, a fon
not unworthy of his great father; but thofe defigns were too
extenfive for the power of Perfia, and ferved only to involve both
nations in a long feries of deftrudive wars and reciprocal calamities.
The Perfians, long fince civilized and corrupted, were very far
from poiTeiTing the martial independence, and the intrepid hardi-
nefs, both of mind and body, which have rendered the northern
barbarians mafters of the world. The fcience of war, that con-
ftituted the more rational force of Greece and Rome, as it now does
of Europe, never made any confiderable progrefs in the Eaft. Thofe
'^ For the account of this war, fee Hero-
dian, 1. vi. p. 209. 212. The old abbrevi-
ators and modern compilers have blindly fol-
lowed the Auguilan Hiftory.
'+ Eutychius, torn. ii. p. 180. verf. Po-
cock. The great Chofroes Noufhirwan fent
the Code of Artaxerxes to all his Satraps,
as the invariable rule of their conduft.
^* D'Herbelot Bibliotheque Orientale, au
mot Ardflnr. We may obferve, that after
an ancient period of fables, and a long inter-
val of darknefs, the modern hiftcries of Per-
fia begin to aii'ume an air of truth with the
dynafty of the Saffanides.
difciplined
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 257
difciplined evolutions which harmonize and animate a confufcd CHAP.
VIII.
muhitude, were unknown to the Perfians. They were equally un- _ .' _f
ikiiied in the arts of conftriidting, befieging, or defending regular
fortifications. They trufted more to their numbers than to their
courage ; more to their courage than to their difcipline. The infantry Their infau-
was a half-armed fpiritlefs crowd of peafants, levied in hafte by the [cmpdWc
allurements of plunder, and as eafily difperfed by a vidory as by a
defeat. The monarch and his nobles tranfportcd into the camp
the pride and luxury of the feraglio. Their military operations
were impeded by a ufelefs train of women, eunuchs, horfes, and ca-
mels, and in the midfl; of a fuccefsful campaign, the Perfian hofl
was often feparated or deftroyed by an unexpedted famine '*.
But the nobles of PerGa, in the bofom of luxury and defpotifm, Their cava!-
preferved a ftrong fenfe of perfonal gallantry and national honour.
From the age of feven years they were taught to fpeak truth, to
ihoot with the bow, and to ride ; and it was univerfally confeiTed,
that in the two laft of thefe arts, they had made a more than com-
mon proficiency ". The moft diftinguilhcd youth were educated
under the monarch's eye, pradifed iheir cxercifes in the gate of his
palace, and were feverely trained up to the habits of temperance and
obedience, in their long and laborious parties of hunting. In
every province, the fatrap maintained a like fchool of military
virtue. The Perfian nobles (fo natural is the idea of feudal tenures)
received from the king's bounty lands and houies, on the condition
of their fervice in war. They were ready on the firfl fummons to
mount on horfeback, with a martial and fplendld train of follow-
ers, and to join the numerous bodies of guards, who were care-
fully feleded from among the moil robuft (laves, and the braveil ad-
'^ Herodian, 1. vi. p. 214. Ammia- produced by a centur)' and a half,
nus Marcellinus, I. xxiii. c. 6. Some dif- ^' The Perfians are llill the moll ikilful
ferences may be obferved between the two liorfemen, and their horfes the fineftj in the
hillorians, the natural eficds of the changes Eaih
\^0L. I. L 1 A'enturers
Q58 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, venturers of Afia. Thefe armies, both of light and of heavy cavalry,
equally formidable by the impetuofity of their charge, and the
rapidity of their motions, threatened, as an impending cloud, the
eaftern provinces of the declining empire of Rome *^
" From Herodotus, Xenophon, Herodian, as feem either common to every age, or par-
Ammianus, Chardin, &c. I have extrafted ticular to that of the Saffanides.
{\χάν prebablc accounts of the Pcrfian nobility.
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. ajg
CHAP. IX.
TX^ State of Germany till the Ιηναβο7ί of the Barbarians^
in the "Time of the Emperor Decius.
THE government and religion of Perfia have deferved fome
notice from their connexion with the decline and fall of the
Roman empire. We ihall occafionally mention the Scythian, or
Sarmatian tribes, which, with their arms and horfes, their flocks and
herds, their wives and families, wandered over the immenfe plains
which fpread themfelves from the Cafpian Sea to the Viftula, from
the confines of Perfia to thofe of Germany. But the warlike Ger-
mans, who firfl: refifted, then invaded, and at length overturned,
the weftern monarchy of Rome, will occupy a much more im-
portant place in this hiftory, and poiTefs a ftronger, and, if we may
ufe the expreffion, a more domeftic, claim to our attention and
regard. The moil civilized nations of modern Europe iflued from
the woods of Germany, and in the rude inilitutions of thofe barba-
rians we may ftill diilinguifh the original principles of our pre-
fent laws and manners. In their primitive ftate of fimplicity and
independence, the Germans were furveyed by the difcerning eye,
and delineated by the mailerly pencil, of Tacitus, the firft of hif-
torians who applied the fcience of philofophy to the ftudy of fads.
The expreifive concifenefs of his defcriptions has deferved to exer-
cife the diligence of innumerable antiquarians, and to excite the ge-
nius and penetration of the philofophic hiftorians of our own times.
The fubjeft, however various and important, has already been fo
frequently, fo ably, and fo fuccefsfully difcufled, that it is now
Lis grov/n
(ΐβο
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Extent of
Germany.
Climate.
grown familiar to the reader, and difEcult to the writer. We ihall
therefore content ourfelvcs with obferving, and indeed with repeat-
ing, fome of the moil important circumftances of climate, of man-
ners, and of inftitutions, which rendered the wild barbarians of
Germany fuch formidable enemies to the Roman power.
Ancient Germany, excluding from its independent limits the pro-
vince weftward of the Rhine, which had fubmiited to the Roman
yoke, extended itfelf over a third part of Europe. Almoft the whole
of modern Germany, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Livonia,
Pruffia, and the greater part of Poland, were peopled by the various
tribes of one great nation, whofe complexion, manners, and language,
denoted a common origin, and preferved a ftriking refemblance. On
the weft, ancient Germany was divided by the Rhine from the Gallic»
and on the fouth, by the Danube, from the Illyrian, provinces of
the empire. A ridge of hills, rifing from the Danube, and called
the Carpathian Mountains, ccrvered Germany on the fide of Dacia
or Hungary. The eaftern frontier was faintly marked by the mu-
tual fears of the Germans and the Sarmatians, and was often con-
founded by the mixture of warring and confederating tribes of the
two nations. In the remote darknefs of the north, the ancients im-
perfedly defcried a frozen ocean that lay beyond the Baltic Sea, and
beyond the Peninfula, or Iflauds ' of Scandinavia.
Some ingenious writers ^ have fufpeded that Europe was much
colder formerly than it is at prefent ; and the moft ancient defcrip-
tions of the climate of Germany tend exceeedingly to confirm
' The modern philofophers of Sweden the notion given us by Mela, Pliny, and Ta-
feem agreed that the waters of the Baltic gra- citus, of the vaft countries round the Baltic,
dually fink in a regular proportion, which See in the Bibliotheque Raifonnee, torn, xl
they have ventured to eiiimate at half an inch and xlv, a large abilraft of Dalin's Hiftory of
every year. Twenty centuries ago, the flat Sweden, compofed in die Swediih language,
country of Scandinavia muft have been cover- ^ In particular, Mr. Hume, the Abbe du
ed by the fea; while the high land, rofe 3^^^ ^^^ j^j_ Pelloutier, Hilt, des Celtes,
tom. i.
above the waters, as fo many iflands of va-
rions forms and dimenCons. Such indeed is
t
their
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 261
their theory. The general complaints of intenfe froft, and eter-
nal winter, are perhaps little to be regarded, fince we have no me-
thod of reducing to the accurate ftandard of the thermometer, the
feelings, or the expreflions, of an orator, born in the happier regions
of Greece or Aiia. But I iliall feleiil two remarkable circumflances
of a lefs equivocal nature, i. The great rivers which covered the
Roman provinces, the Rhine and the Danube, were frequently frozen
over, and capable of fupporting the moft enormous weights. The
barbarians, who often chofe that fevere feafon for their inroade»
tranfported, without apprehenfion or danger, their numerous armies,
their cavalry, and their heavy waggons, over a vail: and folid bridge
of ice '. Modern ages have not prefented an inftance of a like phse-
nomenon. 2. The rein deer, that ufeful animal, from whom the
favage of the North derives the beft comforts of his dreary life, is
of a conftitution that fupports, and even requires, the moil intenfe
cold. He is found on the rock of Spitzberg, within ten degrees of
the Pole ; he feems to delight in the fnows of Lapland and Siberia ;
but at prefent he cannot fubfift, much lefs multiply, in any country
to the fouth of the Baltic *. In the time of Cxfar, the rein deer, as
well as the elk, and the wild bull, was a native of the Hercynian
foreft, which then overihadowed a great part of Germany and Po-
land '. The modern improvements fufficiently explain the caufes '
of the diminution of the cold. Thefe immenfe woods have been
gradually cleared, which intercepted from the earth the rays
3 Diodorus Siculus, 1. v. p. 340. Edit. Xenophon, Anabafis, 1. vii. p. 560. Edit.
Weflel. Herodian, 1. vi. p. 221. Jornandes, Hutchinfon.
c. 55. On the banks of the Danube, the ♦ BufFon HiiloireNaturellc, tom.xii. p. -9,
wine, when brought to table, was frequently 116.
frozen into great lumps, frujla'vini. Ovid. ' C.x'far de Bell. Gallic, vi. 23, &c. The
Epift. ex Ponto, 1. iv. 7. 9. 10. Virgil moft inquiiitive of the Germans were ignorani
Georgic. 1. iii. 355. The fail is confirmed of its utmoft limits, although fome of them
by a foldier and a philofopher, who had ex- had travelled in ii mcic thrai futy days jour-
pcri«nced the intenfe cold of Thrace. See ney>
•f
the natives.
262 THE DECLINE AND EALL
of the fun '. The moraifcs have been drained, and, in propor-
tion as the foil has been cultivated, the air has become more tem-
perate. Canada, at this day, is an exadl pidlure of ancient Ger-
inany. Although fituated in the fame parallel with the fineft pro-
vinces of France and England, that country experiences the «loft
rigorous cold. The rein deer are very numerous, the ground is
covered with deep and lafting fnow, and the great river of St.
Lawrence is regularly frozen, in a feafon when the waters of the
Seine and the Thames are ufually free from ice ".
Its efFeas oti It is difficult to afcertain, and eafy to exaggerate, the influence of
the climate of ancient Germany over the minds and bodies of the
natives. Many writers have fuppofed, and moft have allowed,
though, as it fliould feem, without any adequate proof, that the
rigorous cold of the North was favourable to long life and genera-
live vigour, that the women were more fruitful, and the human
fpecies more prolific, than in warmer or more temperate climates '•
We may aifert, with greater confidence, that the keen air of Ger-
many formed the large and mafculine limbs of the natives, who
were, in general, of a more lofty ftature than the people of the
South ', gave them a kind of ftrength better adapted to violent
exertions than to patient labour, and infpired them with conftitu-
tional bravery, which is the refult of nerves and fpirits. The
feverity of a winter campaign, that chilled the courage of the
Roman troops, was fcarcely felt by thefe hardy children of the
North '°, who, in their turn, were unable to refift the fummer heats,
* Cluverius (Germania Antiqua, 1. iii. authority of Rudbeck is much to be fufpedled.
c. 47.) invefligates the final] and fcattered * In hos artus, in hac corpora, qus mira-
remains of the Hercynian Wood. mur, excrefcunt. Tacit. Germania, 3. 20.
' Charlevoix Hiltoire du Canada. Cluver. 1. i. c. 14.
' Olaus Rudbeck allerts that the Swedilh '° Plutarch., in Mario. The Cimbri, by
women often bear ten or twelve children, and way of amufement, often Hid down mountains
not uncom-monly twenty or thirty ; but the of fnow on their broad Ihields.
and
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 263
and diflblved away in languor and ficknefs under the beams of an
Italian fun ".
There is not any where upon the globe, a large trad of country, Ongm of tiic
■' r ο ' ο ' Germans.
which we have dlfcovered deftitute of inhabitants, or whofe firft
population can be fixed with any degree of hiftorical certainty.
And yet, as the moft philofophic minds can feldom refrain from in-
veftigating the infancy of great nations, our curiofity confumes itfelf
in toilfome and difappointcd efforts. AVhen Tacitus confidered the
purity of the German blood, and the forbidding afpe£l of the country,
he was difpofed to pronounce thofe barbarians Indigence^ or Natives of
the foil. We may allow with fafety, and perhaps with truth,
that ancient Germany was not originally peopled by any foreign
colonies, already formed into a political fociety '^ ; but that the name
and nation received their exiftence from the gradual union of feme
wandering favages of the Hercynian woods. To affert thofe fa-
vages to have been the fpontaneous produdlion of the earth which
they inhabited, would be a raih inference, condemned by religion,
and unwarranted by reafon.
Such rational doubt is but ill-fuited with the genius of popular Fables ηικί
vanity. Among the nations who have adopted the Mofaic hiftory of "^ "-^ *■ ^
the world, the ark of Noah has been of the fame ufe, as was formerly
to the Greeks and Romans the fiege of Troy. On a narrow bafis
of acknowledged truth, an immenfe but rude fuperftrudture of fable
has been eredted ; and the wild Irifliman ", as v/ell as the wild
Tartar,
" The Romans made war in all climates, of the Gauls followed the courfe of the Da-
and by their excellent difcipline were in a nube, and difcharged itfelt on Greece and
great meafiire preferved in health and vigour. Afia. Tacitus could difcover only one incon-
It may be remarked, that man is the only fiderable tribe that retained any traces of a
animal which can live and multiply in every Gallic origin.
country from the equator to the poles. The '^ According to Dr. Keating, (Hiftory of
hog feems to approach the nearell to our fpe- Ireland, p. 13, 14.) the giant Partholanus,
cies in that privilege. who was the fon of Seara, the fon of Efra,
"• Tacit. German, c. 3. The emigration the fun of Sru, the fon of Framant, the foo
8
turcs.
ζβ.ί THE DECLINE AND FALL
Tartar '\ could point out the individual fon of Japhet, from whofe
loins his anccftors were lineally defcendcd. The laft century
abounded with antiquarians of profound learning and cafy faith,
who, by the dim light of legends and traditions, of conjedurea
and etymologies, conduded the great-grandchildren of Noah frota the
Tower of Babel to the extremities of the globe. Of ihefe judicious
critics, one of the moft entertaining was Olaus Rudbeck, profeflbr
in the univerfity of Upfal ''. Whatever is celebrated either in hif-
tory or fable, this zealous patriot afcribes to his country. From
Sweden (which formed fo confiderable a part of ancient Germany)
the Greeks themfelves derived their alphabetical charaders, their
ailronomy, and their religion. Of that delightful region (for fuch
it appeared to the eyes of a native) the Atlantis of Plato, the coun-
try of the Hyperboreans, the gardens of the Hefperides, the For-
tunate Iflands, and even the Elyfian Fields, were all but faint and
imperfed tranfcripts. A clime fo profufely favoured by Nature»
could not long remain defert after the flood. The learned Rudbeck
allows the family of Noah a few years to multiply from eight to
about twenty thoufand perfons. He then difperfes them into fmall
colonies to repleniih the earth, and to propagate the human fpecies.
The German or Swediih detachment (which marched, if I am not
miftaken, under the command of Afkenaz the fon of Gomer, the
fon of Japhet) diftinguiflied itfelf by a more than common dili-
gence in the profecution of this great work. The northern hive
caft its fwarms over the greateft part of Europe, Africa, and Afia ;
of Fathaclan, the fon of Magog, the fen of the learned hillorian very properly cbferves,
Japhet, the fon of Noah, landed on the coall was the /r/? inftance of female falfehood and
of Munfler, the 14th day of May, in the year infidelity ever known in Ireland.
of ihe world one thoufand nine hundred and '* Genealogical Hiilory of the Tartan by
fcven:y-eight. Though he fucceeded in his Abulghazi Bahadur Khan.
giea'; enterprife, the Icofe behaviour of his '^ His work, entitled Atlantica, is uncom-
wifc rendered his domeilic life very unhappy, monly fcarce. Bayle has gi\en two moil cu-
and provoked him to fuch a degree, that he rious extrafts from it. Republi<jue desLettres
killed — her favourite greyhound. This, as Janvier et Fevrier, 1685.
and
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 26^
and (to ufe the author's metaphor) the hlood circulated from the chap.
. . , IX•
extremities to the heart. « „ >
But all this well-lahoured fyftem of German antiquities is anni- The Gcr-
hilated by a fingle faft, too well attefted to admit of any doubt, ί^η"οπ"°"
and of too decifive a nature to leave room for any reply. The Ger- '"''
mans, in the age of Tacitus, were unacquainted with the ufe of let-
ters '* ; and the ufe of letters is the principal clrcumftance that diftin-
guillies a civilized people from a herd of favages incapable of know-
ledge or refledlion. Without that artificial help, the human me-
mory foon diili pates or corrupts the ideas intrufted to her charge;
and the nobler faculties of the mind, no longer fupplied with mo-
dels or with materials, gradually forget their powers ; the judge-
ment becomes feeble and lethargic, the imagination languid or irre-
gular. Fully to apprehend this important truth, let us attempt, in
an improved fociety, to calculate the immgnfe dirtance between the
man of learning and the illiterate peafant. The former, by reading
and refledion, multiplies his own experience, and lives in diflant
ages and remote countries ; whllft the latter, rooted to a fingle fpot,
and confined to a few years of exiftence, furpaffes, but very little,
his fellow-labourer the ox in the exercifc of his mental faculties.
The fame, and even a greater, difference will be found between
nations than between individuals ; and we may fafely pronounce,
that without fome fpecies of writing, no people has ever preferved
the faithful annals of their hiilory, ever made any confiderable pro-
'^ Tacit. Germ. ii. 19. Literarum fecrcta tier, Hilloije des Ccltes, I. ii. c. ii. Dic-
viii pariter ac fcemina; ignorant. " We may tionaire Diplomatique, torn. i. p. 223. We
reil contented with this decifive authority, may add, that the oldeft Runic infcriptions
without entering into the obicure difputes are fuppofed to be of the third century, and
concerning the antiquity of the Runic cha- the moil ancient writer who mentions the
raclers. Tlie learned Celfuis, a Swede, a Runic charadlers, is Venantius Fortunatus,
fcholar, and a philofopher, was of opinion, (Carm. vii. 18.) who lived towards the end
that they were nothing mere than the Roman of the fixth century.
letters, with the curves changed into ilraight Barbara fraxineis pingatur Run a tabellis.
lines for the eafe of engraving. Ste IVlIou-
VoL. r. Mm o-rcfs
Ο
266 THE DECLINE AND FALL
e Η A p.
IX.
grefa in the abftraft fciences, or ever poflefied, in any tolerable de-
gree of perfedion, the ufeful and agreeable arts of life.
offirts and Qf thcfe arts, the ancient Germans were wretchedly deftitute,
agriculture ; ...
They pafled their lives in a ftate of ignorance and poverty, which iE
has pleafed fome declaimers to dignify with the appellation of vir-
tuous fimplicity. Modern Germany is faid to contain about two
fhoufand three hundred walled towns ''. In a much wider extent
of country, the geographer Ptolemy could difcover no more than
ninety places, which he decorates with the name of cities " ; though,
according to our ideas, they would but ill deferve that fplendid
title. We can only fuppofe them to have been rude fortifications,
conftruded in the centre of the woods, and defigned to fecure the
women, children, and cattle, whilft the warriors of the tribe marched
out to repel a fudden invafion "'. But Tacitus aiTerts, as a well-
known fad, that the Germans, in his time, had no cities '° ; and
that they affeded to defpife the works of Roman induflry, as
places of confinement rather than of fecurity "'. Their edifices were
not even contiguous, or formed into regular villages " ; each bar-
barian fixed his independent dwelling on the fpot to which a plain,
a wood, or a ftream of frefh water, had induced him to give the pre-
ference. Neither ftone, nor brick, nor tiles, were employed in thefe
flight habitations ". They were indeed no more than low huts of
'' Recherches Philofophlques fur les Ame- .ancient manners, they inMed on the imme-
ricains, torn. iii. p. 228. The author of that diate demolition of the walls of the colony.
very curious work is, if I am not mifmformed, " Poiiulamus a vobis, muros coloniae, mu-
a German by birth. " nimenta fervitii detrahatis ; etiam fera ani-
'^ The Alexandrian Geographer is often " malia, ii claufa teneas, rirtutis cblivif-
a-iticifed by the accurate Cluverius. " cuntur." Tacit. Hill. iv. 64.
■!> See Cifar, and the learned Mr. Whit- "^ The ilraggling vilhages of Suefia are fe-
aker in his Hiftory of Mancheller, vol. i. veral miles in length. See Cluver. I. i. c. 13.
^° Tacit. Germ. 15. " "' One hundred and forty years after Ta-
" When the Germans commanded the citus a few more regular ftruftures were ereft-
Ubii of Cologne to call off the Roman yoke, ed near the Rhine and Danube. Herodian,
and with their new freedom to refnme their 1. vii. p. 23.^.
a circular
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 267
a circular figure, built of rough timber, thatched with ftraw, and chap.
IX.
pierced at the top to leave a free pallage for the fmoke. In the
moft inclement winter, the hardy German was fatisfied with a fcanty
garment made of the fkiti of fome animal. The nations who dwelt
towards the North, clothed themfelves in furs ; and the women ma-
nufadured for their own ufe a coarfe kind of linen *^ The game
of various forts, with which the forefts of Germany were plenti-
fully flocked, fupplied its inhabitants with food and exercife "".
Their numerous herds of cattle, lefs remarkable indeed for their
beauty than for their utility ^^, formed the principal obje<it of their
wealth. A fmall quantity of corn was the only produce exatfted
from the earth : the ufe of orchards or artificial meadows was un-
known to the Germans ; nor can we exped any improvements in
agriculture from a people, whofe property every year experienced a
general change by a new divifion of the arable lands, and who, in
that ftrange operation, avoided difputes, by fuffering a great part of
their territory to lie waile and without tillage ^'.
Gold, filver, and iron, were extremely fcarce in Germany. Its and of the
barbarous inhabitants wanted both fkill and patience to inveiligate
thofe rich veins of filver, which have (o liberally rewarded the at-
tention of the princes of Brunfv/ick and Saxony. Sweden, which
ηονϊ fupplies Europe with iron, was equally ignorant of its own
riches ; and the appearance of the arms of the Germans furniilied
a fuiFicient proof how little iron they were able to beilovv on what
they muil have deemed the noblcfl: ufe of that metal. The various
tranfadions of peace and war had introduced fome Roman coins
(chiefly filver) among the borderers of the Rhine and Danube;
but the more diPtant tribes were abfolutely unacquainted with the
ufe of money, carried on their confined traffic by the exchange of
commodities, and prized their rude earthen veffels as of equal value
-* Tacit. Germ. 17. ^^ Caefarde Bell. Gall. vi. 21.
'5 Tacit. Germ. 5. "' Tacit. Germ. z6. Cxfar, vi. 22.
Μ m 3 vvith
ufe of metals,'
268 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C HA P. •νν1ιΗ the filver vafes, the prefents of Rome to their princes and am-
' ^ ' bafladois "^ To a mind capable of refleilion, fuch leading fads
convey more inftrudtion, than a tedious detail of fubordinate circum-
ftances. The value of money has been fettled by general confent
to exprefs our wants and our property ; as letters were invented to
exprefs our ideas ; and both thefe inftitutions, by giving a more
adtive energy to the powers and paffions of human nature, have
contributed to multiply the objeds they were defigned to reprefent.
Tlie ufe of gold and filver is in a great meafure faditious ; but it
would be impoffible to enumerate the important and various fervices
which agriculture, and all the arts, have received from iron, when
tempered and faihioned by the operation of fire, and the dexterous
hand of man. Money, in a word, is the moil univerfal incitement,
iron the moil powerful inftrument, of human induftry; and it is
very difficult to conceive by what means a people, neither aduatcd
by the one, nor feconded by the other, could emerge from the groflefl;
barbarifm ^'.
Their indo- If we Contemplate a favage nation in any part of the globe, a
fupine indolence and a careleiTnefs of futurity will be found to con-
flitute their general charader. In a civilized ftate, every faculty
of man is expanded and exercifed ; and the great chain of mutual
dependence conneds and embraces the feveral members of fociety.
The moil numerous portion of it is employed in conilant and ufeful
labour. The feled few, placed by fortune above that neceffity,
can, however, fill up their time by the purfuits of intereft or glory,
by the improvement of their eftate or of• their underftanding, by
the duties, the pleafures, and even the follies of focial life. The
Germans were not poiTeired of thefe varied refources. The care of
*' Tacit. Germ. 6. arts. Thofe arts, and the monuments they
'' It is faid that the Mexicans and Peru- produced, have been ftrangely magnified. See
vians, without the ufe of either money or Recherches fur les Americains, torn. ii. p..
iron, had made a very great progrefs in the 153, &c.
the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 269
the houfe and family, the management of the land and cattle, were CHAP.
delegated to the old and the infirm, to women and flaves. The ' ,/— >
lazy warrior, deftitute of every art that might employ his leifure
hours, confumed his days and nights in the animal gratifications of
deep and food. And yet, by a wonderful diverfity of Nature, (ac-
cording to the remark of a writer who had pierced into its darkeft
recefles), the fame barbarians are by turns the moft indolent and the
moft reftlefs of mankind. They delight in floth, they deteft tran-
quillity '°. The languid foul, opprefied with its own weight, anxi-
oufly required fome new and powerful fenfation ; and war and dan-
ger were the only amufements adequate to its fierce temper. The
found that fummoned the German to arms was grateful to his ear.
It roufed him from his uncomfortable lethargy, gave him an adlive
purfuit, and, by ftrong exercife of the body, and violent emotions of
the mind, reftored him to a more lively fenfe of his exiftence. In•
the dull intervals of peace, thefe barbarians were immoderately ad-
dicted to deep gaming and exceiTive drinking ; both of which, by
different means, the one by inflaming their paffions, the other by
extinguiihing their reafon, alike relieved them from the pain of
thinking. They gloried in paifing whole days and nights at table;
and the blood of friends and relations often ftained their numerous
and drunken aflemblies ''. Their debts of honour (for in that light
they have tranfmitted to us thofe of play) they difcharged with
the moft romantic fidelity. The defperate gamefter, who had flaked
his perfon and liberty on a laft throw of the dice, patiently fubmitted
to the declfion of fortune, and fufFered himfelf to be bound, chaf-
tifed, and fold into remote flavery, by his weaker but more lucky
antagonift ''.
Strong beer, a liquor extraited with very little art from wheat or Their tafte
barley, and corrupted (as it is ftrongly exprefl'ed by Tacitus) into a liquors. °
^° Tacit. Germ. 15. the arts of play from the Romans, but the
^* Id. 22, 23. pajfion is wonderfully inherent in the human
3- Id. 24. The Germans might borrow fpecies..
certaiut
270 THE DECLINE AND TALL
certain fomblance of wine, was fufficient for the grofs purpofes of
German debauchery. But thofe who had taited the rich wines of
Italy, and afterwards of Gaul, fighed for that more delicious fpccies
of intoxication. They attempted not, however, (as has fince been
executed with fo much fuccefs) to natui-alize the vine on the banks
of the Rhine and Danube ; nor did they endeavour to procure
by induftry the materials of an advantageous commerce. To
folicit by labour what might be raviflied by arms, was efteemed un-
worthy of the German fpirit ". The intemperate thirft of ilrong
liquors often urged the barbarians to invade the provinces on which
art or nature had beftowed thofe much envied prefents. The
Tufcan who betrayed his country to the Celtic nations, attrafted
them into Italy by the profpeit of the rich fruits and delicious
wines, the produdions of a happier climate '*. And in the fame
manner the German auxiliaries, invited into France during the
civil wars of the fixteenth century, were allured by the promife of
plenteous quarters in the provinces of Champagne and Burgundy''.
DiiUlkennefs, the moil: illiberal, but not the moft dangerous of oar
vices, was fomctimes capable in a lefs civilized ftate of mankind of
occafioning a battle, a war, or a revolution.
State of po- The climate of ancient Germany has been mollified, and the foil
^" ' ' fertilized, by the labour of ten centuries from the time of Charle-
magne. The fame extent of ground which at -prefent maintains, in
eafe and plenty, a million of hufbandmen and artificers, was un-
able to fupply an hundred thoufand lazy warriors with the fimple
necefl'aries of life '*. The Germans abandoned their immenfe foreils
to the exercife of hunting, employed in pafturage the moft confider-
'^^ Tacit. Germ. 14. de Bell. Gall. i. 29.). At prefent, the nuni-
3* Plutarch, in Cainillo. T. Liv. v. 33. ber of people in the Pays de Vaud (a fmail
^5 Dubos. Hift. de la Monarchie Fran- diftrifl on the banks of the lenan Lake,
^oife, torn. i. p. 193. much more diftingnifaed for politenefs than
^ The Helvetian nation v/hich iiTued from for indulby) amounts to η ;,j9i. See an
the country calieJ Switzerland, contained, of excellent Tract of_ M. IViur^t, in the Me-
every age and fex, 368,000 perfons (Csfar moires de la Societe de Bern.
able
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 271
able part of their lands, beftowcd on the fmall remainder a rude C Η Λ iv
IX,
and carelefs cultivation, and then accufed the fcantinefs and flerility
of a country that refufed to maintain the multitude of its inhabit-
ants. When the return of famine fevereiy admoniihed them of the
importance of the arts, the national diftrefs was fometimes allevi-
ated by the emigration of a third, perhaps, or a fourth part of their
youth". The pofleiTion and the enjoyment of property are the
pledges which bind a civilized people to an improved country. But
the Germans, who carried with them what they moft valued, their
arms, their cattle, and their women, cheerfully abandoned the vaft
filence of their woods for the unbounded hopes of plunder and con-
queft. The innumerable fwarms that ifiued, or feemed to iflue,
from the great ftorehoufe of nations, were multiplied by the fears
of the vanquifhed, and by the credulity of fucceeding ages. And
from fads thus exaggerated, an opinion was gradually eilabliihed,
and has been fupported by writers of diftinguilhed reputation, that,
in the age of Csefar and Tacitus, the inhabitants of the North were
far more numerous than they are in our days '". Λ more ferious
inquiry into the caufes of population, feems to have convinced mo-
dern philofophers of the falfehood, and indeed the impoihbility, of
the fuppofition. To the names of Mariana and of Machiavel ", we
can oppofe the equal names of Robertfon and Hume *°.
A warlike nation like the Germans, without either cities, letters, German
arts, or money, found fome compenfation for this favage ftate in
the enjoyment of liberty. Their poverty fecured their freedom,
fince our deiires and our poffeflions are the ftrongeft fetters of def-
potifm. " Among the Suiones, (fays Tacitus) riches are held in ho-
^' Paul Diaconus, c. i, 2,3. Machiavel, have indulged, on this fubjeft, the ufual
Davila, and the reft of Paul's followers, re- livelinefs of their fancy.
prefent thefe emigrations too much as regular ^» Machiavel Hift. di Firenze, 1. i. Ma-
und concerted meafures. riana Hift. Hifpan. 1. v. c. i.
^' Sir William Temple and Montefquieu <" Robertfon's Cha.Y. Hume's Politic. Eil',
-2 " nour.
272 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^J^ ^' " nour. They are therefore fubjeil to an abfolute monarch, who,
< ,/ ' " inflead of intrufting his people with the free ufe of arms, as is
" prailifed in the reft of Germany, commits them to the fafe cuf-
" tody not of a citizen, or even of a freedman, but of a flave.
" The neighbours of the Suiones, the Sitones, are funk even below
" fervitude ; they obey a woman *'." In the mention of thefe ex-
ceptions, the great hiftorian fufficiently acknowledges the general
theory of government. We are only at a lofs to conceive by what
means riches and defpotifm could penetrate into a remote corner of
■ the North, and extinguiili the generous flame that blazed with fuch
fiercenefs on the frontier of the Roman provinces : or. how the an-
ceftors of thofe Danes and Norwegians, fo diftinguilhed in latter
ages by their unconquered fpirit, could thus tamely refign the great
charadter of German liberty *\ Some tribes, however, on the coaft
of the Baltic, acknowledged the authority of kings, though without
relinquiiliing the rights of men•"; but in the far greater part of
Germany, the form of government was a democracy, tempered, in-
deed, and controlled, not fo much by general and pofitive laws,• as
by the occafional afcendant of birth or valour, of eloquence or fu-
perftition **.
AiTembliesof Qyil governments, in their firft inftitutions, are voluntary aflb-
the people. _ ■'
ciations for mutual defence. To obtain the defired end, it is abfo-
lutely neceflary, that each individual fliould conceive himfelf obliged
to fubmlt his private opinion and adions, to the judgment of the
"' Tacit. Germ. 44, 45. Frenihemius Upfal \v?.s the ancient feat of rc'igicn and
(who dedicated his Aipplement to Livy, to empire. In the year 1153 I find a fingular
Cliirtina cf Sweden) thinks proper to be very law, prohibiting the ufe and prcfeiEon of
angry with the Roman who expreifed fo very arms to any exxept the king's guards. Is it
little reverence for Northern queens. not probable that it was coloured by the pre-
*^ May we not fufpeft that fuperftition was tence of reviving an old inftitution ? See Da-
the parent of defpotifm .^ The defendants of lin's Hiftory of Sweden in the Bibliotheque
Odin (whofe race was not extinil till the year Raifonnee, torn. xl. and xlv.
1060) are faid to have reigned in Sweden •** Tacit. Germ. c. 43.
above a thoufand years. The temple of ■♦' Id. c. 11, 12, 13, &c.
2 greater
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 273
greater number of his aflociatcs. The German tribes were contented CHAP,
with this rude but liberal outline of political fociety. As foon as a ^- — ^ — '
youth, born of free parents, had attained- the age of manhood, he
was introduced into the general council of his countrymen, folemnly
inverted with a fliield and fpear, and adopted as an equal and worthy
member of the military commonwealth. The aflembly of the war-
riors of the tribe was convened at ftated feafons, or on fudden emer-
gencies. The trial of public offences, theeledlion of magiftrates, and
the great bufinefs of peace and war, were determined by its inde-
pendent voice. Sometimes, indeed, thefe important queftions were
previoufly confidered, and prepared in a more feled council of the
principal chieftains '^\ The magiftrates might deliberate aijd per-
fuade, the people only could refolve and execute ; and the refo-
lutions of the Germans were for the moil part hafly and violent.
Barbarians accuftomed to place their freedom in gratifying the
prefent paffion, and their courage in overlooking all future confe-
quences, turned away with indignant contempt, from the remon-
ftrances of juftice and policy, and it was the pradice to fignify by a
hollow murmur, their diflike of fuch timid councils. But whenever
a more popular orator propofed to vindicate the meaneft citizen from
either foreign or domeftic injury, whenever he called upon his fel-
low-countrymen to affert the national honour, or to purfue feme
enterprife full of danger and glory, a loud clailiing of fliields and
fpears expreffed the eager applaufe of the affembly. For the Ger-
mans always met in arms, and it was conflantly to be dreaded,
left an irregular multitude, inflamed with fadion and ilrong
liquors, fliould \ife thofe arms to enforce, as well as to declare,
their furioUvS refolves. We may recolleil how often the diets
of Poland have been polluted with blood, and the more nume-
"" Grotius changes an expreffion of Taci- correftion is equally jull and ingenious.
tus, pertrailantttr into pnttrailantur. The
Vol. I. Ν η rous
374 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, rous party has been compelled to yield to the more violent and fe-
« ^ — I ditious '*'.
Authority of {^ general of the tribe was eleded on occafions of danger ; and, if
the princes r r i i
and magi- the danger was preifing and cxtenfive, leveral tribes concurred in
the choice of the fame general. The braveft warrior was named
to lead his countrymen into the field, by his example rather than by
his commands. But this power, however limited, was flill invi-
dious. It expired with the war, and in time of peace the Germaa
tribes acknowledged not any fupreme chief ■*\ Princes were, how-
ever, appointed, in the general affembly, to adminifter juftice,
or rather to compofe differences ■*% in their refpedlive diftrids.
In the choice of thefe magiilrates, as much regard was fhewn to
birth as to merit "". To each was affigned, by the public, a guard,
and a council of an hundred perfons ; and the firft of the princes
appears to have enjoyed a pre-eminence of rank and honour which
fometlmes tempted the Romans to compliment him with the regal
title'',
more abfo- The comparative view of the powers of the magiftrates, in two
proper't) than remarkable inftances, is alone fufficient to reprefent the whole
fons o/th^e"' i)'i^en^ of German manners. The difpofal of the landed property
Germans. n,vithin their diftrid, was abfolutely veiled in their hands, and they
diftributed it every year according to a new divifion ". At the fame
time they were not authorized lo puniih with death, to imprifon,
or even to ftrike, a private citizen ''. A people thus jealous of their
perfons, and carelefs of their poffeffions, muft have been totally def-
titute of induftry and the arts, but animated with a high fenfe of
honour and independence.
♦' Even in ear ancient parliament, the ba- expreffion of Casfar's.
rons often carried a queftion, not fo much ** Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex vutute fii-
by the number of votes as by that of their munt. Tacit. Germ. 7.
armed followers. '° Cluver. Germ. Ant. 1. i. c. 38.
♦' Cafar de Bell. Gall. vi. 23. " Csfar, vi. 22. Tacit. Germ. 26.
** Minuunt controverfias, is a very happy ^'^ Tacit. Germ. 7.
The
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 275
C Η A P.
IX.
ments.
The Germans refpcded only thofe duties which they impofed on
themfelvcs. The moft obfcure foldier refifled with difdain the
authority of the magiftrates. " The nobleft youths bluihed not engao-c- ^
" to be numbered among the faithful companions of fome renowned
*' chief, to whom they devoted their arms and fervice. A noble
" emulation prevailed among the companions to obtain the firfl:
" place in the efteem of their chief; amongfl; the chiefs to acquire
" the greateft number of valiant companions. To be ever fur-
" rounded by a band of fele£l youths, was the pride and flrength
" of the chiefs, their ornament in peace, their defence in war.
*' The glory of fuch diflinguiflied heroes diffufed itfelf beyond the
*' narrow limits of their own tribe. Prefents and embafiies folicited
*' their friendihip, and the fame of their arms often enfured
" vidlory to the party which they efpoufed. In the hour of danger
*' it was ihameful for the chief to be furpafled in valour by his
*' companions ; ihameful for the companions not to equal the
*' valour of their chief. To furvive his fall in battle, was indelible
" infamy. To protedl his perfon, and to adorn his glory with the
" trophies of their own exploits, vi^ere the moft facred of their
^ duties. The chiefs combated for viftory, the companions for the
" chief. The nobleft warriors, whenever their native country was
*' funk in the lazinefs of peace, maintained their numerous bands
*' in fome diftant fcene of adlion, to exercife their reftlefs fpirit, and
" to acquire renown by voluntary dangers. Gifts worthy of
*' foldiers, the warlike fteed, the bloody and ever victorious lance^
*' were the rewards which the companions claimed from the
*• liberality of their chief. The rude plenty of his hofpitable board
" was the only pay, that he could beftow, or tiej would accept.
" War, rapine, and the free-will offerings of his friends, fupplied
*' the materials of this munificence ".* This inftitution, however
" Tacit. Germ. 13, 14.
Ν η 2 it
ί276 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, it might accidentally weaken the feveral republics, invigorated the
c — ^/— — ' general charaQer of the Germans, and even ripened amongft them,
all the virtues of which barbarians are fufceptible ; the faith and
valour, the hofpitality and the courtefy, fo confpicuous long after-
wards in the ages of chivalry. The honourable gifts, beftowed by
the chief on his brave companions, have been fuppofcd, by an in-
genious writer, to contain the firfl: rudiments of the fiefs, diftributed,
after the conquefl; of the Roman provinces, by the barbarian lords
among their vaflals, with a fimilar duty of homage and military
fervice '*. Thefe conditions are, however, very repugnant to the
maxims of the ancient Germans, who delighted in mutual prefents ;
but without either impofing, or accepting, the v\'eight of obliga-
tions ".
German ti j,^ jj^g jj^yg of chivalry, or more properly of romance, all the
challity. ^ ' χ χ y
" men were brave, and all the women were chaile ;" and notwith-
ftanding the latter of thefe virtues is acquired and preferved with
much more difficulty than the former, it is afcribed, almoft without
exception, to the wives of the ancient Germans. Polygamy was
not in ufe, except among the princes, and among them only for the
fake of multiplying their alliances. Divorces were prohibited by
manners rather than by laws. Adulteries were puniflied as rare
and inexpiable crimes ; nor was fedudion juftified by example and
failiion ^*. We may eafily difcover, that Tacitus indulges an honeft
pleafure in the contraft of barbarian virtue, with the diiTolute con-
duit of the Roman ladies: yet there are fome ftriking circumftances
that give an air of truth, or at leaft of probability, to the conjugal
faith and chaftity of the Germans.
5+ EfpritdesLoix, l.xxx. c. 3. The brll- putant, nee acceptis obligantur. Tacit.
llant imagination of Montefquieu is correfted, Germ. c. 2 1 .
however, by the dry cold reafon of the Abbe ^'' The adulterefs was whipped through the
de Mably. Obfervations fur I'Hiftoire de village. Neither wealth nor beauty could in-
France, torn. i. p. 356. fpire compaffion, or procure her a fecond huf-
" Gaudent muneribus, fed ncc data im- band, 18, 19.
Although
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 277
Although the progrefs of civilization has undoubtedly contributed CHAP.
to alTwage the iiercer palTions of human nature, it feems to have >-- »
been lefs favourable to the virtue of chaftity, whofe moft dangerous caufes! ^
enemy is the foftnefs of tlie mind. The refinements of life cor-
rupt while they poliih the intercourfe of the fexes. The grofs ap-
petite of love becomes moft dangerous when it is elevated, or
rather, indeed, difguifed by fentimental paffion. The elegance of
drefs, of motion, and of manners, give a luftre to beauty, and in-
flame the fenfes through the imagination. Luxurious entertain-
ments, midnight dances, and licentious fpedacles, prefent at once
temptation and opportunity to female frailty ". From fuch dangers,
the unpolifhed wives of the barbarians were fecured, by poverty,
folitude, and the painful cares of a domeftic life. The German huts,
open, on every fide, to the eye of indifcretion or jealoufy, were a
better fafe-guard of conjugal fidelity, than the walls, the bolts, and
the eunuchs of a Perfian haram. To this reafon, another may be
added of a more honourable nature. The Germans treated their
women with efteem and confidence, confulted them on every occa-
fion of importance, and fondly believed, that in their breads re-
fided a fan£lity and wifdom, more than human. Some of thefe
interpreters of fate, fuch as Velleda, in the Batavian war, governed
in the name of the deity, the fierceft nations of Germany '^ The
reft of the fex, without being adored as goddefles, were refpeded as
the free and equal companions of foldiers ; aiTociated even by the
marriage ceremony to a life of toil, of danger, and of glory ". In
their great invafions, the camps of the barbarians were filled with
a multitude of women, who remained firm and undaunted amidft
^' Ovid employs two hundred lines in the 's "Pacit. Hill. iv. 6i. 6c.
lefeaixh of places the mull favourable to love. sj 'pj^g marriao-e prefent was a yoke of ox-
Above all, he confiders the theatre as the en, horfes, and arms. See Germ. c. 18.
beft adapted to colleft the beauties of Rome, Tacitus is fomesvhat too florid on the fub-
and to melt them into tendernefs and fenfu- j^^,
ality.
the
278 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^v^ ^' *^^ found of arms, the various forms of deftruftion, and the ho-
<» — ,— ^ nourable wounds of their fons and hufbands '°. Fainting armies of
Germans have more than once been driven back upon the enemy,
by the generous defpair of the women, who dreaded death much
lefs than fervitude. If the day was irrecoverably loft, they well
knew how to deliver themfelves and their children, with their own
hands, from an infulting vidlor*'. Heroines of fuch a caft may
claim our admiration; but they were moft afluredly, neither lovely,
nor very fufceptible of love. Whilft they affeded to emulate the
ftern virtues of man, they muft have refigned that attractive foftnefs
in which principally confift the charm and weaknefs of ivotnan.
Confcious pride taught the German females to fupprefs every tender
emotion that ftood in competition with honour, and the firft honour
of the fex has ever been that of chaftity. The fentiments and
condu£l of thefe high-fpirited matrons may, at once, be confidered
as a caufe, as an efrecl, and as a proof of the general charader of
the nation. Female courage, however it may be raifed by fanaticifm,
or confirmed by habit, can be only a faint and imperfect imitation
of the manly valour that diftinguifhes the age or country in which
it may be found.
Religion. The religious fyftem of the Germans (if the wild opinions of fa-
vages can deferve that name) was didated by their wants, their fears,
and their ignorance '"'. They adored the great vifible objeds and
agents of Nature, the Sun and the Moon, the Fire and the Earth ;
together with thofe imaginary deities, who were fuppofed to pre-
fide over the moft important occupations of human life. They were
'^° The change of exigere into exugere is a *" Tacitus has employed a few lines, and
moft excellent corredlion. Cluverius one hundred and twenty-four pages,
" Tacit. Germ. c. 7. Plutarch in Mario, on this obfcure fubjeft. The former difco-
Before the wives of the Teutones deftroyed vers in Germany the gods of Greece and
themfelves and their children, they had of- Rome. The latter is pofitive, that, under
fered to furrender, on condition that they the emblems of the fun, the moon, and the
fhould be received as the Haves cf the vellal fire, his pious ancellors worihipped the Trinity
virgins. in unity.
7 perfuaded,
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 279
perfuaded, that, by fome ridiculous arts of divination, they could ^ ^^^^ ^'
difcover the will of the fuperior beings, and that human facrifices ' ^-— »
were the moft precious and acceptable ofFering to their altars. Some
applaufe has been haillly beftowed on the fublime notion, enter-
tained by that people, of the Deity, whom they neither confined
within the walls of a temple, nor reprefented by any human figure ;
but when we recolledl, that the Germans were unikilled in archi-
tedlure, and totally unacquainted with the art of fculpture, we ihall
readily affign the true reafon of a fcruple, which arofe not fo much
from a fuperiority of reafon, as from a want of ingenuity. The
only temples in Germany were dark and ancient groves, confe-
crated by the reverence of fucceeding generations. Their fecret
gloom, the imagined refidence of an invifible power, by prefenting
no diftinft objedt of fear or worihip, imprefl'ed the mind with a ftlU
deeper fenfe of religious horror '^' ; and the priefts, rude and illiterate
as they were, had been taught by experience the ufe of every
artifice that could preferve and fortify impreffions fo well fuited to
their own intereft.
The fame ignorance, which renders barbarians incapable of con- its eWeds ie
ceiving or embracing the ufeful reftraints of laws, expofes them naked P"*^^'
and unarmed to the blind terrors of fuperilition. The German priefts,
improving this favourable temper of their countrymen, had aflumed
a jurifdidion, even in temporal concerns, which the magiflrate
could not venture to exercife; and the haughty warrior patiently
fubmitted to the laih of corredion, when it was inflidled, not by
any human power, but by the immediate order of the god of
war **. The defeds of civil policy were fometimes fupplied by
the interpofition of ecclefiaftical authority. The latter was con-
ilantly exerted to maintain filence and decency in the popular
*' The facred wood, defcribed with fuch many of the fame kind in Germany»
fublime horror by Lucan, was in the neigh- «>+ Tacit. Germania c. 7.
bourhood of Marfeilles ; but there were
affemblies ;
28ο THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, aflemblies ; and was fometimes extended to a more enlarged concern
' ,/ ' for the national welfare. A folema proceffion was occafionally ce-
lebrated in the prefent countries of Mecklenburg and Pomerania.
The unknown fymbol of the Earthy covered with a thick veil, was
placed on a carriage drawn by cows ; and in this manner, the
goddefs, whofe common refidence was in the ifle of Rugen, vifited
feveral adjacent tribes of her worihippers. During her progrefs, the
found of war was hufhed, quarrels were fufpended, arms laid afide,
and the reftlefs Germans had an opportunity of tailing the bleifings
of peace and harmony *'. The truce of God, fo often and fo in-
eiiediually proclaimed by the clergy of the eleventh century, was an
obvious imitation of this ancient cuftom ''^,
5nwar. But the influence of religion was far more powerful to inflame,
than to moderate, the fierce paiTions of the Germans. Intereft and
fanaticifm often -prornpted its minifters to fantlify the moil daring
and the moil unjuft enterprifes, by the approbation of Heaven, and
full afliirances of fuccefs. The confecrated llandards, long revered
in the groves of fuperilltion, were placed in the front of the
battle ^' ; and the hoftile army was devoted with dire execrations
to the gods of war and of thunder '^ In the faith of foldiers (and
fuch were the Germans) cowardice is the moil unpardonable of
fins, A brave man was the worthy favourite of their martial
deities ; the wretch, who had loil his ihield, was alike baniilied from
the religious and the civil aifemblies of his countrymen. Some tribes
of the north feem to have embraced the dodrine of tranfmigration ^',
others imagined a grofs paradile of immortal drunkenneis '°. All
^' Tacit. Germania, c. 40. afcribe this doilrine to the Gauls, but M.
"■ See Dr. Robertlbn's Hiftory of Charles Pelloutier (Hiitoire des Celtes, 1. iii. c. 18.)
Y. vol. i. note 10. labours to reduce their expreffions tea more
*' Tacit. Germ. c. 7. Thefe llandards orthodox fenfe.
were only the heads of wild beafts. '" Concerning this grofs but alluring doc-
'" See an inftance of this cuftom, Tacit, trine of the Edda, fee Fable xx in th- curious
Annal. xiii. 57. verfion of that book, pubiiilied by M. Mallet,
''•^ Ccefar, DIodorus, and Lucan, feem to in his introduction to the Hiftory of Denmark.
I agreed.
OF THE ROMAN Ε Μ Γ I R E. 281
agreed, that a life fpent in arms, and a glorious death in battle, CHAP.
1. A.•
were the beft preparations for a happy futurity, either in this or in i, — ^ — /
another world.
The immortality fo vainly promifed by the pricfts, was, in feme The bards,
degree, conferred by the bards. That fingular order of men has
moft defervedly attracted the notice of all who have attempted
to inveftigate the antiquities of the Celts, the Scandinavians, and
the Germans. Their genius andcharader, as well as the reverence
paid to their important office, have been fufficiently illuftrated.
But we cannot fo eafily exprefs, or even conceiA^e, the enthufiafm
of arms and glory, which they kindled in the breaft of their au-
dience. Among a poliihed people, a tafte for poetry is rather an
amufement of the fancy, than a paffion of the foul. And yet, when
in calm retirement we perufe the combats defcribed by Homer or
Taifo, we are infenfibly feduced by the fidion, and feel a momentary
glow of martial ardour. But how faint, how cold is the fenfation
which a peaceful mind can receive from folitary ftudy ! It was in the
hour of battle, or in the feaft of vidory, that the bards celebrated
the glory of heroes of ancient days, the anceftors of thofe warlike
chieftains, who liftened with tranfport to their artlefs but ani-
mated ilrains. The view of arms and of danger heightened
the efFed of the military fong ; and the paffions which it tended to
excite, the defire of fame, and the contempt of death, were the ha-
bitual fentiments of a German mind ^'.
Such was the fituation, and fuch were the manners, of the ancient Caufeswhkh
^ _,,.,. , . - , . - , ^ checked the
Germans. Their climate, their want or learning, or arts, and or progrefs of
laws, their notions of honour, of gallantry, and of religion, their mans."
" See Tacit. Germ. c. 3. Diodor. Sicul. and the Germans were the fame people.
1. V. Strabo, 1. iv. p. 197. The claffical Much learned trifling might be fpared, if
reader may remember the rank of Demode- our antiquarians would condefcend to refleil,
cus in the Phaeacian court, and the ardour in- that fimilar manners will naturally be pro-
fufed by Tyrtxus into the fainting Spartans, duced by fimilar fuuations.
Yet there is little probability thatthe Greeks
Vol. I. Ο ο fenfe
arms
282 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, fenfe of freedom, impatience of peace, and thirft of enterprifc, all
contributed to form a people of military heroes. And yet we find,
that during more than two hundred and fifty years that elapfed from
the defeat of Varus to the reign of Decius, thefe formidable bar-
barians made few confiderable attempts, and not any material im-
preiTion on the luxurious and enflaved provinces of the empire.
Their progrefs was checked by their want of arms and dii'cipline,
and their fury was diverted by the inteiline divifions of ancient
Germany.
Want of I. It has been obfcrved, with ingenuity, and not without truth,
that the command of iron foon gives a nation the command of gold.
But the rude tribes of Germany, alike deftitute of both thofe
valuable metals, were reduced flowly to acquire, by their unaififted
ftrength, the pofleiTion of the one as well as the other. The face
of a German army difplayed their poverty of iron. Swords, and the
longer kind of lances, they could feldom ufe. Thus, framcis (as
they called them in their own language) were long fpears headed
with a iharp but narrow iron point, and which, as occafion re-
quired, they either darted from a diftance or pufhed in clofe onfet.
With this fpear, and with a fhield, their cavalry was contented. A
multitude of darts, fcattered ^' with incredible force, were an addi-
tional refource of the infantry. Their military drefs, when they
wore any, was nothing more than a loofe mantle. A variety
of colours was the only ornament of their wooden or ofier fhields.
FevF of the chiefs were diftinguiihed by ciiirafi'es, fcarce any by
helmets. Though the horfes of Germany were neither beautiful,
fwift, nor pradifed in the ikilful evolutions of the Roman manage,
feveral of the nations obtained renown by their cavalry; but, in
general, the principal ftrength of the Germans confifted in their in-
• '* Miffilia fpargunt, Tacit. Germ. c. 6. or he meant that tiiey were thrown at ran-
Either that hiftorian ufed a vague expreflion, dom.
fantry>
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 283
fantry ", wliich was drawn up in feveral deep columns, according CHAP,
to the diftinftion of tribcvS and families. Injpaticnt of fatigue or c— ^/ — — *
delay, thefe half-armed warriors ruflied to battle with diflbnant piine.
fliouts and difordered ranks ; and fometimes, by the evFort of native
valour, prevailed over the conftrained and more artificial bravery of
the Roman mercenaries. But as the barbarians poured forth their
whole fouls on the firft onfet, they knew not how to rally or to
retire. A repulfe was a fure defeat ; and a defeat was moft com-
monly total deftrudion. When we recolle£t the complete armour
of the Roman foldlers, their difcipline, exercifes, evolutions, fortified
camps, and military engines, it appears a juft matter of furprife
how the naked and unaiTifted valour of the barbarians could dare to
encounter in the field, the ftrength of the legions, and the various
troops of the auxiliaries, which feconded their operations. The
conteft was too unequal, till the introdu£lion of luxury had ener-
vated the vigour, and a fpirit of difobedience and fedition had
relaxed the difcipline, of the Roman armies. The introdudion of
barbarian auxiliaries into thofe armies, was a meafure attended
with very obvious dangers, as it might gradually inftrud the Ger-
mans in the arts of war and of policy. Although they were
admitted in fmall numbers and with the ftrideft precaution, the ex-
ample of Civilis was proper to convince the Romans, that the danger
■was not imaginary, and that their precautions were not always fuffi-
cient '*. During the civil wars that followed the death of Nero,
that artful and intrepid Batavian, whom his enemies condefcended
to compare with Hannibal and Sertorius '', formed a great defign of
freedom and ambition. Eight Batavian cohorts, renowned in the
wars of Britain and Italy, repaired to his ftandard. He introduced
'^ It was their principal dillinilion from the Hi (lory of Tacitus, and is more remark-
the Sarmatians, who generally fought on able for its eloquence than perfpicuity. Sir
horfeback. Hen. Savillehas obferved feveral inaccuracies.
'+ The relation of this enterprife occupies " Tacit. Hift. iv. 13. Like them he had
a great part of the fourth and fifth books of loft an eye.
Ο Ο 2 an
fions of Ger-
man)';
284 THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP, jin army of Germans into Gaul, prevailed on the powerful cities of
Treves and Langres to embrace his caufe, defeated the legions,
deftroycd their fortified camps, and employed againft the Romans
the military knowledge which he had acquired in their fervice.
When at length, after an obflinate ftruggle, he yielded to the power
of the empire, Civilis fecured himfelf and his country by an ho-
nourable treaty. The Batavians ftill continued to occupy the iilands
of the Rhine ''^, the allies not the fervants of the Roman monarchy.
Civil diflen- II. The ftrengtli of ancient Germany appears formidable, when we
confider the effefts that might have been produced by its united
effort. The wide extent of country might very poifibly contain a
million of warriors, as all who were of an age to bear arms, were
of a temper to ufe them. But this fierce multitude, incapable of
concerting or executing any plan of national greatnefs, was agi-
tated by various and often hoftile intentions. Germany was divided
into more than forty independent ftates ; and even in each Hate the
union of the feveral tribes was extremely loofe and precarious.
The barbarians were eafily provoked ; they knew not how to for-
give an injury, much lefs an infult ; their refentments were bloody
and implacable. The cafual difputes that fo frequently happened
in their tumultuous parties of hunting or drinking, were fufficient
to inflame the minds of whole nations ; the private feud of any
confiderable chieftains diifufed itfelf among their followers and al-
lies. To chaftife the infolent, or to plunder the defencelefs, were
alike caufes of war. The moil formidable ftates of Germany af-
feded to encompafs their territories with a wide frontier of folitude
and devaftation. The awful diftance preferved by their neighbours,
attefted the terror of their arms, and in fome meafure defended them
from the danger of unexpeded incurfions ".
7* It was contained between the two branches nature. See Cluver. Geiman. Antiq. 1. ii,
of the old Rhine, as they fubfilled before the c. 30. 37.
face of the country was changed by art and '' Casfar. de Bell. Gall. 1. vi. 23.
2 " The
«(
((
(C
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 285
" The Brudcri (it is Tacitus who now fpeaks) were totally ex- ^ ^^ ^ p.
terminated by the neighbouring tribes '''^, provoked by their info- ' '
lence, allured by the hopes of ipoil, and perhaps infpired by the the policy of
tutelar deities of the empire. Above fixty thoufand barbarians °^^'
were deftroyed ; not by the Roman arms, but in our fight, and
for our entertainment. May the nations, enemies of Rome, ever
preferve this enmity to each other ! We have now attained the
utmoil verge of profperity "', and have nothing left to demand
*' of Fortune except the difcord of the barbarians''." Thefe fen-
timents, lefs worthy of the humanity than of the patriotifm of
Tacitus, exprefs the invariable maxims of the policy of his coun-
trymen. They deemed it a much fafer expedient to divide than to
combat the barbarians, from whofe defeat they could derive nei-
ther honour nor advantage. The money and negociations of Rome
infinuated themfelves into the heart of Germany ; and every art of
fedudion was ufed with dignity, to conciliate thofe nations whom
their proximity to the Rhine or Danube might render the moil ufeful
friends, as well as the moil troublefome enemies. Chiefs of renown
and power were flattered by the moil trifling prefents, which they
received either as marks of diilinQion, or as the inilruments of
luxury. In civil diffenfions, the weaker fadtion endeavoured to
ilrengthen its intereft by entering into fecret connexions with the
governors of the frontier provinces. Every quarrel among the Ger-
man» v/as fomented by the intrigues of Rome ; and' every plan of
union and public good was defeated by the ftronger bias of private
jealoufy and intereft ''.
"' They are mentioned however in the ivth Abbe de la Bleterie is very angry with Taci»
and vth centuries by Nazarius, Amraianus, tus, talks of the devil who was a murderer
Claiidian, &c. as a tribe of Franks. See from the beginning, Sec. Sec.
Cluver. Germ. Antiq. 1. iii. c. 13. e. Many traces of this policy may be dif-
" irrgc^/lius IS the common reading, but covered in Tacitus and Dion' ; and many
good (enie, Lipfius, and fome MSS. declare u ■ c λ c 1. • ■ 1 r
% jr ., ^ more may be inferred from the principles of
tor rcreentibus. . r r
o„ n? • ^ . „, . human nature.
"= Jlacit. Oermania, c. 33. The pious
The.
286 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. The general confpiracy which terrified the Romans under the
■ 1 reign of Marcus Antoninus, comprehended almoft all the nations of
union againft Germany, and even Sarmatia, from the mouth of the Rhine to that
Marcus An- ^ j^^ Danube ". It is impoiTible for us to determine whether
toninus. '■
this hafty confederation was formed by neceflity, by reafon, or by
paffion ; but we may reft aiTurcd, that the barbarians were neither
allured by the indolence, or provoked by the ambition, of the Roman
monarch. This dangerous invafion required all the firmnefs and
vigilance of Marcus. He fixed generals of ability in the feveral
ftations of attack, and aflumed in perfon the conduit of the moft
important province on the Upper Danube. After a long and doubt-
ful conflict, the fpirit of the barbarians was fubdued; The Quadi
and the Marcomanni ", who had taken the lead in the war, were
the moft feverely puniftied in its cataftrophe. They were com-
manded to retire five miles "'^ from their own banks of the Danube,
and to deliver up the flower of the youth, who were immediately
fent into Britain, a remote iiland, where they might be fecure as
hoftages, and ufeful as foldiers *''. On the frequent rebellions of
the Quadi and Marcomanni, the irritated emperor refolved to reduce
their country into the form of a province. His defigns were dif-
appointed by death. This formidable league, however, the only
one that appears in the two firft centuries of the Imperial hiftory,
was entirely dlffipated, without leaving any traces behind in Germany.
Diftinaionof j^ t^g courfe of this introduftory chapter, we have confined our-
the German
tribes. fclves to the general outlines of the manners of Germany, without
^- Hift. Auguft. p. 31. Ammian. Mar- boduus. See Strabo, 1. vii. Veil. Pat. 11.
cellin. I. xxxi. c. 5. Aural. Vidlor. The 105. Tacit. Annal. ii. 63.
emperor Marcus was reduced to fell the rich s^ Mr. Wotton (Hiftory of Rome, p. 166.)
furniture of the palace, and to inl.ft flaves ;„„e^fes the prohibition to ten times the dif-
and robbers. tance. His reafoning is fpecious but not con-
^^ The Marcomanni, a colony, who, from ^j^j-^^^^ j•^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^ fufficient for a forti-
the banks of the Rhine, occupied Bohemia r j Korripr
and Moravia, had once ereifted a great and
formidable monarchy under their king Maro- "' ^'°"' '• '^^'^'- ^"^^ '^^"•
I attempting
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 287
attempting to defcribe or to diilinguiih the various tribes which
filled that great country in the time of Ciefar, of Tacitus, or of
Ptolemy. As the ancient, or as new tribes fucceflively prefent them-
felves in the ferics of this hiftory, we ihall concifely mention their
origin, their fituation, and their particular charader. Modern na-
tions are fixed and permanent focieties, conneded among themfclvcs
by laws and government, bound to their native foil by arts and
agriculture. The German tribes were voluntary and fluduating
aifociations of foldiers, almoft of favages. The fame territory often
changed its inhabitants in the tide of conqueft and emigration. The
fame communities, uniting in a plan of defence or invafion, be-
ftowed a new title on their new confederacy. The diffolution of an
ancient confederacy reftored to the independent tribes their pecu-
liar but long forgotten appellations. A vidorious ftate often com-
municated its own name to a vanquiflied people. Sometimes crowds
of volunteers flocked from all parts to the ftandard of a favourite
leader; his camp became their country, and fome circumftance of
the enterprife foon gave a common denomination to the mixed mul-
titude. The diftindions of the ferocious invaders were perpetually
varied by themfelves, and confounded by the ailonifhed fubjeds of
the Roman empire ^^
■ Wars, and the adminiftration of public aifairs, are the principal Number.-,
fubjeds of hiftory ; but the number of perfons interefted in thefe
bufy fcenes, is very difi'erent, according to the different condition
of mankind. In great monarchies, millions of obedient fubjeds
purfue their ufeful occupations in peace and obfcurity. The atten-
tion of the Writer, as well as of the Reader, is folely confined to a
court, a capital, a regular army, and the diflrids which happen to be
the occafional fcene of military operations. But a ilate of freedom and
^* See an excellent diflertation on the ori- xviii. p. 48 — 71. It is feldom that the anti-
gin and migrations of nations, in the Me- quarian and the philofopher are ίο happily
moires de I'Acadeinie des Infcriptions, torn, blended.
barbarifm,.
288 THEDECLINEANDFALL
barbarifm, the feafon of civil commotions, or the fituation of petty re-
publics '% raifes almofi: every member of the community into adtion,
and confequently into notice. The irregular divifions, and the reft-
lefs motions, of the people of Germany, dazzle our imagination,
and feem to multiply their numbers. The profufe enumeration of
kings and warriors, of armies and nations, inclines us to forget that
the fame objedls are continually repeated under a variety of appella-
tions, and that the moft fplendid appellations have been frequently
laviihed on the moft inconfiderable objeds.
^' Should we fufpefl that Athens contained the number of mankind in ancient and mo-
only 21,000 citizens, and Sparta no more dern times.
"than 39,000 ? See Hume and Wallace on
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. -89
CHAP. X.
The Emperors Deems, Gallus, j^tniliamis, Vchriait, and
Gallienus. — The general Irrupt iofi of the Barbarians. —
7^^ thirty Tyra7tts,
F
ROM the great fecular games celebrated by Philip, to the CHAP,
death of the emperor Gallienus, there elapfed twenty years 1 -.- _f
of fhame and misfortune. During that calamitous period, every of^thTfulf-
inflant of time was marked, every province of the Roman world J^'^fj „_
was afflided, by barbarous invaders and military tyrants, and the 268.
ruined empire feemed to approach the laft and fatal moment of its
diifolution. The confufion of the times, and the fcarcity of authen-
tic memorials, oppofe equal difficulties to the hiftorian, who attempts
to preferve a clear and unbroken thread of narration. Surrounded
with imperfed fragments, always concife, often obfcure, and fome-
times contradidlory, he is reduced to colleit, to compare, and to
conjeilure : and though he ought never to place his conjeftures
in the rank of fads, yet the knowledge of human nature, and of
the fure operation of its fierce and unreftrained pafuons, might, on
fome occafions, fupply the want of hiftorical materials.
There is not, for initance, any difficulty in conceiving, that the The emperor
fucceffive murders of fo many emperors had loofened all the ties ' '^*
of allegiance between the prince and people ; that all the generals
of Philip were difpofed to imitate the example of their mailer, and
that the caprice of armies, long fince habituated to frequent and vio-
lent revolutions, might every day raife to the throne the moil obfcure
of their fellow-foldiers. Hiftory can only add, that the rebellion
againil the emperor Philip broke out in the fummer of the year
two hundred and forty-nine, among the legions of Msefia ; and that
Vol. I. Ρ ρ a fubaltern
2^0 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, a fubaltern ofEcer ', named Marinus, was the objed of their fedi-
<■ V ' ^ tious choice. Philip was alarmed. He dreaded left the treafon of
the Miefian army ihould prove the firft fpark of a general confla-
gration. Diftraded with the confcioufnefs of his guilt and of
his danger, he communicated the intelligence to the fenate. A
gloomy filence prevailed, the effed of fear, and perhaps of difaffec-
Semces, re- tion : till at length Decius, one of the aflembly, affuming a fpirit
and'TelgnTf worthy of his noble extradion, ventured to difcovcr more intre-
^^f^P"'"' pidity than the emperor feemed to poiTefs. He treated the whole
A. D. 249. bufinefs with contempt, as a hafty and inconfiderate tumult, and
Philip's rival as a phantom of royalty, who in a very few days
would be deftroyed by the fame inconftancy that had created him.
The fpeedy completion of the prophecy infpired Philip with a juft
efteem for fo able a counfellor ; and Decius appeared to him the only
perfon capable of reftoring peace and difcipline to an army, whofe
tumultuous fpirit did not immediately fubfide after the murder of Ma-
rinus. Decius, who long refifted his own nomination, feems to have
infinuated the danger of prefenting a leader of merit, to the angry and
apprehenfive minds of the foldiers ; and his predi<£lion was again con-
firmed by the event. The legions of Mxfia forced their judge to
become their accomplice. They left him only the alternative of death
or the purple. His fubfecjuentcondud, after thatdecifive meafure,was
unavoidable. He conduded, or followed, his army to the confines
of Italy, whither Philip, colleding all his force to repel the for-
midable competitor whom he had raifed up, advanced to meet him.
The Imperial troops were fuperior in number'; but the rebels
' The expreflion ufed by ZoCmus and Zo- nobility on the Decii ; but at the commence-
naras may fignify that Marinus commanded a ment of that period, they were only Plebei-
century, a cohort, or a legion. ans of merit, and among the firft who fhared
^ His birth at Bubalia, a little village in the confalfliip with the haughty Patricians.
Pannonia (Eutrop. ix. Viftor. in Csfarib. et PlebeiEUeciorum animoi:, &c. Juvenal, Sat..
Epitom.) feems to contradift, unlefs it was viii. 254. See the fpiritcd fpecch of Decius
merely accidental, his fuppofed defcent from in Livy, x, 9, 10.
the Decii. Six hundred years had bellowed
formed
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ Λ Ν Ε Μ ρ ί R Ε. 2οι
formed an army of Veterans, commanded by an able and experienced C Η A P.
leader. Philip was either killed in the battle, or put to death a i— . — .-— '
few days afterwards at Verona. His fon and afibciate in the em-
pire was maflacred at Rome by the Praetorian guards ; and the vic-
torious Decius, with more favourable circumftances than the ambi-
tion of that age can ufually plead, was univerfally acknowledged
by the fenate and provinces. It is reported, that immediately after
his reludant acceptance of the title of Auguftus, he had aiTured
Philip by a private mcflage, of his innocence and loyalty, folemnly
protefting, that, on his arrival in Italy, he would refign the Imperial
ornaments, and return to the condition of an obedient fubjedl.
His profeifions might be fincere. But in the fituation where for-
tune had placed him, it was fcarcely poiTible that he could either for-
give or be forgiven '.
The emperor Decius had employed a few months in the works He marches
r ιιι••η• r • η• r againft the
or ])eace and the admmiuration or jultice, when he was fummoned Goths.
to the banks of the Danube by the invafion of the Goths. This ' ' ^ "
is the firft confiderable occafion in which hiftory mentions that
great people, who afterwards broke the Roman power, facked the
Capitol, and reigned in Gaul, Spain, and Italy. So memorable was
the part which they aded in the fubverfion of the Weftern empire,
that the name of Goths is frequently but improperly ufed as a
general appellation of rude and warlike barbarifm.
In the beginning of the fixth century, and after the conqueft of Origin of the
Italy, the Goths, in poireifion of prefent greatnefs, very naturally Scandinavia,
indulged themfelves in the profped of paft and of future glory. They
wiihed to preferve the memory of their anceftors, and to tranfmit
to pofterity their own atchievements. The principal minifter of the
court of Ravenna, the learned Caihodorus, gratified the inclination
of the conquerors in a Gothic hiftory, which confifted of twelve
■^ Zoiimus, 1. i. p. zo. Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 624. Edit. Louvre.
Ρ ρ 3 books,
29S5 THE DECLINE AND FALL
books, now reduced to the imperfed abridgment of Jornandes *.
Thefe writers pafled with the moft artful concifenefs over the mif-
fortuncs of the nation, celebrated its fuccefsful valour, and adorned
the triumph with many Afiatic trophies, that more properly belonged
to the people of Scythia. On the faith of ancient fongs, the
uncertain, but the only, memorials of barbarians, they deduced the
firft origin of the Goths, from the vaft ifland, or peninfula, of Scan-
dinavia ^ That extreme country of the North was not unknown
to the conquerors of Italy ; the ties of ancient confanguinity had been
ftrengthened by recent offices of friendihip ; and a Scandinavian king
had cheerfully abdicated his favage greatnefs, that he might pafs
the remainder of his days in the peaceful and pollihed court of Ra-
venna*. Many veftiges, which cannot be afcribed to the arts of
popular vanity, atteft the ancient refidence of the Goths in the
countries beyond the Baltic. From the time of the geographer
Ptolemy, the fouthern part of Sweden feems to have continued in
the poiTeffion of the lefs enterprifing remnant of the nation, and a
large territory is even at prefent divided into eaft and weft Goth-
land. During the middle ages (from the ninth to the twelfth
century) whilft Chriftianity was advancing with a flow progrefs into
the north, the Goths and the Swedes compofed two diRindl and
fometimes hoftile members of the fame monarchy '. The latter of
thefe two names has prevailed without extinguiihing the former.
The Swedes, who might well be fatisfied with their own fame in
arms, have, in every age, claimed the kindred glory of the Goths.
In a moment of difcontent againft the court of Rome, Charles the
* See the prefaces of Caffiodorus and Jor- * Jornandes, c. 3.
nandes : it is fiirprifing that the latter ihould ^ See in the Prolegomena of Grotius fome
be omitted in the excellent edition puLiiihed large extra^s from Adam of Bremen, and
by Grotius, of the Gothic writers. Saxo-Grammaticus. The former wrote in
' On the authority of Ablavius, Jornandes the year 1077, the latter flouiilhed about the
quotes fome old Gothic chronicles in verfe. year 1200.
De Reb. Geticis, c. 4.
Twelfth
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE., 293
Twelfth infinuated, that his vidlorious troops were not degenerated CHAP.
from their brave anceftors, who had already fubdued the miftrefs of » ^— -*
the world '.
Till the end of the eleventh century, a celebrated temple fubfifted Rciirion of
at Upfal, the moft confiderable town of the Swedes and Goths. It
was enriched with the gold which the Scandinavians had acquired
in their pyratical adventures, and fandified by the uncouth repre-
fentations of the three principal deities, the god of war, the goddefs
of generation, and the god of thunder. In the general feftival,
that was folemnized every ninth year, nine animals of every fpecies^ •
(without excepting the human) were facrificed, and their bleeding
bodies fufpended in the facred grove adjacent to the temple '. The
only traces that now fubfiil of this barbaric fuperftition are con-
tained in the Edda, a fyftem of mythology, compiled in Iceland about
the thirteenth century, and ftudied by the learned of Denmark and
Sweden, as the moft valuable remains of their ancient traditions.
Notwithftanding the myfterious obfcurity of the Edda, we can Infihudons
eafily diftinguifla two perfons confounded under the name of Odin ; odin.
the god of war, and the great legiilator of Scandinavia. The latter, '
the Mahomet of the north, inftiiuted a religion adapted to the climate
and to the people. Numerous tribes on either fide of the Baltic
were fubdued by the invincible valour of Odin, by his perfuafive
eloquence, and by the fame, which he acquired, of a moil ikilful
magician. The faith that he had propagated during a long and'
profperous life, he confirmed by a voluntary death. Apprehenfive
of the ignominious approach of difeafe and infirmity, he refolved to
* Voltaire, Hiftolre de Charles XII. l.iii. menis, p. 104. The temple• of Upfal was
When the Auftrians defireJ the aid of the deilroyed by Ingo king of Sweden, who be-
court of Rome againft Guftavus Adolphus, gan his reign in the j'ear 1075, and about
they always reprefented that conqueror as the fourfcore years afterwards a Lhrillian Ca-
lineal fucceifor of Alaric. Harte's Hillory of thedral was erefted on its ruins. SeeDalin's
Guilavus, vol. ii. p. 123. Hiftory of Sweden in the Bibliotheque Rai—
* See Adam of Bremen in Grotii Prolego- fonnee,
expirfi:
594
C II Λ Γ.
χ.
Agreeable
but uncertMii
hypothelis
concer
Odin.
THE DECLINE AND FALL
expire as became a warrior. In a fulemn aiTembly of the Swedes
and Goths, he wounded himfelf in nine mortal places, haflening
av/ay (as he afferted with his dying voice) to prepare the feaft of
heroes in the palace of the god of war '°.
The native and proper habitation of Odin is diftinguiihed by
the appellation of As-gard. The happy refemblance of that name
with As-burg, or As-of ", words of a fimilar fignihcation, has given
rife to an hiftorical fyftem of fo pleafing a contexture, that we could
almoft wiih to perfuade ourfelves of its truth. It is fuppofed that
Odin was the chief of a tribe of barbarians which dwelt on the banks
of the lake Mceotis, till the fall of Mithridates and the arms of Pom-
pey menaced the north with fervitude. That Odin, yielding with
indignant fury to a power which he was unable to refift, conduded
his tribe from the frontiers of the Afiatic Sarmatia into Sweden,
with the great defign of forming, in that inacceffible retreat of free-
dom, a religion and a people, which, in fome remote age, might be
fubfervient to his immortal revenge ; when his invincible Goths,
armed with martial fanaticifm, fhould iffue in numerous fvvarms
from the neighbourhood of the Polar circle, to chaftife the op-
preiTors of mankind "\
Emigration If fo many fucceffive generations of Goths were capable of pre-
from Scandi- fcrving a faint tradition of their Scandinavian origin, we muft not
Prdna."'° exped, from fuch unlettered barbarians, any diftindl account of the
time and circumftances of their emigration. To crofs the Baltic
" Mallet, Introduftion al'HiftoireduDan-
nemarc.
" Mallet, civ. p. 55, has collefted from
Strabo, Pliny, Ptolemy, and Stephanus By-
zantinus, the veftiges of fuch a city and people.
"■ This wonderful expedition of Odin,
which, by deducing the enmity of the Goths
and Romans from fo memorable a caufe,
might fupply the noble ground-work of an
Epic Poem, cannot fafely be received as au-
thentic hiflory. According to the obvious
fenfe of the Edda, and the interpretation of
the moll Ikilful critics, As-gard, inftead of
denoting a real city of the Afiatic Sarmatia,
is the fiftitious appellation of the myilic abode
of the gods, the Olympus of Scandinavia;
from whence the prophet was fuppofed to de-
fcend, when he announced his new religion
to the Gothic nations, who were already
feated in the fouthern parts of Sweden.
was
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 295
'Was an eafy and natural attempt. Tlie inhabitants of Sweden were ^ ii Λ p.
mafters of a fiifficient number of large vefiels, with oars ", and the «w— ,^— /
diftance is little more than one hundred miles from Carlfcroon to the
neareft ports of Pomerania and Pruffia. Here, at length, we land on
firm and hiftoric ground. At leaft as early as the Chriflian s?ra '%
and as late as the age of the Antonines '', the Goths were eftabliilicd
towards the mouth of the Viilula, and in that fertile province where
the commercial cities of Thorn, Elbing, Koningfberg, and Dantziclc,
were long afterwards founded ''^. Weftward of the Goths, the
numerous tribes of the Vandals were fpread along the banks of the
Oder, and the fea-coall of Pomerania and Mecklenburgh. A ftrik-
ing refemblance of manners, complexion, religion, and language,
feemed to indicate that the Vandals and the Goths were originally
one great people '^. The latter appear to have been fubdivided
into Oilrogoths, Vifigoths, and Gepidas ". The diftindion among
the Vandals was more ftrongly marked by the independent names
of Fleruli, Burgundians, Lombards, and a variety of other petty
ftates, many of which, in a future age, expanded themfelves into
powerful monarchies.
In the age of the Antonines, the Goths were ftill feated in FromPruflia
Pruffia. About the reign of Alexander Severus, the Roman pro- Ukraine.
" Tacit. Gerniania, c. 44. this opinion. They lived in diftant ages, and
"* Tacit. Annal. ii. 62. If we could yield Ρ°«"'^'Γ^Ί different means of invelligating the
a firm afl'ent to the navigations of Pvtheas of '
Marfeilles, we muft allow that the Goths had ' ^^^ <^A» and Fi^, the eaftern and
pafl-ed the Baltic at lealt three hundred years ^^'^«™ ^oths obtained thofe denominations
before Chrift. ^'""^ '■''^''' °"gi"^' '"^^'s in Scandinavia. In
,, η , ... all their future marches and fettlements they
" Ptolemy, 1. 11. r j • u υ • , ,■ ,
' ^ , . , r ,, , prelerved, with their names, the fame rela-
•^ By the German colonies who followed ^;^^ fituation. When they firll departed from
the arms of the Teutonic knights. The gwedeji, the infant colony was contained in
conqueft and converfion of Pruffia were com- ^,,^ ^,^^^^^_ ^j^^ ^j^j^j ^eing a heavy failor
pleted by thofe adventurers in the xiuth cen- j^gg^j behind, and the crew, which after-
^"^y• wards fwelled into a nation, received from
" Pliny (Hiil. Natur. iv. 14.), and" Pro- that circumflance the appellation of Gepidae
copius (in Bell. Vandal. 1. i. c. i.) agree in or Loiterers. Jornandes, c. 17.
I vince
296
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, vince of Dacia had already experienced their proximity by frequent
^ - '- . and deftruaive inroads ''. In this interval therefore, of about feventy
years, we muft place the fecond migration of the Goths, from the
Baltic to the Euxine ; but the caufe that produced it lies concealed
among the various motives which a£luate the conduit of un-
fettled barbarians. Either a peftilence, or a famine, a vidory, or a de-
feat, an oracle of the Gods, or the eloquence of a daring leader, were
fufficicnt to impel the Gothic arms on the milder climates of the
fouth. Befides the influence of a martial religion, the numbers
and fpirit of the Goths were equal to the moft dangerous adven-
tures. The ufe of round bucklers and ihort fwords rendered
them formidable in a clofe engagement ; the manly obedience
which they yielded to hereditary kings gave uncommon union
and ftabllity to their councils '°, and the renowned Amala, the hero
of that age and the tenth anceftor of Theodoric, king of Italy,
enforced, by the afcendant of perfonal merit, the prerogative of
his birth, which he derived from the Anfes, or demigods of the
Gothic nation "'.
The fame of a great enterprife excited the braveft warriors from
all the Vandalic ilates of Germany, many of whom are feen a few
years afterwards combating under the common flandard of the
Goths ''. The firil motions of the emigrants carried them to the
banks of the Prypec, a river univerfally conceived by the ancients to
be the fouthern branch of the Boryfthenes ''. The windings of that
The Gothic
nation in-
creafes in its
inarch.
'' See a fragment of Peter Patricii's in the
Excerpta Legationum, and with regard to its
probable date, fee Tillemont, Hill, des Em-
pereurs, torn. iii. p. 346.
-" Omnium harum gentium infigne, rotun-
da fcuta, breves gladii, et erga reges obfe-
quium. Tacit. Germania, c. 43. The Goths
probably acquired their iron by the commerce
of amber.
-' Jornandes, c. 13, 14.
*^ The Heruli, and the Uregundi or Bur-
gimdi, are particularly mentioned. SeeMaf-
cou's Hiftory of the Germans, I. v. A paf-
fage in the Auguftan Hiftory, p. 28, feems to
allude to this great emigration. The Mar-
comannic war was partly occafioned by the
prefliire of baj-barous tribes, who fled before
the arms of more northern barbarians.
^' Danville, Geographic Ancienne, and
the third part of his incomparable map of
Europe.
7 great
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ A Ν Ε Μ ρ I R Ε. 297
great ftream through the plains of Poland and Ruffia gave a ^ ^^ A I"•
diredion to their line of march, and a conilant fupply of freili wa- >-.— „- ^
ter and pailurage to their numerous herds of cattle. They followed
the unknown courfe of the river, confident in their valour, and
carelefs of whatever power might oppofe their progrefs. The
BaftarniE and the Vcnedi were the firft who prefented themfelves;
and the flower of their youth, either from choice or compulfion,
increafed the Gothic army. The Baftarnce dwelt on the northern
fide of the Carpathian mountains ; the immenfe tradl of land that
feparated the Baftarnai from the favages of Finland, was poflefled,
or rather wafted, by the Venedi '* : we have fome reafon to believe
that the firft of thefe nations, which diftinguiihed itfelf in the
Macedonian war ^S and was afterwards divided into the formidable
tribes of the Peucini, the Borani, the Carpi, Sec. derived its origin
from the Germans. With better authority, a Sarmatian extradlion
may be afligned to the Venedi, who rendered themfelves fo famous
in the middle ages "^ But the confufion of blood and manners on DUHnftionof
r 1 1 η 1 Germans sTid
that doubtful frontier often perplexed the moft accurate ob- Sarmadans.
ferv.ers ^\ As the Goths advanced nearer the Euxine fea, they
encountered a purer race of Sarmatians, the Jazyges, the Alani,
and the Roxolani ; and they were probably the firft Germans who
faw the mouths of the Boryfthenes, and of the Tanais. If we
inquire into the charaderiftic marks of the people of Germany and
of Sarmatia, we ftiall difcover that thofe two great portions of human
kind were principally diftinguiftied by fixed huts or moveable
tents, by a clofe drefs, or flowing garments, by the marriage of
one or of feveral wives, by a military force, confifting, for the moft
part, either of infantry or of cavalry ; and above all by the ufe of
"* Tacit. Germania, c. 46. fame people. Jornandes, c. 24.
-5 Cluver. Germ. Antiqua, 1. iii. c. 43. "" Tacitus moll aiTuredlydelenes that title,
-' The Venedi, the Sla'vi, and the and even his cautious fufpenfe is a proof of llis
Antes, were the three great tribes of the diligent inquiries.
Vol. I. Qjl the
298
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Defcription
of the
Ukraine.
The Goths
invade the
Roman pro-
vinces•
the Teutonic, or of the Sclavonlan language ; the lafl: of which has
been diffufed by conqueft, from the confines of Italy to the neigh-
bourhood of Japan.
The Goths were now in pofieiTion of the Ukraine, a country of
confiderable extent and uncommon fertility, interfefled with navi-
gable rivers, which, from either fide, difcharge themfelves into the
Boryfthenes ; and interfperfed with large and lofty foreils of
oaks. The plenty of game and fiih, the innumerable bee-hives,
depofited in the hollow of old trees, and in the cavities of rocks, and
forming, even in that rude age, a valuable branch of commerce,
the fize of the cattle, the temperature of the air, the aptnefs of the
foil for every fpecies of grain, and the luxuriancy of the vegetation,
all difplayed the liberality of Nature, and tempted the induftry of
man '^ But the Goths withftood all thefe temptations, and ftill ad-
hered to a life of idlenefs, of poverty, and of rapine.
The Scythian hords, which, towards the eaft, bordered on the new
fettlements of the Goths, prefented nothing to their arms, except the
doubtful chance of an unprofitable vidory. But the profpe<3: of
the Roman territories was far more alluring ; and the fields of
Dacia were covered with rich harvefts, fown by the hands of an in-
duftrious, and expofed to be gathered by thofe of a warlike, people.
It is probable, that the conquefts of Trajan, maintained by his fuc-
ceflbrs, lefs for any real advantage, than for ideal dignity, had
contributed to weaken the empire on that fide. The new and un-
fettled province of Dacia was neither ftrong enough to refift, nor
rich enough to fatiate, the rapacioufnefs of the barbarians. As
long as the remote banks of the Niefter were corifidered as the
boundary of the Roman power, the fortifications of the Lower Da-
'^ Genealogical Hiftory of the Tartars, p.
593. Mr. Bell (vol. ii. p. 379.) traverfed
the Ukraine in his journey from Peteriburgh
to Conllantinople. The modern face of the
country is a juft reprefentation of the ancient,
fince, in the hands of the Coilacks, it ftUl re-
mains in a ftate of nature.
nube
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
299
nube were more carelefsly guarded, and• the inhabitants of Mxfia ^ Η A P.
lived in fupine fecurity, fondly conceiving themfelves at an inaC' >^ -,- .,>
ceiTible diilance from any barbarian invaders. The irruptions of
the Goths, under the reign of Philip, fatally convinced them of
their miflake. The king or leader of that fierce nation traverfed
with contempt the province of Dacia, and palled both the Niefter
and the Danube without encountering any oppofition capable of
retarding his progrefs. The relaxed difcipline of the Roman troops
betrayed the mofl important ports, where they were ftationed, and the
fear of deferved puniihment induced great numbers of them to
inlift under the Gothic ftandard. The various multitude of barba-
rians appeared, at length, under the walls of Marcianopolis, a
city built by Trajan in honour of his fiftcr, and at that time the
capital of the fecond Masfia ''. The inhabitants confented to ran-
fom their lives and property, by the payment of a large fum of
money, and the invaders retreated back into their deferts, animated)
rather than fatisfied, with the firft fuccefs of their arms againft
an opulent but feeble country. Intelligence was foon tranfmitted to
the emperor Decius, that Cniva, king of the Goths, had paiTed
the Danube a fecond time, with more confiderable forces ; that
his numerous detachments fcattered devaluation over the province
of Miefia, whilft the main body of the army, confifting of feventy
thoufand Germans and Sarmatians, a force equal to the moft daring
atchievements, required the prefence of the Roman monarch, and
the exertion of his military power.
Decius found the Goths engaged before Nicopolis, on the Jatrus, Various
one of the many monuments of Trajan's vidories '". On his Gothic°war.°
A. D. 250.
^y In the fixteenth 'chapter of Jornandes, how this palpable error of the fcribe could
inilead οϊ fecundo Maefiam, we may venture to efcape the judicious corredlion of Grotius.
fubilitute feamdam, the fecond Ma:fia, of ^" The place is Hill called Nicop. The
which Marcianopolis was certainly the capital little dream, on whofe banks it Hood, falls
(fee Hierocles de Provinciis, and Weil'eling into the Danube. Danville Geographic An-
ad locum, p. 636. Itinera). It is furprifing cienne, torn. i. p. 307.
Qj:] 2 approach
300 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C HA P. approach they raifed the fiege, but with a defign only of marching
' . • away to a conqueft of greater importance, the fiege of PhilippopoUsi
a city of Thrace, founded by the father of Alexander, near the
foot of mount Ha:mus ". Decius followed them through a diffi-
cult country, and by forced marches ; but when he imagined him-
felf at a confiderable diftance from the rear of the Goths, Cniva
turned with rapid fury on his purfuers. The camp of the Romans
was furprifed and pillaged, and, for the firil time, their emperor fled
In diforder before a troop of half-armed barbarians. After a
long refinance, Philippopolis, deftitute of fuccour, was taken by
florm. An hundred thoufand perfons are reported to have been
maifacred in the fade of that great city ". Many prifoners of con-
fequence became a valuable acceffion to the fpoil, and Prifcus, a
brother of the late emperor Philip, bluihed not to ailume the
purple under the protedion of the barbarous enemies of Rome ".
The time, however, confumed in that tedious fiege, enabled Decius
to revive the courage, reftore the difcipline, and recruit the numbers
of his troops. He intercepted feveral parties of Carpi, and other
Germans, who were haflening to fhare the vidory of their country-
men '*, intruiled the pafies of the mountains to officers of approved
valour and fidelity ", repaired and ftrengthened the fortifications of
the Danube, and exerted his utmoft vigilance to oppofe either the
progrefs or the retreat of the Goths. Encouraged by the return of
fortune, he anxioufiy waited for an opportunity to retrieve, by a
great and decifive blow, his own glory, and that of the Roman arms '*.
3' Stephan. Byzant. de Urbibus, p. 740. mopyls with 200 Dardanians, 100 heav/ and
WeiTcling liinjerar. p. 136. Zonaras, by an 160 light horfe, 60 Cretan archers, and looo
odd miftake, afcribes the foundation of Philip- well armed recruits. See an original letter
pcpolis to the immediate predecefibr of Decius. from the emperor to his officer in the Au-
•"■ Ammian. xxxi. 5. guftan Hiftory, p. 200.
^^ Aurel. Viftor. c. 29. ^* Jornandes, c. 16—18. Zofimus, 1. i.
^* Viclotia: Carfic<z on feme medals of De- p. 22. In the general account of this war, it
eius infinuate thefe advantages. is eafy to difcover the oppofite prejudices of
35 Claudius (who afterwards reigned with the Gothic and the Grecian writer. In care-
fo much gIor\•) was pofted in the pafs of Thcr- leffnefs alone they are alike.
At
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 301
At the fame time when Declus was ftruggling with the violence ^ ^' f^ ",
Λ.
of the tempeft, his mind, cahn and deliberate amidft the tumult of
η • I 1 t r Decius re-
war, inveltigated the more general caufes, that, fmce the age of vives the
the Antonines, had (o impetuoufly urged the decline of the Roman for in the
greatnefs. He foon difcovered that it was impoihble to replace vaierLL
that greatnefs on a permanent bafis, without reftoring public virtue,
ancient principles and manners, and the oppreiTed majefty of the
laws. To execute this noble but arduous defign, he firft refolved to
revive the obfolete office of cenfor; an office, which, as long. as it
had fubliiled in its priftine integrity, had fo much contributed to the
perpetuity of the ftate ", till it was ufurped and gradually negledled
by theCxfars'^ Gonfcious that the favour of the fovereign may
conftr power, but that the eileem of the people can alone beftow
authority, he fubmitted the choice of the cenfor to the unbiaffed
voice of the fenate. By their unanimous votes, or rather acclama" •^•^• ^ji-
27th Ofto- -
tions, Valerian, who was afterwards emperor, and who then ferved b"•
with dlftindion in the army of Decius, was declared the moft
worthy of that exalted honour. As foon as the decree of the fenate
was tranfmitted to the emperor, he aflembled a great council in
his camp, and before the inveftiture of the cenfor eledl, he apprized
him of the difficulty and importance of his great office. " Happy
*' Valerian," faid the prince, to his diftinguiihed fubjeil, " happy
*' in the general approbation of the fenate and of the Roman re-
" public I Accept the cenforfhip of mankind j and judge of our,
" manners. You will feleft thofe who deferve to continue mem-^
'* hers of the fenate ; you will reftore the equeftrian order to its
*' ancient fplendour ; you will improve the revenue, yet moderate the
3' Montefquieu, Grandeur ct Decadence (Pliny Hift. Natiir. vil. 49. Cenforinas de
des Romains, c. viii. He illuftrates the na- Die Natali). The modcfty of Trajan re-
rure and ufe of the ccnforrliip with his ufual fufed an honour which he defen'ed, and hij
ingenuity, and with uncommon precifion. example became a law to the Antonines. See
w Vefpafian and Titus were the laft cenfor* Pliny's Panegyric, c. 45 and 6o>
' ^ puUlia
without
effed.
302 THEDECLINEAND¥ALL
*' public burdens. You will diflinguiih info regular claiTes the
" various and infinite multitude of citizens, and accurately review
" the military ftrength, the wealth, the virtue, and the refources
" of Rome. Your decifions fhall obtain the force of laws. The
*' army, the pakce, the minifters of juftice, and the great officers of
" the empire, are all fubjed to yogr tribunal. None are exempted,
" excepting only the ordinary confuls '% the prcefed of the city,
** the king of the facrifices, and (as long as ihe preferves her cha-
" ftity inviolate) the eldefl: of the veftal virgins. Even thefe few,
" who may not dread the feverity, will anxioufly folicit the efteem,
" of the Roman cenfor *°."
Thedefign A magiftratc, invefted with fuch extenfive powers, would have ap-
ϊΙΓεΓβηΓ' peared not fo much the minifter as the colleague of his fovereign*'.
Valerian juftly dreaded an elevation fo full of envy and of fufpicion.
He modeftly urged the alarming greatnefs of the truft, his own in-
fufficiency, and the incurable corruption of the times. He artfully
infinuated, that the office of cenfor was infeparable from the Impe-
rial dignity, and that the feeble hands of a fubjedl were unequal to
the fupport of fuch an immenfe weight of cares and of power*''.
The approaching event of war foon put an end to the profecution
of a proje£l fo fpecious but fo impra£ticable ; and whilft it preferved
Valerian from the danger, faved the emperor Decius from the dif-
appointment, which would moft probably have attended it. A cen-
for may maintain, he can never reftore, the morals of a ftate. It
is impoffible for fuch a magiilrate to exert his authority with bene-
fit, or even with effeft, unlefs he is fupported by a quick fenfe of
honour an"d virtue in the minds of the people ; by a decent reve-
" Yet in fpite of this exemption Pompey *' This tranfaaion might deceive Zonaras,
appeared before that tribunal, during his con- who fuppoles that Valerian was a£tually de-
fulfliip. The occafion indeed was equally fin- clared the colleague of Decius, 1. xii.
gular and honourable. Plutar. in Pomp. p. 630. p. 625.
*" See the original fpeech in the Auguftan *^ Hift. Auguft. p. 174. The emperor's
Hill. p. 173, 174. reply is omitted.
~^ rence
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 303
rencc for the public opinion, and by a train of ufeful prejudices com-
bating on the fide of national manners. In a period when thefe
principles are annihilated, the cenforial jurifdidion muit cither fink
into empty pageantry, or be converted into a partial inflrument of
vexatious oppreflion **. It was eafier to vanquiih the Goths, than to
eradicate the public vices ; yet even in the firft of thefe enterprifes,
Decius Ι0Π; his army and his life.
The Goths v/erc now, on every fide, furrounded and purfued Defeat and
^ . f , death of De-
by the Roman arms. The flower of their troops had periihcd in ciusandhis
the long fiege of Philippopolis, and the exhauiled country could no
longer afford fubfiftence for the remaining multitude of licentious
barbarians. Reduced to ~ this extremity, the Goths would gladly
have, purchafed, by the fuj-render of all their booty and prifonerg,
the permiifion of an undiilurbed retreat. But the emperor, confident
of vidory, and refolving, by the chailifement of thefe invaders, to
ftrike a falutary terror into the nations of the North, refufed to
liften to any terms of accommodation. The high-fpirited barbarians
preferred death to flavery. An obfcure town of Miefia, called
Forum Terebronii *% was the fcene of the battle. The Gothic army
was drawn up in three lines, and, either from choice or accident,
the front of the third line was covered by a morafs. In the begin-
ning of the adlion, the fon of Decius, a youth of the faireft hopes,
and already aifociated to the honours of the purple, was flain by an
arrow, in the fight of his aiBided father; who fummoning all his
fortitude, admoniihed the difmayed troops, that the lofs of a fingle
foldier was of little importance to the republic *^ The conflid was
terrible ; it was the combat of defpair againft grief and rage. The
*^ Such as the attempts of Auguftus to- nais, they place the field of battle in the plains
wards a reformation of manners. Tacit, of Scythia.
Annal. iii. 24. *^ Aurelius Viilor allows two dillinfl ac-
*+ Tillemont. Hiftoire lies Empereurs, tions for the deaths of the two Decii ; but I
torn. iii. p. 598. As Zofimus and fome of have preferred the account of Jornandes.
his followers miftake tlie Danube for the Ta-
firft-
;o4
THE DECLINE AND TALL
C Η A P.
X.
Election of
Gallus.
A. D. 251.
December.
((
firft lirre of the Goths at length gave way in difcrder ; the fecond,
advancuig to fuftain it, fhared its fate ; and the third only remained
entire, prepared to difpute the paiTage of the morafs, which was
imprudently attempted by the prefumption of the enemy. " Here
" the fortune of the day turned, and all things became adverfe to the
" Romans : the place deep with ooze, finking under thofe who flood,
" nippery to fuch as advanced ; their armour heavy, the waters deep;
nor could they wield in that uneafy fituation their weighty jave-
" lins. The barbarians, on the contrary, were enured to encounters
" in the bogs, their perfons tall, their fpears long, fuch as could
*' wound at a diftance''*." In this morafs the Roman army, after an
ineffedual ftruggle, was irrecoverably loft ; nor could the body of
the emperor ever be found "^ Such was the fate of Decius, in the
fiftieth year of his age ; an accompliihed prince, adive in war, and
affable in peace '^'j who, together Avith his fon, has deferved to be
compared, both in life and death, with the brighteft examples of
ancient virtue ^'.
This fatal blow 'humbled, for a very little time, the infolence of
the legions. They appear to have patiently expected, and fubmif-
fively obeyed, the decree of the fenate, which regulated the fuccef-
fion to the throne. From a juft regard for the memory of Decius,
the Imperial title was conferred on Hoftilianus, his only furviving
fon ; but an equal rank, with more effedual power, was granted to
Gallus, whofe experience and ability fecmed equal to the great trufl
of guardian to the young prince and the diftreffed empire '°. The
** I have I'entured to copy from Tacitus
(Annal. i. 64.) the pifture of a fimilar en-
fai^ement between a Roman army and a Ger-
man tribe.
*' Jornandes, c. 18. Zoflmus, 1. i. p. zz.
Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 627. Aurelius Viftor.
♦' The Decii were killed before the end of
the- year nvo hundred and fifty-one, fince the
new princes took pofleffion of the confulililp
on the enfuing calends of January.
*' Hill. Auguft. p. 223, gives them a very
honourable place among the fmall number of
good emperors who reigned between Auguftus
and Diocletian.
5° Haec ubl Patres comperere . . . ^ .
decernunt, Viilorin Ca;faribus,
firfl
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 305
firfl: care of the new emperor was to deliver the Illyrian provinces C ii a p.
X.
from the intolerable weight of the vldlorious Goths. He confented •- — -- — -♦
to leave in their hands the rich fruits of their invaiion, an immenfe ' "^ '
booty, and what was flill more difgraceful, a great number of pri-
foners of the highefl: merit and quality. He plentifully fupplied Repeat of
° , ^ ^ -^ ^ I i t]^g Goths.
their camp with every conveniency that could aiTuage their angry
fpirits, or facilitate their fo much wiihed-for departure; and he even
promifed to pay them annually a large fum of gold, on condition
they ihould never afterwards infeft the Roman territories by their
incurfions '".
In the age of the Sciplos, the moil opulent kings of the earth, 9"^""' P""""
° _ \ ° chafes peace
who courted the protedion of the vidlorious commonwealth, were by the pay-
gratified with fuch trifling prefents as could only derive a value from amipai tri-^
the hand that beftowed them ; an ivory chair, a coarfe garment of
purple, an inconfiderable piece of plate, or a quantity of copper
coin ''. After the wealth of nations had centred in Rome, the
emperors difplayed their greatnefs, and even their policy, by the
regular exercife of a fteady and moderate liberality towards the allies
of the ftate. They relieved the poverty of the barbarians, honoured
their merit, and recompenfed their fidelity. Thefe voluntary marks
of bounty were underftood to flow not from the fears, but merely
from the generofity or the gratitude of the Romans; and whilfl:
prefents and fubfidies were liberally diftributed among friends and
fuppliants, they were fternly refufed to fuch as claimed them as a
debt ". But this fl;ipu!ation of an annual payment to a vidorious Popular dif-
enemy, appeared without difguife in the light of an ignominious
tribute; the minds of the Romans were not yet accuftomed
^' Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 6i8. fterling, was the ufual prefent made to fo-
^^ A Sella, Z'Toga, aad a. golden- Patera reign am bafladors (Livy, xxxi. 9.).
of five pounds weight, were accepted with joy „ gee the firmnefs of a Roman general fo
and gratitude by the wealthy king of Egypt ,^^^ ^^ ^j^^ ^^^ ^^ Alexander Severus, in tlie
(Livy, xxvii. 4.). «i«>« Μ;7/ώ ^ris, a weight j^^ Lcgationum, p. 25. Edit. Louvre.
of copper m value about eighteen pouiids
Vol. I. R r to
content.
3o6 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, to accept fuch "unequal laws from a tribe of barbarians ; and the
' prince, who by a neceiTary conceifion had probably iaved his
country, became the objed of the general contempt and averfion.
The death of Hoftilianus, though it happened in the mldil of a
raging peftilence, was interpreted as the perfonal crime of
Gallus'*; and even the defeat of the late emperor was afcribed
by the voice of fufpicion to the perfidious counfcls of his hated fuc-
ceflbr ". The tranquillity which the empire enjoyed during the firft
year of his adminiftration '', ferved rather to inflame than to ap-
peafe the public difcontent ; and, as foon as the apprehenfions of
war were removed, the infamy of the peace was more deeply and
more fenfibly felt.
Vidory and But the Romans were irritated to a flill higher degree, when they
^miiianus. difcovered that they had not even fecured their repofe, though at the
253. expence of their honour. The dangerous fecret of the wealth and
weaknefs of the empire, had been revealed to the world. New fwarms
of barbarians, encouraged by the fuccefs, and not conceiving themfelves
bound by the obligation, of their brethren, fpread devailation through
the Illyrian provinces, and terror as far as the gates of Rome. The
defence of the monarchy, which fecmed abandoned by the pufillani-
mous emperor, was afiumed by YEmilianus, governor of Pannonia
and Maefia ; who rallied the fcattered forces, and revived the faint-
ing fpirits of the troops. The barbarians were uncxpedcdly at-
tacked, routed, chafed, and purfued beyond the Danube. The vic-
torious leader diilributed as a donative the money colleded for the
tribute, and the acclamations of the foldiers proclaimed him emperor
on the field of battle ". Gallus, who, carelefs of the general wel-
fare, indulged himfelf in the pleafures of Italy, was almoft in tlie
^* For the plague fee Jornandes, c. 19, and ' Jornandes, c. 19. The Gothic writer
Viftor in Ca-faribus. at leall obferved the peace which his viiiorioas
5' Thefe improbable accufations are alleged countrymen had fworn to Gallus.
by Zofiraus, 1. i. p. 23, 24. •' Zofimus, l.i. p. 25, 26.
fame
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 307
fame inrtant informed of the fuccefs, of the revolt, and of the rapid ^ ^^ A P.
approach, of his afpiring lieutenant. He advanced to meet him as u-.-y>
far as the plains of Spoleto. When the armies came in fight of each
other, the foldiers of Gallus compared the ignominious condudt of
their fovereign with the glory of his rival. They admired the
valour of ^milianus; they were attracted by his liberality, for he
offered a confiderable increafe of pay to all deferters ". The mur- Gallus aban-
doned and
der of Gallus, and of his fon Volufianus, put an end to the civil flain.
war ; and the fenate gave a legal fandion to the rights of conqueft. May.*
The letters of iEmilianus to that afTembly, difplayed a mixture of mo-
deration and vanity. He aiTured them, that he fliould refign to their
wifdom the civil adminiflration ; and contenting himfelf witli the
quality of their general, would in a ihort time aflert the glory of
Rome, and deliver the empire from all the barbarians both of the
North and of the Eall ''. His pride was flattered by the applaufe of
the fenate ; and medals are ftill extant, reprefenting him with the name
and attributes of Hercules the Vidor, and of Mars the Avenger'^".
If the new monarch pollelfed the abilities, he wanted the Valerian re-
venges the
time, necelTary to fulfil thefe fplendid promifes. Lefs than four deathofGal-
months intervened between his vidory and his fall *'. He had knowiedged
vanquilhed Gallus : he lunk under the weight of a competitor more ^'"P^''°''•
formidable than Gallus. That unfortunate prince had fent Vale-
rian, already diilinguilTied by the honourable title of cenfor, to bring
the legions of Gaul and Germany ''' to his aid. Valerian executed
that commifiion with zeal and fidelity ; and as he arrived too late
to fave his fovereign, he refolved to revenge him. The troops of
iEmilianus, who ftill lay encamped in the plains of Spoleto, were
awed by the fandity of his charader, but much more by the fupe-
5^ ViAor in CKfaribus. *' Eutropius, 1. ix. c. 6. fays tertio menfe.
„ „ , ■• ^ Λ Eufebius omits this emperor.
59 Zonaras, I. xii. p. 5z8. ei -7 /■ i • ο c . • j ir
^ ° Zoiimus, 1. 1, p. 28. Lutropius and Vic-
's» Banduri Nunufmata, p. 94. tor ftation Valerian's army in Rhxtia.
R Γ 2 rior
3o8 Τ Η Ε D Ε C L I Ν Ε A Ν D F A L L
CHAP, i-'ior ftrength of his army ; and as they were now become as inca-
■_ .- ' pable of perfonal attachment as they had always been of confti-
A. D. 253. tutional principle^ they readily imbrued their hands in the blood of
"^" " a prince who fo lately had been the objedt of their partial choice.
The guilt was theirs, but the advantage of it was Valerian's ; who
obtained the pofleffion of the throne by the means indeed of a civil
war, but with a degree of innocence fingular in that age of revo-
lutions ; fmce he owed neither gratitude nor allegiance to his pre-
deceiTor, whom he dethroned.
Charafter of Valerian was about fixty years of age ^' when he was inverted
Valerian. • r 1 1 11
with the purple, not by the caprice or the populace, or the cla-
mours of the army> but by the unanimous voice of the Roman
world. In his gradual afcent through the honours of the ftate, he
had deferved the favour of virtuous princes, and had declared him-
felf the enemy of tyrants *\ His noble birth, his mild but unble—
" miflied manners, his learning, prudence, and experience, were re-
vered by the fenate and people ; and if mankind (according to the
obfervation of an ancient writer) had been left at liberty to chufe a
mafter, their choice would moil: affuredly have fallen on Valerian *^
Perhaps the merit of this emperor was inadequate to his reputation ;
perhaps his abilities, or at leaft his fpirit, were affeded by the lan-
General mif- guor and coldnefs of old age. The confcioufnefs of his decline en-
!he'reign° of gaged him to iliare the throne with a younger and more adive aiTo-
GaiHenus!"'^ ciate : the emergency of the times demanded a general no lefs than
A. D. 253— ^ prince, and the experience of the Roman cenlbr might have
268. ' • 1 1 1 1 /?
direded him where to beftow the Imperial purple, as the reward ot
*' He was about feventy at the time of his ^^ According to the diftinftion of Viaor,.
acceffion, or, as it is more probable, of his he feems to have received the title of Impe-
' death. Hift. Aur;uil. p. 173. Tillemont ratof irom the army, and that of Auguftus
Hift. des Empereurs, torn. iii. p. 893, note I. from the fenate.
'+ Inimicus Tyrannorum. Hilt. Auguft. " From Viilor and from the medals, Til-
p. 173. In the glorious li-uggle of the fenate lemont (torn. iii. p. 710.) very juftly infers,
againft Maximin. Valerian afted a very fpi- that Gallienus was alTociated to the empire
rited part. Hiil. Aug. p. 156. about the month of Auguft of the year 253.
a militaj-y
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. yc
ό \j
military merit. But inftead of making a judicious choice, which ^ H^A P.
would have confirmed his reign and endeared his memory, Valerian, < ,^— -J
confulting only the didates of afFedion or vanity, immediately in-
vefted with the fupreme honours his fon Gallienus, a youth whofe
effeminate vices had been hitherto concealed by the obfcurity of a
private flation. The joint government of the father and the fon
fubfifted about feven, and the fole adminiftration of Gallienus conti-
nued about eight, years. But the whole period was one uninterrupted
feries of confufion and calamity. As the Roman empire was at the
fame time, and on every fide, attacked by the blind fury of foreign
invaders, and the wild ambition of domeftic ufurpers, we ihall con-
fult order and perfpicuity, by purfuing, not fo much the doubtful
arrangement of dates, as the more natural diftrlbution of fubjeds.
The moft dangerous enemies of Rome, during the reigns of Valerian
and Gallienus, were, i. The Franks. 2. The Alemanni. 3. The inroads of
the barba-
Goths ; and, 4. The Perfians. Under thefe general appellations, rians.
we may comprehend the adventures of lefs confiderable tribes, whofe
obfcure and uncouth names would only ferve to opprefs the memory
and perplex the attention of the reader.
J. As the poflerity of the Franks compofe one of the greatefi: and oHgin and
moil enlightened nations of Europe, the powers of learning and of'thif^'^^'^^
ingenuity have been exhaufled in the difcovery of their unlettered Franks.
anceftors. To the tales of credulity, have fucceeded the fyftems of
fancy. Every paffage has been fifted, every fpot has been furveyed,
that might poflihly reveal fome faint traces of their origin. It has
been fuppofed, that Pannonia '', that Gaul, that the northern parts•
of Germany '^', gave birth to that celebrated colony of warriors.
At length the moil rational critics, rejeding the fiditious emigra-
*' Various fyllems have been formed to ex- mentioning Mauringania on the confines of
plain a difficult paflage in Gregory of Tours, Denmark, as the ancient feat of the Franks, .
L ii. c. 9. gave birth to an ingenious fyitem of Leib-
^' The geographer of Ravenna, i. ii. by nitz,
tions-
3ΐο THE DECLINE AND FALL
dons of ideal conquerors, have acqulefced in a fentiment whofe fim•
plicity perfuades us of its truth *'. They fuppole, that about the year
two hundred and forty '", a new confederacy was formed under the
name of Franks, by the old inhabitants of the Lower Rhine and the
Wefer. The prefent circle of Weftphalia, the Landgraviate of
Hefle, and the dutchies of Brunfwick and Luneburgh, were the
ancient feat of the Chauci, who, in their inacceifible morafles,
defied the Roman arms '' ; of the Cherufci, proud of the fame
of Arminius ; of the Catti, formidable by their firm and intrepid
infantry, and of feveral other tribes of inferior power and re-
nown "'. The love of liberty was the ruling paifion of thefe
Germans ; the enjoyment of it their bed treafure ; the word that
cxprefled that enjoyment, the moft pleafing to their ear. They
deferved, they aflumed, they maintained the honourable epithet of
Franks or Freemen ; which concealed, though it did not extinguiih,
the peculiar names of the feveral ftates of the confederacy ". Tacit
confent, and mutual advantage, didated the firft laws of the union ;
it was gradually cemented by habit and experience. The league of
the Franks may admit of fome comparifon with the Helvetic body;
in which every canton, retaining its independent fovereignty, con-
fults with its brethren in the common caufe, without acknow-
ledging the authority of any fupreme head, or reprefentative afiem-
bly '^ But the principle of the two confederacies was extremely
different. A peace of two hundred years has rewarded the wife and
honeft policy of the Swifs. An inconftant fpirit, the thirft of rapine,
*^ See Cluver. Germania Antiqua, 1. iii. '* Tacit. Germania, c. 30. 37.
c. 20. M. Freret, in the Memoires de ΓΑ- is j^ ^ fubfequent period, moil of thoie
cademie des Infcriptions, torn, xviii. ^ij names are occaiionaliy mentioned. See
'" Moil probably under the reign of Gor- fome vefliges of them in Claver. Germ. An-
dian, from an accidental circumilance iully ^- _ ]_ jjj_
canvarted by Tillemont, tom.iii. p.710. 1181. ■,. c•- ι j rt i.i• tr i .
,, „,. i^.„ ^. . „/ ' .,, " Simler de Repubhca Helvet. cum notis
" Phn. Hill. Nat. XVI. I. The panegynlls ρ r ,•
frequently allude to the morafles of the Franks.
t and
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 3,11
and a difregard to the mofl folemn treaties, difgraced the charader of ^ ^^ /^ ^'•
the Franks. ' ^ '
The Romans had long experienced the darhig valour of the They invade
people of Lower Germany. The union of their ftrength threatened
Gaul with a more formidable invafion, and required the prefence of
Gallienus, the heir and colleague of imperial power ^'. Whilfl; that
prince, and his infant fon, Saloninus, difplayed in tb-e court of
Treves, the majefty of the empire, its armies were ably conducted
by their general Pofthumus, who, though he afterwards betrayed the
family of Valerian, was ever faithful to the great intereft of the
monarchy. The treacherous language of panegyrics and medals
darkly announces a long feries of victories. Trophies and titles
atteft (if fuch evidence can atteft) the fame of Pofthumus, who is
repeatedly ftyled The conqueror of the Germans, and the faviour
ofCauP'.
But a fingle fadl, the only one indeed of which we have any dif- ravaf^eSpaia
tinit knowledge, erafes, in a great meafure, thefe monuments of
vanity and adulation. The Rhine, though dignified with the
title of Safe-guard of the provinces, was an imperfeft barrier
againft the daring fpirit of enterprife with which the Franks were
aduated. Their rapid devaftations ftretched from the river to the
foot of the Pyrenees : nor were they flopped by thofe mountains.
Spain, which had never dreaded, was unable to refirt, the inroads of
the Germans. During twelve years, the greateft part of the reign of
Gallienus, that opulent country was the theatre of unequal and
deflrudive hoftilities. Tarragona, the flouriihing capital of a peace-
ful province, was facked and almoft deftroyed ", and fo late as
^5 Zofimus, 1. i. p. 27. " Aurel. Viflor. c. 33. Inftcad ci Ptens
' M.de Brequigny (intheMemoiresderA- direfto, both the fonfe and the exprefion
cademie, torn, xxx.) has given usaverycurious require deleto, though indeed, for ditFer-
life of Poilhumus. A feries of the Auguftan ent reafons, it is alike difficult to correft
Hiftory from Medals and Infcriptions has been the text of the beft, and of the worit,
more than once planned, and is llill much writers,
wanted.
the
ςΐ2 THE DECLINE AND F ALL
C Η Λ P. the davs of Orofius, who wrote in the fifth century, wretched cot-
(^..—v— > tages, fcattered amidft the ruins of magnificent cities, ftill recorded
the rage of the barbarians '". When the exhaufted country no longer
fupplied a variety of plunder, the Franks feized on fome veflels in
and pafs over -^hg po,.tg ^f Spain"', and tranfported themfelves into Mauritania.
into Africa. * * _ _ -
The diftant province was aftonifhed with the fury of thefe bar-
barians, who fe€med_ to fall from a new world, as their name,
manners, and complexion, were equally unknown on the coaft of
Africa '\
Origin and Π. In that part of Upper Saxony beyond the Elbe, which is at
theTuevl prefent called the Marqiiifate of Luface, there exifted, in ancient
times, a facred wood, the awful feat of the fuperftition of the
Suevi. None were permitted to enter the holy precinfts, without
confeffing, by their fervile bonds and fuppliant pofture, the imme•-
diate prefence of the fovereign Deity *'. Patriotifm contributed as
well as devotion to confccrate the Sonnenwald, or wood of the Sem-
nones "\ It was univerfally believed, that the nation had received
its firft exiftence on that facred fpot. At ftated periods, the
numerous tribes who gloried in the Suevic blood, reforted thither
by their ambafladors ; and the memory of their common extradion
was perpetuated by barbaric rites and human facrifices. The wide
extended name of Suevi filled the interior countries of Germany,
from the banks of the Oder to thofe of the Danube. They were
diftinguiihed from the other Germans by their peculiar mode of
dreffing their long hair, which they gathered into a rude knot on
the crown of the head ; and they delighted in an ornament that
iliewed their ranks more lofty and terrible in the eyes of the ene-
'' In the time of Aufonius (the end of the 'J Valefius is therefore miftaken in fuppo-
■fourth century) Ilerda or Lerida was in a fing that the Franks had invaded Spainbyi'ci.
very ruinous ftate, (Aufon. Epift•. xxv. 58.) ^° Aurel. Viitor. Euuop. Ix. 6.
.which probably was the confcquence of this 8' Tacit. Germania, 38.
iavafion. ^* Cluvcr. German. Antiq, iii. 25.
mv.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ' 313
my *'. Jealous, as the Germans were, of military renown, they chap.
all confefled the fuperior valour of the Suevi ; and the tribes of the <- v~— '
Ufipetes and Ten£tcri, who with a vaft army encountered the dicta-
tor Casfar, declared that they efteemcd it not a difgrace to have fled
before a people, to whofe arms the immortal gods themfelves v;cre
unequal '*.
In the reign of the emperor Caracalla, an innumerable fvvarm of j- ^'^'^^ ^?-
, oy of Suevi
Suevi appeared on the banks of the Mein, and in the neighbour- afl'ume the
hood of the Roman pro\unces, in queft either of food, of plunder, Alemanni,
or of glory *. The hafty army of volunteers gradually coalefced
into a great and permanent nation ; and, as it was compofed from
fo man)^ dilFerent tribes, alTumed the name of Alem.anni, or oil-
men ; to denote at once their various lineage, and their common
bravery **. The latter was foon felt by the Romans in many a
hoftile inroad. The Alemanni fought chiefly on horfeback; but their
cavalry was rendered ftill more formidable by a mixture of light
infantry, feleded from the braveft and mofl: adive of the youth,
whom frequent exercife had enured to accompany the horfemen in
the longeft march, the mofl: rapid charge, or the mofl: precipitate '
retreat *^
This warlike people of Germans had been aftonlfl^ied by the im- invade Gaul
. ^ . "^ and Italy,
menfe preparations of Alexander Severus, they v\'ere difmayed by the
arms of his fucceflbr, a barbarian equal in valour and fiercenefs to
themfelves. But flill hovering on the frontiers of the empire, they
increafed the general diforder that enfued after the death of Decius.
They inflided fevere wounds on the rich provinces of Gaul : they
"^ Sic Suevi a ceteris Germanis, fic Suevo- which amufe the fancy of the learned) is pre-
rum ingenui a fervis feparantur. A proud fe- ferved by Afinius Quadratus, an original •
paration ! hiftorian, quoted by Agathias, i. c. 5.
^* Cxfar in Bello Gallico, iv. 7, «' The Suevi engaged Ca:far in this man-
" Viilor. in Caracal. Dion Caffius, Ixvii. ner, and the manoeuvre deferved the appro-
p. 1350. bation of the conqueror (in Bello Gallico,
'* This etymology (far different from thoie i. 48.).
Vol. I. S f were
314 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, were the firft who removed the veil that covered the feeble majefty
\. -,'- jf of Italy. A numerous body of the Alemanni penetrated acrofs the
Danube, and through the Rhictian Alps, into the plains of Lorn-
bardy, advanced as far as Ravenna, and difplayed the vidtorious
banners of barbarians almoft in fight of Rome ''. The infult and
the danger rekindled in the fenate fome fparks of their ancient
arerepulfed virtue. Both the emperors were engaged in far dlftant wars, Vale-
byThe^fewte fian in the eaft, and Gallienus on the Rhine. All the hopes and
and people, rgfuurces of the Romans were in themfelves. In this emergency,
the fenators refumed the defence of the republic, drew out the
PriCtorian guards, who had been left to garrifon the capital, and
filled up their numbers, by inlifting into the public fervice, the
ftouteft and moft willing of the Plebeians. The Alemanni, afto-
niihed with the fudden appearance of an army more numerous than
their own, retired into Germany, laden with fpoil ; and their retreat
was efteemed as a vidory by the unwarlike Romans '*''.
The fenators When Gallienus received the intelligence that his capital was de-
excluded by jjygj.g(j from the barbarians, he was much lefs delighted, than alarmed,
\-jallienus ο ' '
from the mi- yyjjj^ [\^q courage of the fenate, fmce it might one day prompt them
iitary fervice. ° . λ r
to refcue the public from domeftic tyranny, as well as from foreign
invafion. His timid ingratitude was publiihed to his fubjeds, in
an edid which prohibited the fenators from exercifing any military
employment, and even from approaching the camps of the legions.
But his fears were groundlefs. The rich and luxurious nobles,
finking into their natural charader, accepted, as a favour, this dif-
graceful exemption from military fervice ; and as long as they were
indulged in the enjoyment of their baths, their theatres, and their
villas ; they cheerfully refigned the more dangerous cares of empire»
to the rough hands of peafants and foldiers '°.
*' Hift. Auguft. p. 215, Z16. Dexippus 9" Aurel. Viftor. in Gallieno et Probo.
in the Excerpta Legationum, p. 8. Hiero- His complaints breathe an uncommon fpirit
nym. Chron. Orofius, vii. 22. of freedom.
'* Zofimusj 1. i. p. 3^.
Another
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 315
Another invafion of the Alemanni, of a more formidable afped, ^ Η Λ p.
but more glorious event, is mentioned by a writer of the lower em- ^ — -,—- — /
pire. Three hundred thoufand of that warlike people are faid to contradts an
have been vanquiflied, in a battle near Milan, by Galiienus in per- thc^Aie-^^"^
fon, at the head of only ten thoufand Romans ". We may how- "^*""'•
ever, with great probability, afcribe this incredible viitory, either to
the credulity of the hiftorian, or to fome exaggerated exploits of one
of the emperor's lieutenants. It was by arms of a very different
nature, that Galiienus endeavoured to proted Italy from the fury of
the Germans. He efpoufed Pipa the daughter of a king of the
Marcomanni, a Suevic tribe, which was often confounded with the
Alemanni in their wars and conquefts ''". To the father, as the
price of his alliance, he granted an ample fettlement in Pannonia.
The native charms of unpoliflied beauty feem to have fixed the
daughter in the affedions of the inconftant emperor, and the bands
of policy were more firmly connedled by thofe of love. But the
haughty prejudice of Rome ftill refufed the name of marriage, to
the profane mixture of a citizen and a barbarian ; and has ftigma-
tized the German princefs with the opprobrious title of concubine of
Galiienus ".
III. We have already traced the emigration of the Goths from inroads of
Scandinavia, or at leaft from PruiTia, to the mouth of the Bory- * ^ ^"
fthenes, and have followed their vidorious arms from the Bory-
fthenes, to the Danube. Under the reigns of Valerian and Galiienus
the frontier of the lail mentioned river was perpetually infefled by
the inroads of Germans and Sarmatians; but it was defended by
the Romans with more than ufual firmnefs and fucccfs. The pro-
vinces that were the feat of war, recruited the armies of Rome with
f Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 631. i>^ See Tillemont, Hill, des Empereurs,
*■ One of the Vidlors calit, him King, of torn. iii. p. 398, S;c.
the Marcomanni, the other, of the Germans.
S f 2 an
3i6 THE DECLINE AND FALL
an inexhauftible fupply of hardy foldiers ; and more than one of
thefe lUyrian peafants attained the ftation, aod difplayed the abi-
lities, of a general. Though flying parties of the barbarians, who
incefiantly hovered on the banks of the Danube, penetrated fome-
times to the confines of Italy and Macedonia ; their progrefs was
commonly checked, or their return intercepted, by the Imperial
lieutenants '^ But the great ftream of the Gothic hoftilities was
diverted into a very different channel. The Goths, in their new
fettlement of the Ukraine, foon became mafters of the northern
coaft of the Euxine : to the fouth of that inland fea, were fituated
the foft and wealthy provinces of Afia Minor, which poiTeffed all
that could attrad, and nothing that could refift, a barbarian con-
queror.
Conqueft of x^e banks of the Boryfthenes are only fixty miles diftant from
the Bo.pho- ^ , ^ ^ ■'
rus by the the narrow entrance '^ of the peninfula of Crim Tartary, known to
the ancients under the name of Cherfonefus Taurica ''. On that
inhofpitable ihore, Euripides, embellilhing with exquifite art the tales
of antiquity, has placed the fcene of one of his moft affeding trage-
dies ^- . The bloody facrifices of Diana, the arrival of Oreftes and
Pylades, and the triumph of A'irtue and religion over favage ficrce-
nefs, ferve to reprefent an hiftorical truth, that the Tauri, the
original inhabitants of the peninfula, were, in fome degree, reclaim-
ed from their brutal manners, by a gradual intercourfe with the
Grecian colonies, which fettled along the maritime coaft. The little
kingdom of Bofphorus, whofe capital was fituated on the Straits,
through which the Mseotis communicates itfelf to the Euxine, was
compofed of degenerate Greeks, and half-civilized barbarians. It
s* See the lives of Claudius, Aurelian, and conful at Caffa, in his Obfervations fur les
Probus, in the Auguftan Hiftory. Peuples Bai bares, qui ont habite les bords du
^^ It is about half a league in breadth. Ge- Danube,
nealogical Hiftory of the Tartars, p. 598. 97 Euripides in Iphigenia in Taurid.
^' Μ. de Peyflbnel, who had been French
7 fubfiiled,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 317
fubfifted, as an independent ftate, from the time of the Peloponnefian
war '^, was at laft fwallowed up by the ambition of Mithridates '',
and with the reft of his dominions, funk under the weight of
the Roman arms. From the reign of Auguftus '°°, the kings of
Bofphorus were the humble, but not ufelcfs, allies of the em-
pire. By prefents, by arms, and by a flight fortification drawn
acrofs the Ifthmus, they effedtually guarded againft the roving
plunderers of Sarmatia, the accefs of a country, which, from its
peculiar fituation and convenient harbours, commanded the Euxine
fea and Afia Minor '°'. As long as the fceptre was polTeiTed by a
lineal fucceffion of kings, they acquitted themfelves of their import-
ant charge with vigilance and fuccefs. Domeilic fadions, and the
fears, or private intereft, of obfcurc ufurpers, who leized on the
vacant throne, admitted the Goths into the heart of Bofphorus.
With the acquifition of a fuperfluous wafte of fertile foil, the con-
querors obtained the command of a naval force, fufficient to tranf-
port their armies to the coaft of Afia '°\ The fhips ufed in the who acquire
navigation of the Euxine were of a very fmgular conftrudion.
They were flight flat-bottomed barks framed of timber only, with-
out the leaft mixture of iron, and occafionally covered with a
fhelving roof, on the appearance of a tempeft '°\ in thefe floating
houfes, the Goths carelefsly trufted themfelves to the mercy of an
unknown fea, under the condudl of failors preffed into the fervice,
and whofe fkiil and fidelity were equally fufpicious. But the hopes
of plunder had banifhed every idea of danger, and a natural fear-
leiTnefs of temper fupplied in their minds the more rational confidence,
i* Strabo, 1. vii. p. 309. The firft kings '°' See the Toxaris of Lucian, if we credit
of Bofphorus were the allies of Athens. the fincerity and the virtues of the Scythian,
*" Appian in Mithridat. who relates a great war of his nation againll
'"' It was reduced by the arms of Agrippa. the kings of Bofphorus,
Orofius, vi. 21. Eutropius, vii. 9. The Ro- '°^ Zoiimus, 1. i. p. 28,.
mans once advanced within three days march '=' Strabo, 1. .\i. Tacit. Hift. iii. 47..
oftheTanais. Tacit. Annal. xii. 17. They were called Cewera-,
which;
3i8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
which is the juft refult of knowledge and experience. Warriors of
fuch a daring fpirit muft have often murmured againft the cowardice
of their guides, who required the ftrongeft aiTurances of a fettled
calm before they would venture to embark ; and would fcarcely
ever be tempted to lofe fight of the land. Such, at leaft, is the
pradice of the modern Turks '°* ; and they are probably not in-
ferior, in the art of navigation, to the ancient inhabitants of Bof-
phorus.
Firil naval The fleet of the Goths, leaving the coaft of Circaflia on the left
the Goths/ hand, firil appeared before Pityus '°S the utmoft limits of the Ro-
man provinces ; a city provided with a convenient port and fortified
with a ftrong wall. Here they met with a refiftance more obfti-
nate than they had reafon to exped from the feeble garrifon of a
diftant fortrefs. They were repulfed; and their difappointment
feemed to diminifh the terror of the Gothic name. As long as
SucceiTianus, an officer of fuperior rank and merit, defended that
frontier, all their efforts were inefFedual ; but as foon as he was
removed by Valerian to a more honourable but lefs important
ftation, they refumed the attack of Pityus ; and, by the deftrudion
of that city, obliterated the memory of their former difgrace '°^
The Goths Circling round the eaftern extremity of the Euxine fea, the
taVeTrebi- navigation from Pityus to Trebizond is about three hundred
^°"'^* miles '°'. The courfe of the Goths carried them in fight of the
country of Colchis, fo famous by the expedition of the Argo-
nauts ; and they even attempted, though without fuccefs, to pillage
a rich temple at the mouth of the river Phafib. Trebizond, cele-
brated in the retreat of the ten thoufand as an ancient colony of
""■♦ See a very natural pidure of the Eux- confifted in his time of only four hundred
ine navigation, in the . with letter of Tourne- foot. See the Periplus of the Euxine.
fort. ■"« Zofimus, 1. i. p. 30.
■05 Arrian places the frontier garrifon at ,07 Arrian (in PeriploMaris Euxiiu p. 130.)
Diofcurias, or Sebaftopohs, forty-four miles ^^jj^ the diftance 2O10 ftadia.
to the eall of Pityus. The garrifon of Fhafis
* Greeks,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 319
Greeks '"% derived its wealth and fplendour from the munificence of ^ \^ P•
the emperor Hadrian, who had conftrudled an artificial port on a ' /— -»
eoaft left deftitute by nature of fecure harbours '°'. The city was
large and populous ; a double enclofure of walls feemed to defy the
fury of the Goths, and the ufual garrifon had been ftrengthened by a
reinforcement of ten thoufand men. But there are not any advan-
tages capable of fupplying the abfence of difcipline and vigilance.
The numerous garrifon of Trebizond, difiblved in riot and luxury,
difdained to guard their impregnable fortifications. The Goths foon
difcovered the fupine negligence of the befieged, eretfted a lofty pile
of fafcines, afcended the walls in the filence of the night, and
entered the defencelefs city, fword in hand. A general maflacre of
the people enfued, whilil the afi^righted foldiers efcaped through the
oppofite gates of the town. The moft holy temples, and the moft
fplendid edifices, were involved in a common deftrudion. The
booty that fell into the hands of the Goths was immenfe: the wealth
of the adjacent countries had been depofited in Trebizond, as in a
fecure place of refuge. The number of captives was incredible, as
the vidlorious barbarians, ranged without oppofition through the
extenfive province of Pontus "°. The rich fpoils of Trebizond
filled a great fleet of ihips that had been found in the port. The
robufi: youth of the fea-coaft were chained to the oar ; and the
Goths, fatisfied with the fuccefs of their firft naval expedition,
returned in triumph to their new eftabliihments in the kingdom of
Bofphorus '".
The fecond expedition of the Goths was undertaken with- The fecond
r in• 1 1 r> 1 -..^ expedition of
greater powers or men and mips, but they Iteered a different the Goths.
courfe, and difdalning the exhaufted provinces of Pontus, followed
'"' Xenophon. Anabafis, 1. iv. p. 348, "" See an epiftle of Gregory Thaumatur-
Edit. Hutchinfon. gus, biihop of Neo-Csfarea, quoted by Maf-
'"!' Arrian, p. 129. The gerieral obfer- can, v. 37.
vation is Tournefon's. '" Zofimus, 1. i, p. 32^ 33.
the
S20
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, the weftern coaft of the Euxine, pafled before the wide mouths of
< ; the Boryfthenes, the Niefter, and the Danube, and increafing their
fleet by the capture of a great number of fifliing barks, they ap-
proached the narrow out-let through which the Euxine fea pours its
waters into the Mediterranean, and divides the continents of Europe
and Afia. The garrifon of Chalcedon was encamped near the
temple of Jupiter Urius, on a promontory that commanded the
entrance of the Strait : and, fo inconuderable were the dreaded in-
vafions of the barbarians, that this body of troops furpafled in num-
They plun- bgr the Gothic army. But it was in numbers alone that they fur-
der the cities
ofBithynia. pafled it. They deferted with precipitation their advantageous
poft, and abandoned the town of Chalcedon, moil plentifully ftiored
with arms and money, to the difcretion of the conquerors. Whilfl:
they hefitated whether they ihould prefer the fea or land, Europe
or Afia, for the fcene of their hoftilities, a perfidious fugitive pointed
out Nicomedia, once the capital of the kings of Bithynia, as a
rich and eafy conqueft. He guided the march, which was only
fixty miles from the camp of Chalcedon "% diredted the refiftlefs
attack, and partook of the booty ; for the Goths had learned fufficient
policy to reivard the traitor, whom they detefted. Nice, Prufa,
Apsemsea, Cius, cities that had fometimes rivalled, or imitated, the
fplendour of Nicomedia, were involved in the fame calamity, which,
in a few weeks, raged without controul through the whole province
of Bithynia. Three hundred years of peace, enjoyed by the foft
inhabitants of Afia, had aboliflaed the exercife of arms, and removed
the apprehenfion of danger. The ancient walls were fufi'ered
to -moulder away, and all the revenue of the moft opulent
cities was referved for the conftrudlion of baths, temples, and
theatres •".
•'* Itiner. Hierofolym. p.572. Weffeling. "^ Zofimus, l.i. p. 32, 33.
When
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 321
When the city of Cyzicus withftood the utmoft effort of Mithri- C Η A p.
dates "^, it was diftinguifhed by wife laws, a naval power of two ' ■ '
hundred gallies, and three arfenals; of arms, of military engines, and the Goths.
of corn "^ It was ftill the feat of wealth and luxury; but of its
ancient ftrength, nothing remained except the firuation, in a little
iiland of the Propontis, connected with the continent of Afia only
by two bridges. From the recent fack of Prufa, the Goths ad-
vanced within eighteen miles '"" of the city, which they had de-
voted to deilrudion ; but the ruin of Cyzicus was delayed by a for-
tunate accident. The feafon was rainy, and the lake Apolloniates,
the refervoir of all the fprings of Mount Olympus, rofe to an un-
common height. The little river of Rhyndacus, which iffues from the
lake, fwelled into a broad and rapid ftream, and flopped the progrefs
•of the Goths. Their retreat to the maritime city of Heraclea, v^diere
the fleet had probably been ftationed, was attended by a long train
of waggons, laden with the fpoils of Bithynia, and was marked by
the flames of Nice and Nicodemia, which they wantonly burnt "''.
Some obfcure hints are mentioned of a doubtful combat that fecured
their retreat '". But even a complete viilory would have been of
little moment, as the approach of the autumnal equinox fummoned
them to haften their return. To navigate the Euxine before the
month of May, or after that of September, is efteemed by the mo-
dern Turks the moft unqueftionable inftance of railinefs and folly "^
When we are informed that the third fleet, equipped by the Goths Third naval
in the ports of Bofphorus, confifted of five hundred fail of fliips '"% the Goths."
"* He befieged the pLice with 400 gallies, "^ Syncellus tells an unintelligible ftorv of
150,000 foot, and a numerous cavalry. See Prince Odenathus, who defeated the Goths,
Plutarch in Lucul. Appian in Mithridat. and who was hilled by Prince Oi/ina/Z-a/.
Cicero pro Lege IVIanilia, c. 8. "' Voyages de Chardiii, torn. i. p. 45.
■'* Strabo, I. 12. p. 573. He failed with the Turks from Conilantinople
"* Pocock's Defcription of the Eaft, 1. ii. to Cafla.
c. 23, 24. "" Syncellus (p. 382.) fpeaks of this ex-
'" Zofimus, 1. i. p. -s^i, pedition .as undertaken by the Heruli.
Vol. I. Τ t our
329 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, our ready imagination inftantly computes and multiplies the for-
I ^ ; midable armament; but, as we are aiTured by the judicious Strabo "',
tliat the pyratical vellels ufed by the barbarians of Pontus and the
Lefler Scythia, were not capable of containing more than tw:nty-
five or thirty men, we may fafely affirm, that fifteen thoufand war-
riors, at the moft, embarked in this great expedition. Impatient of
the limits of the Euxine, they fleered their deftruflive courfe from
the Cimmerian to the Thracian Bofphorus. When they had almoft
gained the middle of the Straits, they were fuddenly driven back
They pafs to the entrance of them ; till a favourable wind fpringing up the
ills anVthe next day, carried them in a few hours into the placid fea, or rather
Helkfpont, ^^^ ^£ ^^^ Propontis. Their landing on the little ifland of Cyzicus,
was attended with the ruin of that ancient and noble city. From
thence ifluing again through the narrow paiTage of the Hellefpont,
they purfued their winding navigation amidfl; the numerous iflands
fcattered over the Archipelago, or the ^gean Sea. The affiftance
of captives and deferters muft have been very neceffary to pilot their
veflels, and to dire£t their various incurfions, as well on the coaft of
Greece as on that of Afia. At length the Gothic fleet anchored in
the port of Piraeus, five miles diftant from Athens '", which had
attempted to make fome preparations for a vigorous defence. Cleo-
damus, one of the engineers employed by the emperor's orders to
fortify the maritime cities againft the Goths, had already begun to
repair the ancient walls fallen to decay fince the time of Sylla.
The efforts of his ikill were inefi^eitual, and the barbarians be-
came mailers of the native feat of the mufes and the arts. But
while the conquerors abandoned themfelves to the licenfe of plunder
and intemperance, their fleet, that lay with a flender guard in the
harbour of Pirsus, vvsls unexpeQedly attacked by the brave Dexip-
pus, who, flying with the engineer Cleodamus from the fack of
"■ Strabo, 1. xi. p. 495. »» pUn. Hift. Natur. iii. 7.
3 AtheaSj,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 3^3
Athens, colledcd a haily band of volunteers, peafants as Vv^ell as C Η A P.
foldiers, and in fome meafure avenged the calamities of his « , f
country "'.
But this exploit, whatever luflre it might flicd on the declining rjvage
Greece, an.l
age of Athens, ferved rather to irritate than to fubdue the undaunted threaten
fpirit of the northern invaders. A general conflagration blazed out '
at the fame time in every diftria: of Greece. Thebes and Argos,
Corinth and Sparta, which had formerly waged fuch memorable wars
againft each other, ΛνεΓε now unable to bring an army into the field,
or even to defend their ruined fortifications. The rage of war,
both by land and by fea, fpread from the eaftern point of Sunium
to the weftern coaft of Epirus. The Goths had already advanced
within fight of Italy, when the approach of fuch imminent danger
awakened the indolent Gallienus from his dream of pleafure. The
emperor appeared in arms ; and his prefence feems to have checked
the ardour, and to have divided the ftrength, of the enemy. Nau- Thairdivi-
lobatus, a chief of the Heruli, accepted an honourable capitula- t,eat.
tion, entered with a large body of his countrymen into the fervice
of Rome, and was invefted with the ornaments of the confular dig-
nity, which had never before been profaned by the hands of a bar-
barian "\ Great numbers of the Goths, difgufl:ed with the perils
and hardihips of a tedious voyage, broke into Mxfia, with a defign
of forcing their way over the Danube to their fettlements in the
Ukraine. The wild attempt would have proved inevitable deftruc-
tion, if the difcord of the Roman generals, had not opened to the
barbarians the means of an efcape "^ The fmall remainder of this
"^ Hlft. Augufl. p. iSi. Viflor, c. 33. his own and his countrymen's exploits.
Orofius, vii. 42. Zolimus, I. i. p. 35. Zo- '*+ Syncellus, p. 382. This body of He-
naras, 1. xii. 63;. Syncellus, p. 382. It is ruli was for a long time faithful and famous,
not without fome attention, that we can ex- '-^ Claudius, who commanded on the Da-
plain and conciliate their imperfeft hints, nube, thought with propriety and afted with
We can ilill difcover fome traces of the fpirit. His colleague was jealous of his fame,
partiality of Dexippus, in the relation of Hift. Augiift. p. 181.
Τ t 2 defiroying
324 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C HA P. deftroying hoft returned on board their veflels ; and meafuring back
ν_ — — ~; their way through the Hellefpont and the Bofphorus, ravaged in thei?
palFage the Hiores of Troy, whofe fame, immortalized by Homer,
will probably furvive the memory of the Gothic conquefts. As
foon as they found themfelves in fafety within the bafon of the
Euxlne, they landed at Anchialus in Thrace, near the foot of
Mount Hcemus ; and, after all their toils, indulged themfelves in•
the ufe of thofe pleafant and falutary hot baths. What remained of
the voyage was a fliort and eafy navigation '^^ Such was the vari-
ous fates of this third and greateft of their naval enterprifes. It
may feem difEcult to conceive, how the original body of fifteen,
thoufand warriors could fuftain the lofles and divifions of fo bold an-
adventure. But as their numbers were gradually wafted by the
fword, by ihipwrecks, and by the influence of a warm climate,
they were perpetually renewed by troops of banditti and deferters,.
who flocked to the ftandard of plunder, and by a crowd of fugitive
flaves, often of German or Sarmatian extradtion, who eagerly feized
the glorious opportunity of freedom and revenge. In thefe expe-
ditions, the Gothic nation claimed a fuperior ihare of honour and
danger j but the tribes that fought under the Gothic banners, are
fometimes diftinguiflied and fometimes confounded in the impeifedt
hiftories of that age ; and as the barbarian fleets feemed to iflue
from the mouth of the Tanais, the vague but familiar appellation of
Scythians was frequently beftowed on the mixed multitude"'.
Ruin of the In the general calamities of mankind, the death of an individual,
Kphefus! however exalted, the ruin of an edifice, however famous, are pafled
over with carelefs inattention. Yet we cannot forget that the tem-
ple of Diana at Ephefus, after having rifen with increafing fplendour
from feven repeated misfortunes '^^ was finally burnt by the Goths
''^^ Jornandes, c. 20. thians to thofe whom Jornandes, and the Latin
'•' Zofimus, and the Greeks (as the au- writers, conftantly reprefent as Goths,
thor of the Pliilopatris) give the name of Scy- '-^ Hill. Aiiguft. p. 178. Jornandes, c. 20..
t ill:
OFTHE ROMAN EMPIRE. 325
in their third naval invafion. The arts of Greece, and the wealth
of Afia, had confpired to ercft that facred and magnificent flrudure.
It was fupportcd by an hundred and twenty-fevcn marble columns
of the Ionic order. They were the gifts of devout monarch s, and
each was fixty feet high. The altar was adorned with the mafterly
fculptures of Praxiteles, who had, perhaps, feleded from the favou-
rite legends of the place the birth of the divine children of Latona,
the concealment of Apollo after the flaughter of the Cyclops, and
the clemency of Bacchus to the vanquiflied Amazons'*'. Yet the
length of the temple of Ephefus was only four hundred and twenty-
five feet, about two-thirds of the meafure of the church of St,
Peter's at Rome "°. In the other dimenfions, it was ftill more in-
ferior to that fublime produdlion of modern architecture. The
fpreading arms of a Chriftian crofs require a much greater breadth,
than the oblong temples of the Pagans ; and the boldeft artifts of
antiquity would have been ftartled at the propofal of raifing in
the air a dome of the fize and proportions of the pantheon. The
temple of Diana was, however, admired as one of the wonders
of the world, Succeifive empires, the Perfian, the Macedonian,
and the Roman, had revered its fandlity, and enriched its fplen-
dour'". But the rude favages of the Baltic were deftitute of a tafte
for the elegant arts, and they defpifed the ideal terrors of a foreign
fuperftition "*.
Another circumftance is related of thefe invafions, which might Condua of
deferve our notice, were it not juftly to be fufpefled as the fanciful Athe
leni,
'-» Strabo, 1. xiv. p.640. Vitruvius, 1. i. induced them to abridge the extent of the
C.I. prafat. 1. vii. Tacit. Annal. iii. 6i. fanftuary or afylum, which by fuccellive pri-
Plin. Hift. Nat. xxxvi. 14. vileges had fpread itfelf two Itadia round the
'^° The length of St. Peter's is 840 Roman temple. Strabo, 1. xiv. p. 641. Tacit. An-
palms, each palm is very little ihort of nine nal. iii. 60, &c.
Englifh inches. See Greave's Mifcellanies, .3. Tj^gy ^g-^,.^^ ^,^ facHfices to the Gre-
vol. i. p. 233 ; On the Roman foot. cian gods. See Epillol. Gregor. Thaumat.
'^' The policy, however, of the Romans
conceit
326 THE DECLINE AND FALL
conceit of a recent fophlfl:. Wc are told, that in the fack of Athens
the Goths had colle(Sted all the libraries, and were on the point of
fetting fire to this funeral pile of Grecian learning, had not one of
their chiefs, of more refined policy than his brethren, dllfuaded
them from the deiign ; by the profound obfervation, that as long
as the Greeks were addided to the ftudy of books, they would never
apply themfelves to the exercife of arms "'. The fagacious coun-
fellor (fliould the truth of the fadt be admitted) reafoned like an ig-
norant barbarian. In the moft polite and powerful nations, genius
of every kind has difplayed itfelf about the fame period ; and the
age of fcience has generally been the age of military virtue and
fuccefs.
Conqneft of IV. The ncw fovercigns of Perfia, Artaxerxes and his fon Sapor,
the Perfians. had triumphed (as we have already feen) over the houfe of Arfaces.
Of the many princes of that ancient race, Chofroes, king of Arme-
nia, had alone preferved both his life and his independence. He
defended himfelf by the natural ftrength of his country; by the
perpetual refort of fugitives and malcontents ; by the alliance of the
Romans, and, above all, by his own courage. Invincible in arms,
during a thirty years war, he was at length aiTaifinated by the emif-
faries of Sapor king of Perfia. The patriotic fatraps of Armenia,
who afferted the freedom and dignity of the crown, implored the pro-
tedtion of Rome in favour of Tiridates the lawful heir. But the fon
of Chofroes was an infant, the allies were at a diftance, and the
Perfian monarch advanced towards the frontier at the head of aa
irrefiftible force. Young Tiridates, the future hope of his country,
was faved by the fidelity of a fervant ; and Armenia continued
above twenty-feven years a reludant province of the great monarchy
'" Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 635. Such an anec- ta'igne. He makes ufc of it in his sgreeable
dote was perfedly fuited to the tafte of Men- EiTay on Pedantry, 1. i. c. 24.
of
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 327
of Perfia''^ Elated with this cafy conqueft, and prefuming on the
diftrefies or the degeneracy of the Romans, Sapor ohhged the ftrong
garrifons of Carrhoe and Niilbis to fiirrender, and fpread devaftation
and terror on either fide of the Euphrates.
The lofs of an important frontier, the ruin of a faithful and Valerian
natural ally, and the rapid fuccefs of Sapor's ambition, affeiled [he'^Eaft!"''*
Rome with a deep fenfe of the infult as well as of the danger. Va-
lerian flattered himfelf, that the vigilance of his lieutenants would
fuiEciently provide for the fafety of the Rhine and of the Danube ;
but he refolved, notwithftanding his advanced age, to march in
perfon to the defence of the Euphrates. During his progrefs
through Afia Minor, the naval enterprifes of the Goths were fuf-
pended, and the afflided province errjoyed a tranfient and fallacious
calm. He pafled the Euphrates, encountered the Perfian mo-
narch near the walls of Edeifa, was vanquiihed, and taken prifoner
by Sapor. The particulars of this great event are darkly and im- is defeated
perfectly reprefented ; yet by the glimmering light which is afforded prifoniby
us, we may difcover a long feries of imprudence, of error, and of ^f p°Jrfia"^
deferved misfortunes on the fide of the Roman emperor. He re- ^- ^• ^^°•
pofed an implicit confidence in Macrianus, his Praetorian prasfedl'".
That worthlefs minifter rendered his mafter formidable only to the
oppreiTed fubjeds, and contemptible to the enemies of Rome '^^.
By his weak or wicked counfels, the Imperial army was betrayed
into a fituation, where valour and military fkill were equally un-
availing '^\ The vigorous attempt of the Romans to cut their way-
through the Perfian hoft, was repulfed with great flaughter '" ; and
Sapor, who encompafled the camp with fuperior numbers, patiently
'S* Mofes Chorenenfis, 1. ii. c. 71. 73, 74. '" Hift. Auguft. p. 191. As Macrianus
Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 628. The authentic rela- was an enemy to the Chriftians, they charged
rion of the Armenian hiftorian fervcs to rec- him with being a magician,
rify the confufed account of the Greek. The '^* Zofimus, 1. i. p. 33.
latter talks of the children of Tiridates, who '" Hift. Auguft. p. 174.
at that time was himfelf an infant, "^' Viiior in Csfar. Eutropius, ix. 7.
wai
tedi
328
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Sapor over-
runs Syria,
Cilicia, and
Cappadocia.
waited tin the increafing rage of famine and peftilence had enfured
his vidlory. The licentious murmurs of the legions foon accufed
Valerian as the caufe of their calamities j their feditious clamours
demanded an inftant capitulation. An immenfe fum of gold was
offered to purchafe the permiilion of a difgraceful retreat. But the
Perfian, confcious of his fuperiority, refufed the money with dif-
tlain ; and detaining the deputies, advanced in order of battle to
the foot of the Roman rampart, and infifted on a perfonal confer-
ence with the emperor. Valerian was reduced to the neceihty of
intrufting his life and dignity to the faith of an enemy. The in-
terview ended as it was natural to expe£l. The emperor was made
a prifoner, and his aftoniihed troops laid down their arms '^'. In
fuch a moment of triumph, the pride and policy of Sapor prompted
him to fill the vacant throne with a fucceiTor entirely dependent on
his pleafure. Cyriades, an obfcure fugitive of Antioch, ftained
with every vice, was chofen to diihonour the Roman purple; and
the will of the Perfian vidor could not fail of being ratified by the
acclamations, however reludant, of the captive army '".
The imperial flave was eager to fecure the favour of his mafter,
by an a£t of treafon to his native country. He conduded Sapor
over the Euphrates, and by the way of Chalcis to the metropolis of
the Eaft. So rapid were the motions of the Perfian cavalry, that, if
we may credit a very judicious hiftorian '*', the city of Antioch was
furprifed when the idle multitude was fondly gazing on the amufe-
ments of the theatre. The fplendid buildings of Antioch, private
as well as public, were either pillaged or deftroyed ; and the nume-
''?9 Zofimus, I.I. p. 33. Zonaras, 1. xii.
p. 630. Peter Patricius in the Excerpta Le-
gal, p. 29.
'•*"" Hift. Auguft. p. 185. The reign of
Cyriades appears in that collealion prior to
the deatli gf Valeiian ; but ί have preferred a
probable feries of events to the doubtful chro-
nology of a moll inaccurate writer.
'•*' The fack of Antioch, anticipated by
fome hiflorians, is afligned, by the deciiive
telHmony of Ammianus Marcellinus, to the
reign of GalUenus, jf.xiii. 5,
rous
OF THE ROMAN Ε Μ Ρ I II E.
rous inhabitants were put to the fwoid, or led away into captivity "'''.
The tide of devaftation was ftopped for a moment by the refolution of
the high prieft of Emela. Arrayed in his facerdotal robes, he ap-
peared at the head of a great body of fanatic peafants, armed only
with llings, and defended his god and his property from the facri-
legious hands of the followers of Zoroafter '*\ But the ruin of
Tarfus, and of many other cities, furniih a melancholy proof
that, except in this fmgular inftance, the conqueft of Syria and
Cilicia fcarcely interrupted the progrefs of the Perfian arms. The
advantages of the narrow paiTes of mount Taurus were abandoned,
in which an invader, whofe principal force confided in his cavalry,
would have been engaged in a very unequal combat : and Sapor was
permitted to form the fiege of Csefarea, the capital of Cappadocia ; a
city, though of the fecond rank, which was fuppofed to contain
four hundred thoufand inhabitants. Demoilhenes commanded in
the place, not fo much by the commiffion of the emperor, as in the
voluntary defence of his country. For a long time he deferred its
fate ; and, when at laft Caefarea was betrayed by the perfidy of a
phyfician, he cut his way through the Perfiiins, who had been or-
dered to exert their utmofi: diligence to take him alive. This heroic
chief efcaped the power of a foe, who might either have honoured
or puniihed his obftinate valour; but many thoufand s of his fel-
low-citizens were involved in a general maffacre, and Sapor is ac-
cufed of treating his prifoners with wanton and unrelenting cru^•
elty '*\ Much ihould undoubtedly be allowed for national animo-
fity, much for humbled pride and impotent revenge ; yet, upon the
whole, it is certain, that the fame prince, who, in Armenia, had
difplayed the mild afpe£l of a legiflator, Ihewed himfelf to the Ro-
'+- Zofimus, 1. i. p. 35• '** Zonaras, 1. \ii. p. 630. Deep rallies
'•*^ John Malala, tom.i. p. 391. He cor- were filled up with the ilain. Crowds of pri-
nipts this probable event by fome fabulous foners were driven to water like beafts, and
circujnjlances. many periihed for want of food.
Vol. I. U u mans
329
33°
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Boldnefs and
fuccefs of
Odenathus
againlt Sa-
por.
mans under the ilern features of a conqueror. He dcfpaired of
making any permanent eftablifliment in the empire, and fought only
to leave behind him a waded defert, whilil he tranfported into Perfia
the people and the treafures of the provinces '^'\
At the time when the Eaft trembled at the name of Sapor, he
received a prefent not unworthy of the greateft kings ; a long train
of camels laden with the moft rare and valuable merchandU'es. The
rich offering was accompanied by an epiftle, refpedtful but not fer-
vile, from Odenathus, one of the nobleft and moil opulent fenatora
of Palmyra. " Who is this Odenathus (faid the haughty victor,
" and he commanded that the prefents ihould be caft into the Eu-
" phrates), that he thus infolently prefumes to write to his lord ? If
" he entertains a hope of mitigating his puniihment, let him fall pro-
" ftrate before the foot of our throne with his hands bound behind
" his back. Should he hefitate, fwift deftrudion fhall be poured
" on his head, on his whole race, and on his country '"''"" The
defperate extremity to which the Palmyrenian was reduced, called
into adion all the latent powers of his foul. He met Sapor; but
he met him in arms. Infufmg his own fpirit into a little army col-
leded from the villages of Syria '"", and the tents of the defert '*\
he hovered round the Perfian hoft, haraifed their retreat, carried off
part of the treafure, and, what was dearer than any treafure, feveral
of the women of the Great King ; who was at laft obliged to repafs
the Euphrates with fome marks of hafte and confufion '*\ By this•
exploit, Odenathus laid the foundations of his future fame and for-
'*5 Zofimus, I. i. p• 25. aflerts, that Sa-
pftr, had he not preferred fpoil to conqueft,
might have remained mailer of Afia.
'** Peter Patricius in Excerpt. Leg. p. 29.
'■*' Syrorum .'\greftium manu. Sextus Ru-
fus, c. 23. Rufus, Viftor, the Auguftan Hif-
tory (p. 192.), and feveral infcriptions agree
in making Odenathus a citizen of Palmyra.
"*^ He podefled fo powerful an intereft
among the wandering tribes, that Procopius
(Bell. Perfic. 1. ii. c. 5.) ^nd John Malala
(torn. i. p. 391•) ftyle him Prince of the Sa-
racens.
'•" Peter Patricius, p. 25.
tuaes.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 331
tunes. The majeily of Rome, oppreirod by a Perlian, was proleded CHAP.
Λ. •
by a Syrian or Arab of Pahiiyra. 1^— ^,-^_;
The voice of hiilory, which is often little more than the orean Treatment
■^ *^ of Valerian.
of hatred or flattery, reproaches Sapor with a proud abufc of the
rights of conqueft. We are told that Valerian, in chains, but in-
verted with the Imperial purple, was expofed to the multitude a conr
ftant fpedacle of fallen greatnefs ; and that whenever the Perfian
monarch mounted on horfeback, he placed his foot on the neck of
a Roman emperor. Notwithftanding all the remonftrances of his
allies, who repeatedly advifed him to remember the viciifitude of
fortune, to dread the returning power of Rome, and to make his
illuftrious captive the pledge of peace, not the obje£l of infult. Sapor
ftill remained inflexible. When Valerian funk under the weight of
ihame and grief, his fliin, fl:ufl^ed with flraw, and formed into the
likenefs of a human figure, was prefcrved for ages in the moft cele-
brated temple of Perfia ; a more real monument of triumph, than
the fancied trophies of brafs and marble fo often ereded by Roman
vanity "'". The tale is moral and pathetic, but the truth of it may
very fairly be called in quefl:ion. The letters flill extant from the
princes of the Eaft; to Sapor, are manifefl: forgeries '" ; nor is it na-
tural to fuppofe tliat a jealous monarch Ihouid, even in the perfon
cf a rival, thus puhlickly degrade the majefly of kings. Whatever
treatment t!ie unfortunate Valerian might experience in Perfia, it is
at Icaft certain, that the only emperor of Rome who had ever fallen
into the hands of the enemy, languiflied away his life in hopelefs
captivity.
"•^ The Pagan writers lament, the Chrif- event fo glorious to their nation. See Liblio-
tianinlult, themisfortiincscf \'alcrian. Their thique Orientale.
various teftimonies are accurately collefted by ,5. q^^ ^r^^^^^ ^^-^^^^^ j^ ^^.^^^ Artavafdes.
Tillcinont, torn. m. p. 739, &c. So little ].j„g ^f Armenia : fince Armenia was then a
has been preferved of eallern hiftory before province in Perfia, the king, the kingdom.
Mahomet, that the modern Periians are to- ^^j^ ^,^^ ^^,^^ι^^ ^„„,^ be fiftitious.
tally ignorant of the viilory ot Sapor, an
U u 2 The
33-
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Tlic emperor Galllenus, who had long fupported with impatience
the cenforial feverity of his father and colleague, received the in-
an/admTni- telligcnce of his misfortunes with fecret pleafure and avowed
rtrationof indifference. " I knew that my father was a mortal," faid he,
" and fince he has a£ted as becomes a brave man, I am fatisfied."
Whilft Rome lamented the fate of her fovereign, the favage cold-
iiefs of his fon was extolled by the fervile courtiers, as the perfect
fjrmnefs of a hero and a ftoic '^\ It is difficult to paint the light,
the various, the inconftant charadter of GaUienus, which he dif-
played without conftraint, as foon as he became fole poffeflbr of the
empire. In every art that he attempted, his lively genius enabled
him to fucceed ; and as his genius was deftitute of judgment, he
attempted every art, except the important ones of war and govern-
ment. He was a mafter of feveral curious but ufelefs fciences,
a ready orator, an elegant poet"', a ikllful gardener, an excellent
cook, and moil contemptible prince. When the great emergencies of
the ftate required his prefence and attention, he was engaged in con-
\erfation with the philofopher Plotinus '", wafting his time in trifling
or licentious pleafures, preparing his initiation to the Grecian myf-
leries, or foliciting a place in the Areopagus of Athens. His profufe
magnificence infulted the general poverty ; the folemn ridicule of his
triumphs imprefled a deeper fenfe of the public difgrace '''. The re-
peated
"-* See his life in the Augaftan Hiftory. Life of Plotlrius, by Porphyry, in Fabricius's
•*' There is ftill extant a very pretty Epi- Biblioth. Grsc. Liv.
thahmium, compofed by Gallienus, for the ,55 a medal which bears the head of Gal-
nuptials of his nephews. ji(,n„5 ^^^^ perplexed the antiquarians by its
Ite ait, Ο Juvenes, pariter fudate medullis legend and reverfe ; the former GallUn^ Au.
Omnibus, inter vos ; non murmura veftra gufl^, the latter Vbique Pax. M. Spanheim
columbae, fuppofes that the coin was ftruck by fomeof the
Brachia non Hederx, non vincant ofcula enemies of Gallienus, and was deilgned as afe-
Conchx. vere fatire on that effeminate prince. But as the
''* He was on the point of giving Plotinus ufe of irony may feem unworthy of thegravity
a ruined city of Campania, to try the experi- of the Roman mint, M. de Vallemont has de-
ment of realiiang Plato's Republic, See the duced from a palTage of Trebeilius Poilio
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 333
peated intelligence of invafions, defeats, and rebellions, he received
with a carelefs fmile ; and fingling out, with affedted contempt,
fome particular produdion of the lofl: province, he carclefsly aiked,
whether Rome muil be ruined, unlefs it was fupplied with linen
from Egypt and Arras cloth from Gaul ? There were, however,
a few ihort moments, in the life of Gallienus, when, exafperated by
fome recent injury, he fuddenly appeared the intrepid foldier, and
the cruel tyrant; till fatiated with blood, or fatigued by refiftance,
he infenfibly funk into the natural mildnefs and indolence of his
charafter '".
At a time when the reins of government were held with fo loofe The thirty-
a hand, it is not furprifing, that a crowd of ufurpers ihould rtart up
in every province of the empire, againft the fon of Valerian. It
was probably fome ingenious fancy, of comparing the thirty
tyrants of Rome with the thirty tyrants of Athens, that induced the
writers of the Auguftan hiftory to feled that celebrated number,
which has been gradually received into a popular appellation "''.
But in every light the parallel is idle and defe£live. What refem-
blance can we dlfcover between a council of thirty perfons, the
united oppreiTors of a fingle city, and an uncertain lift of independ-
ent rivals, who rofe and fell in irregular fucceflion through the ex-
tent of a vaft empire ? Nor can the number of thirty be completed
unlefs we include in the account the women and children who were
honoured with the Imperial title. The reign of Gallienus, diftradted
(Hift. Auguft. p. 198.) an ingenious and na- publique des Lettres. Janvier 1700. p. ai—
tural folution, Galliena was firll coufin to 34.
the emperor. By deliveiing Africa from the '^' This fingular charailer has, I believe,
iifurper Celfus, ihe deferved the title of Au- been fairly tranfmitted to 115. The reign of
gufta. On a medal in the French king's col- his immediate fuccefl'or was (hort and bufy ;
leclion, we read a fimilar infcription of Fau- and the hiftorians who wrote before the cleva-
βικα Augufla round the head of Marcus Aure- tion of the family of Conftantine, could net
)ius. With regard to the IJbique Pax, it is have the moil remote intereft to mifreprefent
cafily explained by the vanity of Gallienus, the charailer of Gallienus.
who feized, perhaps, the occafion of fome '" PoUio expiefles the moll minute anxiety
momentary calm. See Nouvelles de la Re- to complete thi number.
as
«34 THE DECLINE AND F Λ LIv
CHAP, as it was, produced only nineteen pretenders to the throne ; Cy-
< — — . ' riades, Macrianus, Balifta, Odenathus, and Zenobia in the eaft ;
number was in Gaul, and the weftern provinces, Poftumus, Lollianus, Vi£lo-
aineteeni'^^" rinus and his mother Vidoria, Marius, and Tetricus. In lilyricum
and the coniines of the Danube, Ingenuus, Regillianus, and Au-
reolas ; in Pontus '>% Saturninus ; in Ifauria, Trebellianus ; Plfo
in Theflaly ; Valens in Achaia ; ^Emilianus in Egypt; and Celfus
in Africa. To illuftrate the obfcure monuments of the life and
death of each individual, would prove a laborious tafk, alike barren
of inftrudion and of amufement. We may content ourfelves with
inveftigating fome general charaders, that nioft ftrongly mark the
condition of the times, and the manners of the men, their preten-
fions, their motives, their fate, and the deftrudive confequer>ces of
their ufurpation '".
Charaaar . It is fufficlently known, that the odious appellation οι Tyrant was
the tyrants, often employed by the ancients to esprefs the illegal feizure of
fupreme power, without any reference to the abufe of it. Several
of the pretenders, who raifed the ftandard of rebellion againft the
emperor Gallienus, v^^ere ihining models of virtue, and almoft all
poiTeffed a confiderable fhare of vigour and ability. Their merit
had recommended tb-sm to the favour of Valerian, and gradiially
promoted them to the moft important com.mands of the empire.
The generals, who afiumed the title of Auguftus, were either
refpeded by their troops for their able condud and fevere difcipline,
or admired for valour and fuccefs in war, or beloved for franknefs
and generofity. The field of vidory was often the fcene of their
eledion, and even the armourer Marius, the moft contemptible of
all the candidates for the purple, was diftlnguiflied however by
"' The place of his reign is fomevvhat '" Tillemont, torn. iii. p. 1163, reckons
doubtful ; but there-itiT^ a tyraiitin Pontus, and them fomewhat ilLTircntly.
we are acquainted with the Icat of all the others.
intrepid
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ A Ν Ε Μ ρ 1 R Ε. 335
intrepid courage, matchlefs ftrength, and blunt honcfty '"'. His
mean and recent trade caft indeed an air of ridicule on his ele-
vation; but his birth could not be more obfcure than was that of
the greater part of his rivals, who were born of peafants, and
inlifted in the army as private foldiers. In times of coniufion, Their ob-
fcure births.
every adive genius finds the place affigned him by Nature : in a
general ftate of war, military merit is the road to glory and to
greatnefs. Of the nineteen tyrants, Tetricus only was a fenator ;
Pifo alone was a noble. The blood of Numa, through twenty-eight
fucceflive generations, ran in the veins of Calphurnius Pifo'", who,
by female alliances, claimed a right of exhibiting in his houfe, the
images of Craffus and of the great Pompey "'\ His anceftors had
been repeatedly dignified with all the honours which the common-
wealth could bellow ; and of all the ancient families of Rome, the
Calphurnian alone had furvived the tyranny of the Ciefars. The
perfonal equalities of Pifo added new luflre to his race. The
ufurper Valens, by whofe order he was killed, confeiTed, with deep
remorfe, that even an enemy ought to have refpeded the fandity of
Pifo; and although he died in arms againft Gallienus, the fenate,.
with the emperor's generous permiiFion, decreed the triumphal
ornaments to the memory of fo virtuous a rebel '".
The lieutenants of Valerian were grateful to the father, whom The caufes
they efteemed. They difdained to ferve the luxurious indolence of beiiian.
bis unworthy fon. The throne of the Roman world was unfup-
"'° See the fpeech of Marius, in the Au- generation from Augullus to Alexander Se-
guftan Hiftory, p. ly;. The accidental iden- varus, one or more Pifos appear as confuls.
tity of names was the only cireumflance that A Pifo was deemed worthy of the throne by
could tempt Pollio to imitate Salluft. Auguftus (Tacit. Annal. i. 13.). A fecond
"' Vos, Ο Pompilius fanguis ! is Horace's headed a formidable con fpiracy againft Nero;
addrefs to the Pifos. See Art. Poet. v. 292, and a third w.is adopted, and declared Caefar.
with Dacier's and Sanadon's notes. by Galba.
'" Tacit. Annal. xv. 48. Hift. i. 15. In "•3 Hift. Auguft. p. 195. The fenate, ir„
the former of thefe paiTages we may venture a moment of cnthufiafm, feems to have pre-
to change faterna into maier?ia. In every fumed on the approbation of Gallienus.
3 ported.
ZZ^ THE DECLINE AND FALL
ported by any principle of loyalty ; and treafon, againfi: fuch a
prince, might eafily be confidcred as patriotifm to the flate. Yet if
we examine with candour the condudt of thefe ufurpers, it will ap-
pear, that they v/ere much oftencr driven into rebellion by their
fears, than urged to it by their ambition. They dreaded the cruel
fufpicions of Gallienus ; they equally dreaded the capricious violence
of their troops. If the dangerous favour of the army had impru-
dently declared them deferving of the purple, they were marked
for fure deftrudlion ; and even prudence would counfel them, to
fecure a ihort enjoyment of empire, and rather to try the fortune of
war, than to expeft the hand of an executioner. When the
clamour of the foldiers inveiled the reludant vidims with the en-
figns of fovereign authority, they fometimes mourned in fecret
their approaching fate. " You have loft," faid Saturninus, on
the day of his elevation, " you have loft a ufeful commander, and
" you have made a very wretched emperor '^*.
Theirviolent The apprehenfions of Saturninus were juftified by the repeated
experience of revolutions. Of the nineteen tyrants who ftarted up
under the reign of Gallienus, there was not one who enjoyed a life
of peace, or a natural death. As foon as they were invefted with
the bloody purple, they infpired their adherents with the fame fears
and ambition which had occafioned their own revolt. Encompafled
with domeftic confpiracy, military fedition, and civil war, they
trembled on the edge of precipices, in which, after a longer or
ihorter term of anxiety, they were inevitably loft. Thefe precarious
monarchs received, however, fuch honours, as the flattery of their
refpedive armies and provinces could beftow; but their claim,
founded on rebellion, could never obtain the fandion of law or
hiftory. Italy, Rome, and the fenate, conftantly adhered to the
caufe of Gallienus, and he alone was confidered as the fovereign of
•** Hift. Aiigurt. p. 196.
6 the
OFTHEROMAI^EMPIRE. 337
the empire. That prince condcfcended indeed to acknowledge the
vidorious arms of Odenathus, who deferved the honourable diftinc-
tioQ, by the refpedful condud which he always maintained to-
wards the fon of Valerian. With the general applaufe of the
Romans and the confent of Gallienus, the fenate conferred the
title of Auguftus on the brave Palmyrenian; and feemed to intruft
him with the government of the Eaft, which he already poffefled,
in fo independent a manner, that, like a private fuccefllon, he be-
queathed it to his illuftrious widow Zenobia'*'.
The rapid and perpetual tranfitions from the cottage to the Fatal confe-
• 1 1 r J quences of
throne, and from the throne to the grave, might have amuied an thefe ufurpa-
indifferent phllofopher; were it poffible for a philofopher to remain
indiiferent amidft the general calamities of human kind. The
eledlion of thefe precarious emperors, their power and their death,
were equally deftrudive to their fubjeds and adherents. The price
of their fatal elevation was inilantly difcharged to the troops, by aa
immenfe donative, drawn from the bowels of the exhaufted people.
However virtuous was their charader, however pure their inten-
tions, they found themfelves reduced to the hard neceffity of fupport-
ing their ufurpation by frequent ads of rapine and cruelty. When
they fell, they involved armies and provinces in their fall. There is
ilill extant a moil favage mandate from Gallienus to one of his
minifters, after the fuppreifion of Ingenuus, who had affumed the
purple in Illyricum. " It is not enough," fays that foft but in-
human prince, " that you exterminate fuch as have appeared in
" arms: the chance of battle might have ferved me as effedually.
" The male fcx of every age muft be extirpated ; provided that, in
" the execution of the children and old men, you can contrive
" means to fave our reputation. Let every one die who has dropt
"s The afTociation of the bra^e Palmyre- reign of Gallienus, Hift. Auguft. p. i8o.
nian was the mofl popular ail of the whole
Vol. I. X X
(<
an
3'3δ THE DECLINE AND FALL
■ C HA P. «an expreilion, who has entertained a thought againft me, againft
u--v-ii_» " me, the fon of Valerian, the father and brother of fo many
" princes '". Remember that Ingenuus was made emperor: tear,
" kill, hew in pieces. I write to you with my own hand, and
" would infpire you with my own feelings "^^" Whilft the public
forces of the ftate were diffipated in private quarrels, the defence-
lefs provinces lay expofed to every invader. The braveft ufurpers
were compelled, by the perplexity of their fituation, to conclude ig-
nominious treaties with the common enemy, to purchafe with op-
preflive tributes the neutrality or fervices of the barbarians, and to
introduce hoftile and independent nations into the heart of the Ro-
man monarchy "^^
Such were the barbarians, and fuch the tyrants, who, under the
reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, difmembered the provinces, and
reduced the empire to the loweft pitch of difgrace and ruin, from
whence it feemed impoffible that it ihould ever emerge. As far as
the barrennefs of materials would permit, we have attempted to
trace, with order and perfpicuity, the general events of that cala-
mitous period. There ftill remain fome particular fads ; I. The
diforders of Sicily ; Π. The tumults of Alexandria ; and ]II. The
rebellion of the Ifaurians, which may ferve to refleft a itrong light
on the horrid pidure.
Disorders of I. Whenever numerous troops of banditti, multiplied by fuccefs
Sicily.
and impunity, publickly defy, inftead of eluding the juftice of their
country, we may fafely infer, that the excefflve weaknefs of the
"■' Gallienus had given the titles of Cafar raont, torn. iii. and M. de Brequigny in the
and Atiguftus to his fon Saloninus, ilain at Memoires de I'Academie, torn, x.xxii. p. ;62.
Cclogn by the ufurper Pofthumus. A fecond 167 Hift. Auguft. p. 188.
fon of Gallienus fucceeded to the name and ,^. _ .,,. , , /- , , ,- „
,_,.,,., ΛΓ I • u RegiUianus had lorae bands of Roxo-
rank of his elder brother. Valerian, the , . . °. ^ . _ ., , ,
. , c r> Λν ir Λ• • J . lam in his iervice. Fofthumus a body of
brother 01 Gallienus, was alio afiociated to , ^ ^ • , ι „ /-
, ■ r 1 L L i_ rn FranKs. It was perhaps in the charatter of
the empire, leveral other brothers, inters, ... , , , . , , .
, ' , . r , r 1 auxiliaries that the latter introduced tnem-
nephews, and nieces oi the emperor, formed , , . „ .
^ 1 r •, c T--11 felves into Spain.
a very numerous royal family. See Tille- *^
6 government
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 339
government is felt and abufed by the lowcfl: ranks of the com-
munity. The fituation of Sicily preferved it from the barbarians;
nor could the difarmed province have fupported an ufurper. The
fiifferings of that once flouriihing and ftill fertile ifland, were in-
flided by bafer hands. A licentious crowd of ilaves and peafants
reigned for a while over the plundered country, and renewed the
memory of the fervile wars of more ancient times "^'. Devaftations,
of which the hufbandman was either the viftim or the accomplice,
mufl: have ruined the agriculture of Sicily ; and as the principal
eftates were the property of the opulent fenators of Rome, who
often enclofed within a farm the territory of an old republic, it is
not improbable, that this private injury might affed the capital more
deeply, than all the conquefts of the Goths or the Perfians.
II. The foundation of Alexandria was a noble defign, at once Tumults of
conceived and executed by the fon of Philip. The beautiful and A'^^*"''"=^•
regular form of that great city, fecond only to Rome itfelf, compre-
hended a circumference of fifteen miles ''" ; it was peopled by three
hundred thoufand free inhabitants, befides at leafl: an equal number
of flaves '". The lucrative trade of Arabia and India flowed
through the port of Alexandria, to the capital and provinces of the
empire. Idlenefs was unknown. Some were employed in blowing
of glafs, others in weaving of linen, others again manufafturing
the papyrus. Either fex, and every age, was engaged in the pur-
fuits of induftry, nor did even the blind or the lame want occupa-
tions fuited to their condition ''". But the people of Alexandria, a
various mixture of nations, united the vanity and inconftancy of
the Greeks, with the fuperftition and obftinacy of the Egyptians.
The moil trifling occafion, a tranfient fcarcity of fleih or lentils, the
>'9 The Auguftan Hiftory, p. 177, calls '" Diodoi•. Sicul. 1. :a Li. p. 590. Edit,
it fer-vik helium. See Diodor. Sicul. 1. Weileling,
yyxiv. "• See a very curious letter of Hadrian in
"^ Plin. Hill. Natur. v. 10. the Auguftan Hiltory, p. 2^5,
X X 2 ncglcd
140
THE DECLINE AND FALL
neglc<n of an accuilomed falutat'ion, a miftake of precedency in the
public baths, or even a religious difpute '", were at any time fuflicient
to kindle a fedition among that vaft multitude, v^hofe refentments
were furious and implacable "*. After the captivity of Valerian
and the infolence of his fon had relaxed the authority of the laws,
the Alexandrians abandoned themfelves to the ungovcriied rage of
their paffions, and their unhappy country was the theatre of a civil
war, which continued (with a few iliort and fufpicious truces) dbove
twelve years '". All intercourfc was cut off between the fevcral
quarters of the afflided city, every ftreet was polluted with blood,
every building of ftrength converted into a citadel; nor did the
tumults fubfide, till a confiderable part of Alexandria was irre-
trievably ruined- The fpacious and magnificent diftrid of Bruchion,
with its palaces and mufoeum, the refidence of the kings and philo-
fophers of Egypt, is defcribed above a century afterwards, as already
reduced to its prefent ftate of a dreary folitude '*.
Rebellion of m. The obfcure rebellion of Trebellianus, who ailumed the
thelfaurians. , . ■, r ■ • r a/- λλ• ι j • l
purple in Ifauria, a petty province or Alia Minor, was attended with
ftrange and memorable confequences. The pageant of royalty was
foon deftroyed by an officer of Gallienus ; but his followers, de-
fpairing of mercy, refolved to iliake off their allegiance, not only to
the emperor, but to the empire, and fuddenly returned to the favage
manners, from which they had never perfedly been reclaimed.
Their craggy rocks, a branch of the wide extended Taurus, pro-
tedled their inacceffible retreat. The tillage of fome fertile
vallies '" fupplied them with the necefl'aries, and a habit of rapine
with the luxuries, of life. In the heart of the Roman monarchy,
'"' Such as the facrilegious murder of a '■■' Dionyfius apud Eufeb. Hift. Ecclef.
divine cat. See Diodor. Sicul. 1. i, vol. vii. p. 21. Ammian. xxii. 16.
"■» Hift. Auguft. p. 195. This long and '•* Scaliger Animadver. ad Eufeb. Chron.
terrible fedition was firft occafioned by a dif- p. 258. Three diflertations of M. Bonamy, '
pute between a foldier and a townfman about in the Mem. de I'Academie,. torn. ix.
a pair of fhoes. ''' Strabo, l.xii. p. 569.
the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 341
the Ifaiirians long continued a nation of wild barbarians. Suc-
ceeding princes, unable to reduce them to obedience, cither by arms
or policy, were compelled to acknowledge their weaknefs, by fur-
rounding the hoftile and independent fpot, with a ftrong chain of
fortifications ''\ which often proved infufficient to reftrain the in-
curfions of thefe domeftic foes. The Ifaurians, gradually extending
their territory to the fea-coaft, fubdued the weftern and mountainous
part of Cilicia, formerly the neft of thofe daring pyrates, againft
whom the republic had once been obliged to exert its utmoft force,
under the conduil of the great Pompey '".
Our habits of thinking fo fondly connedl the order of the Famine and
univerfe with the fate of man, that this gloomy period of hiftory ^^ ' ^""'
has been decorated with inundations^ earthquakes, uncommon me-
teors, preternatural darknefs, and a crowd of prodigies fiftitious or
exaggerated ''". But a long and general famine was a calamity of a
more ferious kind. It was the inevitable confequence of rapine and
oppreiTion, which extirpated the produce of the prefent, and the
hope of future harvefts. Famine is almoft always followed by epi-
demical difeafes, the eifedt of fcanty and unwholefome food. Other
caufes mufi; however have contributed to the furious plague, which,
from the year two hundred and fifty, to the year two hundred and
fixty-five, raged without interruption in every province, every
city, and almoft every family, of the JRoman empire. During fome
time five thoufand perfons died daily in Rome ; and many towns,^
that had efcaped the hands of the barbarians, were entirely depopu-
lated '".
We have the knowledge of a very curious circumftance, of fome ufe Diminution
perhaps in the melancholy calculation or human calamities. An fpecies.
"3 Hiil. Auguil. p. 197. '^' Hift. Auguft. p. 177. Zofimus, 1. i.
'''') See Cellarius, Geog. Antiq. tom. ii. p• 24• Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 623. Eufeb. Chro-
p. 137, upon tie limits of Ifauria, nicon. Viftor in Epitom. Viftor in Csfar.
'^° Hift. Auguft. p. 177. Eutropius, ix. 5. Orofius, vii. 21.
exa£t
342 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C π A P. exad legiiler was kept at Alexandria, of all the citizens entitled to
«. I/ ' receive the diftribution of corn. It was found, that the ancient
number of thofe comprifed between the ages of forty and feventy,
had been equal to the whole fum of claimants, from fourteen to
fourfcore years of age, who remained alive after the reign of Gal-
lienus "\ Applying this authentic fait to the moft corred tables
of mortality, it evidently proves, that above half the poople of
Alexandria had periihed ; and could we venture to extend the ana-
logy to the other provinces, we might fufpedt, that war, peftilence,
and famine, had confumed, in a few years, the moiety of the hu-
man fpecies '".
'^* Eufeb. Hift. Ecclef. vii. 21. The faft '" In a great number of pariihes 11,000
is taken from the Letters of Dionyfius, who, perfons were found between fourteen and
in the time of thofe troubles, was bilhop of eighty; 5365 between forty and feventy. See
Alexandria. BuiFon, Hiftoire Naturelle, tom. ii. p. 590.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 343
CHAP. XL
Reign of Claudius, — Defeat of the Goths. — ViBorks^ tri-
umph^ a?id deathy of Aurelian,
u
NDER the deplorable reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, the chap,
empire was opprefled and almoil deftroyed by the foldiers, , _^'_ ,
the tyrants, and the barbarians. It was faved by a feries of great
princes, who derived their obfcure origin from the martial provinces
of lUyricum. Within a period of about thirty years, Claudius,
Aurelian, Probus, Diocletian and his colleagues, triumphed over the
foreign and domeftic enemies of the ftate, re-eftabliilied with the
military difcipline, the ftrength of the frontiers, and deferved the
glorious title of Reftorers of the Roman world.
The removal of an effeminate tyrant made way for a fucceflion of Aureolus In-
vades ''".aly, ii
heroes. The indignation of the people imputed all their calamities defeated and
to Gallienus, and the far greater part were, indeed, the confequence Milan.
of his diflblute manners and carelefs adminiftration. He was even
deilitute of a fenfe of honour, which fo frequently fupplies the ab-
fence of public virtue ; and as long as he was permitted to enjoy the
pofleiTion of Italy, a victory of the barbarians, the lofs of a pro-
vince, or the rebellion of a general, feldom diflurbed the tranquil
courfe of his pleafures. At length, a confiderable army, ftationed a. D. 263^
on the Upper Danube, invefted with the Imperial purple their leader
Aureolus ; who difdaining a confined and barren reign over the
mountains of Rhsetia, pafled the Alps, occupied Milan, threatened
Rome, and challenged Gallienus to difputc in the field the fcrve-
reignty of Italy. The emperor provoked by the infuit, and alarmed
by the inftant danger, fuddenly exerted that latent vigour, which
fomeiimes broke through the indolence of his temper. Forcing
himfelf
544 THE DECLINE AND FALL
hirafelf from the luxury of the palace, he appeared in arms at the
head of his legions, and advanced beyond the Po to encounter his
competitor. The corrupted name of Pontirolo ' ilill preferves the
memory of a bridge over the Adda, which, during the adlon, muft
have proved an object of the utmofl: importance to both armies.
The Rhaetian ufurper, after receiving a total defeat and a dangerous
wound, retired into Milan. The fiege of that great city vpas im-
mediately formed ; the walls were battered with every engine in
ufe among the ancients ; and Aureolus, doubtful of his internal
flrength, and hopelefs of foreigfi fuccours, already anticipated the
fatal confequences of unfuccefsful rebellion.
His laft refource was an attempt to feduce the loyalty of the
befiegers. He fcattered libels through their camp, inviting the troops
to defert an unworthy mailer, who facriticed the public happinefs to
his luxury, and the lives of his moil valuable fubjeds to the
flighteft fufpicions. The arts of Aureolus difFufed fears and d'fcon-
tent among the principal officers of his rival. A confpiracy was
formed by Heraclianus the Praetorian prasfed, by Marcian a general
of rank and reputation, and by Cccrops, who commanded a
numerous body of Dalmatian guards. The death of Gallienus was
refolved, and notwithftanding their defire of firil: terminating the
fiege of Milan, the extreme danger which accompanied every mo-
ment's delay, obliged them to hailen the execution of their daring
purpofe. At a late hour of the night, but while the emperor ilill
protraded the pleafures of the table, an alarm was fuddenly given,
that Aureolus, at the head of all his forces, had made a defperafe
fdlly from the town; Gallienus, who was never deficient in perfonal
bravery, ilar ted from his filken couch, and, without allowing himfelf
' Pons Aureoli, thirteen miles from Ber- and Auilrians. The excellent relation of the
gamo, and thirty-two from Milan. See Clu- Chevalier de Folard, who was prefent/ gives
ver. Italia Antiq. torn. i. p. 245. Near this a very diftinft idea cf the ground. See Po-
place, in the year 1703, the oblHnate battle lybe dc Folard, torn. iii. p. 223 — 248.
of Callano was fought between the French
3 time
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 345
tvme either to put on his armour, or to aiTemble his guards, he ^ ^^ P•
mounted on horfeback, and rode full fpeed towards the fuppofcd t— -v— -^
place of the attack. Encompafled by his declared or concealed
enemies, he foon, amidfl: the nocturnal tumult, received a mortal
dart from an uncertain hand. Before he expired, a patriotic fenti- ^• ^- -^^■
. . March 20.
ment rifing in the mind of Gallienus, induced him to name a Death of
-. _„ . •ιη η 1 IT • i Gallieiius.
delerving fucceUor, and it was his laft requeft, that the Imperial
ornaments fliould be delivered to Claudius, who then commanded a
detached army in the neighbourhood of Pavla. The report at leail
was diligently propagated, and the order cheerfully obeyed by the
confpirators, who had already agreed to place Claudius on the
throne. On the firil news of the emperor's death, the troops ex-
prefled fome fufpicion and refcntment, till the one was removed and
the other aiTuaged by a donative of twenty pieces of gold to each
foldier. They then ratified the eleilion, and acknowledged the
merit of their new fovereign \
The obfcurity which covered the origin of Claudius, though it was Charaaer
η • r • Λ • ^"'^ elevation
afterwards embelliilied by fome flattering fi(Ltions ', fufficiently be- ofthecmpe-
trays the meannefs of his birth. We can only difcover that he was
a native of one of the provinces bordering on the Danube; that his
youth was fpent in arms, and that his modeil valour attraded the
favour and confidence of Decius. The fenate and people already
confidered him as an excellent officer, equal to the raoft important
trufls ; and cenfured the inattention of Valerian, who fufFered him
to remain in the fubordinateftation of a tribune. But it was not long
before that emperor diftinguiibed the merit of Claudius, by declaring
him general and chief of the lllyrian frontier, with the command of
- On the death of Gallienus, fee Trebel- who feems to have had the bell memoirs,
lius Pollio in Hift. Auguft. p. i8i. Zofimus, ' Some fuppofed him oddly enough to be
l.i. p. 37. Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 634. Eutrop. a baftard of the younger Gordian. Others
ix. II. Aurelius Viftor in Epitom. Viiflor took advantage of the province of Dardania,
in Casfar. I have compared and blended them to deduce his origin from Dardanus, and the
all, but Have chiefly followed Aurelius Vidlor, ancient kings of Troy.
Vol. I. Υ y all
346 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, all the troops in Thrace, Micfia, Dac'ia, Pannonia, and Dalmatia, the
I , f appointments of the prcefedt of Egypt, the eftabliihment of the pro-
conful of Africa, and the fure profpedt of the confulihip. By his
vidories over the Goths, he deferved from the fenate the honour of a
fiatue, and excited the jealous apprehenfions of Gallienus. It was
impoiTible that a foldier could efteem fo diffolute a fovereign, nor is it
eafy to conceal a juft contempt. Some unguarded expreilions which
dropt from Claudius, were officioufly tranfmitted to the royal ear.
The emperor's anfwer to an officer of confidence, defcribes in very
lively colours his own charader and that of the times. " There is not
*' any thing capable of giving me more ferious concern, than the in-
" telligence contained in your lafl; difpatch'^; that fome malicious
*' fuggeftions have indifpofed towards us the mind of our friend and
" -parent Claudius. As you regard your allegiance, ufe every means
" to appeafe his refentment, but condu^ your negociation with fe-
*' crecy j let it not reach the knowledge of the Dacian troops ; they
" are already provoked, and it might inflame their fury. I myfelf
" have fent him fome prefents : be it your care that he accept them
*' with pleafure. Above all, let him not fufpeit that I am made ac-
*' quainted v\dth his imprudence. The fear of my anger might urge
" him to defperate counfels ^" The prefents which accompanied this
humble epiftle, in which the monarch folicited a reconciliation with
his difcontented fubjedl, confided of a confiderable fum of money, a
fplendid wardrobe, and a valuable fervice of filver and gold plate. By
fuch arts Gallienus foftened the indignation, and difpelled the fears,
of his lllyrian general; and, during the remainder of that reign, the
formidable fword of Claudius was always drawn in the caufe of a
mafter whom he defpifed. At laft, indeed, he received from the
* Notoria, a periodical and official difpatch ' Hiil. Auguft. p. 208. Gallienus defcribes
which the Emperors received from the fni- the plate, veftments, &c. like a man who
mentarii or agents difperfed through the pro- loved and underftood thofe fplendid trifles,
vinces. Of thefe we may fpeak hereafter.
7 confpirators
47
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
confpirators the bloody purple of Gallienus: but he had been abfcnt
from their camp and counfels ; and however he might applaud the
deed, we may candidly prcfume that he was innocent of the know-
ledge of it ^. When Claudius afcended the throne, he was about
fifty-four years of age.
The fiege of Milan was flill continued, and Aureolus foon dif- l^eath of
covered, that the fuccefs of his artifices had only raifed up a more
determined adverfary. He attempted to negociate with Claudius a
treaty of alliance and partition. " Tell him," replied the intrepid
emperor, " that fuch propofals ihould have been made to Gallienus;
" he, perhaps, might have liftened to them with patience, and ac-
*' cepted a colleague as defpicable as himfelf '." This fiern refufal,
and a laft unfuccefsful effort, obliged Aureolus to yield the city and
himfelf to the diicretion of the conqueror. The judgment of the
army pronounced him worthy of death, and Claudius, after a feeble
refiftance, confented to the execution of the fentence. Nor was the
zeal of the fenate lefs ardent in the caufe of their new fovereign.
They ratified, perhaps with a fincere tranfport of zeal, the eledlion
of Claudius ; and as his predeceflbr had ihewn himfelf the perfonal
enemy of their order, they exercifed under the name of juftice a
fevere revenge againfi: his friends and family. The fenate was per-
mitted to difcharge the ungrateful office of punifhment, and the em-
peror referved for himfelf the pleafure and merit of obtaining by his
interceffion a general a£l of indemnity ^
Such oftentatious clemency difcovers lefs of the real charadler of Clemency
y~, ,. •π• ■ η • I'lir i and juftice
Claudius, than a trirlmg circumltance m which he leems to have con- of Claudius.
* Julian (Orat. i. p. 6.) affirms that Clau• ^ Aurelius Viflor in Gallien. The people
dius acquired the empire in a juft and even loudly prayed for the damnation of Gailie-
holy manner. But we may diftruft the par- nus. The fenate decreed that his relations
tiality of a kinfman. and fen-ants ihould be thrown down headlong
^ Hift. Auguft. p. 203. There are feme from the Gemohian ftairs. An obnoxious of-
trifling differences concerning the circum- ficer of the revenue had his eyes torn out whilll
ftances of thelait defeat and death of Aureolus. under examination.
Yy 2 fulted
rt
48 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, fultcd only the dldates of his heart. The frequent rebellions of the
^— % ' provinces had involved almoft every perfon in the guilt of treafon,
almoft every eftate in the cafe of confifcation ; and Gallienus often
difplayed his liberality, hy diftributing among his officers the pro-
perty of his fubjeds. On the acceffion of Claudius, an old woman
threw herfelf at his feet, and complained that a general of the late
emperor had obtained an arbitrary grant of her patrimony. This gene-
ral was Claudius himfelf, who had not entirely efcaped the contagion
of the times. The emperor bluihed at the reproach, but deferved the
confidence which ihe had repofed in his equity. The conteffion of his
fault was accompanied with immediate and ample reftitution '.
He under- j„ ^j^g arduous taik which Claudius had undertaken, of reftoring
takes the re- . rr •
formation of the empire to its ancient fplendour, it was firft neceffary to revive
among his troops a fenfe of order and obedience. With the authority
of a veteran commander, he reprefented to them, that the relaxation
of difcipline had introduced a long train of diforders, the effedls of
which were at length experienced by the foldiers themfelves ; that
a people ruined by oppreffion, and indolent from defpair, could no
longer fupply a numerous army with the means of luxury, or even
of fubfiilence ; that the danger of each individual had increafed
with the defpotifm of the military order, fmce princes who tremble
on the throne, will guard their fafety by the inftant facrifice of
every obnoxious fubje£t. The emperor expatiated on the mifchiefs
of a lawlefs caprice which the foldiers could only gratify at the ex-
pence of their own blood ; as their feditious eledtions had fo fre-
,^ quently been followed by civil wars, which confumed the flower of
the legions either in the field of battle or in the cruel abufe of vic-
tory. He painted in the moil lively colours the exhaufted ftate of
the treafury, the defolation of the provinces, the difgrace of the
Roman name, and the infolent triumph of rapacious barbarians. It
* Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 137.
was
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
349
was againft thofe barbarians, he declared, that he intended to point
the firft efFort of their arms. Tetricus might reign for a while over
the Weft, and even Zenobia might preferve the dominion of the
Eaft '°. Thcfe ufurpers were his perfonal adverfaries ; nor could
he think of indulging any private refentmcnt till he had faved an
empire, whofe impending ruin would, unlefs it was timely pre-
vented, crufli both the army and the people.
The various nations of Germany and Sarmatia, who fought under ^; D. 269,
■' " The Goths
the Gothic ftandard, had already colledled an armament more for- invade the
midable than any which had yet iffued from the Euxine. On the
banks of the Niefter, one of the great rivers that difcharge them-
felves into that fea, they conftruded a fleet of tv;o thoufand, or even
of fix thoufand veiTels " ; numbers which, however incredible they
may feem, would have been infufficient to tranfport their pretended
army of three hundred and twenty thoufand barbarians. Whatever
might be the real ftrength of the Goths, the vigour and fuccefs of
the expedition were not adequate to the greatnefs of the prepara-
tions. In their paiTage through the Bofphorus, the unikilful pilots
were overpowered by the violence of the current ; and Avhile the
multitude of their ihips were crowded in a narrow channel, many
were dallied againft each other, or againft the ihore. The barba-
rians made feveral defcents on the coafts both of Europe and Afia ;
but the open country was already plundered, and they were repulfed
with fhame and loi's from the fortified cities which they aiTaulted. A
fpirit of difcouragement and divifion arofe in the fleet, and fome of
their chiefs failed away towards the iflands of Crete and Cyprus ; but
the main body purfuing a more ftcady courfe, anchored at length
near the foot of mount Athos, and aiTaulted the city of TheiTitlonica,
'* Zonaras on this occafion mentions Poft- " The Auguftan Hiftory mentions tha
humus; but the regiilers of the fenate (Hift. fmaller, Zonaras the larger, number; the
Auguft. p. 203.) prove that Tetricus was al- lively fancy cf Montefquieu induced him.ta"
ready emperor of the weftern provinces, prefer the latter,
th-e
350 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, the wealthy capital of all the Macedonian provinces. Their attacks,
v_ ^ 1 in which they difplayed a fierce but artlefs bravery, were foon in-
terrupted by the rapid approach of Claudius, haftening to a fcene
of ailion that deferved the prefence of a warlike prince at the head
of the remaining powers of the empire. Impatient for battle, the
Goths immediately broke up their camp, relinquiflied the fiege of
TheiTalonica, left their navy at the foot of mount Athos, tra-
verfed the hills of Macedonia, and prefled forvi^ards to engage the
laft defence of Italy.
piarefsand "\Ve iliU poflefs an original letter addrefled by Claudius to the
firmnefs of . .
Claudius. fenatc and people on this memorable occafion. " Confcript fathers,"
fays the emperor, " know that three hundred and twenty thoufand
" Goths have invaded the Roman territory. If I vanquiih them,
" your gratitude will reward my fervices. Should I fall, remember
*' that I am the fucceflbr of Gallienus. The whole republic is fa-
" tigued and exhaufted. We ihall fight after Valerian, after Ingenuus,
'* Regillianus, LoUianus, Poilhuraus, Celfus, and a thoufand others,
*' whom a juft contempt for Gallienus provoked into rebellion. We
*' are in want of darts, of fpears, and of fhields. The flrength of the
*' empire, Gaul, and Spain, are ufurped by Tetricus, and we blufh
" to acknowledge that the archers of the Eaft ferve under the ban-
*' ners of Zenobia. Whatever we fhall perform, will be fufficiently
*' great '"." The melancholy firmnefs of this epiftle announces a
hero carelefs of his fate, confclous of his danger, but ilill deriving
a well-grounded hope from the refources of his own mind.
His viftory The event furpaifed his own expectations and thofe of the world.
Goths.^ By the moft fignal vidories he delivered the empire from this hofl; of
barbarians, and was diflinguiihed by pofterlty under the glorious
appellation of the Gothic Claudius. The imperfe£t hiftorians of an
irregular war " do not enable us to defer ibe the order and circum-
'* Trebell. Pouio in Hill. Auguft. p. 204. 1. xii. p. 638. Aurel. Vi£lor in Epitom..
•^ Hift. Auguft. in Claud. Aurelian, et Viilor Junior in Csfar. Eutrop. ix. 11. Eu-
Prob. Zofimus, 1. i. p. 38—42. Zonaras, feb. in Chron.
fiances
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ς-η
OJ
fiances of his exploits ; but, if we could be indulged in the allu- CHAP,
lion, we might diftribute into three a£ts this memorable tragedy.
I. The deci five battle was fought near Naiflus, a city of Dardania.
The legions at firfl: gave way, oppreiTed by numbers, and difmayed
by misfortunes. Their ruin was inevitable, had not the abilities
of their emperor prepared a feafonable relief. A large detachment
rifing out of the fecret and difficult pafles of the mountains, which, by
his order, they had occupied, fuddenly aifailed the rear of the victo-
rious Goths. The favourable inftant was improved by the adtivity
of Claudius. He revived the courage of his troops, reftored their
ranks, and prefled the barbarians on every fide. Fifty thoufand men
are reported to have been flain in the battle of NaiiTus. Several
large bodies of barbarians, covering their retreat with a moveable
fortification of waggons, retired, or rather efcaped, from the field
of flaughter. 11. We may prefume that fome infurmountable dif-
ficulty, the fatigue, perhaps, or the difobedience, of the conquerors,
prevented Claudius from completing in one day the deftrudion of
the Goths. The war was difFufed over the provinces of Mx^fia,
Thrace, and Macedonia, and its operations drawn out into a variety
of marches, furprifes, and tumultuary engagements, as well by fea
as by land. When the Romans fuffered any lofs, it was commonly
occafioned by their own cowardice or raihnefs ; but the fuperior
talents of the emperor, his perfedl knowledge of the country, and his
judicious choice of meafures as well as officers, afiured on moft occa-
fions the fuccefs of his arms. The immenfe booty, the fruit of fo many-
victories, confifted for the greater part of cattle and flaves. A feledt
body of the Gothic youth was received among the Imperial troops ;
the remainder was fold into fervitude ; and fo confiderable was the
number of female captives, that every foldier obtained to his ihare
two or three women. A circumftance from which we may con-
clude, that the invaders entertained fome defigns orfettlement as
well as of plunder; fince even in a naval expedition they were ac-
companied
352
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, companied by their families. III. The lofs of their fleet, which was
^_ -,- _' either taken or funk, had intercepted the retreat of the Goths. A vaft
circle of Roman pofts diftributed with ikill, fupported with firranefs,
and gradually clofing towards a common centre, forced the barbarians
into the moil inacceifible parts of mount Hsemus, where they found
a fafe refuge, but a very fcanty fubfiftence. During the courfe of a
rigorous winter, in which they were befieged by the emperor's
troops, famine and peftilence, defertion and the fword, continually
Λ. D. 2-0. diminiflied the imprifoned multitude. On the return of fpring,
nothing appeared in arms except a hardy and defperate band, the
remnant of that mighty hoil which had embarked at the mouth of
the Niefler.
., , The peftilence which fwept away fuch numbers of the barbarians,
Death of the at length proved fatal to their conqueror. After a fhort but glo-
empsror, who ο i i ^ ^ ο
recommends rious reign of two ycars, Claudius expired at Sirmium, amidft; the
his fucceiibr. tears and acclamations of his fubjedls. In his laft illnefs, he con-
vened the principal officers of the ftate and army, and in their pre-
fence recommended Aurelian, one of his generals, as the moil de-
ferving of the throne, and the beil qualified to execute the great
defign which he himfelf had been permitted only to undertake. The
virtues of Claudius, his valour, affability'*, juftice, and tempe-
rance, his love of fame and of his country, place him in that ihort
lift of emperors who added luftre to the Roman purple. Thofe vir-
tues, however, were celebrated with peculiar zeal and complacency
by the courtly writers of the age of Conftantine, who was the great
grandfon of Crifpus, the elder brother of Claudius. The voice of
flattery Λν38 foon taught to repeat, that the gods, who fo haftily had
fnatched Claudius from the earth, rewarded his merit and piety by
the perpetual eftabliftiment of the empire in his family ".
'* According to Zonaras (1. xii. p. 638.). the orations of Mamertinus, Eumenius, and
Claudius, before his death, invefted him with Julian. See likewife the Cxfars of Julian, ■
the purple; but this fingular fafl is rather ρ•3ΐ3• In Julian it was not adulation, but
contradicted than confirmed by other writers. fuperllition and vanity.
'' See the life of Claudius by Pollio, and
Notwith-
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 353
Notwlthftanding thefe oracles, the greatnefs of the Flavian family chap.
(a name which it had pleafed them to aiTumc) was deferred above ' ., — — »
twenty years, and the elevation of Claudius occafioned the immediate an/ fon^of^'
ruin of his brother Quintilius, who poiTefled not fufficicnt moderation ^'"'^^"^•
or courage to defcend into the private ftation to which the patiiot-
ifm of the late emperor had condemned him. Without delay or re-
fiedion, he aiTumed the purple at Aquileia, where he commanded
a confiderable force ; and though his reign lafted only feventeen
days, he had time to obtain the fandion of the fenate, and to ex-
perience a mutiny of the troops. As foon as he was informed that
the great army of the Danube had inverted the well-known valour
of Aurelian with Imperial power, he funk under the fame and merit
of his rival; and ordering his veins to be opened, prudently with- April,
drew himfelf from the unequal conteft '*»
The general defien of this work will not permit us minutely to 9"^'" ^"/
^ " '■ ■' fervices of
relate the adions of every emperor after he afcended the throne, Aurelian.
much lefs to deduce the various fortunes of his private life. We
ihall only obferve, that the father of Aurelian was a peafant of the
territory of Sirmium, who occupied a fmall farm, the property of
Aurelius, a rich fenator. His warlike fon inlifted in the troops as a
common foldier, fucceffively rofe to the rank of a centurion, a tri-
bune, the prsefeit of a legion, the infpedtor of the camp, the gene-
ral, or, as it was then called, the duke, of a frontier ; and at length,
during the Gothic war, exercifed the important ofEce of commander
in chief of the cavalry. In every ftation he diftinguiflied himfelf
by matchlefs valour '% rigid difcipline, and fuccefsful condud. He.
'* Zofimus, 1. i. p. 42. Pollio (Hill. Au- killed, with his own hand, forty-eight Sar-
guft. p. 207.) allows him virtues, and fays, matians, and in feveral fubfequent engage-
that like Pertinax he was killed by the licen- naents nine hundred and fifty. This heroic
tious foldiers. According to Dexippus he valour was admired by the foldiers, and cele-
died of a difeafe. brated in their rude fongs, the burden of
" Theoclius (as quoted in the Auguftan which was milky milk, milk ncciiiit.
HiHory, p. 211.) affirms, that in one day he
Vol. I. Ζ ζ wa&
fuccefsful
reign.
354 THE DECLINE AND FALL
was inveiled with the confuliliip by the emperor Valerian, who ftyles
him, in the pompous language of that age, the deliverer of lUyri-
cum, the reftorer of Gaul, and the rival of the Scipios. At the re-
commendation of Valerian, a fenator of the higheft rank and meritt
Ulpius Crinitus, whofe blood was derived from the fame fource as
tliat of Trajan, adopted the Pannonian peafant, gave him his daughter
in marriage, and relieved with his ample fortune the honourable
poverty which Aurelian had preferved inviolate '^
Aurelian's The reign of Aurelian lafted only four years and about nine
months; but every inftant of that fliort period was filled by fome
memorable atchievement. He put an end to the Gothic war, chaf-
tifed the Germaas who invaded Italy, recovered Gaul, Spain, and
Britain out of the hands of Tetricus, and deftroyed the proud mo-
narchy which Zenobia had eredted in the Eaft, on the ruins of the
afflided empire.
His fevcre It was the rigid attention of Aurelian, even to the minuteft ar-
1 up ine. ^Jcif s of difcipline, which beftowed fuch uninterrupted fuccefs on his
arms. His military regulations are contained in a very concife
-epiftle to one of his inferior officers, who is commanded to enforce
them, as he wiihes to become a tribune, or as he is defirous to live.
Gaming, drinking, and the arts of divination, were feverely pro-
hibited. Aurelian expeded that his foldiers ihould be modeft,
frugal, and laborious; that their armour ihould be conflantly kept
bright, their weapons fharp, their cloathing and horfes ready for
immediate fervice ; that they ihould live in their quarters with chaf-
tity and fobriety, without damaging the corn fields, without ilealing
even a iheep, a fowl, or a bunch of grapes, without exading from
their landlords either fait, or oil, of w^ood. *' The public allow-
" ance," continues the emperor, "is fufficient for their fupport;
" Adiolius (ap. Hifl. Augnft. p. 21 j-) de- was performed at Byzantium, in th« prefenc»
icribes the. ceremony of the adoption, as ii of the emperor and his great officers.
8 " their
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 355
" their wealth fhould be colleded from the fpoil of the enemy, not ^ ^^/^ ^•
" from the tears of the provincials "'.'' A fingle inftance will ferve u. — , — -j
to difplay the rigour, and even cruelty, of Aurelian. One of the
foldiers had feduced the wife of his hoft. The guilty wretch was
faftened to two trees forcibly drawn towards each other, and his limbs
were torn afunder by their fudden feparation. A few fuch examples
imprefl'cd a falutary eonfternation. The punifliments of Aurelian were
terrible ; but he had feldom occafion to puniih more than once the
fame offence. His own condudlgave a fandion to his laws, and the
feditious legions dreaded a chief who had learned to obey, and who>
was worthy to command.
The death of Claudius had revived the fainting fpirit of the Goths. Ke concludes
° -^ a treaty wit»
The troops which guarded the pafles of Mount Hsemus, and the banks the Goths,.
of the Danube, had been drawn away by the apprehenfion of a
civil war; and it fecms probable that the remaining body of the
Gothic and Vandalic tribes embraced the favourable opportunity,,
abandoned their fettlements of the Ukraine, traverfed the rivers,
and fwelled with new multitudes the deftroying hoft of their country-
men. Their united numbers were at length encountered by Aure-
lian, and the bloody and doubtful conflidl ended only with the ap-
proach of night ^°. Exhaufted by fo many calamities, which they
bad mutually endured and inflidled during a twenty years war,
the Goths and the Romans confented to a lafting and beneficial treaty.
It was earneftly folicited by the barbarians, and cheerfully ratified by
the legions, to whofe fuffrage the prudence of Aurelian referred the
decifion of that important queftion. The Gothic nation engaged toj
fupply the armies of Rome with a body of two thoufand auxiliaries,
confifting entirely of cavalry, and ftipulated in return an undifturbed
" ΗΓίΙ. Auguft. p. 211. This laconic plained by Salmafins. The former of the:
epiftle is truly the work of a foldier ; it words means all weapons of oflence, and is.•
abounds with militai-y phrafes and words,, contrafted with Arma, defenfive armour. The•
fome of which cannot be underfiood without latter fignifies keen and well fliarpened..
diiScuIty. Ftrramenta Jamiata is well e.x- *" Zoiim. 1. i. p. 45»
2>ζ Ζ retreat.
2^6 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, retreat, with a regular market as far as the Danube, provided by the
XI.
5^ - i emperor's care, but at their own expence. The treaty was obferved
with fuch religious fidelity, that when a party of five hundred men
ilraggled from the camp in quefl: of plunder, the king or general of
the barbarians commanded that the guilty leader ihould be appre-
hended and fliot to death with darts, as a vidim devoted to the fanc-
tity of their engagements. It is, however, not unlikely, that the
precaution of Aurelian, who had exa«fted as hoftages the fons and
daughters of the Gothic chiefs, contributed fomething to this pacific
temper. The youths he trained in the exercife of arms, and near his
own perfon; to the damfels he gave a liberal and Roman education,
and by beftowing them in marriage on fome of his principal officers,
gradual!/ introduced between the two nations the clofeft and moil
endearing connexions "'.
and refigns But the moft important condition of peace was underftood rather
province 'of than cxpreffed in the treaty. Aurelian withdrew the Roman forces
Dacia. from Dacia, and tacitly rellnquiihed that great province to the
Goths and Vandals "\ His manly judgement convinced him of the
folid advantages, and taught him to defpife the feeming difgrace,
of thus contracting the frontiers of the monarchy. The Dacian
fubjeds, removed from thofe diftant poiTeifions which they were
unable to cultivate or defend, added ftrength and populoufnefs to the
fouthern fide of the Danube. A fertile territory, which the repe-
tition of barbarous inroads had changed into a defert, was yielded
to their induftry, and a new province of Dacia ilill preferved the
memory of Trajan's conquefts.. The old country of that name
detained, however, a confiderable number of its inhabitants, who
*' Dexippus (ap. Excerpta Legat. p. iz.) cover their fecrets. Hift. Auguft. p. 247.
relates the whole tranfailion under the name %'. irin. α„„.,ιι „ _, r• ,
f Λ^ J . Λ .• -Λ r τ hilit. Auguft. p. 222. Eutrop. lY. 15.
ot Vandals. Aurelian married one of the ς»νί>ΐί R.,f.,c ,- « τ „λ, .• j -l
„,.,,. ,. ,r.r l• i>c^tus Kuius, c, 9. Laftantius de morubus
GotJnc ladies to his general Bonofus, who Perfecutorum, e.g.
was able to drink with the Goths and dif-
dreaded
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 357
dreaded exile more than a Gothic mailer *'. Thefe degenerate Ro- chap.
mans continued to ferve the empire, whofe allegiance they had re- <— — y — -j
nounced by introducing among their conquerors the firfl: notions of
agriculture, the ufeful arts, and the conveniences of civilifed life.
An intcrcourfe of commerce and language was gradually eftablifhed
between theoppofite banks of the Danube ; and after Dacia became
an independent ftate, it often proved the firmeft barrier of the empire
againft the invafions of the favages of the North. A fenfe of intereft
attached thefe more fettled barbarians to the alliance of Rome, and a
permanent intereft very frequently ripens into fmcerc and ufeful
friendfliip. This various colony which filled the ancient province,
and was infenfibly blended into one great people, ftill acknowledged
the fuperior renown and authority of the Gothic tribe, and claimed
the fancied honour of a Scandinavian origin. At the fame time the
lucky though accidental refemblance of the name of Get£e, infufed
among the credulous Goths, a vain perfuafion, that in a remote
age, their own anceftors, already feated in the Dacian provinces,
had received the inftrudion of Zamolxis, and checked the vidorious
arms of Sefoftris and Darius *".
While the vigorous and moderate condud of Aurelian reftored The Aie-
the Illyrian frontier, the nation of the Alemanni "•' violated the
conditions of peace, which either Gallienus had purchafed, or
Claudius had impofed, and inflamed by their impatient youth,
fuddenly flew to arms. Forty thoufand horfe appeared in the
'J The Walachl.ms ftill preferve many CriiHa (Maros and Keres) which fell into the• :
traces of the Latin language, and have boaft- Teifs.
ed in every age of their Roman defcent. They „ τ^ . „ - , .
/• jju u. .j-u.i Dexippus, p. 7—12. Zofimus, !. 1.
are furrounded by, but not mixed with, the ,/ .^ . ; ,. . ,,.„ .
, , . c -ΛΛ • f Λί T^ -11 Ρ• 43• Vopilcus m Aurehan in Hilt. Auguit,
barbarians, bee a Memoire or M. Danville ;. -^ , ^ , • , ■ i-^ • ,
T^ . . , , J ^- ^ . However thefe hiltorians difror in names ( Ale-
on ancient Dacia, in the Academy of Infcrip- • , , , »- ., . .^ .
manni, luthungf, and Mr.rcomannO it is evi-
tions, torn. XXX. , ,, ,/- , >.,
,. - , ^ „ , -, , rr., dent that they mean the iaine people, and the ■'
*♦ See the firft chapter of lornandes. The . ' . . , ^ ^ . .'
_, ... /v- -j/T.. fame war, bat κ requires loKie care to cona-'
V'aadals however (c. 22.) maintained a Inort ,. , , . , ^
., , , ,. ΛΤΤ J liate and explain them.
independence between the rivers JWarilia and '^
field
358 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, f^eld *S and the numbers of the infantry doubled thofe of the ca-
*— V ' valry '^ The nrft cbjeds of their avarice were a few cities of the
Rhastian frontier; but their hopes foon rifing with fuccefs, the
rapid march of the Alemanni traced a line of devaftation from the
Danube to the Po'\
A. D. 270. yj^g emperor was almoR at the fame time informed of the irrup-
September. ^ ^
tion, and of the retreat, of the barbarians. Colledting an adlive
body of troops, he marched with filence and celerity along the
ikirts of the lieicynian fore ft ; and the Alemanni, laden with the
fpoils of Italy, arrived at the Danube, without fufpedlng, that on
the oppofite bank, and in an advantageous poft, a Roman army lay
concealed and prepared to intercept their return. Aurelian indulged
the fatal fecurity of the barbarians, and permitted about half their
forces to pafs the river without difturbance and without precaution.
Their fituation and aftoniihment gave him an eafy vidory ; his ikil-
ful conduit improved the advantage. Difpofing the legions in a femi-
circular form, he advanced the two horns of the crefcent acrofs the
Danube, and wheeling them on a fudden towards the centre, inclofed
the rear of the German hoft. The difmayed barbarians, on whatfo-•
ever fide they caft their eyes, beheld with defpair, a wafted country,
a deep and rapid ftream, a viitorious and implacable enemy.
Reduced to this diftreifed condition, the Alemanni no longer
diCiained to fue for peace. Aurelian received their ambaiTadors at
the head of his camp, and with every circumftance of martial pomp
that could difplay the greatnefs and difcipline of Rome, Th^
legions ftood to their arms in well-ordered ranks and awful filence^
The principal commanders, diftinguiftied by the enfigns of their
*'■' Cantoclarus, with his ufual accuracy^ fantry of the Alemanni the technical ternU'
chufes to- t] anilate three hundred thoufand : proper only to the Grecian Phalanx.
hk verfion is equally repugnant to fenfe and ,3 jn Dexippus, we at prefent read Rho-
to grammar. danus, M. de Valois very judicioufly alters the
•' We may remark, as an inftance of bad ^^^^ (j, Eridanus.
tafte, that Dexippus applies to the light in-
raiik^
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 3^9
rank, appeared oa horfeback on either fide of the Imperial throne. ^ Η Λ p.
Behind the throne, the confecrated images of the emperor, and his \ ,,— — *
predeceflbrs '', the golden eagles, and the various titles of the
legions, engraved in letters of gold, were exalted in the air on
lofty pikes covered with filver. When Aurelian affumed his feat,
his manly grace and majeftic figure '° taught the barbarians to
revere the perfon as well as the purple of their conqueror. The
ambaifadors fell proftrate on the ground in filence. They were
commanded to rife, and permitted to fpeak. By the aiTiftance of
interpreters they extenuated their perfidy, magnified their exploits,
expatiated on the viciflitudes of fortune and the advantages of
peace, and, with an ill-timed confidence, demanded a large fubfidy,
as the price of the alliance which they offered to the Romans.
The anfwer of the emperor was fiiern and imperious. He treated
their offer with contempt, and their demand with indignation,
reproached the barbarians, that they were as ignorant of the arts of
war as of the laws of peace, and finally difmiffed them with the
choice only of fubmitting to his unconditioned mercy, or awaiting
the utmofl feverity of his refentment ''. Aurelian had refigned a
difl:ant province to the Goths ; but it was dangerous to trufl: or to
pardon thefe perfidious barbarians, whofe formidable power kept
Italy itfelf in perpetual alarms.
Immediately after this conference, it ihould feem that fome un- ^p^g ^[g.
expeded emergency required the emperor's prefence in Pannonia. "ΐ_|^""'ΐη^'•'^'^«
He devolved on his lieutenants the care of finiihing the deftruftion
of the Alemanni, either by the fword, or by the furer operation of
famine. But an adive defpair has often triumphed over the indo-
lent affurance of fuccefs. The barbarians, finding it impoifible to
*5 The emperor Claudius was certainly of fpeLT;acIe;alonglineofthemailersof the world,
the number; butwe are ignorant how far this '" Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 210.
mark of refpeft was extended ; if to Caefar and ^' Dexippus gives them a fubtle and prolix
Auguftus, it mail have produced a very awful oration, worthy of a Grecian Sophift.
traverfe
36ο TIIEDECLINEANDFALL
*- ^^ ^• traverfe the Danube and the Roman camp, broke through the noils
u. —V- .^ in their rear, which were more feebly or lefs carefully guarded; and
with incredible diligence, but by a difFerent road, returned towards
the mountains of Italy '% Aurelian, who confidered the war as
totally extinguiihed, received the mortifying intelligence of the
efcape of the Alemanni, and of the ravage which they already
committed in the territory of Milan. The legions were com-
manded to follow, with as much expedition as thofe heavy bodies
were capable of exerting, the rapid flight of an enemy, whofe in-
fantry and cavalry moved with almoil equal fwiftnefs. A few days
afterwards the emperor himfelf marched to the relief of Italy, at
the head of a chofen body of auxiliaries (among whom were the
hoftages and cavalry of the Vandals), and of all the Praetorian guards
'who had ferved in the wars on the Danube ".
Lift vTnqu*iih- ^^ ^^^ lig^^t tioops of the Alemanni had fpread themfelves from
ed by Aure- j]^g ^|pg ^q jj^g Apenninc, the inceflant vigilance of Aurelian and
his officers was exercifed in the difcovery, the attack, and the purfuit
of the numerous detachments. Notwithftanding this defultory
\var, three confiderable battles are mentioned, in which the principal
force of both armies was obftinately engaged '*. The fuccefs was
vajious. In the firft, fought near Placentia, the Romans received
fo fevere a blow, that, according to the expreffion of a writer ex-
tremely partial to Aurelian, the immediate diflblution of the empire
was apprehended ". The crafty barbarians, who had lined the
woods, fuddenly attacked the legions in the duik of the evening,
and, as it is moil probable, after the fatigue and diforder of a long
inarch. The fury of their charge was irrefiftible ; but at length,
after a dreadful flaughter, the patient firmnefs of the emperor rallied
his troops, and reilored, in fome degree, the honour of his arms;
^* Hill. Auguft. p. 215. ^* Viftor Junior, in Aurelian.
'^ Dexippus, p. jz. ^' Vopifcus in Hill. Auguft. p. 216.
The
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 361
The fecond battle was fought near Fano in Umbria ; on the fpot chap.
Λ.Ι•
which, five hundred years before, had been fatal to the brother of '^ /— '
Hannibal "^. Thus far the fuccefsful Germans had advanced along
the iEmilian and Flaminian way, with a defign of facking the de-
fencelefs miftrefs of the world. But Aurelian, who, watchful for
the fafety of Rome, ftill hung on their rear, found In this place
the decifive moment, of giving them a total and irretrievable de-
feat '^ The flying remnant of their hoft was exterminated in a
third and laft battle near Pavia ; and Italy was delivered from the
inroads of the Alemanni.
Fear has been the original parent of fuperftition, and every new Supcriiiuous
... ceremoniee.
calamity urges trembling mortals to deprecate the wrath of their invi-
fible enemies. Though the beft hope of the republic was in the va-
lour and condudi of Aurelian, yet fuch was the public confternation,
when the barbarians were hourly expedled at the gates of Rome,
that, by a decree of the fenate, the Sibylline books were confulted.
Even the emperor himfelf, from a motive either of religion or of
policy, recommended this falutary meafure, chided the tardinefs of
the fenate '% and offered to fupply whatever expence, whatever
animals, whatfoever captives of any nation, the gods ihould require,
Notwithftanding this liberal offer, it does not appear, that any
human viilims expiated with their blood the fins of the Roman
people. The Sibylline books enjoined ceremonies of a more harm- A. D. 271.
lefs nature, proceiTions of priefls in white robes, attended by a J^'^" "^^ "■
chorus of youths and virgins ; luftrations of the city and adjacent
country ; and facrifices, whofe powerful influence difabled the bar-
barians from paifing the myftic ground on which they had been
celebrated. However puerile in themfelves, thefe fuperftitious arts
3^ The little river or rather torrent of Me- '' It is recorded by an infcription found at
taurus near Fano. has been immortalized, by P^^^™• See Gruter. cclxxvi. 3.
, ,. ^ , Λ •„ ■ τ • s r -L ^^ One Ihould imagine, he faid, that you
findinsr luch an hilconan as Li\'V, and luch a λ• ui j • ?l •,ι• ι_ u
° ■ were ailembled in a Lhriihan church, not in
poet as Horace. jhe tgj^pig of ^n the gods.
Vol. I. 3 A were
362 THE DECLINE AND FALL
were fubfervicnt to the fuccefs of the war ; and if, in the decifive
battle of Fano, the Alemanni fancied they faw an army of fpeflres
combating on the fide of Aurelian, he received a real and efFedtual
aid from this imaginary reinforcement ".
Fortifications β^- whatever confidence mieht be placed in ideal ramparts, the
of Rome. ο ι ι
experience of the part, and the dread of the future, induced the
Romans to conftrudt fortifications of a groifer and more fubftantial
kind. The feven hills of Ptome had been furrounded by the fuc-
ceflbrs of Romulus, with an ancient wall of more than thirteen
miles '*°. The vaft inclofure may feem difproportioned to the
ftrength and numbers of the infant ftate. But it was neceifary to
fecure an ample extent of pafture and arable land, againft the fre-
quent and fudden incurfions of the tribes of Latium, the perpetual
enemies of the republic. With the progrefs of Roman greatnefs,
the city and its inhabitants gradually increafed, filled up the vacant
fpace, pierced through the ufelefs walls, covered the field of Mars,
and, on every fide, followed the public highways in long and
beautiful fuburbs *\ The extent of the new walls, ereded by Au-
relian, and finiihed in the reign of Probus, was magnified by popu-
lar eftimation to near fifty ^', but is reduced by accurate meafure-
ment to about twenty-one, miles *'. It was a great but a m-elancholy
labour, fince the defence of the capital betrayed the. decline of the
monarchy. The Romans of a more profperous age, who trufted to
39 Vopifcus in Hill. Aug. p. 215, 216. Quirinal, fufficiently prove that it was not
glvesalongaccountofthefe ceremonies, from covered with buildings. Of the feven hills,
the Regillers of the fenate.' the Capitoline and Palatine only, with the
*" Plin. Hill. Natur. iii. 5. To confirm adjacent vallies, were the primitive habitation
cur idea, we may obferve, that for a long time of the Roman people. But this fubjeil would
Mount Cieliuswas a grove of oaks, and Mount require a diflertation.
A-'iminal was over-run with ofiers ; that, in "'' Exfpatiantiateftamultasaddidere urbes,
the fourth century, the Aventine was a vacant is the expreflion of Pliny,
and folitary retirement, that till the time of "'■' Hill. Augull. p. 222. Both Lipfius and
Augullus, the Efquiline was an unwholefome Ifaac Voffius have eagerly embraced this mea-
burying-ground ; and that the numerous in- fure.
equalities, remarked by the ancients in the *' See Nardini, Roma Antica, 1. i. c. 8.
4 the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 363•
the arms of the legions the fafety of the frontier camps **, were very ^ l\,^ P-
far from entertaining a fufpicion, that it would ever become neceiTary < , '
to fortify the feat of empire againft the inroads of the barbarians "".
■ The vidory of Claudius over the Goths, and the fuccefs of Aurciian
fupprefles
Aurelian againft the Alcmanni, had already reftored to the arms of the two
Rome their ancient fuperiority over the barbarous nations of the " "''?"*•
North. To chaftile domeftic tyrants, and to reunite the difmem-
bercd parts of the empire, was a taik referved for the fccond of thofe
warlike emperors. Though he was acknowledged by the fenate and
people, the frontiers of Italy, Africa, Illyricum, and Thrace, confined
the limits of his reign Gaul, Spain, and Britain, Egypt, Syria, and
Afia Minor, were ftill poiTeiTed by two rebels, who alone, out of fo
numerous a lift, had hitherto efcaped the dangers of their fituation ;
and to complete the ignominy of Rome, thefe rival thrones had been
lifurped by women.
A rapid fucccflion of monarchs had arifen and fallen in the pro- Succeffion of
Vinces of Gaul. The rigid virtues of Pofthumus ferved only to haften "f"''P"^ ^"
his deftrudion. After fupprefting a competitor, who had aflumed
the purple at Mentz, he refufed to gratify his troops with the plun-
der of the rebellious city ; and in the feventh year of his reign, be-
came the vidlim of their difappointed avarice '^*. The death of Vic-
torinus, his friend and affociate, was occafioned by a lefs worthy
caufe. The fhining accompliftaments *' of that prince were ftained
by a licentious palTion, which he indulged in ads of violence,
"* Tacit. Hiil. 4v. 23. tranfcribing, as it feems fair and impartial.
• ■*' For Aurelian's walls, fee Vopifcus in Viftorino qui poft Junium Porthumium Gal-
Hift. Auguft. p. 216. 222. Zofimus, 1. i. lias rexit neminem exiiiimo praferendum ;
p. 43. Eutropius, ix. 15. Aurel. Viftor in non in virtute Trajanum ; non Antoninum in
Aurelian, Viilor Junior in Aurelian, Eufeb. dementia ; non in gravitate Nervam ; non in
Hieronym. et Idatius in Chronic. gubernando srario Vefpafianum ; non in Cen-
■^^ His competitor was Lollianus, or .ίΈΗη- fura totius vitas ac feveritate militari Pertina-
nus, if indeed thefe names mean the fame cem vel Severum. Sed omnia hasc libido et cu-
perfon. See Tillemont, tom. iii. p. 1177. piditas voluptatis mulierarise fic per^dit, ut
*' The- charafter of this prince by Julius nemo audeat virtutes ejus in literas mittere
Aterianus (ap. Hiil. Auguft. p. 187.) is worth quern conftat omnium judicio meruiile puniri.
3 A 2 with
364 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, x^r'iiix too little regard to the laws of fociety, or even to thofe of
Alt
Λ~— v— ^ love *'. He was flain at Cologne, by a confpiracy of jealous huf-
bands, whofe revenge would have appeared more juftifiable, had
they fpared the innocence of his fon. After the murder of fo many
valiant princes, it is fomewhat remarkable, that a female for a long
time controlled the fierce legions of Gaul, and ftill more fingular,
that ihe was the mother of the unfortunate Vidorinus. The
arts and treafurcs of Vidoria enabled her fucceffively to place
Marius and Tetricus on the throne, and to reign with a manly
vigour under the name of thofe dependent emperors. Money of
copper, of filver, and of gold, was coined in her name ; ihe af-
fumed the titles of Augufta and Mother of the Camps : her power
ended only with her life ; but her life was perhaps fliortened by the
ingratitude of Tetricus *'.
The reign When, at the inftigation of his ambitious patronefs, Tetricus
'I'etricus, aflumed the enfigns of royalty, he was governor of the peaceful
province of Aquitaine, an employment fuited to his charader and
education. He reigned four or five years over Gaul, Spain, and
Britain, the ilave and fovereign of a licentious army, whom he
dreaded, and by whom he was defpifed. The valour and fortune of
Aurelian at length opened the profped of a deliverance. He ven-
tured to difclofe his melancholy fituation, and conjured the emperor
A. D. 271. to haften to the relief of his unhappy rival. Had this fecret cor-
refpondence reached the ears of the foldiers, it would molt pro-
bably have coft Tetricus his life ; nor could he refign the fceptre
of the Weft, without committing an a6t of treafon againft himfelf.
He affeded the appearances of a civil war, led his forces into the
field againft Aurelian, pofted them in the moft difadvantageous
manner, betrayed his own counfels to the enemy, and with a few
♦^* He raviihed the wife of Atdrianus, an ♦' Pollio afiigns her an article among the
aSluary, or army agent. Hift. Augull. p. 186. thirty tyrants. Hift. Aug. p. 200.
Aurel. Viiloi in Aurelian,
chofen
OFTHEROMAN EMPIRE. 365
chofen friends defcrted in the beginning of the adion. The rebel
legions, though difordered and difmayed by the unexpected trea-
chery of their chief, defended themfelves with a defperate valour,
till they were cut in pieces almofl: to a man, in this bloody and me-
morable battle, which was fought near Chalons in Champagne ^°.
The retreat of the irregular auxiliaries, Franks and Batavians ",
whom the conqueror foon compelled or perfuaded to repafs the Rhine,
reftored the general tranquillity, and the power of Aurelian was
acknowledged from the wall of Antoninus to the columns of Her-
cules.
As early as the reign of Claudius, the city of Autun, alone and
unaffifted, had ventured to declare againft the legions of Gaul.
After a fiege of feven months, they ftorraed and plundered that
unfortunate city, already wafted by famine ^\ Lyons, on the con-
trary, had refifted with obftinate difaffedion the arms of Aurelian.
We read of the puniihment of Lyons ", but there is not any men-
tion of the rewards of Autun. Such, indeed, is the policy of civil
war ; feverely to remember injuries, and to forget the moft import-
ant fervices. Revenge is profitable, gratitude is expenfive.
Aurelian had no fooner fecured the perfon and provinces of Tetrl- a. D. 272.
cus, than he turned his arms againft Xenobia, the celebrated queen Zp^tta" °^
of Palmyra and the Eaft. Modern Europe has produced feveral
illuftrious women who have fuftained with glory the weight of em~
pire; nor is our own age deftitute of fuch diftinguiihed chara£lers.
'» Pollio in Hift. Auguft. p. 196. Vopif- fairer tiian the one, and boldet than the
cus in Hift. Auguft. p. 220. The two Vic- other.
tors, in the lives of Gallienus and Aurelian, -' Viftor Junior in Aurelian. EumenJue
Eutropius, ix. 13. Eufeb. in Chron. Of all mentions Eatwvicx•, feme critics, without
thefe writers, only the two laft (but with any reafon, would fain alter the word to
ftrong probability) place the fall of Tetricus Bagaudictt.
before that of Zenobia. M. de Boze (in the " Eumen. in VeL Panegyr. iv. %,
Academy of Infcriptions, torn. XXX.) does not " Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 246. Au-
wiih, and Tillemont (tom. iii. p. 1189.) tan was not reftored till the reign of Diocle-
does not dare, to follow them. I have been tian. See Eumsnius de reftaurandis ftholis.
But
306 THE DECLINE AND FALL
But if we except the doubtful atchievements of Semlramis, Zenobia
is perhaps the only female, whofe fupcrior genius broke through
the fervile indolence impofed on her fex by the cliinate and manners,
of Afia '*. She claimed her defcent from the Macedonian kings of
Egypt, equalled in beauty her anceilor Cleopatra, and far furpaffed
that princefs in chaftity '' and valour. Zenobia was eileemed the
her beauty moft lovely as well as the moil heroic of her fex. She was of a dark
'^' complexion (for in fpeaking of a lady, thefe trifles become im-
portant). Her teeth were of a pearly whitenefs, and her large black
eyes fparkled with uncommon fire, tempered by the moft attradtive
fweetnefs. Her voice was ftrong and harmonious. Her manly un-
derftanding was ftrengthened and adorned by ftudy. She was not
ignorant of the Latin tongue, but poiTefied in equal• perfedion the
Greek, the Syriac, and the Egyptian languages. She had drawn
up for her own ufe an epitome of oriental hlftory, and familiarly
compared the beauties of Homer and Plato under the tuition of the
fublime Longinus.
her valour. This accompliihed woman gave her hand to Odenathus, who from
a private ilation raifed himfelf to the dominion of the Eaft. She
foon became the friend and companion of a hero. In the intervals
of war, Odenathus palTionately delighted in the exercife of hunt-
ing ; he purfued with ardour the wild hearts of the defert, lions,
panthers, and bears ; and the ardour of Zenobia in that dangerous
amufement was not inferior to his own. She had inured her con-
ilitution to fatigue, difdained the ufe of a covered carriage, gene-
rally appeared on horfeback in a military habit, and fometiines
marched feveral miles on foot at the head of the troops. The fuc-
cefs of Odenathus was in a great meafure afcribed to her incom-
" Almoft every thing that is Add of the '' She never admitted her huiband's em-
manners of Odenathus and Zenobia is taken braces but for the fake of pollerity. If her
from their lives in the Auguftan Hillory, by hopes were baffled, in the enfuing monii/ ihe
Trebellius Pollio, fee p. 192. 198. reiterated the experiment.
parable
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 367
parable prudence and fortitude. Their fplendid victories over the C Η A P.
XI
Gr^at King, whom they twice purfued as far as the gates of Ctefi- \— -γ-— j
phon, laid the foundations of their united fame and power. The
armies which they commanded, and the provinces which they had
faved, acknowledged not any other fovereigns than their invincible
chiefs. The fenate and people of Rome revered a ftranger who had
avenged their captive emperor, and even the infenfible fon of Vale-
rian accepted Odenathus for his legitimate colleague.
After a fuccefsful expedition againil the Gothic plunderers c^Afia, She revenges
the Palmyrenian prince returned to the city of Emefa in Syria. In- delth"'^^"'^'^
vincible in war, he was there cut off by domeftic treafon, and his
favourite amufement of hunting was the caufe, or at leaft the occa-
fion, of his death'*. His nephew, Mxonius, prefumed to dart his
javelin before that of his uncle; and though admonlihed of his error,
repeated the fame infolence. As a monarch and as a fportfman,
Odenathus w^as provoked, took away his horfe, a mark of ignominy
among the barbarians, and chaiTifed the raih youth by a ihort con-
finement. The offence was foon forgot, but the puniihment was
remembered; and Miconius, with a few daring aiTociates, aflaffinated
h.*s uncle in the midft of a great entertainment. Herod, the fon of A. D. 267.
Odenathus, though not of Zenobia, a young man of a foft and effe-
minate temper ", was killed with his father. But Mseonius ob-
tained only the pleafure of revenge by this bloody deed. He had
fcarcely time to affume the title of Auguftus, before he was facri-
ficed by Zenobia to the memory of her hufband '^
With the affiftance of his moft faithful friends, ihe immediately and reigns
filled the vacant throne, and governed with manly counfels Palmyra, ani Egypt.
'' Hill. Auguft. p. 192, 193. Zofimus, from the fpoils of the enemy, prefents of
1. i. p. 36. Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 633. The gems and toys, which he received with in-
laft is clear and probable, the others confufed finite delight.
and inccnfiftent. The text of Syncellus, if s' Some very unjuft fufpicions have been
not corrupt, is abfolute nonfenfe. ■ cart on Zenobia, asif ihe was accefTary to her
" Odenathus and Zenobia, often fent him huiband's death.
Syria, _
368 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^r^ ^' Syria, and the Eaft, above five years. By the death of Odenathus,
u— V / that authority was at an end which the fenate had granted him only
as a perfonal diftindlion; but his martial widow^, difdaining both the
fenate and Gallienus, obliged one of the R.oman generals, who was fent
againft her, to retreat into Europe, with the lofs of his array and his
reputation ". Inftead of the little paflions which fo frequently per-
plex a female reign, the fteady adminiftration of Zenobia was guided
by the moft judicious maxims of policy. If it was expedient to par-
don, ihe could calm her refentment: if it was neceiTary to puniih,
ihe could impofe filence on the voice of pity. Her ftridt oeconomy
was accufed of avarice ; yet on every proper occafion ihe appeared
magnificent and liberal. The neighbouring ftates of Arabia, Ar-
menia, and Perfia, dreaded her enmity, and folicited her alliance.
To the dominions of Odenathus, which extended from the Euphrates
^o the frontiers of Bithynia, his widow added the inheritance of her
anceflors, the populous and fertile kingdom of Egypt. The emperor
Claudius acknowledged her merit, and was content, that, while &e
purfued the Gothic wsir, JJje ihould aflert the dignity of the empire ia
the Eaft '". The condud, however, of Zenobia, was attended with
fome ambiguity ; nor is it unlikely that ihe had conceived the defign
of ereding an independent and hoftile monarchy. She blended with
the popular manners of Roman princes the ftately pomp of the
courts of Afia, and exaded from her fubjedts the fame adoration
that was paid to the fucceffors of Cyrus. She beftowed on her three
fons '■ a Latin education, and often fhewed them to the troops adorned
with the Imperial purple. For herfelf ihe referved the diadem, with
the fplendid but doubtful title of Queen of the Eaft.
" Hift. Auguft. p. 1 80, 181. It is fuppofed that the two former were al-
^' See in Hift. Auguft. p. 198. Aurelian's ready dead before the war. On thelaft, Aii-
teftimony to her merit, and for the conqueft relian beftowed a fmall province of Armenia
of Egypt. Zofimus, 1. i. p. 39, 40. with the title of king ; feveral of his medals
^' Timolaus, Herennianus, and Vaballathus. are ftill extant. See Tillem. torn. iii. p. χ igo.
2 When
' OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 3^^
When Aurelian pafled over into Afia, againil an adverfary wliofe ^ ^ ,'"^ '*•
fex alone could render her an obje£l of contempt, his prefence reftored « , 1
obedience to the province of Bithynia, already fiiaken by the arms and tion of Au-
intrigues of Zenobia *". Advancing at the head of his legions, he ac- a.'d. 2-2
cepted the fubmiffion of Ancyra, and was admitted into Tyana after
an obftinate fiege, by the help of a perfidious citizen. The generous
though fierce temper of Aurelian abandoned the traitor to the rage
of the foldiers : a fuperftitious reverence induced him to treat with
lenity the countrymen of Apollonius the philofopher ". Antioch
was deferted on his approach, till the emperor, by his falutary edids,
recalled the fugitives, and granted a general pardon to all who,
from neceffity rather than choice, had been engaged in the fervice
of the Palmyrenian queen. The unexpeded mildnefs of fuch a
condud reconciled the minds of the Syrians, and, as far as the
gates of Emefa, the wiihes of the people feconded the terror of his
arms *\
Zenobia would have ill deferved her reputation, had (he indo- The emperor
kntly permitted the emperor of the Weft to approach within an Pai^yrenf-
hundred miles of her capital. The fate of the Eaft was decided in f"^ ^^ '*>/
'■ _ battles of
two great battles; fo fimilar in almoft every circumftance, that we Antioch and
can fcarcely diftinguifli them from each other, except by obferving
that the firft was fought near Antioch '^S and the fecond near
Emefa **. In both, the queen of Palmyra animated the armies by
her prefence, and devolved the execution of her orders on Zabdas,
who had already fignalized his military talents by the conqueft of
Egypt. The numerous forces of Zenobia, confifted for the moft
'^• Zofimus, 1. i. p. 44. whether he was a fage, an impoftor, or a
^' Vopifcus (in Hilt. Augud. p. 217.) fanatic,
gives us an authentic letter, and a doubt- *' Zofimus, J. i. p. 46.
ful vifion of Aurelian. Apollonius of Ty- *' At a place called Imms. Eutropius,
aiia was born about the fame time as Sextus Rufus, and Jerome, mention only thii
Jefus Chrl.1. Ills life (that of the former) firft battle.
is related in fo fabulous a manner by his '* Vopifcus in Ηίίΐ. Auguft-.p. 217, men-
difciples, that we are at a lof<; to difcdvcr tions only the fecond.
Vol. I. 3 Β part
370 THE DECLINE AND FALL
part of light archers, and of heavy cavalry clothed in complete
fteel. The Moorifh and Illyrian horfe of Aurelian were unable to
fuftain the ponderous charge of their antagonifts. They fled in
real or afFeded diforder, engaged the Palmyrenians in a laborious
purfuit, haraffed them by a defultory combat, and at length dif-
comfited this impenetrable but unwieldy body of cavalry. The
light infantry, in the mean time, when they had exhaufted their
quivers, remaining without protedion againft a clofer onfet, expofed
their naked fides to the fwords of the legions. Aurelian had chofen
thefe veteran troops, who were ufually Rationed on the Upper
Danube, and whofe valour had been feverely tried in the Alemannic
war ^'. After the defeat of Emefa, Zenobia found it impoflible to
colled a third army. As far as the frontier of Egypt, the nations
fubjed to her empire had joined the ftandard of the conqueror, who
detached Probus the braveil of his generals to poffefs himfelf of the
Egyptian provinces. Palmyra was the laft refource of the widow of
Odenathus. She retired within the walls of her capital, made every
preparation for a vigorous refiftance, and declared with the intrepi-
dity of a heroine, that the laft moment of her reign and of her life
ihould be the fame.
*rhe ftate of Amid the barren deferts of Arabia, a few cultivated fpots rife like
.«Palmyra. ^,_, ,
iilands out of the fandy ocean. Even the name ot Tadmor, or Palmyra,
by its fignification in the Syriac as well as in the Latin language, de-
noted the multitude of palm trees which afforded iliade and verdure to
that temperate region. The air was pure, and the foil, watered
by fome invaluable fprings, was capable of producing fruits as well
as corn. A place poffefled of fuch fmgular advantages, and lltu-
atcd at a convenient diftance " between the gulph of Perfia and the
*' Zofimus, 1. i. p. 44 — 48. His account three from the neareit coail of Syria, accord-
cf the two battles is clear and circumftantial. ing to the reckoning of Pliny, who, in a few
'^ It was five hundred and thirty- feven words, (Hill. Natur. v. 21.) gives an excel•
-Tniks from Seleucia, and two hundred and lent defcription of Palmyra.
I Mediterranean,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 371
Mediterranean, was foon frequented by the caravans which con-
veyed to the nations of Europe a confiderable part of the rich com-
modities of India. Pahnyra infenfibly increafed into an opulent
and independent city, and conneding the 'Roman and the Parthian
monarchies by the mutual benefits of commerce, was fufFered to
obferve an humble neutrality, till at length, after the vidories of
Trajan, the little republic funk into the bofom of Rome, and flou-
rifhed more than one hundred and fifty years in the fubordinate
though bonourable rank of a colony. It was during that peaceful
period, if we may judge from a few remaining infcriptions, that
the wealthy Palmyrenians conftruded thofe temples, palaces, and
porticos of Grecian architedure, whofe ruins, fcattered over an ex-
tent of feveral miles, have deferved the curiofity of our travellers.
The elevation of Odenathus and Zenobia appeared to refledl new
fplendour on their country, and Palmyra, for a while, flood forth the
rival of Rome: but the competition was fatal, and ages of profpe-
rity were facrificed to a moment of glory ''.
In his march over the fandy defert, between Emefa and Palmyra, It is befieged
the emperor Aurelian was perpetually harafled by the Arabs ; nor
could he always defend his army, and efpecially his baggage, from
thofe flying troops, of adlive and daring robbers, who watched the
moment of furprife, and eluded the flow purfuit of the legions.
The fiege of Palmyra was an obje£t far more difficult and import-
ant, and the emperor, who with inceflant vigour prefled the attacks
iii perfon, was himfelf wounded with a dart. " The Roman people,"
iays Aurelian, in an original letter, " fpeak with contempt of the
" war which I am waging againil a woman. They are ignorant both
*' Some Englifli travellers from Aleppo the hirtory of Palmyra, we may confult the
difco'vercd the ruins of Palmyra, about the maftorly diflertation of Dr. Halley in the
end of the laft century. Our curiofity has Philofophical Tranfaftions ; Lowthorp's A-_
fmce been gratified in a more fplendid man- bridgement, vol. iii. p. 518.
ner by Meffieurs Wood and Dawkins. For
3 Β 2 "of
372 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, «of the charaiter and of the power of Zenobia. It is ImpoiTible to
y—, ' '' eniimeiate her warlike preparations, of ilones, of arrows, and of
tt every fpecies of miiTile weapons. Every part of the walls is pro-
*' vidcd with two or three ΰαίιβχ^ and artificial fires are thrown
*• from her military engines. The fear of puniihment has armed
" her with a defperate courage. Yet ftill ί truft in the protedling
" deities of Rome, who have hitherto been favourable to all my
" undertakings '°." Doubtful, however, of the protection of the
gods, and of the event of the fiege, Aurelian judged it more pru-
dent to offer terms of an advantageous capitulation : to the queen,
a fplendid retreat ; to the citizens, their ancient privileges. His
propofals were obftinately rejeded, and the refufal was accompanied
with infult.
who becomes The firmnefs of Zenobia was fupported by the hope, that in a
iiobia and of very Ihort time famine would compel the Roman army to repafs the
city. (Jefert ; and by the reafonable expedation that the kings of theEail•,
and particularly the Perfian monarch, would arm in the defence oi
their moil natural ally. But Fortune and the perfeverance of Aure-
lian overcame every obftacle. The death of Sapor, which hap»
pened about this time'', diRra£led the councils of Perfia, and the
inconfiderable fuccours that attem,pted to relieve Palmyra, were eafily
intercepted either by the arms or the liberality of the emperor.
Erom every part of Syria, a regular fucceihon of convoys fafely
arrived in the camp, which was increafed by the return of Probus-
with his vidorious troops from the conqueft of Egypt. It was then•
that Zenobia refolved to fly. She mounted the fleeteft of her dro-
medaries '% and had already reached the banks of the Euphrates,
'" Vopifciis in Hift. Auguft. p. 218. the fame or of a kindred fpecies, is ufed by
" From a very doubtful chronology I have the natives of Alia and Africa on all occafions
endeavoured to extradt the mcft probable v/hich require celerity. The Arabs atHrn>,
iTate. that he will run over as much ground in one
'- Hifl. AugulL p. 218. Zofimus, I. i. day, as their fleeteft horfes can perfor;a in
p. 50. Though the camel is a heavy beaft eight or ten. See BufFon Hirt. Naturelle,
iii burden, the dromedary, who is either of torn. xi. p. 222, and SJiaw's Travels, p. 167.
t about
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 373
about fixty miles from Palmyra, when ihe was overtaken by the Chap.
purfuit of Aurelian's light horfe, feized, and brought back a captive ■_ -,- _y
to• tae feet of the emperor. Her capitalfoon afterwards furrendercd, " '^^^'
and was treated with unexpeded lenity. The arms, horfes, and
camels, with an immenfe treafure of gold, filver, filk, and precious
ilones, were all delivered to the conqueror, who leaving only a
garrifon of fix hundred archers, returned to Emefa, and employed
fome time in the diftribution of rewards and puniihments at the
end of fo memorable a war, which reilored to the obedience of Rome
thofe provinces that had renounced their allegiance fince the captivity
of Valerian.
When the Syrian queen was brought into the prefence of Aure- Behaviour of
lian, he fternly aiked her, How ihe had prefumed to rife in arms '^'^"°"^^•
agaiufl; the emperors of Rome ? The anfwer of Zenobia was a pru-
dent mixture of refpeit and firmnefs. " Becaufe I difdained to con-
" lider as Roman emperors an Aureolus or a Gallienus. You alone
*' I acknowledge as my conqueror and my fovereign " '.'' But as
female fortitude is commonly artificial, fo it is feldom fi.eady or con-
fiftent. The courage of Zenobia deferted her in the hour of trial ; ihe
trembled at the angry clamours of the foldiers, who called aloud for her
immediate execution, forgot the generous defpair of Cleopatra, which
fhe had propofed as her model, and ignominioufly purchafed life by the
facrlfice of her fame and her friends. It was to their counfels which
governed the weaknefs of her fex, that ihe imputed the guilt of her
obftinate refiftance ; it was on their heads that flic direded the ven-
geance of the cruel Aurelian. The fame of Longinus, who was
included among the numerous and perhaps innocent vidims of her
fear, will furvive that of the queen who betrayed, or the tyrant who
condemned him. Genius and learning were incapable of moving a
fierce unlettered foldier,. but they had ferved to elevate and harmc-
nife the foul of Longinus. Without uttering a complaint, he calmly
7^ PoHio in Hiil. Anguft. p. ipg.
fbllowedi
074. THEDECLINEANDFALL
followed the executioner, pitying his unhappy miftrefs, and beftow-
ing comfort on his affliited friends ' ^
Rebellion Returning from the conquefl of the Eaft, Aurelian had already
and ruin of r λ r -i
Palmyra. crofled the Streights which divide Europe from Aha, when he was
provoked by the intelligence that the Palmyrenians had maifacred
the governor and garrifon which he had left among them, and again
credled the ftandard of revolt. Without a moment's deliberation,
he once more turned his face towards Syria. Antioch was alarmed
by his rapid approach, and the helplefs city of Palmyra felt the irre-
fiftible weight of his refentment. We have a letter of Aurelian
himfelf, in which he acknowledges "', that old men, women, chil-
dren, and peafants, had been involved in that dreadful execution,
which lliould have been confined to armed rebellion ; and although
his principal concern feems diredled to the re-eftablifhment of a tem-
ple of the Sun, he difcovers fome pity for the remnant of the Palmy-
renians, to whom he grants the permliTion of rebuilding and inha-
biting their city. But it is eafier to deftroy than to reftore. The
feat of commerce, of arts, and of Zenobia, gradually funk into an
obfcure town, a trifling fortrefs, and at length a miferable village.
The prefent citizens of Palmyra, confifting of thirty or forty fami-
lies, have ereded their mud cottages within the fpacious court of a
magnificent temple.
Aurelian Another and a laft labour ftill awaited the indefatigable Aurelian ;
fupprefles
the rebellion to fupprefs a dangerous though obfcure rebel, who, during the re-
tgypt. volt of Palmyra, had arifen on the banks of the Nile. Firmus,
the friend and ally, as he proudly ftyled himfelf, of Odenathus and
Zenobia, was no more than a wealthy merchant of Egypt. In the
courfe of his trade to India, he had formed very intimate connexions
with the Saracens and the Blemmycs, whofe fituation on either coaft
of the Red Sea gave them an eafy introdudion into the Upper
'♦ Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. Z19. Zo- " Hift. AuguK. p. 219.
iimus, 1. i. p. 51.
Egypt.
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ A Ν Ε Μ ρ I R Ε. 375
Egypt. The Egyptians he inflamed with the hope of freedom, chap,
and, at the head of their furious multitude, broke into the city of <— — ^— — »
Alexandria, where he aiTumed the Imperial purple, coined money,
publiflied edids, and raifed an army, which, as he vainly boaftcd,
he was capable of maintaining from the fole profits of his paper
trade. Such troops were a feeble defence againfl; the approach of
Aurelian ; and it feems almoft unneceiTary to relate, that Firmus
was routed, taken, tortured, and put to death. Aurelian might now
congratulate the fenate, the people, and himfclf, that in little more
than three years, he had reftored univerfal peace and order to the
Roman world ''^.
Since the foundation of Rome, no general had more nobly deferred A. D. 274.
. Triumph of
a triumph than Aurelian ; nor was a triumph ever celebrated with Aurelian.
fuperior pride and magnificence '^. The pomp was opened by twenty
elephants, four royal tigers, and above two hundred of the moil curi-
ous animals from every climate of the North, the Eaft, and the South,
They were followed by fixteen hundred gladiators, devoted to the
cruel amufement of the amphitheatre. The wealth of Afia, the arms
and enfigns of fo many conquered nations, and the magnificent plate
and wardrobe of the Syrian queen, were difpofed in exadt fymmetry
or artful diforder. The ambaiTadors of the moil remote parts of
the earth, of Ethiopia, Arabia, Perfia, Badriana, India, and China,
all remarkable by their rich or fingular dreifes, difplayed the fame
and power of the Roman emperor, who expofed likewife to the
public view the prefents that he had received, and particularly a
great number of crowns of gold, the offerings of grateful cities.
The vidories of Aurelian were attefted by the long train of cap-
'* See Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 220. of tlie rebels, and confequently that Tetricus
242. Asan inftance of luxury, it is obferveJ, was already fupprelTed.
that he had glafs windows. He was remark- "■'' See the triumph of Aurelian, defcribed
able for his ftrength and appetite, his courage by Vopifcus. He relates the particulars with
and dexterity. From the letter of Aurelian, his ufual minutenefs ; and on this occafion,
»ve may juftly infer, that Firmus was the lall they ^β/>/ί» to be intereiling. Hift. Aug. 220.
tives
3;6 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C Η Λ p. tives who reludantly attended his truimph, Goths, Vandals, Sar-
V.— V— —' matians, Alemanni, Franks, Gauls, Syrians, and Egyptians. Each
people was diftinguiflied by its peculiar infcription, and the title of
Amazons was beftowed on ten martial heroines of the Gothic na-
tion who had been taken in arms ''. But every eye, difregardlng
the crowd of captives, was fixed on the emperor Tetricus, and the
queen of the Eaft. The former, as well as his fon, Avhom he had
created Auguftus, was dreiTed in Gallic trowfers "', a fafFron tunic,
and a robe of purple. The beauteous figure of Zenobia was confined
by fetters of gold ; a flave fupported the gold chain which encircled
her neck, and ilie almofl fainted under the intolerable weight of
jewels. .She preceded on foot the magnificent chariot, in which ihe
once hoped to enter the gates of Rome. It was followed by two
other chariots, ftill moi-e fumptuous, of Odenathus and of the
Perfian monarch. The triumphal car of Aurelian (it had formerly
been ufed by a Gothic king) was drawn, on this memorable occafion,
either by four flags or by four elephants *". The moil illuftrious of the
fenate, the people, and the army, clofed the folemn proceffion. Un-
feigned joy, wonder, and gratitude, fwelled the acclamations of the
multitude; but the faiisfadion of the fenate was clouded by the
appearance of Tetricus ; nor could they fupprefs a rifing murmur,
that the haughty emperor ihould thus expofe to public ignominy the
perfon of a Roman and a magiftrate ^'.
" Among barbarous nations, women have cuftom was confined to the rich and luxurious,
often combated by the fide of their huibands. It gradually was adopted by the meaneft of
But it is αΐιηαβ impoflible, that a fociety of the people. See a very curious note of Ca-?
Amazons fhould ever have exifted either in laubon, ad Sueton. in Auguft. c. S2.
the old or new world. -' Moil probably the former; the latter,
"' The ufe oi Brac</e, breeches, or trow- feen on the medals of Aurelian, only denote
fers, was ftill confidered in Italy as a Gallic (according to the learned Cardinal Noris) an
and Barbarian faihion. The Romans, how- oriental vidlory.
ever, had made great advances towards it. *' The expreffion of Calphurnius (Eclog.
To encircle the legs and thighs with fafcia, i. 50.) Nullos ducet capti'va triumphos, as
or bands, was undcrftood in the time of Pom- applied to Rome, contains a. very manifeft
pey and Horace, to be a proof of ill-health allufion and cenfure.
or efteminacy. In the age of Tr.ijan, the
But
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
377
But however, in the treatment of his unfortunate rivals, Aure- C II A P.
. XI.
lian might indulge his pride, he behaved towards them with a ge- > , '
nerous clemency, which was feldom exercifed by the ancient con- mentof Te-
querors. Princes who, without fuccefs, had defended their throne ^enobia
or freedom, were frequently ftrangled in prifon, as foon as the tri-
umphal pomp afcended the Capitol. Thefe ufurpers, whom their defeat
had convidled of the crime of treafon, were permitted to fpend their
lives in affluence and honourable repofe. The emperor prefented Ze-
nobia with an elegant villa at Tibur, or ΤΙλόΠ, about twenty miles
from the capital ; the Syrian queen infenfibly funk into a Roman
matron, her daughters married into noble families, and her race
was not yet extindl in the fifth century *'. Tetricus and his fon
were reinftated in their rank and fortunes. They ereited on the
Cslian hill a magnificent palace, and as foon as it was finifhed, in-
vited Aurelian to fupper. On his entrance, he was agreeably fur-
prifed with a piflure which reprefented their fingular hiftory.
They were delineated offering to the emperor a civic crown and the
fceptre of Gaul, and again receiving at his hands the ornaments
of the fenatorial dignity. The father was afterwards inveiled
with the government of Lucania^', and Aurelian, who foon admit-
ted the abdicated monarch to his friendfliip and converfation, fami-
liarly aiked him. Whether it were not more defirable to adminiiler
a province of Italy, than to reign beyond the Alps ? The fon long
continued a refpedable member of the fenate ; nor was there any
one of the Roman nobility more eileemed by Aurelian, as well as
by his fucceifors ^*.
So long and fo various was the pomp of Aurelian's triumph, that His magnifi-
although it opened with the dawn of day, the flow majefty of the devotion.
'* Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 199. Hi- 83 Vopifc. in Hift. Auguft. p. 222. Eu-
eronym. in Chron. Profper in Chron. Ba- tropius, ix. 13. Vidor Junior. ButPollioin
renins fuppofes that Zenobius, biihop of Hiil. Auguft. p. 196, fays that Tetricus was
Florence, in the time of St. Anibrofe, was made correftor of all Italy,
cf her family. -•* Hift. Auguft. p. 197.
Vol. I. 3 C procefilon
378 THE DECLINE AND FALL
proceiTion afcended not the Capitol before the ninth hour ; and it
was already dark when the emperor returned to the palace. The
feftival was protradled by theatrical repreCcntations, the games of
the circus, the hunting of wild beafts, combats of gladiators, and
naval engagements. Liberal donatives were diilributed to the army
and people, and feveral inftitutlons, agreeable or beneficial to the
city, contributed to perpetuate the glory of Aurelian. A con-
fiderable portion of his oriental fpoils was confecrated to the gods
of Rome ; the Capitol, and every other temple, glittered with the
offerings of his oftentatious piety ; and the temple of the Sun alone
received above fifteen thoufand pounds of gold ^'. This laft was a
magnificent ftru£lure, ereded by the emperor on the fide of the
Quirinal hill, and dedicated, foon after the triumph, to that deity
whom Aurelian adored as the parent of his life and fortunes. His
mother had been an inferior prieftefs in a chapel of the Sun ; a
peculiar devotion to the god of Light, was a fentiment which the
fortunate peafant imbibed in his infancy; and every ftep of his ele-
vation, every vidory of his reign, fortified fuperftition by grati-
tude '^
Hefupprefles The arms of Aurelian had vanquiihed the foreign and domeftic
Kome.'°" ^ foes of the Republic. We are affured, that, by his falutary rigour,
crimes and fadions, mifchievous arts and pernicious connivance,
the luxuriant growth of a feeble and oppreifive government, were
eradicated throughout the Roman world ''^ But if we attentively re-
fled how much fwifter is the progrefs of corruption than its cure,
and if we remember that the years abandoned to public diforders
*' ^'opifcus in Hift. Auguft. 222. Zofi- '^ See in the Auguftan Hiilory, p. 210, the
mus, 1. i. p. 56. He placed in it the images omens of his fortune. His devotion to the
cfBelusacdof the Sun, which he had brought Sun appears in his letters, on his medals, and
from Palmyra. It was dedicated in the fourth is mentioned in the Csefars of Julian. Corn-
year of his reign (Eufeb. in Chron.) but was jnentaire de Spanheim, p. 109.
moft aiTuredly begun immediately on his ac- f' Vopifcus in Hift, Auguft, p. 221.
celTion.
exceeded
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 379
exceeded the months allotted to the martial reign of Aurelian, we ^ ^^ J^ P•
muft confel's that a few ihort intervals of peace were infufiicient for ^^- — v—~j
the arduous work of reformation. Even his attempt to reftore tl\e
integrity of the coin, was oppofed by a formidable infurre£lion.
The emperor's vexation breaks out in one of his private letters.
" Surely," fays he, " the gods have decreed that my life ihould be
*' a perpetual warfare. A fedition within the walls has juil now
*' given birth to a very ferious civil war. The workmen of the mint,
*' at the inftigation of Feliciifimus, a flave to whom I had intrufted
*' an employment in the finances, have rifen in rebellion. They
*' are at length fupprefled ; but feven thoufand of my foldiers have
*' been flain in the conteil:, of thofe troops whofe ordinary ftation is
*' in Dacia, and the camps along the Danube *'^" Other writers,
who confirm the fame fad, add likewife, that it happened foon after
Aurelian's triumph ; that the decifive engagement was fought on
the Cselian hill ; that the workmen of the mint had adulterated the
coin, and that the emperor reftored the public credit, by delivering
out good money in exchange for the bad, which the people was
commanded to bring into the treafury *'.
We might content ourfelves with relating this extraordinary Obfervations
tranfadion, but we cannot diflemble how much in its prefent form
it appears to us inconfiftent and incredible. The debafement of the
coin is indeed well fuited to the adminiilration of Gallienus ; nor is
it unlikely that the inftruments of the corruption might dread the
inflexible juftice of Aurelian. But the guilt, as well as the profit,
muft have been confined to a few; nor is it eafy to conceive by what
arts they could arm a people whom they had injured, againft a mo-
narch whom they had betrayed. We might naturally exped, that
fuch mifcreants ihould have fliared the public deteftation, with the
'' Hill. Auguft. p. 222. Aurelian calls '^' Zoiimus, 1. i. p. 56. Eutropius, ix. ia.
thofe foldiers Hiberi Ripariai/es, Cafiriani, Aurel. Vidor.
and Dsci/ci.
3 C 2 informers
ς8ο THE DECLINE AND FALL
ο
informers and the other miniftcrs of oppreffion ; and that the re-
formation of the cohi iliould have been an adion equally popular
with the deftrudion of thofe obfolete accounts, which by the empe-
ror's order were burnt in the forum of Trajan '°. In an age when
the principles of commerce were fo imperfcdly underftood, the
moft defirable end might perhaps be efFeited by harih and injudicious
means ; but a temporary grievance of fuch a nature can fcarcely ex-
cite and fupport a ferious civil war. The repetition of intolerable
taxes, impofed either on the land or on the necefTaries of life, may
at laft provoke thofe who will not, or who cannot, relinquiih their
country. But the cafe is far otherwife in every operation which, by
whatfoever expedients, reftores the juft value of money. The tran-
fient evil is foon obliterated by the permanent benefit, the lofs is
divided among multitudes; and if a few wealthy individuals experi-
ence a fenfible diminution of treafure, with their riches they at the
fame time lofe the degree of weight and importance which they de-
rived from the poifeifion of them. However Aurelian might chufe
to difguife the real caufe of the infurredion, his reformation of the
coin could furnifh only a faint pretence to a party already powerful
and difcontented. Rome, though deprived of freedom, was dif-
traded by fadion. The people, towards whom the emperor, him-
felf a plebeian, always exprefled a peculiar fondnefs, lived in per-
petual dlflenfion with the fenate, the equeftrian order, and the Prse-
torian guards '". Nothing lefs than the firm though fecret confpiracy
of thofe orders, of the authority of the firft, the wealth of the fecond,
and the arms of the third, could have difplayed a ftrength capable of
contending in battle with the veteran legions of the Danube, which,
under the condud of a martial fovereign, had atchieved the conqueft
of the Weft and of the Eaft.
■ *° Hlft. Auguft. p. 222. Aurel. Viflor. from Egypt See Vopifcus, who quotes an
*' It already raged before Aurelian's return original letter. Hift. AugulL p. 244.
Whatever
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 381
Whatever was the caufe or the objeit of this rebellion, imputed chap.
with fo little probability to the workmen of the mint, Aurelian iifcd • — -j
his vidlory with unrelenting rigour ''\ He was naturally of a Aurelian.
fevere difpofitlon. A peafant and a foldier, his nerves yielded not
eafily to the impreffions of fympathy, and he could fuftain without
emotion the fight .of tortures and death. Trained from his earlieft
youth Ίτί the exercife of arms, he fet too fmall a value on the life
of a citizen, chaflifed by military execution the ilightefl: offences,
and transferred the ftern difcipline of the camp into the civil admi-
niftration of the laws. His love of juftice often became a blind and
furious paffion ; and whenever he deemed his own or the public fafety
endangered, he difregarded the rules of evidence, and the proportion
of puniihments. The unprovoked rebellion with v^ich the Romans
rewarded his fervices, exafperated his haughty fpirit. The nobleflr
families of the capital were involved in the guilt or fufpicion of this
dark confpiracy. A hafty fpirit of revenge urged the bloody profe-
cution, and it proved fatal «© one of the nephews of the emperor.
The executioners (if we may ufe the expreffion of a contemporary
poet) were fatigued, the prifons were crowded, and the unhappy
fenate lamented the death or abfence of its mofl: illuftrious mem-
bers ^'. Nor was the pride of Aurelian lefs offenfive to that aifembly
than his cruelty. Ignorant or impatient of the reftraints of civil in-
ilitutions, he difdained to hold his power by any other title than that'
of the fword, and governed by right of conqueft an empire which he'
had faved and fubdued ^\
It was obferved by one of the moil fagacious of the Roman jj^ marches
princes, that the talents of his predecefTor Aurelian, were better ^'"?5^'^ ^-^,'*'•
^' '■ and IS ailalli.
nated.
'* Vopifcus In Hift. Auguft. p. 222. The Carniiicum lailabit opus ; nee carcerepleno
two Viftors. Eutropius, ix. 14. Zofimus Infelix raros numerabit curia Patres.
(1. i. p. 43.) mentions only three fenators, Calphurn. Eclog. i. 60.
and places their death before the eaftem "■* According to the younger Viilor, he
war. fometimes wore the diadem. Deus and Da~
*' Nulla catenati feralis pompa fenatus minus appear on his medals.
fuitedS
382
THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^T^ ^" ^uii^^d to the command of an army, than to the government of aa
^— V ' empire '^ Confcious of the charadler in which Nature and expe-
A.D. 274.
Odober,
A. D. 275,
January.
rience had enabled him to excel, he again took the field a few
months after his triumph. It was expedient to exercife the reftlefs
temper of the legions in fome foreign war, and the Perfian monarch,
exulting in the ihame of Valerian, ftiU braved with impunity the
offended majefty of Rome. At the head of an army, lefs formidable
by its numbers than by its difcipline and valour, the emperor ad-
vanced as far as the Streights which divide Europe from Afia. He
there experienced, that the moft abfolute power is a weak defence
againft the effeds of defpair. He had threatened one of his fecre-
taries who was accufed of extortion ; and it was known that he fel-
dom threatened in vain. The lafl: hope which remained for the
criminal, was to involve fome of the principal officers of the army
in his danger, or at leafl: in his fears. Artfully counterfeiting his
mailer's hand, he iliewed them, in a long and bloody lift, their own
names devoted to death. Without fufpeding or examining the
fraud, they refolved to fecure their lives by the murder of the em-
peror. On his march, between Byzantium and Heraclea, Aurelian
was fuddenly attacked by the confpirators, whofe ftations gave them a
right to furround his perfon ; and, after a ihort refiftance, fell by the
hand of Mucapor, a general whom he had always loved and trufted.
He died regretted by the army, detefted by the fenate, but univer-
fally acknowledged as a warlike and fortunate prince, the ufeful
though fevere reformer of a degenerate ftate '*.
" It was the obfervation of Diocletian, fimus, 1. i. p. 57.
See Vopifcus in Hiil. Auguft. p. 224. Viftors.
«»■ Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 221. Zo-
Eutrop. Ix. 15. The two
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 383
CHAP. XII.
ConduB of the Army and Senate after the death of Aure-
It an, — Reigns of Tacitus .^ Probusy Carus, and his Sons,
s
UCH was the unhappy condition of the Roman emperors, chap.
that whatever might be their conduit, their fate was com- ■ _ _' .
monly the fame. A life of pleafure or virtue, of feverity or mild- fy''^'^^"^^^'.
nefs, of indolence or glory, alike led to an untimely grave ; and '^'^^n the
almoft every reign is clofed by the fame difgufting repetition of fenateforthe
1 r• 1 • -I • 1 choice of an
treafon and murder. The death of Aurelian, however, is remark- emperor.
able by its extraordinary confequences. The legions admired,
lamented, and revenged, their viilorious chief. The artifice of
his perfidious fecretary was difcovered and puniihed. The deluded
confpirators attended the funeral of their injured fovereign, with
fincere or well-feigned contrition, and fubmitted to the unanimous
refoliition of the military order, which was fignified by the follow-
ing epiftle. " The brave and fortunate armies to the fenate and
" people of Rome. The crime of one man, and the error of many,
*' have deprived us of the late emperor Aurelian. May it pleafe you,
" venerable lords and fathers ! to place him in the number of the
" gods, and to appoint a fuccelTor whom your judgment (hall declare
" worthy of the Imperial purple. None of thole, whofe guilt or
*' misfortune have contributed to our lofs, iliall ever reign over
" us '." The Roman fenators heard, without furprife, that another
emperor had been aifafllnated in his camp : they fecretly rejoiced in
the fall of Aurelian ; but the modeft and dutiful addrefs of the
• Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 222. Au- from the troops to tlie fenate.
relius Viitor mentions a formal deputation
;t* - legions,
584
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
XII.
27s•
A. D.
February 3.
A peaceful
interregnum
of eight
months.
legions, when it was communicated in full alTembly by the conful,
diffufed the moil pleafing aftonifliment. Such honours, as fear and
perhaps efteem could extort, they liberally poured forth on the
memory of their deceafed fovcreign. Such acknowledgments as
gratitude could infpire, they returned to the faithful armies of the
republic, who entertained fo juft a fenfe of the legal authority of
the fcnate in the choice of an emperor. Yet, notwithftanding this
flattering appeal, the moil prudent of the afiembly declined £x-
pofing their fafety and dignity to the caprice of an armed multi-
tude. The ftrength of the legions was, indeed, a pledge of their
fmcerity, fince thofe who may command are feldom reduced to the
neceifity of diiTembling ; but could it naturally be expeded, that a
hafty repentance would correct the inveterate habits of fourfcore
years .'' Should the foldiers relapfe into their accuftomed feditions,
their infolence might difgrace the majeily of the fenate, and prove
fatal to the objedl of its choice. Motives like thefe didated a de-
cree, by which the eledion of a new emperor was referred to the
fuffrage of the military order.
The contention that enfued is one of the befl: atteiled, but moft
improbable events in the hiftory of mankind \ The troops, as if
fatiated with the exercife of power, again conjured the fenate to in-
vert one of its own body with the Imperial purple. The fenate
ftill perfifted in its refufal ; the array in its requeft. The recipro-
cal offer was prefled and rejeded at leafl: three times, and whilft the
obftinate modefty of either party was refolved to receive a mailer
from the hands of the other, eight months infenfibly elapfed : an
amazing period of tranquil anarchy, during which the Roman
" Vopifcus, our principal authority, wrote ginal papers of the Ulpian library. Zofinius
at Rome, fixteen years only after the death and Zonaras appear as ignorant of this tranf-
of Aurelian ; and befides the recent notoriety aftion as they were in general of the Reman
of the fails, conllantly draws his materials conlHtution.
from the Journals of the Senate, and the ori-
world
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 385
world remained without a fovereign, without an ufurper, and with- ^ ^^ ?•
out a fedition. The generals and niagiftrates appointed by Aure-
lian continued to execute their ordinary fundions, and it is obferved,
that a proconiul of Afia was the only confiderable perfon removed
from his office, in the whole courfe of the interregnum.
An event fomewhat fimilar, but much Icfs authentic, is fiippofcd
to have happened after the death of Romulus, who, in his life and
charader, bore fome affinity with Aurelian. The throne was va-
cant during twelve months, till the eledion of a Sabine phllofopher,
and the public peace was guarded in the fame manner, by the union of
the feveral orders of the ftate. But, in the time of Numa and Ro-
mulus, the arms of the people were controlled by the authority of the
Patricians ; and the balance of freedom was eafily preferved in a fmall
and virtuous community '. The decline of the Roman ilate, far dif-
ferent from its infancy, was attended with every circumftance that
could baniih from an interregnum the profped of obedience and har-
mony; an immenfe and tumultuous capital, a wide extent of empire,
the fervile equality of defpotlfm, an army of four hundred thoufand
mercenaries, and the experience of frequent revolutions. Yet, not-
withftanding all thefe temptations, the difcipline and memory of
Aurelian ftill reilrained the feditious temper of the troops, as well as
the fatal ambition of their leaders. The flower of the legions main-
tained their Ration on the banks of the Bofphorus, and the Imperial
llandard awed the lefs powerful camps of Rome and of the pro-
vinces. A generous though tranfient enthufiafm feemed to ani-
mate the military order ; and we may hope that a few real pa-
triots cultivated the returning friendilup of the army and the
fenate, as the only expedient capable of reftoring the republic to its
ancierit beauty and vigour.
^ Liv. i. 17. DIonyf. Halicarn. 1. ii. p. tor, the fecond like a lawyer, and the thiril
I ir. Plutarch in Numa, p. 60. The firit like a moraliil, and none of them prcbubly
of thefe writers relates the llory like an ora- without fome intermixture of fable.
Vol. I. 3D On
3^6 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. On the twenty-fifth of September, near eight months after the
1^ ,^ t miu'der of Aurelian, the conful convoked an aifembly of the fenate,
Sept. 25. " iind reported the doubtful and dangerous fituation of the empire.
JilbmbTes'^the ^^ flightly infinuated, that the precarious loyalty of the foldiers
fenate. depended on the chance of every hour, and of every accident; but
he rcprefented, with the moil convincing eloquence, the various
dangers that might attend any farther delay in the choice of an
emperor. Intelligence, he faid, was already received, that the Ger-
mans had pafied the Rhine, and occupied fome of the ilrongeft and
moil opulent cities of Gaul. The ambition of the Perfian king
kept the Eaft in perpetual alarms ; Egypt, Africa, and Illyricum,
were expofed to foreign and domeftic arms, and the levity of Syria
would prefer even a female fceptre to the fandtity of the Roman
laws. The conful then addreiTing himfelf to Tacitus, the firft of the
fenators *, required his opinion on the important fubjeft of a proper
candidate for the vacant throne,
ρ • „„ c If we can prefer perfonal merit to accidental greatnefs, we fliall
Tacitus. efteem the birth of Tacitus more truly noble than that of kings.
He claimed his defcent from the philofophic hiilorian, whofe writ-
ings will inilrudt the laft generations of mankind '. The fenator
Tacitus was then feventy-five years of age ^ The long period of
his innocent life was adorned vpith wealth and honours. He had
twice been Inverted with the confular dignity ', and enjoyed vi'ith
elegance and fobriety his ample patrimony of between two and three
* Vopifcus (in H;;l. Auguil. p. 227.) calls empire, furnames were extremely various and
him ' prims fententiae confularis;' and foon uncertain.
afterwards, PWwf/j/aiJ/a/. It is natural to 6 Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 637. TheAlexan-
fuppofe, that the monarchs of Rome, difdain- ^^-^^^ Chronicle, by an obvious miftake, tranf-
ing that humble title, refigned it to the moft £g^.^ jj^^. ^gg ^^ Aurelian.
ancient of the fenators. , τ 1, ι, j• r \
^, , , . „. ,. 1 _ • In the year 275, he was ordinary conful.
5 The only objeftion to this genealogy, 13 /i . u c n- λ
,.' . , ^ 1• u But he muft have been SulFeiitus many years
that the hiftonan was named Cornelius, the •'. -'
„, ,. T> \ .k„ 1 -,=, before» and molt probably under Valerian,
emperor, Clauams. But under the lower ^ . "^
-j- millions
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 387
millions ilerling *. ' The experience of L• many princes, whom ^ ^^ '^ ''•
Ail•
he had eflecmed or endured, from the vain follies of Elagabalus to *- — « '
the ufeful rigour of Aurelian, taught him to form a jufi; eltimate of
the duties, the dangers, and the temptations, of their fublime
ftation. From the aiTiduous ftudy of his immortal anceftor he derived
the knowledge of the Roman conftitution, and of human nature '.
The voice of the peooplc had already named Tacitus as the citizen
the moil worthy of empire. The ungrateful rumour reached his
ears, and induced him to feek the retirement of one of his villas in
Campania. He had pafTed two months in the delightful privacy ot
Baicc, when he reluQantly obeyed the fummons of the conful to
refume his honourable place in the fenate, and to aifift the republic
withliis counfel? on this important occafion.
He arofe to fpeak, when, from every quarter of the houfe, he was He is eiefted
faluted with the names of Auguftus and Emperor. " Tacitus Au- '^'■^P"°'''
" guftus, the gods preferve thee, we chufe thee for our fovereign,
" to thy care we intruft the republic and the world. Accept the
" empire from the authority of the fenate. It is due to thy rank,
" to thy condudt, to thy manners." As foon as the tumult of ac-
clamations fubfided, Tacitus attempted to decline the dangerous
honour, and to exprefs his wonder, that they fliould eledl his age
and infirmities to fucceed the martial vigour of Aurelian. " Are
" thcfe limbs, confcript fathers ! fitted to fuftain the weight of ar-
*' mour, or to praftife the exercifes of the camp ? The variety of
" climates, and the hardfhips of a military life, would foon op-
*' prefs a feeble conftitution, which fubfifts only by the moil tender ^
* Bis mlllics ciiiitgcntks. Vopifcus in Hift. ten copies of the hiiiorian fliouId be annually
Auguft. p. 229. This fum, according to the tranfcribed and placed in the public libraries,
old ftandard, was equivalent to eight hundred The Roman libraries have long fince periihed,
and forty thoufand Roman pounds of filvcr, and the moli valuable part of Tacitus was pre-
each of the value of three pounds ilerling. ferved in a fingle MS. and difcovered in a
But in the age of Tacitus, the coin had loil monaftery of Weftphalia. See Baile, Die-
much of its weight and purity, tionnaire. Art. Tacile, and Lipfius ad An-
^ After his acceffion, he gave orders that nal. ii. 9.
3 D 2 *' management
the purple.
38» THE DECLINE AND FALL
*' management. My exhauiled ftrength fcarcely enables me to
*' dii'charge the duty of a fenator ; how infufficicnt would it prove
" to the arduous labours of war and government. Can you hope,
*' that the legions will refpedt a weak old man, whofe days have
" been fpent in the Ihade of peace and retirement? Can you defire
" that I fhould ever find reafon to regret the favourable opinion of
" the fenate '" ?"
and accepts The reludancc of Tacitus, and it might poiTibly be fmcere, was
encountered by the affedionate obftinacy of the fenate. Five hun-
dred voices repeated at once, in eloquent confufion, that the greateil
of the Roman princes, Numa, Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines,
had afcended the throne in a very advanced feafon of life; that the
mind, not the body, a foverelgn, not a foldier, was the objedl of
their choice ; and that they expelled from him no more than to
guide by his wifdom the valour of the legions. Thefe preiTing
though tumultuary inilances were feconded by a more regular
oration of Metius Falconius, the next on the confular bench to
Tacitus himfelf. He reminded the afTembly of the evils which
Rome had endured from the vices of headftrong and capricious
youths, congratulated them on the eledion of a virtuous and ex-
perienced fenator, and, with a manly, though perhaps a felfiOi,
freedom, exhorted Tacitus to remember the reafons of his elevation,
and to feek a fucceiTor, not in his own family, but in the republic.
The fpeech of Falconius was enforced by a general acclamation.
The emperor eledl fubmitted to the authority of his country, and
received the voluntary homage of his equals. The judgment of the
fenate was confirmed by the confent of the Roman people, and of
the Prstprian guards".
AuthoHty of The adminiftration of Tacitus was not unworthy of his life and
principles, A grateful fervant of the fenate, he confidered that na-
'° Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 227. militcs, and the people by that q{ /αο-αίίβ/ηΐ
•' Hift. Auguft. p. 228. Tacitus addreffed ^lirius.
the Prstorians by the appellation ai /αηίΙΊβΐϋϊ
tional
the ienatc.
OFTHEROMANEMriRE. 3%
tional council as the author, and himfelf as the fubjed, of tlie ^ ^ -^ ^-
laws ". He ftudied to heal the wounds which imperial pride, civil < — — .— — '
difcord, and military violence, had inflidted on the conilitution,
and to reflore, at leaft, the image of the ancient republic, as it had
been preferved by the policy of Auguftus, and the virtues of Trajan
and the Antonines. It may not be ufelefs to recapitulate fome
of the moil important prerogatives which the fenate appeared to
have regained by the eledion of Tacitus ", i. To invert one of their
body, under the title of emperor, with the general command of the
armies and the government of the frontier provinces. 2. To
determine the lift, or as it was then ftyled, the College of Confuls.
They were twelve in number, who, in fucceffive pairs, each, during
the fpace of two months, filled the year, and reprefented the dignity
of that ancient office. The authority of the fenate, in the nomination
of the confuls, was exercifed withfuch independent freedom, that no
regard was paid to an irregular requeft of the emperor in favour of
his brother Florianus. " The fenate,'' exclaimed Tacitus, with the
honeft tranfport of a patriot, " underftand the charadler of a prince
**■ whom they have chofen." 3. To appoint the proconfuls and pre-
fidents of the provinces, and to confer on all the magiftrates their
civil jurifdiiStlon. 4. To receive appeals through the intermediate
office of the prsefeil of the city from all the tribunals of the empire•
5. To give force and validity, by their decrees, to fuch as they fliould
approve of the emperor's edidls. 6. To thefe feveral branches of
authority, we may add fome infpediion over the finances, fince, evea
in the ilern rergn of Aurelian, it was in their power to divert a part
of the revenue from the public fervice '*.
"■ In his manumiffions he never exceeded Probus, in the Auguflan Hiftoiy ; we may be
the number of an hundred, as limited by the well aflured, that whatever the foldier gava,
Caninian law, which v,fas enailed under Au- the fenator had already given,
guftus, and at length repealed by Juiliniaii. ''• Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 216. The
See Cafaiibon ad locum Vopifci. pafibge is perfedlly clear ; yet both Cafaubon
'3 Sei the lives of Tacitus, Florianus, and and Salmafius wiih to correclit.
Circulax-
390
THE DECLINE AND FALL
C Η Λ P. Circular epiftles were fent, without delay, to all the principal
* — ^-v^ — — » cities of the empire, Treves, Milan, Aquileia, Thefialonica, Corinth,
Their joy , .
and conn- Athens, Antioch, Alexandria, and Carthage, to claim their obe-
dience, and to inform them of the happy revolution, which had
rcflored the Roman fenate to its ancient dignity. Two of thefc
epiilles are ftill extant. We likewifc poUefs two very Angular frag-
ments of the private correfpondence of the fenators on this oc-
cafion. They difcover the moft exceifive joy, and the mofl: un-
bounded hopes. '^ Caft away your indolence,'' it is thus that one
of the fenators addrefl'es his friend, " emerge from your retire-
" mcnts of Baice and Puteoli. Give yourfelf to the city, to the
" fenate. Rome flouriihes, the whole republic fiouriflies. Thanks
" to the Roman army, to an army truly Roman ; at length, we
" have recovered our juft authority, the end of all our defires.
*' We hear appeals, we appoint proconfuls, we create emperors ;
•' perhaps too we may reftrain them — to the wife, a word is fuih-
" cient "." Thefe lofty expedlations were, however, foon dif-
appointed ; nor, indeed, was it poiTible, that the armies and the
provinces ihould long obey the luxuriolis and unwarlike nobles of
Rome. On the flighteft touch, the unfupported fabric of their
pride and power fell to the ground. The expiring fenate difplayed
a fudden luitre, blazed for a moment, and was extinguilhed for
ever.
A. D. 276. All that had yet paiTed at Rome was no more than a theatrical
knowkciged' reprefentation, unlefs it was ratified by the more fubftantial power
by the army. ^^- ^^^^ legions. Leaving the fenators to enjoy their dream of free-
dom and ambition, Tacitus proceeded to the Thracian camp, and was
there, by the Prsetorian prcefed, prefentcd to the aifembled troops,
as the prince whom they themfelves had demanded, and whom the
'5 λ'ΌρϊΓοικ in Hift. Auguil. p. 230. 232, ftoration with hecatombs and public rejoic-
233. The fenators celebrated the happy re- ings.
fenate
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
391
fenate had beftowed. As foon as the prxfedl was filent, the em- chap.
peror addrefled himfelf to the foldiers with eloquence and propriety, v— ^— _/
He gratified their avarice by a liberal diftribution of treafurc, under
the names of pay and donative. He engaged their eflcem by a
fpirited declaration, that although his age might difable him from
the performance of military exploits, his counfels ihould never be
unworthy of a Roman general, the fucceiTor of the brave Au-
relian '*.
Whilfl: the deceafed emperor was makinf? preparations for a fe- The Ahni
cond expedition into the Eaft, he had negociated with the Alani, and are re-
a Scythian people, who pitched their tents in the neighbourhood of Tacitus.^
the lake Moeotis. Thofe barbarians, allured by prefents and fub-
fidies, had promifed to invade Perfia with a numerous body of light
cavalry. They were faithful to their engagements ; but when they
arrived on the Roman frontier, Aurelian was already dead, the defign
of the Perfian war was at leaft fufpended, and the generals, who,
during their interregnum, exercifed a doubtful authority, were unpre-
pared either to receive or to oppofe them. Provoked by fuch treat-
ment, which they confidered as trifling and perfidious, the Alani had
recourfe to their own valour for their payment and revenge ; and as
they moved with the ufual fwiftnefs of Tartars, they had foon fpread
themfelves over the provinces of Pontus, Cappadocia, Cilicia, and
Galatia. The legions, who from the oppofite ihores of the Bofphorus
could almoft dininguiih the flames of the cities and villages, impa-
tiently urged their general to lead them againfl: the invaders. The
condudl of Tacitus was fuitable to his age and ftation. He convinced
the barbarians, of the faith, as well as of the power, of the empire.
Great numbers of the Alani, appeafed by the pundual difcharge of
the engagements which Aurelian had contraiSed with them, relin-
quiflied their booty and captives, and quietly retreated to their owq
'" Hiil. Auguft. p. 228.
defer ts,
392
THE DECLINE AND FALL
c Η A P. (leferts, beyond the Phafis. Againft the remainder who refufcd peace,
A-ii.
V— — v— — I the Roman emperor waged, in perfon, a fuccefsful war. Seconded by
ail army of brave and experienced A'eterans, in a few weeks he de-
livered the provinces of Afia from the terror of the Scythian in-
vafion '\
Death of the β^^ι); χ\^ζ glory and life of Tacitus were of ihort duration, Tranf-
emperor
Tacitus. ported, in the depth of winter, from the foft retirement of Cam-
pania, to the foot of mount Caucafus, he funk under the unaccuf-
tomed hardihips of a military life. The fatigues of the body were
aggravated by the cares of tlie mind. For a while, the angry and felfiih
paffions of the foldiers had been fufpended by the enthufiafm of
public virtue. They foon broke out with redoubled violence, and
raged in the camp, and even in the tent, of the aged emperor. His
mild and amiable charadter ferved only to infpire contempt, and he
was inceflantly tormented with fadions which he could not afluage,
and by demands which it was impoiFible to fatisfy. Whatever flat-
tering expectations he had conceived of reconciling the public dif-
orders, Tacitus foon was convinced, that the licentioufnefs of the
army difdained the feeble reftraint of laws, and his laft hour was
haftcned by anguiih and difappointment. It may be doubtful
whether the foldiers imbrued their hands in the blood of this innocent
prince '\ It is certain, that their infolence was the caufe of his death.
A. D. 276. He expired at Tyana in Cappadocia, after a reign of only fix months
April 12.
and about twenty days %
" Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 230. Zo- '^ Eutropius and Aurelius Vidlor only fay
fimus, 1. i. p. 57. Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 637. that he died ; Viilor Junior adds, thatitwas
Two paflages in the life of Probus (p. 236. of a fever. Zofimus and Zonaras affirm, that
238.) convince me, that thefe Scythian in- he was killed by the foldiers. Vopifcus men-
vaders of Pontus were Alani. If we may be- tions both accounts, and feems to hefitate.
Heve Zofimus (1. i. p. 58.), Florianus purfued Yet furely thefe jarring opinions are eafily
them as far as the Cimmerian Bofphorus. But reconciled.
he had fcarcely time for fo long and difficult '* According to the two \'i£lors, he reigned
an expedition. exaftly two hundred days.
The
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 393
The eyes of Tacitus were fcarcely clofed, before his brother C HA P.
Florianus ftiewed himfelf unworthy to reign, by the hafty ufurpation < -; — »
. r 1 Γ Ufiirjiation
of the purple, without expcding the approbation or the lenate. and death of
The reverence for the Roman conftitution, which yet influenced piorianus?
the camp and the provinces, was fufiiciently ftrong to difpofe them
to cenfure, but not to provoke them to oppofe, the precipitate am-
bition of Florianus. The difcontent would have evaporated in
idle murmurs, had not the general of the Eaft, the heroic Probus,
boldly declared himfelf the avenger of the fenate. The contefl:,
however, was ftill unequal ; nor could the moft able leader, at the
head of the effeminate troops of Egypt and Syria, encounter, with
any hopes of victory, the legions of Europe, whofe irrefiilible
ftrength appeared to fupport the brother of Tacitus. But the
fortune and adlivity of Probus triumphed over every obftacle.
The hardy veterans of his rival, accuftomed to cold climates,
fickened and confumed away in the fultry heats of Cilicia, where the
fummer proved remarkably unwholefome. Their numbers were di-
minifhed by frequent defertion, the paiTes of the mountains were
feebly defended ; Tarfus opened its gates, and the foldiers of Flo-
rianus, when they had permitted him to enjoy the Imperial title
about three months, delivered the empire from civil war by the eafy July.
facrifice of a prince whom they defpifed ^\
The perpetual revolutions of the throne had fo perfedly erafed Their family
r , τ •, , ,ί-.ι ,- ^ fubfifts in ob-
every notion or hereditary right, that the family of an unfortunate fcurity,
emperor was incapable of exciting the jealoufy of his fuccefTors.
The children of Tacitus and Florianus were permitted to defcend
into a private ftation, and to mingle with the general mafs of the
people. Their poverty indeed became an additional fafcguard to
'" Hift. Auguft. p. 231. Zofimus, 1. i. adopted by a very learned man) would throw
p. 58, 59. Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 637. Aure- that period of hiftory into inextricable con-
lius Vi£lor fays, that Probus afliimed the em- fufion.
pire in Illyricum ; an opinion which (though
. Vol. I. 3 Ε their
394 THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP, their innocence. When Tacitus was eledcd by the fenate, he
XII.
« /- ' refigned his ample patrimony to the public fervice ", an a£t of ge-
ncrofity fpecious in appearance, but which evidently difclofed his
intention of tranfmitting the empire to his defcendents. The only
confolation of their fallen ftate, was the remembrance of tranfient
greatnefs» and a diftant hope, the child of a flattering prophecy, that,
at the end of a thoufand years, a monarch of the race of Tacitus
ihould arife, the protedor of the fenate, the reftorer of Rome, and
the conqueror of the whole earth ".
Charafter The peafants of lUyricum, who had already given Claudius and
of the"m- Aurelian to the finking empire, had an equal right to glory in the
perorProbiis. giey^tJQi^ of Probus "'. Above twenty years before, the emperor
Valerian, with his ufual penetration, had difcovered the rlfing merit
of the young foldier, on whom he conferred the rank of tribune,
long before the age prefcribed by the military regulations. The
tribune foon juftified his choice, by a vidory over a great body of
Sarmatians, in which he faved the life of a near relation of Va-
lerian ; and deferved to receive from the emperor's hand the collars,
bracelets, fpears, and banners, the mural and the civic crown, and
all the honourable rewards referved by ancient Rome for fuccefsful
valour. The third, and afterwards the tenth, legion were intruded to
the command of Probus, who, in every ilep of his promotion, ihewed
himfelf fuperior to the ilation which he filled. Africa and Pontus,
the Rhine, the Danube, the Euphrates, and the Nile, by turns afforded
him the moil fplendid occafions of difplaying his perfonal prowefs and
his condudl in war. Aurelian was indebted to him for the conqueft of
Egypt, and ftill more indebted for the honeft courage with which he
'' Hift. Auguft. p. 229. pifcus with proper modefty) will not fubfifl a
*^ He was to fend judges to the Parthians, thoufand years to expofe or jullify the pre-
Pcrfians, and Sarmatians, a prefident to Ta- diilion.
probana, and a proconful to the Roman ifland ^^ For the private life of Probus, fee Vo-
(fuppofed by Cafaubon and Salmafius to mean pifcus in Hiil. Auguft. p. 23/).— 237.
Britain). Such a hiilory as mine (fays Vo- ,
I often
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 3^5
often checked the cruelty of his maftcr. Tacitus, who dcfired by CHAP.
ΧΠ
the abilities of his generals to fupply his own deficiency of military u—v— j
talents, named him commander in chief of all the eailern provinces,
with five times the ufual falary, the promife of the confulihip, and the
hope of a triumph. When Probus afcended the Imperial throne, he
was about forty-four years of age ^*; in the full pofleffion of his fame,
of the love of the army, and of a mature vigour of mind and body.
His acknowledged merit, and the fuccefs of his arms againft Hisrefpeft-
Florianus, left him without an enemy or a competitor. Yet, if we folardi'^th^c
may credit his own profeiTions, very far from being defirous of the ^^^^^•
empire, he had accepted it with the moil fincere reluilance. ** But
*' it is no longer in my power," fays Probus, in a private letter,
" to lay dowm a title fo full of envy and of danger. I muft con-
*' tinue to perfonate the charaiter which the foldiers have impofed
" upon me "'.'' His dutiful addrefs to the fenate difplayed the
fentiments, or at leaft the language, of a Roman patriot : " When
"you eleded one of your order, confcript fathers! to fucceed the
*' emperor Aurelian, you a£led in a manner fuitable to your juftice
*' and wifdom. For you are the legal fovereigns of the world,
" and the power which you derive from your anceftors, will de-
" fcend to your pofterity. Happy would it have been, if Flori-
" anus, inilead of ufurping the purple of his brother, like a pri-
*' vate inheritance, had expefted what your majefty might deter-
*' mine, either in his favour, or in that of any other perfon. The
" prudent foldiers have puniilied his raflinefs. To me they have
•' offered the title of Auguftus. But I fubmit to your clemency my
*' pretenfions and my merits'*." When this refpedlful epiftle was a'J^'o^'^'
ο J'
^* According to the Alexandrian Chronicle, great office. See Hift. Auguft. p. 237.
he v/as fifty at the time of his death. "^^ Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 237. The
-' The letter was addreiTed to the Pra;to- date of the letter is afluredly faulty. Inilead
rian praifeil, whom (on condition of his good of No/i. Ftiruar. we may read AW. Auguft.
behaviour) he promifed to continue in his
3 Ε 2 read
9<i
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
XU.
Viftories of
Probus over
the barba-
rians.
read by the conful, the fenators were unable to difguife their fatif-
fadion, that Probus ihould condefcend thus humbly to foliclt a
fceptre which he already poiTciTed. They celebrated with the
warmeil gratitude his virtues, his exploits, and above all his mode-
ration. A decree immediately paiTcd, without a diflenting voice, to
ratify the election of the eaftern armies, and to confer on their
chief all the feveral branches of the Imperial dignity : the names of
CEcfar and Auguftus, the title of Father of his country, the right
of making in the fame day three motions in the fenate '\ the office
of Pontifex Maximus, the tribunitian power, and the proconfular
command; a mode of inveftiture, which, though it feemed to mul-
tiply the authority of the emperor, exprefled the conftitution of the
ancient republic. The reign of Probus correfponded with this fair
beginning. The fenate was permitted to diredt the civil admini-
ftration of the empire. Their faithful general aflerted the honour
of the Roman arms, and often laid at their feet crowns of gold
and barbaric trophies, the fruits of his numerous vidories *\ Yet,
"whilft he gratified their vanity, he muft fecretly have defpifed their
indolence and weaknefs. Though it was every moment in their
power to repeal the difgraceful edi<il of Gallienus, the proud fuccef-
fors of the Scipios patiently acquiefced in their exclufion from all
military employments. They foon experienced, that thofe who re-
fufe the fword, muft renounce the fceptre.
The ftrength of Aurelian had cruihed on every fide the enemies of
Rome. After his death they feemed to revive with an increafe of
fury and of numbers. They were again vanquiihed by the adive vi-
gour of Probus, who, in a ihort reign of about fix years *', equalled
the
^' See the dutiful letter of Probus to the
fenate, after his German viftories. Hift. Au-
guft. p. 239.
*' The date and duration of the reign of
Probus are very correftly afcertained by Car-
dinal Noris, in his learned work, De Epochis
Syro-
*' Hift. Auguft. p. 238. It is odd, that the
fenate Ihould treat Probus lefs favourably than
Marcus Antoninus. That prince had re-
ceived, even before the death of Pius, yus
qiilntre relationis. See Capitolin. in Hill. Au-
guil. p. 24.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIR:E. 397
the fame of ancient heroes, and reilored peace and order to every pro- chap,
_ Xii.
■vince of the Roman world. The dangerous frontier of Rhaetia he fo ν ν ■ „ ■*
firmly fecured, that he left it without the fufpicion of an enemy. He
broke the wandering power of the Sarmatian tribes, and by the terror
of his arms compelled thofe barbarians to relinquiih their fpoil. The
Gothic nation courted the alliance of fo warlike an emperor'". He
attacked the Ifaurians in their mountains, befieged• and took feveral•
of their ftrongeil caftles '', and flattered himfelf that he had for ever
fuppreiTed a domeftic foe, whofe independence fo deeply wounded the
majefty of the empire. The troubles excited by the ulurper Firmus•
in the Upper Egypt, had never been perfedlly appeafed, and the
cities of Ptolemais and Coptos, fortified by the alliance of the Blem-
myes, ftill maintained an obfcure rebellion. The chaftifement of
thofe cities, and of their auxiliaries the favages of the South, is faid'
to have alarmed the court of Perfia ", and the great King fued in
vain for the friendfliip of Probus. Moil of the exploits which dif-
tinguiihed his reign, were atchieved by the perfonal valour and con-
dud of the emperor, infomuch that the writer of his life expreifes
fome amazement how, in fo fliort a time, a fingle man could be pre-
fent in fo many diftant wars. The remaining adions he intrufted to
the care of his lieutenants, the judicious choice of whom forms no
rnconfiderable part of his glory. Carus, Diocletian, Maximian,
Conflantius, Galerius, Afclepiodatus, Annibalianus, and a crowd of
other chiefs, who afterwards afcended or fupported the throne, were
trained to arms in the fevere fchool of Aurelian and Probus ".
Syro-Macedonum, p. 96 — 105. A pallage '^ Zofim. 1. i. p. 65. Vopifcus in Hift,'
of Eufebius connefts the fecond year of Pro- Augull. p. 239, 240. Butitfeems incredible^
bus, with the sras of fev-eral of the Syrian that tlie defeat of the Savages of Ethiopia
cities. could afFedt the Perfian monarch.
^" Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft:. p. 239. ^^ Befides thefe well-known chiefs, feveral
^' Zofimus (1. i. p. 62 — 65.) tells a very others are n.amed by Vopifcus (Hift. Auguft.
long and trifling ftory of Lycius the Ifaurian p. 241.), whofe ailions have not reached our
jobber. knowledge.
9 But
3Φ
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
ΧΠ.
A. D. 277.
He delivers
Gaul from
the invafion
of the Ger-
mans,
But the moil important fervice which Probus rendered to the re-
public, was the deHverance of Gaul, and the recovery of ievcnty
flouriihing cities oppreffed by the barbarians of Germany, who,
fmce the death of Aurelian, had ravaged that great province wdih
impunity '*. Among the various multitude of thofe fierce invaders,
we may diftinguiih, with feme degree of clearnefs, three great armies,
or rather nations, fucceffiveiy vanquiilied by the valour of Probus.
He drove back the Franks into their morafles ; a defcriptive cir-
cumftance from whence we may infer, that the confederacy known
by the manly appellation of Free, already occupied the flat maritime
country, interfeiled and almoft overflown by the fl:agnating waters
of the Rhine, and that feveral tribes of the Frifians and Batavians
had acceded to their alliance. He vanquiflied the Burgundians, a
confiderable people of the Vandalic race. They had wandered in
quefl: of booty from the banks of the Oder to thofe of the Seine.
They efteemed themfelves fufficiently fortunate to purchafe, by the
reftitution of all their booty, the permiiBon of an undifturbed retreat.
They attempted to elude that article of the treaty. Their punifli-
ment was immediate and terrible ". But of all the invaders of Gaul,
the mofl; formidable were the Lygians, a diftant people who reigned
over a wide domain on the frontiers of Poland and Silefia ''^. In
the Lygian nation, the Aril held the firil rank by their numbers
and fiercenefs. " The Arii (it is thus that they are defcribed by the
*' energy of Tacitus) fl:udy to improve by art and circumftances the
*' innate terrors of their barbarifm. Their fhieids are black, their
*' bodies are painted black. They chufe for the combat the darkefl:
*' hour of the night. Their hoil: advances, covered as it were with
*' a funereal fhade'^; nor do they often find an enemy capable of
■^* See the Cxfars of Julian and Hill. Au- ^* See Cluver. Germania Antigua, J. iii.
■gijft. p. 238, 240, 24.1. Ptolemy places in their country the city of
" Zofimus, 1. i. p. 62. Hill. Auguil. p, Califia, probably Calilh in Silefia.
240. But the latter luppofes the punifnmCnt ^' Fcralis umbra, is the expreflion of Ta-
infiiilcd with the confent of their kings; if citus : it is furely a very bold one.
fO; it was partial like the offence.
" fufl:aining
OF THE ROM AN EMPIRE. 399
«•' fuilainlng fo ftrange and infernal an afped. Of all our fenfes, ^ ^ A P.
« the eyes are the firft vanquiihed in battle '*." Yet the arms « /— '
and difcipline of the Romans cafily difcomfitcd thcfe horrid phan-
toms. The Lygli were defeated in a general engagement, and Semno,
the moft renowned of their chiefs, fell alive into the hands of Probus.
That prudent emperor, unwilling to reduce a brave people to defpair,
granted them an honourable capitulation, and permitted them to
return in fafety to their native country. But the lofles which they
fuffered in the march, the battle, and the retreat, broke the power
of the nation : nor is the Lygian name ever repeated in the hiilory
either of Germany or of the empire. The deliverance of Gaul is
reported to have coft the lives of four hundred thoufand of the in-
vaders ; a ■v^ork of labour to the Romans, and of expence to the
emperor, who gave a piece of gold for the head of every barba-
rian ". But as the fame of warriors is built on the deftruQion of
human kind, we may naturally fufpe£l:, that the fanguinary account
was multiplied by the avarice of the foldiers, and accepted without
any very fevere examination by the liberal vanity of Probus.
Since the expedition of Maximin, the Roman generals had con- fi**^ carries
'■ ° his arms into
fined their ambition to a defenfive war againil the nations of Ger- Germany.
many, who perpetually preiTed on the frontiers of the empire. The
more daring Probus purfued his Gallic vidories, pafled the Rhine,
and difplayed his invincible eagles on the banks of the Elbe and the
Necker. He was fully convinced that nothing could reconcile the
minds of the barbarians to peace, ualefs they experienced in their
own country the calamities of war. Germany, exhaufted by the
ill fuccefs of the lafl: emigration, was aftoniflied by his prefence.
Nine of the moft confiderable princes repaired to his camp, and fell
proftrate at his feet. Such a treaty was humbly received by the
Germans, as it pleafed the conqueroi- to didate. He exacted a^j
3* Tacit. Germania (c. 43.) 39 Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 238.
400 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, flf|£t reil'itution of the efFeds and captives which they had carried
XII.
v_— V— ' away from the provinces ; and obliged their own magiftrates to
puniih the more obilinate robbers who prefumcd to detain any part
of the fpoil. A confiderable tribute of corn, cattle, and horfes, the
only wealth of barbarians, was refcrved for the ufe of the garrifons
which Probus eftabliihed on the limits of their territory. He even
entertained fome thoughts of compelling the Germans to rclinquifli
the exercife of arms, and to truft their differences to the juftice,
their fafety to the power of Rome. To accomplifli thefe falutary
ends, the conftant reftdence of an Imperial governor, fupported by
a numerous army, was indifpenfably requifite. Probus therefore
judged it more expedient to defer the execution of fo great a de-
fxp-n ; which was indeed rather of fpecious than folid utility '^\ Had
Germany been reduced into the ftate of a province, the Romans,
with immenfe labour and expence, would have acquired only a
more extenfive boundary to defend againft the fiercer and more
a£tive barbarians of Scythia.
He builds a Inilcad of reducing the warlike natives of Germany to the con-
Rhlnetothe dition of fubjefls, Probus contented himfelf with the humble ex-
pedient of raifing a bulwark againft their inroads. The country,
which now forms the circle of Swabia, had been left defert in the
age of Auguftus by the emigration of its ancient inhabitants *'.
The fertility of the. foil foon attraded a new colony from the ad-
jacent provinces of Gaul. Crowds of adventurers, of a roving tem-
per and of defperate fortunes, occupied the doubtful poifeffion, and
acknowledged, by the payment of tythes, the majefty of the em-
pire *'. To protedt thefe new fubjeds, a line of frontier garrifons was
*' Hift. Auguft. p. 238, 239. Vopifciis Marcomanni into Bohemia : Cluverius (Ger-
quotes a letter from the emperor to the fenate, man. Antiq. iii. 8.) proves that it was from
in which he mentions his defign of reducing Swabia.
Germany into a province. +- Thefe fettlers from the payment of tythes
*' Strabo, 1. vii. According to Velleius were denominated, Decumates. Tacit. Ger-
Paterculus (ii. 108.) Maroboduus led his mania, c. 29.
gradually
Pani'-be.
OFTHE ROMAN EMPIRE. 401
gradually extended from the Rhine to the Danube. About the reign CHAP,
of Hadrian, when that mode of defence began to be pradifed, thefe
garrifons were connected and covered by a ftrong intrenchment of trees
and pallfades. In the place of fo rude a bulwark, the emperor Probus
conftruded a ftone-wall of a confiderable height, and ftrengthened
it by towers at convenient diftances. From the neighbourhood of
Newftadt and Ratiibon on the Danube, it ftretched acrofs hills,
values, rivers, and moraifes, as far as Wimpfen on the Necker,
and at length terminated on the banks of the Rhine, after a wind-
ing courfe of near two hundred miles *'. This important barrier,
uniting the two mighty ftreams that protedled the provinces of Eu-
rope, feemed to fill up the vacant fpace through which the barbari-
ans, and particularly the Alemanni, could penetrate with the greateft
facility into the heart of the empire. But the experience of the world
from China to Britain, has expofed the vain attempt of fortifying
any extenfive tradt of country *^. An adive enemy, who can feledt
and vary his points of attack, muft, in the end, difcover fome feeble
fpot or fome unguarded moment. The ftrength, as well as the at-
tention, of the defenders is divided ; and fuch are the blind efFedls
of terror on the firmeft troops, that a line broken in a fingle place,
is almoft inftantly deferted. The fate of the wall which Probus
ereded, may confirm the general obfervation. Within a few years
after his death, it was overthrown by the Alemanni. Its fcattered
ruins, univerfally afcribed to the power of the Dxmon, now ferve
only to excite the wonder of the Swabian peafant.
*' See Notes de I'Abbe de la Bleterie a la globe in general, and with Germany in par-
Germanic de Tacire, p. 183. His account ticular : with regard to the latter, he quotes
of the wall is chiefly borrowed (as he fays him- a work of M. Hanfeiman ; but he feems to
felf ) from the Alfatia Illufirata of Schoepflin. confound the wall of Probus, defigned againft
** See Recherches fur les Chinois et les the Alemanni, with the fortification of the
Egyptiens, torn. ii. p. 81—102. The ano- Mattiaci, conllruiled in tlie neighbourhood
nymous author is well acquainted with the of FrancforC againft the Catli.
Vol. I. 3 F Among
402 τ Η Ε D Ε C L I Ν Ε A Ν D F A L L
C II A P. Among the ufeful conditions of peace impofcd by Probus on the
» ^ — ^ Vanquiihed nations of Germany, wis the obligation of fupplying
and fettle- the Roman army with fixteen thoufand recruits, the braveft and
hTrbarians.^ moft robuft of their youth. The emperor difperled them through
all the provinces, and diilributed this dangerous reinforcement in
fmall bands, of fifty or fixty each, among the national troops ;
judicioufly "obfcrving, that the aid which the republic derived from
the barbprians, iliould be felt but not feen *'. Their aid was now
become neceffary. The feeble elegance of Italy and the internal
provinces could no longer fupport the weight of arms. The hardy
frontier of the Rhine and Danube ilill produced niinds and bodies
equal to the labours of the camp ; but a perpetual feries of wars had
gradually diminiihed their numbers. The infi-equency of marriage,
and the ruin of agriculture, affedted the principles of population, and
not only deftroyed the ftrength of the prefent, but intercepted the
hope of future, generations. The wifdom of Probus embraced a great
and beneficial plan of repleniihing the exhaufted frontiers, by neW"
colonies of captive or fugitive barbarians, on whom he beftowed
lands, cattle, inftruments of huibandry, and every encouragement
that might engage them to educate a Tace of foldiers for the fervice
of the republic. Into Britain, and moft probably into Cambridge-
ihire **, he tranfported a confiderable body of Vandals. The im-
poflibility of an efcape, reconciled them to their fituation, and in
the fubfequent troubles of that ifland, they approved themfelves the
moft faithful fervants of the ftate *^. Great num.bers of Franks
and Gep'idx were fettled on the banks of the Danube and the
Rhine. An hundred thoufand Baftarnse, expelled from their own
♦' He diftribiited about fifty or fixty Bar- but he fpeaks from a very doubtful conjec-
barians to a Kumerus, as it was then called, ture.
a corps with whofe ellabliihed number we are ■*' Zofimus, 1. i. p. 62. According to
not exadlly acquainted. Vopifcus, another body of Vandals was lefs
** Camden'sBritannia,IntrodudUon,p.i36; faithful.
country,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 405
country, cheerfully accepted an eftabliiliment in Thrace, and foon chap.
imbibed the manners and fentiments of Roman fubjedts *\ But <. -.-1,^
the expedlations of Probus were too often difappointed. The
impatience and idlenefs of the barbarians could ill brook the flow-
labours of agriculture. Their unconquerable love of freedom,
rifing againil defpotifm, provoked them into hafty rebellions, alike
fatal to themfelves and to the provinces "*' ; nor could thefe artificial
fupplies, however repeated by fucceeding emperors, reilore the im-
portant limit of Gaul and Illyricum to its ancient and native
vigour.
Of all the barbarians who abandoned their new fettlements, and Daring en-
difturbed the public tranquillity, a very fmall number returned to their Franb."^'^**
own country. For a ihort feafon they might wander in arms through
the empire; but in the end they were furely deftroyed by the power
of a warlike emperor. The fuccefsful raihnefs of a party of Franks
was attended, however, with fuch memorable confequences, that it
ought not to be pafled unnoticed. They had been eftabliihed by
Probus, on the fea-coail of Pontus, with a view of fl:rengthening
that frontier againft the inroads of the Alani. A fleet ftationed in
one of the harbours of the Euxine, fell into the hands of the Franks;
and they refolvcd, through unknown feas, to explore their way from
the mouth of the Phafis to that of the Rhine. They eafily efcaped
through the Bofphorus and the Hellefpont, and cruizing along the
Mediterranean, indulged their appetite for revenge and plunder,
by frequent defcents on the unfufpedting fliores of Alia, Greece, and
Africa. The opulent city of Syracufe, in whofe port the navies
of Athens and Carthage had formerly been funk, was facked by
a handful of barbarians, who mafl^acred the greatcfl: part of the
trembling inhabitants. From the ifland of Sicily, the Franks pro-
ceeded to the columns of Hercules, trufted themfelves to the ocean,
♦' Hift. Aug. p. 240. They were probably *9 ΗϊΛ. Auguft. p. 240.
expelled by the Goths. Zofim. 1. i. p. 66.
3 F 3 coafl:ed
^Q^ THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP, coafted round Spain and Gaul, and ftcering their triumphant courfe
XII.
^_ ' ^-. ._,! through the Britiih channel, at length finiihed their furprlfing
voyage, by landing in fafety on the Batavian or Frifian ihores '".
The example of their fuccefs, inftrudling their countrymen to con-
ceive the advantages, and to defpife the dangers, of the fea, pointed
out to their enterprifing fpirit, a' new road to wealth and glory.
Revolt of Sa- Notwithftanding the vigilance and adivity of Probus, it was almoil
turninus in , , , • • i τ η •
the Ball; impoffible that he could at once contain in obedience every part or his
■wide extended dominions. The barbarians who broke their chains,
had feized the favourable opportunity of a domeilic war. Whea
the emperor marched to the relief of Gaul, he devolved the com-
mand of the Eail, on Saturninus. That general, a man of merit
and experience, was driven into rebellion by the abfence of his ^o^
vereign, the levity of the Alexandrian people, the preffing in-
ilances of his friends, and his own fears ; but from the moment of
his elevation, he never entertained a hope of empire, or even of
life. "Alas!" he faid, "the republic has lofi: a ufeful fervanr,
" and the raihnefs of an hour has deftroyed the fervices of many
*' years. You know not," continued he, " the mifery of fovereigii
" power ; a fvvord is perpetually fufpended over our head. We
** dread our very guards, we dirtruft our companions. The choice
*' of action or of repofe is no longer in our difpofition, nor is there
" any age, or charader, or conduit, that can proteil us from the cen-
" fure of envy. In thus exalting me to the throne, you have
*' doomed me to a life of cares, and to an untimely fate. The only
*' confolation which remains is, the aiTurance that I Ihall not fall
" alone "." But as the former part of his predidion was verified
by the vidory, fo the latter was difappointed by the clemency
'" Panegyr. Vet. v. i8. Zofimus, 1. i. at Carthage, and was therefore more proba"-
p. 66. bly a Moor (Zofim. 1. i. p. 6o.) tlian a Gau!,
'' Vopifciis in Hift. Auguft. p. 24^, 246. as Vopifcus calls him.
The unfortunate orator had ftudicd rhetoric
of
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 405
of Probus. That amiable prince attempted even to fave the un- chap,
happy Saturninus from the fury of the foldiers. He had more than \ ,-.»j
once folicited the ufurper himfelf, to place fome confidence in
the mercy of a fovereign who fo highly efleemed his charaiter, that a. D. 279.
he had puniflied, as a malicious informer, the firil who related the
improbable news of his defedion '\ Saturninus might, perhaps,
have embraced the generous offer, had he not been reflrained by
the obftinate diRruft of his adherents. Their guilt was deeper, and
their hopes more fanguine, than thofe of their experienced leader.
The revolt of Saturninus was fcarcely extinguiihed in the Eaif, a. D. 280.
before new troubles were excited in the Weft, by the rebellion a„d Procdus
of Bonofus and Proculus, in Gaul. The moft diftinguiihed merit '" ^^"^•
of thofe two officers was their refpeitive prowefs, of the one in the
combats of Bacchus, of the other in thofe of Venus '' ; yet neither
of them were deftitute of courage and capacity, and both fuftained,
with honour, the auguft character which the fear of puniihment had
engaged them to aftume, till they funk at length beneath the
fuperior genius of Probus. He ufed the vidory with his accuf-
tomed moderation, and fpared the fortunes as well as the lives of
their innocent families'*.
The arms of Probus had now fuppreffed all the foreign and do- a.d. 281,
meftic enemies of the ftate. His mild but fteady adminiftration theempaor
confirmed the re-eftabliihment of the public tranquillity ; nor was i'™•^"'•
there left in the provinces a hoftile barbarian, a tyrant, or even a
robber, to revive the memory of paft diforders. It was time that
the emperor ihould revifit Rome, and celebrate his own glory and
5'- Zonaras, 1. xii. p. 638. '* Proculus, who was a native of Albengue
" A very furprifing initance is recorded of on the Genoefecoaft, armed two thoufand of
the prowefs of Proculus. He had taken one his own flaves. His riches were great, but
hundred Sarmatian virgins. The rell of the they were acquired by robbery. It was afrer-
llory he muft relate in his own language ; Ex wards a faying of his family, Nee latrones
his una node decern inivi : omnes tamen, eife, nee principes fibi placerc. Vopifcus
quod in me crat, mulicres intra dies quinde- in Hift. Auguft. p. 247.
tern reddidi. Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 246.
the
pJiiie.
406 THE DECLINE AND FALI,
CHAP, tiie general happlnefs. The triumph due to the valour of Probus
was condu£led with a magnificence fuitable to his fortune, and the
people who had fo lately admired the trophies of Aurelian, gazed
with equal pleafure on thofe of his heroic fucceflbr ''. We cannot,
on this occafion, forget the defpcrate courage of about fourfcore
Gladiators, referved with near fix hundred others, for the inhuman
fports of the amphitheatre. Difdaining to fhed their blood for the
amufement of the populace, they killed their keepers, broke from
the place of their confinement, and filled the ftreets of Rome with
blood and confufion. After an obftinate refiftance they were over-
powered and cut in pieces by the regular forces ; but they obtained
at leaft an honourable death, and the fatisfadion of a juft re-
venge '*.
His dird- The military difcipline which reigned in the camps of Probus,
was lefs cruel than that of Aurelian, but it was equally rigid and
exa£l. The latter had puniilied the irregularities of the foldiers with
unrelenting feverity, the former prevented them by employing the
legions in conftant and ufeful labours. When Probus commanded
in Egypt, he executed many confidcrable works for the fplendour
and benefit of that rich country. The navigation of the Nile, fo
important to Rome itfelf, was improved ; and temples, bridges,
porticoes, and palaces, Avere conftruiled by the hands of the
foldiers, who aded by turns as architeds, as engineers, and as
hufbandmen ". It was reported of Hannibal, that, in order to pre-
ferve his troops from the dangerous temptations of idlenefs, he
had obliged them to form large plantations of olive trees along the
coaft of Africa '^ From a fimilar principle, Probus exercifed his
legions in covering, with rich vineyards, the hills of Gaul and
5' Hift. Auguft. p. 240. writer, is irreconcilable with the hiftory of
^' Zofim. 1. i. p. 66. his life. He left Africa when hti was nine
" Hift. Auguft. p. 236. years old ; returned to it when he was forty-
5* Aurel. Vidlor in Prob. But the policy of five, and immediately loft his army in the
Hannibal, unnoticed by any more ancient decifive battle of Zama. Livius, xxx. 37.
8 Pannonia,
OF THE η OMAN EMPIRE, 407
Pannonia, and two confiderable fpots are defcribed, which were ^ ^^^^ ^'
entirely dug and planted by military labour ". One of thefe, known ' /— -*
under the name of Mount Almo, was fituated near Sirmium, the
country where Probus was born, for which he ever retained a
partial afFedtion, and whofe gratitude he endeavoured to fecure,
by converting into tillage a large and unhealthy tradl of marfhy
ground. An army thus employed, conftituted perhaps the moil ufc-
ful, as well as the braveft, portion of Roman fubjeds.
But in the profecution of a favourite fcheme, the beft of men, fa- His death,
tisfied with the redtitude of their intentions, are fubjedt to forget the
bounds of moderation ; nor did Probus himfelf fufficiently confult
the patience and difpofition of his fierce legionaries *°. The dangers
of the military profeffion feem only to be compenfated by a life of
pleafure and idlenefs ; but if the duties of the foldier are in-
ceiTantly aggravated by the labours of the peafant, he will at laft
fink under the intolerable burden, or ihake it off with indignation.
The imprudence of Probus is faid to have inflamed the difcontent
of his troops. More attentive to the interefts of mankind than
to thofe of the army, he expreiTed the vain hope, that, by the
eftablilhment of univerfal peace, he ihould foon aboliili the neceflity
of a ftanding and mercenary force ^'. The unguarded expreifion
proved fatal to him. In one of the hotted: days of fummer, as he
feverely urged the unwholefome labour of draining the marflies of
Sirmiurri, the foldiers, impatient of fatigue, on a fudden threw
down their tools, grafped their arms, and broke out into a furious
mutiny. The emperor, confcious of his danger, took refuge in a
lofty tower, conftruded for the purpofe of furveying the progrefs
" Hift. Auguft. p. 240. Eutrop. Lx. 17. ''^ Julian beftows a fevere, and indeed ex-
Aurel. Viilor. in Prob. Viilor Junior. He cellive, cenfure on the rigour of Prcbus, who,
revoked the prohibition of Domitian, and as he tJiinks, almoit delerved his fate,
granted a general permiffion of planting vines <" Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 241. He
to the Gauls, the Britons, and the Panno- lavilhes on this idle hope a large ftock. of very
nians. foolilh cloq^uence^
of
4o8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^u ^" °^ ^^^'^ vror'k^''. The tower was inftantly forced, and a thoufand
* . — -- fwords were plunged at once into the bofom of the unfortunate
A. D. 282.
Aiiguii. Probus. The rage of the troops fubfided as foon as it had been
gratified. They then lamented their fatal raflinefs, forgot the fe-
vcrity of the emperor, whom they had maflacred, and hailened to
perpetuate, by an honourable monument, the memory of his vir-
tues and vidories '''.
^h^^fl" ^'V^ When the legions had indulged their grief and repentance for
Cams. the death of Probus, their unanimous confent declared Cams, his
Prsetorian pra:fe£t, the moil deferving of the Imperial throne.
Every circumftance that relates to this prince appears of a mixed
and doubtful nature. He gloried in the title of Roman Citizen ;
and affeded to compare the purity of bis blood, with the foreign
and even barbarous origin of the preceding emperors ; yet the moil
inquifitive of his contemporaries, very far from admitting his claim,
have varioufly deduced his own birth, or that of his parents, from
illyricum, from Gaul, or from Africa '^^ Though a foldier, he
had received a learned education ; though a fenator, he was inverted
with the firft dignity of the army ; and in an age, when the civil
and military profeiTions began to be irrecoverably feparated from
each other, they were united in the perfon of Carus. Notwith-
ftanding the fevere juftice which he exercifed againft the aiTaifins of
Probus, to whofe favour and efteem he was highly indebted, he
could not efcape the fufpicion of being acceflary to a deed from.
whence he derived the principal advantage. He enjoyed, at lead
before his elevation, an acknowledged charader of virtue and
*^ Turns feirata. It feems to have been a founded by Eutroplus with the more famous
moveable tower, and cafed with iron. city of that name in Gaul. His father might
*■' Probus, et vcre probus fitus eft : Viilor be an African, and his mother a noble Ro-
omnium gentium Barbararum : viftor etiam man. Carus himfelf was educated in the
tyrannorum. capital. See Scaliger Animadverfion. ad
^* Yet all this may be conciliated. He Eufeb. Chron. p. 241.
was born at Narbonne, in Illyricum, con-
t abilities j
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 409
abilities *' ; but his auilere temper infenfibly degenerated into ^ HA P.
morofenefs and cruelly; and the imperfed Ajiiiters of his life al- i-^v"•— ^
moil hefitate whether they ihall not rank him in the number of
Roman tyrants ". When Carus aflumed the purple, he was about
fixt^ years of age, and his two fons Carinas and Numerian had al-
ready attained the feafon of manhood '^.
The authority of the fenate expired with Probus ; nor was the '^^^ ''^""■;
■' ^ mentsofthe
repentance of the foldiers difplayed by the fame dutiful regard for fenate and
the civil power, which they had teftified after the unfortunate death
of Aurelian. The eledion of Carus was decided without expeding
the approbation of the fenate, and the new emperor contented him-
felf with announcing, in a cold and ftately epiftle, that he had
afcended the vacant throne *\ A behaviour fo very oppofite to that
of his amiable predeceiTor, afforded no favourable prefage of the new
reign ; and the Romans, deprived of power and freedom, aflerted
their privilege of licentious murmurs ''. The voice of congratula-
tion and flattery was not however filent ; and we may ftill perufe,
Avith pleafure and contempt, an eclogue, which was compofed on the
acceifion of the emperor Carus. Two fhepherds, avoiding the
noon-tide heat, retire into the cave of Faunus. On a fpreading
beech they difcover fome recent charaders. The rural deity had
defcribed, in prophetic verfes, the felicity promifed to the empire,
under the reign of fo great a prince. Faunus hails the approach of
that hero, who, receiving on his ilioulders the finking weight of the
*5 Probus had requeued of the fenate an authority of that ignorant Greek is very flight,
cqucftrian ftatue, and a marble palace, at He ridiculoufiy derives from Carus, the city
the public expence, as a juft recompence of of Carrhx, and the province of Caria, the
the fingular merit of Carus. Vopifcus in latter of which is mentioned by Homer.
Hill. Ausuft. p. 240. es u-n. at. ο
/Λ IT -r ■ ,.-Λ . ., Hut. Auguit. p. 240. Carus con^patu-
" Vopifcus xn Htft. Auguil. p. ζ.μ. 240. ,,,,,. f / , r . ■ ,
, ,. ^ , , , ^ , , , lated the fenate, tliat one oi their own order
Julian excludes the emperor Carus and both ,
\ . , r ,1 ... r was made emperor.
his wns from the banquet of the Cxfars.
" John Malela, tom. i. p. 401. But the ^'> Hift. Auguft. p. 242.
Vol. I. 3 G Roman
4IO THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^.^ ^• Roman world, ihall extinguiih war and failion, and once again
Xii.
' « ' reilore the innocence and fecurity of the golden age ''".
Carusdefeats jj jg more than probable that thefe elegant tiifles never reached
the Sarma- ^ °
tians, and the cars of a veteran general, vi^ho, with the confent of the legions,
marches into ,
the Eaft; was preparing to execute the long fufpended defign of the Pefnan
war. Before his departure for this diftant expedition, Carus con-
ferred on his two fons, Carinus and Numerian, the title of Ca;far,
and inverting the former with almoft an equal fhare of the Im-
perial power, dire£led the young prince, firil to fupprefs fome
troubles which had arifen in Gaul, and afterwards to fix the feat
of his refidence at Rome, and to affume the government of the
weftern provinces^'. The fafety of Illyricum was confirmed by
a memorable defeat of the Sarmatians ; fixteen thoufand of thofe
barbarians remained on the field of battle, and the number of captives
amounted to twenty thoufand. The old emperor, animated with
the fan^ affd profpeit of vidory, purlued his march, in the midfl:
of winter, through the countries of Thrace and Afia Minor, and at
length, with his younger fon Numerian, arrived on the confines of
The Perfian monarchy. There, encamping on the fummit of a lofty
mountain, he pointed out to his troops the opulence and luxury of
the enemy whom they were about to invade.
A. D. 283. The fucceflbr of Artaxerxes, Varanes or Bahram, though he had
diefOrto Λβ fubdued the Segeftans, one of the moft warlike nations of Upper
Perfian am- ^β^ τ- ^^g alarmed at ' the approach of the Romans, and endea-
baiiadors. ' ' *■
voured to retard their progrefs by a negociation of peace. His
ambaifadors entered the camp about fun-fet, at the time when the
troops were fatisfying their hunger with a frugal repaft. The
'" See the firft eclogue of Calphurnius. The '^ Agathias, 1. iv. p. 135. We find one of
defign of it is preferred by Fontenelle, to that his fayings in the Bibliotheque Orientale of
of Virgil's Pollio. See torn. iii. p. 148. M. d'Herbelot. " The definition of huma-
'' Hift. Auguft. p. 353. EutropiuSj ix, 18. nity include* iiU other virtues."
Pagi. Annal.
Perfians
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 411
PeiTians expreiled their defire of being introduced to the prefcnce of C n A i\
the Roman emperor. They Were at length conduced to a foldier, u- -y-— .j
who was feated on the grafs. A piexie of ftale bacon and a few hard
peafe compofed his fupper. A coarfe woollen garment of purple
was the only circumftance that announced his dignity. The con-
ference was conduced with the fame difregard of courtly elegance.
Carus, taking off a cap which he wore to conceal His baldnefs, af-
fured the ambafladors, that, unlefs thei? rftafter -acknowledged the
fuperiority of Rome, he would fpeedily render Perfia as naked of
trees, as his own head was deftitute of hair^'. Notwithftanding
fome traces of art and preparation, we may difcover in this fcene thfe
manners of Carus, and the fevere fimplicity which the martial
princes, who fucceeded Gallienus, had already reftored in the Roman
camps. The minifters of the great king trembled and retired.
The threats of Carus were not without efFed. He ravaged His viftones
Mefopotamia, cut in pieces whatever oppofed his paiTage, made dinary death,
himlelf mailer of the great cities of Seleucia and Ctefiphon (which
feem to have furrendered without refiftance), and carried his vic-
torious arms beyond the Tigris ^*. He had feized the favourable
moment for an invafion. The Perfian councils were diftradled by
domeftic fadions, and the greater part of their forces were detained on
the frontiers of India. Rome and the Eaft received with tranfport
the news of fuch important advantages. Flattery and hope painted,
in the moft lively colours, the fall of Perfia, the conqueft of Arabia,
the fubmiifion of Egypt, and a lafting deliverance from the inroads
of the Scythian nations '^ But the reign of Carus was deftined to
expofe the vanity of predidions. They were fcarcely uttered A. D. 283.
Decem-
'5 Synefius tells this ftory of Carinas ; and '' To the Perfian viftory of Carus, I refer ^'
it is much more natural to underftand it of the dialogue of the P/^/Ve/aiw, which has fo
Carus, than (as Petavius andTillemont chufe long been an objeft of difpute among the
to do) ofProbus. learned. But to explain and jullify my opi-
'* Vopifcus in Hift. Auguil. p. 250. Eu- iiion, would require a diiTertation.
tropias, ix. i8. The two Viftors.
3 G 2 before
412 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^n ^' ^^^^^^ *^^y ^^^^ contradidted by his death ; an event attended with
v»i— „—-* fuch ambiguous circumftances, that it may beft be related in a
letter from his own fecretary to the pr^fed of the city. " Carus,'
fays he, " our deareft emperor, was confined by ficknefs to his bed,
*' when a furious tempeft arofe in the camp. The darknefs which
" overfpread the iky was fo thick, that we could no longer dif-
*' tinguilh each other ; and the inceflant flaihes of lightning took
" from us the knowledge of all that paffed in the general confufion.
** Immediately after the moft violent clap of thunder, we heard a
*' fudden cry, that the emperor was dead ; and it foon appeared,
*' that his chamberlains, ia a rage of grief, had fet fire to the royal
"^ pavillion, a circumftance which gave rife to the report that Carus
*' was killed by lightning. But as far as we have been able to in?
" veftigate the truth, his death was the natural effeft of his difr
" order''."
He is fuc- The vacancy of the throne was not produdive of any diilurbance.
ceeded by _,.._-..
his two ions The ambition of the afpirmg generals was checked by their mu»•
Kumerian. ^^J^l fears, and young Numerian^ with his abfent brother Carinus^
were unanimoufly acknowledged as Roman emperors. The public
expeded that the fucceiTor of Carus would purfue his father's foot-
fteps, and, without allowing the Perfians to recover from their con-
fternation, would advance fword in hand to the palaces of Sufa and
Ecbatana".. But the legions, however ftrong in numbers and dif-
cipline, were difmayed by the mofl: abjed fuperftition. Notwithr
ftanding all the arts that were pradifed to difguife the manner of the
late emperor's death, it v^as found impoffible to remove the opinioa
of the multitude, and the power of opinion isii-refiftible.- Places or
perCons ftr.uck with lightning were confidered by the ancients with•,
'" Hift. Auguft. p. 2-50.. Yft Eutropius, ras, all afcribc the death of Carus to light-
Feilus, Riifus, the two Viftors, Jerome, Si- ning.
donius, Apollinaris, Synccllus, and Zona- " See Nemefian. . Cynegeticon, v. 71, &c. .
pious.-
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 4i>j
pious horror, as fingularly devoted to the wrath of Heaven '\ An CHAP.
oracle was remembered, which marked the river Tigris as the \ >^-«ί
fatal boundary of the Roman arms. The troops, terrified with the
fate of Carus and with their own danger, called aloud on young
Numerian to obey the will of the gods, and to lead them away
from this inaufpicious fcene of war. The feeble emperor was un-
able to fubdue their obftniate prejudice, and the Perfians wondered
at the unexpeded retreat of a vidlorious enemy ".
The intelligence of the myfterious fate of the late emperor, was A. D. 2?+.
foon carried from the frontiers of Perfia to Rome ; and the fenate, rinui.
as well as the provinces, congratulated the acceffion of the fons of
Carus. Thefe fortunate youths were ftrangers, however, to that con-
fcious fuperiority either of birth or of merit, which can alone render
the poffeiTion of a throne eafy, and as it were natural. Born and edu-
cated in a private ftation, the eledion of tlieir father raifed them at
once to the. rank, of princes j and his death, which happened about
fixteen months afterwards, left them the unexpeded legacy of a vail
em-pire,- To fuftain with temper this rapid elevation, an uncommon
ihare of virtue and prudence was rcquifite ; and Carinus,. the elder
of the brothers, was more than commonly deficient in thofe qua^
lities. In the Gallic war, he difcovered fome degree of perfonal
courage *°; but from the moment of his arrival at Rome, he aban-
doned himfelf to the luxury of the capital, and to the abufe of his
fortune. He was foft yet cruel ; devoted to pleafure, but deftitute•
of tafte ; and though exquifitely fufceptible of vanity, indifferent to
t-he public efteem. In the courfe of a few months, he fucceffivtly
married and divorced nine wives, moft of whom he left pregnant ;.
and notwithftanding this legal inconftancy, found time to indulge
^' See Feilus and his commentators, on the reiius Mclcr feems to believe the prediflion, .
word Scribonianum. Places ftnickwith light- and to approve the retreat,
nitig, were furrounded with a wall: thiKgs io Nemefian. Cynegeticon, v. 6g. He
were buried witi myilerious ceremony. ^,^3 a contemporary, but a poet,
^9 Vopifcusin ΗΐΛ. Auguil. p. 250. Au-
fiich.
41^ THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, fucli a variety of irregular appetites, as brought diilionour oa hitnfelf
u^ — , — -/ and on the noblefl: houfes of Rome. He beheld with inveterate hatred
all thofe who might remember his former obfcurity, or cenfure his
prefent condudl. He banifhed, or put to death, the friends and coun-
fellors whom his father had placed about him, to guide his inexpe-
rienced youth ; and he perfecuted with the meanefl: revenge his fchool-
fellows and companions, who had not fufficiently refpefted the latent
majefty of the emperor. With the fenators, Carinus affected a lofty
and regal demeanour, frequently declaring, that he defigned to diftri-
bute their eftates among the populace of Rome. From the dregs of
that populace, he feleited his favourites, and even his minifters. The
palace, and even the Imperial table, was tilled with fingers, dancers,
proilitutes, and all the various retinue of vice and folly. One of his
door-keepers '' he intrufted with the government of the city. In
the room of the Prsetorian prxfed, whom he put to death, Carinus
fubftituted one of the minifters of his loofer pleafures. Another
who pofleiTed the fame, or even a more infamous, title to favour, was-
invefted with the confulfliip. A confidential fecretary, who had ac-
quired uncommon ikill in the art of forgery, delivered the indolent
emperor, with his own confent, from the irkfome duty of figning
his name.
When the emperor Carus undertook the Perfian war, he was in-
duced, by motives of afFedion as well as policy, to fecure the for-
tunes of his family, by leaving in the hands of his eldeft fon the
armies and provinces of the Weft. The intelligence which he foon
received of the condud: of Carinus, filled him with ihame and re-
gret ; nor had he concealed his refohition of fatisfying the republic
by a fevere aft of juftice, and of adopting, in the place of an un-
worthy fon, the brave and v.irtuous Conftantius, w^ho at that time
*' Cancellarius, This word, fo humble in monarchies of Europe. Sf.e Cafaubon and
its origin, has by a fiDgular fortune rofe into Salmafius, ad Hift. Auguft. p. 253.
the title cf the firft great office of ilate in the
3 was
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 415
was governor of Dalmatia. But the elevation of Conftiintius was C Η A P.
for a while deferred ; and as foon as a father's death had releafed ' , »
Carinus from the control of fear or decency, he difplayed to the
Romans the extravagancies of Elagabalus, aggravated by the cruelty
of Domitian ''.
The only merit of the adminiilration of Carinus that hiilory Heceiebrates
the Roman
could record or poetry celebrate, was the uncommon fplendour with games.
which, in his own and his brother's name, he exhibited the Roman
games of the theatre, the circus, and the amphitheatre. More than
twenty years afterwards, when the courtiers of Diocletian repre-
fented to their frugal fovereign the fame and popularity of his mu-
nificent predeceiTor, he acknowledged, that the reign of Carinus
had indeed been a reign of pleafure *'. But this vain prodigality,
which the prudence of Diocletian might juftly defpife, was enjoyed
with furprife and tranfport by the Roman people. The oldefl: of
the citizens, recollefting the fpedacles of former days, the triumph-
al pomp of Probus or Aurelian, and the fecular games of the em-
peror Philip, acknowledged that they were all furpaifed by the fupe-
lior magnificence of Carinus '*.
The fpedacles of Carinus may therefore be beft illuftrated by the Speftades of
obfervalion of fome particulars, which hiftory has condefcended to
relate concerning thofe of his predeceflbrs. If we confine ourfelves
folely to the hunting of wild hearts, however we may cenfure the
vanity of the defign or the cruelty of the execution, we are obliged
to confefs, that neither before nor fince the time of the Romans,
fo much art and expence have ever been laviflied for the amufe-
'^• Vopifcus in Hift. Auguft. p. 253, 254. calls him Carus, but the fenfe is Sufficiently
Eutropius, ίχ. ig. Viftor Junior. The obvious, and the words were often confounded,
reign of Diocletian indeed was fo long and ε+ See Calphurnius. Eclog. vii. 43. We
profperous, that it muft have been very un- may obferve, that the fpeilacles of Probu»
favourable to the reputation of Carinus. were ftill recent, and that the poet is feconded
•^ Vopifcus in Hill. Auguft. p. 254. He by the hiftorian.
meat
4i6 THE DECLINE AND FA'LL
CH^A P. ment of the people". By the order of Probus, a great quantity
of large trees, torn up by the roots, were tranfplanted into the midrt
of the circus. The fpacious and fliady foreft was immediately filled
■with a thoufand oftriches, a thoufand ftags, athoufand fallow deer, and
a thoufand wild boars ; and all this variety of game was abandoned
to the riotous impetuofity of the multitude. The tragedy of the fuc-
ceeding day confided in the maifacre of an hundred lions, an equal
number of lioneiTes, Ιλυο hundred leopards, and three hundred
bears ^\ The colledion prepared by the younger Gordian for his
triumph, and which his fucceflbr exhibited in the fecular games,
was lefs remarkable by the number than by the fingularity of the
animals. Twenty zebras difplayed their elegant forms and varie-
gated beauty to the eyes of the Roman people ^\ Ten elks, and as
many camelopards, the loftieft and moft harmlefs creatures that
wander over the plains of Sarmatia and ^Ethiopia, were contrafted
with thirty African hyaenas, and ten Indian tygers, the moft im-
placable favages of the torrid zone. The unoffending ftrength with
which Nature has endowed the greater quadrupedes, was admired
in the rhinoceros, the hippopotamus of the Nile ^% and a majeilic
troop of thirty-two elephants ^'. While the populace gazed with
ilupid wonder on the fplendid fliow, the naturalift might indeed ob-
ferve the figure and properties of fo many different fpecies, tranf-
ported from every part of the ancient world into the amphitheatre
*5 The philofopher Montaigne (Eflais, 1. *' Carinus gave an hippopotamus (fee Cal-
iii. 6.) giv2s a very juft and lively view of pliurn. Eclog. vii. 66). In the latter fpec-
R-oman 'magnificence in tLefe fpedacles. tacles, I do not recolleft any crocodiles, of
"-^ Vopifcus in Hill. Auguft. p. 240. which Auguftus once exhibited thirty-fix.
" They are called Otiagd ; but the num- Dion Cafllus, 1. Iv. p. 781.
ber Is too inconfiderable for mere v.i!d-afles. ,;, Capltolin. in Hift. Auguft. p. 164, 165.
Ciiper (de Elephantis Exercitat. ii. 7.) h.is ^y^ are not acquainted with the anim,ils whom
proved from Oppian, Dion, and an anony- j^^ ^^,,^ archehontes, fome read argolecntes,
moui Greek, that zebras had been feen .it others «^^r/£./ie?/-Vj ; both corridUo;i- are ve.-y
R,om.e. They were brought from fome i/land nu„_^tory.
of the ocean, perhaps Madagafcar.
2 of
XII.
theatre.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 417.
of Rome. But this accidental benefit, which fcience might derive c Η a ?.
frora foUy, is furely infufficient to juftify fuch a wanton abufe of
the public riches. There occurs, however, a fingle inftance in the
firft Punic war, in which the fenate wifely connedted this amufe-
ment of the multitude with the intereft of the ftate. A confiderablc
number of elephants, taken in the defeat of the Carthaginian army,
were driven through the circus by a few flaves, armed only with
blunt javelins '°. The ufeful fpedacle ferved to imprefs the Roman
foldier with a juil contempt for thofe unwieldy animals ; and he no
longer dreaded to encounter them in the ranks of war.
The hunting or exhibition of wild beads, was conduced with a The amphl•
magnificence fuitable to a people who ilyled themfelves the mailers
of the world ; nor was the edifice appropriated to that entertain-
ment lefs expreffive of Roman greatnefs. Pofterity admires^ and will
long admire, the awful remains of the amphitheatre of Titus, which
fo well deferved the epithet of Coloflal '". It was a building of an
elliptic figure, five hundred and fixty-four feet in lehgth, and four
hundred and fixty-feven in breadth, founded on fourfcore arches,
and rifing, with four fucceifive orders of architedture to the height
of one hundred and forty feet '". The outfide of the edifice
was encrufted with marble, and decorated with ftatues. The flopes
of the vaft concave, which formed the infide, were filled and fur-
rounded with fixty or eighty rows of feats of marble likewife, co-
vered with cuihions, and capable of receiving with eafe above four-
fcore thoufand fpedators ". Sixty- four vomitories (for by that name
" Plin. Hift. Natur. vlii. 6. from th« an- celHnus (m. lo.)• Vet how trifling to the
nals of Pifo. great pyramid of Egypt, which rifes 500 feet
9' See MafFei, Verona Illuftrata, P. iv. perpendicular.
I. i. c. 2. s' According to different copies of Vi<fl<5r,
9' Maffei, 1. ii. c. 2. The height was very we read 77,000, or 87,000 fpeftators ; but
inuch exaggerated by the ancients. It reached MafFei (1. ii. c. 12.) finds room on the opt- ti
ahnoft to the heavens, according to Calphur- feats for no more than 34,000. The re-
nius (Eclog. vii. 23.), and furpafled the ken mainder were contained in the upper covered
of human fight, according to Ammianus Mar- gallerie?.
Vol. I. % Η the
4i8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. d^Q doors were very aptly diftinguiilied) poured forth the immenfe
muhitude ; and the entrances, paflages, and ftair-cafes, were con-
trived with fuch exquifite ikill, that each perfon, whether of the
fenatorial, the equeftrian, or the plebeian order, arrived at his def-
tined place without trouble or confufion '\ Nothing was omitted
which, in any refpedt, could be fubfervicnt to the convenience and
pleafure of the fpedators. They were proteded from the fun and
rain by an ample canopy, occafionally drawn over then• heads. The
air was continually refreihed by the playing of fountains, and pro-
fufely impregnated by the grateful fcent of aromatics. In the cen-
tre of the edifice, the arena, or ftage, was ftrewed with the fined
fand, and fucceifively aifumed the moft different forms. At one
moment it feemed to rife out of the earth, like the garden of the
Hefperides, and was afterwards broken into the rocks and caverns of
Thrace. The fijbterraneous pipes conveyed an inexhauftible fupply
of water ; and what had juft before appeared a level plain, might
be fuddenly converted into a wide lake, covered with armed vefl^els,
and repleniihed with the monfters of the deep '^ In the decoration
of thefe fcenes, the Roman emperors difplayed their wealth and
liberality ; and we read on various occafions, that the whole furni-
ture of the amphitheatre confifted either of filver, or of gold, or of
amber '*. The poet who defcribes the games of Carinus, in the cha-
radter of a ihepherd attraded to the capital by the fame of their
magnificence, affirms, that the nets defigned as a defence againfl the
wild beafts, were of gold wire ; that the porticos were gilded, and that
the ieli or circle which divided the feveral ranks of fpedlators from
5* See MafFei, 1. ii. c. 5 — iz. He treats as well as Maitial, (fee his firft book) was a
the very difficult fubjeil with all poffible poet, but when they defcribed the amphithe-
clearnefs, and like an architeft, as well as an atre, they both wrote from their own fenfes,
antiquarian. and to thofe of the Romans.
«5 Calphurn. Eclog. vii. 64. 7;. Thefe „« ^ ^ ,, nr u/i λ,τ . ••■ ^
,. ^ . , , . , ^ , , Confult PUn. Hilt. Natur. xxxui. 16.
hnes are cunous, and the whole Lclogue has
xxxvii. 1 1 .
been of infinite ufe to Maffei. Calphuniius,
each
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 4,9
each other, was iluddcd with a precious Mofaic of beautiful CHAP,
ftones '". i.— ,,-«^
In the midft of this glittering pageantry, the emperor Carinus, a. d. 284.
fecure of his fortune, enjoyed the acclamations of the people, the ^^^'' '^'
flattery of his courtiers, and the fongs of the poets, who, for want
of a more effential merit, were reduced to celebrate the divine
graces of his perfon '^ In the fame hour, but at the diftaace of
nine hundred miles from Rome, his brother expired ; and a fudden
revolution transferred into the hands of a ftranger the fceptre of the
houfe of Carus ''.
The fons of Carus never faw each other after their father's death. Return of
The arrangements which their new fituation required, were proba- wiXthT"
bly deferred till the return of the younger brother to Rome, where p™naf°'"
a triumph was decreed to the young emperors, for the glorious fuc-
cefs of the Perfian war '°°. It is uncertain whether they intended to
divide between them the adminiftration, or the provinces, of the
empire ; but it is very unlikely that their union would have
proved of any long duration. The jealoufy of power muft have
been inflamed by the oppofition of charadlers. In the mofl: corrupt
of times, Carinus was unworthy to live : Numerian deferved to
reign in a happier period. His affable m.anners and gentle vir-
tues fecured him, as foon as they became known, the regard and
affeitions of the public. He poiFeiTed the elegant accompliihments of
a poet and orator, which dignify as well as adorn the humbleft and the
moil exalted ftation. His eloquence, however it was applauded by the
fenate, was formed not fo much on the model of Cicero, as on that
'7 Balteus en gemmis, en inlita portlcus '' With regard to the time when thefe Ro"
auro certatim radiant, &c. Calphurn. vii. man games were celebrated, Scaliger, Sal.
9" Et Martis vultus et ApoUinis eiTe puta- mafius, and Cuper, have given thenifelves-a
vi, lays Calphurrtius ; but John Malela, who great deal of trouble to perplex a very clear
had perhaps feen piilures of Carinus, de- fubjeft.
fcribes him as thick, ihort, and white, torn. '°° Nemefianr.s (in the Cynegeticons) feems
i. p. 403. ' to anticipate in his fancy thataufpicious day.-^
3 Η 2 of
420 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^rf ^' °^ ^^^ modern (kclaimers; but in an age very far from being dcftltiuc
^ ,»w-»-y of poetical merit, he contended for the prize with the moil celebrated
of his contemporaries, and ftill remained the friend of his rivals }
a circumftance which evinces either the goodnefs of his heart, or the
fuperiorlty of his genius '". But the talents of Numerian were
rather of the contemplative, than of the adive kind. When his
father's elevation reluilantly forced him from the ihade of retire-
ment, neither his temper nor his purfuits had qualified him for the
command of armies. His conftitution was deftroyed by the hard-
ihips of the Perfian war j and he had contraded, from the heat of
the climate '", fuch a weaknefs in his eyes, as obliged him, in the
courfe of a long retreat, to confine himfelf to the folitude and dark-
nefs of a tent or litter. The adminiftration of all affairs, civil as
well as military, was devolved on Arrius Aper, the Prastorian prae*•
fed, who, to the power of his important office, added the honour
of being father-in-law to Numerian. The Imperial pavilionwa?
flridly guarded by his moil' trufty adherents ; and during many
days, Aper delivered to the army the fuppofed mandates of their
invifible fovereign '°'.
Death of It was not till eight months after the death of Carus, that the
Roman army, returning by fiow marches from the banks of the
Tigris, arrived on thofe of the Thracian Bofphorus. The legions
halted at Chalcedon in Afia, while the court paiTed over to He*
raclea, on the European fide of the Propontis '°*. But a report
foon circulated through the camp, at firil in fecret whifpersj and at
'** He won all the crowns from Nemen- inceflantly weeping for his father's death.
anus, with whom he vied in didailic poetry. '"^ In the Perlian war, Aper was fufpefled
The fenate erefted a ftatue to the fon of Ca- of a defign to betray Carus. Hill. Auguft.
rus, with a very ambiguous infcription, *' To p. 250.
the moft powerful of orators." See Vopifcus '°* We are obliged to the Alexandrian
ia Hift. Auguft. p. 251. Chronicle, p. 274, for the knowledge of the
'"* A more natural caufe at leaft, than that time and place where Diodetiaa was elefted
ifiigned by Vojjifcus, (Hiit, Auguft. p. 251.) emperor.
length
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 421
length in loud clamours, of the emperor's death, and of the pre- CHAP,
fumption of his ambitious minifter, who ftill exercifed the fovereign <— -v— — »,
power in the name of a prince who• was no more. The impa-
tience of the foldiers could not long fupport a ftate of fufpenfe.
With rude currofity they broke into the Imperial tent, and dif-
eovered only the corpfe of Numerian '°'. The gradual decline of
his health might have induced them to believe that his death was
natural ; but the concealment was interpreted as an evidence of
guilt, and the meafures which Aper had taken to fecure his eledion,
became the immediate occafion of his ruin. Yet, even in the tranf^
port of their rage and grief, the troops obferved a regular pro-
ceeding, which proves how firmly difcipline had been re-eftabliihed
by the martial fucceflbrs of Gallienus'. A general alTembly of the
army was appointed to be held at Chalcedon, whether Aper was
tranfportcd in chains, as a prifoner and a criminal. A vacant
tribunal was ereded in the mid ft of the camp, and the generals and
tribunes formed a great military council. They foon announced to A. D. 284.
the multitude, that their choice had fallen on Diocletian, com- Ekiiionof
mander of the domeftics or body-guards, as the perfon the moft Dfoc^li"^,'
capable of revenging and fucceeding their beloved emperor. The
iViture fortunes of the candidate depended on the chance or condudt
of the prefent hour. Confcious that the ilation which he had
filled, expofed him to feme fufpicions, Diocletian afeended the
tribunal, and raifing his eyes towards the Sun, made a folemn pro-
ftflion of his own innocence, in the prefence of that all-feeing
Deity '"*. Then, aiTuming the tone of a fovereign and a judge, he
commanded that Aper fliould be brought in chains to the foot of the
tribunal. *' This man," faid he, " is the murderer of Numerian ;'*
P• •°5 Hill. Auguft. p. 251. Eutrop. ix. 18. Could no aromadcs be found in the Impe•
Hieronym. in Chron. According to thefe rial houfehold ί
jiuiicioHs writers, the death of Numerian was '°* Aurel. Vidor, Eutropius, ix. ZO. Hie=»
difcovered by the ftench of his dead body, ronym. ia Chron,
and.
432 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^^ P• and, without giving him time to enter on a dangerous juilification,
V. .1^— »f drew his fword, and buried it in the breaft of the unfortunate praefcd.
A charge fupported by fuch decifive proof, was admitted without
contradidlion, and the legions, with repeated acclamations, acknow-
ledged the juilice and authority.of the emperor Diocletian "".
Defeat and Before we enter upon the memorable reign of that prince^ it will
Carinus. be proper to puniih and difmifsthe unworthy brother of Numerian.
Carinus pofleffed arhis and treafures fufficient to fupport his legal
title to the empire. But his perfonal vices overbalanced every
advantage of birth and fituation. The moil faithful fervants of the
father defpifed the incapacity, and dreaded the cruel arrogance, of the
fon. The hearts of the people were engaged in favour of his rival,
and even the fenate was mclined to prefer an ufurper to a tyrant.
The arts of Diocletian inflamed the general diicontent; and the
winter was employed in fecret intrigues, and open preparations for a
'jjiiy^ ^' civil war. In the fpring, the forces of the Eail and of the Weft
encountered each other in the plains of Margus, a fmall city of
Moefia, in the neighbourhood of the Danube '°\ The troops, fo
lately returned from the Perfian war, had acquired their glory at
the expence of health and numbers, nor were they in a condition to
contend with the unexhaufted ftrength of the legions of Europe.
Their ranks were broken, and, for a moment, Diocletian defpaired
of the purple and of life. But the advantage which Carinus
had obtained by the valour of his foldiers, he quickly loft by the
infidelity of his officers. A Tribune, whofe,wife he had feduced,
feized the opportunity of revenge, and by a fingle blow extin-
guiihed civil difcord in the blood of the adulterer '°'.
'=" VopiicusinHift. Auguft. p. 252. The and Viminiacum. M. Dan^-ille (Gcogra-
reafon why Diocletian killed Jper, (a wild phie Ancienne, torn. i. p. 304.) places Mar-
•boar) was founded ori a prophecy and a pun, gus at Kaftolatz in Servia, a little below fiel-
as foolifh as they are well known. grade and Semendria.
- ; 'f" Eutrdpius'irtafke its fitultion very ac- '°' Hift. Augufc p. 254. Eutropius, ix. 20.
curately ; it was between the Mbns Aureus Aurelius Viftor. Viftor in Epitome.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 423
CHAP. XIII.
Tbe reign of Diocletian and his three ajfociates^ Maximian,
Gakrius^ and Confiantius, — General re-efahlifjment of
order and tranquillity. — Tl^e Perfan war, viSlory^ and
triumph. — Tlje new form of adminifiration.— Abdication
and retiretnent of Diocletian a?id Maximian.
S the reign of Diocletian was more Illuftrious than that of any c Η A P.
of his predeceflbrs, fo was his birth more abje£t and obfcure.
Ai
ΧΤΤΓ
of his predeceflbrs, fo was his birth more abje£t and obfcure. ^^__ _' _j
The ilrong claims of merit and of violence had frequently fuperfeded ^^^^''^"""a^j,
the ideal prerogatives of nobility; but a diftin£t line of feparation of Diode-
was hitherto preferved between the free and the fervile part of man- a. b. 285.
kind. The parents of Diocletian had been flaves in the houfe of Anu-
linus, a Roman fenator; nor was he himfelf diftinguiihed by any other
name, than that which he derived from a fraall town in Dalmatia,
from whence his mother deduced her origin '. It is, however, pro-
bable, that his father obtained the freedom of the family, and that
he foon acquired an office of fcribe, which was commonly exercifed
by perfons of his condition \ Favourable oracles, or rather the
confcioufnefs of fuperiour merit, prompted his afpiring fon to
purfue the profeiTion of arms and the hopes of fortune; and
it would be extremely curious to obferve the gradation of arts
and accidents which enabled him in the end to fulfil thofe oracles,
' Eutrop. ix. 19. Victor in Epitom. The length to the Roman majeilyof Diocletianus.
town feems to have been properly called Do- He likewife aflumed the Patrician name of
clia, from a fmall tribe of Illyrians ; (fee Valerius, and it is ufually given him by Au-
Cellarius, Geograph. Antiqua, torn. i. ρ•393θ relius Viftor.
and the original name of the fortunate flave ^ See Dacier on the iixth fatire of the fe-
was probably Docles ; he firil .lengthened it cond book of Horace. Cornel. Nepos, in
to the Grecian harmony of Diodes, and at Vit. Eumen. c. i.
I aii4-'
424 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, and to difplay that merit to the world. Diocletian was fucceflively
promoted to the government of Maefia, the honours of the conful-
ihip, and the important command of the guards of the palace. He
diftinguiihed his abilities in the Perfian war; and, after the death of
Numerian, the flave, by the confefllon and judgment of his rivals,
was declared the moil worthy of the Imperial throne. The malice
of religious zeal, whilft it arraigns the favage fiercenefs of his col-
league Maximian, has afFeded to caft fufpicions on the perfonal
courage of the emperor Diocletian '. It would not be eafy to per-
fuade us of the cowardice of a foldier of fortune, who acquired and
pxefcrved the eileem of the legions, as well as the favour of fo many
warlike princes. Yet even calumny is fagacious enough to difcover
and to attack the moft vulnerable part. The valour of Diocletian
was never found inadequate to his duty or to the occafion ; but he
appears not to have poflefled the daring and generous fpirit of a
hero, who courts danger and fame, difdains artifice, and boldly
challenges the allegiance of his equals. His abilities were ufeful
rather than fplendid ; a vigorous mind, improved by the experience
and iludy of mankind ; dexterity and application in bufinefs ; a
judicious mixture of liberality and ceconomy, of mildnefs and ri-
gour; profound diiTimulation under the dlfguife of military frank-
nefs ; fteadinefs to purfue his ends ; flexibility to vary his means ;
and above all the great art of fubmitting his own paflions, as well
as thofe of others, to the intereft of his ambition, and of colouring
his ambition with the moft fpecious pretences of juftice and public
utility. Like Auguftus, Diocletian may be confidered as the founder
of a new empire. Like the adopted fon of Cjefar, he was diilin-
guiflied as a ftatefman rather than as a warrior ; nor did either of
' Laftantius (or whoever was the author of c. 7, 8. In Chap. 9, he fays of him, " erat
the little treatife De Mortibus Perfecutoriim) in omni tumuhu meticuloius et animi dif-
accufes Diocletian of timidity in two places, jcclus."
7 thoie
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 425
diofe princes employ force, whenever their purpofe could be effeded chap.
by policy. *— — s^ '
The vidory of Diocletian was remarkable for its fingular mild- his de
cv:
ry.
nefs. A people accuftomed to applaud the clemency of the con- <^^*"'^"^^°-
queror, if the ufual puniihments of death, exile, and confifcation
were inilided with any degree of temper and equity, beheld, with
the moft pleafing aftonifhment, a civil war, the flames of which were
extinguiihed in the field of battle. Diocletian received into his con-
fidence Ariftobulus, the principal minifter of the houfe of Carus, re-
fpeded the lives, the fortunes, and the dignity of his adverfaries,
and even continued in their refpedive ftations the greater number of
the fervants of Carinus *. It is not improbable that motives of
prudence might affift the humanity of the artful Dalmatian ; of thefe
fervants, many had puixhafed his favour by fecret treachery ; in others,
he efteemed their grateful fidelity to an unfortunate mailer. The
difcerning judgment of Aurelian, of Probus, and of Carus, had
filled the feveral departments of the ftate and army with officers of
approved merit, whofe removal would have injured the public fer-
vice, without promoting the intereft of the fuccelTor. Such a con-
dud, however, difplayed to the Roman world the faireft profped
of the new reign, and the emperor affeded to confirm this favour-
able prepofleffion, by declaring, that among all the virtues of his
predeceffors, he was the moft ambitious of imitating the humane
philofophy of Marcus Antoninus '.
The firft confiderable adion of his reign feemed to evince his Aflbdatlon
Λ r 1 irn/r and charafter
fincerity as well as his moderation. After the example oi Marcus, ofMaximian.
he gave himfelf a colleague in the perfon of Maximian, on whom ^^,{ ^^
♦ In this encomium, Aurelius Viftor feems tiaii, the confullhip which he had commenced
to convey a juft, though indireft, «nfure of with Carinus.
the cruelty of Conftantius. It appears from ^ Aurelius Viilor Ihles Diocletian, " Pa-
the FaiH, that Ariitobulus remained prxfeil rentem potius quam Dominum." See Hill,
of the city, and that he ended with Diode- Auguft. p. 30.
Vol. I. 3 I lie
2S0.
426 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, he beilowed at firil the title of Ccefar, and afterwards that of Ausuftus °.
XIII
But the motives of his condud, as well as the objed of his choice, were
of a very diiferent nature from thofe of his admired predeceffor. By
invefting a luxurious youth with the honours of the purple, Marcus
had difcharged a debt of private gratitude, at the expence, indeed, of the
happinefs of the ftate. By aiTociating a friend and a fellow-foldier to
the labours of government, Diocletian, in a time of public danger, pro-
vided for the defence both of the Eaft and of the Weft. Maximian
was born a peafant, and, like Aurelian, in the territory of Sirmium.
Ignorant of letters \ carelefs of laws, the rufticity of his appear-
ance and manners ftill betrayed in the moft elevated fortune the
meannefs of his extraition. War was the only art which he pro-
fefied. In a long courfe of fervice, he had dlftinguiflied himfelf on
every frontier of the empire ; and though his military talents were
formed to obey rather than to command, though, perhaps, he never
attained the ikill of a confummate general, he was capable, by his
valour, conftancy, and experience, of executing the moft arduous
undertakings. Nor were the vices of Maximian lefs ufeful to his
benefador. Infenfible to pity, and fearlefs of confequences, he
was the ready inftrument of every ad of cruelty which the policy
of that artful prince might at once fuggeft and difclalm. As foon
as a bloody facrifice had been offered to prudence or to revenge,
Diocletian, by his feafonable interceflion, faved the remaining few
whom he had never defigned to puniih, gently cenfured the feverity
* The queftion of the time when Maximian negyr. Vet. ii. 8.) Mamertinus expreiTes a
received the honours of Caefar and Auguftus doubt whether his hero, in imitating the con-
has divided modern critics, and given occa- duft of Hannibal and Scipio, had ever heard
fion to a great deal of learned wrangling. I of their names. From thence we may fairly
have followed M. de Tillemont, (Hiftoire des infer, that Maximian was more defirous of
Empereurs, torn. iv. p. 500—505.) who has being confidered as a foldier than as a man of
weighed the feveral reafons and difficulties letters: and it is in this manner that we can
with his fcrupulous accuracy. often tranflate the language of flattery into
' In an oration delivered before him, (Pa- that of truth.
of
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 427
of his flern colleague, and enjoyed the comparifon of a golden and ^ '^f -'"^ ^'•
Ai ii.
an iron age, which was univerfully applied to their oppofite maxims
of government. Notwithftanding the difference of their charaders,
the two emperors maintained, on the throne, that friendiliip which
they had contraded in a private ilation. The haughty turbulent
fpirit of Maximian, fo fatal afterwards to himfelf and to the
public peace, was aceuftomed to refpeot the genius of Diocletian,
and confeiTed the afcendant of reafon over brutal violence '. From
a motive either of pride or fuperftition, the two emperors aiTumed
the titles, the one of Jovius, the other of Flerculius. Whilfl: the
motion of the world (fuch was the language of their venal orators)
was maintained by the all-feeing wifdom of Jupiter, the invincible
arm of Hercules purged the earth from monfters and tyrants '.
But even the omnipotence of Jovius and Herculius was infufficient to Aiibciation
fuftain the weight of the public adminiftration. The prudence of Dio- Cxflrs, Ga
cletian difcovered, that the empire, aifailed on every fide by the barba- conftantkis
rians, required on every fide the prefence of a great army, and of an ^• ^; ^92.
° ^ March i.
emperor. With this view he refolved once more to divide his unwieldy
power, and with the inferior title of C<efars, to confer on two generals
of approved merit an equal fhare of the fovereign authority '°. Ga-
lerius, furnamed Armentarius, from his original profeiTion of a
herdfman, and Conftantius, who from his pale complexion had
acquired the denomination of Chlorus ", were the two perfons
' Laftantius de M. P. c. 8. Aurelius Vic- tius de M. P. c. 52. Spanheim de Ufu Nu-
tor. As among the Panegyrics, we find ora- mifmatum, &c. Differtat. xii. 8.
tions pronounced in praife of Maximian, and .0 aurelius Viftor. Viftor in Epitome,
others which flatter his adverfaries at his ex- ^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^_ Laftant. de M. P. c. 8.
pence, we derive feme knowledge from the Hieronym. in Chron.
contraft.
9 See the fecond and third Panegyrics, par- " It is only among the modem Greek»
ticularly iii. 3. 10. 14. but it would be te- that Tillemont can difcover his appellation of
dious to copy the diftufe and affected expref- Chlorus. Any remarkable degree of pale-
ftons of their falfe eloquence. With regard "^^^ ieems inconfillent with the ruior mcn-
10 the titles, confult Aurel. Viaor, Laftan- tioned in Panegyric, v. 19.
3 I 2 inverted
_/
^.8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, inverted with the fecond honours of the Imperial purple. In
XIII. . Ill
, ' — ' delcribing the country, extradion, and manners of Herculius, we
have already delineated thofe of Galeriiis, who was often, and not
improperly, ftyled the younger Maximian, though, in many inftances
both of virtue and ability, he appears to have poirefied a manifefl
fuperiorlty over the elder. The birth of Conftantius was lefs obfcure
than that of his colleagues. Eutropius, his father, was one of the
moft confiderable nobles of Dardania, and his mother was the niece of
the emperor Claudius '\ Although the youth of Conftantius had
been fpent in arms, he was endowed with a mild and amiable difpo-
fition, and the popular wico had long fince acknowledged him worthy
of the rank which he at laft attained. To ftrengthen the bonds of po-
litical, by thofe of domeftic union, each of the emperors aiTumed the
charafler of a father to one of the Ca^fars, Diocletian to Galerius,
and Maximian to Conftantius ; and each obliging them to repudiate
their former wives, beftowed his daughter in marriage on his adopted
fon "'. Thefe four princes diftributed among themfelves the wide
Departments extent of the Roman empire. The defence of Gaul, Spain'*, and
of the four Britain, was intrufted to Conftantius : Galerius was ftationed on the
princes. banks of the Danube, as the fafeguard of the Illyrian provinces.
Italy and Africa were confidered as the department of Maximian;
and for his peculiar portion, Diocletian referved Thrace, Egypt, and
the rich countries of Afia. Every one was fovereign within his own
jurifdidion ; but their united authority extended over the whole mo-
narchy ; and each of them was prepared to aflift his colleagues with
his counfels or prefence. The Csfars, in their exalted rank, revered
" Julian, the grandfon of Conftantius, only to the wife of Maximian. Spanheim
boafts that his family was derived from the Diflertat. xi. 2.
warlike Majfians. P.lifopogon, p. 348. The ,+ ^his divifion agrees with that of tke four
Pardanians dwelt on the edge of Ma.-fia. prjefedures ; yet there is fome reafon to doub:
•^ Galerius married Valeria, the daughter of ^jj^j^er Spain was not a province of Maxi-
Diocletian ; if we fpeak with ftiianefs, Thg- ^^^.^„_ gee Tilkmont, torn. iv. p. 5 17.
pdora, the wife of Conftantuis, was daugiiter
the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 429
the majefty of the emperors, and the three younger princes in- ^ ^^ J^ P•
variably acknowledged, by their gratitude and obedience, the com- v— -/——-'
mon parent of their fortunes. The fufpicious jealoufy of power
found not any place among them ; and the fingular happinefs of
their union has been compared to a chorus of mufic, whofe har-
mony was regulated and maintained by the ikilful hand of the firft
artift '^
This important meafure was not carried Into execution till about Series of
f* V ρ tl t" ζ
fix years after the aflbciation of Maximian, and that interval of time
had not been deilitute of memorable incidents. But we have pre-
ferred, for the fake of perfpicuity, firfh to defcribe the more perfe£t
form of Diocletian's government, and afterwards to relate the
aillons of his reign, following rather the natural order of the
events, than the dates of a very doubtful chronology.
The firft exploit of Maximian, though it is mentioned In a few a. D. 287.
words by our imperfedl writers, dcferves, from its fingularlty, to peafamsoT
be recorded in a hlftory of human manners. He fupprefled the '^^^*
pealants of Gaul, who, under the appellation of Bagaudae"^, had
rifen in a general infiirredllon ; very fimllar to thofe, which in the
fourteenth century fucceifively affllded both France and England '\
It ihould feem, that very many of thofe inftitutlons, referred by an
eafy folutiQn to the feudal fyftem, are derived from the Celtic bar-
barians. When Csefar fubdued the Gauls, that great nation was
already divided into three orders of m.en ; the clergy, the nobility,
and the common people. The firft governed by fuperftitlon, the
fecond by arms, but the third aad laft was not of any weight or
account in their public councils. It was very natural for the Ple-
beians, opprefled by debt or apprehenfive of injuries, to Implore the
" Julian in Csfarib. p. 315. Spanlieim's a Celtic word Bagad, a tumultuous aflem-
notes to the French tranflation, p. 122. bly. Scaliger ad Eufeb. Du Cange Gloflar.
■* The general name of Bagaud^ (in the '^ Chronique de Froiflart, vol. i. c. 182.
figniication of Rebels) continued till the fifth ii. 73 — 79. The /ra/i/rt/ of his Itory is loft in
century in Gaul. Some critics derive it from our bell modern writers.
protection
430 THE DEGLINE AND FALL
■CHAP. prote£lioii of fome powerful chief, who acquired over tbclf perfons
\_.—j—^mj and property, the fame ablolute rights as, among the Greeks and
Romans, a mafler exercifed over his flaves '\ The greateft part
of the nation was gradually reduced into a ftate of fervitude ; com-
pelled to perpetual labour on the eftates of the Gallic nobles, and
confined to the foil, either by the real weight of fetters, or by the
no lefs cruel and forcible reilraints of the laws. During the long
feries of troubles which agitated Gaul, from the reign of Gallienus
to that of Diocletian, the condition of thefe fervile peafants was
peculiarly miferable ; and they experienced at once the complicated
tyranny of their mafters, of the barbarians, of the foldiers, and of
the officers of the revenue ".
Their rebel- Their patience was at laft provoked into defpalr. On every fide
they rofe in multitudes, armed with ruftic weapons, and with ir-
refiftible fury. The ploughman became a foot foldier, the ihep-
herd mounted on horleback, the deferted villages and open towns
were abandoned to the flames, and the ravages of the peafants
equalled thofe of the fierceft barbarians '°. They aflerted the natural
rights of men, but they aiTerted thofe rights with the mofl: favage
cruelty. The Gallic nobles juilly dreading their revenge, either
took refuge in the fortified cities, or fled from the wild fcene of
anarchy. The peafants reigned without control ; and two of their
moft daring leaders had the folly and raflmefs to aiTume the Im-
perial ornaments "'. Their power foon expired at the approach of
the legions. The ftrength of union and difcipline obtained an eafy
andcliaiUfe- vidory over a licentious and divided multitude '\ A fevere re-
taliation was inflided on the peafants who were found in arms :
'^ Csfar de Bell. Gallic, vi. 13. Orge- ^° Panegyr. Vet. ii. 4. Aurelius Viftor.
torix, the Helvetian, could arm for his de- i. ^Hanus and Amandus. We have me-
fence a body of ten thoufand flaves. j^jj ^^j^^^ 5,^ ^j^^^^^ Goltzius in Thef. R.
'* Their oppreffion and milery are acknow- A η 117
fedged by Eumenius, (Panegyr. vi. 8.) Gal- « , •. i-• 1 • τ-
lias efFeratus injuiiis. ^^""^"^ P""*'"^ '^°'^"^^• ^"trop• «• z°•
the
ment.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ■ 431
the affrighted remnant returned to then• refpedive habitations) and ^ ^^^ ^'
their uniuccefsful effort for freedom ferved only to confirm their ' ^ '.
flavery. So ftrong and uniform is the current of popuLir paifions,
that we might ahnofl venture, from very fcanty materials, to relate the
particulars of this war ; but we are not difpofed to believe that the .
principal leaders iElianus and Aniandus were Chriflians ", or to
infmuate, that the rebellion, as it happened in the time of Luther,
was occafioned by the abufe of thofe benevolent principles of Chrifli-
anity, which inculcate the natural freedom of mankind.
Maximian had no fooner recovered Gaul from the hands of the ^'^^l^^^/'
peafants, than he loft Britain by the ufurpation of Caraufius. Ever Carauftus in
'^ J r _ Britain.
fmce the raih but fuccefsful enterprife of the Franks under the reign
of Probus, their daring countrymen had conftruded fquadrons of light
brigantines, in which they inceffantly ravaged the provinces
adjacent to the ocean '^ To repel their defultory incurfions, it
was found necefTary to create a naval power; and the judicious
meafure was prolecuted with prudence and vigour. Geflbriacum,
or Boulogne, in the ftraights of the Britifh channel, was
chofen by the emperor for the flation of the Roman fleet ; and the
command of it was intrufted to Caraufius, a Menapian of the
meaneft origin ^', but who had long fignalifed his fkill as a pilot,
and his valour as a foldier. The integrity of the new admiral
correfponded not with his abilities. When the German pyrates
failed from their ovv^n harbours, he connived at their paiTage, but
"^^ The fail rells Indeed on very flight au- ^5 -phg (ly-ee expreffions of Eutropius, Au-
thority, a life of St. Babolinus, which is relius Viitor, and Eumenius, " \iliffime na-
probably of the feventh century. See Du- tus," " Batavix alumnus," and " Menapis
chefne Scriptores Rer. Francicar. torn. i. civis," give us a very doubtful account of the
p. 662. birth of Caraufius. Dr. Stukely, however,
*+ Aurelius Viitor calls them Germans. (Hift. of Caraufius, p. 62.) chufes to make
Eutropius (ix. 21.) gives them the name of him a native of St. David's, and a piince of
Saxons. But Eutropius lived in the enfuing the blood royal of Britain. The former
century, and feems to ufe the language of his idea he had foiuid in Richard, of Cirenceller,
own times. P• 44«
432 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^-Λ ^• li2 diligently intercepted their return, and appropriated to his own
v^. — . — y life an ample iliare of the fpoil which they had acquired. The
wealth of Caraufius was, on this occafion, very juftly confidered.
as an evidence of his guilt ; and Maximian had already given orders
for his death. But the crafty Mcnapian forefaw and prevented the
feverity of the emperor. By his liberality he had attached to his
fortunes the fleet which he commanded, and fecured the barbarians
in his intereft. From the port of Boulogne he failed over to Britain,
perfuaded the legion, and the auxiliaries which guarded that Ifland,
to embrace his party, and boldly aiTuming, with the Imperial
purple, the title of Auguftus, defied the juftice and the arms of
his injured fovereign ''''.
Importance When Britain was thus difmembered from the empire, its im-
portance was fenfibly felt, and its lofs fmcerely lamented. The
Romans .celebrated, and perhaps magnified, the extent of that noble
ifland, provided on every fide with convenient harbours ; the tem-
perature of the climate, and the fertility of the foil, alike adapted
for the produdion of corn or of vines ; the valuable minerals with
which it abounded ; its rich paftures covered with innumerable
flocks, and its woods free from wild beafts or venomous ferpents.
Above all, they regretted the large amount of the revenue of
Britain, whilft they confeiTed, that fuch a province well deferved to
Power of become the feat of an independent monarchy "''. During the fpace
of feven years, it was poflefled by Caraufius ; and fortune con-
tinued propitious to a rebellion, fupported with courage and ability.
The Britifli emperor defended the frontiers of his dominions againft
-^ Panegyr. v. 12. Britain at this time tiality for our native country, it is difEcult to
>vas fecure, and flightly guarded. conceive, that in the beginning of the fourth
*' Panegyr. Vet. V. 1 1, vii. 9. The ora- century, England deferved all thefe com-
torEumenius wifhed to exalt the glory of the mendations. A century and half before,
hero (Conllaruius) , with the importance of the it hardly paid its own eftablilhment. See Ap-
f onqueft. Notwithllanding our laudable par- pian in Proaim.
g the
Caraufius,
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 433
the Caledonians of the North, invited, from the continent, a great chap.
number of ilcilful artifts, and difplayed, on a variety of coins ' v— — «
that are ftill extant, his tafte and opulence. Born on the confines
of the Franks, he courted the friendihip of that formidable people,
by the flattering imitation of their drefs and manners. The
braveft of their youth he enlifted among his land or Tea forces;
and in return for their ufeful alliance, he communicated to the
barbarians the dangerous knowledge of military and naval arts.
Garaufius ftill preferved the pofTeffion of Boulogne and the ad-
jacent country. His fleets rode triumphant in the channel, com-
manded the mouths of the Seine and of the Rhine, ravaged the
coafts of the ocean, and difrufed beyond the columns of Hercules the
terror of his name. Under his command, Britain, deftined in a
future age to obtain the empire of the fea, already affumed its
natural and refpedlable ftation of a maritime power ^^
By feizing the fleet of Boulogne, Caraufius had deprived his Λ. D. 289.
mafter of the means of purfuit and revenge. And when, after a g^\y ,^^ ^'
vail expence of time and labour, a new armament was launched "^o^s^"^'
into the water '', the Imperial troops, unaccuftomed to that element,
were eafily baffled and defeated by the veteran failors of the
ufurper. This difappointed effort was foon produdive of a
treaty of peace. Diocletian and his colleague, who juRly dreaded
the enterprifing fpirit of Caraufius, refigned to him the fovereignty
of Britain, and reludantly admitted their perfidious fervant to a
participation of the Imperial honours'". But the adoption of the
^* As a great number of medals of Car.iu- miun were completed: and the orator pre-
fius are ftill preferved, he is_become a very faged an afl'ured viftory. His filence in the
favourite objeil of antiquarian curioiity, and fecond Panegyric, might alone inform us,
every circumftance of his life and aftions has that the expedition had not fucceedeJ.
been inveftigated with fagacious accuracy. ^j Aurelius Vi>ilor, Eutropius, and the
Dr. Stukely in particular has devoted a large medals (Pa.x Auggg.) informs us of this tem-
volume to the Britiih emperor. I hzve ufed porary reconciliation: though I will not pre-
his materials, and rejeited moil of his fanci- fume (as Dr. Stukely has done, Medallic Ilif-
ful conjedures. tory of Caraufus, p. 86, &c.) to infcrt the
^3 Vv'hen Mamertinus pronounced his firll identical articles of the tre.ity.
panegyric, the naval preparations of Maxi-
VoL. I. 3 κ two
43-4
THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^ J^ ^• two Caifars reftored new vigour to the Roman arms ; and while the
A. D.
Α.Ό. 294.
Ills death.
A. D. 296.
Recovery of
Britain by ■
Coniiantius.
Rhine was guarded by the prefence of Maximian, his brave ai-
fociate Conftantius aflumed the condud of the Britifl-i war. His
firfl: enterprife was againil: the important place of Boulogne. A
ftupendous mole, raifed acrofs the entrance of the harbour, inter-
cepted all hopes of relief. The town furrendered after an obilinate
defence ; and a confiderable part of the naval ftrength of Caraufius
fell into the hands of the befiegers. During the three years, which
Conftantius employed in preparing a fleet adequate to the conqueft of
Britain, he fecured the coaft of Gaul, invaded the country of the
Franks, and deprived the ufurper of the affiftance of thofe powerful
allies.
Before the preparations were finifhed, Conftantius received the
intelligence of the tyrant's death, and it was confidered as a fure
prefage of the approaching viftory. The fervants of Caraufius
imitated the example of treafon, v/hich he had given. He was
murdered by his firft minifter AUeftus, and the aflaffin fucceeded to
his power and to his danger. But he poflefled not equal abilities
either to exercife the one, or to repel the other. He beheld, with
anxious terror, the oppofite fliores of the continent, already filled
with arms, with troops, and v^ith veflels ; for Conftantius had very
prudently divided- his forces, that he might likewife divide the at-
tention and refiftance of the enemy. The attack was at length
made by the principal fquadron, which, under the command of the
prasfedl Afclepiodotus, an officer of diftinguiflied merit, had been
affembled in the mouth of the Seine. So imperfect in thofe times
was the art of navigation, that orators have celebrated the daring
courage of the Romans, who ventured to fet fail with a fide-wind,
and on a ftormy day. The weather proved favourable to their
enterprife. Under the cover of a thick fog, they efcaped the fleet
of Aledus, which had been ftationed off the Ifle of Wight to
receive them, landed in fafety on fomc part of the weftern coaft ;
and
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 435
?aid convinced the Britons, that a fuperiority of naval ilrength will ^ ^^ ^^ 1'•
not always protecfl their country from a foreign invafion. ΑΓ- <■ ^-— '
clepiodatus had no fooner difembarked the Imperial troops, than he
fet fire to his ihips; and as the expedition proved fortunate, his
heroic condudl was univerfally admired. The ufurpcr had ported
himfelf near London, to expedt the formidable attack of Conftan-
tius, who commanded in perfon the fleet of Boulogne ; but the de-
fcent of a new enemy required his immediate prefence in the Weft.
m
He performed this long march in fo precipitate a manner, that he
encountered the whole force of the prxfeit with a fraall body of
harafled and diiheartened troops. The engagement was foon ter-
minated by the total defeat and death of Alledus ; a fingle battle,
as it has often happened, decided the fate of this great ifland ; and
when Conftantius landed on the iliores of Kent, he found them co-
vered \vith obedient fubjeds. Their acclamations were loud and
unanimous ; and the virtues of the conqueror may induce us to
believe, that they fincerely rejoiced in a revolution, which, after a
feparation of ten years, reftored Britain to the body of the Roman
empire ".
Britain had none but domeftlc enemies to dread ; and as long as Defence of
the governors preferved their fidelity, and the troops their difcipline, '''^ frontiers.
the incurfions of the naked favages of Scotland or Ireland could never
materially afFed the fafety of the province. The peace of the conti-
nent, and the defence of the principal rivers which bounded the em-
pire, were objeds of far greater difficulty and importance. The policy
of Diocletian, which infpired the councils of his aflOciates, provided
for the public tranquillity, by encouraging a fpirit of diflenfion among
the barbarians, and by ftrengthening the fortifications of the
Roman limit. In the Eaft he fixed a line of camps from Egypt to Fonliica-
tions.
2' With regard to the recovery of Britain, and Eutropius.
we obtain a few hints from Aurelius Vidor
Λ
Κ 2 the
43θ
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, the Perfian dominions, and, for every camp, he inftltuted an
adequate nvimber of ftationary troops, commanded by their refpec-
tive officers, and fuppHcd with every kind of arms, from the new
arfenals which he had formed at Antioch, Emefa, and Damafcus '*.
Nor was the precaution of the emperor lefs watchful againil the
well-known valour of the barbarians of Europe. From the mouth
of the Rhine to that of the Danube, the ancient camps, towns»
and citadels, were diligently re eftabliihed, and in the moft expofed
places, new ones were ikilfully conftruited ; the ftridleft vigilance
was introduced among the garrifons of the frontier, and every
expedient was pra£lifed that could render the long chain of for-
tifications firm and impenetrable ". A barrier fo refpeitable was
feldom violated, and the barbarians often turned againft each other
their difappointed rage. The Goths, the Vandals, the Gepida;,
the Burgundians, the Alemanni, wafted each other's ftrength by
deftrudive hoftilities, and whofoever vanquiflied, they vanquiihed
the enemies of Rome. The fubjeits of Diocletian enjoyed the bloody
fpedacle, and congratulated each other, that the mifchiefs of civil
war were now experienced only by the barbarians ^'^.
Notwithftanding the policy of Diocletian, it was impoffible to
theemperors. jn^intain an equal and undifturbed tranquillity during a reign of
twenty years, and along a frontier of many hundred miles. Some-
times the barbarians fufpended their domeftic animofities, and the re-
laxed vigilance of the garrifons fometimes gave a pafl'age to their
ftrength or dexterity. Whenever the provinces were invaded, Dio-
cletian conduced himfelf with that calm dignity which he always
Diflcntions
of the barba
rians.
Conduft of
^^ John Malela, in Chron. Antiochen,
torn. i. p. 408, 409.
^^ Zofim. 1. i. p. 3. Tliat partial hillorian
feems to celebrate the vigilance of Diocle-
tian, with a defign of expofing the negli-
gence of Comlantine; we snay, however,
lillen to an orator, " Nam quid ego alarum
et colioitium caftia percenfsam, to;o Kheni
t
et Iftri et Euphratis limite rellituta." Pane-
gyr. Vet. iv. 18.
^* Ruunt omnes in fanguinem fuum po-
puli, quibus nou contigit efle Romanis, ob-
iHnaticque feritatis poenas nunc fponte perfol-
vunt. Panegyr. Vet. iii. 16. Mamertinus
illuftrates the faft, by the example of almoft
all tke nations of the world.
aifeQed
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 437
affeded or poflefled ; referved his prefence for fuch occafions as were chap.
worthy of his interpofition, never expofed his perfoii or reputation '^ — . — -/
to any unneceilary danger, enfured his fuccefs by every means that
prudence could fuggeft, and difplayed, with oftentation, the confe-
quences of his vi£lory. In wars of a more difficult nature, and
more doubtful event, he employed the rough valour of Maximian,
and that faithful foldier was content to afcribe his own vidiories to
the wife counfels and aufpicious influence of his benefa£tor. But Valour of the
after the adoption of the two Ca^fars, the emperors themfelves, re- "^ ^"'
tiring to a lefs laborious fcene of aftion, devolved on their adopted
fons the defence of the Danube and of the Rhine. The vigilant
Galerius was never reduced to the neceffity of vanquiihing an army
of barbarians on the Roman territory ". The brave and adive
Conftaniius delivered Gaul from a very furious inroad of the
Alemanni ; and his vidiories of Langres and VindoniiTa appear
to have been aftions of conliderable danger and merit. As he tra-
verfed the open country with a feeble guard, he was encompaifed
on a fudden by the fuperior multitude of the enemy. He retreated
with difficulty towards Langres ; but, in the general conflernation,
the citizens refufed to open their gates, and the wounded prince
was drawn up the wall by the means of a rope. But on the
news of his diilrefs, the Roman troops haftened from all fides to
his relief, and before the evening he had fatisfied his honour and
revenge by the flaughter of fix thoufand Alemanni '*. From the
monuments of thofe times, the obfcure traces of feveral other vi£lo-
ries over the barbarians of Sarmatia and Germany might poffibly be
colleited ; but the tedious fearch would not be rewarded either Avith
amufement or with inftrudion.
35 He complained, though not with the '° In the Greek text of EufeBius, we read
ftrifteft truth ; " Jam fluxifle annos quinde- fix thoufand, a number which I have pre-
eim in quibus, in Illyrico, ad ripam Danubii fcrred to the fixty thoufand of Jerome, Oro-
i*elegatus cum gentibus barbiuis lui.'tarci." fius, Eutropius,. and his Greek tranflator
Lailant. deM. P. c. 18. P<canius.
The
43'
XHE DECLINE AND FALL
C H A P.
XIII.
Treatment
of tlie barba-
ri.ins.
V/ars of
Africa and
Egypt.
The conduiTc which the emperor Probus had adopted in the dlf-
pofal of the vanqu'iihed, was imitated by Diocletian and his aflb-
ciates. The captive barbarians, exchanging death for flavery, were
diftributed among the provincials, and ailigned to thofe diftrids
(in Gaul, the territories of Amiens, Beauvais, Cambray, Treves,
Langres, and Troyes, are particularly fpecilicd V) which had been
depopulated by the calamities of war. They were ufefully em-
ployed as ihepherds and hufbandmen, but Λvere denied the exercife of
arms, except when it was found expedient to enrol them in the
military fervice. Nor did the emperors refufe the property of lands,
with a lefs fervile tenure, to fuch of the barbarians as folicited
the protedion of Rome. They granted a fettlement to feveral
colonies of the Carpi, the Baftarnse, and the Sarmatians ; and, by a
dangerous indulgence, permitted them in fome meafure to retain
their national manners and independence '% Among the pro-
vincials, it was a fubjed of flattering exultation, that the barbarian,
fo lately an objed of terror, now cultivated their lands, drove their
cattle to the neighbouring fair, and contributed by his labour to the
public plenty. They congratulated their mailers on the powerful
accefiion of fubjeds and foldiers ; but they forgot to obfcrvc, that
multitudes of fecret enemies, infolent from favour, or defperate
from oppreffion, were introduced into the heart of the empire'''.
While the Casfars exercifed their valour on the banks of the Rhine
and Danube, the prefence of the emperors was required on the
fouthern confines of the Roman world. From the Nile to Mount
Atlas Africa v.'as in arms. A confederacy of five Moorifli nations
37 Panegyr. Vet. vii. 21.
2S There was a fettlement of the Sarma-
tians in the neighbourhood of Treves, which
feems to have been deferted by thofe lazy Bar-
barians: Aufoniusfpeaks of them in his Mofelle.
Unde iter ingrediens nemorofa per avia
folum,
Et nulla huraani fpeftans veftigia cultus
Arvaque Sauromatum nupermetatacolonis.
There was a town of the Carpi in the Lower
Mxfia.
5' See the rhetorical exultation of Eume-
nius. Panegyr. vii. 9.
iffued
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 439
iiTued from their dcfcrts to invade the peaceful provinces *". Julian ^ ^^^^ P.
had affumed the purpte at Carthage *'. Achilleus at Alexandria, ' ^ '
and even the Blemmyes, renewed, or rather continued, their in-
curfions into the Upper Egypt. Scarcely any circumftances have
been preferved of the exploits of Maximian in the weftern parts of
Africa ; but it appears by the event, that the progrefs of his arms
was rapid and decifive, that he vanquiihcd the fierceft barbarians of
Mauritania, and that he removed them from the mountains,
vvhofe inacceffible ftrength had infpired their inhabitants with a law-
lefs confidence, and habituated them to a life of rapine and vio-
lence'^\ Diocletian, on his fide, opened the campaign in Egypt by A. D. 296.
, , Conduit of
the fiege of Alexandria, cut oft the aquedudts which conveyed Diocletian in
the vyaters of the Nile into every quarter of that immenfe city '"j ^^^ '
and rendering his camp impregnable to the failles of the befieged
multitude, he puilaed his reiterated attacks with caution and vigour.
After a fiege pf eight months, Alexandria, wafted by the fword
and by fire, implored the clemency of the conqueror ; but it ex-
perienced the full extent of his feverity. Many thoufands of the
citizens periilied in a promifcuous ilaughter, and there were few
obnoxious peifons in Egypt who efcaped a fentence either of death
or at leaft of exile **. The fate of Bufiris and of Coptos was ftill
more melancholy than that of Alexandria ; thofe proud cities, the
former diftlnguifhed by its antiquity, the latter enriched by the paifage
of the Indian trade, were utterly deftroyed by the arms and by the
''" Scaliger (Animadverf. adEufeb. p. 243.) acceflls montiiim jagis et naturali munitione
decides in his ufiial manner, that the Quin- fidentes, expngnafti, recepifti, tranftulilii. Pa-
que gentiani, or five Afncan nations, were negyr. Vet. vi. 8.
the five great cities, the Pentapolis of the in- *^ See the defcription of Alexandria in
ofFenfive province of Cyrene. Hirtius de Bel. Alexandrin. c. 5.
*' After his defeat, Julian ilabbed himfelf *''■ Eutrop. ix, 24. Orofius, vii. 2^. John
with a dagger, and immediately leaped into Malela in Chron. Antioch. p. 409, 410. Yet
the flames. Viitor in Epitome. Eumenius afiures us, that Egypt was pacified
*' Tu ferociffimos Mauritania; populos in- by the clemency ς>ί Diocletian.
g fevere
44© THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, fevere order of Diocletian *'. The charader of the Egyptian nation,
infenfible to kindnefs, but extremely fufceptible of fear, could alone
juftify this exceiTive rigour. The feditions of Alexandria had often
aifeded the tranquillity and fubfiftence of Rome itfelf. Since the
ufurpation of Firmus, the province of Upper Egypt, inceflantly
relapfing into rebellion, had embraced the alliance of the favageS
of ^Ethiopia. The number of the Blemmyes, fcattered between the
ifland of Meroe and the Red Sea, was very inconfiderable, their
difpofition was unwarlike, their weapons rude and inoffenfive *^
Yet in the public diforders thefe barbarians, whom antiquity, ihocked
with the deformity of their figure, had almoft excluded from the
human fpecies, prefumed to rank themfelves among the enemies of
Rome *^ Such had been the unworthy allies of the Egyptians ;
and while the attention of the ftate was engaged in more ferious
wars, their vexatious inroadsi might again harafs the repofe of the
province. With a view of oppofing to the Blemmyes a fuitable
adverfary, Diocletian perfuaded the Nobatx, or people of Nubia,
to remove from their ancient habitations in the deferts of Lybia,
and refigned to them an extenfive but unprofitable territory above
Syene and the cataradls of the Nile, with the ftipulation, that they
ihould ever refpeit and guard the frontier of the empire. The
treaty long fubfiiled ; and till the eftabliiliment of Chriftianity in-
troduced ftridter notions of religious worfhip, it was annually ra-
tified by a folemn facrifice in the ifle of Elephantine, in which
the Romans, as well as the barbarians, adored the fame vifible or
invifible powers of the univerfe *^.
''^ Eufebius (in Chron.) places their de- tra, 11 credere libet, vix homines magifque
ilruftion feveral years fooner, and at a time femiferi; ^gipanes, et Blemmyes, et Satyri."
when Egypt itfelf was in a ftate of rebellion *' Aiifus Mc inferere fortunse et provocare
againft the Romans. arma Romana.
+* Strabo, 1. xvii. p. i. 172. Pomponius *^ See Procopius de Bell. Perfic. I. i.
Mela, 1. i. c. 4. His words are curious, " In- c. 19.
At
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 441
At the fame time that Diocletian chaftifed the paft crimes of the chap.
Aill.
Egyptians, he provided for their future fafety and happinefs by v.^ ^— _j
many wife regulations which were confirmed and enforced under the
fucceeding reigns ■". One very remarkable edi£l, which he pub-
Hflied, inftead of being condemned as the effeft of jealous tyranny,
deferves to be applauded as an adt of prudence and humanity. He
caufed a diligent inquiry to be made " for all the ancient books HefuppreiTes
beoks of ai-
*' which treated of the admirable art of making gold and filver, chymy.
** and without pity committed them to the flames j apprehenfive,
*' as we are aflured, left the opulence of the Egyptians ihould in-
*' fpire them with confidence to rebel againft the empire'"." But
if Diocletian had been convinced of the reality of that valuable
art, far from extlnguiihing the memory, he would have converted
the operation, of it to the benefit of the public revenue. It is much
more likely that his good fenfe difcovered to him the folly of fuch
magnificent pretenfions, and that he was defirous of prefervlng the
reafon and fortunes of his fubjeds from the mifchievous purfuit.
It may be remarked, that thefe ancient books, fo liberally afcribed Novelty and
progrefs of
to Pythagoras, to Solomon, or to Hermes, v\'ere the pious frauds that art.
of more recent adepts. The Greeks were inattentive either to the
life or to the abufe of chymiftry. In that immenfe regifter, where
Pliny has depofited the difcoverles, the arts, and the errors of man-
kind, there is not the leaft mention of the tranfmutation of metals ;
and the perfecution of Diocletian is the firft authentic event in the
hiftory of alchymy. The conqueft of Egypt by the Arabs diiFufed
that vain fcience over the globe. Congenial to the avarice of the
human heart, it was fludled in China as in Europe, with equal
eagernefs, and with equal fuccefs. The darknefs of the middle
*' He fixed the public allowance of corn cop. Hift. Arcan. c. 26.
for the people of Alexandria, at two millions ;, j^^^ ^^,^;^^,, ^ Ε^^^^ρ_ Valefian. p.
of med,mni; about four hundred thcufand g,^_ Suidas in Diocletian.
<juarters. Chron. Pafchal. p. 276. Pro-
VoL. I. 3 L ages
442 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
XIII.
ages enfured a favourable reception to every tale of wonder, and
the revival of learning gave new vigour to hope, and fuggefted
more fpecious arts of deception. Philofophy, with the aid of expe-
rience, has at length baniilied the ftudy of alchymy ; and the pre-
fent age, however defirous of riches, is content to feek them by the
humbler means of commerce and induftry ''.
ThePerfian The redudion of Egypt was immediately followed by the Perfian
war.
war. It was referved for the reign of Diocletian to vanquiih that
powerful nation, and to extort a confeifion from the fucceflbrs of
Artaxerxes, of the fuperior majefty of the Roman empire.
Tiridates the AVe have obferved, under the reign of Valerian, that Armenia
was fubdued by the perfidy and the arms of the Perfians, and that
after the aiTaffination of Chofroes, his fon Tiridates, the infant heir
of the monarchy, was faved by the fidelity of his friends, and
educated under the protedion of the emperors. Tiridates derived
from his exile fuch advantages as he could never have obtained on
the throne of Armenia ; the early knowledge of adverfity, of man-
kind, and of the Roman difcipline. He fignalized his youth by
deeds of valour, and difplayed a matchlefs dexterity, as well as.
ftrength, in every martial exercife, and even in the lefs honourable
A. D. 282, contefts of the Olympian games '". Thofe qualities were more no-
bly exerted in the defence of his benefadlor Licinius ". That offi-
cer, in the fedition which occafioned the death of ProbuS; Λvas ex-
pofed to the moft imminent danger, and the enraged foldiers were
5' See a fliort hHlory and confutation of who fuppofes that in the year 323, Licinius
Alchymy, in the works of that philofophical was only fixty years of age, he could fcarcely
compiler. La Mothe le Vayer, torn. i. p. be the fame perfon, as the patron of Tiri-
327 — 353• dates ; but we know from much better autho-
5- See the education and llrength of Tiri- rity (Eufeb. Hift. Ecclefiaft. 1. x. c. 8.) that
dates in the Armenian hiftory of Mofes of Licinius was at that time in the Lift period of
Chorene, 1. ii. c. 76. He could feize two old age : fixteen years before, he is repre-
wild bulls by the horns, and break them oiF fented with grey hairs, and as the contempo-
with his hands. rary of Galerius. See Ladlant. c. 32. Li-
" If we give credit to the younger Viilor, cinius was probably born about the year 250;
2 ^ forcing
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 4^3
forcing their way into his tent, when they were checked by the '^ ^ ■'^ ^•
Aili.
.fingle arm of the Armenian prince. The gratitude of Tiridates < — — ,^— _/
contributed Γυοη afterwards to his reiloration. Licinius was in
every ftation the friend and companion of Galerius, and the merit
of Galerius, long before he was raifed to the dignity of Ciefar, had
been known and efteemed by Diocletian. In the third year of that
emperor's reign, Tiridates was inveited with the kingdom of Ar-
menia. The juftice of the mcafure was not lefs evident than ics
expediency. It was time to refcue from the ufurpation of the Per-
fian monarch an important territory, which, fince the reign of
Nero, had been always granted under the proteftion of the empire
to a younger branch of the houfe of Arfaces '\
When Tiridates appeared on the frontiers of Armenia, he was A. D. 286.
received with an unfeigned tranfport of joy and loyalty. During tion to the'
twenty-fix years, the country had experienced the real and imagi- Armenia.
nary hardfhips of a foreign yoke. The Perfian monarchs adorned
their new conqueft with magniticent buildings ; but thofe monuments
had been ereded at the expence of the people, and were abhorred
as badges of flavery. The apprehenfion of a revolt had infpired State of the
the moil rigorous precautions : oppreifion had been aggravated by
infult, and the confcioufnefs of the public hatred had been produc-
tive of every meafure that could render it ftill more implacable.
We have already remarked the intolerant fpirit of the Magian re-
ligion. The ftatues of the deified kings of Armenia, and the facred
images of the fun and moon, were broke in pieces by the zeal of the
conqueror ; and the perpetual fire of Ormuzd was kindled and pre-
ferved upon an altar ereited on the fummit of mount Bagavan ^'. It
^* See the fixty-fecond and llxty-third books years before Chrift, and was the firlt king of
ef Dion Caffius. the family of Arfaces (fee Mofes Hift. Ar-
'' Mofes of Chorene, Hi.1. Armen. 1. ii. men. l.ii. z, 3.). The deification of the Ar-
C. 74. The ilafaes had been ercftcd by Va- facides is mentioned by JuUin (xli. 5.) and
larface.;, who reigned in Armenia about 130 by Ammianus Marcellinus (xxiii. 6.)•
3 L 2 was
^4^ THE DECLINE AND FALL
c Η Λ P. v^as natural, that a people exafperated by fo many Injuries, ihould arm
ΧΙ1Γ
u— v-^ with zeal in the caufe of their independence, their religion, and their
peO7ieaii^ hereditary fovereign. The torrent bore down every obftacle, and
nobles. ^^^ Perfian garrifons retreated before its fury. The nobles of Arme-
nia flew to the ftandard of Tiridates, all alleging their part merit,
offering their future fervice", and foliciting from the new king thofe
honours and rewards from which they had been excluded with dif-
daia under the foreign government '*. The coinmand of the army
was beftowed on Artavafdes, whofe father had faved the infancy of
Tiridates, and whofe family had been maffacred for that generous
a£lion. The brother of Artavafdes obtained the government of a
province. One of the firft military dignities was conferred on the
fatrap Otas, a man of fingular temperance and fortitude, who pre-
fented to the king, his fifter '^ and a confiderable treafure, both of
wliich, in a fequeftered fortrefs, Otas had preferved from violation.
Soryof Among the Armenian nobles appeared an ally, whofe fortunes are
Mamgo. ^^ remarkable to pafs unnoticed. His name was Mamgo, his origin
was Scythian, and the horde which acknowledged his authority, had
encamped a very few years before on the fkirts of the Chinefe em-
pire '% which at that time extended as far as the neighbourhood
of Sogdina ". Having incurred the difpleafufe of his mafter,
5* The Armenian nobility was numerous lence of the natives, and by their love of
and powerful. Mofes mentions many fa- peace, above all the other nations of the earth,
milies which were diftinguilhed under the '^ Vou-ti, the firft emperor of the feventh
jeignof Valarfaces (1. ii. J.), and which ftill dynafty, who then reigned in China, had po-
fubfifteJ in his own time, about the middle litical tranfaiUons with FeFgana, a province
of the fifth century. See the preface of his of Sogdiana, and is faid to have received a
Editors. Roman embaffy. (Hiftoire des Huns, torn. i.
5' She was named Chofroiduchta, and had p. 38.) In thofe ages the Chinefe kept a
not the Όί pat Ilium like other women. (Hill, garrifon at Kaihgar, and one of their generals,
Armen. 1. ii. c. 79.) I do not underftand the about the time of Trajan, marched as far as
expreffion. the Cafpian fea. With regard to the inter-
s' In the Armenian Hiftory (1. ii. 78.) as comfe between China and the weftern coun-
wel! as in the Geography, (p. 367.) Chinais tries, a curious memoir of M. de Guignes
called Zenia, or Zenaftan. It is charafter- may be confulted in the Academie des In-
ized by the produftion of filk, by the opu- fcriptions, torn, xxxii. p. 355.
Ο Mamgo,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 445-
Mameo, with his followers, retired to the banks of the Oxus, and CHAP.
XIII.
implored the protedlion of Sapor. The emperor of China claimed \_ -.- Lf
the fugitive, and alleged the rights of fovereignty. The Perfian
monarch pleaded the laws of hofpitality, and with fome difficulty
avoided a war, by the promife that he would baniih Mamgo to the
uttermoft parts of the Wc/ft ; a punifliment, as he defcribed it, not
lefs dreadful than death itfelf. Armenia was chofen for the place
of exile, and a large diftrift was affigned to the Scythian horde, on
which they might feed their flocks and herds, and remove their en-
campment from one place to another, according to the different
feafons of the year. They were employed to repel the invafion of
Tiridates ; but their leader, after weighing the obligations and in-
juries which he had received from the Perfian monarch, refolved to
abandon his party. The Armenian prince, who was well acquainted
with the merit as well as power of Mamgo, treated him with dif—
tinguiihed refpedl ; and by admitting him into his confidence, ac-
quired a brave and faithful fervant, who contributed very effedually
to his reftoration *°.
For a while, fortune appeared to favour the enterprlfing valour of The Peruana
Tiridates. He not only expelled the enemies of his family and coun- menia,
try from the whole extent of Armenia, but in the profecution of his
revenge he carried his arms, or at leaft his incurfions, into the heart
of Affyria. Thehiftorian, who has preferved the name of Tiridates
from oblivion, celebrates, with a degree of national enthufiafm, his
perfonal prowefs ; and, in the true fpirit of eaftcrn romance, de-
fcribes the giants and the elephants that fell beneath his invincible arm.
It is from other information that we difcover the diflracfted ftate of the
Perfian monarchy, to which the king of Armenia was indebted for
fome part of his advantages. The throne was difputed by the am-
bition of contending brothers ; and Hormuz, after exerting without
*• See Hill. Armen. 1. ii. c. Si.
fuccefs
446
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
XIII.
« ^ 1
War between.
the Perfians
and the Ro-
mans.
A. D. 295.
Defeat of
Galerius.
fuccefs the ftrength of his own party, had recourfe to the dangerous
affiftance of the barbarians who iuhabiled the banks of the Cafpian
Sea '". The civil war- was, however, foon terminated, either by a vic-
tory or by a reconciliation; and Naries, who was univerfally acknow-
ledged as king of Perfia, direited his whole force againft the foreign
enemy. The contefl: then became too unequal; nor was the valour of
the hero able to withftand the power of the monarch. Tiridates, a
fecond time expelled from the throne of Armenia, once more took
refuge in the court of the emperors. Narfes foon re-eftabliihed his
authority over the revolted province; and loudly complaining of the
protedlion afforded by the R-omans to rebels and fugitives, afpired
to the conquefl: of the Eail "^',
Neither prudence nor honour could permit the emperors to forfake
the caufe of the Armenian king, and it was refolved to e.xert the
force of the empire in the Perfian war. Diocletian, with the calm
dignity which he confiantly aiTumed, fixed his own ftation in the
city of Antioch, from whence he prepared and direded the military
operations ^\ The condud: of the legions was intrufted to the in-
trepid valour of Galerius, who, for that important purpofe, was re-
moved from the banks of the Danube to thofe of the Euphrates.
The armies foon encountered each other in the plains of Mefopo-
tamia, and two battles were fought with various and doubtful fuc-
cefs : but the third engagement was of a more decifive nature ; and
*' Ipibs Perfas ipfumque Regem afcltis
Saccis, et RuiEs, et GelHs, petit frater Or-
inies. Panegyric. Vet. iii. i. The Sacas
were a nation of wandering Scythians, who
encamped towards the fources of the Oxus
and the Jaxartes. The Gelli were the inhabi-
tants of Ghilan along the Cafpian fea, and
who fo long, under the name of Dilemites,
infefted the Perfian Monarchy. Sec d'Her-
belot Bibliotheque Orientale.
** Mofes of Chorene takes no notice of this
fecond revolution, which I have been obliged
to colledt from a paflage of Ammianus Mar-
cellinus (1. xxiii. 5.). Laftantius fpeaks of
the ambition of Narfes, " Concitatus do-
mefticis exemplis avi fui Saporis ad occupan-
dum orientem magnis copiis inhiabat." De
Mort. Perfecut. c. 9.
*^ We may readily believe, that Ladlantius
afcribes to cowardice the conduft of Diocle-
tian. Julian, in his oration fays, that lie re-
mained with all the forces of the empire ; a
very hyperbolical expreiCon.
the
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ A Ν Ε Μ ρ I R Ε. 447
the Roman army received a total overthrow, which is attributed to
the railiaeis of Galerius, who, with an inconfiderable body of troops,
attacked the innumerable hoft of the Perfians ''*. But the confider-
ation of the country that was the fcene of adion, may fuggeft ano-
ther reafon for his defeat. The fame ground on which Galerius
was vanquifhed, had been rendered memorable by the death of
CrafTus, and the flaughter of ten legions. It was a plain of more
than fixty miles, which extended from the hills of Carrhae to the
Euphrates ; a fmooth and barren furface of fandy defert, without a
hillock, Vvathout a tree, and without a fpring of freih water''. The
fteady infantry of the Romans, fainting with heat and thirft, could
neither hope for vidory if they preferved their ranks, nor break their
ranks without expofing themfelves to the moft imminent danger. Ια
this fituation they were gradually encompafled by the fuperior num-
bers, haraffed by the rapid evolutions, and deftroyed by the arrows of
the barbarian cavalry. The king of Armenia had fignalized his valour
in the battle, and acquired perfonal glory by the public misfortune.
He was purfued as far as the Euphrates; his horfe was wounded, and
it appeared impoiTible for him to efcape the vidorious enemy. In this
extremity Tiridates embraced the only refuge which he faw before
him; he difmounted and plunged into the ftream. His armour was
heavy, the river very deep, and in thofe parts at leaf! half a mile in
breadth*^; yet fuch was his ftrength and dexterity, that he reached
in fafety the oppofite bank*^ With regard to the Roman gene-
ral, we are ignorant of the circumftances of his efcape; but wherr
6* Our five abbreviators, Eutropius, Feilus, " See Porter's Diflertation in the fecond
the two Vidlors, and Orofius, all relate the volume of the tranflation of the Anabafis by
lail and great battle ; bat Orofms is the only Spelman ; which I will venture to recommend,
one who fpeaks of the two former. as one cf the bell veriions extant.
«5 The nature of the country is finely de- β? Hill. Armen. 1. ii. c. 76. I have tranf-
fcribed by Plutarch, in the life of Craflus, fe^ed this exploit of Tiridates from an ima^r
and by Xenophon, ih the firll book of the ginary defeat to the real one of Galerius.
Anabafis.
ha
CHAP,
ΧΙΠ.
44δ THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, he returned to Antioch, Diocletian received him, not with the ten-
^- — « ' dcrnefs of a friend and colleague, but with the indignation of an
tion by offended fovereign. The haughtieft of men, clothed in his purple,
but humbled by the fenfe of his fault and misfortune, was obliged
to follow the emperor's chariot above a mile on foot, and to exhibit,
before the whole court, the fpeitacle of his difgrace".
Second cam- As foon as Diocletian had indulged his private refentment, and
paign of Ga-
lerius. aiTertcd the majefty of fupreme power, he yielded to the fubmiiTive
* entreaties of the Csefar, and permitted him to retrieve his own honour
as well as that of the Roman arms. In the room of the unwarlike
troops of Afia, which had moft probably ferved in the firil expe-
dition, a fecond army was drawn from the veterans and new levies
of the lUyrian frontier, and a confiderable body of Gothic auxili-
aries were taken into the Imperial pay ''. At the head of a chofen
army of twenty-five thoufand men, Gallerius again paffed the Eu-
phrates ; but, inftead of cxpofing his legions in the open plains of
Mefopotamia, he advanced through the mountains of Armenia,
where he found the inhabitants devoted to hiscaufe, and the country
as favourable to the operations of infantry, as it was inconvenient
for the motions of cavalry '°. Adverfity had confirmed the Ro-
His viaory. man difcipline, while the barbarians, elated by fuccefs, were become
ib negligent and remifs, that in the moment when they leafi; ex-
peded it, they were furprifed by the adive condu£l of Galerius,
who, attended only by two horfemen, had with his own eyes fecretly
examined the ftate and pofition of their camp. A furprife, efpecially
■in the night-time, was for the moft part fatal to a Perfian army.
" Their horfes were tied, and generally ihackled, to prevent their run-
*' Ammian. Marcellin. 1. xiv. The mile, " Aurelius Viftor fays, " Per Armenian!
in the hands of Eutrppius (ix. 24.)» of Feihis in hoftes contendit, qua; ferme fola, feu faci-
' (c. 25.). and of Orofius (vii. 25.), eafily in- lior vincendi via eft." He followed the con-
creafed to /ei'eral miles. duft of Trajan, and the idea of Julius Ca;-
*' Aurelius Vidor. Jomandes de rebus far.
■Geticis, c. 21..
•* ning
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
449
" nlng away ; and if an alarm happened, a PeiTian had his houfing C Η A P.,
" to fix, his horfe to bridle, and his corflet to put on, before he could ■_. -,-'>-j'.
"mount"." On this occafion, the impetuous attack of Galerius
fprcad diforder and diiiiiay over the camp of the barbarians. A
flight refiftance was followed by a dreadful carnage, and in the
general confufion, the wounded monarch (for Narfes commanded
his armies in perfon) fled towards the deferts of Media. His
fumptuous tents, and thofe of his fatraps, afforded an immenfe
booty to the conqueror ; and an incident is mentioned, which
proves the ruflic but martial ignorance of the legions in the elegant
fuperfluities of life. A bag of ihining leather filled with pearls,
fell into the hands of a private foldier ; he carefully preferved the
bag, but he threw away its contents, judging, that whatever was of
no ufe could not poffibly be of any value'-. The principal lofs and behavl-
of Narfes was of a much more afFeding nature. Several of his royal cap-
wives, his fillers, and children, who had attended the army, were ''^"'
made captives in the defeat. But though the character of Ga-
lerius had in general very little affinity with that of Alexander,
he imitated, after his vidtory, the amiable behaviour of the Ma-
cedonian towards the family of Darius. The wives and children
of Narfes were proteded from violence and rapine, conveyed
to a place of fafety, and treated with every mark of refped and
tendernefs, that was due from a generous enemy, to their age, their
fex, and their royal dignity".
While the Eafl: anxioufly expeited the decifion of this great Negodatlon
contefl:, the emperor Diocletian, having aflembled in Syria a flrong
army of obfervation, difplayed from a diftance the refources of
the Roman power, and referved himfelf for any future emer-
"' Xenophon's Anabafis, 1. iii. For that "^ The Perfians confelTed the Roman fu-
reafon the Perfian cavalry encamped fixty lla- pcriority in morals as well as in arms,
dja from the enemy. Eutrop. ix. 24. But this refpeft and gratitude
'^ The ilory is told by Ammianus, 1. xxii. of enemies is verj' feldom to be found in their
Iniiead of /accum fome Ttad/cutum. own accounts.
Vol. I. 3 Μ gency
450 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, gency of the war. On the intelligence of the victory, he
<■._■>,. .^ condefcended to advance towards the frontier ; with a view of
moderating, by his prefence and counfels, the pride of Ga-
lerius. The interview of the Roman princes at Nifibis was
accompanied with every expreflion of refped on one fide, and of
efteem on the other. It was in that city that they foon afterwards
gave audience to the ambaifador of the great king". The power,
or at leail the fpirit of Narfes, had been broken by his lafl: defeat j
and he confidered an immediate peace, as the only means that could
Hop the progrefs of the Roman arms. He difpatched Apharban,
a fervant who pofleffed his favour and confidence, with a com-
miflion to negociate a treaty, or rather to receive whatever con-
Speech of ditions the conqueror ihould impofe. Apharban opened the con-
sunbaflador. ference by expreffing his mailer's gratitude for the generous
treatment of his family, and by foliciting the liberty of thofe illuf-
trious captives. He celebrated the valour of Galerius without
degrading the reputation of Narfes, and thought it no diflionour to
confefs the fuperiority of the vidtorious Csefar, over a monarch who
had furpaffed in glory all the princes of his race. Notwithftanding
the juftice of the Perfian caufc, he was empowered to fubmit the
prefent differences to the declfion of the emperors themfelves ;
convinced as he was, that in the midit of profperity, they would
not be unmindful of the viciffitudes of fortune. Apharban con-
cluded his difcourfe in the ftyle of eaftern allegory, by obferving
that the Roman and Perfian monarchies were the two eyes of the
world, which would remain imperfect and mutilated if either of
them ihould be put out.
Anfwer of " It well bccomcs the Perfians," replied Galerius, with a tranfport
of fury, which feemed to convulfe his whole frame, " it well be-
7* The account of the negociation is taken rinian ; but it is very evident, by the nature
from the fragments of Peter the Patrician, • of his materials, that they are drawn from the
.in the Excerpta Legatior.um publiihed in the moft authentic and refpeftable writers.
Byzanti η c CoUeflion. Peter lived under Juf-
I " comes
Galerius.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 451
•* comes the Pcrfians to expatiate on the viciiTitudes of fortune, ^ ^^ f^ ^-
*' and calmly to read us Icdtures on the virtues of moderation, y ν *
*' Let them remember their own moderation towards the unhappy
*' Valerian. They vanquifhed him by fraud, they treated him
*' with indignity. They detained him till the laft moment of
" his life in ihameful captivity, and after his death they expofed
" his body to perpetual ignominy." Softening, however, his tone,
Galerius infinuated to the ambaffador, that it had never been the-
practice of the Romans to trample on a proftrate enemy ; and that,
on this occafion, they fliould confult their own dignity, rather than
the Perfian merit. He difmifled Apharban with a hope, that
Narfes would foon be informed on what conditions he might obtain,
from the clemency of the emperors, a lafting peace, and the
reftoration of his wives and children. In this conference we may
difcover the fierce paifions of Galerius, as well as his deference to
the fuperior wifdom and authority of Diocletian. The ambition of Moderation
the former grafped at the conqueft of the Eaft, and had propofed
to reduce Perfia into the ftate of a province. The prudence of the'
latter, who adhered to the moderate policy of Auguftus and the
Antonines, embraced the favourable opportunity of terminating a
fuccefsful war by an honourable and advantageous peace ''.
In purfuance of their promife, the emperors foon afterwards Condufion
appointed Sicorius Probus, one of their fecretaries, to acquaint the ,
Perfian court with their final refolution. As the minifter of peace,
he was received with every mark of politenefs and friendfhip ; but,
under the pretence of allowing him the neceifary repofe after
fo long a journey, the audience of Probus was deferred from day
to day ; and he attended the flow motions of the king, till at
length he was admitted to his prefence, near the river Afprudus,
" Adeo Viilor (fays Aurelius) ut ni Va-• rentur. Verum pars terrarum tamen nobis
lerius, cujus nutu omnia gerebantur, abnuif- utilior quaefita.
fet, Rcniani faices in provinciam novani fer-
3 IM 2 in
45-
TH Ε DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, in Media. The fecret motive of Narfes in this delay, had been to
XIII.
« ^ > colle£l fuch a military force, as might enable him, though fm-
cerely defirous of peace, to negociate with the greater weight and
dignity. Three perfons only affifted at this important conference,
the minifter Apharban, the prcefeil of the guards, and an officer
who had commanded on the Armenian frontier '*. The firft
condition propofed by the ambaflador, is not at prefent of a very
intelligible nature ; that the city of Nifibis might be eftabliihed
for the place of mutual exchange, or, as we ihould formerly have
termed it, for the ftaple of trade, between the two empires. There
is no difficulty in conceiving the intention of the Roman princes,
to improve their revenue by fome reftraints upon commerce ; but
as Nifibis was fituated within their own dominions, and as they were
mailers both of the imports and exports, it ihould feem, that
fuch reftraints were the objedls of an internal law, rather than of a
foreign treaty. To render them more effeitual, fome ftipulations
were probably required on the fide of the king of Perfia, which
appeared fo very repugnant either to his intereft or to his dignity, that
Narfes could not be perfuaded to fubfcribe them. As this was the
only article to which he refufed his confent, it was no longer in-
fifted on ; and the emperors either fuffered the trade to flow in
its natural channels, or contented themfelves with fuch reftriilions,
as it depended on their own authority to eftabliili,
and articles As foon as this difficulty was removed, a folemn peace w^as
c ihe treaty. (;Q]^(.im]g(j ^,-,^] ratified between the two nations. The conditions of
a treaty fo glorious to the empire, and fo neceilary to Perfia,
may deferve a more peculiar attention, as the hiftory of Rome
prefents very few tranfadtions of a fimilar nature; moft of her wars,
having either been terminated by abfolute conqueft, or waged againft
'° He had been governor of Sumium. (Pet. Chorene (Geograph. p. 360.), and lay to the
Patricius in Excerpt. Legat. p. 30.). This Eail of Mount Ararat.
province feems to be mentioned' by Mofes of
barbarians
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. - 453
barbarians i";riorant of the ufc of letters. I. The Aboras, or as it ^ ii λ p.
'^ XIII.
IS called by Xenophon, the Araxes, was fixed as the boundary • — -..—_*
I , , . ,, ,-r-, . , . , ^ , The Aboras
between the two monarchies". ι hat river, which role near the fixed as the
Tigris, was increafed a few miles below Nifibis, by the little ftrcam ^^gl^j ^j^e
of the Mygdonius, pafled under the walls of Singara, and fell ^^U^i"^"•
into the Euphrates at Circefium, a frontier town, which, by the
care of Diocletian, was very ftrongly fortified '^ ATefopotamia, the
objeil of fo many wars, was ceded to the empire ; and the Perfians,
by this treaty, renounced all pretenfions to that great province.
II. They relinquiflied to the Romans five provinces beyond the Ceffion of
- . ^ . - - five provin-
Tigris". Their fituation formed a very ufeful barrier, and their ces beyond
natural flrength was foon improved by art and military ikill. Four ^ '^"^"
of thefe, to the north of the river, were diftrids of obfcure fame
and inconfiderable extent ; Intiline, Zabdicene, Arzanene, and Mox-
oene: but on the eaft of the Tigris, the empire acquired the large
and mountainous territory of Carduene, the ancient feat of the
Carduchians, who preferved for many ages their manly freedom in
the heart of the defpotic monarchies of Afia. The ten thoufand
Greeks traverfed their country, after a painful march, or rather en-
gagement, of feven days"; and it is confefled by their leader, in his
incomparable relation of the retreat, that they fuffered more from
the arrows of the Carduchians, than from the power of the great
king ^\ Their pofterity, the Curds, with very little alteratioa
either.
" By an error of the geographer Ptolemy, (in Excerpt. Leg. p. 30.) inforts Rehimene
the pofition of Singara is removed from the and Sophene. I have preferred Aramianus,
Aboras to the Tigris, which may have pro- (I. x.\-v. 7.) becaufe it might be proved, that
duced the miftake of Peter, in alTigning the Sophene was never in the hands of the Per-
latter river for the boundary, inllead of the fians, either before the reign of Diocletian,
former. The line of the Roman frontier tra- or after that of Jovian. For want of correft
vejfed, but never followed, the courfe of the maps, like thofe of M. Danville, almoft all
Tigris. the moderns, with Tillemont and Valefias at
'* Procopius de Edificiis, 1. ii. c. 6. their head, have imagined, that it was in re-
'9 Three of the provinces-, Zabdicene, Ar- fpeS to Perfia, and not to Rome, that the
sanene, and Carduene, are allowed on all five provinces were fituate beyond• the Tigris,
fidei. But inilead of the other two, Peter ^° Xenophon's Anabafis, l.iv. Their bows
were
454 - THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, either of name or manners, acknowledged the nominal foverelgnty of
1— V,- — I the Turkiih fultan. III. It is ahnoil needlefs to oblerve, that Tiridates,
Armenia. ^.,-,,, /--r» η i i i r i • r λ
the faithful ally of Rome, was reltored to the throne or his rathers,
and that the rights of the Imperial fupremacy were fully afferted
and fccured. The limits of Armenia were extended as far as the
fortrefs of Sintha in Media, and this increafe of dominion was
not fo much an a£l of liberality as of juftice. Of the provinces
already mentioned beyond the Tigris, the four firft had been
difmembered by the Parthians, from the crown of Armenia *' ; and
when the Romans acquired the poiTeflSon of them, they ftipulated,
at the expence of the ufurpers, an ample compenfation, which ia-
vefted their ally with the extenfive and fertile country of Atropatene.
Its principal city, in the fame fituation perhaps as the modern Tauris,
was frequently honoured with the refidence of Tiridates, and as
it fometimes bore the name of Ecbatana, he imitated, in the build-
ings and fortifications, the fplendid capital of the Medes *'. IV. The
Jberia. country of Iberia was barren, its inhabitants rude and favage. But
they were accuftomed to the ufe of arms, and they feparated from
the empire barbarians much fiercer and more formidable thaa
themfelves. The narrow defiles of Mount Caucafus were in their
hands, and it was in their choice, either to admit or to exclude
the wandering tribes of Sarmatia, whenever a rapacious fpirit
urged them to penetrate into the richer climates of the South '^
The nomination of the kings of Iberia, w-hich was refigned by
the Perfian monarch to the emperors, contributed to the ilrength
were three cubits in length, their arrows two ; *^ Compare Herodotus, I. i. c. 97. with
they rolled down ftones that were each a wag- Mofes CJioronenf. Hift. Armen. 1. ii. c. 84.
gon load. The Greeks found a great many and the map of Armenia given by his edi-
villaires in that rude countrv. tors.
s' According to Eutropius (vi. 9. as the ^3 Hiberi, locorum potentes, Cafpia vii
textisrepreientedbythebeftMSS.) thecity Sarmatam in Armenios raptim effundunt.
of Tigranocerta was m Arzanene. The Tacit. Annal. vi,-34. See Strabon. Geograph.
names and fituation of the other three may be 1 χΐ „ ~f,j
faintly traced.
and
20.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 455
and fecurity of the Roman power in Afia'*. The Eaft enjoyed ^ ^(ΐπ ^"
a profound tranquillity during forty years; and the treaty be- iv^ — ^ — J
tween the rival monarchies was ftridly obferved till the death of
Tiridates ; when a new generation, animated with different views
and different paffions, iucceeded to the government of the world ;
and the grandfon of Narfes undertook a long and memorable war
againft the princes of the houfe of Conftantine.
The arduous work of refcuing the diftreffed empire from tyrants Triumph of!
° . Diocletian
and barbarians had now been completely atchieved by a fucceffion and Maxi-
of Illyrian peafants. As foon as Diocletian entered into the twentieth λ. D. 303.
year of his reign, he celebrated that memorable asra, as well as the ι,εΓ^'"'
fuccefs of his arms, by the pomp of a Roman triumph *\ Maxi-
mian, the eqyal partner of his power, was his only companion in
the glory of that day. The two Csefars had fought and con-
quered, but the merit of their exploits was afcribed, according to the
rigour of ancient maxims, to the aufpicious influence of their fathers
and emperors ^*. The triumph of Diocletian and Maximian was
lefs magnificent perhaps than thofe of Aurelian and Probus, but it
was dignifkd by feveral circumftances of fuperior fame and good
fortune. Africa and Britain, the Pvhine, the Danube, and the Nile,
furniihed their rcfpedive trophies ; but the moil diftinguiihed
ornament was of a more fingular nature,^ Perfian victory followed
by an important conqueft. The reprefcntations of rivers, moun-
tains, and provinces, Vv^ere carried before the , Imperial car. The
images of the captive wives, the fifters, and the children of the great
king, afforded a new and grateful fpedacle to the vanity of the
*+ Peter Patricius (in Excerpt. Leg. p. 30.) triumph and the Vicennalia were celebrated
is the only writer who mentions the Iberian at the fame time.
article of the treaty. *^ At the time of the Mncenalia, Gale-
*^ Eufebius in Chron. Pagi ad annum, rius feems to have kept his ftation on the D.a-
Till the difcovery of the treatifeDe Mortibus nube. See Laitant. de M. P. c. 38.
Perfecutorum, it was not certain that the
people»
456 THEDECLINEANDFALL
^ i^, A ^'• people *'. In the eyes of pofterity this triumph is remarkable, by a
A. Ill•
u— „ — _/ diillndion of a lefs honourable kind. It was the laft that Rome
ever beheld. Soon after this period, the emperors ceafed to vanquiih,
and Rome ceafed to be the capital of the empire.
Long ab- j^jg f^^^ q^ which Rome was founded, had been confecrated
fence of the ^
emperors by ancient ceremonies and imaginary miracles. The prefence
from Rome. c r λ r λ •
of fome god, or the memory or fome hero, feemed to animate
every part of the city, and the empire of the world had been
promifed to the Capitol *'. The native Romans felt and confefied
the power of this agreeable illufion. It was derived from their
anceilors, had grown up Λvith their earlicfl: habiis of life, and was
proteded, in fome meafure, by the opinion or political utility.
The form and the feat of government were intimately blended
together, nor was it efteemed poiTible to tranfport the one without
deilroying the other ^^. But the fovereignty of the capital was
gradually annihilated in the extent of conqueft ; the provinces rofe to
the fame level, and the vanqnifhed nations acquired the name
and privileges, without imbibing the partial affedtions, of Romans.
During a long period, however, the remains of the ancient con-
iiitution, and the influence of cuftom, preferved the dignity of
Rome. The emperors, though perhaps of African or Illyrian
extradion, refpeited their adopted country, as the feat of their
power, and the centre of their extenfive dominions. The emer-
gencies of war very frequently required their prefence on the fron-
tiers ; but Diocletian and Maximian were the iiril Roman princes
'' Eutropius (Lv. 27.) mentions them as a Rome to the neighbouring city of Veii.
part of the triumph. As the /«yia/ had been '^'J Julius Csfar was reproached with the
reftored to Narfes, nothing more than their intention of removing the empire to Ilium cr
images could be exhibited. Alexandria. See Sueton. in Cacfar, c. 79.
^* L'lvy gives us a fpeech of Camillus on According to the ingenious conjeilure of Le
that fubjefl (v. 51 5S-)> ^"11 of eloquence Fevre and Dacier, the third ode of the third
and fenlibility, in oppofition to a delign of book of Horace was intended to divert Au-
reznoving the feat of government from guftus from the execution of a funilardefign.
3 who
Their reft-
dence at
dia.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ^57
who fixed, in time of peace, their ordinary refidence in the pro- '^ ^i „■) ''•
vinces ; and their condudl, however it might be fuggeiled by private
motives, was juftified by very fpecious confiderations of policy.
The court of the emperor of the Weft was, for the moft part,
eftabliihed at Milan, whofe fituation, at the foot of the Alps, ap- Milan
peared far more convenient than that of Rome, for the important
purpofe of watching the motions of the barbarians of Germany.
Milan foon affumed the fplendour of an Imperial city. The houfes
are defcribed as numerous and well built ; the manners of the
people as pollihed and liberal. A circus, a theatre, a mint, a palace,
baths, which bore the name of their founder Maximian; porticos
adorned with flatues, and a double circumference of walls, con-
tributed to the beauty of the new capital ; nor did it feem op-
prefled even by the proximity of Rome '^ To rival the majefty
of Rome was the ambition likewife of Diocletian, who employed and Nicome-
his leifure, and the wealth ,of the Eaft, in the embellifhment of
Nicomedia, a city placed on the verge of Europe and Afia, almoil
at an equal diftance between the Danube and the Euphrates. By
the tafte of the monarch, and at the cxpence of the people, Ni-
comedia acquired, in the fpace of a few years, a degree of magnificence
which might appear to have required the labour of ages, and became
inferior only to Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, in extent or popu-
loufnefs 5'. The life of Diocletian and Maximian was a life of adion,
and a confiderable portion of it was fpent in camps, or in their Ion"•
^" See Aurelius Victor, who likewife men- Templa, PalatinEequearces, opulenfque Mo-
tions the buildings erefted by Maximian at neta,
Carthage, probably during the Moorifh war. Et regio //ircK/t?/ Celebris fub honore lavacri.
We ftiall infert feme verfes of Aufonius de CundlaquemarmoreisornataPeryftylaiignii ;
Clar. urb. v. Mceniaque in valli formam circumdata labro,
Et Mediolani mira omnia : copia rerum ; Omnia qua; m.ignis operum velut aeniula
Innumcr:ECulta;quedomus; facunda \drorum formis
Ingenia, et mores Isti, turn duplice muro Excellunt: nee junftas premltvicinia Romas.
Amplificata loci fpecies; populique voluptas '' Laftant. de M. P. c. 17. Libanius Orat.
Circus ; et inclufi moles cuneata Theatri viii. p. 203.
Vol. I. 3 Ν and
458 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
XUI.
and frequent marches ; but whenever the public bufinefs allowed them
any relaxation, they feem to have retired with pleafure to their fa-
vourite refidences of Nicomedia and Milan. Till Diocletian, in the
twentieth year of his reign, celebrated his Roman triumph, it is ex-
tremely doubtful whether he ever vifited the ancient capital of the
empire. Even on that memorable occafion his ftay did not exceed
two months. Difgufted with the licentious familiarity of the people,,
he quitted Rome with precipitation thirteen days before it was ex-
pected that he ihould have appeared in the fenate, invefted with the
enfigns of the confular dignity ''.
Debafement The diflike expreffed by Diocletian towards Rome and Roman
of the fe- freedom, was not the effedl of momentary caprice, but the refulc
^^'*' of the moft artful policy. That crafty prince had framed a new
fyilem of Imperial government, which was afterwards completed
by the family of Conftantine ; and as the image of the old con-
ilitution was religioufly preferved in the fenate, he refolved to
deprive that order of its fmall remains of power and confideration.^
We may recolle£l about eight years before the elevation of Diocle-
tian, the tranfient greatnefs, and the ambitious hopes, of the
Roman fenate. As long as that enthufiafm prevailed, many of the
nobles imprudently difplayed their zeal in the caufe of freedom ;^
and after the fuccefibrs of Probus had withdrawn their countenance
from the republican party, the fenators Avere unable to difguife their
impotent refentment. As the fovereign of Italy, Maximian was
intruded with the care of extinguiihing this troublefome, rather
than dangerous, fpirit, and the taik was perfedlly fuited to his-
cruel temper. The moft illuftrious members of the fenate, whom.
Diocletian always affedled to efteem, were involved, by his col*
league, in the accufation of imaginary plots j, and the ροίΓείΤιοη of
9* Laflant. de M. P. c» 17. On a fimilar fhlis, as not very agreeable to an Imperial'
cccaJton Ammianus mentkins the dUadtas ear, (See L xvi. c. lo.)
aa
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 459
an elegant villa, or a well Gultlvated eftate, was interpreted as a ^ ^^ f• ^-
convincing evidence of guilt ". The camp of the Prxtorians, c ~^~. ^
which had fo long opprefTed, began to protect, the majeily of Rome;
and as thofe haughty troops were confcious of the decline of their
power, they were naturally difpofed to unite their ftrength with the
authority of the fenate. By the prudent meafures of Diocletian,
the numbers of the Praetorians were infenfibly reduced, their pri-
vileges aboliihed '*, and their place fupplied by two faithful legions New bodies
of Illyricum, who, under the new titles of Jovians and Herculians, jovians and
were appointed to perform the fervice of the Imperial guards ''. ^'^'^^ '*'"'
But the moft fatal though fecret wound, which the fenate received
from the hands of Diocletian and Maximian, was inflided by the in-
evitable operation of their abfence. As long as the emperors refided
at Rome, that aflembly might be opprefTed, but it could fcarcely be
neglected. The fucceflbrs of Auguftus exercifed the power of di£tat-
ing whatever laws their wifdom or caprice might fuggefl: ; but thofe
laws were ratified by the fandtion of the fenate. The model of an-
cient freedom was preferved in its deliberations and decrees; and wife
princes, who refpedled the prejudices of the Roman people, were in
fome meafure obliged to aflume the language and behaviour fuitable
to the general and firft magiftrate of the republic. In the armies and
in the provinces, they difplayed the dignity of monarchs ; and when
they fixed their refidence at a diilance from the capital, they for ever
laid afide the diifim .alation which Auguftus had recommended to his
" Laftantius accufes Maximian of deftroy- '^ They were old corps ftationed in Illy-
ing fiftis criminationibuslumina fenatus. (De ricum ; and according to the ancient eilabliih-
M. P. c. 8.) Aurelius Viftor fpeaks very ment, they each confdled of fix thoufand men.
doubtfully of the faith of Diocletian towards They had acquired much reputation by the
his friends. ufe of t)\e phimbatrc, or darts loaded with lead.
'■>* Truncatae vires urbis, imminuto prxto- Each foldier carried five of thefe, which he
riarum cohortium atque in armis vulgi nu- darted from a confiderable diftance, with
niero. Aurelius Viftor. Ladantius attri- great llrength and dexterity. See Vegetius,
biites to Galerius the profecution of the fame i. 17.
plan (c. 26.).
3 Ν 2 fucceflbrs.
φο THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, fucceflbrs. In the exercife of the leglQative as well as the executive
v.- V'-— ^ power, the fovereign advifed with his minifters, inftead of confulting
the great council of the nation. The name of the fenate was men-
tioned with honour till the laft period of the empire ; the vanity of
its members was ftill flattered with honorary diilin(Stions '*, but the
afiembly, which had fo long been the fource, and fo long the inftru-
ment of power, was refpe£tfully fufFered to fink into oblivion.
The fenate of Rome, lofmg all connexion with the Imperial court
and the adual conftitution, was left a venerable but ufelefs monument
of antiquity on the Capitoline hill.
Civil magi- When the Roman princes had loft fight of the fenate and of their
itracies laid .
afide. ancient capital, they eafily forgot the origin and nature of their
legal power. The civil offices of conful, of proconful, of cenfor,
and of tribune, by the union of which it had been formed, betrayed
to the people its republican extradion. Thofe modeft titles were
laid afide " ; and if they ftill diftinguillied their high ftation by the
appellation of Emperor, or Imperator, that word was underRood
in a new and more dignified fenfe, and no longer denoted the gene-
ral of the Roman armies, but the fovereign of the Roman world»
Imperial dig- The name of Emperor, which was at firft of a military nature, was
iitks. aflbciated with another of a more fervile kind. The epithet of
DoMiNUS, or Lord, in its primitive fignification, was expreifivev
not of the authority of a prince aver his fubjeils, or of a com-
mander over his foldiers, but of the defpotic power of a mafter over
his dorneftic flaves '\ Viewing it in that odious light,, it had been
rejeded with abhorrence by the firft Csefars. Their refiftance infen-
"* See the Theodofian Code, 1. vi. tit. ii. *' Pliny (in Panegyr. c. 3. 55, Sec.) fpezks
with Godefroy's commentary. of Dcminus with execration, as fynonymous to
"' Seethe 12th diflertation in Spanheim's Tyrant, and oppofite to Prince. And the
excellent work De ufu Numifmatum. From fame Pliny regularly gives that tide (in the
medals, infcriptions, and hiftorians, he ex- tenth book of the epiftles) to his friend rather
amines every title feparately, and traces it than mafter, the virtuous Trajan. This ilrange
from Auguftus to tlie moment of its difap- contradiftion puzzles the commentators, who
jearing, think•, and the tranflators, who can write.
fibly.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. φ
fibly became more feeble, and the name lefs odious ; till at length ^ ^ ^ ^•
the ilyle of our Lord and Emperor was not only beftowed by flat-
tery, but was regularly admitted into the laws and public monu-
ments. Such lofty epithets were fufiicient to elate and fati&fy the
moil excelTive vanity ; and if the fucceflbrs of Diocletian itill de-
clined the title of King; it feems to have been the efFed not fo much
of their moderation as of their delicacy. Wherever the Latin
tongue was in ufe, (and it was the language of government through-
out the empire) the Imperial title, as it was peculiar to themfelves»
conveyed a more rcfpe£lable idea than the name of King, which
they muft have ihared with an hundred barbarian chieftains ; or
which, at the bcft, they could derive only from Romulus or from
Tarquin. But the fentiments of the Eaft were very different from
thofe of the Weft. From the earlieft period of hiftory, the foye-
reigns of Afia had been celebrated in the Greek language by the
title of Basileus, or King; and fmce it was confidered as the
firft diftinftion among men, it was foon employed by the fervile
provincials of the Eaft, in their humble addrefles to the Roman
throne ". Even the attributes, or at leaft the titles of the Divinity»
were uftirped by Diocletian and Maximian, who tranfmitted them
to a fucceflion of Chriftian emperors '°°. Such extravagant compli-
ments, however, foon lofe their impiety by lofing their meaning ;
and when the ear is once accuftomed to the found, they ar£ heard
with indiff"erence as vague though exceflive profelFions of refpe^.
From the time of Auguftus to that of Diocletian, the Roman Diocletian
r • r •!• »i_ • r 11 • • ailumes the
princes converimg m a lamuiar manner among their rellow-citL- diadem, and:
zens, were faluted only with the fame refped- that was ufually paid ih^'peXn
»' Synefius de Regno, Edit. Petav. p. 15. /nen, /acred tnajefiy, di'viue cracks, is'c. Ac-
I am indebted for tliis quotation to the Abbe cording to Tillemont, Gregory of Nazianzen
de la Bleterie. complains moil bitterly of the profanation,
•0° See Vendale de Confecratione, p• 354, efpecially when it was pradifed by an Arian-
&c. It was cuftomary for the emperors to emperor.
Diention (irt the preamble of laws) their »a-
3 tO'
introduces
η
ceremonial.
462 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^ J^ ^* to fenators and magiftrates. Their principal diftindion was the
Λ Jill*
' u ' Imperial or military robe of purple; whilft the fenatorial gar-
ment was marked by a broad, and the equeilrian by a narrow, band
or ftripe of the fame honourable colour. The pride, or rather the
policy, of Diocletian, engaged that artful prince to introduce the
ftately magnificence of the court of Perfia '°'. He ventured to
affume the diadem, an ornament detefted by the Romans as the
odious enfign of royalty, and the ufe of which had been confidered
as the moft defperate a£t of the madnefs of Caligula. It was no
more than a broad white fillet fet with pearls, which encircled the
emperor's head. The fumptuous robes of Diocletian and his fuc-
ceflbrs were of filk and gold ; and it is remarked with indignation,
that even their ihoes were iludded with the moft precious gems.
The accefs to their facred perfon was every day rendered more diffi-
cult, by the inftitution of new forms and ceremonies. The ave-
nues of the palace were ftridlly guarded by the various fchools^ as
they began to be called, of domeftic officers. The interior apart-
ments were intrufted to the jealous vigilance of the eunuchs ; the in-
creafe of whofe numbers and influence was the moft infallible fymp-
tom of the progrefs of defpotifm. When a fubjeit was at length
admitted to the Imperial prefence, he was obliged, whatever might
be his rank, to fall proftrate on the ground, and to adore, accord-
ing to the eaftern fafliion, the divinity of his lord and mafter '°*,
Diocletian was a man of fenfe, who in the courfe of private as well as
public life had formed a juft eftimate both of himfelf and of man-
kind : nor is it eafy to conceive, that in fubftituting the manners of
Perfia to thofe of Rome, he was ferioufly adluated byfo mean a prin-
ciple as that of vanity. He flattered himfelf, that an oftentation of
"=' See Spanheim de Ufu Numifmat. Dif- appears by the Panegyriils, that the Romans
fert. xii. were foon reconciled to the name and cere-
"^ Aurelius Viftor. Eutropius ix. 26. It mony of adoration.
fplendour
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE, 4Π3
CHAP.
XIII.
fplendour and luxury would fubdue the imagination of the multi-
tude ; that the monarch would• be lefs expofed to the rude licenfe
of the people and the foldiers, as his perfon was fecluded from the
public view ; and that habits of fubmiffion would infenfibly be pro-
dudive of fentiments of veneration. Like the modefty affedcd
by Auguftus, the ftate maintained by Diocletian was a theatrical
reprefentation ; but it muft be confefied, that of the two comedies,
the former was of a much more liberal and manly charader than the
latter. It was the aim of the one to difguife, and the objed of the
other to difplay, the unbounded power which the emperors poffeflcd
over the Roman world.
Oftentation was the firil: principle of the new fyftem inftituted by New form of
1^• • rr r • • r ττ • • • adminiftra-
Diocletian. The fecond was divifion. He divided the empire, the tion, two
provinces, and every branch of the civil as well as military admi- two'Cs'fars.
nillration. He multiplied the wheels of the machine of govern-
ment, and rendered its operations lefs rapid but more fecure.
"Whatever advantages, and whatever defeds might attend thefe
innovations, they muft be afcribed in a very great degree to the
firft inventor ; but as the new frame of policy was gradually
improved and completed by fucceeding princes, it will be more
latisfadory to delay the confideration of it till the feafon of its full
maturity and perfedion "". Referving, therefore, for the reign of
Conftantine a more exad pidure of the new empire, we ihall con-
tent ourfelves with defcribing the principal and decifive outline, as
it was traced by the hand of Diocletian. He had aifociated three
colleagues in the exercife of the fupreme power ; and as he was
convinced that the abilities of a fingle man were inadequate to the
public defence, he confidered the joint adminiftration of four princes
'°^ The innovations introduced by Dio- the Thcodoiian code, appear already efta•»
cletian, are chiefly deduced,— ift, from foine bliihed in the beginning of the reign of Con•^
very ftrong paflages in Laftr.ntius ; and, idly, flaatine.
from the new and various offices^ which, in.
2^ not
404
THE DECLINE AND FALL
C γτ/} ^' rif>^ *is a temporary expedient, but as a fundamental law of the con-
ftitutioii. It was his intention, that the two elder princes ihould
be diftinguilhed by the ufe of the diadem, and the title of Augiifli .•
that, as afTedion or efleem might dire£t their choice, they iliould
regularly call to their afTiftance two fubordinate colleagues ; and
that the Cafars^ rifing in their turn to the firft rank, ihould fupply
an uninterrupted fuccefTion of emperors. The empire was divided
into four parts. The Eaft and Italy were the moft honourable, the
Danube and the Rhine the moft laborious ftations. The former
claimed the prefence of the yiugiifiiy the latter were intrufted to the
adminiftration of the Casfars. The ftrength of the legions was in
the hands of the four partners of fovereignty, and the defpair of
fucceffively vanquiihing four formidable rivals, might intimidate
the ambition of an afpiring general. In their civil government, the
emperors were fuppofed to cxercife the undivided power of the
monarch, and their edifls, infcribcd with their joint names,
were received in all the provinces, as promulgated by their mutual
councils and authority. Notwithftanding thefe precautions, the po-
litical union of the Roman world was gradually diifolved, and a
principle of divifion was introduced, which, in the courfe of a few
years, occafioned the perpetual feparation of the eaftern and weftern
empires.
Increafe of The fyilem of Diocletian was accompanied with another very
material difadvantage, which cannot even at prefent be totally over-
looked ; a more expenfive eftabliihment, and confequently an in-
creafe of taxes, and the oppreflion of the people. Inflead of a
modeft family of flaves and freedmen, fuch as had contented the
fimple greatnefs of Auguftus and Trajan, three or four magnificent
courts were eftablifhed in the various parts of the empire, and as
many Roman kings contended with each other and with the Perfian
monarch for the vain fuperiority of pomp and luxury. The num-
ber of minifters, of magiftrates, of officers, and of fervants, who
filled
taxes.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 465
filled the different departments of the ftate, was multiplied beyond ^ ^J^^^ ^•
the example of former times; and (if we may borrow the warm ex- ' ν »
preffion of a contemporary), " when the proportion of thofe who
*' received, exceeded the proportion of thofe who contributed, the
" provinces were oppreiTed by the weight of tributes "*." From this
period to the extindlion of the empire, it would be eafy to deduce
an uninterrupted feries of clamours and complaints. According
to his religion and fituation, each writer chufes either Diocle-
tian, or Conftantine, or Valens, or Theodofms, for the obje£l of
his inve£lives ; but they unanlmoufly agree in reprefenting the bur-
den of the public impofitions, and particularly the land-tax and
capitation, as the intolerable and increafing grievance of their own
times. From fuch a concurrence, an impartial hiftorian who is
obliged to extradt truth from fatire as well as from panegyric, will
be inclined to divide the blame among the princes whom they ac-
cufe, and to afcribe their exadtions much lefs to their perfonal vices,
than to the uniform: fyftem of their adminiftration. The emperor
Diocletian was indeed the author of that fyilera ; but during his
reign, the growing evil was confined within the bounds of modeily
and difcretion, and he deferves the reproach of eftabliihing per-
nicious precedents, rather than of exercifing adual oppreffion '°^ It
may be added, that his revenues were managed with prudent ceco-
nomy ; and that after all the current expences were difcharged,
there ftill remained in the Imperial treafury an ample provifion ei-
ther for judicious liberality or for any emergency of the ftate.
It was in the twenty-firil: year of his reign that Diocletian exe- Abdication
cuted his memorable refolution of abdicating the empire; an adlion th„and^'
more naturally to have been expedted from the elder or the younger Maximian.
>"* Laftant. deM.P. c."^. ceflit. Awe]. Viftor, who has treated the
'°5 Indida lex nova quas fane illorum tern- charafter ofDiocletian with good fenfe, though
porum modeftia tolerabilis, in perniciem pro- in bad Latin.
Vol. I. 3 Ο Antoninus,
4β6 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, Antoninus, than from a prince who had never pradtifed the leffbns
c_— V— — ' of philofophy either in the attainment or in the ufe of fupreme
power. Diocletian acquired the glory of giving to the world the
firft example of a refignation '°% which has not been very fre-
Refemblance quently imitated by fucceeding monarchs. The parallel of Charles
to Charles ■^ _ _
tJie Fifth, , the Fifth, however, will naturally offer itfelf to our mind, not only
fmce the eloquence of a modern hiftorian has rendered that name
fo familiar to an Englifli reader, but from the very ftriking refem-
blance between the charaiters of the two emperors, whofe political
abilities were fuperior to their military genius, and whofe fpecious
virtues were much lefs the effedt of nature than of art. The abdi-
cation of Charles appears to have been haitened by the viciffitude
of fortune ; and the difappointment of his favourite fchemes urged
him to relinquiih a power which he found inadequate to his am-
bition. But the reign of Diocletian had flowed with a tide of unin-
terrupted fuccefs; nor was it till after he had vanquiihed all his
enemies, and accomplifhed all his defigns, that he feems to have
entertained any ferious thoughts of refigning the empire. Neither
Charles nor Diocletian were arrived at a very advanced period of life ;
iince the one was only fifty-five, and the other was no more than
fifty-nine years of age ; but the adlive life of thofe princes, their
wars and journies, the cares of royalty, and their application to bu-
finefs, had already impaired their conftitution, and brought on the
infirmities of a premature old age '°^
A. D. 504. Notwilhftanding the feverity of a very cold and rainy winter, Dio-
of Diock-'^ cletian left Italy foon after the ceremony of his triumph» and began
iian. jjjg progrefs towards the Eail round the circuit of the lUyrian pro-
"* Solus omnium, poft con<Htam Roma- nefs are taken fiom Laftanrius (c. 17.), who
num Imperium, qui ex tanto faftigio fponte may fometimcs be admitted as an e\'idence of
ad private vits ftitum civilitatemque reme- public fa£ls, though \ery feldom of private
aret. Eutrop. ix. 28. anecdotes.
"" The particulars of the journey and ill-
vinces.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
467
vinces. From the inclemency ot the weather, and the fatijrue of the ^ fi A p.
ΧΙίί
journey, he foon contraded a flow illnefs ; and though he made eafv ν ,-■' >
marches, and was generally carried in a dole litter, his diforder, be-
fore he arrived at Nicomedia, about the end of the fummer, was
become very ferious and alarming. During the whole winter he was
confined to his palace ; his danger infpired a general and unafl'eded
concern ; but the people could only judge of the various alterations of
his health, from the joy or confternation which they difcovered in
the countenances and behaviour of his attendants. The rumour of
his death was for fome time univerfally believed, and it was fuppofed
to be concealed, with a view to prevent the troubles that might have
happened during the abfence of the Csfar Galerius. At length,
however, on the firfl: of March, Diocletian once more appeared in
public, but fo pale and emaciated, that he could fcarcely have been
recognifed by thofe to whom his perfon was the moil familiar. It was His pru.
time to put an end to the painful ftruggle, which he had fuftained
during more than a year, between the care of his health and that of
his dignity. The former required indulgence and relaxation, the
latter compelled him to dired, from the bed of ficknefs, the admini-
ilration of a great empire. He refolved to pafs the remainder of his
days in honourable repofe, to place his glory beyond the reach of
fortune, and to relinquiih the theatre of the world to his younger
and more adive aflbciates '°'.
The ceremony of his abdication was performed in a fpaclous
plain, about three miles from Nicomedia. The emperor afcended
a lofty throne, and in a fpeech, full of reafon and dignity, de-
clared his intention, both to the people and to the foldiers who were
aiTembled on this extraordinary occafion. As foon as he had divefted d" ^* 3°5•
■^ May 1.
,c8 AureliusViilorafcribes the abdication, pending troubles. One of the panegyrifts
which had been fo varioudy accounted for, to (vi. 9.) mentions the age and infirmities of
tAvo caufes i ft, Diocletian's contempt of am- Diocletian, as a very natural reafon for his
bition ; and zdly. His apprehenfion of im- retirement.
3 ^^ 2 himfelf
468
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, himfclf of the purple, he withdrew from the gazing multitude ;
«—V——' and traverfing the city in a covered chariot, proceeded, without
delay, to the favourite retirement which he had chofea in his
native country of Dalmatia. On the fame day, which was the
firft of May '°', Maximian, as it had been previoufly concerted.
Compliance niadc his rcfignation of the Imperial dignity at Milan. Even
of Maximian. ^ , τλ • i τ^• i • i j i•
in the fplendour of the Roman triumph, Diocletian had medi-
tated his defign of abdicating the government. As he wiihed
to fecure the obedience of Maximian, he exacted from him
either a general alTurance that he would fubmit his adions to the
authority of his benefactor, or a particular promife that he would
defcend from the throne, whenever he ihould receive the advice
and the example. This engagement, though it was confirmed
by the folemnity of an oath before the altar of the Capitoline
Jupiter "°, would have proved a feeble reftraint on the fierce tem-
per of Maximian, whofe paffion was the love of power, and who
neither defired prefent tranquillity nor future reputation. But
he yielded, however reludantly, to the afcendant which his
wifer colleague had acquired over him, and retired, immediately
after his abdication, to a villa in Lucania, where it was almoft im-
pofiible that fuch an impatient fpirit could find any lafting tran-
quillity.
Diocletian, who, from a fervile origin, had raifed himfelf to the
throne, pafled the nine laft years of his life in a private condition.
Reafon had didated, and content feems to have accompanied, his
retreat, in which he enjoyed for a long time the refpedl of thofe
princes to whom he had refigned the poffeifion of the world '".
It
""' The difficulties as well as millakes at- "° See Panegyr. Veter. vi. 9. The ora-
tending the dateS; both of the year and of the tion was pronounced after Maximian had re-
day of Diocletian's abdication, are perfeilly aflumed the purple.
cleared up by Tillemont, Hill, des Empe- '" Eunienius pays him a very fine compli..
leurs, torn, iv, p. 525. Note 19, and by Pagi ment, " At enim divinum ilium virum, qui
ad annum. " primus imperium et participavit et pofuit,
" confilii
9
Retirement
of Diocle-
tian at Salo-
«a.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 469
It is feldom that minds, Ιοπίτ exercifed in bufinefs, have formed chap.
. xui.
any habits of converfing with themfelves, and in the lofs of power < >r-— '
they principally regret the want of occupation. The amufcments
of letters and of devotion, which afford fo many refources in
folitude, were incapable of fixing the attention of Diocletian ;
but he had preferved, oj: at leaft he foon recovered, a tafte for the
moil innocent as well as natural pleafurcs, and his leifure hours
were fuflBciently employed in building, planting, and gardening.
His anfwer to Maximian is defervedly celebrated. He was folicited Hisphilofo^
by that reillefs old man to reaifume the reins of government and
the Imperial purple. He rejeded the temptation with a fmile of
pity, calmly obferving, that if he could ihew Maximian the cab-
bages which he had planted with his own hands at Salona, he
fliould no longer be urged to relinquiih the enjoyment of happinefs
for the purfuit of power '". In his converfations with his friends,
he frequently acknowledged, that of all arts, the moil difficult was
the art of reigning ; and he expreffed himfelf on that favourite topic
with a degree of warmth which could be the refult only of ex-
perience. " How often, was he accuftomed to fay, is it the Intereil
?' of four or five miniilers to combine together to deceive their
*• fovereign. Secluded from mankind by his exalted dignity, the
•' truth is concealed from his knowledge; he can fee only with
*' their eyes, he hears nothing but their mifreprefentations. He
*' confers the moll important offices upon vice and weaknefs, and
♦' difgraces the moil virtuous and defer ving among his fubjedls.
*' By fuch infamous arts, added Diocletian, the beil and wifeft
" princes are fold to the venal corruption of their courtiers'"."
" confilii et fadli fui non poenitet ; nee ami- '" We are obliged to the younger Viilor
" fifle fe putat quod fponte tranfcripfit. Fx- for this celebrated bon mot. Eutropius men•
** lix beatufque vere quern veftra, tantorum tions the thing in a more general manner.
•' principum, colunt obfequia privatum." ''^ Hift. Auguft. p. 223, 224. Vopifcus
Panegyr. Vet. vii. 15. Jiad learned this converfation from his father»
Ajuft
470 THE DECLINE AND FALL '
^ ^J "^ ^• A juil eftiinate of greatnefs, and the afTurance of immortal fame,
«—-V—-' improve our relifli for the pleafures of retirement ; but the Roman
emperor had filled too important a charader in the world, to enjoy
without allay the comforts and fecurity of a private condition.
It was impoifible that he could remain ignorant of the troubles
which afflifted the empire after his abdication. It was impoJlible
that he could be indiiferent to their confequences. Fear, forrow, and
difcontent, fometimes purfued him into the folltude of Salona.
His tendernefs, or at leail his pride, was deeply wounded by the
misfortunes of his wife and daughter ; and the laft moments of
Diocletian were embittered by fome affronts, which Licinius and
Conftantine might have fpared the father of fo many emperors, and
and death. the firft author of their own fortune. A report, though of a very
■ * ^'^" doubtful nature, has reached our times, that he prudently withdrew
himfelf from their power by a voluntary death "^
Defcripnon Before we- difmifs the confideration of the life and character of
of Salona and
the adjacent Dioclctian, wc may, for a moment, dired our view to the place of
country. ,.. „, ..,.-,. . . ~
his retirement, oalona, a principal city or his native province or
Dalmatia, was near two hundred Roman miles (according to the
meafurement of the public highways) from Aquileia and «the con-
fines of Italy, and about two hundred and feventy from Sirmium,
the ufual refidence of the emperors, whenever they vifited the
lUyrian frontier "^ A miferable village ilill preferves the name of
Salona, but fo late as the fixteenth century, the remains of a theatre,
and a confufed profpeit of broken arches and marble columns, con-
tinued to atteft its ancient fpleiidour"*. About fix or feven miles
''* The younger Vi£lor ilightly mentions "' See theltiner. p. 269. 272. Edit. Weflel.
the report. But as Diocletian had difobliged "* The Abate Fortis, in his Viaggio in
a powerful and fuccefsful party, his memory Dalmazia, p. 43. (printed at Venice in the
has been loaded with every crime and misfor- year 1774, in two fmall \Olumes in quarto)
tune. It has been affirmed that he died rav- quotes a MS. account of the antiquities of
ing mad, that he was condemned as a crimi- Salona, compofed by Giambattiila Giullini-
jnul by the Roman fenace, &c. ani about the middle of the xvith century.
from
ο F THE R ο Μ AN EMPIRE. 47i
from the city, Diocletian conftruQed a magnificent palace, and ^ xj^/'*
we may infer from the greatnefs of the work, liow long he had ' /~— -*
meditated his defign of ahdicating the empire. The choice of a
fpot which united all that could contribute either to health or to
luxury, did not require the partiality of a native. *' The foil was
" dry and fertile, the air is pure and wholefome, and though ex-
" tremely hot during the fummer months, this country feldom
*' feels thofe fultry and noxious winds, to which the coafl: of
" Iftria and fome parts of Italy are expofed. The views from
" the palace are no lefs beautiful than the foil and climate was in-
" viting. Towards the weft lies the fertile fliore that ftretches
" along the Hadriatic, in which a number of fmall iflands are
" fcattered in fuch a manner, as to give this part of the fea the
" appearance of a great lake. On the north fide lies the bay,
" which led to the ancient city of Salona ; and the country be-
" yond it, appearing in fight, forms a proper contraft to that
" more extenfive profpe£l of water, which the Hadriatic prefents
•' both to the fouth and to the eafl:. Towards the north, the view
*' is terminated by high and irregular mountains, fituated at a
" proper diftance, and, in many places, covered with villages^
*' woods, and vineyards "^"
Though Confiantine, from a very obvious prejudice, affeds to Ofpiocle-
° ■' *^ •* nan s palace-
mention the palace of Diocletian with contempt "% yet one of their
fucceiTors, who could only fee it in a negleded and mutilated ftate,
"' Adam's antiquities of Diocletian's pa- thor (p. 3S.) obferves, that a tafte for agri-
lace at Spalatro, p. 6. We may add a cir- culture is reviving at Spalatro ; and that an
cumllance or two from the Abate Fortis : the experimental farm has lately been ellablilhed
little ftream of the Hyader, mentioned by Lu- near the city, by a fociety of Gentlemen,
can, produces moll exquifite trout, v/hich a fa- "^ Conftantin. Orat. ad Cretum Sandl. c.
gacious writer, perhaps a monk, fnppofes to 25. In this fermon, the emperor, or the
hixi been one of the principal reafons that bilhop w-ho compofed it for him, affeils to
determined Diocletian in the choice of his relate the miferable end of all the perfecutors
Ktirement. Fwtis, p. 45. The fame au^ of the church.
I celebrates.
472 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, celebrates its magnificence in terms of the higheft admiration "'. It
« , — — ' covered an extent of ground confifting of between nine and ten Eng-
lifli acres. The form was quadrangular, flanked with fixteen towers.
Two of the fides were near fix hundred, and the other two near feven
hundred feet in length. The whole was conftrufted of a beautiful
free-ftone, cxtrailed from the neighbouring quarries of Trau or
Tragutium, and very little inferior to marble itfelf. Four ftreets,
interfedting each other at right angles, divided the feveral parts of
this great edifice, and the approach to the principal apartment
was from a ftately entrance, which is ilill denominated the Golden
gate. The approach was terminated by a j)er'iflylium of granite
columns, on one fide of which we difcover the fquare temple of
iEfculapius, on the other the oilagon temple of Jupiter. The
latter of thofe deities Diocletian .revered as the patron of his for-
tunes, the former as the proteilor of his health. By comparing
the prefent remains with the precepts of Vitruvius, the feveral
parts of the building, the baths, bedchamber, the atrium^ the bafiUca^
and the Cyzicene, Corinthian, and Egyptian halls, have been
defcribed wdth fome degree of precifion, or at leaft of probability.
Their forms were various, their proportions juft, but they were
all attended with two imperfeQions, very repugnant to our modern
notions of tafte and conveniency. Thefe ftately rooms had
neither windows nor chimnies. They were lighted from the
top (for the building feems to have confifted of no more than one
ftory), and they received their heat by the help of pipes that were
conveyed along the walls. The range of principal apartments
was proteiSed towards the fouth-weft, by a portico five hundred and
feventeen feet long, which muft have formed a very noble and
delightful walk, when the beauties of painting and fculpture were
added to thofe of the profped.
"' Conftantin. Porphjr. de ilatu Imper. p. 86.
Had
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 473
Had this magnificent edifice remained in a folitary country, it chap,
would have been expofed to the ravages of time ; but it might, per- < , '
haps, have efcaped the rapacious induftry of man. The village of
^fpalathus '", and long afterwards the provincial town of Spalatro,
have grown out of its ruins. The golden gate now opens into
the market place. St. John the Baptift has ufurped the honours of
iEfculapius ; and the temple of Jupiter, under the protedion of the
Virgin, is converted into the cathedral church. For this account
of Diocletian's palace, we are principally indebted to an ingenious
artift of our own time and country, whom a very liberal curiofity car- l^edlne of
^ ■' •'the arts.
ried into the heart of Dalmatia '". But there is room to fufped that
the elegance of his defigns and engraving has fomewhat flattered
the objeds which it was their purpofe to reprefent. We are in-
formed by a more recent and very judicious traveller, that the awful
ruins of Spalatro are not lefs expreffive of the decline of the arts,
than of the greatnefs of the Roman empire in the time of Diocle-
tian '". If fuch was indeed the ftate of archltedure, we muil na-
turally believe that painting and fculpture had experienced a ftill
more fenfible decay. The pradice of architedure is direded by a
few general and even mechanical rules. But fculpture, and above
all, painting, propofe to themfelves the imitation not only of the
forms of nature, but of the charaders and paiFions of the human
foul. In thofe fublime arts, the dexterity of the hand is of little
avail, unlefs it is animated by fancy, and guided by the moil corred
taile and obfervation.
'*" Danville, Geographic Anclenne, torn. Fortis. " E'baflevolmente nota agli amator?
i. p. 162. " dell'Architettura, e deir Antichita, Tope•
"' Meffieurs Adam and Cleriffeau, at- " ra del Signer Adams, che a donate molto
tended by two draughtfmen, vifited Spala*• " a que' fuperbi velHgi coU'abituale eleganza
tro in the month of July 1757. The mag- " del fuo toccalapis e del bulino. In gene-
nificent work which their journey produced, " rale la rozzezza del fcalpello, e'l cativo
was publiflied in London feven years after- " gufto del fecolo vi gareggiano colla mag-
wards. " nificenza del fabricate." See Viaggio in
•" I ihall quote the words of the Abate Dalmazia, p. 40.
Vol. I. 3 Ρ It
474 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. It Js almoft unneceiTary to remark, that the civil diilraftions of
ΧΙΙΓ.
«— — V — J the empire, the licenfe of the foldiers, the inroads of the barbari-
ans, and the progrefs of defpotifm, had proved very unfavourable
to genius and even to learning. The fucceffion of Illyrian princes
reftored the empire, without reftoring the fciences. Their mili-
tary education was not calculated to infpire them with the love of
letters ; and even the mind of Diocletian, however adive and
capacious in bufmefs, was totally uninformed by iludy or fpecu-
lation. The profeffions of law and phyfic are of fuch common
ufe and certain profit, that they will always fecure a fufficient
number of pradlitioners, endowed with a reafonable degree of abili-
ties and knowledge j but it does not appear that the ftudents ia
thofe two faculties appeal to any celebrated mafters who flouriflied.
within that period. The voice of poetry was filent. Hiftory waSi
reduced to dry and confufed abridgments, alike deftitute of amufe-
ment and inftrudion. A languid and aiFeded eloquence was ftill
retained in the pay and fervice of the emperors, who encouraged
not any arts except thofe which contributed to the gratification of
their pride, or the defence of their power "'V
Ttenew The declining age of learning and of mankind is marked,
however, by the rife and rapid progrefs of the new Platonifts,
The fchool of Alexandria filenced thofe of Athens ; and the ancient
feds enrolled themfelves under the banners of the more fafbionable
teachers, who recommended -their fyfiem b-y the novelty of their me-
thod, and the aufterity of their manners. Several of thefe mafters,
Ammonius, Plotinu&j Amelius, and Porphyry '/% were men of pro-
found
'-' Ύ\\θτ ora'ior Eumenlus was fecretary is ed the permiffion of employing it in rebuild-r
the emperors Maximian and Conilantius, and ing the college. See his Oration De reflau-
Profeflbr of Rhetoric in the college of Autun. randis fcholis j, which, though not exempt
His falar)' was fix hundred thoufand fefierces, from vanity, may atone for his pancgvrics.
which, according to the loweft computatioa "■*■ Porphyry died about the time of Dio^
of that age, muft have exceeded three thou- cletian's abdication. The life of his mailer
fand pounds a year. He generouily reqiieU- Plotinus, which he ccmpofed, will give us
tlie
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 47i
found thought, and intenfe application ; but by miftaking the true ^ ^^^^ ^'
objedt of philofophy, their labours contributed much lefs to improve
than to corrupt the human underftanding. The knowledge that is
fuited to our fituation and powers, the whole compafs of moral, na-
tural, and mathematical fcience, was negleiled by the new Plato-
nics ; whilil they exhaufled their ftrength in the verbal difputes of
iiietaphyfics, attempted to explore the fecrets of the invifible world,
and ftudied to reconcile Ariftotle with Plato, on fubjeds of which
both thefe philofophers were as ignorant as the reft of mankind.
Confuming their reafon in thefe deep but unfubftantial meditations,
their minds were expofed to illufions of fancy. They flattered them-
felves that they poffeiTed the fecret of difengaging the foul from its
corporeal prifon ; claimed a familiar intercourfe with diemons and
fpirits, and, by a very Angular revolution, converted the ftudy of phi-
lofophy into that of magic. The ancient fages had derided the po-
pular fuperftltion; after difguifing its extravagance by the thin pre-
tence of allegory, the difciples of Plotinus and Porphyry became its
moil zealous defenders. As they agreed with the Chriftians in a few
myfterlous points of faith, they attacked the remainder of their theo-
logical fyftem v^ith all the fury of civil war. The new Platoniils
would fcarcely deferve a place in the hiftory of fcience, but in that of
the church the mention of them will very frequently occur.
the moil complete idea of the genius of the very curious piece is inferted in Fabricius,
feit, and the miinners of its profeftors. This Bibliothcca Gr;Eca, to:n. iv. p. 8S — 1^8.
3P
^yQ THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP. XIV.
Troubles after the ahdicatio?i of Diocletian. — Death of
Confiantius» — Elevation of Confajitine and Maxentius,
— Six Efnperors at the fame time. — Death of Max-
imian and Galerius. ViElories of Confiantine over
Maxentius and Licinius. Re-union of the Empire
under the authority of Confantine,
CHAP. '~¥^HE balance of power eftabliihed by Diocletian fubfifted no
, ^J_ , A longer than while it was fuftained by the firm and dexterous
Period of j^^^^j ^f ^^ founder. It required fuch a fortunate mixture of
civil wars '■
and confu- different tempers and abilities, as could fcarcely be found or even
A. D. 305— expeded a fecond time} two emperors without jealoufy, two Csfars
^ ^' without ambition, and the fame general intereft invariably purfued
by four independent princes. The abdication of Diocletian and
Maximian was fucceeded by eighteen years of difcord and con-
fufion. The empire was afflidled by five civil wars; and the re-
mainder of the time was not fo much a flate of tranquillity as a
fufpenfion of arms between feveral hoftile monarchs, who, viewing
each other with an eye of fear and hatred, ftrove to increafe their
refpedlive forces at the expence of their lubjeds.
Charaft^r As foon as Diocletian and Maximian had refigned the purple,
and iituation , ■ η ■ ι• ι i<~i η••
ofConihn- their Itation, accordmg to the rules or the new conititution, was
*^"^' filled by the two Csefars, Conftantius and Galerius, who imme-
diately afiumed the title of Auguftus '. The honours of feniority
' M. de Montefquieu (Conjiderations fur pire, for the firft time, was redly divided in-
la Grandeur et la Decadence des Remains, to two parts. It is difficult, however, to dif-
c. 17.) fuppofcs, on the authority of Orofius cover in what refpett the plan of Galerius
and, Eufebius, that, on this occafion, the em- differed from that of Diocletian.
^ and
OP THE ROMAN ΕΜΓ I RE. 477
and precedence were allowed to the former of thofe princes, and ^ ^ •) ^•
he continued, under a new appellation, to adminifter his ancient ' yr-^
department of Gaul, Spain, and Britain. The government of
thofe ample provinces was fufEcient to exercife his talents, and to
fatisfy his ambition. Clemency, temperance, and moderation, dif-
tinguiihed the amiable charadler of C^nftantius, and his fortunate
fubje£ls had frequently occafjon to compare the virtues of their
fovereign with the pailions of Maximian, and even with the arts of
Diocletian *. Inftead of imitating their eaftern pride and magni-
ficence, Conflantius preferred the modefty of a Roman prince.
He declared with unafFeded fmcerity, that his moil valued treafure
■was in the hearts of his people, and that, whenever the dignity of
the throne, or the danger of the ftate, required any extraordinary
fupply, he could depend with confidence on their gratitude and
liberality '. The provincials of Gaul, Spain, and Britain, fenfible
of his worth and of their own happinefs, refleded with anxiety
on the declining health of the emperor Conflantius, and the tender
age of his numerous family, the iifue of his fecond marriage with
the daughter of Maximian.
The ilern temper of Galerius was cail in a very different mould ; Of Galerius..
and while he commanded the eileem of his fubjeds, he feldom cori-
defcended to folicit their afFedions. His fame in arms, and above
all, the fuccefs of the Perfian war, had elated his haughty mind,
which was naturally impatient of a fuperior, or even of an equal.
If it were poiTible to rely on the partial teilimony of an injudicious
* Hie non modo amabilis, fed etjam vene- non admodum afFeftans ; ducenfque melius
rabuis Gallis fuit ; prscipue quod Diocleti- publicas opes a privatis haberi, quam intra
aiii fufpeilam prudentiam, et Maximiani fan- unum clauftrum refervari. Id. ibid. He
guinariam violentiam iraperio ejus evaferant. carried this maxim fo far, that whenever he
Eutrop. Ereviai•. x. i. gave an entertainment, he was obliged to
^ Divitiis Provincialium (met. /rit'/vr/a- bofrow a fervice of plate.
rum) ac privatorum ftudens, fifci commoda
writer^
47S THE DECLINE AND FALL
writer, we might afcrlbe the abdication of Diocletian to the me-
naces of Galerius, and relate the particulars of a private convef-
fation between the two princes, in which the former difcovered
as much pufillanimity as- the latter difplayed ingratitude and arro-
gance *. But thefe obfcure anecdotes are fuiEcicntly refuted by an
impartial view of the charader and condud of Diocletian. What-
ever might otherwife have been his intentions, if he had appre-
hended any danger from the violence of Galerius, his good fenfe
would have inftruded him to prevent the ignominious conteft ; and
as he had held the fceptre with glory, he would have refigned it
without difgrace.
The two After the elevation of Conftantius and Galerius to the rank of
verus'and^* Av.giifli, two ncw Cisfars were required to fupply their place, and
Ma-xjniin. ^^ complete the fyftem of the Imperial government. Diocletian was
fmcerely defnous of withdrav>ring himfelf from the world ; he cori-
fidered Galerius, who had married his daughter, as the firmeft fup-
•port of his family and of the empire; and he confented, without re-
'ludance, that his fucceffor ihould aiiume the merit as well as the
envy of the important nomination. It was fixed Vv'ithout confulting
the intereft or inclination of the princes of the Weft. Each of
. them had a fon who was arrived at the age of manhood, and who
might have been deemed the raoft natural candidates for the vacant
honour. But the impotent refentment of Maximian was no longer to
be dreaded; and the moderate Conftantius, though he might defpife
the dangers, was humanely apprehenfive of the calamities of civil war.
The two perfons whom Galerius promoted to the rank of Crcfar, were
much better fuited to ferve the views of his ambition; and their prin-
♦ Ladlantius de Mort. Perfecutor. c. i8. hiftorians who put us in mind of the admi-
W«re the particulars of this conference more rable faying of the great Conde to cardinal de'
confiilent with truth and decency, we might Retz ; " Ces coquins nous font parleret agir,
ilill a(k, how they came to the knowledge of " comme ils auroient fait eux-memcs a notre
an obfcure rhetorician ? But there are many " place."
cipal
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 479
cipal recommendation feems to have confifted in the want of merit or ^ ^^ ^*
perfonal confeqiience. The firftof thcfe was Daza, or, as he was af- v- -,-■ ^
terwards called, Maximin, whofe mother was the fifter of Galerius.
The unexperienced youth ftill betrayed by his manners and lan-
guage his ruftic education, when, to his own aflonifiiment as well as
that of the world, he was inverted by Diocletian with the purple, ex-
alted to the dignity of Caifar, and intrufted with the fovereign
command of Egypt and Syria '. At the fame time, Severus,,
a faithful fervant, addidted to pleafure, but not incapable of bufw
nefs, was fent to Milan, to receive from the relu£lant hands of
Maximian the Caefarean ornaments, and the pofieifion of Italy and
Africa ^ According to the forms of the conftitution, Severus
acknowledged the fupremacy of the weftern emperor ; but he was
abfolutely devoted to the commands of his benefador Galerius, who,
referving to himfelf the intermediate countries from the confines of
Italy to thofe of Syria, firmly eftablifhed his power over three-,
fourths of the monarchy. In the full confidence,, that the ap-
proaching death of Confi:antius would leave him fole mailer of the
Roman world, we are aiTured that he had arranged in his mind
a long fucceifion of future princes, and that he meditated his own
retreat from public life, after he ihould have accompliihed a glorious
reign of about twenty years ^»
But within lefs than eighteen months, two unexpe£ted revolutions AmMtlon οΓ
overturned the ambitious fchemes of Galerius. The hopes of unitr appointed by?
ing the weftern provinces to his empire, were difappointed by the i;Q°s'^'^^° "'
elevation of Conilantine, whilil Italy and Africa were loil by the
fuccefsful revolt of Maxentius.
' Sublatus η u per a pecoribus et filvis (fays ^ His diligence and fidelity are acknow-
Lailantiiis de M. P. c. 19.) ftatim. Scutarius, ledged even by Laftantius, de M. P. c. 18.
continue Proteaor, mox Tribunus, poftridie 7 Thefe fchemes, however, .reft only on the
Cisfar, accepit Oiientcm. Aurelius Viilor is very doubtful authority of Laftantius, de:
too liberal in giving liim the whole portiou of I\l. P. C..20..,
Piocletiar^
I. Th©
• So
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
XIV.
Birth, edu-
cation, and
efcape of
Conftantine.
A, D. 274.
L The fame of Conftantine has rendered pofterlty attentive to the
mofl: minute circumftances of his life and adions. The place of
his birth, as well as the condition of his mother Helena, have been
the fubjed not only of literary but of national difputes. Notwith-
ftanding the recent tradition, which affigns for her father, a
Britiih king, we are obliged to confefs, that Helena was the
daughter of an innkeeper " ; but at the fame time we may defend
the legality of her marriage, againft thofe who have reprefented her
as the concubine of Conftantius '. The great Conftantine was moil
probably born at Naifllis, in Dacia ", and it is not furprifing,
that in a family and province diftinguiftied only by the profeflion of
arms, the youth ihould difcover very little inclination to improve his
* This tradition, unknown to the contem-
poraries of Conftantine, was invented in the
darknefs of monafteries, was embelliihed by-
Jeffrey of Monmouth, and the writers of the
xiith century, has been defended by our anti-
quarians of the laft age, and is ferioufly re-
lated in the ponderous hiftory of England,
compiled by Mr. Carte (vol. i. p. 147.). He
tranfports, however, the kingdom of Coil,
the imaginary father of Helena, from Eflex
to the wall of Antoninus.
9 Eutropius (x. 2.) exprefles, in a few
words, the real truth, and the occafion of the
error, " ex objcur'iori matrvnon'io ejus filius."
Zofimus (1. ii. p. 78.) eagerly feized the moft
unfavourable report, and is followed by Oro-
fius (vli. 25.), whofe authority is oddly enough
overlooked by the indefatigable but partial
Tillemont, By infilling on the divorce of
Helena, Diocletian acknowledged her mar-
riage.
'" There are three opinions with regard to
the place of Conftantine's birth. i. Our
Englilh antiquarians were ufed to dwell with
rapture on the words of his panegyrift ;
*' Britannias illic oriendo nobiles fecifti."
But this celebrated paffage may be referred
with as much propriety to the acceflion as to
the nativity of Conftantine. 2. Some of the
modern Greeks have afcribed the honour of
his birth to Drepanum, a town on the gulf
of Nicomedia (Cellarius, torn. ii. p. 174.),
which Conftantine dignified with the name of
Helenopolis, and Juftinian adorned with ma-
ny fplendid buildings (Procop. de ^dificiis,
V. 2.). It is indeed probable enough that
Helena's father kept an inn at Drepanum ;
and that Conftantius might lodge there when
he returned from a Perfian embafly in the
reign of Aurelian. But in the wandering
life of a foldier, the place of his marriage,
and the places where his children are born,
have very little connedlion with each other.
3. The claim of Naiflus is fupported by the
anonymous writer, publiihed at the end of
Ammianus, p. 710, a«d who in general co-
pied very good materials ; and it is confirmed
by Julius Firmicius (de Aftrologia, 1. i,
c. 4.), who flouriflied under the reign of Con-
ftantine himfelf. Some objsdlions have been
raifed againft the integnty of the text, and
the application of the paft'age of Firmicius ;
but the former is eftablilhed by the beft MSS.
and the latter is very ably defended by Lip-
fuis de Magnitudine Romana, 1. iv. c. 11. et
fupplement.
mind
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 481
A. D. 292
mind by the acquifitlon of knowledge ". He was about eighteen ^ ^ ^ P.
λ1 V •
years of age when his father was promoted to the rank of Csefar ;
but that fortunate event was attended with his mother's divorce;
and the fplendour of an Imperial alliance reduced the fon of Helena
to a ftate of difgrace and humiliation. Inilcad of following Con-
ftantius into the Weft, he remained in the fervice of Diocletian,
fignalized his valour in the wars of Egypt and Perfia, and gradually
rofe to the honourable ftation of a tribune of the firft order. The
figure of Conftantine was tall and majeftic ; he was dexterous in all
his exercifes, intrepid in war, affable in peace ; in his whole con-
dudl, the ailive fpirit of youth was tempered by habitual prudence ;
and while his mind was engroffed by ambition, he appeared cold
and infenfible to the allurements of pleafure. The favour of the
people and foldiers, who had named him as a worthy candidate for
the rank of Casfar, ferved only to exafperate the jealoufy of Ga-
lerius, and though prudence might reftrain him from exercifing
any open violence, an abfolute monarch is feldom at a lofs how to
execute a fure and fecret revenge '\ Every hour increafed the
danger of Conftantine, and the anxiety of his father, who, by
repeated letters, expreffed the warmeft defire of embracing his fon.
For fome time the policy of Galerius fupplied him with delays
and excufes, but it was impoffible long to refufe fo natural a requeft
of his affociate, without maintaining his refufal by arms. The
permiflion of the journey was reluilantly granted, and whatever
precautions the emperor might have taken to intercept a return,
the confequences of which, he, with fo much reafon, apprehended,
they were eff*e£lually difappointed by the incredible diligence of
" Literis minus inftrudlus. Anonym, ad ilrous lion. See Praxagoras apud Photium,
Ammian. p. 710. p. 63. Praxagoras, an Athenian philofo-
"- Galerius, or perhaps his own courage, pher, had written a life of Conftantine, in
exf ofed him to fmgle combat with a Sarma- two books, which are now loft. He was a
tian (Anonym, p. 710.), and with a mon- contemporary.
Vol. I. 3 Q^ Conftantine.
482 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. Conilantine ". Leaving the palace of Nicomedia in the night, he
» „~ -^ travelled poft through Bithynia, Thrace, Dacia, Pannonia, Italy^
and Gaul, and amidft the joyful acclamations of the people, reached•
the port of Boulogne, in the very moment when his father was
preparing to embark for Britain '\
Death of -pj^g Britifli expedition, and an eafy vldory over the barbarians
Conftantius, '■ ■' ''
and eieva- of Caledonia, were the laft exploits of the reign of Conftantius.
tion of Con- .
ftantine. He ended his life in the Imperial palace of York, fifteen months.
jijy 25. ' after he had received the title of Auguftus, and almoft fourteen,
years and a half after he had been promoted to the rank of CcEfar..
His death was immediately fucceeded by the elevation of Conftan-
tine. The ideas of inheritance and fucceillon are fo very familiar,
that the generality of mankind confider them as founded, not only ia.
leafon, but in nature itfelf. Our imagination readily transfers the.
fame principles from private property to public dominion : and when-
ever a virtuous father leaves behind him a fon whofe merit feems to
juftify the efteem, or even the hopes of the people, the joint influence
of prejudice and of aifeftion operates with irrefiftible weight. The..
flower of the weftern armies had followed Conftantius into Britain^,
and the national troops were reinforced by a numerous body of.
Alemanni, who obeyed the orders of Crocus, one of, their hereditary
chieftains '^ The opinion of. their own. importance, and the af-
furance that Britain, Gaul, and Spain would acquiefce in their no»
mination, vvere diligently inculcated to the legions by the adherents,
" Zofimusj 1. ii. p. 78, 79. Laftantius c. 24, fiippofe, with lefs accuracy, that he
ce M. P. c. 24. The former tells a very fool- found his father on his death-bed.
iih ftory, that Conftantine caufed all the poft- '' Cunilis qui aderaiu annitentibus, fed."
horfes, which he had ufed, to be hamftrung. prxcipue Croco (Olit ErocoJ Alamannorum
Such a bloody execution, without preventing Rege, auxilii gratia Conftantium comitato,
a purfuit, would have fcattered fafpicions, imperium capit. ViiSlor Junior, c. 41. This
and might have flopped his joilrney. is perhaps the firil inflance of a barbariaa•
'■* Aaonym. p. 710.- Panegyr. Veter. vii. 4. king, who aflifted the Roman arms, with aa
But Zofimus, 1. ii. p. 79. Eufebius de Vit. independent body of his own fubjefts. The
Conftant. 1. i. c. 21. and Lailantius de M. P. prailice grew familiar, and at laft became fatal.
of
OF THE ROMAN KMPIRE.
A^'i
of Conillntine. The foldicrs were aflced, Whettier they could hefl- C il a i'.
XIV.
tate a moment between the honour of placing at their head the <- — ^~Lj
worthy fon of their beloved emperor, and the ignominy of tamely
expedling the arrival of fome ohfcure ftranger, on whom it might
pleafe the fovereign of Afia to beftow the armies and provinces of
the Weft. It was infinuated to them, that gratitude and liberality
lield a diftinguiihed place among the virtues of Conflantine ; nor
did that artful prince ihew himfelf to the troops, till they were
prepared to falute him with the names of Auguftus and Emperor.
The throne was the objed of his defires ; and had he been lefs ac-
tuated by ambition, it was his only means of fafety. He was well
acquainted with the charadler and fentiments of Galerius, and fuffi-
ciently apprized, that if he wiihed to live he muft determine to
reign. The decent and even obftinate refiftancfe which he chofe to
afFed'*, was contrived to juftify his ufurpation ; nor did he yield
to the acclamations of the army, till he had provided the proper
materials for a letter, which he immediately difpatched to the em-
peror of the Eaft. Conflantine informed him of the melancholy
event of his father's death, modeftly aiTerted his natural claim to
the fucceifion, and refpedtfully lamented, that the affedionate vio-
lence of his troops had not permitted him to folicit the Imperial
purple in the regular and conflitutional manner. The firft emotions
of Galerius were thofe of furprife, dilappointment, and rage; and
as he could feldom reftrain his paiTions, he loudly threatened, that
he would commit to the flames both the letter and the meOenger.
But his refentment infenfibly fubfided ; and v/hen he recolledled the He is ac-
doubtful chance of war, when he had weighed the charadler and b" GaLrfus,
ftrength of his adverfary, he confented to embrace the honourable Y^° ^'^'^^ ,
ο / ' hiin only the
accommodation which the prudence of Conflantine had left open to ^,"'^ °^ ^^-
^ far, and that
of Auguftus
'^ His panegyrift Eumenius (vii. 8.) ven- but in vain, to efcape from the hands of his to Severus.
tures to affirm, in the prefence of Conilan- foldiers.
tine, that he put fpurs to his horfe, and tried,
3 0^2 him.
484 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. jiJm. Without either condemning or ratifying the choice of tke
V— V— — ' Britiih army, Galerius accepted the fon of his deceafed colleague,
as the fovereign of the provinces beyond the Alps ; but he gave
him only the title of Cxfar, and the fourth rank among the Roman
princes, whilfl: he conferred the vacant place of Auguftus on his
favourite Severus. The apparent harmony of the empire was flilL
preferved, and Conilantine, who already poflefled the fubftance,.
expeded, without impatience, an opportunity of obtaining the ho-
nours, of fupreme power '^.
The brothers The children of Conftantius by his fecond marriage were fix in
Conftaatine. number, three of either fex, and whofe Imperial defcent might
have folicited a preference over the meaner extraition of the fon of
Helena. But Conftantine was in the thirty-fecond year of his age,,
in the full vigour both of mind and body, at the time when the
eldeil of his brothers could not poiFibly be more than thirteen years-
old. His claim of fuperior merit had been allowed and ratified by
the dying emperor '^ In his laft moments, Conftantius bequeathed
to his eldeft fon the care of the fafety as well as greatnefs of the fa-
mily ; conjuring him to affume both the authority and the fenti-
ments of a father with regard to the children of Theodora. Their
liberal education, advantageous marriages, the fecure dignity of their
lives, and the firft; honours of the fl;ate with which they W£re in-
vefted, atteft the fraternal affedion of Conftantine; and as thofe.
princes poffefled a mild and grateful difpofition, they fubinitted with?>-
out reludance to the faperiority of his genius and fortune ".
'' Lailantius de M. P. c. 25. Eumenius febius (in Vit. Confanrin. ]. i. c. 18. 21.),
(yii. 8.) gives a rhetorical turn to the whole and of Julian (Ojation i.).
tranfailion. '' Of the three lifters of Conftantine, Con—
'^ The choice of Conftantine, by his dying ftantia married the emperor Liciriius, Anafta-
father, which is warranted by reafon, and in- iia the Cajfar Baiiianus, and Eutropiathe con-
. finuated by Eumenius, feems to he confirmed ful Nepotianus. The three brothers were,
by the moft unexceptionable authority, the. Dalmatius,. Julius Conftantius, and Anniba-
concurring evidence of Lailantius (de M. P. lianus, of whom we Ihall have occafion to
c. 24..) and of Libanius (Oration i.); ofEu- fpeak hereafter.
II. The
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 485
II. The ambitious fpirit of Galerius was fcarcely reconciled to the ^ ^^ ^•
difappointment of his views upon the Gallic provinces, before the " . >
. . Difcontent
unexpected lols of Italy wounded his pnde as well as power in a oftheRo-
ilill more fenfible part. The long abfence of the emperors had apprehenfioa
filled Rome with difcontent and indignation ; and the people gra- '^^"'
dually difcovered, that the preference given toNicomedia and Milan,
was not to be afcribed to the particular inclination of Diocletian,
but to the permanent form of government which he had inftituted.
It was in vain that, a few months after his abdication, his fuccef-
fors dedicated, under his name, thofe magnificent baths, whofe
ruins ilill fupply the ground as well as the materials for fo many
churches and convents ". The tranquillity of thofe elegant
recefi'es of eafe and luxury was difturbed by the impatient
murmurs of the Romans; and a report was infenfibly circu-
lated, that the fums expended in eredling thofe buildings, would
foon be required at their hands. About that time the avarice of
Galerius, or perhaps the exigencies of the flate, had induced him
to make a very Rr'iCt and rigorous inquifition into the property of
his fubjedts for the purpofe of a general taxation, both on their
lands and on their perfons. A very minute furvey appears to have
been taken of their real eftates ; and wherever there was the illghteft
fufplcion of concealment, torture was very freely employed to ob-
tain a fincere declaration of their perfonal wealth ^'. The privi-
leges which had exalted Italy above the rank of the provinces,
were no longer regarded : and the officers of the revenue al-
ready began to number the Roman people, and to fettle the pro-
*' See Gruter Infcrip. p. 178. The fix culaily Donatus and Nardini, have afcertain-
Tirinces are all mentioned, Diocletian and Max- ed. the ground which ihey covered. One of
imian is the fenior Augufti and fathers of the the great rooms is now the Carthufian church ;.
emperors. They jointly dedicate, for the ufe and even one of the porter's lodges is fuf-
of tkeir oivr. Romans, this magnificsnt edifice, ficient to form another churchy which belong»:
The architcfts have delineated the ruins of to the Feuillans.
thzie nerma; and the- anti-jaarians, parti- *^ See Ladtaiitiu5.de M,?. c. 26. 31.
goxtica;
486 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, .portion of the new taxes. Even when the fpirit of freedom had
f. .been utterly extinguiilied, the tameft fubjecls have fometimes ven-
tured to refill an unprecedented invafion of their property ; but on
■this occafion the injury was aggravated by the infuh, and the fenfc
•βί private intereft was quickened by that of national honour. The
conqucft of Macedonia, as we have already obferved, had delivered
the Roman people from the weight of perfonal taxes. Though
they had experienced every form of defpotifm, they had now en-
joyed that exemption near five hundred years ; nor could they pa-
tiently brook the infolence of an lUyrian peafant, who, from hie
diftant refidence in Afia, prefumed to number Rome among the tri-
butary cities of his empire. The rifing fury of the people was en-
couraged by the authority, or at leaft the connivance, of the fenate ;
and the feeble remains of the Prsetorian guards, who had reafon to
apprehend their own diilolution, embraced fo honourable a pretence,
and declared their rcadinefs to draw their fwords in the fervice of
their oppreffed country. It was the wifii, and it foon became the
liope, of every citizen, that after expelling from Italy their foreign
tyrants, they ihould ele£t a prince who, by the place of his refi-
dence, and by his maxims of government, might once more deferve
the title of Roman emperor. The name, as well as the fituation, of
Maxentius, determined in his favour the popular enthufiafm.
Maver.uus Maxentius was the fon of the emperor Maximian, and he had
peror ac ' married the daughter of Galerius. His birth and alliance feemed
\Td.\o6 ^° ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ faireft promife of fucceeding to the empire; but
zSthOa. jjjg vices and incapacity procured him the fame exclufion from
the dignity of Csefar, which Conftantine had deferved by a danger-
ous fuperiority of merit. The policy of Galerius preferred fuch
afibciates, as would neither difgrace the choice, nor difpute the com-
inands of their benefador. An obfcure ftranger was therefore
xaifed to tlie throne of Italy, and the fon of the late emperor of
I the
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 487
^e Weft was left to enjoy the luxury of a private fortune in a villa CHAP.
a few miles diitant from the capital. The gloomy paihons of his < ,- ^
foul, fliame, vexation, and rage, were inflamed by envy on the
news of Conftantine's fuccefs ; but the hopes of Maxcntiiis revived
with the public difcontent, and he was eafily perfuaded to unite his
perfonal injury and pretenfions with the caufe of the Roman peo-
ple. Two Praetorian tribunes and a commlflary of provifions under-
took, the management of the confpiracy ; and as every order of
men was aituated by the fame fpirit, the immediate event was nei-
ther doubtful nor difficult. The prasfedt of the city, and a few
magiftrates, who maintained their fidelity to Severus, were maf-
lacred by the guards ; and Maxentius, inverted with the Imperial
ornaments, was acknowledged by the applauding fenate and people
as the protedor of the Roman freedom and dignity. It is uncertain•
whether Maximian waa previouily acquainted with the confpi-
racy ; but as foon as the ftandard of rebellioa was ereded at Rome, Maximian
the old emperor broke from the retirement where the authority of purp"^^* ^
Diocletian had condemned him to pafs a life of melancholy foli-
tude, and concealed his returning ambition under the difguife of pa-
ternal tendernefs. At the reqyeft of his fon and of the fenate, he
condefcended to reaiTume the purple. His ancient dignity, his ex-
perience, and his fame in arms, added ftrength as well as reputation
to the party of Maxentius ".
According to the advice, or rather the orders, of his colleague, Ogfpat ^^^j
the emperor Severus immediately haftened to Rome, in the full 'leathofSe-
^ ' verus.
confidence, that, by his unexpeded celerity, he ihould eafily fiip-
prefs the tumult of an unwarlike populace, commanded by a licen-
tious youth. But he found on his arrival the gates of the city lliut
'' The vith Panegyric reprefents die con- that he contrived, or that he oppofed, the
duclof Maximian in the moll fovourable light, confpiracy. See Zofimus, 1. ii. p. 79. and-
and the ambiguous expreiTion of Aurelius Vic- Lailantius de M. P, c. 26.
ϊοΓ, " reaailante diu," may fignify, either
againii.
488 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, againil him, the walls filled with men and arms, an experienced
general at the head of the rebels, and his own troops without
fpirit or affedion. A large body of Moors deferted to the enemy,
allured by the promife of a large donative ; and, if it be true that
they had been levied by Maximian in his African war, preferring
the natural feelings of gratitude to the artificial ties of allegiance.
Anulinus, the Praetorian praefed, declared himfelf in favour of Max-
entius, and drew after him the moil confiderable part of the troops,
accuftomed to obey his commands. Rome, according to the expreifion
of an orator, recalled her armies, and the unfortunate Severus, defti-
tute of force and of counfel, retired, or rather fled, with precipitation
to Ravenna. Here he might for fome time have been fafe. The
fortifications of Ravenna were able to refill the attempts, and the
morafles that furrounded the town were fufficient to prevent the
approach, of the Italian army. The fea, which Severus commanded
with a powerful fleet, fecured him an inexhauftible fupply of pro-
vifions, and gave a free entrance to the legions, which, on the re-
turn of fpring, would advance to his aflift:ance from Illyricum and
the Eaft. Maximian, who conduded the fiege in perfon, was
foon convinced that he might waile his time and his army in the
fruitlefs enterprife, and that he had nothing to hope either from
force or famine. With an art more fuitable to the charader of
Diocletian than to his own, he direded his attack, not fo much
againil the walls of Ravenna, as againil the mind of Severus. The
treachery which he had experienced, difpofed that unhappy prince
to diftruft the moil fincere of his friends and adherents. The emif-
faries of Maximian eafily perfuaded his credulity, that a confpiracy
was formed to betray the town, and prevailed upon his fears not
to expofe himfelf to the difcretion of an irritated conqueror, but to
accept the faith of an honourable capitulation. He was at firft re-
ceived with humanity, and treated with refpedl. Maximian con-
st duded
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 4S9
duiiled the captive emperor to Rome, and gave him the moil folcmn CHAP.
aiTurances that he had fecured his life by the .refignation of the ^ -„--^
purple. But Severus could obtain only an eafy death and an Impe-
rial funeral. When the fentence was fignified to him, the manner a. D. 307«
of executing it was left to his own choice ; he preferred the favour- ^*^°"">•
ite mode of the ancients, that of opening his veins : and as foon as
he expired, his body was carried to the fepulchre which had been
conftrudled for the family of Gallienus ".
Though the charaders of Conftantine and Maxentius had very Maximian
little affinity with each other, their fituation and intcreft were the daughter
fame ; and prudence feemed to require that they fhould unite their ^^^^-^l ^"/
forces againft the common enemy. Notwithftanding the fuperiority Auguiius, to
. . . / σ Γ y Conftantine.
of his age and dignity, the indefatigable Maximian pafled the A. D. 307.
Alps, and courting a perfonal interview with the fovereign of Gaul,
carried with him his daughter Faufta as the pledge of the new
alliance. The marriage was celebrated at Aries with every circum-
rtance of magnificence; and the ancient colleague of Diocletian,
who again aiTerted his claim to the weflern empire, conferred on
his fon-in-law and ally the title of Auguftus. By confenting to
receive that honour from Maximian, Conftantine feemed to embrace
the caufe of Rome and of the fenate ; but his profeiTions were am-
biguous, and his aififtance flow and ineffedual. He confidered
with attention the approaching conteil between the mailers of Italy
and the emperor of the Eaft, and was prepared to confult his own
fafety or ambition in the event of the war '*.
The importance of the occafion called for the prefence and abi- ^ , - .
llties of Galerius. At the head of a powerful army colleded from vades Italy,
*^ The circumilances of this war, and the '•'■ The vlth Panegyric was pronounced to
death of Severus are very doubtfully and va- celebrate the elevation of Conftantine; but
riouily told iu oar ancient fragments (fee Til- the prudent orator avoids the mention either
lemont, Hift. des Empereurs, tom. iv. parti, of Galerius or of Maxentiui. He introduces
p. 555.)• I have endeavoured toextrafl from only one flight allufion to the ailual troubles,
them a confiftent and probable narration. and to the majefty of Rome.
Vol. I. 3 R Illyricum
^^o THE DECLINE AND EALL
CHAP, Illyricum and the Eaft, he entered Italy, refolved to revenge the
death of Severus, and to chaftile the rebellious Romans ; or, as he
expreflfed his intentions, in the furious language of a barbarian, to
extirpate the fenate, and to deftroy the people by the fword. But
the ikill of Maximian had concerted a prudent fyftem of defence.
The invader found every place, hoilile, fortified, and inacceifible ;.
and though he forced his way as far as Narni, within fixty miles-
of Rome, his dominion in Italy was confined to the narrow
limits of his camp. Senfible of the increafing difficulties of his•
enterprife, the haughty Galerius made the firft advances towards a
reconciliation, and difpatched two of his moft confiderable officers
to tempt the Roman princes by the offer of a conference and the
declaration of his paternal regard for Maxentius, who might obtain
much more from his liberality than he could hope from the doubtful
chance of war ''. The offers of Galerius were rejedted with firm-
nefs, his perfidious friendihip refufed with contempt, and it was•
not long before he difcovered, that, unlefs he provided for his fafety
by a timely retreat, he had fome reafon to ap'prehend the fate of
Severus. The wealth, which the Romans defended againil his ra-
pacious tyranny, they freely contributed for his deflruQion. The
name of Maximian, the popular arts of his fon, the fecret diftri-
bution of large fums, and the promife of flill more liberal rewards,,
checked the ardour and corrupted the fidelity of the Illyrian le-
gions ; and when Galerius at length gave the fignal of the retreat,
it was with fome difficulty that he could prevail on his veterans not
to defert a banner which had fo often conduded them to vidory
and honour. A contemporaiy writer affigns two other caufes for
the failure of the expedition ; but they are both of fuch a nature,
*5 With regard to this negociation, fee the Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 71 1. Thcfe frag-
fragments of an anonymous Hiftorian, pub- ments have furniihed us with feveral curious,
liihed by Valefius at the end of his edition of and as it fliould feem authentic, anecdotes.
that
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 491
that a cautious hiftorian will fcarcely venture to adopt tliem. We C Η a p.
are told that Galerius, who had formed a very imperfcd notion of
the greatnefs of Rome by the cities of the Eaft, with which he was
acquainted, found his forces inadequate to the ficge of that
immenfe capital. But the "extent of a city ferves only to render
it more acceflible to the enemy ; Rome had long fmce been accuf-
tomed to fubmit on the approach of a conqueror ; nor could the
temporary enthufiafm of the people have long contended againil
the difcipline and valour of the legions. We are likewife in-
formed, that the legions themfelves were ftruck with horror and
remorfe, and that thofe pious fons of the republic refufed to vio-
late the fandity of their venerable parent '^ But when we recolleft
with how much eafe iu the more ancient civil wars, the zeal of
party, and the habits of military obedience, had converted the
native citizens of Rome into her moil implacable enemies, we
ihall be inclined to diftrufl; this extreme delicacy of itrangers and
barbarians, who had never beheld Italy till they entered it in a ho-
ftile manner. Had they not been reflrained by motives of a more
interefted nature, they would probably have anfwered Galerius in
the words of Cxfar's veterans : " If our general wifhes to lead us
" to the banks of the Tyber, we are prepared to trace out his camp,
" Whatfoever walls he has determined to level with the ground,
*' our hands are ready to work the engines: nor ihall we hefitate,
*' fhould the name of the devoted city be Rome itfelf." Thefe are
indeed the expreffions of a poet ; but of a poet who has been dif-
tinguiilied and even cenfured for his flriil adherence to the truth of
hiftory '\
'* Lailantius de M. P. c. 28. The former Hefperios audax veniam metator in agros.
of thefe reafons is probably taken from λ'ΐΓ- Tu quofcunque voles in planum effundere
gil's Shepherd ; " Illam ego huic noilriE fi- muros,
" milem Meliboee putavi, &c." Ladtantius His aries adiis difperget fa\a lacertis ;
delights in thefe poetical allufions. Ilia licet penitus tolli quam juiTeris urbem
*' Caftra fuper Tufci fi ponere Tybridis Roma fit. Lucan. Pharfal. i. 381.
undas ; (jubeasj
3 R 2 The
492
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
XIV.
ui$ retreat.
Elevation of
Licinius to
the rank of
Auguftus,
A.D. 307.
Nov. Hi
The legions of Galerlus exhibited a very melancholy proof of
their difpofition, by the ravages which they committed in their
retreat. They murdered, they raviihed, they plundered, they
drove away the flocks and herds of the Italians, they burnt the
villages through which they pafled, and they endeavoured to
deftroy the country, which it had not been in their power to
fubdue. During the whole march, Maxentius hung on their rear,
but he very prudently declined a general engagement with thofc
brave and defperate veterans. His father had undertaken a fecond
journey into Gaul, with the hope of perfimding Conftantine, who
had affembled an army on the frontier, to join the purfuit and to
complete the vidory. But the actions of Conftantine were guided
by reafon and not by refentment. He perfifted in the wife refolution
of maintaining a balance of power in the divided empire, and he no
longer hated Galerius, when that afpiring prince had ceafed to be an
obje£t of terror*'.
The mind of Galerlus was the moil fufceptible of the fterner
paiTions, but it was not however incapable of a fmcere and lafting
friendihip. Licinius, whofe manners as well as charader were
not unlike his own, feems to have engaged both his affedion and
efteem. Their intimacy had commenced in the happier period
perhaps of their youth and obfcurity. It had been cemented by
the freedom and dangers of a military life ; they had advanced,
almoft by equal fteps, through the fucceflive honours of the fer-
vice, and as foon as Galerius was invefted with the Imperial
dignity, he feems to have conceived the defign of raifmg his com-
panion to the fame rank with himfelf. During the ihort period of
his profperity he confidered the rank of Cssfar as unworthy of
the age and merit of Licinius, and rather chofe to referve for him
" Laftantius de M. P. c. 27. Zofim. I. ii. tine, in his interview with Maximian, had
p. 82. The latter infinuatcs, that Conftan- promifed to declare war againll Gaicriuj.
the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
493
the place of Conftantius, and the empire of the Weft. While the C Η A P.
XIV.
emperor was employed in the Italian war, he intrufted his friend ' — -—v--— ',
with the defence of the Danube ; and immediately after his return
from that unfortunate expedition, he invefted Licinius with the
vacant purple of Severus, refigning to his immediate command
the provinces of Illyricum *'. The news of his promotion was no andofMajr•
fooner carried into the Eaft, than Maximin, who governed or rather
opprefled the countries of iigypt and Syria, betrayed his envy
and difcontent, difdained the inferior name of Caefar, and not-
withftanding the prayers as well as arguments of Galerius, exadled,
almoft by violence, the equal title of Auguftus '". For the firft,
and indeed for the laft time, the Roman world was adminiftered by
fix emperors. In the Weft, Conftantine and Maxentius aff"e(iled to Sixemperors,
reverence their father Maximian. In the Eaft, Licinius and " ' ^°-'
Maximin honoured with more real confideration their benefadlor ^'•■
Galerius. The oppofition of intereft, and the memory of a recent
war, divided the empire into two great hoftile powers; but their
mutual fears produced an apparent tranquillity, and even a feigned
reconciliation, till the death of the elder princes, of Maximian,
and more particularly of Galerius, gave a new direction to the views-
and paifions of their furviving aflbciates.
When Maximian had reludlantly abdicated the empire, the Misfortunes
venal orators of the times applauded his philofophic moderation.
When his ambition excited, or at leaft encouraged, a civil war,
they returned thanks to his generous patriotifm, and gently cen-
fured that love of eafe and retirement which had withdrawn him
** M. de Tillemont (Hift. des Empereurs, felf, he tried to fatisfy his younger a/Tociates,
torn. iv. part i. p. 559.) has proved, that Li- by inventing, for Conrtantine and Maximin
cinius, without paffing through the interme- {not Maxentius, fee Baluze, p. 81.) the new
iiate rank of Csfar, was declared Auguftus, title of fens of the Augulti. ButwhenMaxi-
the I ith of November, A.D.307, after the min acquainted him that he had been faluted
return of Galerius from Italy. Auguftus by the army, Galerius was obliged
3» Lailantius de M. P. c. 52. When Ga- to acknowledge him, as well as Conftantine»
lerius declared Licinius Auguftus with him- as ecjual aflbciates in the Imperial dignity.
49i. THEDECLINE AND FALL
^ ντΛ^ ^' f^°"^ ^^"^ public fcrviceV'.: But it was impoffible, that minds like
(..«ν— —^ thoie of Rlaximian anxl his fon, could long poflefs in harmony an
undivided power. Maxentiiis confidei^ed himfclf as the legal
fovereign of Italy, eledled by the Roman fenate and people ; nor
would he endure the control of his father, who arrogantly de-
clared,/ that by his name and abilities the rafh youth had been
eftablillied on the throne. The cauie was folemnly pleaded before
the Praetorian guards, and thofe troops, who dreaded the feverity of
the old emperor, efpoufed the party of Maxentius '% The life and
freedom of Maximian were however refpedled, and he retired from
Italy into Illyricum, affeding to lament his paft condud, and fecretly
contriving new mifchiefs. But Galerius, who was well acquainted
with his charadter, foon obliged him to leave his dominions, and.
the laft refuge of the difappointed Maximian was the court of his
fon-in-law Conftantine ". He was received with refpedl by that
artful pfifice, and with the appearance of filial tendernefs by the
emprefs Faufta. That he might remove every fufpicion, he re-
figned the Imperial purple a fecond time ^% profeiTing himfelf at
length convinced of the vanity of greatnefs and ambition. Had
he perfevered in this refolution, he might have ended his life with
lefs dignity indeed than in his firft retirement, yet, however, with
comfort and reputation. But the near profpe£l of a throne brought
back to his remembrance the ilate from whence he was fallen, and
he refolved, by a defperate effort, either to reign or to periih.
" See Panegyr. Vet. vi. 9. Audi doloris '' Ab urbe pulfiim, ab Italia fugatum, ab
nollri liberam vocem, &c. the whole paJlage Illyrico rcpudiatum, tuis provinciis, tuis cO-
is imagined with artful flattery, and expreiTed piis, tuo palatio recepifti. Eumen. in Pane-
with an eafy flow of eloquence. gyr. Vet. vii. 14.
^* Lailantius de M. P. c. 28. Zolim. 1. ii. ^* Lailantius de M. P. c. 29. Yet after
p. 82. A report was fpread, that Maxentius the refignation of the purple, Conftantine ftill
was the fon of feme obfcure Syrian, and had continued to Maximian the pomp and ho-
been fubitituted by the wife of Maximian as nours of the Imperial dignity; and on all
her own child. See Aurelius Viflor, Ano- public occafions gave the right-hand place to
jiym. Valefian, and Panegyr. Vet. ix. 3, 4. his father-in-law. Panegyr. Vet. vii. 15.
Aa
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 495
An incurfion of the Franks had fummoned Conftantine, with a CHAP,
XIV.
part of his army, to the banks of the Rhine; the remainder of '_ .- _f
the troops were ftationed in the fouthern provinces of Gaul, which
lay expofed to the enterprifcs of the Italian emperor, and a con-
fiderable treafure was depofited in the city of Aries. Maximian
either craftily invented, or haftily credited, a. vain report of the
death of Conftantine. Without hefitatlon he afcended the throne,
feized the treafure, and fcattering it with his accuftomed profufion
among the foldiers, endeavoured to awake in their minds the
memory of his ancient dignity and exploits. Before he could
eftablifh his authority, or finifli the negociation which he appears
to have entered into with his fon Maxentius, the celerity of Con-
ftantine defeated all his hopes. On the firft news of his perfidy and
ingratitude, that prince returned by rapid marches from the Rhine to
the Saone, embarked on the laft mentioned river at Chalons,
and at Lyons trufting himfelf to the rapidity of the Rhone, arrived
at the gates of Aries, with a military force which it was im-
poffible for Maximian to refift, and which fcarcely permitted him to
take refuge in the neighbouring city of Marfeilles. The narrow neck
of land which joined that place to the continent was fortified againft
the befiegers, whilft the fea was open, either for the efcape of
Maximian, or for the fuccours of Maxentius, if the latter ihould
chufe to difguife his invafion of Gaul, under the honourable
pretence of defending a diftrefled, or, as he might allege, an'
injured father. Apprehenfive of the fatal confequences of delay,
Conftantine gave orders for an immediate aiiault; but the fcaling
ladders were found too iliort for the height of the v^ralls, and
Marfeilles might have fuftained as long a fiege as- it formerly did
againft the arms of Csefar, if the garrifon, confcious either of their
fault or of their danger, had not purchafed their pardon by de-
livering up the city and the perfon of Maximian. A fecret but His death,
irrevocable fentence of death was pronounced againft the ufurper, February,*
4 he
4φ THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, lie obtained only the fame favour which he had indulged to Se-
u— v~i-^ verus, and it was publiihed to the world, that, opprefiTed by the
remorfe of his repeated crimes, he ftrangled himfelf with his
own hands. After he had loft the aiTiftance, and difdained the
moderate counfels, of Diocletian, the fecond period of his adive life
was a feries of public calamities and perfonal mortifications, which
were terminated, in about three years, by an ignominious death.
He deferved his fate ; but we iliould find more reafon to applaud
the humanity of Conftantine, if he had fpared an old man, the
benefador of his father, and the father of his wife. During the
whole of this melancholy tranfadlion, it appears that Faufta facrificed
the fentiments of nature to her conjugal duties ".
Death of Ga- The laft years of Galerius were lefs ihameful and unfortunate;
^"d ^^^ though he had filled with more glory the fubordinate ftation of
M*y• Ca;far, than the fuperior rank of Auguftus, he preferved, till the
moment of his death, the firft place among the princes of the Roman
world. He furvived his retreat from Italy about four years, and wifely
relinquifliing his views of univerfal empire, he devoted the remainder
of his life to the enjoyment of pleafure, and to the execution of fome
works of public utility, among which we may diftinguifh the difcharg-
ing into the Danube the fuperfluous waters of the lake Pelfo, and the
cutting down the immenfe forefts that encompaflTed it; an operation
worthy of a monarch, fince it gave an extenfive country to the agri-
culture of his Pannonian fubjeds '*. His death was occafioned by a
^5 Zofim. 1. ii. p. 8z. Eumenius in Pa- borders of Noricum ; and the province of
negyr. Vet. vii. 16—21. The latter of thefe Valeria (a name which the wife of Galerius
has undoubtedly reprefented the whole affair gave to the drained country) undoubtedly
iji the moil favourable light for his fovereign. lay between the Drave and the Danube (Sex-
Yet even from his partial narrative we may tus Rufus, c. 9.). I ihould therefore fufpeit
, conclude, that the repeated clemency of Con- that ^'iflor has confounded tJie lake Pelfo,
ftantine, and the reiterated treafons of Maxi- with the Volocean marches, or, as they are
mian, as they are defcribed by Laitantius (de now called, the lake Sabaton. It is placed in
M. P. c. 29, 30), and copied by the moderns, the heart of Valeria, and its prefent extent is
are dellitute of any hiftorical foundation. not lefs than i^ Hungarian miles (about 70
^^ Aurclius Viftcr, c. 40. But that lake Englifh) in length, and two in breadth. See
was fituated on the Upper Pan nonia, near the Severini Pannonia, 1. i. c. 9.
3• very
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 497
CHAP.
XIV.
very painful and lingering diforder. His body, fwelled by an intem-
perate courfe of life to an unwieldy corpulence, was covered with
ulcers, and devoured by innumerable fwarms of thofe infeds, who
have given their name to a moft loathfome difeafe " ; but as Galc-
rius had offended a very zealous and powerful party among his fub-
jeds, his fufferings, Inftead of exciting their compaffion, have been
celebrated as the vifible effeds of divine juftice '^ He had no fooner His domi-
... f. , γ. . nion Ihared
expired in his palace or Nicomedia, than the two emperors who were between
indebted for their purple to his favour, began to colled their forces, and Lkinius.
with the intention either of difputing, or of dividing, the dominions
which he had left without a mailer. They were perfuaded however
to defift from the former defign, and to agree in the latter. The
provinces of Afia fell to the ihare of Maximin, and thofe of Europe
augmented the portion ofLicinius. The Hellefpont and the Thra-
cian Bofphorus formed their mutual boundary, and the banks of thofe
narrow feasj which flowed in the midft of the Roman world, were
covered with foldiers, with arms, and with fortifications. The deaths
of Maximian and of Galerius reduced the number of emperors to
four. The fenfe of their true intereft foon conneded Licinius and
Conftantine; a fecret alliance was concluded between Alaximin and
Maxentius, and their unhappy fubjeds expeded with terror the
bloody confequences of their inevitable dlffenfions, which were no
longer reftrained by the fear or the refped which they had enter-
tained for Galerius ".
Among fo many crimes and misfortunes occafioned by the Adminiftra-
paffions of the Roman princes, there is fome pleafure in difcovering a ftantine in
Gaul.
^' Lae-antlus (de M. P. c. 33.) and Eiife- dcrful deatlis of the perfecutors, I would re• ,,',
bius (l.viii. c. 16.) defcribe the fymptoms commend to their perufal an admirable paf-
and progrefs of his diforder with fingular ac- fage of Grotius (Hill. 1. vii. p. ^■^2.) con-
curacy and apparent pleafure. ccrning the laft illnefs of Philip II. of Spain.
3^ If any (like the late Dr. Jortin, Re- ^> See Eufebius, 1. ix. 6. 10. Laftantius
marks on Ecclefiaftical hiftory, vol. ii. p. de M. P. c. 36. Zofimus is lefs exaft, and
S^'? — 33^•) ^'''^ delight in recording the won- evidently confounds Maximian with Maximin.
Vol. I. 3 S fingle
498 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, fingie adion which may be afcribed to their virtue. In the fixth
i_ / ' year of his reign, Conftantine villted the city of Autun, and gene-
roufly remitted the arrears of tribute, reducing at the fame time the
proportion of their aiTeiTment, from tvvcnty-five to eighteen thoufand
heads, fubjed to the real and perfonai capitation ". Yet even this
indulgence affords the mofl; unqueftionable proof of the public
mifery. This tax was fo extremely oppreflive, either in itfelf
or in the mode of colleding it, that whilft the revenue was
increafed by extortion, it was diminiflied by defpair : a confider-
able part of the territory of Autun was left uncultivated ; and great
numbers of the provincials rather chofe to live as exiles and
' outlaws, than to fiipport the weight of civil fociety. It is-
but too probable, that the bountiful emperor relieved, by a par-
tial aft of liberality, one among the many evils which he had
caufed by his general maxims of adminiftration. But even thofe
maxims were lefs the efFeft of choice than of neceffity. And if
we except the death of Maximian, the reign of Conftantine in Gaul ■
feems to have been the moil innocent and even virtuous period of
his life. The provinces were proteiked by his prefence from the
inroads of the barbarians, who either dreaded or experienced his
aftive valour. After a fignal vi£lory over the Franks and Ale-
manni, feveral of their princes were expofed by his order to the
wild beafts in the amphitheatre of Treves, and the people feem
to have enjoyed the fpedacle, without difcovering, in fuch a treat--
ment of royal captives, any thing that was repugnant to the laws of
nations or of humanity *'.
Tyranny of The virtues of Conftantine were rendered more illuftrious by the
Maxentius in _
Italy and viccs of Maxcntius. Whilft the Gallic provinces enjoyed as much
Africa.
A. D. 306—
J12. ■*» See the viiith Panegyr. in which Eume- ^' Eutropius, χ. 3. Panegyr. Veter. vii. lo,
nius difplays, in the prefence of Conilantine, 11,12. A great number of the French youth
the mifery and the gratitude of the city of were likewife expofed to the fame cruel and.
Autun. ignominious death.
jbappinefs.
OF ΤΡί Ε ROMAN EMPIRE. 499
Jiappuiefs as the condition of the times was capable of receiving, ^ ^^^ ^'
Italy and Africa groaned under the dominion of a tyrant as con-
temptible as he was odious. The zeal of flattery and fadion has
indeed too frequently facrificed the reputation of the vanquiflied to
the glory of their fuccefsful rivals ; but even thofe writers who
have revealed, with the moil freedom and pleafure, the faults of
Conftantine, unanimoufly confefs, that Maxentius was cruel, ra-
pacious, and profligate *'. He had the good fortune to fupprefs
a flight rebellion in Africa. The governor and a few adherents
had been guilty; the province fuffered for their crime. The
flourifliing cities of Cirtha and Carthage, and the whole extent
of that fertile country, were wafl;ed by fire and fword. The abufc
of vidory was followef' by the abufe of law and juflice. A for-
midable army of fycophants and delators invaded Africa ; the rich
and the noble were eafily convided of a connexion with the
rebels ; and thofe among them who experienced the emperor's
clemency, were only puniflied by the confifcation of their eftates ■*'.
So fignal a vidory Ivas celebrated by a magnificent triumph, and
Maxentius expofed to the eyes of the people the fpoils and cap-
tives of a Roman province. The ftate of the capital was no lefs
deferving of compaifion than that of Africa. The wealth of Rome
fupplied an inexhauftible fund for his vain and prodigal expences,
and the minifters of his revenue were flcilled in the arts of rapine.
It was under his reign that the method of exading a free gift
from the fenators was firft invented ; and as the fum was infenfibly
increafed, the pretences of levying it, a vidory, a birth, a marriage, or
an Imperial confulihip, were proportionably multiplied *\ Maxentius
** Julian excludes Maxentius from the ban- ** The paffage of Aurelius Viitor Ihoul.d
quet of the Ca;fars with abhorrence and con- be read in the following manner. Primus
tempt; and Zofimus (1. ii. p. 85.) accufes inilituto peiTimo, «τΛ-^ί-ί/ζΜ fpecie, Patres Ογλ-
him of ei'ery kind of cruelty and profligacy. torefque pecuniam conferre prodigenti fibi co-
*' Zofimus, 1, ii. p. 83-85. Aurelius geret.
Vidor.
3 S 2 had
50O THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP, had imbibed the fame implacable averfion to the fenate, which had
XIV.
charaiterized moft of the former tyrants of Rome : nor was it poifible
for his ungrateful temper to forgive the generous fidelity which
had raifed him to the throne, and fupported him againft all his
enemies. The lives of the fenators were expofed to his jealous
fufpicions, the diihonour of their wives and daughters heightened*
the gratification of his fenfijal paflions '". It may be prefumed,
tliat an Imperial lover was feldom reduced to figh in vain ; but
whenever perfuafion proved inefFedual, he had recourfe to violence j
and there remains one memorable example of a noble matron,
who preferved her chaftity by a voluntary death. The foldiers
were the only order of men whom he appeared to refpedl, or
iludied to pleafe. He filled Rome and Italy with armed troops,
connived at their tumults, fuffered them with impunity to plunder,
and even to maflacre, the defencelefs people•*^; and indulging
them in the fame licentioufnefs which their emperor enjoyed,
Maxentius often beilowed on his military favourites the fplendid
villa, or the beautiful wife, of a fenator. A prince of fuch a
charadter, alike incapable of governing either in peace or in war,
might purchafe the fupport, but he could never obtain the efteem,
of the army. Yet his pride was equal to his other vices. Whilft
he pafled his indolent life, either within the walls of his palace,
or in the neighbouring gardens of Salluft, he was repeatedly heard
to declare, that he alone was emperor, and that the other princes
were no more than his lieutenants, on whom he had devolved the
defence of the frontier provinces, that he might enjoy without inter-
*^ Panegyr. Vet. ix. 3. Eufeb. Hift. Ec- whether, on fuch occafions, fuicide is juftifi.ible.
clef. viii. 14. et in Vit. Conftant. i. 33, 34. +' Pra;torianis CKdem vulgi quondam an-
Rufinus, c. 17. The virtuous Matron, who nueret, is the vague expreffion of Aurelius
ftabbedherfelf to efcape the violence of Max- Viftor. See more particular, though fome-
entius, was a Chriftian, wife to the prsfeft of what different, accounts of a tumult and maf-
the city, and her name was Sophronia. It facre, which happened at Rome, in Eufebi-
iiai remains a quellion among the cafuiils, us (1. viii. c. 14.) andinZofim. (1. ii. p. 84.)
ruption
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 501
ruption the elegant luxury of the capital. Rome, which had fo c Η λ p.
long regretted the abfence, lamented, during the fix years of his reign, .. -,- _j
the prefence of her fovereign ^\
Though Conitantine might view the conduit of Maxentius with Civil war
bo'tvveen
abhorrence, and the fituation of the Romans with compaflion, we have Conikntine
r r 1 1 111 1 • ^ !ii'l Maxcn-
no realon to prelume that lie would have taken up arms to punifli tlus.
the one or to relieve the other. But the tyrant of Italy raihly ^'^'
ventured to provoke a formidable enemy, whofc ambition had been
hitherto reilrained by confiderations of prudence, rather than by
principles of juftice ^^ After the death of Maximian, his titles,
according to the eftabliftied cuftom, had been erafed, and his ftatues
thrown dovirn with ignominy. His fon, who had perfecuted and
deferted him when alive, affeiled to difplay the moil pious re-
gard for his memory, and gave orders that a finiilar treatment ihould'
be immediately inflided on all the ftatues that had been eredied in
Italy and Africa to the honour of Conftantine. That wife prince,
who fincerely wiihed to decline a war, with the diiliculty and im-
portance of which he was fufficiently acquainted, at firft dif-
fembled the infult, and fought for redrefs by the milder ex-
pedients of negociation, till he was convinced, that the hoftile and
ambitious defigns of the Italian emperor made it neceifary for him
to arm in his own defence. Maxentius, who openly avowed his
pretenfions to the whole monarchy of the Weft, had already pre-
pared a very confiderable force to invade the Gallic provinces on the
fide of Rhxtia, and though he could not expedl any affiftance from
Licinius, he was flattered with the hope that the legions of Illyri-
*' See in the Panegyrics (ix. 14.)» a lively '•' After the viftory of Conftantine, it.
defcription of the indolence and vain pride of was univerfally allowed, that the motive of
Maxentius. In another place, the orator delivering the republic from a detefted
obferves, that the riches which Rome had ac- tyrant, would, at any time, have juftified '
cumulated in a period of 1060 years, were la- his expedition into Italy. Eufeb. in Vit.
vifhed by tlie tyrant on his mercenary bands ; Conftantin. 1, i. c. 26. Panegyr, Vet..
redemptis ad civile latrocinium manibus in- ix• 2.
geflerat.
cum,
502 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C Η A P. cum, allured by his prefents and promifes, would defert the
t ^ ' ftandard of that prince, and unanimouily declare themfelves his
foldiers and fubjecls '". Conftantine no longer hefitated. He had
deliberated with caution, he aded with vigour. He gave a pri-
vate audience to the ambafiadors, who, in the name of the fenate
and people, conjured him to deliver Rome from a dctefted tyrant;
and, without regarding the timid remonftrances of his council, he
refolvcd to prevent the enemy, and to carry the war into the
heart of Italy ^\
Piepaiadons. The cnterprife was as full of danger as of glory; and the un-
fuccelsful event of two former invafions was fufficient to infpire
the moil ferious apprehenfions. The veteran troops who revered
the name of Maximian, had embraced in both thofe wars the party
of his fon, and were now reilrained by a fenfe of honour, as well as
of intereil, from entertaining an idea of a fecond defertion. Max-
cntius, who confidered the Praetorian guards as the firmefl: defence
of his throne, had increafed them to their ancient eilablifliment ;
and they compofed, including the reft of the Italians who were in-
lifted into his fervice, a formidable body of fourfcore thoufand men.
Forty thoufand Moors and Carthaginians had been raifed fince the
rcdudlion of Africa. Even Sicily furnifhed its proportion of troops ;
and the armies of Maxentius amounted to one hundred and
feventy thoufand foot, and eighteen thoufand horfe. The wealth
of Italy fupplied the expences of the war ; and the adjacent pro-
vinces were exhaufted, to form immenfe magazines of corn and
every other kind of provifions. The whole force of Conftantine
■*' Zofimus, 1. ii. p. 84, 85. Nazarius in mans is mentioned only by Zonaras (1. xiii.)
Panegyr. x. 7—13. and by Cedrenus (in Compend. Hift. p. 270.):
'° See Panegyr. Vet. ix. z. Omnibus fere but thofe modern Greeks had the opportunity
tuis Comitibus et Ducibus non folum tacite of confulting many writers which ha\-e fince
xnuHantibus, fed etiam aperte tinientibus ; been !oil, among which we may reckon the
contra confilia liominum, contra Harufpicum life of Conftantine by Praxagoras. Photius
monita, ipfe per temet liberanda; utbis tern- (p. 63.) has made a Ihort extradl from that
pus veniife fentires. The embafiy of the Ro- hillorical work.
* confifted
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
503
confifled of ninety thoufand foot and eiprht thoufand horfe " : and ^ IT Λ P.
as the defence of the Rhme required an extraordinary attention *— -v— '
during the abfence of the emperor, it was not in his power to
employ above half his troops in the Italian expedition, unlefs he
faerificed the public fafety to his private quarrel ". At the head of
about forty thoufand foldiers, he marched to encounter an enemy
whofe numbers were at leafl: four times fuperior to his own. But
the armies of Italy, placed at a fccure diftance from danger, were
enervated by indulgence and luxury. Habituated to the baths and
theatres of Rome, they took the field with reludance, and were
chiefly compofed of veterans. who had almofl: forgotten, or of new
levies, who had never acquired, the ufe of arms and the pradice
of war. The hardy legions of Gaul had long defended the fron-
tiers of the empire againil the barbarians of the North ; and in the
performance of that laborious fervice, their valour was exercifed
and their difciplinc confirmed. There appeared the fame difference
between the leaders as between the arojies. Caprice or flattery had
tempted Maxentius with the hopes of conqueft; but thefe afpiiing
hopes foon gave way to the habits of pleafure and the confcioufnefs
of his inexperience. The intrepid mind of Conftantine had been,
trained from his earlicfl youth to v^^ar, toadion, and to military com-
mand.
When Hannibal marched from Gaul into Italy^ he was obliged, Conilantlne
firft, to dilcover, and then to open, a way over mountams and Alps,
through favage. nations that had never yielded a paiTage to a regular
5' Zofimus (1. ii. p. 86.) has given us this •* Panegyr. Vet. ix. 3. It is not fur-
curious account of the forces on both fides, prifing that the orator ILould diminiih thi;
He makes no mention of any naval arma- numbers with which his fovereign atchiev-
ments, though we are alTured (Panegyr. ed the conqueft of Italy; but it appear:
Vet. ix. 25.) that the war was carried on by fomewhat fingular, that he ihould eReeni
fea as well as by land; and that the fleet of the tyrant's army at no more than ioo.ocq
Conflantine took poiTeliion of Sardinia, Cor- men,
fica, and the ports of Italy,
armyi
ςο^ THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP, army ". The Alps were then guarded by nature, they are now fortl-
v_— V— ' fied by art. Citadels conftiuded with no lefs ikill than labour and
expence, command every avenue into the plain, and on that fide
render Italy almoft inaccefllble to the enemies of the king of Sar-
dinia '*. But in the courfe of the intermediate period, the generals,
who have attempted the paiTage, have feldom experienced any dif--
ficulty or refillancc. In the age of Conftantine, the peafants of
the mountains were civilized and obedient fubjedts ; the country
was plentifully flocked with provifions, and the ftupendous high-
ways which the Romans had carried over the Alps, opened feveral
communications between Gaul and Italy ". Conftantine preferred
the road of the Cottian Alps, or, as it is now called, of Mount
Cenis, and led his troops with fuch adive diligence, that he de-
fcended into the plain of Piedmont before the court of Maxentius
had received any certain intelligence of his departure from the
banks of the R.hine. The city of Sufa, however, which is fituated
at the ibot of Mount Cenis, was furrounded with walls, and pro-
vided with a garrifon fufficiently numerous to check the progrefs of
an invader ; but the impatience of Conftantine's troops difdaincd
the tedious forms of a fiege. The fame day that they appeared be-
fore Sufa, they applied fire to the gates, and ladders to the walls ;
and mounting to the aflault amidft a fhower of ftones and arrows,
they entered the place fword in hand, and cut in pieces the greateft;
part of the garrifon. The flames wer£ extinguiihed by the care of
'3 The thiee principal paflages of the Alps learned geographer, the prctenfions of IVTount
between Gaul and Italy, are thofe of Mount Cenis are fupported in a fpecious, not to fay
St. Bernard, Mount Cenis, and Mount Ge- a convincing, manner by M. Grofley. Ob-
nevre. Tradition, and a refemblance of names fervations fur I'ltalie, torn. i. p. 40, Sec.
(Alpes Petinhiie), had affigned the firft of thefe 5+ l^ Brunette near Sufe, Demont, Exiles,
for the march of Hannibal (See Simler de Peneftrelles Coni &c.
Alpibus). Tlie Chevalier de Folard (Po- „ „ , . .. ,,. ...
, / ' . , J ,;, T^ MI l• τ J V- " See Ammian. Marcelhn. xv. 10. His
lybe, torn. IV.) and M. Danville have led him .... ^ . , 1 η τ
^, L „ -TAJ- defcription of the roads over the Alps, is
ί\Λ!^γ iV'(r\iitif I .isr*«tri-i» tint- τλ r\f\Ti th If Qn.T inrr * *
over Mount Genevre. But notvathilandin» . ,. , ,
, , . ^ .... .'^ clear, livelv, and accurate.
the authority of an experienced cincer and a
i
Conftantine
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 505
Condantine, and the remains of Sufa preferved from total deftruc- ^ H^A p.
tion. About forty miles from thence, a more fevere conteil awaited ^- — > — J
him. A numerous army of Italians was affembled under the lieu- Bf"!" °ί"
... Tuna.
tenants of Maxentius in the plains of Turin. Its principal ilrength
confifted in a fpecies of heavy cavalry, which the Romans, fmce
the decline of their difcipline, had borrowed from the nations of the
Eaft. The horfes, as well as the men, were clothed in complete
armour, the joints of which were artfully adapted to the motions
of their bodies. The afpedt of this cavalry was formidable, their
weight almoft irrefiftible; and as, on this occafion, their generals
had drawn them up in a compad column or wedge, with a iliarp
point, and with fpreading flanks, they flattered themfelves that they
ihould eafily break and trample down the army of Conftantine.
They might perhaps have fucceeded in their defign, had not
their experienced adverfary embraced the fame method of defence,
which in fimilar circumftances had been pra£lilcd by Aurelian.
The flvilful evolutions of Conftantine divided and baffled this maify
column of cavalry. The troops of Maxentius fled in confufion to-
wards Turin ; and as the gates of the city were fhut againft them,
very few efcaped the fword of the victorious purfuers. By this
important fervice, Turin deferved to experience the clemency and
even favour of the conqueror. He made his entry into the Imperial
palace of Milan, and almoft all the cities of Italy between the Alps
and the Po not only acknowledged the power, but embraced wiih
zeal the party, of Conftantine '^
From Milan to Rome, the jEmilian and Flaminian highways offered siege and
an eafy march of about four hundred miles ; but though Conftan- v^>rona.
tine was impatient to encounter the tyrant, he prudently direded
5° Zofimus as well as Eufebius Iiailen from negyrics, for the intermedlatciftions cf Con-
the pafiage of the Alps, to the declfive niiion ftantine.
near Rome. Wc muft apply to the two Pa-
VoL. I. " 3 τ his
ζο6 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C n A P. }iig operations againft another army of Italians, who, by their
ftrength and pofition, might either oppofe his progrefs, or, in cafe
of a misfortune, might intercept his retreat. Ruricius Pompeianus,
a general diflinguiflied by his valour and ability, had under his
command the city of Verona, and all the troops that were ftationed
in the province of Venetia; As foon as he was informed that Con-
ilantine was advancing towards him, he detached a large body of
cavalry, which was defeated in an engagement near Brefcia, and
purfued by the Gallic legions as far as the gates of Verona. The
neceffity, the importance, and the difficulties of the fiege of Verona,
immediately prefented themfelves to the fagacious mind of Con-
ftantine ". The city was acceffible only by a narrow peninfula to-
wards the weft, as the other three fides were furrounded by the
Adige, a rapid river which covered the province of Venetia, from
whence the befieged derived an inexhauilible fupply of men and
provifions. It was not without great difficulty, and after feveral
fruitlefs attempts, that Conftantine found means to pafs the river
at fome diflance above the city, and in a place where the torrent
was lefs violent. He then encompaiTed Verona with ftrong lines,
puihed his attacks with prudent vigour, and repelled a defperate
fally of Pompeianus. That intrepid general, when he had ufed
every means of defence that the ftrength of the place or that of the
garrifon could afford, fecretly efcaped from Verona, anxious not for
his own but for the public fafety. With indefatigable diligence he
foon colleded an army fufficient either to meet Conftantine in the
field, or to attack him if he obftinately remained within his lines.
The emperor, attentive to the motions, and informed of the ap-
" The Marquis MaiFei has examined the conllruiled by Gallienus^ were lefs extenfive
fiege and battle of Verona, with that degree than the modern walls, and the Amphitheatre
of attention and accuracy, which was due to was not included within their circumference»
a memorable aflion that happened in his na- See Verona Illuftrata, Parti, p. 142. 150.
live country. The fortifications of that city,
preach,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 507
proacli, of fo formidable an enemy, left a part of his legions ^ HA P.
to continue the operations of the fiege, whilft, at the head of
thofe troops on whofe valour and fidelity he more particularly de-
pended, he advanced in perfon to engage the general of Maxen-
tius. The army of Gaul was drawn up in two lines, according to
the ufual practice of war; but their experienced leader, perceiving
that the -numbers of the Italians far exceeded his own, fuddenly
changed his difpofition, and reducing the fecond, extended the front
of his firft, line to a juil proportion with that of the enemy. Such
evolutions, which only veteran troops can execute without con-
fufion in a moment of danger, commonly prove decifive : but as
this engagement began towards the clofe of the day, and was con-
tefted with great obftinacy during the whole night, there was lefs
room for the condud of the generals than for the courage of the fol-
diers. The return of light difplayed the vidory of ConftaJitine,
and a field of carnage covered with many thoufands of the van-
quiihed Italians. Their general Pompeianus was found among the
flain ; Verona immediately furrendered at difcretion, and the gar-
rifon was made prifoners of war '^ When the officers of the vic-
torious army congratulated their mailer on this important fuccefs,
they ventured to add fome refpedful complaints, of fuch a nature,
however, as the moil jealous monarchs will liilen to without dif-
pleafure. They reprefented to Conilantine, that, not contented
with performing all the duties of a commander, he had expofed his
own perfon with an excefs of valour which almofl degenerated into
rafhnefs ; and they conjured him for the future to pay more regard
to the prefervation of a life, in which the fafety of Rome and of
the empire was involved ".
" They wanted chains for fo great a mul- fetters the fwords of the vanejuifhed. Pane-
titude of captives ; and the whole council was gyr. Vet. ix. ii.
at a lofs ; but the fagacious conqueror ima- " Panegyr. Vet. ix. lo.
gined the happy expedient of converting into
3 Τ 2 While
5c8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
XIV.
AVhile Conilantlne fignalized his conduit and valour in the fields
the fovereign of Italy appeared infenfible of the calamities and
Indolence ^ . .
and fears of danger of a civil war which raged in the heart of his dominions.
Pleafure was ftill the only bufinefs of Maxentius. Concealing, of
at leaft attempting to conceal, from the public knowledge the mif-
fortunes of his arms *°, he indulged himfelf in a vain confidence»
which deferred the remedies of the approaching evil, without
deferring the evil itfelf'. The rapid progrefs of Conftantine*''
was fcarcely i'ufficient to awaken him from this fatal fecurity ; he
flattered himfelf, that his well-known liberality, and the majefty
of the Roman name, which had already delivered him from two
invafions, would diflipate with the fame facility the rebellious army
of Gaul. The officers of experience and ability, who had ferved
under the banners of Maximian, v/ere at length compelled to in-
form his effeminate fan of the imminent danger to which he was
reduced ; and, with a freedom that at once furprifed and convinced
him, to urge the necefTity of preventing his ruin, by a vigorous ex-
ertion of his remaining power. The refources of Maxentius, both,
of men and money, were ftill confiderable. The Prastorian guards
felt how ftrongly their own interefl; and fafety were connecfted with
his caufe ; and a third army was foon colleded, more numerous
than thofe which had been loft in the battles of Turin and Verona•
It was far from the intention of the emperor to lead his troops in
perfon. A ftranger to the exercifes of war, he trembled at the ap-
prehenfion of fo dangerous a conteft ; and as fear is commonly fuper-
ititious, he liftened with melancholy attention to the rumours of
omens and prefages which feemed to menace his life and empire.
*° Literas calamitatum fuarum indices fup- tremely probable that Conftantine was ilill at
primebat. Panegyr. Vet. ix. 15. Verona, the ift of September, A. D. 312,
" Remedia malorum potius quam mala and that the memorable asra of the indiftions
diiferebat, is the fine cenfure which Tacitus was dated from liis conq^ueft oi" the Ciialpine
pafles on the fupine indolence of Vitellius. Gaul.
'^ The Marquis Maifei has made it ex-
Shame
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 509
Shame at length fupplied the place of courage, and forced him to C Η A P.
take the field. He was unable to fuftaui the contempt of the Roman v— v— -»
people. The circus refounded with their indignant clamours, and
they tumultuoufly befieged the gates of the palace, reproaching the
pufillanimity of their indolent fovereign, and celebrating the heroic
fpirit of Conftantine '^'• Before Maxentius left Rome, he confulted
the Sibylline books. The guardians of thefe ancient oracles were as
well verfed in the arts of this world, as they were ignorant of the
fecrets of fate ; and they returned him a very prudent anfwer,
which might adapt itfelf to the event, and fecure their reputation
whatever fhould be the chance of arms **.
The celerity of Conftantine's march has been compared to the Y^^^^Y °^
■' ^ Conltantin*
rapid conqueft of Italy by the firft of the Csefars ; nor is the flatter- near Rome.
ing parallel repugnant to the truth of hiftory, fince no more than 28th Oft.
fifty-eight days elapfed between the furrender of Verona and the
final decifion of the war. Conftantine had always apprehended that
the tyrant would confult the dictates of fear, and perhaps of pru-
dence ; and that, inftead of rifking his laft hopes in a general en-
g-agement, he would fhut hlmfelf up within the walls of Rome.
His ample magazines fecured him againil the danger of famine;
and as the fituation of Conftantine admitted not of delay, he might
have been reduced to the fad neceffity of deftroying with fire and
fword the Imperial city, the nobleft reward of his vidory, and the de-
liverance of which had been the motive, or rather indeed the pretence)
of the civil war ^'. It was with equal furprife and pleafui e, that on his-
arrival at a place called Saxa Rubra, about nine miles from Rome**,.
he
*3 See Panegyr. Vet. xi. i6. Laftantius of corn, which Maxentius had colleited froia
de M. P. c. 44.. Africa and the lilands. And yet, if there is "?*
'+ Illo die hoftem Romanorum effe peritu- any truth in the fcarcity mentioned by Eufe-
rum. The vanquiihed prince became of bius (in Vit. Conllantin. I. i. c. 36.), the Im-
courfe the enemy of Rome. perial granaries mull have been open only to
'5 See Panegyr. Vet. ix. 16. x. 27. The the folJiers.
former of thefe orators magnifies the hoards ** Maxentius . . . tandem urbe in Saxa
Sio THE DECLINE AND FALL
G Η A Γ. he difcovered the army of Maxentius prepared to give him battle ''.
*— V ' Their long front filled a very fpacious plain, and their deep array
reached to the banks of the Tyber, which covered their rear, and
forbade their retreat. We are informed, and we may believe, that
Conftantine difpofed his troops with confummate ikill, and that he
chofe for himfelf the pofl: of honour and danger. Diftinguiihed
by the fplendour of his arms, he charged in perfon the cavalry of
his rival ; and his irrefiftible attack determined the fortune of the
day. The cavalry of Maxentius was principally compofcd either
of unwieldy cuiraflicrs, or of light Moors and Numidians. They
yielded to the vigour of the Gallic horfe, which poffefied more a£ti-
vity than the one, more firmnefs than the other. The defeat of
the two wings left the infantry without any protedion on its
flanks, 'and the undifciplined Italians fled without reludance from
the ftandard of a tyrant whom they had always hated, and whom
they no longer feared. The Praetorians, confcious that their of-
fences were beyond the reach of mercy, were animated by revenge
aTid defpair. Notwithftanding their repeated efforts, thofe brave vete-
rans were unable to recover the viftory ; they obtained, however, an
honourable death ; and it was obferved, that their bodies covered the
fame ground which had been occupied by their ranks '^ The confu-
fion then became general, and the dilmayed troops of Maxentius, pur-
fued by an implacable enemy, rufiied by thoufands into the deep and
rapid ftream of the Tyber. The emperor himfelf attempted to efcape
bick into the city over the Milvian bridge, but the crowds which
prefled together through that narrow paiTage, forced him into the
ruira, millia ferme novem Kgcrrime pro- with the Tyber in his rear, is very clearly
grefius. Aurelius Vidlor. See Cellarius Geo- defcribed by the two Panegyrifts, ix. i6.
graph. Antiq. torn. i. p. 463. Saxa Rubra x. 28.
was in the neighbourhood of the Cremera, a *^ Exceptis latrocinii illius primis auflo-
triiling rivulet, illuftratcd by the valour and ribus, qui defperata vcnia, locum quem pug-
glorious death of the three hundred Fabii. mc fumpferant texerc corporibus. Penegyr.
^' The poft which Maxentius had taken, Vet. ix. 17.
river,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 511
river, where he was immediately drowned by the weight of his CHAP.
r • • •
armour '. His body, which had funk very deep into the mud> 1«—— ν — -J
was found with fome difficulty the next day. The fight of his head>
when it was expoled to the eyes of the people, convinced them of
their deliverance, and admoniihed them to receive, with acclama-
tions of loyalty and gratitude, the fortunate Conflantine, who thus
atchieved by his valour and ability the moil fplendid enterprife of
his life '°.
In the ufe of vidory, Conftantine neither deferred the praife of His recep-
clemency, nor incurred the cenfureof immoderate rigour ''. He in-
Aided the fame treatment, to which a defeat would have expofed his
own perfon and family, put to death the two fons of the tyrant, and
carefully extirpated his whole race. The moft diftinguifhed adhe-
rents of Maxentius muft have expected to iliare his fate, as they
had fhared his profperity and his crimes : but when the Roman
people loudly demanded a greater number of vidlms, the conqueror
refifted, with firmnefs and humanity, thofe fervile clamours which
were didated by flattery as well as by refentment. Informers were
puniihed and difcouraged ; the innocent, who had fuffered under
the late tyranny, were recalled from exile, and reftored to their
"' A very idle rumour foon prevailed, that Panegyrics, the former of which was pro-
Maxentius, who had not taken any precaution nounced a few months afterwards, afford the
for his own retreat, had contrived a very art- cleared notion of this great battle. Laftan-
ful fnare to deftroythe army of the purfuers; tius, Eufebius, and even the Epitomes, fup-
but that the wooden bridge which was to have ply feveral ufeful hints,
been loofened on the approach of Conftantine, '' Zofimus, the enemy of Canllantine,
unluckily broke down under the weight of allows (1. ii. p. 88.), that only a few of the
the flying Italians. M. de Tillemont (Hift. friends of Maxentius were put to death ; but
des Empereurs, torn. iv. part i. p. 576.) very we may remark .the expreffive paffage of Na-
ferioufly examines whether, in contradiilion zarius (Panegyr. Vet. x. 6.), Omnibus qui
to common fenfe, the tellimony of Eufebius labefailari ftatum ejus poterant cum ftirpe de-
and Zofimus ought to prevail over the filence letis. The other orator (Panegyr. Vet. ix.
of Laftantius, Nazarius, and the anonymous, 20, 21.) contents himfelf with obferving,
but contemporary orator, who compofed the that Conftantine, when he entered Rome, did
ninth panegyric. not imitate the cruel maflacres of Cinna, of
'" Zofimus, l.ii. p. 86 — 88, and the two Marius, or of Sylla.
Δ. eftates»
513
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, eftates. A general adl of oblivion quieted the minds and fettled
the property of the people, both in Italy and in Africa '\ The
iirft time that Conftantine honoured the fenate with his prcfence,
he recapitulated his own fervices and exploits in a modcft oration,
aiTured that illuftrious order of his fincere regard, and promifed
to re-eftabliih its ancient dignity and privileges. The grateful
fenate repaid thefe unmeaning profeiTions by the empty titles of
honour, which it was yet in their power to beilow ; and without
prefuming to ratify the authority of Conftantine, they pafled a
decree to affign him the firft rank among the three Augiifli who
governed the Roman world"'. Games and feftivals were inftituted
to preferve the fame of his vidory, and feveral edifices raifed
at the expence of Maxentius, were dedicated to the honour of
his fuccefsful rival. The triumphal arch of Conftantine ftill re-
mains a melancholy proof of the decline of the arts, and a fingular
teftimony of the meaneft vanity. As it was not pofllble to find in the
capital of the empire, a fculptor who was capable of adorning that
public monument; the arch of Trajan, without any refpe£t either
for his memory or for the rules of propriety, was ftripped of its
moft elegant figures. The difference of times and perfons, of
aftions and chara£lers, was totally difregarded. The Parthian
captives appear proftrate at the feet of a prince who never carried
his arms beyond the Euphrates ; and curious antiquarians can ftill
difcover the head of Trajan on the trophies of Conftantine. The
new ornaments which it was neceffary to introduce between the va-
cancies of ancient fculptiire, are executed in the rudeft and moft
unfl<:ilful manner '*.
■''• See the two PanegyTics, and the laws of '+ Adhuc cunita opera qua; magnifice con •
this and t!ic cnfuing year, in the Thcodoiiau llruxerat, urbis fanuni, atque bafilicam, Fla-
Code. vii meritis patres facravere. Aurelius Vi^or.
'^ Panegyr. Vet. ix. 20. Laftantius de With regard to the theft of Trajan's trophies,
M. P. c. 44. M-iximin, who was confeflcd- confalt Flaminius Vacca, apud Montfaucon,
ly-the eldcll C.-efar, claimed, with fome Ibew Diarium Italicum, p. 250, and I'Antiquite
of reafon, the firll rank among the AugulH. Exp'iquee of the latter, torn. iv. p. 171.
The
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. '513
The final abolition of the Prsetorian guards was a meafure of ^ ^ ^ ^•
prudence as well as of revenge. Thofe haughty troops, whofe > .— j
numbers and privileges had been reltored, and even augmented, by at Rome.
Maxentius, were for ever fupprefled by Conftantine. Their fortified
camp was deftroyed, and the few Prcetorians who had efcaped the
fury of the fword, were difperfed among the legions, and baniihed
to the frontiers of the empire, where they might be ferviceable
without again becoming dangerous ". By fuppreiTing the troops
which were ufually ftationed in Rome, Conftantine gave the fatal
blow to the dignity of the fenate and people, and the difarmed
capital was expofed without protection to the infults or negle<3: of
its diftant mafter. We may obferve, that in this laft effort to
preferve their expiring freedom, the Romans, from the appre-
henfion of a tribute, had raifed Maxentius to the throne. He ex-
afted that tribute from the fenate, under the name of a free gift.
They implored the aiTiftance of Conftantine. He vanquiftied the
tyrant, and converted the free gift into a perpetual tax. The
fenators, according to the declaration which was required of their
property, were divided into feveral clafles. The moft opulent paid
annually eight pounds of gold, the next clafs paid four, the laft
two, and thofe whofe poverty might have claimed an exemption,
were aflefled however at feven pieces of gold. Befides the regular
members of the fenate, their fons, their defcendants, and even their
relations, enjoyed the vain privileges, and fupported the heavy
burdens, of the fenatorial order ; nor will it any longer excite
our furprife, that Conftantine fliould be attentive to increafe the
number of perfons who were included under fo ufeful a defcrip-
" Prretoria; legiones ac fubfidia faitionibus mentions this faft as an hiftorian ; and it is
aptiora quam urbi Roma:, fublata penitus ; very pompoufly celebrated in the ninth Pane-
fimul arma atque ufus indumenti militaris. gyric.
Aurelius Viftor. Zolimus (1. ii. p. 89.)
Vol. I. . 3 U tion.
5H
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP
XIV.
7«
tion '". After the defeat of Maxentius, the vidlorious emperor
paiTed no more than two or three months in Rome, which he
vifited twice during the remainder of his Hfe, to celebrate the folemn
feftivals of the tenth and of the twentieth years of his reign.
Conilantine was almofl: perpetually in motion to exercife the legions-,
or to infpeit the ftate of the provinces. Treves, Milan, Aquileia,
Sirmium, Naiffus, and TheiTalonica, were the occafional places of
his refidence, till he founded a new Rome on the confines of
Europe and Afia".
Before Conilantine marched into Italy, he had fecured the friend-
ihip, or at leaft the neutrality of Licinius, the Illyrian emperor;
He had promifed his fifter Conftantia in marriage to that prince;
but the celebration of the nuptials was deferred till after the con*
clufioa of the war, and the interview of the two emperors at
Milan, which was appointed for that purpofe, appeared to cement
the union of their families and interefts '*. In the midft of the public
feftivity they were fuddenly obliged to take leave ofeach other. An
inroad of the Franks fummoned Conftantine to the Rhine, and the
hoilile approach of the fovereign of Afia demanded the iramediata
War between prefence of Licinius. Maximin had been the fecret ally of Maxentius,
Licinbs?^" and without being difcouraged by his fate, he refolved to try the
A. D. 313. fortune of a civil war. He moved out of Syria towards the frontiers
His alliance
with Licini-
us.
Α.Ό. 313,
March,
'* Ex omnibus provinciis optimates vLros
Curis tuE pigneraveris; ut ' Senatus dignitas
.... ex totius Orbis flore confifteret. Na-
zarius in Panegyr. Vet. x. 35. The word
tigncraijeris might almoft faem malicioufly
chofen. Concerning, the fenatorial tax, fee
Zofimus, 1. ii. p. 11;, the fecond title of the
fixth book of the Theodofian Code, 'with
Godeffoy's Commentary, and Memoires da•
Γ Academic des Infcriptions, torn, xxviii. p.
726.
'^ From the Theodofian Code, we may now
begin to trace the motions of the emperors ;
but the dates both of time and place have.
frequently been altered by the carelelTnefs of
tranfcriberi.
'^ Zofimus (1. ii. p. 89.) obferves, that^
before the war, the fifter of Conftantine had
been betrothed to Licinius.. According to
the younger Viftor, Diocletian was invited to
the nupiiab ; but having ventured to plead
his age and infirmities, he received a fecond^
letter filled with reproaches for his fuppofed
partiality to the caufe of Maxentius and Maxr
imiii.
of.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ^j^
of Blthynla in the depth of winter. The feafon was fevere and C Η Λ i\
^ * XIV.
tempefluous ; great numbers of men as well as horfes periflied ' /— — '
in the fnow; and as the roads were broken up by inceflant rains,
he was obliged to leave behind him a confidcrable part of the
heavy baggage, which was unable to follow the rapidity of his forced
marches. By this extraordinary effort of diligence, he arrived,
with a harafled but formidable army, on the banks of the Thracian
Bofphorus, before the lieutenants of Licinius were apprifed of his
hoftile intentions. Byzantium furrendered to the power of Max-
imin, after a fiege of eleven days. He was detained fome days
under the walls of Heraclea ; and he had no fooner taken poiTeilion
of that city, than he was alarmed by the intelligence, that Licinius
had -pitched his camp at the diftance of only eighteen miles. After The defeat,
a fruitlefs negociation, in which the two princes attempted to
feduce the fidelity of each other's adherents, they had recourfe
to arms. The emperor of the Eaft commanded a difciplined and
veteran army of above feventy thoufand men, and Licinius, who
had colledted about thirty thoufand Illyrians, was at firfl: opprefled
by the fuperiority of numbers. His military flail, and the firmnefs
of his troops, reftored the day, and obtained a decifive vidory. The
incredible fpeed which Maximin exerted in his flight, is much more
celebrated than his prowefs in the battle. Twenty-four hours after-
wards he was feen pale, trembling, and without his Imperial orna-
ments, at Nicomedia, one hundred and fixty miles from the place of
his defeat. The wealth of Afia was yet unexhaufted ; and though the
flower of his veterans had fallrn in the late adtion, he had ftill power,
if he could obtain time, to draw very numerous levies from Syria and
Egypt. But he furvived his misfortune only three or four months, anddea^hof
His death, which happened at Tarfus, was varioufly afcribed to defpair, ^ *^/°,'.™'^'^'
to poifon, and to the divine juftice. As Maximin was alike deftitute
of abilities and of virtue, he vv'as lamented neither by the people nor
by the foldiers. The provinces of the Eaft, delivered from the
3 U 3 terrors
5i6
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
XIV.
terrors of civil war, cheerfully acknowledged the authority of Li-
cinius
79
Cruelty of
Xjicinius,
The vanqulihed emperor left behind him two children, a boy of
about eight, and a girl of about feven, years old. Their inoifenfive
age might have excited companion, but the compaiTion of Licinius
■was a very feeble refource, nor did it reftrain him from ext'ingui/hing
the name and memory of his adverfary. The death of Severianua
will admit of lefs excufe, as it was didated neither by revenge
nor by policy. The conqueror had never received any injury from
the father of that unhappy youth, and the ihort and obfcure reign-
of Severus in a diftant part of the empire was already forgotten. But
the execution of Candidianus was an a<Sl of the blackeft cruelty and
ingratitude. He was the natural fon of Galerius, the friend and bene-
fa£lor of Licinius. The prudent father had judged him too young to
fuftain the weight of a diadem; but he hoped that under the proteilioa
of princes, who were indebted to his favour for the Imperial purple,
Candidianus might pafs a fecure and honourable life. He was now
advancing towards the twentieth year of his age, and the royalty
of his birth, though unfupported either by merit or ambition,
was fufficient to exafperate the jealous mind of Licinius '°. To
thefe innocent and illuilrious vidims of his tyranny, we muft add
the wife and daughter of the emperor Diocletian. When that
prince conferred on Galerius the title of Casfar, he had given him in
marriage his daughter Valeria, whofe melancholy adventures might
Unfortunate furniih a very fingular fubje£i: for tragedy. She had fulfilled and even
li^tC 01 tnC
emprefs Va- furpaffcd the dutics of a wife. As Ihe had not any children her-
mother.'^ '^" ί^^^' ^^ condefcended to adopt the illegitimate fon of her hufband,
and invariably difplayed towards the unhappy Candidianus the
" Zofimus mentions the defeat and death was one of the proteftors of the church,
of Maximin as ordinary events ; but Laflan- ^o Laftantius de M. P. c. 50. Aurelius
tius expatiates on them (de M. P. c. 45 — 50.), Viilor touches on die diflerent conduft of Li-
afcribing them to the miraculous interpo- cinius, and of Conftantine, in the ufe of
litien of Heaven. Licinius at that time vidory.
tendcrnefs
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ^17
tendernefs and anxiety of a real mother. After the death of Ga- c Η a p..
lerius, her ample poiTeiTions provoked the avarice, and her perfonal v. — , '
attradions excited the defires, of his fucceiTor Maximin ''. He
had a wife ilill alive, but divorce was permitted by the Roman law,
and the fierce paifions of the tyrant demanded an immediate gra-
tification. The anfwer of Valeria was fuch as became the daughter
and widow of emperors ; but it was tempered by the prudence
which her defencelefs condition compelled her to obferve. She re-
prefented to the perfons whom INIaximin had employed on this
occafion, " that even if honour could permit a woman of her
"• charafter and dignity to entertain a thought of fecond nuptials,
'* decency at leaft muft forbid her to liften to his addrefles at a
" time when the aihes of her hufband and his benefadlor were
" ftill warm ; and while the forrows of her mind were ftill expreifed
" by her mourning garments. She ventured to declare, that flie
" could place very little confidence in the profeflions of a man,
" whofe cruel inconftancy was capable of repudiating a faithful
*' and afFedionate wife ^\'* On this repulfe, the love of Maximiii;
was converted into fury, and, as witnelTes and judges were always
at his difpofal, it was eafy for him to cover his fury with an
appearance of legal proceedings, and to aflault the reputation as
well as the happinefs of Valeria. Her eftates were confifcated, her
eunuchs and domeftics devoted to the moft inhuman tortures, and
feveral innocent and refpedable matrons, who were honoured with
her friendibip, fuffered death on a falfe accufation of adultery.
The emprefs herfelF, together with her mother Prifca, was con-
" The fenfuil appetites of Maximin were and the obftinate fair one was condemned to
gratified at the expence of his fubjedls. His be drowned. A cullcm was gradually intro-
eunuchs,, who forced away wives and virgins, duced, that no perfon fhould marry a wife•,
examined their naked charms with anxious cu- without the permiliion of the emperor, " ut
riofity, left any part of their body fliould be ipfe in omnibus nuptiis prjegullator elTet."
found unworthy of the royal embraces. Coy- Lailantius de M. P. c. 3S.
nsfs and difdain were conildered as treafon, '•^' Lailantius de M. P, c. 30.
8 demned^
5i8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, (lemned to exile ; and as they were ignomlnioufly hurried from
place to place before they were confined to a fequeftered village in the
deferts of Syria, they expofed their ihame and diftrcfs to the pro-
vinces of the Eaft, which, during thirty years, had refpeded their
auguft dignity. Diocletian made feveral inefFedlual efforts to alle-
viate the misfortunes of his daughter ; and, as the laft return that he
expeiled for the Imperial purple, which he had conferred upon
Maximin, he entreated that Valeria might be permitted to ihare his
retirement of Salona, and to clofe the eyes of her affllfted father ''.
He entreated, but as he could no longer threaten, his prayers were
received with coldnefs and difdain ; and the pride of Maximin was
gratified, in treating Diocletian as a fuppliant, and his daughter as a
criminal. The death of Maximin feemed to aflure the empreiTes of a
favourable alteration in their fortune. The public diforders relaxed
the vigilance of their guard, and they eafily found means to efcape
from the place of their exile, and to repair, though with fome
precaution, and in difguife, to the court of Licinius. His be-
haviour, in the firil days of his reign, and the honourable re-
ception which he gave to young Candidianus, infpired Valeria
with a fecret fatisfadion, both on her own account, and on that of
her adopted fon. But thefe grateful profpedls were foon fucceeded
by horrour and ailonifliment, and the bloody executions which
ftained the palace of Nicomedia, fufficiently convinced her, that the
throne of Maximin was filled by a tyrant more inhuman than
himfelf. Valeria confulted her fafety by a hafty flight, and, flill
accompanied by her mother Prifca, they wandered above fifteen
months ** through the provinces, concealed in the difguife of
plebeian
" Diocletian at laft fent cognatum fuum, '* \''aleria quoque per varias provlncias
quendam militarem ac potentem viriim, to in- quindecim meniibus plebeio cultu pervagata.
tercede in favour of his daughter (Laftantius Laftantius de M. P. c. ςι. There is ibme
de M. P. c. 41.). We are not fufficiently doubt whether we ihould compute the fifteen
acquainted with the hiftory of thefe times, to nionihs from the moment of her exile, or from
point out the perfon who was employed. that of her efcape. The expreffion oi pewa-
gata
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ A Ν Ε Μ ρ I R Ε. 5^9
plebeian habits. They were at length difcovered at Theflalonlca ; ^ ^^ ^•
and as the fentence of their death was already pronounced, they ^— — w — -»
were immediately beheaded, and their bodies thrown into the fea.
The people gazed on the melancholy fpedacle ; but their grief
and indignation were fupprefied by the terrors of a military guard.
Such was the unworthy fate of the wife and daughter of Diocletian.
We lament their misfortunes, we cannot difcover their crimes, and
whatever idea we may juftly entertain of the cruelty of Licinius, it
remains a matter of furprife, that he was not contented with fome
more fecret and decent method of revenge '^
The Roman world was now divided between Conftantine and Quarrel be-
tween Con-
Licinius, the former of whom was mafter of the Weft, and the ftantine and
latter of the Eaft. It might perhaps have been expected that the a'."d."3I4.
conquerors, fatigued with civil war, and connedled by a private as
well as public alliance, would have renounced, or at leaft would have
fufpended, any farther defigns of ambition. And yet a year had
fcarcely elapfed after the death of Maximin, before the vidorlous
emperors turned their arms againft each other. The genius, the
fuccefs, and the afpiring temper, of Conftantine, may feem to mark
him out as the aggreflbr; but the perfidious charadler of Licinius
juftifies the moft unfavourable fufplcions, and by the faint light
which hiftory refledls on this tranfa£tion ^^, we may difcover a
confpiracy fomented by his arts againft the authority of his col-
league. Conftantine had lately given his fifter Anaftafia in mar-
riage to Bafllanus, a man of a confiderable family and fortune, and
gitia feems to denote the latter ; but in that ter of Diocletian with a ver)' natural mixture
cafe we muft fuppofe, that the treatife of of pity and exultation.
Laftantius was written after the firll civil war ''' The curious reader, who confults the
between Licinius and Conftantine. See Cu- Valefian Fragment, p. 713, will perhaps ac-
per, p. 254. cufe me of giving a bold and licentious pa-
"^5 Ita illis pudicitia et conditio exitio fuit. raphrafe ; but if he confiders it with atten-
Laftantius de M. P. c. 51. He relates the tion, he will acknowledge that my interpret-
aiisfortunes of the innocent wife and daugh- ation is probable and confiilent.
had
520 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. Jiad elevated his new kinfman to the rank of CGefar. According to
XIV. . . . ,
t._ -.- _. the fyftem of government inftituted by Diocletian, Italy, and per-
haps Africa, were defigned for his department in the empire.
But the performance of the promifed favour was either attended
with fo much delay, or accompanied with fo many imequal con-
ditions, that the fidelity of Baifianus was alienated rather than
fecured by the honourable diftindtion which he had obtained. His
nomination had been ratified by the confcnt of Licinius, and that
artful prince, by the means of his emiffarles, foon contrived to
■enter into a fecret and dangerous correfpondence with the new
Gsefar, to irritate his difcontents, and to urge him to the raih
«nterprife of extorting by violence what he might in vain folicit
from the juftice of Conftantine. But the vigilant emperor dif-
covered the confpiracy before it was ripe for execution ; and, after
folemnly renouncing the alliance of Baifianus, defpoiled him of the
purple, and inflided the deferved puniihment on his treafon and
ingratitude. The haughty refufal of Licinius, when he was required
to deliver up the criminals, who had taken refuge in his dominions,
confirmed the fufpicions already entertained of his perfidy ; and the
indignities offered at .^mona, on the frontiers of Italy, to the
rtatues of Gonftantine, became the fignal of difcord between the two
princes *^.
Firft civil The firil battle was fought near Cibalis, a city of Pannonia,
them.^ ^^^^"^ fituated on the river Save, about fifty miles above Sirmium ^^ From
'' The fitu.ition of yEmona, or as it is now was fituated about fifty miles from Sirmium,
called, Laybach, in Carniola, (Danville Geo- the capital of Illyricum, and about one hun-
graphie Ancienne, torn. i. p. 187.) may fug- dred from Taurunum, or Belgrade, and the
geil a conjefture. As it lay to the north-eaft conflu.x of the Danube and the S.ive. The
of the Julian Alps, that important territory Roman garrifons and cities on' thofe rivers
became a natural ohjeft of difpute between are finely illuftrated by M. Danville, in a
the fovereigns of Italy and of Illyricum. memoir inferted in I'Academie des Infcrip-
*° Cibalis or C'ibalse (whofe name is ftill tions, torn, .xxviii.
preferved in the obfcure ruins of Svviiei)
the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 521
the inconfiderable forces which in this important contefl: two fuch C Η A 1•.
'^ XIV.
powerful monarchs brought into the field, it may be inferred, that . .~ — /
1 • /-111 11111, ^ BittlcofCi-
the one was luddenly provoked, and that the other was unexpedt- baiis.
edly furprifed. The emperor of the Weil had only twenty thou- gtji oa.'^"
fand, and the fovereign of the Eaft no more than five and thirty
thoufand, men. The inferiority of number was, however, com-
penfated by the advantage of the ground. Conflantine had taken
-poft in a defile about half a mile in breadth, between a fteep hill
and a deep morafs, and in that fituation he ilcadily expeded and
repulfed the firft attack of the enemy. He purfued his fuccefs,
and advanced into the plain. But the veteran legions of Illyricum
rallied under the ftandard of a leader who had been trained to arms
in the fchool of Probus and Diocletian. The miilile weapons on
both fides were foon exhaufted ; the two armies, with equal valour,
ruihed to a clofer engagement of fwords and fpears, and the doubt-
ful contefl: had already lafted from the dawn of day to a late hour
of the evening, when the right wing, which Conflantine led in
perfon, made a vigorous and decifive charge. The judicious retreat
of Licinius faved the remainder of his troops from a total defeat ;
but when he computed his lofs, which amounted to more than
twenty thoufand men, he thought it unfafe to pais the night in the
prefence of an adtive and viiSorious enemy. Abandoning his camp
and magazines, he marched away with fecrecy and diligence at the
head of the greateft part of his cavalry, and was foon removed be-
yond the danger of a purfuit. His diligence preferved his wife,
his fon, and his treafures, which he had depofited at Sirmium.
Licinius paiTed through that city, and breaking down the bridge on
the Save, haftened to colledl a new army in Dacia and Thrace. In
his flight he bellowed the precarious title of Csefar on Valcns, his
■general of the lllyrian frontier ''.
*' Zofimus (l.ii. p. 90, 91.) gives a very fcrlptions of Zofimus are rhetorical rather
particular account of this battle; but the de- than military.
Vol. I. 3 X The
^22 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. The plain of Mardia in Thrace was the theatre of a fecond
XIV.
^ ' . battle no lefs obftinate and bloody than the former. The troops on
Mardia". ^^^^^ ^'^^^ difplayed the fame valour and difcipline ; and the vidtory
was once more decided by the fuperior abilities of ConftantinCy
who directed a body of five thoufand men to gain an advantage-
ous height, from whence, during the heat of the adion, they at-
tacked the rear of the enemy, and made a very confiderable flaugh-
ter. The troops of Licinius, however, prefenting a double front,
ilill maintained their ground, till the approach of night put an end
to the combat, and fecured their retreat tovv-ards the mountains of
Macedonia '°. The lofs of two battles, and of his braveft veterans,
reduced the fierce fpirit of Licinius to fue for peace. His ambaf-
fador Miftrianus was admitted to the audience of Conftantine ; he
expatiated on the common topics of moderation and humanity,
which are fo familiar to the eloquence of the vanquiihed ; repre-
fented, in the moft infinuating language, that the event of the
war was ftill doubtful, whilft its inevitable calamities were alike
pernicious to both the contending parties ; and declared, that he
was authorifed to propofe a lafting and honourable peace in the
name of the ttvo emperors his mailers. Conftantine received the
mention of Valens with indignation ?nd contempt. " It was not
" for fuch a purpofe," he fternly replied, " that we have advanced
•' from the ihores of the weftern ocean in an uninterrupted courfe
" of combats and vidories, that, after rejeiiling an ungrateful kinf-
" man, we ihould accept for our colleague a contemptible Have.
*' The abdication of Valens is the firft article of the treaty ^','' It
" Zofimus, 1. ii. p. 92, 93. Anonym, conjefture, that Conftantine, aiTuming the
Valeiian, p. 713. The Epitomes furnifli feme n?.me as well as the duties cf a father, had
circumftances ; but tliey freqi:ently confound adopted his younger brothers and fillers, the
the two wars between Licinius and Conllan- children of Theodora. But in the bell au-
tine. thors -/α/.ρρς fometimes fignifies a hulband,
'^' Petrus Patricius in E.\'cerpt. Legat. p. fometimes a fadier-in-law, and fometimes a
27. If it Ihould be thought that -/α,-χί,-ο; fig- kinfman in general. See Spanheim Obfervat.
iiilies m'Ore properly a fon-in-law, we might ad Julian. Orat i. p.72.
4 was
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 523
was ncceffary to accept this humiliating condition, and the unhappy CHAP.
Valens, after a reign of a few days, was deprived of the purple < — -v•— ^
and of his life. As foon as this obilacle was removed, the tran-
quillity of the Roman world was eafily reftored. The fucceffive de-
feats of Licinius had ruined his forces, but they had difplaycd his
courage and abilities. His fituation was almoft defperate, but the
efforts of defpair are fometimes formidable ; and the good fenfe of
Conilantine preferred a great and certain advantage to a third trial of
the chance of arms. He confented to leave his rival, or, as he again Treaty of
ftyled Licinius, his friend and brother, in the poffeiTion of Thrace, December.
Afia Minor, Syria, and Egypt ; but the provinces of Pannonia, Dal-
matia, Dacia, Macedonia, and Greece, were yielded to the weflern
empire, and the dominions of Conilantine now extended from the
confines of Caledonia to the extremity of Peloponnefus. It Vvas ili-
pulated by the fame treaty, that three royal youths, the fons of the
emperors, ihould be called to the hopes of the fucceiTion. Crifpus
and the younger Conilantine were foon afterwards declared Ca;fars
in the Weft, while the younger Licinius was inverted with the fame
dignity in the Eaft. In this double proportion of honours, the con-
queror aiTerted the fuperiority of his arms and power''.
The reconciliation of Conftantine and Licinius, though it was General
embittered by refentment and jealoufy, by the remembrance of re- laws of Con-
cent injuries, and by the apprehenfion of future dangers, main- a^'d"^?!?—
tained, however, above eight years, the tranquillity of the Roman 3-3•
world. As a very regular feries of the Imperial lavv^s commences
about this period, it would not be difficult to tranfcribe the civil re-
** Zofinuis, 1. ii. p. 93. Anonym. Va- it is highly probable that the promotion was
lefian, p. 713. Eutropius, x. 5. Aurdius made the ill of March, A. D. 317. The
Viilor. Eufeb. in Chron. Sozomen. 1. i. c. 2. treaty had probably ftipulated that two Ca;fars
Four of thefe writers affirm that. the promo- might be created by thewellern, and one only
tion of the Csfars was an article of the treaty, by the eaftern emperor ; but each of them re-
It is however certain, that the younger Con- icrved to himfelf the choice of the perfons.
ftantine and Licinius were not v«,t born ; and
ο
X 2 . gulations
524 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, gulations which employed the leifure of Conflantine. But the moil
iinporunt of his inftitutions are intimately conneded with the new
iyftem of policy and religion, which was not perfectly eftabliflied till
the laft and peaceful years of his reign. There are many of his
laws, which, as far as they concern the rights and property of indi-
viduals, and the pradice of the bar, are more properly referred to
the private than to the public jurifprudence of the empire; and he
publifhed many edids of fo local and temporary a nature, that they
would ill deferve the notice of a general hiftory. Two laws, how-
ever, may be felefted from the crowd ; the one, for its importance,
the other, for its fingularity; the former for its remarkable benevo-
lence, the latter for its exceiTive feverity. i. The horrid prailice,
fo familiar to the ancients, of expollng or murdering their new-
born infants, was become every day more frequent in the provinces,
and efpecially in Italy. It was the effedl of diftrefs ; and the dif-
trefs was principally occafioned by the intolerable burden of taxes,
and by the vexatious as well as cruel profecutions of the officers of
the revenue againft their infolvent debtors. The lefs opulent or lefs
induftrious part of mankind, inftead of rejoicing in an increafe of
family, deemed it an adl of paternal tendernefs to releafe their chil-
dren from the impending miferies of a life which they themfelves
were unable to fupport. The humanity of Conflantine, moved,
perhaps, by fome recent and extraordinary inftances of defpair, en-
gaged him to addrefs an edid to all the cities of Italy, and after-
wards of Africa, direding immediate and fufficient relief to be given
to thofe parents who iliould produce, before the magiftrates, the
children whom their own poverty would not allow them to educate.
But the promife was too liberal, and the provifion too vague, to
effedt any general or permanent benefit ". The law, though it
»' Codex Theodofian, 1. xi. tit. 27. torn, likewife, 1, v. tit. 7—8.
iv. p. i88, with Godefroy's obfervatione. See
jmay
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 52^
may merit fome praife, ferved rather to difplay than to alleviate the CHAP,
public diftrefs. Jt flill remains an authentic monument to contradiiil
and confound thofe venal orators, who were too well fatisiied with
their own fituation to difcover either vice or mifery under the govern-
ment of a generous Ibvereign '"*. 2. The laws of Conftantine
againft rapes were didated with very little indulgence, for the moil
amiable weakneiles of human nature ; fince the defcription of that
crime was applied not only to the brutal violence which compelled,
but even to the gentle fedudion which might perfuade, an un-
married woman, under the age of twenty-five, to leave the houfe
of her parents. *' The iuccefsful ravifher v^as punillied with
*' death ; and as if fimple dsath was inadequate to the enormity
*' of his guilt, he v;as either burnt alive, or torn in pieces by wild
" beafls in the amphitheatre. The virgin's declaration that ilie
" had been carried away with her own confent, inftead of faving
*' her lover, expofed her to Ihare his fate. The duty of a public
" profecution was intruiled to the parents of the guilty or unfor-
*' tunate maid ; and if the fentiments of Nature prevailed on them
" to dilTcml)!e the injury, and to repair by a fubfequent marriage the
" honour of their family, they were themfelves puniflaed by exile and
" confifcaiion. The flaves, whether male or female, who were con-
•* viiSed of having been acceifary to the rape or fedudlion, were burnt
" alive, or put to death by the ingenious torture of pouring down
" their throats a quantity of melted lead. As the crime was of a
" puolic kind, the accufation was permitted even to ftrangers.
«' The commencement of the aftion was not limited to any term of
'* years, and the ccnfequences of the fentence were extended to the
*' innocent otfspring of fuch an irregular union''.' But whenever
'* Omnia ioris placita, domi profpera, an- naliaof theCsfars, the ift of March,A.D.32i.
nonse ubertate, fruftuum copia, &c. Pane- '' See the edift of Conftantine, addreiled
gyr. Vet. x. 38. This oration of Nazarius to the Roman people, in the Theodofian Code,
was pronounced on the day of the Quini^uen- I. ix. tit. 24. tom. iii. p. 189.
the
SzG
THE DECLINE AND FALL
war.
A. D. 322
CHAP, the offence infpires lefs horror than the puniihment, the rigour of
XIV
/ penal law is obliged to give way to the common feelings of man-
kind. The moft odious parts of this ediil were foftened or re-
pealed in the fubfequent reigns'*; and even Conftantine himfclf
very frequently alleviated by partial adls of mercy the ftern tem-
per of his general inftitutions. Such, indeed, was the fingular hu-
mour of that emperor, who fiiewed himfelf as indulgent, and even
remifs, in the execution of his laws, as he was fevere, and even
cruel, in the enading of them. It is fcarcely poflible to obferve a
more decifive fymptom of weakncfs, either in the charadler of the
prince, or in the conftitution of the government ".
The Gothic The civil adminiftration was fometimes interrupted by the mili-
tary defence of the empire. Crifpus, a youth of the moft amiable
charadler, who had received with the title of Caefar the command
of the Rhine, diftinguiihed his conduit, as well as valour, in feveral
victories over the Franks and Alemanni ; and taught the barbarians
of that frontier to dread the eldeft fon of Conftantine, and the
grandfon of Conftantius '^ The emperor himfelf had aflumed the
more difiicult and important province of the Danube. The Goths,
who in the time of Claudius and Aurelian had felt the weight
of the Roman arms, refpefted the power of the empire, even in the
midft of its intefline divifions. But the ftrength df that warlike
nation was now reftored by a peace of near fifty years ; a new
generation had arifen, who no longer remembered the misfortunes
of ancient days : the Sarmatians of the lake Mseotis followed the
Gothic ftandard either as fubjeds or as allies, and their united
5* His fon very fairly affigns the true reafon (1. iv. c. 29. 54.) and the Theodofian Code,
of the repeal, " Ne fub fpecie atrocioris ju- will inform us, that this exceflive lenity was
dicii aliqua in ulcifcendo crimine dilatio naf- not owing to the want either of atrocious cri-
ceretur." Cod. Theod. torn. iii. p. 193. minals or of penal laws.
" Eufebius (in Vita Conllant. 1. iii. c. i .) 9 , Nazarius in Panegyr. Vet. x. The vic-
choofes to affirm, that in the reign of his ^^^.^ ^^ Crifpus over the Alemanni, is ex-
hero, the fword of juftice hung idle in the preflbd on fome medals.
hands of tlic magiftrates. Eufebius himfelf.
force
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
S•^!
force was poured upon the countries of Illyrlcum. Campona,
Margus, and Bononia, appear to have been the fcenes of feveral
memorable fieges and battles '' ; and though Conftantine en-
countered a very obftinate refiitance, he prevailed at length in the
conteft, and the Goths were compelled to purchafe an ignominious
retreat, by reftoring the booty and prifoners which they had taken.
Nor was this advantage fufficient to fatisfy the indignation of the
emperor. He refolved to chaftife as well as to repulfe the infolent bar-
barians who had dared to invade the territories of Rome. At the head
of his legions he pafied the Danube, after repairing the bridge which
had been conftruded by Trajan, penetrated into the ftrongeft receffes
«f Dacia '°°, and when he had inflided a fevere revenge, condefcended•
to give peace to the fuppliant Goths, on condition that, as often
as they were required, they iliould fupply his armies with a body
of forty thoufand foldiers "°'. Exploits like thefe were no doubt
honourable to Conilantine and beneficial to the ftate ; but it may
furely be queiiioned whether they can juftify the exaggerated af-
fertion of Eufebius, that all Scythia, as far as the extremity of
the North, divided as it was into fo many names and nations of the
moft various and favage manners, had been added by his vidtorioiis
arms to the Roman empire '".
CHAP.
XIV.
'' See Zofimus, 1. ii. p. 93, 94; though
the narrative of that hiftorian is neither clear
nor confillent. The Panegyric of Optatianiis
(c. 23.) mentions the alliance of the Sarma-
tians with the Carpi and Getse, and points
out the feveral fields of battle. It is fuppofeJ,
that the Sarmatian games, celebrated in the
month of November, derived their origin
from the fuccefs of this war.
""' In the Ca;fars of Julian (p. 329. Com-
nientaire de Spanheim, p. 252.) Conftantine
boafts, that he had recovered the province
(Dacia), which Trajan had fubdued. But it
i:>Lnfmuated by Silenus, that the conquefts of
Conftantine were like the gardens of Adonis,
which fade a..i wither almoil die moment
they appear.
'"" Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c. 21. I
know not whether we may entirely depend on
his authority. Such an^ alliance has a verv
recent air, and fcarceJy ' ifuited to the max-
ims of the beginning of the fourth centur)'.
'"'• Eufebius in Vit. Conilantin. 1. i. c. 8.
This paflage, however, is taken from a ge-
neral declamation on the greatnefs of Con-
ftantine, and not from any particular account
of tlie Gothic war.
>3 Τ Η Ε D Ε C L I Ν Ε A Ν D F A L L
CHAP.
XIV.
In this exalted flate of glory it was ImpoiTible that Conftantine
iliould any longer endure a partner in the empire. Confiding in the
Jar between Superiority of his genius and military power, he deterrnined, with-
an^Lkinhts ^^^ ^^Y previous injury, to exert them for the deftruction of Licinius,
A. D. 323. whofe advanced age and unpopular vices feemed to offer a very
eafy conqueft '"'. But the old emperor, awakened by the approach-
ing danger, deceived the expedations of his friends as well as
of his enemies. Calling forth that fpirit and thofe abilities by which
he had deferved the friendiliip of Galerius and the Imperial purple,
he prepared himfelf for the conieft, coUeded the forces of the
Eaft, and foon filled the plains of Hadrianople with his troops,
And the Streights of the Hellefpont with his fleet. The army con-
fifted of one hundred and fifty thoufand toot, and fifteen thoufand
horfe ; and as the cavalry was drawn, for the moft part, from
Phrygia and Cappadocia, we may conceive a more favourable opinion
of the beauty of the horfes than of the courage and dexterity of their
riders. The fleet was compofed of three hundred and fifty gallies
of three ranks of oars. An hundred and thirty of thefe were fur-
niihed by Egypt, and the adjacent coail of Africa. An hundred
and ten failed from the ports of Phoenicia and the ifle of Cyprus ;
and the maritime countries of Bithynia, Ionia, and Caria, were
likewife obliged to provide an hundi"ed and ten gallies. The
troops of Conftantine were ordered to rendezvous at ThefTalonica ;
they amounted to above an hundred and twenty thoufand horfe
and foot '"*. Their emperor was fatisfied with their martial ap-
pearance, and his army contained more foldiers, though fewer men,
than that o't his eaftern competitor. The legions of Conftantine
were levied in the warlike provinces of Europe; adion had
"^' Conftantinus tamen, vir ingens, et om ■ fimus, I. ii. p. 89. The reafons which they
nia efficere nitens qus animo praparalTet, have affigned for the firil civil war may, with
fimul principatum totius orbis afFeftans, Li- more propriety, be applied to the fecond.
cinio bellum intulit. Eutropius, x. 5. Zo- '-* Zofimus, 1. ii. p. 94, 95.
confirmed
8
OFTHEROMAr^EMPIRE. 515
confirmed their difcipline, vidory had elevated their hopes, and C Η A P.
there were among them a great number of veterans, who, after ' . '
feventeen glorious campaigns under the fame leader, prepared them-
felves to deferve an honourable difmiflion by a lafl; effort of their
valour "". But the naval preparations of Conilaniine were in every
refpeft much inferior to thofe of Licinius. The maritime cities
of Greece fent their refpedive quotas of men and ihips to the
celebrated harbour of Pir^us, and their united forces coufiiled of
no more than two hundred fmall veiTels : a very feeble armament
if it is compared with thofe formidable fleets which were equipped
and maintained by the republic of Athens during the Peloponnefian
war "'^ Since Italy was no longer the feat of government, the
naval eftablifliments of Mifenum and Ravenna had been gradually
negleded ; and as the (hipping and mariners of the empire were
fupported by commerce rather than by war, it was natural that they
fliould the moil abound in the induRrious provinces of Egypt and
Afia. It is only furprifing that the eaflern emperor, who pof-
felTed fo great a fuperiority at fea, ihould have negleded the oppor-
tunity of carrying an offenfive war into the centre of his rival's
dominions.
Inftead of embracing fuch an adive refolution, which might have Battle of Hi-
changed the whole face of the war, the prudent Licinius expeded a"d°^2-.
the approach of his rival in a camp near Hadrianople, which he J"'^ 3•
had fortified with an anxious care that betrayed his apprehenfioa
of the event. Conftantine direded his march from TheiTalonica
towards that part of Thrace, till he found himlclf flopped by the
'"5 Conftantine was very attentive to the three ranks of osrs, all completely equipped
piivileges and comfort of his fellow-veterans and ready for immediate fervice. The arfe-
(Conveterani), as he now began to ftyb them, nal in the port of Pirxus had coft the re-
Sec the Theodofian Code, 1. vii. tit. 20. torn, public a thoufand talents, about two hundred
ii. p. 419. 429. and fixteen thoufand pounds. See Thucy-
•0* Whilft the Athenians maintained the dides de Bel. Peloponn. 1. ii. c. 13. and
emplreof the fea, their fleet confilled of three, Meurfius de Fortuaa .Attica, c. 19.
and afterwards of four, hundred gallies of
Vol. I. 5 Υ ^^^^'^
530 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, broad and rapid ftream of the Hcbrus, and difcovered the nunierous
army of Licinius, which filled the fteep afcent of the hill, from the
river to the city of Hadrianople. Many days were fpent in doubt-
ful and4iftant ikirmiihes ; but at length the obftades of the paflage
and of the attack were removed by the intrepid conduit of Con-
ftantine. In this place we might relate a wonderful exploit of
Conftantine, which, though it can fcarcely be paralleled either in
poetry or romance, is celebrated, not by a venal orator devoted to
his fortune, but by an hiftorian, the partial enemy of his fame.
We arc alTured that the valiant emperor threw himfelf into the
river Hebrus, accompanied only by tivelve horfemen, and that by
the effort or terror of his invincible arm, he broke, flaughtered,
and put to flight a hoft of an hundred and fifty thoufand men^
The credulity of Zofimus prevailed fo ftrongly over his ραίΗοη^
that among the events of the memorable battle of Hadrianople, he
feems to have feleded and embelliihed, not the moil important,
but the moft marvellous. The valour and danger of Conilantine
are attefted by a flight wound which he received in• the thigh, but it
may be difcovered even from an rmperfe£l narration, and perhaps a
corrupted text, that the viilory was obtained no lefs by the condudir
of the general than by the courage of the hero ; that a body of
five thoufand archers marched round to occupy a thick wood in'
the rear of the enemy, whofe attention was diverted by the con-
ftruQion of a bridge, and that Licinius, perplexed by fo many artful
evolutions, was reluctantly drawn from his advantageous poft to
combat on equal ground in the plain. The conteft was no longer
equal. His confufed multitude of new levies was eafily vanquilhed
by the experienced veterans of the Weft. Thirty-four thoufand
men are reported to have been flain. The fortified camp of Lici-
nius was taken by afiault the evening of the battle ; the greater part
of the fugitives, who had retired to the mountains, furrendered them-
4 felvcs
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 531
felves the next clay to the difcretion of the conqueror ; and his ^ '^^ ''•
rival, who could no longer keep the field, confined himfelf within '^ — •v—~-'
the walls of Byzantium '"'.
The fiepe of Byzantium, which was immediately undertaken by Siege of By-
o -^ ' •' ^ zantium and
Conftantine, was attended with great labour and uncertainty. In "avaiviaory
' ° of Cnlpus.
the late civil wars, the fortifications of that place, fo juitly confidered
as the key of Europe and Afia, had been repaired and ftrengthened;
and as long as Licinius remained mafter of the fea, the garrifon
wa:s much lefs expofed to the danger of famine than the army of
tTie befiegers. The naval commanders of Conftantine were fum-
moned to his camp, and received his pofitive orders to force the
palTage of the Hellefpont, as the fleet of Licinius, inftead of feeking
and deftroying their feeble enemy, continued inadive in thofe nar-
row ftreights where its fuperiority of numbers was of little ufe or
advantage. Crifpus, the emperor's eldeft fon, was intrufted with
the execution of this daring enterprlfe, which he performed with
fo much courage and fuccefs, that he deferved the efteem, and moil
probably excited the jealoufy, of his father. The engagement
lafted two days, and in the evening of the firft, the contending
fleets, after a confiderable and mutual lofs, retired into their
refpedive harbours of Europe and Afia. The fccond day about
noon a flrong fouth wind '°'* fprang up, which carried the veficls
of Crifpus againfl; the enemy, and as the cafual advantage was im-
proved by his Ikilful intrepidity, he foon obtained a complete
vidory. An hundred and thirty vefiels were deftroyed, five thou-
"^ Zofunus, 1. ii. p. 95, 96. This great fufum et fine ordiiie agentem vicit exerciium ;
battle is defcribed in the V.ilelir.n fragment ' leviter femore fauciatus."
(p. 714.) in a clear though concife manner. '"^ Zofimus, l.ii. p. 97, 98. The Ciir-
" Licinius vero circam Hadrianopolin maxi- rent always fets out of tl.e Hellefpont; and
mo exercitu latera ardul «lontis impleverat; when it isaflifted by a north wind, no veff-I
illuc toto agmine Conftantinus inflexit. Cum can attempt the paiTage. A fouth wind rea-
bellum terra marique traheretur, quamvis per ders the force of the current almoft imptr;^
srduum fuis nitentibus,' attamen difcipliua ceptible. See Tournefort's Voyage au Lc-
militari et felicitate, Conftantinus Licinii con- vant, Let. xi.
3 Υ 2 fand
53« THE DECLINE AND FALL
C HA P. fand men were flaln, and Amandus, the admiral of the Afiatic
■J fleet, efcaped with the utmoft diflicuhy to the fliores of Chalcedon.
As foon as tlie Hellefponi was open, a plentiful convoy of pro-
vifions flowed into the camp of Conftantine, who had already
advanced the operations of the fiege. He conftrudted artificial
mounds of earth of an equal height with the ramparts of Byzan-
tium. The lofty towers which were eredted on that foundation^
galled the bcfieged with large flones and darts from the military
engines, and the battering rams had fliaken the walls in feveral
places. If Licinius perfifted much longer in the defence, he ex-
pofed himfelf to be involved in the ruin, of the place. Before he
was furrounded he prudently removed his perfon and treafures to,
Chalcedon in Afia ; and as he was always defirous of aflbciating,
companions to the hopes and dangers of his fortune, he now be-
ftowed the title of Cxfar on Martinianus, who exercifed one of the
moft important offices of the empire "'.
Battle of Such were ftill the refources, and fuch the abilities, of Licinius,.
Chryforohs. ^j^^j^ ^^^^j. ς^ niany fucceffive defeats, he colleded in Bithynia a
new army of fifty or fixty thoufand men, while the adivity of Con-
ftantine was employed in the fiege of Byzantium. The vigilant
emperor did not however negletit the laft ftruggles of his antagonift*
A confiderable part of his vidorious army was tranfported over,
the Bofphorus in fmall vefiels, and the decifive engagement was
fought foon after their landing on the heights of Chryfopolis, or,
as it is now called, of Scutari. The troops of Licinius, though
they were lately raifed, ill armed, and worfe difciplined, made head
againfl: their conquerors with fruitlefs but defperate valour, till
a total defeat and the flaughter of five and twenty thoufand men
»«9 Aurelius Viftor. Zofimus, 1. ii. p. 98. tion in Greek). Some medals feem to inti-
According to the latter, Martinianus was Ma- mate, that during his iliort reign he received
gifter oiRcioruna (he ufcs the Latin appella- the title of Aiiguftus.
irretrievably
Licinius.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 533
irretrievably determined the fate of their leader "°. Ke retired to ^ "^ ^ p,
XIV
Nicomedia, rather with the view of gaining feme time lor nego- • ν — _^
ciation, than with the hope of any effeftual defence. Conftantia, andderthof
his wife and the lifter of Conilantine, interceded with her brother in
favour of her hufband, and obtained from his policy rather than from
his companion, a folemn promife, confirmed by an oath, that after the
facrifice of Martinianus, and the refignation of the purple, Licinius
himfelf fliould be permitted to pafs the remainder of his life in peace
and affluence. The behaviour of Conftantia, and her relation to the
contending parties, naturally recalls the remembrance of that vir-
tuous matroawho was the fifter of Auguftus and the wife of An-
tony. But the temper of mankind was altered, and it was no
longer efteemed infamous for a Roman to furvive his honour and
independence. Licinius folicited and accepted the pardon of his
offences, laid himfelf and his purple at the feet of his lord and- mafier.
was ralfed from the ground with infulting pity, was admitted the fame
day to the Imperial banquet, and foon afterwards was fent away to
TheiTalonica, which had been chofen for the place of his confine-
ment "'. His confinement was foon terminated by death, and it is
doubtful whether a tumult of the foldiers, or a decree of the fenatff,
was fuggefted as the motive for his execution. According to the rules-
of tyranny he was accufed of forming a confpiracy, and of holding-;
a treafonable correfpondence with the barbarians ; but as he was
never conviiled, either by his own condudl or by any legal evidence,-
we may perhaps be allowed, from his weaknefs, to prefume his in-
nocence "\ The memory of Licinius vi^as branded with infamy,
his^
"° Eufebius (inVita Conftantin. 1. ii. c. in Epitome. Anonym. Valefian. p. 714.
16, 17.) afcribes this decifive \'ictory to the "' Contra reiigionem facramenti Thefl'alo--
pious prayers of the emperor. The Valefian nits privatus occifiis eft. Eutropius x. 6. and:
fragment (p. 714.) mentions a body of Go- his evidence is confirmed by Jerome (in
thic auxiliaries, under their chief Aliquaca, Chronic.) as well as by Zoftmus, 1. ii. p.-
who adhered to the party of Licinius. 102. The Valefian writer is the only oi;e-
'" Zoftmus, 1. ii. p. 102. Vidor junior who mentions the foldiers, and it is Zcnarr.s
alone
534
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. Ills ftatues were thrown down, and, by a hafK'• edift, of fuch mif-
XIV.
' chievous tendency that it was almoil immediately corredldd, all
his laws, and all the judicial proceedings of his reign, were at once
Re-union of aboliflicd '". By this vi dory of Conftantine, the Roman world was
A^D™^'^r. 2galn united under the authority of one emperor, thirty-feven years
after Diocletian had divided his power and ρΓΟΛ'ίηοεβ with his aifo-
cia^e Maximian.
The fucceflive fteps of the elevation of Conftantine, from his firfl:
iafliiming the purple at York, to the refignation of Licinius at Nrco-
•media, have been related with fome minutenefs and precifion, not only
as the events are in themfelves both intefefting and important, but
ftill more as they contributed to the decline of th^ empire by the
expence of blood and treafure, and by the perpetual increafe, as well
of the taxes, as of the military eftablifhment. The foundation of
Conft;antinople, and the eftablilhment of the Chriftian religion, were
the immediate and memorable confequences of this revolution.
alone who calls in the affiftance of the fenate. "^ See the Theodoiian Code, 1. 15. tit.
Eufebius prudently Hides over this delicate 15. torn. v. p. 404, 405. Thefe edidls of
tranfadion. But Sozomen, a century after- Conftantine betray a degree of paflion and
wards, ventures to aflert the" treafonable prac- precipitancy \'ery unbecoming of the charailer
tices of Licinius. ef a lawgiver.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 535
CHAP. XV.
Th^ Progrefs of the Chrifiian Religion^ and the Senti-
ments^ Manners^ Nu?7ibers^ and Condition^ of the pri-
mitive Chr^β^ans■,
A
Candid but rational inquiry Into tlie progrefs and eftablifli- CHAP.
XV,
ment of Chriftianity, may be confidered as a very eflential
part of the hiftory of the Roman empire. While that great body ^f ^ίΙ^ι^Γ
waa. invaded by open violence, or undermined by flow decay, a ^"''"/•
pure and humble religion gently infinuated itfelf into the minds of
men, grew up in filence and obfcurity, derived new vigour from
oppofition, and finally eredted the triumphant banner of the crofs
on the ruins of the Capitol. Nor was the influence of Chriftianity
confined to the period or to the limits of the Roman empire.
After a revolution of thirteen or fourteen centuries, that religion
is ftill profeiTed by the nations of Europe, the moft diftinguiihed
-portion of human kind in arts and learning as well as in arms.
By the induftry and zeal of the Europeans, it has been widely
diiFufed to the moft; diftant fhores of Afia and Africa ; and by the
means of their colonies has been firmly eftabliftied from Canada to
Chili, in a world unknown to the ancients.
But this inquiry, however ufcful or entertaining, is attended Its difficul'
with two peculiar difficulties. The fcanty and fufpicious materials
of ecclefiaftical hiftory feldom enable us to difpel the dark cloud
that hangs over the firft age of the church. The great law of im-
partiality too often obliges us to reveal the imperfedions of the
uninfpired teachers and believers of the gofpel ; and, to a carelefs
obferver, their faults may feem to caft a fliade on the faith which^
they
ties.
ξ^β THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, ffjey profciTed. But the fcandal of the pious Chrlftian, and the fal-
*——v— — ' laclous triumph of the Infidel, fliould ceafe as foon as they recol-
le£l not only by 'whom^ but likewife to nvbom, the Divuie Revelation
was given. The theologian may indulge the pleafing taik of de-
fcribing Religion as ihe defcended from Heaven, arrayed in her na-
tive purity. . A more melancholy -duty is impofed on the hiilorian.
He muft difcover the inevitable mixture of error and corruption,
which ihe contrafted in a long refidence upon earth, among a weak
and degenerate race of beings.
Fivtcaufcsof Our curiofity is naturally prompted to inquire by what means
Chiiiiianity. the Chriftian faith obtained fo remarkable a vidory over the efta-
bliihed religions of the earth. To this inquiry, an obvious but
fatisfadory anfwer may be returned ; that it was owing to the con-
vincing evidence of the dodrine itfelf, and to the ruling providence
of its great Authof. But as truth and reafon feldom find fo favour-
able a reception in the world, and as the wifdom of Providence fre-
quently condefcends to ufe the paifions of the human heart, and
the general circumftances of mankind, as inftruments to execute its
purpofe ; we may ilill be permitted, though with becoming fub-
miflion, to aflc, not indeed what were the firfl, but what were the
fecondary caufes of the rapid growth of the Chriftian church. - It
will, perhaps, appear, that it was moft effedually favoured and
affifted by the five following caufes : I. The inflexible, and, if we
may ufe the expreffion, the intolerant zeal of the Chriftians, de-
rived, it is true, from the Jewiih religion, but purified from the
narrow and unfocial fpirit, which, inftead of inviting, had deterred
the Gentiles from embracing the law of Mofes. II. The dodlrine
of a future life, improved by every additional circumftance
which could give weight and efficacy to that important truth.
III. The miraculous powers afcribed to the primitive church.
IV. The pure and auftere morals of the Chriftians. V. The union
and difcipline of the Chriftian republic, which gradually formed
* aa
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ A Ν Ε Μ ρ I R Ε. 537
an independent and increafing ftatc in the heart of the Roman chap.
empire; »__— ^—.^
I. We have aheady defcribed the religious harmony of the ancient Thk First
world, and the facility with which the moft different and even hof- ζ^^Το^ the
tile nations embraced, or at leaft refpeded, each other's fuperftitions. J^*^•
A fingle people refufed to join in the common intercourfe of man-
kind. The Jews, who, under the AiTyrian and Perfian monarchies,
had languiihed for many ages the moft defpifed portion of their
flaves ', emerged from obfcurity under the fuccefibrs of Alexander;
and as they multiplied to a furprifing degree in the Eaft, and after-
wards in the Weft, they foon excited the curiofity and wonder
of other nations ^. The fallen obftinacy with which they main-
tained their peculiar rites and unfocial manners, feemed to mark
them out a dlftind fpecies of men, who boldly profefled, or who
faintly difguifed, their implacable hatred to the reft of human-kind '.
Neither the violence of Antiochus, nor the arts of Herod, nor the
example of the circumjacent nations, could ever perfuade the Jews
to aflbciate with the inftitutions of Mofes the elegant mythology
of the Greeks*. According to the maxims of univerfal toleration,
the Romans proteded a fuperftition which they defpifed '. The
' Dum AiTyrios penes, Aiedofque, et Per- The letter of this law is not to be found ia
fas Oriens fuit, defpeftiiTima pars fervitutis. the prefent volume of Mofes. But the wife.
Tacit. Hid. v. 8. Herodotus, who vifited the humane Maimonides openly teaches, that:
Afia whilll it obeyed the laft of thofe em- if an idolater fall into the water, a Jewouglit
pires, llightly mentions the Syrians of Pale- not to fave him from inftant death. See Baf-
ftine, who, according to their own confeffion, nage, .Hiftoire des Juifs, 1. vi. c. 28.
had received from Egypt the rite of circum- + A /ewiih fefl, which indulged them-
cifion. See 1. ii. c. 104. felves in a fort of occafional conformity, de-
^ Diodorus Siculus, 1. xl. Dion Caflius, rived from Herod, by whofe example and
1. xxxvii. p. 121. Tacit. Hift. V. I — 9. Juf- authority they had been feduced, the name
tin, xxxvi. 2, 3. ofHerodians. But their numbers were fo in-
3 Tradidit arcano quEecunque volumine confiderable, and their duration fo ihort, tliat
Mofes, Jofeplius has not thought them worthy of his
Non monftrare vias eadem nifi facra co- notice. See Prideaux's Conneflion, vol. ii.
lenti, p. 285.
Qusfitos ad fontcs folos deducere I'erpas, ' Cicero pro Flacco, c. 23.
Vol. I. 3 Ζ polite
33S THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, polite Auguilus condefcended to give orders, that facrifices ftiould
^ -.— • be offered for his profperity in the temple of Jerufalem ''\ while •
the meaneft of the pofierity of Abraham, who ihould have paid
the fame homage to the Jupiter of the Capitol, would have been an
obje£t of abhorrence to himfelf and to his brethren. But the mode-
ration of the conquerors was infufficient to appeafe the jealous pre-
judices of their fubjeds, who were alarmed and fcandalized at the
enfigns of paganifm, which neceffarily introduced themfelves into
a Roman province \ The mad attempt of Caligula to place his
own ftatue in the temple of Jerufalem, was defeated by tiie unani-
inous refolution of a people who dreaded death much lefs than fuch
an idolatrous profanation *. Their attachment to the law of Mofcs
was equal to their deceftation of foreign religions. The current of
zeal and devotion, as it was contraded into a narrow channel, ran
with the ftrength, and fometimes with the fury, of a torrent.
Its gradual This inflexible perfeverance, which appeared fo odious or (o ridi-
increafe. c^lous to the ancient world, affumes a more awful charadler, fince
Providence has deigned to reveal to us the myfterious hiftory of
the chofen people. But the devout and even fcrupulous attach-
ment to the Mofaic religion, fo confpicuous among the Jews who
lived under the fecond temple, becomes ftill more furprifing, if it
is compared with the ftubborn incredulity of their forefathers.
When the law was given in thunder from Mount Sinai ; when the
tides of the ocean, and the courfe of the planets were fufpended
* PhilodeLegatione. Auguilus left a foun- ^ Jiiffi a Caio Ca;fare, effigiem ejus in
dation for a perpetual facrifice. Yet he ap- templo locare arma potius fumpfere. Tacit,
proved of the negleil which his grandfon Hift. v. 9. Philo and Jofephus gave a very
Caius exprellbd towards the temple of Jeru- circumilantial, but a very rhetorical, account
falem. See Sueton. in Auguft. c. 93. and of this tranfadion, which exceedingly per-
Cafaubon's notes on that paffage. plexed the governor of Syria. At the firft
' See, in particular, Jofeph. Antiquitat. mention of this idolatrous propofal. King
xvii. 6. xviii. 6. and de Bel. Judaic, i. 33. Agrippa fainted away ; and did not recover
and ii. 9. his fenfes till the third day.
for
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 539
for the convenience of the Ifraelitcs; and when temporal rewards ^ ^^"^ ^'•
Λ V .
and punifliments were the immediate confequences of their piety u--v— *^
or difobedience, they perpetually rclapfed into rebellion againfl the
vifible majefty of their Divine King, placed the idols of the nations
in the faniSluajy of Jehovah, and imitated every fantaftic ceremony
that was praQifed in the tents of the Arabs, or in the cities of
Phoenicia '. As the protedion of Heaven was defervedly withdrawn
from the ungrateful race, their faith acquired a proportionable de-
gree of vigour and purity. The contemporaries of Mofes and
Joihua had beheld with carelefs indifference the moil amazing
miracles. Under the preffure of every calamity, the belief of thofe
miracles has preferved the Jews of a later period from the univerfal
contagion of idolatry ; and in contradidtion to every known prin-
ciple of the human mind, that fingular people feems to have yielded '
a ftronger and more ready aflent to the traditions of their remote
anceftors, than to the evidence of their own fenfes '°.
The Jewiih religion was admirably fitted for defence, but it was Their reli-
never defigned for conqueft ; and it feems probable that the num- fJi"ed t"de-
ber of profelytes was never much fuperior to that of apoftates. The [onq^ue'v" '**
divine promifes were originally made, and the diftinguiiliing rite of
circumcifion was enjoined to a fingle family. When the pofterity
of Abraham had multiplied like the fands of the fea, the Deity, '
from whofe mouth they received a fyflem of laws and ceremonies,
declared himfelf the proper and as it were the. national God of
Ifrael ; and with the moil jealous care feparated his favourite peo-
ple from the reft of mankind. The conqueft of the land of Canaan
9 For the enumeration of the Syrian and " me ? and how long will it be ere they 6e-
Arabian deities, it may be obferved, that " foi^i me, forali they%-w whichlhavelhewn
Milton has comprifed in one hundred and " among them r" (Numbers xiv. ii.). It
thirty very beautiful lines, the two large and would be eafy, but it would be unbecoming,
karned fyntagmas, which Selden had com- to jullify the complaint of the Deity from the
pofed on that abftrufe fubjeft. whole tenor of the Mofaic hiftory.
"■ " How long will this people provolce
3 Ζ 2 was
540 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ Yv^ ^' ^'^® accompanied with fo many wonderful and with fo many bloody
circumftances, that the vidtorious Jews were left in a ftate of irre-
concilable hoftility with all their neighbours. They had been com-
manded to extirpate fome of the moft idolatrous tribes, and the
execution of the Divine will had feldoni been retarded by the
weaknefs of humanity. AVith the other nations they were forbidden
to contrail any marriages or alliances, and the prohibition of re-
ceiving them into the congregation, which in fome cafes was per-
petual, almoft always extended to the third, to the feventh, or even
to the tenth generation. The obligation of preaching to the Gen-
tiles the faith of Mofes, had never been inculcated as a precept of
the law, nor were the Jews inclined to impofe it on themfelves as
a voluntary duty. In the admiifion of new citizens, that unfocial
people was adluated by the felfiih vanity of the Greeks, rather than
by the generous policy of Rome. The defcendants of Abraham
■were flattered by the opinion, that they alone were the heirs of the
covenant, and they were apprehenfive of diminiihing the value of
their inheritance, by fharing it too eafily with the ftrangers of the
earth. A larger acquaintance with mankind, extended their know-
ledge without corredling their prejudices ; and whenever the God of
Ifrael acquired any new votaries, he was much more indebted to the
inconftant humour of polytheifm than to the adtive zeal of his own
miffionaries ". The religion of Mofes feems to be inftituted for a
particular country, as well as for a fingle nation ; and if a ftriit
obedience had been paid to the order, that every male, three times in
the year, ihould prefent himfelf before the Lord Jehovah, it would
have been impoflible that the Jews could ever have fpread themfelves
beyond the narrow limits of the promifed land '*. That obilacle was
" All that relates to the Jewifh profelytes '" See Exod. xxiv. 23. Deut. xvi. 16. the
has been very ably treated by Bafnage, Hill, commentators, and a very fenfible note in the
des Jujfs, 1. 6. c. 6, 7. Univerfal Hiftory, vol. i. p. 603. edit. fol.
indeed
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 541
indeed removed by the deftrudion of the temple of Jerufalem ; but ^ ^^ ^'•
the moil confiderable part of the Jewiih religion was involved in its < ^-— '
deftruition ; and the pagans, who had long wondered at the ftrange
report of an empty fandluary ", were at a lofs to difcover what
could be the obje£t, or what could be the inftruments, of a worfliip
which was deftitute of temples and of altars, of prieils and of facri-
fices. Yet even in their fallen ftate, the Jews, ftill aflerting their
lofty and exclufive privileges, ihunned, inftead of courting, the fo-
ciety of ftrange rs. They ftill infifted with inflexible rigour on thofe
parts of the law which it was in their power to praftife. Their
peculiar diftindions of days, of meats, and a variety of trivial though
burdenfome obfervances, were fo many objedls of difguft and aver-
fion for the other nations, to whofe habits and prejudices they were
diametrically oppofite. The painful and even dangerous rite of cir-
cumcifion was alone capable of repelling a willing profelyte from
the door of the fynagogue "^.
Under thefe circumftances, Chriftianity offered itfelf to the world. More libera!
armed with the ftrength of the Mofaic law, and delivered from the iUanity.
weight of its fetters. An exclufive zeal for the truth of religion,
and the unity of God, was as carefully inculcated in the new as in
the ancient fyftem : and whatever was now revealed to mankind
concerning the nature and the defigns of the Supreme Being, was
fitted to increafe. their reverence for that myftcrious dodrine. Th6
divine authority of Mofes and the prophets was admitted, and
even eftabliflied, as the firmeft bafis of Chriftianity. From the be-
ginning, of the world, an uninterrupted feries of predidions had
" When Pompey, ufing or abufing the '* A fecond kind of circumcirion was Iii-
right of conqueft, entered into the Holy of fliiled on a Samaritan or Egyptian profelyte.
Holies, it was obferved with amazement. The fullcu indifference of the Taimudifts,
" Nulla intus Deum effigie, vacuam fedem with refpeft to the couvcrfion of ftrangers,
" et inania arcana." Tacit. Hift. v. 9. It may be feen in Bafnsge, Hiftoire des Juift,
was a popular faying, with regard to the Jews, 1. vi. c. 6.
Nil prster nubes et cceli nuinen adorant.
6 announced
542 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, announced and prepared the long expefted coming of the Meifiah,
■ _ who, in compliance with the grofs apprehenfions of the Jews, had
been more frequently reprefented under the character of a King and
Conqueror, than under that of a Prophet, a Martyr, and the Son
of God. By his expiatory facrifice, the imperfeft facrifices of the
temple were at once confummated and aboliflied. The ceremonial
law, which confifted only of types and figures, was fucceeded by a
pure and fpiritual worihip, equally adapted to all climates as well
as to every condition of mankind ; and to the initiation of blood,
was fubftituted a more harmlefs initiation of water. The promife of
divine favour, inftead of being partially confined to the pofterity of
Abraham, was univerfally propofed to the freeman and to the flave,
to the Greek and to the barbarian, to the Jew and to the Gentile.
Every privilege that could raife the profelyte from earth to Heaven,
that could exalt his devotion, fecure his happinefs, or even gratify
that fecret pride, which, under the femblance of devotion, infinuates
itfelf into the human heart, was ftill referved for the members of
the Chriftian church ; but at the fame time all mankind was per-
mitted, and even folicited, to accept the glorious diftindion, which
was not only proffered as a favour, but impofed as an obligation:
It became the moft facred duty of a new convert to diffufe among
his friends and relations the ineftimable bleffing which he had re-
ceived, and to warn them againil a refufal that would be feverely
puniflied as a criminal difobedience to the will of a benevolent but
all-powerful deity.
Obftinacy The enfranchifement of the church from the bonds of the fyna-
of the^'be"-"' g^^g^^, was Ά work however of fome time and of fome difficulty,
lieving Jews, -pj^g Jevyifh couverts, who acknowledged Jefus in the charader of
the Meffiah foretold by their ancient oracles, refpeded him' as a
prophetic teacher of virtue and religion ; but they obftinately ad-
hered to the ceremonies of their anceftors, and were defirous of
impofing
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ A Ν Ε λ1 ρ I R Ε. 543
impofing them on the Gentiles, who continually augmented the ^ ^^ ^ ^•
numher of believers. Thefe Judaifing Chriilians feem to have ar-
gued with fome degree of plaufibility from the divine origin of the
Mofaic law, and from the immutable pcrfedlions of its great author.
They affirmed, that if the Being, who is the fame through all
eternity, had defigned to aboliih thofe facred rites which had ferved
to diftinguiih his chofen. people, the repeal of them would have
been no lefs clear and folemn than their firft promulgation : thaty
inftead of thofe frequent declarations, which either fuppofe or aflert
the perpetuity of the Mofaic religion, it would have been re-
prefented as a provlfionary fcheme intended to lail only till the
coming of the Meffiah, who ihould inftruil mankind in a more
perfe<il mode of faith and of worihip": that the Meffiah him-
felf, and his difciples who converfed with him on earth, inftead of
authorizing by their example the moft minute obfervances of the
Mofaic law '*, would have- publifhed to the world the abolition of
thofe ufelefs and obfolete ceremonies, without fufFering Chriftianity
to remain during fo many years obfcurely confounded among the
feds of the Jewiih church. Arguments like thefe appear to have
been ufed in the defence of the expiring caufe of the Mofaic lav/ ;
but the induftry of our karned divines has abundantly explained the
ambiguous language of the Old Teftament, and the ambiguous con-
dudl of the apoftolic teachers. It was proper 'gradually to unfold
the fyftem of the Gofpel, and to pronounce with the utmoft cautioa
and tendernefs a fentence of condemnation fo repugnant to the incli-
nation and pi'ejudices of the believing Jews.
" Thefe arguments were urged with great mittebat ad iacerdotes ; Pafchata et alios dies
ingenuity by the Jew Orobio, and refuted feftos religiofe obfervabat ; Si quos fanavit
with equal ingenuity and cando\ir by the fabatho, oftendit non tanturti ex lege, fed et
ChrilHan Limborch. See the Arnica Collatio exceptis fententiis talii opera fabatho non in-
(it well deferves that name), or account of terdifta. Grotius deveritateReligionisChrif-
the difpute between them. tian», 1. v. c. 7. A little afterwards (c. iz.)r
'* Jefus - - - circumcifuscr.1t; cibis ute- he expatiates on the condefcenlion of the
batur Judaicis ; vellitu fimili ; purgatos fcabie apoftles,
The
8
544
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. The hiftory of the church of Jerufalem affords a lively proof
« . t of the neceflity of thofe precautions, and of the deep impreffion
reue church whlch thc Jcwifh religion had made on the minds of its fedtaries.
of Jerufalem. rpj^^ ^^^ fifteen bifliops of Jerufalem were all circumcifed Jews;
and the congregation over which they prefided, united the law of
Mofes with the dodrine of Chrift ". It was natural that the pri-
mitive tradition of a church which was founded only forty days
after the death of Chrift, and was governed almoft as many years
under the immediate infpedion of his apoftles, ihould be received
as the ftandard of orthodoxy '\ The diflant churches very fre-
quently appealed to the authority of their venerable Parent, and
relieved her diftrefTes by a liberal contribution of alms. But when
numerous and opulent focieties were eftabliihed in the great cities
of the empire, in Antioch, Alexandria, Ephefus, Corinth, and Rome,
the reverence which Jerufalem had infpired to all the Chrlftian co-
lonies infenfibly diminiihed. The Jewiih converts, or as they were
afterwards called, the Nazarenes, who had laid the foundations of the
church, foon found themfelves overwhelmed by the increafing mul-
titudes, that from all the various religions of polytheifm inlifted
under the banner of Chrift: and the Gentiles, who, with the ap-
probation of their peculiar apoftle, had rejeded the intolerable
weight of Mofaic ceremonies, at length refufed to their more
fcrupulous brethren the fame toleration which at firft they had
humbly folicited for their own pradlce. The ruin of the temple,
of the city, and of the public religion of the Jews, was feverely
felt by the Nazarenes ; as in their manners, though not in their
faith, they maintained fo intimate a connexion with their impious
" Psne omnes Chriftum Deom fub legis performance, which I ihall often have occa-
obfervatione credebant. Sulpicius Severus, fion to quote, he enters much more fully into
ii.31. SeeEufebius, Hift. Ecclefiaft. l.iv.c.5. the ftate of the primitive church, than he has
•^ Moiheim de Rebus Chrillianis ante Con- an opportunity of doing in his Generr.l Hif-
Hantinum Magnum, p. 153. In this mafterly tory.
countrymen,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. S4S
countrymen, whofe misfortunes were attributed by the Pagans to CHAP.
the contempt, and more juilly afcribed by the Chriftians to the ' , — — '
wrath, of the Supreme Deity. The Nazai-enes retired from the ruins
of Jerufalem to the little town of Pella beyond the Jordan, where
that ancient church languiihed above fixty years in folitude and
obfcurity ''. They ftill enjoyed the comfort of making frequent
and devout vifits to the Holy City, and the hope of being one day
reftored to thofe feats which both nature and religion taught them
to love as well as to revere. But at length, under the reign of Ha-
drian, the defperate fanaticifm of the Jews filled up the meafure
of their calamities ; and the Romans, exafperated by their re-
peated rebellions, exercifed the rights of vidory with unufual rigour.
The emperor founded, under the name of iElia Capitolina, a new
city on Mount Sion "% to which he gave the privileges of a colony ;
and denouncing the fevercft penalties againft any of the Jewifh
people who ihould dare to approach its precin£ls, he fixed a vigilant
garrifon of a Roman cohort to enforce the execution of his orders.
The Nazarenes had only one way left to efcape the common pro-
fcription, and the force of truth was on this occafion aflifted by the
influence of temporal advantages. They eleded Marcus for their
bifhop, a prelate of the race of the Gentiles, and moft probably a
native either of Italy or of fome of the Latin provinces. At his
perfuafion, the moil confiderable part of the congregation renounced
the Mofaic law, in the pra£l:ice of which they had perfevered above
a century. By this facrifice of their habits and prejudices, they
•9 Eufebiiis, I. ilL c. 5. Le Clerc Hift. "= Dion Caflius, 1. !xix. The exile of the
Ecclefiaft. p. 605. During this occafional ab- Jevvilli nation from Jerufalem is attefted by
fence, the biihop and church of Pella ftill re- Arifto of Pella (apud Eufeb. 1. iv. c. 6.), and
tained the title of Jerufalem. In the fame is mentioned by feveral ecclefiailical writers ;
manner, the Roman pontiffs rcfided fcventy though fome of them too haflily extend this
years at Avignon ; and the patriarchs of Alex- interdiftion to the whole country of Pale-
andria have long fmce transferred their epi- ftine.
fcopal feat to Cairo.
Vol. I. 4 A purchafed
^4G THE DECLINE AND FALL
C li A P. purchafcd a free admiiFion into the colony of Hadrian, and more
xv. . . . . ■
_-'- . iirmly cemented their union with the Catholic church ''.
The F;'io- When the name and honours of the church of Jerufalem had
■""-■*"• heen rellored to Mount Sion, the ciimes of herefy and fchlfm were
imputed to the obfcure remnant of the Nazarencs, which refufed
to accompany their Latin biihop. They ftill preferved their former
habitation of Pella, fpread themfelves into the villages adjacent to
Damafcus, and formed an inconfiderable church in the city of Boerea,
or, as it is now called, of Aleppo, in Syria ". The name of Nazarenes
was deemed too honourable for thofe Chrifiian Jews, and they foon
received from the fuppofed poverty of their underftanding, as well
as of their condition, the contemptuous epithet of Ebionites '\ In
a few years after the return of the church of Jerufalem, it became
a matter of doubt and controverfy, whether a man who fmcerely
acknowledged Jefus as the Meffiah, but who ftill continued to ob-
ferve the law of Mofes, could poffibly hope for falvation. The
humane temper of Juftin Martyr inclined him to anfwer this qucf-
tion in the affirmative ; and though he exprefled himfelf with the
moft guarded diffidence, he ventured to determine in favour of fuch
an imperfcCt Chriftian, if he were content to praAife the Mofaic
ceremonies, without pretending to aiTert their general ufe or necef-
fity. But when Juftin was prelTed to declare the fentiment of the
church, he confefled that there were very many among the ortho-
-' Eufebius, 1. iv. c. 6. Sulpicius Severus, jefture, that the family of Jefus Chrift re-
ii. 31. By comparing their unfatisfadory ac- mained members, at leaft, of the latter and
counts, IVIoiheiin (p. 327. &c.) has drawn more moderate party.
out a very diilinft reprefentation of the cir- ^3 Some writers have been pleafed to cre-
curaftances and motives of this revolution. ate an Ebion, the imaginary author of their
" Le Clerc (Hift. Ecclefiaft. p. 477. 535.) feft and name. But we can more fafely rely
feems to hare coUefted from Eufebius, Je- on the learned Eufebius than on the vehement
rome, Epiphanius, and other writers, all the Tertullian, or the credulous Epiphanius.
prmcipal circumftances that relate to the Na- According to Le Clerc, the Hebrew word
zarenes or Ebionites. The nature of their Ekjoiiim may be tranflated into Latin by that
opinions foon divided them into a ilrifler and oi Pauperis, See Hift. Eccclefiaft. p. 477.
a milder feil ; and there is feme reafon to con-
dox
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 547
dox Chrlftians, who not only excluded their Judalfing brethren
from the hope of falvation, but who declined any intercourfe with
them in the common offices of friendiliip, hofpitality, and focial
life '■*. The more rigorous opinion prevailed, as it was natural to
exped, over the milder ; and an eternal bar of feparation was fixed
between the difciples of Mofes and thofe of Chrift. The unfor-
tunate Ebionites, rejeded from one religion as apoftates, and from
the other as heretics, found themfelves compelled to ailume a more
decided charader ; and although fome traces of that obfoletc fe£l
may be difcovered as late as the fourth century, they infenfibly
melted away either into the church or the fynagogue ^'.
While the orthodox church preferA^ed a juft medium between The Gno-
llics•
exceffive veneration and improper contempt for the law of Mofes,
the various heretics deviated into equal but oppofite extremes of
error and extravagance. From the acknowledged truth of the
Jewifli religion, the Ebionites had concluded that it could never be
abolifiied. From its fuppofed imperfedions the Gnoilics as haftily
inferred that it never was inftituted by the wifdom of the Deity.
There are fome objedions againil the authority of Mofes and the
prophets, which too readily prefent themfelves to the fceptical mind ;
though they can only be derived from our ignorance of remote anti-
'+ See the very curious Dialogue of Juftin fome fufpicions ; but as we are affured (So-
Martyr with the Jew Tryphon. The confer- crates, i. 19. Sozomen, ii. 24. Ludolphus,
ence between them was held at Ephefus, in p. 281.) that the ^Ethiopians were not con-
the reign of Antoninus Pius, and about verted till the fourth century ; it is more rea-
twenty years after the return of the church of fonable to believe, that they rcfpefted the
Pella to Jerufalem. For this date confult the Sabbath, and diftinguiihed the forbidden
accurate note of Tillemont, Mcmoires Eccle- meats, in imitation of the Jews, who, in a
fiaftiques, torn. ii. p. 511. very early period, were feated on both fides
^' Of all the fyitems of Chrillianity, that of the Red Sea. Circumcifion had been
of Abyflinia is the only one which ftill ad- praftifed by the moll ancient ./EthiopLans,
heres to the Mofaic rites (Geddes's Church from motives of health and cleanlinefs, which
Hiftory of ^Ethiopia, and DiiTertations de le feem to be explained in the J\echcrches Phi-
Grand fur la Relation du P. Lobo). The lofophiques fur les Americains, torn. ii.
eunuch of the queen Candace might fuggeil p. 117.
4 A 2 «luity,
548 THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP.
XV.
quity, and from our incapacity to form an adequate judgment of the
divine ccconomy. Thefe objcdions were eagerly embraced and as
petulantly urged by the vain fcience of the Gnoilics ''. As thofe
heretics were, for the moft part, averfe to the pleafures of fenfe,
they morofely arraigned the polygamy of the patriarchs, the gal-
lantries of David, and the feraglio of Solomon. The conqucft of
the land of Canaan, and the extirpation of the unfufpe£ting natives,
they were at a lofs how to reconcile with the common notions of hu-
manity and juftice. But when they recolleded the /anguinary lift
of murders, of executions, and of mailacres, which ftain almoft
every page of the Jewlfli annals, they acknowledged that the bar-
barians of Paleftine had exercifed as much compaifion towards their
idolatrous enemies as they had ever fhewn to their friends or
countrymen ^', Paihng from the fedtaries of the law to the law
itfelf, they aiferted that it was impoifible that a religion which
confifted only of bloody facrifices and trifling ceremonies, and
whole rewards as well as puniflunents were all of a carnal and
temporal nature, could infpire the love of virtue, or reftrain the
impetuofity of paifion. The Mofaic account of the creation and
fall of man was treated Avith profane derifion by the Gnoilics, who
would not liften with patience to the repoie of the Deity after
fix days labour, to the fib of Adam, the garden of Eden, the
trees of life and of knowledge, the fpeaking ferpent, the forbidden
fruit, and the condemnation pronounced againft human kind for the
venal offence of their firft progenitors *'. The God of Ifrael was
impioufly reprefented by the Gnoftics, as a being liable to paflion
■^^ Beaufobre, Hiftoire du Manicheifme, feen the Jews with too favourable an eye. The
1. Ϊ; c. 3. has ftated their objeilions, particu- perufal of Jofephus muil have deftroyed the
larly thofe of Fauftus, the adverfary of Au- antithejis.
guftin, with the moft learned impartiality. --s pj.. Burnet (Archiologia, 1. ii. c. 7.)
" Apud ipfos fides obftinata, mifericordia hasdifcufled the firft chapters of Genefis with
in promptu : adverfus cmnes alios hoftile odi- jqq much wit and freedom.
um. Tacit. Hift. V. 4. Surely Tacitus had
and
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 549
and to error, capricious in his favour, implacable in his refentment, chap.
meanly jealous of his fuperftitious worfhip, and confining his partial ■_ .- _f
provideiice to a fingle people, and to this tranfitory life. In fuch a
charader they could difcover none of the features of the wife and
omnipotent father of the univerfe ^'. They allowed that the reli-
gion of the Jews was fomewhat lefs criminal than the idolatry of
the Gentiles; but it was their fundamental dodrine, that the Chrifl:
whom they adored as the firft and brighteft emanation of the Deity,
appeared upon earth to refcue mankind from their various errors»,
and to reveal a iieiv fyftem of truth and perfe£lion. The mofl;
learned of the fathers, by a very fingular condefcenfion, have im-
prudently admitted the fophiftry of the Gnoftics. Acknowledging
that the literal fenfe is repugnant to every principle of faith as well
as reafon, they deem themfelves fecure and invulnerable behind the
ample veil of allegory, which they carefully fpread over every ten-
der part of the Mofaic difpenfation ^°.
It has been remarked with more ingenuity than truth, that the Their fefts,.
virgin purity of the church was never violated by fchifm or herefy influence.
before the reign of Trajan or Hadrian, about one hundred years af-
ter the death of Chrifl ". We may obferve with much more propriety,
that, during that period, the difciples of the MeiFiah were indulged
in a freer latitude both of faith and pradice, than has ever been
allowed in fucceeding ages. As the terms of communion were
infenfibly narrowed, and the fpiritual authority of the. prevailing-
party was exercifed with increafing feverity, many of its moil
refpedable adherents, who were called upon to renounce, were
^' The milder Gnoilics confidered Jeho- nions on this fubjeft.
vah, the Creator, as a Being of a mixed na- 30 See Beaufobre, Hiih du Manicheifme,.
ture between God and the Dxmon. Others ] j_ ^ ^_ Origen and St. Auguftin were
confounded him with the evil principle. Con- a^ong the Allegorills.
fuk the fecond century of the general hiftory ,, u• r ^ r i 1 •••
^ ,. . . I- 1 • j-Λ• ti Hegeiippus, ap. buleb. I. m. 52. iv. 22.
of Moiheim, which gives a very diftniiit, ,, j • ο •■
.^ ° . , . / . Clemens Ale.xandnn. btromat. vu. 17.
though concife, account of their Itrange opi- '
provoked:
550 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, provoked to affert their private opinions, to purfue the confequences
I— v~ — ' of their mlftaken principles, and openly to ered the ftandard of
rebellion againft the unity of the church. The Gnoftics were dif-
tingulflied as the moft polite, the moft learned, and the moil
V7ealthy of the Chriftian name, and that general appellation which
exprefled a fupcriority of knowledge, was either affumed by their
own pride, or ironically beftowed by the envy of their adverfaries.
They were almoft without exception of the race of the Gentiles,
and their principal founders fecm to have been natives of Syria
or Egypt, where the warmth of the climate dlfpofes both the mind
and the body to indolent and contemplative devotion. The Gnoftics
blended with the faith of Chrift many fublime but obfcure tenets,
which they derived from oriental philofophy, and even from the re-
ligion of Zoroafter, concerning the eternity of matter, the exigence of
two principles, and the myfterious hierarchy of the invifible world '*.
As foon as they launched out into that vaft abyfs, they delivered
themfelves to the guidance of a difordered imagination ; and as
the paths of error are various and infinite, the Gnoflics were
imperceptibly divided into more than fifty particular feds ", of
whom the moft celebrated appear to have been the Bafilidians,
the Valentinians, the Marcionites, and, in a ftill later period, the
Manicha^ans. Each of thefe feds could boaft of its biihops and
congregations, of its dodors and martyrs ^^, and, inftead of the
four gofpels adopted by the church, the heretics produced a mul-
titude of hiftories, in which the adions and difcourfes of Chrift and
^- In the account of the Gnoftics of the fe- number of fedls which oppofeJ the unity of
cond and third centuries, Mofheim is inge- the church.
nious and candid; Le Clerc, dull, butexail; ^* Eufebius, 1. iv. c. 15. See in Bayle, in
Beaufobre almoft always an apologiil ; and it the article oi Marcion, a curious detail of a
is much to be feared, that the primitive fa- dilpute on that fubjeft. It fhould feem that
thcrs are very frequently calumniators. feme of the Gnoftics (the Bafilidians) declined,
^' Seethe catalogues of Irenxus and Epi- and even refufed, the honour of martyrdom.
phanii;s. It nuift indeed be allowed, that Their reafons were fingular and abftrufe. See
thofe writers were inclined to multiply the Moiheim, p. 359.
7 of
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 551
of his apofllcs were adapted to their refpcdive tenets ". The ^ ^^.^ P•
fuccefs of the Gnoftics was rapid and extenfive ''^. They covered < ^— '
Afia and Egypt, eilabHilicd therafelves in Rome, and fometimes
penetrated into the provinces of the Weft. For the moft part they
arofe in the fecond century, flourifhed during the third, and were
fupprefled in the fourth or fifth, by the prevalence of more faihion-
able controverfies, and by the fuperior afcendant of the reigning
power. Though they conftantly difturbed the peace, and fre-
quently difgraced the name, of religion, they contributed to alTiil
rather than to retard the progrefs of Chriftianity. The Gentile
converts, whofe ftrongeft: objedions and prejudices were direiled
againft the law of Mofes, could find admiflion into many Chriftian
focieties, which required not from their untutored mind any belief
of an antecedent revelation. Their faith was infenfibly fortified and
enlarged, and the church was ultimately benefited by the conqueits
pf its moft inveterate enemies '^
But whatever difference of opinion might fubfift between the The dxmons
Orthodox, the Ebionites, and the Gnoftics, concerning the divinity or the {;ods of
the obligation of the Mofaic law, they were all equally animated ^""1"">•
by the fame exclufive zeal, and by the fame abhorrence for idolatry
which had diftinguiflied the Jews from the other nations of the
ancieat world. The philofopher, v^ho confidered the fyftem of
^^ See a very remarkable paflage of Origen tradition, infteadof quoting the certain teili-
(Proera.adLucan.).Thatindefatig.ible\vri:er, mony of the evangeliits.
who had consumed his life in the iluJy of the '- Habent apes favos; habent ecclefias eZ
fcriptures, relies for their authenticity on the Marcionlt^, is the ftrcng exprefiion of Ter-
infpired authority of the church. It was im- tullian, which I am obliged to quote from
poffible that the GnolHcs could receive our memory. In the time of Epiphauius (adverf.
prefent gofpels, many parts of which (parti- Ha-refcs, p. 302.) the Marcionites were very
cularly in the refurreftion of Chrift) are di- numerous in Italy, Syria, Egypt, Arabia,
reflly, and as it might feemdefignedly, point- and Perfia.
ed againft their favourite tenets. It is there- s: Auguftin is a memorable inftance of this
fore fome what Angular that Ignatius (Epift. gradual progrefs from reafon to iaith. He was,
ad Smyrn. Patr. Apoftol. torn. ii. p. 34.) during feveral years, engaged in the Mani-
Ihould chufe to employ a vague and doubtlul chacan feil.
polytheifm _,^^,^^_
^-2 THEDECLINEANDFALL
polythelfm as a compofition of human fraud and error, coulcl dif-
guife a fmile of contempt under the maik of devotion, without ap-
prehending that either the mockery, or the compliance, would ex-
pofe him to the refentment of any invifible, or as he conceived them,
imaginary powers. But the eftabliflied religions of Paganifm were
feen by the primitive Chriilians in a much more odious and formid-
able light. It was the univerfal fentiment both of the church and
of heretics, that the daemons were the authors, the patrons, and
the objedls of idolatry '^ Thofe rebellious fpirits who had been
degraded from the rank of angels, and caft down into the infernal
pit, were ftill permitted to roam upon earth, to torment the bodies,
and to feduce the minds, of finful men. The diemons foon difcovered
and abufed the natural propenfity of the human heart towards
devotion, and, artfully withdrawing the adoration of mankind from
their Creator, they ufurped the place and honours of the Supreme
Deity. By the fuccefs of their malicious contrivances, they at once
gratified their own vanity and revenge, and obtained the only-
comfort of which they were yet fufceptible, the hope of involving
the human fpecies in the participation of their guilt and mifery.
It was confefled, or at leaft it was imagined, that they had dif-
tributed among themfelves the moft Important charaiters of poly-
thelfm, one daemon afluming the name and attributes of Jupiter,
another of iEfculapius, a third of Venus, and a fourth perhaps of
Apollo " ; and that, by the advantage of their long experience and
aerial nature, they were enabled to execute, with fufficient ikill and
dignity, the parts wdiich they had undertaken. They lurked
in the temples, inftituted feftivals and facrifices, invented fables,
pronounced oracles, and were frequently allowed to perform
3* The unanimous fentiment of the primi- ^? Tertullian (Apolog. c. 23.) alleges the
tlve church is very clearly explained by Juftin confeflion of the Dxmons themfelves as often
Martyr. Apolog. Major, by Athenagoras Le- as they were tormented by tlie Chriftian ex-
gat, c. 22. &c. and by Laftantius, InlUtut. orciils.
Divin. ii. 14 — 19.
miracles.
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 553
miracles. The ChriAians, who, by the interpofition of evil C Η λ p.
ipirits, could {o readily explain every pr^eternatural appear- c ^- -»
ance, were difpofed and even defirous to admit the moft extra-
vagant fidlions of the Pagan mythology. But the belief of the
Chriftian was accompanied with horror. The moil trifling mark of
refpeil to the national worfhip he confidered as a dired: homage
yielded to the dscmon, and as an adt of rebellion againil the majefty
of God.
In confequence of this opinion, it was the firfl: but arduous duty Abhorrence
of a Chriflian to preferve himfelf pure and undefiled by the pradtice tians for
of idolatry. The religion of the nations was not merely a fpecu- * °^'^>•
lative dodlrine profefled in the fchools or preached in the temples.
The innumerable deities and rites of polytheifm were clofely inter-
woven with every circumftance of bufmefs or pleafure, of public
or of private life; and it Teemed impoiTible to efcape the obfervance
of them, without, at the fame time, renouncing the commerce of
mankind, and all the offices and amufements of foclety *°. The Ceremonies.
important tranfadtions of peace and war were prepared or con-
cluded by folemn facrifices, in which the magiflrate, the fenator,
and the foldier, were obliged to prefide or to participate *'. The
public fpedacles were an eflential part of the cheerful devotion of
the Pagans, and the gods were fuppofed to accent, as the moft
grateful offering, the games that the prince and people celebrated
in honour of their peculiar feftivals "^*. The Chriftian, who with
pious horror avoided the abomination of tlie circus or the theatre,
♦•' Terlullian has written a moft fe\ere cenfe on the altar. Sueton. in Auguft.
treatife againft idolatry, to caution his bre- c. 35.
thren againft the hourly danger of incurring *^ See Tertullian, De Speftaculis. This
that guilt. Recogita fylvam, et quants la- fevere reformer lliews no more indulgence to
titant fpins. De Idolatria, c. 10. a tragedy of Euripides, than to a combat of
*' The Roman fenate was always held in a gladiators. The drefs of the aftors particu-
temple or confecrated place (Aulus Gellius, Jarly offends him. By the ufe of the lofty
xiv. 7.). Before they entered on bufinefs, buikin, they impioufly llrive to add a cubit
every fenator dropt fome wine and frankin- to their ftature, c. 23.
Vol. I. 4, Β found
554 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, found himfelf encompaiTed with infernal fnares in every convivial
■l_ -.- _' entertainment, as often as his friends, invoking the hofpltable
deities, poured out libations to each other's happinefs *'. When
the bride, ilruggllng with well-afFeded reluctance, was forced iiv
hymenaeal pomp over the threihold of her new habitation ** ; or
when the fad proceffion of the dead flowly moved towards the•
funeral pile *' ; the Chriiiian, on thefe intereftlng occafions, was
compelled to defert the perfons who were the deareft to him, rather
than contrail the guilt inherent to thofe impious ceremonies.
Arts. Every art and every trade that was in the leaft concerned in the•
framing or adorning of idols was polluted by the ftain of idola-
try *^ ; a fevere fentence, fince it devoted to eternal mifery the far
greater part of the community, which is employed in the exercife
of liberal or mechanic profeifions. If we caft our eyes over the
numerous remains of antiquity, we fhall perceive, that befides the-
immediate reprefentations of the Gods, and the holy Inftruments•
of their worfliip, the elegant forms and agreeable fidlions con-
fecrated by the imagination of the Greeks, were introduced as•
the richeft ornaments of the houfes, the drefs, and the furniture,
of the Pagans ^~. Even the arts of mufic and painting, of eloquence,
aod poetry, flowed from the fame impure origin. In the ftyle
of the fathers, Apollo and the Mufes were the organs of the
•*^ The ancient praftice of concluding the nus and Pallas) are no Jefs accurately de-
entertainment with libations, may be found fcribed by Virgil, than they are illuftrated by.
in every claific. Socrates and Seneca, in their his commentator Servius. The pile itfejf was
lail moments, made a noble application of an altar, the flames were fed with the blood•
this cuftom. Poftquam ftagnum calids aquae of viilims, and all the ailillants were iprin-
introiit, refpergens proximos fervorum, addi- kled with lufbal water.
t.i voce, libare fe liquorem ilium Jovi Libe- ^, Tertullian de Idolatria, c. li.
ratori. Tacit. Annal. xv. 64.
** See the elegant but idolatrous hymn of " ^ee every part of Montfaucon's Anti-
Catullus, on the nuptials of Manlius and 1""'«. Even the reverfes of the Greek and
Julia. Ο Hymen, Hymense lo ! Quis huic ^^"^^"^ coins were frequently of an idolatrous
Deo compararier aufit .? "a''"•^• ^^^^ '"'^"«^ ^^^ fcruples of the Chri-
*s The ancient funerals (in thofe of Mife- '^'^" ^^'^''^ fufpended by a Ifronger paffion.
infernal
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. S55
infernal fpirit, Homer and Virgil were the mofi; eminent of his chap.
fervants, and the beautiful mythology which pervades and animates < v— ■--/
the compofitions of their genius, -is deftined to celebrate the glory
of the daemons. Even the common language of Greece and Rome
abounded with familiar but impious expreifions, which the im-
prudent Chriftian might too carelefsly utter, or too patiently
hear '\
The dangerous temptations which on every fide lurked in Feilivais.
ambuih to furprife the unguarded believer, aflailed him with re-
doubled violence on the days of folemn feflivals. So artfully
were they framed and difpofed throughout the year, that fuper-
ftition always wore the appearance of pleafure, and often of vir-
tue *'. Some of the moil facred feftlvals in the Roman ritual were
deflined to falute the new calends of January with vows of public
and private felicity, to indulge the pious remembrance of the dead
and living, to afcertain the inviolable bounds of property, to hail,
on the return of fpring, the genial powers of fecundity, to per-
petuate the two memorable seras of Rome, the foundation of the
city, and that of the I'epublic, and to reftore, during the humane
licenfe of the Saturnalia, the primitive equality of mankind. Some
idea may be conceived of the abhorrence of the Chriftians for fuch
impious ceremonies, by the fcrupulous delicacy which they dif-
played on a much lefs alarming occafion. On days of general
feftlvlty, it was the cuftom of the ancients to adorn their doors
with lamps and with branches of laurel, and to crown their heads
with a garland of flowers. This innocent and elegant practice
might perhaps have been tolerated as a mere civil inflitution. But
'^^ Tertullian de Idolatria, c. :o, zi, 22. Iiis imperfect /"λ/?/. He finilhcd no more than
If a Pagan friend (on the occafion perhaps the firil fix months of the year. The compi-
of fneezing) ufed the fomiliar expreffion of lation of Macrobius is called the Saturnalia,
" Jupiter hlefs you," the Chriftian was obliged but it is only a fmr.ll part of the firft book that
to protell againft the divinity of Jupiter. bears any relation to the title.
•" Confulc the moll laboured work of Ovid,
4 Β 2 it '
5_j6 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. It moft unluckily happened that the doors were under the protedion
^^ - -' / of the houfehold gods, that the laurel was facred to the lover of
Daphne, and that garlands of ' flowers, though frequently worn
as a fymbol either of joy or mourning, had been dedicated in
their firfl; origin to the fervlce of fuperilition. The trembling
Chrillians, who were perfuaded m this inftance to comply with
the faihlon of their country, and the commands of the magiilrate,
laboured under the moft gloomy apprehenfions, from the reproaches
of their own confcience, the ceniures of the church, and the de-
nunciations of divine vengeance ^",
Zeal for Such was the anxious diligence which was required to guard the
chaftity of the gofpel from the Infeilious breath of idolatry. The
fuperilitious obfervances of public or private rites were carelefsly prac-
tifed, from education and habit, by the followers of the eftablifhed
religion. But as often as they occurred, they afforded the Chriftians
an opportunity of declaring and confirming their zealous oppofition.
By thefe frequent proteftations their attachment to the faith was
continually fortified, and in proportion to the increafe of zeal, they
combated with the more ardour and fuccefs in the holy war, which
they had undertaken agalnft the empire of the daemons.
The SECOND II. The writings of Cicero ^' reprefent in the moft lively colours-
The doftrine the ignorancc, the errors, and the uncertainty of the ancient phi-
iomiityof lofophers with regard to the immortality of the foul. When
a^o?"'the ^^^^y ^^^ defirous of arming their difciples agalnft the fear of death,
philofophers ;
" TertuIIian has compofed a defence, or nifts. See Memoires Ecclefiafiiques, torn, iii.-
rather panegyric, of the raih aftion of a p. 384.
Chriftian foldier who, by thromng away 5. i„ ^ticular, the firft book of the Tuf-
h|s crown of laurel had expofed himfelf and ,„j,„ Q^eftions, and the treatife De Seneftute,
his brethren to the moft imminent daneer. t 1, c • „ . - . ...
-, , • r L ,^ ° ^i^" '"ε bomnium Scipionis, contain, in the
Uy tne mention 01 the emperors (Severus and λ u .-r i 1 1 • 1
' „ , . - ., . , „ ,. moft beautiful language, ever)• thine that
Caracalla) it is evident, notwithftandmor the /^ - 1 1 r u τ. j r /■
•n. c\n J rrii , r^ ,,. Grecian philofephy, or Roman good fenfe,
wilhes of M. de Tillemont, that Tertullian ,. Jrui / ,1 l• j . 1 •
„(• , u• ,_.,,•,• r. ,^ , ',"""" could polTibly fuggelt on this dark but im-
compoied his treatile De Corona, long before r κ• λ
he was engaged in the errors of the Monta- P°'"" " J^ '
they
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. ^^γ
they inculcate, as an obvious, though melancholy pofition, that
the fatal ftroke of our diflblution releafes us from the calamities of
life ; and that thofe can no longer fuffer who no longer exift.
Yet there were a few fages of Greece and Rome who had conceived
a more exalted, and, in fomc refpeds, a jufter idea of human
nature; though it muft be confelled, that, in the fublime inquiry,
their reafon had been often guided by their imagination, and that their
imagination had been prompted by their vanity. When they
viewed with complacency the extent of their own mental powers,
when they exercifed the various niculties of memory, of fancy,
and of judgment, in the moil profound fpeculations, or the moil
important labours, and when they refledted on the defire of fame,
which tranfported them into future ages, far beyond the bounds
of death and of the grave ; they were unwilling to confound them-
felves with the beafts of the field, or to fuppofe, that a being,
for whofe dignity they entertained the moft fmcere admiration,
could be limited to a fpot of earth, and to a few years of duration.
With this favourable prepoiTeflion they fummoned to their aid the
fcience, or rather the language, of Metaphyfics. They foon dif-
Govered, that as none of the properties of matter will apply to the
operations of the mind, the human foul muft confequently be a
fubftance diftinit from the body, pure, fimple, and fpiritual, in-
capable of diiTolution, and fufceptible of a much higher degree of
virtue and happinefs after the releafe from its corporeal prifon.
From thefe fpecious and noble principles, the philofophers who
trod in the footfteps of Plato, deduced a very unjuftifiable conclu"
fion, fince they aflerted, not only the future immortality, but the
paft eternity of the human foul, which they were too apt to con-
fider as a portion of the infinite and felf-exifting fpirit, which per-
vades and fuftains the univerfe ^\ A dodrine thus removed
5^ The pre-exillence of human fouls, fo far and Latin fathers. See Beaufobre, Hift. da
at leaft as that doftrine is compatible with re- Manicheifme, 1, vi. c. 4.
ligion, was adopted by many of the Greek
beyond.
558 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ X^ ^' l^eyond the fenfes and the experience of mankind, might ferve to
* ^ ' amufe the leifure of a philofophic mind ; or, in the filence of foli-
tude, it might fometimes impart a ray of comfort to defponding
virtue ; but the faint impreffion which had been received in the
fchools, vpas foon obliterated by the com.merce and bufinefs of
adlive life. We are fuihciently acquainted with the eminent per-
fons who flouriflied in the age of Cicero, and of the firft Caefars,
with their aQions, their charaders, and their motives, to be aflured
that their condudt in this life was never regulated by any ferious
conviition of the rewards or puniihments of a future ftate. At the
bar and in the fenate of Rome the ableft orators were not appre-
henfivc of giving' offence to their hearers, by expofmg that doc-
trine as an idle and extravagant opinion, which was rejeded with
contempt by every man of a liberal education and underftand-
ing".
among the Since therefore the moil fublime efforts of philofophy can extend
ragans oi ι ι j
Greece and no farther than feebly to point out the defire, the hope, or, at
moil, the probability, of a future ftate, there is nothing, except a
divine revelation, that can afcertain the exlftence, and defcribe
the condition, of the invifible country which is deftined to receive
the fouls of men after their feparation from the body. But we
may perceive feveral defeds inherent to the popular religions of
Greece and Rome, which rendered them very unequal to fo arduous
a taik. 1. The general fyftem of their mythology was unfupported
by any folid proofs ; and the wifeft among the Pagans had already
difclaimed its ufurped authority. 2, The defcription of the infer-
nal regions had been abandoned to the fancy of painters and
of poets, who peopled them with fo many phantoms and monflers,
who difpenfed their rewards and punifliments with fo little equity,
-' See Cicero pro Cluent. c. 6i. Ca-'far --.---.-..---
ap. Salluft. de Bell. Catiiin. c. 50. Juvenal Nee piieii credunt, nifi qui nor.dum xve
Satir. ii. i-ig. - lavantur.
Eile aliquos manes, ct Uibterranea regna,
I that
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 559
that a folemn truth, the mofl; c^i.~enial to the human heart, was ^ ^^^ ^•
oppreiTed and difgraced hy the abfurd mixture of the wUdeft ' ^ '
fidions '*. 3. The dodrine of a future ftate was fcarcely con-
fidercd among the devout polythcifts of Greece and Rome as a
fundamental article of faith. The providence of the gods, as it
related to public communities rather than to private individuals,
was principally difplayed on the vifible theatre of the prefent
world. The petitions which were offered on the altars of Jupiter
or Apollo, expreffed the anxiety of their worfhippers for temporal
happinefs, and their ignorance or indifference concerning a future
life '^ The important truth of the immortality of the foul was
inculcated with more diligence as v/ell as fuccefs in India, in Affyria»
in Egypt, and in Gaul ; and fince we cannot attribute fuch a dif- among the
ference to the fuperior knowledge of the barbarians, we mufl; afcribe
it to the influence of an eftablifhed priefthood, which employed the
motives of virtue as the Inftrument of ambition ^^.
We might naturally exped, that a principle fo effential to re- among the.
ligion, would have been revealed in the cleareil terms to the chofen
people of Paleftine, and that it might fafely have been intrufted
to the hereditary priefthood of Aaron. It is incumbent on us to
adore the myfterious difpenfations of Providence ", when we dif-
-* The xith book of the Odyfley gives a curity of another world. Vetus ille mos Gal-
very dreary and incoherent account of the in- lorum occurrit (fays Valerius Maxirtus, 1. iu
fernal fliades. Pindar and Virgil have em- c. 6. p. ic), quos memoria proditur eft, pe-
belliihed the pifture ; but even thofe poets, cunias mutuas, qux his apud inferos redde-
though more correft than their great model, rentur, dare folitos. The fame cuftom is
are guilty of very ftrange inconfiftencits. See more darkly infinuated by Mela, 1. iii. c. 2.
Bayle, Refponfcs au Queftions d'lin Provin- It is almoft needlefs to add, that the profits
cial, part iii. c. 22. of trade hold a juft proportion to the credit
" See the xvith Epiftle of the firil book of of the merchant, and that the Druids derived
Horace, the xiiith Satire of Juvenal, and the from their holy profeffion a charafter of re-
iid Satire of Perfius : thefe popular difcoiufes fponfibility, which could fcarcely be claimed
exprefs the fentiment and language of the by any other order of men.
multitude. ^? '•f ]^g right reverend author of the Di-
5* If we confine ourfelves to the Gauls, we vijie Legation of Mofes aifigns a very curious
may obferve, that they intrufted, not only reafon for the omiffion, and moft ingenioully
their lives, but even their money, to the fe- retorts it on the unbelievers.
cover,.
Jews J .
^6o THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, cover, that the dodrine of the,^^imortality of the foul is omitted
i_ ^ ; in the law of Mofes ; it is darkly infinuated by the prophets, and
during the long period winch elapfed between the Egyptian and the
Babylonian fervitudes, the hopes as well as fears of the Jews
appear to have been confined within the narrow corapafs of the
prefent life '\ After Cyrus had permitted the exiled nation to
• return into the promifed land, and after Ezra had reftored the
ancient records of their religion, two celebrated feits, the Saducees
and the Pharifees, infenfibly arofe at Jerufalem ". The former
feleded from the more opulent and diilinguiihed ranks of fociety,
were ftridly attached to the literal fenfe of the Mofaic law, and
they pioully rejedled the immortality of the foul, as an opinion that
received no countenance from the divine book, which they revered
as the only rule of their faith. To the authority of fcripture the
Pharifees added that of tradition, and they accepted, under the
name of traditions, feveral fpeculative tenets from the philofophy
or religion of the eaftern nations. The dodrines of fate or pre-
deftination, of angels and fpirits, and of a future ftate of rewards
and punlihments, were in the number of thefe new articles of
belief; and as the Pharifees, by the aufterity of their manners, had
drawn into their party the body of the Jewifh people, the immor-
tality of the foul became the prevailing fentiment of the fynagogue,
under the reign of the Afmonsean princes and pontiffs. The tem-
per cf the Jews was incapable of contenting itfelf with fuch a cold
and languid aiTent as might fatisfy the mind of a Polytheift ; and as
foon as they admitted the idea of a future ftate, they embraced it
^^ See Le Clerc (Prolegomena ad Hiil. admitted only the Pentateuch ; but it has
Eccleflaft. c. i. feft. 8.). His authority feems pleafed feme modern critics to add the pro-
to carry the greater weight, as he has written phets to their creed, and to fuppofe, that
a learned and judicious commentary on the they contented themfelves with rejedling the
books of the Old Teftament. traditions of the Pharifees. Dr. Jortin has
'* Joieph. Antiquitat. 1. xiii. c. lo. Ue argued that point in his Remarks on Ecclefi-
Bell. Jud. ii. 8. According to the moft na- aftical Hiftory, vol. ii. p. 103.
tural interpretation of his words, the Saducees
t with
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ς6ι
with the zeal which has always formed the charadleriftic of the chap.
... XV.
nation. Their zeal, however, added nothing to its evidence, or ' . ^ ,-/
even probability : and it was ftill neceflary, that the dodrine of life
and immortality, which Iiad been dilated by nature, approved by
^eafon, and received by fuperilition, ihoiild obtain the fandion of
divine truth from the authority and example of Chrift.
When the promife of eternal happinefs was propofed to mankind, j^i"'."? ^^^
on condition of adopting the faith and of obferving the precepts
of the gofpel, it is no wonder that fo advantageous an offer iliould
have been accepted by great numbers of every religion, of every
rank, and of every province in the Roman empire. The ancient
Chriftians were animated by a contempt for their prefent exiilence,
and by a juft confidence of immortality, of which the doubtful and
imperfect faith of modern ages cannot give us any adequate notion.
In the primitive church, the influence of truth was very powerfully Approaching
ftrengthened by an opinion, which, however it may deferve refpedl world.
for its ufefulnefs and antiquity, has not been found agreeable to
experience. It was univerfally believed, that the end of the world»
and the kingdom of Heaven, were at hand. The near approach
of this wonderful event had been predided by the apoftles ; the
tradition of it was preferved by their earlieft difciples, and thofe
who underftood in their literal fenfe the difcourfes of Chrift himfelf,
were obliged to expe£t the fecond and glorious coming of the Son
of Man in the clouds, before that generation was totally extin-
guiihed, which had beheld his humble condition upon earth, and
which might ilill be witnefs to the calamities of the Jews under
Vefpafian or Hadrian. The revolution of feventeen centuries has
inftrufled us not to prefs too clofely the myfterious language of
prophecy and revelation ; but as long as, for wife purpofcs, this error
was permitted to fubfift in the church, it was produdive of the moft
falutary effeds on the faith and pradice of Chriftians, who lived
in the awful expedation of that moment when the globe itfelf, and
Vol. I. 4 C all
,56!? THE DECLINE AND FALL
all the various race of mankind, fliould tremble at the appearance
of their divine judge ^°.
Doftrine of Thc anclcnt and popular doftrlne of the Millennium was inti-
the Millen- ^ , • , , /- , • r /-.i • η a 1 1
nium. mately connected with the fecond coming or Chnlt. As the works
of the creation had been finifhed in fix days, their duration in their
prefent ftate, according to a tradition which was attributed to the
prophet Elijah, was fixed to fix thoufand years '". By the fame
analogy it was inferred, that this long period of labour and con-
tention, which was now almofl elapfed ^', would be fucceeded by a
joyful Sabbath of a thoufand years ; and that Chrift, with the tri-
umphant band of the faints and the eled who had efcaped death, or
who had been miraculoufly revived, would reign upon earth till the
time appointed for the laft and general refurredion. So pleafing
was this hope to the mind of believers, that the N'eiu Jenifakm, the
feat of this blifsful kingdom, was quickly adorned with all the
gaycft colours of the imagination. A felicity confifting only of
pure and fpiritual pleafure, would have appeared too refined for its
inhabitants, who were fiill fuppofed to polTefs their human nature
and fenfes, A garden of Eden, with the amufements of the pafloral
life, was no longer fuited to the advanced ftate of fociety which
prevailed under the Roman empire. A city was therefore ereded
*° This expeftation was countenanced by puted almoft 6000 years from the creation of
the twenty-fourth chapter of St. Matthew, the world to the birth of Chrift. Africanus,
and by the iirft epiftle of St. Paul to the Ladlantius, and the Greek church, have re-
Theflalonians. Erafmus removes the dif- duced that number to 5500, and Eufebius has
hculty by the help of allegory and metaphor ; contented himfelf with 5200 years. Thefe
and the learned Grotius ventures to infinuate, calculations were formed on the Septuagint,
that, for wife purpofes, the pious deception which was univerfally received during the
was permitted to take place. fix firil centuries. The authorit)• of the λ^ηΐ-
'•' See Burnet's Sacred Theory, part iii. gate and of the Hebrew te.xt has determined
C. c. This tradition may be traced as high the moderns, Proteliants as well as CatholiCi,
as the author of the Epiftle. of Barnabas, who to prefer a period of about 4000 years; though,
wrote in the iirft century, and who feems to in the ftudy of profane antiquity, they often
have been half a Jew. find themfelves llreightened by thofe narrow
'^ The primitive ςhuΓch of Antioch com- limits.
C ■> of
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 56J
XV
of gold and precious ftones, and a fupernatural plenty of corn and ^ ^^^.^^ ^•
wine was beftowed on the adjacent territory ; in the free enjoyment
of whole fpontancous produdions, the happy and benevolent peo-
ple was never to be reitrained by any jealous laws of exclufivc
property ''\ The aiTurance of fuch a Millennium, was carefully in-
culcated by a fucceiTion of fathers from Jullin Martyr*' and
Irensus, who converfed with the immediate dil'ciples of the apolUes,
down to Laitantius, who was preceptor to the fon of Conftantine'^'.
Though it might not be univerfally received, it appears to have been
the reigning fentiment of the orthodox believers ; and it feems i'o
well adapted to the defires and apprehenfions of mankind, that
it muft have contributed in a very confidcrable degree to the progrefs
of the Chriftian faith. But when the edifice of the church was
almoft completed, the temporary fupport was laid afidc. The
dodtrine of Chrift's reign upon earth, was at firll treated as a pro-
found allegory, was confidered by degrees as a doubtful and ufelefs
opinion, and was at length rejetilcd as the abfurd invention of herefy
and fanaticifm *\ A myflerious prophecy, which ftill forms a part
of the facred canon, but which was thought to favour the exploded
fentiment, has very narrowly efcaped the profcription of the
church ''\
Whilft
*' Moil of thefe piflures were borrowed the cleareft and moll folemn manner (Dla-
from a mifinterpretation of Ifaiah, Daniel, log. cum Tryphonte Jud. p. 177, 17S. Edit,
and the Apocalypfe. One of the grofl'ell Benediftin.). If in the beginning of this
images may be found in Irenseus (1. v. p. important paflage there is any thing like an
455.), the difciple of Papias, who had feen inconfUlency, we may impute it, as we think
the apollle 9t. John. proper, either to the author or to his tran-
^* See the fccond dialogue of Juftin with fcribers.
Tryphon, and the feventh book of Laftantius. '^ Dupin, BibliothequeEccIeJlaftiqur, torn.
It is unneceiTary to allege all the intermediate i. p. 223. torn. ii. p. 366. and Molheim, p.
fathers, as the facfl is not difputed. Yet the 720; tliough the latter of thefe learned di-
curious reader may confult Daille de Ufu Pa- vines is not altogether candid on this occafion.
trum, 1. ii. c. 4. " In the council of Laodicea (about the
*' The teftimony of Juftin, of his own year 360) the Apocalypfe was tacitly e.v-
faith and that of his orthodox brethren, in eluded from the facred canon by the fame
the dodrine of a Millennium, is delivered in churches of Afia to which it is addrcifed ; and
4 C 2 we
^4 THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP. Whilft the happinefs and glory of a temporal reign were promlfed
^ s^ f to the difciples of Chriil:, the moil dreadful calamities were de-
tionofRome nounced againft an unbelieving world. The edification of the New
world. ' "^ Jerufalem was to advance by equal fteps with the deftrudion of the
myftic Babylon ; and as long as the emperors who reigned before
Conftantine perfifted in the profeflion of idolatry, the epithet of
Babylon was applied to the city and to the empire of Rome. A re-
gular feries was prepared of all the moral and phyfical evils which
can afflift a flouriihing nation ; inteftine difcord, and the invafion
of the fierceft barbarians from the unknown regions of the North ;
peililence and famine, comets and eclipfes, earthquakes and inun-
dations '^ All thefe were only fo many preparatory and alarming
figns of the great cataftrophe of Rome, when the country of the
Scipios and Ccefars ihould be confumed by a flame from Heaven,
and the city of the feven hills, with her palaces, her temples,
and her triumphal arches, ihould be buried in a vail lake of fire
and brimilone. -It might, however, afford fome confolation to
Roman vanity, that the period of their empire would be that of
the world itfelf ; which, as it had once periihed by the element of
water, was deilined to experience a fecond and a fpeedy deftrudlion
from the element of fire. In the opinion of a general conflagration,
the faith of the Chriilian very happily coincided with the tradition
we may learn from the complaint of Sulpicius infallibility on all the books of Scripture,
Severus, that their fentence had been ratified contained in the Latin Vulgate, in the num-
by the greater number of Chrillians of his ber of which the Apocalypfe was fortunately
time. From what caufes then is the Apoca- included. (Fra Paolo, Iftoria del Concilio
lypfe at prefent fo generally received by the Tridentino, 1. ii.) 3. The advantage of
Greek, the Roman, and the Proteftant turning thofe myfterious prophecies againft
churches? The following ones may be af- the See of Rome, infpired the proteftants with
figned. I. The Greeks were fubdued by uncommon veneration for-fo ufeful an ally,
the authority of an impoftor, who, in the See the ingenious and elegant difcourfes of
fixth century, affumed the charafter of Dio- the prefent bilhop of Litchfield on that un- -
nyfius the Areopagite. 2. A jull apprehen- promifing fubjeft.
fion, that the grammarians might become '" Lailantius (Inilitut. Divin. vii. 15, &c.)
more important than the theologians, engaged relates the difmal tale of futurity witli great
the council of Trent to fix the feal of their fpirit and eloijueuce.
of
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. s^S
of the Eaft, the pliilofophy of the Stoics, and the analogy of Nature; ^ ^^ ^•
and even the country, which, from religious motives, had been chofen *— -v — — '
for the origin and principal fcene of the conflagration, was the beil
adapted for that purpofe by natural and phyfical caufes ; by its deep
caverns, beds of fulphur, and numerous volcanoes, of which thofe
of TEtna, of Vefuvius, and of Lipari, exhibit a very imperfedl re-
prefentation. The calmeft and moft intrepid fceptic could not re-
fufe to acknowledge, that the deilrudion of the prefent fyftcm of
the world by fire, was in itfelf extremely probable. The Chriilian,
who founded his belief much lefs on the fallacious arguments of
reafon than on the authority of tradition and the interpretation
of fcripture, expeded it with terror and confidence as a certain and
approaching event ; and as his mind was perpetually filled with the
folemn idea, he confidered every difafter that happened to the em-
pire as an infallible fymptom of an expiring world *'.
The condemnation of the wifeft and moft virtuous of the Pagans, The Pagan»
on account of their ignorance or difbelief of the divine truth, feems ft^en^af 'u-
to offend the reafon and the humanity of the prefent age ^°. But ni'^i«ie"t.
the primitive church, whofe faith was of a much firmer confiftence,
delivered over, without hefitation, to eternal torture, the -far greater
part of the human fpecies. A charitable hope might perhaps be
indulged in favour of Socrates, or fome other fages of antiquity,
who had confulted the light of reafon before that of the gofpel had
*' On this fubjeil every reader of tafte will of her Articles. The Janfenifts, who have
be entertained with the third part of Burnet's fo diligently ftudied the works of ths fathers.
Sacred Theory. He blends philofophy, fcrip- maintain this fentiment with diftinguiihed
ture, and tradition, into one magnificent fyf- zeal, and the learned M. de Tillemont never
tem ; in the defcription of wliich, he difplays difniiffes a virtuous emperor without pro-
a llrength of fancy not infeiior to that of nouncing his damnation. Zuinglius is per-
Milton himfclf. haps the only leader of a party who has ever
'" And yet whatever may be the language adopted the milder fentiment, and he gave
of individuals, it is ftill the public doftrine no lefs orTence to the Lutherans than to the
of all the Chriilian churches ; nor can even Catholics. See Boifuet, Hiftoire des Vari-
our own refufe to admit the concliifions which ations des Eglifes Proteftantes, I.ii. c. ig — zz.
iniift be drawn from the viiith and the xviiith
arifen.
566 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C Η Λ Γ. arifea ". But it was unanimoufly affirmed, that thofe who, fince
XV.
«— V ' the bhth or the death of Chrlfi:, had obftinately perfifted in the
worfliip of the d£emons, neither deferved nor could expedl a pardon
from the irritated juilice of the Deity. Thefe rigid fentiments,
which had been unknown to the ancient world, appear to have in-
fufcd a fpirit of bitternefs into a fyilem of love and harmony. The
ties of blood and frlendihip were frequently torn afunder by the
difference of religious faith ; and the Chriftians, who, in this world,
found thenifelves opprefled by the power of the Pagans, were fome-
times feduced by refentment and fpiritual pride to delight in the
profped of their future triumph. " You are fond of fpedacles,"
exclaims the ftern TertuUian ; " exped the greateft of all fpeftacles,
*' the laft and eternal judgment of the univerfe. How ihall I ad-
" mire, how laugh, how rejoice, how exult, when I behold fo
" many proud monarchs, and fancied gods, groaning in the lowed
" abyfs of darknefs; fo many magiflrates who perfecuted the name
*' of the Lord, liquefying in fiercer fires than they ever kindled
*' againft the Chriftians ; fo many fage philofophers blufliing in red
*' hot flames with their deluded fcholars ; fo many celebrated poets
" trembling before the tribunal, not of Minos, but of Chiift ; fo
*' many tragedians, more tuneful in the expreffion of their own
" fufferings ; fo many dancers — " But the humanity of the reader
will permit me to draw a veil over the reft of this infernal defcrip-
tion, which the zealous African purfues in a long variety of afFedted
and unfeeling witticifms ^'.
" JuRin and Clemens of Alexandria al- may be fufiiclent to allege the tiflimony of
low that fome of the philofophers were in- Cyprian, the doilor and guide of all the
ftrufted by the Logos ; confounding its double weftern churches. (See Prudent. Hymn. xiii.
fignification, of thehuman reafon, and of the loo.) As often as he applied himfelf to
Divine Word. his daily iludy of the writings of TertuUian,
'^ TertuUian, De Speflaculis, c. 30. In he was accullomed to fay, " Da mihi magi-
order to afcertain the degree of authority '■^ firum; Give me my mailer." (Hieronym.
which the zealous African had acijuired, it de Viris Illullribus, c.53.)
Doubtlefs
OF THE R Ο MVV Ν Ε Μ Ρ ί R E. 5^7
Doubtlefs there were many among the prhnitive Chriftians of a ^ ^}, -^ ^-
temper more fuitable to the meeknefs and charity of their profeiTion. ^ — ^ j
There were many who felt a fincere compaffion for the danger of converted by
their friends and countrymen, and who exerted the moil: benevolent
zeal to fave them from the impending deftruftion. The carelefs
Polytheift, affailed by new and unexpeiled terrors, againfi: which
neither his priefts nor his philofophers could afford him any cer-
tain proteftion, was very frequently terrified and fubdued by the
menace of eternal tortures. His fears might affiil the progrefs of
his faith and reafon ; and if he could once perfuade himfelf to fufpeft
that the Chriftian religion might poifibly be true, it became an eafy
talk to convince him that it was the fafeil and moil prudent party
that ke could poiTibly embrace.
III. The fupernatural giftjr which even in this life were afcribed The Third
. _ Cause.
to the Chriuians above the reft of mankind, muft have conduced to Miraculous
their own comfort, and very frequently to the convidtion of infidels. primTdve
Befides the occafional prodigies, which might fometimes be effeiled ^ ^^^ '
by the immediate interpofition of the Deity when he fufpended the
laws of Nature for the fervice of religion, the Chriftian church,
from the time of the apoftles and their firft difciples ", has claimed
an uninterrupted fucceffion of miraculous powers, the gift of
tongues, of vifion and of prophecy, the power of expelling dae-
mons, of healing the fick, and of ralfing the dead. The know-
ledge of foreign languages was frequently communicated to the con-
temporaries of Irenieus, though Irenseus himfelf was left to ftrugglc
with the difiiculties of a barbarous dialed whilft he preached the
gofpel to the natives of Gaul '*. The divine infpiration, whether
it was conveyed in the form of a waking or of a fleeping vifion, is
73
" Notwithftanding the cval'ions of Dr. Middleton (Free Inquiry, p. 96, &c.) ob-
Middleton, it is impoflible to overlook the ferves, that as this pretenfion of all others
clear traces of vifions and infpiration, which was the moil difficult to fupport by art, it
may be found in the apoftolic fathers. was the fooneft given up. The obfervation
'+ Irenasus adv. H»;ref. Proem, p. 3. Dr. fuits his hypothefis.
dcfcribed
568 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, defcrlbed as a favour very liberally beftowed on all ranks of the
XV.
faithful, on women as on elders, on boys as well as upon biihops.
When their devout minds were fufficiently prepared by a courfe oi
prayer, of failing, and of vigils, to receive the extraordinary im-
pulfe, they were tranfported out of their fenfes, and delivered in
extafy what was infpired, being mere organs of the holy fpirit, juft
as a pipe or flute is of him who blows into it "^ We may add,
that the defign of thefe vifions was, for the moil part, either to dif-
clofe the future hiftory, or to guide the prefent adminiilratlon of
the church. The expulfion of the daemons from the bodies of
thofe unhappy perfons whom they had been permitted to torment,
was confidered as a fignal though ordinary triumph of religion,
and is repeatedly alleged by the ancient apologiils, as the moft con-
vincing evidence of the truth of Chriilianity. The awful ceremony
was ufually performed in a public manner, and in the prefence of a
great number of fpedtators ; the patient was relieved by the power
or ikill of the exorciil, and the vanquiihed dsemon 'was heard to
confefs, that he was one of the fabled gods of antiquity, who had
impioufly ufurped the adoration of mankind '*• But the miracu-
lous cure of difeafes of the moft inveterate or even preternatural
kind, can no longer occafion any furprife, when we recollecl, that
in the days of Irena^us, about the end of the fecond century, the
refurre£lion of the dead was very far from being efteemed an un-
common event ; that the miracle was frequently performed on necef-
fary occafions, by great fafting and the joint fupplication of the
church of the' place, and that the perfons thus reftored to their
'5 Athenagoras in Legatione. Juftin Mar- "^ Tertullian (Apolog. c. 23.) throws out
tyr, Cohort, ad Gentes. Tertullian adverf. a bold defiance to the Pagan magiftrates. Of.
Marcionit. 1. iv. Thefe defcriptions are not the primitive miracles, the power of exor-
very unlike the prophetic fury, for which cifing, is the only one which has been af-
Cicero (de Divinat. ii. 54.) e.\-prefies fo little fumed by Protclbnts.
reverence.
prayers.
OFTHE ROMAN EMPIRE. 569
prayers, had lived afterwards among thctn many years ". At fuch ^ ^^J^ ^•
a period, when faith could boail of fo many wonderful vidories u-— ν~"-^
over death, it feems difficult to account for the fcepticifm of thofe
philofophers, who ftill reje<ited and derided the dodrine of the re-
furredion. A noble Grecian had refled on this important ground
the whole controverfy, and promifed Theophilus, bifhop of Antioch,
that if he could be gratified with the fight of a fingle perfon who
had been actually raifed from the dead, he would immediately em-
brace the Chriftian religion. It is fomewhat remarkable, that the
prelate of the firil eailern church, however anxious for the con-
verfion of his friend, thought proper to decline this fair and reafon-
able challenge '^
The miracles of the primitive church, after obtaining the fane- Their truth
tion of ages, have been lately attacked in a very free and in-
genious inquiry " ; which, though it has met with the moll
favourable reception from the Public, appears to have excited a
general fcandal among the divines of our own as well as of the
other proteftant churches of Europe ^°. Our different fentiments on
this fubjedt will be mucli. lefs influenced by any particular argu-
ments, than by our habits of ftudy and refledlion ; and above all, by
the degree of the evidence which we have accuftomed ourfjlves to
require for the proof of a miraculous event. The duty of an hif- Our perplex^
, ,, 1 . . f. , . . . , . ity in deiin-
tonan does not call upon hmi to interpole his private judgment in ingthemira•
this nice and important controverfy ; but he ought not to diffemble riod."' ^^'
the difhculty of adopting fuch a theory as may reconcile the intereil
" Irenacu? adv. Hacrefes, 1. ii. 56, 57. in 1749, and before his death, which hap-
1. V. c. 6. Mr. Dodwell (Di/Tert. ad Ire pened in 1750, he had prepared a vindication
iiEEum, ii. 42.) concludes, that the fccond of it againft his numerous adverfaries.
century was lull more fertile in miracles than »0 The univerfity of Oxford conferred de-
the firil. grees on his opponents. From the indignation
" I'heophylus ad Antolycum, 1. ii. p. 77. of Moiheim (p. z2i.), we may difcover the
'■^ Dr. I\-Iiddleton fent out his introduftion fentiments of the Lutheran divines,
in the year 174;', publifiied his Free Inquiry
Vol. I. 4D of
570 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, of religion with that of reafon, of making a proper application of
v_ — ,,-___/ that theory, and of denning with precifion the limits of that happy
period exempt from error and from deceit, to which we might be
difpofed to extend the gift of fupernatural powers. From the firft
of the fathers to the lafl: of the popes, a fucceffion of biihops, of
faints, of martyrs, and of miracles, is continued without interrup-
tion, and the progrcfs of fuperftition was fo gradual and almoil
imperceptible, that we know not in what particular link we ihould
break the chain of tradition. Every age bears teftimony to the
wonderful events by which it was diftinguiihed, and its teftimony
appears no lefs weighty and refpedable than that of the preceding
generation, till we are infenfibly led on to accufe our own incon-
llftency, if in the eighth or in the twelfth century we deny to the
venerable Bede, or to the holy Bernard, the fame degree of con-
fidence which, in the fecond century, we had fo liberally granted to
Juftin or to Irenseus ^'. If the truth of any of thofe miracles is
appreciated by their apparent ufe and propriety, every age had un-
believers to convince, heretics to confute, and idolatrous nations
to convert ; and fufficient motives might always be produced to
juftify the interpofition of Heaven. And yet fmce every friend to
revelation is perfuaded of the reality, and every reafonable man is
convinced of the ceffation, of miraculous powers, it is evident that
there muft have been fome period in which they were either fud-
denly or gradually withdrawn from the Chriftian church. What-
ever sera is chofen for that purpofe, the death of the apo.lles, the
converfion of the Roman empire, or the extindion of the Arian
herefy *', the infenfibility of the Chriftians who lived at that time
will
*' It may feem fomewhat remarkable, that nions and difciples. In the long feries of ec-
Bernard of Clairvaux, who records fo many clefiailical hiftory, does there exift a fmgle
miracles of his friend St. Malachi, never takes inftance of a faint aflerting that he himfelf
any notice of his own, which, in their turn, poifefled the gift of miracles?
kowever,. are carefully related by his compa- *^ The converfion of Couftantine is the
8
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 571
will equally afford a jufi: matter of furprife. They ftlU fupported ^ ^^ ^ P.
their pretenfions after they had loil their power. Credulity per- ν „— «;
formed the office of faith ; fanaticifm was permitted to aifume the
language of infpi ration, and the effeots of accident or contrivance
were afcrihcd to fupernatural caufes. The recent experience of
genuine miracles ihould have iaftrufted the Chriftian world in the
■ways of providence, and habituated their eye (if we may ufe a
very inadequate expreffion) to the ftyle of the divine artifl:. Should
the mofl; ikilful painter of modern Italy prefume to decorate his
feeble imitations with the name of Raphael or of Correggio, the in-
folent fraud would be foon difcovered and indignantly rejeded.
Whatever opinion may be entertained of the miracles of the Ufe of the
. . . primitive
primitive church iince the time of the apoillcs, this uni'efifting foft- miracles.
nefe of temper, fo confpicuous among the believers of the fecond
and third centuries, proved of fom^ accidental benefit to the caufe of
truth and religion. In modern times, a latent and even involuntary
fcepticifm adheres to the moil pious difpofitions. Their admiffion
of fupernatural truths is much lefs an adive confent than a cold
and paffive acquiefcence. Accuftomed long fince to obferve and to
refpeCt the invariable order of Nature, our reafon, or at leail our
imagination, is not fufficiently prepared to fuftain the vifible adion
of the Deity. But in the firil ages of Chriftlanity, the fituation of
mankind was extremely different. The moil: curious, or the moft
credulous, among the Pagans, were often perfuaded to enter into a
fociety, which alTerted an adlual claim of miraculous powers. The
primitive Chrlftians perpetually trod on myftic ground, and their
minds were exercifed by the habits of believing the moft extraor-
dinary events. They felt, or they fancied, that on every fide they
were inceffantly affaulted by daemons, comforted by vifions, in-
asra which is moft ufually fixed by Proteilants. more credulous are unwilling to rejeil thofe
The more rational divines are unwilling to of the vth century,
admit the miracles of the ivth, whilft the
4D a ilruaed
572 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, ftrudted by prophecy, and furprifingly delivered from dan-
^- -,- ^i ger, ficknefs, and from death itlelf, by the fupplications of the
church. The real or imaginary prodigies, of which they fo fre-
quently conceived thcmfelves to be the objeds, the inftruments,
or the fpedators, very happily difpofed them to adopt with the fame
eafe, but with far greater juftice, the authentic v^onders of the
evangelic hiftory; and thus miracles that exceeded not the meafure
of their own experience, infpired them with the moil lively affurance
of myfteries which were acknowledged to furpafs the limits of their
underftanding. It is this deep impreifion of fupernatural truths,
which has been fo much celebrated under the name of faith ; a
ftate of mind defcribed as the fureft pledge of the divine favour
and of future felicity, and recommended as the firft or perhaps the
only merit of a Chriilian. According to the more rigid dodlors,
the moral virtues, which may be equally pradtifed by infidels, are
deftitute of any value or efficacy in the work of our juftification.
The IV. But the primitive Chriftian demonflrated his faith by his
Cau^e" virtues ; and it was very juftly fuppofed that the divine perfuafion
^'''■''-'" °^ which enlightened or fubducd the underflanding, muft, at the fame
Chriiiians. time, purify the heart and direil the adions of the believer. The
firfi: apologills of Chriftianity who juftify the innocence of their
brethren, and the writers of a later period who celebrate the fandity
of their anceftors, difplay, in the moft lively colours, the reforma-
tion of manners which was introduced into the world by the
preaching of the gofpel. As it is my intention to remark only
fuch human caufes as were permitted to fecond the influence of
revelation, I Hull ilightly mention two motives which might
naturally render the lives of the primitive Chriflians much purer
and more auftere than thofe of their Pagan contemporaries or their
degenerate fucceiibrs ; repentance for their paft fins, and the laud-
able defire of fupporting the reputation of the fociety in which they
were engaged.
2 It
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 573
It is a very ancient reproach, fuggefted by the ignorance or the CHAP,
malice of infidelity, that the Chriiiians allured into their party the — .r— — /
mofl: atrocious criminals, who, as foon as they were touched by a their repent-
fenfe of remorfe, wereeafily perfiiaded to waih away, in the water ^""'
of baptifm, the guilt of their part condudl, for which the temples
of the gods refufed to grant them any expiation. But this reproach,
■when it is cleared from mifreprefentation, contributes as much to
the honour as it did to the increafc of the church^'. The friends
of Chriilianity may acknowledge without a bluih, that many of
the moil eminent faints had been before their baptifm the moil
abandoned finners. Thofe perfons, who in the world had followed,
though in an imperfeil manner, the didlates of benevolence and
propriety, derived fuch a calm fatisfadion from the opinion of their
own reditude, as rendered them much lefs fufceptible of the fudden
emotions of ihame, of grief, and of terror, which have given birth
to fo many wonderful converfions. After the example of their Di-
vine Mailer, the miiTionaries of the gofpel difdained not the fociety
of men, and efpecially of women, oppreiTed by the confcioufnef&,
and very often by the effects, of their vices. As they emerged from,
fin and fuperflition to the glorious hope of immortality, they re-
folved to devote themfelves to a life, not only of virtue, but of peni-
tence. The defire of perfedion became the ruling pafTion of their
foul ; and, it is well known, that while reafon embraces a cold medi-
ocrity, our paffions hurry us, with rapid violence, over the fpace
which lies between the moft oppofite extremes.
When the new converts had been enrolled in the number of the Care of their,
faithful, and were admitted to the facraments of the church, they '■ερ"'^"οη..
found themfelves reftrained from relapfing into their pail diforders
by another confideration of a lefs fpiritual, but of a very innocent
and refpedable nature. Any particular fociety that has departed
" The imputations of Celfus and Julian, ftated by Spanheim, Commentaire fur les Ca-
wLth the defence of the fathers, are very fairly fars de Julian, p. 468.
£10 m.
574 THE DECLINE ANDF ALL
CHAP, from the great body of the nation, or the religion to which it
v__^_! — ' belonged, immediately becomes the objeft of univerfal as well as
invidious obfervation. In proportion to the fmallnefs of its num-
bers, the charader of the fociety may be affeded by the virtue
and vices of the perfons who compofe it ; and every member is en-
gaged to watch with the moft vigilant attention over his own
behaviour, and over that of his brethren, fince, as he muft expeft
to incur a part of the common difgrace, he may hope to enjoy
a ihare of the common reputation. When the Chriftiaiis of Bi-
thynia were brought before the tribunal of the younger Pliny, they
afllired the proconful, that, far from being engaged in any unlawful
confpiracy, they were bound by a folemn obligation to abflain from
the commiffion of thofe crimes which difturb the private or public
peace of fociety, from theft, robbery, adultery, perjury, and fraud **.
Near a century afterwards, Tertullian, with an honeft pride, could
boaft, that very few Chriflians had fuffered by the hand of the
executioner, except on account of their religion ''. Their ferious
and fequeftered life, averfe to the gay luxury of the age, inured them
to chaftity, temperance, oeconomy, and all the fober and domeftic
virtues- As the greater number were of fome trade or profeflion,
it was incumbent on them, by the ftrideft integrity and the faireft
dealing, to remove the fufpicions which the profane are too apt
to conceive againft the appearances of fandlity. The contempt
-of the world exercifed them in the habits of humility, meeknefs,
and patience. The more they were perfecuted, the more clofely
they adhered to each other. Their mutual charity and unfufpeding
confidence has been remarked by infidels, and was too often abufed
by perfidious friends
86
(
^* Plin. Epiftol. X. 97. life and death Lucian has left us (o entertain-
5 Tertullian, Apolog. c. 44. He adds, ing an account) impofed, for a long time,
towever, with fome degree of hefitation, on the credulous fimplicity of the Chrillians
■•' Autfialiud, jam non Chriftianus." of Afia.
»* The phiiofopher Peregrinus (of whofe
It
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 575:
It is a very honourable circumilance for the morals of the primi- ^ ^ -^ ^'•
tive Chriftians, that even their faults, or rather errors, were derived ' '
r r • rr-i Morality of
from an excefs of virtue. The biihops and doilors of the church, the fathers.
whofe evidence attefts, and whofe authority might influence, the
profeifions, the principles, and even the practice, of their con-
temporaries, had ftudied the fcriptures with lefs fl;ill than devo-
tion, and they often received, in the moil literal fenfe, thofe rigid
precepts of Chrift and the apoftles, to which the prudence of
fucceeding commentators has applied a loofer and more figurative
mode of interpretation. Ambitious to exalt the perfeilion of the
gofpel above the wifdom of philofophy, the zealous fathers have
carried the duties of felf-mortification, of purity, and of patience»
to a height which it is fcarcely poiTible to attain, and much lefs
to preferve, in our prefent ilate of weaknefs and corruption. A.
doctrine fo extraordinary and fo fublime muft inevitably command.
the veneration of the people; but it was ill calculated to obtain
the fuffrage of thofe worldly philofophers, who, in the condudl of
this tranfitory life, confukonly the feelings of nature and the intereil
qf fociety '^
There are two very natural propenfities which we may dif- Principles of
human na-
tinguiih in the moil virtuous and liberal difpofitions, the love of ture..
pleafure and the love of action. If the former is refined by art and
learning, improved by the charms of fecial intercourfe, and cor-
redted by a juit regard to oeconomy, to health, and to reputation,
it is produdive of the greateil part of the happinefs of private life.
The love of adlion is a principle of a much iltonger and more
doubtful nature. It often leads to anger, to ambition, and to
revenge; but when it is guided by the fenfe of propriety and bene^
"volence, it becomes the parent of every virtue ; and if thoie virtues-
are accompanied with equal abilities, a family, a ftate, or an
" See a very judIciQiia.treatife of Barbeyrac fur la-Morale des Peres.
ejupire,.
^76 THE DECLINE AND FALL
<f
empire, may be indebted for their fafety and profperity to tlie
undaunted courage of a fingle man. To the love of pleafure we
may therefore afcribe moft of the agreeable, to the love of adion
w€ may attribute moft of the ufeful and refpedable, qualifications.
The charadler in which both the one and the other fhould be.
united and harmonifed, would feem to conftitute the moft perfect
idea of human nature. The infenfible and inadive difpofition,
which ihould be fuppofed alike deftitute of both, would be rejefted
by the common confent of mankind, as utterly incapable of pro-
curing any happinefs to the individual, or any public benefit to
the world. But it was not in this world that the primitive
Chriftians were defirous of making themfelves either agreeable
or ufeful.
The primi- The acquifitlon of knowledge, the exercife of our reafon or fancy,
tiansconi' ^^^ ^^^ cheerful flow of unguarded converfation, may employ the
demn plea- icifufg of a liberal mind. Such amufements, however, were rejedled
luxur/. with abhorrence, or admitted with the utmoft caution, by the feverity
of the fathers, who defpifed all knowledge that was not ufeful to fal-
vation, and who confidered all levity of difcourfe as a criminal
abufe of the gift of fpeech. In our prefent ftate of exiftence, the
body is fo infeparably connedled with the foul, that it feems to
be our intereft to tafte, with innocence and moderation, the enjoy-
ments of which that faithful companion is fufceptible. Very
different was the reafoning of our devout predeceilors ; vainly
afpiring to imitate the perfedion of angels, they difdained, or they
affected to difdain, every earthly and corporeal delight '*\ Some
of our fcnfes indeed are neceffary for our prefervation, others for
our fubfiftence, and others again for our information, and thus
far it was impoffible to rejed: the ufe of them. The firft fenfation
88 Laftant. Inftitut. Divin. 1. vi. c. 20, 21, 22.
of
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. κ,ηη
of pleafiire was marked as the fiift moment of their abaife. The ^ ^ Λ p.
Λν.
unfeeling candidate for Heaven was inftruded, not only to rcfiil > — -,,——/
the grolfer allurements of the tafte or fmell, but even to iliut his
ears againft the profane harmony of founds, and to view with
indifference the moil finiilied produftions of human art. Gay
apparel, magnificent houfes, and elegant furniture, were fuppofed
to unite the double guilt of pride and of fenfuality : a fmiple
and mortified appearance was more fuitable to the Chriftian who
was certain of his fins and doubtful of his falvation. In their
cenfures of luxury, the fathers are extremely minute and cir-
cumftantial ^' ; and among the various articles which excite their
pious indignation, we may enumerate falfe hair, garments of any
colour except white, inftruments of mufic, vafes of gold or filver,
downy pillows (as Jacob repofed his head on a ftone), while bread,
foreign wines, public falutations, the' ufe of warm baths, and the
pradice of fliaving the beard, which, according to the cxpreiFion
of TertuUian, is a lie againft our own faces, and an impious
attempt to improve the works of the Creator '°. When Chriftianity
was introduced among the rich and the polite, the obfervation
of thefe fingular laws was left, as it would be at preient, to the few
who were ambitious of fuperior fandity. But it is always cafy as
well as agreeable for the inferior ranks of mankind to claim a
merit from the contempt of that pomp and pleafure, which fortune
has placed beyond their reach. The virtue of the primitive
Chriftians, like that of the firft Romans, was very frequently
guarded by poA^erty and ignorance.
The chafte feverity of the fathers, in whatever related to the com- Their fend-
merce of the two fexes, flowed from the fame principle; their cerning ni;ir-
abhorrence of every enjoyment, which might gratify the fenfual, "i^^^ifv^
^5 Confultawork of Clemensof Alexandria, the moft celebrated of the Chrillian fchools.
intitled the Paedagogue, which contains the 9° TertuUian, de Speftaculis, c. 23.
rudiments of ethics, as they were taught in Clemens Alexandrin, Pa;dagog. I. iii. c. 8.
Vol. I. 4 Ε and
578 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, and degrade the fplritual, nature of man. It was their favourite
< ^ 1 opinion, that if Adam had preferved his obedience to the Creator,
he would have lived for ever in a ftate of virgin purity, and thnt
fome harmlefs mode of vegetation might have peopled paradife
with a race of innocent and immortal beings'". The ufe of mar-
riage was permitted only to his fallen pofterity, as a neceflary ex-
pedient to continue the human fpecies, and as a reftraint, however
imperfedl, on the natural licentioufnefs of defire. The hefitation
of the orthodox cafuifts on this Interefting fubjedt, betrays the per-
plexity of men, unwilling to approve an inftitution, which they were
compelled to tolerate ''. The enumeration of the very whimfical
laws, which they moil circumftantially impofed on the marriage-
bed, vpould force a fmile frofn the young, and a blufli from the
fair. It was their unanimous fentiment, that a firft marriage was
adequate to all the purpofes of nature and of fociety. The fenfual
connexion was refined into a refemblance of the myftic union of
Chrift with his church, and was pronounced to be indifibluble
either by divorce or by death. The pradice of fecond nuptials
was branded with the name of a legal adultery ; and the perfons who
were guilty of fo fcandalous an offence againft Chriftian purity,
were foon excluded from the honours, and even from the alms, of
the church ". Since defire was imputed as a crime, and marriage
was tolerated as a defed, it was confiftent with the fame principles
to confider a ftate of celibacy as the neareil approach to the Divine
perfeQion. It was with the utmoft difficulty that ancient Rome-
could fupport the inftitution of fix veftals '* ; but the primitive
church
"' Beaiifobre Hiil. Critique du Mani- ^^ Sec a chain of tradition, from JuiUn
cheifme, 1. vii. c. 3. JulHn, Gregory of Martyr to Jerome, in the Morale des Peres,
Nyfla, Auguilin, &.'C. ilrongly inclined to c. iv. 6 — 26.
this opinion. ^* See a very curious DiiTertation orr the
*^ Some of the Gnoitic heretics were more Veftals, in the Memoires de I'AcaJemie des
conftftent ; they rejcfted the ufe of marriage. Infcriptions, torn. ii. p. 161 — 227. Notwith-
ftanding
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ' 579
church was filled with a great number of perfons of either fex, who ^ ^^ ^-
Λ. V •
had devoted themfelves to the profeflion of perpetual chaftity^'. A
few of thefe, among whom we may reckon the learned Origen, judged
it the moil: prudent to difarm the tempter'*. Some were infenfible
and fome were invincible againfl; the aiTaultsof the fleflt. Difdaining
.an ignominious flight, the virgins of the warm climate of Africa
encountered the enemy in the clofeft engagement ; they permitted
priefts and deacons to ihare their bed, and gloried amidil the flames
in their unfuUied purity. But infulted Nature fometimes vindicated
her rights, and this new fpecies of martyrdom ferved only to in-
troduce a new fcandal into the church '". Among the Chriftian
afcetics, however (a name which they foon acquired from their
painful exercife), many, as they were lefs prefumptuous, were pro-
bably more fuccefsful. The lofs of fenfual pleafure was fupplied
and compenfated by fpiritual pride. Even the multitude of Pagans
were inclined to efl:imate the merit of the facrifice by its apparent
difficulty ; and it was in the praife of thefe chafte fpoufes of Chrifl:
that the fathers have poured forth the troubled ftream of their
eloquence ''. Such are the early traces of monaftic principles and
infl:itutions, which, in a fubfequent age, have counterbalanced all the
temporal advantages of Chriflianity ".
ftanding the honours and rewards which were '' Cyprian. Epiftol. 4. and Dodwell Dil-
beftowed on thofe virgins, it was difiiciilt to fortat. Cyprianic. iii. Something like this
procure a iuflicient number ; nor could the raih attempt was long afterwards imputed to
dread of the moll horrible death always re- the founder of the order of Fontevrault. Bayle
ftj-ain their incontinence. has amufed himfelf and his readers on that
s5 Cupiditatem procreandi aut unam fci- very delicate fubjed.
mus aut nullam. Minucius F.tHx, c. 31. 9' Dupin (BibliotliequeEcclefiaftique, torn.
Juftin. Apolog. Major. Athenagoras in Le- i. p. 195.) gives a particular -account of the
gat. c. 28. Tertullian de Cultu Fcemin. 1. ii. dialogue of the ten virgins, as it was com-
'■* Eufebius, 1. vi. 8. Before the fame of pofed by Methodius, Bilhop of T)re. The
Origen had excited envy and perfecution, this praifes of virginity are cxceflive.
extraordinary aftion was rather admired than 5» Tpj^g y\fcetics (as early as the fecond
cenfured. As it was his general praftice to century) made a public profeflion of mortifv-
allegorize fcripture ; it feems unfortunate ing their bodies, and of abftaining from the
that, in this inftance only, he ihciild have ufe of flefli and wine. Moflieim, p. 310.
adopted the literal fcnfe.
4 Ε 2 . The
58ο
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
XV.
Tlieir aver-
fion to the
bufiBcfs of
war and go-
vernment.
The Chriftians were not lefs averfe to the. bufinefs than to the
pleafures of this world. The defence of our perfons and property
they knew not how to reconcile with the patient do£lrlne which
enjoined an unlimited forgivenefs of part injuries, and commanded
them to invite the repetition of freih infults. Their fimplicity was
offended by the ufe of oatfes, by the pomp of magiftracy, and by
the adliye. contention of public life, nor could their humane igno-
rance be convinced, that it was lawful on any occafion to ihed
the blood of our fellow-creatures, either by the fword of juftice, or
bylhaC of w^ar; even though their criminal or hoftile attempts
Ihould threaten the peace and fafety of the whole community '°°•
It was acknowledged, that, under a lefs perfedl law, the powers
of the Jewiih conftitution had been exercifcd, with the approbation
of Heaven, by infpired prophets and by anointed kings. The
Chriftians felt and confeffed, that fuch inftitutions might be ne-
ceflary for the prefent fyftem of the world, and they cheerfully
fubmitted to the authority of their Pagan governors. But while
they inculcated the maxims of paflive obedience, they refufed to
take any aftive part in the civil adminiftration or the military defence
of the empire. Some indulgence might perhaps be allowed to thofe
perfons who, before their converfion, were already engaged in fuch
violent and fanguinary occupations '"' ; but it was impoiTible that
the Chriftians, without renouncing a more facred duty, could
aftume the charader of foldiers, of magiftrates, or of princes '".
This indolent, or even criminal, difregard to the public welfare,
'" See the Morale des Peres. The fame
patient principles have been revived fince the
Reformation by the Socinians, the modern
Anabaptifts, and the Quakers. Barclay, the
.^pologill of the Quakers, has protefted his
brethren, by the authority of the primitive
Chriftians, p. 542 — 549.
'«' Tcrtullian, Apolog. c. 2i. De Ido-
iatria, c. 17, 18. Origen contra Celfum,
1. V. p. 253. 1. vii. p. 348. I. viii. p. 423 —
428.
'"" Tertullian (de Corona Militis, c. 11.)
fuggefts to them the expedient of deferting ; a
counfel, which, if it had been generally
known, was not very proper to conciliate the
favour of the emperor* towards the chriftian feil,
expofed
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 581
cxpofed them to the contempt and reproaches of the Pagans, who C II Λ p.
very frequently aiked, what muil be the fate of the empire, attacked < ^ '
on every fide by the barbarians, if all mankind fhould adopt the
pufillanimous fentiments of the new fcit "' ? To this infulting
queftion the Chriilian apologifts returned obfcure and ambiguous
anfwers, as they were unwilling to reveal the fecret caufe of their
fecurity ; the expeilation that, before the converfion of mankind was
accompliihed, war, government, the Roman empire, and the world
itfelf, would be no more. It may be obferved, that in this inftance
likewife, the fituation of the firfl: Chriftians coincided very happily
with their religious fcruples, and that their averfion to an adive
life contributed rather to excufe them from the fervice, than to
exclude them from the honours, of the ftate and array.
y. But the human charader, however it may be exalted The Fifth
•^ Cause.
or depreiTed by a temporary enthufiafm, will return by degrees to The Chrif-
its proper and natural level, and will refume thofe paiFions that feem in the go-
the moft adapted to its prefent condition. The primitive Chriilians the church.
were dead to the buiinefs and pleafures of the world ; but their
love of adion, which could never be entirely extinguiihed, foon
revived, and found a new occupation in the government of the
church. A feparate fociety, which attacked the eilabliihed religion
of the empire, was obliged to adopt fome form of internal policv,
and to appoint a fufficient number of minifters, intrufted not only
with the fpiritual funQions, but even with the temporal diredion
of the Chriftian commonwealth. The fafety of that fociety, its
honour, its aggrandifement, were produdive, even in the moil
pious minds, of a fpirit of patriotifm, fuch as the firft of the
Pvomans had felt for the republic, and fometimes, of a fimilar
indifference, in the ufe of whatever means might probably conduce
'"' As well as we can Judge from the mu- 423.) his adverfary, Celfus, had urged his
tilated reprefentation of Origen, (1. viii. p. objeflioa with great force and candour.
to
582 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, to fo defirable an end. The ambition of raifinir themfelves or their
xv. ^ ° _ ^
^— -V— —' friends to the honours and ofEces of the church, was difguifed by
the laudable intention of devoting to the public benefit, the power
and confideration, which, for that purpofe only, it became their duty
to follcit. In the exercife of their fundlons, they were frequently
called upon to dete£t the errors of herefy, or the arts of faQion, to
oppofe the dcfigns of perfidious brethren, to ftigmatize their cha-
radters with deferved infamy, and to expel them from the bofom of
a fociety, whofe peace and happinefs they had attempted to difturb.
The ecclefiaftical governors of the Chriftians were taught to
unite the wifdom of the ferpent with the innocence of the dove;
but as the former was refined, fo the latter was infenfibly cor-
rupted, by the habits of government. In the church as well as in
the world, the perfons who were placed in any public ftation
rendered themfelves confiderable by their eloquence and firmnefs,
by their knowledge of mankind, and by their dexterity in bufinefs,
and while they concealed from others, and perhaps from themfelves,
the fecret motives of their conduft, they too frequently relapfed
into all the turbulent paiTions of adlive life, which were tinilured
with an additional degree of bittefnefs and obftinacy from the infu-
fion of fpiritual ziral.
Its primitive The government of the church has often been the fubjeft as well
freedom and ^g ^γ^^ prize of religious contention. The hoftile difputants of
Rome, of Paris, of Oxford, and of Geneva, have alike Uruggled
to reduce the primitive and apoftolic model '"*■, to the refpec-
tive ftandards of their own policy. The few who have purfued
this inquiry with more candour and impartiality, are of opinion """,
'"+ The Ariftocratical party, in France, as acknowledge an equal. See Fra. Paolo,
well as in England, has llrenuouily main- .05 In the hiftory of the Chriftian hierarchy,
tained the divine origin of biihops. But the j ^^^,^^ f^^. jj^^ j^^^ ^^^^^ followed the learn-
Calviniftical prelbyters were impatient of a ^^ ^^^ ^^^^-^^ Moiheim.
fuperior ; and the Rom.in Pontiff refufed to
that
equality.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 583
that the apoftles declined the office of Icgiflation, and rather chofe chap.
to endure fome partial fcandals and divifions, than to exclude
the Chriftians of a future age from the liberty of varying their
forms of ecclefiaftical government according to the changes of
times and circumftances. The fcheme of policy, which, under their
approbation, was adopted for the ufe of the firfl: century, may
be difcovered from the pradice of Jerufalem, of Ephefus, or of
Corinth. The focieties which were inflituted in the cities of the
Roman empire, were united only by the ties of faith and charity.
Independence and equality formed the bafis of their internal con-
ftitution. The want of difcipUne and human learning was fup-
plied by the occafional affiftance of the prophets '°°, who were
called to that fundion without diflindion of age, of fex, or of
natural• abilities, and who, as often as they felt the divine impulfe,
poured forth the effufions of the fpirit in the aifembly of the faithful.
But thefe extraordinary gifts were frequently abufed or mifapplied
by the prophetic teachers. They difplayed them at an improper
feafon, prefumptuoufly diflurbed the fervice of the affembly, and
by their pride or miftaken zeal they introduced, particularly into the
apoftolic church of Corinth, a long and melancholy train of dif-
orders '°^. As the inftitution of prophets became ufelefs, and even
pernicious, their powers were withdrawn, and their oflice aboliihed.
The public fundions of religion were folely intruded to the efta-
bliihed minifters of the church, the biJJjops and the prefiyters ; two
appellations which, in their firft origin, appear to have diftinguilhcd
the fame office and the fame order of perfons. The name of Pref-
byter was expreffive of their age, or rather of their gravity and
wifdom. The title of Biihop denoted their infpedion over the faith
"^ For the prophets of the primitive church, '°' See the epiftles of St. Paul, and of Cle-
fee Mofheim, DiiTcrtationes ad Hift. Ecclef. mens, to the Corindiians.
pertinentes, torn. ii. p. 132—208.
and
584 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, and manners of the Chriftians who were commitied to their paftoral
« , — '-t care. In proportion to the refpeitive numbers of the faithful,
a larger or fmaller number of thefe ep'ij'ccpal prefi^yters guided
each infant congregation with equal authority, and with united
counfels "".
Innitution of But the moft pcrfcit equality of freedom requires the diredling
prefidents of hand of a fupcrior magiflrate ; and the order of public deliberations
of'preibyfers. ^^'^^ introduces the office of a prefident, inverted at leaft with the
authority of collecting the fentiments, and of executing the re-
folutions, of the aiTembly. A regard for the public tranquillity,
which would fo frequently have been interrupted by annual or by
occafional eledtions, induced the primitive Chriftians to conftitute an
honourable and perpetual magiftracy, and to choofe one of the wifeft
and moft holy among their prefbyters to execute, during his life, the
duties of their ecclefiaftical governor. It was under thefe circum-
ftances that the lofty title of Bifliop began to raife itfelf above the
humble appellation of prefbyter; and while the latter remained the
moft natural diftindion for the members of every Chriftian fenate,
the former was appropriated to the dignity of its new prefident '"'.
The advantages of this epifcopal form of government, which ap-
pears to have been introduced before the end of the firft century "%
were fo obvious, and fo important for the future greatnefs, as well
as the prefent peace, of Chriftianity, that it was adopted without
delay by all the focieties which were already fcattered over the em-
'°8 Hooker's Ecclefiaftical Polity, 1. vii. of all the cbjeftions of the learned Pearfon,
''^' See Jerome ad Titum, c. i. and Epillol. in his Vindiciie Ignatiana?, part i. c. 11.
55. (in the Benediftine edition, 101.) and .,α See the introduftion to the Apocalypfe.
the elaborate apology of Blondel, pro fenten- Bifijops, under the name of angels, were al-
ti Hieronymi. The ancient ftate, as it is ^eady inftituted in feven cities of Afia. And
riefcribed by Jerome, of the bifliop and pref- y^j j^e epiftle of Clemens (which is proba-
byters of Alexandria, receives a remarkable ^ly of as ancient a date) does not lead us to
confirmation from the patriarch Eutichius difcover any traces of epiicopacy either at Co-
(Annal. torn. i. p. 330. Verf. Pocock) ; whofe j-jnth or Rome.
teiUmony I know not how to rejeft, in fpite
8
pire,
ο F τ ίΐ Ε R ο Μ A Ν Ε Μ ρ I R Ε. 5^3
pire, had acquired in a very early period ihe fandion of antl- ^ ^^^ ^•
quity '", and is ftill revered by the moft powerful churches, both
of the Eaft and of the Weft, as a primitive and even as a divine
eftabliihment "\ It is needlefs to obferve, that the pious and hum-
ble prefbylers, who were firft dignified with the epifcopal title, could
not poffcfs, and would probably have rejetiled, the power and pomp
which now encircles the tiara of the Roman pontiff, or the mitre
of a German prelate. But we may define, in a few words, the
narrow limits of their original jurifdidion, which was chiefly of a
fpiritual, though in fome inftances of a temporal, nature '". It con-
fdl:ed in the adminiftration of the facraments and difcipline of the
church, the fuperintendency of religious ceremonies, which imper-
ceptibly increafed in number and variety, the confecration of eccle-
fiaftical minifters, to whom the biihop aiTigned their refpedive func-
tions, the management of the public fund, and the determination
of all fuch differences as the faithful were imwilling to expofe be-
fore the tribunal of an idolatrous judge. Thefe powers, during a
ihort period, were exercifed according to the advice of the prefby-
teraf college, and with the confent and approbation of the affembly
of Chriftians. The primitive biihops were confidered only as the
firfl of their equals, and the honourable fervants of a free people.
Whenever the epifcopal chair became vacant by death, a new pre-
fident was chofea among the prefbyters by the fuffrage of the whole
congregation, every member of which fuppofed himfelf inverted
with a facred and facerdotal character "\
Such
'" Nulla Ecclefia fine Epifcopo, has been "^ See Mofneim in the firft and feconJ
a faft as well as a maxim fince the time of centuries. Ignatius (ad Smyrnxos, c. 3, &c.)
Tertullian and Irenaius. is fond of exalting the epifcopal dignity. Le
'" After we have pafled the diiEculties of C'lerc (Hill. Ecclefiaft. p. 569.) very bluntly
the firft century, we find the epifcopal go- ccnfures his conduit. Moftieim, with a more
vernment univerfally eftabliflied, till it was critical judgment (p. 161.), fufpefts the pu-
inxerrupted by the republican genius of the rity even of the fmaller epiftles.
Swifs and German reformers. "+ Nonncet Laici faccrdotes fumus: Ter-
VoL. I, 4 F tullian.
^86 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. Such was the mild and equal conftitution by which the Chriiliana
XV.
._ _^1 , were governed more than an hundred years after the death of the
council's? apoftlcs. Every fociety formed within itfelf a feparate and inde-
pendent republic : and although the moll, diitant of thei'e little ftates
maintained a mutual as well as friendly intercourfe of letters and
deputations, the Chriftian world was not yet conneded by any fu-
pieme authority or legiilative aflembly. As the numbers of the
faithful were gradually multiplied, they difcovered the advantages
that might refult from a clofer union of their intereft and defigns.
Towards the end of the fecond century, the churches of Greece
and Afia adopted the ufeful inflitutions of provincial fynods,
and they may juftly be fuppofed to have borrowed the model of a
reprefentative council from the celebrated examples of their own
country, the Amphidyons, the Achsean league, or the aflemblies of
the Ionian cities. It was foon eftabliihed as a cuftom and as a law,
that the biihops of the independent churches Ihould meet in the
capital of the province at the ftated periods of fpring and autumn.
Their deliberations were affiiled by the advice of a few diftinguiihed
prefbyters, and moderated by the prefence of a liilening multi-
tude "^ Their decrees, which were ftyled Canons, regulated every
important controverfy of faith and dilcipllne ; and it was natural
to believe that a liberal effufion of the holy fpirit would be poured
on the united aflembly of the delegates of the Chriftian people.
The inftitution of fynods was fo well fuited to private ambition and
to public intereft, that in the fpace of a few years it was received
church ^ throughout the whole empire. A regular correfpondence was efta-
tullian, Exhort, ad Caftitat. c. 7. As the "' Aila concil. Carthag. apud Cyprian,
human heart is Hill the fame, feveral of the Edit. Fell, p. 158. This council was com-
obfervations which Mr. Hume has made on pofed of eighty-feven biihops from the pro-
Enthufiafm (Eifays, vol. i. p. 76, quarto vinces of Mauritania, Numidia, and Africa 1
edit.), may be applied even to real infpira- fome prefbyters and deacons affiiled at the af-
tion . fembly ; prrefente plebis maxima parte.
blifhed
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE,
bliihed between the provincial councils, which mutually communi-
cated and approved their refpedtive proceedings ; and the catholic
church foon alfumed the form, and acquired the ftrength of a great,
focderative republic"*.
As the legiflative authority of the particular churches was infen- Progrefs of
fibly fuperfeded by the ufe of councils, the biihops obtained by their thority.
alliance a much larger ihare of executive and arbitrary power ; and
as foon as they were conneded by a fenfe of their common intereft,
they were enabled to attack, with united vigour, the original rights
of their clergy and people. The prelates of the third century im-
perceptibly changed the language of exhortation into that of com-
mand, fcattered the feeds of future ufurpations, and fupplied by
fcripture allegories and declamatory rhetoric, their deficiency of force
and of reafon. They exalted the unity and power of the church, as
it was reprefented in the episcopal office, of which every bifliop
enjoyed an equal and undivided portion "\ Princes and magiftrates,
it was often repeated, might boaft an earthly claim to a tranfitory
dominion : it was the epifcopal authority alone which was derived
from the deity, and extended itfelf over this and over another world.
The bifliops were the vicegerents of Chrift, the fuccelTors of the
apoftles, and the myRlc fubftitutes of the high prleft of the Mofaic
law. Their exclufive privilege of conferring the facerdotal charac-
ter, invaded the freedom both of clerical and of popular elections ;
and if, in the adminiftration of the church, they ftill confulted
the judgment of the prefbyters, or the inclination of the people,
they moil carefully inculcated the merit of fuch a voluntary con-
defcenfion. The biihops acknowledged the fupreme authority
which refided in the affembly of their brethren ; but in the govern-
•'* Aguntur prsterea per Grascias illas, lition of the chrirtian churches is very ably
certis in locis concilia, &c. Tertullian de explained by Mofheim, p. 164— 170.
Jejuniis, c. 13. The African mentions it as "' Cyprian, in his admired treatife Dc
a recent and foreign inlUtution. The coa- Unitate Ecclefia;, p. 75 — 86.
4 F « ment
588 THE DECLINE AN D FALL
CHAP, nicnt of his peculiar diocefe, each of them exailed from his flock
XV. . . .
V— — V ' the fame imphcit obedience as if that favourite metaphor had been
Hterally juft, and as if the ihepherd had been of a more exaUed
nature than that of his iheep '". This obedience, however, was
not impofed without fome efforts on one fide, and fome refinance
on the other. The democratical part of the conftitution was, in
many places, very Vv^armly fupported by the zealous or interefted
oppofuion of the inferior clergy. But their patriotlfm received the
ignominirous epithets of fadlion and fchifm ; and the epifcopal caufe
v;as mdebted for its rapid progrefs to the labours of many adive
prelates, who, like Cyprian of Carthage, could reconcile the arts of
the moil ambitious ftatefman with the Chriftian virtue-s which feem
adapted to the charader of a faint and martyr "'.
Pre-emi- The fame caufes which at firft had deftroyed the equality of the
metropolitan prefbyters, introduced among the bifhops a pre-eminence of rank,
' '"^*^ "" and from thence a fuperiority of jurifdidlion. As often as in the
fpring and autumn they met in provincial fynod, the difference of
perfonal merit and reputation was very fenfibly felt among the mem-
bers of the affembly, and the multitude was governed by the wif-
dom and eloquence of the few. But the order of public proceed-
ings required a more regular and lefs invidious diffindlion ; the
ofiice of perpetual prefidents in the councils of each province, was
conferred on the bifhops of the principal city, and thefe afpiring
prelates, who foon acquired the lofty titles of Metropolitans and
Primates, fecretly prepared themfelves to ufurp over their epifcopal
brethren the fame authority which the bifhops had fo lately aiTumed
"^ We may appeal to the whole tenor of hilhop of Carthage expelled from his church»
Cyprian's condudt, of his doilriiie, and of his and from Africa, were not the moft deteftable
Epiftles. Le Clerc, in a ihort life of Cy- monfters of wickednefs, the zeal of Cyprian,
prian (BibHotheque Univericlle, torn. xii. muft occafionally have prevailed over his ve-
p. 207 - 378.), has laid him open with great racity. For a very juft account of thefe ob-
freedom and accuracy. fcare quarrels, fee Molheim, p. 497— 512.
"s If Novatus, Feliciflimus,-&c. whom the
4 above
OF THE R ο iM A Ν EMPIRE. 589
above the college of preityters "°, Nor was it long before an C Η Λ P.
Λ V •
emulation of pre-eminence and power prevailed among the metro- s— -v — -^
politans thcmfelves, each of them affedling to difplay, in the moft
pompous terms, the temporal honours and advantages of the city
over which he prefided ; the numbers and opulence of the Chriftians,
who were fubjedt to their paftoral care ; the faints and martyrs
who had arifen among them, and the purity with which they pre-
ferved the tradition of the faith, as it had been tranfmitted through
a feries of orthodox bifliops from the apoftle of the apoftolic dif-
ciple, to whom the foundation of their church was afcribed '".
From every caufe either of a civil or of an ecclefiaflical nature, it
was eafy to forefee that Rome muft enjoy the refped, and would
foon claim the obedience, of the provinces. The fociety of the Ambition of
/"•irii ■ η • 1 ■I/', . ^''^ Roman
raithiul bore a juit proportion to the capital of the empire; and pontiff.
the Roman church was the greateft, the moll: numerous, and, in re-^
gard to the Weft, the moft ancient of all the Chriftian eftablifh-
ments, many of which had received their religion from the pious
labours of her miflionaries. Inftead of one apoftolic founder, the
utmoft boaft of Antioch, of Ephefus, or of Corinth, the banks of
the Tyber were fuppofed to have been honoured with the preaching
and martyrdom of the tzuo moft eminent among the apoftles '" ;
and the bifliops of Rome very prudently claimed the inheritance of
whatfoever prerogatives were attributed either to the perfon or to
the oihce of St. Peter "■'. The biftiops of Italy and of the pro-
"° Moiheim, p. Z69. 574. Dupin An- Spanheim (Mifcellanea Sacra, iii. 3.). Ac-
tiqiis Ecclef. Difciplin. p. 19, zo. cording to father Hardouin, the monks of the
'^' Tertuilian, in a dillinit treatife, has thirteenth century, who compofed the ^ineid,
pleaded agaiuft the heretics, the right of pre- reprefented St. Peter under the allegorical
fcription, as it was held by the apoftolic charadler of the Trojan hero,
churches. '13 jj jg ;„ French only, that the famous *
'" The journey of St. Peter to Rome is allufionto St. Peter's name is exaft. Tu es
mentioned by moft of the ancients (fee Eu- pierre et fur cette pkrre.— The fame is im-
febius, ii. 25.), maintained by ail the catho- perfeft in Greek, Latin, Italian, Src. and
lies, allowed by fome proteftants (fee Pear- totally unintelligible in our Teutonic Ian-
fon and Dodwell de Succeif. EpifccD. Ro- auao-es,
man.), but hiis been vigoroufly attacked by
■vince»
59»
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, vinces were dlfpofed to allow them a primacy of order and aiTocia-
tion (fuch was their very accurate expreflion) in the Chriftian arlf-
tocracy "*. But the power of a monarch was rejected with ab-
horrence, and the afpiring genius of Rome experienced from the
nations of Afia and Africa, a more vigorous refiftance to her fpiri-
tual, than ihe had. formerly done to her temporal, dominion. The
patriotic Cyprian, who ruled with the moftabfolute fway the church
of Carthage and the provincial fynods, oppofed with refolution and
fuccefs the ambition of the Roman pontiff, artfully conneded his
own caufe with that of the eaftern bifliops, and, like Hannibal,
fought out new allies in the heart of Afia '^'. If this Punic war
was carried on without any effufion of blood, it was owing much
lefs to the moderation than to the weaknefs of the contending pre-
lates. Inveiilives and excommunications were their only weapons ;
and thefe, during the progrefs of the whole controverfy, they
hurled againft each other with equal fury and devotion. The hard
neceffity of cenfurlng either a pope, or a faint and martyr, diftrefl'es
the modern catholics whenever they are obliged to relate the par-
ticulars of a difpute, in which the champions of religion indulged
fuch paiFions as feem much more adapted to the fenate or to the
camp"*.
Laity and The progrefs of the ecclefiailical authority gave birth to the me-
morable diftinition of the laity and of the clergy, which had been
unknown to the Greeks and Romans "\ The former of thefe
appellations comprehend the body of the Chriftian people; the
"* Irensus adv. Haerefes, iii. 3. Tertul- biihop of Cacfarea, to Stephen bifhop of
lian de Prsfcription. c. 36, and Cyprian Epif- Rome, ap. Cyprian. Epirtol. 75.
tol. 27. 55. 71. 75. Le Clerc (Hift. Ecclef. "* Concewiing this difpute of the re-bap-
,p. 764.) and Moilieim (p. 258. 578.) labour tifm of heretics ; fee the epiftles of Cyprian,
in the interpretation of th«fe paiTages. But and the feventh book of Eufebius.
the loofe and rhetorical ftyle of the fathers '^' For the origin of thefe words, fee Mc
often appears favourable to the pretenfions of llieim, p. 141. Spanheim, Hift. Ecclefiaft.
Rome. p. 633. The diftinition of C/f);</ and Z,fl;V«/
**^ See the Iharp epiftle from Firmilianus was eftablilhed before the time of Tertullian.
t latter.
clergy.
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE, 591
latter, according to the fignification of the word, was appropriated CHAP.
to the chofen portion that had been fet apart for the fervice of
religion ; a celebrated order of men which has furniihed the moft im-
portant, though not always the moft edifying, fubjedts for modern
hiftory. Their mutual hoftilities fometimes difturbed the peace of
the infant church, but their zeal and adlivity were united in the
common caufe, and the love of power, which (under the moft artful
difguifes) could infmuate itfelf into the breafts of biiliops and mar-
tyrs, animated them to increafe the number of their Aibje£ls, and
to enlarge the limits of the Ghriftian empire. They were deftitute
of any temporal force, and they were for a long time difcouraged
and oppreiTed, rather than affifted, by the civil magiftrate ; but they
had acquired, and they employed within their own fociety, the two
moft efficacious inftruments of government, rewards and punilh-
ments ; the former derived from the pious liberality, the latter from
the devout apprehenfions, of the faithful.
I. The community of goods, which had fo agreeably araufed the Oblations
and revenue
imagination of Plato '^ , and which fubfifted in fome degree among of thechurch,
the auftere fed of the Effenians "', was adopted for a lliort time in
the primitive church. The fervour of the firft profelytes prompted
them to fell thofe worldly poiTeffions, which they defpifed, to lay
the price of them at the feet of the apoftles, and to content them-
felves with receiving an equal fhare out of the general diftribution "\
The progrefs of the Ghriftian religion relaxed, and gradually abo-
liftied this generous inftitution, which, in hands lefs pure than thofe
of the apoftles, would too foon have been corrupted and abufed by
the returning felfilhnefs of human nature ; and the converts who
'^^ The community infiituted by Plato^ is '^' Jofeph. Antiqnitat. xvlii. 2. Philo, de
more perfeil than that which Sir Thomas Vit. Coatemplativ.
More had imagined for Ms Utopia. The '^° See the Ails of the Apoftles, c. z. 4, 5,
community of women, and that of temporal with Grotius's Commentary. MolTieLm, in a
goods, may be conlideredas infeparableparts particular diflertation, attacks the common
of the fame fyllem.. opinion with very inconclufive arguments.
embraced
592 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, embraced the new religion were permitted to retain the poiTeflion
of their patrimony, to receive legacies and inheritances, and to
increafe their feparate property by all the lawful means of trade and
induftry. Inftead of an abfolute facrifice, a moderate proportion
•was accepted by the minifters of the gofpel ; and in their weekly or
monthly afiemblies, every believer, according to the exigency of the
cccafion, and the meafure of , his wealth and piety, prefented his
voluntary offering for the ufe of the common fund"". Nothing,
however inconftderable, was refufed; but it was diligently incul-
cated, that, in the article of Tythes, the Mofaic law was ftill of di-
vine obligation ; and that fmce the Jews, under a lefs perfedl difci-
pline, had been com^manded to pay a tenth part of all that they
poiTefled, it would become the difciples of Chriilto diilinguiih them-
felves by a fuperior degree of liberality "% and to acquire fome merit
by refigning a fuperfluous treafure, which mufl: fo foon be anni-
hilated with the world itfelf '^'. It is almoft unneceflary to obferve,
that the revenue of each particular church, which was of fo uncer-
tain and fluftuating a nature, muft have varied with the poverty or
the opulence of the faithful, as they were difperfed in obfcure villages,
or coUeiled in the great cities of the empire. In the time of the em-
peror Decius, it was the opinion of the magiftrates that the Chriftians
of Rome were poiTefled of very confiderable wealth ; that veiTels of
gold and filver were ufed in their religious worihip, and that many
among their profelytes had fold their lands and houfes to increafe
'3' Juftin Martyr, Apolog. "Major, c. 89. oil, and wool. On this interefting fubjefl,
Tertullian, Apolog. c. 39. confult Prideaux's Hillory of Tythes, and
'^^ Irenseus ad Hseref. 1. iv. c. 27. 34. Fra-Paolo delle Materie Beneficiarie ; two
Origen in Num. Hom. ii. Cyprian de Uni- writers of a very different charailer.
tat. Ecclef. Conilitut. Apoftol. 1. ii. c. 34, ''^ The fame opinion which prevailed
35, with the notes of Cotelcrius. The con- about the year or.s thoufand, was produftive
ftltutions introduce this divine precept, by of the fame effeils. Moll of the Donations
declaring that priells are as much atove kings, exprefs their motive, " appropinquantemun-
as the foul ii above the be ly. Among the di fine." See Moiheim's General Hiftory of
tythable articles, they enumerate corn, wine, the Church, vol. i. p. 457.
the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
the public riches of tlie (cOc, at the expence, indeed, of their un-
fortunate children, who found themfelves beggars, becaufe their
parents had been faints ''*. We fliould liften with diftruil to
the fufpicions of ftrangers and enemies : on this occafion, how-
ever, they receive a very fpecious and probable colour from the
two following circumilances, the only ones that have reached our
knowledge, which define any precife funis, or convey any diftindt
idea. Almoil at the fame period, the biihop of Carthage, from a
fociety lefs opulent than that of Rome, colle<5ted an hundred thou-
fand fefterces (above eight hundred and fifty pounds fterling) on a
fudden call of charity to redeem the brethren of Numidia, who had
been carried away captives by the barbarians of the defert "^
About an hundred years before the reign of Decius, the Roman
church had received, in a fingle donation, the fum of two hundred
thoufand fefterces from a ftranger of Pontus, who propofed to fix
his refidence in the capital "*. Thefe oblations, for the moft
part, were made in money ; nor was the fociety of Chriftians either
defirous or capable of acquiring, to any confiderable degree, the
incumbrance of landed property, it had been provided by feveral
laws, v»rhich were enaded with the fame defign as our ftatutes of
mortmain, that no real eftates ihould be given or bequeathed to any
corporate body, without either a fpecial privilege or a particular
difpenfation from the emperor or from the fenate '" ; who were
feldom
'^* Turn fummacuraeft fratilbus The fubfequent conduft of the deacon Lau-
(Ut fermo teftatur loquax.) rence, only proves how proper a ufe was made
Ofrerre, fundis venditis of the wealth of the Roman church ; it was
Seftertiorum millia. undoubtedly veryconfiderable ; butFra-Paolo
Addiila avorum prsdia (c. 3.) ?-ipears to exaggerate, when he fup-
Fosdis fub auftionibus, pofes, that the fucceflbrs of Commodus were
SucceiTor exheres gemit ur"-ed to perfecute the Chrifliansby their own
Sanftis egens Parentibus. avarice, or that of their Prstorian prsefefts.
Hsc occuluntur abditis '^s Cyprian. Epiftol. 62.
Ecclefiarum in Angulis : '3^• Tertullian de Prefcriptione, c. 30.
Et fumma pietas creditur '3' Diocletian gave a refcript, which is
Nudare dukes liberos. only a declaration of the old law ; " Colle-
Prudent. WEfi ri<picjuv. Hymn. 2. gium, ii uullo fpcciali privilegio fubnixum
Vol. I. 4G fit.
S9^
594 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, feldom difpofed to grant them in favour of a fe£t, at firft the objed
V— V— ^ of their contempt, and at laft of their fears and jealoufy. A
tranfadtion however is related under the reign of Alexander Severu?,
which difcovers that the reftraint was fometimes eluded or fuf-
pended, and that the Chriftians were permitted to claim and to
poiTefs lands within the limits of Rome itfelf '*'. The progrefs of
Chriftianity, and the civil confufions of the empire, contributed to
relax the feverity of the laws, and before the clofe of the third cen-
tury many confiderable eftates were beftowed on the opulent churches
of Rome, Milan, Carthage, Antioch, Alexandria, and the other great
cities of Italy and the provinces.
Diftrlbution Ύΐ^^ biihop was the natural Reward of the church : the public
of the reve- ^ *
nue. ftock was intruiled to his care without account or control ; the
prefbyters were confined to their fpiritual fundtions, and the more
dependent order of deacons was folely employed in the manage-
ment and diftribution of the ecclefiaftical revenue'". If we may
give credit to the vehement declamations of Cyprian, there were
too many among his African brethren, who, in the execution of
their charge, violated every precept, not only of evangelic perfedion,
but even of moral virtue. By fome of thefe unfaithful ilewards
the riches of the church were lavifhed in fenfual pleafures, by others
they were perverted to the purpofes of private gain, of fraudulent
purchafes, and of rapacious ufury '*". But as long as the contri-
butions of the Chriftian people were free and unconftrained, the
abufe of their confidence could not be very frequent, and the
general ufes to which their liberality was applied, refledled honour
on the religious fociety. A decent portion was referved for the
nt, haereditatem capere non poiTe, dubium tween the fociety of Chriftians, and that of
non eft." Fra-Paolo (c. 4.) thinks that thefe butchers.
regulations had been much negleiled fince '^^ Conftitut. Apoftol. ii. 35.
the reign of Valerian. '•*° Cyprian de Lapfis, p. 89. Epiftol. 65.
'5* Hlft. Aiiguft. p. 131. The ground The charge is confirmed by the 19th and 20th
had been public; and was now difputed be- canon of the council of lUiberis.
maintenance
6
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
5W
maintenance of the biihop and his clergy ; a fuihcicnt fuin v/as C ΣΙ A P.
allotted for the expcnces of the public worfliip, of which the
feafts of love, the agape, as they were called, conilituted a very
pleafing part. The whole remainder was the facred patrimony of
the poor. According to the difcretion of the biihop, it was dif-
tributed to fupport widows and orphans, the lame, the fick, and
the aged of the community ; to comfort ftrangers and pilgrims, and
to alleviate the misfortunes of prifoners and captives, more efpecially
w^hen their fufferings had been occafioned by their firm attach-
ment to the caufe of religion '*'. A generous intercourfe of charity
united the moil diftant provinces, and the fmaller congregations
were cheerfully aihiled by the alms of their more opulent bre-
thren '*\ Such an inflitution, which paid lefs regard to the merit
than to the diftrefs of the objeft, very materially conduced to the
progrefs of Chriilianity. The Pagans, who were actuated by a fenfc
of humanity, while they derided the dodrines, acknowledged the
benevolence of the new fed '*'. The profped of immediate relief
and of future protedion allured into its hofpitable bofom many
of thofe unhappy perfons whom the negled of the world would have
abandoned to the miferies of want, of ficknefs, and of old age.
There is fome reafon likewife to believe, that great numbers of in-
fants, who, according to the inhuman pradice of the times, had
been expofed by their parents, were frequently refcued from death,
baptifed, educated, and maintained by the piety of the Chriftians,
and at the expence of the public treafure '*^
'♦' SeetheapologiesofJuftin,Tertull)an,&c. '^* Such, at leafl, lias been the laudable
'*^ The wealth and liberality of the Ro- conduil of more modern miflionaries, under
mans to their moft diftant brethren, is grate- the fame cLrcumftances. Above three thou-
fully celebrated by Dionyfius of Corinth, ap. fand new-born infants are annually expofed
Eufeb. 1. iv. c. 23. in the ftreets of Pekin. See Le Comte Me-
'*' See Lucian in Peregrin. Julian (Epift. moires fur la Chine, and the Recherches
49.) feems mortified, that the chriftian cha- fur les Chinois ct les Egyptiens, torn. i.
rity maintains not only their own, but like- p. 61.
wife the heathen poor.
4G 3 II. It
Excommuni-
cation.
596 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. Π. It is the undoubted right of every fociety to exclude from
XV.
its communion and benefits, fuch among its members as reje£t or
violate thofe regulations which have been eftabliftied by general con-
fent. In the exercife of this power, the cenfures of the Chriftian
church were chiefly direiled againft fcandalous finners, and par-
ticularly thofe who were guilty of murder, of fraud, or of incon-
tinence ; againft the authors, or the followers of any heretical
opinions which had been condemned by the judgment of the
epifcopal order ; and againft thofe unhappy perfons, who, whether
from choice or from compulfion, had polluted themfelves after their
baptifm by any adl of idolatrous worfhip. The confequences of
excommunication were of a temporal as well as a fplritual nature.
The Chriftian againft whom it was pronounced, was deprived of
any part in the oblations of the faithful. The ties both of
religious and of private friendftiip were diilolved : he found himfelf
a profane objeil of abhorrence to the perfons whom he the moft
efteemed, or by whom he had been the moft tenderly beloved ; and
as far as an expulfion from a refpedable fociety could imprint
on his character a mark of difgrace, he was ftiunned or fufpcded
by the generality of mankind. The fituation of thefe unfortunate
exiles was in itfelf very painful and melancholy ; but, as it ufually
happens, their apprehenfions far exceeded their fufFerings. The
benefits of the Chriftian communion were thofe of eternal life, nor
could they erafe from their minds the awful opinion, that to thofe
ecclefiaftical governors by whom they were condemned, the Deity
had committed the keys of Hell and of Paradife. The heretics,
indeed, who might be fupported by the confcioufnefs of their in-
tentions, and by the flattering hope that they alone had difcovered
the true path of falvation, endeavoured to regain, in their feparate
aflemblies, thofe comforts, temporal as well as fpiritual, which they
no longer derived from the great fociety of Chriftians. But
J almoft
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. ~ 597
almoft all thofe who had reludantly yielded to the power of vice C Η a p.
or idolatry were fenfible of their fallen condition, and anxioufly > , ' /
defirous of being reftored to the benefits of the Chriftian com-
munion.
With regard to the treatment of thefe penitents two oppofite
opinions, the one of jiiftice, the other of mercy, divided the primitive
church. The more rigid and inflexible cafuifts refufed them for
ever, and without exception, the meanefl: place in the holy com-
munity, which they had <iifgraced or deferted, and leaving them to
the remorfe of a guilty confcience, indulged them only with a faint
ray of hope, that the contrition of their life and death might
poifibly be accepted by the Supreme Being '*'. A milder fentiment
was embraced in pradlice as well as in theory, by the pureft and
moft refpeftable of the Chriftian churches "^^ The gates of re-
conciliation and of Heaven were feldom fhut againfl: the returning
penitent ; but a fevere and folemn form of difcipline was inftituted,
which, while it ferved to expiate his crime, might powerfully •
deter the fpedators from the imitation of his example. Humbled Public pen-
by a public confeihon, emaciated by failing, and clothed in fack- '^^"'^^•
cloth, the penitent lay proftrate at the door of the aflembly, im-
ploring with tears the pardon of his offences, and foliciting the
prayers of the faithful "^'. If the fault was of a very heinous nature,,
whole years of pennance were efteemed an inadequate fatisfadion to
the Divine Juflice ; and it was always by flow and painful gra-
dations that the finner, the heretic, or the apoftate, was re-ad-
mitted into the bofom of the church. A fentence of perpetual ex-
communication was, however, referved for fome crimes of an
'*' The Montanifts and the Novatians, '*^ Dionyfius, ap. Eufeb. iv. 23. Cyprian, ,
who adhered to this opinion with the greateft de Lapfis.
iigour and obftinacy, found themfd-ues at laft ,47 Cave's Primitive ChrilUanity, part Hi. .
in the number of excommunicated heretics. ^ ^_ rj.^^ admirers of antiquity regret the
See the learned and copious Moiheim, Secul. j^j-^ ^^ ^y. p^^lic pennance.
ii. and iii.
extraordinary.
5^3 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, extraordinary magnitude, and particularly for the inexcufable tc•
s_ . - _r lapfes of thofe penitents who had already experienced and abiifcd
the clemency of their ecclefiaftical fuperiors. According to the
circumilances or the number of the guilty, the exercife of the
Chriilian difcipline was varied by the difcretion of the bifliops.
The councils of Ancyra and Illiberis were held about the fame time,
the one in Galatia, the other in Spain ; but their refpedive canons,
which are ftill extant, feem to breathe a very different fpirit. The
Galatian, who after his baptifm had repeatedly facrificed to idols,
might obtain his pardon by a pennance of feven years, and if
he had feduced others to imitate his example, only three years
more were added to the term of his exile. -But ^he unhappy
Spaniard, who had committed the fame offence, was deprived of
the hope of reconciliation, even in the article of death ; and his
idolatry was placed at the head of a lifl of feventeen other crimes,
againfl which a fentence no lefs terrible was pronounced. Among
• thefe we may diilinguifti the inexpiable guilt of calumniating a
bilhop, a preibyter, or even a deacon '*\
The dignity The well tempered mixture of liberality and rigour, the judicious
government, difpeufation of rewards and punifliments, according to the maxims
of policy as -well as juilice, conftituted the human ftrength of the
church. The bifhops, whofe paternal care extended itfelf to the
government of both worlds, were fenfible of the importance of
thefe prerogatives, and covering their ambition with the fair pre-
tence of the love of order, they were jealous of any rival in the
exercife of a difcipline fo neceifary to prevent the defertion of
thofe troops which had inlifled themfelves under the banner of the
•*' See in Dupin, Bibliotheque Ecdeftaf- Diocletian. This perfecution had been much
tique, torn. ii. p. 304- 313• a fliort but ra- lefs feverely felt in Spain than in Galatia; a
tional expofition of the canons of thofe coun- difference which may, in feme meafure, ac-
cil5, which were aflembled in the firft mo- count for the contrail of their regulations,
ments of tranquillity, after the perfecution of
crofs,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 599,
crofs, and whofc numbers every day became more confiderable. ^ ^ ap^
From the imperious declamations of Cyprian, we iliould naturally ν—- ,^— «j
conclude, that the doilrines of excommunication and pennance
. formed the moft eflential part of religion ; and that it was much
lefs dangerous for the difciples of Chrift to negle£t the obfervance of
the moral duties, , than to defpife the cenfures and authority of
their biihops. Sometimes we might imagine that we were liftening•.
to the voice of Mofes, when he commanded the earth to openr
and to fwallow up, in confuming flames, the rebellious race which-
refufed obedience to the priefthood of Aaron ; and we fliould fome-
times fuppofe that we heard a Roman conful aflerting the majeily
of the republic, and declaring his inflexible refolution to enforce
the rigour of the laws. " If fuch irregularities are fuffered with
" impunity, (it is thus that the bifliop of Carthage chides the
" lenity of his colleague) if fueh irregularities are fuffered, there .
" is an end of Episcopal vigour '*^i an end of the fublime and
" divine power of governing the church, an end of Chriftianity *
" itfelf." Cyprian had renounced thofe temporal honours, which
it is probable he would never have obtained; but the acquifition of
fuch abfolute command over the confciences and undeiftanding of a
congregation, however obfcure or defpifed by the world, is more
truly grateful to the pride of the human heart, than the poflefliou
of the mofl: defpotic power, impofed by arms and conqueft on. a re-*
ludant people.
In the courfe of this important, though perhaps tedious, inquiry^ Rccapitula-
I- have attempted to difplay the fecondary caufes which (o effica- £" «u£
cioufly affifted the truth of the Chriftian religion. If among thefe
caufes we have difcovered any artificial ornaments, any accidental
eircumftances, or any mixture of error and paffion, it cannot appear
iurprifing that mankind Ihould be the moft fenfibiy aff^ded by
'« Cyprian. Epift. 69..
fuclii
6oo THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP, fuch motives as were fu'ited to their Imperfed nature. It was by
^ - _' I the aid of thefe caufes, exclufive zeal, the immediate expedation of
another world, the claim of miracles, the pradice of rigid virtue,
and the conftitution of the primitive church, that Chriftianity fpread
itfelf with fo much fuccefs in the Roman empire. To the firrt of thefe
the Chrirtians were indebted for their invincible valour, which
difdained to capitulate with the enemy whom they were refolved to
vanquifli. The three fucceeding caufes fupplied their valour with the
moft formidable arms. The laft of thefe caufes united their courage,
direded their arms, and gave their efforts that irrefiftible weight,
which even a fmall band of well-trained and intrepid volunteers
has fo often poffeffed over an undifciplined multitude, ignorant
, , of the fubied, and carelefs of the event of the war. In the various
Weaknefs of -' ■ f • c
poiytheifm. religions of Polytheifm, fome wandering fanatics of Egypt and
Syria, who addreffed themfelves to the credulous fuperftition of
the populace, were perhaps the only order of priefts ''° that derived
their whole fupport and credit from their facerdotal profeflion, and
were very deeply affeded by a perfonal concern for the fafety
or profperity of their tutelar deities. The minifters of poly-
theifm, both in Rome and in the provinces, were, for the moft part,
men of a noble birth, and of an affluent fortune, who received, as
an honourable diftindion, the care of a celebrated temple, or of a
public facrifice, exhibited, very frequently at their own expence, the
facred games ''', and with cold indifference performed the ancient
rites, according to the laws and faihion of their country. As they
were engaged in the ordinary occupations of4ife, their zeal and de-
'" The arts, the manners, and the vices tive. None but the vaineft citizens could de-
of the priefts of the S)Tian goddefs, are very lire the honour; none but the moil wealthy
humoroufly dcfcribed by Apuleius, in the could fuppcrt the expence. See in the Patres
eight book of his Metamorphofes. Apoflol. torn. ii. p. 200. %vith how much in-
'i' The office of Anarch was of this nature, difference Philip the Afiarch ccnduded him-
and it is frequently mentioned in Arillides, felf in the martyrdom of Polycarp. There
the infcriptions, &c. It was annual and elec- were likewife BithjTiiarchs, Lyciarchs, &c.
votion
OF THE ROiMAN EMPIRE. 6oi
votion were fcldom animated by a fenfe of intereft, or by the habits CHAP.
of an ecclenaftical character. Confined to their refpeclive temples ' / '
and cities, they remained without any connexion of difcipline or
government; and whihl they acknowledged the fupreme jurifdiflion
of the fenate, of the college of pontiffs, and of the emperor, thofe
civil magiftrates contented themfelves with the eafy taik of main-
taining, in peace and dignity, the general worihip of mankind. We
have already feen how various, how loofe, and hov? uncertain were
the religious fentiments of Polytheifts. They were abandoned, al-
moil without control, to the natural workings of a fuperftitious
fancy. The accidental circumftances of their life and fituation de-
termined the object as well as the degree of their devotion ; and as
long as their adoration was fucceffively proftituted to a thoufand
deities, it was fcarcely poiTible that their hearts could be fufceptible
of a very fmcere or lively paffion for any of them.
When Chriftianity appeared in the world, even thefe faint and The fceprf-
imperfect irapreffions had loft much of their original power. Human Pa?an work!
reafon, which by its unaiTifted ftrength is incapable of perceiving Fo^'^d fa-
the myfteries of fdith, had already obtained an eafy triumph over ther.ewreli-
the folly of Paganifm ; and when Tertullian or Lactantius employ
their labours in expofing its falfehood and extravagance, they are
obliged to tranfcribe the eloquence of Cicero or the wit of Lucian.
The contagion of thefe fceptical writings had been diftufed far
beyond the number of their readers. The fafhion of incredulity
was communicated from the philofopher to the man of pleafure or
bufinefs, from the noble to the plebeian, and from the mafter to the
menial ilave who waited at his table, and who eagerly Jiftened
to the freedom of his converfation. On public occafions the phi-
lofophic part of mankind affected to treat with refped and decency
the religious inftitutions of their country ; but their fecret con-
tempt penetrated through the thin and awkward difguife, and even
the people, when they difcovered that their deities were rejedted
Vol. I. 4 Η and
6o2 THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP, and derided by thofe whofe rank or underftanding thev were
XV. .
« accuftomed to reverence, were filled with doubts and apprehenfions
concerning the truth of thofe dodlrines, to v^'hich they had yielded
the moft implicit belief. The decline of ancient prejudife expofed a
very numerous portion of human kind to the danger of a painful and
comfortlefs fituation. A ftate of fcepticifm and fufpence may amufe
a few inquifitive minds. But the prailice of fuperftition is fo conge-
nial to the multitude, that if they are forcibly awakened, they Hill
regret the lofs of their pleafing vifion. Their love of the marvellous
and fupernatural, their curiofity with regard to future events,
and their ftrong propenfity to extend their hopes and fears beyond
the limits of the vifible world, were the principal caufes which
favoured the eftabliiliment of Polytheifm. So urgent on the vulgar is•
the neceflity of believing, that the fall of any fyftem of mythology will
moft probably be fucceeded by the introdudion of fome other mode
of fuperftition. Some deities of a more recent and faihionable caft
might foon have occupied the deferted temples of Jupiter and
Apollo, if, in the decifive moment, the wifdom of Providence had
not interpofed a genuine revelation, fitted to infpire the moft
rational efteem and convidion, whilft, at the fame time, it was
adorned with all that could attrad the curiofity, the wonder, and
the veneration of the people. In their adual difpofition, as many
"Were almoft difengaged from their artificial prejudices, but equally
fufceptible and defirous of a devout attachment; an objed much
lefs deferving would have been fuificient to fill the vacant place in
their hearts, and to gratify the uncertain eagernefs of their paffions^ ■
Thofe who are inclined to purfue this refledion, inftead of viewing
■with aftoniihment the rapid progrefs of Chriftianity, will perhaps
be furprifed that its fuccefs was not ftill more rapid and ftill more
univerfal.
as well as the
peace and It has been obferved, with truth as well as propriety, that the
Roman em- conquefts of Rome prepared and facilitated thofe of Chriftianity.
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 603
In the fecond chapter of this work we have attempted to explain ^ ^ f- ^-
X V •
in what manner the moil civilized provinces of Europe, Afia, ' — -v— J
and Africa, were united under the dominion of one fovereign,
and gradmilly connected by the moil intimate ties of laws, of man-
ners, and of language. The Jews of Paleiline, who had fondly
expeded a temporal deliverer, gave fo cold a reception to the mi-
racles of the divine prophet, that it was found unnecefiary to
publiih, or at leail to preferve, any Hebrew gofpel '*\ The au-
thentic hiilories of the adions of Chrift were compofcd in the
Greek language, at a confiderable diftance from Jerufalem, and
after the Gentile converts v/ere grown extremely numerous '".
As foon as thofe hiilories were tranflated into the Latin tongue,
they were perfectly intelligible to all the fubjedls of Rome, excepting
only to the peafants of Syria and Egypt, for whofe benefit par-
ticular verfions were afterwards made. The public highways,
which had been conflruded for the ufe of the legions, opened an
eafy paiTage for the Chriilian mlffionaries from Damafcus to Corinth,
and from Italy to the extremity of Spain or Britain ; nor did thofe
fpiritual conquerors encounter any of the obflacles which ufually
retard or prevent the introduflion of a foreign religion into a
diftant country. There is the ilrongeil reafon to believe, that be-
fore the reigns of Diocletian, and Conilantine, the faith of Chrift
had been preached in every province, and in all the great cities of
the empire ; but the foundation of the feveral congregations, the Hiitorical
numbers of the faithful who compofed them, and their proportion j^ogrc-rs of
to the unbelieving multitude, are now buried in obfcurity, or dif- ^"' ''^'"'^
'5^ The modern critics are not difpofed to '•'' Under tlie reigns of Nero and Domi-
believe what the fathers almoil unanimoufly tian, and in the citie; of Alexandria, Anti-
affert, that St. Matthew compofed a Hebrew och, Rome, and Ephefus. See Mill. Prole-
gofpel, of which only the Greek tranflation gomena ad Nov. Teftament. and Dr. Lard-
is extant. It feems, however, dangerous to ner's fair and extenfive colledion, vol. xv.
rejeft their teitimony.
4 Η 2 guifcd
6o4 THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP, gulfed by fidion and declamation. Such imperfeft clrcumftances,
^_. -, ^ however, as have reached our knowledge concerning the increafe
of the Chriftian name in Afia and Greece, in Egypt, in Italy, and
in the Weft, we ihall now proceed to relate, without uegleding
the real or imaginary acquifitions which lay beyond the frontiers o£
the Roman empire.
ία the Eart. The I'ich provinces that extend from the Euphrates to the Ionian
fea, were the principal theatre on which the apoftle of the Gentiles,
difplaycd his zeal and piety. The feeds of the gofpel, which he
. had fcattered in a fertile foil, were diligently cultivated by his dif-
ciples ; and it ihould feem that, during the two firft centuries,
the moft confiderable body of Chriftians was contained withia
thofe limits. Among the focieties which were inftituted in Syria,,
none were more ancient or more illuftrious than thofe of Damafcus,,
of Berea or Aleppo, and of Antioch. The prophetic introdudlioa
of the Apocalypfe has defcribed and immortalifed the feven churches,
of Afia; Ephefus, Smyrna, Pergamus, Thyatira "% Sardes, Lao-
dicea, and Philadelphia ; and their colonies were foon difFufed over,
that populous country. In a very early period, the iflands of
Cyprus and Crete, the provinces of Thrace and Macedonia, gave
a favourable reception to the new religion ; and Chriftian republics
were foon founded in the cities of Corinth, of Sparta, and of
Athens "^ The antiquity of the Greek and Afiatic churches
allowed a fufficient fpace of time for their increafe and multipli-
cation, and even the fwarms of Gnoftics and other heretics ferve to
difplay the ilouriihing condition of the orthodox church, fince the
appellation of heretics has always been applied to the lefs numerous
''* The Alogians (Epiphanius de Hseref. the fplrit of prophecy. See Abauzit Dif-
51.) difputed the genuinenefs of the Apoca- cours fur Γ Apocalypfe.
lypfe, becaufe the church of Thyatira was not ''* The epiftles of Ignatius and Dionyfius
yet. founded. Epiphanius, who allows the (ap. Eufeb. iv. 23.) point out many churches
fadl, extricates himfelf from the difficulty, by in Afia and Greece. That of Athens feems
ingenioully fuppofing, that St. John wrote in to have been one of the leall flouriihing.
t party•
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 605
party. To thefe domeftic teftlmonies we may add the confeffion, chap.
the complaints, and the apprehenfions of the Gentiles themfelvcs. •
From the writings of Lucian, a philofopher who had ftudied mankind,
and who defcribes their manners in the moil Uvely colours, we may
learn, that under the reign of Commodus, his native country of
Pontus was filled with Epicureans and Chrl/Jiatis '^*. Within fourfcore
years after the death of Chrift '", the humane Pliny laments the
magnitude of the evil which he vainly attempted to eradicate. In his
very curious epiftle to the emperor Trajan, he affirms, that the tem-
ples were almoft deferted, that the facred vidims fcarcely found any
purchafers, and that the fuperflition had not only infeded the cities,
but had even fpread itfelf into the villages and the open country of
Pontus and Bithynia ''\
Without defcending into a minute fcrutiny of the expreffions, or The churck
of the motives of thofe writers who either celebrate or lament the
progrefs of Chriftianity in the Eaft, it may in general be obferved,
that none of them have left us any grounds from whence a jufb
cftimate might be formed of the real numbers of the faithful in
thofe provinces. One circumftance, however, has been fortunately
preferved, which feems to call a more diflind light on this obfcure
but interefting fubjed. Under the reign of Theodofius, after Chrift-
ianity had enjoyed, during more than fixty years, the funfhine of
Imperial favour, the ancient and illuftrious church of Antioch con-
fifted of one hundred thoufand perfons, three thoufand of whom
were fupported out of the public oblations '". The fplendour and
'55 Lucian in Alexandre, C. 25. Chrif- '" According to the ancients, Jefus Chrilt
tianity however muft have been very unequal- fufFered under the confulfhip of the two Ge•^
ly diffufed over Pontus ; fince in the middle mini, in the year 29of our prefent Era. Plin)^
of the third century there were no more than was fent into Bithynia (according to Pagi)
feventeen believers in the extenfive diocefe of in the year 1 10.
Neo-Caefarea. See M. de Tillemont, Me- iss pijp_ Epiil. x. 07.
moires Ecclefiaft. torn. iv. p. 67c. from Bafil , ^, r 1 ^ •■ ,
^ r^ Γ -NT JT 1. ^i_ /• 1 Chrvloltom. Opera, torn. vii. p. 6c8,
and Gregory of Nyfla, who were themfelves „ „,.-., f ' fj>
natives of Cappadocia. 810. Edit. Savil.
dignity
6o& THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, dignity of the queen of the Eaft, the acknowledged populoufnefs
u^.i-M'— .J of Csefarea, Seleucia, and Alexandria, and the deftrudion of two
hundred and fifty thoufand fouls in the earthquake which afflided
Antioch under the elder Juftin '^% are fo many convincing proofs
that the whole number of its inhabitants was not lefs than half a
million, and that the Chriftians, however multiplied by zeal and
power, did not exceed a fifth part of that great city. How differ-
ent a proportion muft we adopt when we compare the perfecuted
with the triumphant church, the Weft with the Eaft, remote vil-
lages with populous towns, and countries recently converted to the
faith, w'ith the place where the believers firft received the appellation
of Chriftians. It muft not, however, be diflembled, that, in another
paflage, Chryfoftom, to whom we are indebted for this ufeful in-
formation, computes the multitude of the faithful as even fuperior
to that of the Jews and Pagans '*'. But the folution of this appa-
rent difficulty is eafy and obvious. The eloquent preacher draws a
parallel between the civil and the ecclefiaftical conftitution of An-
tioch ; between the lift of Chriftians who had acquired Heaven by
baptifm, and the lift of citizens who had a right to fhare the public
liberality. Slaves, ftrangers, and infants were compriled in the
former ; they were excluded from the latter.
In Egypt. The extenfive commerce of Alexandria, and its proximity to
Paleftine, gave an eafy entrance to the new religion. It was at firft
embraced by great numbers of the Therapeutai, or Eflenians of the
lake Mareotis, a Jewifli feit which had abated much of its reverence
for the Mofaic ceremonies. The auftere life of the Eflenians, their
fdfts and excommunications, the community of goods, the love of
celibacy, their zeal for martyrdom, and the warmth though not the
'*° John Malela, torn. li. p. 144. He debted for thefe paflages, though not for my
draws the fame conclufion with regard to the inference, to the learned Dr. Lardner. Cre-
populoufnefs of Antioch. dibility of the Gofpel Hiilory, vol. xii. p.
"'' Chryfoilom. torn. i. p. 592. I am in- 370.
7 ~ ' purity
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 607
purity of their faith, already ofTered a very lively image of the ^ ^^. ^ P•
primitive difcipline ' '. It was in the fchool of Alexandria that the y ,— .j
Chriftian theology appears to have aiTumed a regular and fcientifical
form; and when Hadrian vifited Egypt, he found a church com-
pofed of Jews and of Greeks, fufficiently important to attradl the no-
tice of that inquifitive prince"'. But the progrefs of Chriftianity
was for a long time confined within the limits of a fingle city, which
was itfelf a foreign colony, and till the clofe of the fecond century,
the predeceflbrs of Demetrius were the only prelates of the Egyptian
church. Three biihops were confecrated by the hands of Demetrius, -
and the number was increafed to twenty by his fucceil'or Hera-
clas »*''■. The body of the natives, a people diftinguiihed by a fullen
inflexibility of temper '*', entertained the new dodtrine with cold-
nefs and relu£tance : and even in the time of Origen, it was rare
to meet with an Egyptian who had furmounted his early prejudices
in favour of the facred animals of his country '". As foon, indeed,
as Chriftianity afcended the throne, the zeal of thofe barbarians
obeyed the prevailing impulfion ; the cities of Egypt were filled with
biihops, and the deferts of Thebais fwarmed with hermits.
A perpetual flream of Grangers and provincials flowed into the i„ Rome.
capacious bofora of Rome. Whatever was ftrange or odious, who-
ever was guilty or fufpedled, might hope, in the obfcurity of that
immenfe capital, to elude the vigilance of the law. In fuch a various
•** Bafnage, Hiftoire des Juifs, 1. 2. c. 20/ '" See a letter of Hadrian in the Au-
21, 22, 23. has examined with the moil cri- guftan Hiftcry, p. 245.
tical accuracy, the curious treatlfe of Philo, ,(♦ p^^ the fucceiTiOn of Alexandrian bi-
which defcribes the TherapeutK. By prov- ^^^^^^ confiilt Renaudot's Hiftory, p. 24,
Lng that it was compofed as early as the time ^-^._ γ^^ι^ curious faft is preferved by the
of Auguftus, Bafnage has demonllrated, in patriarch Eutychius (Annal. torn. i. p. 334.
fpite of Eufebius (1. ii. c. 17.), and a crowd Λ/erf. Pocock), and its internal evidence
of modern Catholics, that the Therapeuts ^^^^j^j ^i^^g ^g ^ fufficient anfwer to all thq
were neither Chriftians nor monks. It ftill objeftions which Bifhop Pearfon has urged in
remains probable that they changed their jj^g yindicia; Ignatiana:.
name, preferved their manners, adopted fome , . ... ,,• •• ,
., r Γ ■ -L J J 11 I. Ammian. Marcelhn. xxu. 16.
new articles or faith, and gradually became
the fathers of the Egyptian Afcetics, ''* Origen contra Celfum, 1 i, p. 40.
conflux
^o8 THE DECLINE AND FALL
conflux of nations, every teacher, either of truth or of falfehood,
every founder, whether of a virtuous or a criminal afibciation, might
eafily multiply his difciples or accomplices. The Chriftians of
Rome, at the time of the accidental perfccution of Nero, are repre-
fented by Tacitus as already amounting to a very great multitude ""',
and the language of that great hiftorian is almoft fimilar to the ftyle
employed by Livy, when he relates the introdudlion and the fup-
preffion of the rites of Bacchus. After the Bacchanals had awaken-
ed the feverity of the fenate, it was likewife apprehended that a
very great multitude, as it were another people^ had been initiated
into thofe abhorred myfteries. A more careful inquiry foon demon-
flrated, that the offenders did not exceed feven thoufand ; a num-
ber indeed fufficiently alarming, when confidered as the objedt of
public juftice'^^ It is with the fame candid allowance that we
ihould interpret the vague expreflions of Tacitus, and in a former
inftance of Pliny, when they exaggerate the crowds of deluded
fanatics who had forfaken the eftabliihed worihip of the gods. The
church of Rome was undoubtedly the firft and moil populous of
the empire ; and \vt are poiTeifed of an authentic record which at-
tefts the flate of religion in that city about the middle of the third
century, and after a peace of thirty-eight years. The clergy, at
that time, confided of a biihop, forty-fix prefbyters, feven deacons,
as many fub-deacons, forty- two acolythes, and fifty readers, exor-
clfts, and porters. The number of widows, of the infirm, and of
the poor, who were maintained by the oblations of the faithful,
amounted to fifteen hundred'^'. From reafon, as well as from the
analogy of Antioch, we may venture to eilimate the Chrifiians of
'*' Ingens multitudo is the expreffion of chanalians, whofe depravity is defcribed, and
Tacitus, XV. 44.. perhaps exaggerated, by Livy.
"^^ T. Liv. χλχϊχ. 13. 15, i6, 17. No- "^' Eufebius, 1. vi. c. 43. The Latin
thing could exceed the horror and confterna- tranflator (M. de Valois) has thought proper
iion of tlie fenate on the difcovery of the Bac- to reduce the number of prefbyters to forty-four.
Rome
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 609
Rome at about fifty thoufand. The populoufnefs of that great capi- ^ ^^ ^ p.
tal cannot perhaps be exactly afcertained ; but the moft modeft cal- ' -j '
culation will not furely reduce it lower than a million of inhabitants,
of whom the Chriftians might conftitute at tlie moft a twentieth
part "\
The weftern provincials appeared to have derived the knowledge ^" Africaand
' *^ ^ ° the vveftern
of Chriftianity from the fame fource which had diifufed among provinces.
them the language, the fentiments, and the manners of Rome. In
this more important circumftance, Africa, as well as Gaul, was
gradually faQiioned to the imitation of the capital. Yet notwith-
ftanding the many favourable occafions which might invite the
Roman miffionaries to vifit their Latin provinces, it was late before
they paiTed either the fea or the Alps'''; nor can we difcorer in
thofe great countries any aflured traces either of faith or of perfe-
cution that afcend higher than the reign of the Antonines''\ The
flow progrefs of the gofpel in the cold climate of Gaul, was ex-
tremely different from the eagernefs with which it feems to have
been received on the burning fands of Africa. The African Chrif-
tians foon formed one of the principal members of the primitive
church. The pradice introduced into that province, of appointing
bifhops to the moft inconfiderable towns, and very frequently to
the moft obfcure villages, contributed to multiply the fplendour and
importance of their religious focieties, which during the courfe of -^
''"■ This proportion of the prefbyters and whofe aiTertion is confirmed by the tacit ac-
cf the ροοΓν to the reft of the people, w.is knowledgment of Augiiftin, Africa was the
orio-inaily fixed by Burnet (Travels into Italy, laft of the provinces which received the gofpel.
p. 168), and is approved by Moyle (vol. ii. Tillemont, Mem. Ecclefiaft. torn. i. p. 754.
p. 151.). They were both unacquainted with '"^ Turn primum intra Gallias martyria
the palTage of Chryfoftom, which converts vifa. Sulp. Severus, I. ii. With regard to
their conjeilure almoft into a faft. Africa, fee Tertullian ad Scapulam, c. 3.
'<■' Serins trans Alpes, religione Dei fuf- It is imagined, that the Scyllitan martyrs
cepta. Sulpicius Severus, 1. ii. Thefe were were the firft (Afta Sincera Ruinart. p. 34.).
the celebrated martyrs of Lyons. See Eufe- One of tlie adverfaries of Apuleius feems to
bius, V. I. Tillemont, Mem. Ecclefiaft. have been a Chriftian. Apolog. p. 49ο,
torn. ii. p. 3i6. According to the Donatifts, 497. Edit. Delphin.
Vol. I. 4 1 the
6io THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, the third century were animated by the zeal of Tertullian, dlre£led
XV. ....
«— — V ' by the abilities of Cyprian, and adorned by the eloquence of Lac-
tantius. But if, on the contrary, we turn our eyes towards Gaul, we
muft content ourfelves with difcovering, in the time of Marcus An-
toninus, the feeble and united congregations of Lyons and Vienna; and
even as late as the reign of Decius, we are affured, that in a few cities
only, Aries, Narbonne, Thouloufe, Limoges, Clermont, Tours, and
Paris, fome fcattered churches were fupported by the devotion of a fmall
number of Chriftians '^'. Silence is indeed very confiftent with de-
votion, but as it is feldom compatible with zeal, we may perceive and
lament the languid ftate of Chriftianity in thofe provinces which had
exchanged the Celtic for the Latin tongue j fmce they did not,
during the three firft centuries, give birth to a fmgle ecclefiailical
writer. From Gaul, which claimed a juft pre eminence of learning
and authority over all the countries on this fide of the Alps, the
light of the gofpel was more faintly reflecled on the remote pro-
vinces of Spain and Britain ; and if we may credit the vehement
aflertions of Tertullian, they had already received the firft rays of
the faith, when he addreffed his apology to the magiftrates of the
emperor Severus '^*. But the obfcure and imperfeft origin of the
weftern churches of Europe has been fo negligently recorded, tha-t
if we would relate the time and manner of their foundation, we
muft fupply the filence of antiquity by thofe legends which avarice
or fuperftition long afterwards didlated to the monks in the lazy
gloom of their convents'". Of thefe holy romances, that of the
apoftle
"3 Rarae in aliquibus civitatibus ecclefis, had been very recently founded. See Me-
paucorum Chriftlanorum devotione, refnrge- moires de Tillemont, torn. vi. part i. p. 45.
rent. ΑΆλ Sincera, p. 130. Gregory of 411.
Tours, 1. i. c. 28. Moiheim, p. 207. 449. "■•■ The date of Tertullian's Apology is
There is fome reafon to believe, that, in the fixed in a differtation cf Moiheim, to the year
beginning of the fourth century, the exten- 198.
five diocefes of Liege, of Treves, and of Co- '"' In the fifteenth century, there were
Jogne, compo-fed a fingle biihopric, whicli few who had either inclination or courage to
queilion
Oman em-
ire.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. βιι
apoJlle St. James can alone, by its fmgular extravagance, dcferve to
be mentioned. From a peaceful fifliermaa of the lake of Gennefa-
reth, he was transformed into a valorous knight, who charged at
the head of the Spanifli chivalry in their battles againft the Moors.
The graveil hiftorians have celebrated his exploits ; the m'racu-
lous llirine of Compoftella difplayed his power; and the fword of a
military order, aihded by the terrors of the Inquifition, were fuffi-
cient to remove every objedlion of profane criticifm "''*.
The progrefs of Chriftianity was not confined to the Roman Beyond the
, ,. , . . . ^ , , . ^_ limits of the
empire ; and according to the primitive rathers, who interpret tacts r
by prophecy, the new religion, within a century after the death of Ρ
its divine author, had already vifited every part of tlie globe.
" There exifls not," fays Juftiu Martyr, " a people, whether Greek
" or Barbarian, of any other race of men, by whatfoever appella-
" tion or manners they may be dlilinguiflied, however ignorant of
" arts or agriculture, whether they dwell under tents, or wander
*' about in covered waggons, among whom prayers are not offered
*' up in the name of a crucified Jelus to the Father and Creator of
" all things "''." But this fplendid exaggeration, which even at
prefent it would be extremely difficult to reconcile with the real
ftate of mankind, can be confidered only as the rafh fally of a devout
but carelefs writer, the meafure of whofe belief was regulated by
that of his wiflhes. But neither the belief, nor the wiflies of the
fathers, can alter the truth of hiftory. It will ftill remain an un-
doubted fad, that the barbarians of Scythia and Germany, who after-
wards fubverted the Roman monarchy, were involved in the darknefs
q-uellion vvliether Jofeph of Arimnthea found- fcnfe, imitates Livy, and the honeil detec-
ed the monaftery of Glaftenbury, and whether tion of the legend of St. James by Dr. Geddes,
I^ionyfuis the Areopagite preferred the refi- Mifcellanies, vol. ii. p. 221.
dence of Paris to that of Athens. ''' Jullin Martyr, Dialog, cum Tryphon,
"" The ftupendous metamorphofis was per- p. 341. Irenseus adv. Haref. I. i. c. 10,
formed in the ninth century. See Mariana Tertullian adv. Jud. c. 7. See Molheim, p.
(Hiil. Hifpan. v. 10. 13.), who, in every 203.
4 I 2 of
6l2
THE DECLINE AND FALL
C HA P. of paganifm ; and that even the converfion of Iberia, of Armenia, or
of ^Ethiopia, was not attempted with any degree of fuccefs till the
fceptre was in the hands of an orthodox emperor "\ Before that
time, the various accidents of war and commerce might indeed
diffufe an imperfecSt knowledge of the gofpel among the tribes
of Caledonia'", and among the borderers of the Rhine, the Danube,
and the Euphrates ''^°. Beyond the laft mentioned river, EdeiFa was
diftinguiihed by a firm and early adherence to the faith '^'. From
EdeiTa, the principles of Chriftianity were eafily introduced into the
Greek and Syrian cities which obeyed the fucceffbrs of Artaxerxes ;
but they do not appear to have made any deep impreiTion on the
minds of the Perfians, whofe religious fyftem, by the labours of a
well-difciplined order of priefts, had been conftrudled with much
more art and folidity than the uncertain mythology of Greece and
Rome "\
From this impartial though imperfed furvey of the progrefs of
Chriftianity, it may perhaps feem probable, that the number of its
profelytes has been exceifively magnified by fear on the one fide,
and by devotion on the other. According to the irreproachable
General pro-
portion of
Chriftians
and Pagans.
''^ See the fourth century of Moflieim's
Hiftory of tlie Church. Many, though very
confufcd circumilances, that relate to the con-
verfion of Iberia and Armenia, may be found
in Mofes of Chorene, l.ii. c. 78 — 89.
'79 According to Tertullian, the Chriftian
faith had penetrated into parts of Britain inac-
ceflible to the Roman arms. About a century
afterwards, Offian, the fon of Fingal, \s/aid\.o
have difputed, in his extreme old age, with
one of the foreign miffionaries, and the dif-
pute is Hill extant, in verfe, and in the Erfe
language. See Mr. Macpherfon's Dillerta-
tion on the Antiquityof Offian's Poems, p. 10.
'^^ The Goths, who ravaged Afia in the
rfign of Gallicnus, carried away great num-
bers of captives ; fome of whom were Chrif-
tians, and became miflionai-ies. See Tille-
mont, Memoires Ecclefiaft. torn. iv. p. j\^.
'^' The Legend of Abgarus, fabulous as it
is, aftords a deciiive proof, that many years
before Eufebius wrote his hiftory, the greateft
part of the inhabitants of EdelTa had embraced
Chriilianity. Their rivals, the citizens of
Carrha;, adhered, on the contrary, to the
caufe of Paganifm, as late as the iixth cen-
tury.
'" According to Bardefanes (ap. Eufeb.
Pra;par. Evangel.) there were fome Chrillians
in Perfia before the end of the fecond century.
In the time of Conftantine (fee his Epiftle to
Sapor, \'it. 1. iv. c. 13.) they compofed a
flouriiliing church. Confult Beaufobre, Hiii.
Critique du Manicheilme, torn. i. p. 180. and
the Bibliotheca Orientalis of AiTemani.
teftimony
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 613
teftimony of Oiigen "', the proportion of the fliitliful was very in- ^ Η A p.
confiderable when compared with the muhitude of an unbelieving ^ y-— »
world ; but, as we are left without any diftindl information, it is im-
poffible to determine, and it is difficult even to conjedure, the real
numbers of the primitive Chriftians. The moft favourable calcula-
tion, however, that can be deduced from the examples of Antioch and
of Rome, will not permit us to imagine that more than a twentieth
part of the fubjedls of the empire had enlifted themfelves under
the banner of the crofs before the important converfion of Con-
ftantine. But their habits of faith, of zeal, and of union, feemed
to multiply their numbers ; and the fame caufes which contributed
to their future increafe, ferved to render their adtual ftrength more
apparent and more formidable.
Such is the conftitution of civil fociety, that wliilft a few perfons Whether t;he
are diftinguiihed by riches, by honours, and by knowledge, the tians were
body of the people is condemned to obfcurity, ignorance, and JTorant!" '^
poverty. The Chriftian religion, which addrefled itfclf to the whole
human race, muft confequently colledl a far greater number of pro-
felytes from the lower than from the fuperior ranks of life. This
innocent and natural circumftance has been improved into a very
odious imputation, which feems to be lefs ftrenuoufly denied by the
apologifts, than it is urged by the adverfaries, of the faith ; that the
new fe£l of Chriftians was almoft entirely compofed of the dregs of
the populace, of peafants and mechanics, of boys and women, of
beggars and flaves, the laft of whom might fometimes introduce the
miffionaries into the rich and noble families to which they belonged.
Thefe obfcure teachers (fuch was the charge of malice and infidelity)
are as mute in public as they are loquacious and dogmatical in
private. Whilft they cautioufly avoid the dangerous encounter of
philofophers, they mingle with the rude and illiterate crowd, and
"^ Orlgen contra Celfum, 1. viii. p. 424.
5 infinuate
6i4 THE DECLINE AND FALL
infinuate themfelvcs into thofe minds, whom their age, their fex, or
their education, has the bed difpofed to receive the impreihon of fu-
perilitious terrors ' *«
Someexcep- This Unfavourable pidurc, though not devoid of a faint rcfem-
regarcUo' blancc, bctrays, by its dark colouring and diftorted features, the
learning; ^^^^^-j ^f ^^ enemy. As the humble faith of Chrift difFufed itfelf
through the world, it was embraced by feveral perfons who derived
fome confcquence from the advantages of nature or fortune. Ariftides,
who prefented an eloquent apology to the emperor Hadrian, vras .
an Athenian philofopher '*'. Juftin Martyr had fought divine
knowledge in the fchools of Zeno, of Ariftotle, of Pythagoras, and
of Plato, before he fortunately was accoiled by the old man, or rather
the angel, who turned his attention to the ftudy of the Jewifli
prophets '^*. Clemens of Alexandria had acquired much various
reading in the Greek, and TertuUian in the Latin, language. Julius
Africanus and Origen poiTefled a very confiderable iliare of the
learning of their limes ; and although the ftyle of Cyprian is very
different from that of Ladantius, we might alraoft difcover that
both thofe writers had been public teachers of rhetoric. Even the
ftudy of philofophy was at length introduced among the Chriftians,
but it was not always productive of the moft falutary efFedsj
knowledge was as often the parent of herefy as of devotion, and
the defcription which was defigned for the followers of Artemon,
may, with equal propriety, be applied to the various fedts that
refifted the fuccefibrs of the apoftlcs. " They prefume to alter
" the holy fcriptures, to abandon the ancient rule of faith, and to
" form their opinions according to the fubtile precepts of logic.
" The fcience of the church is negledled for the ftudy of geometry,
'3+ Minucius FceHx, c. 8. with Wowerus's '^^ The ftory is prettily told in Juftin's
notes. Celfus ap. Origen, l.iii. p. 138. 14Z. Dialogues. Tillemont (Mem. Ecclefiaft.
Julian ap. Cyril, l.vi. p. zo6. Edit. Spanheim. torn. ii. p. 334.), who relates it after him, is
'25 Eufsb. Hift. Ecdef. iv. 3. Hieronym. fure that the old man was a difguifed angel.
Epift. 83.
((
and
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 615
** and they lofe fight of Heaven while they are employed in meafur- Chap.
" ing the earth. Euclid is perpetually in their hands. Ariilotle • . '
*' and Theophrailus arc the objedls of iheir admiration ; and they
" exprefs an uncommon reverence for the works of Galen. Their
" errors arc derived from the abufe of the arts and fcienccs of
" the ini^dels, and they corrupt the fimplicity of the gofpel by the
*' refinements of human reafon'^'."
Nor can it be affirmed with truth, that the advantages of birth and ^'''^ re?ard
to rank and
fortune were always feparated from the profeffion of Chriftianity. fortune.
Several Roman citizens were brought before the tribunal of Pliny,
and he foon difcovered, that a great number of perfons of every order
of men in Bithynia had deferted the religion of their anceftors "^^
His unfufpedted teftimony may, in this inftance, obtain more credit
than the bold challenge of Tertullian, when he addrciTes him-
felf to the fears as well as to the humanity of the proconful of
Africa, by affuring him, that if he perfifts in his cruel intentions,
he muft decimate Carthage, and that he will find among the guilty
many perfons of his own rank, fenators and matrons of nobleft
extradtion, and the friends or relations of his moil intimate
friends '*'. It appears, however, that about forty years afterwards
the emperor Valcriari was perfuaded of the truth of this aflertiony
fince in one of his refcripts he evidently fuppofes, that fenators,
Roman knights, and ladies of quality, were engaged m the Chrif-
tian fedl >'°. The church ftill continued to increafe its outward
fplendour as it loft its internal purity; and, in the reign of Diocletian,
the palace, the courts of juftice, and even the army, concealed
'" Eufebius, v. 28. It may be hoped, enim qmnis actatls, omnis ordinis, utriufque
that none, except the heretics, gave occailon fexiis,. etiam vocantur in periculum et voca-
to the complaint of Celfus (ap. Origcn, 1. ii. buntui•.
p. 77.). that the Chriftians were perpetually '"' Tertullian ad Scapulam. Yet even
corredling and altering their Gofpels. his rhetoric rifes no higher than to claim a
'" Plin. Epill. X. 97. "Fuerunt alii fimi- /ί>?;/Λ part of Carthage.
Hs amentia;, elves Romani - - i - - Multi '*"' Cyprian. Epill. 79.
* A mult'tude
Gi6 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, a multitude of Chr'iftians, who endeavoured to reconcile the interefls
XV.
( ^— » of the prefent, with thofe of a future, life.
Chrifti.-inity ^j^j yej- tlicfe exccntions are either too few in number, or too
moll favour-
ably received recent in time, entirely to remove the imputation of ignorance and
and fimpie. obfcurity which has been fo arrogantly caft on the firft profelytes of
Chriflianity. Inllead of employing in our defence the fidtions
of later ages, it will be more prudent to convert the occafion of
fcandal into a fubjedl of edification. Our ferious thoughts will
fuggefl to us, that the apoftles themfelves were chofen by prq-
vidence among the fifliermen of Galilee, and that the lower we
deprefs the temporal condition of the firft Chriftians, the more
reafon we ihall find to admire their merit and fuccefs. It is incum-
bent on us diligently to remember, that the kingdom of Heaven was
promifed to the poor in fpirit, and that minds aiBided by calamity
and the contempt of mankind, cheerfully liften to the divine promife
of future happinefs ; while, on the contrary, the fortunate are fatif-
fied with the poil'eflion of this world ; and the wife abufe in doubt
and difpute their vain fuperiority of reafon and knowledge.
Rejeacd by We ftand in need of fuch refledtions to comfort us for the lofs of
nent men of fome iUuftrious charaders, which in our eyes might have feemed
fecond cen- ^^^ "^oft worihy of the heavenly prefent. The names of Seneca,
tunes. ^ξ j|_^g gi^jgj. ^j^j jjjg younger Pliny, of Tacitus, of Plutarch, of
Galen, of the flave Epidetus, and of the emperor Marcus Antoni-
nus, adorn the age in which they flouriihed, and exalt the dignity
of human nature. They filled with glory their refpedive ftations,
either in adive or contemplative life; their excellent underftandings
were improved by ftudy ; Philofophy had purified their minds from
.the prejudices of the popular fuperftition ; and their days were fpent
in the purfuit of truth and the pradice of virtue. Yet all thefe
fages (it is no lefs an objedl of furprife than of concern) overlooked
or rejeded the perfedion of the Chriftian fyftem. Their language
or their filence equally difcover their contempt for the growing fed,
which
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 617
which in their time had difTufed itfelf over the Roman empire. ^ H^A P.
Thofe among them who condefcend to mention the Chriilians, ^ « — -»
confider them only as obftinate and perverfe cnthufiails, who exaded
an implicit fubmiffion to their myfterious dodrincs, without being
able to produce a fingle argument that could engage the attention of
men of fenfe and learning "''.
It is at leafl; doubtful whether any of thefe philofophers perufed Their nc-
..... . gleftoffro.
the apologies which the primitive Chriftians repeatedly publifhed phecy
in behalf of themfelves and of their religion ; but it is much to be
lamented that fuch a caufe was not defended by abler advocates.
They expofe, with fuperfluous wit and eloquence, the extrava-
gance of Polytheifm. They intereil our compaifion by difplay-
ing the innocence and fufFerings of their injured brethren. But
when they would demonftrate the divine origin of Chriftianity, they
infiil much more ftrongly on the predidions which announced, than
on the miracles which accompanied, the appearance of the Meffiah.
Their favourite argument might ferve to edify a Chriilian or to
convert a Jew, fince both the one and the other acknowledge
the authority of thofe prophecies, and both are obliged, with
devout reverence, to fearch for their fenfe and their accompllih-
ment. But this mode of perfuafion lofes much of its weight and in-
fluence, when it is addrefled to thofe who neither underftand nor
refped the Mofaic difpenfation and the prophetic ftyle "''. In the
unfkilftil hands of Juilln and of the fucceeding apologifts, the
''■ Dr. L.irdner, in his firil and fecond Weeks had been alleged to a Roman philofo»
volume of Jewilh and Chriftian teftimonies, pher, would he not have replied in the wcrds
collefts and illuftrates thofe of Pliny the of Cicero, " Quae tandem ifta auguratio eft,
younger, of Tacitus, of Galen, of Marcus annorum potius quam aut menfium aut die-
Antoninus, and perhaps of Epidletus (for it rum?" De Divinatione, ii. 30. Obferve
is doubtful whether that philofopher means with what irreverence Lucian (in Alexandro,
to fpeak of the Chriftians). The new feft is c. 13.) and his friend Celfus ap. Origen,
totally unnoticed by Seneca, the elder Pliny, (I. vii. p. 327.) exprefs themfelves concern-
and Plutarch. ing the Hebrew prophets.
''^ If the famous prophecy of the Seventy
Vol. I. 4 Κ fublime
6it
THE DECLINE AND FALL
and of mi-
racles.
General
filence con-
cerning the
darknels of
the Paffion.
fubllmc meaning of the Hebrew oracles evaporates in diilant types,
afFcAed conceits, and cold allegories ; and even their authenticity
was rendered fufpicious to an unenlightened Gentile, by the mixture
of pious forgeries, which, under the names of Orp'heus, Hermes,
and the Sibyls '", were obtruded on him as of equal value with
the genuine infpirations of HeaA'^en. The adoption of fraud and
fophiftry in the defence of revelation, too often reminds us of the
injudicious conduifl of thofe poets who load their iwuulnerab/e heroes
with a ufelefs weight of cumberfome^nd brittle armour.
But how fliall we excufe the fupine inattention of the Pagan and
philofophic world, to thofe evidences which were prefented by the
hand of Omnipotence, not to their reafon, but to their fenfes .''
During the age of Chrift, of his apoilles, and of their firil difciples,
the doilrine which they preached was confirmed by innumerable
prodigies. The lame walked, the blind faw, the fick were healed,
the dead were raifed, demons were expelled, and the laws of Nature
were frequently fufpended for the benefit of the church. But the
fages of Greece and Rome turned afide from the awful fpeftacle, and
purfuing the ordinary occupations of life and ftudy, appeared un-
confcious of any alterations in the moral or phyfical government of
the vi^orld. Under the reign of Tiberius, the whole earth ''', or at
leaf!: a celebrated province of the Roman empire ''% was involved in
a praeternatural darknefs of three hours. Even this miraculous
''' The Philofophers, who derided the
more ancient predictions of the Sibyls, would
eafily have deteiled the Jewiih and Chriftian
forgeries, which have been fo triumphantly
quoted by the fathers from Juftin Martyr to
Laftantius. When the Sibylline verfes had
performed their appointed tatk, they, like
thefyftemof the millennium, were quietly laid
afide. The Chriftian Sibyl had unluckily
fixed the ruin of Rome for the year 195,
A. U. C. 948.
''* The fathers, as they are drawn out in
battle array byDom Calmet (Diflertations fur
la Bible, torn. iii. p. 295 — 308.), feem to
cover the whole earth with darknefs, in
which they are followed by moil of the mo-
derns.
':' Origen ad Matth. c. 27. and a few
modern critics, Beza, Le Clerc, Lardner,
&c. are defirous of confining it to the land
of Judea.
event.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
Gu^
event, which ought to have excited tlie wonder, the ciiriofitv, and ^ ^| '^ ^•
the devotion of mankind, paflcd without notice in an age of fcience
and hiftory ''^ It happened during the Hfetime of Seneca and the
elder PUny, who muil have experienced the immediate efFeds, or
received the earlicil intelHgencCj of the prodigy. Each of thefe phi-
lofophers, in a laborious work, has recorded all the great pheno-
mena of Nature, earthquakes, meteors, comets, and eclipfcs, which
his indefatigable curiofity could colled "'^. Both the one and the
other have omittid to mention the greateft phenomenon to which the
mortal eye has been witnefs fince the creation of the globe. A dif-
tind chapter of Pliny '^^* is defigned for eclipfes of an extraordinary
nature and unufual duration ; but he contents himfelf with de-
fcribin^ the fingular dcfed of light which followed the murder of
Cxfar, when, during the greateft part of a year, the orb of the fun
appeared pale and without fplendour. This feafon of obfeurity,
which cannot furely be compared with the prseternatural darknefs of
the Paillon, had been already celebrated by moft of the poets ''' and
hiftorians of that memorable age "°.
'5'^ The celebrated paflage of Phlegon is
now wifely abandoned. When Tertullian
aiTures the Pagans, that the mention of the
prodigy is found in Arcanis (not Archivis)
veftris, (fee his Apology, c. 21.) heprobably
appeals to the Sibylline verfes, which relate
it exailly in the words of the Gofpel.
'^' Seneca Quxll. Natur. i. i. 15. vi. i,
vii. 17. Plin. Hill. Natur. 1. ii.
'93 Plin. Hift. Natur. ii. 30.
■ 99 Virgil Georgic. i. 466. Tibullus, I. i.
Eleg. V. ver. 75. Ovid Metamorph. xv. 782.
Lucan. Pharfal. i. 540. The laft of thefe
poets places this prodigy before the civil war.
'■'"' See a public epiltle of M. Antony in
Jcfeph. Antiquit. xiv. 12. Plutarch in Ca:-
far. p. 471, Appian, Bell. Civil. I. iv.
Dion CaiTius, 1. xlv. p. 431. Julius Obfe-
qucns, c. 128. His little treatife is an ab-
llrail of Livy's prodigies.
4K 3
680 THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP. XVI.
The CoTiduSi of the Roman Gover?ijnent towards the Chriβ-
ians, frofn the Reign of Nero to that of Confanii?ie,
the Roman
emperors
CHAP. TF we ferioufly confidcr the purity of the Chriffian religion, the
, "_> ■* fandity of its moral precepts, and the innocent as well as auftere
perfeciuedby livcs of the greater number of thofe, who during the firil ages
embraced the faith of the gofpel, we ihould naturally fuppofe, that
fo benevolent a doilrine would have been received with due re-
verence, even by the unbelieving world ; that the learned and
the polite, however they might deride the miracles, would
have efteemed the virtues of the new fed ; and that the ma-
giftrates, inftead of perfecuting, would have protetSled an order
of men who yielded the moft paflive obedience to the laws, though
they declined the adlive cares of war and governnient. If on the
other hand we recolledt the univerfal toleration of Polytheifm, as
it was invariably maintained by the faith of the people, the in-
credulity of philofophers, and the policy of the Roman fenate and
emperors, we are at a lofs to difcover what new offence the Chriftians
had committed, what new provocation could exafperate the mild
indifference of antiquity, and what new motives could urge the
Roman princes, who beheld without concern a thoufand forms of
religion fubfiiling in peace under their gentle fway, to inHidl a
fevere puniihment on any part of their fubjeds, who had chofen
for themfelves a fmgular but an inoffenfive mode of faith and
worfhip.
The religious policy of the ancient world feems to have af-
fumed a more ilern and intolerant charader, to oppofe the pro-
grefs
or THE ROMAN EMPIRE. Czi
grefs of Chriftianity. About fourfcore years after the death of ^ ^^ A P.
A. v 1.
Chrift, his innocent difciples were puniihcd with death by the < *-— ^
fentence of a proconful of the moft amiable and philofophic cha-
rader, and according to the laws of an emperor, diilinguillied by
the wifdom and juilice of his general adminiflration. The apo-
logies which were repeatedly addrefled to the fucceflbrs of Trajan
are filled with the moil pathetic complaints, that the Chriftians
•who obeyed the didates, and folicited the liberty, of confcience, were
•alone, among all the fubjeds of the Roman empire, excluded from
the common benefits of their aufpicious government. The deaths
of a few eminent martyrs have been recorded with care ; and from
the time that Chriilianity was inveiled with the fupreme power, the
governors of the church have been no lefs diligently employed in
difplaying the cruelty, than in imitating the condud, of their Pagan
adverfaries. To feparate (if it be poflTible) a few authentic as well as
interefling fads from an undigefled mafs of fidion and error, and
to relate, in a clear and rational manner, the caufes, the extent, the
duration, and the moft important circumftances of the perfecutions
, to which the firil Chriilians were expofed, is the defiga of the
prefcnt Chapter.
The fedaries of a perfecuted religion, depreiTed by fear, animated inquiry into
with refentment, and perhaps heated by enthufiafm, are feldom in tiv"s/"' '
a proper temper of mind calmly to inveftigate, or candidly to
appreciate, the motives of their enemies, which often efcape the im-
partial and difcerning view even of thofe who are placed at a fecure
diftance from the flames of perfecmion. A reafon has been aiTigned
for the coadud of the emperors towards the primitive Chriftians,
which may appear the more fpecious and probable as it is drawn
from the acknowledged genius of Polytheifm. it has already been
obferved, that the religious concord of the world was principally
fupported by the implicit aiTent and reverence which the nations of
antiquity exprefied for their refpedive traditions and ceremonies'.
622 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. j|. ni'igKt therefore be expedcd, that they would unite with Indlgna»
ν I ij- ii' tion againft any fe£i: or people which ihould feparate itfelf from the
communion of mankind, and claiming the exclufive poficifion of di-
vine knowledge, ihould difdain every form of worfliip except its
own, as impious and idolatrous. The rights of toleration were
held by mutual indulgence : they were juftly forfeited by a re-
fufal of the accuftomed tribute. As the payment of this tribute was
inflexibly refufcd by the Jews, and by them alone, the confider-
ation of the treatment which they experienced from the Roman ma-
giftrates, will ferve to explain how far thefe fpeculations are juftified
by fads, and will lead us to difcovcr the true caufes of the perfecu-
tion of Chriflianity.
Rebellious AVithout repeating what has been already mentioned, of the
Uv.^s° "^ reverence of the Roman princes and governors for the temple of
Jerufalem, we ihall only obfcrve, that the deftrudion of the temple
and city was accompanied and followed by every circmftance that
could exafperate the minds of the conquerors, and authorize reli-
gious perfecution by the moft fpecious arguments of political juftice
and the public fafety. From the reign of Nero to that of Anto-
ninus Pius, the Jews difcovered a fierce impatience of the dominion
of Rome, which repeatedly broke out in the moft furious maflacres
and infurredions. Humanity is Ihocked at the recital of the hor-
rid cruelties vvrhich they committed in the cities of Egypt, of Cyprus,
and of Cyrene, where they dwelt in ti-eacherous friendihip with
the unfufpeding natives ' j and we are tempted to applaud the fevere
retaliation which was exercifed by the arms of the legions againft a
race of fanatics, whofe dire and credulous fuperftition feemed to
' In Cyrene they maiTacred 2 20,000 Greeks; his example. The viftorlous Jews devoured
in Cyprus, 24.0,000 ; in Egypt, a very great the flelh, licked up the blood, and twilled
multitude. Many of thsfe unhappy vidlims the entrails like a girdle round their bodies,
were fawed afunder, according to a prcce- See Dion Caffius, 1. Ixviii. p. 1145.
dent to which David had given die faniflion of
render
ο l•' τ Η ίΕ R ο Μ A Ν Ε Μ ρ I R Ε. 623
render them the implacahle enemies not only of the«Roman govern- ^ ii a p.
ment, but of humankind \ The enthufiafm; of the Jews was fup- ^ y 1
ported by the opinion, that it was unlawful for them to pay taxes
to an idolatrous mafler ; and b/ the flattering promife which they
derived from their ancient oracles, that a conquering Meifiah would
foon arife, deftined to break their fetters, and to inveil the favourites
of heaven with the empire of the earth. It was by announcing
himfelf as their long-expeded deliverer, and by calling on all the de-
fcendants of Abraham to alTcrt the hope of Ifrael, thai the famous
Barchochebas colleiled a formidable army, with which he refilled
during two years the power of the emperor Hadrian '.
Notwithftanding thefe repeated provocations, the refentment of Τ°'7^*•?'°^
the Roman princes expired after the vidlory ; nor were their appre- religion,
henfions continued beyond the period of war and danger. By the
general indulgence of polytheifm, and by the mild temper of Anto-
ninus Pius, the Jews were reftored to their ancient privileges, and
once more obtained the perraillion of circumciiing their children,
with the eafy reftraint, that they ihould never confer on any foreign
profelyte that diftinguifliing mark of the Hebrew race ^ The nume-
rous remains of that people, though they were ftill excluded from
the precindts of Jerufalera, were permitted to form and to maintain,
confiderable eftabhfliments both in Italy and in the provinces, to
acquire the freedom of Rome, to enjoy municipal honours, and to
obtain at the fame time an exemption from the burdenfome and
expenfive offices of fociety. The moderation or the contempt of the
^• Without repeating the well-known nar- . ters of the Melliah, according to theRahbis, .
ratives of Jofcphus, wc may learn from Dion 1. v. c. 1 1, iz, 13. for the aftions of Barcho-
(■1. Ixix. p. 1162.), that in Hadrian's war chebas, 1. vii. c. 12.
580,000 Jews were cut off by the fword, be- 4 j^ is to Modeftinus, a Rom.in lawyer
fides an infinite number which penlhed by fa- (j. ^;, regular.), that we are indebted for a-
mine, by difeafe, and by fire. <]ifti„a knowledge of the Edift of Antoninus.•
3 For the feft of the Zealots, fee Bafnage, g^g Cafaubon ad Hiil. Auguft. p. 27.
Hilloire des Juifs, 1. i. c. 17. for the chaiac-
Romans
624, THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. Romans gave a legal fandion to the form of ecclefiaillcal policy
1^ -_-' i which was inftituted by the vanquiflied fedl. The patriarch, who
had fixed his refidence at Tiberias, was empowered to appoint his
fubordinate mlnifters and apoftles, to exercife a domeftic jurifdidion,
and to receive from his difperfed brethren an annual contribution *.
New fynagogues were frequently crcfted in the principal cities of
the empire ; and the fabbaths, the fails, and the feftivals, which
were either commanded by the Mofaic law, or enjoined by the tra-
ditions of the Rabbis, were celebrated in the moil folemn and public
manner*. Such gentle treatment infenfibly affwaged the ftern
temper of the Jews. Awakening from their dream of prophecy and
conqueft, they aflumed the behaviour of peaceable and induftrious
fubjeds. Their irreconcilable hatred of mankind, inflead of fla-
ming out in ads of blood and violence, evaporated in lefs dangerous
gratifications. They embraced every opportunity of over-reaching
the idolaters in trade ; and they pronounced fecret and ambiguous
imprecations ^ainft the haughty kingdom of Edom \
The Jews Since the Jews, who rejeded with abhorrence the deities adored
which fof-^ ^ ^y ^^^^^ fovereign and by their fellow- fubjeds, enjoyed however the
lowed, the £j.gg excrcife of their unfocial relic-ion; there muft have exifted fome
Chnftians, a & '
feft which Other caufc, which expofed the difciples of Chrift to thofe feverities
reiigion'of from which the pofterity of Abraham was exempt. The difference
between them is fimple and obvious; but, according to the fenti-
ments of antiquity, it was of the highefl importance. The Jews
were a nation ; the Chriftians were dife^i : and if it was natural for
5 See Bafnage, Hiftoire des Juifs, I. iii. ' According to the falfe Jofephus, Tfepho,
c. 2, 3. The office of Patriarch was fup- the grandfon of Efau, condufted into Italy
prefled by Theodofius the younger. the army of ^neas, king of Carthage. An-
^ We need only mention the purim, or de- other colony of Idumasans, flying from the
liverance of the Jews from the rage of Ha- fword of David, took refuge in the dominions
man, which, till the reign of Theodofius, of Romulus. For thefe, or for other reafons
was celebrated with infolent triumph and of equal weight, the name of Edom was ap-
riotous intemperance. Bafnage, Hift. des plied by the Jews to the Roman empire.
Juifs, 1. vi.c. 17. 1. viii. c. 6.
every
their fathers.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 625
every community to refpcdt the facred inilitutions of their neigh- CHAP,
hours, it was incumbent on them to perfevere in thofe of their an-
ceftors. The voice of oracles, the precepts of philofophers, and the
authority of the laws, unanimoufly enforced this national obligation.
By their lofty claim of fuperior fandtity, the Jews might provoke
the Polytheifts to confider them as an odious and impure race. By
difdaining the intercourfe of other nations they might deferve their
contempt. The laws of Mofes might be for the mofl: part frivolous
or abfurd ; yet fince they had been received during many ages by a
large fociety, his followers were juilified by the example of mankind ;
and it was univerfally acknowledged, that they had a right to prac-
tife what it would have been criminal in them to negled. But
this principle which protected the Jewiih fynagogue, afforded not
any favour or fecurity to the primitive church. By embracing the
faith of the Gofpel, the Chriftians incurred the fuppofed guilt of an
unnatural and unpardonable offence. They dilfolved the facred ties
of cuftom and education, violated the religious inflttutions of their
country, and prefumptuoully defpifed whatever their fathers had
believed as true, or had reverenced as facred. Nor was this apoftacy
(if we may ufe the expreiTion) merely of a partial or local kind ;
fince the pious defercer who withdrew himfelf from the temples of
Egypt or Syria, would equally difdain to feck an afylum in thofe
of Athens or Carthage. Every Chriftian rejeded with contempt the
fuperflitions of his family, his city, and his province. Ί he whole
body of Chriftians unanimoufly refufed to hold any communion with
the gods of Rome, of the empire^ and of mankind. It was in vain
that the oppreiTed believer afferted the inalienable rights of con-
fcience and private judgment. Though his fituaiion might excite
the pity, his arguments could never reach the underfianding, either
of the philofophic or of the believing part of the Pagan world.
To their apprehenfions, it was no lefs a matter of furprife, that any
individuals fliould entertain fcruples againft complying with the
Vol. 1. 4 L eftabliiLed
620 TIIE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. eRablifhed mode of worihip, than if they had conceived a fudden•
Χ\Ί.
V— -,^-l_; abhorrence to the manners, the drefs, or the language of their na-
tive country '.
Chrlftianky Thc furprifc of the Pagans was foon fucceeded by refentment ;
aAeifni,"and and the moft pious of men were expofed to the unjuft but danger-
the^^eo"le'*' °"^ imputation of impiety. Malice and prejudice concurred in
and phiidb- reprefcntino; the Cluiftians as a fociety of atheifts, who, by the moft
daring attack on the religious conRitution of the empire, had me-
rited the fevereft animadveiTion of the civil magiftrate. They had
feparated themfelves (they gloried in the confeflion) from every
mode of fuperftition which was received in any part of the
globe by the various temper of polytheifm : but it was not altogether
ίο evident what deity, or what form of worihip, they had fubftituted
to the gods and temples of antiquity. The pure and fublime idea
which they entertained of the Supreme Being efcaped the grofs
conception of the Pagan multitude, who were at a lofs to difcover
a fpiritual and folitary God, that was neither reprefented under any
corporeal figure or vifible fymbol, nor was adored vpith the accuf-
tomed pomp of libations and feftivals, of altars and facrifices '. The
fages of Greece and Rome, who had elevated their minds to the
contemplation of the exiftence and attributes of the Firft Caufe, were
induced by reafon or by vanity to referve for themfelves and their
chofen difciples the privilege of this philofophical devotion ". They
were far from admitting the prejudices of mankind as the ftandard
8 From the arguments of Celfus, as they vel quis ille^ aut ubi, Deus unicus, folitarius,
are reprefented and refuted by Origen (1. v. deftitutus ? Minucius Fcelix, c. lo. The Pa-
p. 247 — 259)» we may clearly difcover the gan Interlocutor goes on to make a diiHnftion
ciiHndlicn that was made between the Jewiih in favour of the Jews, who had once a temple,
feofle and the Chriftian /eii. See in the Dia- altars, viftims, &c.
logue of Minucius Fcelix (c. 5, 6.) a fair and '" It is difficult (fays Plato) to attain, and
not inelegant dcfcription of the popular fen- dangerous to publifh, the knowledge of the
timents, with regard to tlie defertion of the true God. See the Theologie des Philofo-
eftabliihed worihip. phes, in the Abbe d'Olivet's French tranila-
^ Cur nuUas aras habent ? templa nulla ? tion of Tully de Natura Deoium, torn. i.
nulla nota fimulacra ? - - - Unde autem, p. 27?.
of
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. G17
of truth, but they confidered them as flowing from the original dif- ^ ί^^ ^'
pofition of human nature ; and they fuppofed that any popular mode
of faith and worihip which prefumed to difclaim the aihftance of the
fenfes, would, in proportion as it receded from fuperftition, find
itfelf incapable of reftraining the wanderings of the fancy and the
vifions of fanaticifm. The carelefs glance which men of wit and
learning condefcended to cafl: on the Chriftian revelation, ferved only
to confirm their hafty opinion, and to perfuade them, that the prin-
ciple, which they might have revered, of the divine unity, was de-
faced by the wild enthufiafm, and annihilated by the airy fpecula-
tions, of the new fedaries. The author of a celebrated dialogue,
which has been attributed to Lucian, whllil he aiTedts to treat the
myflerious fubjedl of the Trinity in a ftyle of ridicule and con-
tempt, betrays his own ignorance of the weaknefs of human
reafon, and of the infcrutable nature of the Divine perfedions ".
It might appear lefs furprifing, that the founder of Chriil-
ianity fliould not only be revered by his difciples as a fage and
a prophet, but that he ihould be adored as a God. The Po-
lytheifls weredifpofed to adopt every article of faith, which feemed
to offer any refemblance, however diftant or impeifed, with the
popular mythology ; and the legends of Bacchus, of Hercules, and
of iEfculapius, had, in fome meafure, prepared their imagination
for the appearance of the Son of God under a human form'''.
" The author of the Phllopatris perpetually Έν ix Tfuv, >lJ εξ «Φ- rfia.
treats the Chriilians as a company of dream- Αξί^μ-αιν μ• oiixc-x.-ic, (is the prophane anfwer
ing enthufiafts ίαι^κιοι, αιβίροι, αιδ£,-ο?;<τ«ιτ;?, of Critias) xj οξΧ©• Ϊ) ajiSftJiJiX):. fx tiiaa, yap τι
a£foS«T«i£?< ^c. and in one place, manifeftly λε^ίΐς• £> τ^•ΐϋ,-τξΐα £ΐ• !
alludes to the vifion, in which St. Paul was '^ According to Juflin Martyr (Apolot^.
tranfportcd to the third heaven. In another Major, c. 70—85), the daemon, who had
place, Triephon, who perforates a Chriftian, gained fome imperfeil knowledge cf the pro-
after deriding the Gods of Paganifni, propofes phecies, purpofely contrived this refemblance,
a myfterious oath, which might deter, though b}• different means,
Τ-ψψΕίοΛα Θεο», μί-γαιι, αμζςάΐίν, tfjanura, both the people and the philofophers from
Ύκιι icaij©., ητηυμ,χ tK roiTj©- ixwofifo;/.:»!» embracing the faith of Chrilh
4 L 2 But
6_8 THE DECLINE AND TALL
CHAP. But they were aftoniihed that the Chriftians ihould abandon the
XVI
\_ -,— i temples of thofe ancient heroes, who, in the infancy of the world,,
had invented arts, inftituted laws, and vanquiihed the tyrants or
monfters who infeRed the earth ; in order to choofe for the exclufive
objedl of their religious worlliip, an obfcure teacher, who, in a
recent age, and among a barbarous people, had fallen a facrifice
either to the malice of his own countrymen, or to the jealoufy of
the Roman government. The Pagan multitude, referving their
gratitude for temporal benefits alone, rejected the ineftimable prefent
of life and immortality, which was offered to mankind by Jefus of
Nazareth. His mild conilancy in the midfl: of cruel and voluntary
fufferlngs, his univerfal benevolence, and the fublime fimplicity of his
adtions and charadler, were infufficient, in the opinion of thofe
carnal men, to compenfate for the want of fame, of empire, and
of fuccefs ; and whilft they refufed to acknowledge his ftupen-
dous triumph over the powers of darknefs and of the grave, they
mifreprefented, or they infulted, the equivocal birth, wandering
life, and ignominious death, of the divine Author of Chriftia-
nity ".
The union '^^^ pcrfonal guilt which every Chriftian had contraded, in thus
and affem- preferring his private fentiment to the national religion, was aggra-
Chriitians vatcd in a very high degree by the number and union of the crimi-
confidered as
a dangerous nals. It is well kuown, and has been already obferved, that Roman
policy viewed with the utmoft jealoufy and diftruft any affociation
among its fubjedls ; and that the privileges of private corporations,
though formed for the moft harmlefs or beneficial purpofes, were be-
flowed with a very fparing hand '^ The religious affemblies of the
'"' In the firft and fecond books of Origen, the fon of God. Socrates, Hill.' Ecdeiiaft.
Celfus treats the birth and charafter of our Hi. 23.
Saviour with the moft impious contempt. The '* The emperor Trajan refufed to incor-
orator Libanius praifes Porphyry and Julian porate a company of 150 fire-men, for the
for confuting the folly of a feft, which ufe of the city of Nicomedia. He difliked all
ftyled a dead man of Paleftine, God, and aiTociations. See Plin. Epift. x. 42, 43.
Chriftians,
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 629
Glniflians, who had feparated thcmfelvcs from the public worfliip, CHAP.
appeared or a much Icfs innocent nature : they were illegal m their ' « ',
principle, and in their confequences might become dangerous ; nor
were the emperors confcious that they violated the laws of juftice, •
when, for the peace of fociety, they prohibited thofe fecret and fome-
times nodurnal meetings '^ The pious difobedience of the Chrift-
ians made their condud:, or perhaps their defigns, appear in a much
moreferious and criminal light ; and the Roman princes, who might
perhaps have fuffered themfelvcs to be difarmed by a ready fubmiffion,
deeming their honour concerned in the execution of their com-
mands, fometimes attempted, by rigorous puniihments, to fub-
due this independent fpirit, which boldly acknowledged an au-
thority fuperior to that of the magiflrate. The extent and du-
ration of this fpiritual confpiracy feemed to render it every day•
more deferving of his animadverfion. We have already ittu. that
the aftive and fuccefsful zeal of the Chriftians had infenfibly difFufed
them through every province and almofl: every city of the empire.
The new converts feemed to renounce their family and country,
that they might connedl themfelves in an indiifoluble band of union
■with a peculiar fociety, which every where aflumed a diiferent cha-
rader from the reft of mankind. Their gloomy and auftere afpedty
their abhorrence of the common bufmefs and pleafures of life, and
their frequent predidtions of impending calamities '^ infpired the
Pagans with the apprehenfion of feme danger, which would arife
from the new fe£l, the more alarming as it was the more obfcure.
" Whatever," fays Pliny, " may be the principle of their con-
" The proconful Pliny h.id publifhed a proaching conflagration, &c. provoked thofe
p-eneral edidl againil unlawful meetings. The Pagans whom they did not convert, they were
prudence of the Chriftians fufpended their mentioned with caution and referve ; and the
AgapK ; but it was impoffible for them to Montanifts were cenfured for difclofing too
omit the exercife of public worihip. freely the dangerous fecret. See Moiheim^,
" As the prophecies of the Antichrift, ap- p. 413.
6 «' dud.
630 THE DECLINE AND FALL
C II A P. *t dud, their inflexible obftinacy appeared defervin,^ of puniih-
XVI.
V ^ — ; " ment"."
Their man- The precautions with which the difciples of Chrift performed the
nkted! "'"' offices of religion were at firft didated by fear and neceffity ; but
they were continued from choice. By imitating the awful fccrecy
which reigned in the Eleufmian myfteries, the Chriftians had flat-
tered themfelves, that they fhould render their facred inftitutions
more refpeitable in the eyes of the Pagan world '^ But the event,
as it often happens to the operations of fubtile policy, deceived their
vvifhes and their expectations. It was concluded, that they only
concealed, what they would have bluihed to difclofe. Their mif-
taken prudence afforded an opportunity for malice to invent, and for
fufpicious credulity to believe, the horrid tales which defcribed the
-' ' Chriftians as the mofl: wicked of human kind, who pradifed in
their dark receffes every abomination that a depraved fancy could
fiiggeft, and who folicited the favour of their unknown God by the
facrifice of every moral virtue. There were many who pretended
to confefs or to relate the ceremonies of this abhorred fociety. It
was afterted, " that a new-born infant, entirely covered over with
•' flour, was prefented, like feme myftic fymbol of initiation, to the
" knife of the profelyte, who unknowingly inflided many a fecret
" and mortal wound on the innocent vidim of his error ; that as
" foon as the cruel deed was perpetrated, the fedaries drank up the
" blood, greedily tore afunder the quivering members, and pledged
*' themfelves to eternal fecrecy, by a mutual confcioufnefs of guilt.
" It was as confidently affirmed, that this inhuman facrifice was
" fucceeded by a fuitable entertainment, in which intemperance
*' fervcd as a provocative to brutal luft ; till, at the appointed mo-
" Neque enim dubitsbam, quoJcunque '^ See Molheim's Ecclefiaftical Hiftory,
ciTet quod faterentur, (fuch are the words of vol. i. p. loi, and Spanheim, Remarques iur
Pliny) pervic.iciam certe et infiexibilem ob- les Cefars de Julien, p. 468, &c.
ftinationem deberc puniri.
" ment,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 631
CHAP.
XVI,
dent defence.
" ment, the lights were fuddenly estinguiihed, ihame was baniflied,
" nature was forgotten ; and, as accident might direil, the dark-
" nefs of the night was polluted by the inceftuous commerce of
*' fifters and brothers, of fons and of mothers ''."
But the perufal of the ancient apologies was fufficient to re- ThcJrimpru
move even the flighteft fufpicion from the mind of a candid adver-
fary. The Chriflians, wiih the intrepid fecurity of innocence,
appeal from the voice of rumour to the equity of the magiftrates.
They acknowledge, that if any proof can be produced of the
crimes, which calumny has imputed to them, they are worthy of
the moft fevere puniihment. They provoke the punifliment, and
they challenge the proof. At the fame time they urge with equal
truth and propriety, that the charge is not lefs devoid of pro-
bability, than it is deftitute of evidence ; they aflc, whether any
one can ferioufly believe that the pure and holy precepts- of the
Gofpel, which fo frequently reftrain the ufe of the moft lawful
enjoyments, ihould inculcate the pradtce of the moft abominable
Climes ; that a large fociety fliould refolve t.o diihonour itfelf in the
eyes of its own members ; and that a great number of perfons of
either fex, and every age and character, infenfible to the fear of
death or infamy, ftiould confent to violate thofe principles which
nature and education had imprinted moft deeply in their minds "".
Nothing, it ftiould feem, could weaken the force or deftroy the ef-
fe£t of fo unanfwerable a juftification, unlefs it were the injudicious
condu£t of the apologifts themfelves, who betrayed the common
caufe of religion, to gratify their devout hatred to the domeftic ene-
'9 See Juftin Martyr, Apolog. i. 3J. ii. 14. -° In the perfecution of Lyons, feme Gen-
Athenagoras in Legation, c. 27. Tertuluan, tile flavcs were compelled, by the fear of tor-
Apolog. c. 7, 8, 9. Minucius Fcelix, c. 9, tures, to accufe their Chriftian mailer. The
10. 30, 31. The laft of the writers relates church of Lyons, writing to their brethren of
the accufation in the moft elegant and circum- Afia, treat the horrid charge with proper in-
ftantial manner. The anfwer of Tertullian dignation and contempt. Eufeb. Hill. Ec-
is the boldeft and moft vigorous. clef. v. i.
7 inies
/J3i THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, mies of the church. It was fometimes faintly infinuated, and fome-
Λ V J.•
* ^- — ' times boldly ailerted, that the fame bloody facrifices, and the fame
inceftuous fcftivals, which were fo falfely afcribed to the orthodox
believers, were in reality celebrated by the Marcionites, by the Car-
pocratians, and by feveral other feds of the Gnoftics, who, not-
withftanding they might deviate into the paths of herefy, were ftill
aftuated by the fentiments of men, and ftill governed by the pre-
cepts of Chriftianity ^'. Accufations of a fimilar kind were retorted
upon the church by the fchifmatics who had departed from its com-
munion ", and it was confcffed on all fides, that the moft fcandal-
ous licentioufnefs of manners prevailed among great numbers of
thofe who affeded the name of Chriftians. A Pagan magiftrate,
who poifeifed neither leifure nor abilities to difcern the almoft im-
perceptible line which divides the orthodox faith from heretical
pravity, might eafily have imagined that their mutual animofity
had extorted the difcovery of their common guilt. It was fortu-
nate for the repofe, or at leaft for the reputation, of the firft Chrif-
tians, that the magiftrates fometimes proceeded with more temper
and moderation than is ufually confiftent with religious zeal, and
that they reported, as the impartial refult of their judicial inquiry,
that the fe(il:aries,-who had deferted the eftabliihed worfhip, appeared
to them fincere in their profeifioos, and blamelefs in their man-
" See Juftin Martyr, Apolog. i. 3J. Ire- he afperfed the morals of the church which
nius adv. Ha:ref. i. 24. Clemens Alexan- he liad fo refolutely defended. " Sed majoris
drin. Stromat. 1. iii. p. 438. Eufeb. iv. 8. " eft Agape, quia per lianc Adolelcentes tui
It would be tedious and difgufting to relate " cum Sororibus dormiunt, appendices fcili-
all that the fucceeding writers have imagined, " cet gula; iafcivia ct luxuria." De Jeju-
all that Epiphanius has received, and all that nils, c. 17. The 35th canon of the council
Tillemont has copied. M. de Beaufobre of lUiberis provides againft the fcandals which
(Hift. du Manicheifme, 1. ix. c. 8, 9.) has too often polluted the vigils of the church,
expofed with great fpirit, the difingenuous and difgraced the Chriftiar. name, in the eyes
arts of Auguilin and Pope Leo I. of unbelievers.
" When Tertullian became a Montanift,
ners ;
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 635
ners; however they might incur, by their abfurd and exceifive fuper- chap.
XVI.
ilition, the ccnlure of the laws "'. < ^ >
Hiftory, which undertakes to record the tranfadions of the pail, Idea of the
for the inftrudion of future, ages; would ill deferve that honour- the emperors
able office, if ilie condefcended to plead the caufe of tyrants, or to c^riftian?*
juftify the maxims of perfecution. It muft however be acknow-
ledged, that the conduit of the emperors who appeared the lead
favourable to the primitive church, is by no means fo. criminal as
that of modern fovereigns, who have employed the arm of violence
and terror againft the religious opinions of any part of their fubjedls.
From their reflexions, or even from their own feelings, a Charles V.
or a Louis XIV. might have acquired a juft knowledge of the rights
of confcience, of the obligation of faith, and of the innocence of
error. But the princes and magiftrates of ancient Rome were
ftrangers to thofe principles which infpired and authorized the in-
flexible obftinacy of the Chriftians in the caufe of truth, nor could
they themfelves difcover in their own breafts, any motive which
would have prompted them to refufe a legal, and as it were a natu-
ral, fubmiflion to the facred inftitutions of their country. The fame
reafon which contributes to alleviate the guilt, muil have tended to
abate the rigour, of their perfecutions. As they were actuated, not
by the furious zeal of bigots, but by the temperate policy of legif-
lators, contempt muft often have relaxed, and humanity muft fre-
quently have fufpended the execution of thofe laws, which they
enaded againft the humble and obfcure followers of Chrift. From
the general view of their charader and motives we might naturally
conclude : I. That a confiderable time elapfed before they confidered
the new fedaries as an objed deferving of the attention of govern-
ment. II. That in the convidion of any of their fubjeds who
*' Tertullian (Apolog. c. 2.) expatiates on with much reafon, and feme declamation.
the fair and honourable teftimony of Pliny, .
Vol. I. 4 Μ were
634 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, were accufed of fo very fingular a crime, they proceeded with cau-
i^,,i-.^^^L-» tion and reluctance. III. That they were moderate in the ufe of
puniihments ; and IV. That the aiBidled church enjoyed many in-
tervals of peace and tranquillity. Notwithilanding the carelefs
• indiiference which the moil copious and the moft minute of the
Pagan writers have fliewri to the affairs of the Chriftians "% it may
ftill be in our power to confirm each of thefe probable fuppofitions,
by the evidence of authentic fads.
They ne- I• By the wife difpenfation of Providence, a myilerious veil was
Chiiiifan'ras caft over the infancy of the church, which, till the faith of the Chrif-
afcciof Jews. ^-^^^ ^^g matured, and their numbers were multiplied, ferved to»
proted them not only from the malice but even from the knowledge
of the pagan world. The flow and gradual abolition of the Mofaic
ceremonies afforded a fafe and innocent difguife to the more early
profelytes of the Gofpel. As they were far the greater part of the
race of Abraham, they were diftinguiihed by the peculiar mark of
circumcifion, offered up their devotions in the Temple of Jerufalem
till its final deilruftion, and received both the Law and the Prophets
as the genuine infpirations of the Deity. The Gentile converts»
who by a fpiritual adoption had been affociated to the hope of Ifrael,
were likewife confounded under the garb and. appearance of Jews *%
and as the Polytheifts paid lefs regard to articles of faith than to
the external worihip, the new feft, which carefully concealed, or
faintly announced, its future greatnefs and ambition, was permitted
to ihelter itfelf under the general toleration which was granted to
an ancient and celebrated people in the Roman empire. It was not
long, perhaps, before the Jews themfelves, animated with a fiercer
zeal and a more jealous faith, perceived the gradual feparation of
^* In the various compilation of the Au- name in the large hiilory of Dion Caflius.
guftan Hiftory (a part of which was compofed '' An obfcure paflage of Suetonius (in
under the reign of Conilantine), there are not Claud, c. 25.) may feem to offer a proof how
fix lines which relate to the Chriftians ; nor ftrangely the Jews and Chriftians of Rome
has the diligence of Xiphilin difcovered their were confounded with each other.
their
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. G25
their Nazarene brethren frgm the dodrine of the fynagogue ; and ^ ^^ ^'
they would gladly have extinguiflied the dangerous herefy in the
blood of its adherents. But the decrees of heaven had already dif-
armed their malice; and though they might fometimes exert the li-
centious privilege of fedition, they no longer poiTeffed the admini-
ftration of criminal juftice; nor did they find it eafy to infufe into
the calm breaft of a Roman magiftrate the rancour of their own zeal
and prejudice. The provincial governors declared themfelvcs ready
to liften to any accufation that might afFe£t the public fafety : but
as foon as they were informed, that it was a queilion not of fads
but of words, a difpute relating only to the interpretation of the
Jewiih laws and prophecies, they deemed it unworthy of the majefty
of Rome ferioufly to difcufs the obfcure differences which might
arife among a barbarous and fuperftitious people. The innocence of
the firft Chriftians was proteiled by ignorance and contempt ; and
the tribunal of the pagan magiftrate often proved their moft allured
refuge againft the fury of the fynagogue ''*. If indeed we were difpofed
to adopt the traditions of a too credulous antiquity, v;e might relate
the -diftant peregrinations, the wonderful atchievements, and the
various deaths of the twelve apoftles : but a more accurate inquiry
will induce us to doubt, whether any of thofe perfons who had been
witneifes to the miracles of Chrift were permitted, beyond the limits
of Paleftine, to feal with their blood the truth of their teftimony '^
From the ordinary term of human life, it may very naturally be
prefumed that moft of them were deceafed before the difcontent of
the Jews broke out. into that furious war, which was terminated
** See in the xviiith and xxvth chapters of It was gradually beftowed on the reft of the
the Afts of the Apoftles, the behaviour of apoftles, by the more recent Greeks, who
Gallio, proconful of Achaia, and of Fcftus, prudently felefted for the theatre of their
procurator of Judea. preaching and fufferings, fome remote coun-
^' In the time of Tertullian and Clemens try beyond the limits of the Roman empire,
of Alexandria, the glory of martyrdom was See Mofheim, p. 8i, and Tillemont, Me-
confined to St. Peter, St. Paul, and St. James, moires Ecdefiaftiques, torn. i. part iii.
4 Μ 2 on I7
636 THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP, only by the ruin of Jerufalem. During a long period, from the
Λ VI•
V— V — J death of Chrift to that memorable rebellion, we cannoi difcover any
traces of Roman intolerance, unlefs they are to be found in the fud-
den, the tranfient, but the cruel perfecution, which was exercifed.
by Nero againft the Chriftians of the capital, thirty-five years after
the former, and only two years before the latter of thofe great
events. The character of the philoiophic hiftorian, to whom we
are principally indebted for the knowledge of this fingular tranf-
" adtion, would alone be fufficient to recommend it to our moft atten-
tive confideration.
The fire of In the tenth year of the reign of Nero, the capital of the empire
the'^eie'no" ^^'^^ afBidcd by a fire which raged beyond the memory or example
Nero. of former ages *^ The monuments of Grecian art and of Roman
virtue, the trophies of the Punic and Gallic wars, the moft holy
temples, and the moft fplendid palaces, were involved in one com-
mon deftrudtion. Of the fourteen regions or quarters into which
Rome was divided, four only fubfifted entire, three were levelled
with the ground, and the remaining feven, which had experienced
the fury of the flames, difplayed a melancholy profped: of ruin and
defohtion. The vigilance of government appears not to have nc-
gleded any of the precautions which might alleviate the fenfe of fo
dreadful a calamity. The Imperial gardens were thrown open to
the diftreifed multitude, temporary buildings were ereded for their
accommodation, and a plentiful fupply of corn and provifions was
diftributed at a very moderate price ''. The moft generous policy
feemed to have didated the edi£ts which regulated the difpofition of
the ftreets and the conftrudion of private houfes ; and as it ulually
happens, in an age of profperity, the conflagration of Rome, in
*^ Tacit. Annal. xv. 38 — 44. Sueton. in jnodhaj was reduced as low as terni Nummt i
Neron. c. 38. Dion Caluus, 1. Ixii. p. 1014. which would be equivalent to about fifteen
Orofius, vii. 7. fliillings the Engliih quarter.
'' The price of wheat (probably of the
the
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. e^y
the courfe of a few years, produced a new city, niore regular and ^ Η A P.
more beautiful than the former. But all the prudence and huma- .-J
nity afFedled by Nero on this occafion were infufficient to preferve
him from the popular fufpicion. Every crime might be imputed to
the aflaflin of his wife and mother ; nor could the prince, who pro-
ilituted his perlon and dignity on the theatre, be deemed incapable
of the moft extravagant folly. I'he voice of rumour accufcd the
emperor as the incendiary of his own capital ; and as the moft incre-
dible ftories are the beft adapted to the genius of an enraged people,
it was gravely reported, and firmly believed, that Nero, enjoying
the calamity which he had occafioned, amufed himfelf with fingin"•
to his lyre the deftrudion of ancient ί roy '°. To divert a fufpi-
cion, which the power of defpotifm was unable to fupprefs, the em-
peror refolved to fubftitute in his own place fome fiditious crimi-
nals. " With this view (continues Tacitus; he inflided the moft Cruel pu-
" exquifite tortures on thofe men, who, under the vulgar appella- "hl^chnf"^
" tion of Chriftians, were already branded with deferved infamv. ί'•'*"^• ?^'^^
•' «*•^•^. incendiaries
" They derived thtir name and origin from Chrift, who in the of the city,.
*' reign of Tiberius had fuifered death, by the fentence of the pro-
*' curator Pontius Pilate ". For a while, this dire fuperftition was
" checked ; but it again burft forth; and not only fpread itfelf over
*' Judsea, the firft ieat ot this mifchievous fe£l, but was even intro-
*' duced into Rome, the common afylum which receives and pro-
5" We may obferve, that the rumour is correfponded with the laft ten years of Tibe-
mentioned by Tacitus with a very becoming rius, A. D. 27 — 37. As to the particular
dillruft and hefitaiion, whilil it is greedily time of the death of Chrift, a very early tra-
tranicribed by Suetonius, and fokmnly con- dition fixed it to the 25 th of March, A. D.
£rmed by Dion. 29, under the confulfhip of the two Gemini
^' This tellimony is alone fufficient to ex- (Tertullian adv. Judsos, c. 8.). This date,
pofe the anachronifm of the Jews, who place which is adopted by Pagi, cardinal Norris»
the birth of Chrift near a century fooner (Baf- and Le Clerc, feems, at leaft, as probable as
nage, Hiftoire des Juifs, 1. v. c. 14, 15.). the vulgar sra, which is placed (I know not
We may learn from Jofephus (Antiquitat. from what conjedlures) four years later.
xviii. 3.), that the procuratoriliip of Pilate
u
tedsj
6;C THE DECLINE AND FALL
J
c Η A P. « te£ts, whatever is impure, whatever is atrocious. The confeffions
* — ~/-l-v " of thofe who were feized, difcovered a great multitude of their
" accomplices, and they were all convifted, not fo much for the
" crime of fetting fire to the city, as for their hatred of human
" kind '". They died in torments, and their torments were embit-
" tered by infult and derifion. Some were nailed on crofles ; others
" fewn up in the fkins of wild beafte, and expofed to the fury of
" dogs : others again, fmeared over with combuftible materials,
" were ufed as torches to illuminate the darknefs of the night.
*' The gardens of Nero were deftined for the melancholy fpedtacle,
" which was accompanied with a horfe race, and honoured with
" the prefence of the emperor, who mingled with the populace in
•' the drefs and attitude of a charioteer. The guilt of the Chrif-
" tians deferved indeed the moft exemplary puniihment, but the
*' public abhorrence was changed into commiferation, from the
" opinion that thofe unhappy wretches were facrificed, not fo much
*' to the public welfare, as to the cruelty of a jealous tyrant ".'*
Thofe who furvey with a curious eye the revolutions of mankind,
may obferve, that the gardens and circus of Nero on the Vatican,
which were polluted with the blood of the firft Chriftians, have been
rendered ftill more famous, by the triumph and by the abufe of the
perfecuted I'eligion. On the fame fpot '*, a temple, which far fur-
pafles the ancient glories of the Capitol, has been fince ereded by
!» OJio hutnani generis ccn'zriBi. Thefe Clerc (Hiftoria Ecclefiaft. p. 427.), of Dr.
words may either fignify the hatred of man- Lardner (TelHmonies, vol. i. p. 345.), and
kind towards the Chriftians, or the hatred of of the biftiop of Gloucefter (Divine Lega-
the Chriftians towards mankind. I have pre- tion, vol. iii. p. 38.). But as the word (-in-
ferred the latter fenfe, as the moft agreeable 'viili does not unite very happily with the
to the ftyle of Tacitus, and to the popular reft of the fentence, James Gronovius has
error, which a precept of the Gofpel (See preferred the reading of cDtijuncii, which is
Luke, xiv. 26.) had been, perhaps, the in- authorifed by the valuable MS. of Florence,
recent occaficn. My interpretation is jufti- 33 Ύ^ίάχ.. Annal. xv. 44.
ied by the authority of Lipfius ; of the Ita- ,^ ,τ j• • r. λ • « τ^
,. , τ, . 1 ν υ ι•π- . /1 . ^ Nardini Roma Antica, p. 387. Do-
lian, the French and the Englilh tranilators , „ . . . λ , ■■■ ■' '
r ΓΓ. • ,- »Λ Λ. • / \ r τ natus de Koma Antiqua, 1. lu. p. 440.
of Tacitus; ot Moiheim (p. 102.), of Le -1 > r tty
the
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 63«?
the Carlftlan Pontiffs, wlio, deriving their claim of unlverfal do- chap.
XVI.
minion from an humble fifherman of Galilee, have fucceeded to the < ,— ^
throne of the Csefars, given laws to the barbarian conquerors of
Rome, and extended their fpiritual jurifdidion from the coall: of the
Baltic to the ihores of the Pacific Ocean.
But it would be improper to difmifs this account of Nero^s per-
fecution, till we have made fome obfervations, that may ferve to
remove the difficulties with which it is perplexed, and to throw
fome light on the fubfequent hiftory of the church.
I. The moft fceptical criticifm is obliged to refpeit the truth of Remarks on
this extraordinary tact, and the integrity of this celebrated palTage of Tacitus
of Tacitus. The former is confirmed by the diligent and accurate peHecudc'
ation
Suetonius, who mentions the puniiliment which Nero inflidled on «^/ ^^^^^ ^'^nf-
■^ tians by
the Chriftians, a fe<it of men who had embraced a new and criminal Nero,
fuperftition ". The latter may be proved by the confent of the
moft ancient manufcripts ; by the inimitable charader of the ftyle of
Tacitus ; by his reputation, which guarded his text from the inter-
polations of pious fraud, and by the purport of his narration, which
accufed the firft Chriftians of the moft atrocious crimes, without in-
finuating that they poflefled any miraculous or even magical powers
above the reft of mankind ''^. 2. Notwithftanding it is probable that
Tacitus was born fome years before the fire of Rome ", he could de-
^5 Sueton. in Nerone, c. i6. The epithet If any doubt can ftill remain concerning thia
of TnaUfica, which fome fagacious comment- celebrated paffage, the reader may examine
ators have tranflated magical, is confidered the pointed objeftions of Le Fevre (Haver-
by the more rational Moiheim as only fyno- camp. Jofeph. torn. ii. p. 267 — z73-)> '^^
nymous to the exitiahilis of Tacitus. laboured anfwers of Daubuz (p. 187 — 232.),
1'' The paflage concerning Jefus Chrift, and the mafterly reply (Bibliotheque An-
which was inferted into the text of Jofephus, cienne at Moderne, torn. vii. p. 237 — 288.)
between the time of Origen and that of Eufe- of an anonymous critic, whom I believe to
bius, may furniih an example of no vulgar have been the learned Abbe de Longuerue.
forgery. The accompliniment of the pro- 3, g^^ ^^^ jj^^^ ^f l:2.άt^x^ by Lipilus and
phecies, the virtues, miracles, and refurrec- the Abbέ de la Bleterie, Diftionnaite de Bayle
tion of Jefus, are diftinftly related. Jofephus . γ^^^^^χ^ Tacite, and Fabricius, Biblioth.
acknowledges that he was the MeGiah, and ^_^^^-^_ ^^^ j._ p_ ^g^_ £^^_ Υ,τ•[Λ<!ί. - ■'
hefitates whether he fhould call him a man•
«7 live
640
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, rive only from reading and converfation the knowledge of an event
XVI.
. _ _'- , which happened during his infancy. Before he gave himfelf to the
Public, he calmly waited till his genius had attained its full maturity,
and he was more than forty years of age, when a grateful regard
for the memory of the virtuous Agricola, extorted from him the
moil early of thofe hiftorical compofitions which will delight and
inftruiil the moft diilant pofterity. After making a tiial of his
llrength in the life of Agricola and the defcription of Germany, he
conceived, and at length executed, a more arduous work ; the hif-
tory of Rome, in thirty books, from the fall of Nero to the accef-
fion of Nerva. The adminiftration of Nerva introduced an age of
juftice and profperity, which Tacitus had deftined for the occu-
pation of his old age " ; but when he took a nearer view of his
fubjedt, judging, perhaps, that it was a more honourable, or a lefs
invidious office, to record the vices of paft tyrants, than to cele-
brate the virtues of a reigning monarch, he chofe rather to relate,
under the form of annals, the aftions of the four immediate fucceifors
of Auguftus. To colledl, to difpofe, and to adorn a feries of fouricore
years, in an immortal work, every fentence of which is pregnant
with the deepeil obfervations and the moft lively images, was an un-
dertaking fufficient to exercife the genius of Tacitus himfelf during
the greateft part of his life. In the laft years of the reign of Trajan,
whilft the vidorious monarch extended the power of Rome beyond
its ancient limits, the hiftorian was defcribing, in the fecond and
fourth books of his annals, the tyranny of Tiberius " ; and the
emperor Hadrian muft have fucceeded to the throne, before Tacitus,
in the regular profecution of his work, could relate the fire of the
capital and the cruelty of Nero towards the unfortunate Chriftians.
At the diftance of fixty years, it was the duty of the annalift to
^" Principatum Divi Nervae, et imperium feneftuti fepofui. Tacit. Hift. i.
Trajani, uberiorem fecariorem(jue materiam i'i See Tacit. Annal. ii. 6j. iv. 4.
adopt
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ A Ν Ε Μ ρ I R Ε. 641
adopt the narratives of cotemporaries ; but it was natural for the CHAP.
philofopher to indulge himfelf in the defcription of the origin, the 1 ,-— y
progrefs, and the charader of the new fed, not fo much accord-
ing to the knowledge or prejudices of the age of Nero, as accord-
ing to thofe of the time of Hadrian. 3. Tacitus very frequently
trufts to the curiofity or refledion of his readers to fupply thofe
intermediate circumftances and ideas, which, in his extreme con-
cifenefs, he has thought proper to fupprefs. We may therefore
prefume to imagine fome probable caufe which could dired the
cruelty of Nero againft theChriilians of Rome, whofe obfcurity, as
well as innocence, fhould have fliielded them from his indignation,
and even from his notice. The Jews, who were numerous in the
capital, and oppreiFed in their own country, were a much fitter
objed for the fufpicions of the emperor and of the people ; nor did
it feem unlikely that a vanquiihed nation, who already difcovered
their abhorrence of the Roman yoke, might have recourfe to the
moil atrocious means of gratifying their implacable revenge. But the
Jews poifefied very powerful advocates in the palace, and even in
the heart of the tyrant ; his wife and miftrefs, the beautiful Poppsea,
and a favourite player of the race of Abraham, who had already
employed their interceilion in behalf of the obnoxious people '^°.
In their room it was neceifary to offer fome other vidims, and it
might eafily be fuggefted that although the genuine followers of
Mofes were innocent of the fire of Rome, there had arifen among
them a new and pernicious fed of Galileans, which was capable
of the moil: horrid crimes. Under the appellation of Galil^;ans,
two diftindions of men were confounded, the moil: oppofite to each
other in their manners and principles; the difciples who had em-
^^ The player's name was Aliturus. tained the pardon and releafe of fome Jewilh
Through the fame channel, Jofephus (de Vita prieils who were prifoners at Rome,
iua, c. 3.), about two years before had ob-
VoL. I. 4 Ν braced
642 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, braced the faith of Tefus of Nazareth *', and the zealots who had
XVI.
\ ^^ followed the ftandard of Judas the Gaulonite *\ The fdrmer v/ere
the friends, the latter were the enemies, of humankind ; and the
only refemblance between them confifted in the fame inflexible con-
ftancy, which, in the defence of their caufe, rendered them infen-
fible of death and tortures. The followers of Judas, who impelled
their countrymen into rebellion, w^ere foon buried under the ruins
of Jerufalem ; whilft thofe of Jefus, known by the more celebrated
name of Chriftians, difFufed themfelves over the Roman empire. How
natural was it for Tacitus, in the time of Hadrian, to appropriate
to the Chriftians, the guilt and the fufferings, which he might, with
far greater truth and juftice, have attributed to a fe£t whofe odious
memory was almoft extinguiihed ! 4. Whatever opinion may be
entertained of this conjedlure (for it is no more than a conjedure), it
is evident that the effeit, as well as the caufe, of Nero's perfecution,
were confined to the walls of Rome *^ ; that the religious tenets of
the Galileans, or Chriftians, were never made a fubjedl of punifti-
ment, or even of inquiry ; and that, as the idea of their fuff^erings
was, for a long time, conneded with the idea of cruelty and in-
juftice, the moderation of fucceeding princes inclined them to fpare
a fed, oppreffed by a tyrant, whofe rage had been ufually direded
againft virtue and innocence.
OppreiTionof It is fomewhat remarkable, that the flames of war conftamed al-
CiiriiHans by Hioft at the fame time the temple of Jerufalem and the Capitol of
Domitian.
*' Tlie learned Dr. Lardner (Jewiih and tering ram had made a breacli, they turned
Heathen tcftimonies, vol. ii. p. 102, 103.) their fwords againft their wives, their chil-
has proved that tiie name of Galileans, was a dren, and at length againft their own hreafts,
very ancient, and perhaps the primitive, ap- They died to the laft man.
pellation of the Chriftians.• '►^ See Dodwell. paucitat. Mart. 1. xiu.
*^ Jofeph. Antiquitat, xviii. i, 2. Tille- The Spanifli Infcription in Gruter, p. 238,
mont, Ruine des Juifs, p. 742. . The fons of No. 9, is a manifefc and acknowledged for-
Judas were crucified in the time of Claudius, gery, contrived by that noted impoftorCyria-
His grandfon Eleazar, after Jerufalem was cus of Ancona to flatter the pride and preju-
taken, defended a ftrong fortrefs with 960 of dices of the Spaniards. See Ferreras, Hif-
iismoft defperate followers. When the bat- toire d'Efpagne, torn. i. p. 192.
4 Rome
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 643
Rome*'*'; and It appearrs no lefs fingular, that the trihute which dc- chap.
votion had deilined to the former, ihould Jiave been converted by ' m~—^
the power of an infulting vidtor to reftore and adorn the fplendour
of the latter '^'. The emperors levied a general capitation tax on
the Jewiili people ; and although the fum affeiTed on the head of
each individual Was inconfiderable, the ufe for which it was defigned,
and the Icverity with which it was exacted, were confidered as an
intolerable grievance *". Since the officers of the revenue extended
their unjuft claim to many perfons who were ilrangers to the blood
or religion of the Jews, it was impoffible that the Chriillans, who
had fo often flieltered themfelves under the fhade of the fynagoguCj
iliould now cfcape this rapacious perfecution. Anxious as they were
to avoid the flightefl: infedion of idolatry, their confcience forbade
them to contribute to the honour of that daemon who had aiTumed
the charader of the Capitoline Jupiter. As a very numerous though
declining party among the Chriftians ftill adhered to the law of
Mofes, their efForts to difiemble their Jewifh origin were detcdled
by the decifi\'^ teft of circumcifion *": nor were the Roman magi-
ftrates at leifure to inquire into the difference of their religious
tenets. Among the Chriftians who were brought before the tribu-
nal of the emperor, or, as it feems more probable, before that of
the procurator of Judeca, two perfons are faid to have appeared, di-
** The Capitol was burnt Jiiring the civil even though he had made a general auilion cf
war between Vitellius and Vefpafian, the 19th Olympus, would have been unable to pay two
of December, A. D. 69. On the loth of fliillings in the pound.
Auguft, A. D. 70, the temple of Jerufalem *<5 With regard to the tribute, fee Dion
was defiroyed by the hands of the Jews them- Caffius, 1. Ixvi. p. 1082, vvith Rcimarus's
felvcs, rather than by thofe of the Romans. notes. Spanheim, de Ufu Numifmatum,
>5 The new Capitol was dedicated by Do- torn. ii. p. 571, and Cafnage, Hiit. des Juifs,
mitian. Sueton. in Domitian, c. 5. Plu- 1. vii. c. 2.
tarchinPopucola, torn. i. p. 230. Edit. Bryan. « Suetonius (in Domitian, c. 12.) h.ad feen
The gilding alone coil 12,000 talents (above ^„ ^ld man of ninety publickly examined be-
two millions and a half). It was the opinion fg-g f^g procurator's tribunal. This is whai
of Martial (1. ix. Epigram 3.), thatif the em- y^^^^^^x ^alli, Mcntula tributis damnata.
peror had called in his debts, Jupiter himfelf,
4 Ν 2 ilinguiflied
6u THEDECLINEANDFALL
^ vv'^ ^' ftinguiflied by their extra^ion, which was tnore truly noble than
»— _v f that of the greateft moaarchs. Thefe were the grandfons of St. Jude
the apoille, who himfelf was tlic brother of Jefus Chrift*'. Their
natural pretenfions to the throne of David, might perhaps attrait
the refpedt of the people, and excite the jealoufy of the governor ; but
the meannefs of their garb, and the fimplicity of their anfwers,
foon convinced him that they were neither defirous nor capable of
difturbing the peace of the Roman empire. They frankly confefled
their royal origin, and their near relation to the Meifiah ; but they
diiclaimed any temporal views, and profeiTed that his kingdom,
which they devoutly expeoted, was purely of a fpiritual and angelic
nature. When they were examined concerning their fortune and
occupation, they fliewed their hands hardened with daily labour,
and declared that they derived their whole fubfiftence from the culti-
vation of a farm near the village of Cocaba, of the extent of about
twenty-four Engliih acres "^, and of the value of nine thoufand.
drachms, or three hundred pounds fterling. The grandfons of St.
Jude were difmifled with compaffion and "contempt ^°.
Execution of But although the obfcurity of the houfe of David might protedt
conful. " them from the fufpicions of a tyrant, the prefent greatnefs of his
own family alarmed the pufiUanimous temper of Domitian, which
could only be appeafed by the blood of thofe Romans whom he
** This appellation was at firfl ijnderilood Chrift, were only his firft couiins. See Til-
in the moil obvious fenfe, and it was fup- lemont, Mem. Eccleiiaft. torn. i. part iii. and
pofed, that the brothers of Jefus were tfie law- Beaufobre, ΗίΛ. Critique du Manicheifme,
fuliffue of Jofeph andof Mary. A deYout re- 1. ii. c. 2.
fpeft for the virginity of the mother of God, ■*' Thirty-nine irXiflf^, fquares of an hun-
fuggefted to the Gnoftics, and afterwards to the dred feet each, which if ftriftly computed
orthodox Greeks, the expedient of beilowing v/ould fcarcely amount to nine acres. But the
a fecond wife on Jofeph. The Latins (from probability of circumilances, the prailice of'
the time of Jerome) improved on that hint, other Greek writers, and the authority of
aiTerted the perpetual celibacy of Jofeph, and M. de Valois, incline me to believe that the
jaftified by many fimilar examples the new in- irhtifu is ufed to exprefs the Roman jugerum.
terpretation that Jude, as well as Simon and ^" Eufebius, iii. 20. The flory is taken
James, who arc iiyled the brothers of Jefus from Hegefippus.
Q - either
OFTHE ROMAN EMPIRE. 64^
either feared, or hated, or efteemcd. Of the two fons of his uncle ^ HA p.
Flavins Sabiniis '", the elder was foon convidled of trcafonable in- « ν — ^J
tentions, and the younger, who bore the name of Flavius Clemens,
was indebted for his fafety to his want of courage and ability ''.
The emperor, for a long time, diftinguiihed fo harmlefs a kinfman
by his favour and proteilion, beflowed on him his own niece
Domitilla, adopted the children of that marriage to the hope of the
fucceffion, and invefted their father with the honours of the con,-
fulfliip. But he had fearcely finiQied the term of his annual ma--
glftracy, when on a flight pretence he was condemned and exe-
cuted; Domitilla was banifhed to a defolate ifland on the coaft of
Campania"; and fcntenccs either of death or of confilcation were
pronounced againft a great number of perfons v/ho were involved in
the fame accufation. The guilt imputed to their charge was that
of Atheifm and ^ειυΊβ) manners '^ ; a Angular aiTociation of ideas,
which cannot with any propriety be applied except to the Chrift-
ians, as they were obfcurely and imperfeflly viewed by the ma-
giftrates and by the writers of that period. On the ftrength of fo
probable an interpretation, and too eagerly admitting the fufpicions
of a tyrant as an evidence of their honourable crime, the church
has placed both Clemens and Domitilla among its firft martyrs, and
has branded the cruelty of Domitian with the name of the fecond
perfecution. But this perfecution (if it deferves that epithet) was
of no long duration. A few months after the death of Clemens,
'■ See the deathandcharaftcr of Sabinusin far dillant from the other. That diiTerenc?,
Tacitus (Hift. iii. 74, 75.)• Sabiniis was tlie and a miftake either of Eufebius, or of his
elder brother, and till the acceffion of Vef- tranfcribers, have given occafion to fuppofe
pafian, had been confidered as the principal two Domitillas, the wife and the niece of
fupport of the Flavian family. Clemens. See Tillcmont Memoires Ecclefi-
^^ Flavium Clementem patraelem fuum afliques, torn. ii. p. 224.
contemtiffi/nre inertire ... ex tenuiffima fiif- '■'■ Dion. I. Ixvii. p. 1 1 1?. If the Bruttius
picione interemit. Sueton. in Domitian. c. 15. Praefens, from whom it is probable that he
" The ifle of Pandataria, according to collefted this account, was the correfpondcnt
Dion. Bruttius Praefens (apud Eufeb. iii. 18.) of Pliny (Epiftol. vii. 3.), we may confider
banifnes her to that of Pontia, which was not him as a contemporary writer.
and
•646 THE DECLINE AND TALL
C Η A P. and the banifiamcnt of DomiiUla, Stephen, a freednian belonp-infr to
XVI. . 00
*,-— V— J th« tatter, ^ho had enjoyed the favour, but who had not furely
embraced the faith, of hit niiftrefs, anaiTinated the emperor in hfs
palaee". The memory of Domitian was condemned by the fenate;
•his ads were refcinded ; his exiles recalled ; and under the gentle
adminiftration of Nerva, while the innocent were reftored to their
rank and fortunes, even the moft guilty either obtained pardon or
efcaped puniihment '*.
Ignorance of Π• About ten years afterwards, under the reign of Trajan, the
^'^nin"the youuger Pliuy was intrufted by his friend and mailer with the
Chriftians. governiBent of Bithynra and Pontus. He foon found himfelf at
a lofs to determine by what rule of juftice or of law he ilioukl
direil his conduit in the execution of an office the moft repugnant
to his humanity. Pliny had never affifted at any judicial proceedings
againft the Chriftians, with whofe ftame alone he fcems to be ac-
quainted ; and he was totally uninformed with regard to the nature
of their guilt, the method of their conviition, and the degree of
.their puniihment. In this perplexity he had recourfe to his ufual
expedient, of fubmitting to the wlfdom of Trajan an impartial,
and in fome refpeils, a favourable, account of the new fupcrftition,
requefting the emperor, that he would condefcend to refolve his
doubts, and to inftrud his ignorance". The life of Pliny had
been employed in the afcquifition of learning, and in the bufinefs of
the world. Since the age of nineteen he had pleaded with diftinc-
tion in the tribunals of Rome ^% filled a place in the fenate, had
55 Sueton. in Domit. c. 17. Pliiloftratus Lardner's fufpicions (fee Jewiih and Heathen
in Vit. Apollon. 1. viii. Teftimonies, vol. ii. p. 46.) I am unable to
s= Dion. 1. Ixviii. p. 1 1 18. Plin. Epiftol. difcover any bigotry in his language or pro-
IV. 22.
ccedings.
" Plin. Epiftol. X. 97. The learned Mo- ^s ρ^,,. Epiftol. v. 8. He pleaded his firlt
ilieim expreifes himfelf (p. 147. 232.) with cnufj, A. D. Si ; the year after the famous
the higheft approbation of Pliny's moderate eruptions of Mount Vefiivius, in which tis
and candid temper. Notwithftanding Dr. uncle loft his life.
been
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 647
been inverted with the honours of the confulfliip, and had formed ^ ^^ ^ ^•
very numerous connexions with every order of men, both in Italy ' , — ~J
and in the provinces. From bis ignorance therefore we may derive
fome ufeful information. We may aflure ourfelves, that when he
accepted the governmen-t of Bithynia, there were no general laws
or decrees of the fenate in force againft the Chriftians ; that neither
Trajan nor any of his virtuous predeceffors, whofe edids were re-
ceived into the civil and criminal jurifprudence, had publickly
declared their intentions concerning the new fedl ; and that what-
ever proceedings had been carried on againft the Chriftians, there
were none of fufficient weight and authority to eftabliih a precedent
for the conduit of a Roman magiftrate.
The anfwer of Trajan, to which the Chriftians of the fucceeding Trajan and
° JUS fucct-iTors
age have frequently appealed, difcovers as much regard for juftice eftabiiHi a
.,,.,. legal mode of
and humanity as couid be reconcned with his miftaken notions proceeding
of religious policy ". Inftead of difplaying the implacable zeal of " ^"**
an inquifitor, anxious to difcover the moft minute particles of
herefy, and exulting in the number of his vidims, the emperor
exprefles much more folicitude to protedl the fecurity of the in-
nocent, than to prevent the efcape of the guilty. He acknowledges
the difficulty of fixing any general plan; but he lays down two
falutary rules, which often afforded relief and fupport to the
diftrefled Chriftians. Though he diredls the magiftrates to punifti
fuch perfons as are legally convided, he prohibits them, with
a very humane inconfiftency, from making any inquiries concern-
ing the fuppofed criminals. Nor was the magiftrate allowed to
proceed on every kind of information. Anonymous charges the
emperor rejecls, ,as too repugnant to the equity of his government ;
" Plin. Epiftol. x. .9?. Tertullian (Λρο- tullian, in another part of his apolcgifts, *x-
log. c. 5.) confiders this refcript as a rekxa- pofes the incouiiftency of prohibiting inquL-
tion of the aftcient pe?xal laws, " quas Tra- vies, aHid enjoinjng punilhnients^
janus ex parte fruftratus eft;'' and jfet Xej:-
and
648 τ FI Ε DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, and he ftridly requires, for the conviclion of thofe to whom the
* — — V ' guilt of ChlRianity is imputed, the pofitive evidence of a fair and
open accufer. It is likcwife probable, that the perfons who aifumed
fo invidious an office, were obliged to declare the grounds of their
fufpicions, to fpecify (both in refpedt to time and place) the fecret
affemblies, which their Chriilian adverfary had frequented, and to
difclofe a great number of circumftances, which were concealed
with the mofl; vigilant jealoufy from the eye of the profane. If
they fucceedcd in their profecution, they were expofed to the
refentment of a confidcrable and a£live party, to the cenfure of the
more liberal portion of mankind, and to the ignominy which, in
every age and country, has attended the character of an informer.
If, on the contrary, they failed in their proofs, they incurred the
fevere and perhaps capital penalty, which, according to a law pub-
liihed by the emperor Hadrian, was inflifted on thofe who falfely
attributed to their fellow-citizens the crime of Chriftianity. The
violence of ^lerfonal or fuperftitious animofity might fometimes pre-
vail over the mofl; natural apprehenfions of difgrace and danger ;
but it cannot furely be imagined, that accufations of fo unpromiiing
an appearance were either lightly or frequently undertaken by the
Pagan fubjeds of the Roman empire ''".
Popular The expedient which was employed to elude the prudence of the
clamours. ]aws, affords a fufficient proof how eife£lually they difappoint-
ed the mlfchievous defigns of private malice or fuperftitious
zeal. .In a large and tumultuous affembly the reftraints of
fear and fliame, io forcible on the minds of individuals, are de-
prived of the greateft part of their influence. The pious Chriftian,
as he was defirous to obtain or to efcape the glory of martyrdom,
*^ Eufebius (Hift. Ecclefiaft. 1. iv, c. 9.) authenticity of which is not fo univerfally
has preferved the edift of Hadrian. He has allowed. The fecond apology of Juftin con-
likewife (c. 13.) given us one ftill more fa- tains fome curious particulars relative to the
vourable under the name of Antoninus; the accufations of chriftians,
expeded.
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 6^^
expeded, either with impatience or with terror, the ftated returns ^ ^ '^ P.
of the public games and fcftivals. On thofe occafions, the in-
habitants of the great cities of the empire were colleded in the
circus or the theatre, where every circumftance of the place, as
well as of the ceremony, contributed to kindle their devotion, and
to extinguiih their humanity. Whilfl: the numerous fpedators,
crowned with garlands, perfumed with incenfe, purified with the
blood of viiitims, and furrounded with the altars and ftatues of their
tutelar deities, refigned themfelves to the enjoyment of pleafures,
which they confidered as an eflential part of their religious worihip ;
they recollefted that the Chrlftians alone abhorred the gods of
mankind, and by their abfence and melancholy on thefe folemn
feilivals, feemed to infult or to lament the public felicity. If the
empire had been afflided by any recent calamity, by a plague,
a famine, or an iinfuccefsful war ; if the Tiber had, or if the Nile
had not, rifen beyond its banks ; if the earth had ihaken, or if the
temperate order of the feafons had been interrupted, the fuper-
ftitlous Pagans were convinced, that the crimes and the impiety
of the Chriftians, who were fpared by the exceflive lenity of the
government, had at length provoked the Divine Juftice. It was
not among a licentious and exafperated populace, that the forms of
legal proceedings could be obferved ; it was not in an amphitheatre
ilained with the blood of wild beafts and gladiators, that the voice
of companion could be heard. The impatient clamours of the
multitude denounced the Chriftians as the enemies of gods and
men, doomed them to the fevereft tortures, and venturing to accufe
by name fome of the moft: diftinguifhed of the new feitaries, re-
quired with irrefiftible vehemence that they fhould be inftantly
apprehended and caft: to the lions ". The provincial governors
" See Tcrtullian (Apolog. c. 40.). The lively piilure of thefe tumults, whicli were
ails of the martyrdom of Polycarp, exhibit a ufually fomented by the malice of the Jews.
Vol. I. 4 Ο and
6^0 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, and magiilrates who prefided in the public fpcdacles were υΓιιηΙΙ/
, >^_1_/ inclined to gratify the inclinations, and to appeafe the rage, of the
people, by the facrifice of a few obnoxious vidims. But the wifdoni
of the emperors proteded the church from the danger of thefe
tumultuous clamours and irregular accufations, which they juftly
cenfured as repugnant both to the firmnefs and to the equity of their
adminiftration. The edids of Hadrian and of Antoninus Pius ex-
prefsly declared, that the voice of the multitude fhould never be ad-
mitted as legal evidence to convidl or to punifti thofe unfortunate
perfons who had embraced the enthufiafm of the Chriftians ^^.
Trials of the HI. Punifliment was not the inevitable confequence of convidion>
Chriihans. ^^^ ^γ^^ Chriftians, whofe guilt was the moft clearly proved by
the teftimony of witnefles, or even by their voluntary confeifion.
Hill retained in their own power the alternative of life or death. It
was not fo much the paft offence, as the adual refiftance, which ex-
cited the indignation of the magiftrate. He was perfuaded that he
offered them an eafy pardon, fince if they confented to cafl: a few
grains of incenfe upon the altar, they were difmiiTed from the tribu-
nal in fafety and with applaufe. It was eileemed the duty of a hu-
mane judge to endeavour to reclaim, rather than to puniih, thofe
deluded enthufiails. Varying his tone according to the age, the fex,
or the fituation of the prifoners, he frequently condefcended to fet
before their eyes every circumftance which could render life more
pleafing, or death more terrible; and to folicit, nay to intreat, them,
that they would ihew fome compaiTion to themfeK^es, to their fami-
lies, and to their friends *^ If threats and perfuaiions proved in-
effedlual, he had often recourfe to violence ; the fcourge and the
rack -were called in to fupply the deficiency of argument, and every
** Thefe regulations are inferted in the *^ See the refcript of Trajan, and the con-
above-mentioned edifts of Hadrian and Pius, duft of Pliny. The moll aiithentLc adls of
See the apology of Melito (apud Eufeb. L iv. the martyrs abound in thefe exhortations.
c. 26.).
arc
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE, 651
art of cruelty was employed to fubdue fuch inflexible, and as It ^ ^ f^ ^*
λ. νΧ•
appeared to the Pagans, fuch, criminal, obftinacy. The ancient
apologifts of Chriftianity have cenfured, with equal truth and
feverity, the irregular conduit of their perfecutors, who, contrary
to every principle of judicial proceeding, admitted the ufe of torture,
in order to obtain, not aconfefilon, but a denial, of the crime which
was the objed of their inquiry '"*. The monks of fucceeding ages,
who, in their peaceful folitudes, entertained themfelves with di-
verfifying the deaths and fufferings of the primitive martyrs, have
frequently invented torments of a much more refined and ingenious
nature. In particular, it has pleafed them to fuppofe, that the
zeal of the Roman magiftrates, difdaining every confideration of
moral virtue or public decency, endeavoured to feduce thofe whom
they were unable to vanquiih, and that by their orders the moil brutal
violence was offered to thofe whom they found it impoifible to feduce.
It is related, that pious females, who were prepared to defpife death,
were fometimes condemned to a more fevere trial, and called upon to
determine whether they fet a higher value on their religion or on their
chaftity. The youths to whofe licentious embraces they were aban-
doned, received a folemn exhortation from the judge, to exert their
moft ftrenuous efforts to maintain the honour of Venus againft the
impious virgin who refufed to burn incenfe on her altars. Their
violence however was commonly difappointed, and the feafonable
interpofition of fome miraculous power preferved the cbafte fpoufes
of Chrift from the diilionour even of an involuntary defeat. We
Ihould not indeed negledl to remark, that the more ancient as well
as authentic memorials of the church are feldom polluted with thefe
extravagant and indecent iidions *^
The
- ^* In particular, fes Tertdlian, (Apol. gifts had beeu a lawyer, and the other a rhe-
c. z, 3.) and Ladlantius (Inftitut. Divin. v. torician.
9.). Their reafonings are almoft the fame; ^' See two inftances of this kind of torture
Iwt we may difcover, that one of thefe apolo- in the Afta Sincera Martyrum, publiihed by
4 Ο 2 Ruinart,
Csi THE DECLINE AND FALL
C. Η A P. The total difregard of truth and probability in the reprefentation
Λ. V J.
jnagiftrates.
of thefe primitive martyrdoms was occafioned by a very natural
the Roman miftake. The ecclefiaftical writers of the fourth or fifth centuries
afcribed to the magiftrates of Rome the fame degree of implacable
and unrelenting zeal which filled their own breafts againft the
heretics or the idolaters of their own times. It is not improbable
that fome of thofe pcrfons who v;ere raifed to the dignities of the
empire, might have imbibed the prejudices of the populace,
and that the cruel . difpofition of others might occafionally be
Simulated by motives of avarice or of perfonal refentment ".
But it is certain, and we may appeal to the grateful confeifions of
the firft Chriftians, that the greateft part of thofe magiftrates who
cxerclfed in the provinces the authority of the emperor, or of the
fenate, and to whofe hands alone the jurifdidion of life and death
was intrufted, behaved like men of polifhed manners and liberal
educations, who refpefted the rules of juftice, and who were conver-
fant with the precepts of philofophy. They frequently declined the
odious tafk of perfecution, difmiifed the charge with contempt,
or fuggefted to the accufed Chriflian fome legal evafion, by which
he might elude the feverity of the laws '^". Whenever they were
inverted with a difcretionary power '^% they ufed it much lefs for
the Oppreflion, than, for the relief and benefit, of the afflicled church•
They were far from condemning all the Chriftians who were ac-
cufed before their tribunal, and very far from punifliing with death
Ruinart, p. i6o. 399. Jerome, in his Le- *? Tertullian, in his epiiUe to the govern-
gend of Paul the Hermit, tells a ftrange Hory or of Africa, mentions feveral remarkable
of a young man, who was chained naked on inftances of lenity and forbearance, which
a bed of flowers, and affaulted by a beautiful had happened within his knowledge.
and wanton courtezan. He quelled the rifmg ,, ^ ^^-^ j„ univerfum aliquid quod
temptation by biting oft his tongue. ^^^ ^^^^^^ f^^^^^ j^^^eat, conftitui poteft :
*^ The convevfion of his wife provoked ^^^ e.vpreflion of Trajan, which gave a very
Claudius Herminianus, governor of Cappa- j^^-^^^^ ^^ ^^ governors of pro-
docia, to treat the Chriftians with uncommon
^_ VIIlCcS>
feverity. Tertullian ad Scapulam, c. 3.
all
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 653
all thofe who were convided of an obftinate adherence to the new CHAP.
XVI.
fuperflition. Contenting themfelves, for the moft part, with the > ^ /
milder chaftifemcnts of imprifonment, exile, or llavery in the
mines *', they left the unhappy vidlims of their juftice fome reafon to
hope, that a profperous event, the acceifion, the marriage, or the
triumph of an emperor, might fpeedily reftore them by a general
pardon to their former ftate. The martyrs, devoted to immediate inconfidcr-
execution by the Roman magiflrates, appear to have been feledled of martyrs.
from the moil oppofite extremes. They were either biihops and
preibyters, the perfons the moft diftinguiihed among the Chriftians
by their rank and influence, and whofe example might ftrike terror
into the whole fe£l ^" ; or elfe they were the meaneft and moil
abjedt among them, particularly thofe of the fervile condition whofe
lives were efteemed of little value, and whofe fufferings were viewed
by the ancients with too carelefs an indifference''. The learned
Origen who, from his experience as well as reading, was intimately
acquainted with the hiftory of the Chriftians, declares, in the mofl:
exprefs terms, that the number of martyrs was very inconfiderable"*.
His authority would alone be fufficient to annihilate that formidable
army of martyrs, whofe relics, drawn for the moft part from the
catacombs of Rome, have repleniihed fo many churches '', and
whofe
*' In Metalla damnamur, in Infulas rele- pleafing intelligence, that the perfeciition of
gemur. TertuUian. Apolog. c. 12. The Antioch was already at an end.
mines of Numidia contained nine biihops, '' Among the martyrs of Lyons (Eufeb.
with a proportionable number of their clergy 1. v. c. 1.), theflaveBlandinawas diilinguifhcd
and people, to whom Cyprian addrefled a by more e.vquifite tortures. Of the ίΐλε mar-
pious epiftle of praife and comfort. See Cy- tyrs fo much celebrated in the afts of Felici-
prian. Epiftol. 76, 77. tas and Perpetua, two were of a fervile, and-
'° Though we cannot receive with en- two others of a very mean, condition,
tire confidence, either the epiftles, or tlie '^ Origen adverf. Celfum, 1. iii. p. i li.
ails, of Ignatius (they may be found in His words deferve to be tranfcribed. " OAt-
the 2d volume of the Apoftolic Fathers), yet ya nccta, κχΐξϋζ, xai aOiifx !ΐ•α^ι5^<,ητοι •ωεξί -ηΤ»
we may quote that bifiiop of Antioch as one Χξΐηαιων ^£ia-=Sua: teShix»- ."
of the{e eicKp/ary martyrs. He was fent in '^ If we recolleft that λ// the Plebeians of
chains to Rome as a public fpeitacle : and Rome were not Chriftians, and that alJ the-
when he arrived at Troas, he received the Chrillians were not faints and martyrs, we
may
654
THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP.
XVI.
Exasaple of
Cyprian,
bifhop of
Carthage.
whofe marvellous attchievements have been the fubjed of fo many
volumes of Holy Romance '*. But the general aflertlon of Origea
may be explained and confirmed by the particular teftimony of his
friend Dionyfius, who in the immenfe city of Alexandria, and un-
der the rigorous perfecution of Decius, reckons only ten men and
feven v^omen vsrho fufFered for the profeflion of the Chriftiaa
name
75
During the fame period of perfecution, the zealous, the eloquent,
the ambitious Cyprian governed the church, not only of Carthage,
but even of Africa. He poiTeiTed every quality which could engage
the reverence of the faithful, or provoke the fufpicions and refent-
ment of the Pagan magiftrates. His charader as well as his ftation
feemed to mark out that holy prelate as the moft diilinguiftied objedt
of envy and of danger '*. The experience, however, of the life
of Cyprian, is fufficient to prove, that our fancy has exaggerated the
perilous fituation of a Chriilian bifhop ; and that the dangers to which
rnay judge with how moch fafety religious
honours can be afcribed to bones or urns,
indifcriminately taken from the public burial-
place. After ten centuries of a very free and
open trade, fome fufpicions have arifen among
the more learned catholics. They now re-
quire, as a proof of fanftity and martyrdom,
the letters Β iVi, a viol full of red liquor,
fuppofed to be blood, or the figure of a
palm-tree. But the two former figns are of
little weight, and v/ith regard to the laft, it
is obferved by the critics, i. That the figure,
as it is called, of a palm, is perhaps a cyprefs,
and perhaps only a ftop, the flouriih cf a
comma, ufed in the monumental infcrij-tions.
2. That the palm was the fymbol of viflory
among the Pagans. 3. That among the
Chriitians it ferved as the emblem, not only
of martyrdom, but in general of a joyful re-
furreftion. See the epiille of P. Mabillon,
on the worlliip of unknown fair.ts, and Mu-
ratori fopra le Antichita Italiane, Diflertat,
Iviii.
'••■ As a fpecimen of thefe legends, we may
be fatisfied with 10,000 Chriftian foldiers
crucified in one day, either by Trajan or Ha-
drian, on mount Ararat. See Baronius ad
MartyroIogiumRomanum. Tillemont, Mem.
Ecclefiaft. torn. ii. part ii. p. 438. and Ged-
des's Mifcellanies, vol.-ii. p. 203. The ab-
breviation of Mil. which may fignify either
fcldiers or thoufands, is faidto have occafioned
fome extraordinary miilakes.
'' Dionyfius ap. Eufeb. I. vi. c. 41. One
of the feventeen was likewife accufed of rob-
bery.
'•' The letters of Cyprian exhibit a very
curious and original pidlure, both of the man
and of the times. See likewife the two lives
of Cyprian, compofed with equal accuracy,
though v,'ith very diiferent views ; the one by
Le Clerc (Eibliotheque Univerfellc, tom. xii.
p. 208 — 37S.), the other by Tillemont, Me-
r.ioires Ecclefiaftiques, tom. iv. part i. p.
he
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 6^s
he was expofed were lefs imminent than fhufe which temporal am- C Π A p.
bition is always prepared to encounter in the purfuit of honours, i— -w— ' ^
Four Roman emperors, with their faraiiies, their favourites, and
their adherents, periihcd by the fword in the fpace of ten years,
during which, the biihop of Carthage guided by his authority
and eloquence the counfels of the African church. It was only
in the third year of his adminiilration, that he had reafon, during a
few months, to apprehend the fevere edids of Decius, the vigilance His danger
of the magiftrate, and the clamours of the multitude, who loudly
demanded, that Cyprian, the leader of the Chriftians, ihould be
thrown to the lions. Prudence fuggefled the neceiTity of a tem-
porary retreat, and the voice of prudence was obeyed. He with-
drew himfelf into an obfcure folitude, from whence he could
maintain a conftant correfpondence with the clergy and peo-
ple of Carthage ; and concealing himfelf till the tempeft was
part, he preferved his life without relinquiihing either his power
or his reputation. His extreme caution did not however efcape
the cenfure of the more rigid Chriftians who lamented, or the
reproaches of his perfonal enemies who infulted, a conduit which
they confidered as a pufillanlmous and criminal defertion of the
moil facred duty '''. The propriety of referving himfelf for the
future exigencies of the church, the example of feveral holy
bifhops '% and the divine admonitions which, as he declares him-
felf, he frequently received in vifions and estafies, were the reafons
alleged in his juftification ". But his beft apology may be found
in the cheerful refolution, with which, about eight years afterv/ards,
he fuffered death in the caufe of religion. The authentic hiftory•
" See the polite but fevere cpiftle of the andria, and Gregory Thaumaturgus of Neo-
clergy of Rome, to the bifhop of Carthage Cxfarea. See Eufeb. Hill. Ecclefiaft. 1. vi,
(CyprianEplft. 8, 9.). Pontius labours with c. 40. and Memoires de Tillemont, torn. iv.
the greateft care and diligence to juftify his partii. p. 685.
mafter againft the general cenfure. '' See Cyprian, Epill. 16. and his life by
^^ Inparticularthofeof Dionyfiusof Alex- Pontius.
of
(,φ ' THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, of his martyrdom has been recorded with unufual candour and
XVI. ^ ^ ^ . „ .
L_ — , — J impartiality. A fliort abftrait therefore of its moft important cir-
cumilances wHl convey the cleareft information of the fpirit, and of
the forms, of the Roman perfecutions '".
A. D. 257. When Valerian was conful for the third, and Gallienus for the
ment. fourth, time ; Paternus, proconful of Africa, fummoned Cyprian
to appear in his private council-chamber. He there acquainted him
with the Imperial mandate which he had juft I'eceived ^', that thofe
who had abandoned the Roman religion fhould immediately return
to the pradtice of the ceremonies of their anceftors. Cyprian I'eplied
without hefitation, that he was a Chriilian and a bifliop, devoted to
the worihip of the true and only Deity, to whom he offered up his
daily fupplications for the fafety and profperity of the two emperors,
his lawful fovereigns. With modeft confidence he pleaded the pri-
vilege of a citizen, in refufing to give any anfwer to fome invidious
and indeed illegal queftions which the proconful had propofed. A
fentence of baniihment was pronounced as the penalty of Cyprian's
difobedience ; and he was conduced without delay to Curubis, a free
and maritime city of Zeugitania, in a pleafant fituation, a fertile
territory, and at the diftance of about forty miles from Carthage '**
^° We have an original life of Cyprian by tunate than Cyprian.
the deacon Pontius, the companion of his ^^ See Plin. Hill. Natur. v. 3. Cellarlus,
exile, and the fpeftator of his death ; and Geograph. Antiq. part iii. p. 96. Shaw's
we likewife pollefs the ancient proconfular Travels, p. 90. ; and for the adjacent coun-
afts of his martyrdom. Thefe two relations try (which is terminated by Cape Bona, or
are confident with each other, and with pro- the promontory of Mercury) I'Afrique de
bability ; and what is fomewhat remarkable, Marmol. torn. ii. p. 474. There are die re-
they are both unfullied by any miraculous cii•- mains of an aqueduft, near Curubis, or Cur-
cumftances. bis, at prefent altered into Gurbes ; and Dr.
*' It fhould feem that thefe were circular Shaw read an infcription, which ftyles that
orders, fent at the fame time to all the go- city, Colonia Fuhia. The deacon Pontius
vernors. Dionyfius (ap. Eufeb. 1. vii. c. 1 1.) (in Vit. Cyprian, c. 12.) calls it " Apricum
relates the hiftory of his own baniihment from et conipetentem locum, hofpitium pro volun-
Alexandria, almoft in the fame manner. But tate fecretum, et quicquid apponi eis ante
^ as he efcaped and furvived the perfecution, promifliim eft, qui regnum et juftitiam Dei
we muft account him either more or lefs for- qusrunt."
The
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 657
The exiled blfliop enjoyed the convenlencies of life and the con- ^ ^ ;^ ''•
XVI.
fcioufnefs of virtue. His reputation was diffufed over Africa and ' „ '
Italy ; an account of his behaviour was publiflied for the edification
of the Chriftian world *' ; and his folitude was frequently interrupted
by the letters, the vifits, and the congratulations of the faithful.
On the arrival of a new proconful in the province, the fortune of
Cyprian appeared for fome time to wear a ilill more favourable af-
pe£l. He was recalled from banifhment ; and though not yet per-
mitted to return to Carthage, his own gardens in the neighbourhood
of the capital were affigned for the place of his refidence '*.
At length, exadly one year*' after Cyprian was firfl: appre- His condem-
nation.
bended, Galerius Maximus, proconful of Africa, received the Impe-
rial warrant for the execution of the Chriftian teachers. The bifhop
of Carthage was fenfible that he iliould be fingled out for one of the
firfl viilims ; and the frailty of nature tempted him to withdraw
himfelf, by a fccret flight, from the danger and the honour of
martyrdom : but foon recovering that fortitude which his charader
required, he returned to his gardens, and patiently expe£led the
minifters of death• Two officers of rank, who were intrufted with
that commiffion, placed Cyprian between them in a chariot, and as the
proconful was not then at leifure, they conduced him, not to a pri-
fon, but to a private houfe in Carthage, which belonged to one of
them. An elegant fupper was provided for the entertainment of the
biihop, and his Chriftian friends were permitted for the laft time
to enjoy his fociety, whilft the ftreets were filled with a multitude
of the faithful, anxious and alarmed at the approaching fate of
^' See Cyprian. Epiftol. 77. Edit. Fell. ^' When C\'prian, a twelvemonth before,
** Upon his converfion he had fold thofe was fent into exile, he dreamt that he iliould
gardens for the benefit of the poor. The in- be put to death the next day. The event
dulgence of God (moft probably the liberality made it neceflary to explain that word, as fig-
of fome Chriftian friend) rellored them to nifying a year. Pontius, c. 12,
Cyprian. See Pontius, c. 15.
Vol. I. 4 Ρ their
658 τ FIE DECLINE AND FALL
C Η Λ P. their fpiritual father ^*. In the morning he appeared before the tri-
i -.- _^ bunal of the proconfiil, who, after informing himfelf of the name
and iltuation of Cyprian, commanded him to offer facrifice, and
prelTed him to refledl on the confequences of his difobedience. The
refufal of Cyprian was firm and declfive ; and the magiftrate, whea
he had taken the opinion of his council, pronounced with fome
reludance the fentence of death. It was conceived in the following
terms : " That Thafcius Cyprianus ihould be immediately beheaded,
" as the enemy of the gods of Rome, and as the chief and ring-
" leader of a criminal aflbciation, which he had feduced into an
" impious refiilance againft the laws of the moil holy emperors,
" Valerian and Gallienus *'." The manner of his execution was
the mildeft and leaft painful that could be inflidled on a perfon con-
vided of any capital offence: nor was the ufe of torture admitted to
obtain from the bifliop of Carthage either the recantation of his
principles, or the difcovery of his accomplices.
His martyr- ^g fyon as the fentcnce was proclaimed, a general cry of " We
dom. ,
" will die with him," arofe at once among the liftening multitude
of Chriilians who waited before the palace gates. The generous
effufions of their zeal and afFeition were neither ferviceable to
Cyprian nor dangerous to themfelves. He was led away under a
guard of tribunes and centurions, without refiflance and without
infult, to the place of his execution, a fpacious and level plain near
the city, which was already filled with great numbers of fpedla-
tors. His faithful prefbyters and deacons were permitted to accom-
pany their holy biihop. They aiTifted him in laying afide his upper
garment, fpread linen on the ground to catch the precious relics
'* Pontius (c. 15.) acknowledges that Cy- the dangers and temptations of a nodlumal
prian, with whom he fupped, pafled the night crowd. Aft. Prcconfularia, c. z.
cuftodia delicata. The biihop exercifed a S7 See the original fentence in the Ails,
laft and very proper aft of junfdiftion, by ^. 4. and in Pontius, c. 17. The latter ex-
duefl.ng that the younger females who preffes it in a more rhetorical manner,
watched in the llreet, Ihould be removed from
of
OF ΤΠ Ε ROMAN EMPIRE. 65 <>
of his blood, and received his orders to beftow five-and-twenty pieces ^ ^^^^ ^•
of gold on the executioner. The martyr then covered his face with ' — -%,— /
his hands, and at one blow his head was feparated from his body
His corpfe remained during fome hours expofed to the curiofity of
the Gentiles: but in the night it was removed, and tranfpoitcd in
a triumphal proceffion and with a fplendid illumination to the burial-
place of the Chriftians. The funeral of Cyprian was publickly cele-
brated without receiving any interruption from the Roman magif-
tfates ; and thofe among the faithful who had performed the lail
offices to his perfon and his memory, were fecurefrom the danger of
inquiry or of puniihment. It is remarkable, that of fo great a
multitude of bifhops in the province of Africa, Cyprian was the firft
who was efteemed worthy to obtain the crown of martyrdom ^\
It was in the choice of Cyprian either to die a martyr or to live Various in-
- citenients to
an apoftate : but on that choice depended the alternative of honour martyrdom.
or infamy. Could we fuppofe that the biiliop of Carthage had em-
ployed the profeifion of the Chriftian faith only as the infirument of
his avarice or ambition, it was ftill incumbent on him to fupport the
chara£ler which he had afluraed ^' ; and, if he poiTeifed the fmalleft
degree of manly fortitude, rather to expofe himfelf to the moft
cruel tortures, than by a fingle άΆ to exchange the reputation
of a whole life, for the abhorrence of his Chriftian brethren and
the contempt of the Gentile world. But if the zeal of Cyprian was
fupported by the fmcere convidion of the truth of thofe doilrines
which he preached, the crown of martyrdom muil have appeared
to him as an objeft of defire rather than of terror. It is not eafy to
extrad any diftind ideas from the vague though elocjuent declama-
*^ Pontius, c. 19. M. de Tillemont (Με- the diarafter or principles of Thomas Beclcet,
moires, torn. iv. part i. p. 450. note 50) is we muil acknowledge that he fuffered death
not pleafcd with fo pofitive an exclufion of with a conftancy not unworthy of the piiiui-
any former martyrs of the epifcopal rank. live martyrs. See Lord Lyttelton's Hillory of
'' Vv-liatever opinion we may entertain of Henry II. vol. ii. p. 59Z, SiC.
■ 4 Ρ α tions
66ο THEDECLINEANDFALL
c Η A P. tions of the Fathers, or to afcertaln the degree of immortal glory
X V J.
and happinefs which they confidently promifed to thofe who were
fo fortunate as to flied their blood in the caufe of religion '", They
inculcated with becoming diligence, that the fire of martyrdom fup-
plied every defedt and expiated every fin ; that while the fouls of
ordinary Chriflians were obliged to pafs through a flow and painful
purification, the triumphant fufferers entered into the immediate
fruition of eternal blifs, where, in the fociety of the patriarchs, the
apoftles, and the prophets, they reigned with Chrift, and aded as
his afleiTors in the univerfal judgment of mankind. The aflurance
of a lafting reputation upon earth, a motive fo congenial to the va-
nity of human nature, often ferved to animate the courage of the
martyrs. The honours which Rome or Athens beftowed on thofe
citizens who had fallen in the caufe of their country were cold and
unmeaning demonftrations of refpedl, when compared with the
ardent gratitude and devotion which the primitive church expreifed
towards the vidorious champions of the faith. The annual com-
memoration of their virtues and fufFerings was obferved as a facred
ceremony, and at length terminated in religious worfliip. Among
the Chriflians who had publickly confefTed their religious principles,
thofe, who (as it very frequently happened) had been difmiiTed from
the tribunal or the priibns of the Pagan magiftrates, obtained fuch
honours as were juflily due to their imperfed martyrdom and their
generous refolution. The moft pious females courted the permiifion
of imprinting kiiles on the fetters which they had worn, and on the
wounds which they had received. Their perfons were efteemed
holy, their decifions were admitted with deference, and they too
often abufed, by their fpiritual pride and licentious manners, the
"" See in particular the treatife of Cyprian Enquiry, p. 162, &c.)> have left fcarcely any
de Lapfis, p. 87— 98. Edit. Fell. The learn- thing to add concerning the merit, the ho-
i.ig of Dodwell (DiiTcrtat. Cyprianic. xii. nours, and the motives of the martyrs,
xiii.), and the ingenuity of Middleton (Free
pre-eminence
OFTHE ROMAN EMPIRE. 66i
pre-eminence which their zeal and intrepidity had acquired ". Di- CHAP,
ilindlions Hice thefe, whilfl; they difplay the exalted merit, betray ■
the inconfiderable number of thofe who fuiFercd, and of thofe who
died for the profeffion of Chriftianity.
The fober difcretion of the prefent age will more readily cenfure Ardour of
than admire, but can more eafily admire than imitate, the fervour chnluanc,
of the firfl: Chriftians, who, according to the Uvely expreffion of
Sulpicius Severus, defired martyrdom with more eagernefs than his
own contemporaries folicited a biihopric '\ The epiftles which
Ignatius compofed as he was carried in chains through the cities of
Afia, breathe fentimcnts the moil repugnant to the ordinary feelings
of human nature. He earneftly befeeches the Romans, that when
he ihould be expofed in the amphitheatre, they would not, by their
kind but unfeafonable interceffion, deprive him of the crown of
glory ; and he declares his refolution to provoke and irritate the
wild beafts v/hich might be employed as the inftruments of his
death ". Some ftories are related of the courage of martyrs, who
ailually performed what Ignatius had intended ; who exafperated
the fury of the lions, prefled the executioner to haften his office,
cheerfully leaped into the fires which were kindled to confume them,
and difcovered a fenfation of joy and pleafure in the midft of the
moft exquifite tortures. Several examples have been preferved of a
zeal impatient of thofe reftraints which the emperors had provided
for the fecurity of the church. The Chriftians foraetimes fupplied
by their voluntary declaration the want of an accufer, rudely dif-
'" Cyprian EpIIlol. 5, 6, 7. 22. 24. and pravis ambionibus appetuntur. Sulpicius
de Unitat. Ecclefis. The number of pre- Severus, I. ii. He might have omitted the
tended martyrs has been very much multi- word nunc.
plied, by the cuftom which was introduced of '-'^ See Epift. ad Roman, c. 4, 5. ap. Pa-
beftowing that honourable name on con- trcs Apoftol. torn. ii. p. 27. It fuited the
feflbrs. purpofe of Bilhop Pearfon (fee Vindiciae Ig-
9^ Certatim gloriofain certamina ruebatur; natianx, part ii. c. 9.) tojuftify by a pro-
multique avidius turn martyria gloriofis mor- fufion of examples and authorities, the fen-
tibus qusrebantur, quam nunc Epifcopatus timents of Ignatius,
turbed
G62 THE DECLINE AND FALL
turbed the public fervice of Paganifm '*, and ruihing in crowds round
the tribunal of the magiilrates, called upon them to pronounce and
to inflidl the fentence of the law. The behaviour of the Chriftians
was too remarkable to efcape the notice of the ancient philofophers ;
but they feem to have confidered it with much lefs admiration than
aftonifhment. Incapable of conceiving the motives which fometimes
tranfported the fortitude of believers beyond the bounds of prudence
or reafon, they treated fuch an eagernefs to die as the ftrange re-
fult of obilinate defpair, of ftupid infenfibility, or of fuperftitious
phrenzy ''. " Unhappy men," exclaimed the proconful Antoninus
to the Chriftians of Afia, " unhappy men, if you are thus weary of
" your lives, is it fo difficult for you to find ropes and precipices '** ?"
He was extremely cautious (as it is obferved by a learned and pious
hiftorian) of puniiliing men who had found no accufers but them-
fclves, the Imperial laws not having made any provifion for fo un-
expeded a cafe : condemning therefore a few, as a warning to their
brethren, he difmiffed the multitude with indignation and con-
tempt ''. Notwithftanding this real or affeded dlfdain, the intrepid
conftancy of the faithful was produdive of more falutary effeds on
thofe minds which nature or grace had difpofed for the eafy recep-
tion of religious truth. On thefe melancholy occafions, there were
many among the Gentiles v^'ho pitied, who admired, and who were
converted. The generous enthufiafm was communicated from the
'<■ The ftory of Polyeuftes, on which Cor- Ghriilians) Marcus Antoninus de Rebus fuis,
neille has founded a very beautiful tragedy, 1. xi. c. 3. Lucian in Peregrin,
is one of the moft celebrated, though not per- 9^ Tertullian ad Scapul. c. 5. Thelearned
haps the moft authentic, inftances of this ex- are divided between three perfons of the fame
Ceffive zeal. We ihould obferve, that the name, who were all proconfuls of Afia. I
60th canon of the council of Illiberis refufes am inclined to afcribe this ftory to'^ntoninus
the title of martyrs to thofe who expofed Pius, v.'ho was afterwards emperor ; and who
thcmfeives to death, by publickly deftroying may have governed Afia, under the reign of
the idols. Trajan.
ss See Epiftetus, l.iv. c. 7. (though there 9? Moiheim, de Rebus Chrift. ante Con-
is fome doubt whether he alludes to the ftantin. p. 235.
7 fuflPerer
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 66^
fuiTerer to the fpedators ; and the blood of martyrs, accordinc' to a CHAP.
. '' "^ XVI.
well-known obfervation, became the feed of the church. u__,^-,^
But although devotion had raifed, and eloquence continued to Gradual re-
inflame, this fever of the mind, it infenfibly gave way to the more
natural hopes and fears of the human heart, to the love of life, the
apprehenfion of pain, and the horror of diiTolution. The more pru-
dent rulers of the Church found themfelves obliged to reftrain the
indifcreet ardour of their followers, and to diftruft a conilancy which
too often abandoned them in the hour of trial '\ As the lives of
the faithful became lefs mortified and auftere, they were every day
lefs ambitious of the honours of martyrdom ; and the foldiers of
Chrift, inftead of diftinguiihing themfelves by voluntary deeds of
heroifm, frequently deferted their port, and fled in confufion before
the enemy vvhom it was their duty to' refift. There were three
methods, however, of efcaping the flames of perfccution, which
were not attended with an equal degree of guilt : the firfl: indeed
was generally allowed to be innocent ; the fecond was of a doubtful,
or at leaft of a venial, nature ; but the third implied a dired and cri-
minal apoftacy from the Chriftian faith.
I. A modern inquifitor would hear with furprife, that whenever Three me-
an information was given to a Roman magiftrate of any perfon eicapina•
within hisjurifdidion who had embraced the fed of the Chriftians, '"artyrdom.
the charge was communicated to the party accufed, and that a con-
venient time was allowed him to fettle his domeilic concerns, and to
prepare an anfwer to the crime which was imputed to him ". If
he entertained any doubt of his ov/n conftancy, fuch a delay af-
forded him the opportunity of preferving his life and honour by
flight, of withdrawing himfelf into fome obfcure retirement or fome
*' See the Epiftle of the Church of Smyrna, legal delay. The fame indulgence was granted
ap. Eufeb. Hill. Ecclef. 1. iv. c. 15. to accufed ChrilHans, in the perfecution of
s' In the fecond apology of J urtin, there is Decius ; and Cyprian (de Lapfis) exprefsly
a particular and very curious inllance of this mentions the " Diesiiegantibusprsltitutus."
diftant
604 ~ THEDECLiNEANDFALL
CHAP, diftant province, and of patiently expciling the return of peace and
fecurity. A meafure fo confonant to reafon was foon authorized by
the advice and example of the moil holy prelates ; and feeras to
have been cenfured by few, except by the Montanifls, who deviated
into herefy by their ilri£l and obftinate adherence to the rigour of
ancient difcipline '°°. II. The provincial governors, whofe zeal was
Icfs prevalent than their avarice, had countenanced the pra£lice of
felling certificates (or libels as they were called), which attefted, that
the perfons therein mentioned had complied with the laws, and fa-
crificed to the Roman deities. By producing thefe falfe decla-
rations, the opulent and timid Chriftians were enabled to fi-
lence the malice of an informer, and to reconcile in feme mea-
fure their fafety with their religion. A flight pennance atoned
for this profane diiTimulation "'. III. In every perfecution there
were great numbers of unworthy Chriftians, who publickly difowned
or renounced the faith which they had profefled ; and vi'ho con-
firmed the fmcerity of their abjuration, by the legal afts of burning
incenfe or of offering facrifices. Some of thefe apoftates had yielded
on the firft menace or exhortation of the magiftrate ; whilft the
patience of others had been fubdued by the length and repetition of
tortures. The affrighted countenances of fome betrayed their in-
ward remorfe, while others advanced with confidence and alacrity
to the altars of the gods '". But the difguife, which fear had im-
pofed, fubfifted no longer than the prcfent danger. As foon as the
100 TertuUian confiders flight from perfe- the utmoft precifion, in the copious commen-
cution, as an imperfedl, but very criminal, apo- tary of Moiheim, p. 4-83 — 489.
ftacy, as an impious attempt to elude the will .0. ρϋ„. Epiftol. X..97. Dionyfius Alex-
of.God, &C.&C. He has written a treatife on ^^„^,;„_ ^p_ Eufeb. I. vi. c. 41. Ad prima
this fubjeft (fee p. 536-544- Edit. Rigalt.), ft^ti,^ .-erba minantis inimici maximus fra-
which IS filled with the wildeil fanaticifm, ^^^^ numerus idem fuam prodidit : necpro-
and the moft incoherent dccLamauon. It is, ^^^^^^ ^j^ perfecutionis impctu, fed voluntario
however, fomewhat remarkable, that Tertul- j^pf^, f^jpf^^ proiiravit. Cvprian. Opera,
lian did not fufter martyrdom h.mfelf. p_ g^, ^^^^^ ^^^^^ j^,-^^.,^^^ ^^.^^^
■« The ω.//«ί;ν,•, who are chiefly known priefts, and .even bilhops.
by the writings of Cyprian, are dcfcribcd with
S ^feverlty
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 66$
feverity of the perfecution was abated, the doors of the churches t-' Η a p.
XVI
were alTalled by the returning muhitude of penitents, who dctefted . . -,-' _r
their idolatrous fubmiffion, and who foHcitcd with equal ardor, but
with various fuccefs, their re-adinliTion into the focietyof Chriftians "".
IV. Notwithftanding the general rules, eftabliilied for the con- Alternatives
viaion and punifhment of the Chriftians, the fate of thofe feSaries, andToTera-
in an extenfive and arbitrary government, mufl: ftill, in a great mea- "°"'
fure, have depended on their own behaviour, the circumftances of
the times, and the temper of their fupreme as well as fubordinate
rulers. Zeal might fometlmes provoke, and prudence might fome-
times avert or aiTuage, the fuperftitious fury of the Pagans. A va-
riety of motives might difpofe the provincial governors either to
enforce or to relax the execution of the laws ; and of thefe motives,
the -moil forcible was their regard not only for the public edidts,
but for the fecret intentions of the emperor, a glance from whofe
eye was fufficient to kindle or to extinguiili the flames of perfecu-
tion. As often as any occafional feverities were exercifed in the
different parts of the empire, the primitive Chriftians lamented and
perhaps magnified their own fufferings; but the celebrated number The ten peiw
of ten perfecutions has been determined by the ecclefiaftical writers ^'^'^""°"5•
of the fifth century, who poffeffed a more diftin£t view of the pro-
fperous or adverfe fortunes of the church, from the age of Nero to
that of Diocletian. The ingenious parallels of the ten plagues of
Egypt, and of the ten horns of the Apocalypfe, firft fuggefted this
calculation to their minds, and in their application of the faith of
prophecy to the truth of hiftory, they were careful to feled thofe
reigns which were indeed the mofl: hoftile to the Chriftian caufe '°\
"^ It was on this occafion that Cyprian lefs intimate knowledge of their hiilory ?
wrote his treatife De Lapfis and many of his .c. gee Modieim, p. 97. Sulpicius Seve-
epiftles. The controverfy concerning the ^^,3 ^^^^ ^^^ β^,^ ^^,^^^^ ^^ ^j^j^ computation ;
treatment of penitent apoftates, does not oc- ^^^^^^ ,^^ ς^^^^^ defirous of referving the
cur among the Chriftians of the preceding ^^^^^ and greateft perfecution for the coming
century. Shall we afcribe this to the fupe- ^f t]jg Antichrill.
riority of their faith and courage, or to our
Vol. I. 4 0^ But
666 THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP. β^[ thefe tranfient perfeciuions ferved only to revive the zeal, and to
XVI.
\~ — ,-«-/ reilore the difcipline of the faithful : and the moments of extraor-
dinary rigour wdre compenfated by much longer intervals of peace
and fecurity. The indifference of fome princes, and the indulgence
of others, permitted the Chriftians to enjoy, though not perhaps a
legal, yet an aclual and public, toleration of their religion.
Suppofed The apology of Tertullian contains tviro very ancient, very fm-
berius :uid gular, but at the fame time very fufprclous inftances of Imperial
toninuL " clemency ; the edidls publifhed by Tiberius, and by Marcus An-
toninus, and defigned not oTiry to protedl the innocence of the
Chriftians, but even to proclaim thofe ftupendous miracles which
had attefted the truth of their dodrine. The firft of theie examples
is attended with fome difficulties vphich might perplex a fceptical
mind "''. We are required to believe, that Pontius Pilate informed
the emperor of the unjuft fentence of death which he had pro-
nounced againft an innocent, and, as it appeared, a divine, perfon j
and that, without acquiring the merit, he cxpofed himfelf to the
danger, of martyrdom ; that Tiberius, who avowed his contempt for
all religion, immediately conceived the defign of placing the Jewiih
Meffiah among the gods of Rome ; that his fervile fenate ventured
to difobey the commands of their mailer ; that Tiberius, inftead of
refenting their refufal, contented himfelf with proteding the Chrif-
tians from the feverity of the laws, many years before fuch laws
were enailed, or before the church had afl'umed any diftindt name
or exiftence ; and laftly, that the memory of this extraordinary
tranfadion was preferved in the moft public and authentic records»
which efcaped the knowledge of the hiilorians of Greece and Rome,
and were only vifible to the eyes of an African Chriilian, who com-
'^- The teftimony given by Pontius Pi- tcm, Orofius, Gregory of Tours, and the
late is firft mentioned by Juflin. The fuc- authors of the feveral editions of the acls of
ceffive improvements which the ftory has ac- Pilate), ^re very fairly Hated byDom Calmer,
quired (as it palTed through the hands of Differtat. fur I'Ecriture, torn. iii. p. 651, &c.
Tertullian, Eufebiu5, Epiphanius, Chryfof-
7 pofed
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. C^7
ροΓ*(Ι his apology one hundred and fixty years after the death of ^ ^' ^ ^'
Tiberius. The edid of Marcus Antoninus is fuppofed to have been v-^-^—j
the effed of his devotion and gratitude, for the miraculous deliver-
ance which he had obtained in the Marcomannic war. The diilrefs
of the legions, the feafonable tempefl of rain and hail, of thunder
and of lightning, and the difmay and defeat of the barbarians, have
been celebrated by the eloquence of feveral Pagan writers. If there
were any Chriftians in that army, it was natural that they fliould
afcribe fome merit to the fervent prayers, which in the moment of
danger they had offered up for their own and the public fafety.
But we are ilill affured by monuments of brafs and marble, by the
Imperial medals, and by the Antonine column, that neither the
prince nor the people entertained any fenfe of this fignal obligation,
fince they unanimoufly attribute their deliverance to the providence
of Jupiter, and to the interpofition of Mercury. During the whole
courfe of his reign, Marcus defpifed the Chriilians as a philofopher,
and puniflicd them as a fovereign "\
By a fingular fatality, the hardihips which they had endured un- State of the
r • ■ • 1• , r Chriftiansin
der the government or a virtuous pnnce, immediately ceafcd on the the reigns of
acceffion or a tyrant, and as none except themielves had expen- and Severus.
enced the injuftice of Marcus, fo they alone were proteded by the ^'^' '^°*
lenity of Commodus. The celebrated Marcia, the moil: favoured of
his concubines, and who at length contrived the murder of her Im-
perial lover, entertained a fingular affedion for the cpprefieJ
church ; and though it was impoffible that ilie could reconcile the
pradice of vice with the precepts of the Gofpel, fhe might hope to
atone for the frailties of her fex and profeffion, by declaring herfelf
the patronefs of the ChrlRians '°^ Under the gracious protedion
'°'' On this miracle, as it is commonly ' ^ Dion Cafiius, or rather his abbreviator '
called, of the thundering legion, fee the ad- Xiphilin, 1. Ixxii. p. I2c6. Mr. IVloyle (p.
mirablecriticifm of Mr. IVloyle, in his Wuiks, 266.) has explained the condition of the
vol. ii. p. 81 — ^90. church under the reign of Commodus.
4CL2 of
668 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, of Marcia, they pafled in fafety the thirteen years of a cruel ty-
c_ — ^ ' ranny ; and when the empire was eftabliihed in the houfe of Seve-
rus, they formed a domeftic but more honourable connexion with
the new court. The emperor was perfuaded, that, in a dangerous
ficknefs, he had derived fome benetit, either fpiritual or phyfical,
from the holy oil, with which one of his flaves had anointed him.
He always treated with peculiar diftinftion feveral perfons of both
fexes who had embraced the new religion. The nurfe as well as
the preceptor of Caracalla were Chriftians; and if that young prince
ever betrayed a fentiment of humanity, it was occafioned by an in-
cident, which, however trifling, bore fome relation to the caufe of
Chriflianity '°'. Under the reign of Severus, the fury of the popu-
lace was checked ; the rigour of ancient laws was for fome time fuf-
pended ; and the provincial governors were fatisfied with receiving
an annual prefent from the churches within their jurifdidion, as the
price, or as the reward, of their moderation '°'. The controverfy
concerning the precife time of the celebration of Eafter armed the
bifliops of Afia and Italy againfl: each other, and was confidered as
the moft important bufinefs of this period of leifure and tranquil-
A. 0,158. lity "°. Nor was the peace of the church interrupted, till the in-
creafing numbers of profelytes feem at length to have attraded the
attention, and to have alienated the mind, of Severus. With the
defign of reftraining the progrefs of Chriftianity, he publiihed an
edidl, which, though it was defigned to affed only the new convert?,
eould not be carried into flrid execution, without expofing to danger
and punifhment the moft zealous of their teachers and miffionaries. In
"S Compare the life of Caracalla in the was made during the fcaft of the Saturnalia ;
Auguilan Hiftory, with the epiftle of Tertul- and it is a matter of ferious concern to Ter-
lian to Scapula. Dr. Jortin (Remarks on Ec- tullian, that the faithful ihould be confounded
clefiaiUcal Hiftory, vol.ii. p. 5, &c.) ccnfi- with the moft infamous profeffions which pur-
ders the cure of Severus, by the means of chafed the connivance of the government.,
holy 0.1, with a llrong defire to convert it into ... Eufeb. 1. v. c. 23, 24. Moiheim, p.
a miracle. λ^γ — A4.■'
»'9- Tevtullian de Fuga, c. 13. Theprefent
this
OFTHE ROMAN EMPIRE. 6O9
this mitigated perfecution, we may ftill difcover the indulgent fpirlt ^ Η A p.
of Rome and of Polytheifm, which fo readily admitted every excufe ' w '
in favour of thofe who pradifed the religious ceremonies of their fa-
thers '".
But the laws which Severus had enadled foon expired with ^{}^^ ^"^^
^ ceilors oi oe-
the authority of that emperor : and the Chriftians, after this verus.
. ^. A. D. 2U —
accidental tempeft, enjoyed a calm of thirty-eight years'". Till 2+9.
this period they had ufually held their aflemblies in private houfes
and fequeftered places. They were now permitted to eredl and con-
fecrate convenient edifices for the purpofe of religious worihip '" ;
to purchafe lands, even at Rome itfelf, for the ufe of the commu-
nity ; and to conduil the eledions of their ecclefiaftical minifters in
fo public, but at the fame time in fo exemplary, a manner, as to
deferve the refpedful attention of the Gentiles "■*. This long repofe
of the church was accompanied with dignity. The reigns of thofe
princes who derived their extra£lion from the Afiatic provinces
proved the moil favourable to the Chriftians ; the eminent per-
fons of the fe(ft, inftead of being reduced to implore the pro-
tedion of a flave or concubine, were admitted into the palace in
the honourable charaders of priefts and philofophers ; and their
myfterious do6ttines, which were already diffufed among the people,
infenfibly attraded the curiofity of their fovereign. When the em-
prefs Mammaea palled through Antioch, flie exprelTed a defire of
converfing with the celebrated Origen, the fame of whofe piety and
"' Judxos fieri fub gravi poena vetuit. Mr. Moyle (vol. i. p. 378 — 398). The
Idem etiam de Chriftianis fanxit. Hill. Au- former refers the firft conftruftion of them to
gull. p. 70. the peace of Alex.inder Severus ; the latter,
'"■ Sulpicius Severus, 1. ii. p. 384. This to the peace of Gallicnus.
computation (allowing for a fingle exception) "* See the Augullan Hiftcrv, p. 130. The
is confirmed by the hiftory of Eufebius, and emperor Alexander adopted their method of
by the writings of Cyprian; publicly propofing the names of thofe perfons
"^ The antiquity of Chriftian churches is who were candidates for ordination. It is
difculTed by Tilleniont (Memoires Ecclefiaf- true, that the honour of this praftice is like—
tiques, tom. iii. part ii. p. 68—72.), and by wife attributed to the Jews.
ft learning,
670 THE DECLINE AND FALL
c II A P. learning was fpread over the Eaft. Origea obeyed fo flattering an
«— — \r-~~-> invitation, and though he could not exped to fucceed in the con-
verfion of an artful and ambitious woman, ilie liilencd with pleafure
to his eloquent exhortations, and honourably difmifled him to his
retirement in Paleftine '". Thefentiments of Mammasa were adopted
by her fon Alexander, and the philofophic devotion of that emperor
was marked by a fingular but injudicious regard for the Ghriilian
' religion. In his domeftic chapel he placed the ilatues of Abraham,
of Orpheus, of ApoUonius, and of Chrift, as an honour juftly due
to thoie refpedable fages who had inftruQed mankind in the various
modes of addreiTing their homage to the fupreme and imiverfal
deity "^ A purer faith, as well as worihip, was openly profeffed
and pradlifed among his houfehold. Biihops, perhaps for the firft
A.D. 235. time, were feen at court; and, after the death of Alexander, when
the inhuman Maximin difcharged his fury on the favourites and fer-
var>ts of his unfortunate benefaftor, a great number of Chriftians,
of every rank and of both fexes, were involved in the promifcuous
maiTacre, whichy. on their account, has improperly received the
name of Perfecution "^
OfMaximin, Notwithflanding the cruel difpofitlon of Maximin, the effects of
Philip, and . r 1 1 1
Decius. his refentment agamft the Chriftians were of a very local and tem-
"' Eufeb. Hift. Ecclefiail. 1. vi. c. 21. Hie- dulouily adopted by an hiiloiian of the age of
ronym. de Script. Ecclef. c.54. Mamma:a\vas Conftantine.
ilyled a holy and pious woman, both by the "' Eufcb. 1. vi. c. 2S. Itmay beprefumed,
-Chriftians and the Pagans. From the former, that the fuccefs of the Chriftians had exafpe-
therefore, it was impoflible that llie fnould rated the increaling bigotry oi the Pagans,
deferve that honourable epithet. Dion Caffius, whocompofed his hiftory under
"* See the Auguftan Hitlory, p. 123. ΛΊο- the former reign, had moft probably intended
iheim (p. 465.) feems to refine too much on for the ufe of his mailer thofe counfels ofper-
the domeftic religion of Alexander. His de- fecution, which he afcribei to a better age,
fign of bnilding a public temple to Chrift and to the favourite of Auguftus. Concern-
(Hift. Auguft. p. 129.), and the objection ing this oration of M^cenas, or rather of
which was fuggefted either to him, or in fi- Dior, I may refer to my own unbiafled opi-
jnilar circumftanc&s to Hadrian, appear to nion (p. 41. Not. 25.), and to the Abbe de la
have no other foundation than an improbable Bleterie (Memoires del'Academie, torn. xxiv.
report, invented by the Cbrillians, and ere- p. 303. tom. xxv. p. 432).
porary
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.
671
porary nature, and the pious Origen, who had been profcribeJ as a chap.
XVI.
devoted victim, was ftill referved to convey the truths of the Gofpel ' . - _j
to the ear of monarchs "^ He addrefled feveral edifying letters yv.D. 'i±,
to the emperor Philip, to his wife, and to his mother ; and as foon
as that prince, who was born in the neighbourhood of Paleftine,
had ufurped the Imperial fceptre, the Chriftians acquired a friend
and a protedor. The public and even partial favour of Philip to-
wards the fedaries of the new religion, and his conftant reverence
for the minifters of the church, gave fome colour to the fufpiclon,
which prevailed in his own times, that the emperor himfelf was
become a convert to the faith '"; and afforded fome grounds for a
fable which was afterwards invented, that he had been purified by
confeffion and pennance from the guilt contracted by the murder
of his innocent predeceiTor '". The fall of Philip introduced, a. d. 2^9.
with the change of mafters, a new fyftem of government, fo op-
preffive to the Chriftians, that their former condition, ever fince
the time of Domitian, was reprefented as a ftate of perfed free-
dom and fecurity, if compared with the rigorous treatment which
they experienced under the ihort reign of Decius '*'. The virtues
of that ptin«e will fcarcely allow us to fufpe£t that he was adu-
a-ted by a mean .refentment againft the favourites of his pre--
"'> Orofius, I.vii. c. 19, mentions Origen The epilUas of Origen (which were extant in-
as the obje^ of Maximin's refeatment ; and the time of Eufebius, fee I, vi. c. 36.) would
Firmilianus, a Cappadocian bifhop of that moft probably decide this curious, rather
age, gives a jull and confined idea of this tlian important, queftion.
perfecution (apud Cyprian. Epift. 75.)• '"" Eufeb. 1. vi. c. 34. The ilory, .is is
"9 The mention of thofe princes who were ufual, has been embellifhed by fucceeding
publickly fuppofed to be Chriftians, as we ■fc'riters, and is confuted, with much fupcr-
findit in an cpiftle of Dionyfius of Alexandria fluousle.irning, by Frederick Spanheim (Opj ■
(ap. Eufeb. 1. vii. c. 10.), evidently alhvJes ra Varia, torn. ii. p. 400, Sec).
to Philip and his family; and forms a con- '"' Laftantius, de Mortibus Perfecutorum,
temporary evidence, that fuch a report had c. 3, 4. After celebrating the felicity and
prevailed ; but the Egyptian biihop, who increafe of the church, under a long fuccef-
lived at an humble diftance from the court of fion of good princes : he adds, " Extitit poll
Rome, exprefles himfelf with a becoming annos plurimos, execrabile animal, Decius,
di;Edence, concerning the truth of the faft. oui vcxaret Ecdefiam."
deceiTor,
672 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. decefTor, and it is more reafonahle to believe, that in the profe-
XVI.
i_ . f cution of his general defign to reftore the purity of Roman manners,
he was defirous of delivering the empire from what he condemned
as a recent and criminal fuperftition. The bifliops of the moil con-
fiderable cities were removed by exile or death : the vigilance of
the magiftrates prevented the clergy of Rome during fixtcen months
from proceeding to a new ele£tion ; and it was the opinion of the
Chriftians, that the emperor would more patiently endure a compe-
titor for the purple, than a bifliop in the capital '". Were it poffible
to fuppofe that the penetration of Decius had difcovered pride under
the difguife of humility, or that he could forefee the temporal do-
minion which might infenfibly arife from the claims of fpiritual
authority, we might be lefs furprifed, that he ihould confider the fuccef-
fors of St. Peter as the moil formidable rivals to thofe of Auguftus.
Of Valerian, The adminlilration of Valerian was diilinguiflied by a levity and
Sd hls"fuc- inconilancy, ill fuited to the gravity of the Roma?i Cenfor. In the
ceiibrs. f^j.{^ p^^j-j- Qf j^jg reign, he furpaflfed in clemency thofe princes who
200. had been fufpeded of an attachment to the Chriftian faith. In the
lail three years and a half, liilening to the infinuations of a minifter
addided to the fuperilitions of Egypt, he adopted the maxims, and
imitated the feverity, of his predeceflor Decius '^'. The acceifion of
Gallienus, which increafed the calamities of the empire, reilored
peace to the church ; and the Chriftians obtained the free exercife of
their religion, by an ediil addrefled to the biihops, and conceived
in fuch terms as feemed to acknowledge their office and public cha-
rader '^^ The ancient laws, without being formally repealed, were
'^^ Eufeb. 1. vi. c. 39. Cyprian. Epillol. has very clearly ihewn, that the Prxfeil Ma-
55. The fee of Rome remained vacant from crianus, and the Egyptian Magus, are one
the martyrdom of Fabianus, to the 20th of and the fame perfon.
January, A. D. 250, till the eledion of Cor- '^-^ Eufebius (1. vii. c. 13.) gives us a Greek
nelius, the 4th of June, A. D. 251. Decius verfion of this Latin edii>, which feems to
bad probably left Rome, fince he was killed have been very concife. By another edift,
before the end of that ye.-ir. he direiled, that the Caemcteria fiiould be re-
'^? Eufeb. l.vii. c. 10. Moiheim (p. 548.) llored to the Chriftians.
fuffered
manners.
Λ. D. 260.
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. O73
fuflered to fink into oblivion ; and (excepting only fome hoftile in- ^ * ^ ^ p.
tentions which are attributed to the emperor Aurelian "') the dif- i- ^~^
ciples of Chrift pafled above forty years in a ftate of profperity, ^oj.
far more dangerous to their virtue than the fevereft trials of
perfecution.
The ftory of Paul of Samofata, who filled the metropolitan fee of Paul of Sa-
Antioch, while the Eafl: was in the hands of Odenathus and Zeno-
bia, may ferve to illuilrate the condition and character of the times.
The wealth of that prelate was a fuiFicient evidence of his guilt,
fince it was neither derived from the inheritance of his fathers, nor
acquired by the arts of honeil induftry. But Paul confidered the
fervice of the church as a very lucrative profeffion ' ^*. His ecclefiaf-
tical jurifdidion was venal and rapacious ; he extorted frequent con-
tributions from the mofl; opulent of the faithful, and converted to
his own ufe a confiderable part of the public revenue. By his
pride and luxury, the Chriftian religion was rendered odious in the
eyes of the Gentiles. His council chamber and his throne, the fplen-
dour with which he appeared in public, the fuppliant crowd who fo-
licited his attention, the multitude of letters and petitions to which
he dldtated his anfwers, and the perpetual hurry of bufinefs in
which he was involved, were circumftances much better fuited to
the ftate of a civil magiftrate '^\ than to the humility of a primi-
'-' Eufeb. 1. vii. c. 30. LaSandus de M. Hift. Auguft. p. 124.)• Some critics fuppofe,
P. c. 6. Hieronym.in Chron. p. 177. Ore- that the biihop of Antioch had ailually ob-
lius, 1. vii. €.23. Their language is in ge- tained fuch an office from Zenobia, while
neral fo ambiguous and incorredl, that we others conftder it only as a figurative expref-
are at a lofs to determine how far Aurelian fion of his pomp and infolence.
had carried his intentions before he was aflaf- '-' Simony was not unknown in tliofe
iinated. Moft of the moderns (except Dod- times; and the clergy fometimes bought what
well, Diilertat. Cyprian, xi. 64.) have feized they intended to fell. It appears that the
the occafion of gaining a few extraordinary bifhopric of Carthage was purchafed by a
martyrs. wealthy matron, named Lucilla, for her fer-
'" Paul was better pleafed with the title vant Majorinus. The price was 400 Folks.
of /)^ιΓί«Λ/7/.'.;, than with that of biihop. The (Monument. Antlq. ad calcem Optati, p.
Diiceiiariiis was an Imperl.al procurator, fo 263.). Every fc•//// contained 125 pieces of
called from his falary of two hundred Si/er- filver, and the whole fum may be computed
lia, or i,6ool. a year. (Sec Salmafius ad at about 2,400!.
Vol. I. 4R tive
674 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, ^jvg blfliop. When he harangued his people from the pulpit, Paul
t_ — ^ 1 afFeded the figurative ftyle and the theatrical geftures of an Afiatic
fophift, while the cathedral refounded with the loudeft and moft ex-
travagant acclamations in the praifc of his divine eloquence. Againft
thofe who refiiled his power, or refufed to flatter his vanity, the
prelate of Antioch was arrogant, rigid, and inexorable; but he re-
laxed the difcipline, and laviflied the treafures, of the church on his
dependent clergy, who were permitted to imitate their mafter in
the gratification of every fenfual appetite. For Paul indulged him-
felf very freely in the pleafures of the table, and he had received
into the epifcopal palace two young and beautiful women, as the
conftant companions of his leifure moments "'.
Heisdegrad- Notwithftanding thefe fcandalous vices, if Paul of Samofata
feeof Anti- had prcferved the purity of the orthodox faith, his reign over the
A. i). 270. capital of Syria would have ended only ^dth his life ; and had a
feafonable perfecution intervened, an effort of courage might perhaps
have placed him in the rank of faints and martyrs. Some nice and
fubtle errors, which he imprudently adopted and obftinately main-
tained, concerning the doitrine of the Trinity, excited the zeal and
indignation of the eailern churches '"''. From Egypt to the Euxine
fea, the biihops were in arms and in motion. Several councils
were held, confutations were publiihed, excommunications were
pronounced, ambiguous explanations were by turns accepted and
refufed, treaties were concluded and violated, and at length Paul of
Samofata was degraded from his epifcopal charadier, by the fentence
of feventy or eighty biihops, who alTembled for that purpofe at
Antioch, and who, without confulting the rights of the clergy or
people, appointed a fucceifor by their own authority. The manifeft
"^ If we are defirous of extenuating the ''' His herefy (like thofe of Noetus and
vices of Paul, we muft fufpedl the aifeiTibled Sabellius, in the fame century) tended
biihops of the Eaft of publiihing the moft ma- to confound the myfterious diftindion of
licious calumnies in circular epiiHes addrefled the divine perfons. See Moiheim, p. 702,
to all the churches of the empire (ap. Eufeb. Src.
J. vii. c. 30.).
irregularity
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. G/j-
irregularity of this proceeding increafed the numbers of the difcon- ^ ^^ ^•
tented fadion ; and as Paul, who was no ftranger to the arts of ' ^r- — '
courts, had infuiuated himfelf into the favour of Zenobia, he main-
tained above four years the pofleffion of the epifcopal houfe and
office. The vidory of Aurelian changed the face of the Eaft, and
the two contending parties, who applied to each other the epithets
of fchifm and herefy, were either commanded or permitted to plead
their caufe before the tribunal of the conqueror. This public and
very fingular triai affords a convincing proof, that the exiilence,
the property, the privileges, and the internal policy, of the Chriftians
were acknowledged, if not by the laws, at lead by the magiftrates
of the empire. As a Pagan and as a foldier, it could fcarcely be
expefted that Aurelian ihould enter into the difcuffion, whether the
fenliments of Paul or thofe of his adverfaries were moil agreeable to
the true ftandard of the orthodox faith. His determination, however, Tha fentence
was founded on the general principles of equity and reafon. He by Tu'i.Xn.
confidered the bifliops of Italy as the moft impartial and refpedtable A. D.374,
judges among the Chriftians, and as foon as he was informed, that ,
they had unanimoufly approved the fentence of the council, he ac-
quiefced in their opinion, and immediately gave orders that Paul
ihould be compelled to relinquiih the temporal poiTeffions belonging
to an office, of which, in the judgment of his brethren, he had
been regularly deprived. But while we applaud the juftice, we ihould
not overlook the policy, of Aurelian ; who was defirous of reftoring
and cementing the dependance of the provinces on the capital, by
every means which could bind the intereft or prejudices of any part
•of his fubjeds ''°.
Amidft the frequent revolutions of the empire, the Chriftians ftill Peace and
r ■ • 1 η 1 ■ profperitv of
fiouriflied in peace and profpenty ; and notwithftanduig a cele- the church
7° Eufeb.Hift.EcclefiP.ft. l.vii. c. 30. We ftory of Paul cf Samofata,
are cntiiery indebted to him for the curious
4 R 2 brated
676 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, brated sera of martvrs has been deduced from the acceilion of Dlo-
XVI.
i_._,^ , cletian "", the new fyilem of policy, introduced and maintained by
under Dio- , .^, r -x • • 1 i • 1 ■ 1 ^
cletian. the wiidom oT that prince, continued, during more tlian eighteen
A. D. 284— yg3,.g^ tQ breathe the mildeft and moH: liberal fpirit of religious tole-
ration. The mind of Diocletian himfelf was lefs adapted indeed to
fpeculative inquiries, than to the adlive labours of war and govern-
ment. His prudence rendered him averfe to any great hinovation,
and though his temper was not very fufceptible of zeal or enthu-
fiafm, he always maintained an habitual regard for the ancient
deities of the empire. But the leifure of the two empreffes, of his
wife Prifca, and of \^aleria his daughter, permitted them to liften
with more attention and refpedl to the truths of Chriftianity, which
in every age has acknowledged its important obligations to female
devotion '^\ The principal eunuchs, Lucian '" and Dorotheus,
Gorgonius and Andrew, who attended the perfon, poiTeiTed the fa-
vour, and governed the houfehold, of Diocletian, proteded by their
powerful influence the faith which they had embraced. Their ex-
ample was imitated by many of the moft confiderable officers of the
palace, who, in their refpedive ftations, had the care of the Imperial
ornaments, of the robes, of the furniture, of the jewels, and even
of the private treafury ; and, though it might fometimes be in-
cumbent on them to accompany the emperor when he facrificed in
the temple "*, they enjoyed, with their wives, their children, and
their flaves, the free exercife of the Chriilian religion. Diocletian
'3' The ^ra of Martyrs, which is ilill in does not feem to juilify the aflertion of Mo-
ufeamong the Copts and the Abyflinians, iheim (p. 912.), that they had been privately
miift be reckoned from the 29th of Auguft, baptized.
A. D. 284; as the beginning of the Egyp- «-j m. de Tilleniont (Memoires Ecclefi-
tian year was nineteen days earlier than the afliques, torn. v. parti, p. 1 1, 12.) has quoted
real acceffion of Diocletian. See Diflertation from the Spicilegium of Dam. Lucd'Ache:i,
prcliminaire a Γ Art de verifier les Dates. a very curious inftruftion which bilTiop Tlie-
'3^ The e.xprcffion of Laftantius (de M. P. onas compofed for the ufe of Luci.in.
c. 15.) " facrlficio pollui coegit," implies ,34 La^antlus de M. P. c. lo.
their cntecedent converfion to tJie faith ; but
and
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 677
and his colleagues frequently conferred the moil important offices C ii λ p.•
on thofe perfons, who avowed their abhorrence for the worfliip of t— v~--'-
the gods, but who had difplayed abilities proper for the fervice of
the ftate. The biihops held an honourable rank in their refpe£tive
provinces, and were treated with diftinilion and refpedl, not only by
the people, but by the magillrates themfelves. Almoil in every
city, the ancient churches were found infufficient to contain the in-
creafing multitude of profelytes ; and in their place more ftately
and capacious edifices were ereded for the public worihip of the
faithful. The corruption of manners and principles, fo forcibly
lamented by Eufebius '", may be confidered, not only as a confe-
quence, but as a proof, of the liberty, which the Chriftians enjoyed
and abufed under the reign of Diocletian. Profperity had relaxed
the nerves of difcipline. Fraud, envy, and malice, prevailed in every
congregation. The preibyters afpired to the eplfcopal office, which
every day became an objed: more worthy of their ambition. The
biihops, who contended with each other for ecclefiaftical pre-
eminence, appeared by their conduil to claim a fecular and tyrannical
power in the church ; and the lively faith which ftill diftinguifhed
the Chriftians from the Gentiles, was Ihewn much lefs in their lives,
than in their controverfial writings.
Notwithftanding this feeming fecurity, an attentive obferver Progrefsof
might difcern fome fymptoms that threatened the church with a perftklon ''
more violent perfecution than any which ihe had yet endured. The ^°^^^ ''^^
zeal and rapid progrefs of the Chriftians awakened the Polytheifts
from their fupine indifference in the caufe of thofe deities, whom
cuftom and education had taught them to revere. The mutual pro-
vocations of a religious war, which had already continued above
two hundred years, exafperated the animofity of the contending
'" Eufebius Hift. Ecclefiaft. 1. viii. c. i. bius was about lixteen years of age at the a(>"
The reader who confults the original will not ceilion of the emperor Diocletian,
accufe me of heightening tlie pifture. Eufe-
parties.
678 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, parties. The Pagans were incenfed at the raflinefs of a recent and
-^ obfcure fed, which prefumed to accufe their countrymen of error,
and to devote their anceftors to eternal mifery. The habits of jufti-
fying the popular mythology againft the invedives of an impla-
cable enemy, produced in their minds fome fentiments of faith and
reverence for a fyftem which they had been accuilomed to confider
with the moil carelefs levity. The fupernatural powers affumed by
the church infpired at the fame time terror and emulation. The
followers of the eilabliihed religion intrenched themfeives behind a
fimilar fortification of prodigies ; invented new modes of facrifice,
of expiation, and of initiation '''" ; attempted to revive the credit of
their expiring oracles '"; and liftened with eager credulity to every
impoftor, who flattered their prejudices by a tale of wonders "*.
Both parties feemed to acknowledge the truth of thofe miracles
which were claimed by their adveriaries ; and while they were con-
tented with afcribing them to the arts of magic, and to the power
of demons, they mutually concurred in reftoring and eftabliihing
the reign of fuperftition "'. Philofophy, her moft dangerous ene-
my, was now converted into her moil ufeful ally. The groves of
the academy, the gardens of Epicurus, and even the portico of the
'2° We might quote, among a great num- '-* Belides the ancient ftories of Pythagoras
ber of inftances, the myfterious worihip of and Arifteas ; the cuies performed at the
Mvthras, and the Taurobolia ; the latter of Ihrine of yEfculapius, and the fables related
which became fafhionable in the time of the of Apollonius of Tyana, were frequently op-
Antonines (See a Diflertation of M. de Boze, pofed to the miracles of Chrift ; though I
in the Memoires de I'Academie des Infcrip- agree with Dr. Lardner (fee Teltimonies, vol.
tioni, torn. ii. p. 443.). The romance of iii. p. 252. 352.), that when Philoftratus com-
Apuleius is as full of devotion as of fadre. pofed the life of Apollonius, he had no fuch
"' The impoftor Alexander very ftrongly intention,
recommended the oracle of Trophonius at '^o It is ferioully to be lamented, that the
Mallos, and thofe of Apollo, at Claros and Chriftian fathers, by acknowledging the fu-
IVliletus (Lucian, tom.ii. p. 236. Edit. Reitz). pernatural, or, as they deem it, the infernal.
The lait of thefe, whofe fingularhiftory would part of Paganifm, deilroy with their own
furniOi a very curious epifode, was confulted hands tJie great advantage which we might
by Diocletian before he publiihed his edifts otherwife derive from the liberal conceflions
of perfecution ^LaClantius, de M. P. c. 1 1). of our adverfaries.
I Stoics,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 679
Stoics, were almoft defcrted, as fo many different fchools of fcepti- CHAP.
XVI.
cifm or impiety '*° : and many among the Romans were dcfirous ' . r
that the writings of Cicero iliould be condemned and fupprefied by
the authority of the fenate '*'. The prevailing fed of the new Pla-
tonicians ji'.dged it prudent to conned: themfelves with the priefts,
whom perhaps they defpifed, againil the Chriftians, whom they had
reafon to fear. Thefe fafliionable philofophers profecuted the de-
fign of extradlng allegorical wifdom from the fidions of the Greek
poets ; inftltuted myfterious rites of devotion for the ufe of their
ehofen difciples ; recommended the worihip of the ancient gods as
the emblems or minifters of the Supreme Deity, and compofed againil
the faith of the gofpel many elaborate treatifes '*% which have
fince been committed to the flames by the prudence of orthodox,
emperors "*'.
Although the policy of Diocletian and the humanity of Con- Maximian
ftantius inclined them to preferve inviolate the maxims of tolera- punifttfew*
tion, it was foon difcovered that their two affociates, Maximian ^.''''iftian fol-
' _ _ diers.
and Galerius, entertained the mod implacable averfion for the
name and religion of the Chriftians. The minds of thofe prin-
ces had never been enlightened by fcience ; education had never
ibftened their temper. They owed their greatnefs to their fwords,
and in their mofl: elevated fortune they ftill retained their fuperfti-
'■" Julian (p. 301. Edit. Spanheim) ex- p. 103, 104. He adds very properly, Erroris
prefles a pious joy, that the providence of the convincite Ciceronem . . . nam intercipere
gods had extinguiflied the impious fefts, and fcripta, et publicatam velle fubmergere lec-
for the moil part deftroyed the books of the tionem, non eft Deum defendere fed veritatis
Pyrrhonians and Epicureans, which had been teililicationem timere.
very numerous, fince Epicurus himfelf com- '*^ Lailantius (Divin.Inftitut. I. v. c. 2, 3.)
pofed no lefs than 300 volumes. See Dio- gives a very clear and fpirited account of two
genes Laertius, 1. x. c. 26. of thefe philofophic adverfaries of the faith.
'*' Cumque alios audiam muffitare indig- The large treatife of Porphyry againil the
ranter, et dicere opportere ftatui per Senatum, Chriilians confifted of thirty books, and was
aboleantur ut hxc fcripta, quibus Chriftiana compofed in Sicily about the year 2-0.
Religio comprobetur, et vetuilatis opprimatnr '** See Socrates Hill. Ecclefiaft. 1. i. c. 9, .
auiloritas. Arnobiiis adverfus Gcntes, l.iii. and Codex Theodofian. Li. tit. i. 1. 3.
tious
65ο THEDECLINEANDFALL
^ νίΓτ ^' ^^°"^ prejudices of foldlers and peafants. In the general admini-
•AVI.
ftration of the provinces they obeyed the laws which their bcne-
faflor had eftabliflied ; but they frequently found occafions of exer-
cifing within their camp and palaces a fecret perfecution '**, for
which the imprudent zeal of the Chridians fometimes offered the
inoft fpecious pretences. A fentence of death was executed upon
Maximilianus, an African youth, who had been produced by his own
father before the magiftrate as a fufficient and legal recruit, but
•who obftinately perfifted in declaring, that his confcience wouid not
permit him to embrace the profeifion of a foldier '^'. It could
fcarcely be expedled that any government iliould fufftr the adlion
of Marcellus the Centurion to pafs with impunity. On the day of
a public feftival, that officer threw away his belt, his arms, and the
enfigns of his office, and exclaimed with a loud voice, that he would
obey none but Jefus Chrift the eternal King, and that he renounced
for ever the ufe of carnal weapons, and the fervice of an idolatrous
mailer. The foldiers, as foon as they recovered from their afto-
niihment, fecured the perfon of Marcellus. He was examined in
the city of Tingi by the prefident of that part of Mauritania ; and
as he was conviiled by his own confeffion, he was condemned and
beheaded for the crime of defertion '*^ Examples of fuch a nature,
favour much lefs of religious perfecution than of martial or even
'** Eufebius, !. viii. c. 4. c. 17. He limits Lyons, who received it from certain perfons,
the number of military martyrs, by a remark- who received it from Ifaac biihop of Geneva,
able expreifion (.Tirana; tcuti» £>5 vn x.ui oivTifoc) who is faid to have received it from Theodore
of which neither his Latin nor French tranf- biihopof Ododurum. The Abbey of St. Mau-
lator have rendered the energy. Notwith- rice ftill fubfifts, a rich monument of the cre-
ftanding the authority of Eufebius, and the dulity of Sigifmond, king of Burgundy. See
lilence of Lactantius, Ambrofe, Sulpicius, an excellent Diifertation in the xxxvith volume
Orofius, &c. it has been long believed, that of the BibliothequeRaifonnee, p. 427 — 454..
the Thebxan legion, confifted of 6000 Chrift- '■" See tne Afta Sincera, p. 2(^9. The
ians, fuifered martyrdom, by the order of accounts of his martyrdom and of that of
Maximian, in the valley of the Penine Alps. Marcellus bear every mark of truth and au-
The Rory was firfl publiihed about the middle thenticity.
of the vth century, by Eucherius, biihop of '*^ Afta Sincera, p. 302.
civil
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 68i
civil law: but they ferved to alienate the mind of the emperors, to c n λ ρ,
Λ V 1.
juftify the feverity of Galcrius, who dlfmiiled a great number of > >, ■-/
Chriftian officers from their employments ; and to authorize the
opinion, that a fe£l of enthufiafts, which a\Owed principles fo repug-
nant to the public fafety, muft either remain ufelefs, or would fooa
become dangerous, fubjeds of the empire.
After the fuccefs of the Perfian war had raifed the hopes and the Galeriuspre-
reputation or Galerms, he paUed a wmter with Diocletian in the cietiantobe-
palace of Nicomedia ; and the fate of Chriilianity became the objedt perfecutkm!
of their fecret confultations '"^. The experienced emperor was ftill
inclined to purfue meafures of lenity ; and though he readily con-
fented to exclude the Chriilians from holding any employments in
the houfehold or the army, he urged in the ftrongefl: terms the dan-
ger as well as cruelty of ihedding the blood of thofe deluded fana-
tics. Galerius at length extorted from him the permiffion of fum-
moning a council, compofed of a few perfons the moft diilinguiihed
in the civil and military departments of the ftate. The important
queftion was agitated in their prefence, and thofe ambitious cour-
tiers eafily difcerned, that it was incumbent on them to fecond, by
their eloquence, the importunate violence of the Csefar. It may be
prefumed, that they infiiled on every topic which might intereft the
pride, the piety, or the fears, of their fovercign in the deftrudlion
of Chriilianity. Perhaps they reprefented that the glorious work
of the deliverance of the empire was left imperfedl, as long as an
independent people was permitted to fubfift and multiply in the
heart of the provinces. The Chriilians, (it might fpecioufly be
alleged) renouncing the gods and the inftitutions of Rome, had
conftituted a diftindt republic, which might yet be fupprefled before
it had acquired any military force : but which was already governed
';*' DeM. P. c. II. Lailantius (or who- but it feems diiEcu't to conceive howhe couIJ
ever was the author of this little treatife) was, acquire Co accurate a knowledge of what
at that time, an inhabitant of Nicomedia ; pafled in the Imperial cabinet.
Vol. I, 4 S by
682 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, by its own laws and maglftrates, was poiTefled of a public treafure,
1^ - -' . and was Intimately conneded in all its parts, by the frequent aiTem-
blies of the bifliops, to whofe decrees their numerous and opulent
congregations yielded an implicit obedience. Arguments like thefe,
may feem to have determined the reludlant mind of Diocletian to
embrace a new fyfteni of perfecution : but though we may fufpedt,
it is not in our power to relate, the fecret intrigues of the palace,
the private views and refentments, the jealoufy of women or eu-
nuchs, and all thofe trifling but decifive caufes which fo often in-
fluence the fate of empires, and the counfels of the wifeft mo-
narchs '*'.
Demolition The pleafure of the emperors was at length fignified to the
ofNicome-^ Chriftians, who, during the courfe of this melancholy winter, had
A^b 5o? expedled, with anxiety, the refult of fo many fecret confultations.
33d Feb. -pj^g twenty-third of February, which coincided with the Roman
fefl:ival of the Terminalia '■*', was appointed (whether from acci-
dent or defign) to fet bounds to the progrefs of Chriftianity. At
the earlieil dawn of day, the Prcetorian prsefeft '^", accompanied by
feveral generals, tribunes, and officers of the revenue, repaired to
the principal church of Nicomedia, which was fituated on an emi-
nence in the moft: populous and beautiful part of the city. The
doors were inftantly broke open ; they ruihed into the fanduary ;
and as they fearched in vain for fome vifible objedt of worfliip, they
were obliged to content themfelves with committing to the flames
the volumes of holy fcripture. The minifters of Diocletian were
followed by a numerous body of guards and pioneers, who marched
'■*'' The only circumftance which we can Terminus are elegantly illullrated by M. de
difcover, is the dcΛ'otion and jealoufy of the Boze. Mem. de I'Academie des Infcriptions,
mother of Galerius. Sheisdefcribed by Lac- tom.i. p. 50.
tantius, as Dcorum montium cultrix ; mulier "" In our only MS. of Laflantius, we read
admodum fuperllitiofa. She had a great in- frofeilus ; but reafon, and the authority of
fluencc over her fon, and wasoiFended by die all the critics, allow us, inftead of that word,
difregard of fome of her Chjillian fervants. which deltroys the fenfe of thepaffage, tofub-
'♦« The worlhip and felUval of the God ftitute fnefeiiiu.
I in
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 683
CHAP.
XVI.
in Older of battle, and were provided with all the inflruments ufeJ
in the deftruftion of fortified cities. By their inceffant labour, a
facred edifice, which towered above the Imperial palace, and had
long excited the indignation and envy of the Gentiles, was in a few
hours levelled with the ground '^'.
The next day the general edidt of perfecution was publiflied ''* ; Thefirft
and though Diocletian, ilill averfe to the efFufion of blood, had mo- the Chrif-
derated the fury of Galerius, who propofed, that every one refufing 24th of Fe-
to offer facrifice, fliould immediately be burnt alive, the penalties ^^^'^^'
inflidled on the obftinacy of the Chriftians might be deemed fuffi-
ciently rigorous and efi'eitual. It was ena£ted, that their churches,
in all the provinces of the empire, ihould be demoli-fiied to their
foundations ; and the punilhment of death was denounced againft
all who ihould prefume to hold any fecret aiTemblies for the pur-
pofe of religious worihip. The philofophers, who now aiTumed the
unworthy office of directing the blind zeal of perfecution, had di-
ligently iludied the nature and genius of the Chriftian religion ;
and as they were not ignorant that the fpeculative doftrlnes of the
faith were fuppofed to be contained in the writings of the prophets,
of the evangelifts, and of the apoftles, they m.oft probably fuggeiled
the order, that the biihops and preibyters ihould deliver all their
facred books into the hands of the magiftrates ; who were com-
manded, under the fevereft penalties, to burn them in a pub-
lic and folemn manner. By the fame edldt, the property of the
church was at once confifcated ; and the feveral parts of which it
might confift, were either fold to the higheft bidder, united to the
Imperial domain, beilowcd on the cities and corporations, or granted
to the folicitations of rapacious courtiers. After taking fuch efFec-
'^' Lailantiusde Μ. P. c. 12, givesavery has coIleAed a very juft and accurate notion of
lively pidcure of the defiruilion of the church, this edift ; though he fometimes deviates into
'-^ Moiheim (p. 922 — 926.), from many conjefture and refinement.
fcattered pailages of Laclantius andEufebius,
4 S 2 , tual
684- THEDECLINEANDFALL
CHAP, tual meafures to abolifh the woriliip, and to diiTolvc the govern-
XVI
c— v-—' ment, of the Chriftians, it was thought necelTary to fubjedl to the moil
intolerable hardfliips the condition of thofe perverfe individuals who
ihould ftill rejed the religion of Nature, of Rome, and of their
anceftors. Perfons of a liberal birth were declared incapable of
holding any honours or employments ; flaves were for ever deprived
of the hopes of freedom, and the whole body of the people were
put out of the protedion of the law. The judges were authorized
to hear and to determine every adlion that was brought againft a
Chriilian. But the Chriftians were not permitted to complain of
any injury which they themfelves had fufFered ; and thus thofe un-
fortunate fedaries were expofed to the feverity, while they were ex-
cluded from the benefits, of public juftice. This new fpecies of mar-
tyrdom, fo painful and lingering, fo obfcure and ignominious, wae,
perhaps, the moft proper to weary the conftancy of the faithful :
nor can it be doubted that the pafiions and intereft of mankind were
difpofed on this occafion to fecond the defigns of the emperors. But
the policy of a well-ordered government muft fometimes have in-
terpofed in behalf of the opprefled Chriftians ; nor was it poflible
for the Roman princes entirely to remove the apprehenfion of
puniihment, or to connive at every ad of fraud and violence, with-
out expofing their own authority and the reft of their fubjeds to the
moft alarming dangers '".
, This edid was fcarcely exhibited to the public view, in the moft
niiiimentofa eonfpicuous place of Nicomedia, before it was torn down by the
Chriilian. r X -n- rr λ ir •
hands of a Chnftian, viho expreued, at the fame time, by the bit-
tereft invedives, his contempt as well as abhorrence for fuch im-
pious and tyrannical governors. His offence, according to the
jnildeft laws, amounted to treafon, and deferved death. And if it
'S3 Many ages afterwards, Edward I. prac- See Hume's HiHory of England, vol. i. p. 300,
llfed, with great fuccefs, the fame mode of laft 410 edition,
perfecution againft the clergy of England.
be
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 685
be true that he was a perlon of rank and education, tliofe circuni- chap,
XVJ.
fiances could ferve only to aggravate liis gullr. He was burnt, or ^ -.-'_;
rather roafted, by a flow fire ; and his executioners, zealous to re-
venge the perfonal infult which had been offered to the emperors,
exhaufted every refinement of cruelty, without being able to fubdue
his, patience, or to alter the fteady and infulting fmile which in his
dying agonies he ftill preferved in his countenance. The Chriftians,
though they confeffed that his condud had not been ftridly con-
formable to the laws of prudence, admired the divine fervour of his
zeal ; and the exceflive commendations which they laviihed on the
memory of their hero and martyr, contributed to fix a deep im-
prefliion of terror and hatred in the mind of Diocletian ''^
His fears were foon alarmed by the view of a danger from which Fire of the
he very narrowly efcaped. Within fifteen days the palace of Nice- coinedia imi.'
media, and even the bedchamber of Diocletian, were twice in flames : f-ii^'^l^" ^^^
and though both times they were extinguiihed without any material
damage, the fingular repetition of the fire was juilly confidered as
an evident proof that it had not been the effedl of chance or ne-
gligence. The fufpicion naturally fell on the Chriftians; and it
was fuggeiled, with fome degree of probability, that thofe defpe-
rate fanatics, provoked by their prefent fufferings, and apprehenfive
of impending calamities, had entered into a confpiracy with their
faithful brethren, the eunuchs of the palace, againfl: the lives of
two emperors, whom they detefted as the irreconcilable enemies of
the church of God. Jealoufy and refentment prevailed in every
breaft, but efpecially in that of Diocletian. A great number of
perfons, diftinguiflied either by the offices which they had filled,
or by the favour which they had enjoyed, were thrown into prifon.
'5* Lailantius only calls him quidam, etfi to mention his name ; but the Greeks cele-
non refte, m.igno tamen animo, &c. c. 12. brate his memory under tliat of John. See
Eufebius (1. viii, c. 5.) adorns him with fe- Tillemont, Memoires Ecclefiailiques, torn, v.
cular honours. Neither have condefcended part ii. p. 320.
- 4 Every
686 THEDECLINEANDPALL
CHAP. Every Tnode of torture was put in praQice, and the court, as well
«— — „ ' as city, was polluted with many bloody executions'". But as it
was found impoiTible to extort any difcovery of this myfterious
tranfa£tion, it fcems incumbent on us either to prefume the inno-
cence, or to admire the refolution, of the fufFerers. A few days after-
wards Galerius hailily withdrew himfelf from Nicomedla, declaring,
that if he delayed his departure from that devoted palace, he ihould
fall a facrifice to the rage of the Chriftians, The «cclefiaftical hif-
torians, from whom alone we derive a partial and imperfeit know-
ledge of this perfecution, are at a lofs how to account for the fears
and danger of the emperors. Two of thefe writers, a Prince and a
Rhetorician, were eye-witnefles of the fire of Nicomedla. The one
afcribes it to lightning, and the divine wrath ; the other affirms, that
it was kindled by the malice of Galerius himfelf "\
Execution of As the edids againft the Chriftians was defigned for a G;eneral law
of the whole empire, and as Diocletian and Galerius, though they
might not wait for the confent, were afiured of the concurrence,
©f the weftern princes, it would appear more confonant to our ideas
of policy, that the governors of all the provinces ihould have
received fecret inftrudions to publiih, on one and the fame day,
this declaration of war within their refpective departments. It
was at leaft to be expedted, that the convenience of the public high-
ways and eftabliihed pofts would have enabled the emperors to
tranfmit their orders with the utmofl: difpatch from the palace of Nico-
medla to the extremities of the Roman world; and that they would
not have fufFered fifty days to elapfe, before the edidt was publiflied
'" Laftantius de M. P. c. 13,14. Poten- cal manner, the horrid fcenes which were
tiffimi quondam Eunuclii necati, perquosPa- afted even in the Imperial prefence.
latium et ipfe corftabat. Eufebius (1. viii. .56 gee Ladantius, Eufebius, and Conftan-
c. 6.) mentions the cruel ex'ecutions of the ^j^g^ ^j Ccctum Sandorum, c. 25. Eufe-
eunuchs, Gorgonius and Dorotheiis, and of j^j^j confeifes his ignorance of the caufe of
Anthimius, biihop of Nicomedia ; and both j},g g^^^
thofe \vriters def^iibe, in a v^gue but tragi-
in
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 6S7
in Syria, and near four months before it was fignified to the cities chap.
XVI.
of Africa ''^ This delay may perhaps be imputed to tlie cautious
temper of Diocletian, who had yielded a reludant confent to the
meafures of perfecution, and who was defirous of trying the ex-
periment under his more immediate eye, before he gave way to
the diforders and difcontent which it muil inevitably occafion in
the diRant provinces. At firft, indeed, the magiftrates were re-
iliained from the efFufion of blood ; but the ufe of every other
feverity was permitted and even recommended to their zeal ; nor
could the Chriftians, though they cheerfully refigned the ornaments
of their churches, refolve to interrupt their religious affemblies,
or to deliver their facred books to the flames. The pious obflinacy
of Felix, an African bifliop, appears to have embarraifed the fub-
ordinate minifters of the government. The curator of his city fent
him in chains to the proconful. The proconful tranfmitted him to
the Praetorian prsefeft of Italy ; and Felix, who difdained even to
give an evafive anfwer, was at length beheaded at Venufia, in
Lucania, a place on which the birth of Horace has conferred
fame '^^ This precedent, and perhaps fome Imperial refcript, which
■was iflued in confequence of it, appeared to authorize the gover-
nors of provinces, in puniihing with death the refufal of the Chrift-
ians to deliver up their facred books. There were undoubtedly
many perfons who embraced this opportunity of obtaining the crown
of martyrdo^n ; but there were likewife too many who purchafed
an ignominious life, by difcovering and betraying the holy fcripture
into the hands of infidels, A great number even of bifliops and
prefbyters acquired, by this criminal compliance, the opprobrious
epithet of Traditors; and their offence was produdive of much
"" Tillemont, MemoiresEccIefiaft. tom.v. penr much lefs corrupted than in the other
parti, p. 43. editions, which afford a lively Ipecixnen of
'5^ See the AftaSinceraofRuinart, p. 353 ; legendary licencei •
thofe of Fcelix of Thibara, or Tibiur, ap-
prefenti
688
THE DECLINE AND FALL
Demolition
of" the
churches.
CHAP, prefent fcandal, and of much future difcord, in the African
Church '. *»
The copies, as well as the vcrfions of fcripturc, were already fo
multiplied in the empire, that the moft fevere inqulfition could no
longer be attended with any fatal confequences ; and even the
facritke of thofe volumes, which, in every congregation, were pre-
ferved for public ufe, required the confent of fome treacherous and
unworthy Chriftians. But the ruin of the churches was cafily
effedled by the authority of the government, and by the labour
of the Pagans. In fome provinces, however, the magiftrates con-
tented themfelves with ihutting up tlie places of religious worihip."
In others, they more literally complied with the terms of the
edid ; and after taking away the doors, the benches, and the pulpit,
which they burnt, as it M'ere in a funeral pile, they completely
demoliihed the remainder of the edifice '^'. It is perhaps to this
melancholy occafion, that we fliould apply a very remarkable ftory,
which is related with fo many circumftances of variety and impro-
bability, that it ferves rather to excite than to fatisfy our curiofity.
In a fmall town in Phrygia, of whofe name as well as fituation
we are left ignorant, it fliould feem, that the magiftrates and the
body of the people had embraced the Chriftian faith ; and as fome
refiilance might be apprehended to the execution of the edid:, the
governor of the province was fupported by a numerous detach-
ment of legionaries. On their approach the citizens threw them-
felves into the church, with the refolution either of defending
by arms that facred edifice, or of perifliing in its ruins. They
'" Seethefirft book of Optatus of Milevis
againft the Donatiils at Paris, 1700. Edit.
Dupin. He lived under the reign of Valens.
'*■" The ancient monuments, publiilied at
the end of Optatus, p. 261, &c. defcribe, in
a very ciroimllantial manner, the proceed-
ings of the governors in the deftruilion of
churches. They made a minute inventory of
the plate, &ο. which they found in them.
That of the church of Cirta, in Numidia, is
ftill extant. It confilted of two chalices of
gold, and fix of filver ; fix urns, one kettle,
feven lamps, all likewtfe of filver ; befides a
large quantity of brafs utenfils, and wearing
apparel.
indignantly
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ Λ Ν Ε Μ ρ I R Ε. 6?,<)
indignantly rejeded the notice and pcrmifiion which was given ^ I^ Λ Ρ•
them, to retire, till the foldiers, provoked by their obilinate refufal, t , — -^
fet fire to the building on all fides, and conn.inaed, by this extra-
ordinary kind of martyrdom, a great number of Phrygians with
their wives and children '".
Some flight difturbances, though they were fuppreffed almoft as Subfcquent
foon'as excited, in Syria and the frontiers of Armenia, afforded the
enemies of the church a very plaufible occafion toinfinuate, that thofe
troubles had been fecretly fomented by the intrigues of the bifhops,
who had already forgotten their oftentatious profeffions of pafllve
and unlimited obedience "\ The refentment, or the fears, of
Diocletian, at length tranfported him beyond the bounds of mode-
ration, which he had hitherto preferved, and he declared, in a feries
of cruel edids, his intention of aboliihing the Chriilian name. By
the firft of thefe edids, the governors of the provinces were direded
to apprehend all perfons of the ecclefiaftical order ; and the prifons,
deftined for the vileil criminals, were foon filled with a multi-
tude of biihops, prefbyters, deacons, readers, and exorcifts. By
a fecond edi6t, the magiftrates were commanded to employ every
method of feverity, which might reclaim them from their odious
fuperfl:ition, and oblige them to return to the eftabliflied worihip
of the gods. This rigorous order was extended, by a fubfequent
'^' Laftandus (Inftitut. Divin. V. II.) con- '^^ Eufebius, 1. viii. c. 6. M. de Valois
fines the calamity to the conventictdum, with (with fome probability) thinks that he has
its congregation. Eufebius (viii. ii.) extends difcovered the Syrian rebellion in an oration
it to a whole city, and introduces fomething of Libanius ; and that it was a raih attempt
very like a regular fiege. His ancient Latin of the tribune Eugenius, who with only five
tranflator, Rufinus, adds the important cir- hundred men feized Antioch, and might per-
cumftance of the permiflion given to the in- liaps allure the Chriftians by the promife of
habitants of retiring from thence. As Phry- religious toleration. From Eufebius (I. ix.
gia rerxhsd to the confines of Ifauria, it is c. S.) as well as from Mofes of Chorene
poffible that the reftlefs temper of thofe inde- (Hift. Armen. 1. ii. c. 77, &c.) it may be in-
pendent Barbarians may havs contributed to ferred, that Chriftianity was already intro-
this misfortune. duced into Armenia.
Vol. I. 4 Τ edid,
690 THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, edid, to the whole body of Chrifllans, who were expofed to a vio-
XVI. , .
v_— v-— ' lent and general perfecutlon ' '. Inflead of thofe falutary reftraints,
which had required the dire£l and folemn teftimony of an accufer,
it became the duty as well as intereft of the Imperial officers, to
dlfcover, to purfue, and to torment, the moft obnoxious among the
faithful. Heavy penalties were denounced againft all who ihould
prefume to fave a profcribed feilary from the juft indignation of
the gods, and of the emperors. Yet, notwithftanding the feverity of
this law, the virtuous courage of many of the Pagans, in concealing
their friends or relations, affords an honourable proof, that the
rage of fuperftition had not extinguiihed in their minds the fenti-
ments of nature and humanity "'*.
General idea Dlocletian had DO fooHcr publifhed his edids againft the Chrift-
cution^"^ ians, than, as if he had been defirous of committing to other
hands the work of perfecution, he diverted himfelf of the Imperial
purple. The charader and fituation of his colleagues and fucceflbrs
fometimes urged them to enforce, and fometimes inclined them
to fufpend, the execution of thefe rigorous laws ; nor can we ac-
quire a juft and diftinft idea of this important period of eccle-
fiaftical hiftory, unlefs we feparately confider the ftate of Chrift-
ianity, in the different parts of the empire, during the fpace of
ten years, which elapfed between the firft edids of Diocletian, and
the final peace of the church,
intheweftern The mild and humane temper of Conftantius was averfe to the
der Conftan- opprcffion of any part of his fubjects. The principal offices of his
ftantlne• ' palace were exercifed by Chriftians. He loved their perfons, efteemed
their fidelity, and entertained not any diflike to their religious prin-
ciples. But as long as Conftantius remained in the fubordinate
'*' See Moiheim, p. 938 ; the text of Eu- moft obftinatc Chriftians, as an example to
(ebius very plainly ihews, that the governors, their brethren.
whofe powers were enlarged, not reftrained, "+ Athanafius, p. 833, ap. Tillemont,
by the new laws, could punilh with death the Mem. Ecclefiaft. torn. v. part i. p. 90.
2 ftatioQ
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 691
ftation of Cxfar, it was not in his power openly to rejeft the edids chap.
of Diocletian, or to dilobcy the commands of Maximian. His
authority contributed, however, to alleviate the fufferings which he
pitied and abhorred. He confented, with rcludtance, to the ruin of
the churches; but he ventured to proteft the Chriftians themfelves
from the fury of the populace, and from the rigour of the laws.
The provinces of Gaul (under which we may probably include thofe
of Britain) were indebted for the fingular tranquillity which they
enjoyed, to the gentle interpofition of their fovereign '*'. But
Datianus, the prefident or governor of Spain, aduated either by zeal
or policy, chofe rather to execute the public edids of the emperors,
than to underftand the fecrct intentions of Conftantius ; and it can
fcarcely be doubted, that his provincial adminiftration was ftained
with the blood of a few martyrs '^"^. The elevation of Conftantius
to the fupreme and independent dignity of Auguftus, gave a free
fcope to the exercife of his virtues, and the fliortnefs of his reign
did not prevent him from eftabliiliing a fyftem of toleration, of
which he left the precept and the example to his fon Conftantine.
His fortunate fon, from the firft moment of his acceffion, de-
claring himfelf the protedorof the church, at length deferved the ap-
pellation of the firft emperor, who publickly profefled and eftabliflied
the Chriftian religion. The motives of his converfion, as they may
varioufly be deduced from benevolence, from policy, from convic-
"■' Eufebius, 1. viii. c. 13. La£lantlus de of thofe places to Cape St. Vincent, we may
M. P. 0.15. Dodwell (Diflertat. Cyprian, fufpeil that the celebrated deacon and martyr
xi. 75.) reprefents them as inconfiftent udth of that name has been inaccurately afligned
each other. But the former evidently fpeaks by Prudentius, &c. to SaragoiTa, or Valen-
of Conftantius in the ftation of Ccefar, and tia. See the pompous hiftory of his fuffcr-
the latter of the fame prince in the rank of ing.•!, in the Memoires de Tillemont, torn. v.
Auguftus. partii. p. 58 — 85. Some critics are of opi-
"^ Datianus is mentioned in Gruter's In- nion, that the department of Conftantius, is
fcriptions, as having determined the limits be- Ca;far, did not include Spain, which ftill
tween the territories of Pax Julia, and thofe continued under the immediate jurifdidlion
of Ebora, both cities in the fouthern part of of Maximian,
Lufitania. If we recollefl the neighbourhood
4 Τ 2 tion,
692 THEDECLINEANDFALL
tlon, or from remorfc ; and the progrcfs of the revolution, wliich,
under his powerful influenc eand that of his fons, rendered Chrift-
ianity the reigning religion of the Roman empire, will form a very
interefting and important chapter in the fccond volume of this
hirtory. At prefent it may be fufficient to obferve, that every
vidory of Conftantine was produdlivc of fome relief or benefit to
the church.
in Italy and The provinces of Italy and Africa experienced a ihort but vlo-
Afnca.under j perfecution. The rigorous edicts of Diocletian were ftridly
and Severus ; and cheerfully executed by- his aiTociate Maximlan, who had long
hated the Chriftians, and who delighted in ads of blood and
violence. In the autumn of the firft year of the perfecution, the
two emperors met at Rome to celebrate their triumph ; feveral
oppreiTive laws appear to have liTued from their fecret confultations,
and the diligence of the magiftrates was animated by the prefence
of their fovereigns. After Diocletian had divefted hlrafelf of the
purple, Italy and Africa were adminiftered under the name of
Severus, and were expofed, without defence, to the implacable refent-
ment of his matter Galerlus. Among the martyrs of Rome, Adauc-
tus deferves the notice of pofterity. He was of a noble family in
Italy, and had raifed hlmfelf, through the fucceifive honours of the
palace, to the important ofBce of treafurer of the private demefnes.
Adaudus is the more remarkable for being the only perfon of rank
and diftindion who appears to have fuffered death, during the whole
courfe of this general perfecution ''^
under Max- The revolt of Maxentlus immediately reftored peace to the
churches of Italy and Africa ; and the fame tyrant who oppreffed
every other clafs of his fubjeds, ihewcd hlmfelf juft, humane, and
even partial, towards the afflided Chriftians. He depended on
their gratitude and aifedion, and very naturally prefumed, that the
"^' Eufebiiis, 1. viii. c. 11. Gruter. In- taken the oiBce of Adauitus as well as the
fcript. p. 1171. No. i8. RuSnus has mif- place of his martyrdom.
injuries
entiui :
ο F τ Η Ε R ο Μ A Ν Ε Μ ρ I R Ε. 693
injuries which they had fufFcred, and the dangers which they ilill ^ ^ j^ I'•
apprehended, from his moft inveterate enemy, would fecure the
fidelity of a party already confiderable by their numbers and opu-
lence'"• Even the condud of Maxentius towards the bilhops of
Rome and Carthage, may be confidered as the proof of his tolera-
tion, fince it is probable that the moft orthodox princes would adopt
the fame meafures with regard to their eftabliihed clergy. Mar-
cellus, the former of thofe prelates, had thrown the capital into
confufion, by the fevere pennance which he impofcd on a great
number of Chriftians, who, during the late perfecution, had re-
nounced or diflembled their religion. The rage of fadion broke
out in frequent and violent feditions; the blood of the faithful was
fhed by each other's hands, and the exile of Marcellus, whofe pru-
dence feems to have been lefs eminent than his zeal, was found to
be the only meafure capable of reftoring peace to the diilradled
church of Rome "^'. The behaviour of Menfurius, bifhop of Car-
thage, appears to have been ftill fnore reprehenfible. A deacon of
that city had publiihed a libel againft the emperor. The offender
took refuge in the epifcopal palace, and though it was fomewhat
early to advance any claims of ecclefiaftical immunities, the biihop
refufed to deliver him up to the officers of juRice. For this treafon-
able refiftance, Menfurius was fummoned to court, and inftead of
"■' Eufcbius, 1. viii. c. 14. But as Max• ^'eridicus reilor lapiis quia criniina flere
entius was vanquiihed by Conftantine, it PrseJixit miferis, fuit omnibus hoftis amarus.
fuited the purpofe of Laftantius to place Hinc furor, hinc odium ; fequitur difcordia,
his death among thole of the perfecu- lites,
tors. Seditio, uasJes ; folvuntur foedera pacis.
"" The epitaph of Marcellus is to be found Crimen ob alterius, Chriilum qui in pace
in Gruter, Infcript. p. 1172. No. 3. and it negavit
contains all that we know of his hiltory. Ma.r- Finibus expulfus patriae eft feritate Tvranui.
celliiius and Marcellus, whofe names follow Hsc breviter Damafus voluit comperta re-
in the lill of popes, are fuppofed by many ferre:
critics to be different perfons ; but the learned Marcclli populus meritum cognofcere poffet.
Abbe de Longucrue was convinced that they We may obferve that Damafus was made bi-
were one and the lame. ihop of Rome, A. D. 366.
■ receiving,
694
THE DECLINE AND FALL
II Λ P.
XVI.
in lUyricum
and the Eaft
under Ga-
lerius and
Maximin.
receiving a legal fentence of death or baniihment, he was permitted,
after a ihort examination, to return to his diocefe ''°. Such
was the happy condition of the Cluiftian fubjeds of Maxentius,
that whenever they were defirous of procuring for their own 'jfe
any bodies of martyrs, they were obliged to purchafe them from
the moft diftant provinces of the Eaft. A ftory is related of Aglae,
a Roman lady, defcended from a confular family, and poiTefled of
fo ample an eftate, that it required the management of feventy- three
flewards. Among thefe, Boniface was the favourite of his miftrefs;
and as Aglae mixed love with devotion, it is reported that he was
admitted to ihare her bed. Her fortune enabled her to gratify the
pious defire of obtaining fome facred relics from the Eaft. She
intrufted Boniface with a confiderable fum of gold, and a large
quantity of aromatics ; and her lover, attended by twelve horfemen
and three covered chariots, undertook a remote pilgrimage, as far as
Tarfus in Cilicia '''.
The fanguinary temper of Galerius, the firft and principal au-
thor of the perfecution, was formidable to thofe Chriftians, whom
their misfortunes had placed within the limits of his dominions ;
and it may fairly be prefumed, that many perfons of a middle rank,
•who were not confined by the chains either of wealth or of poverty,
very frequently deferted their native country, and fought a refuge
in the milder climate of the Weft. As long as he commanded only
the armies and provinces of Illyricum, he could with difficulty either
find or make a confiderable number of martyrs, in a warlike country,
which had entertained the miflionaries of the gofpel with more
coldnefs and reluilance than any other part of the empire '"'. But
•7» Optatus contr. Donatift. I. i. c. 17, 18. exift few traces of either bifhops or bifhoprics
'7' The Aits of the PaiTion of St. Boniface, in the wellern Illyricum. It has been thought
which abound in miracles and declamation, probable that the primate of Milan extended
are publifhed by Ruinart, (p. 283 — 291.) his jurifdiftion over Sirmium, the capital of
both in Greek and Latin, from the authority that great province. See the Geographia
of very ancient manufcripts. Sacra of Charles de St. Paul, p. 68—76. with
'7^ During the four firft centuries, there tlie obfervations of Lucas Holfterius,
when
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. β<)ζ
when Galerius had obtained the iupremc power and the government ^ ^^ J^ ^•
of the Eaft, he indulged in their fulled extent his zeal and cruelty, ^ /— /
not only in the provinces of Thrace and Afia, which acknowledged
his immediate jurifdidion ; but in thofe of Syria, Paleftine, and
Egypt, where Maximin gratified his own inclination, by yielding
a rigorous obedience to the ftern commands of his benefador '"'.
The frequent difappointments of his ambitious views, the experience
of fix years of perfecution, and the falutary refledions which a
lingering and painful diftemper fuggefted to the mind of Galerius,
at length convinced him that the moft violent efforts of defpotifm
are infufficient to extirpate a whole people, or to fubdue their
religious prejudices. Defirous of repairing the mifchief that he
had occafioned, he publiihed in his own name, and in thofe of
Licinius and Conftantine, a general edidl, which, after a pompous
recital of the Imperial titles, proceeded in the following manner.
" Among the important cares which have occupied our mind for Galerius
*' the utility and prefervation of the empire, it was our intention to P".''j»'i»5s an
^ ' ^ edict of to-
" corred and re-eftabliih all things according to the ancient laws deration.
*• and public difcipline of the Romans. We were particularly
" defirous of reclaiming, into the way of reafon and nature, the
" deluded Chriftians who had renounced the religion and cere-
•' monies inftituted by their fathers ; and prefumptuoufly defpifing
" the pradice of antiquity, had invented extravagant laws and
" opinions according to the didates of their fancy, and had col-
" leded a various fociety from the different provinces of our em—
" pire. The edids which we have publiihed to enforce the wor-
** ihip of the gods, having expofed many of the Chriftians to danger
" and diftrefs, many having fuffered death, and many more, who>
'73 The viiithbookof Eiifebius, as well as mentations with which Laftantius opens the •
the fupplement concerning the martyrs of Pa- vth book of his Divine Inftitiitions, allude to
leftinc, principally relate to the perfecution of their cruelty,
Galerius and Maximin. The general la-
'* ftill
βν^6 THEDECLINE AND FALL
CHAP. « ftill peifiH: in their impious folly, being left deftitute of any
' " public exercife of religion, we are diipofed to extend to thofe
" unhappy men the eftedts of our wonted clemency/ V/e permit
" them therefore freely to profefs their private opinionf, and
" to aifemble in their conventicles without fear or moleftation,
" provided always that they preferve a due refpecQ: to the eftabliflied
" laws and government. By another refcript we iliall fignify our
" intentions to the judges and magiftrates; and we hope that our
" indulgence will engage the Chriilians to offer up their prayers to
" the deity v,'hom they adore, for our fafety and profperity, for
*• their own, and for that of the republic "'"." It is not ufually in
the language of edicts and manifcftos, that we ihould fearch for
the real charader or the fecret motives of princes ; but as thefe were
the words of a dying emperor, his fituation, perhaps, maybe ad-
mitted as a pledge of his fincerity.
Peace of the When Galerius fubfcribed this cdid of toleration, he was well
*^ ""^ aflured that Licinius would readily comply with the inclinations of
his friend and benefador, and that any meafures in favour of the
Chriftians, would obtain the approbation of Conftantine. But the
emperor would not venture to infert in the preamble the name of
Maximin, whofe confent was of the greateft importance, and who
fucceeded a few days afterwards to the provinces of Afia. In the
firft fix months, however, of his new reign, Maximin affeded to
adopt the prudent counfels of his predeceiTor; and though he never
condefcended to fecure the tranquillity of the church by a public
edid, Sabinus, his Praetorian prsefed, addreiTed a circular letter to
all the governors and magifirates of the provinces, expatiating on the
Imperial clemency, acknowledging the invincible obftinacy of the
'''* Eufebius (1: viii.. C..17.) has given us a collect how direflly it. contradifts whatei'er
Greek veriion,' and Laflantius (de M. P. c. they have juft affirmed of the remorfe and re-
34.), the Latin original, of this memorable pentance of Galerius.
fdiil. Neither of thefe writers feem to re-
Chriftians,
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 697
Chriftlans, and diredinc; the officers of juftice to ceafe theli- InefFedual <-' Η a P.
XVI.
profecutions, and to connive at the fecret aflemblies of thofe enthu- >_ -.- __}
fiafts. In confequence of thefe orders, great numbers of Chriftians
were releafed from prifon, or delivered from the mines. The con-
feffbrs, finging hymns of triumph, returned into their own coun-
tries ; and thofe who had yielded to the violence of the tempeft,
folicited with tears of repentance their re-admiffion into rhe bofom
of the church '".
But this treacherous calm was of ihort duration, nor could the Maximin
Chriftians of the Eaft place any confidence in the charader of their pi'^pares to
*^ ' renew the
fovereign. Cruelty and fuperftition were the ruling paiTions of the perfecution.
foul of Maximin. The former fuggefted the means, the latter
pointed out the objefts, of perfecution. The emperor was devoted
to the worihip of the gods, to the ftudy of magic, and to the be-
lief of oracles. The prophets or philofophers, whom he revered as
the favourites of heaven, were frequently raifed to the government
of provinces, and admitted into his moft fecret councils. They
eafily convinced him, that the Chriftians had been indebted for their
vidories to their regular difcipline, and that the weaknefs of poly-
theifm had principally flowed from a want of union and fubordi-
nation among the minifters of religion. A fyftem of government
was therefore inftituted, which was evidently copied from the policy
of the church. In all the great cities of the empire, the temples
were repaired and beautified by the order of Maximin ; and the offi-
ciating priefts of the various deities were fubjedted to the authority
of a fuperior pontiff", deftined to oppofe the biihop, and to pro-
mote the caufe of paganifm. Thefe pontiffs acknowledged, in their
turn, the fupreme jurifdidion of the metropolitans or high-priefts
of the province, who adled as the immediate vicegerents of the em-
peror himfelf. A white robe was the enfign of their dignity ; and
'" Eufebius, 1. ix. c. i. He inferts the epiftle of the prsfed.
Vol. I. 4U thefe
698 THE DECLINE AND FALL
^ ^,,^ ^• thefe new prelates were carefully fcleded from the nioft noble and
X V I.
opulent families. By the influence of the magiftrates, and of the
facerdotal order, a great number of dutiful addreiTes were obtained,
particularly from the cities of Nicomedia, Antioch, and Tyre, which
artfully reprefented the well-known intentions of the court as the
general fenfe of the people; folicited the emperor to confult the laws
of juftice rather than the dictates of his clemency; expreifed their
abhorrence of the Chriftians, and humbly prayed that thofe impi-
ous feilaries might at leaft be excluded from the limits of their
refpedive territories. The anfwer of Maximin to the addrefs '(\diicli
lie obtained from the citizens of Tyre is ftill extant. He praifes
their zeal and devotion in terms of the higheft fatisfadion, defcants on
the obflinate impiety of the Chriftians, and betrays, by the readinefs
with which he confents to their baniihment, that he confidered him-
felf as receiving, rather than as conferring, an obligation. The priefts
as well as the magiftrates were empowered to enforce the execution
of his edidls, which were engraved on tables of brafs ; and though it
was recommended to them to avoid the effufion of blood, the moil
cruel and ignominious punifhments were inflidted on the refradory
Chrifiians ^'^.
End of the The Afiatic Chriftians had every thing to dread from the feverity
of a bigotted monarch, who prepared his meafures of violence with
fuch deliberate policy. But a few months had fcarcely elapfed, be-
fore the edids publiihed by the two weftern emperors obliged Maxi-
min to fufpend the profecution of his defigns: the civil war which he
fo raihly undertook againft Licinlus employed all his attention; and
the defeat and death of Maximia foon delivered the church from the
laft and moft implacable of her enemies '".
In
*'* See Eufebius, I. viii. c. 14. 1. ix. c. feveral martyrs, wRile the lattet ej^refsly
a — 8. Laftantius de M. P. c. 36. Thefe affirms, occidi fervos Dei vetuit.
writers agree in reprefenting the arts of Max- '" A few days before his death, he pub-
imin •. but the formerrelates the executioa of ILihed a very ample edift of toleration, in
which
perfijcutions
OFTHEROMANEMPIRE. 699
In this general view of the perfecution, which was firfl: authorized C Η a P.
... XVI.
by the edids of Diocletian, I have purpofely refrained from defcrib- « —, 1
ing the particular fufFerings and deaths of the Chriftian martyrs. It count of the
would have been an eafy taik, from the hiftory of Eufebius, from [he'man'r/
the declamations of Ladtantius, and from the moft ancient ads, to ^"'* eonfef-
fors.
colled a long ieries of horrid and difguftful pidures, and to fill
many pages with racks and fcourges, with iron hooks, and red hot
beds, and with all the variety of tortures vv'hich fire and fteel, favage
beafts and more fa\^age executioners, could inflid on the human
body. Thefe melancholy fcenes might be enlivened by a crowd of
vifions and miracles deftlned έither to delay the death, to celebrate
the triumph, or to difcover the relics, of thofe canonized faints who
fufFered for the name of Chrift. But I cannot determine what I ought
to tranfcribe, till I am fatisfied how much I ought to believe. The
graveft of the ecclefiaftlcal hiftorians, Eufebius himfelf, indiredly con-
fefles, that he has related whatever might redound to the glory, and
that he has fupprefled all that could tend to the difgrace, of reli-
gion '^^ Such an acknowledgment will naturally excite a fufpicion
that a writer who has fo openly violated one of the fundamental
laws of hlftory, has not paid a very ilrid regard to the obfcrvance
of the other: and the fufpicion will derive additional credit from
the charader of Eufebius, which was lefs tindured with credulity,
and more pradifed in the arts of courts, than that of almofl; any
of his contemporaries. On fome particular occafions, when the ma-
giilrates were exafperated by fome- -per fona.1 motives of intereft or
refentment, when the zeal of the martyrs urged them to forget the
which he Imputes all the feverities which the charaAer to cenfure and fufpicion. It was
.Chriftians fuffered to the judges and govern- well known that he himfcif had been thrown
ors, who had mifunderftood his intentions, into prifon ; and it was fuggelled that he had
See the Edift iu Eufebius, 1. ix. c. lo. purchafed his deliverance by ferae diihonour-
'7* Such is the fair deduction from two re- able compliance. The reproach was' urged
markable pafl'ages in Eufebius, 1. viii. c. z. in iiis lifetime, and even in his prefence, at
and de Martyr. Paleltin, c. 12. The pru- the council of Tyre. See Tillemont, Me-
dence of the hiftorian has expofcJ his own moires EccleCailiques, torn. viii. part i. p. 67.
4 U 2 rules
70O THE DECLINE AND FALL
CHAP, rules of prudence and perhaps of decency, to overturn the altars, to
pour out imprecations againft the emperors, or to itrike the judge
as he fat on his tribunal, it may be prefumed that every mode of
torture, which cruelty could invent or conftancy could endure, was
exhaufted on thofe devoted vidtims '". Two circumilances, how-
ever, have been unwarily mentioned, which infinuate that the ge-
neral treatment of the Chriftians who had been apprehended by the
officers of juftice was lefs intolerable than it is ufually imagined to
have been. i. The confeifors who were condemned to work in the
mines, were permitted, by the humanity or the negligence of their
keepers, to build chapels, and freely to profefs their religion in the
midft of thofe dreary habitations '^°. 2. The bifhops were obliged
to check and to cenfure the forward zeal of the Chriftians, who vo-
luntarily threw themfelves into the hands of the magiftrates. Some of
thefe were perfons oppreifed by poverty and debts, who blindly fought
to terminate a miferable exiftence by a glorious death. Others were
allured by the hope, that a ihort confinement would expiate the fins
of a whole life ; and others again were actuated by the lefs honour-
able motive of deriving a plentiful fubfiftence, and perhaps a confi-
derable profit, from the alms which the charity of the faithful be-
ftowed on the prifoners '^'. After the church had triumphed over all
her enemies, the intereft as well as vanity of the captives prompted
them to magnify the merit of their refpedlive fuffering. A conve-
nient diftance of time or place gave an ample fcope to the progrefs
of fiction ; and the frequent inftances which might be alleged of holy
'™ The ancient, and perhaps authentic, Paleftin. c. 5.
account of the fuffeiings of Tarachus, and his "^ Eufeb. de Martyr. Paleftin. c. 13.
companions (Ada Sincera Ruinart, p. 4:9— '" Auguftin. Collat. Carthagin. Dei, iii.
448), is filled with ftrong expreffions of refent- c. 13. ap. Tillemont, Memoires EccleCai-
ment and contempt, which could not fail of tiques, torn. v. part i. p. 46. The contro-
irritating the magillrate. The behaviour of verfy with the Donatifts has reflefted fome,
^.defius to Hierocles, prasfeft of Egypt, was though perhaps a partial, light on the hiftory
ftiU more extraordinary, >.c^n5 te xxi ecyou τ;> of the African church,
ii)i«r>.» . , . «ί!^4£2λω». Eufeb. de Martyr.
a martyrs,
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 701
martyrs, whofe wounds had been inftantly healed, whofe ftrength had ^ HA P.
been renewed, and whofe loft members had miraculoufly been re- " , '
ilored, were extremely convenient for the purpofe of removing every
diiEculty, and of filenclng every objedion. The moft extravagant
legends, as they conduced to the honour of the church, were ap-
plauded by the credulous multitude, countenanced by the power
of the clergy, and attefted by the fufpicious evidence of ecclefiaftical
hiftory.
The vasrue defcriptions of exile and imprifonment, of pain and Number of
"^ ^ ' _ martyrs.
torture, are fo eafily exaggerated or foftened by the pencil of an
artful orator, that we are naturally induced to inquire into a fadt
of a more diftindt and ftubborn kind; the number of perfons who
fuffered death in confequence of the edids publiihed by Diocletian,
his aflbciates, and his fucceffors. The recent legendaries record
whole armies and cities, which were at once fwept away by the un-
diftinguifhing rage of perfecution. The more antient writers content
themfelves with pouring out a liberal efFufion of loofe and tragical in-
vedives, without condefcending to afcertain the precife number of
thofe perfons who were permitted to feal with their blood their belief
of the gofpel. From the hiftory of Eufebius, it may however be col-
ledled, that only nine biiliops were punift^ed with death ; and we are
affured, by his particular enumeration of the martyrs of Paleftine,•
that no more than ninety-two Chriftians were entitled to that ho-
nourable appellation"''. As we are unacquainted with the degree
of
"^ Eufebius de Martyr. Paleftin. c. 13. cruelty, the moft remote and fequeftered•
He clofes his narration, by a/Turing us that country of the Roman empire, he relates,
thefe were the m.-irtyrdcms inflifted in Palef- that rn Thebais, from ten to one hundred
tine, during the ivick courfe of the perfecu- perfons had frequently fuffered martyrdom ίπϋ
tion. The vth chapter of his viiith book, the fame day. But when he proceeds to men-
wAich relates to the province of Thebais in tion his own journey into Egypt, his languaire
Egypt, may feem to contradidl our moderate infenfibly becomes more cautious and mode-
computation ; but it will only lead us to ad- rate. Inftead of a large, but definite num-t
mire the artful management of the hiftorian. ber, he fpeaks of many Chriftians (uAiiy;)^
Chufing for the fccne of the moft exquifite and moft artfully fclefts two ambiguous words
1# {*>Όξν.σο^ϊί:
;oi THE DECLINE AND FALL
C Η Λ P. of epifcopal zeal and courage which prevailed at that time, it is not
in our power to draw any ufeful inferences from the former of thefe
fads : but the latter may ferve to juftify a very important and pro-
bable conclufion. According to the diftribution of Roman provinces,
Paleftine may be confidercd as the fixteenth part of the Eaftern
empire '"' ; and fince there were fome governors, who from a real
or aifeded clemency had preferved their hands unftained with the
blood of the faithful '^\ it is reafonable to believe, that the country
which had given birth to Chriftianity produced at leaft the fixteenth
part of the martyrs who fuifered death within the dominions of Ga-
lerius and Maximin ; the whole might confequently amount to about
fifteen hundred, a number which, if it is equally divided between
the ten years of the perfecution, will allow an annual confumption of
one hundred and fifty martyrs. Allotting the fame proportion to
the provinces of Italy, Africa, and perhaps Spain, where, at the
end of two or three years, the rigour of the penal laws was either
fufpended or aboliihed, the multitude of Chriftians in the Roman
empire on whom a capital punifhment was inflided by a judicial
fentence will be reduced to ibmewhat lefs than two thoufand perfons.
Since it cannot be doubted that the Chriftians were more numerous,
and their enemies more exafperated, in the time of Diocletian than
they had ever been in any former perfecution, this probable and
(i-oiii£ray<ir, and vn^-.^iviy.na.c) which may fig- "' When Paleftine was divided into three,
nify either what he had feen, or what he had the praefeilure of the eaft contained forty-
heard ; eithei• the expeftation, or the execu- eight provinces. As the ancient diftinilions
tion, of the punifhment. Having thus pro- of nations were long fince aboliilied, the Ro-
vided a fecure evafion, he commits the equi- mans diftributed the provinces, according to
\ocal paflage to his readers and tranflators ; a general proportion of their extent and opu-
juilly conceiving that their piety would in- lence.
duce them to prefer the moil favourable fenfe. ' + Ut gloriari poffint nullum fe innocen-
Therc v.as perh.ips fome malice in the re- tJujj, peremifle, nam et ipfe audi\i aliquos
mark of Theodoras IV'ktochita, that all who, gloriantes, quia adminiilratio fua, in hac
like Eufebius, had been converfant with the parte, fuerit incruenta. Ladant. Inftitut.
Egyptians, delighted in an obfcure and in- Divin. v. ii.
tricate ilyle. (See Valefiusad ioc.)
'©loderate
OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 703
moderate computation may teach us to eftimate the number of nrl- ^ Η A P.
... . , . xvi.
mitive faints and martyrs who facrificed their lives for the important «_ -,- _j
purpofe of introducing Chiiilianity into the world.
We ihall conclude this chapter by a melancholy truth, which ob- Conclufion.
trudes itielf on the reludant mind; that even admitting, without
hefitation or inquiry, all that hiftory has recorded, or devotion has
feigned, on the fubjeit of martyrdoms, it muft fiill be acknowledged,
that the Chriftians, in the courfe of their inteftine diflenfions, have
inflided far greater feverities on each other, than they had expe-
rienced from the zeal of infidels. During the ages of ignorance
which followed the fubverfion of the Roman empire in the Weft,
the biihops of the Imperial city extended their dominion over the
laity as well as clergy of the Latin church. The fabric of fuper-
ftltion which they had ereded, and which might long have defied
the feeble efforts of reafon, was at length afiaulted by a crowd of
daring fanatics, who, from the twelfth to the fixteenth century,
aflumed the popular charader of reformers. The church of Rome
defended by violence the empire which ihe had acquired by fraud ;
a fyftem of peace and benevolence was foon difgraced by profcrip-
tions^ wars, mafiacres, and the inftitution of the holy office. And
as the reformers were animated by the love of civil, as well as of
religious freedom, the Catholic princes conneded their own intereft
with that of the clergy, and enforced by fire and the fword the
terrors of fpiritual cenfures. In the Netherlands alone, more
than one hundred thoufand of the fubjeds of Charles the Fifth are
faid to have fuffered by the hand of the executioner; and this ex-
traordinary number is attefted by Grotius'^', a man of genius and
learning, who preferved his moderation amidft the fury of contend-
ing feds, and who compofed the annals of his own age and country,
at a time when the invention of printing had facilitated the means
'" Grot. Annal. de Rebus Belgicis, 1. i. p. 12. Edit, fol,
7 of
704
CHAP.
XVI.
THE DECLINE AND FALL, &c.
of intelligence, and increafed the danger of detedion. If we are
obliged to fubmit our belief to the authority of Grotius, it muft be
allowed, that the nuniber of Proteftants, who were executed in a
fingle province and a fingle reign, far exceeded that of the primitive
martyrs in the fpace of three centuries, and of the Roman empire.
But if the improbability of the fad itfelf fliould prevail over the
weight of evidence ; if Grotius ihould be convided of exaggerating
the merit and fufferings of the Reformers '" ; we ihall be naturally
led to inquire, what confidence can be placed in the doubtful and
imperfed monuments of ancient credulity ; what degree of credit can
be aifigned to a courtly biihop, and a paifionate declaimer, who,
under the protedion of Conftantine, enjoyed the exclufive privilege
of recording the perfecutions, inflided on the Chriftians by the
vanquilhed rivals or difregarded predeceifors of their gracious
fovereign.
■86 Fia-Paolo (Illoria del ConcUio Tri- The priority of time gives fome advantage to
dentino, I. iii.) reduces the number of Belgic the evidence of the former, which he lofes on
martyrs to 50,000. In learning and mode- the other hand by the diftance of Venice from
ration, Fra Paolo was not inferior to Grotius. the Netherlands.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
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